Old Nubian Dictionary with Appendices Subs. 90. (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium) [Illustrated] 9068317873, 9789068317879

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Ἷ Seg SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY AT CLAREMONT

NNW

SCRIPTORUM ὃ

CHRISTIANORUM EDITUM CONSILIO

ORIENTALIUM

UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE AMERICAE a

ET UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE LOVANIENSIS Vol. 556

SUBSIDIA TOMUS 90

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY | BY

GERALD M. BROWNE

op

LOVANII IN AEDIBUS PEETERS 1996

CLAREMONT SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY

LIBRARY Given by Ernest W. Tune

3)

1325 North College Avenue Claremont, CA ITIL

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

ls SB

WN Oo

?

CORPUS

SCRIPTORUM

CHRISTIANORUM

ORIENTALIUM

EDITUM CONSILIO

UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE AMERICAE ET UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE LOVANIENSIS Vol. 556

SUBSIDIA TOMUS 90

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

BY

GERALD M. BROWNE

LOVANII IN AEDIBUS PEETERS 1996

Theology Library

|

\ CLAREMONT | THEOLOGY SCHOOL OF CA Ciaremont,

© 1995 by Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium Tous droits de reproduction, de traduction ou d’adaptation, y compris les microfilms, de ce volume ou d’un autre de cette collection, réservés pour tous pays, y compris l URSS ISSN 0070-0444 ISBN 2-87723-294-8 (Peeters France) ISBN 90-6831-787-3 (Peeters Leuven) D. 1996/0602/13 Imprimerie Orientaliste, s.p.r.1., Louvain (Belgique)

for

CHARLOTTE

“Thou from the first wast present”

ey

=

>

Pe

‘

ew tin 56}}

PREFACE I originally assembled the material in this volume for my own use, as an aid to the restoration of damaged texts. Living for years as slips of paper in several shoeboxes, it assumed its present form in the academic year 1994/5 thanks to two grants from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. These grants, the first from the Research Board of the Graduate College, the second from the Center for Advanced Study,

released me from teaching and provided the impetus to construct the present work. I am most grateful to the University for its support. In marshalling the evidence for the Dictionary, I have allowed the texts to speak for themselves, with a minimum of theoretical constraint and bias. Whenever they are available, I have given the Greek Vorlage and any parallel Coptic version, and I have also added cognates from the modern Nubian dialects. I have appended three indexes, the first giving the English correspondences with Old Nubian, as presented in the Dictionary, the second and

third doing the same for Greek and Coptic, respectively. Lists of names of diverse categories complete the work. Since this volume deals with Old Nubian, I have excluded the various

Greek passages scattered throughout the corpus, but loan words, which have

been

accommodated

to the

structure

of Old

Nubian,

1 have

included.

17 May 1995 _ 4072 Foreign Languages Building University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Urbana, IL 61801/USA

vrlasees yllardgno fF }o soto abo bie me” "Ξε

ο εν ἐευσνὴν πὶ τρήβῇ

ow) ὧς wien ΆΡΟΘΙ τοῦ ἀπ τα ened 4 oi) Ι

yale : oe

vsti,

Vint

abitow

ba.

ΠΤ

aon

om boesalsr,

ΤΥ eneTstow tananig

salt avneites

ott act

nay

ραδις) ἀκωθοτῷ ΜῊ

μον

af

qgnuitinde mm ΓΝ =>

secsertiant) τοῦ Aaoye ΟἹ aneet pes e118 ye τυν yar ἢ belie αὔθ) wer bet ovat Ovit ae tine gions Bobi.

iieeno daoheoori to qpodiieiin ew > ara? ode aot evel T Maat “ον A

pines’ αὐἰονὴ

-

oi ΣΝ ἄρον

ἄπ ιϑ ἐξ θα

nA its jr

gilt #9 a th πονῶν bebragge svat

honte“7. ψυκδε Ἱ sab ΜῈ leon κατ nh amu, DH ihiw word ᾿ ΩΣ: ae to μινί visvitethy wine ben App 1ΟἹ sees ott πρίοῦ bye 7

a

-.

i

ee Bs

sti tntalinco ovo

b che

a

ao

μὰκαι

DI ἤηυν ἡλιοῦ seauloe 2ith

Uitte ahaa πιο 309 apes Sige gry ἀννηιμιωνάκο. ge Ὁ Had T amido eho to susan eb αἱ btabernesse α aye wih τΙ

ῬῚ espisr ented,aes

i -seagte) we esolWeνυ. ϑδ

Nae ΝΣ Ξανῶν

soni

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS ABEL, H., 1921, Die Verbalformen

des abhdngigen Satzes (Subjunktiy und

Infinitive) im Nubischen, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 5. ALMKVIST, H., 1911, Nubische Studien im Sudan 1877-78 aus dem Nachlass

Prof. Herman Almkvist’s, herausgegeben von ΚΝ. Zetterstéen, Uppsala. ALTHEIM,

F. and STIEHL, R., 1971, “Inschriften

aus Faras”, Christentum

am

Roten Meer 1, Berlin and New York, 487-508. ARKELL, A.J., 1951, “An Old Nubian Inscription from Kordofan”, American Journal of Archaeology 55, 353-354. ARMBRUSTER, C.H., 1960, Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar, Cambridge. ——,, 1965, Dongolese Nubian: A Lexicon, Cambridge. Barns, J., 1974, “A Text of the Benedicite in Greek and Old Nubian from Kasr

el-Wizz”, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 60, 206-211. BIETAK, M. and SCHWARZ,

M., 1987, Nag‘ el-Scheima 1, Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 191.

Browne, G.M., 1981, “An Old Nubian Version of Mark 11.6-11”, Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 44, 155-166. ——.,, 1982, Griffith’s Old Nubian Lectionary, Rome and Barcelona. ——., 1984, Chrysostomus Nubianus, Rome and Barcelona. --

1987, “Greek into Nubian”, Nubian Culture:

—,

holm, 309-324. 1988a, Studies in Old Nubian, Beitraége zur Sudanforschung. Beiheft 3, Vienna.

—,

1988b,

“An

Old Nubian

Version

Past and Present, Stock-

of Ps.-Chrysostom,

In quattuor ani-

malia”, Altorientalische Forschungen 15, 215-219. ——,, 1989a, Literary Texts in Old Nubian, Beitrage zur Sudanforschung. Beiheft 5, Vienna. ——, 1989b, “The Sunnarti Luke”, Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 77, 293-296. ——,

——,

——, -_, ——,

——,

-

1989c, “The Protocol of Griffith’s Old Nubian

Sale”, Altorientalische

Forschungen 16, 216-219. 1989d, “Notes on Old Nubian Texts (vI-Ix)”, Beitrage zur Sudanforschung 4, 61-72. 1989e, Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim Π, London. 1989f, Introduction to Old Nubian, Meroitica 11, Berlin. 9906, Review of Khalil 1988, Bibliotheca Orientalis 47, 124-133. 1990b, “Ad Ps.-Chrysostomi In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem” Orientalia 59, 521-523. 1991, Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim ΠΙ, London. 1992a, “Notes on Old Nubian Texts (x)”, Beitrage zur Sudanforschung 5, 31-37. 1992Ρ, “Griffith’s Old Nubian Sale”, Orientalia 61, 454-458.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

x

“Old Nubian

Studies:

Past, Present

and Future”, Egypt and

——,

1992c,

——,

Africa, London, 286-293. 1994a, The Old Nubian Miracle

——,

forschung. Beiheft 7, Vienna. 1994b, Bibliorum Sacrorum versio palaeonubiana, Corpus Scriptorum

of Saint Menas,

Beitraége zur Sudan-

Christianorum Orientalium Subs. 87, Louvain.

-——, ——, ——, ——,

1994c, “Ad Ps.-Chrysostomi In Raphaelem Archangelum sermonem II”, Orientalia 63, 93-97. 19944, “Miscellanea Nubiana”, Orientalia 63, 257-259. 1994e, “A Survey of Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim”, Nubian Letters 21, 7-10. 1995a, “Miscellanea Nubiana II”, Orientalia 64 (in press). 1995b, “Notes on Old Nubian Texts (xI-xIv)”, Beitrdge zur Sudanforschung (in press). 1995c, “The Old Nubian Emphatic Particles”, Beitradge zur Sudanforschung (in press). : 1995d, “Griffith’s Old Nubian Graffito 4”, Etudes et Travaux (in press).

DONADONI, S., 1962, “Sabagiira (1960)”, Oriens Antiquus 1, 53-128. ——, 1965, “Tre schede copto-nubiane”, Studi Classici e Orientali 14, 20-29. -- , 1967, “‘Le inscrizioni”, Tamit (1964), Rome, 61-74. GRIFFITH, F.LI., 1913, The Nubian Texts of the Christian Period, Abhandlungen

der KGniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Jg. 1913, Phil.hist. Classe, Nr. 8, Berlin. ——,, 1928, “Christian Documents from Nubia”, Proceedings of the British Academy 14, 117-146. HINTZE, F., 1975a, ““Beobachtungen zur altnubischen Grammatik (II]D)”, A/torientalischen Forschungen 2, 11-23. —, 1975b, “Beobachtungen zur altnubischen Grammatik (IV)”, Nubia: Récentes recherches, Warsaw, 65-69. HOFMANN, I., 1986, Nubisches Worterverzeichnis: Nubisch-deutsches und

deutsch-nubisches

Worterverzeichnis

nach

dem

Kenzi-Material

des

Samuél Ali Hisén (1863-1927), Collectanea Instituti Anthropos 35, Berlin. JAKOBIELSKI, St., 1978, “Inscriptions from Faras and the Problems of the

Chronology of Murals”, Etudes nubiennes, Cairo, 141-151. KHALIL, M., 1988, Studien zum Altnubischen, Frankfurt am Main.

——., 1990, “W6orterbuch der nubischen Sprache I”, Nubica 1/2, 95-121. ——.,, 1994, “Worterbuch der nubischen Sprache II’; Nubica 3.1, 99-106.

Lepsius, R., 1880, Nubische Grammatik, Berlin.

mn

MASSENBACH, G., 1933, Wérterbuch des nubischen Kuniizi-Dialektes, Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin 16. 36, Ab 3: Afrikanische Studien. ——., 1962, Nubischen Texte im Dialekt der Kuniizi und der Dongolawi,

Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 34.4, Wiesbaden.

MULLER, C.D.G., 1986, “Die Homilie iiber die zwei ‘Canones von Nikaia’ ἊΣ Nubische Studien, Heidelberg, 341-346.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

ΧΙ

Murray, G.W., 1923, An English-Nubian Comparative Dictionary, Harvard African Studies 4, Cambridge, Mass. OsMAN, A., 1978, “The Post-Medieval Kingdom of Kokka”, Nubian Studies,

Cambridge, 185-197. REINISCH, L., 1879, Die Nuba-Sprache, Vienna. SATZINGER, H., 1986, Review of Browne 1982 and 1984, Bibliotheca Orientalis

43, 104-108. SHINNIE, P., Nubian Dictionary (unpublished typescript). STRICKER, B.H., 1940, “A Study in Medieval Nubian”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies (University of London) 19, 439-454. WERNER, R., 1987, Grammatik des Nobiin (Nilnubisch), Hamburg.

ZYHLARZ, E., 1928, Grundziige der nubischen Grammatik im christlichen Friihmittelalter

——,

(Altnubisch):

Grammatik,

Texte, Kommentar

und Glossar,

Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 18.1, Leipzig. 1932, “Neue Sprachdenkmiler des Altnubischen”, Studies Presented to F LI. Griffith, Oxford, 187-195.

The Dictionary exploits the following texts (items marked with * may be found, with full bibliography, in Browne 1989a!): *M. Ἐκ, ἘΙ, ἘΒΕ *SC *IN I ἘΝ II IN Il *Dong. *Ben. *Sunn. 1] *Sunn. 2 ἘΞΕ *SE

= = = = = = = = = = = = = =

Miracle of Saint Menas Nicene Canons Lectionary Stauros-Text Ps.-Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim I Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim II? Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim III (Browne 1991) Two Old Nubian Texts from Old Dongola The Qasr el-Wizz Benedicite The Sunnarti Mark The Sunnarti Luke The Faras Martyrdom of Epimachus Ps.-Chrysostom, In quattuor animalia

Sale

= Griffith 1913, 53-55 + Browne 1992b

bfee ee?

= Griffith 1913, 55-56

~ ostr.

gr. 1-16 WN

= Griffith 1913, 56

= Griffith 1913, 57-68 = Griffith 1928, 118-1287

1990b, 1 The Dictionary incorporates the textual improvements registered in Browne 1992a, 1994a-d, 1995a-d. 1989e. 2 Only Nos. 13-20 are in Browne 1989a; for 21-29 see Browne

photograph pro3.1 have adjusted the reading of the text in several places thanks to a York). (New Art of Museum vided by Dr. T.J. Logan of the Metropolitan

ΧΗ

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS

Nauri Kanarti Tamit Sabagira Faras

= Griffith 1928, 128-130 = Donadoni 1965 = Donadoni 1967

Kordofan el-Scheima CM INA

= = = =

INQ

= Browne 1994e, 10

= Donadoni 1962 = Altheim-Stiehl 1971 + Jakobielski 1978 Arkell 1951 Bietak-Schwarz 1987 Browne 1992a, 35-37; 1994b, 31-32 Browne 1992c, 289-291

Other, more fragmentary pieces, both published and unpublished, are occasionally cited, with pertinent bibliography. In referring to the modern Nubian dialects, I use the abbreviations set forth by Murray 1923, xlii, except that I employ N. for Nobiin (to replace M. = Mahas)*. Note that, unless otherwise indicated, the source of information for the

modern language is Murray 1923, at times supplemented by Almkvist 1911; Armbruster

1960,

1965;

Lepsius

1880;

Massenbach

1933,

1962;

Reinisch

1879. The order of lemmata is alphabetical (1.1)°; note, however, that €1, H, 1, Y

and (when appropriate: 1.3.3) € are all filed as /i/ = ΕἸ; ay, ey and Hy are filed as aoy, ΕΟὙ and HOY, respectively; oy is filed after o and before m; and εὖ is filed as o. Loan words (Greek unless otherwise specified) are prefixed with * in the Dictionary, but not in the Indexes. Editorial sigla: [1

= lacuna

< > { } Ι 1 a

= = = =

addition by editor deletion by editor deletion by scribe a is uncertain

Note also that = indicates that the correspondence between the Old Nubian and Greek Vorlage or Coptic translation is less than exact.

4 Tn addition: Ar, = Arabic, Boh. = Bohairic, Gr. = Greek, Sah. = Sahidic.

> ThroughΝΣ eit out the Dictionary,

such Ρ parenthetical refer ences

are to paragraphs

in i

-a

particle

of direct

MENKONNOAS,

discourse

8.15?

(4.8)

TECCNA

M.

7.3

MECAPA

--- εἰσονδρὰ

--- Opa

γετγι-

(if intended as MHNAA OKECW

EICCNAl[ 2a: 3.9.21 n. 24), 13.10 ΤᾺΝ TALCKA

(sim. 14.15); K. 19.12 πεςεν

---

6OAOMA, 20.6? TECEN

--- reimccoma (Stricker 1940, 448f), 21.1 πεςεν --- τογῴλλο KATHIOPAA, 22.2 TAPTAKOKKA --- TTTAMHA, 27.6 ANKECO --MN ayTakapaa; L. 100.4 [mJecTrakoa --- TAN TALCKA EMMANNOYHAA ‘OKAPPANAA, 12 Tan [TALCKA] fHCOY[CIA OKe]N TAYyOYKA (sim. 112.4), 104.10 mapTaKECIN

KEAAW

‘Oc[i]ral6]6e pi TAYKAWA,

106.2 ap[x]JHfepeocaa

21

kip]irpl[ea

(δέδωκας

...

CENIMNNECwW

(οὐκ

ἐρωτῶ

aiccjnk[a

OCIOEAEION rayeipa

rcc[iroy]NA

EPIAGICNA

EICAO

(2)0YAA1]O0YANN[ON]

χρηματισθέντες

...

LCCAAAO

[xpicToc!

iva ποιήσω),

109.1

ἄρῃς),

111.9

ἵνα

OKTAKNA

(sim. 6), 113.14

115.3

OYNNOy]TaAKONaa,

[HPWAHAAPAAE

μὴ ἀνακάμψαι

πρὸς

---

OKTAKA,

roprTTankjea

“Hp@dnv);

SC

(καὶ

7.3

TIECMM[A MIJIOIPKA --- rekNnaa, 12 caaka meca OYTP AOAAIPECN: EICIPHoy TAAAA (βούλομαι yap ... δεῖξαι τί ἐστι θεός), 8.18 TAAIKA --- AOYNNAA TIECP! TAYKAO, 20 AOYNNad

ANKIMENKECW

(sim. 21.10),

13.17

EKKA

TAAN

TOTAA

OKNNANAreENIA, 14.1 πεῖςλ --- LOK TPMMEa, 21.4 TECAPpa--- KOYAAALAppaakea (sim. 14), 11 Mecapa- --- MNALONAA,

15 EAAEAO TAAI KOYAAALAPPWACN A[N]KICANACN (ὧς ὗπολαμβανόντων αὐτῶν ὅτι μέλλουσι γενέσθαι ὡς θεοί), 21 TEA MMCCE --- KAMATAMHA (οὗ παρήγγειλα ... μὴ φαγεῖν;), 22.7 ΚΟΕΡ

EN EA TApIO

6wok[Ka]

k[a]TATAMHA

TEA

ICCIAO

[6loo[kKka (ἀπὸ τοῦ ξύλου, οὗ ἐνετειλάμην σοι τούτου μὴ φαγεῖν ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ), 23.9 MECCNA --- OYKPE M@WANNOA (sim. 15), 12 MNNOOOYN MTKA TOYCA TIECONAAEION “and (do you ask) why, cursing the serpent, he said ...?” (Browne 1987, 323); INI 417 meccna --- LIAMMAA, 27 O[O]pINa aAnc[aA

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

2)

(δόξαντες ὅτι ὑπάγει), ii 9 MECCNA: CAO TAK OYCKOYCCOA, TAK 5 i 8 CCAD f£AAApaAHA, --295 πεομῦος. OYKECANA-AEION: EIMNNEAW (καὶ οὐκ οἶδα ποῦ ἔθηκαν αὐτόν;

3; CM

sim.6ii

i 9), 6 ii 13

κομεῖνδ

Ττορπδολ

714? EKKA[(?)ank]ena[aw (δοκοῦσα ὅτι ὃ κηπουρός ἐστιν), KIKOEIO ANKA AATTA MENEN: CEYap[TIKOA MENEN(+A?)] (εἴ τις δοκεῖ προφήτης εἶναι ἢ πνευματικός), 10 B ii 5 Jaa9 T]IMMicaNaaoa

rapm[Mo(?),

[anrpe(?),

C

i 9 TIAEIA

EITPCNA --- E1CTp[A]NACcoa, ἢ 2 TECCINAAO A anrpe; II 12 ii 12 MEeCAAMME --- AN’ MANT.. AaAMia, 141 14 TECKAN-

NOEION: ENKA MP ayaaoa, 15 MECANACW: LOAAAO --AOAAIPAA, 23 TECCANA --- MP ayOa κλόκλ Koycpoa, 15 i 5

coaa

HKK[a

TIACAAArMM[E]

ὦ)

TAapa][a]

ON ANKITMME

parpaga --- maaAaerpea, TEc[C]NAAO, ii 5 MECECN

ANN

meccna-, OYNE-

18 i 6 [H]NON

16

--- -KA:

iii

12

€1CKA-

--- 1C XCNAAWA-

KEA[A]w --- TEEIOrwa, v ὃ AINIC-

Naa (after TECCNAAO, now lost: cf. i 6), 21 i 11 AEN6ECO AAO: Taeice “I wrote, saying that he should give to us ...” (sim. 14, 28),

24.6 E66ICOAOA --- EITIPONA EIONAAO, 18 APpEeca OYEAA TCcce-; ΠΙ 30.28 oyTKANNOA: TAYOY: KOKFHN: PAO-60a-a Ἐπιμὰ: λοι: KIMENTAAO “... in order that he might place (it under my care): because of the power of (his[?]) authority no one shall

come against the Epimachus-Church”: implied indirect discourse?, 41.16 MNNEA~ --- TOYAAAA “whoever will disparage me by saying that I am not ...,” 46.4 κοληγλόόεσο GANEFON ANNI γιολAoro O6AaNOcECA “keep them apart, and when he is near(?) to sell-

ing, vu him to sell through my Gis(?),” 47 i 4 TOGECO: NOYKTAra TP ‘ea “give . ., telling him to give them to Noukta, ” 48.8 occea €keco; Sunn. 214 meccn[a --- AoyAAAa]; SE Ai7 [MJeccika

--- TTTANKEA; fr. 1 ii 7 Mecparoy εἰν]λ --- Ei[peNn]a[a. Cf. also -A in -eca (of which etymologically clear instances are cited above under IN II 24.18 and III 46.4), -anaca, -In1a (4.7.7c and d) and MNa (e.g. SC 1.6: see IN II 18 i 6n.)

τὰ predicative (3.6.2) N. -a passim

τὰ —

Arena(e)-

3

AAA- vd. δλ-

aac- vd. ac- “to measure” *aBBa

“abba”

(from Aramaic

via Greek) L. 112.14 [aB]BaA alma

(ἀββὰ ὃ πατήρ) τ ΒΒΔ vd. -Ἀππὰ ar- vd. AK-

*arreaoc- “angel” K. 21.14 ΤᾺΝ arreaocoy γδοιλορο (sim. IN

19 i 2; 111718); L. roan arreaocna (ὃ ἄγγελος κυρίου; cf. INI10

Ai

2 arreaoc

LOAINFOYA);

rcfoan]

[sim. 4, 6], Ben.

St. 24.2 arreaocpiroyna

out -p1); SC 10.15 arreraocroyao6oyn arrejaocr[oyk]a

(ἀγγέλους;

2 arreaoc

(cf. IN 10 Ai 21 with-

(ὑπὸ ἀγγέλων), 18.25

sim. INI 11ii

17);

INI6

i 10

ArreAocoy oyoroykKa (δύο ἀγγέλους; sim. 8 i 15, ii 8; fr. 1 11 7), 8 i 18 ες arreaoca- (ἄλλος ἄγγελος; sim. 9 ii 24), ii 1 arreAocoy TAJAAOPW LONGON (τοῦ ἀγγέλου ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ), 2 arreaojca-

CKANTEA

(ὃ ἄγγελος),

(ὃ πρῶτος ἄγγελος;

arreaocna,

11

i 10

10 a[rJreAocNn

Toy-

sim. 19; 9 i 9, 14), 10 Ai

arreaoca

mMa@aan[royka]

14

(t[oic]

ἀγγέλοις πᾶσιν), ii 20 [arreajoc n[ktTAa aoya]o[Aro]yAa);

II 18 iv 6 TAAN arreaocroyna, 29.2 arrexaocoy padanal arreaoc oyp- “archangel” SC 19.1 arreaoc oyp[a]Niroyka (apyayyéAovc); INI10Aii 3 arreaoc oyp paganal (sim. 13; I. 19.14); If 171 10 [arrJeAoc oypaniroyaa

ArregOoyaAan-

“garden plot” N. angi;

cey(el)a-/weya- IN Ill

39.13 arrewOYAANIAO

arrit- vd. ANKT- 5.ν. ANKarroype- “lupine” K. angalé IN III 361 17 arroypeaa (sim. 18, 19, 39.17 anr-, 40.31)

ai AreNnaarice SC6.21 “blessed” Akena(e)[sc. (μακάριος ἐγώ; sim. 23, 7.3), 25 AreNnal[AaLoadao (μακάριος éotiv]), 7.4 alre]Naanke (μακάριοι ... ὑμεῖς; sim. 7; INI 1114 ak-); INI1i5 arenaaroyea[w (μακάριοι [sc. εἰσίν]; sim. 2 11

‘Zrena(e)-,

3 -royaw, 9 ii 13 -ae-), 7 ATENAAAW 5 ii 12 areNAEN[NO (μακάριοί ἐστε)

(μακάριος [sc. ἐστίν]),

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

4

XSrenaikane- “blessedness” St. 29.7 AAOY ArENAIKANENOY TIECAAEIKKA (TECMH MMAKAPIA) aria- vd. AKXra-, AKA- “mouth” N. ag, ak, K.D. agil SC 1.3 aKA LAmK[KO(A) (Χρυσοστόμου); INI 1; 9 ταν araa]a- (ἐν τῷ στόματι αὐτοῦ; sim. ii 92); gr. 2.5 AN AFAKA μιδλνὰ (ξέν τῷ στόματί μου) *Xrioc- “holy, saint” M. 10.12 ArlocN AMANKA TIAENOYA aric[ meaning unknown Kanarti 6 TOKANACO: aric/,

Xronm-, amorr- “sailor” K.D. kub “ship” M. 4.9 aronmil, , Jraae, 11 mano

aronma,

(sim. 5.14, 6.11, 8.7, 10.2), 5.9

16 Anorra

Aronma (sim. 7.9), 10.13 amorrn;

SC 1.9 aromneroye-

(vav-

TOC WS 21)

Arop- “to forget” N. agdr M. 8.3

KoyMmoYK

aropa, 11 HN* TAN”

OYCKPpa aropccka aa- “to be amazed” N. adw IN II 22.7 eyaaeiTapeco and

wonder”;

Dong.

1 iti 1?

eEyaaa

(for

“come in joy

Eyeaa

in

ed.)

EAEOCANKA (ὡς ἐμεγαλύνθη) aa- vd. ΔΡAAA- “to make ready” K. addé? (from Ar.); cf. apraa- St. 30.6 EPKANE --- MEAAA[LICJA[N]KA AAAKKA (τὴν ἡτοιμασμένην ... βασιλείαν); INI 10 A ii 6? τλλῖγλλε [(?)Aa]aa (or [EK]aAa: see EKK-) KENOA; II 12 i 23 AN (= εἰς ψυχὰς θλιβόντων με) AAAOKKINIK-

“palm grove”?

44.2 AAAOKKINIKA

AANKANFOY-

AEAKA

MATA

Cf. perhaps Ὁ. donka

TAKKATTI

AAAAFOYKA “date” IN ΠῚ

TANNIKA

“both” SC 9.20 AANKANrOYKA

(τὸ συναμφότερον;

sim. 17.5), 10.19 AANKANroya- (συναμφότερον)

AAWw-

“twenty” N. ard INIL16 iv 6 Jaw kemMcwnroya- (οἱ εἴκοσι τέσσαρες) λλωυ- “white” K.D. ard IN II 16 iv 5 cwprwreli AAWOHE! (= πρεσβύτεροι ... (ἐν) ἱματίοις λευκοῖς) A.AO- meaning unknown IN III 36 ii 4 ἔγετι TEN AAOIAAO: γΓιΔῈ AAP-, AAP(K)KEA- vd. agλεοκ- “to be patient, endure” Ae1A- + Eck- ΝΠ 214 Aeckecw

aAria- —

LOAKA

(ὑπόμεινον

5

τὸν κύριον),

151 3? πλί[λ() (οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν ... ἐπενεγκεῖν)

[MENN]AAw

AECKATT-

ai-

“patient”

SC

12.11

XeckarTTa

AECKI(?)]-

(μακρόθυμος

[sc.

éotiv]) AECKT- “patience” SC 14.13 AeckTAOaaA; INIT ii 1 XECKTAOKO (Ev ὑπομονῇ), 9 ii 9 FCCIrFOYNA AECKITA (ἡ ὑπομονὴ TOV ἁγίων)

ai-, afei- (M. 5.8), aer- (gr. 16.1) “I” (3.7.1) N.K.D. ai ai- L. 106.8 ai Koc[Mo]ck

eckice- (ἐγὼ νενίκησα τὸν κόσμον), 109.7 ai TEKKA --- EITACCE (κἀγὼ ἀπέστειλα αὐτούς),

SC 6.21

9 ai AIKONO

rCcarpecw

APENAALICE

ai (μακάριος ἐγώ; sim. 23?, 7.4); INI4i 15 ai

TATICTEYEMME AAOYM

(ἐγὼ ἁγιάζω ἐμαυτόν);

(ἐγὼ πεπίστευκα);

INII26.7

Δι

rew

---

(sim. passim; name begins with consonant or vowel); [I

361 32 ai TOpoya “I entered”; gr. 2.8 δι MEyaa LOAKA ToTAEIapa (ἐξεζήτησα τὸν κύριον); 4.1 at εἶ recci ratieroyka afioy-,

afei-

INI10Aii

10

aioy

ἌΝΚΜΜΕ,

23

aioy

EN

MEAGOY TWANCIO, 25 AIOY KONCTANTINOY Δπίπιλα; I 18 vi 4 Aioy: KOA: ENEPIAO- 6wa (ὅτι ἐγὼ ἅγιός εἶμι), 24.8 AlOY LAMNNI “without my perceiving,” 17 Aloy TAAHYPAN (sim. passim; name begins with consonant or vowel), 26.7 a1oy

LEPIMENAPECombinations

rifcara(ae iM. 9.73151 109.12F St.88519.1990.15 SC 3221, 11.21; INI 4i 11, 13, 9 ii 12; I] 12 1 6; Il 30.17; Kanarti 12 aiaaa M. 5.6; L. 101.15, 110.8; St. 10.4; IN If 28.13; II 30.15; Faras 7.1.2

aiae SC 14.2; IN ΠΙ 58.11; Faras 4.1.12 afaeKea IN III 41.4 aiaw

INI 1i 12, 10 A ii 22; Sale 13; Kanarti 7; Sabagira f 2

aiK(a) passim (3.7.1b) aiek M. 5.8 aike IN ΠῚ 30.18

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

6

afk gr. 14.1 (Zyhlarz 1928, 189) aikeTaa L. 114.9 AiKON

IN II 28.11 AiKON

“and I am going”

60YPECN

aiKOno L. 109.9; gr. 2.4 ai(a)a L. 106.5, 109.15, 110.2; SC 4.227: INI5 ii 31 aiaw L. 105.7, 108.7; St. 6.8; INI 4i 10; 111 41.3, 4913; gr. 8.4? (read διλο7)

ai@ IN IL 1215 afoaw IN II 121 26 aioKaao IN ΠῚ 41.15

afo Tayo IN III 30.16 ion L. 106.19, 107.12, 108.2, 15, 110.13; SC 6.10; INI 10 C ii 5+ Π|91 1612 4:14 130.219 37 AT 5 2 νι δον G7 SEA 19; Faras 7.1.3

ΔΕΙΟΝ M. 3.5 aipoKo(Ao) IN III 48.5, 7

aicn M. 6.15; IN II 26.4 AN, ANNA passim (3.7.1a)

ΔΜ Tapa IN II 25.6 (vd. s.v. Ἀπολ-)

ANN IN ID 16 iii 5, 25.5 (both with following vowel) Formations ANNIAO-

built upon

aN-N-I-

(3.6.2e)

(sim. IN II 25.2, 3; [1155

M. 11.14

roaoy

ii 1, 57 ti 5 Cxpe

ANNArOYyeAo; gr. 5.6; Nauri 4; CMi 7); St. 10.10 ANNIKA (= aika;

sim. SC 14.2; gr. 2.9); IN ID 24.6 anniraae

afraae;

sim. [1 52.5, 58.10); 131.8

anni

caea-

(=

(sim.

46.4), 34123 KOTIArNNIAA: ANNI ΓΕΝ “best amongst my shares(?),” 41.6 ANNI

OYVEKKENAE-

“nothing of mine”

ANN- in pleonasms IN 341 21 aNNI- AN ENNO

(sim. 361 14),

39.11 ANNOY Ἀπολairao-, aea[ra6- “to exult” δλειλ- + ra6- INI3 ii 15 arra6oyaNACW CKTA (ἀγαλλιάσθω ἣ γῆ), 10 C i 6 aeafra6i]KECNNOOOYN; III 36i 13 MCCA AiraGa AOYA AirAOKANE-,

Afira6Oan(N)e- “exultation” St. 21.11 AimocTOAOCPIFOYNA δϊγλόόλννελο (ἀποστόλων κατάγγελμα);

aira6- —

aioya-

7

IN I 13 ii 14 A afra6KkaNENAWw (ἐν φωνῇ ἀγαλλιάσεως) λειλ- “heart, soul” N. di, dil M. 2.4 ταν λελλὰ (sim. K. 20.3, 27.9; IN If 12 11 3; TM 30.21); K. 21.5 TAN AEAAO (sim. 13), 25.5 OYNNA

ATEINNA FPTAEIKANEAO, 33.2 TAN

AEAKA-

11 ENNA AEA AE, 28.8 TEN AECAAO,

(sim. IN IT 12i 23); L. 112.13 εἰν] Aeiaroy-

Aaria (sig τὰς καρδίας ἡμῶν); St. 48 oyn AEeArOoyNa(NNYyxooye), 10 δίδγοΥεον --- KOPKA ETOAFOYNA(NNYYXOOYE NTAYWOOGOY), 12.4 TEN AEA OYATTOAO (sim. 13.3), 32.5 λει

Mag[wa]Nroyraae, 34.7 TEN AEN cafe] ppa-

rpa; SC 3.8 ae[Ak- (ψυχήν; sim. INI 2i 9; gr. 13.15 alkka), 14.21 AEA AAYEK KOPOIArOYNA (ὑπερηφάνων), 18.19 al APA KOPOIArOYKA (ψυχὰς ζώσας; cf. 15), 23.16 AeA (ἣ καρδία); IN 12122 ἂν AeA (ἣ ψυχή μου; sim. 10 C ii 8; Π 121 1), ii 9 TepN AEAAaya (ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτῶν), 5 11 22 OYN AEArOYKA (τὰς καρδίας ὑμῶν; sim. II 19.13), 7 ii 19 εἰ]τν AEAAA- (ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀνθρώπου;

sim. Dong.

ἀνθρώπου),

20 i 11? ai(?)Jra6ik

OCATANKE

“and don’t lose(?) heart”;

Dong.

2 ii 4 aeia

1 i 1, 4), 25 ErTNA

clerpa(?)]

ψυχῇ συντετριμμένῃ) (= -KANE-) XEKKANN-

AENNIK[

KONAMAM;

II 26.5 AEKON

III 30.32 Δεν

KETLIPANW

“spirituality”

(= τὰ TOD

---

50 6.20

MAIKTTA;

Aafa]aa

(ἐν

λεκκᾶννκ-

(ψυχικήν) χεικφ(φ)- “without soul” SC 6.19 χεικφκ- (ἄψυχον) aiopr- “mercy” δειλ- + O(Y)PT- (Browne 1984, 108) SC 12.7 AlOpTI KO[NA]Ka- (ἐλεήμονο), 13.15? AlOAANIA (= AIOPTI TENIA?; iva... οἰκτειρήσῃ); INI7 i 22? ai[(?)opTiIN TTATIA (ὃ

πατὴρ TOV οἰκτιρμῶν); IN Qi 6 aiopT! KOK[Ka(?) - XE1IOpTOYKONKANE- “mercy” IN II 16 iv 10 TENNA AEIOPTOYKONKANEAWKO aioya- “to be grudging” vel sim. λειλ- + oya-? (cf. oyael-) K. 22.12 TAAIKA [AloyA(?)] TTTAMH-

(= ἕκαστος [sc. d160TO] ...

μὴ ἐκ λύπης ἢ ἐξ ἀνάγκης), 6 ATOYAEN αἴοκκδνε- “grudging” vel sim. L. 101.1 royprikkaae δ[ΠοκKANEAAEKEA MOPN (χωρὶς γογγυσμῶν Kai διαλογισμῶν)

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

8

XeIp- “to insult” N.K. air M. 6.12 AeTTAKATAMH; K. 29.12 TAAOY TAKKA AYOAKA AEIPAAO aipoyt-?

gr. 13.11

“renovation”

1928,

xc (so Zyhlarz

[a]ipoyti

171, where he compares K. éru “new”), but see below, s.v. Τροτι-

AkA;

XK-, ar- “to sit, remain, live” N.K.D. dg M. 12.9 MoypTAAW K. 32.1 iePeOCOY --- AMCOY

MEAEPANFOYAAO

AKIAAO;

St.

3.1 rA66AAW

AKN (EG2MOOC ... 2IXM TITOOY; sim. SC 7.15,

8.14);

caypo

SC

2.4

Topiaao

[aka

(καθήμενος

οἰάκων; sim. 7.21), 13.5 ayeAAA AKICNA

ἐπὶ

TOV

(ἐν πλοίῳ ἐκάθισεν),

23.17 AEX KOCKTKA MEEIAKONA TAPIA AAPECNNOOWAAO (ἐπειδὴ ἐν αὐτῷ ἐγκάθηται ἢ καρδία ἣ ἐνθυμηθεῖσα τὸ κακόν), 24 χκν a[p]mcka (= τὴν ἀπόφασιν); INI4i 1 akona (ἐκαθέζετο), 6 i 12 Arepan

oyeal[(?)]

oyalao(?)

--- (καθε-

ζομένους, Eva πρὸς τῇ κεφαλῇ ...), 81 1 ©ponoc]aaw aKa- (ὃ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου; sim. Il 16 v 8; fr. 1 ii 4), 9 π 20

LIGGIAAO

AKOa-

[OJYENNA TAAAW 10 eyoyaae

(ἐπὶ τὴν νεφέλην καθήμενος);

114 i 11

AKIMCCI- (ἐφ᾽ ὃν οὐδεὶς ... ἐκάθισεν), 18 i

TOOY[A][AE]KEAAO

AaKkooaroy- (= ἐν φόβῳ καὶ

... ἐν τρόμῳ), 21119 KITIAA ἌΚΙΡΙ, 21 Coyaeloy B- Aka, 24.15 ake (sim. ΠΠ 56 ii 1), 26.5 royra akana

31.14 TAN

ENAAA

AKIN

(cf. 6 AAAIOIA &.); II

(cf. 36 ii 6 -AAA

TMMA

δ.), 47 i 3?

coy[coya]ron, 49 ii 3 qwapio aKAroy-, 55 i 4 AKIPEAO (sim. 56 i 3, i 4, 58.11), 561 4 AkimMINA;

Sunn.

1 i 7? ak[a TIK(?)]-

[cn]a (ἐκάθισεν), fr. 1 i 1 aky/px E€INa (ὃ καθήμενος):

WN 8

OYPOYEIN λκλIndicating habitual action M. 1.9 AreNAe Κ. 25.8 ara’ K[TIKEINNON:

OYNNAPA

MENNAAW;

L. 111.3 akKaakTAkapa-

(κατε-

σκευάσθη); IN II 13 ii 20 AKoymappa- (ὑπέταξεν) aria-

“seat” SC 10.12 mamAaaa

ἌΓΙΔΕΙΚΟ

EINN

(τῷ πατρὶ

συγκαθεζόμενον) AkIAEePp- “retinue” IN III 32.23 RTON AKIAEAAO AKAAK- “to set up” ak- indicating habitual action + AAK-: vd: s.v.

Tak-

[.111.3 cafyei[pn

4-Sjiaanmma

(σκηνὴ γὰρ κατεσκευάσθη ἣ πρώτη)

akaaktakapa[cn

λειρ- — χλε-

AKAAKT-,

AKAATT-

9

“construction”

SC

9.19 ak[A]aT’ TOY

AYPOYTK- (τὴν ... οἰκονομίαν μόνην; sim. 17.4 -AAKTOY) AKENA(E)- vd. ArENaA(E)-

AKA- vd. Araakocc- “evil” N.K.D. koss “bad, lazy”; cf. koc(c)AKOCCA M@WANrFOYAOrOEIA AKOCCACN

K. 30.6-7

AA-, AAA-, AAA- “to shine, appear” N.K.D. all M. 10.15 MHNAKA TTAAAAAAO LACNA: L. 101.6 EINNFOYAACIN THAAAAAACKE (ἐν οἷς φαίνεσθε); IN 19 ii 20 r166a LOYA TIAAAPAMON ENONA (νεφέλη λευκή), 11 19 MAAAAAA (= ἐπὶ τῇ διαφαύσῃ),

ii 6 MAAAAAA

γιγὰ (= τῆς διαφωσκούσης)

ΔΆΔΓΡΑΓΔΡ- “to make like” AAa(r)- “like” (cf. Zyhlarz 1928, 171) +

-rp-a (vd. rp- “way”) + -rap- causative INI10 A ii 7 oyépOYEKKA AAarparapa *AArOYN “inlet, bay”? Ar. al-jin? IN 1123.11 aaroyniao Topa; II 60.14 ANApIACINI AArOYNIO aae- “truth” N.K.D. alé M. 9.6 € AAcAW (as interjection); L. 109.5 ENN[A] AAEAOKO- (ἐν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ σου), 6 AAEA (fh ἀλήθεια), 10 AAEAO (ἐν ἀληθείᾳ); INI5ii 25 aac MaQwaNka (ὅσα ἐστὶν

ἀληθῆ);

Π 15ii 6? Aal[(2)0yeA-

(προεφήτευσεν);

INQii 4

(?)TAJAN AAEAWw AAELaao (= AAErpaao?) “truly” IN ΠῚ 58.3 λλεγλλο Ἄλεκαττ-

“truthful” SC 12.10 aAekatTTa

AAE πδόόλλλο

MApoNna

(δίκαιος [sc. éotiv])

“truly” L. 107.10 AAE πλόόδλλο

E1accan[A

(ἔγνωσαν ἀληθῶς) AAECN “truly” (introduces conditional protasis: 4.7.5 and n. 33) M. 1 AAECN s+ CAECNKONNO?: (Sim 4:16; Καὶ 31:5.52.12: 56 12.13; INI7 i 3; If 141 12, 23.10; SEA i 1, ii 6), 4.14 anecn --- TOYKPEN

(sim. 6.8; K. 19.16, 20.15, 21.4, 24.13, 26.1, 5, 8,

28.12, 15; St. 18.7 [= SC 14.11]; INI4 ii 24, 5 ii 13,716 aAecN --- MACAAEN);

K. 25.14 AAECIN

MENENON,

27.12 AAECIN

ΕἸΙΡΟΝν KCCEA MOPIMININ TIATTAMH (note frontal extraposition of Δ. and subjunct.); IN II 19.2 AAECN AIEIKOA “whoever has much”; III 30.30 aAeccNn --- rarraaaao “whoever will

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

10

deny ...,” 43.3 aaecammocino (= XAECN AMOA 58.10 XAECN EKKA πεῶωλ ογῴωλ OYEAKON

CENNO), (= OYEA

εκκὰ TrewayIKON); IN Ai5, 11 (verbs lost)

XAIKOTN “indeed; now”? AAIKOTN --- EITIPECO

Cf. aakacNn

and

koTN

[Ν ΠΙ551

7

XAKACN “indeed; now”? See preceding entry IN III 541i 3 AAKACN --- TOOOECO aaa- “to bind” K. all “to mend,” N. ali “rope” St. 35.9 [kK]oymMOKKON Γλλλὰ TAAMME AAAa- “joining it with ...”; SC 11.17 aaairakpo (δελεαζόμεθα); INIT12 i 16? aika TAMAAANA 33? ΠΙ361 akanaco; pov), 26.6aaal61A (ἀντελάβετό

TAMAAAKPA , , 58.6 EITECAAAATAMANN- “helper” vel sim. INIT 121 11 AN TAMANNAMA (ἀντιλήμπτωρ pov εἶ; cf. 12 i 16 and ΠΙ 36 i 33) *AAAIAOYia-, AAAHAOYiIa- “alleluia” (from Hebrew via Greek) K. 29.9 AAAIAOYiaAKA, 2 AA-

ἑαυτοῖς), σοφία)

OYNEKONK-?

“understanding” IN I 5 ii 29 εν CcaNa: ceka: [(?)0YNE]KONKIKA (εἴ τις ἔπαινος ἐπιστήμης)

OYNN-

“to bear, produce”

ΓΔΚῈΝΔΕ

ackeNnae

N. unn M. 1.9 oyNNAPA

15.21 Opw-

MENNAAW

(sim. L. 105.7), 3.4 aoyrpamiroyaa

OYEKKA OYNNEC’ EAENKONNO, 7 KOYMTIOY TOYCKANTEAO OYNNOYCNKa-,

14 oyNNOYeNaA

14.8; INIT 20 ii 14), 6.9 AAECN

“OYNNOA

(sim. 14.13, 15. 2; cf. [c. -1-] ΟὙΝΝΡΕ

9 LAK

LAKKON

11.3 TAAK

MaPIAN (τῆς θεοτόκου Μαρίας; sim. 7; IN ΠῚ 57 i 1;

Faras 7.2.2), 13.7 €KKA OYNNA TKKOANNOA

ool),

ENeEN-,

OYNNappaci

OYNNINNO

(ἵνα γεννήσωσίν

(cf. 13; SC 23.2 [téEy]); L. 100.3

(καὶ τέξεται υἱόν; sim. 11), 112. 8 map-

@ENOCAO OYNNOYTAKA (γεννώμενον EK γυναικός; sim. 113.1,

6 [τεχθείς], 14; 5( 10.215 cf. [ο. -1-]10.22, 13.13,17.15: ἹΝ1201

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY

138

7, 15; WN

15); IN Π 18 iii 5 Κοειρογ:

γεν: KOOIAOY:

KOCKA-

OYNNA: OCONA (= οὗ δύναται δένδρον ἀγαθὸν καρποὺς πονηροὺς ἐνεγκεῖν); Dong. 1 i 18 κΑλ[γρτι]νιγογλ OYN NO(N)κερνὰ (στρουθία ἐννοσσεύσουσιν); SE B ii 8 TEK OYNN[ OYN(N)aé- “bearing” (pl.) IN I] 24.15 ΜΟΥΡΤ OYNAE ENNA-

AOAO OYNNIT- “birth” IN II 2016 @weaa OYNNITNA AOY[A(?)] OYNT- vd. ON- “to love”

ΟΥ̓Νόογρι- vd. ογειφεογῶ- “to be”? Cf. perhaps K.D. δῆ; cf. oy-, φει- SC 22.14 Enoy oyai (ἔστω) OYO(yY)-, OYTTO- “two” N. awo, K. dwu M. 12.10 ayep OYOAAO; L. 111.7 kaTaTIeTACMA OYOYKAAO (μετὰ ... TO δεύτερον κατα-

πέτασμα); INI 2 i 12 HNHNroyKa oy[oyKa(?) (δύο tadta), 5 i 11 oyoroya- (oi δύο), 6 i 10 arreraocoy oyoroyka (δύο ἀγγέλους; sim. II 14 i 4); II 31.10 oyexka: oyTTO rpa; 37.3

BTA (= OYOY(A)a) oyoy- vd. oy- “to shout”

oymp-, oymap- vd. oypmapoyttpi- measure or container of grain IN III 49 i 2 oympi κεμοο(sim. 6), 9 ΟΥ̓ΠΡΙΝ BAA, 50.1 oympi EITN AACCAoyp- “you” (pl.; 3.7.1) N. ur

oyp (oy)- K. 31.2 oypoy kcceaa πεολγογλ- (sim. [with following consonant] L. 102.4 [ὑμεῖς]; St. 5.10 [NTwTN], 18.8; gr. 4.3); L. 101.13 oyp OImMMiA[royaaaa (πᾶσιν ὑμῖν; sim. SC 17.9), 17 oypoy e1]N/[NO (ὑμεῖς ἐστε; sim. [with following vowel] St. 8.3; SC 7.7; INI7i3, 1115; Sale 127), 104.15 oypf; IN III 4919? oy- eccoὉ Combinations oyrri6panroy[ka INI 1 ii 10 oyara(ae) L. 106.4; INI 5 ii 9; SE Ai 3. vd. oypra(ae)

oyaaaa IN 15 ii 7, 33; If 15 i 17 OYAlIa (= OYp-Aa?) Kanarti 7, 11 (or oyTP-) OYK(KA) passim (3.7.1b) Note SC 5.15 oyKKONO

YN ΕΟ ΡΣ OYKKETAA

139

L. 101.14; ΓΝῚ 5114.7

OYAAO St. 8.5 ΟΥΝ, OYNNa passim (3.7.1a) oypra(ae) INI 7i5; Il 14:2. vd. OYaAra(Ae) OYP!IWocana

10

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

D. Adjunctive

L. 107.10 Eraao

--- e1accan[a

(ἔλαβον καὶ

ἔγνωσαν ...); SC 7.13 CAAKON EIMTTPETAAW TIECAPpE (λόγῳ χρησάμενος λέγω; sim. 8.17), 11.8 ek[kKa(?)] ογλλιόλλο TrEe[C]CNnNa (διδάσκων ἔλεγεν), 12.17 AAMAPKON

KAPLAAO

MEAAAFPONA

(τὸ τόξον ... ἐνέτεινε καὶ ἧτοί-

μασεν αὐτό), 19.11 ετ Κ[Δ] TAN ΕἸΓΟΝᾺ ΤᾺΝ CILPTArPAAW ayoOna lit. “he made man, effecting his image and his likeness” (ποιήσας τὸν ἄνθρωπον Kat’ εἰκόνα Kai καθ᾽ ὁμοίωσιν ἕαυτοῦ; sim. IN II 12 ii 21),21 K@KaKATTENAAO --- γεκιCONA (ζηλώσας ... ἐνήργησεν), 22.3 oyaroyparaw --πικισε (ἤκουσα ... Kai ἐκρύβην; cf. IN II 26.2), 24 aoyφλτίκ]λ

Kaci

maA6[peina(?)]Jao

---

K[T]manna

(= ἐν

ἱδρῶτι ... φάγῃ; cf. IN I 6 ii 14); INI 10 C ii 7? oypoya TAKA OYNNA ENOKP2[AO(?); Π 21 ii 1 oyTpaao --Oopona; III 31.10 aepOona carrikp~aao; gr. 4.7 TAAAO: ΕἸερὰ “knowing”

E. Negative Formant -Ta-

L. 102.5 e1pimentTaao (od δύναται; sim. SC 11.10; INI 10 Ai 13, 21); INI4i13 aimentaao (οὐ

μὴ ἀποθάνῃ);

Π 18 iv 9 raamentTaao;

III 30.28 kimen-

TAAO F. Miscellaneous

L. 100.1

κιριτ' [KON]NOAAW, 106.6 κονKOAAW; IN II. 4717 Mon rAYANMEAO (i.e. MONKAYAN-AEAO?)

4. -λὸ as Copulative A. After Nominal Predicate

K. 31.11 TAN

6ANNON

ENNO

(sim.

EN OH 36 17 16; ef, Le ΤΟ 8). 1 Ὁ Π| OYKKAEroyeaw (ἐχθροί [sc. εἰσιν]; sim. 13), 107.6 EN --- AiKA AENGICINrFOYA ENNAPOYEAO (otc ἔδωκάς μοι ... σοὶ ἦσαν; sim. 18:

St. 17.5; SC 2.15; INI 7 i 20, 10 Ὁ ii 6; cf. ΠΙ 5711 5); St. 19.3 CTAYPOCA XpICTIANO[C]piroyna Teer[Ta]ao (σταυρὸς Χριστιανῶν ἐλπίς; sim. 5-27.8: SC 14.16-16.20 [excluding ver-

-Ao/-Aaw: CATALOGUE

11

bal predicates: see below]); SC 1.5? [caaaao(?)]; ArENAArFOYEA[W

TEN

TEAKPKANN(?)]

INI 115

[(?)TO]kA τόόι-

CANPOYA (μακάριοι Ov ἀφέθησαν αἱ ἀνομίαι; sim. 7, 2 ii 3, 9 ii 13; cf. 1 ii 11), 6 ii 13 KOMe[NA

TH(ap)a-ao-a)

[(?)ANK]JENa-

TO]praoa

(δοκοῦσα

ὅτι

(ie. TOP-

ὃ κηπουρός

ἐστιν), 71 15 ETapa royeao (= μεταλαμβάνει), ii 3 τεειτλAON TOYAOYAA[O] (Kai ἣ ἐλπὶς ... βεβαία [sc. ἐστιν]); II 21 ii 11 1wCH@r

TAAA EKKA

---MaTAPpaao (sim. 11-13, 15, 16, 34 1 33), 24.3

reNNoO (sim. III 55 i 1, 57 i 3-4, 59 i 1; cf. 56 i 3);

Ill 35.17 caracN AWNOYCKAAO

--- APTOCN KATIITI AAO

“the charge that I paid is 1 loaf of bread” (sim. 31.9, 32.17, 25-

28, 34 i 26-28, 30, 31, ii 10, 36 i 32, ii 3-4, 7, 8, 37.20, 38.18, 39.17, 40.17, 23, 50.6, 51.2, 3, 58.4, 60.2 et passim, 61.1 et passim, 62 i 1 et passim;

Sale 12; Nauri 7, 12; Tamit

1.10, 11),

32.16 OPON CEYAA TIACN TIAPPEAO “the southern boundary is the land of P.” (sim. 36 i 17-31, 39.18-20, 40.16, 27-32, 60.318; Nauri 6, 7), 34 11 22 oyAroyYPOArOYAAON ελο

(sim. 37.40, 44.21, 22; cf. 41.8 EINN

33.13 EINN MATAPIFOYAAON

MATaparoy-

MaTAPIFOYAAO,

--- COLO6aAO

[sim. Nauri 8-

9], 38 App. 7 MATPIroya EN Kap Aaaroyaao 45.17]), 36 1 33 οὐ!

[sim. 40.34,

AAO “it is 1 share (that I received)” (sim.

47 ii 4; cf. 3), 36 ii 9 MApPpEN

(read ΟἸΓΕΡΙ-

CIrepiINAAO

NAAO?), 39.23 GANTAAO --- EN APEAFOYNAAO “the purchase agreement is ours while we live”, 40.26 mappe ογελ TIOCN

KITAAO “(in) one plot is a stone for ...” (contrast with

36 i 28 Opwae TOYKN KTAAO), 46.1 COLOON CIMEPAAO, 55 ii 6 CoyTAAO; Sunn. 1 ii 4 TAPOYCANAW Tapa KIAO (εὐλογημένος ὃ ἐρχόμενος; sim. 6 Tlalploy][ca]naaw

PKA [εὐλογημένη f ... βασιλεία]; cf. IN Π 14 ii 2, 4), 212 Taple]eNo[CN

TALCAAON]

[MapiamMe]1o

(καὶ τὸ ὄνομα

τῆς παρθένου Μαριάμ); WN 20 όεμιλιγογλ: 21)

ΚΖλο (sim.

Enlarged by εἰν- Μ. 2.7 Me1paroyeaw EICCANA; IN 12 ii 20 reNnaaw ENNA (κρείσσων [sc. ἐστίν]; sim. II 18 ii 4, iil

12

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

13), 9 ii 21 EITN TOTN

KOAATAAO

ENONA

(ὅμοιος [sc.

ἦν] vid ἀνθρώπου) B. After Verbal Predicate AW

Μ. 1.3 rokkopa --- MHNANA AayCca-

(sim. [-caaw] St. 1.11, 2.1; IN III 31.15); St. 20.2 cray-

POCA WOKWKaA Korppaa[w] “... is that which purifies the leper” (σταυρὸς λεπρῶν καθαρισμός; sim. 21.4, 6, 25.3, 27.8; SC 14.17, 25, 16.9, 10, 17); INII 16i2 caracin (sim. [-CINAAW]

MECCINAAW

7, 18 i 7, v 10), 20 i 8 [EITTA] --- OYNI-

TAKPAAO (sim. ii 16 [with OYNNICANAAW

in 14]); ΠΙ 40.25

TTAppe- --- ACAAO, 44.5 TTTA --- M@KICANAAO (cf. 6 MQ@KONAAO), 51.3 ANNA ΕἸέραλο “it is what I know” Enlarged by €1NKanarti 9? corraao- EINNE (i.e. Corrpaao?) 5. Miscellaneous

A. Adverb + -ao_ 113.16; INI 8.15);

SC

L. 104.4 e1kap[ir]paao 10 Ai

(οὕτως; sim. 105.4, 12), 112.3 E1kapaao (οὕτως; sim. SC ENEN

[ei]kap!

9.7

KeEeTaa[o

(οὕτως),

21.15

EAAEAO TAAI KOYAAALAPPW- (= μέλλουσι γενέσθαι ὡς θεοί); IN Il 1519 mMacroyna rpaao (ὡς τὰ ἄλογο). See also above, under -AO-AO: OYEPANNOAO, LEAIANNOAO.

B. -a Predicative as Vocative +-ao sim. I 10 C ii 7?) C. -

of Direct

Discourse

+

-ao

IN II 13125 Enaao (μήτηρ;

L.

111.9

LAYeEIpa

---

ECCAAAO OKTAKNA (σκηνὴ ἣ λεγομένη ‘Ayia; sim. 6); IN If 21111 Aen6Eco

AAO (sim. 14; cf. 28, 28.21 [unless = XAO

“truly”’])

D. -Ao + -a of Direct Discourse IN I 10 B ii 9 T]IMMicaNaAoa [ANrpe(?) (sim. C ii 2; II 24.6); 1 1816 1c XCNAAWA

E. Interjection+-ao i 11 [last two odai])

K. 28.8 ογειλλο (sim. 30.3, 31.15; IN Π 15

-A0/-Aw: CATALOGUE

13

Commentary 1.

In Old Nubian, -Ἀο (also spelled -Aq) has two main functions:

1) it serves as a locative/allative/ablative/instrumental marker, and 2) it

is an indicator of focus. The first of these usages I document in my Old Nubian Dictionary 104-106; to the second I devote the following treatment. a

2

In order to express a complete predication, Old Nubian regularly

juxtaposes a subject (which, if a noun, is marked with -a) and a predicate (marked with -a); the latter may be either a noun (1) or a verb — either indicative (2) or predicative (3):

(1) SC 12.10 TAAA AMCKaaAA “God is a judge” (ὃ θεὸς κριτής [sc. ἐστιν] Ps 7:12)

(2) SC 22.13-14 TAAA TrEcCcNa “God said”

(3) M. 4.16 Arrorra mrecapa “the skipper said” In all three cases, -AO may be attached to the predicate:

(4) SC 14.15-16 CTAYPOCA XPICTIANOCrOYN TEEITAAO “the cross is the hope of the Christians” (σταυρὸς Χριστιανῶν ἐλπίς [sc. ἐστιν]) (5) IN Ill 47 i 7-8 μιελ

eE1piA πδδδινᾶλο

“the fault(?) will

come forth from you” (6) IN Π 12 ii 7-8 awAOYAW AOYN THYKEppa AOYA” 2apMN TAAN LOYppa LOYappaaw “the one who dwells in the protection of the one who is on high will rest in the shadow of the God of heaven” (ὃ κατοικῶν ἐν βοηθείᾳ tod ὑψίστου ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ αὐλισθήσεται Ρ5 90:1) The addition of -Ao to a noun marked as predicate (4) is regular, and cases of its absence (1) are rare!. Though primarily reinforcing the notion of predication, -Ao in association with a nominal predicate could be interpreted as a copula (3rd pers.), as it must be in the absence of a nominal subject: 1 The only other certain instance is IN II 21 ii 16 KocMa MaTapa “Kosma is witness” (sim. 17?), as against name + MaTapaao in 10-16.

14

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

(7) L. 104.11 oykkaeroyeaw εἶσιν] Rom

“they are enemies” (ἐχθροί [sc.

11:28; sim. 12-13). See further Satzinger 1990, 815 and

also below, on examples (11) and (27)-(31).

With a verbal predicate, especially the present indicative (see Catalogue, 3.B.1), -Ao is most commonly negated.

found only when the verb is

But if we discount the differences in distribution between (1)-(3) and

(4)-(6), we see that -Ao in the latter has no apparent influence on the syntax and merely highlights the predication already explicitly signalled by -a. ᾿

3. From its frequent association with the predicate marker -a on. nouns, -Ao could be attached to a nominal predicate even when the latter stands in the subjective (signalled by -a). In such cases, -Ao carries the notion of predication and serves as a copula. Cf. the following examples: (8) IN Il 24.3 TAAA EKKA rENNO “God is good to you”, to be contasted with III 55 ii 6 coyTaao “it is very good(?)” and I 2 ii 20 rENAAW

ENNA

“it is good” (κρείσσων [sc. ἐστιν] Ps 83:11). N.B.

rENNO = renaao: cf.e.g. INI 10 AiS roaNNo = roaN-aA-Ao: 2.5.64. (9) IN Il 36 i 16 mapperoyAAon eEINNroyaao “and the lands are these” (sim. K. 31.10-11 TAN

6ANNON

ENNO

“and his share is

this” and — with inversion: see 4.1.1 — L. 104.8-9 ΕἸΝΝΟ ΔΝ AlripTloy TeariJAAeEN(A) “this is my covenant with them” [αὕτη αὐτοῖς ἣ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ διαθήκη Rm 11:27]) (10) IN Il 40.33-34 mapiroyAAON EN TAT! EN CIrEANNA AAAFOYAAO

“and the witnesses are those who are (named) in this certified document of our father’s”, to be contrasted with 34 ii 22

OYAFOYPOAFOYAAON MATAPArOYEAO “and those who heard are witnesses”, where the predicate is expressly marked as such (see 3.5.2a). Note the existential-copulative force of -Ao in the following: (11) IN ΠΙ 40.26 mappe oyea TIOCN KITAAO “(in) one plot is a

stone for ... ” Contrast with 36 i 28 Opwae TOYKN KTAAO “on the

-Ao/-Aw: CATALOGUE

15

south is a stone for threshing (?)”, where the predicate is signalled by -a. The former is presumably an extension of cases like

(12) IN Ill 60.18 kaaon cey (= ceyan: cf. 32.15) παρκᾶλο “on the north the boundary is a depression”

The corpus provides one instance in which the juxtaposition of two nouns marked with the subjective -a does not have -ao attached to the predicate — cf. example (1);

(13) IN I 10 C ii 3-4 pagd[a]HAN“Raphael’s command is my command”

KEAEYTA

AN

KEAEYTA

(cf. Satzinger 1995, 157, but

note that he misunderstands the construction)’.

4

Examples like (8)-(12) show that -Ao regularly adheres to a noun

or pronoun functioning as predicate even when not formally marked as such. Therefore it is hardly surprising to find -Ao attached as focus marker to a noun or pronoun serving as logical predicate in a structure

which may conveniently be translated as an adjectival cleft sentence?:

(14) SC 22.13 μιτλλο Aika ETOYEPppa “it is the serpent who led me astray” (ὁ ὄφις ἠπάτησέ με Gen 3:13), literally “the serpent led me astray” (using italics to approximate the effect of -ao). Here the Coptic employs a cleft sentence: Sah. T20q TENTAGP2AA MMOI, Boh. πιροᾳ TETAGEP2AA MMOL].

(15) SC 22.10-11 TaAAo alka EToYeppa “it is she who led me astray” (αὕτη με ἠπάτησεν Gen 3:12; perhaps αὕτη was read by the translator as αὐτή: so Browne 1994b, 88 ad loc.). As in example (14),

the Coptic uses a cleft sentence, introduced by NToc (Sah.) /Neoc (Boh.). See further Browne 1988a, III 822. Note also the beginning of the Miracle of Saint Menas: (16) M. 1.5-8 eTTOY OYEAAO ATITIOY OYEAAA AOYAPa: AAEZANAPEN ὠκγογλὰ “there was a woman who lived in a village in

the district of Alexandria”. Satzinger regards -Ao here as topicalizing 2 For a similar use of -a, note L. 109.6 ENNA CAACCIN

ENNACN

{\\} aaea “for

your word is the truth” (kai yap [see Browne 1994b, 25] ὃ λόγος 6 σὸς ἣ ἀλήθειά ἐστιν Jn 17:17).

3 For adjectival and substantival cleft sentences in Old Nubian, see further Browne

1988a, ΠΙ 820 (with reference to Polotsky’s analysis of Coptic).

16

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

(1990, §19), but I prefer to see it again as a focus marker, comparable to

its use in (14). In my commentary ad loc. (Browne 1994a, 23-24) I supported my interpretation by referring to Polotsky’s analysis of the cleft

sentence in the Sahidic version of Lk 15:11: oypwmMe meNEeYNTAY MMAY NQ@HPE CNay “ ‘it was a man [logical predicate] who had two sons [logical subject]’, which is the Coptic way of expressing ‘there was a man who had two sons’” (Polotsky, 1960, §33d). The present Nubian

text, which we may render — following Polotsky — as “it was a woman who lived in a village ...”, would presumably enter Coptic as *OYC2IME TENECZN OYTME ...’ Examples (14)-(16) have the verb in the predicative, but it may also 39

stand in the indicative (pace Satzinger 1990, §19): (17) IN II 12 i 15-16 roaraw aika Tamaaana “it is the Lord who took me up (?)” (ὃ δὲ κύριος ἀντελάβετό μου Ps 26:10). Cf. the Coptic: (Sah.) MxoeIc AE MENTAqwonT Epog, (Boh.) πός ae

TIETAGWOTIT Epog. 5

The particle -Ao also serves as focus marker for adverbial modifications, allowing them to function as logical predicates in substantival cleft sentences, where the verb is nominalized as a subjunctive:

(18) IN II 18 iii 6-8 K@K@KIAO-

6WAAO-

GoypKPyPIroYNa

ACKA: OPKENNAN “it is because of envy that they shed the blood of the innocent”. Here the subjunctive 6PKENNAN is a nominalized form of the verb (“the fact that they shed”); it is the logical subject of a sub-

stantival cleft sentence in which Ka)KG@)KIAO- 6WAAO

“because of

envy” is the logical predicate, signalled as such by the terminal -Ao (the

-AO attached to κω K@)KI- it ablatival). But Old Nubian need not employ the subjunctive: the presence of -AO is sufficient to achieve the functional equivalent of a cleft construction: (19) M. 5.2-4 φιλοζενιτηγλλελῳ Goype “it is to Philoxenite that I am going”. This answers the question posed in 4.15: CrA 6WAN

“where will you go?” The question employs the nominalized subjunctive as in example (18), with Cra as interrogative and therefore the log-

-λοΐλω; CATALOGUE

17

ical predicate*. Corresponding to Cra, PIAOZENITHFAAEAW utilizes -AW in order to achieve predicate status. In other words, the formal cleft

construction CrA 6W.AN is answered by a statement whose effective equivalence to a cleft sentence is marked by -aw (see Browne 1994a,

33-34). The advanced:

following

example

supports

the

interpretation

here

(20) L. 108.12 epriaaeao kipe “it is to you that I am coming” (πρὸς σὲ ἔρχομαι Jn 17:13). Comparable are the cleft constructions (“second tenses”) in the Coptic: (Sah.) ΕἸΝΗΥ

qgapok,

(Boh.) δι-

NHOY 2APOK. The following passage displays -Ao attached as focus marker to a

directive?. (21) M. 12.12-13 ENkaAw Cce “it is this that I produced” 6

For the formal cleft sentence pattern, the subjunctive may be

employed without attaching -Ao to the emphasized element. In addition to M. 4.15, cited above under example (19), note the following:

(22) L. 106.4-5

ENNNKA

Oy[a]riAAe

πεοιόερλ

“it is these

(things) that I say to you” (ταῦτα λελάληκα ὑμῖν Jn 16:33). Here the subjunctive teci6epPpt- is explicitly marked as subject by the subjective marker -a. Note that the Ge‘ez version has the same focus: zentu we ‘etu za-nagarkukemu “it is this that I told you”’. (23) INI 9i 11-14 che MaywaNroyNacION TAN KCMATTNA TIOPNEKN ΟΡΠΆΟΚΟ AILAPKIKECAN “and it is through the wine of the fornication of her wrath that all the nations have fallen” (ἐκ τοῦ

οἴνου τοῦ θυμοῦ τῆς πορνείας αὐτῆς πέπτωκαν πάντα τὰ ἔθνη Rev 14:8)

7

If we examine the sentence immediately preceding M. 12.12-13

(21), we see that -Ao is not an obligatory component of emphasizing structures even when the verb is not nominalized: 4 See Polotsky 1987, II §88a (apud Browne 1988a, III §20) for the interrogative pronoun as logical predicate. Semantically, Cra is already predicate and therefore need not be marked with -ao. 5 For the directive as adverbial modification see 4.5.1b n. 29 and Satzinger 1990, §18.

18

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

(24) M.12.12

εναὦ

Ooyce

“for this 1 came”.

In this case,

suprasegmental features such as intonation or stress may have conveyed the emphasis also available through -Ao (21) or through the subjunctive (22) or through both together (18). Cf. Satzinger 1993, 200.

Example (24) emphasizes an adverb. Similarly — if the Coptic can serve as a guide — the particle -Ao need not be present if the subject is to be emphasized; contrast the following with (14)-(17):

(25) IN

Π

13 i 27-29

Taa

AWAOYMMON

TAPN

CMTTTKA

Todkapa “and the high one himself laid its foundation” (καὶ αὐτὸς ἐθεμελίωσεν αὐτὴν 6 ὕψιστος Ps 86:5). Presumably suprasegmentation could achieve the emphasis required for the subject, if the reader thought it to be necessary: cf. the Sahidic, which uses a cleft sentence: NTOd TTENTAGCMN CNTE MMOC Wa ENE? (with METXOCE transferred to the next verse); the Bohairic frontally extraposes the subject: oyo2 Neog πετόοοι + Aq2!I CENT MMOC Wa ἔνε. 8

And so, though Old Nubian had the means of generating a cleft

sentence by transforming the verbal predicate into a nominalized subject, it could achieve the same effect —

if suprasegmentation did not

suffice — simply by attaching -A0o to the element acting as logical predicate. This, however, does not mean that wherever -AO occurs in the

corpus, it is a focus marker. I note in particular cases of two occurrences of the particle in the same sentence, each with a different function®:

(26) SC 14.13-14 AeckTAOAAA CTAYPOCNA LOKN OpwceKa OYAFAAEPOYAAW “it is in patience [AECKTAOAAA] that you will hear [OyAraaepoyaaw] the praise of the glory of the cross”. Here -AO/-AWw has two functions:

(a) in the complex AECKTAOAAA, it marks the logical predicate. Its intercalation between the substantive AecKT- and the postposition --AAA, as Opposed to -AaAAO, which is also found (see Catalogue, 1.A), 6 1 exclude cases like St. 1.3-2.1, where -Ao copulative occurs three times, presumably because of the length of the sentence. IN II 12 i7 -καλο --- Mea6oYAoaw may

also be disregarded, for here -oaw = -opw, as in SC 5.6 In IN III 37.35 πλειολλο MATAPALOAAO is inspired by TMacICeAO MaTapariceao (35.23), where both instances of -Ao conform to the pattern of example (5).

-ao/-aw: CATALOGUE

19

may be based on prosodic or stylistic considerations that I cannot determine. But in terms of focusing, -AOo-aaa

interchangeable: cf. K. 29.2-4 λειολ

and -λλλ-λο

seem to be

KATIAAAAAO THIKT KOYNNA

“Ἢ is with the eater of the dead’ that he has a share” (cf. the corre-

sponding Greek [see Browne 1980, 133 #9] μετὰ tod προδότου Ἰούδα ἣ μερὶς αὐτοῦ ἐστιν). (b) following oyAraaepoya,

a subjunctive marked by -a as the

subject — see above, on (22), -Aw is obviously a topicalizing element highlighting the subject status of the subjunctive. As such, it is comparable to -Ao attached to predicates, as in examples (4)-(6). Consequently,

(26) reveals -Ao both as focus marker and as topic

marker. This use as a topicalizer is evident in other passages displaying a repetition of the particle, e.g.:

(27) K. 28.14-15 apmCKkIpe AAYEAAOAO GOYPKOAAO “it is of great punishment that he is deserving” (weyadAns κρίσεως Kai τιμωρίας ἔνοχός ἐστιν: Browne 1980, 133 #8). Here the first -Ao signals the focus, and the second is copulative: see above, on examples (6),

(7) and (11). (28) Sunn. 1 ii 4 TAPOYCANAW

TAPaA KIAO (=KIAAO) “blessed is

the one who comes” (εὐλογημένος ὃ ἐρχόμενος Mk 11:9); the doubtful reading k!A0 finds at least partial support in the parallel text, IN II 14 ii 3 Tapa K1A[o. In this passage, -Aw is copulative, -Ao topicalizing. For the inversion, imitative of the Greek, see 4.1.18.

(29) IN Il 55 i 1 TAAAAO OYKKA ΓΕΝΝΟ “God is good to you” (sim. 57 i 3-4). Here, with normal word order — as opposed to the inversion in (28), -Ao is topicalizing, -No (< -λο: 2.3.2) copulative. Contrast

with example (8), where we find TAAA instead of TAAAAO. Similarly: (30) IN II 40.30-31 KAAON

CEYAAAO

ETTIMAXOCIAAO

“on the

north the boundary is the Epimachus-Church”, to be contrasted with

(12). 7 Apparently aeioa stands for ac1oaroyna; cf. όελ for 6EAaroyna in 34.1 and see 3.6.2c. 8 Syntactically similar is IN II 18 iii 12-iv 2 reNaAO- HNNa --HPKA AEPKEAAO “he is good ..., who applies power ...”.

20

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

(31) IN Ill 35.17-18

TOYCKO

LCCAAAA

ENKA

ANNA

Larripaao

CIMEPPIAAA

Larrapaao

“whoever will deny this, together

with my statement, utters a denial against the Holy Trinity”. Here -ao! is topicalizing and -Ao? reinforces the predicate, as it does in example (6). The passage is to be contrasted with 31.15-16 ENKA carraaaAON

TAAAAAA

Larripaao

“and whoever will deny this utters a

denial against God’, where there is anly one -Ao; this sentence is preceded

by a structure

like that in (31):

14-15

carrikpe~iao

(=

-KPPIAAO): TAEICAAO literally “what is without denial is what they

wrote”. , From (31) we proceed to passages which have a single -Ao, which is clearly topicalizing: (32) IN ΠῚ 30.30-31

XOCA TAN

aN

WIFPPOKO

CaAka:

TAKKA

against and deny my statement —

OYCKA:

LArrAAAAO

WaAri6aMMH

ETTIMA-

“whoever will speak

let Epimachus

stab him with his

spear”

(33) IN Ill 43.4

inra

(= ENKA)

LArraalIAAO

LATTA

K:KA

Tpeco “let whoever will deny this give 20 (pieces of) gold’ 9

To summarize the preceding treatment: we have seen that as a

focus marker, -Ao can serve to highlight the predicate —

(4)-(6) and

(8)-(10), in which case it may be copulative — (7), (11), (27)-(31). It can

also set off the logical predicate in cleft-sentence patterns; these permit the following schematization, proceeding from formal cleft sentences to those in which only suprasegmentation is decisive: I Substantival Cleft Sentence: “It is in the house that the man sits” > a *EITINA LOFAAAO AKIN(IA) (18) [for gen. cf. (23)]

Ὁ *EITINA LOFAA AKIN(IA) (22)-(23)

9. Somewhat anomalous is SC 17.24-25 ΕἸΙΝΙΝΟ] δογνόογρίτλο TAAIAAAO Aoyapl]a “this in the beginning was to God” (οὗτος ἦν ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν θεόν Jn 1:2), unless -No (< -AO) topicalizes (but cf. 18.5-19.6, where TAAAO

— restored in 18.2 — clearly focuses). The restorations weaken the value of the passage as evidence,

for we could easily read €1N[ON] “and this” instead of E1N[NO] (οἵ, 18:25;,.22:12 and

IN 13 ii 7 for -on, and for the conjunction, note that the Ge‘ez version here has wa-zentu “and this”).

-Ao/-Aaw: CATALOGUE

21

c *EITIA γογλᾶλο AKINA/AK Pa (19)-(21)

4 *E€ITIA γογλᾶ AKINA/AKPA (24) Il Adjectival Cleft Sentence: “It is the man who sits in the house” > a *EITAAO γογλὰ AKINA/AKPa (14)-(17) Ὁ *EITA LOrAA AKINA/AKPa (25) (See also below, Excursus 2)

Sometimes context helps in cases like Id and IIb — see on example ᾿ (24); sometimes comparison with the Greek or Coptic can be useful —

see on (25). But in the absence of formal morphological markers, deci-

sions in such instances will ultimately be subjective!®. Similarly, passages like (26)-(33) show that one should be cautious about assuming

that every case of -Ao confers focus. Satzinger believes that -Ao is a topicalizing particle (1990, §24), and though I have argued that it is predominately a focus marker, there will always be room for disagreement in individual examples. Excursus 1

10 In his discussion of -Ao as a topicalizing particle, Satzinger devotes special attention to its use “am subjunctivischen Verb (vorangestellter Temporalsatz)”, where he notes: “Voranstellung temporaler Ausdriicke kommt einer Thematisierung gleich” (1990, §23). I agree

with Satzinger that -ao is here topicalizing; but —

as we shall see

below — the -ao in question is in fact the locative postposition, not the so-called emphatic particle.

We can enlarge Satzinger’s treatment of the subjunctive and add the verbid (both the expansion in -Ἐν and the base in -a). Consider the following — subjunctive (34), verbid in -εν (35), and verbid in -a

(36): (34) L. 100.3-4 rakKKON OYNNINNO ἃ TAN TALCKA EMMANNOYHAAa Ὁ KAppana- “and when she bears a son, they shall call his 10 For a parallel to the absence of formal indicators of emphasis, contrast the marked

Gra 6WAN — see under (19) — with the unmarked Cao TINA “where is ...?” (ποῦ EGtIV....2 Mt 2:2) in L. 113.5

22

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

name Immanuel” (kai τέξεται υἱόν, Kai καλέσουσιν TO ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἔμμανουήλ Mt 1:23): Satzinger 823 (103); sim. (104)". (35) IN II 16 ii 8-iii 3 MECIKA AOAAENNW

--- TACAAArMM[E]

“if Iwish to speak ..., I mention ...” (36) INI 21 8-10 ei[p]TTN aoEILIKEAW Owo[r]iMenacw

(= -KEAAW) AECAKA

“if wealth streams in [lit. “in the streaming in of

wealth”], do not enslave the heart” (πλοῦτος ἐὰν ῥέῃ, μὴ προστίθεσθε καρδίαν Ps 61:11); cf. I] 16 iv 4, where TIKKEAW (= -KEAAW) translates ὅταν δώσουσιν Rev 4:9. Examples without -Ao may be found for both the subjunctive (37)

and for both types of verbid (38)-(39): (37) L. 100.11-12 oy]NNN ἃ TAN [TarcKa] fHCOY[CIA OKE]N maYyOykKa “until, when she bore (her son), he called his name Jesus”

(ἕως ob ἔτεκεν τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς: Kai ἐκάλεσεν τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν Mt 1:25). The present subjunctive oy]NNN denotes time contemporaneous with the main verb: 4.4 Paragraph 2. Similar is SC 19.23 AOYN- “as he was...”

(38) SC 14.12-14 e1apl AOAAENNON --- OYArAAEPOYAAW “and if you wish to know ..., you will hear ...”” — see above, on example (26); sim. L. 107.3 aoyn ENENNON

vs. SC 19.25 afoy]NNOo,

Vs. 12.19 TECIGENNOEION,

SC 17.16

and 23.16 TOYCECN-

Vs.

12.5 AyYECNNO. (39) IN

I 11

i 6-8

ayoyTrakona

MaN

TAYKAW:

TATTINA

2APMAO TAPA EITPETIKAAECA “it happened at that time, when the Father proceeded to go forth and send (Mastema) from heaven ...” (ἐγένετο ὅτε ἐξέρριψε[ν] ὃ π(ατ)ὴρ an’ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ τὸν διάβ[α]ολον: Browne 1988c, 18); sim. St. 2.1-3. Similarly, the conditional formation described in 4.7.5a, though regu-

larly found with -Ao, may occur without it. Contrast the following two examples, the first with -Ao, the second without it: 'l Satzinger’s example (105) is not relevant: oukour eu egan-no means not “sobald der Tag ... aufgegangen ist” but “on the fearful day”: see Browne 1983, 108 ad St. 16.9.

-A0/-Aw: CATALOGUE

23

(40) K. 20.2-3 Ἱερεοολλον OYEKKA OYEICKA TPMENKANNO “and if/when the priest does not give him any compensation” (41) K. 20.1 opma

wheat”

ENKAN-

EAAE

ENKAN

“if it be wine, if it be

(sim. IN ΠῚ 51.7). Note also IN ΠῚ 58.10 λεον

TIEWWA OYEAKON

EKKA

“if he judges you again”, as compared with the

normal formation in -KONNO (e.g. M. 5.2). That (34)-(41) are in fact topicalizations, with or without -A0, is sug-

᾿ gested by comparison with the use of jr in Classical Egyptian: jr there

introduces topicalized adverbial clauses with a conditional or temporal meaning, as in Pyr. 1252e-f jr prj=f m sb3 pw jsb.tj n(j) p.t jn n=f sb3 pw mh.t(j) n(j) p.t “if/when he comes out of this eastern gate of heaven,

bring to him this northern gate of heaven” — see Loprieno 1995, 151152, where the author notes: “in Egyptian as well as in many other languages [with a reference to Haiman 1978], the protasis of a conditional sentence is treated as an adverbial topicalization of a verbal sentence”’. The examples presented above suggest that jr prj=f would be translated into Old Nubian as *7aaNno

—

cf. (34) — or *maan — cf. (37).

In dealing with this pattern of expression in Old Nubian, Satzinger refers to the topicalizing use of jr (1990, 823). He adds: “Es kénnte hier jedoch auch die lokale Postposition -lo vorliegen: gebiert’ = ‘wann sie ... gebiert’ [ie. OYNNINNO

‘darin, daB sie ... (34)] (vgl. agyptisch

m sdm.f bzw. neuadgyptisch m p3j.f-sdm)”. One could also compare

Greek εἰ and Latin si, both of which originated from the locative of the demonstrative pronoun *so-: see Palmer 1961, 331 and 1980, 285.

That the -ao in this usage is in fact the locative — as I suggested in my Old Nubian Dictionary 105 — emerges from the following example: (42) IN II 51.7-8 MONKAANNOAO (where -KAAN- = -KAYAN-: 2.5.5) “if they are reluctant”. Here the terminal -ao is clearly the “emphatic” particle discussed in this chapter, and it reinforces the preceding conditional formation — cf. Egyptian jr, while -No (< -ao) can only be the postposition -Ao, here used locatively — cf. Egyptian m. The emphatic -ao is attached elsewhere to the locative -ao: see the Catalogue under 1.A. For a precise parallel to -Ao-Ao, I note that in

24

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

Egyptian jr and m may both be used together in order to topicalize an

adverbial conditional/temporal clause: e.g. Hatnub 22.2 jr m wn=j m hrd wn=j m smr “when I was a child [lit. “as-for in my-being as a child”’], I was (already) a Friend” — see Loprieno 1995, 151. For jr m wn=j, the Old Nubian would be *E1NENNOAO!, The absence of -λο in (37)-(39) and (41) finds a precise parallel in gr.

2.5, where

TayKOY

“always”. Cf. TayKA

32.1-2 EN WOA

OMMIA

stands

M@WANNO

OMMAAW

for

*rayKoY

OMMIAAW

in e.g. M. 17.2, and contrast St.

γλδλόλ with SC 24.18 EN ολ

6MMA

ra6a; both mean “whoever exults in this entire book”, and the former

uses the locative postposition, while the latter does not. Cf. also 3.6.2c, 3.6.3b, and Zyhlarz 1928, §295.

Even though example (42) reveals that locatival -Ao is synchronically different from the “emphatic” particle, diachronically we may in fact be dealing with the same word: it is easy to see how locatival -Ao in the sense of “in (case of)” could allow the element to which it adheres to be

detached from the sentence and thereby to attract attention to itself. Excursus 2

11

In my Studies in Old Nubian (Browne

1988a, III §23) I noted

that there was “one passage in the corpus now available where Old

Nubian may use a relative-clause construction for an adjectival cleft sentence”, and I referred to

(43) IN I 2 i 18-20 ela ENEN GOYPPW OYEICKA TOOAAA OYEPOY OYEPAKKEKKA TAPN LEEN KEEKKA, which I was tempted to translate as “because it is you who will recompense one after another, according to his deed” (the Greek is ὅτι σὺ ἀποδώσεις ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ Ps 61:13). The Coptic rendered the verse

as a cleft sentence: (Sah.) xe NTOK TETNAT MMOyaA TOYA KATA NEQ2BHYE, (Boh.) χε NOOK EONAT WEBIW MTIOYAI ΠΙΟΥΔΙ KATA NEQG2BHOY!I, but more important is the fact that “the Nubian 2 Cf. also L. 100.1 kipic! [KON]NOAAWw (4.7.7a) and 106.6 (with deletion of -ao') KONKOAAW (4.7.7b).

-Ao/-Aaw: CATALOGUE

25

here has εν- (i.e. €1N-) ‘to be’ joined to T66a.aA, the future verbid of

TPp- ‘to give/recompense’;

the resultant periphrasis

[for which

see

3.9.13: verbid periphrastic] ... is here structurally comparable to what we find frequently in Classical and Hellenistic Greek, viz. replacement

of a simple verb with a participle + εἰμί, a mechanism used to create a cleft sentence, as e.g. in St. Athanasius, Vita Antonii (Migne, PG 26.912 A 14-15) ὁ δὲ κύριος ἦν αὐτὸν φυλάττων, which the Sahidic appro' priately renders as TXOEIC AE TENTAQ2apegd Epog ‘and it was the Lord who guarded him’ ...” In other words, the verbid periphrastic ENEN --- τόόλιλλ topicalizes the verb and allows it to function as logical subject in an adjectival cleft sentence. I could not, however, find parallels to support this interpretation, and so I was reluctant to insist on it. Repeated examination of the corpus has now revealed to me other cases of a similar construction: (44) K. 24.5-7 MOPKA AEIApKA LErpa ENENNEOOYN, which I rendered in my Literary Texts in Old Nubian (Browne 1989a, 12) as

“because disobedience produces death”. But consider the following pas-

sage: SC 7.2-3 MJIGIPKA Alapka[A]Jo LEKNA- (παρακοὴ θάνατον κατεργάζεται, an adaption of Sap 2:24 — see Browne 1994b, 91), where -[A]o! clearly confers predicate status on AlApKa- — see above, example (21): “it is death that disobedience produces”!*. The periphrasis in (44), for which see 3.9.14: predicative periphrastic, seems designed to convey the same emphasis through topicalization of the verb, and so we may translate as “because it is death that disobedience

produces”. Similarly}: (45) IN Π 12 ii 14-15 Taaawao

τεελ aoyaape

“it is in him

that I shall hope” (ἐλπιῶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν Ps 90:2). Here -ao bestows predicate status on TAA.AW-, comparable to its use in example (18), and the 13 Though the a is restored, the reading can hardly be in doubt. 14 Cf. Satzinger 1990, 820, where SC 7.2-3 is cited with the comment:

“es ware The-

matisierung des Direktivkomplements zu erwarten ... Das einzige gesammelte Beispiel [SC 7.2-3] scheint sich jedoch dieser Auffassung zu widersetzen”. Satzinger’s reservations vanish if we interpret -Ao as focus marker (rhematic particle). 15 In examples (45)-(47) I have adjusted the translations in Browne 1989a, 62, 64 and 24, respectively.

26

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

verbid periphrastic topicalizes the verb. The Sahidic captures the same emphasis through a “second” future: EiNANAgTE Epog. The empha-

sis, not overt in the Greek, is due to interpretation on the part of the Nubian and Sahidic translators; the Bohairic is literal: -NAEp2EaTTIC €poq. From the same Psalm comes the following:

(46) IN II 12 ii 23-24 Tapn aypan TPA TAYWA[OEION] TEEIA AOYAAPAAH “and it is under his wings that you will feel hope” (kai ὑπὸ τὰς πτέρυγας αὐτοῦ ἐλπιεῖς Ps 90:4). Again -λ[ο — if rightly restored: cf. (47) — is a focus marker, and the verbid periphrastic, here dependent upon a predicative copulative (3.9.16a), topicalizes. The emphasis is not reproduced in the Coptic: (Sah.) ayw KNANAZTE 2a NEGTN2, (Boh.) ογορ EKEEPZEATIIC SA NEGTEN.

(47) St. 12.3-8 OMMAArOYECN TEN AEA OYATTOAO CTAYPOYCAArAAE TIICTEYOAFOYAAON TAYMAO LONGOA AOYANNA “and all who have believed in the cross with their whole heart — it is under it that they will stand”. This sentence has the same structure as example (46). The Sahidic uses a “second” future: OYON NIM NTAyTICTEYE MITECTAYPOC 2M TIEYZHT THPd: EYNAE! 2A CAiBEC MITECTAYPOC. The following passage may also belong here: (48) IN Π 15 i 7-10 eEimmMoy[66pana (?)] M@waNKONn: τογoyalo

(?)opToy]

MAacroyNna

rpaao

eEleNNAN[a

E1]NNroy-

AOKO TCKITAKA “and as regards all that they do not understand, they are by nature in the manner of ignorant animals, being corrupted in these” — so Browne 1989a, 66 (ὅσα δὲ φυσικῶς ὡς τὰ ἄλογα ζῷα ἐπίστανται, ἐν τούτοις φθείρονται Jd 10). It is also possible to take €lENNAN[A with TCKITAKA as a verbid periphrastic: “and as regards all that they do not understand by nature in the manner of ignorant animals — it is in these that they are corrupted”. This interpretation has the advantage of associating Toyoya [o (?)oproy] Macroyna γρᾶλο with the preceding €EIMMOY[66paNna(?)] μῷωδλνκον, in conformity with the Greek. If we are dealing here with a verbid periphrastic, the structure is comparable to that in example (43). The Coptic here avoids an emphasizing transformation and translates ἐν τούτοις

-Ao/-aw: CATALOGUE

φθείρονται as CETAKO CETAKHOYT

2pal

N2HTOY

27

(Sah.) /NSpHi

Sen

Nal

(Boh.).

The above examples suggest a tentative schematization, supplementary to that offered above (9):

I Substantival Cleft Sentence: “It is in the house that the man sits” >

X *EITIA EINNA γογλὰ AKA (48) [if rightly interpreted] y *EITIA γογλᾶλο AKA AOYNNA (45)-(47)

Z *EITIA LOPAA AKPA EINNA (44) Il Adjectival Cleft Sentence: “It is the man who sits in the house” >

X *EITIA EINNA γογλὰ AKA (43) The formal identity of Ix and IIx finds a parallel in Classical Greek,

where ὃ ἄνθρωπός ἐστι καθήμενος ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ could translate both (Browne 1985, 136).

12 I should note that just as not every -Ao is a focus marker (see above, 8 and 9), so not every periphrastic construction in Old Nubian topicalizes the verb. There is no obvious topicalization in e.g.

(49) L. 108.5 oyEpINA AOYKKOANNOA

“in order that they may

be one” (iva ὦσιν ἕν Jn 17:11; sim. 109.14-15, 17 [restored], 110.1).

And in the following the verbid periphrastic appears to be durative:

(50) INI 41 24-25 Τογλοῦσοι Γογλὰ TAK EKKEA λογλγογλ“the Jews who were comforting her in the house” (οἱ ... Ἰουδαῖοι οἱ ὄντες μετ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ παραμυθούμενοι Jn 11:31), where εκκελ δογλγογλ- may be an attempt at a literal rendition of ὄντες ... παραμυθούμενοι interpreted as durative. Likewise, no topicalization is in evidence in the common construction in which the verbid periphrastic with intercalated -K ON is used instead of conjunction + non-periphrastic verb in sentence-initial position (Browne 1987, 314), e.g.

(51) INI 5i6-7 meciKON

20:2).

ENCNA

“and she said” (kai λέγει In

28

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES 2. -CN: CATALOGUE

Ue -CN

as

Copulative/Focus

TAPOYAMCO

Marker

K.

30.3

εἰγειριον

---

ECN (sim. SC 21.23; CM ii 4); L. 100.6 (see below,

3), 106.20? afio[nN] [εκκὰ LOK TCCEEN (or TCceE \\)] (ἐγώ σε ἐδόξασα), 108.3 Aion [El]AriAAECN KIPECN (κἀγὼ πρὸς σὲ ἔρχομαι),

115.14

raan

KoypKI[ON(?)

alapac]in

(τὸ δὲ[7]

φρόνημα τῆς σαρκὸς θάνατος; sim. 157); St. 28.7 ep όμμλγογλ τίλ]ριοόωλ: apiaenoy ayetlo]ly κ[ο]δενογ ΕΚΚ[ΙΤΤ] ΕΔΆΡΟΟΝ;

SC 3.21

4.22, 7.9, 11.12; cf. IN Ai

TAK

Makan

Ckeaa[a6pe]cn

1), 11.7 ἐεμεντεν

ECK[IMJENANNAN[A]CN

σουσιν αὐτῆς), 17.1 X€cika

(καὶ πύλαι

(sim.

wala]Jroyaaon

ἅδου

od κατισχύ-

KITApackeKepacn

(Χριστὸν

ἐνεδύσασθε); IN I 4 ii 18 (see below, 3), 5 ii 8 AMH'A AMHNCAAECN

[(?)] Oyarare

(ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν), 15 oyeacn

TTECPECN (πάλιν ἐρῶ), 10 A ii 22 EKKON 15 i 17 EINNrolyA

ElENNANAICN

E12 [T]Aapecn;

II

--- (οὗτοί εἰσιν ...; sim. ii

20), 24.18 MINAKON --- OYEAA TCCECN “and why did I answer ...2”, 25.7 CEYKON

--- -KHPECN “and breathing heavily(?) ... I

come”, 27.2 AiKA AENNACN, 28.12 aAiKON ὄογρεον; III 33.8 AlOY --- ATMAKA ECorra LOMA rpa LApKAGACN “I ..., releasing A., keep him as a Nubian” (sim. 51.5), 49 ii 2 ECKON

OYN

£CCa MNNACIN “and the rest does not require your cleaning”; SE A113 OYN ΕἸΔΡΙ AOAAICAKA OYKKA EIAPAFACCACN; Faras 7 (504) 3? 6aAaaTpecn (if rightly read) AAECN 866 Dict., s.v. AAEAAKACN, EAEKKOCN, EICCN, KOCN

see Dict., s.vv.

-Allma --- -CN_ see Dict., s.v. -ammma -AO ----CN see Commentary below, ftn. 3

- -CN

as Causal

11.14-15

Marker

rtoaoy

M. 6.15 aicN

ANNIAOCNMAAO

KeENOyTOYAapeEcN, TOppaci[(N)](?)

Browne 1994a, 48); K. 22.3-4 Koypaa TOOKKACIN

(see

TAAA OYN-

NACIN (ἱλαρὸν γὰρ δότην ἀγαπᾷ ὁ θεός), 27.8 and 11 KopeKa

-cN: CATALOGUE ETA --- TAAA OWPOCN

29

(i.e. 6G POA-CN) --- AMAAEIGAPACIN

(λαβὼν yap tov ἄρτον ... ἐξῆλθεν ἔξω ... καὶ ἐσπούδασεν), 14 and 28.1 MANKACIN TAAA Ooypirpa elk[a]ka ὄογριο πλοKAPPACIN, 33.6 EYACN EINNACN --- TOYPI (φοβερὸν TO ἐμπεσεῖν);

L.

104.2

aoyaaarf[a][p]acin

(ὅτι...

γέγονεν),

106.8 ai κοοίμο]οκ ECKIKECN (ὅτι ἐγὼ νενίκηκα TOV KOσμον), 109.6 ENNA CAACCIN ENNACN {\\} aaea (καὶ yap ὃ

λόγος ἣ ἀλήθειά ἐστιν), 110.11 KOCMOCIN OYKOYPTAO TOYCoy aik ONI[CNAC]IN (ὅτι ἠγάπησάς με TPO καταβολῆς KOopov),

112.11-12

TAAN

ToyperoyeciIN

[EN]NOCIN

(ὅτι δέ

ἐστε υἱοὶ τοῦ θεοῦ), 113.7-8 oyEIpOika --- LACN KACCOCIN (εἴδομεν yap ... τὸν ἀστέρα ... Kai ἤλθομεν), 17? ErkApIrpaao TIApT]a[KICNACN(?) (οὕτως γὰρ γέγραπται), 115.11-12 raana] aoyaro[yc]cin

[raan cleeiroy[ka

Κο]γρκογόικ[εῖν νἃ-

CIN (οἱ yap κατὰ σάρκα ὄντες τὰ τῆς σαρκὸς φρονοῦσιν); St. 35.5 and 9 ΕἸΙΡΟΝ fHcoy[ci] ΧΡΙΟΤΟΟΙ --- ΠΕΟΔΟΝ --AAAACN

γᾶλλὰ TPECWw “and you, J.C., because you say ... and

join ..., open” (sim. IN ΠῚ 58.7); SC 1.15 tTlo]yala]aacn εγόλ

k[ppac]ke (καὶ γάρ ἐστε τῆς ποίμνης φειδόμενοι; sim. 18, 2.11, 16), 2.3 Moyaoye

Ma[ca(?) KoYAaT(?)]pacn (= καθάπερ γὰρ

ἄριστος κυβερνήτης), 3.22 and 24 e[iapTOY EAAONIAACN --OYTP aoaa[i] [PecNn (βούλομαι yap εἰς ἀχανὲς νοημάτων ... ἐξαγαγεῖν; sim. 7.11, 17.10), 5.12 ApA ECNTTAA AAAFOYKACN KOYTNNEFOYEMA OKIGAPACN (χοίρους γὰρ λέγει τοὺς ἐν ἀσωτίᾳ ζῶντας; cf. 15), 7.5 and 7 roaoy fHCOYCN --mec]pacn (kai yap Ἰησοῦς ... λέγει; sim. K. 30.16), 9.1 raicNn’ --- e1pena (τίς yap δύναται ...; sim. 22.5; cf. INI7 u

25), 9 (eT Pen εν TeeEITA (αὕτη γὰρ ἡμῶν A ἐλπίς), 11.3 T[ap] mecapacn πετροοσιγᾶλλε (αὐτὸς γὰρ ἔφη τῷ Πέτρῳ; sim. 21.11), 12.8 [r]Aaoy exk[ap]! EITON ΔΙΟΡΤῚ KO[NA]KACN K[O]NNOCN (τοιοῦτον γὰρ ἔχομεν φιλάνθρωπον θεὸν καὶ ἐλεήμονα), 19.26-21.1

raa[KPPACcN

πεοκὰ

E1pi]Me[N] A πεοδᾶ-

pa[cn] eyaraae (ἀσώματος yap Ov διαλεχθῆναι οὐκ ἠδύνατο. καί φησι πρὸς τὴν Εὕαν), 16 ΤΕΡΟΝ EAAEAO τλλι κογλ-

30

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

AALAPPWACN A[N]KICANACN (ὧς ὑπολαμβανόντων αὐτῶν ὅτι μέλλουσι γενέσθαι ὡς θεοί), 19 E121 ΚΑπΠΑΡΔΟΝ (ἰδοὺ γὰρ ἔφαγες); ΓΝῚ 311 6 ΜΕ.ΔΔΙΆΓΡΓΟΝΔΟΝ rap]keMCcoKa (καὶ γὰρ κατώρθωσεν τὴν οἰκουμένην), 4 ii 22 Ελΐ KEMCOCN (τεταρταῖος γάρ ἐστιν), 5 i 13 MEeTPOCIO TOYCOYCN: MOYAapPaA EN: KICNA (προέδραμεν τάχιον tod Πέτρου Kai ἤλθεν), 27 Mac[CAaNacn (οὐδέπω γὰρ ἤδεισαν; sim. 6 1 1), ii 2 HNNE[CN (εἰμὶ yap), 6 AMTTTKACN: OYKKA TOOICECN (ὑπόδειγμα γὰρ ἔδωκα ὑμῖν), 18 rOAA: EKKA AAAAACN (ὃ κύριος ἐγγύς; sim. 7 i 17; II 12 ii 26-27, 13 ii 21, 24), 10

Bi 10 ] Erappocn;

Π 12 ii 14

TAAA ANNA ON’ THYKAEPTA ANNACN (ὃ θεός pov βοηθός μου), 17 TaAAOY aika aya[o]cappacn --- (ὅτι αὐτὸς ῥύσεταί we ...), 16 v 1 mecapacn --- icaeiazel, 17 i 7-8 Tap TAAOY OIM[MA]kA TOOYOOAKETAAAECN: EAAAA AOYAAACN, 22.10 KAPTE LONNIAA AAPpacn “for it is in ...” (sim. 25.4), 25.6 λΐογ --- TAOOHCECN

“for I ... examined

aicn Ooyoypecn;

III 53.6 anna

(her)” (sim. 8, 26.7), 26.4

rccanacn

“for they have

made her mine(?)” (sim. 57 i 8); CM ii 8 (?)Taa]KN ἀπογλλε

ke[aAa OOYPIMCICECN (οὔπω yap ἀναβέβηκα πρὸς τὸν πατέρα μου); IN Ai 3 and 5 EPONOCACN AWPKAKPPIAO cCoyaeEl rOAOOKA ΠΙΆΡΔΟΝ, ii 5 TAprA ETTAKPA MNNACN; gr. 4.6 TEAPECIN . -CN as Relative-Clause Marker

M. 16.16 TANNACN

LOKA

ON

TOEKA (*@ ἡ δόξα Kai τὸ κράτος; sim. K. 33.15; St. 30.12; SC 24.14);

L.

100.5

eirp[ijeicn

TIAAIAAWM

EAAAA

TIEAA

AOYAA[A]Lappa ECN (6 ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ὁ θεός), 101.6 εἰν Νγογλδοιν πιλλδλλδοκε (ἐν οἷς φαίνεσθε), 105.11

and 106.1

[C]cn

--- -rapacNn

(ὃς ... éyéveto),

112.2

(Q)ENN] OOYPIKA MINAI MNAIAO TIECINA AOYMMENECCN (περὶ Ov οὐκ ἔστιν λέγειν κατὰ μέρος; sim. IN I 7 ii 20); SC 11.11 €E1CCN ENNACN (ὅς ἐστιν); INI 4 ii 18 TEAAON KTNNA TAPICACN ENNACN “and the grave is one upon which a rock had come” (ἦν δὲ σπήλαιον Kai λίθος ἐπέκειτο ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ), 7 ii 12

-cN: CATALOGUE

31

TAK]KACN (or EN]JKACN) TAAA ορόλπλ MOYPpTAPacN (ἣν προώρισεν ὁ θεός); II] 39.15 CAMI KAAAE TIKKOCN “(the plot) that has Ibrim lying on the north”, 56 i 2 KAAITAKICECN

ACOyYC! “the asousi in which I was dressed” Predicative + -cN as Antecedent M. 2.14 TweKaroyecn MHNANA

--- ayOaroyka

(sim. [with gen. subj. + verbid] K.

19.3; INI10 A i 14; cf. K. 20.14 εἰν γΓογεοιν Browne

μελαλλγδόιοκλ

---

TAAINA

[ὃ ἡτοίμασεν

1988a, III §11]); K. 22.5 εἰτὰ

rENKITA-

ὃ θεὸς ἀγαθά:

MGJGJANACIN

τλλλ

(i.e. TAAN) TALCAAO ayoyaroya (sim. [MajajaNna- + verbid] IN I 4 i 13); St. 4.11 afaroyecn --- KopKa ETOArOYNa- (NNPYxOOYEe NTAYWOOG6OY ...; sim. [pl. + verbid] SC 7.17; IN I 9 ii 14), 8.7 cleleia mM@aanaroyecn --AYEIOCANFOYNKA (N2WB NIM NTAYAAY ...; sim. [Mayq@aNaroye- + subjunctive] 10.1), 8.11 MaIKEN CAAArOYECN --TIECIGICANFOYKA (NXI OYA ETOYTAYOOY

...; sim. [pl. +

subjunctive] IN I 7 i 26, ii 1; Π 15 ii 17; cf. ΠῚ 34 11 7 OaNna-

royecn

ετιόισογγογλ-

6661cA-

[sim. 34 i 24, 37.19, 38.17, 39.15 6ana;

35.16 CArACN

[sim. 36 i 31] vs. 32.17 OANACN

AWNOYCKAAO)),

TICTEYOAFOYA-

(OYON

NIM

cf.

12.4 OMMAArOYECN --...; sim. NTAyTICTEYE

[OMMAaroye- + verbid] 29.5), 27.9 TAAACN γλᾶλο TAAAW OAAOAAOGWwA (sim. [sing. + verbid] SC 7.15, 20; IN Π| 41.17); IN Il 161 1 wpCEN

CaAaciIN

TIECCINAAW

“it is

a speech which he spoke” (cf. III 35.16 cited above under St. 8.11)

Commentary

In my Old Nubian Dictionary, 1 noted under the entry for -CN: “ ‘for’, copulative and emphasizer” (159). The copulative usage is primary. We apparently have to do with what A. Shisha-Halevy calls a “macrosyntactic backgrounding, focussing signal” (1986, 38 and 251), comparable to Coptic copulative me in patterns like NEqCwWTM πε “it is (the case that) he was hearing”. Consider the following example: 1

32

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

(1) L. 108.2-3 ἔρχομαι

Jn

afon

17:11).

[el]JariaAecn This

should

be

κιρεον contrasted

(κἀγὼ πρὸς σὲ with

L.

108.12

EPrIAAEAO κιρε (πρὸς σὲ ἔρχομαι Jn 17:13). The latter utilizes -AO as a focus marker on Epriaae- and may be rendered: “It is to you that I am coming”: see above, Commentary on -Ao, example (20). In the present passage, -ΟΝ --- -CN put the entire clause in focus: “and it is (the case that) I am coming to you”. The repetition of -cN in this example reinforces its relevance to the sentence as a whole, but repetition, though common, is not necessary: (2) INI 10 A ii 21-22 εκκον' εἰὰ [T]Aapecn LOKKOP δίδω AYOYTAKOKKa “and it is (the case that) I will tell you of a miracle

which happened to me”, followed by me[aA(?)] TOYKPE MNNAAO: TWEKOY

padpaal[n] [(?)aaye]KKa (23-25) “it is not (the case that) I should quickly(?) pass over the great(?) power of Raphael”’. Here copulative -cN puts into focus the sentence in which it is embedded, just

as MNNAAO “it is not” controls its sentence!®; MNNAAO, in which -Ao optionally reinforces the predication!’, is in fact the negative counterpart of -cn!8,

2

Examples (1) and (2) present verbal sentences. Copulative -cN as a focus marker is also found in nominal sentences:

(3) IN Π 12 ii 13-14 TAAA ANNA ON* THYKAEPTA ANNACN “it is (the case that) he is my God and my helper” (6 θεός μου βοηθός μου Ps 90:2), to be contrasted with -ao in passages like IN I 6 ii 13 16 The construction consisting of indicative + e1n-/MN- is the so-called indicative periphrastic: 3.9.15. 17 It is omitted e.g. in SC 22.8-9 kono ΝᾺ MENA “it is not (the case that) you ate?” (μὴ ... ἔφαγες; Gen 3:11), the negation of 21.19 KATTAPACN “it is (the case that) you ate” (ἔφαγες). For -ao, see the preceding Commentary, 2 sub fin.

'8 Here should be mentioned two cases of -Ao --- -CN, where -Ao confers focus on

the element it follows, and -cN puts into focus the entire sentence (cf. the discussion in the preceding Commentary, especially in section 4). Unfortunately, neither of these two cases is textually certain: SC 6.25-7.1 Arena[aroaao ΟΥ̓ἈΓΕΆ ΓΟΥΝ] Ογλγλὰ TIECOYTENNAAKEPACN “it is (the case that) it is one blessed who speaks into the ear of those who listen” (μακάριος ... 6 διηγούμενος εἰς ὦτα ἀκουόντω ν Ecclus 25:9) and IN I 10 A ii 3-9 Taaao --- [oye]kka OYEAAEOOYN: AAYEAr PMENNA[CN] “it is (the case that) it is he who ... did not make one greater than the other”.

-cN: CATALOGUE

33

KOME[NA TO]pTIAO- (i.e. -A-AO-) “he is the gardener” (ὃ κηπουρός ἐστιν Jn 20:15): cf. above, Comm. to -ao, example (7).

Note also the following, if rightly read and restored: (4) L. 115.13-14 raan Kkoypki[ON(?) alapac]in

“and(?) it is

(the case that) the thought of flesh is death” (τὸ 5é[?] φρόνημα τῆς σαρκὸς θάνατος Rom 8:6; sim. 15? — see Browne 1995a, 451). 3

When -anna

“for” appears, -CN is obligatory, and it may be

copulative with a preceding noun:

(5) K. 30.6-8 mecaanma Akocca Md@daNnroyaoroela AKOCCACN “for the one who speaks is worse!? than all the evil ones” (sim. 8-9; cf. 29.12-14). The verb ENNA “(he) is” may be found with the copulative:

(6) IN II 18 iv 2-5 reNKTKA: ONKEA: ATITIA: TAAN: OYNTAAAA:

TIEAN: OYEPACN: ENNACN “for whoever loves goodness is one who is in God’s love”. Note the repetition of -cNn. Related to (6) are cases of -amma with a verbal predicate preceding

-CN: 6.5. (7) K. 30.10-13 eEINNroyAanma fEel1loyaalocpel δλφόικλ CTAYPOCAAO OAAEIN GEILEIAOAFOYKA KOAATPACN “for these are like the Jews who mocked the Savior when he hung on the cross”. Here -cNn adheres to the predicative.

(8) SC 3.12-13 caaanma CEYAPTIKONKINA MNNACN “for the word is not [sic] spiritual” (λόγος yap ἐστι πνευματικός). Here the indicative precedes -cN. Repetition of -cN in the same sentence often has a causal implication, as the following examples — with yap in the Greek Vorlage — 4

make clear. In such cases, -cN! may replace -anma:

(9) K. 22.2-4 Koypaa TOGKKACIN TAAA OYNNACIN “for God loves one who gives cheerfully” (ἱλαρὸν yap δότην ἀγαπᾷ ὃ θεός I Cor 9:7). Here the verb is in the indicative. 19 Lit. “it is (the case that) he is worse”; sim. infra, but I have not deemed it necessary to include this literal translation in all the renditions that follow.

34

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

(10) SC 5.11-13 apa EcnTTAA AAArOYKACN KOYTNNEPoy€MA OKIOaAPpacn “for he called swine those who, living, are in prodigality” (χοίρους yap λέγει τοὺς ἐν ἀσωτίᾳ ζῶντας). Here the verb is in the predicative. 5 A causal implication is also found when there is only one -cN. It is terminal in e.g. (11) L. 106.8 af Koc[Mo]ck εὐκικεον “for I have conquered the world” (ὅτι [see Browne 1994b, 19] ἐγὼ νενίκηκα τὸν κόσμον In 16:33), with indicative.

(12) SC 21.19 e121 ΚΑΠΆΡΔΟΝ “for lo, you ate” ἔφαγες), with predicative. And it follows sentence-initial position in e.g.

(13) SC 9.1-3 raicn’ aoyproy

raak@[epika]

(ἰδοὺ γὰρ

{ka}KakKKa

€lpena

“for who can bear the bodiless form?” (tic yap δύναται χωρῆσαι τὴν ἀσώματον φύσιν ...;), with ind. (14) SC 22.5-6 raicN κλγεκκδ': εκκὰ π[ε]φὰ Tppa “for who told you that you were naked?” (τίς [—yap] ἀνήγγειλέν oot ὅτι γυ-

μνὸς εἶ; Gen 3:11), with pred. Again, -CN solitarium may convey a causal notion on only part of the

sentence: (15) IN I 5 i 13-14 merpocio KICNA: TOYCKANTEAO

toycoyen-:

Moyaapa

EN:

“he, having run before Peter [i.e. because he

ran ...] came first” (mpoédpapev τάχιον tod Πέτρου Kai ἦλθεν πρῶτος Jn 20:4) 6

In the above

discussion

(4-5), I noted

that -cN — whether repeated or not — often has a causal implication, but this is presumably to be inferred from the context. The basic meaning still seems to be copulative: “‘it is (the case that) ...”, as we saw in the examples cited in 1 and 2. See also Satzinger 1990, §13 sub fin., where he associates the

causal use of -CN with the copulative and compares the corresponding Spanish es gue ... That this focusing use of copulative -cn — conveniently called “emphasizing” — is primary and the causal notion merely secondary

-ΟΝ: CATALOGUE

35

emerges from consideration of passages where the particle is clearly

copulative but there is a causal link to the context: (16) SC 9.9-10 [(2)eT

cn EN TEEITA “for this(?) is our hope”

(αὕτη yap ἡμῶν ἣ ἐλπίς; for the demonstrative ΕἸ φ΄- see Browne 1989a, 88; note that some MSS [SCDFH] and Syr.”° omit yap). This sentence should be compared with L. 104.8-9 EINNO aN airipT[oy TEArIJAAEN(A) “this is my covenant with them” (αὕτη αὐτοῖς ἣ ᾿ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ διαθήκη Rm 11:27), where -No (ς- -Ao) is copulative but without causal implication: see above, Commentary to -Ao, example (9). (17) IN I 4 ii 22 ExT KEMCOCN

“(immediately he will stink,) for

today is the fourth” (τεταρταῖος yap ἐστιν Jn 11:39; γάρ is absent in part of the tradition: Browne

1994b, 17).

The fact that in both of these passages γάρ is at times omitted shows that in Greek too the causal implication can be inferred from the context and need not be expressly marked.

It is possible that -cN also implies causality in example (3); if so, we may render “for he is my God and my helper”. Similarly, in the following example, with a verbal predicate: (18) INI5 ii 17-18 roaa: EKKA AaAAAaAcNn “(let your fairness be

known to all men,) for the Lord is near” (ὃ κύριος ἐγγύς Phil 4:5; sim. 7117; IL 12 ii 26-27, 13 ii 21, 24). In all these examples, the Greek Vor-

lage does not use γάρ but there is a clear causal link with the context, and

so copulative -cN “‘it is (the case that) ...” may here be rendered “for”. The causal nuance of -cN also allows it to initiate a relativeclause construction, especially when the clause in question begins with a demonstrative or personal pronoun: (19) L. 101.5-6 EINNrOYAACIN THAAAAAACKeE “for in these you shine” or “in whom you shine” (ἐν οἷς φαίνεσθε Phil 2:15) (20) SC 24.14 TANNACN cOKA “for his is the glory” or “whose is 7

the glory” (ᾧ ἡ δόξα; sim. M. 16.16-17.1; K. 33.15; St. 30.12). For -CN here cf. especially examples (16) and (17).

(21) SC 11.11 e1ceNn (i.e. EIN-CN) ENNACN ICcI ΧΟΟΙ “for this 20 See Browne 1990c, 130 n. 11.

36

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

is Jesus Christ” or “which is Jesus Christ” (ὅς ἐστιν Ἰησοῦς Χριστός I Cor 3:11). Here -cN is reiterated — cf. example (6); in (19) and (20) it is not; see further Browne 1988a, III §17.

The last example displays two occurrences of -cN, of which the first can be interpreted as a causal/relative marker, the second as copulative. Similarly in the following: (22) L. 100.4-6 eirp[iJeicn TIAAIAAW

EAAAA

TIEAA AOYAAA-

[c]Jappa €cNn “for the word [or: the word which] is to say “God will be

with us’” (6 ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν 6 θεός Mt 1:23). That -cn! is causal emerges from comparison with K. 29.12-14, where it is replaced with -amma (see 3): aAAOYiA εἰλππὰ EEAKAOC MAPIMA© ECN “for to say ‘Alleluia’ is to say ‘Thelkath Marimath’”. But -ΟΝ 2 appears to be copulative: cf. CM ii 3-4 εἰγριει]ον: oya999

Aakkepa €C[N (restored on the basis of K. 29.14-30.3 and SC 21.2223) “and the word is to say ‘teacher’” (ὃ λέγεται διδάσκαλε In 20:16)?!

(23) INI 4 ii 17-18 TEAAON KTNNA TAPICACN ENNACN “and the grave is one upon which a rock had come” (ἦν δὲ σπήλαιον Kai λίθος ἐπέκειτο ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ Jn 11:38); here -cN! initiates the relative clause, and ENNACN is used as in example (21); cf. also (6). 8

We come now to those instances where a noun in the predicative (usually plural) + -cN functions as the antecedent of a relative-clause structure:

(24) M. 2.14-16 TwEeKaroyECN

LCCOY

MHNANA

MAPEWTN

KCCEAA

ay6aroyka literally “the doings of Saint Mena in the church of Mareotes (which are) miracles”, i.e. “the miracles which Saint Mena does in the church of Mareotes’”’: see Browne 1994a, 28. This pas-

sage should be contrasted with K. 20.16-17 mpockoa KGCEAAO KENOpANroyka “the offerings which they place in the church”. Example (24) uses -cN as a kind of explicative copulative, comparable to Latin id est, and it perhaps puts into focus the preceding element: “the miracles which Saint Mena does ...” *I The Geez version of Jn 20:16 provides a precise parallel to the Old Nubian: za-lig

behil weetu “which is to say ‘teacher’”: see Browne 1996 (ID).

-cN: CATALOGUE

This construction seems

37

to be required only when

Md)qan-

or

όμμλ- (both meaning “all”) appear as antecedents??: e.g. (25) K. 22.4-6 εἰτὰ MGJ(ANACIN TAAA (i.e. TAAN) TALCAAO ayoyaroya “all men who act in God’s name”; here Maywana- is singular.

(26) St. 8.5-10 c[eleia Ma@wanaroyecn: foyaalocpi MaMC{-}KAaeIroyna ai[a]JraAae ayel6canroynka “all the things ~ which the unjust Jews did to me” (N2WB NIM NTAYAAY NMMAT NOI MITTAPANOMOC NNioyaat); here Majwanaroye- is plural. (27) St. 12.3-7 6GMMAArOYECN TEN AEA OYATTOAO CTAYPOYCAArAAE πιστεγολγογλ-

“all who have believed in the cross

with their whole heart” (OYON NIM NTAYTIICTEYE

MITECTAY POC

2M TIEY2HT THP) This use of -cN may be compared with the employment

of the

demonstrative pronoun ΕἸΝ- “this” in the following:

(28) St.

16.13-17.2

ap6On

CHMEppa

EINNKA

O[y]JarapeNn

“when we heard these things, (which are) the message of the Savior ...”

(abbreviated in the Coptic: NTEPNCWTM ENat ...). Here the demonstrative €1N- controls the preceding predicative, just as does -cN in examples (24)-(27), and so it is legitimate to ask whether, in terms of

etymology, -ΟΝ is a demonstrative, to be set alongside of εἰν- “this” and MaN- “that”. It may be prosodically weakened, as is Coptic copulative πε (from Egyptian p3j “this”: Loprieno 1995, 133), with which I compared -cN at the beginning of this treatment.

In the Catalogue of examples of -cNn, I have rather arbitrarily set up three groups: copulative/focus marker, causal marker, and relativeclause marker. The above treatment should make it clear that I regard the second and third groups as merely extensions of the first, and that 9

— except for the pattern examined in 8 — there may not be in Old Nubian a distinction between the second and third. The tripartite division in the Catalogue is designed solely for ease in consultation. 22 SC 16.25-26 is not an exception: See Browne 1995e.

38

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

3. -cOo/-cw: CATALOGUE

i -CO attached to Imperative

M. 4.10 mccecw

(χαῖρε; sim. 13;

IN II 23.7; Sunn. 2 i 3 [rest.]), 5.9 -Oo0YECw (sim. IN III 51.7), 6.14 AINECW (sim. L. 107.1; IN II 24.10, 25.7; ΠΠ 52.4; gr. 4.2), 7.2

riipTECW, 9.7 TOKAppecw,

13.6 meaipecw,

11 OKecw,

16

eiTecw

(sim. K. 25.14; IN II 23:33: 1Π 50.8, 57:1 4); Κ. 22:13 ayoyoanacw (sim. L. 101.1; IN15 ii 32), 24.1 ma6anaco (sim.

5, 25.6, 8), 2 KONAMCW, 4 aoyamMcw, 9 cenamcw, 12 oyarNNACO (sim. 31.5; St. 10.11, 18.11), 26.10 AOYECO (sim. 25.9

-€10; SC 21.20), 26.8 κε[2]ςο (cf. IN ΠῚ 48.1 KPEco; sim. 56i 4), 27.4 ANKECO (μνήσθητι), 28.4 -MeINECco (sim. SC 9.18; IN II 1216, 7, 11, 12, 24; Dong. 2 i 10), 30.2 TPAMCO (sim. SC 10.24,

24.10; IN II 17 i 6), 3 Tapoyamco, TApa[Naca(?);

33.5 eyanaco;

L. 101.16?

cf. St. 29.10; INI 3 i 18: both TrANNacw),

106.7

TOYAAILANACW (θαρσεῖτε), 12 TPE [Cw (sim. St. 35.10, 36.8: SC 13.22; IN II 23.2, 4; Ill 47 i 3, 5, 9, 5417), 108.4 EIAPIOECwW (τήρησον), 109.5 -rapecw (sim. SC 25.11; IN Ill 51.8, 58.7, δὲ ὟΝ 9, 10), 114.7 ma66aNN[acw (ἐξετάσατε), 9 TEC(?)ANA]Cw (ἀπαγγείλατε; sim. IN I 3 ii 2; I 141 14); St. 5.7 AEPOECO (sim. IN I 21 i 11; TIE 53.5; IN A i 3), 16.1 T66aNacw (sim. SE A 1 1), 30.1 -Eranacw, 36.9 rapoyecw (sim. Ben. 18; Tamit 14.67.1); SC 3.22 E16 picanac[w (ovvteivate δή), 4.19 ropamco, 23 OIAAIFNNACW (συντείνατε), 5.7 -MENNACW (sim. 8; IN I1it 8,215, 7, 10), 11 λνκιόμενκεοωυ (μὴ νομίσῃς; sim. 8.20, 9.18, 17.3, 21.10), 16 TorrTanacw (ποιήσατε ... ἀξίους), 7.10 OKKANNACW (προσέχετε; sim. 11.14), 11.21 -MeNamco (sim. IN If 18 11 7, 12), 16.25 oyarpe[co] (ἄκουε; sim. IN Π 16 iv 11),

25.13 ceinecw, 14 mecoyanaco; INI 1 ii 13 mcc[oyanacw (εὐφράνθητε; sim. 3 ii 14, 18; gr. 2.7; οἵ. 51115 mECaNaACW; sim. 14 τ;

2

(ἐνώτισαι), -TINNACW

(σαλευθήτω;

15 ογ[λγ]ογόεεω 31 9 (?)ocal

(εἰσάκουσον),

AEPNACW

16 roy6aecw

(ἐνέγκατε;

sim. 14), 10 (sim. 21,91 5, 7; SE A i 4), 24 [((?)royprakecw]

sim. ii 15), ii 15 alrab6oyanacw

(3rd pl.; ἀγαλ-

-co/-cw: CATALOGUE

λιάσθω),

4 ii 10

rr Eco

(ide),

19

39

Ocanacw,

5 ii 29

ANKOANACW (λογίζεσθε), 71 8 €E16E66ANNACWw (ζηλοῦτε), 19 mececw (sim. III 56 ii 3), 9 ii 13 MAECO (γράψον; sim. III 52.5, 58.10); If 12 1 10 -recw

19 Moyaoyecw

σῶσον

(κροτήσατε),

sim. 17?, 12 PPANACW,

δή —

(νομοθέτησον),

(δδήγησον), ii 4 Aeckecw (ὑπόμεινον), 13 ii

11 TonmaaAGaNacw Nacw;

(γενοῦ), 18 pkaecw

Browne

14 TpAaNacw,

ii 6 TIKAPECW

1417

κιλ-

(Moavva:

1981, 163; sim. Sunn. 1 ii 9, but -cw

absent in 14 ii 2 = 11

3), 16 ν

3 EICKEAAAGOAMCYW,

1.6.

is

1819

[ay]Janacw, vi 4 aoyaNnacw, 6 MAETAKANACW, 9 HAPaNacw (sim. 23.13), 19.8 ea6pecw, 20 ii 5 ].1TaKkeco, 22.7 Tapeco

(sim. 25.5), 8 T66ECo

(sim. 9; III 47 i 2, 4, 51.6, 541

7,

57111), 23.5 eaaapececo, 6 oceco, 24.11 Eco, 19 eirpeco (sim. ΠῚ 55 i 7), 26.7 AKANACO, 27.4 oycKpe[Cco(?) (sim. 28.11),

4 τόόικεςο, 5 ra66eEco; III 46.1 mieeco, 2 6bANOCANACW, 4 κολληγδόόεοο, 48.8 εκεςο, 49 ii 3 ολόόεςεοσω, 53.3 Kimeco, 54 i 4 TO66Eco, 55 i 3 MIAECO (sim. 56 i 2), 5611 AOYMMECO, 3 MOYKKECO, ii 1 AKECO, 57 ii 2 AWKONGECY, 58.5 εἰτδόόεοο

(sim. 10); Dong. 2 ii 6 er6ecw

(= προσδεχ-

θείημεν); Ben. 2 rapoyanacw (3rd pers.; εὐλογεῖτε; sim. passim in Ben.); fr. 1 ii 4 HyrpaNnacw (rest.; κρύψατε); gr. 2.3 κοόόεςο, 4 KOYAAIPECO, 4.6 AENNACW (sim. Kanarti 14); Kanarti

6

TOKANACO;

Tamit

14.67.1

]deco

(sim.

3),

2

oympeco; Griffith 1928, 145.3 -anJaco; el-Scheima 3 AAPECO

A. Abence of -co

[rest.]); INI

M. 11.8 ayaoce;

1 i 4 oyarpe,

St. 33.8 Tape (sim. SC 25.3

5 i 1 mej]cana, 9 i 5 eyana

(φοβήθητε); Π 14 ii 2 TIKap[eE] (sim. Sunn. 1 11 3; see above, under 14 ii 6), 20 ii 13 ay6e (rest.), 21 i 13 (see below, B), 26.5

AKANA; III 49 ii 3 oxece, 56 ii 5 occe, 57 113 E1ae; Griffith 1928, 145.4? Mmoyaoye/ [ B. Imperative (+ -co) in Final Clause (N.B. -ca = -cw-a: 4.7.7c) M. 3.4 ογννες᾽ EAENKONNO (οἵ. L. 109.2 EIAPIOE EIAA-; sim. IN III 59 ii 3; Kanarti 15), 9.4 TO6aNaca

(sim. [-ἈΝΔΟΔ]

40

OLD NUBIAN DICTIONARY: APPENDICES

St. 34.9; SC 18.14, 16, 17, 20 [-eca for -anaca], 21, 23; INI 10 Cil, 9 -ajJnacoa [= -anaf[co]a], 11i 11; fr. 114: SEAi 16, ii 2, 6); L. 109.1 οειόελειον CENIMNNECW (see below, 3.B) (οὐκ ἐρωτῶ iva ἄρῃς); INI 8 i 24 (?)e1k]k1ai6eca (iva δώσει; sim. [-eca] 10 B i 137; If 24.18; II 46.4; ostr. b 4; for SC 18.20 see above, under M. 9.4; cf. IN II 21i 11 aen6eco

aAo “saying that he should give”); II 21 i 13 €rana “with orders to receive”; III 30.21 Ocecon “saying that I should free” (sim. 36 ii 5, 38.23), 4714 Tpea “tell him to give” (sim.

48.8; cf. L. 106.21)

,

. Imperative (- -co) dependent on Causative ATTAMH

IN II 19.5 Ooype

(sim. 23.9, 24.15; III 47 i 6, 53.7)

2. -CO attached to Vetitive

24.9 TOTTAMHCO;

IN II 23.10 arram HCO (sim. III 53.7), ΠῚ 53.4 TrTAMHCO, 59 i 5 TAMICO;

gr. 4.3 rPTamMicw, 4 TOKATANKECO A. Absence of -co

M. 6.12 XeTTAKATAMH; K. 22.2 TTTAM H-, 26.1 TAMMATTAMH (sim. CM ii 6), 5 erraTam H, 27.14 nat-

TAMH; SC 5.4 TOKaTaNnk[eE (μὴ ... παραπέμψησθε); INI 5 ii 18?