Syriac Sayings of Greek Philosophers: A Study in Syriac Gnomologia with Edition and Translation (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, Subsidia 138) (English and Syriac Edition) 9789042937253, 9789042937260, 9042937254

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CORPUS S C R I P T O R U M C H R I S T I A N O R U M O R I E N TA L I U M EDITUM CONSILIO

UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE AMERICAE ET UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE LOVANIENSIS Vol. 669

SUBSIDIA TOMUS 138

SYRIAC SAYINGS OF GREEK PHILOSOPHERS A STUDY IN SYRIAC GNOMOLOGIA WITH EDITION AND TRANSLATION YURY ARZHANOV

LOVANII IN AEDIBUS PEETERS 2019

SYRIAC SAYINGS OF GREEK PHILOSOPHERS A STUDY IN SYRIAC GNOMOLOGIA WITH EDITION AND TRANSLATION

CORPUS S C R I P T O R U M C H R I S T I A N O R U M O R I E N TA L I U M EDITUM CONSILIO

UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE AMERICAE ET UNIVERSITATIS CATHOLICAE LOVANIENSIS Vol. 669

SUBSIDIA 138

SYRIAC SAYINGS OF GREEK PHILOSOPHERS A STUDY IN SYRIAC GNOMOLOGIA WITH EDITION AND TRANSLATION YURY ARZHANOV

LOVANII IN AEDIBUS PEETERS 2019

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

© 2019 by Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium Tous droits de reproduction, de traduction ou d’adaptation, y compris les microfilms, de ce volume ou d’un autre de cette collection, réservés pour tous pays. ISSN 0070-0444 ISBN 978-90-429-3725-3 eISBN 978-90-429-3726-0 D/2019/0602/14 Éditions Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Louvain

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many of my friends and colleagues helped and encouraged me to finish this work. John Watt was the first person to read the introductory part, and he provided most valuable advice, helping me to shape the terminology and my vision of the material. I owe a lot to his advice and profound knowledge of the rhetorical tradition, and I appreciated his friendly way of criticizing my text. I am greatly indebted to Sebastian Brock (the Schutzengel of any Syriac scholar) who read carefully the whole manuscript and made multiple suggestions that improved it. In particular, his recommendations about the translation of the sentences in Part II allowed me to avoid plenty of disgraceful errors. I owe a lot to Rüdiger Arnzen who criticized my text in most friendly way and thus helped me to improve the terminology. Hans Hinrich Biesterfeldt not only criticized the weak points of the text, but also encouraged me in many issues where I remained in doubt. Nicolás Bamballi shared his profound knowledge of textual criticism with me. Jonathan Loopstra and Daniel King gave their feedback on some parts of the book. Simon Birol gave me most valuable advice concerning the situation in Syriac monasteries in Tur ῾Abdin at the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 20th centuries. More than anyone else, Joshua Falconer invested time in this book. He has carefully edited the entire manuscript, improving my English and correcting the shortcomings. My sincere gratitude is due to all these colleagues and friends. It is needless to say that the positions taken and any shortcomings in the following text remain mine alone. Most results of my work with Syriac manuscripts are based on those that are now preserved in the British Library, and it’s my pleasure to thank its staff for their help. I am particularly grateful to Elizabeth Sobczynski and her Levantine Foundation that provided me with the access to the manuscripts now preserved in the library of Dayr al-Suryan. My visits to the Monastery of Charfeh would have been impossible without the help of Ute Pietruschka. I would like to thank also Bastien Kindt who allowed me to get access to the database GREgORI. Finally, I am grateful to Andrea Schmidt who reviewed my manuscript and accepted it for publication as one of the volumes of the Subsidia series of the CSCO.

VI

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book would have never appeared, if I had not received the financial support from the German foundation Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG; project no. AR 985/1–1). I would like to thank the DFG for its support and for the excellent communication.

ABBREVIATIONS SIGLA A B C D E F G J L M O P R S V W X

Sinai, Syriac 16 Sinai, Syriac 14 Cambridge, Additional 2012 Dublin, Trinity College, 1505 London, British Library, Additional 14658 London, British Library, Additional 14618 London, British Library, Additional 14614 London, British Library, Additional 17178 Dayr al-Suryan, Syriac 27, part B Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 4 Oxford, New College, 331 Biblioteca de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Or. 31 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 99 Sharfeh, Raḥmani 79 / Sony 256 Vatican, Syriac 144 Vatican, Syriac 596 Vatican, Borgia Syriac 17.

τ

the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium transmitted by M, P, R, S, and W

Sahd Mub

Sahdona Mubashshir b. Fatik

GNOMIC ANTHOLOGIES AesopFab

Aesopus, Fabulae: Hausrath, August, and Herbert Hunger (eds.), CorpusfabularumAesopicarum, vols. 1.1 and 1.2 (Leipzig, 1957, 1959). AM Antonius Melissa, LociCommunes: PG 136, cols. 765–1244. AppGn AppendixGnomica: Sternbach, Leo (ed.), PhotiiPatriarchaeOpusculumparaeneticum.Appendixgnomica.ExcerptaParisina (Krakau, 1893), pp. 29–52. AПM Ἄριστον καὶ πρῶτον μάθημα: Schenkl, Heinrich (ed.), “Das Florilegium Ἄριστον καὶ πρῶτον μάθημα,” WienerStudien 11 (1889), pp. 1–42. Boiss.GnG GnomologyofGeorgides (ed. Boissonade): Boissonade, Jean François (ed.), AnecdotaGraeca, vol. 1 (Paris, 1829), pp. 1–108. Boiss.GnT Γνωμικα τινα (ed. Boissonade): Boissonade, Jean François (ed.), AnecdotaGraeca, vol. 3 (Paris, 1831), pp. 465–474.

VIII

CP DL FL

FM GnBar GnBas GnHom GV Ibn Hindu ID Max Mub MunṢḤ Shahr Stob. Theophr. WA

ABBREVIATIONS

Corpus Parisinum: Searby, Denis M. (ed.), The “Corpus Parisinum”:ACriticalEditionoftheGreekTextwithCommentaryand EnglishTranslation, 2 vols. (New York, 2007). Diogenes Laertius: Dorandi, Tiziano (ed.), Diogenes Laertius, Livesofeminentphilosophers (Cambridge, 2013). FlorilegiumLeidense: Beynen, Laurentius Rynhardus (ed.), SpecimenAcademicumInaugurale,quocontinenturγνῶμαικατ’ἐκλογὴν ἐκτῶνΔημοκρίτουἘπικούρουκαὶἑτέρωνφιλοσόφωνκαὶποιητῶν καὶῥητόρων (Leiden, 1837). FlorilegiumMonacense: Meineke, Augustus (ed.), IoannisStobaei Florilegium, vol. 4 (Leipzig, 1857), pp. 267–290. GnomologiumBaroccianum: Bywater, Ingram (ed.), Gnomologium Baroccianum: Sententiae graecae 263 e codice Bodleiano inter Baroccianos50descriptae (Oxonii, 1878). Gnomica Basileensia: Kindstrand, Jan Frederik (ed.), Gnomica Basileensia (Uppsala, 1991). GnomicaHomoeomata: Elter, Anton (ed.), Γνωμικὰὁμοιώματαdes Socrates,Plutarch,Demophilus,Demonax,Aristonymusu.a., 5 vols. (Bonn, 1900–1904). Gnomologium Vaticanum: Sternbach, Leo (ed.), Gnomologium VaticanumecodiceVaticanoGraeco743 (Berlin, 1963). Ibn Hindu: Khalifat, Sahban (ed.), Ibn Hindū, sīratuhū, ārā᾿uhū al-falsafīyatu, mu᾿allafātuhū / Ibn Hindu, Biography, Philosophy, andhisWorks, 2 vols. (Amman, 1996). Ibn Durayd: Rosenthal, Franz (ed.), “Sayings of the Ancients from Ibn Durayd’s Kitāb al-Mujtanā,” Orientalia 27 (1958), pp. 29–54. (Ps.-)Maximus Confessor, LociCommunes: Ihm, Sibylle (ed.), Ps.MaximusConfessor,ErstekritischeEditioneinerRedaktiondessacroprofanenFlorilegiumsLocicommunes (Stuttgart, 2001). Mubashshir: Badawi, ῾Abd ar-Raḥman (ed.), Abul-Wafā᾿al-Mubaššir ibnFātik,Muḫtāral-ḥikamwa-maḥāsinal-kalim / LosBocadosde Oro (Madrid, 1958). MuntaḫabṢiwanal-Ḥikmah: Dunlop, Douglas M. (ed.), TheMuntakhabṢiwānal-ḤikmahofAbūSulaimānas-Sijistānī:ArabicText, IntroductionandIndices (The Hague, 1979). al-Shahrastani: Cureton, William (ed.), Kitābal-milalwa-l-niḥal: BookofreligiousandphilosophicalsectsbyMuhammadal-Shahrastāni (London, 1846). Stobaeus: JoannisStobaeiAnthologiilibriduopriores (vol. I–II), ed. Curtius Wachsmuth (Berlin, 1884); libriduoposteriores (vol. III– V), ed. Otto Hense (Berlin, 1894–1912; repr. Berlin, 1958). Theophrastus: Fortenbaugh, William W., et al. (eds.), Theophrastus of Eresus: Sources for his Life, Writings, Thought and Influence, 2 vols. (Leiden et al., 1992). Wiener Apophthegmen-Sammlung: Wachsmuth, Curt (ed.), “Die Wiener Apophthegmen-Sammlung,” in: FestschriftzurBegrüssung derinKarlsruhevom27.–30.September1882tagendenXXXVI. Philologen-Versammlung (Freiburg / Tübingen, 1882), pp. 1–36.

OTHER SOURCES

OTHER SOURCES QUOTED IN

THE

IX

ABBREVIATED FORM

Aelius Theon, Progymnasmata — Spengel, Leonhard (ed.), Rhetores Graeci, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1854), pp. 59–130. Agapius, Kitab al-῾Unvan — Vasiliev, Aleksandr A. (ed.), Kitab al-῾Unvan: Histoire universelle écrite par Agapius (Mahboub) de Menbidj, Seconde partie, Patrologia Orientalis VII.4 (Paris, 1911). Antony of Tagrit, Rhetoric, Book V — Watt, John W. (ed.), TheFifthBookof theRhetoricofAntonyofTagrit, CSCO 480, Scr. Syri 203 (Leuven, 1986). Aphthonius, Progymnasmata — Rabe, Hugo (ed.), AphthoniiProgymnasmata, Rhetores Graeci, vol. 10 (Leipzig, 1926). Bar Koni, Liber Scholiorum — Addai Scher (ed.), Theodorus Bar Kōnī, Liber Scholiorum, ParsPosterior, CSCO, Syri, series II, t. 66 (Paris, 1912). Barhebraeus, Chronicle — Bedjan, Paul (ed.), Gregorii Barhebræi Chronicon Syriacum (Paris, 1890); Ernest A. Wallis Budge (ed.), TheChronographyof GregoryAbû’l-Faraj(1225–1286), vol. 2 (London, 1932; repr. Amsterdam, 1976). Barhebraeus, Stories — Budge, Ernest A. Wallis (ed.), The Laughable Stories CollectedbyMârGregoryJohnBarHebræus (London, 1897). Basil, Ad adolescentes — Boulenger, Fernand (ed.), Saint Basile, Aux jeunes genssurlamanièredetirerprofitdeslettreshelléniques (Paris, 1935). ChronicumMaroniticum — Brooks, Ernest Walter (ed.), Chronicaminora,Pars secunda, CSCO, Scr. Syri, series III, t. 4 (Paris, 1904), pp. 43–74. Clement, Stromata — Stählin, Otto, et al. (eds.), ClemensAlexandrinus, vols. 2–3: Stromata, Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte: Clemens II–III (Berlin, 1960, 1970). ComparatioMenandrietPhilistionis — Jaekel, Siegfried (ed.), MenandriSententiae (Lipsiae, 1964) Cyril Alexandrinus, Contra Julianum — Paul Burguière and Pierre Évieux (eds.), Cyrilled’Alexandrie,ContreJulien, tome 1: livres 1 et 2, Sources chrétiennes, 322 (Paris, 1985). Ephrem, Hymns on Faith — Beck, Edmund, (ed.), Des heiligen Ephraem des SyrersHymnendeFide, CSCO 154, Scr. Syri 73 (Leuven, 1955). Euripides, Alcestis — Garzya, Antonius (ed.), Euripides,Alcestis (Leipzig, 1980). Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica — Schwartz, Eduard (ed.), Eusebius Werke, vol. 2.2 (Leipzig, 1908). Eusebius, PraeparatioEvangelica — Mras, Karl (ed.), EusebiusWerke; 8. Band: DiePraeparatioEvangelica; 1. Teil: Einleitung,dieBücherIbisX; Teil 2: DieBücherXIbisXV, 2nd ed. by Édouard des Places, Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller (Berlin, 1982–1983). Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations:  Greekversion: Or. 2 PG 35, col. 408–513; Bernardi, Jean (ed.), GrégoiredeNazianze, Discours 1–3, Sources chrétiennes, 247 (Paris, 1978), pp. 84– 241. Or. 23 PG 35, col. 1152–1168; Mossay, Justin (ed.), GrégoiredeNazianze, Discours20–23, Sources chrétiennes, 270 (Paris, 1980), pp. 280– 311.

X

ABBREVIATIONS

Or. 26 PG 35, col. 1227–1252; Mossay, Justin (ed.), GrégoiredeNazianze, Discours24–26, Sources chrétiennes, 284 (Paris, 1981), pp. 224– 272. Or. 27 PG 36, col. 11–25; Gallay, Paul (ed.), GrégoiredeNazianze,Discours27–31(Discoursthéologiques), Sources chrétiennes, 250 (Paris, 1978), pp. 70–99. Or. 28 PG 36, col. 25–74; Barbel, Joseph (ed.), GregorvonNazianz,Die fünftheologischenReden (Düsseldorf, 1963), pp. 62–126; Gallay, Paul (ed.), GrégoiredeNazianze,Discours27–31(Discoursthéologiques), Sources chrétiennes, 250 (Paris, 1978), pp. 100–174. Or. 32 PG 36, col. 173–212; Moreschini, Claudio (ed., transl. by Paul Gallay), GrégoiredeNazianze,Discours32–37, Sources chrétiennes, 250 (Paris, 1985), pp. 82–154. Syriacversion: Or. 40 Haelewyck, Jean-Claude (ed.), SanctiGregoriiNazianzeniOpera. VersioSyriacaI:OrationXL, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca, 49; Corpus Nazianzenum, 14 (Turnhout, 2001). Or. 13, 41 Schmidt, Andrea B. (ed.), SanctiGregoriiNazianzeniOpera. VersioSyriacaII:OrationesXIII,XLI, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca, 47; Corpus Nazianzenum, 15 (Turnhout, 2002). Or. 27, 38, 39 Haelewyck, Jean-Claude (ed.), SanctiGregoriiNazianzeni Opera. Versio Syriaca III: Orationes XXVII, XXXVIII, XXXIX, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca, 53; Corpus Nazianzenum, 18 (Turnhout, 2005). Or. 28, 29, 30, 31 Haelewyck, Jean-Claude (ed.), SanctiGregoriiNazianzeniOpera.VersioSyriacaIV:OrationesXXVIII,XXIX,XXX,XXXI, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca, 65; Corpus Nazianzenum, 23 (Turnhout, 2008). Or. 1, 2, 3 Haelewyck, Jean-Claude (ed.), Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni Opera.VersioSyriacaV:OrationesI,II,III, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca, 77; Corpus Nazianzenum, 25 (Turnhout, 2011). Hermogenes, Progymnasmata — Rabe, Hugo (ed.), HermogenisOpera, Rhetores Graeci, vol. 6 (Leipzig, 1913). Herodotus — Wilson, Nigel Guy (ed.), Herodoti Historiae, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). Hippocrates, DeFlacibus — Littré, Émile (ed.), Oeuvrescomplètesd’Hippocrate, vol. 6 (Paris, 1849; repr. Amsterdam, 1962), pp. 90–114. Hippolytus,RefutatioOmniumHaeresium — Markovich, Miroslav (ed.), Hippolytus.Refutatioomniumhaeresium (Berlin / N. Y., 1986). Isocrates, Ad Demonicum — Mandilaras, Basilius G. (ed.), Isocrates, Opera Omnia, vol. 3 (München / Leipzig, 2003), pp. 7–27. Jerome, Epistles — Hilberg, Isidorus (ed.), SanctiEusebiiHieronymiEpistulae, ParsIII, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 56 (N.Y. / London, 1918). Letter of Mara bar Serapion — Cureton, William (ed.), Spicilegium Syriacum ContainingRemainsofBardesan,Meliton,AmbroseandMaraBarSerapion (London, 1855), pp. Çã– Òã[43–48].

OTHER SOURCES

XI

Libanius, Progymnasmata — Foerster, Richardus (ed.), Libanii Opera, vol. 8 (Leipzig, 1915), pp. 24–571. Lucian, Decalumnia — Bompaire, Jacques (ed.), Lucien,Oeuvres, vol. 2: Opuscules11–20 (Paris, 1998), pp. 146–168; Nilén, Nils (ed.), Lucianus, vol. 1, fasc. 2 (Leipzig, 1923). Menandri Sententiae — Jaekel, Siegfried (ed.), MenandriSententiae,Comparatio MenandrietPhilistionis (Lipsiae, 1964); Pernigotti, Carlo (ed.), Menandri Sententiae, Studi e testi per il corpus dei papiri filosofici greci e latini, 15 (Firenze, 2008). Michael the Syrian, Chronicle — Chabot, Jean Baptiste (ed.), Chronique de MichelleSyrien,Patriarchejacobited’Antioche(1166–1199), vol. 4 (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1910). Nemesius, De natura hominis — Morani, Moreno (ed.), Nemesii Emeseni De NaturaHominis (Leipzig, 1987). New Testament — Aland, Barbara, et al. (eds.), Novum Testamentum Graece, 28th revised ed. (Stuttgart, 2012). Origenes, ContraCelsum — Borret, Marcel (ed.), Origène,ContreCelse, tome IV (LivresVIIetVIII), Sources chrétiennes, 150 (Paris, 1969). Philoxenus, Discourses — Budge, Ernest A. Wallis (ed.), The Discourses of PhiloxenusBishopofMabbôgh,A.D.485–519,EditedfromSyriacManuscriptsoftheSixthandSeventhCenturies,intheBritishMuseum,withan EnglishTranslation, vol. 1 (London, 1894). Photius — Henry, René (ed.), Photius,Bibliothèque (Paris, 1959–1977). Plotinus, Enneads — Henry, Paul, and Hans-Rudolf Schwyzer (eds.), Plotini Opera, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1964). Plutarch, Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate — Paton, William Roger, et al. (eds.), PlutarchiMoralia, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1974), pp. 172–186. Porphyry, De abstinentia — Bouffartigue, Jean, and Michael Patillon (eds.), Porphyre,Del’abstinence, 3 vols. (Paris, 1977, 1979, 2003). Porphyry, Fragments — Andrew Smith (ed.), PorphyriiPhilosophiFragmenta, Fragmenta Arabica David Wasserstein interpretante (Stuttgart / Leipzig, 1993). Porphyry, Vita — Des Places, Édouard (ed.), Porphyre,ViedePythagore,Lettre àMarcella (Paris, 1982). Ps.-Nonnus, Scholia — Nimmo Smith, Jennifer (ed.), Pseudo-Nonniani in IV OrationesGregoriiNazianzeniCommentarii, Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca, 27; Corpus Nazianzenum, 2 (Turnhout, 1992). Sahdona — de Halleux, André (ed.), Martyrius(Sahdona),Œuvresspirituelles I, CSCO 200–201, Scr. Syri 86–87 (Leuven, 1960). SentencesofSextus (Greek) — Chadwick, Henry (ed.), TheSentencesofSextus: AContributiontotheHistoryofEarlyChristianEthics (Cambridge, 1959). SentencesofSextus (Syriac) — De Lagarde, Paul (ed.), AnalectaSyriaca (London, 1858), pp. 2–31. Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos — Mutschmann, Hermannus (ed.), SextiEmpiriciOpera, vol. II: AdversosDogmaticos (Lipsiae, 1914). Solomon of Baṣra, BookoftheBee — Budge, Ernest A. Wallis (ed.), TheBook oftheBee (Oxford, 1886).

XII

ABBREVIATIONS

Suda — Adler, Ada (ed.), SuidaeLexicon, 5 vols. (Lipsiae, 1928). Syriac Menander, version A — Monaco, David G. (ed.), The Sentences of the Syriac Menander: Introduction, Text and Translation, and Commentary (Piscataway, 2013). Syriac Menander, version B — Arzhanov, Yury N., “AmrusPhilosophusGraecus: A New Witness to the Syriac Sentences of Menander,” LeMuséon 130.1-2 (2017), pp. 71–121. Themistius, Deamicitia — Schenkl, Heinrich, et al. (eds.), ThemistiiOrationes quaesupersunt, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1971), pp. 51–73. Theodoret, Curatio— Scholten, Clemens (ed.), Theodoret,DeGraecarumaffectionumcuratione:HeilungdergriechischenKrankheiten, Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 126 (Leiden et al., 2015). Theophrastus, Fragments — Fortenbaugh, William W., et al. (eds.), Theophrastus ofEresus:SourcesforhisLife,Writings,ThoughtandInfluence, 2 vols. (Leiden et al., 1992). Theosophia — Erbse, Hartmut (ed.), Theosophorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Stuttgart / Leipzig, 1995). Vita Antonii — Bartelink, Gerhardus J. M. (ed.), Athanase d’Alexandrie, Vie d’Antoine, Sources chrétiennes, 400 (Paris, 1994).

BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY TEXTS Abbeloos, Joannes Baptista, and Thomas Joseph Lamy (eds.), GregoriiBarhebræi ChroniconEcclesiasticum, vols. 1–3 (Leuven, 1872–1877). Addai Scher (ed.), Mar Barhadbšabba ῾Arbaya, Cause de la fondation des écoles, Patrologia Orientalis IV/4 (Turnhout, 1981). Addai Scher (ed.), TheodorusBarKōnīLiberscholiorumII, CSCO 69, Scr. Syri 26 (Paris, 1954). Aland, Barbara, and Andreas Juckel (eds.), Das Neue Testament in syrischer Überlieferung, vol. II/1: Römer-und1.Korintherbrief (Berlin, 1991). Amar, Joseph (ed.), DionysiusbarṢalībī,AResponsetotheArabs, CSCO 614– 615, Scr. Syri 238–239 (Leuven, 2005). Amato, Eugenio (ed.), ProcopiusGazaeus,Opuscularhetoricaetoratoriacum testimoniisetfragmentis (Berolini, 2009). Amato, Eugenio, and Gianluca Ventrella (eds.), I Progimnasmi di Severo di Alessandria(SeverodiAntiochia?):Introduzione,traduzioneecommento (Berlin / New York, 2009). Babbitt, Frank Cole (ed.), Plutarch’sMoralia, vol. 2, LOEB (Harvard, 1928). Badawī, ῾Abd ar-Raḥmān (ed.), Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq, Ādāb al-falāsifa, iḫtaṣarahu Muḥammadb.῾Alīb.Ibrāhīmb.Aḥmadb.Muḥammadal-Anṣarī (Kuwait, 1985). Bakoš, Ján (ed.), Le candélabre du sanctuaire de Grégoire Aboulfaradj dit Barhebræus, Patrologia Orientalis 22/4 (Paris, 1930). Bandak, Christy (ed.), Librodelosbuenosproverbios:Estudioyedicióncrítica delasversionescastellanayárabe (Zaragoza, 2007). Bedjan, Paulus (ed.), Liber Columbae seu Directorium monachorum Gregorii Barhebraei (Paris, 1898). –—, MarIsaacusNinevita,DePerfectioneReligiosa (Paris, 1909). Bergson, Leif (ed.), DergriechischeAlexanderroman (Stockholm, 1965). Blomkvist, Vemund, EuthalianTraditions:Text,TranslationandCommentary (Berlin / Boston, 2012). Bollig, Johannes (ed.), SanctiGregoriiTheologiLiberCarminumIambicorum: VersioSyriacaantiquissimaeCod.Vat.CV, Pars prima (Beirut, 1895). Borret, Marcel (ed.), Origène,ContreCelse, tome IV (Livres VII et VIII), Sources chrétiennes, 150 (Paris, 1969). Botter, Gerard, TheEncheiridionofEpictetusanditsThreeChristianAdaptions, Philosophia Antiqua, 82 (Leiden et al., 1999). Breydy, Michael (ed.),DasAnnalenwerkdesEutychiosvonAlexandrien, CSCO 471– 472, Ar. 44–45 (Leuven, 1985). Brock, Sebastian P. (ed.), IsaacofNineveh(IsaactheSyrian),“TheSecondPart”, ChaptersIV–XLI, CSCO 554–555, Scr. Syri 224–225 (Leuven, 1995). Brooks, Ernest Walter (ed.),ACollectionofLettersofSeverusofAntioch, Patrologia Orientalis XII/2 (Turnhout, 1973).

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Buchheim, Thomas (ed.), GorgiasvonLeontinoi:Reden,FragmenteundTestimonien (Hamburg, 1989). Budge, Ernest A. Wallis (ed.), TheBookofGovernors:TheHistoriaMonastica ofThomas,BishopofMargâA.D.840, 2 vols. (London, 1893). –—, The Book of Paradise, Being the Histories and Sayings of the Monks andAsceticsoftheEgyptianDesertbyPalladius,HieronymusandOthers. TheSyriacTexts,accordingtotheRecensionof‘Anân-Îshô‘ofBêth‘Âbhê (London, 1904). –—, The Discourses of Philoxenus Bishop of Mabbôgh, A.D. 485–519, Edited fromSyriacManuscriptsoftheSixthandSeventhCenturies,intheBritish Museum,withanEnglishTranslation, 2 vols. (London, 1894). –—, TheHistoryofAlexandertheGreat,BeingtheSyriacVersionofthePseudoCallisthenes (Cambridge, 1889). Chadwick, Henry, The Sentences of Sextus: A Contribution to the History of EarlyChristianEthics (Cambridge, 1959). Cheikho, Louis (ed.),EutychiiPatriarchaeAlexandriniAnnalesI–II, CSCO 50– 51, Scr. Ar. 6–7 (Paris, 1906–1909). Colonna, Maria Elisabetta (ed.), EneadiGaza:Teofrasto (Napoli, 1958). Conybeare, Frederick Cornwallis, Harris, James Rendel, Lewis, Agnes Smith (eds.), TheStoryofAḥiḳarfromtheSyriac,Arabic,Armenian,Ethiopic,Greekand SlavonicVersions (London, 1898; 2nd ed. 1913). Courtonne, Yves (ed.),SaintBasile,Lettres, vols. 1–3 (Paris, 1957–1966). Crimi, Carmelo (ed.), GregorioNazianzenoSullaVirtùcarmegiambico[I,2,10] (Firenze, 1995). Cureton, William (ed.), CorpusIgnatianum:ACompleteCollectionoftheIgnatianEpistles (London, 1849). –—, FragmentsoftheIliadofHomerfromaSyriacPalimpsest (London, 1851). –—, Kitāb al-milal wa-l-niḥal: Book of Religious and Philosophical Sects by Muhammadal-Shahrastāni (London, 1846). –—, SpicilegiumSyriacumContainingRemainsofBardesan,Meliton,Ambrose andMaraBarSerapion (London, 1855). –—, TheFestalLettersofAthanasius,DiscoveredinanAncientSyriacVersion (London, 1848). D-Beth Qermez, Eliyo Seven (ed.), TheBookoftheRhetoricbyAntonyRhitorof Tagrit (Stockholm, 2000). Daiber, Hans (ed.), AetiusArabus:DieVorsokratikerinarabischerÜberlieferung (Wiesbaden, 1980). De Halleux, André (ed.), Commentaireduprologuejohannique, CSCO 380–381, Scr. Syri 165–166 (Leuven, 1977). –—, Martyrius(Sahdona),ŒuvresspirituellesIV:Lettresàdesamissolitaires, Maximessapientiales, CSCO 254–255, Scr. Syri 112–113 (Leuven, 1965). De Lagarde, Paul (ed.), AnalectaSyriaca (London, 1858). Dedering, Sven (ed.), Johannes von Lykopolis, Ein Dialog über die Seele und dieAffektedesMenschen (Uppsala, 1936). Des Places, Édouard (ed.), Porphyre,ViedePythagore,LettreàMarcella (Paris, 1982). Diels, Hermann (ed.), DoxographiGraeci (Berlin, 1879; repr. 1965).

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–—, “The Instructions of Anton, Plato’s Physician,” in:Philip S. Alexander et al. (eds.),StudiaSemitica:TheJournalofSemiticStudiesJubileeVolume, Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement, 16 (Oxford, 2005), pp. 129–138. –—, “The Laments of the Philosophers over Alexander in Syriac,” Journal of SemiticStudies 15.2 (1970), pp. 205–218 [repr. with the same pagination in: Sebastian P. Brock, StudiesinSyriacChristianity, Variorum (Ashgate, 1992), Ch. VIII]. –—, “The Queen of Sheba’s Questions to Solomon: A Syriac Version”, Le Muséon 92.3-4 (1979), pp. 331–345. –—, “The Scribe Reaches Harbour,” Byzantinische Forschungen 21 (1995), pp. 195–202. –—, “The Syriac Euthalian Material and the Philoxenian Version of the NT,” ZeitschriftfürdieneutestamentlicheWissenschaft 70.1-2 (1979), pp. 120–130. –—, TheSyriacVersionofthePseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia (Cambridge, 1971). –—, “Towards a History of Syriac Translation Technique,” in: René Lavenant (ed.), IIIoSymposiumSyriacum,1980:Lescontactsdumondesyriaqueavec les autres cultures (Goslar 7–11 Septembre 1980), Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 221 (Roma, 1983), pp. 1–14. –—, “Traduzioni siriache degli scritti di Basilio,” in: Étienne Baudry et al. (eds.), BasiliotraOrienteeOccidente:ConvegnoInternazionale“BasilioilGrande eilMonachesimoOrientale”,Cappadocia,5–7ottobre1999 (Magnano, 2001), pp. 165–180. –—, “Two Letters of the Patriarch Timothy from the Late Eighth Century on Translations from the Greek,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 9 (1999), pp. 233–46. –—, “Without Mushē of Nisibis Where Would We Be? Some Reflections on the Transmission of Syriac Literature,” in: Rifaat Ebied and Herman Teule (eds.), VIIIthSymposiumSyriacum, Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56 (2004), pp. 15–24. Brock, Sebastian P., and Brian Fitzgerald, TwoEarlyLivesofSeveros,Patriarch ofAntioch, Translated Texts for Historians, 59 (Liverpool, 2013). Brock, Sebastian P., and George A. Kiraz, “Raḥmani, Ignatius Ephrem II,” in: Sebastian P. Brock et al. (eds.), TheGorgiasEncyclopedicDictionaryofthe SyriacHeritage (Piscataway, 2011), p. 350. Brock, Sebastian P., and Lucas van Rompay, CatalogueoftheSyriacManuscripts and Fragments in the Library of Deir al-Surian, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 227 (Leuven et al., 2014). Browne, Charles Gordon, and James Edward Swallow (transl.), “Select Orations of Saint Gregory Nazianzen,” in: Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (eds.),A selectLibraryofNiceneandPost-NiceneFathersoftheChristianChurch, Second series, vol. 7 (New York, 1894). Bruckmayr, Paul Albert, UntersuchungenüberdieRandscholiender28Redendes hl.GregoriosvonNazianzimcod.theol.Gr.74derWienerNationalbibliothek (Wien, 1940). Bundy, David, “The Syriac Version of DeChananaea attributed to John Chrysostom (CPG 4529),” LeMuséon 96.1-2 (1983), pp. 97–132.

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Cureton, William, “British Museum — MSS. from the Egyptian Monasteries,” QuarterlyReview 77.153–154 (Dec. 1845–Mar. 1846), pp. 39–69. D’Aiuto, Francesco, “Graeca in codici orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana (con i resti di un manoscritto tardoantico delle commedie di Menandro),” in: Lidia Perria (ed.), TraOrienteeOccidente, Testi e studi bizantino-neoellenici, 14 (Roma, 2003), pp. 227–296. Daiber, Hans, “Hellenistisch-kaiserzeitliche Doxographie und philosophischer Synkretismus in islamischer Zeit,” in: Wolfgang Haase (ed.), Aufstiegund Niedergang der Römischen Welt, II: Principat; vol. 36.7: Philosophie, Wissenschaften,Technik (Berlin, 1994), pp. 4974–4992. Davids, Hendrik Leonardus, DegnomologieënvansintGregoriusvanNazianze (Nijmegen / Utrecht, 1940). De Halleux, André, “La version syriaque des Discours de Grégoire de Nazianze,” in: Justin Mossay (ed.), II.SymposiumNazianzenum (Paderborn et al., 1983), pp. 75–111. –—, “Le milieu historique de Jean le Solitaire: une hypothèse,” in: René Lavenant (ed.), IIIoSymposiumSyriacum,1980:Lescontactsdumondesyriaqueavec les autres cultures (Goslar 7–11 Septembre 1980), Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 221 (Roma, 1983), pp. 299–305. –—, “Les commentaires syriaques des Discours de Grégoire de Nazianze: Un premier sondage,” LeMuséon 98.1-2 (1985), pp. 103–147. –—, PhiloxènedeMabbog:Savie,sesécrits,sathéologie (Leuven, 1963). –—, “Rabban Benjamin d’Édesse et la date du ms. B.L., Or., 8731,” in: Hendrik J.W. Drijvers (ed.), IVSymposiumSyriacum1984:LiteraryGenresinSyriac Literature (Groningen — Oosterhesselen 10–12 September), Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 229 (Roma, 1987), pp. 445–451. –—, “Un fragment philoxénien inédit de polémique anti-chalcédonienne,” in: Wilhelm C. Delsman et al. (eds.), VonKanaanbisKerala:Festschriftfür Prof.Mag.Dr.J.P.M.vanderPloegO.P.zurVollendungdessiebzigsten Lebensjahres am 4. Juli 1979 überreicht von Kollegen, Freunden und Schülern, Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 211 (Kevelaer / NeukirchenVluyn, 1982), pp. 431–441. Degen, Rainer, “Zur syrischen Übersetzung der Aphorismen des Hippokrates,” OriensChristianus 62 (1978), pp. 36–52. Del Río Sánchez, Francisco, and Amalia Zomeño, Catálogodelosmanuscritos Siríacos,ÁrabesKarshuniyCopto-ÁrabesdeMontserrat (Barcelona, 2012). Delatte, Armand, “Le déclin de la Légende des VII Sages et les Prophéties théosophiques,” LeMuséeBelge 27 (1923), pp. 97–111. Demandt, Alexander, Sokrates antwortet: Antike Lebensweisheiten aus dem “GnomologiumVaticanum” (Zürich, 1992). Demoen, Kristoffel, PaganandBiblicalExemplainGregoryNazianzen:AStudy in Rhetoric and Hermeneutics, Corpus Christianorum, Lingua Patrum, 2 (Turnhout, 1996). Denis, Albert-Marie, OP,Introductionàlalittératurereligieusejudéo-hellénistique, 2 vols. (Turnhout, 2000). Desreumaux, Alain J., “De quelques pièces du dossier syriaque sur Pilate: De la correspondance byzantine à la correspondance médiévale,” in: Anna Van den

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–—, “Grammar and Logic in Syriac (and Arabic),” JournalofSemiticStudies 58.1 (2013), pp. 101–120. –—, “Origenism in Sixth Century Syria: The Case of a Syriac Manuscript of Pagan Philosophy,” in: Alfons Fürst (ed.), OrigenesundseinErbeinOrient undOkzident, Adamantiana, 1 (Münster, 2010), pp. 179–212. Kiraz, George Anton, “Armalah, Isḥāq,” in: Sebastian P. Brock et al. (eds.), The Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage (Piscataway, 2011), p. 33. Kirk, Alan, “The Composed Life of the Syriac Menander,” StudiesinReligion / SciencesReligieuses 26.2 (1997), pp. 169–183. –—, The Composition of the Sayings Source: Genre, Synchrony, and Wisdom RedactioninQ, Supplements to Novum Testamentum, 91 (Leiden / Boston / Köln, 1998). Kitchen, Robert A., TheDiscoursesofPhiloxenosofMabbug:ANewTranslation andIntroduction, Cistercian Studies Series, 235 (Collegeville, 2013). Köbert, Raimund, “Bemerkungen zu den syrischen Zitaten aus Homer und Platon im 5. Buch der Rhetorik des Anton von Tagrit und zum syrischen περὶ ἀσκήσεως, angeblich von Plutarch,” Orientalia 40 (1971), pp. 438– 447. Kohlbacher, Michael, “Palimpseste als Geschichtsquelle: Geschichte im Spiegel der Textüberlieferung am Beispiel von Palimpsesten,” in: Véronique Somers (ed.), Palimpsestesetéditionsdetextes:lestexteslittéraires.ActesducolloquetenuàLouvain-la-Neuve(septembre2003), Publications de l’Institut orientaliste de Louvain, 56 (Louvain-la-Neuve, 2009), pp. 263–319. Kraus, Paul, JābiribnḤayyān:Contributionàl’histoiredesidéesscientifiques dansl’Islam, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1943). Kühler, Max, FrühjüdischeWeisheitstraditionen:ZumFortgangweisheitlichen Denkens im Bereich des frühjüdischen Jahweglaubens, Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, 26 (Freiburg / Göttingen, 1979). Lang, Uwe Michael, John Philoponus and the Controversies over Chalcedon intheSixthCentury:AStudyandtheTranslationoftheArbiter (Leuven, 2001). Łanowski, Georgius, “De monostichis Menandri q. d. quaestiones selectae,” Eos 44 (1951), pp. 35–74. Lanz, Ellen, “Syrische Platonzitate in der Rhetorik des Anton von Tagrit,” in: PauldeLagardeunddiesyrischeKirchengeschichte (Göttingen, 1968), pp. 129–134. Larsen, Lillian I., “Monastic Paideia: Textual Fluidity in the Classroom,” in: Liv Ingeborg Lied and Hugo Lundhaug (eds.), SnapshotsofEvolvingTraditions:JewishandChristianManuscriptCulture,TextualFluidity,andNew Philology, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 175 (Berlin / Boston, 2017), pp. 146–177. –—, “On Learning a New Alphabet: The Sayings of the Desert Fathers and the Monostichs of Menander,” in: Samuel Rubenson (ed.), EarlyMonasticism andClassical Paideia, Studia Patristica, 55/3 (Leuven, 2013), pp. 59–78. Lash, Christopher, “An Address of Thanks,” Parole de l’Orient 6–7 (1975– 1976), pp. 229–235.

XXXII

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Lavenant, René (tranl.), Jean d’Apamée, Dialogues et traités, Sources chrétiennes, 311 (Paris, 1984). Lee, Samuel (transl.), Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, On the Theophania or Divine Manifestation of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ (Cambridge, 1843). Lefèvre, Sœur Bruno (ed.), Uneversionsyriaquedesfablesd’Ésopeconservée danshuitmanuscrits(Paris, 1941). Levi Della Vida, Giorgio, “‘La Dottrina e i Dodici Legati di Stomathalassa:’ Uno scritto di ermetismo popolare in siriaco e in arabo,” AttidellaReale AccademiaNazionaledeiLincei,Memorie;ClassediScienzemorali,storicheefilologiche VIII, 3.8 [348] (1951), pp. 477–542 [repr. with the same pagination in: Giorgio Levi Della Vida, Pitagora,Bardesaneealtristudi siriaci, a cura di Riccardo Contini (Roma, 1989), pp. 125–190]. –—, “Pseudo-Beroso siriaco,” RivistadegliStudiOrientali 3 (1910), pp. 1– 43. –—, “Sentenze Pitagoriche in versione siriaca,” RivistadegliStudiOrientali 3 (1910), pp. 595–610. –—, “Sopra un trattato di ermetismo popolare in siriaco e in arabo,” Ricerche Religiose 18 (1947), pp. 350–362 [reprinted in: Giorgio Levi Della Vida, Pitagora,Bardesaneealtristudisiriaci, a cura di Riccardo Contini (Roma, 1989), pp. 112–124). Lewis, Agnes Smith, CatalogueoftheSyriacMSS.intheConventofSt. Catharine ontheMountSinai, Studia Sinaitica, 1 (London, 1894). Litwa, M. David (transl.), RefutationofAllHeresies, Writings from the GrecoRoman World, 40 (Atlanta, 2016) Loopstra, Jonathan Andrew, “Le Nouveau Testament dans les manuscrits syriaques massorétiques: Où en sommes-nous?” in: Jean-Claude Haelewyck (ed.), LeNouveauTestamentensyriaque, Études syriaques, 14 (Paris, 2017), pp. 1–22. –—, “Patristic Collections in the ‘Syriac Masora,’” TheHarp 23 (2008), pp. 113– 122. –—, PatristicSelectionsinthe“Masoretic”HandbooksoftheQarqaptāTradition, unpublished PhD thesis (the Catholic University of America, 2009). Lüdtke, Willy, “Zur Überlieferung der Reden Gregors von Nazianz,” Oriens Christianus II.3 (1913), pp. 263–276. Lumpe, Adolf, “Exemplum,” in: ReallexikonfürAntikeundChristentum, vol. 6 (1966), col. 1229–1257. Macé, Caroline, and Ilse de Vos, “Pseudo-Athanasius, Quaestio ad Antiochum 136 and the Theosophia,” in: Markus Vinzent (ed.), StudiaPatristica LXVI: Papers presented at the 16th International Conference on Patristic Studies heldinOxford2011 (Leuven, 2013), pp. 319–332. Macleod, Mathew D., and Lionel Ralph Wickham, “The Syriac Version of Lucian’s DeCalumnia,” TheClassicalQuarterly, NS 20.2 (1970), pp. 297– 299. Macomber, William F., “New Finds of Syriac Manuscripts in the Middle East,” in: Wolfgang Voigt (ed.), XVII.DeutscherOrientalistentag (Wiesbaden, 1969), pp. 473–482.

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XXXIII

Macris, Constantinos, “Théano (de Crotone ou de Métoponte?),” in: Richard Goulet (ed.), Dictionnairedesphilosophesantiques, vol. 6: deSabinillusà Tyrsénos (Paris, 2016), pp. 820–839. Macuch, Rudolf, Geschichtederspät-undneusyrischenLiteratur (Berlin, 1976). Mansfeld, Jaap, Heresiography in Context: Hippolytus’ Elenchos as a Source forGreekPhilosophy (Leiden et al., 1992). Mansfeld, Jaap, and David T. Runia, Aëtiana:TheMethodandIntellectualContext ofaDoxographer, vol. 1: TheSources (Leiden et al., 1997). Margoliouth, George, DescriptiveListofSyriacandKarshuniMSS.intheBritish Museumacquiredsince1873 (London, 1899). Maróth, Miklós, “Die Gnomen in der klassischen Literatur,” ActaAntiquaAcademiaeScientiarumHungaricae 46.1 (2006), pp. 355–381. Marrou, Henri Irénée, Histoiredel’éducationdansl’antiquité (Paris, 1955). Martikainen, Jouko, “Die Sentenzen des Johannes von Apamea,” in: Martin Tamcke et al. (eds.), SyrischesChristentumweltweit:StudienzursyrischenKirchengeschichte.FestschriftfürWolfgangHage, Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte, 1 (Münster, 1995), pp. 76–81. McLynn, Neil, “Among the Hellenists: Gregory and the Sophists,” in: Jostein Børtnes and Tomas Hägg (eds.), GregoryofNazianzus:ImagesandReflections (Copenhagen, 2006), pp. 213–238. McVey, Kathleen Elizabeth, “A Fresh Look at the Letter of Mara Bar Sarapion to his Son,” in: René Lavenant, S.J. (ed.), VSymposiumSyriacum,1988: Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 29–31 août 1988, Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 236 (Roma, 1990), pp. 257–272. –—, George,BishopoftheArabs,AHomilyonBlessedMarSeverus,Patriarch ofAntioch, CSCO 531, Scr. Syri 217 (Leuven, 1993). –—, “The Letter of Mara bar Serapion to His Son and the Second Sophistic: Palamedes and the ‘Wise King of the Jews,’” in: Maria E. Doerfler et al. (eds.), Syriac Encounters: Papers from the Sixth North American Syriac Symposium,DukeUniversity,26–29June2011, Eastern Christian Studies, 20 (Leuven, 2015), pp. 305–326. Merx, Adalbert, “Proben der syrischen Übersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft 39 (1885), pp. 237–305. Merz, Annette, and Teun Tieleman (eds.), TheLetterofMarabarSarapionin Context:ProceedingsoftheSymposiumHeldatUtrechtUniversity,10– 12 December 2009, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, 58 (Leiden / Boston, 2012). Michelson, David A., “A Bibliographic Clavis to the Works of Philoxenos of Mabbug,” Hugoye 13.2 (2010), pp. 273–338. –—, “‘It is not the Custom of our Syriac Language ...’ Reconsidering the Role of Translation in the Polemics of Philoxenos of Mabbug,” in: David Brakke et al. (eds.), ShiftingCulturalFrontiersinLateAntiquity (Farnham, 2012), pp. 7–22. –—, ThePracticalChristologyofPhiloxenosofMabbug (Oxford, 2014). Mingana, Alphonse, CatalogueoftheMinganaCollectionofMSS, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1933, 1936, 1939).

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–—, “The Early Spread of Christianity in Central Asia and the Far East: A New Document,” BulletinoftheJohnRylandsUniversityLibrary ofManchester 9.2 (1925), pp. 297–371. –—, Woodbrook Studies, vol. 1: Christian Documents in Syriac, Arabic, and Garshūni (Cambridge, 1927). Morgan, Teresa, LiterateEducationintheHellenisticandRomanWorlds (Cambridge, 1998). Moss, Yonatan, “‘Packed with Patristic Testimonies’: Severus of Antioch and the Reinvention of the Church Fathers,” in: Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony and Lorenzo Perrone (eds.), BetweenPersonalandInstitutionalReligion:Self, Doctrine,andPracticeinLateAntiqueEasternChristianity, Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 15 (Turnhout, 2013), pp. 227– 250. Mras, Karl, “Eine neuentdeckte Sibyllen-Theosophie,” WienerStudien 28 (1906), pp. 43–83. Muyldermans, Joseph, EvagrianaSyriaca:TextesinéditsduBritishMuseumet delaVaticane, Bibliothèque du Muséon, 31 (Leuven, 1952). Nau, François, “Documents relatifs à Ahikar,” Revue de l’Orient chrétien 21 (1918–1919), pp. 274–307, 356–400. –—, “Histoire et sagesse d’Ahikar d’après le manuscrit de Berlin «Sachau 162», fol. 86 sq.,” Revuedel’Orientchrétien 21 (1918–1919), pp. 148–160. –—, Histoireetsagessed’Ahikarl’Assyrien (filsd’Anael,neveudeTobie):Traductiondesversionssyriaquesaveclesprincipalesdifférencesdesversions arabes,arménienne,grecque,néo-syriaque,slaveetroumaine (Paris, 1909). –—, “Une anecdote ecclésiastique dans un recueil de fables d’Ésope (Iosipos),” Revuedel’OrientChrétien 21 (1918–1919), pp. 308–313. Nauck, August, “Ueber einige angebliche Fragmente des Homer,” Bulletin de laclassedesscienceshistoriques,philologiquesetpolitiquesdel’Académie ImpérialedesSciencesdeSt.-Pétersbourg 16.28 (1859), col. 433–446. Nesselrath, Heinz-Günther, “Menandros,” in: DerneuePauly, vol. 7 (Stuttgart / Weimar, 1999), cols. 1215–1219. Nestle, Eberhard, DieKirchengeschichtedesEusebiusausdemSyrischenübersetzt, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, NF 6.2 [21.2] (Leipzig, 1901). Nimmo Smith, Jennifer, “Sidelights on the Sermons: The ScholiaOxoniensia on Gregory Nazianzen’s Orations 4 and 5,” in: Andrea B. Schmidt (ed.), Studia Nazianzenica II, Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 73; Corpus Nazianzenum, 24 (Turnhout, 2010), pp. 135–201. –—, “The Early Scholia on the Sermons of Gregory of Nazianzus,” in: Bernard Coulie (ed.), StudiaNazianzenica I, Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, 41; Corpus Nazianzenum, 8 (Turnhout / Leuven, 2000), pp. 69–146. –—, TheChristian’sGuidetoGreekCulture:ThePseudo-NonnusCommentaries onSermons4,5,39and43byGregoryofNazianzus, Translated Texts for Historians, 37 (Liverpool, 2001). Nöldeke, Theodor, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans,” Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe 38.5 (Wien, 1890).

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Norden, Eduard, “Scholia in Gregorii Nazianzeni Orationes inedita,” Hermes 27 (1892), pp. 606–642. –—, “Unedirte Scholien zu den Reden Gregors von Nazianz,” Zeitschrift für wissenschaftlicheTheologie 36.2 (1893), pp. 441–447. Olivar, A.M., “La biblioteca del monasterio de Montserrat,” Revistadearchivos, bibliotecasymuseos 54 (1948), pp. 131–139. Outtier, Bernard, “Le sort des manuscrits du ‘Katalog Hiersemann 500,’” Analecta Bollandiana 93 (1975), pp. 377–380. Overwien, Oliver, “Das Gnomologium, das GnomologiumVaticanum und die Tradition,” GöttingerForumfürAltertumswissenschaft 4 (2001), pp. 99–131. –—, Die Sprüche des Kynikers Diogenes in der griechischen und arabischen Überlieferung (Stuttgart, 2005). –—, “Secundus der schweigende Philosoph: Ein Leben zwischen Mythos und Kosmos,” WürzburgerJahrbücherfürdieAltertumswissenschaft N.F. 28b (2004), pp. 105–129. –—, “Secundus the Silent Philosopher in the Ancient and Eastern Tradition,” in: Carolina Cupane and Bettina Krönung (eds.),FictionalStorytellingin the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean and Beyond, Brill’s Companions to the Byzantine World, 1 (Leiden / Boston, 2016), pp. 338–364. Paul Maas, Textkritik, 4th ed. (Leipzig, 1960). Pennacchietti, Fabrizio, “Il testo siriaco antico di Ahiqar,” in: Riccardo Contini et al. (eds.), IlsaggioAhiqar:Fortunaetrasformazionidiunoscrittosapienziale: Iltestopiùanticoelesueversioni, Studi biblici, 148 (Brescia, 2005), pp. 193– 225. Peter Brown, TheWorldofLateAntiquity:FromMarcusAureliustoMuhammad (London, 1971). Piccolomini, Enea, “Scolii alle Orazioni di Gregorio Nazianzeno dal codice Laurenziano 8 del Pluteo VII,” in: Enea Piccolomini, Estratti Inediti dai CodiciGrecidellaBibliotecaMediceo-Laurenziana (Pisa, 1879), pp. 1–45. Pietruschka, Ute, “Gnomologia: Syriac and Arabic Traditions,” in: Houari Touati (ed.), EncyclopediaofMediterraneanHumanism, Spring 2014 (URL: www. encyclopedie-humanisme.com, viewed on 05.01.2018). –—, “Some Observations about the Transmission of Popular Philosophy in Egyptian Monasteries after the Islamic Conquest,” in: Damien Janos (ed.), Ideas in Motion in Baghdad and Beyond: Philosophical and Theological ExchangesbetweenChristiansandMuslimsintheThird/NinthandFourth/ TenthCenturies (Leiden, 2015), pp. 81–108. Pigulewskaja, Nina Viktorovna, Katalog sirijskich rukopisej Leningrada, Palestinskij Sbornik, 6 [69] (Moskva / Leningrad, 1960). Pingérra, Karl, All-Erlösung und All-Einheit: Studien zum “Buch des heiligen Hierotheos”undseinerRezeptionindersyrisch-orthodoxenTheologie, Sprachen und Kulturen des Christlichen Orients, 10 (Wiesbaden, 2002). Possekel, Ute, “Der ‘Rat der Theano:’ Eine pythagoreische Spruchsammlung in syrischer Übersetzung,” LeMuséon 111.1-2 (1998), pp. 7–36. Raguse, Hartmut, “Syrische Homerzitate in der Rhetorik des Anton von Takrit,” in: PauldeLagardeunddiesyrischeKirchengeschichte (Göttingen, 1968), pp. 162–175.

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Reich, Edgar, “Ein Brief des Severus Sēḇōḵt,” in: Menso Folkerts and Richard Lorch (eds.), Sicituradastra:StudienzurGeschichtederMathematikund Naturwissenschaften (Wiesbaden, 2000), pp. 478–489. Reller, Jobst, “Iwannis von Dara, Mose bar Kepha und Bar Hebräus über die Seele, traditionsgeschichtlich untersucht,” in: Gerrit J. Reinink and Alex C. Klugkist (eds.), AfterBardaisan:StudiesonContinuityandChangein Syriac Christianity in Honour of Professor Han J.W. Drijvers, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 89 (Leuven, 1999), pp. 253–268. Renan, Ernest, “Lettre à M. Reinaud, sur quelques manuscrits syriaques du Musée Britannique, contenant des traductions d’auteurs grecs profanes et des traités philosophiques,” JournalAsiatique 4.19 (1852), pp. 293–333. Richard, Marcel, “Les florilèges diphysites du Ve et du VIe siècle,” in: Alois Grillmeier und Heinrich Bacht (eds.), DasKonzilvonChalkedon:Geschichte undGegenwart(Wurzburg, 1951), pp. 721–743. Riedweg, Christoph, Pythagoras: Leben, Lehre, Nachwirkung (München, 2002). Riginos, Alice Swift, Platonica:TheAnecdotesConcerningtheLifeandWritings ofPlato (Leiden, 1976). Rigolio, Alberto, “From ‘Sacrifice to the Gods’ to the ‘Fear of God:’ Omissions, Additions and Changes in the Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian and Themistius,” StudiaPatristica 64/12 (2013), pp. 133–144. –—, “Plutarch in the Syriac Tradition: An Overview,” in: Giovanna Pace and Paola Volpe Cacciatore (eds.), GliscrittidiPlutarco:Traduzione,tradizione, ricezione,commento,IXInternationalCongressoftheInternationalPlutarch Society (Napoli, 2013), pp. 361–369. –—, “Some Syriac Monastic Encounters with Greek Literature,” in: Maria E. Doerfler et al. (eds.), SyriacEncounters:PapersfromtheSixthNorth AmericanSyriacSymposium, DukeUniversity,26–29June2011 (Leuven, 2015), pp. 295–304. –—, “Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius: a Gnomic Format for an Instructional Purpose?” in: Peter Gemeinhardt et al. (eds.), Education andReligioninLateAntiqueChristianity:Reflections,SocialContextsand Genres (London / NY, 2016), pp. 73–85. Robinson, Joseph Armitage, Euthaliana: Studies of Euthalius, Codex H of the PaulineEpistlesandtheArmenianVersion, Texts and Studies, III/3 (Cambridge, 1895). Rödiger, Emil, Chrestomathia syriaca quam glossario et tabulis grammaticis (Halis Saxonum, 1868). Rohlfs, Wolfgang, “Pseudo-Plutarch Περὶ ἀσκήσεως,” in: PauldeLagardeund diesyrischeKirchengeschichte (Göttingen, 1986), pp. 176–184. Romeny, Bas ter Haar, “Procopius of Gaza and his Library,” in: Hagit Amirav and Bas ter Haar Romeny (eds.), FromRometoConstantinople:Studiesin HonourofAverilCameron, Late Antique History and Religion, 1 (Leuven, 2007), pp. 173–190. –—, “Question-and-Answer Collections in Syriac Literature,” in: Annelie Volgers and Claudio Zamagni (eds.), Erotapokriseis:EarlyChristianQuestion-andAnswerLiteratureinContext (Leuven, 2004), pp. 145–163.

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Rosenthal, Franz, “Al-Mubashshir b. Fātik,” in: Encyclopedia of Islam (New edition), vol. 7 (Leiden / New York, 1993), pp. 282–283. –—, “Al-Mubashshir ibn Fâtik: Prolegomena to an Abortive Edition,” Oriens 13– 14 (1960–1961), pp. 132–158. –—, Das Fortleben der Antike im Islam (Zürich, 1965). English translation: Franz Rosenthal, TheClassicalHeritageinIslam, transl. from the German by Emile and Jenny Marmorstein (London / New York, 1992). Rothstein, Maximilianus, QuaestionesLucianeae (Berlin, 1888). Ryssel, Victor, “Die pseudosocratische Dialog über die Seele,” Rheinisches MuseumfürPhilologie 48 (1893), pp. 175–196. –—, “Die syrischen Übersetzungen der Sextussentenzen,” ZeitschriftfürwissenschaftlicheTheologie N.F. 3 [38] (1895), pp. 617–630; 4 [39] (1896), pp. 568– 624; 5 [40] (1897), pp. 131–148. –—, GeorgsdesAraberbischofsGedichteundBriefe (Leipzig, 1891). –—, GregoriusThaumaturgus:SeinLebenundseineSchriften (Leipzig, 1880). –—, “Neu aufgefundene graeco-syrische Philosophensprüche über die Seele,” RheinischesMuseumfürPhilologie, N.F. 51 (1896), pp. 529–543. –—, Über den textkritischen Werth der syrischen Übersetzungen griechischer Klassiker, parts 1–2 (Leipzig, 1880). –—, “Zwei neu aufgefundene Schriften der graeco-syrischen Literatur,” RheinischesMuseumfürPhilologie, N.S. 51 (1896), pp. 1–20. Sachau, Eduard, “Über die Reste der syrischen Übersetzungen classischgriechischer, nichtaristotelischer Literatur unter den nitrischen Handschriften des brittischen Museums,” Hermes 4 (1870), pp. 69–80. –—, Verzeichniss der syrischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zur Berlin, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1899). Sanders, Joannes C.J., “Autour de la Didascalie,” in: Robert H. Fischer (ed.), ATributetoArthurVööbus:StudiesinEarlyChristianLiteratureand ItsEnvironment,PrimarilyintheSyrianEast (Chicago, 1977), pp. 47– 54. Schmidt, Andrea B., “The Literary Tradition of Gregory of Nazianzus in Syriac Literature and its Historical Context,” TheHarp 11–12 (1998–1999), pp. 127– 134. Schmidt, Andrea B., and Matthias Quaschning-Kirsch, “Die syrischen Handschriften der Homilien des Gregor von Nazianz: Repertorium mit Nachträgen und Siglenverzeichnis,” LeMuséon 113.1-2 (2000), pp. 87–114. Schulthess, Friedrich, “Der Brief des Mara bar Sarapion (Spicilegium Syriacum ed. Cureton p. 43 ff.): Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der syrischen Litteratur,” ZeitschriftderDeutschenmorgenländischenGesellschaft 51 (1897), pp. 365– 391. –—, “Die Sprüche des Menander, aus dem Syrischen übersetzt,” Zeitschriftfür diealttestamentlicheWissenschaft 32 (1912), pp. 199–224. Seleznyov, Nikolai N., “The Laments of the Philosophers over Alexander the Great according to the Blessed Compendium of Al-Makīn ibn al-῾Amīd,” Scrinium 10 (2014), pp. 97–114. Sherwood, Dom Polycarpe (O.S.B.), “Le fonds patriarcal de la bibliothèque manuscrite de Charfet,” L’Orientsyrien 2.1 (1957), pp. 93–107.

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Van der Horst, Pieter W., “Consolation from Prison: Mara bar Sarapion and Boethius,” in: Annette Merz and Teun Tieleman (eds.), TheLetterofMara bar Sarapion in Context: Proceedings of the Symposium Held at Utrecht University,10–12December2009, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, 58 (Leiden / Boston, 2012), pp. 193–204. Van Lantschoot, Arnold, InventairedesmanuscritssyriaquesdesfondsVatican (490–631),BarberiniOrientaletNeofiti (Città del Vaticano, 1965). Van Roey, Albert, and Herman Moors, “Les discours de Saint Grégoire de Nazianze dans la littérature syriaque I–II”, OrientaliaLovaniensiaPeriodica 4 (1973), pp. 121–133; 5 (1974), pp. 79–125. Van Rompay, Lucas, “An Ascetic Reading of the Book of Job: Fragments from a Syriac Commentary Attributed to John the Solitary (Ms. London, British Library, Add. 18814, f. 91r-95r),” LeMuséon 119.1-2 (2006), pp. 1–24. –—, “Lo῾ozar of Beth Qandasa,” in: Sebastian P. Brock et al. (eds.), Gorgias EncyclopedicDictionaryoftheSyriacHeritage (Piscataway, 2011), p. 252. Vinson, Martha (transl.), St.GregoryofNazianzus,SelectOrations (Washington, 2003). Von Dobschütz, Ernst, “Euthaliusstudien,” ZeitschriftfürKirchengeschichte 19 (1898), pp. 107–154. Von Soden, Hermann, DieSchriftendesNeuenTestaments, vol. I/1 (Göttingen, 1911). Vööbus, Arthur, “In Pursuit of Syriac Manuscripts,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 37.2 (1978), pp. 187–193. Waithe, Mary Ellen (ed.), A History of Women Philosophers, vol. 1: Ancient WomenPhilosophers600B.C.—500A.D. (Dordrecht, 1987). Watt, John W., “A Portrait of John Bar Aphtonia, Founder of the Monastery of Qenneshre,” in: Jan W. Drijvers and John W. Watt (eds.), PortraitsofSpiritual Authority:ReligiousPowerinEarlyChristianity,Byzantium,andtheChristianOrient, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 137 (Leiden / Boston / Köln, 1999), pp. 155–169. –—, “Antony of Tagrit as a Student of Syriac Poetry,” LeMuséon 98.3-4 (1985), pp. 261–279. –—, “Antony of Tagrit on Rhetorical Figures,” in: Jan W. Drijvers et al. (eds.), IVSymposiumSyriacum,1984:LiteraryGenresinSyriacLiterature (Groningen–Oosterhesselen10–12September), Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 229 (Roma, 1987), pp. 317–325. –—, “Eastward and Westward Transmission of Classical Rhetoric,” in: Jan W. Drijvers and Alaisdair A. MacDonald (eds.), CentersofLearning:LearningandLocationinPre-ModernEuropeandtheNearEast, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History, 61 (Leiden / New York / Köln, 1995), pp. 63–75. –—, “From Sergius to Mattā: Aristotle and Pseudo-Dionysius in the Syriac Tradition,” in: Josef Lössl and John W. Watt (eds.), InterpretingtheBibleand AristotleinLateAntiquity (Ashgate, 2011), pp. 239–257. –—, “Grammar, Rhetoric and the EnkykliosPaideia in Syriac,” Zeitschriftder DeutschenmorgenländischenGesellschaft 143.1 (1993), pp. 45–71. –—, “Guarding the Syriac Language in an Arabic Environment: Antony of Tagrit on the Use of Grammar in Rhetoric,” in: Jan W. Drijvers et al. (eds.), Syriac

XL

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Polemics:StudiesinHonourofGerritJanReinink, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 170 (Leuven, 2007), pp. 133–150. –—, “Les Pères grecs dans le curriculum théologique et philologique des écoles syriaques,” in: Andrea B. Schmidt and Dominique Gonnet (eds.), LesPères grecsensyriaque, Études syriaques, 4 (Paris, 2007), pp. 27–41. –—, Review of Conterno, Themistio Orientale, in: Orientalia 84.1 (2015), pp. 140–143. –—, “Sergius of Reshayna on the Prolegomena to Aristotle’s Logic: The Commentary on the Categories, Chapter Two,” in: Elisa Coda and Cecilia M. Bonadeo (eds.),Del’AntiquitétardiveauMoyenÂge:Mélangesoffertes àHenriHugonnard-Roche, Études musulmanes, 44 (Paris, 2014), pp. 31– 58. –—, “Syriac Rhetorical Theory and the Syriac Tradition of Aristotle’s Rhetoric,” in: William W. Fortenbaugh et al. (eds.), PeripateticRhetoricafterAristotle (New Brunswick, 1994), pp. 243–260. –—, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoricofAntonyofTagrit, CSCO 481, Scr. Syri 204 (Leuven, 1986). –—, “The Syriac Reception of Platonic and Aristotelian Rhetoric,” AramPeriodical 5.1-2: FestschriftforDr.SebastianP.Brock (Oxford, 1993), pp. 579–601. –—, “Themistius and Julian: Their Association in Syriac and Arabic Tradition,” in: Alberto J. Quiroga Puertas (ed.), ThePurposeofRhetoricinLateAntiquity (Tübingen, 2013), pp. 161–176. Watts, Edward, “An Alexandrian Christian Response to fifth-century Neoplatonic Influence,” in: Andrew Smith (ed.), ThePhilosopherandSocietyinLate Antiquity:EssaysinHonourofPeterBrown (Swansea, 2005), pp. 215–229. –—, CityandSchoolinLateAntiqueAthensandAlexandria (Berkeley, 2006). –—, “Education: Speaking, Thinking, and Socializing,” in: Scott F. Johnson (ed.), TheOxfordHandbookofLateAntiquity (Oxford, 2012), pp. 467–486. Way, Agnes C., SaintBasil,ExegeticalHomilies, The Fathers of the Church, 46 (Washington, 1963). Webb, Ruth, “The Progymnasmata as Practice,” in: Yun L. Too (ed.), Education inGreekandRomanAntiquity (Leiden, 2001), pp. 289–316. Weisser, Ursula, Das“BuchüberdasGeheimnisderSchöpfung”vonPseudoApollonios von Tyana, Ars Medica: Abteilung 3; Arabische Medizin, 2 (Berlin, 1980). Weitzman, Steven, Solomon:TheLureofWisdom (New Haven / London, 2011). Wensinck, Arent J. (transl.), MysticTreatisesbyIsaacofNineveh (Amsterdam, 1923). West, Martin L., TextualCriticismandEditorialTechnique (Stuttgart, 1973). Wiessner, Gernot, “Zur Handschriftenüberlieferung der syrischen Fassung des Corpus Dionysiacum,” Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen I; Philologisch-historische Klasse, 3 (Göttingen, 1972), pp. 165– 216. Willard, Louis Ch., ACriticalStudyoftheEuthalianApparatus (Berlin / New York, 2009). Wright, William, with an introduction by Stanley A. Cook, ACatalogueofthe SyriacManuscriptsPreservedintheLibraryoftheUniversityofCambridge (Cambridge, 1901).

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Wright, William, “A Specimen of a Syriac Version of the Kalīlah wa-Dimnah, with an English Translation,” JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety NS 7.1 (1874), pp. 1–13, 1*–9*. –—, CatalogueofSyriacManuscriptsintheBritishMuseum,acquiredsincethe Year1838, 3 vol. (London, 1870–1872). –—, The Book of Kalīlah and Dimnah, Translated from Arabic into Syriac (Oxford, 1884). –—, “Two Epistles of Mār Jacob, Bishop of Edessa,” JournalofSacredLiterature andBiblicalRecord 10 (1867), pp. 430–460. Wünsch, Dietrich, “Zur syrischen Übersetzung der ‘Pythagorassprüche,’” in: PauldeLagardeunddiesyrischeKirchengeschichte (Göttingen, 1968), pp. 252–264. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, Nicole, Les citations des poètes grecs chez les apologisteschrétiensduIIesiècle, Recueil de travaux d’histoire et de philologie, 4ème série, fasc. 42 (Leuven, 1972). –—, “Quatre pièces apocryphes néotestamentaires en version syriaque,” in: René Lavenant (ed.), IIIo Symposium Syriacum, 1980: Les contacts du monde syriaqueaveclesautrescultures (Goslar7–11Septembre1980), Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 221 (Roma, 1983), pp. 65–77. –—, “Une gnomologie d’auteurs grecs en traduction syriaque,” in: François Graffin and Antoine Guillaumont (eds.), SymposiumSyriacum1976célebré du13au17septembre1976auCentreCulturel“LesFontaines”deChantilly (France), Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 205 (Roma, 1978), pp. 163–177. Zonta, Mauro, “Iwānnīs of Dārā’s TreatiseontheSoul and its Sources: A New Contribution to the History of Syriac Psychology around 800 AD,” in: Elisa Coda and Cecilia M. Bonadeo (eds.), Del’AntiquitétardiveauMoyenÂge: Étudesdelogiquearistotélicienneetdephilosophiegrecque,syriaque,arabe etlatineoffertesàHenriHugonnard-Roche, Études musulmanes, 44 (Paris, 2014), pp. 113–122. –—, “Nemesiana Syriaca: New Fragments from the Missing Syriac Version of the DeNaturaHominis,” JournalofSemiticStudies 36.2 (1991), pp. 223–258. Zotenberg, Hermann, Manuscritsorientaux:Cataloguesdesmanuscritssyriaques etsabéens(mandaïtes)delaBibliothèquenationale (Paris, 1874). Zuntz, Günther, “Euthalius = Euzoius?” VigiliaeChristianae 7 (1953), pp. 16– 22.

A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION It was a difficult task finding a rational way of presenting Syriac and Arabic proper names in a reader-friendly manner. Syriac words are vocalized according to the East Syriac vocalization system, but long and short vowels remain undifferentiated. The forms of the geographical and personal names that appear in the book in the roman script thus represent only the consonantal structure of the Syriac and Arabic. Italic script indicates a more precise transliteration of Syriac and Arabic script whenever necessary. The Syriac collections of sentences on which the present study focuses include a number of proper names of presumably Greek origin that seem not to be familiar for modern readers. They may go back to some Greek names that are unattested elsewhere. However, in many cases they could have resulted from a corruption of the original forms. Some of these names appear in the translation of the published text in Part II, and they may surprise readers who will not find them in dictionaries.

PART I

SYRIAC SAYINGSOFGREEKPHILOSOPHERS IN CONTEXT

PREFACE                  !  " #"$ # We books are many but there is no one who reads us. Oh,whatagreatpitythatweremainunused!1

These words appear in the margin of a Syriac manuscript that is now preserved in London. Before coming to England, the manuscript had been kept in the Dayr al-Suryan monastery in the Egyptian desert, where it was brought from Mesopotamia in 9322 by its abbot Moses of Nisibis.3 Hugh Evelyn White, who is well known for his work on Christian monasteries in Egypt, took this complaint written on behalf of the books as a sad witness to the decline of education in Syriac convents in late Middle Ages.4 What remained unnoticed by the scholar is that this passage is a nice example of short rhetorical composition known as prosopopoeia, personification. The scribe who wrote it in the margin of the manuscript must have been familiar with some elements of rhetoric, which are known to us mainly from Greek sources. Thus, the words quoted above give evidence not to the decline but rather to the highly developed scholastic culture of Syriac monasteries, which in the Middle Ages became centers of learning and vehicles of transmission of Late Antique Greek science and education. Collections of moral sentences played an important role in this process. They were used for training in grammar and rhetoric, and they contributed to the moral education of youth. Syriac collections of moral sentences ascribed to Greek philosophers, poets, and rhetoricians serve as witnesses to the Syriac reception of the Late Antique system of education and at the same time of the transformation of this system in Christian monasteries.

1

BL Add. 12170, f. 135r. Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 460–461. According to the note at the first folio of the manuscript, cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 461. 3 Cf. Brock, “Without Mushē of Nisibis Where Would We Be?” 4 Evelyn White, TheMonasteriesoftheWâdi’nNatrûn, part 2, p. 450. 2

CHAPTER 1

CORPUS OFSGP “These extracts are written in a very obscure style …” B.H. Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies1

1.1. PROLEGOMENA The expression SayingsofGreekPhilosophers (SGP) refers to the sentences that are published in the second part of the present book. The edition is a modern construct. It combines diverse individual collections ofSGP preserved in Syriac manuscripts. All individual collections of SGP vary in length and in content and thus may be considered as independent anthologies. However, they share with one another a large part of their content and thus serve as representatives of the common tradition, forming the corpus ofSGP. Some of the witnesses of SGP have been previously published in the form in which they are preserved in particular manuscripts. Thus far, they have become known as ATreatiseontheSoul and SentencesofPhilosophersontheSoul.2 The title OntheSoul turned out to be inappropriate for the collections of SGP, first of all because it appears in only a limited number of witnesses, while the most extensive version of SGP calls the collection plainly “Sayings of (sc. Greek) Philosophers.” But what is more important, the title OntheSoul does not clearly represent the content of the published materials, which is not limited to concepts of the soul. Sayings of Greek Philosophers should be distinguished from other Syriac gnomic collections attributed to Greek philosophers and poets. These collections will be surveyed in Chapter 3 and will usually be referred to according to their titles (“Sentences of Sextus,” “Sentences of the Pythagoreans,” “Syriac Menander,” etc.) or according to the manuscripts where they are attested (e.g., “the gnomic anthology in Vat. Syr. 135”). Though it might potentially apply to this broader range of texts, the expression Sayings of Greek Philosophers and the abbreviation SGP will be 1 2

Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies, p. 105, n. 45. For the history of research on SGP, see §1.2.

CORPUS OFSGP

5

reserved for the materials that are transmitted in the sources described in Chapter 2 and edited in the second part of the book. The corpusof SGP that includes all individual collections ofSGP preserved in particular manuscripts consists of two main groups of sentences edited separately in Part II: Maxims These sentences take the form of gnomic sayings. In some cases, these are supplemented with narrative details characteristic of the genre of chreia.3 Maxims in most of the textual witnesses of SGP are combined with other sentences that comprise the second group below. Manuscript Dublin 1505 has preserved for us a large collection of sentences, all of which have short aphoristic form and a number of which appear among SGP. In what follows, the collection of the Dublin codex is labeled as “Dublin Florilegium” and it bears witness to the separate transmission of maxims included in SGP. Counsels These sayings take the form of short moral admonitions. They may be regarded as “sentences” in the sense of sayings attributed to particular Greek authors. However, they lack the short aphoristic form that is characteristic of the first group. As the analysis of these textual units has revealed (cf. chapters 4 and 5), at least some of them were derived from the moral treatises of Christian and non-Christian authors. Due to their provenance, they may be designated as excerpts. However, the provenance of most elements, which form the second group of the corpus, could not be detected until now. The counsels consist of extensive textual units that may have been derived from larger treatises. Several textual witnesses of SGP present mixed collections combining maxims with counsels. However, the most extensive version of SGP found in five manuscripts, which all go back to the same 8th-century manuscript formerly preserved in Tur ῾Abdin, contains only counsels. This version, here called the “Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium,” is based on the lost Tur ῾Abdin copy and forms the basis for the edition of the second group of sentences of SGP.

3

On the terms “maxim,” “chreia,” “gnomology,” etc., cf. §3.1.

6

PART I

The edition of Part II should not be considered as an attempt at reconstructing the “original collection” of the corpus. The SGP probably never existed in any fixed form, but remained in flux throughout its history of transmission. 1.2. HISTORY OF RESEARCH The transmission of a large number of Syriac manuscripts from the Egyptian desert to the British Museum (now the British Library) in London in the first half of the 19th century gave a strong impulse to the study of Syriac literature in general.4 The growing interest in Syriac sources was due to the great quantity of materials that became available to scholars, and also to the discovery of new works in the manuscripts. The first descriptions of the Syriac manuscripts in the British Museum mostly focused on biblical, liturgical, and patristic sources,5 but also pointed to the Syriac translations from Greek as important sources of information for the Late Antique epoch. Syriac translations from Greek became the main point of interest for Ernest Renan in his letter published in 1852 in JournalAsiatique.6 Renan was the first to describe the content of BL Add. 14658, containing Syriac translations of Porphyry’s Isagoge and Aristotle’s Categories.7 Among the texts described by Renan, a number of collections of moral maxims attributed to Plato, Menander, Theano, and Pythagoras were found. The French scholar published several fragments from these works and proposed some Greek parallels to them, suggesting that the Syriac works have preserved for us early translations of Greek gnomic collections and short moral treatises. However, subsequent research into the collections of sentences preserved in BL Add. 14658 traced only some of them back to Greek sources (as was the case for the sentences of the Pythagoreans8) while failing to identify any Greek Vorlage for the others (such as the so-called Syriac Menander).

4

Cf. Cureton, “British Museum — MSS.” Cf. Lee, Eusebius; Cureton, TheFestalLetters; idem, CorpusIgnatianum. 6 Renan, “Lettre à M. Reinaud.” 7 I refer to these manuscripts as “BL” according to their modern status, though until the end of the 20th century they were officially part of the British Museum and were thus referred to as “BM.” 8 Cf. Gildemeister, “Pythagoreische Sprüche.” 5

CORPUS OFSGP

7

The Syriac manuscripts from Dayr al-Suryan attracted the attention of a number of scholars in the 1850s–60s (including W. Cureton,9 R. Payne Smith,10 and P. de Lagarde11), mainly as sources for church history. In 1862 a heterogeneous collection of texts in English translation was published by Benjamin Harris Cowper.12 In the preface to his book Cowper complained about the lack of interest among readers in the Syriac manuscripts which at that time were deposited in the British Museum. His complaints have much in common with the marginal note of the Syriac scribe, cited above as an epigraph.13 To arouse interest in the Syriac manuscripts, he selected a number of mostly short or fragmentary works which he published in an English translation. Among these fragments was a short collection of sayings ascribed to Greek philosophers that he found in BL Add. 14618.14 Cowper’s English translation of eleven sayings, including the large fragment with the chreia on Alexander the Great, was the first publication of a collection of SGP. Following BL Add. 14618, the author called the collection a StatementofPhilosophersConcerningtheSoul. Soul was indeed the main topic of the florilegium, and that was the reason why this and similar collections later became known and referred to as SyriacSentences ontheSoul, though this title was characteristic only of the limited number of manuscripts and it failed to fully describe the content of the SGP. Cowper reported that he was unable to identify the sources of the florilegium and offered only the following short remark: These extracts are written in a very obscure style, and are evidently taken from some apology or defense of Christianity, the writer of which embodied them in his treatise. What apology it was I cannot say. Neither have I traced the extracts to their sources. Indeed some of the names of the authors are quite unknown to me.15 9 Cureton, SpicilegiumSyriacum. The publications of Cureton stressed again the significance of BL Add. 14658. 10 Payne Smith, TheThirdPart. 11 See especially de Lagarde, AnalectaSyriaca. 12 Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies. 13 Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies, p. iii. The complaints of Cowper must be taken with caution. Cureton in the preface to his Spicilegium Syriacum (see pp. i–iii) points to an anonymous scholar who had published several translations from Syriac, which Cureton found very unsatisfying. This anonymous scholar, who signed his publications with the initials “B.H.C.,” seemed to lack contact with the other colleagues working in the field of Syriac studies at that time. 14 Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies, pp. 43–45. 15 Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies, p. 105, n. 45.

8

PART I

Though Cowper’s hypothesis that the sayings had been extracted from other treatises probably of an apologetic character was practically never mentioned or discussed in subsequent research, it turned out to be generally correct in view of the data which will be presented below. Also helpful was Cowper’s characterization of the elements of the Syriac collection as “extracts,” which will be elaborated upon in the present study. The florilegium translated by Cowper was published by Eduard Sachau in 1870.16 His book consisted chiefly of the Syriac translations of the “secular Greek works” (“Schriften griechischer Profanliteratur”) found among the manuscripts that came to London from Dayr al-Suryan. In BL Add. 14614, Sachau discovered a collection of maxims, which was nearly identical (only the last three sayings were absent) to the one found by Cowper, and he included variants from it in the footnotes.17 Additionally, the German scholar found a number of similar sayings of Greek philosophers in a manuscript preserved in the library of the New College, Oxford (as Liber Syriacus 331), which he reproduced in the introductory part of his book.18 In the same year, Sachau published an article offering an overview of the “Syriac translations of classical non-Aristotelian Greek works.”19 Sachau praised the role of Syriac Christians as “the main heirs of the legacy of Old Greece after the Alexandrian scholars”20 and described a number of manuscripts which contained translations from the Greek. Among the items described were the abovementioned BL Add. 14614 and 14618 containing anthologies of SGP as well as a number of other gnomic collections (e.g. those of Theano, Menander, and Pythagoras). In his description, Sachau referred to the catalogue of the Syriac manuscripts in the British Museum, which in 1870 had been prepared for the press by William Wright. The catalogue was published in three volumes between 1870 and 1872.21 Wright pointed to further collections of moral sayings in the manuscripts (such as, e.g., BL Add. 17178), where several sayings of Greek philosophers belonging to SGP were transmitted anonymously among monastic and ascetic writings. 16 17 18 19 20 21

Sachau, IneditaSyriaca. Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. Îï[76] –Õï[79]. Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. VII–IX. Sachau, “Über die Reste.” Sachau, “Über die Reste,” p. 69. Wright, Catalogue.

CORPUS OFSGP

9

Before his death in 1898, Wright was engaged in the preparation of another catalogue of Syriac manuscripts, those found in the University Library, Cambridge (it was published posthumously in 1901).22 It contained a description of the Cambridge Additional 2012, including a number of “sayings of philosophers,” i.e. one of the collections of SGP.23 Wright included extensive quotations from the sayings, which afforded a further evaluation of the collection and comparison of it with other florilegia. One of the most voluminous collections of SGP was published in 1894 in another catalogue entry, which in this case was part of the catalogue of Syriac manuscripts at the Monastery of St. Catherine, Sinai.24 This collection was transmitted in Sinai Syriac 16, and it seemed so important to the editor, Agnes Smith Lewis, that she reproduced the whole text as part of the description of the codex.25 Lewis did not point out the proximity of the florilegium in the Sinai manuscript to the collections found among the London, Oxford and Cambridge manuscripts previously published or described. Neither did she provide a translation of the text or any commentaries on it. The collections published by Sachau and Lewis (i.e. those of BL Add. 14614 and 14618, Oxford New College 331, and Sinai Syriac 16) were translated into German by Victor Ryssel in an article of 1896.26 Ryssel was mostly interested in the Syriac translations of the Greek texts and he thought it necessary to provide translations of those Syriac works which could have attracted the interest of historians and specialists in Greek science and philosophy. With that purpose in view, he not only analyzed several Syriac versions of well-known Greek texts, such as Ps.-Aristotle’s Demundo,27 Plutarch’s Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate,28 and the Sentences of Sextus,29 but also published German translations of those treatises which, as he supposed, had gone back to the Greek sources, e.g., the pseudepigraphic dialogue Socrates.30 Ryssel supposed that the audience of SGP must have 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Wright and Cook, Catalogue. Wright and Cook, Catalogue, pp. 525–539. Lewis, Catalogue. Lewis, Catalogue, pp. 26–38. Ryssel, “Philosophensprüche.” Ryssel, ÜberdentextkritischenWerth, Teil 2, pp. 55–56. Ryssel, “Zwei neu aufgefundene Schriften.” Ryssel, “Sextussentenzen.” Ryssel, “Die pseudosocratische Dialog.”

10

PART I

been the same as that of the just-mentioned dialogue and of the treatise Plato’sAdvicetohisDisciple.31 The German scholar provided a rather literal translation of the sentences and refrained from giving any commentaries to the texts. Instead, he encouraged other scholars to analyze the Syriac florilegia and to disclose Greek parallels to them. However, it took nearly one century for his proposal to be addressed. The Syriac collections of sentences, despite explicit reference to Greek authors, failed to disclose any relation to their sources. In 1904–1909 the Syriac Catholic patriarch Ignatius Ephrem II Raḥmani published five volumes under the title StudiaSyriaca containing diverse Syriac texts found among the manuscripts of the Monastery of Sharfeh in Lebanon.32 In the first volume, Raḥmani published the introductory part of the PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist and the sections with the prophecies of the Ḥarranian deity Baba.33 The second volume included several apocryphal letters concerning the birth and death of Jesus Christ,34 which turned out to be part of SGP and were included in the two manuscripts known to Raḥmani. His notes in the introductory parts of the first two volumes provide us with important insights into the manuscript history of what in the present book will be called the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. About a decade later, the Syriac florilegia made an appearance in the monumental HistoryofSyriacLiterature published in 1922 by Anton Baumstark, who included them in his overview of “popular philosophical literature.”35 Baumstark compressed all his information into a single sentence asserting that only some Syriac moral sentences could be traced back to their Greek sources, while others had been the products of Syriac literary activity.36

31 “Sie gehören also demselben Literaturkreise an, dem (…) der pseudosokratische ‘Dialog über die Seele’ (…) angehört” (Ryssel, “Philosophensprüche,” p. 530). 32 Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca. 33 Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca I, pp. Òã [48] – … [50]. Latin translation on pp. 47– 50. 34 Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca II, pp. ‚[20] – ¿Ý[21]. Latin translation on p. 38. Cf. also pp. 30–31. 35 Baumstark, Geschichte, pp. 169–170. 36 “Teils als Ganzes aus dem Griechischen übersetzt, teils aus einschlägigem Material wohl erst auf syrischem Boden zusammengestellt sind einige kleinere Gnomologien von Sprüchen verschiedener Autoren” (Baumstark, Geschichte, p. 170).

CORPUS OFSGP

11

The most interesting information, however, appeared not in the main text of the book, but in a footnote (on the whole, the work of Baumstark may be characterised as a collection of informative footnotes).37 Based on his profound knowledge of Syriac manuscripts across all of Europe, Baumstark gave, for the first time, an extensive list of manuscripts that contained collections of SGP. Thus, Baumstark not only summed up the information on the known collections, but also added a considerable number of new sources. His list included the following manuscripts: Sinai Syriac 16, BL Add. 14618, 14614, and 17178, “Codex Syriacus I” from the catalogue 500 of K.W. Hiersemann, Vatican Syriac 144, Oxford 331, Cambridge Add. 2012, Diyarbakır 114 and Mardin 81. Two manuscripts in this list are now considered either not located or lost: “Hiersemann 500/2” and the one preserved at that time in Diyarbakır. Two publications that appeared after Baumstark are worth mentioning. In 1960, André de Halleux published in the CSCO series TheBookofPerfection by the 7th-century East Syriac author Sahdona.38 In his treatise, Sahdona included several anonymous fragments from the “outside philosophers” (i.e., Greek, non-Christian authors) that he considered useful for the monks.39 De Halleux identified these anonymous fragments as deriving from some collection of sayings that must have been similar to those published by Sachau and Lewis. In 1965, the SGP attracted the attention of Franz Rosenthal who published a German translation of the last part of the treatise of Mubashshir b. Fatik Muḫtāral-ḥikamwa-maḥāsinal-kalim, containing a mixed collection of sayings of different philosophers.40 Rosenthal noted in the commentary to the translation that several maxims revealed a striking similarity to the collections of SGP published by Sachau. The first (and until now, the last) systematic analysis of the corpus of SGP was proposed by Nicole Zeegers-Vander Vorst in a paper presented at the second SymposiumSyriacum at Chantilly, France, in 1976. The paper was included in the collected volume of the symposium printed in 1978.41 The Belgian scholar had previously published a study on the 37

Baumstark, Geschichte, p. 170, n. 5. De Halleux,Martyrius(Sahdona)I. 39 De Halleux, Martyrius(Sahdona)I, vol. 200, p. 15f. (Syriac text); vol. 201, p. 15f. (French translation). 40 Rosenthal, Das Fortleben der Antike im Islam. English translation: Rosenthal, ClassicalHeritage. 41 Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Une gnomologie d’auteurs grecs.” 38

12

PART I

use of the Greek poets by Christian apologists of the second century.42 It was probably this topic that brought to her attention the Syriac sources, which had become known through the publications of Sachau and Lewis. Zeegers summed up all available information about the manuscripts and pointed to three additional ones that had gone unnoticed by or were unknown to Baumstark: Sinai Syriac 14, Mingana Syriac 4, and Vatican Syriac 596. Additionally, Zeegers noted how many sentences were included in particular codices and provided a list of similarities between the collections (indicating that she had had access to the manuscripts). Though in some cases her observations turned out to be not quite correct,43 Zeegers provided us with a very detailed and careful analysis of the state of the question at the time of her publication. She was able to determine that Mingana Syr. 4 and Vat. Syr. 596 go back to the same copy.44 She also added the treatise of Sahdona to the list of sources, although Rosenthal’s commentaries on the Syriac parallels to the work of Mubashshir remained unnoticed by her. In a footnote, Zeegers mentioned two other Syriac collections of maxims, one from Vat. Syr. 135 and another in the Dublin 1505, but considered both of them irrelevant for the collections of sentences known as OntheSoul. The analysis of the manuscripts including SGP brought Zeegers to the conclusion that this corpus of sentences cannot be connected with any known Greek florilegium.45 The only exception known to her46 also supported this conclusion. The author suggested including the Syriac florilegia in the corpus of Syriac pseudepigraphic works that bear the names of Greek authors but have no relation to Greek sources. At the next SymposiumSyriacum (1980), Nicole Zeegers-Vander Vorst presented another paper (published in 1983) focusing on four apocryphal stories related to the New Testament (three of them had been made known earlier by Raḥmani).47 The short fragments, which attracted her interest, 42

Zeegers-Vander Vorst, Lescitationsdespoètesgrecs. E.g., in the Sinai Syriac 14 she distinguished 12 sentences instead of 14, and in Vat. Syr. 144 her number is 23, though in my view it is nearly twice as large. 44 Now more manuscripts should be added to this group, see §2.2. 45 “Tout au plus peut-on se demander si ces textes appartiennent à la littérature grecque sentencieuse authentique ou si au contraire ils relèvent de la littérature pseudépigraphique” (Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Une gnomologie d’auteurs grecs,” p. 173). 46 I.e. the maxim included in the Sinai Syriac 16 (= SGP no. 63 in the present edition) and attributed to Democritus: “The only thing I know is that I do not know anything,” cf. GnomologiumVaticanum 267 (103 Sternbach). 47 Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Quatre pièces apocryphes.” 43

CORPUS OFSGP

13

formed part of SGP in four manuscripts: Mingana Syriac 4, Vatican Syriac 596, Harvard Syriac 99, and Montserrat Or. 31. The two latter manuscripts were not mentioned in her first article, and apparently she learned about them only by 1983. That same year, Sebastian Brock published an article on the PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist, preserved in the same four Syriac manuscripts containing collections of SGP and the apocryphal stories.48 Zeegers’ second article, thus, further enlarged the list of manuscripts of SGP by two important new witnesses. However, the author did not stress this aspect of her study and focused instead on the long transmission history of the apocryphal stories.49 Zeegers’ two articles, especially the first, turned out to be the only attempt to analyse the SGP as a whole, although they later only sporadically attracted the attention of scholars. One of the sayings which appears in SGP under the name of Gorgias was published by Thomas Buchheim (who used Lewis’ edition and Ryssel’s German translation) in 1989 in his edition of the testimonia to the Greek author.50 The florilegia did not escape the notice of Sebastian Brock, who mentioned them in a number of articles dealing with the Syriac reception of Greek science and philosophy that, according to his view, formed the route “from antagonism to assimilation.”51 The rise of interest in gnomological literature in more recent years yielded new publications focusing on Syriac gnomic collections. The SGP was mentioned (under the title On the Soul or without any particular title) in the studies of Paolo Bettiolo,52 Ute Pietruschka,53 and the present author.54 The emergence of international projects that focus on the transmission of gnomic sayings55 shows promise that Syriac sources will soon be more fully integrated into scholarly research.

48

Brock, “A Syriac Collection of Prophecies.” Cf. also: Brock, “Some Syriac Excerpts.” Cf. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Quatre pièces apocryphes,” p. 69. 50 Buchheim, GorgiasvonLeontinoi, pp. 98–99 (fr. 28). 51 Brock, “From Antagonism to Assimilation.” See especially p. 33, n. 16 where Brock refers to different Syriac collections of sayings. Cf. also Brock, “Syriac Translations of Greek Popular Philosophy,” p. 15. 52 Cf. Bettiolo, “‘Gnomologia’ siriaci.” On pp. 298–299 Bettiolo lists the manuscripts of SGP on the basis of the first article of Zeegers. 53 Pietruschka, “Gnomologia: Syriac and Arabic Traditions.” 54 Arzhanov, “The Arabic version of the Syriac gnomologies.” 55 URL: www.ancientwisdoms.ac.uk (viewed on 01.02.2018). 49

CHAPTER 2

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP



“These are well-known tales, told for the edification of men …” Sahdona, BookofPerfection1

Diverse collections of SGP have been preserved in a number of manuscripts. Some of them are now practically inaccessible or lost.2 The edition of the sentences in the second part of this book is based on fifteen manuscripts that bear the following sigla: A B C D F G J L M O P R S V W

Sinai, Syriac 16 (8th/9th cent.); Sinai, Syriac 14 (10th cent.); Cambridge, Additional 2012 (14th cent.); Dublin, Trinity College, 1505 (13th cent.); London, British Library, Additional 14618 (7th/8th cent.); London, British Library, Additional 14614 (8th cent.); London, British Library, Additional 17178 (11th/12th cent.); Dayr al-Suryan, Syriac 27, part B (9th/10th cent.); Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 4 (1895); Oxford, New College, 331 (12th cent.); Biblioteca de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Or. 31 (1915); Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 99 (1899); Sharfeh, Raḥmani 79 / Sony 256 (1901); Vatican, Syriac 144 (8th cent.); Vatican, Syriac 596 (1917).

One siglum designates a family of manuscripts: τ

the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium transmitted by M, P, R, S, and W.

Two authors provide us with further witnesses of SGP: Sahd Sahdona (7th century) includes several sayings in one of his treatises; Mub Mubashshir b. Fatik preserves the Arabic version of SGP.

1

Brock, “A Further Fragment,” p. 151. This is likely in case of the manuscript “Diyarbakır 114” (see §2.2) and of the manuscript described in the two catalogues of K.W. Hiersemann (see below §2.4). 2

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

15

Two sigla in the chapter below refer to the manuscripts not containing SGP: E X

London, British Library, Additional 14658; Vatican, Borgia Syriac 17.

Two collections stand out from the witnesses of SGP: (a) the florilegium preserved in D; and (b) the collection of τ that served as the ancestor for five late copies — M, P, R, S, and W. The latter manuscripts are characterized by their uniformity and evidently go back to the same source, which can be traced to the region of Tur ῾Abdin (Syriac Ṭūr῾Aḇdīn, in modern Southeast Turkey). What makes τ particularly interesting is the fact that it contains only counsels (cf. chapter 1). It completely lacks those gnomic elements that appear in other collections and take the form of short gnomic sayings (maxims). On the other hand, D preserves a large collection of sentences that contain only maxims. The whole corpus of SGP, preserved in the 15 manuscripts listed above, may thus be classified into two main parts, represented by the collection of maxims in D and the florilegium of counsels in τ. These two collections are described below, followed by descriptions of the remaining manuscripts and witnesses of SGP. 2.1. THE DUBLIN FLORILEGIUM (TCD 1505) The manuscript Dublin, Trinity College (TCD), 1505 (D)3 is a small paper codex (ca. 13 × 9 cm) with several vellum pages (ff. 1–17), consisting of 209 leaves altogether.4 It is written in single column with 25–28 lines per page in the Western Serto script. While the major part of the codex can be dated to the 13th century, it also includes several folios (first of all ff. 186v– 199r) that are written by a later hand, which can be dated to the 15th–17th century CE. The philosophical sentences on the last leaves of the manuscript are written in the same script as the first leaves date to the 13th century. The last folios of the codex were rebound in an incorrect order, but their original sequence can be reconstructed from the correct page numbers in Arabic letters.5 The manuscript includes the following texts: 3 On the spine of the codex the earlier catalogue number B.5.32 is written and it is also marked with a pencil on f. 203v. On the bottom of f. 203v one finds the title ScientiaMundana Syriace. 4 Cf. Wright, “Specimen,” pp. 1–13, 1*–9*; idem, TheBookofKalīlahandDimnah, pp. vii–xi; Abbott, Catalogue, pp. 403–404; Bcheiry, Catalogue, pp. 12–14. 5 Cf. Wright, TheBookofKalīlahandDimnah, pp. 7–8.

16

PART I

ff. 1v–185r

Syriac translation of the Arabic collection of stories Kalila wa-Dimna;6 f. 185v a collection of riddles with answers;7 ff. 186r–199r a Syriac translation of Aesop’s Fables (the Syriac text is written by a later hand, preceded by an index of chapters in Arabic);8 ff. 200r–202v a collection of questions-and-answers on different issues of logic, physics, and biblical interpretation; the section bears the title, “In what way questions should be asked;”9 ff. 202v–203v a Syriac translation of the Greek Pythagorean Sentences;10 ff. 203v–207v sayings of the philosophers (= SGPnos. 1–54).11

In what follows, the collection preserved at the end of D will be called the “Dublin Florilegium.” Now 54 sayings can be read and identified in it. The verso side of folio 207 has been preserved in such a bad condition that only a few words remain legible. It is thus probable that the florilegium was originally longer and that more texts followed in D after the collection of SGP. The collection of SGP in D forms the final part of an anthology of texts, which may be characterized, first, as entertaining stories with moral content (Kalilawa-Dimna, Aesop’s Fables, Pythagorean Sentences), and secondly, as treatises designed for pedagogical purposes (riddles, questions-and-answers). Thus, D brings together moral philosophy in gnomic form with the educational environment, and this combination makes this manuscript particularly valuable for the present study. Another distinctive characteristic of the Dublin Florilegium concerns the form of its sayings. Its 54 extant sayings have the form of gnomes, i.e. short witty maxims attributed to famous Greek philosophers and poets, or chreias, i.e. maxims that are combined with narrative elements presenting the circumstances of particular aphorisms.12 Both forms are well known to us from the Greek gnomic collections, such as GnomologiumVaticanum, GnomologiumBaroccianum, the Anthology of Stobaeus, and in 6

Published in Wright, TheBookofKalīlahandDimnah. Cf. Wright, “A Specimen,” pp. 3–4. 8 D contains 83 fables. Edition: Lefèvre, Uneversionsyriaquedesfablesd’Ésope. The description of the manuscript and its collection of fables is found on pp. xx–xxv. Lefèvre dates the script of the leaves to the 17th century CE. 9 Cf. Wright, “A Specimen,” p. 5. 10 Cf. §3.2.5. 11 Wright published the sentence of Antisthenes found on f. 204r (= SGP no. 4) as a sample from the collection: Wright, “A Specimen,” p. 6. 12 Cf. Overwien, “Das Gnomologium.” 7

17

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

Byzantine sacro-profane florilegia.13 In fact, many of the parallels between D and these Greek sources make this florilegium rather unusual among the Syriac collections of moral maxims. Two characteristics combine the Dublin Florilegium with other witnesses of SGP: 1) The title of the collection in D is nearly identical to that of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium; 2) D shares a number of sentences with other collections of SGP, where they usually are mixed with the counsels.14 The Dublin Florilegium is published completely in Part II of the present book covering nos. 1–54 of the first group of sentences (nos. 55–79 derive from other collections of SGP). D contains the following sayings:15 No.inms. andinSGP

Attribution

Positioninms.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Plato Zeno Socrates Antisthenes Anacharsis Apollonius (of Rhodes) Theophrastus Diogenes Demosthenes Demosthenes Solon Solon Crates Plato Socrates Plato

203v.12–15 203v.16–20 203v.20–204r.2 204r.2–6 204r.6–9 204r.9–11 204r.11–14 204r.14–18 204r.18–21 204v.1–3 204v.3–7 204v.7–9 204v.10–14 204v.14–17 204v.17–19 204v.20

13 Overviews of the preserved Greek florilegia may be found in: Gutas, GreekWisdom Literature, pp. 9–35; Searby, CorpusParisinum, vol. 1, pp. 22–59. 14 Cf. the table in §2.11. 15 The “position in ms.” refers to folio (r/v) and lines.

18

PART I

No.inms. andinSGP 17 18 19 20 21–30 31 32 33–37 38–40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

Attribution Diogenes Socrates Socrates Socrates Theano Timonides Maria Urfinus Alcestis Oedipus Theodotus Achilles a philosopher Aristippus Antigonus Zeno Socrates Socrates Thales Thales Thales Thales Agesilaus

Positioninms. 204v.21–205r.2 205r.2–5 205r.5–8 205r.8–11 205r.11–205v.11 205v.11–14 205v.14–17 205v.18–206r.8 206r.8–22 206v.1–4 206v.4–6 206v.6–10 206v.10–12 206v.13–18 206v.18–21 206v.22–207r.3 207r.3–5 207r.6–8 207r.8–11 207r.11–13 207r.13–15 207r.15–19 207r.19–22

2.2. THE TUR ῾ABDIN FLORILEGIUM This collection has been preserved in five manuscripts written at the end of the 19th—beginning of the 20th centuries. Though their content is not identical, they all share a number of treatises including a collection of SGP. One may list the manuscripts chronologically as follows: M R S P W

Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 4 (1895) Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 99 (1899) Sharfeh, Raḥmani 79 / Sony 256 (1901) Biblioteca de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Or. 31 (1915) Vatican, Syriac 596 (1917)

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

19

Two of the listed manuscripts, M and S, were copied by the same scribe, Mattai bar Pawlos. Mattai was also responsible for writing down the part of W that included the collection of SGP (other parts of the manuscript were written by another hand). P was copied by Isaac Armalah. The colophon of R does not contain the name of the scribe but its ductus is very similar to that of P and it is highly probable that this codex was written also by Isaac Armalah. P and R share some of the same textual variants in the sentences of SGP against the other three manuscripts. But in general, all five manuscripts contain a nearly identical collection of SGP and derive from a common archetype. The earliest copy in the list, Mingana Syriac 4 (M), was produced in 1895. Alphonse Mingana purchased it in 1924–1925 from the scribe Mattai bar Pawlos (d. 1947),16 with whom he was well acquainted and whom he highly esteemed for his writing skills and knowledge of the manuscript collections of Baghdad, Mosul, and Tur ῾Abdin.17 In 1933, Mingana published a description of this codex in the first volume of the catalogue of the manuscript collection that bore his name and was preserved in Selly Oak in Birmingham.18 The colophon of M provides some information about the codex from which it was copied. On f. 141v the scribe noted:19 ôàs fzøòs Āçþ ÇÝ ¿ÐüÙ u¾Â ¿ÚáãÎý{ ¿Þé> âúý A A èُ¾ćã{èÚóàsĀçþÂ{fÀĀÚÑÚþãèÚðã{¿þäÐ{À¾ćäçã{ ? ¿ççÓ{fÁüÙüý¿çäÙÍãf¿ÂĀÝ¿æzuĀÝ{ (...) ¿ÚæÎÙxÀĀý{ A > Íäý „Îýüæx ÀÎý> ¿ćàx ¿ÚÔÐ{ ¿ćáÚA Ñã ÁËÃï A A fÀÎçäÙÍ ¿ÚýËúã{܎܎ ãfÀÍàsx܎   ЍâïûÚA çì¿ćàsf¿æz¿ÂĀÞ > ¿ò{üÔòs f†ÎàÎò ¿Ñçã ü †ÎÙĀã f¿Úà‹Îã ¿ÚٍÎé A {zx 16 Cf. Coakley, “Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library,” p. 113; Heal, “Notes on the Acquisition History.” Heal notes that Mingana bought 34 manuscripts copied by Mattai between 1872 and 1925 and commissioned 22 new copies: see Heal, “Notes on the Acquisition History,” p. 12. 17 Mingana, “The Early Spread of Christianity.” Mingana notes on p. 349 that Mattai “knows a great deal about Syriac manuscripts and copied more of them than any other man living or dead.” 18 Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 1, pp. 6–19. Several years before, Alphonse Mingana published a part of Mingana 4 with the polemical treatise of Dionysios Bar Ṣalibi and attached facsimile photos of the codex to the publication: Mingana, Woodbrook Studies, vol. 1, pp. 17–92. 19 The text of the colophon is quoted in: Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 1, p. 19; Vööbus, DidascaliaApostolorumI, pp. 32*–33*.

20

PART I

 fÀĀÝüÃã ƒ‹Îãx ÀĀçÙËä fÀÍàs ËáÙx ¿þÙËù ÀËïx ÀĀúÙA Āï ÀĀЋs âï ¿ÂĀÝ ¿æzx ÀĀЋs Áxz Āäáý{ (...) ? ? (èÙËÃïÎÓx)¿ÚÙy? ÎéxÁ ÎÓè ãèçÙ ĀÙs{À¾ Æé¿Ú çýĀäÙËù A A A A ? > > > fÍÚæÌéÎÐÍÚáäþæxzÎÝs¿æüÐsĀÙA sĀÚà{ÍÚáïèçÂĀÝ{ A (This book) was finished and completed on the 23rd of Ab (= August) in the year 1895 CE, and in the year 2206 of the Greeks. (…) And this book was copied by a true believer, zealot in faith, a weak and sinful servant (of God), whose name is unworthy to be recorded in this book, but has need of God’s mercy, a Jerusalem pilgrim, a Syrian from Mosul, Mattai, son of Pawlos, rest his soul, the administrator of the Holy Church of the Mother of God in the blessed city of Mosul (…) And I finished the copy of this book from an old manuscript, written many years ago, which was brought from the Mountain of the Syrians (addedabovetheline: Tur ῾Abdin), and we copied it, and there was no other (codex) like it to correct its shortcomings.

Mattai states that the manuscript that he used for making his copy was a single codex whose age he estimated as “old.” This codex was preserved in the region of Tur ῾Abdin (these words are written above the line by the same hand) and was brought to Mosul for the sake of making a copy. It seems likely that it was not the scribe himself who initiated the transportation, for he was unable to specify the original location of the codex. Some additional information about the “old manuscript” used by Mattai is found in the work of the Syriac Catholic Patriarch Ephrem II Raḥmani (1848–1929).20 In 1904–1909, Raḥmani published five volumes under the title StudiaSyriaca. The first two volumes of this edition contained a number of short treatises derived from a manuscript (or maybe several manuscripts — the description of the sources is not very precise) that was copied for the library of Sharfeh. In the first volume, Raḥmani published the introductory part of the PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist 21 and the prophecies of the Ḥarranian deity Baba.22 Additionally, he mentioned a letter of James, bishop of Jerusalem, to Quadratus, noting that it derives from a copy made in 1901 “from an old codex, preserved in the church of the town Midyat in the mountains of Tur ῾Abdin.”23 In the introduction to the second volume, 20 Cf. Macuch, Geschichtederspät-undneusyrischenLiteratur, pp. 429–432; Brock and Kiraz, “Raḥmani, Ignatius Ephrem II,” p. 350. 21 See §3.3.1. 22 Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca I, pp. Òã[48] – …[50]. Latin translation on pp. 47–50. 23 “Quae primo loco editur apocrypha epistola s. Jacobi episcopi Hierosolymae ad Quadratum, desumpta est ex quodam sat vetusto codice, qui asservatur in ecclesia oppidi

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

21

which had the subtitle ApocryphihypomnemataDomininostri, Raḥmani wrote about two manuscripts that he used for the edition and designated as “A” and “B.” Ms. “A” was located in Mosul and dated by Raḥmani to the 14th century. Ms. “B” was characterised as a parchment manuscript dated to the 8th century and preserved in the church of Mart Shmuni in Midyat near Mardin.24 Among the texts published by Raḥmahi we find two testimonies on the birth of Christ that were included in SGP (= SGP nos. 123 and 129). The “patriarchal fonds” (named after Patriarch Raḥmani) of the library of the monastery of Sharfeh have preserved a manuscript with the shelfmark “Charfeh, fond patr. 79” dated to 1901 (S).25 S was written by the same scribe as M, and it is very probable that it was the copy that had been commissioned in 1901 by Raḥmani and served as basis for his edition in 1904.26 In the catalogue of the collection made by Behnam Sony it received the number 256.27 On the last page of S (f. 91v, second column)28 we find the following colophon: ? ¿çþäþã¿ćáÚÑã€Ëپ„ËäáÝÍÂÿÚçÝx (...)¿ÂĀÝ¿æzåáý ôàsĀçþ (...)ƒ‹ÎãĀçÙËäÂf¿ÚٍÎé¿Ñçã†ÎàÎòü€Āã d܎  ¿Ðüٍx¾ÂÁËÐ{À¾ćäðý{ Finished is this book. (…) Everything in it was compiled by the hands of the weak deacon Mattai the Syrian, son of Pawlos, rest his soul, in the city of Mosul (…) in the year 1901, on the 15th of Adar (= March).

If the note of Raḥmani is credible, i.e. that this codex was copied on the basis of the 8th-century manuscript preserved in the church of Midyat, then the same “old manuscript, written many years ago,” copied by Mattai in form of M, could have been used again for producing S. However, some arguments speak against this assumption. M and S are nearly identical in Modiad (ËÙËã) in monte Turabdinensi, et ex quo fuit anno 1901 transcriptum exemplar nostrae bibliothecae” (Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca I, p. 53). 24 “Prior autem syriacus codex apographus ex quo depromitur textus noster extat in urbe Mossul et refertur ad saeculum XIV, alter, qui custoditur in ecclesia sanctae Samonae in oppido Mediad in monte Masio prope Mardin, est membranaceus litteris estrangelis exaratus, uti videtur, saeculo VIII.” (Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca I, p. i). 25 Sherwood, “Le fonds patriarcal de la bibliothèque manuscrite de Charfet,” p. 106. 26 Cf. Brock, “Notes on Some Texts in the Mingana Collection,” p. 212, n. 1. 27 Sony, CataloguedesmanuscritsduPatriarcataucouventdeCharfet, pp. ۸۷ – ۸۹ [87–89]. 28 On this last folio one finds a pen mark written in Arabic: ١٨١ ‫“ صفحة‬page 181” that would correspond to f. 91v.

22

PART I

content.29 The text of SGP in them matches nearly completely, except the fact that S omits two sentences at the end of the collection. It is, thus, likely that S was written on the basis of another copy made by Mattai bar Pawlos, and M could have served for that purpose (in 1901 it was still in Mosul in the collection of Mattai). The third copy of the same collection of SGP made by Mattai come down to us in the composite manuscript that was copied by several scribes and is now preserved in the Vatican Library (as Vatican Syriac 596, W in the present study).30 Mattai was responsible for writing down the first part of the codex, ff. 1r–113r.31 On f. 111r he noted: ? ¿ćáÚÑã €Ëپ (...) ¿ÂĀÝ ¿æz ¿ÚáãÎý{ ¿Þé èÙx âúý A A ƒ‹Îãx ÀĀçÙËä f¿Ñçã †ÎàÎò ü f¿ÚٍÎé €Āã f¿çþäþã A A A ܎   üêïĀÃý{ À¾ćäðý{ ôàs{ fÀĀÚæÎÙ ܎u Āçþ (...) > ÚA þã ܎  ¿ÐüÙèêÚçÂfÀĀÚ Ñ A This book was finished and completed (…) by the hands of the weak deacon Mattai the Syrian, son of Pawlos, rest his soul, in the city of Mosul (…) in the year 2228 of the Greeks, in the year 1917 AD, on the 13th of Nisan (= April).

Here Mattai does not disclose on what basis this copy was made. Again, this third witness predates the purchase of M by Mingana. As in the case of S, it is very probable that the two copies, S and W, were made on the basis of M. Two manuscripts written at nearly the same time by another scribe demonstrate close proximity to the three copies made by Mattai. The first, Harvard Syriac 99,32 does not indicate its Vorlage. The ductus of this 29

Cf. Brock, “Notes on Some Texts in the Mingana Collection,” pp. 211–215. Cf. Van Lantschoot, Inventaire des manuscrits syriaques, pp. 126–128. Now the manuscript is freely accessible on the site of the Vatican Library. On f. 1r we find a note: “Giuseppe Gogué, Roma 23 Marzo 1937.” It refers to Joseph Gogué (1886–1971), the Chaldean Catholic archbishop of Baṣra in Iraq, who probably owned this codex before it came to the library of Vatican. 31 Cf. Van Lantschoot, Inventairedesmanuscritssyriaques, p. 128. 32 See Titterton, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts, pp. 182–195 (MS 91 [4027]); Goshen-Gottstein, Syriac Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library, p. 78. For a very short description, see Clemons, “Checklist of Syriac manuscripts in the United States and Canada,” p. 244 [no. 130]. A review of the catalogue of Goshen-Gottstein with very valuable additional notes on particular manuscripts was published by Sebastian P. Brock in JournalofSemiticStudies 26 (1981), pp. 317–321. On pp. 320–321 Brock gives extensive information on the content of the manuscript 99. 30

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

23

codex differs from the copies produced by Mattai but looks similar to the scribal manner of P, which shares some characteristics of the text with R. R was brought to Harvard as part of the collection that had been purchased from Rendel Harris in 1905. It was also Harris who encouraged Alphonse Mingana to make his journey in 1924–1925 and gather his valuable collection of manuscripts including M.33 It is likely that R came into the possession of Harris with the help of the American missionary Rev. Alpheus N.I. Andrus, who spent many years in Mardin and could have been the person who commissioned the copy.34 The colophon informs us: ? ? ¿ÚæÎÙx > ¿ÂĀÝ ßÙĀés{ åáý f¿ćáÚA Þæ ٢٢١٠ ܎   ĀçA þ (...) ¿æz A A   ? > f¿ÐüÙ èêÚA ç èÚãÎÙ Áüêï fÀĀÚÑÚA þã ١٨٩٩ ܎ ĀçþÂ{ A A fuĀÝx¿ÚÔÐâïÎà‹{fÏðàsxÍäÐ ÎæxÀĀÃý„ ÎÚ A A A This book was finished and completed (…) in the year 2210 of the perfidious Greeks and in the year 1899 AD in the 10th day of the month Nisan (= April), on the Saturday of the Raising of Lazarus.35 Pray for the sinner who wrote (it).

The three colophons written by Mattai bar Pawlos share a number of terms that we do not find in the quoted text (e.g., here we find ßÙĀés instead of ¿Þéâúýby Mattai and the expression “perfidious Greeks” used for the dating36) and evidently belong to another scribe, whose hand we find also in P. Montserrat Or. 31 (P) is the latest witness (dated to 1915) in the list.37 It attracted the attention of scholars due to its inclusion of the Didascalia Apostolorum.38 At the end of this large codex containing 375 pages (numbered with Arabic numerals), we find the name of the scribe, Īsḥāqbar Armaltā (ÀĀáãsüÂûÑêÙs), or IsḥaqArmalah (‫)اسحق ارملة‬. This prolific Syriac scribe (1879–1954) was born in Mardin and studied at the monastery of Sharfeh in Lebanon, where he later became a secretary of 33

Cf. Heal, “Notes on the Acquisition History,” pp. 12–13. Cf. Coakley, “Manuscripts for Sale,” p. 8. 35 I.e. “Lazarus Saturday,” the day before Palm Sunday. 36 For this expression, see Brock, “Perfidious Greeks, Blessed Greeks.” 37 Del Río Sánchez and Zomeño, CatálogodelosmanuscritosSiríacos, pp. 51–53. Cf. Olivar, “La biblioteca del monasterio de Montserrat,” pp. 131–139. 38 Sanders, “Autour de la Didascalie,” pp. 51–52; Vööbus, DidascaliaApostolorumI, pp. 37*–40*. Cf. also de Halleux, “Un fragment philoxénien inédit.” 34

24

PART I

the Syriac Catholic Patriarch Ignatius Ephrem II Raḥmani.39 He copied a large number of Syriac manuscripts and was well-acquainted with the collection preserved in Sharfeh that he described in a catalogue published in 1937.40 It is thus most likely that Isaac Armalah knew that S was preserved in the library of the monastery at that time. Nevertheless, the colophon of P tells us that its Vorlage was not in Sharfeh, but in Mardin and came from Dayr al-Za῾faran. In the period between 1910 and 1919 Isaac Armalah lived and taught in Mardin, and thus had direct access to the manuscripts preserved in the monastic communities of the region. If he was also the copyist of R dated to 1899 the lack of his name in this manuscript may be explained by the fact that the young deacon (he was ordained in 1898) only started his career as a scribe. In 1899 he was in Sharfeh, but he could have used the same manuscript for making his copy, as he did later. In this case the manuscript from Dayr al-Za῾faran was brought to Sharfeh by Raḥmani. Later Armalah could have made another copy during his stay in Mardin. The colophon of P gives us an extensive report on the place and dramatic historical background of the copy, its Vorlage, and the time of its transfer to Spain:41 ? ? ¿ÂÎЏx ÀĀáÚÑã ¿ÙËپ (...) ¿æz ¿ÂĀÝ ßÙĀés{ åáý A €üãxÁüãÎðÂèÙxÍÂĀÝf¿ÚٍÎéÀĀáãsüÂûÑêÙs¿þÚþù A > ¿Úþù ¿Âüù üÚs ÍÂx …üãx ܎    Āçý èÙxüäÂx åÙüòs ? > {ËÃï ÀĀçþ ÍÂ{ f¿Âüðãx èÙÍáÝ ÀÎÞáã ĀÚ ÁüÙüã{ A ? ? ? ? ? ? âï¿ÚãÎáÓ{¿Úò{xy{¿ćáÔùg¿ćäÐy¿ćàx{¿æ{ÌÓ¿ÚÝ y{ ? ? fèÙyÍæĀÚÃÂ{¿Úç㍾Âx¿çÚÔéÌÝx¿ćäÚA êпćäï ÁüÚÔæx ÀĀúÙĀï ÀĀЋs ßÙs uĀݏs ¿ÂĀÝ ¿æz üÚÅ {z A ? > ¿ÚÂÎúðÙ ? Āçý ¿ÔÙüéx €z ¿ÚÙyÎéx …üóï|x ¿ÚççÐ €üãx ÁüÙË   {üÂôéÎÙ†ÎÚÔçÆÙs¿ÝüÙüÔòxÍçÂÏÂ… ١٣٣٣ †ÄÙz üãx܎ > ÕóЏs…üãx ١٩٢٤܎  Āçý ÍÙĀÙsxÀĀçýÁxÍÂèÙx¿ýz £ ¿çóáゾÂ{s{ĀæΙ 期 οÙz|… ÎÂs¿æz¿ÂĀÞà€ÍÚA çù{ =z †{ĀÝËç €üã ¿þÙËùx zĀðÚé èãx ¿óÞæ ¿ÙüÙx{ ¿ùüÓ ?  >  ¿ÚæÎà Ā úÂxsّ üêæÎãxÀÍàsËáÙx¿çÙÍÝÁüãÎïx¿ÙĀ ÝËçÂx > > dÀËÙÍïÁüÙËà ÍàËÝ ÍàÍçA Þý{ 39 Cf. Macuch, Geschichtederspät-undneusyrischenLiteratur, pp. 438–440; Kiraz, “Armalah, Isḥāq,” p. 33. 40 Armalet, CataloguedesmanuscritsdeCharfet. 41 The pages of the manuscript are numbered with Arabic numbers, and the colophon is found on pp. 368–369, which would correspond to ff. 184v–185r.

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

25

This book was finished and completed (…) by the weak hands of the lowly priest ĪsḥāqbarArmaltā, the Syrian, who wrote it in the monastery of Mar Ephrem in Mardin in the year 1915 CE. A cruel and bitter war broke out in this year between all the kingdoms of the Occident. And in the same year, the Turks wrought merciless acts of tyranny, having killed, persecuted, and oppressed the enviable race of Christians in Armenia and Mesopotamia. This book was copied from an old manuscript preserved in the monastery of Mar Ḥananiya of Za῾faran of the Jacobite Syrians, which was copied in the year 1333 CE in the time of the Patriarch Ignatius Jawsep bar Wuhayb, † 1333. And now, in this year, that is the year 1924 CE, this book was acquired through the diligence of the Reverend Father Bonaventura Ubach, a skilled teacher and a pious monk from the order of Saint Mar Benedict, i.e. from the Benedictines, of the prosperous monastery of the Mother of God of Montserrat in Catalonia. And he brought it to the aforementioned monastery.

From this colophon, we learn that (1) the archetype of P was located in Dayr al-Za῾faran near Mardin when it was copied in 1333;42 (2) it was brought to Mardin and copied in 1915 by Isaac Armalah;43 (3) in 1924 the Benedictine monk Dom Bonaventura Ubach44 bought the codex and brought it to the library of the monastery of Montserrat, where it has been preserved until our time. In this colophon, we encounter the same expression ßÙĀés{ åáý A ¿æz¿ÂĀÝwhich appears in P. The name of the scribe of the latter is hidden under the humble epithet “sinner.” However, the ductus of R is very similar to that of P. Furthermore, these two manuscripts share a number of characteristics of the text that do not appear in the three other manuscripts of the same group. All this evidence suggests that both manuscripts were produced by the same scribe, Isaac Armalah. If this was the case, then we may affirm that all five manuscripts in the present group were written by two of the most experienced and skillful Syriac scribes of their time, who probably transmitted accurate copies to us.

42 It is likely that the copy was produced in Dayr al-Za῾faran under the auspices of Patriarch Ignatius bar Wahib (or “Bar Wuhayb”) who made it his seat, cf. Barsoum, The ScatteredPearls, pp. 488–489. 43 Sanders, “Autour de la Didascalie,” p. 50, n. 12: “L’autorité de Mgr. I. Armaleh (1879– 1954) nous garantit l’exactitude de la copie.” 44 In 1922–1923 Dom Bonaventura Ubach made a trip to Near East where he visited Damascus, Palmyra, Aleppo, Baghdad and a number of other places. In 1924, he returned to Montserrat, where he played an active role in establishing the collection of Oriental manuscripts and the museum. See Díaz, “Dom Bonaventura Ubach,” pp. 1–14.

26

PART I

This hypothesis is confirmed by the analysis of the text of the five manuscripts that demonstrate a very high degree of uniformity. There are a number of errors, omissions, and variants that they have in common and thus speak in favor of one and the same Vorlage: Omissions: – The word ¿Úäý is missing at the end of SGP no. 84.45 This must be due to the state of the Vorlage where this particular word was illegible. All five manuscripts leave an extra space (in M, P, and R two dots serve as markers), thus noting the missing element and maybe hoping to include it later from some other witness (cf. the note of the scribe in the colophon of M). > ? ÍÚïÎ ? Ãã èã – In no. 86, a portion of the sentence is missing (¿Úóý ŸzĀäÞÐx ¿ćáãx). ? The absent part approximately corresponds to one line of text if it is written in two columns on the page (cf. the layout of M and S that have ca. 5 words per line), and it must have been absent already in the Vorlage. > in no. 110. – Omission of the first word (èã) – Omission, probably due to homoeoteleuton, in no. 126. Errors: – In no. 88, the form …Îáúéattested in all five manuscripts is a corruption of …ÎàÎé. – In no. 103, the form èÙüäãxis a clear misreading of èÙüÞðãx, as in all other witnesses (additionally, all five manuscripts omit the word ¿úÚóé and include èÚáãx). – In no. 105, the variant „Ëãx in four manuscripts must have been a misreading of Áx{Ëãx. These forms in some Syriac scripts look nearly identical. The error goes back probably not to the misreading of the variant preserved in the Vorlage, but to the bad state of the text in the latter. The fifth manuscript, P, gives only the first two letters, which are the same in both words. The rest of the word was probably illegible. – No. 107: ¿ćáÚÝ A (cf. ‫ المكيال‬Mub): ¿çÚÝ M P R S W. It is likely that the second variant is due to the misreading of the first one. ? – No. 116: èُyÎã ËÝx A C: èُÎãË R: èٍÎãË M P S W. It is likely that the original variant (preserved in A and C) was not clearly legible and resulted in the other variants. Otherversionsofthetext: – Replacing of part of the text in no. 114. – No. 115: ¿ç{A C O V: ¿ç{¿Þ{M P R S W. The latter variant looks like a dittography. The second word could have been introduced into the main text from a supralinear or marginal correction of the first one. 45

The numbers refer to the edition in Part II.

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

27

– The final part of no. 122 differs substantially. – There are a number of specific readings in the five manuscripts at the end of no. 125.

These are the most characteristic features shared by all five manuscripts discussed above. They point to the common archetype which until the end of the 19th century was preserved in the region of Tur ῾Abdin and which in the present study is designated with the Greek letter τ. Among the witnesses of τ, three manuscripts, M S W, contain a number of errors which are not shared by two other manuscripts, P and R: – No. 95: üã¾ćã P R: üã¾æ{ M S W. The phrase ÄÑãx âÔã > which is present in P and R, is omitted in M S W probÀ{z A u¾Ð, ably due to homoeoteleuton (À{z...À{z). – No. 111: evident error ¿ćàÎääÂin M S W is a misreading of ¿æÎää as in A F V, but also in P and R. – No. 117: †ÎÙüòP R: †ÎÙüÚòM S W. – No. 118: üãsin M S W is a misreading of üÃÝs, which is correct in P and R. > ÀÍàs, ? – No. 130: the phrase …Îæz ‰sx f…{Íà èÙËÆéx which is present in P and R (and supported by the witnesses of Michael the Syrian and Bar ῾Ebroyo), is omitted in M, S, and W probably due to the homoeoteleuton (…Îæz ... …Îæz).

These errors are shared by M, S, and W. There are a number of errors which are present only in S and only in W, though we find no specific errors in M that are not found in S and W: – Specific variants and errors in S are found in nos. 93, 108, and 120. Besides, only S omits sentences nos. 132 and 133 completely due probably to the similar beginning of the nos. 132 and 134 (…ÎóÚêÝ üãs). – Specific errors in W are found in nos. 85, 86, and 103. In no. 125, W omits a portion of the text. – No. 93: a marginal note in M indicates that the form Áxøãshould be corrected to Áx‹¾ćã. It is the latter form that occurs in S and W.

These characteristics of the three manuscripts indicate that S and W were copied from M. Although the evidence is scarce, the historical circumstances of the production of the three manuscripts support this conclusion. M was the earliest copy of τ made by Mattai bar Pawlos and the only manuscript in the group that explicitly refers to the “old” codex from Tur ῾Abdin as its prototype. The later copies that Raḥmani commissioned from

28

PART I

Mattai could have been produced on the basis of M. When Mattai was copying S in 1901, M remained in his possession. The striking similarity between the contents of M and S (the texts included in both anthologies are nearly identical with M including some treatises absent from S) speaks in favor of the dependence of S on M. The textual evidence listed above also testifies that W in all likelihood was copied from M, especially since it remained in the collection of Mattai in 1917. Two other manuscripts in the group that were copied by Isaac Armalah, P and R, demonstrate several common features listed above when compared to the three copies of Mattai. However, P and R each contain specific errors: – Specific errors in P appear in nos. 82, 92, 93, 97, 105, 106, 108, 111, 115, and 121. In no. 88, only P omits a portion of the text. In nos. 86, 95, 102, and 122, P contains variant readings that are different from the rest of τ. – Specific errors in R appear in nos. 83, 101, 102, and 106. In nos. 83, and 119, R has specific variant readings.

Thus, we may state that P and R are independent copies of an intermediate copy which derived from τ but contained errors that are now shared by the two copies. The colophon of P identifies it as a 14th-century codex from Dayr al-Za῾faran. Another location of this manuscript proposed by Raḥmani (Mosul) may be explained by the fact that Syriac manuscripts were brought to other places for the sake of copying at that time. The stemmacodicum of the τ-group may be represented as follows: (τ) (8th cent.) (ζ) (14th cent.)

P

R

M S

W

Manuscripts Sinai Syriac 16 (A) and Dayr al-Suryan27 (L) dated to the 8th–9th and to the 9th–10th centuries respectively bring additional

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

29

evidence for the early dating of τ (8th century).46 A contains more than half of the sentences of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium, and they come in the same order as in the textual witnesses of τ. L includes sentences that are not attested in other collections but come at the end of τ (= SGP nos. 132 and 134). Thus, both manuscripts attest the collection of τ in the form transmitted by the τ-MSS in the 8th–9th centuries and give external evidence for the dating of τ by Raḥmani (who probably was speaking of S as a copy of M). Furthermore, nearly all witnesses of SGP (with the exception of V) follow the order of sentences preserved in τ (see a comparative table below in §2.11). This makes τ not only a very early witness to the counsels collection of SGP (only slightly later than Sahd and the Vorlage of F and G), but also the most comprehensive version of it, including sentences preserved in all witnesses of SGP (a few exceptions are listed in §2.11). Due to the good quality of the copies made by Mattai bar Pawlos and Isaac Armalah, we have at our disposal five reliable copies of the 8th-century collection. All these arguments make τ the main witness to the second part of the edition in Part II. The five witnesses of τ present diverse anthologies of treatises. In addition to the SGP-collection, almost all of them include a number of treatises that could go back to the content of the 8th-century manuscript from Midyat. Among them we find a number of works associated with the life and work of the Apostles: DidascaliaApostolorum (not in S), First letter of Clement to the Corinthians (not in W), Letter of James, bishop of Jerusalem, to Quadratus (not in P and W), Hypomnemata of our Lord (not in P), The teaching of Peter in Rome (not in W), Letter of Dionysius to Timothy on the deaths of Peter and Paul (not in W), Note of Epiphanius on the Apostle Paul (not in W).

Besides, we find some treatises on Old Testament issues: Riddles from the Old Testament and their solutions (not in W), Notes on the kings under which each one of the prophets prophesied (not in W), Extracts from Jacob of Edessa and Ephrem the Syrian on biblical questions.

46

See below, §2.3 and §2.4.

30

PART I

There are also some polemical works:47 Letter of the Jews to the emperor Marcion concerning the Synod of Chalcedon (not in P and W), Philoxenus on the Council of Chalcedon (not in W), Notes of John bar Shushan against Chalcedon (not in W).

Thus, the five witnesses of τ share with one another texts of exegetical (some of which in form of apocryphal stories) and polemical character. Many treatises included in them have clear anti-Jewish content. The presumed Vorlage of the 5 manuscripts most likely was an anthology of treatises that could be used for polemical purposes (“testimonies,” cf. chapter 5). Among the treatises, two collections of sayings are present in all five witnesses of τ: PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersonChrist and SayingsofGreekPhilosophers (SGP). The Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium preserved in five copies contains the following sentences, which have the same order in all manuscripts, with the exception that S omits two of them at the end:48 No. SGP in τ no.

Attribution

M

P 102r.5–11

R 138v.22– 139r.8

S 37rb.8–21

W

1

82

Aristotle

81va.16–29

2

83

Thales

81va.29–b.7 102r.12–16 139r.8–14

3

84

Theophrastus 81vb.7–14

4

85

Demosthenes 81vb.14–21 102v.1–5

139r.20– 139v.2

37va.4–11

5

86

Menander

139v.2–7

37va.11–18 105v.2–5

37rb.21–29 105r.11–16

102r.17–21 139r.14–19 37rb.30– 37va.3

81vb.22–28 102v.6–9

105r.3–10

105r.17–21 105r.22– 105v.1

47 In most of the manuscripts we find extracts on diverse topics taken from the works of Epiphanius (M, S), Cyril of Jerusalem (R), Basil of Caesarea (P, R), John Chrysostom (M, S), Ephrem the Syrian (M, P, R, S), Xystus of Rome (M, P, S), Severus of Antioch (M, P, R, S), Jacob of Serugh (M), John of Dara (M, S), Isaac of Nineveh (M, P, S), Daniel of Salah (M, S), the West Syriac Patriarch Theodore bar Wahbun (M, P, S, W), Abbot Mark (M, S), Bar Andreas (M, S), John Naqar (M, S), Dionysius Bar Salibi (M, P, S), and Abraham of Nathpar (W). 48 The position in the manuscripts refers to folio (r/v), column (a/b) for M and S, and lines. The reconstructed forms of the names are put into brackets.

31

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

No. SGP in τ no.

Attribution

M

P

R

S

W

6

87

Timonides

81vb.29– 82ra.2

102v.10–12 139v.7–11

37va.19–24 105v.6–8

7

88

Solon

82ra.3–8

102v.13–15 139v.11– 16

37va.24–30 105v.9–11

8

89

Democritus

82ra.8–16

102v.16–20 139v.16– 22

37va.30– b.4

105v.12– 16

9

90

Crates

82ra.16–22

103r.1–4

139v.22– 140r.4

37vb.4–10

105v.17– 20

10

91

Pythagoras

82ra.23–30

103r.5–8

140r.4–9

37vb.11– 18

105v.21– 25

11

92

Martialis

82ra.31–b.8 103r.9–13

140r.10–16 37vb.19– 27

106r.1–5

12

93

Talactarus

82rb.9–20

103r.14–20 140r.17– 140v.2

37vb.28– 38ra.5

106r.6–12

13

94

Paris

82rb.20– 82va.1

103v.1–7

140v.2–11

38ra.6–17

106r.13–19

14

95

Aphratius

82va.2–8

103v.8–12

140v.11– 17

38ra.18–24 106r.20–24

15

97

Anicetus

82va.9–17

103v.13–17 140v.17– 23

38ra.25–33 106v.1–5

16

99

Neuterius

82va.18–29

103v.18– 104r.4

140v.23– 141r.8

38ra.34– b.11

17

100 Achilles

82va.30– b.10

104r.5–11

141r.8–17

38rb.11–22 106v.13– 19

18

101 Lucian

82vb.11–23 104r.12–18 141r.17– 141v.3

38rb.23–35 106v.20– 107r.2

19

102 Psellus

82vb.23– 83ra.1

104r.19– 104v.4

141v.3–9

38va.1–9

20

103 (Theognis)

83ra.2–11

104v.5–10

141v.10– 16

38va.10–19 107r.9–14

21

105 Aristotle

83ra.11–21

104v.11–16 141v.16– 23

38va.19–29 107r.15–20

22

106 Orpheus

83ra.22–32

104v.17– 105r.2

141v.23– 142r.7

38va.30– b.5

107r.21– 107v.2

23

107 (Sophocles)

83rb.1–13

105r.3–9

142r.8–17

38vb.6–18

107v.3–10

106v.6–12

107r.3–8

32 No. SGP in τ no.

PART I

Attribution

M

P

R

S

W

24

108 Xenophon

83rb.13–25

105r.10–16 142r.17– 142v.3

38vb.19– 31

107v.11– 18

25

109 Pindar

83rb.26– 83va.2

105r.17– 105v.1

142v.3–9

38vb.32– 39ra.6

107v.19– 23

26

110 Simonis

83va.3–13

105v.2–7

142v.9–17

39ra.6–17

107v.24– 108r.5

27

111 Aristippus

83va.13–20

105v.8–11

142v.17– 22

39ra.17–24 108r.6–9

28

112 Crates

83va.20–28

105v.12–16 142v.22– 143r.5

29

113 Sophocles

83va.28–b.7 105v.17– 106r.2

143r.5–12

30

114 Thalaxion

83vb.7–23

106r.3–11

143r.12–23 39rb.9–24

31

115 Anaxagoras

83vb.24– 84ra.8

106r.12–20 143v.1–12

39rb.25– 39va.7

108v.6–14

32

116 Melissus

84ra.9–20

106v.1–7

143v.12– 20

39va.8–20

108v.15– 21

33

117 Pyrrho

84ra.21–30

106v.8–13

143v.20– 144r.4

39va.21–30 108v.22– 109r.3

34

118 Protagoras

84ra.31–b.7 106v.14–18 144r.4–10

35

119 Democritus

84rb.8–19

106v.19– 107r.5

144r.10–19 39vb.5–16

109r.8–14

36

120 (Gorgias)

84rb.20–29

107r.6–11

144r.19– 144v.3

39vb.17– 26

109r.15–20

37

121 Firmanus

84rb.30– 84va.13

107r.12–20 144v.3–14

39vb.27– 40ra.7

109r.21– 109v.5

38

122 Pindar

84va.14–22

107v.1–6

144v.14– 20

40ra.8–16

109v.6–10

39

123 Longinus

84va.23–b.4 107v.7–13

144v.21– 145r.6

40ra.17–29 109v.11– 17

40

124 Thucydides

84vb.5–14

41

125 Pericles

84vb.15–27 107v.20– 108r.6

107v.14–19 145r.6–13

39ra.24–32 108r.10–14 39ra.33– b.8

39va.31– b.4

40ra.30– b.5

145r.13–22 40rb.6–18

108r.15–20 108r.21– 108v.5

109r.4–7

109v.18– 23 109v.24– 110r.6

33

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

No. SGP in τ no.

Attribution

M

P

R 145r.23– 145v.7

S

W

42

126 Theodore

84vb.27– 85ra.7

108r.7–12

40rb.19–29 110r.7–12

43

127 Eusalius

85ra.8–14

108r.13–16 145v.7–12

40rb.30– 40va.2

110r.13–16

44

128 Ursinus

85ra.15–28

108r.17– 108v.4

145v.12– 22

40va.3–16

110r.17–24

45

129 Patrophilus

85ra.29– b.11

108v.5–12

145v.22– 146r.10

40va.17–31 110v.1–8

46

130 Ursinus

85rb.12–25

108v.13– 109r.1

146r.10–21 40va.32– b.12

110v.9–17

47

131 Gorgias

85rb.26– 85va.4

109r.2–7

146r.21– 146v.6

40vb.12– 23

110v.18– 23

48

132 Xenophon

85va.5–13

109r.8–12

146v.6–12

–

110v.24– 111r.4

49

133 Tracius

85va.14–20

109r.13–16 146v.12– 17

–

111r.5–8

50

134 Xenophon

85va.21–28

109r.17–20 146v.17– 21

40vb.24– 31

111r.9–13

Concluding the description of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium, it seems necessary to recall the note of Arthur Vööbus on the manuscripts of the DidascaliaApostolorum (this treatise is present in several witnesses of τ). Vööbus stated that many of them were still kept in Tur ῾Abdin when he visited this region in the 1960s.49 It is quite possible that new manuscripts containing τ will come to light in the future. However, the 8th-century prototype of the collection from the church of Mart Shmuni in Midyat was most likely lost during the devastating events at the beginning of the last century and has come down to us only in five modern copies, commissioned partly by the scholars who came to Tur ῾Abdin at the beginning of the 20th century.50 49

Vööbus, “In Pursuit of Syriac Manuscripts.” Modern scholars must be grateful to the efforts made by such collectors of the old manuscripts, as Alphonse Mingana who writes in the introduction to his catalogue: “… when I was not able to acquire a MS. found in an Eastern church or monastery, I had a faithful copy made of it for the benefit of scholars. The copies thus made are good and accurate and much more easy to consult than the unwieldy and generally badly preserved originals” (Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 1, p. vi). 50

34

PART I

The libraries of the Christian monasteries of the regions of Southern Turkey and Northern Syria still stand at risk of destruction. It is a great benefit to contemporary scholars that a number of manuscript collections in this region have been digitized by the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (Saint John’s University) in the last decades. It was due to the online resources of HMML51 that I found the manuscript “Mardin 81” that was described in a 1908 catalogue of Addai Scher52 and until recently was considered lost. Nicole Zeegers suggested that this codex was another witness to SGP based on the short description of Addai Scher.53 Now this codex has the shelfmark CCM (Chaldean Cathedral of Mardin) 10. Among the texts included in it, there is a collection of “Sayings of the Sages ? ? on the Intellect” (¿æ{z âïx ¿ćäÚÞÐx ¿áã) on ff. 8v–21r that turns out to be an important and hitherto unknown witness to the Syriac translation of Pythagorean σύμβολα, containing 134 riddles with their explanations.54 Another manuscript from this region could have contained a collection of sentences related to SGP.55 It was listed in the catalogue of Addai Scher as manuscript “Diyarbakır 114” and was dated to the year 1698.56 According to the brief description, it had the title “Useful Sayings of Philosophers ? ? ? ? and Sages” (¿äÚÞÐx{ ¿òÎêáÚòx ÀĀÚæyÎã ¿ćáã). This codex cannot now be found among the manuscripts digitized by HMML,57 but it is possible that it will be identified in the future. 2.3. DAYR AL-SURYAN 27 Dayr al-Suryan (DS) 27 (L)58 contains a short collection of sentences that serves as an additional argument for the antiquity of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. L contains two final counsels of τ (τ nos. 48 and 50 = SGP 51 URL: www.vhmml.org (viewed on 01.02.2018). I would like to thank Dr Anton Pritula for personal communications concerning manuscripts digitized by HMML. 52 Addai Scher, “Notice des mss. syriaques et arabes conservés dans la bibliothèque de l’évêché chaldéen de Mardin,” pp. 86–87. Cf. also Macomber, “New Finds of Syriac Manuscripts,” pp. 473–482. 53 Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Une gnomologie d’auteurs grecs,” pp. 168–169. 54 For the sentences and riddles of Pythagoras, see §3.2.5. 55 Cf. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Une gnomologie d’auteurs grecs,” p. 168. 56 Addai Scher, “Notice sur les manuscrits syriaques et arabes conservés à l’archevêché chaldéen de Diarbékir,” p. 410. 57 Its destiny was not known to Macomber in 1968, see Macomber, “New Finds of Syriac Manuscripts,” p. 480, n. 47. 58 Cf. Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, pp. 159–177. The manuscript was first described by Murad Kamil in his unpublished catalogue where it has the number 29.

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

35

nos. 132 and 134), indicating that τ existed at least in the 9th century in the volume known to us from the late copies of τ. It is interesting to note in this regard that in some cases of textual differences, the variants of L correspond to those of τ against other manuscripts.59 L consists of two large parts, A and B, including folios 1–94 and 95– 127 respectively. Part A of the manuscript is older and is dating from the 6th century. In the second large section B, Lucas Van Rompay identified fragments of five independent manuscripts, though this identification seems not quite correct to me. While in cases of “[Ms. 2]” and “[Ms. 5]” it is clear that they originate from other codices, it seems possible that “[Ms. 3]” and “[Ms. 4]” in the classification of Van Rompay formed parts of the same manuscript as “[Ms. 1]”. The following arguments speak in favor of uniting the three manuscripts identified by L. Van Rompay into one: 1) All three manuscripts are dated to the 9th/10th centuries, they are written in a very similar script combining elements of Estrangela and Serto, and they have nearly the same layout of pages. 2) There is a remark on f. 100r which is part of Van Rompay’s “[Ms. 4]” that after the treatise of Severus Sebokht followed a treatise “On those who did research on natural principles.” This doxographical treatise begins on f. 114v, included in Van Rompay’s “[Ms. 1].” Thus, it seems likely that the letters of Severus had their place before the treatise and could be now put at the beginning of the florilegium. 3) The fragment which is designated as “[Ms. 3]” by Van Rompay belongs to the treatise “On those who did research on natural principles.” The text runs without break between f. 116v and f. 98r. The treatise is mentioned and briefly described in one of the letters of Timothy I written in 781/782, and according to the description, the treatise includes an extensive explanation of the Platonic teaching (= “[Ms. 3]”).60 Both parts are also present in the short epitome of the doxography in Barhebraeus’ CandelabraofSanctuary.61 4) In the proposed extended form, the florilegium that included Van Rompay’s “[Ms. 1],” “[Ms. 3],” and “[Ms. 4]” contained treatises Cf. especially SGP no. 124 where L is usually close to τ against A. Epistle 43, see Brock, “Two Letters of the Patriarch Timothy,” pp. 235–237; Heimgartner, DieBriefe42–58, vol. 248, pp. 65–68 (Syriac text); vol. 249, pp. 47–52 (German translation). 61 For a more detailed description of the Syriac tract “On those who did research on natural principles,” see §3.5. 59 60

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PART I

on grammar, logic, physics, astronomy, and also some collections of moral sentences ascribed to non-Christian philosophers. This combination of topics corresponds to the main elements of the Late Antique educational curriculum, which is also represented by BL Add. 14658 (this manuscript was also preserved in the library of Dayr al-Suryan until the 19th century).62 Based on these arguments, the philosophical compendium of L, including a collection of SGP, may be presented as follows: ff. 100–103 + f. 106–113

Letters of Severus Sebokht (the first treatise may not belong to Severus) on questions concerning astronomy, logic and philosophy. f. 95r Ps.-Aristotle, a short discourse on virtue f. 95r + 114r PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist 63 f. 114r-v Grammatical and logical definitions f. 114v + ff. 104–105 Treatise on those who did research on natural prin+ ff. 115–116 + ff. ciples (including an explanation of Plato’s thought 98–99 on matter) ff. 117r–118r Treatise on names deriving from actions ff. 118r-v Aristotle on the types of statements f. 118v Ephrem, Dispute with a certain Puta (or a “poet”) ff. 118v–123r TreatiseontheSoul divided into seven sections and derived partly from the pseudepigraphic tract Onthe Soul ascribed to Gregory Thaumaturgus ff. 123r-v “On virtue according to the philosophers and on the definition of names” (including a collection of SGP and Pythagorean Sentences)

The manuscript survives in a fragmentary form, and it provides no information on the exact date and place of its copying. However, if the first part of the collection (ff. 100–103 + ff. 106–113 = “[Ms. 4]” in the classification of Van Rompay) containing the letters of Severus Sebokht really belongs to it, then the note on f. 111r provides some information on its history. The marginal note at the bottom of the page states that the manuscript was donated to the monastery by “Patriarch Abraham in the days of Abbot Ṣaliba.” As L. Van Rompay has suggested, the person mentioned here is Abraham b. Zur῾a, Coptic patriarch of Syrian origin, whose activity may be dated to the time around 980.64 Thus the terminusantequem for 62 63 64

For BL Add. 14658 and its structure, see §5.2. Cf. §3.3.1. Cf. Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, p. 172.

37

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

L in part B would be 980, and this supports the dating of the florilegium to the 9th–10th centuries. The treatises of Severus Sebokht at the beginning of the anthology reconstructed above connect it with the monastery of Qenneshre. Timothy I, who was looking for one of the treatises included in the compendium, stated that it was present in the library of another West Syriac monastery, Mar Mattai, at the end of the 8th century. Chapter 12 of this pedagogical compendium, associated with the name of Severus Sebokht and thus with the tradition of Qenneshre has the title: “On virtue according to the phi? âÔã ? ÀĀçù losophers and on the definition of names” (¿òÎêáÚòx ? ÀÍäýx¿úýÎòâÔã{). It contains a collection of SGP and several sentences of the Pythagoreans. This sequence is also found in D containing the Dublin Florilegium. The preceding chapter, no. 11, has the title “On the Soul.” It contains excerpts from the pseudo-Aristotelian treatise Devirtutibusetvitiis and from another pseudepigraphic tract that in Syriac manuscripts bears the title OntheSoul and is usually ascribed to Aristotle.65 This combination of treatises is also found in A (Sinai Syriac 16) that will be described in the following section. Sayings in L:66 No.inms.

SGPno.

Attribution

1

80

Plato

2

85

Demosthenes

123ra.27–b.5

3

96

Timachus

123rb.6–18

4

99

Neuterius

123rb.18–34

5

124

Thucydides

123va.1–13

6

5

Anacharsis

123va.13–18

7

132

Xenophon

123va.18–30

8

134

Xenophon

123va.30–b.10

2.4. SINAI SYRIAC 16

Positioninms. 123ra.15–26

AND

14

The monastery of St. Catharine on Sinai preserves two collections of SGP. They present typical examples of the so-called “monastic anthologies” 65 66

Cf. Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, p. 174f. The position in the manuscript refers to folio (r/v), column (a/b), and lines.

38

PART I

— composed manuscripts that include diverse collections of texts with mostly moral content. Both manuscripts combine Christian moral admonitions with non-Christian moral treatises and reflect the monastic school context.67 Probably both manuscripts are of Melkite origins, and this feature makes them rather unique among the witnesses of SGP, most of which are of West Syriac origins. One of these collections contained in Sinai Syriac 16(A) includes both counsels and maxims. 29 counsels in it follow the same order that is found in the Tur ῾Abdin Florlegium including nearly 2/3 of the amount of τ. Thus, the witness of A supports the early dating of τ, as we may say that the form of the collection preserved in the τ group of manuscripts existed as early as the date of A, i.e. in the 8th century. This witness supports the evidence of L containing the last sentences of τ and dated to the slightly later period. A is a middle-size codex (25 × 15.5 cm) written in a clear, “very conservative” (Brock), Estrangelo script.68 The first folios in the manuscript are laid out in one column, but from f. 56v and until the end (including the collection of SGP), in two columns. J. Rendel Harris was the first to describe the codex in 1891.69 In 1894, Agnes S. Lewis published a catalogue of the Sinai manuscripts, giving a very short account of the content of the codex but printing the full text of the SGP-collection found in it.70 René Draguet identified additional parts of the same manuscript in Ambros. A 296 inf. (ff. 174–180)71 and Mingana Syriac 641.72 Draguet dated A as early as the 6th century CE.73 Lewis, Harris, and Nestle preferred the 7th century.74 However, N. Zeegers pointed to the fact that A included some extracts from Jacob of Edessa, who died in 708, so that the manuscript must have been written not earlier than the 67

Cf. Rigolio, “Some Syriac Monastic Encounters.” Brock, “The Genealogy of the Virgin Mary,” p. 65. Cf. Géhin, Les manuscrits syriaques, pp. 53–55. See also Draguet, “Fragments de l’Ambrosienne de Milan,” Plate V. 69 Harris, TheApologyofAristides, pp. 3–6. Photos of the manuscript can be found before the title page. 70 Lewis, Catalogue, pp. 18–38. 71 Draguet, “Fragments de l’Ambrosienne de Milan”. Cf. Draguet, Lesformessyriaques, pp. 33*–34*. 72 Cf. Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 3, p. 86. 73 Draguet, Lesformessyriaques, p. 33*. Eberhard Nestle writes that Eduard Sachau expressed the same opinion: Nestle, ATractofPlutarch, p. v. 74 Lewis, Catalogue, p. 38; Harris, TheApologyofAristides, p. 4; Nestle, ATractof Plutarch, p. v. 68

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

39

8th century.75 This proposal was supported by S. Brock who opted for the 8th or even early 9th century,76 and this dating is followed in the present study. Sebastian Brock provided us with the most detailed description of the manuscript that reflects the present foliation.77 The descriptions of Lewis and Harris were based on the complete state of the codex. Since the time of their work, the first quire was removed from it and came partly to Milan (as Ambros. A 296 inf., ff. 174–180) and Birmingham (as Mingana Syriac 641). The separated parts included the beginning of the Lausiac history, which forms the first large part of the following anthology preserved in A: ff. 1r–27r ff. 27r–56r ff. 56r–68r ff. 68r–75r ff. 75r–84v ff. 84v–89r ff. 89r–95v ff. 95v–103r ff. 103r–105r ff. 105r–108v ff. 108v–109r ff. 109r–v ff. 109v ff. 110r–114v ff. 114v–177v 75

Palladius, Lausiac History78 Nilus, On Monastic Life79 Apology of Aristides80 Plutarch, On the advantage to be derived from one’s enemies81 Plutarch, On exercise Sayings of the Pythagoreans82 Plutarch, On anger Lucian, On calumny83 Discourse on the Soul84 Counsels of Theano85 (Ps.-)Plato, Definitions86 (Ps.-)Plato, AdvicetohisDisciple Various definitions87 “Discourse of the Sages” (= a collection of SGP) John the Solitary, Commentary on Qohelet88

Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Une gnomologie d’auteurs grecs,” p. 166, n. 13. Brock, “The Genealogy of the Virgin Mary,” p. 65. 77 The numbers probably go back to the project of photographing the Sinai manuscripts organized in 1950 by the Library of Congress. URL: https://www.loc.gov/collections/ manuscripts-in-st-catherines-monastery-mount-sinai/ (viewed on 01.02.2018). 78 See Draguet, Lesformessyriaques. 79 See Bettiolo, GliscrittisiriacidiNiloilSolitario. 80 Published in Harris, Apology; Pouderon et al., Aristide,Apologie. 81 For Plutarch in Syriac, see §3.4.1.2. 82 See §3.2.5. 83 See §3.4.1.3. 84 Ascribed to Aristotle in BL Add. 14658. In Greek attributed to Gregory Thaumaturgus. Cf. Zonta, “Nemesiana Syriaca.” Edited from Sin. Syr. 16 in Lewis, Catalogue, pp. 19– 26. 85 Cf. §3.2.7. 86 Cf. §3.2.3. 87 Published from BL Add. 14658 in: Sachau, Inedita, p. 69. 88 Published in Strothmann, Kohelet-Kommentar. 76

40

PART I

ff. 184v–200r ff. 201r–v ff. 202r ff. 202v–203v

John Chrysostom, excerpts89 Jacob of Edessa, Discourse on Paradise Ephrem the Syrian, On Paradise Short discourses, attributed to a certain Mar Yohannan

The manuscript consists of Christian and non-Christian works of mostly moral content. Works of Plutarch and Lucian containing short exemplary stories (exempla) and moral maxims stand among sayings of the desert fathers. The exempla could be also separated from the main body of the text,90 and several histories taken from Themistius are found in B. Sayings in A:91

89

No.inms.

SGPno.

1

96

Attribution (Timachus)

Positioninms. 110ra.2–17

2

97

Anicetus

110ra.18–b.2

3

98

(Speusippus)

110rb.3–14

4

99

Neuterius

110rb.15–110va.2

5

100

(Achilles)

110va.3–24

6

101

Lucian

110va.25–b.15

7

102

Psellus

110vb.15–30

8

103

(Theognis)

110vb.31–111ra.13

9

105

Aristotle

111ra.13–32

10

106

Euripides

111ra.33–b.19

11

107

Sophocles

111rb.20–111va.11

12

108

(Xenophon)

111va.12–b.3

13

109

Pindar

111vb.3–19

14

110

Simonis

111vb.20–34

15

111

Aristotle

111vb.35–112ra.14

16

112

Crates

112ra.15–30

17

113

Sophocles

112ra.31–b.15

18

114

Thalaxion

112rb.16–112va.14

Cf. Bundy, “The Syriac Version.” Cf. Rigolio, “Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius.” 91 The manuscript is written in two columns in the part with SGP. The reference is given to folio (r/v), column (a/b), and lines. In those cases where the forms of the names are considered corrupt, the supposed original forms of the names are put into brackets. 90

41

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

No.inms.

SGPno.

19

115

Anaxagoras

Attribution

112va.15–b.11

Positioninms.

20

116

(Melissus)

112vb.12–34

21

118

Protagoras

113ra.1–15

22

119

Democritus

113ra.16–b.5

23

120

(Gorgias)

113rb.6–25

24

121

Firmanus

113rb.26–113va.21

25

124

Theognis

113va.22–b.9

26

125

Proclus

113vb.10–114ra.6

27

126

Theodore

114ra.7–28

28

127

Eusalius

114ra.29–b.9

29

122

Pindar

114rb.10–28

30

9

(Demosthenes)

114rb.29–114va.2

31

63

Democrites

114va.3–5

32

12

Diogenes

114va.6–10

33

15

Socrates

114va.11–15

34

65

Plato

114va.16–19

35

18

Socrates

114va.20–25

The collection contains both short sentences and longer textual units (counsels). It is noteworthy that the maxims come up at the end of the florilegium. It seems probable that they were attached to the collection of counsels at particular stage of development of the corpus of SGP (see chapter 6). Sinai Syriac 14 (B)92 contains only counsels, and it presents another example of a monastic anthology. The codex was first briefly described by Agnes S. Lewis.93 A more extensive description may be found in several articles of Sebastian Brock who also published a number of texts included in this anthology.94 B is a parchment manuscript dating from the 10th century, whose size is ca. 21 × 16 cm. In its present condition, it 92

Géhin, Lesmanuscritssyriaques, pp. 49–50. Lewis, Catalogue, p. 17. 94 Brock, “Stomathalassa, Dandamis and Secundus,” pp. 48–50; Brock, “Syriac translation of Greek Popular Philosophy,” pp. 19–23; Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” pp. 19–20. 93

42

PART I

contains 182 folios. According to Paul Géhin, the folios Mingana Syr. 655 and Chabot 53, f. 79, belong to the same manuscript.95 The codex bears the following general title: “Anthology (collected) ? èã ¿þæÎÝ from the holy books for the profit of souls” (¿ÂĀÝ ? ? 96 Thus, we have a compendium ÀĀþóæx ¿æÎÚàx ßÙs ¿þÙËù). of profitable treatises and excerpts taken not only from Christian but also from non-Christian authors. The first treatise in this collection is a discourse of (Ps.-)Macarius, which opens with the programmatic words: “Paul said: People who do not have the Law, have a law in their souls” (Rom. 2:14). Like A, the first part of B contains treatises of monastic authors, e.g. (Ps.-)Macarius,97 Abba Cassian and Abba Isaiah. On f. 101r, the title “On Philosophy” appears, and after it the manuscript contains the following texts:98 ff. 101r–128r f. 128r-v ff. 128v–129v ff. 129v–130r ff. 130r–131r f. 131r ff. 131r-v ff. 131v–132v ff. 132v–133r ff. 133r–135v ff. 135v–143r ff. 143v–147v ff. 147v–150r ff. 150v–151v ff. 151v–164v 95

Definitions of philosophy attributed to Michael Badoqa99 Collection of sayings attributed to Plato100 History of the philosopher Dandamis101 History of 107 Pythagorean philosophers102 4 excerpts from the tract Onvirtue attributed to Themistius Letter of Gregory of Nazianzus to Basil of Caesarea103 Excerpts from Cyril of Alexandria Conversation between Plato and two philosophers104 History of Stomathalassa105 Epitome of Ps.-Aristotle Devirtutibusetvitiis106 Selected histories from the ApophthegmataPatrum Fragments from the HundredChapters of Diadochus of Photike History of the holy Serapion “From the sages” (= a collection of SGP) Discourses of Mark the Solitary

Géhin, Lesmanuscritssyriaques, p. 49. Cf. Lewis, Catalogue, p. 17; Strothmann, DiesyrischeÜberlieferungderSchriften desMakarios, vol. 1, p. 259. 97 Published in Strothmann, DiesyrischeÜberlieferungderSchriftendesMakarios. 98 The description is based on Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” pp. 19–20. 99 Cf. Furlani, “Il libro delle definizioni e divisioni.” The attribution to Michael Badoqa is now considered spurious, see Abramowski, “Zu den Schriften des Michael Malpana / Badoqa.” 100 See §3.2.3. 101 See §3.2.10.2. 102 See §3.2.5. 103 Letter 114 addressed to Celeusius in the Greek corpus, see Gallay, GregorvonNazianz, p. 87f. 104 See §3.2.3. 105 See §3.2.9. 106 Published in Brock, “An Abbreviated Syriac Version.” 96

43

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

The rest of the manuscript contains mostly works of Ephrem the Syrian. Both Christian and non-Christian works included in B present edifying stories which have some moral content and mostly demonstrate that the true wisdom is not a theoretical knowledge but the right way of life that is associated with monastic ascetic practice. Part of this compendium is a collection of anonymous sayings with the ? title “From the sages” (¿ćäÚÞÐèã) that serves as one of the witnesses to SGP. The collection includes the following sayings:107 No.inms.

SGPno.

Positioninms.

1

81

150v.1–10

2

83

150v.11–17

3

85

150v.17–22

4

84

150v.22–151r.1

5

89

151r.1–7

6

91

151r.7–13

7

93

151r.13–21

8

94

151r.21–151v.4

9

97

151v.4–8

10

98

151v.8–13

11

101

151v.13–20

12

112

151v.20–23

13

113

151v.23–26

14

131

151v.26–29

A and B are not the only manuscripts from the Sinai monastery that contain collections of SGP. In 1921 and in 1922, K.W. Hiersemann printed in Leipzig two catalogues (nos. 487 and 500) that contain descriptions of several Syriac manuscripts108 that originated at St. Catherine’s but ended up being sold on the antiquities market in Europe between the wars. One 107 The text on the folios is written in one column. The references are to the folios (r/v) and lines. 108 Hiersemann, Katalog487; Hiersemann, Katalog500. Cf. Strothmann, “Die orientalischen Handschriften der Sammlung Mettler”; Outtier, “Le sort des manuscrits du ‘Katalog Hiersemann 500.’”

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PART I

of these manuscripts (no. 255a in catalogue 487 and no. 2 in catalogue 500, usually referred to as “Hiersemann 500/2”) contained a collection of sentences of Greek philosophers related to SGP. The introductory part of the catalogue indicates that it was Anton Baumstark who described the Syriac manuscripts of the collection.109 According to Baumstark’s expertise, Hiersemann 500/2 (“Codex Syriacus I”) was of Melkite provenance dating from the 9th century. It was a parchment codex, measuring 19.4 × 14.5 cm (cf. “Tafel II”) and containing 195 folios at the time it was described. Baumstark detected that folios 1–34 originally belonged to another manuscript. This part of Hiersemann 500/2 contained mostly ascetic texts (Isaiah of Scetis, Ammonas, Isaac of Nineveh, fragments from Lausiachistory). On ff. 13v–19v there was a collection of anonymous sayings, which Baumstark identified as related to the sentences published by Sachau and Lewis, but including new materials. Unfortunately, any trace of this manuscript is now lost. It was sold to the library of Louvain, where it received the siglum G 197 and was destroyed in the bombing of Louvain during the Second World War. 2.5. BL ADD. 14618, 14614,

AND

17178

Two manuscripts, F and G, now preserved in the British Library in London serve as the earliest witnesses to SGP. Both of them go back to the same prototype that could be dated to the 7th century, as F was probably written in the 7th or 8th century.110 It was this manuscript that attracted the attention of Benjamin Harris Cowper who published an English translation of the sentences contained in F in 1861 and thus made SGP known to scholars for the first time.111 Eduard Sachau published the text of the sentences in 1870 using F as the main witness and noting that G contained a nearly identical collection (variants from G were represented by Sachau in the footnotes).112 Nothing speaks in favor of the possibility that the later codex G was copied from F. Rather, G and F should be considered as two separate copies of the same Vorlage. In many cases this Vorlage differs from all other witnesses to the sentences, as the critical apparatus of the edition makes clear. 109 In 1922, Baumstark also prepared a note on the collection quoted in Strothmann, “Die orientalischen Handschriften der Sammlung Mettler,” p. 285. 110 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 736–738. Cf. Sachau, “Über die Reste.” 111 Cowper, SyriacMiscellanies, pp. 43–45. See §1.2. 112 Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. Îï[76] –Õï[79].

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

45

BL Add. 14618 (F) dated by Wright to the 7th or 8th century, is a parchment codex measuring ca. 24 × 16 cm.113 The text is laid out in one column with the number of lines varying between 25 and 36. It contains the following texts: ff. 1r–v ff. 2r–6v ff. 6v–11r ff. 11r–v ff. 11v–18r ff. 18r–26v ff. 26v–28r ff. 28r-v ff. 28v–29v ff. 29v–32v ff. 32v–46r ff. 46r–88r

History of the Apostle Addai Letter of consolation on the death of a child Three letters of Ignatius of Antioch114 Letter of Gregory of Nazianzus to Evagrius Discourse of Jacob of Serugh on admonition115 Discourses of Isaac of Antioch116 “Discourse of the philosophers on the soul” (= a collection of SGP) Plato’sAdvicetohisDisciple Anonymous tract on virtuous life Anonymous treatise on admonition Homilies of Basil and Gregory of Nyssa Four dialogues of John the Solitary on the soul117

The anthology of F includes mostly treatises with pedagogical content. The metrical homilies of Jacob of Serugh and Isaac of Antioch praise education and knowledge. The dialogues of John the Solitary focus on the Christian interpretation of the soul and its qualities as opposed to the “pagan” teachings.118 Among these discourses we find a collection of SGP that is nearly identical with the one preserved in G. BL Add. 14614 (G) dated by Wright to the 8th century is a vellum codex measuring approximately 16 × 13 cm.119 It presently contains 48 leaves written in one column, varying between 19 and 24 lines per page. It presents an anthology of edifying texts, similar to the collection of F in many aspects: ff. 80r–90r Moral Instruction of John the Solitary ff. 90r–109v Selection from LivesoftheEgyptianFathers ff. 109v–114r Discourses of Ephrem the Syrian on the mercy of God 113 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 736–738. The first short description of the manuscript was provided by Cureton, CorpusIgnatianum, pp. xxx–xxxi. 114 Published in Cureton, CorpusIgnatianum. 115 Published in Bedjan, HomiliaeselectaeMar-JacobiSarugensis, pp. 1f. 116 Published in Bedjan, HomiliaeS.IsaaciSyriAntiocheni. 117 Published Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis. 118 Cf. below, §4.2. 119 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 745f.

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PART I

f. 114r ff. 114r–116r ff. 116r–117r f. 117r-v ff. 117v–118r ff. 118r–119r ff. 119r–121v ff. 122r–127v

“Selected sayings of the philosophers concerning the virtuous way of life:” “Isocrates”120 “Menander”121 “Sayings of the sages”122 “Counsels of the philosophers” (= a collection of SGP) Plato’sAdvicetohisDisciple “Another discourses on the soul” (= another collection of SGP) Canticles of Jacob of Serugh

The middle part of the codex starting with f. 114r and bearing the general title “Selected sayings of the philosophers concerning the virtuous way of life” is comparable to BL Add. 14658 (siglum E in the present edition). The latter codex, dated to the 7th century, is a large anthology comprised of mostly philosophical works in the first part, and collections of gnomic sayings and moral admonitions in the second part. This second part finds many parallels with G where the treatises of E appear in abridged or fragmentized form.123 The connection between the two manuscripts is an intriguing fact, as E may be characterized as an anthology of philosophical and scholarly works, implementing the idea of Late Antique paideia and mostly including translations or adaptations of non-Christian works. In contrast, G contains a number of definitely Christian works at the beginning and at the end. Like F, all of these somehow stress the idea of education and admonition that is primarily understood in terms of moral conduct. Thus, G gives an example of an educational compendium, where Greek moral treatises appear side-by-side with Christian ascetic writings. Both collections of SGP in F and G go back to the same prototype. Each codex contains some additional materials. Several maxims precede the shared collection in G. Several additional counsels follow the shared collection in F. In both cases, we find a clear distinction between the collection that is identical in the two manuscripts and the additional materials. These two manuscripts contain the following sayings:124 120 121 122 123 124

lines.

Cf. §3.4.1.1. Cf. §3.2.4. Cf. §5.3. Cf. §5.2. Both F and G are written in one column. References are given to folio (r/v) and

47

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

No.inF No.inG SGPno.

Attribution

PositioninF

PositioninG

1

1

Plato

117v.18–118r.1

2

62

Thales

118r.1–3

3

14

Plato

118r.3–6

1

4

80

Plato

2

5

84

Theophrastus 26v.27–32

119v.6–14

3

6

86

Menander

26v.32–27r.4

119v.14–120r.1

4

7

90

Crates

27r.4–9

120r.1–8

5

8

96

Timachus

27r.9–16

120r.8–19

6

9

103

(Theognis)

27r.16–24

120r.19–120v.7

7

10

127

Eusalius

27r.24–29

120v.8–14

8

11

143

Alexander

27r.29–27v.26 120v.14–121v.16

9

109

Pindar

27v.27–28r.3

10

111

Aristippus

28r.4–10

11

112

Crates

28r.10–16

26v.20–26

119r.18–119v.6

The addition of maxims in G makes it possible that the compiler of this manuscript had access to two separate collections, one of which contained only counsels and another that was related to D and contained maxims. The compiler of F probably had access to several collections of counsels, one that was identical with the source of G, and the other that contained more counsels. The third collection that came to London from Dayr al-Suryan in the first half of the 19th century is BL Add. 17178 (J), dated by Wright to the period of 11th or 12th centuries.125 The size of this manuscript is ca. 18 × 12 cm. It includes mostly vellum leaves but also several paper ones. It is laid out in one column, with 16 to 26 lines per page. In its present state, the codex contains 146 folios. It mostly contains excerpts from ascetic texts: ff. 1v–30r ff. 30r–46r ff. 46r–53r ff. 53r–69v 125

Extracts from LivesoftheEgyptianFathers Extracts from the writings of Isaiah of Scetis Fragments from the works of Evagrius Selection from LivesoftheEgyptianFathers

Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 855–857.

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PART I

f. 70r-v

“Sayings of the sages and philosophers” (including a collection of SGP) ff. 70v–71r Extract from Evagrius ff. 71r, 71v Extracts from John the Solitary ff. 71r-v Selection from the Sentences of Sextus ff. 72r-v Fragment from Philoxenus of Mabbug f. 72v Short fragment from Isaac of Antioch ff. 72v–89v Extracts from John Climacus f. 89v Extract from Ps.-Macarius ff. 90r-v Sentences of Philoxenus, Sextus, and Evagrius ff. 90v–146r Fragments from the writings of Isaiah of Scetis

J contains an anthology of extracts, short fragments, and sayings taken from ascetic writers, which may have been used either as moral admonitions or for pedagogical purposes. The anthology includes short gnomic sayings ascribed to Evagrius, Sextus, and Philoxenus of Mabbug, but also a number of anonymous sentences. The anonymous “Sayings of the sages ? ? ? and philosophers” (¿òÎêáÚòx{¿ćäÚÞ Ðx¿ćá ã— the title is found on ff. 69v–70r) derive from three different sources: 1) The first nine maxims (that are numbered with Syriac letters) are taken from the Sentences of the Pythagoreans;126 2) One maxim (numbered with the Syriac letter) is extracted from the LetterofMarabarSerapiontohisSon;127 3) Three last sentences form a short collection of SGP and have no numbers. J contains the following sayings: No.inms.

SGPno.

Positioninms.

1

14

70r.4–6

2

99

70r.6–15

3

113

70r.15–19

All three witnesses described in this section represent the same type of composite manuscripts (monastic anthologies) that is characteristic of the Sinai collections.128 They contain both Christian and non-Christian treatises with moral content that mostly provide examples of a pious way 126 127 128

Cf. §3.2.5. Cf. §5.3. Cf. §2.4.

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

49

of life. The various stories and short sayings collected in these anthologies must have served as an “exemplary” role for its readers. The Christian exempla of this kind primarily included stories about and aphorisms of the Egyptian fathers. Fragments from the ApophthegmataPatrum are included in G and J. Alongside these Christian exempla we find stories of non-Christian philosophers and collections of SGP. 2.6. VATICAN SYRIAC 144 Vatican Syriac 144 (V), dating from the 8th century, is a vellum codex consisting of 90 folios.129 The main part of the manuscript is comprised of the works of John Philoponus, whose Syriac versions are the only extant witnesses for the lost Greek originals.130 The manuscript contains the following works: ff. 1v–30r ff. 30r–38r ff. 38r–49v ff. 49v–58r ff. 58r–75v ff. 75v–80r ff. 80r–85v ff. 86r–87r ff. 87v–88r ff. 88r-v

John Philoponus, Arbiter John Philoponus, Epitome of the Arbiter John Philoponus, two apologies on behalf of the Arbiter John Philoponus, TreatiseontheWholeandtheParts John Philoponus, TreatiseonDifference,NumberandDivision John Philoponus, LettertoJustinian Extracts from the TreatiseonDifference,NumberandDivision “Testimonies of the philosophers” (= a collection of SGP) TreatiseontheGenealogyofChrist Excerpt from the EcclesiasticalHistory of Ps.-Dionysius of Tel Maḥre131 ff. 88v–90v Excerpts from Rabban Daniel and Rabban Elia of Ḥarran

The main part of the codex is thus devoted to the theological and philosophical works of John Philoponus. On f. 85r there is a note that concludes “the book of John the Grammarian of Alexandria, who is also 129 “In folio,” according to Assemani. Cf. Assemanus and Assemanus, Bibliothecae ApostolicaeVaticanaecodicummanuscriptorumcatalogus, vol. 3, pp. 250–253; Sanda, Opuscula monophysitica Ioannis Philoponi, pp. 3–8. Cf. also Lang, John Philoponus, pp. 16–17. Assemani did not propose any dating, stating only that the codex is “pervetustus.” Baumstark referred to the 9th century (Baumstark, Geschichte, p. 170, n. 5). A. Šanda (Sanda), who studied the codex for the edition of the works of Philoponus, found it plausible to date it to the 8th century (Sanda, OpusculamonophysiticaIoannisPhiloponi, p. 3), and this dating was confirmed by Lang, who revised the proposals of the previous scholars (Lang, JohnPhiloponus, pp. 16–17). 130 Published with a Latin translation in Sanda, OpusculamonophysiticaIoannisPhiloponi. English translation of the treatise OntheWholeandtheParts (not extant in Greek) was published by Daniel King: King, Philoponus. Cf. Hermann, “Johannes Philoponus als Monophysit.” 131 See Abramowski, DionysiusvonTellmahre, pp. 138–144.

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PART I

called philoponos, i.e. lover of work.”132 Those texts that come after f. 85 form a kind of appendix to the main body of the codex. One part of this appendix starts on f. 86r with the title “Testimonies of the philosophers” ? ÀĀÙÎЏ). ? (¿òÎéÎáÚòx The first piece among the testimonies is a description of the four types of causes according to the teaching of Aristotle presented in the metaphor of a wooden chair. Immediately after this passage there follows a large collection of SGP that differs from all other witnesses. The order of the sentences in V is different from the other collections. Additionally, V contains several sayings that are not found in other manuscripts. V includes a number of maxims of the Pythagorean Theano (cf. D) as well as the sentences of the Seven Sages that are otherwise not attached directly to SGP. After the last piece in the collection, the rest of the folio 87r was left blank (there are only two notes written by another hand). The rest of the manuscript, comprising several historical writings, forms another appendix to the main part of the codex. The collection of SGP in V has the following pieces:133 No.inms. SGPno. Attribution

Positioninms.

1

126

Theodore

86ra.9–20

2

114

Gorgias

86ra.21–24

3

18

Socrates

86ra.25–27

4

64

(Socrates)

86ra.27–29

5

137

Theophrastus

86ra.29–40

6

138

Herodotus

86ra.40–48

7–20

66–79

Theano

86ra.48–b.22

21

99

Neuterius

86rb.22–32

22

109

Pindar

86rb.32–40

23

111

Aristotle

86rb.40–44

24

98

(Eusebius)

86rb.44–50

25

102

(Paulus)

86rb.50–86va.4

26

107

Sophocles

86va.5–11

27

110

Simonis

86va.12–16

132

Quoted in Lang, JohnPhiloponus, p. 17. The text in V is written in two columns. The position in the manuscript refers to folio (r/v), column (a/b), and lines. The reconstructed forms of the names are put into brackets. 133

51

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

No.inms. SGPno. Attribution

Positioninms.

28–34

55–61

Seven Sages (Solon, Bias, Periander, 86va.16–21 Thales, Chilon, Pittacus, Cleobulus)

35

115

Anaxagoras

86va.21–30

36

113

Sophocles

86va.31–b.3

37

121

(Priamus)

86vb.3–11

38

127

(Basilius)

86vb.11–15

39

122

Pindar

86vb.15–19

40

12

Diogenes

86vb.20–21

41

65

Plato

86vb.21–22

42

139

–

86vb.22–27

43

140

Plutarch

86vb.28–30

44

141

Lucian

86vb.30–87ra.27

45

142

–

87ra.27–33

This large collection can be dated to a rather early period if one compares it with the other witnesses of SGP. It combines three elements in a rather unique way: chreias and short sayings (some of which form small collections inside the main one, e.g. the sentences of the Seven Sages); counsels that appear in other manuscripts of SGP; and a number of pieces that are attributed to Plutarch and Lucian but in fact derive from Lucian and Themistius.134 The latter excerpts are otherwise unattested in the manuscripts of SGP. They provide an important insight into the usage of the works of non-Christian authors in the Early Medieval monastic schools. 2.7. OXFORD 331 O is now preserved in the Library of New College, Oxford, as codex 331.135 It is a vellum manuscript containing 146 folios and dating from the 12th century.136 The scribe who wrote the sentences was fond of filling short gaps at the end of a line with a combination of two letters, 134

See §5.4. For a short description of this codex, see Coxe, Catalogus, pp. 118–119. E. Sachau refers to this codex as “Liber Syriacus 331.” 136 Coxe, Catalogus, p. 118. David Taylor in personal correspondence suggested late 12th—mid 13th century. 135

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PART I

which sometimes corresponded to the beginning of the first word in the next line, and sometimes with the meaningless „{.137 The codex contains mostly works of pseudepigraphic character:138 f. 1r–2v

Vellum page added to the codex for protection (Fenqitho for 1st Saturday in Lent: Ephrem and Theodore the Martyr) f. 3v–11v History of the baptism of the Emperor Constantine f. 11v–22v Counsel of the Emperor Constantine to his mother Helena on how to dispute with the Jews (not complete, breaks before end) f. 23r–65v Treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi against the Muslims f. 66r–86v Treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi against the Jews f. 87r–89v Treatise against the Jews ascribed to Ephrem the Syrian f. 90r–95r Treatise against the Jews ascribed to John Chrysostom f. 95r Treatise of John Chrysostom about gentile prophets who are older than the prophets of Jews f. 95r Testimonies from the Bible about Mary as the Mother of God f. 96r Refutation of the Nestorian doctrine ascribed to Basil of Caesarea f. 97r Fragment of the treatise of John Chrysostom about gentile prophets who are older than the prophets of Jews f. 97r–98r “Selected sayings of the philosophers” (= a collection of SGP) f. 98r-v Refutation of the teaching of the Nestorians f. 99r–144v Treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi against the Chalcedonians f. 144v–145v Sayings of the Church Fathers on Christology f. 145v–146r Sayings attributed to Greek philosophers (= another collection of SGP) f. 146r Explanation of the terms “persona,” “image,” and “property”

The list of the works included in O manifests the polemical character of this anthology. With the exception of the first two folios that do not belong to the manuscript but have been added apparently as flyleaves, all other texts are intended to provide arguments against teachings that are considered to be false. One group of the texts is directed against the Jewish religion. Another group provides arguments against the “Nestorians.” One (rather lengthy) text is intended to refute the arguments of the Chalcedonian Church.

137

See, e.g., f. 97v, lines 1, 15, and 19 and f. 98r, line 21. Cf. Brock, “Syriac Manuscripts of the 9th–10th Centuries,” p. 159. 138 The proposed foliation differs from the one in the catalogue of Coxe and is based on my own study of the codex. Besides, I owe much of the information about it to David Taylor, who at the time of my work on this book was preparing a new catalogue of the Syriac manuscripts of the New College of Oxford. According to his analysis, this is a composite codex, with parts of at least three and maybe more manuscripts combined together.

53

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

O includes eight sayings, some of which are otherwise not attested among the manuscripts of SGP. Six of them form the first block inserted in the middle of the codex, and two other appear in the last folios, just before the concluding part of the manuscript. The first collection of SGP bears the following title: “Further selected sayings of the philosophers ? ? ? ? who taught wisdom” (èÚóáãx¿òÎéÎááÚòxÀĀÚ ÃÆã¿ćá ãu{ ÀĀäÞÐ). It corresponds nearly completely to the title of the τ group of manuscripts (the only difference is the form of the passive participle that in O refers to the philosophers and not to the sayings). Combined together, the two groups of sentences in O may be listed as follows:139 No.inms.

SGPno.

Attribution

Positioninms.

1

102

Psellus

97v.1–8

2

103

(Theognis)

97v.8–15

3

115

Anaxagoras

97v.16–27

4

118

Protagoras

97v.27–98r.6

5

135

Theano

98r.6–12

6

136

Theano

98r.12–22

7

96

Timachus

145v.28–146r.4

8

98

Epiphanius

146r.4–9

The last two sentences appear as part of the sayings of the Church authorities on theological issues. The list of references includes Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, Cyril of Alexandria, and Gregory Thaumaturgus. This juxtaposition could explain the attribution of the last sentence to Epiphanius (†ÎÚæ¾óÚòs), while in A it is ascribed to the unknown ëÚæÎóêÙs. The two sentences form an addition to the collection of testimonies of Christian authorities, and they probably were intended to be used in the same way, i.e. as proof-texts for polemical purposes. After the last saying ascribed to Epiphanius there are some concluding remarks on the term “persona” (Syriac ¿ò{‹üò) wherein several authors are cited, among which there are references not only to the Bible and Church authorities, but also to Aristotle’s Physics.140 139

The text is written in one column. References are to folio (r/v) and lines. Syriac: ¿ÚçÚÝ ¿ðäýx Áüã¾ćä ëÚàÎÓÎÔêٍs üãsx ßÙs. For the expression ¿ÚçÚÝ¿ðäý(= Φυσικὴ ἀκρόασις) and for the Syriac reception of the Aristotelian physics, see Arzhanov and Arnzen, “Die Glossen in der Hs. LeydenOr.583.” 140

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PART I

2.8. CAMBRIDGE ADD. 2012 Cambridge Syriac Add. 2012 (C) is a paper codex, consisting of 187 leaves, written in Serto script, and probably dating from the 14th century.141 The anthology of texts in C has three main parts: philosophical and ascetic works of Barhebraeus (Gregorios Bar ῾Ebroyo), collection of prayers for various occasions, and a miscellaneous part including a collection of SGP. More specifically, C contains: ff. 2v–72v ff. 72v–76v ff. 76v–157v ff. 157v–158r f. 158r-v ff. 158v–159r ff. 159r–170v ff. 170v–172v ff. 172v–177r ff. 177r–187r

Barhebraeus, BookoftheDove142 Extracts from the CreamofWisdom of Barhebraeus143 Collection of prayers for various occasions Questions from the Queen of Sheba to Solomon144 Question from Severus of Antioch to Jacob of Serugh Treatise on the celestial hierarchy Collection of Creeds Treatise on the oneness of the body of the Messiah “Sayings of the philosophers” (= a collection of SGP) Sayings of Egyptian Fathers, extracts from John Climacus and Apostle Thomas

The manuscript opens with a discourse of Barhebraeus on spiritual growth addressed to monks and concludes with the apophthegms of the Egyptian Fathers. This volume apparently was composed for use in a monastic community as a useful companion to ascetic activities. The collection of SGP was included in the last part of the codex, serving as an appendix to the Christian works. The manuscript contains the following sentences:145 No.inms.

SGPno.

Attribution

Positioninms.

1

80

Plato

172v.8–173r.1

2

84

Theophrastus

173r.1–10

3

85

Demosthenes

173r.11–173v.4

4

86

Pindar

173v.5–14

141 Wright, A Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts Preserved in the Library of the UniversityofCambridge, vol. 1, pp. 525–539. 142 Bedjan, LiberColumbae. Cf. Takahashi, Barhebraeus:ABio-Bibliography, pp. 212– 218. 143 Cf. Takahashi, Barhebraeus:ABio-Bibliography, pp. 245–254. 144 Cf. Brock, “The Queen of Sheba’s Questions to Solomon.” 145 The text is written in one column. References are to folio (r/v) and lines. In those cases where the forms of the names are considered corrupt, the supposed original forms of the names are put into brackets.

55

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

No.inms.

SGPno.

5

87

Timonides

Attribution

173v.15–174r.3

Positioninms.

6

89

Democritus

174r.3–12

7

113

Sophocles

174r.12–174v.8

8

114

(Thalaxion)

174v.8–175r.12

9

115

(Anaxagoras)

175r.12–175v.14

10

116

Melissus

175v.14–176r.11

11

120

Gorgias

176r.12–176v.7

12

125

Pericles

176v.7–177r.6

13

126

Theodore

177r.6–11

The collection of C contains only counsels and no maxims. The text of C turned out to be generally less reliable than in other witnesses of SGP.146 This could be due to the quality of the Vorlage used for the copy. But it is also possible that the names of the Greek philosophers were already so unfamiliar in the Syriac monastic communities that the corruption of their names was unavoidable in the 14th century. 2.9. QUOTATIONS

BY

SAHDONA

One of the earliest witnesses of SGP is a 7th century East Syriac author Sahdona (Martyrius).147 He became a monk in Beth Abe monastery in the first half of the 7th century and later a bishop of Beth Garmai. The monastery Beth Abe at that time became the main educational center of the Church of the East and housed a large library.148 The educational system of Beth Abe included the lives and sayings of the desert fathers (ApophthegmataPatrum) that were integrated in ῾Ananisho῾’s anthology ParadiseoftheHolyFathers in the 7th century.149 Sahdona was also known as author of WiseSayings,150 which points at his familiarity with the gnomic format and its use in the pedagogical activity. 146 Especially corrupt is counsel no. 115, where not only the name of the author is misread, but also the whole text seems to be a collection of misreadings. 147 For Sahdona, see Goussen, Martyrius-Sahdona’sLebenundWerke. 148 The history of the monastery has been documented in the BookoftheGovernors written by Thomas of Marga: Budge, TheBookofGovernors. Cf. Jullien, Lemonachisme enPerse, pp. 172–176. 149 Budge, TheBookofParadise. 150 De Halleux, Martyrius(Sahdona),ŒuvresspirituellesIV.

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PART I

Sahdona’s main work, theBookofPerfection, was written as a guide for virtuous life addressed to the monks.151 It included a large number of quotations taken mostly from the Bible. They are presented as short edifying stories giving examples for young monks. “These are well-known tales, told for the edification of men,”152 notes Sahdona after a set of exempla and thus points at the practice of using moral maxims and edifying stories for pedagogical purposes.153 Among the fragments quoted by Sahdona there are several sentences related to SGP and ascribed to anonymous “outside philosophers” ? (üÃàx ¿òÎêáÚò). It is possible that no names appeared in his source (cf. B), but it is also possible that he preferred not to mention those names that sounded unfamiliar to his audience. Four counsels of SGP appear in chapter 8 of the second part of the BookofPerfection:154 Sequenceby Sahdona

SGPno.

Ed.deHalleux

1

103

II.8, §27 (15.9–16)

2

104

II.8, §28 (15.17–16.6)

3

96

II.8, §29 (16.11–17)

4

102

II.8, §30 (16.20–17.5)

Sahdona differs in many points from the other witnesses of SGP. It is likely that he quoted the sayings of the “outside philosophers” from memory. If this really was the case, it speaks for the popularity of SGP in the educational process of Beth Abe. However it may be, the quotations by Sahdona testify that SGP was not restricted to only one branch 151 De Halleux (ed.), Martyrius(Sahdona),ŒuvresspirituellesI, vol. 200, pp. 15–16 (Syriac text); vol. 201, pp. 15–16 (French transl.). The treatise has been preserved in one copy (produced in 837 in Edessa), which is now divided between Mss. Strasbourg Syr. 4116, Milan A.296 Inf., St.-Petersburg Syr. 13, and Mingana Syr. 650. See also Brock, “A Further Fragment.” ? ? ? 152 ¿þæsx¿ÅÎÆàxßÙs…üÚãsxÀĀÚáÆ ãèÚæ såà¿ćá ã(de Halleux, A Martyrius(Sahdona)I, vol. 200, p. 38, [42]). English translation: Brock, “A Further Fragment,” p. 151. 153 Both de Halleux and Brock translate the Syriac term ¿ÅÎÅ as “edification,” see de Halleux, Martyrius, vol. 200, p. 38, [42]; Brock, “A Further Fragment,” p. 151. 154 Sahdona, BookofPerfection, part II, ch. 8, §§27–30: de Halleux, Martyrius(Sahdona)I, vol. 200, pp. 15–16 (Syriac text); vol. 201, pp. 15–16 (French transl.).

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

57

of Syriac Christianity. Although most of the witnesses are of West Syriac origins, quotations by Sahdona show that the libraries of the Church of the East contained them as well. The Sinai manuscripts (A, B, and the lost “Hiersemann 500/2”) also demonstrate that SGP was known to the Melkite monasteries. The Melkite Christian communities of Palestine and Sinai were probably responsible for the Arabic translation of the sayings which in turn became known to the Egyptian Muslim scholar Mubashshir b. Fatik in the 11th century. 2.10. THE ARABIC TRANSLATION PRESERVED BY MUBASHSHIR B. FATIK Mubashshir (Abūl-Wafā᾿al-MubašširibnFātik, d. 1087) was born in Damascus but spent most of his life at the court of the Fatimid caliphs in Cairo.155 His writings have been mostly lost, and the only work that has come down to us is the compendium TheChoicestMaximsandBestSayings (Muḫtāral-ḥikamwa-maḥāsinal-kalim), composed probably in 1048– 1049 (440 AH).156 This book consists of a number of sections bearing the names of the famous sages of Classical Antiquity, including some biographical information (mostly in the form of anecdotes) and collections of sayings attributed to them (the same structure is found in Diogenes Laertius).157 The anthology of Mubashshir is in many ways connected with Syriac sources. We have no evidence that Mubashshir himself knew Syriac. However, his anthology has integrated several texts that go back to Syriac versions and probably had been translated into Arabic at the time of Mubashshir: 155 Rosenthal, “Al-Mubashshir ibn Fâtik: Prolegomena;” Rosenthal, “Al-Mubashshir b. Fātik,” p. 282f.; Cottrell, “Al-Mubashshir b. Fātik.” 156 Published by ῾Abd ar-Raḥman Badawi in Madrid in 1958 under the Arabic title Muḫtāral-ḥikamwa-maḥāsinal-kalim and with the parallel Spanish title BocadosdeOro, thus using the name of the Spanish translation of the 13th century (the book was reprinted in Beirut in 1980). There are modern German and English translations of several parts of the collection: Rosenthal, DasFortlebenderAntikeimIslam, pp. 172–199 = Rosenthal, ClassicalHeritage, pp. 124–144. 157 The structure of the sections in the collection of Mubashshir is found in the anthology of the 9th century attributed to Ḥunayn b. Isḥaq that bears the title Nawādiral-Falāsifah, or Ādābal-Falāsifah, which has been preserved only in the abridged form by the 12th century scholar Muḥammad b. ῾Ali al-Anṣari, whose compendium was published in: Badawi, Ḥunaynb.Isḥāq,Ādābal-falāsifa; Bandak, Librodelosbuenosproverbios. There is also a Medieval Hebrew translation of the work: Loewenthal, Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq, Sefer Musra Haphilosophim.

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1) The most evident link of this kind appears in the part of Mubashshir’s anthology dedicated to the history of Alexander the Great. It contains certain details that reveal its affiliation to the Syriac translation of the Pseudo-Callisthenes.158 2) At the end of the chapter on Alexander, Mubashshir included laments of the philosophers on the dead king that were also transmitted in Syriac.159 3) The third example comes in the part on Pythagoras: The sayings of the philosopher are related to the Syriac sentences of the Pythagoreans.160 4) Mubashshir included a number of sentences from SGP.161 5) Fragments from two treatises of Plutarch are found in the same part of Mubashshirs’s anthology where the Arabic version of SGP occurs. The points of contact between the work of Mubashshir and the Syriac sources are quite numerous. This connection becomes especially apparent in the last part of the anthology of Mubashshir that is not related to one particular philosopher but contains sayings attributed to a large variety of famous men of Antiquity.162 The Arabic version of SGP is found in this part where the following sentences are transmitted:

158

Nos.inthetransl.of Rosenthal

SGPnos.

Attribution

59

96

(Timaeus)

67

86

(Pindar)

68

87

Timonides

Cf. Meissner, “Mubašširs Aḫbâr el-Iskender.” See §3.3.3. These laments appear first in an Arabic translation in the Ādāb al-Falāsifah of Ḥunayn b. Isḥaq, which could have served as a source for Mubashshir, but the latter could have also become acquainted with the Syriac gnomology through other channels. 160 See §3.2.5. The dependence of Mubashshir on the Syriac version of the sentences of the Pythagoreans was first noted by Gildemeister, cf. Gildemeister, “Pythagorassprüche,” pp. 85–86. See also Cottrell, “Pythagoras, the Wandering Ascetic.” 161 Cf. Arzhanov, “The Arabic version of the Syriac gnomologies.” 162 Arabic text: Badawi, 296–322. German translation of this section: Rosenthal, Das Fortleben der Antike im Islam, pp. 173–199. English translation: Rosenthal, Classical Heritage, pp. 124–144. Cf. Arzhanov, “The Arabic version of the Syriac gnomologies.” The references are given to the edition of the text by Badawi. The numbers of the sayings are taken from the German and English translations of Rosenthal, who follows the order of the sentences by Badawi. 159

59

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

Nos.inthetransl.of Rosenthal

SGPnos.

Attribution

69

97

(Anicetus)

70

98

(Speusippus)

71

99

(Neuterius)

72

100

(Achilles)

73

103

(Theognis)

74

108

Xenophon

75

109

(Pindar)

76

112

(Crates)

82

116

Melissus

83

121

(Firmanus)

84

122

Pindar

85

131

Gorgias

86

132

Xenophon

98

117

Pyrrho

99

119

Democritus

The forms of the names by Mubashshir are very close to the Syriac names of the corresponding sayings. In some cases, Mubashshir’s names may not be understood without the Syriac equivalents. This serves as one of the arguments in favor of the Syriac Vorlage of the Arabic translation by Mubashshir. Another link to the Syriac sources is found in the same section of the work of the Arabic scholar. Immediately after the sentences listed above, there are a number of sayings attributed to Plutarch. They find parallels in the Syriac versions of the treatises OntheAdvantagetobeDerivedfrom one’sEnemies and OntheControlofAnger.163 It is interesting to note that A containing a collection of SGP also includes both treatises from which the sentences of Plutarch are extracted. It is thus possible that A is similar to the Vorlage that was used for making the Arabic translation known to Mubashshir. The following excerpts are found in both Mubashshir and in A:164 163

See §3.4.1.2. References to Mub are given according to the edition of Badawi and to the number of the translation by Rosenthal (in nos. 151 and 153 Rosenthal quotes multiple sentences without any subdivision; in the quotations above the single parts of nos. 151 and 152 are 164

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PART I

Mub 319.15–17 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 151a)

A f. 69vb.9–18 (p. z, l. 5–9 Nestle)

Plutarch, OntheAdvantage tobeDerivedfromone’s Enemies

319.18 – 320.5 Badawi f. 70va.31–b.30 (Rosenthal no. 151b) (p. |, l. 9–22 Nestle) 320.6–8 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 151c)

f. 71va.18–29 (p. ~, l. 10–15 Nestle)

320.9–11 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 151d)

f. 71va.30–b.5 (p. ~, l. 15–18 Nestle)

320.12–16 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 151e)

f. 72ra.4–21 (p. €, l. 9–16 Nestle)

321.5–9 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 153a)

f. 89vb.21–35 (187.17–21 de Lagarde)

321.9–12 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 153b)

f. 90rb.12–20 (188.6–9 de Lagarde)

321.13–17 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 153c)

f. 90vb.16–33 (188.28–189.3 de Lagarde)

Plutarch, OntheControlof Anger

321.18 – 322.2 Badawi f. 91vb.25–92ra.6 (Rosenthal no. 153d) (190.12–16 de Lagarde) 322.3–5 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 153e)

f. 91rb.33–91va.5 (195.2–4 de Lagarde)

322.5 Badawi (Rosenthal no. 153f)

f. 91va.19–26 (195.7–10 de Lagarde)

The last quotation from Plutarch by Mubashshir derives from chapter 13 of the tract OntheControlofAnger (462A), and this is the last part of the Syriac translation of the treatise of Plutarch. Thus it is probable that the Arabic translation of Mubashshir was made on the abridged Syriac version known to us. The periphrastic character of the Arabic translation is close to the Syriac version as well.165 Though Mubashshir b. Fatik was born in Damascus, we have no indication that he knew Syriac. By the 11th century, Syriac had already long ceased to serve as the main literary language in this region, having been numbered with small letters). References to the Syriac translation of Plutarch are given according to the manuscript (folio, column, lines) and to the edition of Nestle. 165 Cf. Rigolio, “Sacrifice to the Gods.”

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

61

superseded by Arabic. All the Syriac texts that we may consider as sources of Mubashshir could have been translated into Arabic before his time. Thus, it is rather improbable that it was Mubashshir who translated a number of Syriac texts (e.g., a collection of SGP) before including them into his compendium. The translation of the Syriac sources of Muḫtāral-ḥikam into Arabic must have been accomplished before the 11th century. The proximity between the version of Mubashshir and A preserved in the library of St. Catharine Monastery on Mount Sinai increases the likelihood that it was the region of Sinai where the translation took place. The Melkite monasteries of Palestine and Sinai in the period following the 9th century (to which A is dated) became the centers of translation activity from Syriac into Arabic.166 Later these texts were transmitted to Egypt where they became known to the learned Muslim authors, like Mubashshir. Many Melkite translations from Syriac into Arabic are marked by their periphrastic character. This is also characteristic of the Arabic version of SGP preserved by Mubashshir that gives us an important witness to the text of SGP and its afterlife. It seems impossible to associate the version of Mub with one particular recension of the text preserved in one of the witnesses of SGP. Although it was noticed above that A helps to better understand the sayings preserved in the last part of the compendium of Mubashshir, it cannot be considered as the Grundlage for his version. As no. 96 of the present edition demonstrates, the variants of Mub often correspond to the witnesses other than A. And in no. 100, A omits some portion of the text which is present in τ and in Mub. In general, the critical apparatus shows that Mub regularly supports τ against A. This suggests that the Vorlage of the Arabic version of Mub may be related to the tradition of τ but is not directly dependent on it. 2.11. RELATION

WITNESSES AND PRINCIPLES OF EDITION

BETWEEN THE THE

Two witnesses of SGP, D (the Dublin Florilegium) and τ (the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium), allow the whole corpus to be divided into maxims and counsels. These two main groups constitute the edition in Part II. This division 166

See Griffith, “The Monks of Palestine;” idem, “Greek into Arabic;” idem, “From Aramaic to Arabic.”

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PART I

is supported by one of the earliest anthologies of moral philosophy, the compendium of Johannes Stobaeus. Compiled probably in the 5th century, the work of Stobaeus basically contains two types of texts: short maxims and longer fragments excerpted from classical works.167 The same two types of selected texts are found in the Byzantine anthology CorpusParisinum (CP), two sections of which168 are divided into two subparts: first longer textual units and then sayings. Those texts by Stobaeus and in CP that have larger size usually derive from certain authoritative works and may be called “excerpts.”169 Some of the Syriac sentences in SGP may be identified as such. One of these excerpts derives from the Syriac translation of the AddresstotheYoung Men of Basil of Caesarea,170 while others derive from the treatises of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius.171 It is possible that these elements were not associated with SGP from the very beginning but at a later stage of transmission.172 Though these excerpts give interesting evidence for SGP in general, they form only a small part of them and are transmitted in a limited number of manuscripts. Thus, there is insufficient evidence to support the case that all long textual elements of SGP are excerpts. As long as all their sources are not identified, it seems fitting to designate them more neutrally as “counsels.” The division into maxims and counsels provides the general structure of the edition below. In both parts, the two main witnesses play the central role. The collection D forms the main corpus of maxims (nos. 1–54), whereas the remaining materials (nos. 55–79) are added after it. Thus, the first group of sentences in Part II has the following structure: 1. Maxims SGP no.

A

D

G

1

1

1

2–4

2–4

5

5

J

L

V

6

Photius refers to the title of Stobaeus’ work as Ἐκλογαὶ Ἀποφθέγματα Ὑποθῆκαι (Henry (ed.), Photius,Bibliothèque, vol. 2, p. 149, cod. 167, 112a14–15). 168 See Searby (ed.), The “Corpus Parisinum.” This division is found in parts 1 (“Christian florilegium”) and 3 (“Profane florilegium”). 169 Cf. Gr. ἐκλογαί. 170 Cf. §4.7. 171 Cf. §5.4. 172 Cf. §5.1. 167

63

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

SGP no.

A

6–8 9

30

10–11 12

D

32

12

14

14 33

16–17

40 3

35

18

3

19–20 (not among SGP)171

21–54

(not among SGP)172 28–34

62

2 31

64 65 66–79

1

15

55–61 63

V

16–17

19–20 21–54

L

10–11 13

18

J

9

13 15

G

6–8

4 34

41 7–20

The second group of Part II containing counsels is organized on the basis of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium, preserved in the five witnesses of τ. However, τ is not published separately from the other sources, but the whole structure of the edition generally follows the structure preserved in τ. This editorial principle is based on the striking structural coherence between τ and other witnesses, namely that nearly all witnesses of SGP follow the order of sayings in τ to certain extent, or in some cases, completely. As the only exception to this rule, V may not be compared with τ but suggests a unique corpus of sentences, including elements both from 173 The Sentences of Theano in A are not included in the collection of SGP, but transmitted as a separate anthology. Cf. the description of A in §2.4. Variants from A, E, G, and X are noted in the critical apparatus of the edition. However, the numbers of the sentences in these manuscripts refer not to their place in the SGP, but to the sequence of the maxims in the corresponding manuscripts. 174 The Sentences of Theano in G are transmitted anonymously in the form of a short gnomic anthology, cf. §3.2.7.

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gnomic collections (Theano, Seven Sages) and from non-Christian treatises on moral philosophy (Plutarch, Themistius, and Lucian). Generally speaking, all other textual witnesses to counsels are comparable to the structure of τ. This was the reason for organizing the whole corpus of counsels on the basis of τ and enlarging it through additional materials. This combination of all collections on the basis of τ resulted in the following structure of the second group of the edition: 2. Counsels SGPno.

τ

A

B

80 81

C

F

G

1

1

4

2

5

3

6

L

O

V

Sahd

Mub

1

1

82

1

83

2

2

84

3

4

2

85

4

3

3

86

5

4

87

6

5

88

7

89

8

90

9

91

10

92

11

93

12

7

94

13

8

95

14

96 97

J

5

67 68

6 4

7

5

8

6

1 15

2

9

3

10

99

16

4

100

17

5

101

18

6

98

2

102

19

7

103

20

8

3

7

3

59 69

8 2

4

24

70

21

71 72

11 1 6

9

2

25

4 1

73

65

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

SGPno.

τ

A

B

C

F

G

J

L

O

V

104

Sahd

Mub

2

105

21

9

106

22

10

107

23

11

108

24

12

109

25

13

26 74

110

26

14

111

27

15

112

28

16

12

113

29

17

13

114

30

18

8

115

31

19

9

116

32

20

10

117

33

9

22

10

23

75

27 11

76

7

3

36 3

35 82 98

118

34

21

119

35

22

4

120

36

23

121

37

24

37

83

122

38

29

39

84

123

39

124

40

99 11

25

5

125

41

26

12

126

42

27

13

127

43

28

128

44

129

45

130

46

131

47

132

48

133

49

134

50

1 7

10

38

14

2 7 8

85 86

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PART I

SGPno.

τ

A

B

C

F

G

J

L

O

135

5

136

6

V

137

Mub

5

138

6

139

42

140

43

141

44

142

45

143

Sahd

8

11

Most of the sentences with no correspondence in τ have been placed after the τ-collection. However, a few exceptions have been made: – It seems more fitting to include the two sentences, nos. 80 and 81, in the opening part of the counsels section, rather than at the end, because they appear at the beginning of the witnesses containing them. – The same line of reasoning justifies the placement of the first and third sayings in A as nos. 96 and 98. In general, the collection of A follows the structure of τ very closely, and the additional materials of A must be added to those sentences that have parallels in τ. Other collections also support this position of the sentences. – Another argument speaks for putting Sahd no. 2 immediately after Sahd no. 1 (i.e. making them nos. 103 and 104 in the edition). It arises from the fact that this saying focuses on the idea of education, a subject that characterizes the group of sentences nos. 96–108.175 The reasons for choosing τ as the second main collection are more practical and methodological than historical. The anthology described above probably never existed in this form. However, it gives an impression of a collection of counsels of SGP that has been preserved in its most complete form in τ. The structure of τ provides both the common order of the sentences (that to some extant is shared by all witnesses of SGP with the exception of V) and the order of topics (that is common to different witnesses). 175

Cf. the overview of the content of the counsels in chapter 6.

TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP

67

If a first collection of SGP ever existed, it was very quickly transformed into a number of different versions and transmitted as parts of heterogeneous anthologies of moral treatises. These collections were enlarged by different elements, some of which derived from the collections of chreias and gnomes (like the sentences of Theano and the Seven Sages), and some from the moral treatises (e.g., the works of Plutarch and Basil). As Martin West observed: Some kinds of text were always subject to alteration. Commentaries, lexica and other works of a grammatical nature were rightly regarded as collections of material to be pruned, adapted or added to, rather than as sacrosanct literary entities. (…) The two Lives of Aesop belong in the same category, and the various collections of Aesopic fables.176

The moral sentences published in the present book also belong to the same category. Among the fifteen witnesses to SGP, only five going back to the same prototype τ may be regarded as a systematically transmitted “recension” of SGP. All other witnesses present ten other recensions, confirming that SGP was never observed as “sacrosanct literary entity.” This fact absolves the editor of SGP from the duty of reconstructing its “archetype.” A publication of ten “recensions” of SGP in addition to τ seems to be an unnecessary alternative, since τ covers nearly all the materials contained in other collections with the addition of 5 elements discussed above that may be inserted in τ plus a number of sayings that are put after it. Taking all these arguments into consideration, it seems reasonable to use τ as the basis for organizing the whole corpus of counsels into one collection, as is done in the second group of the edition. The organization of the material on the basis of τ is primary practical and should not be considered as an attempt to reconstruct the collection of counsels, as composed by its author or authors for the first time. The purpose of the edition of the counsels in Part II is not to reconstruct the “archetype” of the collection in the sense of Maas, who stated this to be the final purpose of the analysis of witnesses and of the process of recensio.177

176 West, TextualCriticismandEditorialTechnique, p. 16f. Cf. also Timpanaro, The GenesisofLachmann’sMethod, p. 80, n. 23. For the forms of transmission of Syriac texts, see Heal, “Five Kinds of Rewriting.” 177 Maas, Textkritik.

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PART I

Although it is impossible to reconstruct the composition of the collection of counselsonastructurallevel, the critical approach to the text remains a possibility on the level of individual sentences. Each saying forms a separate entity inside the collection and is represented by a different number of textual witnesses (cf. the table above).178 In the edition, every saying is supplemented by the list of manuscripts, text editions, detected sources of quotations, etc., and by a separate critical apparatus based on the witnesses listed.179 The numbers attributed to the sayings according to particular manuscripts (e.g., “A no. 1”) reflect the sequence of the sentences in them as described above in the corresponding sections on text witnesses. Thus, the concrete position in the manuscripts is reserved to the description above and is not repeated in the apparatus of Part II. The texts of Sahd and Mub are quoted on the basis of the printed editions. The earliest witness to SGP provided by the quotations in the work of Sahdona and dated to the 7th century points to the 6th century as the probable date for the appearance of the SayingsofGreekPhilosophers. The following chapters will focus on the possible SitzimLeben of SGP and on its place in Syriac intellectual culture.

178 The analysis of the textual witnesses of the sayings has not revealed traces of contamination between the manuscripts. Though the practice of using various manuscripts by Syriac scribes is well attested, it seems very likely that the transmission of SGP was not combined with the interest in establishing a better text. 179 To some extent the present edition reproduces the structure of the edition of the Syriac collections of Aesopic fables prepared by Bruno Lefèvre: Lefèvre, Uneversion syriaquedesfablesd’Ésope.

CHAPTER 3

GREEK PHILOSOPHY IN GNOMIC FORM OVERVIEW

OF

SYRIAC SENTENCES ATTRIBUTED TO GREEK PHILOSOPHERS “For a sluggard, a piece of food in his mouth is better than all discourses of Plato. And a drink that makes him insane is better for him than all wise sayings of Homer …” SGP no. 102

This sentence opens the collection of SGP preserved in O. The works of Plato and Homer mentioned herein formed the core of classical Greek culture, and they dominated the schools of Late Antiquity in the whole Mediterranean region. At the very least, the Syriac Christians seemed to be aware of the classical Greek authors by name, if not also of their works. What kind of “discourses” of Plato or what “wise sayings” of Homer may have been meant in the passage quoted above? Syriac translations of either author have not come down to us. However, a number of moral sentences ascribed to them have been preserved in Syriac manuscripts, and they transmit to us the portrayals of the Greek philosophers in Medieval Syriac Christianity. The collections of SGP described in the previous chapter are not the only anthologies of sentences of Greek philosophers found in Syriac manuscripts. The figures of Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, etc., found among SGP also appear in other gnomic collections. Furthermore, sentences ascribed to the famous Greek philosophers and poets are included not only in what could be called “gnomologia,” also in a number of other literary contexts: diverse florilegia, exempla, and doxographies. Various literary genres make use of the gnomic form, including treatises on moral philosophy, pseudepigraphic laments and prophecies. This chapter provides a survey of these figures, genres and themes across diverse Syriac anthologies and aims to present the wider context for their appearance in SGP. 3.1. PRELIMINARY NOTES As a literary form, florilegium (ἀνθολογία) played an important and variform role in Late Antiquity and the Early Medieval period.1 The two 1

Cf. Chadwick, “Florilegium;” Barns, “A New Gnomologium.”

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PART I

kinds of texts distinguished among SGP in the previous chapter may be found in Late Antique anthologies that included either short maxims or excerpts from other writings. Maxims (γνώμη)2 could have originated from larger treatises, and in general, elements included in florilegia may be regarded as selections from other texts. The most famous example of this kind are the monostichoi of Menander that go back to the works of the Greek playwright, whose name had already become a symbol for collections of moral sayings in Hellenistic times. These collections included diverse materials and were used primarily in elementary education.3 The most important setting for the florilegia was the classroom. Excerpts from famous poets (Homer, Hesiod) and playwrights (Menander) were used as exemplary texts for copying and memorizing.4 Moral sayings were often transmitted in form of chreias (i.e. short anecdotes including a witty saying) and used in writing exercises and elementary rhetorical education, forming the basis of the so-called progymnasmata.5 Thus, Syriac Christians became familiar with moral sayings attributed to famous Greek authors.6 Some of them may be regarded as translations from the Greek, like the Syriac version of the Pythagorean sentences,7 while others differ considerably from the Greek versions. These differences either go back to some unknown recension of the Greek text or to the pen of Syriac writers. A good example of the former possibility is the collection of the sentences of Sextus.8 In other cases, it seems that sentences attributed to Greek sages were products of Syriac literary activity. Among the collections of moral sentences preserved in Syriac, one may discern those which are ascribed to a single author (gnomic anthologies, or gnomologia, see §3.2) and mixed collections, including sentences with different names (florilegia, see §3.3). However, anthologies as clearly defined collections of “sayings” were not the only channel of transmission 2 See Horna, “Gnome, Gnomendichtung, Gnomologien.” See also Strohmaier, “Das Gnomologium als Forschungsaufgabe;” Maróth, “Die Gnomen in der klassischen Literatur;” Overwien, “Das Gnomologium, das Gnomologium Vaticanum und die Tradition.” 3 Cf. Treu, “Aspekte Menanders;” Nesselrath, “Menandros.” 4 See Morgan, LiterateEducation, pp. 120–151. 5 See Hunger, “Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner,” pp. 92–120; Webb, “The Progymnasmata as Practice.” 6 See Brock, “Syriac Translations of Greek Popular Philosophy;” Bettiolo, “‘Gnomologia’ siriaci;” Pietruschka, “Some Observations.” 7 See §3.1.5. 8 See §3.1.6.

GREEK PHILOSOPHY IN GNOMIC FORM

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of sentences. A number of moral treatises of authors such as Plutarch and Themistius included short gnomic sayings and longer anecdotes. Syriac versions of Plutarch and Themistius provided Christian readers with entertaining and edifying stories (exempla, see §3.4) that could be separated from their originals and repurposed. Finally, the gnomic format was used also for the study of the history of Greek philosophy in the form of collections of “tenets” of the sages (doxographia, see §3.5). 3.2. GNOMOLOGIA 3.2.1. SevenSages The dialogues of Plato mention9 the maxims of the Seven Sages (Gr. οἱ ἑπτὰ σοφοί) as the best examples of wisdom in gnomic form.10 These maxims were widely used in primary education in Antiquity and come down to us in the form of diverse collections. The list of names of the Seven Sages varies according to different authors,11 but it included the following sages in its common form, tracing back to Demetrius of Phaleron as transmitted by Stobaeus:12 Thales of Miletus, Pittacus of Mytilene, Bias of Priene, Solon of Athens, Cleobulus of Lindus, Periander of Corinth,13 and Chilon of Sparta. The same list is found in several Syriac manuscripts: Vat. Syr. 144 (V, 8th cent.),14 BL Add. 14549 (8th/9th cent.),15 and BL Add. 14684 (12th/13th cent.).16 Additionally, the list of philosophers in the opening folio of BL Add. 14620 includes the names of the Seven Sages and their geographical attributions.17 Both the names of the Seven Sages and their maxims are quite homogeneous in all Syriac witnesses and probably go back to one source.18 The Syriac version attributes one maxim to each philosopher. The sentences quoted in Syriac appear in the Greek version by Stobaeus always 9

Cf. Plato, Protagoras 343a. Cf. Barkowski, “Sieben Weise.” 11 Cf. a detailed description by Diogenes Laertius in DL I.40–42 (90–92 Dorandi). 12 Stob. III.1.172 (111–128 Hense). 13 Plato mentions Myson of Chen instead of Periander. 14 Cf. §2.6. 15 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 428–431. 16 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 1, pp. 113–115. Wright quotes the text in extenso on pp. 114–115 and mentions that “the names are also barbarously written in Greek.” 17 Cf. §3.5. 18 See the edition in Part II of the book (= SGP nos. 55–61). 10

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as the opening sayings of the collections of individual philosophers. They were probably considered the main and most representative maxims of each sage. This assumption is supported by the first book of Diogenes Laertius’ Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers. Having quoted various sayings of each philosopher from the group of the Seven Sages, Diogenes stressed that there was one aphorism associated with each name.19 These “principal” aphorisms are collected in the Syriac version, which has the same ascriptions as Diogenes.20 The names and sayings of the Seven Sages were probably well-known in Syriac schools. They were studied in the context of the “history of philosophy,” if we take into account the witness of BL Add. 14620. They could have been used in the introductory classes in grammar (cf. BL Add. 14684 that includes the so-called “Syriac Masora”),21 and as part of the gnomic corpus (cf. V, where they are included in the collection of SGP).22 3.2.2. Aḥiqar The story of Aḥiqar belongs to the oldest moral treatises of the Mediterranean world.23 It narrates the adventures of the minister at the court of the Assyrian king Sennacherib that thus must have taken place in late 8th–early 7th century BCE.24 Deprived of having a son, Aḥiqar took care of his nephew Nadan, with whom he shared his wisdom in the form of a collection of counsels. Nadan turned out to be unworthy of his uncle’s wisdom, as he plotted against him and exposed him to the danger of death. With the help of his friends, Aḥiqar managed to escape Cf. DL I.79 concerning Pittacus: ἀπόφθεγμα αὐτοῦ· καιρὸν γνῶθι (115 Dorandi). See the comparison between the Greek version of DL and the Syriac sentences in §6.3. 20 Stobaeus ascribes the maxim of Thales to Chilon and vice-versa. 21 For the manuscripts containing the Syriac Masora, see Loopstra, “Le Nouveau Testament dans les manuscrits syriaques massorétiques.” See p. 6 specifically on BL Add. 14684. 22 The Seven Sages appear in the Greek tradition in the collections of Propheciesof PaganPhilosophersaboutChrist, which became known as Theosophia. While part of the Theosophia was translated into Syriac (cf. §3.3.1), the prophecies of the Seven Sages were not included in the Syriac version. 23 See Denis, Introduction à la littérature religieuse judéo-hellénistique, vol. 2, pp. 993–1036. The first scholar who pointed out the existence of the story of Aḥiqar was J.S. Assemani in 1721. In the description of one of the Arabic manuscripts in the Bibliotheca OrientalisClementino-Vaticana (vol. 2, p. 508), he noted: “Hicari Philosophi Mosulani praecepta,” thus indicating that the described codex originated from Mosul. It was G. Hoffmann who proposed the association of this figure with the story of Tobit: Hoffmann, Auszügeaus syrischenAktenpersischerMärtyrer, pp. 182–183. 24 Conybeare et al., TheStoryofAḥiḳar. 19

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this danger and later to be restored to his position. A second set of instructions of Aḥiqar addressed to his nephew is placed at the end of the story. Two collections of advice of the Assyrian sage form one of the oldest gnomic anthologies. It became quite popular in the East and was translated into a number of languages. Its oldest witness survives in a papyrus dated to the 5th century BCE and written in Imperial Aramaic.25 The figure of Aḥiqar appears in the Book of Tobit.26 The Greek LifeofAesop included some materials from the story of Aḥiqar, serving as a witness to the existence of its Greek translation that is now lost, but has served as the basis for the Old Slavonic and Romanian versions. Syriac manuscripts (all of East Syriac provenance) contain several recensions of the story of Aḥīqar (üúÚÐs) and collections of sayings in various parts. Five recensions have been preserved in the following manuscripts:27 1) Cambridge Add. 2020,28 Harvard Syr. 80,29 BL Or. 2313 (fragment),30 and SMMJ 162 (fragment);31 2) Berlin 134 (Sachau 336)32 and Mingana Syr. 433;33 3) BL Add. 7200 (small fragment on f. 114);34 4) Berlin 165 (Sachau 162);35 5) two manuscripts in private collections.36

The earliest translation in Syriac had probably appeared by the 2nd century CE,37 and one of its later recensions served as the Vorlage for the 25

The Aḥiqar papyrus was found in 1906 on the island of Elephantine. Cf. Tob. 1:21-22, 2:10, 11:19, 14:10-15. The book of Tobit is dated to the Hellenistic times and forms part of Jewish Hellenistic wisdom literature. 27 See Nau, Histoireetsagessed’Ahikarl’Assyrien, pp. 78–81, 281–282; Conybeare et al., The Story of Aḥiḳar, pp. xxii-xxiii; Denis, Introduction à la littérature religieuse judéo-hellénistique, pp. 1005–1009; Pennacchietti, “Il testo siriaco antico di Ahiqar.” 28 Published by J. Rendel Harris in Conybeare et al., TheStoryofAḥiḳar, pp. Ïà[37] – Äï[72]. 29 Cf. Goshen-Gottstein, SyriacManuscriptsintheHarvardCollegeLibrary, pp. 69–70. 30 Cf. Margoliouth, DescriptiveList, p. 8. 31 In this manuscript of St. Mark’s Monastery in Jerusalem, a collection of proverbs ? has been preserved on ff. 113r–117r. The Jerusalem collecof Ḥaiqar (üúÚÐx€zÎàĀã) tion corresponds to pp. Ëà[34], line 2 – Íà[35], line 10 of the edition of Harris. 32 Published twice: Grünberg, DieweisenSprüchedesAchikar; Guzik, DieAchikarErzählung. 33 Cf. Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 1, pp. 767–768. 34 Published by Harris in Conybeare et al., TheStoryofAḥiḳar, pp. Çà [33] – Îà[36]. 35 Nau, “Histoire et sagesse d’Ahikar.” 36 Cf. Nau, “Documents relatifs à Ahikar.” 37 Pennacchietti, “Il testo siriaco antico di Ahiqar,” p. 194. 26

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Armenian, Ethiopic, Arabic,38 and Sogdian translations.39 The Arabic tradition, on the other hand, could have influenced the Syriac tradition. An interesting witness to that is found in Sinai Syr. 14 (B in the SGP tradition). On f. 128r–v, a short gnomic anthology opens with the name of Plato.40 After two sayings ascribed to the Athenian philosopher, three sentences are attributed to üúÚÐ.41 This form of the name is also found in Berlin 165 (Sachau 162) dated to 1583 and it could be transliterated as Ḥaiqar (Sachau: Ḥīqar), cf. Arabic ‫حيقار‬.42 The second and the third sentence in B open with the address “my son” characteristic of the sayings of Aḥiqar.43 Including this name in the collection of sayings of primarily ascetic character gives evidence for Aḥiqar as a representative of the gnomic wisdom for Syriac readers. In Berlin 165 (Sachau 162), a short collection of moral “precepts” ? (¿æËùÎò) precedes the story of Aḥiqar.44 The precepts are anonymous, but in some parts they contain similarities with the sayings of Aḥiqar,45 and in the opening sections of every precept, it contains the same address, “my son,” that appears in B. The story of Aḥiqar was probably also known to the author of a short piece of wisdom literature contained in the Mss. Mingana Syr. 71 (written about 1600)46 and Harvard, Houghton Library, Syr. 59 (written in 1856),47 bearing the title QuestionsAddressedbytheKingofBabylonianstothe KingofPersians.48 The correspondence between the kings contains six riddles that the Persian king solves, winning a three-year tribute as a 38

Conybeare et al., TheStoryofAḥiḳar, pp. 182–184. Sims-Williams, BiblicalandotherChristianSogdianTexts, pp. 107–124. 40 Published in Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities.” Cf. Arzhanov, “Plato’s Republic.” Cf. §3.2.3 below. 41 Brock omits this name without comment. The first sentence of Aḥiqar is attached to the last one of Plato. 42 Cf. Meissner, “Quellenuntersuchungen zur Ḥaiḳârgeschichte.” The Arabic history of the wise Ḥayqār is preserved in OneThousandandOneNights. 43 The third sentence in this block is a variant of sentence 54 in the first set of sayings in the story of Aḥiqar, cf. Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” p. 22, n. 19. 44 Sachau, Katalog, vol. 2, p. 518. The text of the collection was published in Nau, “Préceptes anonymes et histoire d’Ahiqar.” 45 Nau suggested a number of parallels in the third part of the story of Aḥiqar but noted that the anonymous collection contains no verbatim quotations (see Nau, “Préceptes anonymes et histoire d’Ahiqar”). 46 Cf. Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 1, p. 183. 47 Goshen-Gottstein, SyriacManuscriptsintheHarvardCollegeLibrary, p. 61f. 48 See Brock, “A Piece of Wisdom Literature in Syriac.” 39

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prize. It resembles one of the episodes in the story of Aḥiqar, where the king of Egypt suggests that the king of Assyria send him a man who would solve his riddles, and Aḥiqar turns out to be the only person who is up to the task.49 A similar story is included in the Greek LifeofAesop, where the two kings are Nectanebo and Lykeros, and Aesop is the wise sage who solves the riddles. The connection between Aesop and Aḥiqar is found also in some Syriac manuscripts that preserve anthologies of moral admonitions including gnomic collections. Manuscript Cambridge Add. 2020, dated to the year 1697, includes a number of edifying texts about Christian saints and martyrs.50 Among them there is also the story and proverbs of Aḥiqar and Aesopic Fables. Both texts are included in the modern manuscript Berlin Syr. 134 (Sachau 336),51 where the moral instructions of Aḥiqar to ? a term that usually refers to fables. his nephew are called ¿ćàĀã, 3.2.2.1. Fables of Aesop In Syriac, Aesop received the name Iosipos, probably by association with the name of Josephus. Aesop’s fables have been preserved in a number of Syriac manuscripts,52 most of which contain the same version of the collection.53 A longer anthology (including 83 pieces) has been preserved in D. The third collection including only ten fables has come down to us in Berlin Petermann I 24 (15th cent.). Strictly speaking, Aesop’s fables do not belong to the gnomic literature. However, the short form of the animal stories transmitted under the name of Aesop brought these stories close to the gnomologia, so that both types of literature formed two first elements of the elementary rhetorical education (progymnasmata).54 Aesop’s fables were included among the 49

Brock, “A Piece of Wisdom Literature in Syriac,” p. 213. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 583–589. 51 See Sachau, Verzeichnis, vol. 2, pp. 437–442. According to Sachau: “Nestorianisch. Moderner Sammelband.” 52 Cf. the introductory part of Lefèvre, Une version syriaque. An earlier edition on the basis of two Berlin manuscripts was made in: Hochfeld, BeiträgezursyrischenFabelliteratur. See also Nau, “Une anecdote ecclésiastique dans un recueil de fables d’Ésope (Iosipos).” 53 Berlin Syriac 69 (Sachau 72, 16th/17th cent.) and 134 (Sachau 336, 1883) served as basis for the publication of S. Hochfeld. Other collections are preserved in Cambridge Add. 2020 (1697), BL Or. 2084 (1755/1756), Vat. Syr. 39 (16th cent.) and the manuscript from the collection of M. Brière. In its full form, this collection contains 64 fables. 54 Cf. Kennedy, Progymnasmata. 50

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longest collection of chreias associated with SGP in D, and after the story of Aḥiqar in Cambridge 2020. 3.2.3. Plato Plato (428/7–348/7 BCE) was a popular figure of both non-Christian and Christian gnomic anthologies in Late Antiquity.55 Nearly all Syriac gnomic collections include maxims and chreias attributed to him, and the SGP is no exception.56 To date, scholars have not found any trace of Syriac translations of the Platonic dialogues.57 Quotations by Syriac authors reflect an indirect knowledge of Plato’s texts based mainly on the works of Christian apologists who included excerpts from the dialogues as “testimonies” supporting Christian ideas.58 Syriac school texts from the pre- and early-Islamic period stress a limited number of ideas associated with Platonic philosophy, e.g. the treatise The CauseoftheFoundationoftheSchools (end of the 6th century) by Barḥadbshabba59 and the BookofScholia (end of the 8th century) by Theodore Bar Koni.60 Bar Koni refers to Porphyry as his source, whose Philosophos Historia could have become known to him through adaptations by Christian authors.61 Some information on the life and ideas of Plato became known to Syriac scholars through the scholia to the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus attributed to Nonnus and twice translated into Syriac.62

55

Cf. Riginos, Platonica; Stanzel, DictaPlatonica. This name opens the Dublin Florilegium (see no. 1 in the edition) and some collections of counsels (C, F, G, L; see no. 80). 57 For the knowledge of Plato among Syriac Christians, see Hugonnard-Roche, “Platon syriaque.” 58 E.g., a quotation from Phaedo 67b (which appears also by earlier Christian writers, cf. Clement of Alexandria, Stromata V.19) is found in the introduction of Sergius of Resh῾ayna to his translation of Galen’s commentary on the Hippocratic treatise Onnutriment (see Bos and Langermann, “The Introduction of Sergius of Rēsh‘ainā”). Severus Sebokht in a letter written around 662 refers to Plato’s Timaeus 20d as source of an anecdote about Solon (see Reich, “Ein Brief des Severus Sēḇōḵt,” pp. 481 and 485f.). However, ps.-Justin’s CohortatioadGraecos could have served as a source for Severus, since the aforementioned passage from Timaeus also appears in it. 59 Addai Scher, Cause de la fondation des écoles, pp. 363–364; Becker, Sources, pp. 132–133. 60 Addai Scher, LiberscholiorumII, pp. 292–293; Hespel and Draguet, Livredesscolies:RecensiondeSéertII, p. 218. 61 A summary of the work of Porphyry appears in Epiphanius of Salamis, cf. Gero, “Ophite Gnosticism.” 62 Cf. Brock, Pseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia. 56

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One text ascribed to the Athenian philosopher enjoyed particular popularity in Syriac schools. A collection of Definitions (Ὅροι) derived from the texts of Plato has been translated into Syriac, where it was transformed into a collection of questions-and-answers.63 The educational background of the Syriac version of the Definitions is revealed not only through its form,64 but also through the structure of the manuscripts transmitting it.65 In BL Add. 17193 (dated to 874), a huge collection of extracts,66 it comes several folios before a selection of moral sentences taken from the Book of Proverbs. The latter bears the following title: “Sayings of the sages about those who do not receive instruction.”67 The word “instruction” (À{xüã) is the key term in this collection and it comes as a synonym to “life.” This manuscript gives an example of educational setting of some Syriac treatises associated with Plato and allows a better understanding of the sources of the works attributed to him. The manual on rhetoric composed in the 9th century by the West Syriac scholar Antony of Tagrit68 implements knowledge of the Platonic rhetorical theory expressed in the Laws and in the Republic.69 Four passages in the Rhetoric of Antony are presented as quotations from the works of Plato, though their provenance is unclear.70 The alleged quotations praise education and contain moral precepts, like the one to refrain from revenge in case of injury. One of the sentences that Antony attributed to Plato echoes the wisdom of Proverbs: “Instruction is the beginning of virtue.”71 A number of sayings of Plato are included in a gnomic anthology bearing the title “From the philosophers” and transmitted in B (Sin. Syr. 14), 63

Published in Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. Îé [66] – Ïé [67]. For the use of question-and-answer collections in the study of Scripture, cf. Romeny, “Question-and-Answer Collections.” 65 The Definitions were included in question-and-answer florilegia, cf., e.g., BL Add. 12154 (Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 985), and in collections of riddles, cf. Furlani, “Un recueil d’énigmes philosophiques.” 66 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 989–1002. ? èã ¿ćáã ? u{ 67 BL Add. 17193, ff. 16v–17r: ¿ćàx èÚáÙs âÃùÎà ¿ćäÚÞÐ > À{xüãèÚáÃúã. 64

68

See §4.6. The first book of Antony’s treatise contains definitions of rhetoric that go back to the Platonic treatises and the opening section of the second book includes verbatim quotations from the Laws and the Republic, cf. Watt, “The Syriac Reception of Platonic and Aristotelian Rhetoric,” p. 593. 70 See Lanz, “Syrische Platonzitate;” Köbert, “Bemerkungen zu den syrischen Zitaten.” ? 71 ÀĀÃÓx€z¿þٍÀ{xüã. Quoted in Lanz, “Syrische Platonzitate,” p. 131. 69

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dated to the 10th century.72 It contains two maxims directly attributed to the Athenian philosopher and an anonymous one that may be associated with him due to the Greek sources.73 The first sentence contains the statement that a man may understand his ? ? ÁÌÂ{x). “essence” (ĀÙ) only through the “virtuous way of life” (¿çù The last expression is commonly used in the Syriac treatises referring to the monastic ascetic praxis. Thus, Plato in the anthology of B becomes a preacher of the Christian ideas and the new “philosophy” associated with the monastic way of life. The second sentence derives from Republic 361e–362a. This passage was considered a prophecy about the suffering of Jesus by many Christian apologists and thus transmitted to Syrian readers.74 The fifth sentence of the collection contains an answer of an unknown philosopher to a question on the advantage of wisdom. The philosopher compares it with standing in a peaceful harbor while other people have to struggle with the waves. This apophthegm is transmitted in the name of Plato in the GnomologiumVaticanum.75

These examples reflect three main groups of sources that contributed to the image of Plato found in Syriac gnomic anthologies: 1) non-Christian moral philosophy (both in gnomic and narrative form), 2) quotations from Plato in the form of Christian testimonia, and 3) pseudepigraphic dicta of the philosopher expressing monastic ascetic ideas. Plato turns into a transmitter of monastic ideas in another short treatise found in B several folios after the gnomic anthology mentioned above.76 The treatise bears the title “From the philosophers” and describes an encounter of a wise ascetic called “Plato the philosopher, son of Damōsīn,” with two philosophers.77 The visitors address to Plato the following question: 72 B, f. 128r-v. It was published as a gnomology attributed entirely to Plato in Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” p. 21. Cf. Arzhanov, “Syriac Reception of Plato’s Republic.” 73 Three other sentences are ascribed to Aḥiqar, others remain anonymous. 74 See Arzhanov, “Syriac Reception of Plato’s Republic.” Cf. §5.2. 75 GnomologiumVaticanum 430 (161 Sternbach). The German translation in Demandt, Sokratesantwortet, p. 32. 76 B, ff. 131v–132r. Published in Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” p. 23f. Cf. also Arzhanov, “Abba Platon und Abba Evagrius.” 77 èÚéÎãx ü ¿òÎêÚáÚò …ÎÔáò. The characteristic of the philosopher is translated by Brock as a “member of the demosion” (cf. …ÎÚéÎäÙxin the history of Diocles in: de Lagarde, Analecta, p. 203, line 1). It is possible that the text is a corruption of ĀÚÂx …ÎÚéÎã, “from the house of Muses,” cf. the notion on Plato’s Academy as a “sanctuary for the Muses” by Olympiodorus: Westerink, Olympiodorus, Commentary on the First Alcibiades, p. 5, line 145.

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“What word would you utter to us, Abba Plato?”78 This address as well as the whole setting strongly resembles the meeting of Antony, founder of the Egyptian monasticism, with two philosophers as depicted in Vita Antonii composed by Athanasius.79 The Syriac version of the VitaAntonii became a popular text in Syriac monasteries.80 It defined to a large extent an image of a philosopher as an ascetic and hermit.81 In accord with this image, Plato was presented in the BookoftheGovernors of Thomas of Marga (9th century) as a hermit living “in the heart of the wilderness” and reflecting on the mystery of the Trinity.82 The discourse about “Abba Plato” in B includes two parts. The first contains a set of riddles and their explanations with regard to the relation of the body and the soul. The second consists mainly of the story told by “Abba Plato” about the journey of his “intellect” around and outside of the visible world in search of the place where the souls are gathered after death. The description of the structure of the world implemented in this treatise exhibits a close proximity to the mystical BookoftheHolyHierotheos composed in the early 6th century by the Syriac author Sṭephanos Bar Ṣudayli.83 Bar Ṣudayli was greatly influenced by the ideas of Evagrius Ponticus84 that are also traced in the speech of “Abba Plato” in B. The connection between Evagrius and Syriac Plato becomes even clearer in another Syriac treatise containing a dialogue between a teacher and a disciple.85 In the majority of Syriac manuscripts and in the Armenian version of this dialogue, it is ascribed to Evagrius, although this attribution remains uncertain.86 In three Syriac codices, the same text appears under the > The same request is found in one of the stories about Antony 78 èÔáò¿Âsßáùèã. the Great included in the Apophthegmata Patrum: Παρέβαλον ἀδελφοὶ τῷ ἀββᾷ Ἀντωνίῳ, καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ· Εἰπὲ ἡμῖν λόγον, πῶς σωθῶμεν; (PG 65, p. 81). 79 Bartelink, Vied’Antoine, p. 322 (§73). 80 Draguet, LaVieprimitivedeS.Antoine, vol. 183, pp. 9*–14*. A short and a long version of the Vita have been preserved in Syriac. Both translations differ considerably from the Greek. Cf. Brakke, “The Greek and Syriac Versions of the Life of Antony.” 81 For the role of VitaAntonii in creating a new image of philosophers, see Watts, City andSchool, pp. 177–181. 82 Budge, Bookof, vol. 1, p. 298 (Syriac text); vol. 2, pp. 531–532 (Engl. transl.). 83 Marsh, BookoftheHolyHierotheos. For the structure of the cosmos in the Bookofthe HolyHierotheos, cf. Arzhanov, “Der Abstieg in die Hölle der eigenen Seele,” pp. 35–44. 84 Cf. Guillaumont, Les ‘Képhalaia Gnostica’ d’Évagre le Pontique, pp. 302–332; Pingérra, All-ErlösungundAll-Einheit. 85 Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. 67–69. Cf. Cowper, Syriacmiscellanies, pp. 47–48. 86 CPG 2470: Colloquium magistri cum discipulo eius. The Syriac text from BL Add. 14578 with variants from BL Add. 14621, 14623, 7190 Rich., Or. 2312, and Vat. Syr. 126 was published in Muyldermans, EvagrianaSyriaca, pp. 123–124, cf. p. 86

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title Plato’sAdvicetohisDisciple. The three witnesses seem to be related to one another, and they contain a number of Syriac texts ascribed to Greek authors, including collections of SGP: BL Add. 14658 (E), 14618 (F), and 14614 (G). The collections of SGP in F and G are nearly identical, and they derive from the same Vorlage. Additionally, G contains a number of extracts from the texts that occur in E in their full version.87 Therefore, all three manuscripts probably go back to a certain collection of philosophical texts, in which the (pseudo-?)Evagrian dialogue was attributed to Plato.88 The mechanism of this secondary attribution can be traced in the manuscript containing a Syriac treatise also connected with the name of Plato: Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 47, dated to the 15th century.89 At the end of this codex, several folios were attached, probably serving to protect the whole book as flyleaves. Either before the attaching to the codex or, more likely, after it,90 these folios were filled with a collection of ? moral admonitions that is entitled CounselsofAntontheDoctor (¿æËùÎò > 91 ¿Úés …ÎÔæsx). This name is again mentioned at the end of the florilegium. A collection of questions-and-answers ascribed to the same author (ÍáÙx) is found after it. A different (and probably later) hand wrote above the word …ÎÔæsx of the title another, graphically similar, attribution: …ÎÔáòx, “of Plato.” The famous name was probably intended to substitute the one in the title. The latter originally referred most likely to Antony the Great whose name in Syriac had the form …ÎÔæs and whom Athanasius calls in his Vita “a physician given by God to Egypt.”92 In the middle of the treatise, Plato (his name is written in Arabic as ‫ )افلطون‬appears as an author of a short philosophical sentence concerning the ineffable nature of God and concerning His Word that dwelt “in our assembly.” This “prophecy” of Plato about Christ93 could have of the introduction and p. 156 of the French translation. The attribution to Evagrius is not certain, and the text is listed among dubia in Kessel and Pinggéra, Bibliography, p. 87. 87 See §5.2. 88 On the (seemingly unnoticed) identity of these texts attributed variously to Plato and Evagrius, cf. Arzhanov, “Abba Platon und Abba Evagrius,” pp. 81–82. 89 Goshen-Gottstein, Catalogue, p. 56f. The codex is composed from parts of different manuscripts. It begins with a fragment of the TreatiseontheSoul of Iwannis of Dara, cf. Zonta, “Iwānnīs of Dārā’s TreatiseontheSoul.” 90 The supposition that the folios were filled with the text as flyleaves of the codex is based on the fact that half of the first folio (f. 205v) remained blank. 91 The text was published in: Brock, “The Instructions of Anton.” 92 VitaAntonii 87.3: Καὶ ὅλως ὥσπερ ἰατρὸς ἦν δοθεὶς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ (358–359 Bartelink). Cf. Draguet, LaVieprimitivedeS.Antoine, p. 139. 93 For the sentences ascribed to Plato in the Prophecies of Pagan Philosophers, see §3.3.1. The maxim from the CouncelsofAnton is not found among them.

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served as a reason for putting his name above the name of Anton in the title of the treatise. Similar to the history of Aḥiqar, the florilegium on the flyleaves of Harvard 47 consists of two main parts: a short teaching focusing on the education of the young and comparing it with breeding animals,94 and a collection of maxims grouped in three “instructions.” This florilegium remains undated, but it gives an example of writing moral sentences ascribed to famous Greek philosophers on the flyleaves of manuscripts that were probably used for instructional purposes. Another example of this kind is found in a Syriac gnomic collection ascribed to Menander. 3.2.4. Menander Menander (342/1–293/2 BCE), the main representative of the Greek “new comedy,” was known in the Late Antique world as an author of short moral sayings that had received the title monostichoi.95 Originally, they were excerpted from the comedies of Menander, but later collections of monostichoi were expanded with materials from other ancient authors, as the name of Menander had become closely associated with the aphoristic form and used as a label for it. Sayings transmitted under the name of Menander were widely used for educational purposes96 and became popular in both non-Christian schools of rhetoric and Christian monastic communities.97 The Greek collections of sentences of Menander have been preserved in a large number of copies, and they were translated into Coptic,98 Armenian,99 Arabic,100 and Old Slavonic.101

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This part bears similarity to the beginning of the Physiologus as preserved in the manuscript India Office Syr. 9 (and based mainly on the homilies of Basil), see Ahrens, Das“BuchderNaturgegenstände”, pp. 2–3 (Syriac), 35–36 (transl.). 95 Editions of the collections of gnomic sayings (Gr. monostichoi) ascribed to Menander: Jaekel, MenandriSententiae; Pernigotti, MenandriSententiae. 96 Cf. Morgan, LiterateEducation, pp. 120–151; Tannous, SyriabetweenByzantium andIslam, p. 320. 97 Two papyrus codices found in Egypt and dated to the 6th or 7th century CE have preserved a collection of maxims in Greek and Coptic, the major part of which derive from the Menandrougnomai but also contain sentences from Proverbs and Ben Sira, cf. Hagedorn and Weber, “Die griechisch-koptische Rezension der Menandersentenzen;” Crum and Evelyn White, TheMonasteryofEpiphanius, part 2, p. 320f. (no. 615). For the Christian reception of Menander’s sentences, see Larsen, “On Learning a New Alphabet.” 98 Hagedorn and Weber, “Die griechisch-koptische Rezension der Menandersentenzen.” 99 Zanolli, “Sentenze ed aneddoti.” 100 Ullmann, DiearabischeÜberlieferung. 101 Jagić, Razumifilosofija; Jagić, Menandersentenzen; Morani, Latraduzioneslava. Cf. Łanowski, “De monostichis Menandri.”

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Both the comedies of Menander and his monostichoi were available to those Syriac readers who were affected by Greek education and culture.102 Archeological findings have revealed mosaics with images from the comedies of Menander near Antioch on the Orontes.103 Syriac palimpsests give evidence to the presence of the Greek texts of several comedies in the monastic libraries as late as the 9th century CE.104 The quotation from Menander in the New Testament (1 Cor. 15:33: “Bad company corrupts good morals”) was known to Syrian scholars as a maxim of the Greek poet105 due to the “Euthalian apparatus” translated into Syriac in the early 6th century.106 Additionally, a number of sayings attributed to Menander are found among the explanatory scholia to the works of Gregory of Nazianzus, although their provenance is not clear.107 A Syriac gnomic anthology attributed to “Menander the Sage” has been preserved in E (BL Add. 14658), dated to the 7th century.108 It contains some allusions to the Greek sentences of Menander,109 but cannot be regarded as a translation of them. An abridged version of the anthology in E has been transmitted in G (BL Add. 14614).110 Additionally, the flyleaves of BL Add. 14598111 have preserved a short gnomologium attributed to Homer and containing a selection from the sayings of “Menander the Sage” found in E.112 Both the epitome in G and the selection on the 102 For the Syriac reception of Greek culture, cf. Brock, “From Antagonism to Assimilation.” 103 Gutzwiller and Çelik, “New Menander Mosaics from Antioch.” The mosaics are dated to the 3rd century CE. 104 Vat. Syr. 623 is a palimpsest written in 886, cf. van Lantschoot, Inventairedes manuscritssyriaques, pp. 151–153. Among the erased texts two fragments of comedies of Menander were identified: D’Aiuto, “Graeca in codici orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana.” 105 Cf. MenandriSententiae, no. 808 (79 Jaekel; 431 Pernigotti). 106 For Menander in the Euthalian apparatus, see §4.3. 107 See §4.5.4. 108 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 3, pp. 1154–1160. The Syriac text with a Latin translation was first published in: Land, Anecdota Syriaca, vol. 1, pp. 156–164 [Latin transl.], pp. 198–205 [commentary], pp. 64–73 [Syriac text]. English translation: Baarda, “The Sentences of the Syriac Menander.” A new edition with an English translation: Monaco, TheSentencesoftheSyriacMenander, pp. 59–74 (Syriac text), 76–91 (English translation). 109 Cf. Arzhanov, “Sources and Structure;” Arzhanov, “Archäologie eines Textes. ” 110 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 745–746. Syriac text published in Sachau, Inedita Syriaca, p. ‰ [80] – ¿ò [81]. A new edition: Monaco, The Sentences of the Syriac Menander, pp. 74–76 (Syriac text), 91–92 (English translation). 111 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 731–732. 112 Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus.”

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flyleaves of BL Add. 14598 derive from the florilegium of E, though in some parts they have preserved a slightly different version of the sentences.113 The first studies on the Syriac Menander attempted to associate it with the known sources on the Greek playwright, but the results proved to be rather scarce.114 The Syriac gnomic anthology under the name of “Menander the Sage” turned out to have much more in common with the Jewish Hellenistic wisdom literature (Proverbs, Ben Sira).115 The Syriac Menander implemented various sources116 that were transformed into an original composition presenting the whole circle of life in the form of a gnomic anthology.117 The third version of the Syriac Menander found on the flyleaves of BL Add. 14598 attributes the sentences to Homer. The association of both names with the gnomic anthology discloses its function in Medieval Syriac literature. As in the other parts of the Mediterranean world, where sentences ascribed to Menander and Homer were used in primary education, this collection must have served educational purposes in Syriac monasteries as well. The attribution of the MenandrouGnomai to Homer in some medieval Arabic sources may go back to the pedagogical practice in Syriac monasteries of implementing moral sentences that were ascribed to both authors.118 3.2.4.1. Homer as an Author of Gnomic Sentences The third collection of the Syriac Menander attributed to Homer attests that the latter name was associated with gnomic sayings for Syriac readers. 113

Cf. Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus.” In the article I use the following sigla: “A” = BL Add. 14658 (E in the present edition), “B” = BL Add. 14598, “E” = epitome in BL Add. 14614 (G in the present edition). 114 Cf. Baumstark, LucubrationesSyro-Graecae, pp. 473–490. 115 Frankenberg, “Die Schrift des Menander;” Schulthess, “Die Sprüche des Menander;” Audet, “La sagesse de Ménandre l’Égyptien;” Kühler, FrühjüdischeWeisheitstraditionen, pp. 303–318; Kirk, TheCompositionoftheSayingsSource, pp. 137–140; Bettiolo, “Dei casi della vita, della pieta e el buon nome.” 116 They may have included a collection of Greek sayings of Menander, cf. Arzhanov, “Sources and Structure.” 117 Cf. Kirk, “The Composed Life of the Syriac Menander.” 118 The first scholar to point out that the Arabic “Homer Verses” go back to the monostichoi of Menander was August Nauck: Nauck, “Ueber einige angebliche Fragmente des Homer.” Manfred Ullmann defined two versions of the Arabic Menander: the one based on the Carmenmorale XXX of Gregory of Nazianzus and another one ascribed to Homer (produced by Iṣṭifan b. Basil in the 9th century CE), cf. Ullmann, Diearabische Überlieferung.

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The Syriac Menander includes a chreia about Homer and his companions. It is preserved in the florilegium in E and in the collection on the flyleaves of BL Add. 14598. In the latter case it could have served as basis for attributing the whole collection to Homer. Syriac palimpsests (similarly to the texts of Menander) attest that the Greek version of Homer’s Iliad was present in Syriac monastic libraries.119 A number of stories deriving from the Iliad and the Odyssey and preserved in Syriac chronicles are probably based on some paraphrases of the Homeric works (as the one preserved in the Chronicle of Eusebius).120 Some of these stories appear in SMMJ 124 between the Prophecies of PaganPhilosophersaboutChrist, non-Christian testimonies taken from the Euthalian apparatus, and gnomic sayings extracted from the orations of Gregory of Nazianzus.121 The manual on rhetoric written in the 9th century by the West Syriac author Antony of Tagrit122 contains several quotations from Homer.123 Antony makes it clear that they derive from a Syriac version of Iliad (no traces of the translation of the Odyssey are found). They probably go back to the translation made by the Maronite scholar Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785).124 However, not all of the quotations by Antony ultimately derive from the Greek text of the Iliad. Some of the anecdotes told in the name of Homer or about him must go back to moral treatises (e.g., those of Plutarch that were known to Antony) or collections of sayings and anecdotes. 3.2.5. PythagorasandthePythagoreans The name of Pythagoras became associated with gnomic sayings already in Hellenistic times when the so-called GoldenVerses presented 119 Cureton, FragmentsoftheIliad; Apthorp, “Iliad 14.306c Discovered in the Syriac Palimpsest.” On the significance of Syriac palimpsests, see Kohlbacher, “Palimpseste als Geschichtsquelle.” 120 Cf. Hilkens, “Syriac Ilioupersides.” 121 See §3.3.1. 122 See §4.6. 123 Raguse, “Syrische Homerzitate;” Köbert, “Bemerkungen zu den syrischen Zitaten.” 124 Baumstark was skeptical about the existence of the full Syriac translation of the Iliad and suggested that the quotations by Antony go back to some mythological compendium: Baumstark, GeschichtedersyrischenLiteratur, p. 341. Hartmut Raguse considered the evidence of Antony sufficient for the existence of the full translation of the Iliad. This conclusion was supported by John Watt, who published the fifth book of the treatise of Antony, including the Homer verses: Watt, FifthBook, pp. xvii-xx. Contra this assumption speaks the evidence collected in Hilkens, “Syriac Ilioupersides.”

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teachings ascribed to Pythagoras in the form of a poem containing short moral precepts.125 A new period of interest towards the figure and the teachings of Pythagoras began around the 1st century BC with Neopythagoreanism.126 The philosophy of Numenius of Apamea (on the Orontes), combining Platonism with Pythagorean teachings, serve as a witness to this combination in the mid-2nd century in Syria. By the end of the 3rd century, Iamblichus and Porphyry composed two biographies of Pythagoras, presenting the Greek philosopher as an ascetic.127 The LifeofPythagoras by Porphyry128 that formed part of his now lost PhilosophicalHistory contained several proverbs (σύμβολα) of the philosopher with explanations in §42.129 They were transmitted in Book 9 of ContraJulianum by Cyril of Alexandria130 and apparently were wellknown to Syriac Christians. An interesting witness to the usage of the Pythagorean σύμβολα in the West Syriac schools in the early 8th century is given by George, bishop of the Arabs (d. 724). In one of his letters, he refers to the practice of interpreting “the riddles of Pythagoras” in the context of elementary literary education.131 The whole set of these riddles, corresponding in general to the collection of Porphyry appeared at the end of the 8th to the beginning of the 9th century in the work of the East Syriac writer Theodore bar Koni.132 Bar Koni gave a rather critical outline of the philosophy of Pythagoras and attached proverbs to the end of his overview. The collection quoted by Theodore has been transmitted separately in Vatican Borgia Syr. 17, copied in 1631.133 And it raises the possibility that the collection circulated in Syriac translation independently from the treatise of Porphyry. 125

Thom, ThePythagoreanGoldenVerses. The collection goes back probably to the 3rd or 2nd century BCE. 126 Cf. Riedweg, Pythagoras, pp. 162–167. 127 This image found further development in the BookoftheGovernors by Thomas of Marga, who depicted Pythagoras as a Christian monk. See below at the end of this section. 128 For the Arabic transmission of the Life of Pythagoras, see Cottrell, “Pythagoras, the Wandering Ascetic.” 129 Des Places, ViedePythagore, pp. 55–56. Cf. DL VIII.17–18 (609–610 Dorandi). 130 PG 76, 961A–C. ? > ÀËÐ{s). 131 See BL Add. 12154, f. 273r, lines 19-20 (†sÎÅsĀòx èÚæz Cf. the German translation in: Ryssel, GeorgsdesAraberbischofsGedichteundBriefe, p. 65. 132 Addai Scher, Liber scholiorum II, pp. 291–292; Hespel and Draguet, Livre des scolies:RecensiondeSéertII, pp. 217–218. 133 Published in: Levi Della Vida, “Sentenze Pitagoriche in versione siriaca,” pp. 595–596. The Vatican manuscript contains a more complete version of the collection. It includes eight proverbs, while Theodore quotes seven and also conflates two proverbs into one.

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Theodore’s critical summary of the philosophy of Pythagoras must have been based on some Christian polemical work, and this increases the likelihood that the Syriac version of the proverbs derives not from Porphyry, but from the Contra Julianum of Cyril, or from some other polemical treatise using Cyril as its source. At approximately the same time as Theodore Bar Koni, the Pythagorean σύμβολα formed part of a much bigger collection of riddles that were composed in West Syriac circles. Two textual witnesses to it have been preserved in Paris BnF Syriac 197 (16th cent.) and 215 (17th cent.).134 The collection of BnF 197 bears the following title: “From the letter of the Patriarch Theodosius addressed to the illustrious George, where he explains the symbolic sayings of the sages, among which are some of those that occur in the letter of Pythagoras.”135 As the editor of the collection, H. Zotenberg, proposed, this title refers to Theodosius, the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch in 887–896.136 The title may be understood in such a way that the whole collection was composed by him in form of a letter and that this collection included some of the proverbs attributed to Pythagoras. Among the 112 proverbs with commentaries published by Zotenberg, three may be considered as translations of the proverbs quoted by Porphyry. Three other sentences in the collection derive from the BookoftheHoly Hierotheos, a commentary to which was composed by Theodosius.137 The provenience of the rest of the collection cannot be determined with certainty. Regardless of the original intention of Theodosius, his large collection of proverbs as a whole became associated with the name of Pythagoras. This is attested by manuscript CCM 10 (olim Mardin 81), dated from the 18th century,138 containing a collection that is even larger than the one published by Zotenberg. It bears the title: “Sayings of the sages concerning the intellect: First, (sayings) of Pythagoras with their interpretations.”139 134 Cf. Zotenberg, Manuscritsorientaux, pp. 147, 166. Published in Zotenberg, “Les sentences symboliques de Théodose.” 135 ëÚōÎÅ Îàx ¿ÝüÙüÓ¾ò †ÎÚéx{sx ÀüÅs èã ¿æüÐs ? ? ? ÀüžÂxèÚæzèãÍÂĀÙs{¿ćäÚÞÐxÀĀÚæÏã y¿ćá äàûþóãËÝ¿æÍäþã †{ÎÅ{ĀÚòx (Zotenberg, Manuscritsorientaux, p. 147). 136 Zotenberg, “Les sentences symboliques de Théodose,” p. 428. 137 See Marsh, TheBookoftheHolyHierotheos, p. 145, n. 2. 138 Cf. Addai Scher, “Notice des mss. syriaques et arabes conservés dans la bibliothèque de l’évêché chaldéen de Mardin,” p. 86f. This manuscript has the siglum CCM (Chaldean Cathedral of Mardin) 10 in the digital depositary vHMML (www.vhmml.org, viewed on 01.02.2018). ? ? 139 åï †{ÎÆÙĀòx ÍáÙx ËÝ ÍáÙx ¿ÚãËù f¿æ{z âïx ¿ćäÚÞÐx ¿ćáã …{ÍÚúýÎò(f. 8v).

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It thus explicitly ascribes the whole anthology to Pythagoras and contains 134 proverbs with subsequent commentaries. Selections from this large collection have been preserved in the late manuscript ACK (Chaldean Archdiocese of Kirkuk) 117140 and in Vatican Borgia Syr. 17 after the eight σύμβολα from the work of Porphyry. The Vatican manuscript, then, attests that the two collections were also transmitted separately after the 9th century, when one of them had become a source for the other. Besides the two collections of σύμβολα, Vatican Borgia Syr. 17 contains a selection from another gnomic anthology that was in the Greek tradition attributed to the Pythagoreans, but in Syriac became associated with Pythagoras himself.141 It was probably due to the interest of the Neopythagoreans towards the philosophy of Pythagoras that this collection of moral maxims appeared. It was known to Porphyry, who made use of it in his LettertoMarcella, thus attesting its existence at the end of the third century CE.142 Two related gnomic anthologies were transmitted under the name of Clitarchus and Pope Xystus of Rome and were products of Christianization of the Pythagorean material.143 The Syriac translation of this anthology became known as Sayings of Pythagoras. It appears under this title in E (BL Add. 14658), and its publication by Paul de Lagarde in 1858 drew the attention of scholars to it for the first time.144 In 1870, Johann Gildemeister was able to show that the Syriac version derived from the Greek sayings of the Pythagorean Demophilus.145 In 1886, Heinrich Schenkl published a Greek collection from a Vienna manuscript that supported the theory of Gildemeister and gave concrete textual evidence to it.146 In 1959, Henry Chadwick published the Greek text of the sayings of the Pythagoreans on the basis of two Greek 140 The photos of the codex are available online on www.vhmml.org (viewed on 05.05.18). I would like to thank Grigory Kessel for bringing my attention to it. 141 Cf. Chadwick, TheSentencesofSextus. 142 Des Places, ViedePythagore. 143 For more details, see §3.2.6. 144 De Lagarde, AnalectaSyriaca, pp. 195–201. 145 Gildemeister, “Pythagorassprüche,” pp. 81–98. In his work Gildemeister based on the Latin translation of Sachau of the Syriac text. In several cases, Gildemeister guessed that the Syriac text contained fragments of lost sentences, although all these cases turned out to be either paraphrases or additions to the known Greek sentences and not separate maxims (see the analysis of W. Eisele in Eisele, Sextussprüche, pp. 266–269, 272–273). The proposals of Gildemeister were adopted by Chadwick, who in 1959 published the PythagoreanSentences on the basis of two Greek manuscripts using also the edition of de Lagarde and observations of Gildemeister. 146 Schenkl, “Pythagoreersprüche in einer Wiener Handschrift.”

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manuscripts. In his edition, he implemented the observations of Gildemeister on the possible Greek Vorlage of the Syriac sayings.147 The anthology of E, that was used for the edition of de Lagarde and for all subsequent studies of the Syriac florilegium, turned out not to be the best witness to it. A larger version of the same collection is found in A (Sin. Syr. 16) under the title TreatiseofPythagoras,148 and it appears in the codex several folios before the collection of SGP. The association of the two florilegia is traced in a number of manuscripts that serve as textual witnesses for SGP. The sentences of the Pythagoreans were included in D (TCD 1505), J (BL Add. 17178), and L (Dayr al-Suryan Syr. 27), where they either immediately precede (as in D and J), or follow after a collection of SGP (as in L): In D, the collection bears the name of the philosopher Pythagoras (¿òÎéÎáÚò †sÎÅsÎòx) and includes 20 sayings:149 (1) no. 2a (195.22), (2) nos. 2c (195.23–25) + 6 (195.30–196.1), (3) no. 7 (196.1–2), (4) no. 9 (196.5), (5) no. 14a (196.12–13), (6) no. 15a (196.13–14), (7) no. 15b (196.14–15), (8) no. 22 (196.23–24), (9) no. 27 (196.30), (10) no. 29 (197.2–3), (11) no. 30a (197.3–4), (12) no. 77 (198.24–25), (13) no. 82a (198.28–29), (14) no. 91, 1st part (199.13–14), (15) no. 105 (199.30–200.1), (16) no. 110a (200.14–15), (17) no. 113a (200.25), (18) no. 115 (200.26–27), (19) nos. 119 (200.30–201.1) + 11b (196.8–9), (20) no. 11c (196.9–10). In L, the collection bears the title üãs†{ÎÅĀòx. It may be translated: “A (follower) of Pythagoras said …” However, it is possible that this form is a result of a mistake (cf. the title in D). L contains the following sayings: (1) nos. 14a + 15a-b (196.12–14), (2) nos. 25 (196.25–26) + 29 (197.2–3), (3) no. 30a-b (197.3–5), (4) no. 33 (197.10–11), (5) no. 35150 (197.12–14), (6) no. 37 (197.14–15). From the next sentence, only the word ÀĀáãhas been preserved and it remains unclear how big the collection originally was, as the next folios do not belong to the same manuscript.151 The sentences in J are transmitted anonymously as part of the collection ? ? ? with the general title ¿òÎêáÚòx{¿ćäÚÞ Ðx¿ćá ã(ff. 69v–70r). They include nine sentences of the Pythagoreans: (1) nos. 9 and 10a (196.5–6), (2) no. 11b-c (196.8–10), (3) nos. 19 and 20a-b (196.20–22), (4) no. 44 147

Chadwick, SentencesofSextus. Cf. Wünsch, “Zur syrischen Übersetzung der Pythagorassprüche.” The collection of A contains 7 additional sentences that were found in two Greek codices and came between nos. 44 and 45 of the edition of de Lagarde (published by Wünsch, “Zur syrischen Übersetzung der Pythagorassprüche,” pp. 255–258). 149 The nos. of the sentences are taken from the edition of the Greek text by Chadwick (they were maintained in the ed. of Eisele). The references in the brackets are based on the edition of de Lagarde (that represents the version of the text in E). 150 For this sentence, see Eisele, Sextussprüche, p. 266f. 151 Cf. the description of the codex in §2.3. 148

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without Greek counterpart152 (197.16–19), (5) no. 50a (197.22–23), (6) no. 77 (198.24–25), (7) nos. 107, 108, 110a (200.11–15), (8) no. 113a (200.25), (9) nos. 119 + 121a (200.30–201.3). After them, we find an excerpt from the LetterofMarabarSerapion in the form of an anonymous maxim153 and three counsels of SGP.154 Three sentences of the Pythagoreans appear anonymously in a gnomic collection written in the margins of the BL Add. 14617 dated to the 7th–8th centuries.155 The whole collection contains mainly maxims attributed to Nilus of Ancyra, whom a gnomic anthology with the title Pearls is ascribed.156 Nilus is famous for having given his name to a number of treatises of Evagrius after the condemnation of the latter for his Origenistic views. The Pythagorean sentences were closely associated with the sentences of Evagrius,157 and that may have been the channel for combining some sentences of the Pythagoreans with those of Nilus. Three sentences (referred to according to the numbers in the collection of Nilus) are included in the anthology:158 (21) no. 83a (198.30– 199.1), (26) no. 123 (201.8–9), (29) no. 115 (200.26–27). The fifth short selection from the sayings of the Pythagoreans including 14 items is found in Vatican Borgia Syr. 17.159

All five selections are different, although several sentences (e.g., nos. 9, 14a, 15a-b, 110a, 115) appear in more than one collection. However, there is no evidence that some fixed short version of the large florilegium ever existed. The sayings of the Pythagoreans contain many parallels to a Christian collection of sentences attributed to Sextus. Both anthologies derive from the common source that was known to Porphyry, and it is interesting that both of them circulated separately in Syriac translations. The afterlife of the Syriac sentences of the Pythagoreans is traced in the anthology Muḫtāral-ḥikamwa-maḥāsinal-kalim composed in the 11th century by the Arabic scholar Mubashshir b. Fatik.160 After the biographical part, Mubashshir opens the section on Ḥikma wa-ādāb of Pythagoras161 152

Cf. the detailed analysis of Eisele, Sextussprüche, p. 268f. For the LetterofMara and the forms of its transmission, see §5.3. 154 Cf. the description of J in §2.5. 155 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 740–742; Bettiolo, GliscrittisiriacidiNiloil Solitario, p. 3. 156 See Bettiolo, GliscrittisiriacidiNiloilSolitario. 157 See §3.2.6. 158 Identification was made by Paolo Bettiolo in: GliscrittisiriacidiNiloilSolitario, p. 44f. Cf. also Bettiolo, “Gnomologia,” p. 294f. 159 Published and identified in: Levi Della Vida, “Sentenze Pitagoriche in versione siriaca,” pp. 597–598. 160 For Mubashshir, see §2.10. 161 Arabic text: Badawi, Muḫtāral-ḥikam, pp. 62–72. The English translation is found in: Cottrell, “Pythagoras, the Wandering Ascetic,” pp. 497–502. For the Pythagorean materials by Mubashshir, cf. Gutas, GreekWisdomLiterature, pp. 268–275. 153

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with those materials that find parallels among the Syriac gnomic collections including also those elements that are not found in the known Greek anthologies.162 The attribution of the sayings to Pythagoras himself and not to his followers (the latter was characteristic of the Greek tradition) also points to Syriac sources. Syriac literature maintained a positive image of Pythagoras and his followers, who were considered to be supporters of a similar way of life as that of the Christian ascetics. This image of Pythagoras is reflected already in the Vita written by Porphyry, and it received further development in Syriac Christian sources. In the 9th century, Thomas of Marga, an East Syriac writer and chronographer of the Beth Abe monastery, wrote about Pythagoras as “the master of philosophers.”163 Thomas attributed to him the following precept: “Philosophy may be acquired only through taking the body into captivity and putting it to rest, through silence of the tongue and restraining it from speaking.”164 Consequently, those who wanted to enter the school (¿ćàÎÞés) of Pythagoras had to keep silence for five years and learn “through hearing and seeing only.”165 A short treatise preserved in B (Sinai Syriac 14) reports that the precept of the philosopher was kept and followed in his school. The treatise narrates about the “107 philosophers who maintained silence, following the teaching of Pythagoras.” Their way of acquiring wisdom corresponds to the command of their teacher as transmitted by Thomas of Marga, i.e. sitting quietly and observing the world. A sudden death of one member of the group gives an opportunity to the philosopher who is called Mrmwlys (ëÚàÎãüã) to deliver a short moral admonition that praises silence and retirement from the worldly affairs. 3.2.6. Sextus(Xystus) Several collections of moral aphorisms turned out to be related to the sentences of the Pythagoreans.166 One of them is the gnomic anthology 162 This was established by Gildemeister, who suggested that Mubashshir must have derived his Pythagorean materials partly from Syriac sources (Gildemeister, “Pythagorassprüche,” p. 86). 163 Budge, TheBookofGovernors, vol. 1, p. 297 [Syr.]; vol. 2, p. 530 [Engl.]. 164 ¿ćà¿ćááäãèã¿çþàxÍùĀý{¿ÚýÎÃÑÂÁüÆòxzÎçÚàĀþãËðáÂx ÀÎòÎêáÚò¿ÙËùĀã(Budge, TheBookofGovernors, vol. 1, p. 297). 165 èÚçý ÿäÐ ¿ùĀý üÔäà À{z ËäàĀã ÍáÙx ¿ćàÎÞé¾Âx âÞà Ëúò ÀĀáðã Íà {z ¿ýxĀã €z ¿ćàÎÞé¾Â ÀÏÐ{ xÎÑá ¿ðäý èãx{ ÀĀäÞЏÎàx(Budge, TheBookofGovernors, vol. 1, p. 297). For silence kept by the disciples of Pythagoras, cf. DL VIII.10 (605–606 Dorandi). 166 Cf. Chadwick, SentencesofSextus, pp. 138–162; Eisele, Sextussprüche, pp. 283–306.

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that was used by Porphyry around the year 300 CE for composing the LettertoMarcella.167 Another became known under the name of a certain Clitarchus,168 and together with the collection used by Porphyry, it stands very close to the sentences of the Pythagoreans.169 A much larger anthology of moral maxims was transmitted under the name of Sextus. It shares a large part of sentences with three other collections but contains evident Christian elements that are not present in them. The sentences of Sextus must have appeared as a product of Christianization of the teachings expressed in some Pythagorean gnomic anthology (the closest source of Sextus turned out to be the Sentences of Clitarchus).170 A short gnomology sharing a number of maxims with Sextus was transmitted under the name of Evagrius Ponticus, and this collection gives another example of the Christian reception of the Pythagorean gnomic materials.171 The earliest witness to the sentences of Sextus is Origen (185–254 CE), who reports that “a multitude of Christians read maxims of Sextus (Σέξτου γνῶμαι).”172 The Latin translation of Rufinus (345–410 CE) ascribed it to Xystus, who was bishop of Rome in the years 257–258 and died as martyr during the persecution of Valerian.173 It was under this name that the gnomic anthology became known to Syriac Christians probably by the 5th century.174 Two Syriac translations of it have been preserved.175 Both of them differ considerably from the Greek version, and this difference bears witness to the provenance of both versions. The first translation avoids 167

Cf. Chadwick, SentencesofSextus, p. 148; des Places, ViedePythagore, pp. 94–95. Chadwick,SentencesofSextus, pp. 73–83; Eisele, Sextussprüche, pp. 136–153. 169 A comparison between the versions is presented as a table in: Wilson, TheSentences ofSextus, pp. 13–17. 170 About half of the materials from the latter is found by Sextus, cf. Eisele, “Der Weise wird zum Gläubigen.” 171 Cf. Durst, “Nachwirken der Sextussprüche.” 172 Origen, Contra Celsum VIII, 30 (238.12 Borret). Another reference to Sextus is preserved in Origen’s CommentaryonMatthew 15.3. 173 Cf. Chadwick, SentencesofSextus, pp. 117–137; Eisele, Sextussprüche, pp. 3–8. Jerome, an opponent of Rufinus, stated that Rufinus “ascribed the book of Sextus the Pythagorean (…) to Xystus the martyr-bishop of the Roman Church” (Epistle 133.3: 246 Hilberg). 174 Cf. Arzhanov, “Sextus im Orient.” The name and the figure of Xystus II was well known to the Syrians through letters between the bishop of Rome and the Alexandrian bishop Dionysios transmitted by the EcclesiasticalHistory of Eusebius. 175 Published in de Lagarde, Analecta Syriaca, pp. 2–31. Latin translation: Gildemeister, SextiSententiarumrecensiones. German translation: Ryssel, “Die syrischen Übersetzungen.” 168

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radical ascetic ideas and originated most likely from an urban environment.176 The second version was prepared by Syriac monastic circles that were influenced by Evagrian ascetic teachings, probably at the beginning of the 6th century.177 The two Syriac versions were transmitted together in the form of an anthology consisting of three books, or parts.178 The first part includes the earlier and shorter version. The second and the third parts include the much longer second version of the sentences.179 The earliest manuscripts dated to the 6th century already include all three parts of the anthology. In this form, it was spread widely among Syriac readers and survives in a considerable number of manuscripts.180 Florilegia containing mostly monastic apophthegms also included sayings of Pope Xystus. BL Add. 14577 includes them alongside the sentences of Basil of Caesarea.181 The flyleaves of BL Add. 12163 also preserve sayings of Xystus, Basil, and Ephrem the Syrian.182 Similar to the third collection of the Syriac Menander preserved on the flyleaves of the manuscript containing the discourses of Philoxenus of Mabbug, the sentences on the flyleaves of BL Add. 12163 must have served as an addition to the anthology of edifying texts. BL Add. 14612 includes a selection “from the teaching of Xystus.”183 Some of the sayings contained in this short anthology derive from the first part of the Syriac Sextus.184 However, we find short moral admonitions deriving from other gnomic collections, both at the beginning and at the end of the anthology. The name of Xystus (Sextus) in the anthology is thus used as a symbol of moral sentences. Therefore, it is not surprising to find a short moral treatise in BL Add. 14581 with the title “On the perfection of the path of the fear of God”185 that at the end contains a 176 Of particular interest is the first Syriac version of sentence no. 273 that clearly rejects castration as a form of religious life, cf. Arzhanov, “Sextus im Orient,” pp. 385–387. 177 Cf. the examples in Arzhanov, “Sextus im Orient.” 178 The three parts of the corpus have no special terms, but are marked only with numbers: “first”, “second” and “third.” Cf. the edition of de Lagarde. 179 The last third part was separated from the rest of the sentences probably due to the form of the maxims included in it. 180 Cf. Arzhanov, “Sextus im Orient,” p. 381f. See also SMMJ 200 (cf. www.vhmml.org, viewed on 01.02.2018). 181 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 784–788. 182 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 836. 183 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 696–701. 184 The sentences are found in de Lagarde 2.30–6.27. 185 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 655.

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note (written by another hand): “(Composed) by Mar Xystus” (€üãx †ÎÔêêÝ). The association of this name with gnomic sayings is also attested by the 10th century East Syriac author Elias of Anbar, who composed a large anthology of short moral admonitions entitled TheBookofExercise.186 He ascribed one of the sentences in this book to an unspecified “holy man.” In the margins of the manuscripts containing the work of Elias, some late commentators added the name of “holy Xystus, bishop of Rome.” The maxim quoted by Elias does not appear among the Syriac apophthegms of Sextus/Xystus. However, the attribution of the short maxim in the treatise of Elias and of the whole anonymous treatise in BL Add. 14581 to Xystus of Rome demonstrate the popularity of the sentences of Sextus in the Medieval Syriac monasteries.187 3.2.7. Theano Theano188 was thought to be the wife189 and pupil of Pythagoras.190 She came to be known as an author of letters that praised Pythagorean ideas and focused primarily on the female virtues, such as running the house, bringing up children, and dealing with an unfaithful husband, but also on the moderate way of life.191 Short moral maxims transmitted under her name stress the same range of topics.192 No Greek gnomic anthology has survived that is attributed to Theano outright. But the popularity of her sayings and their spread in the collections of chreias used for educational purposes are attested by the fact that one of her maxims is included in the progymnasmata exercises of Aelius 186

Juckel, Ktābād-Durrāšā. S. Brock writes about the ongoing interest in these sayings in the Syriac communites until our time. An example of this interest is found in the modern periodical Qolo Suryoye which over a series of numbers published selected sayings of Sextus taken from the edition of de Lagarde. See Brock, “Popular Philosophy,” p. 23. 188 Cf. Macris, “Théano.” 189 Cf. Porphyry, Vita 4 (38.1 des Places); Theodoret, Curatio II.23 (208 Scholten); Suda: θεανώ (II, 688.18 Adler). 190 Cf. DL VIII.42 (624 Dorandi). 191 Cf. Städele, DieBriefedesPythagorasundderPythagoreer; Waithe, AHistoryof WomenPhilosophers,vol. 1, pp. 11–15; Possekel, “Rat der Theano;” Huizinga, Moral EducationforWomen, pp. 64–75. 192 See an inventory of the apophthegms attributed to her in Macris, “Théano,” pp. 826– 831. Cf. the English translation in Huizinga, Moral Education for Women, pp. 96–117. German translation of selected Greek maxims: Possekel, “Rat der Theano,” p. 10f. Both Macris and Possekel list nine Greek maxims attributed to Theano and transmitted by various authors in the form of separate sayings. 187

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Theon.193 Her sayings were also well-known to Christian writers influenced by the Late Antique paideia. Clement of Alexandria refers to Theano several times in his Stromata calling her “the first among women to study philosophy”194 and using her maxims for confirmation of Christian ideas.195 Eusebius of Caesarea and Gregory of Nazianzus in their writings referred to Theano as an example of a virtuous woman.196 In one of his works, Gregory of Nazianzus mentioned the “contempt for death shown by Theano.”197 This brief note inspired the author of the scholia on the orations of Gregory ascribed to Nonnus to provide the readers with the concrete circumstances of her death.198 The scholia of (ps.)-Nonnus were twice translated into Syriac, thus providing Syriac readers with some information on the life (or rather the death) of the wife of Pythagoras.199 A short Syriac collection of sayings attributed to “the woman-philosopher Theano” has been preserved in manuscripts A (Sin. Syr. 16, f. 108rb–va) and E (BL Add. 14658, f. 188v). It contains five sentences, two of which are known in Greek from the Anthology of Stobaeus.200 Three other sentences have no counterparts among the known Greek sayings of Theano. However, this collection attests the familiarity of Syriac Christians with the Greek maxims of the Pythagorean philosopher. In both manuscripts this short collection is attached to the much larger Syriac anthology attributed to Theano.201 The anthology is not attested in other languages and it survives under the title “The counsel of Theano, Pythagorean woman-philosopher.”202 Both manuscripts contain a nearly identical version of it,203 although they slightly differ in the number of 193

98 Spengel. See English translation in: Kennedy, Progymnasmata, p. 16. Clement, Stromata I.16.80 (52.13 Stählin et al.). 195 See especially Clement, Stromata IV.7.44 (268 Stählin et al.). 196 Cf. Huizinga, MoralEducationforWomen, pp. 109–111. 197 Oration 4, §70 (PG 35, 592B = 180–183 Bernardi). 198 Scholion no. 18 to Oration 4 (14 Nimmo Smith). According to this scholion, Theano bit off her tongue and spat it out before some tyrant who compelled her to betray the secrets of her country. 199 See Brock, Pseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia, p. 218 (Syriac text). 200 Stob. IV.23.32 and IV.23.55 (580 and 587 Hense). Cf. the English translation in: Huizenga, Moral Education for Women, p. 110f. (nos. 1 and 3). German translation in: Possekel, “Rat der Theano,” p. 10 [see nos. G3 and G4]. 201 Published on the basis of E in: Sachau, Inedita, pp. ˆ [70] – Íï [75]. German translation in: Possekel, “Rat der Theano.” 202 A, f. 105r: †{üÅĀÚòĀÚÂxÀĀóéÎáÚò{¾æsx¿çÞàÎã. 203 Although the last preserved folio of E survives in a mutilated condition, the words that are still legible may be identified as elements of the last sentences that are fully 194

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sayings and in the division between them.204 A includes six sentences at the end of the collection that now cannot be read in E due to the damaged state of the latter.205 After them, the five chreias mentioned in the previous paragraph appear in A and E, probably deriving from Greek sources.206 Syriac manuscripts containing collections of SGP contain several short epitomes of the CounselofTheano. Syriac sentences of Theano not only form the context of SGP, as was the case with the sentences of the Pythagoreans that come immediately before or after collections of SGP in some manuscripts. Selected sayings of Theano are directly included in SGP as part of it. For this reason, these selections are published in the present book among the maxims. The Dublin Florilegium (in D) includes ten sentences from theCounselof Theano (= SGP nos. 21–30). They are clearly separated from the rest of the collection as they are introduced with the same title as in A and in E. The sentences of D contain a number of variants that differ both from A and E and may represent another recension of the text. Fourteen sayings are included in the collection of V where they form a separate group bearing the title “From the Sayings of Theano” (= SGP nos. 66–79). In most cases the variants of V correspond to A and E against other witnesses, though V contains a number of variants that differ from the version of the two large collections. There is a short gnomic anthology under the title “Counsels of philosophers” on ff. 117v–118r in G.207 The first three sentences of this anthology are attributed to Plato and Thales (= SGP nos. 1, 62, and 14). The rest of the collection is anonymous, deriving originally from the CounselofTheano. preserved in A and five additional chreias that form an appendix to the gnomology. It is possible that E originally contained additional sayings that go back to the Greek sentences of Theano. 204 A contains an additional sentence after no. 44 in E (73.8–9 Sachau). This sentence has the same ending with the previous one, so that it is possible that it was omitted in E due to homoeoteleuton. A also has an addition to sentence no. 39 in E (72.24–25 Sachau). In many cases, the question of how the text should be divided into sentences remains a matter of interpretation. The other collections that include the sayings of Theano attest that some sentences could be divided into smaller units. 205 The present book uses the numbers that Eduard Sachau introduced in his edition, following the division of the text in E. Since he missed one number after sentence no. 33 (cf. Possekel, “Rat der Theano,” p. 20), one number must be excluded from his list. However, the addition of one sentence in A after no. 44 allows us to apply the order proposed by Sachau to both manuscripts for sentences 1–33 and 44–71. 206 The first two of them have the form of chreia (“Theano was asked …, and she answered …”), and this change of form from gnomology to collection of chreias suggests that the five additional chreias that have Greek counterparts did not originally belong to the CounselofTheano. 207 The text is published in: Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, p. Çò [83].

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Sixteen sentences from the same florilegium appear in Vatican Borgia Syriac 17.208 The anthology bears the title “Sayings Composed in the School of Pythagoras,” and the version of the text differs from the other witnesses of the collection in many cases. The same codex includes a selection from the σύμβολα of Pythagoras and from sentences of the Pythagoreans.209 Sayings of Theano in this codex thus comprise part of an anthology of Pythagorean gnomic wisdom that enjoyed a wide reception among Syriac readers.

3.2.8. ApolloniusofTyana The first-century Pythagorean philosopher Apollonius of Tyana has become known as an expert in magic who traveled around the world and performed miraculous deeds.210 Eusebius of Caesarea presented the figure and the philosophy of Apollonius in rather positive way, considering his ideas to be close to Christianity.211 Eusebius also wrote an apologetic work against the claim that Apollonius surpassed Jesus as a wonder-worker, according to a certain Hierocles, following Philostratus’ LifeofApollonius.212 This controversy demonstrates the authority of Apollonius and an interest in his figure in the Late Roman period, especially among Neopythagorean circles. In the treatise ContraHieroclem, Eusebius mentions, for the first time, the talismans of Apollonius that became his main characteristic in the later tradition.213 Probably at the end of the third to the beginning of the fourth centuries CE, a Greek BookofWisdom (Βίβλος σοφίας) ascribed to Apollonius appeared.214 It contained a description of the seasons, the regular and special hours of the day, and the names of the months. In addition, the text listed various talismans that Apollonius owned. A chapter of this treatise, containing a description of the hours of the day, has been transmitted under the title TestamentofAdam in a Syriac version.215 208

Published in: Levi Della Vida, “Sentenze pitagoriche,” pp. 600–601. Cf. §3.1.5. 210 The main source about his adventures is his Life composed around 220 by Philostratus. 211 PraeparatioEvangelica IV.12–13 (184–185 Mras). Eusebius derived his knowledge about Apollonius from the treatise De abstinentia of Porphyry (cf. De abst. II.34 Bouffartique and Patillon). 212 See Maria Dzielska, ApolloniusofTyana, p. 153f. 213 Various ancient authors gave witness to the existence of talismans of Apollonius in various cities, cf. Dzielska, ApolloniusofTyana, pp. 106–113. 214 Published in Nau, “Apotelesmata Apollonii Tyanensis.” On the existence of its Arabic version, see Ullmann, DieNatur-undGeheimwissenschaftenimIslam, pp. 379– 380. Cf. Festugière, Larévélationd’HermèsTrismégiste, vol. 1, p. 340–342. 215 The text of this pseudepigraphon was published in the same volume of the PatrologiaSyriaca: Kmosko, “Testamentum Patris nostri Adam.” 209

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This treatise made a further contribution to the legend of Apollonius as a wonder-worker.216 It stressed that God and the “One borne from a virgin in Bethlehem” approved of the magical skills of the sage, because they were intended for good purposes.217 The scholia to the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus ascribed to Nonnus transmitted a comparably positive image of Apollonius: scholion to Or. 4 no. 70 refers to magic, suggesting a subtle division between its different kinds and stating that Apollonius practiced it “for good intent.”218 This note on Apollonius appeared in one of the Syriac versions of the scholia that refers to the ṭālāsmāṭā (¿LÓ¾ćäé¾ćàs) of Apollonius, who performed with their help good deeds.219 According to the chronicles of Michael the Syrian and Barhebraeus, Apollonius maintained his positive image among the Syrians until at least the 12th–13th centuries.220 Later Medieval Arabic authors called Apollonius (Arabic Balīnūs or Balīnās) “lord of talismans” (ṣāḥibal-ṭilasmāt) and considered him to be an expert in hermetic knowledge and alchemy, but also one of the greatest Greek sages.221 Four rather late manuscripts transmit a short Syriac treatise containing moral admonitions and riddles attributed to Apollonius:222 ms. 9 of the Library of East India Office in London (dated to 1702),223 Vat. Syr. 504 (1885),224 BL Or. 4398 (1890),225 and Mingana Syriac 566 (1931).226 The treatise opens with two lists. At first, the author describes unjust world events that bring him grief. After that, he lists those events that restore justice and thus bring joy. A short collection of gnomic sayings follows. Next, the author tells about himself and his gift of creating 216

See Dzielska, ApolloniusofTyana, p. 103. See Apotelesmata II (1374.3 Nau). 218 Nimmo Smith, Pseudo-NonnianiinIVOrationesGregoriiNazianzeniCommentarii, pp. 138–140. English translation: Nimmo Smith, TheChristian’sGuidetoGreekCulture, p. 50. 219 The second version is dated to the 7th century. See Brock, Pseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia, p. 116 (English translation), 255 (Syriac text). 220 Cf. Nau,“Apotelesmata Apollonii Tyanensis,” p. 1368. 221 Cf. Kraus, Jābir ibn Ḥayyān, vol. 2, pp. 270–303; Ullmann, Die Natur- und GeheimwissenschaftenimIslam, pp. 378–381; Weisser, Das“BuchüberdasGeheimnis derSchöpfung.” 222 Cf. Brock, “Notes on Some Texts in the Mingana Collection,” p. 217. 223 A detailed description of the manuscript is found in Furlani, “Il manoscritto siriaco 9 dell’India Office,” pp. 315–320. 224 Van Lantschoot, Inventairedesmanuscritssyriaques, pp. 37–38. 225 Margoliouth, DescriptiveList, p. 31. Cf. Baumstark, Geschichte, p. 169. 226 Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 1, pp. 1070–1076. 217

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talismans227 that gave him the ability to subdue and enslave animals, birds and fishes. Two riddles with explanations round off the treatise.228 The figure of Apollonius in this short Syriac treatise bears a strong resemblance to Solomon, the wise king and an author of sayings preserved in Proverbs and in WisdomofSolomon. The Jewish king was thought to be able to understand the language of animals and birds229 and to solve difficult riddles.230 And it is possible that the figure and abilities of Solomon in the Christian circles were transferred to the Greek sage known for his knowledge of magic. 3.2.9. Stomathalassa The pseudepigraphic Book of Wisdom of Apollonius of Tyana is addressed to his disciple who bears the Greek name DustumosThylassos.231 An instruction of the philosopher Stomathalassa addressed to a certain Theon has been preserved in Syriac and Arabic. Giorgio Levi Della Vida was the first to associate its author with the mysterious name mentioned in the title of the BookofWisdom.232 Based on a number of parallels with Syriac treatises dated to the 6th century CE, Levi Della Vida argued that this treatise was most likely composed around this time in Syriac.233 It includes an introductory “Teaching” and twelve “Instructions” addressed to Theon. Levi Della Vida distinguished three groups of instructions: the first five containing praise of wisdom, Instructions 6–10 focusing on psychology, and 11–12 concentrating on astronomy and astrology.234

227

For talismans of Apollonius, cf. Brock, “Rabban Ṣauma à Constantinople,” p. 252. The treatise has been transmitted as a whole in the Vatican and Mingana Mss. The manuscript of the India Office separates the last riddle from the main text. The BL manuscript contains only a fragment including the two first lists. The text on the basis of India Office 9 was published twice: Hoffmann, Iulianos der Abtruennige, pp. XVI–XVIII; Gottheil, “Apollonius of Tyana,” pp. 466–470. An English translation of the whole treatise is found in: Brock, “Notes on Some Texts in the Mingana Collection,” pp. 218–219. 229 Cf. Weitzman, Solomon:TheLureofWisdom, pp. 69–82. 230 A number of riddles suggested to Solomon by the Queen of Sheba have been preserved in Syriac, cf. Brock, “The Queen of Sheba’s Questions to Solomon.” 231 Βίβλος σοφίας καὶ συνέσεως ἀποτελεσμάτων Ἀπολλωνίου τοῦ Τυανέως, ὃς ἔγραψε καὶ ἐδίδαξε Δούστουμον Θύλασσον τὸν αὑτοῦ μαθητὴν (Nau,“Apotelesmata Apollonii Tyanensis,” p. 1372). 232 Levi Della Vida, “La Dottrina e i Dodici Legati di Stomathalassa.” 233 Levi Della Vida points at the astronomical treatises ascribed to Dionysius Areopagite and the CaveofTreasures: Levi Della Vida, “Sopra un trattato di ermetismo popolare,” p. 361. 234 Levi Della Vida, “La Dottrina e i Dodici Legati di Stomathalassa,” p. 482. 228

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The treatise of Stomathalassa survives in fragmentary form (if compared with the full Arabic version)235 in three Syriac manuscripts: Sin. Syr. 14 (10th cent.),236 Vat. Syr. 555 (dated to 1501),237 and Vat. Syr. 217 (17th cent.).238 The earliest witness to the Syriac version is found in the Sinai manuscript that includes a large number of translations of Greek non-Christian works in moral philosophy.239 The same manuscript contains narratives about Secundus and Dandamis (see below), as well as a number of other stories giving examples of ascetic life found among non-Christian sages. The collection of sayings of Stomathalassa presents another piece of moral instruction that is close to the Christian way of life. The fragment in the Sinai manuscript is ascribed to the “Sṭōmatalīsa (¿êÚàĀãÎÔé) the philosopher,” and it contains a portion of the introductory “Teaching” and a large part of the “Ninth Instruction.”240 The text takes the form of a classification of the terms “intellect,” “will,” “wisdom,” and others. Thus, the fragment could have been used as a manual for educational purposes.241 An interest in astronomy and astrology typify two other Syriac manuscripts containing fragments of the treatise of Stomathalassa. In fact, the name of the philosopher does not appear in these two codices. The text is ascribed to “a certain philosopher called Rufinus” in Vat. Syr. 555. It contains an introductory part that differs considerably from the Arabic version of the text and Instructions 6–12. The title of the fragment in Vat. Syr. 217 states that its content is taken “from the book of Barūzī (€|{üÂ), teacher of philosophy.”242 The manuscript contains Instructions 7–10 and a part of 12. The two Vatican manuscripts that include the instruction of Stomathalassa clearly concentrate on the second part of the compendium, composed in the form of a gnomic anthology and focusing on the soul and its relation to the body. In the tenth Instruction, the philosopher who is identified as 235 The Arabic version was edited in: Levi Della Vida, “La Dottrina e i Dodici Legati di Stomathalassa,” pp. 490–513. 236 Lewis, Catalogue, p. 17; Brock, “Stomathalassa,” pp. 36, 48–50. 237 Cf. van Lantschoot, Inventairedesmanuscritssyriaques, pp. 74–75. 238 Assemanus and Assemanus, BibliothecaeApostolicaeVaticanaecodicummanuscriptorumcatalogus, vol. 3, pp. 503–505. 239 Cf. the description in §2.4. 240 Cf. Brock, “Stomathalassa,” p. 37. 241 A similar manual is found in the Pseudo-Platonic Definitions (see above). 242 This text was published in Levi Della Vida, “Pseudo-Beroso siriaco.” Both attributions (to Rufin and Barūzī) have no parallels in Greek or Arabic and remain unclear.

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“wise Porphyry” must give an answer on the question concerning the nature of the soul in the presence of the king. Similar motives appear in the histories of Secundus and Dandamis that come in close proximity to the history of Stomathalassa in B. Similar to two other sages, “the wise Porphyry” is threatened to be executed, but escapes execution through an explanation of the nature of the soul that is given to the human beings by their Creator and departs from them after their death. The same Instruction includes another dialogue, this time between Zosimus (one of the three that the author claimes to be the greatest of the sages along with Hermes Trismegistus and Chiron) and his pupil. The pupil of Zosimus in his short speech develops the topic of the divine origin of the soul and comes up with the idea of the Trinity. 3.2.10. Secundus The Greek Vita of Secundus Taciturnus probably appeared in the 2nd century CE.243 It tells the story of a young man who studied philosophy in Athens, but determined to spend his whole life in silence as a result of a shocking experience connected with his mother. The fame about his wisdom brought him to the attention of the emperor Hadrian (ruled in 117–138 CE), who tried to break his silence with various methods, including threats of violence and death. Having held out in all his trials, Secundus answered the questions of Hadrian in written form. Twenty answers of Secundus took the form of moral sentences that were transmitted as an appendix to his Vita. Such a combination also characterized the story of Aḥiqar (see above) and a few treatises in moral philosophy.244 The story of Secundus the silent philosopher enjoyed great popularity in Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages and was translated in Latin, Syriac, Armenian, Arabic, and Ethiopic.245 The number of sentences of Secundus attached to the end of the story grew in the Arabic and Ethiopic versions to become twice as large as the Greek original. The sentences of Secundus were transmitted separately from his Vita and included in a 243

Perry, SecundustheSilentPhilosopher; Heide, SecundusTaciturnus. Cf. Follet and Overwien, “Secundus le Taciturne.” 244 Cf. Overwien, “Secundus der schweigende Philosoph.” This combination became the main structural principle in the Vitae of Diogenes Laertius and later in numerous Arabic anthologies. 245 Cf. Overwien, “Secundus the Silent Philosopher.” Perry included all these versions in his edition.

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number of Byzantine sacro-profane anthologies and the Arabic gnomic collections.246 The Syriac translation of the Vita and sentences of Secundus has been transmitted in a fragmentary form in the BL Add. 14620, dating from the 9th century.247 The story appears right at the beginning of the manuscript, i.e. on its first preserved folios. The beginning of the codex is missing, and the upper half of the first extant leaf was also damaged or torn off. The preserved fragment of the first column of f. 1r contains a list of Greek wise men followed by the story of Secundus. The fragment begins with the speech of Caesar Hadrian to the philosopher, who remains silent in spite of threats. The loss of the top part of f. 1v adds some lacunae to the text. And between ff. 1v and 2r probably a large portion of the story is missing comprising two folios.248 The final part of the treatise preserved on f. 2r contains a number of short definitions of the term “death.” B (Sin. Syr. 14) contains a short version of the story of Secundus.249 This text describes the courage and steadfastness of Secundus in face of the threats of the unnamed “king of the Greeks.” The author presents the philosopher first of all as an example of a fearless sage who is able to endure sufferings. No gnomic sayings of him are mentioned. Probably, a similar exemplary story came to be known in the 7th century to Isaac of Nineveh, who gave a summary of it in one of his homilies.250 Isaac suggested that his listeners “turn to the philosophers” if the teaching of the Church was not sufficient for them. As an example, he presented a summary of the story of Secundus that is quite close to the version preserved in B.251 In the same homily, Isaac referred to the example of another sage who endured “total nakedness” and who, when encountered by King Alexander, told him nothing else except “scorn for the world.”252 This episode 246

Cf. Overwien, “Secundus the Silent Philosopher,” pp. 349–350, 355–357. Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 800–803. The text was published as a diplomatic edition in Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. Ëò [84] – Òò [88]. The Syriac text was reprinted as “Appendix I” (with separate pagination) in Perry, SecundustheSilentPhilosopher. An English translation published by Perry was revised in Brock, “Secundus the Silent Philosopher.” 248 Cf. Brock, “Secundus the Silent Philosopher,” p. 96, n. 14. 249 The text was published in Brock, “Stomathalassa,” pp. 46–47. 250 Homily 57: Bedjan, Mar Isaacus Ninevita, pp. 403–404. English translation: Wensinck, MysticTreatisesbyIsaacofNineveh, pp. 270–271. 251 Cf. Brock, “Stomathalassa,” p. 47. 252 See Bedjan, MarIsaacusNinevita, p. 405. English translation: Wensinck, Mystic TreatisesbyIsaacofNineveh, p. 271. 247

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belongs to the story of the naked philosopher Dandamis, and it appears in the same manuscript B. Both references demonstrate the popularity of the exemplary stories about non-Christian philosophers who practiced the same way of life, as the Christian ascetics, in the monastic literature of the Church of the East.253 3.2.10.1. The First Hippocratic Aphorism Some writings of Isaac of Nineveh appear in gnomic form and most likely imitate the instructions for hermits composed by Evagrius.254 Among the sentences of Isaac, an allusion to the first Aphorism of Hippocrates (“Life is short, the Art is long”) is found.255 The fifth-century treatise On theSoul by John the Solitary (John of Apamea) contains an earlier example of this kind.256 Although the Aphorisms do not belong to the genre of moral sentences proper, quotations by Syriac authors demonstrate that at least one Aphorism of Hippocrates functioned in this way. This evidence is further corroborated by Stobaeus, who included this maxim (as a saying of Zeno) in his Anthology.257 3.2.10.2. Dandamis the Naked Philosopher The same manuscript B that contains the short version of the Vita of Secundus also contains the story of Dandamis the naked philosopher (who is called Didymus), to which Isaac of Nineveh referred. This suggests that the source available to Isaac in the 7th century included both stories. The conversation between the Indian priest Dandamis and Alexander the Great was transmitted as part of the cycle of anecdotes about the 253

Cf. TheBookoftheGovernors by Thomas of Marga. The 3rd discourse of the so-called Second Part of Issac forms a separate unit bearing the title ChaptersonKnowledge that probably was intended to remind one of the works of Evagrius. See Kessel, “Isaac of Nineveh’s Chapters on Knowledge;” Brock, “Lost and Found;” Brock, IsaacofNineveh(IsaactheSyrian),“TheSecondPart.” 255 Kessel, “Life is Short, the Art is Long.” The aphorism appears in the third discourse of the so-called Second Part of Isaac. Kessel quotes the maxim on the basis of Bodleian Library Syr. E. 7. Cf. the Greek version in: Littré, Oeuvrescomplètesd’Hippocrate, vol. 4, p. 458. 256 See Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis, p. 76; Hansbury, JohntheSolitary, p. 158. John refers to the “followers of Hippocrates” as the source of the sentence. On John as a witness to gnomic sayings and their role, see below 4.2. There is some evidence that Sergius of Resh῾aina was the first to translate Galen’s commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms (including the lemmata) from Greek into Syriac. Cf. Kessel, “Life is Short, the Art is Long.” 257 Stob. IV.34.68 (5.845 Hense). 254

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adventures of Alexander. It was known to Palladius, who probably used some Cynic source for his treatise DegentibusIndiaeetBragmanibus.258 The Syriac version in B is closely related to the version by Palladius.259 The story of Dandamis, similar to that of Secundus, narrates a confrontation between a king who possesses all the power in the state, and a sage who possesses nothing. The story does not contain a separate collection of moral maxims, but the instruction offered by the wise man to the king includes gnomic elements. Thus it may be considered as an anecdote (including moral sentences) that was used as an exemplary story for instructional purposes, as the reference by Isaac demonstrates. 3.3. FLORILEGIA The Dublin Florilegium described above260 and published in the first section of Part II of the present book is the biggest collection of sayings in Syriac that may be directly compared with Greek sources. In most of the other gnomic anthologies in Syriac manuscripts, it is a difficult task to find parallels in Greek gnomologia and to establish relations between the Syriac and Greek versions of the maxims. In some cases, there are Arabic parallels to the Syriac gnomic sayings without parallels among Greek sources. These parallels allow us to trace the afterlife of the Syriac gnomic wisdom in the Arabic florilegia. One of the examples of such Nachleben was considered above in the section on the Syriac sources of Mubashshir b. Fatik. Additional examples turn up in two collections that share some materials and are thus related to each other: Sin. Syr. 14 and Vat. Syr. 135. 3.3.1. PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist A collection of prophecies of Greek poets, sages, and philosophers bearing the title Theosophia has been preserved in fragmentary form in a manuscript that is now kept in Tübingen and thus has became known as Tübingen Theosophia.261 An unknown author, who in all likelihood 258 S. Brock notes that a fragmentary version of the same history is found in a papyrus dated to the second century CE and containing Cynic materials. The Syriac text in B corresponds to the papyrus against Palladius in some details, cf. Brock, “Stomathalassa,” pp. 40–46. 259 Cf. Brock, “Stomathalassa,” p. 40. 260 See §2.1. 261 The text of the manuscript Tübingen Mb 27 dated to the 16th century was first published in Buresch, Klaros, pp. 87–126. The new edition with extensive analysis of the

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lived at the end of the fifth century in Alexandria (if we take into account his extensive knowledge of Egyptian geography and religious life),262 composed an apologetic compendium, from which only one part containing the SibyllineOracles has survived.263 The short epitome at the beginning of the Tübingen Theosophia provides a detailed description of the structure of the work.264 The first seven books (now lost) of the compendium presented a defense of “the Orthodox faith” (περὶ τῆς ὀρθῆς πίστεως). Books 8–10 included oracles of the Greek gods, sages, and the Sibyls, and also extracts from Hystaspes. The last (11th) book included a concise chronicle from Adam to Emperor Zeno, during whose rule (474–491) the whole work must have been composed. The preserved Tübingen Theosophia includes the oracles from books 8–10 of the compendium.265 The author of the Theosophia drew from a broad spectrum of sources and stood in line with a long tradition of apologetic literature (Justin, Clement, and Eusebius). Some of the oracles included in the compendium had already been used in the same manner by earlier Christian writers, like Cyril of Alexandria (in Contra Julianum). The tenth book including the Sibylline Oracles was based mainly on Lactantius, who is mentioned by name.266 The author of Theosophia was certainly familiar with Porphyry’s Philosophy from the Oracles (and the designation Theosophy may be a deliberate word-play with the latter title). Theosophy includes several quotations from the treatise of Porphyry, perhaps as a sort of Christian alternative to it.267 The work of the unknown Egyptian author enjoyed great popularity and was transmitted in several abridged versions. They appeared already in the 6th century and received the titles συμφωνία (i.e. agreement between “pagan” oracles and the Christian faith), χρησμοί, or προφητεῖαι.268 They sources and manuscript tradition was prepared by Hartmut Erbse: Erbse, FragmentegriechischerTheosophien. In 1995, Erbse published the Teubner edition: Erbse, Theosophorum GraecorumFragmenta. 262 Erbse, FragmentegriechischerTheosophien, p. 3. 263 Mras, “Sibyllen-Theosophie.” 264 §§1–5 (167–168 Erbse). The text is quoted according to the Teubner edition. 265 Pier Franco Beatrice has made an attempt to reconstruct the whole scope of the compendium (excluding the first dogmatic part): Beatrice,AnonymiMonophysitaeTheosophia. For the account on the book of Hystaspes he made use of the section on Hystaspes preserved in the BookofScholia of Theodor Bar Koni. 266 See 63.71 Erbse. Cf. Mras, “Sibyllen-Theosophie.” 267 Cf. Beatrice, AnonymiMonophysitaeTheosophia, p. xxv. 268 Cf. Erbse, FragmentegriechischerTheosophien, pp. 53–161.

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contained mainly the prophecies of Greek philosophers and referred to the pagan gods to a lesser extent. One version of the prophecies of the Seven Sages (their list did not correspond to the traditional one, including Aristotle, Plato, and even Plutarch) in form of the conversation with Apollo became known as a CommentaryontheTempleinAthens and was transmitted under the name of Athanasius of Alexandria.269 Several χρησμοί were integrated into Coptic sermons.270 John Malalas (his name is interpreted as a Syriac term for “rhetor”), who received his education in Antioch at the beginning of the 6th century before moving to Constantinople, quoted a number of prophecies in his Chronicle.271 A selection from the Theosophia was included in the late Byzantine anthology CorpusParisinum as a transitional chapter connecting “Christian florilegium” with “pagan” maxims.272 Collections of χρησμοί and προφητεῖαι were also known to Syriac Christians.273 Three groups of witnesses may be discerned: (1) Dayr al-Suryan 27 (L), dating from the 9th–10th centuries CE, preserves one of their earliest witnesses.274 L includes both Prophecies and SGP, though the two collections do not follow one after another, as in the τ-group of manuscripts. The florilegium in L bears the title, “Prophecies of the pagans concerning Christ,”275 and has the explicit, “Ended are the testimonies of the external philosophers concerning Christ.”276 After this concluding sentence, this note follows:

269 CPG 2289 (see PG 28, pp. 1428–1432). The treatise goes back to the pseudoAthanasian QuestioadAntiochumducem 136 (CPG 2257; see PG 28, pp. 681–684). One version of the CommentaryontheTempleinAthens was published in Delatte, “Le déclin de la légende.” The text of another manuscript was published in: Von Premerstein, “Ein Pseudo-Athanasianischer Traktat,” pp. 183–186. Cf. Macé and de Vos, “Pseudo-Athanasius, QuaestioadAntiochum 136 and the Theosophia.” 270 Van Den Broek, “Four Coptic Fragments of a Greek Theosophy.” 271 Dindorf, Ioannis Malalae Chronographia. New edition: Thurn, Ioannis Malalae Chronographia. English translation: Jeffreys et al., TheChronicleofJohnMalalas. The prophecies appear mainly in those parts of the Chronicle that are supposed to have been written in Antioch and addressed to its audience, cf. Jeffreys et al., TheChronicleofJohn Malalas, p. xxiii. 272 CP 2 (1.207–211 Searby). Further examples of the reception of the Theosophia in the Greek sources are given in: Von Premerstein, “Ein Pseudo-Athanasianischer Traktat.” 273 For the Syriac reception of the Theosophia, see Brock, “A Syriac Collection of Prophesies;” Brock, “Some Syriac Excerpts.” 274 See Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, pp. 164–165, 172–173. 275 ? ¿ÑÚþãâÔãx¿óçÐxÀÎÚÃæ(L, f. 95ra). ? ? ? 276 ¿ÑÚþãâÔãx¿ÙÌ¿òÎêáÚòxÀĀÙ ÎЏåáý(L, f. 114rb).

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These testimonies and oracles were collected from the book of the Pope Anastasius, patriarch of Alexandria. They were translated from Greek into Syriac by the humble Nona, in accordance with my ability, for the praise of God and for the benefit of those who come across them. They are eleven in number. There was one more, but because it was similar to the speech of Homer, I was not able to translate it properly. 277

This note indicates that the Syriac collection included in L was excerpted from some work containing testimonies and oracles and ascribed to Anastasius of Alexandria. A Coptic patriarch by this name occupied the see of Alexandria in 605–616 and is reported to have been quite a prolific writer.278 However, no treatise of Anastasius containing Prophecies has become known thus far. It seems likely that the Syriac translator of the collection referred to Athanasius of Alexandria in his concluding remark and that later scribes changed his name to Anastasius.279 The second witness to the same florilegium has been preserved in a manuscript copied in the 9th/10th centuries and is now situated in St. Mark’s Monastery of Jerusalem, SMMJ 124.280 The Jerusalem collection bears the title: “Testimonies of pagan philosophers about God.”281 Barhebraeus (d. 1286) preserves a later witness to the same collection. In the third and fourth parts (Bases) of his compendium Candelabra of theSanctuary (hence Cand. III and IV), he quotes two sets of sayings that mostly correspond to the version of the two manuscripts mentioned above, ? ? ÀĀÙÎЏ èÚàz èÚæz F. 114rb: ¿óòx ¿ÂĀÝ èã m¿ćãøù{ A èÙx èþçÞã ? €Ëپ m¿ÚٍÎêà ¿ÚæÎÙ èã èÚúþòs{ f¿ÙËçêÞàsx ¿ÝüÙüÔò ÛêÔêæs èÚðÆòxèÚáÙsx¿æxÎðà{ ÀÍàsxÀĀÐÎÃýĀàfÛáÙx¿ćáÚÐßÙs ¿æÎæÁüÙø A A > > ? ÍÙĀÙsxâÔã{f¿Ù{ zÀüÐsèÙxÁËÐmÁĄêïËпçÚçäÂèÙxèÙ{ zfèÙÍ > > d zÎúþóäàĀÙsĀÙĀÐĀÙøãs¿ćàm†{üã{sx¿ćááäãßÙs. Cf. Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, p. 172. 278 His reign as patriarch of Alexandria is described in the Arabic HistoryofPatriarchs of Severus Ibn al-Muqaffa῾: Evetts, History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic ChurchofAlexandriaII, pp. 478–483 [= 214–219]. It was characterized by the revival of the contacts between the non-Chalcedian Christians of Alexandria and Antioch, and this may explain the interest of the Syriac Christians in the writings of the Alexandrian patriarch. 279 It may be worth noting that Questio ad Antiochum ducem 136 (that according to Mace and De Vos was integrated into the Commentary on the Temple in Athens) was ascribed not only to Athanasius, but also to Anastasius Sinaita (see Macé and De Vos, “Pseudo-Athanasius,” pp. 326–327). It seems, however, that the ascription of this pseudepigraphic tract remains a question of minor importance. 280 Cf. Dolabany, Catalogue, part 1, pp. 281–282. According to the database of vHMML: SMMJ 124. ? 281 ? ? ¿óçпòÎêáÚ òxÀÍàsâïxÀĀÙΠЏ(SMMJ 124, f. 2r). 277

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both in the order of sayings and in the form of the text.282 In Cand. IV Barhebraeus included the oracle given to Apollo in the temple of Cyzicus that is absent in the other witnesses. The same oracle is found by Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi and in the third group of witnesses formed by the manuscripts of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium (curiously, all three versions of this oracle differ from one another). In Cand. III, Barhebraeus quotes the concluding remark of the translator transmitted in L (in an abridged form leaving out the reference to the Pope Anastasius/Athanasius). All this suggests that the two manuscripts of the 9th/10th centuries and the two groups of sayings by Barhebraeus go back to the same collection containing the following oracles: DS 27andSMMJ 124

Barhebr.,Cand.III

Hermes

Hermes

Tulis

Hulis (Tulis)

Eunomius

Eunomius

Plutarch

Plutarch

Hermes

Hermes

Aristotle (anonymous in SMMJ)

Aristotle

Oracle for Augustus Sophocles

Barhebr.,Cand.IV

Oracle for Augustus Sophocles

Oracle for the king Petissonius Solon Plato

Solon Plato Oracle at Cyzicus

The sayings transmitted by Barhebraeus differ in many ways from those preserved in the two earlier manuscripts, but it is necessary to bear in mind that his text mostly presents an abridged version of the prophecies. A large number of narrative details included in the manuscripts of DS and SMMJ but absent by Barhebraeus appear in the Chronicle of John Malalas.283 This fact strongly suggests that some part of the Syriac 282 Graffin, Le candélabre du sanctuaire, pp. 582–584; Khoury, Le candélabre du sanctuaire, pp. 18–21. 283 It is especially apparent in the first two prophecies attributed to Hermes and Tulis. Cf. the Greek text in 18.26-33 Thurn / 24.22–25.9 Dindorf (cf. 106–107 Erbse) and 19.54– 20.69 Thurn / 26.10–27.11 Dindorf (cf. 92–95 Erbse), where the Greek text of Malalas

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collection derives either from the Chronicle or from the source that Malalas used while composing his work in Antioch in the first part of the 6th century. Malalas himself refers to Cyril’s treatise ContraJulianum as the source of the prophecy of Hermes, and indeed there are a number of parallels between the Syriac collection and the version of Cyril.284 The third saying in the collection is attributed to some Eunomius and it is also found in the pseudo-Athansius’ CommentaryontheTemplein Athens where it is ascribed to Chilon, one of the Seven Sages.285 One additional feature that the Syriac collection shares with the Commentary is an excursus on the characteristics of water found both at the beginning of the Commentary and in SMMJ 124, where it precedes the Prophecies (the texts are not identical, but their combination in both cases with the excerpts from the Theosophia is worth noting). Thus, it seems impossible to reconstruct the Greek Vorlage of the Syriac collection preserved in group (1). However, we may assume that it was similar to the version of the Theosophia, which received the title συμφωνία (siglum ω) in the edition of Erbse. It was probably transmitted under the name of Athanasius of Alexandria and was known to John Malalas who used it while working on his Chronicle in the first half of the 6th century. (2) The 12th century author Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi included a number of prophecies of pagan sages and oracles of pagan gods in his polemical Treatise against the Muslims.286 This treatise is transmitted in O that, similar to L, contains both Prophecies and SGP. Dionysius quotes fifteen ? sentences presented as testimonies (ÀĀÙÎЏ) of the pagan philosophers: seven of which appear in chapter 8, and another eight287 are included in chapter 19:288 corresponds perfectly with the Syriac translation. The Syriac version in DS 27 and SMMJ 124 contains such details (omitted by Barhebraeus), as, e.g., that Tulis conquered the whole world and addressed his words to ¿çÙĀêٍÎò, a transliteration of the Greek πυρισθενές “mighty with fire.” These narrative details are absent in the version of Cyril as well. S. Brock pointed out a number of parallels to Malalas in the two articles mentioned above. 284 Cf. Brock, “Some Syriac Excerpts,” pp. 79–80. 285 See Delatte, “Le déclin de la légende,” p. 110.7-8; Von Premerstein, “PseudoAthanasianischer Traktat,” p. 184. 286 Amar, DionysiusbarṢalībī. 287 See Amar, DionysiusbarṢalībī, vol. 238, pp. 30–31, 79–81; vol. 239, pp. 29–30, 72–73. 288 Amar does not make a division between prophecies 13 and 14 in his edition.

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ch. 8:

1. Thales 2. Orpheus 3. Hermes 4. Plato 5. Apollo 6. Hermes 7. Aristotle

ch. 19:

8. Solon 9. Oracle at Cyzicus 10. Oracle for Augustus 11. Sibyl 12. Sibyl 13. Sagus 14. Sagus 15. Baba of Ḥarran

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The first eight sayings and the oracle given to Augustus in the treatise of Dionysius either contain the same text with the witnesses described above or present an abridged version of it. The oracle at Cyzicus differs considerably both from the version of Barhebraeus and from that of the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. Dionysius also quotes a number of oracles that are not attested in group (1): two oracles of Sibyl, one of Sagus, and the one ascribed to Baba “philosopher of Ḥarran.” They appear in more extended versions in the third group of witnesses to the Syriac Theosophia. The latter is represented by the manuscripts containing the Sayings of GreekPhilosophers and described above as the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. In all of them, the two collections follow one after another, SGP forming a natural addition to the Prophecies. (3) The collection transmitted together with the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium of SGP is the largest witness to the Syriac Theosophia, including an extensive introductory part, 25 prophecies and oracles of the Greek sages and gods, and 12 excerpts from the Ḥarranian deity Baba.289 The collection transmitted in the τ-group of manuscripts probably derives from more than 289 Here I follow the numeration of S. Brock in his edition: Brock, “A Syriac Collection of Prophesies.” Brock used three manuscripts (corresponding to the sigla M, R, and W of the present book). Brock describes the structure of the collection twice: Brock, “A Syriac Collection of Prophesies,” p. 208; Brock, “Some Syriac Excerpts,” pp. 79–80. Raḥmani published the section with the prophecy of Baba in 1904: StudiaSyriaca I, pp. Òã [48] – …[50]. Latin translation: pp. 47–50.

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one collection, as several prophecies are included several times in slightly different form.290 The Chronicle of John Malalas turns out to be an important source for it (especially in the oracle of Cyzicus that corresponds fully to the version preserved by Malalas) that could be already seen in case of group (1). The last section addressed to the “unbaptized” inhabitants of Ḥarran, one of the strongholds of the “pagan” culture in Syria,291 connects the Greek tradition of the Theosophia with the Syriac local culture. S. Brock suggested dating this collection to the reign of Maurice (582–602) when a brutal campaign against the non-Christian population of Ḥarran was started by Bishop Stephanus.292 The campaign seems to have had a very limited impact, if any, since Mas῾udi, who visited Ḥarran in 943, still witnessed flourishing “pagan” culture. It is thus likely that the events around 600 CE in Ḥarran started a long struggle, part of which was the Syriac Theosophia preserved in the manuscripts containing the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. The connection with Ḥarran may also be detected in the figure of Ḥarit bar Sisan of Sanbat, who is known from the work of Mas῾udi as a Melkite Christian living in the 10th century in Ḥarran and related to the “Sabeans.”293 The oracles of Sibyls, Sagus, and Hermes were incorporated in his commentary to the Gospels of John and Mark preserved in BL Add. 14682.294 The version of Ḥarit does not differ from the quotations of Bar Ṣalibi and from the oracles in the τ-group of manuscripts (all three witnesses have in these cases preserved the same version of the text). Prophecies of Pagan Philosophers about Christ and SGP were not only transmitted together in many manuscripts. The significance of the former for understanding and dating of the latter will be further discussed below in chapter 6. 290

Cf. Brock, “A Syriac Collection of Prophesies,” p. 205. The collection has been preserved also in the 20th-century copy Sharfeh, Raḥmani 87 (Sony 261), cf. Sony, CataloguedesmanuscritsduPatriarcataucouventdeCharfet, pp. ۹۲ – ۹۳ [92–93]. 291 See Chwolsohn, DieSsabierundderSsabismus; Tardieu, “Sābiens coraniques.” 292 Both the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian and in the Syriac Chronicle adAnnum1234 report these events, cf. Brock, “A Syriac Collection of Prophesies,” pp. 209–210. 293 See de Meynard, de Courteille, and Pellat, Mas῾ūdī,Murūǧaḏ-ḏahab, vol. 2, p. 378. Cf. Barsoum, ScatteredPearls, p. 367. 294 This manuscript, dated to the 10th century, is apparently an autograph of Ḥarit (cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 608–610). It is possible that the treatise was based on the earlier commentary composed by Lazarus of Beth Qandasa, on whom see Van Rompay, “Lo῾ozar of Beth Qandasa.”

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3.3.2. CollectionsinSin.Syr.14andVat.Syr.135 The anthology of moral sentences preserved in B (Sin. Syr. 14) on f. 128r-v was already mentioned above in the section on Plato.295 This name opens the anthology that bears the title: “From the philosophers.” The first two sayings ascribed to Plato probably go back to Christian collections of testimonia. The following three sayings are attributed to Aḥiqar (Syr. üúÚÐ), though they differ from the maxims attributed to the Assyrian sage in the known Syriac witnesses. After the sayings of Aḥiqar, the collection of B includes seven anecdotes composed mostly in the form of chreia: unnamed philosophers answer questions, and their answers contain short moral admonitions. Some of the chreias in the florilegium of B may be traced to the Greek sources,296 but elsewhere there appear to be no parallels among the Greek gnomic collections. However, some Syriac sentences turn up in the Arabic anthologies. Several sentences of B are found in a similar collection preserved in one of the manuscripts of the Vatican Library. The florilegium in Vat. Syr. 135 dated to the 7th/8th centuries CE297 contains a number of short anecdotes associated with Diogenes, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle.298 The collection begins on f. 100r, i.e. on the last folio of the codex. The last sentence of the collection remains incomplete, as the subsequent pages in another hand do not belong to the manuscript but were probably added when the folio(s) containing the rest of the florilegium had already been lost. Thus it is impossible to tell how many sentences were originally included in the collection that now contains 21 chreias. Three of them are in common with the anthology in B. Two of these chreias remain anonymous in the Vatican collection as well, while another is ascribed to Diogenes.

295 Published in Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” p. 21. Several sayings are included in Arzhanov, “Syriac collection.” 296 E.g., one of them is found in the GnomologiumVaticanum and attributed to Plato, cf. above. 297 Cf. Assemanus and Assemanus,BibliothecaeApostolicaeVaticanaecodicummanuscriptorumcatalogus, vol. 3, pp. 213–216. 298 The collection was first published in Guidi, “Mosè di Aghel e Simone Abbato.” Guidi published only the Syriac text without translation. New edition of the florilegium with a Russian translation and commentary: Arzhanov, “Syriac collection.” A German translation was published as an appendix to the article: Arzhanov, “Das Florilegium in der Hs. Vat. sir. 135.”

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The title of the Vatican florilegium is: “Sayings of the philosophers who tried to maintain good patience in their souls.”299 The first chreia in the collection is based on the comparison of Diogenes as a Cynic (κυνικός) with a dog (κύων), being characteristic of the Greek anecdotes about Diogenes.300 A dog as a symbol of faithfulness also appears in Syriac collections of moral sentences,301 however its connection with the word “Cynic” only makes sense in Greek. At the end of the collection, there is a comparison of idle talk with the twitter of a swallow,302 forming a wordplay that is possible only in Greek, but not in Syriac. Both expressions suggest that the Syriac florilegium is based on Greek sources, although at present it seems impossible to identify them. In contrast, a number of sentences in the Sinai and Vatican collections can be located in the Arabic gnomic anthologies.303 An interesting characteristic of some Syriac sentences in the two florilegia is the addition of short commentaries to the main stories, explaining their allegorical meanings. These short explicative additions to the stories are reproduced in the Arabic versions of the sentences, and this increases the likelihood that the latter derive from Syriac collections of sentences,304 similar to those found in the Sinai and Vatican manuscripts.305 ? > ¿òÎêáÚòx > èäà Íþóç ÀĀÃÓ> ÀÎæüÃÚêã ¿çúæx ¿Â‹x ¿ćáäã. Cf. Gnomologium Vaticanum 194 (79 Sternbach). For Diogenes in the gnomic anthologies, see Overwien, DieSprüchedesKynikersDiogenes. 301 Cf. the history of the faithful dog in Mingana Syr. 71 (dating to ca. 1600), ff. 107v– 108v. The beginning of the story reports that it derives from “one of the poets.” Cf. also BL Add. 14612 (dating to 6th/7th centuries), f. 82r–v, where a selection from the Syriac Sentences of Sextus is combined with maxims of another origin. The last sentence of the collection compares the greedy person with a dog bound to the gates of the house. 302 Greek χελιδών, cf. the verb χελιδονίζω in the sense “to blabber.” 303 Cf. the examples listed in the article: Arzhanov, “Das Florilegium in der Hs. Vat. sir. 135.” 304 It is also possible that both Syriac and Arabic translators had access to the same or similar Greek sources. 305 Cf. no. 8 in the Vatican collection: “One philosopher was asked: ‘How many slaves do you have that serve you?’ He answered: ‘(That are) all the masters whom you serve.’ > He spoke about passions” (ßà ĀÙs èÙË? Ãï A ¿ćäÝ fÍà èÙüãs ËÐ ¿òÎêáÚóà > …{ĀæsèÙËÃïĀþãxk…ÎÞáÙx¿ÙĄã…{ÍáÝf{z… {ÍàüãsfßàèÙËÃïĀþãx A > ? ¿þÐâïèÙxüã sf… {Íà). The same chreia with a slightly different commentary is found by al-Shahrastani: “They asked (Diogenes): ‘How many slaves do you have?’ He answered: ‘(As many as) your masters.’ This means: anger, desire, and all other passions that originate from them” (‫قالوا كم عبد لك قال اربابكم يعني الغضب والشهوة والاخلاق الردية‬ ‫الناشئة منهما‬: 332.11-12 Cureton). Cf. the French translation in: Jolivet and Monnot,Shahrastani, vol. 2, p. 326. 299 300

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3.3.3. LamentsofthePhilosophersonAlexander’sGrave The history of Alexander the Great composed in the late Hellenistic period306 and ascribed to Callisthenes was well-known in the Christian Orient.307 The Syriac Alexander-Novel appeared in the 6th–7th centuries CE as a translation of the Greek recension α (probably via MiddlePersian),308 later serving as one of the main sources on the history of the famous Macedonian for the Arabs.309 In addition to Pseudo-Callisthenes, Syriac literature has preserved a number of texts connected with the figure of Alexander the Great.310 One of them is a collection of gnomic sayings pronounced by famous ancient sages at the dead body of the king, bearing the title LamentsofthePhilosophersoverAlexander.311 No Greek text of this anthology has become known thus far, and S. Brock presumes that it must have “originated in the East,” as it was transmitted in Syriac, Arabic, Persian, Hebrew, and other Oriental versions.312 Brock published the Syriac text of the collection on the basis of a 20th century East Syriac manuscript dated to 1907 and written in Alqosh but presently situated in Birmingham (as Mingana Syriac 47).313 Another version of the anthology has been preserved in the 14th century codex Berlin Syriac 201 (Sachau 165).314 Numerous Arabic authors included the Laments of the Philosophers overAlexander in various compendia of moral admonitions, entertaining stories, and historical narratives.315 Two Christian authors of the late 306 Three Greek recensions of it came to us: Kroll, HistoriaAlexandriMagni [recension α (recensiovetusta)]; Bergson, DergriechischeAlexanderroman [rec. β]; Engelmann, DergriechischeAlexanderroman [rec. γ]. 307 Gero, “The Legend of Alexander the Great,” pp. 3–9. 308 The proposal of Theodor Nöldeke that gained general acceptance among the scholars: Nöldeke, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans.” Arguments against the assumption of Nöldeke are listed by Claudia Ciancaglini who assumes that the Syriac AlexanderNovel was a direct translation from the Greek: Ciancaglini, “The Syriac version of the Alexander Romance.” Critique of Ciancaglini: Van Bladel, “The Syriac Sources of the Early Arabic Narratives of Alexander,” pp. 61–64. 309 Cf. Stoneman, “Alexander the Great in the Arabic Tradition;” Doufikar-Aerts, AlexanderMagnusArabicus. 310 Cf. Budge, TheHistoryofAlexandertheGreat. 311 Brock, “The Laments of the Philosophers.” 312 Brock, “The Laments of the Philosophers,” pp. 206–207. 313 Brock, “The Laments of the Philosophers,” pp. 209–214. 314 Cf. Sachau, Verzeichnis, vol. 2, pp. 663-665. This collection was presented and analyzed by Jan J. van Ginkel in the paper delivered on 13.06.2018 in Sigtuna (Sweden). 315 Cf. Seleznyov, “The Laments of the Philosophers.”

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9th–early 10th centuries, preserved two of its early witnesses, namely, the East Syrian physician and translator Ḥunayn b. Isḥaq (808–873) and the “Melkite” (Chalcedonian) patriarch of Alexandria Eutychius (known in Arabic as Sa῾īdb.Biṭrīq, 877–940). Ḥunayn included the Laments in his compendium Ādābal-falāsifa (or Nawādiral-falāsifa).316 Eutychius of Alexandria came to be known as the author of the Annals that have come down to us in two versions.317 The Laments are included in the later extended version318 that was ascribed to Eutychius but appeared in the Melkite communities of Egypt. The Syriac Laments turn out to be closely related to the Arabic version preserved in the longer recension of the Annals of Eutychius.319 As in the case of SGP preserved in Arabic by Mubashshir,320 the Melkite communities of Palestine and Egypt seem to be responsible for the translation of the Syriac version of the Laments into Arabic (though the opposite possibility, i.e. that the Syriac version is a translation from the Arabic, remains a valid option).321 Mubashshir’s anthology includes the Laments as part of the large section on Alexander the Great.322 The version of Mubashshir does not coincide with the one preserved by Eutychius, and this is not altogether surprising given the diverse picture of the Arabic transmission of the Laments.323 The Christian compendia, like the Ādāb al-Falāsifa of Ḥunayn and the Annals of Eutychius,324 formed part of the Arabic literature containing gnomic sayings, moral admonitions, and apocryphal stories in the guise of historical events. Syriac Christians thus transmitted a large corpus of gnomic materials integrated into Arabic ādābliterature. 316

The work of Ḥunayn has been preserved only in the abridged form by a 12th-century scholar Muḥammad b. ῾Ali al-Anṣari, whose compendium was published in: Badawi, Ḥunaynb.Isḥāq,Ādābal-falāsifa. Later edition: Bandak, Librodelosbuenosproverbios. There is also a Medieval Hebrew translation of the work: Loewenthal, Ḥunaynb.Isḥāq, SeferMusraHaphilosophim. 317 The edition of the short version: Breydy, Das Annalenwerk des Eutychios von Alexandrien. 318 Cheikho,EutychiiPatriarchaeAlexandriniAnnales. 319 Arabic text: Cheikho, Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales I, pp. 83–84. See the parallel Syriac and Arabic edition in Brock, “The Laments of the Philosophers,” pp. 209–211. 320 See §2.10. 321 Cf. Brock, “The Laments of the Philosophers,” pp. 208 and 215. 322 Badawi, Muḫtāral-ḥikam, pp. 240–241. 323 Mubashshir himself notes that he knows much more sentences than he quotes (see Badawi, Muḫtāral-ḥikam, p. 241). 324 Griffith, “Apologetics and Historiography.”

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3.4. EXEMPLA Not only were Syriac moral sentences transmitted in the form of gnomologia and florilegia, they were also included in moral treatises composed for instructional or rhetorical purposes.325 Greek rhetorical manuals for composition of such treatises devoted much attention to the modes of implementation of fables, well-known apophthegms, and short stories into the rhetorical compositions. Such exemplary stories, known as exempla (the Latin equivalent of the Greek παραδείγματα),326 sometimes served for entertainment and sometimes as building blocks playing the central role in rhetorical compositions. In elementary rhetorical education, the use of exempla comprised an important part of the exercises in rhetorical composition known as progymnasmata.327 Chreia elaboration and the use of fables came as the first and most typical progymnasmata exercises in the Late Antique textbooks.328 Syriac literature has preserved a number of moral treatises containing gnomic elements and short edifying stories. Syriac translations of nonChristian ethical treatises of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius were read and treated as anthologies of edifying anecdotes (see §3.4.1). Christian authors, especially Gregory of Nazianzus, served as an important channel of transmission of exempla (see §3.4.2). Several Syriac treatises were composed probably as imitation of the Late Antique rhetorical compositions and served as further sources of short moral admonitions.329 3.4.1. LateAntiqueMoralPhilosophy 3.4.1.1. The tract AdDemonicum ascribed to Isocrates was an important text in Late Antique elementary education.330 It was composed as a collection of moral precepts addressed to a young man.331 These precepts could also be transmitted separately in the form of moral maxims and were popular among non-Christian and Christian authors alike.332 325

Cf. Lumpe, “Exemplum.” The discussion of παράδειγμα as a rhetorical device is found already in the RhetoricaadAlexandrum. 327 Cf. §3.1. 328 Cf. Hock and O’Neil, TheChreiainAncientRhetoric, vol. 1; Kennedy, Progymnasmata. 329 For the LetterofMarabarSerapion, see §5.3. 330 Mandilaras, Isocrates,OperaOmnia, vol. 3, pp. 7–27. 331 For the use of AdDemonicum in rhetorical education, see Cribiore, Gymnasticsof theMind, p. 106. 332 Maxims from Isocrates’ AdDemonicum are included in the Anthology of Stobaeus (cf. 5.1185 Hense) and in CorpusParisinum (cf. 2.937 Searby). 326

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A Syriac translation of the treatise has been preserved in BL Add. 14658 (E, ff. 155r–161r)333 and BL Add. 14620 (ff. 2v–4v).334 A selection of moral maxims extracted from Ad Demonicum and entitled simply, “Isocrates,” has been transmitted in G (BL Add. 14614, ff. 114r–116r) as part of a large florilegium of gnomic sayings ascribed to Greek philosophers.335 All three witnesses contain the same version of the text, going back to one translation. It reveals a rather free rendering of the original, when compared to the known Greek version.336 The epitome in G demonstrates that Syriac readers dealt with the treatise ascribed to Isocrates in a very similar way, as it was used in non-Christian Late Antique schools, where Isocrates turned out to be nearly as popular as Homer and Menander.337 3.4.1.2. The name of Plutarch turned out to be well-known to Syriac readers. It appears among the philosophers who prophesized the coming of Christ in the earliest Syriac translation of the Theosophia in the company of Plato, Aristotle, and Apollo.338 The fact that Plutarch lived at the end of the first to the beginning of the second century CE, i.e. after Jesus, did not prevent the compilers of the Greek and Syriac collections from including his name in the list of those who proclaimed the coming of the Son of God. In the doxographical tract preserved in L,339 Plutarch appears as an authoritative interpreter of Platonic philosophy. However, this example is rather singular in the preserved Syriac manuscipts. The Syriac reception of Plutarch340 is connected with his Moralia in the first line. Among 333

The text on the basis of E was published in de Lagarde, AnalectaSyriaca, pp. 167– 177. Cf. Ryssel, ÜberdentextkritischenWerth, Teil 2, pp. 40–44. 334 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 800–803. This manuscript, dated to the 9th century (cf. §3.5), has the same version of the text, as preserved in E, but it contains some different readings. 335 For G, see §2.5. 336 Cf. Ryssel, ÜberdentextkritischenWerth, Teil 2, pp. 29–44; Baumstark, LucubrationesSyro-Graecae, pp. 438–453. 337 See Morgan, LiterateEducation, p. 313. Manuscript E that has preserved the full text of the treatise demonstrates in its last part a close similarity with rhetorical textbooks of Late Antiquity, cf. King, “Origenism in Sixth Century Syria,” pp. 185–187. 338 98, 112, 128 Erbse. See §3.3.1. 339 See §3.5. The abridged version of this tract preserved in the Second Base of the CandelabraofSanctuary of Barhebraeus omits the name of Plutarch. See Bakoš, Lecandélabredusanctuaire, p. 547. 340 For Syriac Plutarch, see Rigolio, “Plutarch in the Syriac tradition;” Rigolio, “Some Syriac Monastic Encounters.”

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the three treatises preserved in Syriac, only two may be associated with the known Greek tracts: – Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate (Πῶς ἄν τις ἀπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν ὠφελοῖτο; Mor. 6). The tract has come down to us in one manuscript, Sinai Syriac 16 (ff. 68r–75r).341 – Decohibendaira (Περὶ ἀοργησίας; Mor. 29). The treatise is found in two manuscripts: Sinai Syriac 16 (ff. 89r–95v) and BL Add. 17209 (ff. 8r–15v).342 – Deexercitatione is a third treatise preserved in Syriac under the name of Plutarch. Its common Latin title is a rendering of the Syriac âï ¿ý{x“On exercise” that presumably reflects the Greek Περὶ ἀσκήσεως. No such treatise of Plutarch has been preserved in Greek or is known by title.343 However, its Syriac version was known to the learned 10th-century Arabic librarian Ibn al-Nadim, who mentions it among the few works of Plutarch available in Baghdad in his day.344 The treatise survives in two manuscripts: Sinai Syr. 16 (ff. 75r–84v) and BL Add. 17209 (ff. 1r–8r).345 The collection of SGP in V preserves a short fragment from the same treatise in the form of a sentence of Theophrastus (= SGP no. 137). It is likely that the Syriac tract is a translation from the Greek, though it is impossible to establish whether the attribution to Plutarch goes back to the Greek Vorlage or was introduced into the Syriac version.346 The anthology of A includes all three treatises. Two of these are transmitted together in BL Add. 17209. It is thus possible that the preserved witnesses go back to a collection of works of Plutarch in Syriac that could 341 See Lewis, Catalogue, p. 18. Cf. the description of the manuscript in §2.4. The text was published with an English translation in Nestle, ATractofPlutarch. German translation: Ryssel, “Zwei neu aufgefundene Schriften,” pp. 9–20. 342 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 3, pp. 1185–1187. Published from BL Add. 17209 in: de Lagarde, Analecta Syriaca, pp. 186–195. Cf. Ryssel, Über den textkritischen Werth, Teil 2, pp. 55–56; Baumstark, LucubrationesSyro-Graecae, pp. 469–470. 343 Cf. Gildemeister and Bücheler, “Pseudo-Plutarchos περὶ ἀσκήσεως,” pp. 522–524. 344 Flügel, Kitâbal-Fihrist, vol. 1, p. 254: ‫“ — كتاب الرياضة مقالة سريانى‬BookofExercise, [containing] one chapter, [known in] Syriac [version].” 345 P. de Lagarde published the text on the basis of BL Add. 17209: de Lagarde, AnalectaSyriaca, pp. 177–186. The beginning of the tract missing in the BL manuscript was published in: Rohlfs, “Pseudo-Plutarch Περὶ ἀσκήσεως.” A German translation of the edition of de Lagarde: Gildemeister and Bücheler, “Pseudo-Plutarchos περὶ ἀσκήσεως.” 346 Cf. Gildemeister and Bücheler, “Pseudo-Plutarchos περὶ ἀσκήσεως,” p. 523: the tract is an imitation of the style of Plutarch.

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have appeared before the 7th century. All three texts transmitted under the name of Plutarch contain a number of elements that distance the Syriac version from the known Greek Vorlage. The Syriac translations reveal the tendency to modify the original in such a way that “pagan” moral tracts would be acceptable for Christian readers, eliminating to a great extent elements of polytheistic religion and Greek mythology.347 On the other hand, the Syriac translation includes some elements that stress the fragmentary character of the treatises.348 The tracts of Plutarch are thus transmitted in Syriac as collections of exempla that forgo the explicit connection with Greek mythology and look as histories about “wise men” and “philosophers.” 3.4.1.3. Lucian of Samosata (2nd century CE) is represented in Syriac by one treatise preserved in the same two manuscripts that contain the works of Plutarch: Sinai Syr. 16 (ff. 95v–103r) and BL Add. 17209 (ff. 15v–23v).349 The selected tract Calumniaenontemerecredundum (Περὶ τοῦ μὴ ῥᾳδίως πιστεύειν διαβολῇ, Op. 15) is a moral admonition about the danger of slander. V includes a short fragment from this text, forming the concluding part of the collection of SGP (= SGP no. 142). This excerpt is transmitted anonymously, but the previous excerpt in V (taken from Themistius, cf. below) is ascribed to Lūqanōs (†ÎçùÎà).350 Similar to Plutarch’s Moralia, the treatise of Lucian is structured as a collection of short exemplary histories and moral advice that explain and elaborate the examples taken from historical anecdotes and apophthegms. The structural similarity between the tract of Lucian and those of Plutarch allowed putting them directly one after another in A and in BL Add. 17209. Also the style of the translation of the Greek original in the cases of Lucian and Plutarch seems be similar, suggesting the same cultural background of the translation and of the use of the texts.351 347

Cf. Rigolio, “Sacrifice to the Gods.” Rigolio, “Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius.” 349 Sachau published the text on the basis of the BL manuscript: Sachau, Inedita Syriaca, pp. s[1] – ÎÙ[16]. 350 This name is changed to Lūqīyōs, due to similarity between yod and nun, in the London manuscript. 351 Several studies have analyzed the supposed Greek Vorlage of the Syriac version of Lucian’s Decalumnia, including: Hoffmann, Recension of Sachau, IneditaSyriaca; Ryssel, ÜberdentextkritischenWerth, Teil 2, pp. 45–54; Baumstark, LucubrationesSyro-Graecae, pp. 453–464; Rothstein, QuaestionesLucianeae, pp. 92–99; Macleod and Wickham, “The Syriac Version of Lucian’s DeCalumnia.” Jacques Bompaire also used the Syriac version in his edition of the Greek text: Bompaire, Lucien,Oeuvres, vol. 2, pp. 146–168. 348

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3.4.1.4. Two orations of Themistius, the 4th-century philosopher and orator, have been transmitted in Syriac:352 – Deamicitia (Περὶ φιλίας, Or. 22). The text is preserved in BL Add. 17209 (ff. 39r–47v).353 Three large excerpts from this treatise are included in V in the collection of SGP (= SGP nos. 139–141). One of the fragments is quoted anonymously, while two others are ascribed to Plutarch and Lucian. – De virtute: Syriac ¿LӍs âï suggests that the original title of it was Περὶ ἀρετῆς, although no such work of Themistius is known in Greek. Its full text has been preserved in BL Add. 17209 (ff. 23v–39r).354 Four excerpts from it appear in Sinai Syriac 14 (ff. 130r–131r) under the title, “From the philosopher Themistius,”355 immediately after the history of Dandamis and the treatise about the Pythagorean philosophers who kept silence.356 A comparison between the Syriac and Greek versions of Themistius’ De amicitia demonstrates that the former contains most of the same features that also characterize the Syriac Plutarch and Lucian.357 It is an interesting fact that Syriac versions of the three authors are transmitted together in the same two manuscripts. Possibly all of them derive from the same collection of Syriac translations of non-Christian moral philosophy containing gnomic materials and exempla. In the florilegium of V, two fragments from Themistius’ Deamicitia are attributed to Plutarch and Lucian. For Syriac readers, the three names thus appear to have been closely associated, representing Late Antique moral philosophy, and in some cases were even interchangeable.

352 For Themistius in Syriac, see Conterno, TemistioOrientale. Cf. Watt, Recension of Conterno, ThemistioOrientale. 353 The text was published in: Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. Òã [48] – Íé [65]. Italian translation: Conterno, ThemistioOrientale, pp. 51–67. Cf. Baumstark, LucubrationesSyroGraecae, pp. 464–468. G. Downey and A.F. Norman made use of the notes of Baumstark in their critical edition of the oration: Themistiiorationes, vol. 2, pp. 51–73. 354 Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. ÏÙ [17] – Ïã [47]. German translation: Gildemeister and Bücheler, “Themistios Περὶ ἀρετῆς.” Italian translation: Conterno, Themistio Orientale, pp. 51–67. 355 Cf. Watt, “Themistius and Julian.” 356 Cf. the description of B in §2.4. 357 Cf. Ryssel, ÜberdentextkritischenWerth, Teil 2, p. 55; Baumstark, Lucubrationes Syro-Graecae, pp. 464–468; Conterno, “Retorica pagana e cristianesimo orientale;” Rigolio, “Sacrifice to the Gods,” pp. 140–141.

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The Syriac versions of the treatises of the three authors have a number of omissions and apparent modifications of their Vorlage, in accordance with the Christian reception of Greek mythology. The Syriac translations usually substitute the polytheistic elements originally present in the Greek treatises with elements deriving from the Bible and Christian ascetic teachings. Additionally, the Syriac versions stress the fragmentary character of the treatises of the Greek writers. They frame short stories, chreias and maxims in such a way that they could be considered as separate units and treated independently. The free rendering of the original found in the Syriac translations of Plutarch, Lucian and Themistius, is characteristic of the early period of translation activity in Syria, i.e. until the 5th–early 6th centuries.358 At that time, a large part of the Syriac translations of moral philosophy in form of gnomologia, florilegia, and tracts containing exempla were produced. 3.4.2. ChristianAuthors No known Syriac composite manuscript contains exclusively nonChristian works. Syriac anthologies, or “one-volume libraries,”359 combine non-Christian and Christian treatises and thus show the process of reception of the Late Antique educational system. Early apologetic writings and Church Fathers of the first Christian centuries integrated the Late Antique intellectual culture and adapted it to the new religious environment. Thus they formed an important channel of reception of “pagan” philosophy for later generations of Christian readers. 3.4.2.1. One of the earliest Christian apologies composed in the 2nd century CE and preserved in Syriac is the one ascribed to Aristides and addressed to Emperor Hadrian.360 It was included in A (ff. 56r–68r) that also contains a collection of SGP.361 The apology accuses non-Christian religions of worshipping false deities instead of the supreme God. In doing this, the author tells a number of stories which he considers foolish. Most of the refutation is structured as a presentation and explanation of the exempla taken from Greek mythology. The same method is characteristic 358 For the periodization of the Syriac translations from the Greek, see Brock, “Towards a History of Syriac Translation Technique.” 359 Cf. Friedrich and Schwarke, One-VolumeLibraries. 360 See Pouderon et al. (ed.), Aristide,Apologie. 361 Published in Harris, TheApologyofAristides. For a new edition on the basis of the same manuscript, see Pouderon et al., Aristide,Apologie, pp. 181–250.

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of the other apologetic treatises listed below. Many of them share the same materials that thus became the common topoi on the Greek religion.362 3.4.2.2. The pseudepigraphic tract OratioadGraecos (Πρὸς ῞Ελληνας, CPG 1082), ascribed to the famous apologist of the 2nd century Justin Martyr,363 came to be known to Syriac readers in the adaptation by a certain Ambrosius under the title Hypomnemata.364 It has been preserved in the 7th-century BL Add. 14658 (E, ff. 161r–163v),365 including a number of gnomic collections and works containing exempla. The treatise is structured as a set of exemplary stories that are refuted and commented from a Christian perspective. It is probably the latter characteristic that opened for the Hypomnemata the way into the composite manuscript E.366 3.4.2.3. One of the theological treatises attributed to Gregory Thaumaturgus (3rd century) includes gnomic sayings in the form of exempla.367 Its author composed the treatise in the form of a letter to a certain Theopompus, and it has been preserved in Syriac in BL Add. 12156, dating from the 6th century.368 The authenticity of the text was generally acknowledged by scholars who were interested in this treatise, focusing on the philosophical question of the suffering of God.369 At the end of the theological discussion concerning the difficult issue of the impassibility or passibility of God, the author turns to a set of anecdotes including a chreia about 362

Cf. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, Lescitationsdespoètesgrecs. The tract was probably composed in the third century, cf. Markovich, PseudoIustinus, p. 104. Greek text: pp. 109–119. 364 Another text of Justin that Syriac scholars could have known, in Greek or Syriac, is the treatise CohortatioadGraecos (CPG 1083; published in Markovich, Pseudo-Iustinus, pp. 23–78). It combines elements of apology and doxography, and this combination characterizes Christian works that include doxographic materials (e.g., Eusebius and Theodoret). Hermann Diels used the Cohortatio as one of the witnesses of the PlacitaPhilosophorum of Ps.-Aetius. 365 Cureton published the text with an English translation: Cureton, SpicilegiumSyriacum, pp. Òà [38] – Äã [42] (Syr.); pp. 61–69 (Engl.). 366 Cf. King, “Origenism in Sixth Century Syria,” p. 188. The Greek apologies must have inspired Syriac authors to create similar works, such as the treatise ascribed to Meliton and included in E. 367 Published in: de Lagarde, AnalectaSyriaca, pp. 46–64. Later edition: Pitra, Analecta Sacra, vol. 4, pp. 103–120, 363–376. German translation: Ryssel, GregoriusThaumaturgus, pp. 71–99. English translation produced with the assistance of L. Abramowski and S. Brock: Slusser, SaintGregoryThaumaturgus, pp. 152–173. 368 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 639–648. 369 Cf. the bibliography in: Slusser, Saint Gregory Thaumaturgus, p. 27, n. 113. As Slusser notes, Luise Abramowski spoke against its attribution to Gregory. 363

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Diogenes the Cynic that is well attested in the non-Christian gnomic anthologies370 as well as references to Plato and Hippocrates. 3.4.2.4. The works of Eusebius of Caesarea (3rd–4th cent. CE) have made a great impact on Syriac Christianity and literature.371 The translation of his HistoriaEcclesiastica has come to us in one of the earliest Syriac manuscripts dated to the year 462.372 No Syriac translation of his apologetic work PraeparatioEvangelica is known to us, though the Greek text includes a reference to the Book the Laws of the Countries of the “philosopher of the Syrians,” i.e. Bardaiṣan. Another apologetic treatise attributed to Eusebius has been preserved in a Syriac version. It bears the title Theophania,373 and similar to the Praeparatio Evangelica, it includes a large number of references to Greek philosophy and mythology in the form of exempla. 3.4.2.5. Basil of Caesarea (330–379), one of the great Cappadocian fathers of the Church, maintained good contacts with Syriac Christians.374 Already by the late 4th–early 5th centuries, his writings were translated into Syriac, some of which were subsequently translated for a second time.375 His Hexaemeron turned into an important source of knowledge on the natural sciences.376 The Monastic Rules of Basil were transmitted in Syriac in the form of questions-and-answers.377 They shaped the intellectual life of Syriac monasteries, where they were used in primary education. The educational program of Basil is of crucial importance for understanding the function of gnomic sayings, moral maxims, and excerpts from moral admonitions in Syriac schools. Having been well acquainted with the Late Antique paideia, Basil proposed substituting important elements 370

See the parallels in: Slusser, SaintGregoryThaumaturgus, p. 171, n. 39. Cf. Brock, “Eusebius and Syriac Christianity.” 372 Cf. Пигулевская, КаталогсирийскихрукописейЛенинграда, p. 95. Published in Wright and McLean, TheEcclesiasticalHistoryofEusebius. German translation: Nestle, DieKirchengeschichtedesEusebius. 373 Published in: Lee, Eusebius,BishopofCaesarea,OntheTheophania(1842). English translation: Lee, Eusebius,BishopofCaesarea,OntheTheophania(1843). German translation: Gressmann, Eusebius,DieTheophanie. 374 Cf. Taylor, “Basil of Caesarea’s Contacts.” These relations are attested by the large corpus of letters sent by Basil to the Christians living in the Roman provinces of CoeleSyria. 375 See Fedwick, “The Translations of the Works of Basil;” Brock, “Basil’s Homilyon Deut.xv9,” pp. 60–62. See also: Brock, “Traduzioni siriache degli scritti di Basilio.” 376 Thomson, TheSyriacVersionoftheHexaemeron. 377 Silvas, BasilofCaesarea,QuestionsoftheBrothers. 371

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of it, including excerpts from the classical Greek writers, with Bible verses and the maxims of Homer and Menander with the proverbs of Solomon. The educational program was not only accepted and creatively developed in Syriac schools, but the texts of the great Cappadocian father were themselves applied to educational purposes. Short passages, excerpts and quotations from Basil are disseminated in a huge number of Syriac composite manuscripts, attesting to their use in education. Of special importance for the educational use of the works of Basil are his letters. Often transmitted together with the letters of Gregory of Nazianzus, they were included in the so-called “Syriac Masora.”378 His use of classical Greek literature in his letters turned them into an important source of exempla. In his AddresstotheYoungMenontheRightUseof PaganLiterature(Adadolescentes),379 he gave concrete guidelines on how to adapt the Greek exemplary texts and moral maxims to Christian schools. This text was not only applied in the curriculum of Syriac monasteries, but also turned into an exemplum itself. A kind of chreia elaboration based on the Syriac translation of a fragment from Basil’s Adadolescentes found its way into collections of SGP, revealing one of the ways of the formation of this corpus.380 3.4.2.6. Together with Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus (330– 390) was a key figure for the Syriac education in general and for the transmission of moral sentences in particular. A large number of his writings were translated into Syriac, forming an important part of both elementary and higher theological education.381 He was influenced by the Late Antique paideia and acknowledged its value much more than Basil, although like the latter, he was eager to contend with its influence.382 His correspondence with the well-known rhetors of his time, e.g. with Libanius,383 reveals his skillful use of rhetoric, especially of short moral sentences and longer exempla.384 378 See Loopstra, “Patristic Collections in the ‘Syriac Masora;’” Loopstra, Patristic Selectionsinthe“Masoretic”Handbooks. 379 Adadolescentesdelegendislibrisgentilium: Boulenger, SaintBasile,Auxjeunes gens. On the Syriac version, cf. Brock, “Basil’s HomilyonDeut.xv9,” p. 61. 380 See §4.7. 381 Cf. Watt, “Les Pères grecs dans le curriculum.” 382 Cf. McLynn, “Among the Hellenists.” 383 Cf. Cribiore, TheSchoolofLibanius, pp. 165–169. 384 For the use of exempla by Gregory, see Demoen, PaganandBiblicalExemplain GregoryNazianzen.

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A large number of works of Gregory were translated into Syriac, some of them several times. His authority was so high that he is usually referred to simply as “the Theologian” in Syriac manuscipts (following the Greek tradition).385 The influence of his works on Syriac theology must have been enormous, as they are transmitted largely as reference texts in form of scholia containing extracts from the orations, quotations included in them, and commentaries on difficult words.386 The scholia and commentaries to the orations of Gregory served as an important channel of transmission of Greek moral philosophy and mythology. The moral sentences used by Gregory (often anonymously and enpassant) are in some cases identified and explained in the scholia and thus transmitted as independent apophthegms.387 The orations of Gregory (CPG 3010) are rhetorically skillful theological treatises that were appreciated not only for their content but also for their form, serving as a rich source of quotations. They were translated twice,388 first in the 5th (anonymously and incompletely preserved) and later in the early 7th century (by Paul, bishop of Edessa) on the basis of other Greek manuscripts.389 The version by Paul of Edessa, including 47 orations, was divided into two “volumes” (Or. 1–30 and 31–47 in Syriac numeration, the collection included some epistles and carmina).390 Particular orations were transmitted in the corpus of the Shmahe-Mss. as materials used for grammar exercises (also called “Syriac Masora”).391 The letters of Gregory (CPG 3032) were translated into Syriac twice and were transmitted often together with the epistles of Basil. Disseminated through many Syriac composite manuscripts, the letters of Gregory have been preserved in BL Add. 17209.392 The same manuscript contains 385 For the Syriac reception of Gregory of Nazianzus, see Detienne, “Grégoire de Nazianze dans la tradition syriaque;” Schmidt, “The Literary Tradition of Gregory of Nazianzus;” Brock, “Gregory of Nazianzus.” 386 Cf. de Halleux, “Les commentaires syriaques;” Abramowski and van Roey, “Das Florilegium mit den Gregor-Scholien.” 387 See below chapter 4. 388 Cf. Lüdtke, “Zur Überlieferung der Reden;” de Halleux, “La version syriaque des Discours;” Van Roey and Moors, “Les discours de Saint Grégoire” I–II; Schmidt and Quaschning-Kirsch, “Die syrischen Handschriften.” 389 Editions of the Syriac versions: Haelewyck, Versio Syriaca I; Schmidt, Versio Syriaca II; Haelewyck, Versio Syriaca III; Haelewyck, Versio Syriaca IV; Haelewyck, VersioSyriacaV. 390 Cf. Loopstra, PatristicSelectionsinthe“Masoretic”Handbooks, pp. 111–112. 391 Loopstra, PatristicSelectionsinthe“Masoretic”Handbooks, pp. 108–115. 392 Cf. Loopstra, Patristic Selections in the “Masoretic” Handbooks, pp. 118–125. Loopstra argues that this manuscript contains a “different, possibly later version” of the epistles than other Shmahe-Mss. (see p. 123).

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translations of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius that include a large number of exempla. The letters of Basil and Gregory close this collection of moral philosophical works and present a Christian appendix to it in the form of short textual pieces. In his letters, Gregory often uses short moral maxims. Manuscript Sin. Syr. 14 contains a letter of Gregory of Nazianzus addressed to Basil of Caesarea on the use of music.393 At the end of this short text, appears a maxim of Pindar and it turns the whole piece into a chreia elaboration in epistolary form. Gregory’s poemata (CPG 3034–35) were translated into Syriac at different times, the earliest dated to 665.394 A large anthology of them have come down to us in the 7th-century manuscript Vat. Syr. 105,395 and collections of different volumes are found in a number of manuscripts of the British Library396 (in most cases the manuscripts are of West Syriac origin and come from the library of Dayr al-Suryan). Gregory not only composed his poems in fine rhetorical form, but also included in them a large number of direct or indirect references to Greek mythology and gnomic literature.397 E.g., Gregory implied plenty of hidden references to the monostichs of Menander. Poem 1.2.39 is based on one of them,398 and the iambic poem 30 was composed completely as a stylization to Menander’s sentences399 otherwise not represented in Syriac (except the one transmitted in the Euthalian apparatus).400 The works of Gregory, with their elaborated rhetorical form and skillful use of moral sentences and exempla, served as sources of gnomic sayings and short excerpts that were treated as having value in their own right.401 Sayings attributed to “the Theologian” were incorporated into Christian sacro-profane florilegia, like the anthology of Antonius Melissa and the CorpusParisinum.402 Gregory’s reference to the mythological figures and anecdotes stimulated an unknown author, who was later referred to as Nonnus and who lived in the Eastern Mediterranean at the beginning of 393

See §4.5.2. Cf. Brock, “Gregory of Nazianzus,” p. 182. Brock refers to several translators of the poemata in Syriac. 395 Bollig, SanctiGregoriiTheologiLiberCarminumIambicorum, Pars prima. 396 Gismondi, SanctiGregoriiTheologiLiberCarminumIambicorum, Pars altera. 397 Cf. Azzarà, “Fonti e rielaborazione.” 398 See Azzarà, “Fonti e rielaborazione,” p. 56. 399 Cf. Ullmann, DiearabischeÜberlieferung, pp. 74–80. 400 See §4.3. 401 Cf. Davids, Degnomologieën. 402 In the CorpusParisinum a collection of his sayings was included in the first “Christian” part right after the anthology of Basil (1.132–144, 2.445–463 Searby). 394

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the 6th century, to compose a series of scholia (on orations 4, 5, 39, and 43) that identified and commented on the exempla used by Gregory.403 The scholia turned out to be extremely popular in the Greek-speaking world and beyond. Already by the 6th century, they were translated into Syriac (as well as into Armenian and Georgian) for the first time, and the prolific scholar Paul of Edessa produced a new translation in 623/624.404 The early anonymous translation has come down to us only in fragmentary form in three manuscripts.405 Paul of Edessa’s version has been preserved completely in a number of manuscripts containing both the homilies and the scholia.406 In BL Add. 18815 on f. 30v a selection from ? Ps.-Nonnus’ scholia bears the title, “Histories about the pagans” (ÀĀÚðý ? ¿óçÐx), and thus presents the stories as “pagan exempla” taken from the works of “the Theologian.” The mythological scholia to the orations of Gregory provided further knowledge of Greek antiquity and mythology transmitted through the secure channels of the treatises of one of the Fathers of the Church.407 A collection of exempla is found in Syriac Ms. 124 of the St. Mark’s Monastery in Jerusalem (SMMJ 124, ff. 4v–5v). The mythological scholia in this manuscript form part of a larger anthology, including Prophecies ofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist,408 an explanation of the origins of a number of philosophical maxims found in the works of Gregory of Nazianzus,409 and several short definitions inserted between the gnomic elements. The whole anthology reveals the educational background of the use of the philosophical sentences combined with the study of the works of “the Theologian” in Syriac schools. 403

CPG 3011. Edition: Nimmo Smith, Pseudo-Nonniani in IV Orationes Gregorii Nazianzeni Commentarii. English translation: Nimmo Smith, The Christian’s Guide to GreekCulture. 404 Brock, Pseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia. Cf. also Brock, “The Armenian and Syriac Versions of the Ps.-Nonnus Mythological Scholia.” 405 BL Add. 17146 from the 6th/7th centuries, BL Add. 18815 from the 9th century, and the manuscript divided into two parts: Paris BnF Syr. 378 and Mingana Syr. 662. A. Mingana published the stories contained in the latter manuscript in Mingana, Catalogue, vol. 3, pp. 97–101. 406 Cf. the description in: Brock, Pseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia, pp. 7–12. 407 The work of Ps.-Nonnus is not the only set of Greek scholia on the orations of Gregory known to us. For the other collections, see PG 36, 1205–1256** (based on the 1610 edition of R. Montagu); Piccolomini, “Scolii alle Orazioni di Gregorio Nazianzeno,” pp. III–XLII (introduction), 231–275 (edition); Norden, “Scholia in Gregorii Nazianzeni Orationes inedita;” Norden, “Unedirte Scholien zu den Reden Gregors von Nazianz;” Nimmo Smith, “The Early Scholia;” Nimmo Smith, “Sidelights on the Sermons.” 408 Cf. §3.3.1. 409 Cf. §4.5.4.

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3.5. DOXOGRAPHIA Scholars have sometimes defined moral maxims ascribed to Greek sages in Syriac gnomic collections as “popular philosophy.”410 This term refers to a selected range of ideas, mostly connected with moral philosophy and transmitted in the form of sayings, anecdotes, and entertaining stories. The “popular philosophy” in gnomic form is closely related to the Late Antique elementary education that forms the background of the Syriac gnomic collections.411 In higher education, ancient philosophy was traditionally presented in the form of doxai (δόξαι, “opinions” or “tenets”), i.e. concise sayings of famous philosophers. This tradition goes back to Aristotle, who in his treatises first listed the ideas of others before examining the topic. It was probably developed into a full-scale routine under Theophrastus. According to Diogenes Laertius, Theophrastus was the author of the treatise περὶ τῶν φυσικῶν δοξῶν, consisting of sixteen books, only fragments of which have been preserved by other authors.412 A large doxography containing “tenets of philosophers” (PlacitaPhilosophorum) has come down to us under the name of Plutarch and was known to Stobaeus.413 The 5th-century author Theodoret, bishop of the Northern Syrian town Cyrrhus, quoted this compendium as a work of certain Aëtius, who must have served as a source for the later versions of Placita. In the 9th century, a Syriac Christian Qusṭa b. Luqa (QusṭāibnLūqāal-Ba῾labakkī) translated it into Arabic.414 Familiar with this tradition, a large number of Christian authors incorporated elements of doxography in their writings. Some of these elements may be brought in line with the PlacitaPhilosophorum as preserved by Ps.-Plutarch and Stobaeus (as is the case with Eusebius of Caesarea and Ps.-Justin’s CohortatioadGraecos). Other elements form an independent channel of transmission (as is the case with the tenth book of the RefutationofallHeresies ascribed to Hippolytus of Rome).415 The lost work of Porphyry with the title PhilosophosHistoria probably combined elements 410 Cf. Baumstark, Geschichte; Brock, “Syriac Translations of Greek Popular Philosophy.” 411 Cf. Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus.” 412 DL V.48 (376 Dorandi). Cf. Fortenbaugh et al., TheophrastusofEresus. 413 Evidence for this treatise was collected and analyzed in the classical study: Diels, DoxographiGraeci. 414 Daiber, AetiusArabus. Cf. Daiber, “Hellenistisch-kaiserzeitliche Doxographie.” 415 Cf. Mansfeld, HeresiographyinContext. Mansfeld (like Diels before him) developed an interest in the first book of this compendium ascribed to Hippolytus. The short doxography

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of doxography with those of “popular philosophy.”416 We find this combination to some extent in the VitaePhilosophorum of Diogenes Laertius (end of the 2nd–beginning of the 3rd century). It also became characteristic of the Arabic florilegia, e.g. the Ādābal-Falāsifah of Ḥunayn b. Isḥaq (middle of the 9th century) and Muḫtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim of Mubashshir b. Fatik. Elements of doxography are found in a number of Syriac treatises with an educational background. The earliest examples of doxography are associated with the study of logic and go back to the translation activity of Sergius of Resh῾ayna (d. 536). In the introduction to his commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, Sergius lists different opinions of the philosophers of his time and of the earlier tradition (giving clear preference to the Aristotelian teachings).417 The scholia on Categories preserved in BL Add. 18821 (the manuscript is dated from the 9th century) and attributed to Olympiodorus contain an extensive part with the “tenets” not only of the Aristotelians and Platonists, but also of Pythagoreans, Epicureans, and Cyrenaics.418 The psychological part of the Placita Philosophorum of Aetius was used in the treatise OntheNatureofMan composed in Greek in the 4th– 5th centuries by Nemesius, bishop of the Syrian city of Emesa (modern Homs).419 The work of Nemesius served in the 8th century as one of the sources for the treatise OntheSoul of Moshe bar Kepha.420 Moshe’s overview of the ideas of the “pagan teachers” included the opinions of the pre-Socratics.421 The East Syriac scholar Theodore Bar Koni implemented some doxographical elements in the BookofScholia, written at the end of the 8th century.422 In the section focused on the philosophy of Plato, Bar Koni refers in Book 10 holds a separate position inside the treatise and goes back to other sources than the rest of the doxographical materials used by (Ps.-)Hippolytus. 416 Cf. §3.2.5. The preserved LifeofPythagoras contains a summary of ideas and apophthegms including the proverbs that could have been transmitted separately from this treatise. 417 The text of the commentary remains unpublished, but John Watt published an English translation of the second chapter containing doxographical elements: Watt, “Sergius of Reshayna on the Prolegomena to Aristotle’s Logic.” Cf. also: Hugonnard-Roche, “Comme la cigogne au désert.” 418 Furlani, “Frammenti di una versione siriaca del commento di Pseudo-Olimpiodoro.” 419 For the doxographical sources of Nemesius, see Mansfeld and Runia, Aëtiana, vol. 1, pp. 291–299. 420 Braun, MosesbarKephaundseinBuchvonderSeele. 421 Cf. Zonta, “Nemesiana Syriaca.” 422 Addai Scher, Liber scholiorum II, pp. 292–293; Hespel and Draguet, Livre des scolies:RecensiondeSéertII, p. 218.

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to Porphyry, whose PhilosophosHistoria could have been known to him through Christian intermediaries.423 Bar Koni’s short summaries of the lives and teachings of philosophers or philosophical schools (Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics) include a number of sayings attributed to them (in the section on Pythagoras Bar Koni quotes several symbola) and anecdotes from their lives. This combination of doxography and “popular philosophy” could have been characteristic of the doxographical source(s) of Bar Koni and also of the educational practice of his time. Also, at the end of the 8th century, there appeared the witness of the East Syrian Catholicos Timothy I (727–823).424 Around 781/782, Timothy wrote a letter to the head of the school in Mar Gabriel monastery in Mosul, requesting that he procure for him copies of several books from the library of the Syriac Orthodox monastery Mar Mattai situated near Mosul.425 Among the texts that attracted the attention of the Catholicos were “treatises on the natural principles of bodies,” containing an overview of ancient philosophers on this matter.426 This treatise has come down to us in Dayr al-Suryan Syr. 27 (L, part B) containing a collection of SGP.427 The B-part of the manuscript is dated from the 9th/10th centuries and thus is not far removed from the time of the Catholicos. The text in L has the same title428 and the same incipit as cited by Timothy. It contains no introduction, but starts with a classification of the opinions of the philosophers on the number and nature of the first principles. The same classification appears in one of the treatises of Sextus Empiricus.429 The same fragment, starting at the very point where the Syriac tract begins, appears earlier in Book 10 of the Refutatio OmniumHaeresium ascribed to Hippolytus of Rome.430 Both the version of (Ps.-)Hippolytus and that of the Syriac treatise follow the text of Sextus closely at the beginning, but deviate from it in the following part, and 423 Stephen Gero suggests an abridged version of Epiphanius of Salamis’ Panarion as direct source of Bar Koni: Gero, “Ophite Gnosticism.” 424 For Timothy and his time, see Berti, VitaestudidiTimoteoI. 425 Epistle 43. See Brock, “Two Letters of the Patriarch Timothy,” pp. 235–237; Heimgartner, DieBriefe42–58, vol. 248, pp. 65–68 (Syriac text); vol. 249, pp. 47–52 (German translation). 426 See Heimgartner, DieBriefe42–58, vol. 248, p. 67; vol. 249, p. 51; cf. the English translation in: Brock, “Two Letters of the Patriarch Timothy,” p. 237. 427 On L, see §2.3. 428 The title is noted twice in the manuscript, on ff. 100r and 114v. 429 Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos X (Against the Physicists), §310–311 (366–367 Mutschmann). 430 Refutatio X.6.1. (380–381 Markovich). English translation: Litwa, RefutationofAll Heresies, p. 700.

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it remains unclear whether they go back to Sextus or to some source used by him. However, it is likely that the Syriac doxography is based on some Christian source. Of special interest is the last part of the treatise dicussing the Platonic teachings of the prime matter as interpreted by Atticus, Plutarch, Severus, Plotinus, and Longinus. The last two philosophers are addressed as “teachers,” and this fact may suggest Porphyry, who was a student of both of them, as the source of this part of the treatise.431 The doxography in L was known to Barhebraeus, who included it into his compendium CandelabraofSanctuary.432 The version of Barhebraeus is much shorter than the text in L and it differs from the latter considerably, however it maintains the same structure of the treatise and all main parts of it, including the interpretations of Atticus, Plutarch, Longinus, and Plotinus on the Platonic notion of matter. To this list, Barhebraeus adds Porphyry making him again a very likely candidate for the authorship of the doxography that may have formed one part of his PhilosophosHistoria and was probably transmitted as part of Christian compendia, as the example of the treatise RefutatioOmniumHaeresium demonstrates. The PlacitaPhilosophorum of Aetius found its way into the story of Secundus the silent philosopher that was translated into Syriac.433 The only known witness to it is the 9th century manuscript BL Add. 14620,434 where several fragments of this story are preserved on ff. 1r–2r. The first folio of the codex, of which only the lower part has survived, contains several fragments from the scene of the encounter of the philosopher with Caesar Hadrian. A couple of folios must have been lost after it.435 The last portion of the text on f. 2ra includes a list of definitions of the term “death.” A similar, though much shorter, set of characteristics of death comes at the end of the Greek, Armenian, and Arabic versions, and they contain not only the history of the young Secundus and his competition with Hadrian, but also a long list of definitions comprising four areas.436 431 This is the proposal of Lucas Van Rompay, who briefly analyzed this part of the text in the catalogue of the Syriac manuscripts of Dayr al-Suryan: Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, p. 169. 432 Bakoš, Le candélabre du sanctuaire, pp. 542–548. Cf. Gottheil, “A Synopsis of Greek Philosophy.” 433 For Secundus, see §3.2.10. 434 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 800–803. 435 Cf. the notes of S. Brock concerning the quires of the codex: Brock, “Secundus”, p. 96, n. 14. 436 Cf. Overwien, “Secundus der schweigende Philosoph;” Overwien, “Secundus the Silent Philosopher.”

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The list starts with (1) the questions of nature, proceeds to (2) the problem of fate, then turns to (3) cosmology and psychology and, finally, includes (4) a section on ethics that in most extant versions (with the exception of the Ethiopic one) ends with the term “death.” Most of the topics discussed in this part of the history of Secundus, especially those focused on cosmology, have clear parallels in Ps.Plutarch’s Placita and in the Anthology of Stobaeus.437 The Syriac version of the story of Secundus does not reveal how much of doxographical material it contained, given its present fragmentary state (the number of definitions in different versions varies considerably). However, the last portion of the text, containing the definition of the term “death,” demonstrates that the Syriac translation was rather similar to the other extant translations of the story and included a list of philosophical definitions drawn from the tradition of Placita Philosophorum that was used for educational purposes. The same manuscript (BL Add. 14620) includes on f. 1r, before the story of Secundus, a peculiar list of Greek names where we find also “the silent philosopher.” The fragment presents some sort of inventory of the Greek sages and gives an insight into the sources of the history of Greek philosophy in Syriac schools: • †{üã{s • †{ËÚé{z • ëÚáÔÔés • …ÎÔáò • ëÚÓüùÎé •†ËÚáù{s •ëÚáùÍò •ëÚáùz • ëÚæ •…Îáé •†ÎçÚáóù •†{sĀäÚÓ • …ÎáÚäÚò •†ÎçÚáùx •†{ÎÅ{ĀÚò •†ÎúÚæüòÎé • …Îٍ{{x • †ÎúÔÚò • †ÎÔÚÅ • †ÎàÎóæs • †Îù¾ÔÚò •¿ćá •¿ćáÃé •†¾Ú •ëÚçÅs{Ā •ëÚæ •ëÚçÅ{Ā • Îãs{ • †ÎÔêÚÆÚäé • ëÚãz • †{üÚÔÚÆÚäêÚäêã ? ? > …{zĀÚÝèðÙ ËÙ‰sx… Îæzu{{ •ëÚÓüùÎé •†{ËæÎúé{ ? > > > †{Ëæ¾Ù¾ ò •¿ÚçÙü ÚA  •{z A A A ¿ÚãËù {z •¿Úæs…ÎàÎé A ò†¾ > …ÎáÚò • ¿ÚæÎãËù¾ćà …ÎáÚA ò • ¿ÚêÚáÚã ëÚA às A • ¿ÙĀçٍÎù > †{Āæ¾áB ù • ¿ÙËçÚà †ÎàΠ• †ÎúÔÚA ò> • ¿ÙüÃï A {¿ćáù A A ëÚÓüùÎäÙx{ •¿Úém†ÎÔÚáùz{†{ÎÆêÞæs •¿ÚúÚæ †{ÎúÚòs •ÀÍäþãëÚÓüùÎçêÝ •¿ÙëÚÓüù •¿ÙËÂsèã ¿Âüã{ •¿Úéüò •¿ÚúÚæÎùëÚæsĀêÚÔæs •ÀĀäÞÑ • †ÎÚã¾é èãx †{ÎÅ{ĀÚò • †ÎÓ • ëÙËÚãüÝ • ¿çÂĀÞã • †Îù • †ÎÝüêݾæs • ¿ÚéüÃãs †ÎÓüÞã

437

117.

Cf. the comparison in: Overwien, “Secundus der schweigende Philosoph”, pp. 116–

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? m¿ãsxÀs •†ÎÆáÚéÎò •¿ÚÓ •†ÎáÚæ •†{{ËÚóãÎàs ? ‰s{ • †{Āçãsx{ • †{ èÙüùĀãx f†ÎÙ|x €zÎç …{z ßÙs {ËÅĀés{ mÀÎòÎêáÚòx ÀÎç ÎÂüÙ èÚàz A ? f¿óàsx¿æüÔÚãßÙsm¿óàsâïèÙx{{zèÙüًĀãfÀÍàs ? ßÙs{z¿ćä äïxg¿óàs¿ïËÙĀãÀ sÁxzËÚÂ{ A A dÄÙĀÝx Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Hesiod, Homer, Qplynws, Solon, nis, Heracles, Pericles, Euclid, Sophronicus, Pythagoras, Dqlynws, pymylwn, Timotheos, Pittacus, ᾿napwlws, gyṭws (Megitos?), Pittacus, Dwrwrywn, Btwgnys, nys, Btw᾿gnys, Bias, Sibyl, byl, Msmysmygyṭyrws (Hermes Trismegistus?), Hermes smegistus, and ᾿mwt, and Secundus, socrates. And further those, whose cation is also known: Solon the Athenian who was the first to , Bias the Pirenian, Periander the Corinthian, Thales the Milesian, Philon (sc. Chilon) the Lacedemonian, Philon the Hebrew, Pittacus , Cleobulus the Lindian, Cleanthes the nic, Anaxagoras and Heraclitus of , and Democritus of Abdera, Crates , the illustrious Xenocrates, Epicurus in wisdom, Antisthenes the Cynic, the Persian, and a prolific writer, Krmydys, ṭws, Pythagoras from Samos, mocrates of Ambrosia, Anaxarchus, cus, Olympiodorus, Nilus from , Physiologus, and the sign of the Twins, sons of Zeus, which are called os and Rhadamanthus, even they increased treatises in philosophy and were worshipped like God, and they were put into the Pleiads as the signs of the Pleiads, and through this the Pleiads they became known for the nations, as it is written.

No clear sequence of exposition may be detected in this list including names of the famous Greek philosophers (some with short characteristics, like the geographical location or philosophical school), poets and historians, but also mythological figures and signs of the constellations. Many names (that are just transliterated in the cursive script), as is sometimes the case in SGP, remain unidentified. The names and attributions of the Seven Sages are rather accurate, and they correspond to those forms that are found in SGP (cf. nos. 55–61). The list has apparent errors and repetitions, including in some cases both the corrupt and the correct forms of the name (cf. Hermes Trismegistus). It is striking that most of the philosophers included in the list of BL Add. 14620 have not left behind full-scale treatises (although pseudepigraphic works could be known under their names, like the alchemical writings attributed to Democritus). Instead, their philosophical ideas were transmitted in the form of short maxims included in doxographies (if they concerned scholarly issues) or into collections of gnomic sayings and apophthegms (if they contained moral admonitions). Late Antique schools

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actively used both forms, and both of them were present in the monastic schools of Syria and Mesopotamia. The presence of Hermes and Sibyl in the list above suggests that the author of the list must have thought of Theosophia, where both figures utter testimonies about the Christian faith and the coming of Christ. The references to Heracles, Minos, and Rhadamanthus, sons of Zeus, must derive from the mythological scholia on the orations of Gregory of Nazianzus.438 The list thus demonstrates the main sources for the history of philosophy as learned in Syriac monastic schools. Interestingly, these sources coincide to a large extent with the Syriac gnomic corpus outlined in this chapter. 3.6. CONCLUSION The Syriac collections of SGP, preserved in the manuscripts that were described in chapter 2, form a natural part of the Syriac corpus of moral sentences. They include both short gnomic sayings (maxims) and longer pieces (counsels) that in some cases turn to be excerpts from the moral treatises of Christian and non-Christian authors. We find sentences of the Seven Sages and Theano included in some versions of SGP. The collections of SGP often come in close proximity to the sentences of the Pythagoreans and the PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist. The Prophecies turn out to be particularly close to SGP, and both collections occasionally reveal the same apologetic intention of including the classical (both famous and less well-known) Greek authors in the camp of advocates and prophets of the Christian faith. However, in contrast to the Prophecies that seem to be restricted to this apologetic and polemical function, SGP has much more in common with the traditional chreias and gnomic sayings that are otherwise well-represented in Syriac literature. Their function in Syriac schools may be understood from the role of moral sentences reflected in the treatises of Syriac authors and in the Syriac manuscripts.

438 The note on Minos and Rhadamantus contains a quotation from the Scholion 43.14, see: Nimmo Smith, Pseudo-NonnianiinIVOrationesGregoriiNazianzeniCommentarii, pp. 261–262; Nimmo Smith, TheChristian’sGuidetoGreekCulture, pp. 118–119. Syriac version: Brock, Pseudo-Nonnos MythologicalScholia, p. 79 (English), p. 202 (Syriac).

CHAPTER 4

RHETORIC OF THE FEAR OF GOD GNOMIC SAYINGS AND THEIR USE IN SYRIAC SCHOOLS “Having arrived to the holy city, he worshipped the saving signs of God’s sufferings. But having met, later on, the companions of the worthy Evagrius, and been with the heirs of the great Peter, and seen the entire order of their life, he was seized with love for the divine philosophy and showed a wonderful transformation. Instead of the toga he put on the monastic habit, and instead of law-books he was using the divine ones, and he exchanged the art of pleading for the sweat of monasticism and philosophy, in that divine grace, little by little, proclaimed him rhetorician of the fear of God, and anointed him to the high-priesthood of the great city of Antioch.” Zacharias Rhetor, LifeofSeverus1

The “wonderful transformation” which happened to Severus, the Syriac Orthodox patriarch of Antioch, as described by Zacharias, was characteristic of the whole cultural change that took place in the 5th–6th centuries and had far-reaching consequences for the Syriac educational system. The traditional forms of Greek rhetoric were converted into a new pedagogical system that the Syriac Orthodox Church came to adopt. Gnomic materials that had been used in elementary education also found their place in the Christian schools, where they were put to work in what Zacharias calls “rhetoric of the fear of God.” 4.1. GNOMIC MATERIALS IN EDUCATION Collections of moral maxims in the form of gnomologia, florilegia, and moral treatises including exemplary stories (exempla) came to Syrian Christians as part of the Late Antique educational system. At all stages of the educational process they played an important role, starting from the first classes in literate training and ending with the higher rhetorical 1

Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, pp. 94, 96.

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education. The Late Antique paideia was the unifying factor of the Mediterranean world and a necessary prerequisite for a successful career or cultural socializing.2 The Greek culture provided “rites and codes of behaviour shared by all educated men” (P. Brown).3 The Eastern Mediterranean was a vital part of the “world of Late Antiquity” described by Peter Brown, and educated Syriac speakers also participated in the paideia.4 Moral maxims were used in the elementary education as materials for copying and transcribing and for learning letters.5 The short form of maxims and their clear ethical messages secured their place in the classes on grammar and in the elementary rhetorical education. Gnomic materials formed part of the so-called progymnasmata exercises known to us from several Greek textbooks. Christian schools were largely oriented to the Bible and ascetic literature, but the forms of education they inherited were still connected with the Greek prototypes to a large extent.6 The form of apophthegm was applied to the sayings of the desert fathers that became known as ApophthegmataPatrum.7 A collection of sayings that originated from Pythagorean sources and was ascribed to certain Sextus became associated with the Pope Xystus in the Christian milieu and was widely read as a Christian gnomologium.8 The new gnomologies were written above the old ones, sometimes in a very direct way. One of the Syriac palimpsests has preserved an idiosyncratic example of this cultural development: Vat. Syr. 623 contains Sentences of Sextus and the works of Evagrius in the upper layer and Greek fragments from Menander in the lower one.9 Christian textbooks were not always intended to replace such authors, as Homer and Menander, who had acquired symbolic status in the nonChristian schools, but also included their texts along with biblical material. 2

Cf. Watts, “Education: Speaking, Thinking, and Socializing.” Brown, TheWorldofLateAntiquity, p. 14. 4 For the East Syriac tradition of education, see Becker, FearofGodandtheBeginning ofWisdom. For the West Syriac schools, see Tannous, SyriabetweenByzantiumandIslam. Cf. also King, “Education in the Syriac World of Late Antiquity.” 5 Cf. Marrou, Histoiredel’éducationdansl’antiquité, pp. 223–242; Morgan, Literate Education, pp. 120–144. 6 Cf. Larsen, “Monastic Paideia.” 7 Cf. Larsen, “On Learning a New Alphabet.” 8 See §3.2.6. 9 D’Aiuto, “Graeca in codici orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana.” Cf. Arzhanov, “Archäologie eines Textes.” 3

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Two papyrus codices that were found in Egypt and dated to the 6th or 7th century CE preserved a collection of maxims in Greek and Coptic, most of which derive from the MenandrouGnomai.10 However, they start not with a sentence of Menander, but with a verse from Ben Sira: “With a woman sin had a beginning” (Sir. 25:24). The word ἀρχή probably served as a cause for putting this sentence at the beginning of the (generally misogynistic) collection. A similar motive most likely served as a cause for putting a verse from the Proverbs at the beginning of the small collection of sentences of Menander written on an ostracon that was found in an Egyptian monastery: “Fear of God is ” (Prov. 9:10, cf. Sir. 1:14 and Ps. 110:10).11 The two Greek-Coptic papyri mentioned above contain a number of the monostichoi of Menander after quotations from the Bible, as well as some sentences, whose sources are not known and where the most frequent word is γράμματα. This feature discloses the context of the composition of the Greek-Coptic collection: its author was interested primarily in putting together a number of maxims that could have been used as a writing exercise.12 While composing this collection, he connected the MenandrouGnomai with the biblical material and possibly added some new sentences that praised the ideal of learning.13 No Syriac translations of Homer and Menander have become known thus far, although their Greek works are found in Syriac palimpsests (in the Greek underwriting). However, the moral sentences attributed to them are disseminated among Syriac codices as additions to those works that were in the curriculum of the monastic schools. In the margins of the Syriac translations of the works of Gregory of Nazianzus, certain maxims are attributed to Socrates and Plato. As late as the 9th century, the Syriac author Antony of Tagrit found it necessary to refer to Homer in his manual on rhetoric. A 12th-century Syriac reader of the discourses of Philoxenus of Mabbug found it natural to add some moral sentences on the flyleaves that he attributed to Homer and that were transmitted under the name of

10

Hagedorn and Weber, “Die griechisch-koptische Rezension.” Crum and Evelyn White, TheMonasteryofEpiphaniusatThebes, part 2, pp. 320– 321 (nr. 615). 12 “Man könnte dabei an Stilübungen für Griechisch-Schüler denken, bei denen der Lehrer die Menander-Papyri als Hilfsmittel benutzte” (Hagedorn and Weber, “Die griechischkoptische Rezension,” p. 18). 13 E.g., γράμματα μαθὼν τις ἐλπίδας ἕξει — “the person who learns writing will have good hope” (Hagedorn and Weber, “Die griechisch-koptische Rezension,” p. 32). 11

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Menander in other manuscripts.14 These examples, elaborated in detail in the present chapter, demonstrate that the necessity to refer to the classical Greek authors, and the pedagogical use of sentences attributed to them, remained in Syriac schools in spite of the absence of their original works in translation. This chapter will outline the main strategies of dealing with moral sentences of classical Greek authors. The evidence below provides an insight into the context of the use of chreias and gnomic sayings found in SGP and published in Part II. 4.2. JOHN OF APAMEA AND MONASTICPAIDEIA The earliest Syriac witness to the use of moral sentences is found in the writings of John the Solitary (¿ÙËÚÑÙs èçÐÎÙ).15 He lived in the first half of the 5th century in the region near Apamea on the Orontes and is thus often referred to as John of Apamea. His connection with this place must have been not only geographical. He was well aware of the flourishing philosophical school founded there in the late 3rd century by the Porphyry’s pupil Iamblichus.16 Due to Iamblichus (and earlier to Numenius), Apamea became famous as a center of Neo-Platonism, and it is not surprising to find a reference to “the house of Plato” in a letter of John the Solitary.17 The writings of John reflect contacts with philosophically educated non-Christians, and he composed a number of them as dialogues that could have actually taken place in some form. In his six dialogues with Thomasius18 and four dialogues with Eusebius and Euthropius,19 he mainly focused on the questions of the soul that turn out to be very close to the content of SGP and thus serve as important witnesses to the period preceding the composition of the latter. In the beginning of the first dialogue with Thomasius we read: 14

See §4.4. For John the Solitary, see Hausherr, “Un grand auteur spirituel retrouvé;” Strothmann, JohannesvonApamea, pp. 1–116; de Halleux, “Le milieu historique de Jean le Solitaire.” 16 In the 4th century, Libanius praised the “the choir of the Apamean philosophers” (Oration 52.21: 35 Foerster). Cf. Balty, “Apamea in Syria.” 17 Strothmann, JohannesvonApamea, p. 8 (Syriac), p. 120 (German). 18 Published with a German translation in Strothmann, JohannesvonApamea. French translation: Lavenant, Jeand’Apamée. 19 Syriac text was published in: Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis. French translation: Hausherr, JeanleSolitaire. English translation: Hansbury, JohntheSolitary. 15

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Thomasius was a noble man who had been instructed in the wisdom of the teaching of the Greeks due to the care of his parents. But he considered devotion to Christ more profitable than human wisdom. And having finished the full course of education appropriate for his age, he longed for the peaceful life of a solitary.20

The history of Thomasius described here was not unusual for 5th century Syria-Palestine. About half a century earlier, John Chrysostom (349–407) dealt with the problem of Christian parents who sent their children to traditional schools of rhetoric and grammar, considering them a necessary prerequisite for a successful career, in the treatise AgainsttheOpponents oftheMonasticLife.21 Chrysostom claimed that Christian monastic education was a better alternative to traditional schools because rhetoric provided young men only with technical skills, while monasteries taught good behavior and virtuous life, “for philosophy of soul is more difficult and more laborious than rhetorical education.”22 He referred to Socrates, Anacharsis, Crates, and Diogenes who “paid no attention to letters,” yet “they lived a brilliant life and became famous.”23 The formation of the monastic schools in Syria and Palestine in the 4th– 5th centuries CE as educational institutions competing with non-Christian schools of rhetoric is attested in the Asceticon of Basil of Caesarea composed in the late 360s and probably by the same time translated into Syriac in the form of Questions of the Brothers.24 Basil considered it 20

À{xüãxÀĀäÞÑÂx¿çÙsgÁĀÚãÁüÃÅÀ{z€z{ĀÙs†ÎÚêã{s ? ? ÎàxèÙxÀÎçäÙÍÂg€xsÄÓ€z{ÍÂsxÀÎáÚÔÂèãxßÙsg¿Úæ ÎÙx À{xüãx¿ćäàÎýèÙxËÝfÀ{zĀÚãÀĀÚþæsÀĀäÞÑÂxèãüÙĀÙg¿ÑÚþã > > fåЍÀÎÙËÚÑÙx¿Úá ýÁüãÎïgâà ùzÎÚáÓxÀĀÐÎþäÂÀĀäÞÐx(StrothA mann, JohannesvonApamea, vol. 2, p. 1). 21 Johannes Chrysostomus, Adversusoppugnatoresvitaemonasticae: PG 47, pp. 319– 386. English translation: Hunter, AgainsttheOpponents, pp. 77–176. 22 Φιλοσοφία γὰρ ψυχῆς λόγων παιδεύσεως τούτῳ δυσκολώτερόν τέ ἐστι καὶ ἐργωδέστερον (Adversusoppugnatores III.8: PG 47, 363.22–23). English translation is adapted from: Hunter, AgainsttheOpponents, p. 143. 23 οἱ δὲ … σφόδρα ἔλαμψαν, καὶ γεγόνασι περιφανεῖς. Καὶ γὰρ Ἀνάχαρσις καὶ Κράτης καὶ Διογένης οὐδεμίαν ἐποιήσαντο σπουδὴν τούτου… (Adversusoppugnatores III.11: PG 47, 367.44–49). English translation is adapted from: Hunter, AgainsttheOpponents, p. 150). The positive attitude of Chrysostom towards “pagan” philosophers in this case is rather untypical for his writings. 24 Silvas, BasilofCaesarea:QuestionsoftheBrothers. The early date of the translation is based on the fact that the Syriac version represents the short form of the treatise which already by the time of Basil’s death grew considerably, cf. Gribomont, Histoiredu texte des Ascétiques, pp. 109–147; Fedwick, “The Translations of the Works of Basil before 1400,” pp. 444–449.

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necessary to give instruction to “those newly introduced to the fear of God,”25 who should “progress in what assists the learning that comes from letters.”26 Such education was mainly based on the Bible. Basil suggested the Book of Proverbs as an alternative to the sayings of Menander and Homer that were utilized for literary education.27 For those who had already been “introduced to the fear of God” and continued their literary studies, Basil composed the AddresstotheYoungMenontheRightUse ofPaganLiterature,28 suggesting methods of using non-Christian exempla. The Address was translated into Syriac and must have formed the pedagogical model of the (West) Syriac schools to a large extent.29 The writings of John of Apamea give evidence to the development of the Christian monastic schools in Palestine a few generations after Chrysostom and Basil. He addressed his treatises both to those Christians who had finished the traditional course of the Greek paideia, conversations with whom have mainly the form of dialogues, and to the solitaries educated in the “true philosophy,” to whom John had sent letters and moral admonitions. The dialogues of John give us an insight into the main topics and problems of the polemic where Christian and nonChristian views competed with each other. One topic is central for the dialogues: the soul, her qualities, and her post-mortal fate. It dominates in the dialogical treatises of John, which give evidence on the pre-history of SGP. The writings of John of Apamea include gnomic elements, short maxims, and edifying anecdotes, revealing thus the pedagogical practice of the monastic communities in the first half of the 5th century. Of special interest are the four dialogues with Eusebius and Euthropious concerning the soul. The last dialogue is structured as a compendium of short definitions and the final part of it is a collection of moral sentences on “the excellent way of life (ÁĀÚãÁüÂ{x).”30 The closing paragraphs of the previous dialogues include gnomic elements as well. At the end of the third dialogue, John cites the first 25

ÀÍàsĀáÐËàèÚÂüùĀãèÚáÙ¾ćà(QuestionesFratrum 2.70: 66–67 Silvas). ? > Áüóé èãx ¿çA óàÎÙ âï …yËðãx èÚáپ ñêóæx ÍÙĀÙs (Questiones Fratrum 82: 190–191 Silvas). 27 Basil of Caesarea, Asceticon Magnum, question 15, §3 (PG 31, 953C–956A). Cf. Larsen, “On Learning a New Alphabet,” p. 63. 28 Boulenger, SaintBasile,Auxjeunesgens. 29 Cf. §3.4.2.3. 30 Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis, p. 90; Hansbury, JohntheSolitary, p. 190. 26

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Aphorism of Hippocrates: “Life is short, art is long.”31 It is likely that John received some medical training and could have been familiar with the Hippocratic Aphorisms as a corpus. But he ascribes the quoted maxim to “the followers of Hippocrates” (ëÚÓüúóÙs ĀÚÂx) and not to the famous physician himself. This fact suggests that his source was either a commentary on the Aphorisms or (and this is more likely) other Christian works. Immediately after the first Hippocratic Aphorism, John quotes several sayings of “a God-fearing person,” containing advice on controlling the passions.32 The unnamed authority was most likely one of the Egyptian Fathers,33 whose apophthegms became in the Christian monasteries an alternative to the Late Antique gnomic anthologies. A large set of apophthegms was included by John in the concluding part of the second dialogue,34 and his supporting remarks to them give us a valuable insight into the use of chreias in the monastic education. John concludes the second dialogue on the passions of the soul with the praise of “the toil of study” that gives light to the intellect. After that, he ? suggests to his listeners several stories (ÀĀÚðý) “for their advantage.”35 This introduction reveals the same intention that Basil of Caesarea had stressed in his Address concerning the right use of non-Christian exempla: they should be profitable and give good examples of the virtuous way of life. John quotes fourteen stories of unnamed solitaries and “wise men.” He places most of them in a monastic setting or presents them as examples of ascetic behavior. In so doing, he probably adapted them to the background of his audience.36 The apophthegms praise patience, abstinence, and control of anger. The Syriac gnomic collection preserved in 31 Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis, p. 76; Hansbury, JohntheSolitary, p. 158. For the Syriac transmission of the first Hippocratic Aphorism, cf. §3.2.10. 32 Dedering, Johannes von Lykopolis, pp. 77–79; Hansbury, John the Solitary, pp. 158–162. 33 Hausherr considers it to be Abba Pityrion of Apophthegmata Patrum (Hausherr, JeanleSolitaire, p. 92). 34 Dedering, Johannes von Lykopolis, pp. 50–54; Hansbury, John the Solitary, pp. 106–112. 35 Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis, p. 50; Hansbury, JohntheSolitary, p. 106. 36 The apothegms found by John have no parallels among the known collections of the sayings of the Egyptian Fathers. Hausherr (see Hausherr, Jean le Solitaire, p. 71) notes the similarity between one of the stories (no. 8) and the passage in the Epictetus’ Encheiridion (ch. 3, cf. Botter, TheEncheiridionofEpictetus, pp. 280–281). However, the similarity is too general to consider the passage of Epictetus to be the source for John.

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Vat. Syr. 135,37 stresses the same virtues, and it is possible that John derived the anecdotes from a similar collection that has not survived. As in case of the Vatican gnomic anthology, the stories by John include well-known motives found in the Cynic collections of chreias, e.g. in the last apophthegm: Another sage, when he had been robbed of his property, remained without anger and without vengeance. The one who had robbed him said to him: “Why are you not angry with me?” He replied: “You made me think of death, that when death empties everyone of his possessions, there is no one who gets angry at it.”38

After this, John adds: My beloved, I tell these stories because of the simplicity of our brothers who have been present but have not fully understood what had been said previously. So as not to abuse their good will, I wanted to help their reflection by the narration of these sayings told about these persons. May God grant all of us that our souls be trained in every virtue.39

The pedagogical concern of John about the “simplicity” of the brothers to whom the whole treatise was addressed (thus John reveals the fictitious nature of the dialogues) made him use stories both to entertain and to edify his audience. The crucial argument comes at the end of the note: the edifying anecdotes had the function of “training the souls” in virtue. This idea is central for Basil in his Address, and the discourses of John demonstrate the practical application of the educational program of Basil in Syria and Palestine. Besides, John composed commentaries on Ecclesiastes and Job — biblical books that, along with Proverbs, Basil had proposed in his Asceticon as sources of gnomic materials recommended for educating the youth.40 The teachings of John the Solitary have been transmitted in a number of Syriac manuscripts in the form of short sentences41 and questions-andanswers.42 Among these extracts from the writings of John, one collection, 37

See §3.3.2. The English translation is adapted from: Hansbury, John the Solitary, p. 112. Cf. the Syriac text: Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis, p. 53. 39 Hansbury, John the Solitary, p. 112. Cf. the Syriac text: Dedering, Johannes von Lykopolis, pp. 53–54. 40 Strothmann, Kohelet-Kommentar; cf. Van Rompay “An Ascetic Reading of the Book of Job.” 41 Cf. Martikainen, “Die Sentenzen des Johannes von Apamea.” 42 Cf. Strothmann, JohannesvonApamea, pp. 21–27. 38

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preserved in BL Add. 14617(on ff. 68r–70v),43 includes three stories, or apophthegms, derived from the dialogues with Eusebius and Euthropius, discussed above.44 Extensive commentaries complement these three stories, stressing their ethical character. The end of this collection includes a number of moral sentences, demonstrating the pedagogical use of the writings of John (to whom they were probably ascribed) and serving as sources of gnomic materials and exempla. The questions-and-answers anthologies attributed to John begin with the question of acquisition of the fear of God as the beginning of wisdom, as in BL Add. 14577.45 The reference to the “fear of God” is not only an allusion to Prov. 20:21, but is also a key concept in the pedagogic system of Syriac monasteries in the 5th century CE. 4.3. NON-CHRISTIAN TESTIMONIES IN THE EUTHALIAN APPARATUS The Syriac reception of the Late Antique educational system and its usage of gnomic materials is connected with the formation of the West Syriac Church to a large extent. Christological controversies of the 5th century, especially the formula of Chalcedon, resulted in the formation of the anti-Chalcedonian theology expressed in the West Syriac (“Miaphysite” or “Monophysite”) tradition in specific apologetic literature that included testimonies of the authoritative writings used in polemic. One of the key figures in the formative stage of the West Syriac selfidentification process was Philoxenus (d. 523).46 As bishop of the city of Mabbug, Philoxenus became a leader of the anti-Chalcedonian party in Syria and put much stress on the exactness of the evidence used in polemics. The exact translations from the Greek were a necessary prerequisite for the effective use of the “proof-texts.”47 The need for polemical instruments made Philoxenus a promoter of the new translation techniques.48 43

Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 740–742. The stories quoted in BL Add. 14617 (on f. 68r–v and on f. 69r) appear as exempla nos. 4, 6, and 12 in the second dialogue with Eusebius and Euthropius. 45 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 786. 46 For Philoxenus, see de Halleux, Philoxène de Mabbog; Michelson, The Practical Christology. Cf. also Michelson, “A Bibliographic Clavis.” 47 For the use of the Old Testament by Philoxenus, see Jenkins, The Old Testament QuotationsofPhiloxenusofMabbug. 48 Cf. Michelson, “It is not the Custom of our Syriac Language.” 44

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Philoxenus commissioned a new translation of the New Testament that was finished in 508 by Chorepiscopus Polycarp.49 The Greek manuscripts that were used for this purpose included the so-called “Euthalian material.”50 The author of this scholarly “apparatus” probably lived in the 4th century in Caesarea.51 His work consisted of a number of commentaries to the book of Acts, the Pauline epistles, and the Catholic epistles, in addition to prologues to these three parts, lists of chapters, and summaries of individual books.52 Additionally, the Euthalian apparatus provided six collections of “testimonies” (μαρτυρίαι)53 relating primarily to the quotations from the Old Testament found in Acts and in the apostolic epistles with references to their sources in the biblical text. The collections of μαρτυρίαι included several gnomic sentences that the author of the apparatus identified in the biblical texts and ascribed to the “unknown” (apocryphal) books and classical Greek authors, well-known to us from gnomic anthologies. E.g., in the book of Acts the attention of the scholiast was brought to the passage (Acts 17:28), where Paul the Apostle in his address to the Greek audience in the Athenian Areopagus cites verses of unnamed Greek authors, introducing the quotations with the words: “As some of your own poets have said …” The Euthalian apparatus identified the sources as “Aratus the astronomer and Homer the poet.”54 49 The main source of our knowledge of the version of the NT used by Philoxenus himself is his Prologue to the Gospel of John, see de Halleux, Commentaireduprologue johannique. 50 For the work of Euthalius, see Robinson, Euthaliana; von Soden, DieSchriftendes NeuenTestaments, vol. I.1, pp. 637–682; Willard, ACriticalStudyoftheEuthalianApparatus. The Euthalian apparatus was usually transmitted as addition to the biblical text. It enjoyed huge popularity in the Middle Ages and has been preserved in hundreds of Greek manuscripts. It was translated into Armenian, Syriac, Gothic and Church Slavonic languages. 51 Cf. Zuntz, “Euthalius = Euzoius?” 52 The Euthalian material was published on the basis of nine Vatican manuscripts in Zacagni, CollectaneaMonumentorumVeterum, vol. 1, pp. 401–708. The text of Zacagni was reprinted in PG85, pp. 627–790. Nine additional manuscripts were used by Ernst von Dobschütz: von Dobschütz, “Euthaliusstudien.” English translation of some sections of the Euthalian apparatus: Blomkvist, EuthalianTraditions. 53 In five cases these lists were preceded by short summaries, explaining the system of references in the longer sections. On the system of references in the Euthalian lists of quotations, cf. Robinson, Euthaliana, pp. 18–20; Willard, ACriticalStudyoftheEuthalian Apparatus, p. 30. 54 Zacagni, CollectaneaMonumentorumVeterum, p. 420. The attribution of the first sentence to Aratus is found in Stob. I.1.3 (1.23 Wachsmuth).

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In the commentaries to the Pauline epistles we find a sentence of Menander. 1 Cor. 15:33 quotes one of the proverbs known to us from the Gnomai monostichoi: “Do not be deceived: ‘Bad company ruins good morals.’” The Greek scholiast noted the source of this passage: “(This is) a maxim of Menander the playwright” (Μενάνδρου κωμῳδιογράφου γνώμη).55 The preceding verse (1 Cor. 15:32), according to the Euthalian apparatus, contained “a Laconian proverb” (Λακωνικὴ παροιμία).56

A few references to the Greek philosophers in the Euthalian apparatus gave Christian readers a model of transmission of Greek non-Christian gnomic materials in the form of scholia on the biblical text. The names of Homer and Menander, associated with the anonymous quotations by Paul the Apostle in the Euthalian apparatus, were strongly related to the Greek educational system that the Christian Church considered dangerous in the 4th century. The new Christian pedagogical model of the Church Fathers of the 4th century suggested Psalms as an alternative to the verses of Homer and Proverbs as an alternative to the sentences of Menander. However, both names retained their symbolic character and remained paradigmatic for the gnomic format. And the supposed quotations from “Homer the poet” and “Menander the playwright” by the Apostle in the texts of the New Testament provided Christian readers with a secure channel of transmission of the “pagan” gnomic materials rejected by the Church. The Euthalian apparatus suggested a method that included two strategies: (1) marking particular elements in Christian authoritative texts as gnomic sayings, and (2) ascription of these elements to famous Greek authors associated with the gnomic genre. Syriac scholars adopted this method with the translation of the Euthalian material as part of the “Philoxenian” NT at the beginning of the 6th century.57

55 In his edition of the New Testament, Johann Jakob Wettstein writes the following commentary in the footnote to 1 Cor. 15:33: “Euthalius Μενάνδρου κωμῳδογράφου γνώμη. Ex versione Syra posteriore in margine” (Wettstein, NovumTestamentumGraecum, p. 170). 56 Zacagni, CollectaneaMonumentorumVeterum, p. 558. Cf. references to Menander and Demades in two short summaries: “One sentence of Menander (testimony no. 15); one proverb of Demades the Laconian (testimony no. 14)” (Zacagni, CollectaneaMonumentorumVeterum, p. 543); “One sentence of Menander; one old Laconian proverb” (p. 546). 57 Cf. von Dobschütz, “Euthaliusstudien,” pp. 107–154; Brock, “The Syriac Euthalian Material;” Aland and Juckel, DasNeueTestamentinsyrischerÜberlieferung, vol. II.1, pp. 67–69.

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Two Syriac manuscripts attached the Euthalian apparatus to the biblical text: BL Add. 7157 (8th century)58 and Oxford New College 333 (11th century).59 Two other codices, both dating from the 9th century, transmitted two collections of “testimonies” extracted from the Euthalian material and containing only quotations from the non-Christian authors and “unknown” (i.e. apocryphal) books: BL Add. 17193 (ff. 3v–4r)60 and Saint Mark’s Monastery of Jerusalem (SMMJ) 124 (ff. 5v–6r).61 The two collections differ considerably from each other. The BL codex ascribes the collection to Philoxenus and it contains the (revised) version of the text that goes back to the work of Chorepiscopus Polycarp in 508.62 The anthology in the BL codex bears the following title: Of the holy Philoxenus: The sayings, which Paul quoted from outside sages and from unknown books.63

SMMJ 124 does not contain any name, but it has preserved another version of the text associated with the Harklean NT.64 The Jerusalem codex does not separate the collection from other diverse materials. The general title of the anthology is: Sayings of the outside (sages) that were included by the teachers in their works.65

Both titles make explicit their interest in the “outside,” i.e. nonChristian, gnomic materials found in the texts of Church authorities (in the first case this is Paul the Apostle, and in the second case it is a broader 58

Forshall and Rosen, Catalogus, pp. 15–18. Coxe, Catalogus, p. 119. The version of the Euthalian material in BL Add. 7157 goes back to the translation commissioned by Philoxenus and revised in the course of the 6th century. The version of the Oxford manuscript reflects the translation prepared in 616 by Thomas of Harkel, i.e. the “Harklean” version. Cf. von Dobschütz, “Euthaliusstudien,” p. 136; Brock, “Syriac Euthalian Material.” 60 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 989–1002. 61 Cf. the description of SMMJ 124 in the database of vHMML: www.vhmml.org (viewed on 01.02.2018). The text of both collections was published by the present author: Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” p. 37. 62 The text of the BL Add. 17193 (as version E1) was published in Brock, “Syriac Euthalian Material.” Brock compares this version, considered as “Philoxenian,” and the Harklean text (“E2H”) in Oxford New College 333. ? ? 63 BL Add. 17193, f. 3v: ¿ćäÚÞÐèã†ÎàÎòüã sx¿ćá ãf†ÎçêÞáÚò¿þÙËùx A ? èã{ ¿ÙÌÂ. ? fèÚïËÙ ¿ćàx ¿ÂĀÝ Cf. Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” p. 37. 64 Brock published the Harklean version as “E2H” in: Brock, “Syriac Euthalian Material.” ? ? ? ? 65 SMMJ 124, f. 5r: f…{ÍáÙxÀÎçÂĀÞä¿çóáãèã€ĀُĀ ãx¿Ù ÌÂx¿ćá ã. Cf. Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” p. 37. 59

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circle of “teachers”). Though two anthologies derive from different sources, they share the same amount and the same order of “sayings of the outside (sages).” They contain six proverbs taken from that part of the Euthalian apparatus that deals with the Letters of Paul:66 Source 1 Cor. 2:9

AttributioninBLAdd.17193 “an unknown book”

AttributioninSMMJ124 “Revelation of the prophet Elijah”

1 Cor. 15:32 “an old Laconian proverb”

“an old Laconian proverb”

1 Cor. 15:33 “Menander the diviner in Thais”

“the comic writer Menander”

Gal. 6:15

“an unknown book”

“Revelation of Moses”

Eph. 5:14

“an unknown book”

“Revelation of the prophet Jeremiah”

Tit. 1:12

“an oracle of Epimenides, a diviner from Crete”

“an oracle of Epimenides, the Cretan diviner”

The stable order of sentences in both collections speaks in favor of a fixed scholarly tradition, although the two collections are rather different otherwise.67 The quotations from the non-canonical writings occupied very limited space in the Euthalian apparatus, but they were put together and transmitted separately in the Syriac manuscripts, providing readers not only with a “Christian Masora” of the biblical text, but also with a model of dealing with sayings of Greek sages. The Euthalian “method” implied the following two functions: first, documentation of the “witnesses” taken from other writings, and secondly, identification of their sources. The Jerusalem codex integrated the collection of the non-Christian “testimonies” into a larger anthology of sayings of the “outside sages” transmitted by Church authorities. Most of the examples included in the anthology derived from Syriac versions of the orations of Gregory of Nazianzus, whose writings became an object of active application of what may be called the “Euthalian method” in Syriac schools.

66 Thus they omit the scholiast’s identification of the quotation from Homer in the Acts of the Apostles. Cf. Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” p. 37–38. 67 The BL codex includes some comments taken from the Euthalian apparatus but absent in SMMJ 124.

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4.4. PHILOXENUS OF MABBUG AND SENTENCES OF THE SYRIAC MENANDER Philoxenus, whose version of the New Testament created a channel of reception of the Euthalian method, was inspired by the idea of acquiring spiritual knowledge through the Scriptures, an idea that was rooted in the Evagrian philosophy of spiritual growth.68 Philoxenus probably also knew the writings of John the Solitary. Both Evagrius (in the Egyptian desert in the late 4th century) and John (in the monastery near Apamea in the early 5th century) connected the monastic way of life with instructional activity that made active use of moral sentences: Evagrius was a productive author of treatises composed in gnomic form,69 and John used edifying anecdotes in his pedagogical activity.70 As in the cases of Evagrius and John of Apamea, the constant interest of Philoxenus in literary training was mainly concerned with education in the monastic communities. The pedagogical endeavor of Philoxenus found its main expression in a series of discourses.71 The title of the collection provides us with an insight into the educational program of the author: The discourses on discipline of life and character, delivered by the blessed Mar Philoxenus, bishop of Mabbug, in which he set forth the whole order of instruction: how a man should begin the discipleship of Christ, and in what laws and manner of life he should walk.72

The “order of instruction” suggested by Philoxenus aimed at gradual growth of a disciple from the initial stage of faith to the simplicity, and further to the state of the fear of God and to the subsequent renunciation of all possessions and abstinence.73 This system was based on the writings of Evagrius that included various stages of spiritual progress leading to the knowledge of God. 68

See Michelson, “It is not the Custom of our Syriac Language,” p. 12. Most of the treatises of Evagrius (CPG 2430–2482) are composed as collections of sentences, cf. the overview in Guillaumont, “Evagrius Pontikus,” pp. 565–570. 70 See §4.2. 71 The discourses were published in Budge, TheDiscourses. A new English translation: Kitchen, TheDiscourses. ? ? ? 72 †ÎçêÞáÚò €üã ¿çÂÎÔà èÙÌÚãsx ÁÌÂ{xx ÀÎçُüã âïx ¿ÂÌý 69

¿çÞÙsx gÁËäà{x ¿êÞÓ ÍáÝ âï l…{Í ˆxÎãx fvÎÃãx ¿òÎúêòs ? ? > ÿæs (Budge, gÁxüæ ÁÌÂ{x{ ¿éÎäæ èÚáÙ¾Â{ g¿ÑÚþãx z{ËÚäàĀ Áüþæ TheDiscourses, vol. 1, p. 3). The English translation is adapted with minor changes from: Budge, TheDiscourses, vol. 2, p. 1. 73 Cf. Kitchen, TheDiscourses, pp. xxxv–xli.

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The name of Philoxenus is closely associated with the gnomic genre. Several Syriac manuscripts have preserved the BookofSentences ascribed to the bishop of Mabbug.74 The extant letters of Philoxenus demonstrate his strategy of using “proof-texts” in the form of short fragments that mostly derive from the Bible. Addressing a young man who recently converted to Christianity, Philoxenus structured his letter as a series of short moral admonitions including aphorisms.75 In his LettertoaFriend, addresses to one of “the leaders of the brethren,” Philoxenus constantly refers to the necessity of reading books that could be used to instruct monks.76 In another letter he gives the following pedagogical advice concerning the use of literature in education: For not everyone reads the scriptures well or with knowledge, so there is one who reads the scriptures in order to recite it, and another to memorize it, and another desires to learn commentary, and another to learn exercises of the knowledge of the soul, and another disputation with heretics, and another is moved by passion for learning — though to tell the truth it is vainglory. (…) For it is sufficient for the solitary that he should only wonder at the expression of scripture. And if it is a commandment, he should keep it. And if it is a story, he should know who told it and for what reason. And if it is a parable, he should not allow himself the liberty to explain it. And if it is a mystery, it suffices for him to know it and not to reveal it. (…) For we can take only a word on these things from the scriptures and not the knowledge about them; for all the words of the scriptures are given to the hearing of faith.77

According to Philoxenus, solitaries should aim to read books with a focus, first of all, on the plain expressions “and not the knowledge about them” that is a potential source of heresies. Arguments used in polemics should be founded on biblical evidence and not on speculations about it.78 Parables used in the Scriptures should be identified as such and not explained in some random way. Stories should be memorized, though it is useful to know “who told them and for what reason.” 74

Cf. Michelson, “Clavis,” p. 304 (no. 38). Olinder, ALetterofPhiloxenusofMabbugSenttoaNovice. 76 Olinder, ALetterofPhiloxenusofMabbugSenttoaFriend. 77 The English translation is adapted from: Michelson, “It is not the Custom of our Syriac Language,” pp. 18–19. Syriac text: Lavenant, LalettreàPatriciusdePhiloxène deMabboug, pp. 812.19–814.10. 78 Philoxenus argues severely against purely philological inquiry into the sacred text in the Commentary on the Prologue of John, cf. de Halleux, Commentaire du prologue johannique, p. 187. 75

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This latter reference to “stories” and their origin that should be established in the course of the study reminds us of the Euthalian “method” promoted for use in Syriac schools through the Philoxenian version of the Bible. Philoxenus laid much stress on learning texts by heart, as the following passage from his Discourse 9 demonstrates: This saying [i.e. Mt. 19:27 quoted previously] is the common teaching for all disciples. Receive it continually in the memory of your soul! May it be your meditation at the beginning of your discipleship, and depart from the world by the memory of its exhortation. When you journey on the road of departure, may it be in your company. Reflect on it all times.79

Philoxenus included a large number of biblical quotations in his writings to serve as “proof-texts” for his own line of argument and also as “testimonies” for memorization by the disciples. One of the manuscripts containing works of Philoxenus demonstrates that they were studied as sources of testimonies that could have been separated from the main text and used as gnomic sayings. It is also not surprising to discover a separate collection of sentences attached to the discourses of Philoxenus in the same codex. The manuscript in question is BL Add. 14598, dated to the 7th/9th centuries.80 In this codex, a number of marginal notes disclose the pedagogical use of the writings of Philoxenus. They refer mostly to the biblical quotations that are marked with special signs of angle brackets and dots ( • > ). On the margins of the codex we find plenty of notes, where particular keywords specify that the quotations either are taken from the Gospel (…ÎÚáÆæ{s), or were pronounced by Jesus (¿ÑÚþã), or derive from the writings of Paul the Apostle (¿ÑÚáý), etc. Following the advice of Philoxenus to identify the sources of what he called “stories,” the scholiast wrote the names of Elijah, Elisha, Samuel, and others near the quotations taken from narratives about these figures.81 The didactic remarks in ? > > > ĀÙ¾çÚãs ÍÚÃéfÁ ËÚäà… {ÍáÞàÀÎÅx¿çóàÎÙ ÍÙĀÙsxÀĀáãÀz ¿æxzÎðÂ{ mßçÚÅz À{z €z A m‚Ëäà{ €ÎþÂ{ fßþóæx ¿æxzÎð > > > €z A mÀĀúóãx ¿Ð{¾Â Í Āæs Áx ËÝ{ f¿ćäáï èã ŒÎò mzÎçÔóÑãx > Ûæ …Ëï âÞÂ{ f‚ĀÙÎá À{z (Budge, TheDiscourses, vol. 1, p. 323; the fÍ English translation is adapted with some minor modifications from Kitchen, The Discourses, p. 252). 80 The manuscript consists of two parts, the first one dated to the 7th, the second one to the 9th century. Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 731; Budge, TheDiscourses, vol. 2, pp. lxvi–lxx. 81 Cf. the description of the marginalia in BL Add. 14598 in Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus,” pp. 78–81. 79

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the margins (e.g. âÝĀés, “pay attention,” or ñäý, “listen”) reflect the scholiast’s interest in specific topics in the discourses of Philoxenus, which he treated as “testimonies.”82 By marking many passages in the text with the term ÀĀáÐx, “fear,” the scholiast drew the reader’s attention to the issue of the fear of God, the subject of the sixth and seventh discourses of Philoxenus. The author of the marginalia even copied several passages from the text, transforming them into short gnomic sayings.83 The interest of the author of marginalia in gnomic format resulted in adding a number of moral sentences on the flyleaves of the manuscript, and they were most likely intended to serve as a supplement for the study of the discourses of Philoxenus. The sentences derive from the collection that has become known as the Syriac Menander,84 but in its explicit it bears the name of Homer, who appears in the chreia included in the anthology.85 The sentences attributed to Homer/Menander in BL Add. 14598 are not the only example of a gnomic collection appearing in the flyleaves of a codex. Two Syriac manuscripts preserved in the British Library, Add. 12163 (ff. 127–304) and Add. 14577,86 contain sentences of Sextus, Abba Isaiah, Basil of Caesarea, and Ephrem the Syrian in the folios that have served for protection of the codices. The same supplementary function is obvious in the case of the codex containing the discourses of Philoxenus. The gnomic sayings in the margins and flyleaves of the codex containing the discourses of Philoxenus serve as a witness to the educational practice in the West Syriac Church after the 6th century. Non-Christian schools had incorporated sentences ascribed to Homer and Menander as exemplary texts in rhetorical compositions.87 In contrast, the Christian educational program, promoted by Basil of Caesarea in his LongRules, suggested the texts of the Bible as an alternative to the classical gnomic sayings. 82 The marginal note on f. 40v comments on the examples of Philoxenus taken from ? the books of Exodus and Numbers: Ûç âï ÀĀÚãËù €{zx èÚàz èáÙx ÀĀÙÎЏ âÙüés, “These things are testimonies for us of what happened in the ancient times with the sons of Israel.” 83 See the examples in: Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus,” pp. 80–81. 84 Cf. §3.2.4. 85 For the text of the sentences on the flyleaves of BL Add. 14598, see Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus,” pp. 109–117. 86 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 834–836, 784–788. 87 Cf. Cribiore, GymnasticsoftheMind, pp. 178–179, 194–199.

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However, the Euthalian apparatus demonstrates that an interest in classical Greek authors was not entirely absent from Christian schools. The scholiast known as Euthalius carefully collected quotations of nonChristian sources found in the NT and associated them with classical Greek authors. His identification of the Menandrean sentence among the words of the Apostle provided the Christian readers with the knowledge of one of the MenandrouGnomai, although the ascription of the words of Paul in Acts to Homer may be random. Anyway, Homer and Menander were the two names that came into the mind of the 4th-century scholiast when dealing with non-Christian gnomic materials. About a thousand years later, the author of the scholia to the text of Philoxenus used the same method of identifying the sources within the object of his study. And like his Greek colleague a thousand years before him, the Syriac scholar turned to the authority of Menander and Homer while including a number of moral sayings in the codex. The significance of the work of Philoxenus for the West Syriac school tradition lay not only in promoting the Euthalian apparatus for biblical study. The works of Philoxenus himself also turned into a rich source of quotations used as rhetorical models in education. Evidence for this is found in BL Add. 17181.88 It is dated to the 6th century and thus stands quite close to the lifetime of Philoxenus. This codex contains a collection of discourses that could have been used for various occasions by an abbot of a monastery.89 Among them a discourse of the bishop of Mabbug is included anonymously as an exemplary composition that may have been used as an “address to the brethren on the tranquility that subsists in the service and order of the convent.”90 The latter example demonstrates that the critical attitude of Philoxenus and other church authorities of his time towards rhetoric resulted not in the denial of the rhetorical models that are known to us from Late Antique sources, but in their transformation into Christian patterns. The new Christian rhetorical tradition adapted in Syriac schools was mainly associated with the work of Gregory of Nazianzus.

88 89 90

Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 661–668. See Graffin, “Exhortation d’un supérieur de monastère.” See also §4.6. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 664–665.

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4.5. MAXIMS

AMONG

SCHOLIA ON GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS

In one of his discourses on controlling the belly, Philoxenus of Mabbug includes the following moral maxim: “As has been said by one of the spiritual teachers: ‘A fat belly cannot produce a refined mind.’”91 The “spiritual teacher” quoted anonymously by Philoxenus was most likely Gregory of Nazianzus, who uses the same proverb in his poem Onvirtue,92 which was translated into Syriac along with many of his other works.93 As in Byzantium, where the writings of Gregory became a “model for Christian eloquence,”94 the Syriac versions of his orations provided Syriac scholars with rhetorical compositions that served as objects of study, philological and literal analysis, and imitation. Founded on classical rhetorical education, the orations of Gregory included short gnomic sayings95 and allusions to Greek authors who were mostly excluded from the Christian curriculum. The study of the writings of Gregory, however, also legitimized those elements in his writings that were associated with “pagan” culture. 4.5.1. SeverusofAntiochandSyriacPhiloponoi As in case of the Euthalian apparatus, the Syriac transmission of the works of Gregory and their intensive use for educational purposes is closely (though by no means exclusively) related to the history of the West Syriac (“Miaphysite”) Church. The formation of its identity in the 5th–6th centuries included a particular system of education,96 integrating intensive study of Greek texts, among which the works of the Cappadocian ? ¿çÚÔù ¿æ{z mÀĀÚÃï ¿éüÝ f¿çÐ{y? ¿çóáã èã ËÑà üÚãsx ßÙs f¿Ùøã¿ćàËà{x(Budge, TheDiscourses, vol. 1, p. 464). English translation is adapted from: Budge, TheDiscourses, vol. 2, p. 444; cf. Kitchen, TheDiscourses, p. 362–363. 92 Παχεῖα γαστὴρ λεπτὸν οὐ τίκτει νόον (Gregory of Nazianzus, Carminamoralia 1.2.10 (Devirtute), line 589: PG 37, 723A = Crimi, GregorioNazianzenoSullaVirtù, p. 156). Cf. Hausherr, “Spiritualité Syrienne,” p. 179. 93 In the Syriac version of Gregory’s poem the saying differs slightly from the version of Philoxenus, representing more closely the Greek text in its final part: ÀĀÚÃï¿éüÝ ÁËàÎã ¿ćà ¿çÚÔù ¿æ{z (Bollig, SanctiGregoriiTheologiLiberCarminumIambicorum, Pars prima, p. 75.7–8). 94 “The most important figure in the synthesis of classical rhetoric and Christianity is Gregory of Nazianzus, whose speeches became the preeminent model for Christian eloquence throughout the Byzantine period” (Kennedy, Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors, p. 215). 95 Cf. Davids, Degnomologieën. 96 Cf. Tannous, “You are what you read;” Tannous, SyriabetweenByzantiumandIslam. 91

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fathers occupied the central place. It was Severus (456–538), patriarch of Antioch in 512–518 and leader of the Syrian anti-Chalcedonian movement, who became a zealous promoter of the works and ideas of Basil and Gregory.97 Like the Cappadocians, Severus received a solid rhetorical education in Alexandria, later supplemented by his study of law in Beirut, according to his Life by Zacharias Scholasticus.98 Severus arrived in Egypt in the 480s as a catechumen and entered the circle of the so-called φιλόπονοι (to which Zacharias already belonged), Christian laymen who played an active part in confronting “pagan” culture.99 Seeking to establish a Christian alternative to classical Greek philosophy, the intellectual activity of the philophonoi produced works marked by clear apologetic character.100 Given his cooperation with the philoponoi and his intensive struggle with pagan cults and oracles as stressed in the Life of Zacharias, Severus qualifies as an advocate or even a possible author101 of the apologetic project Theosophia.102 Zacharias, who introduced Severus into the group of the philoponoi, stressed in the Life his diligence in rhetorical training and described the turning point in his intellectual career connected with the acquaintance with the works of the “Christian rhetoricians:” Now, as we were living there and carrying on our studies, we were amazed by the subtle nature of the remarkable Severus, his diligence as a scholar and how quickly he learned to speak beautifully, constantly striving to learn the teachings of the ancient rhetoricians by heart and imitating their 97 For Severus and his role in the formation of the anti-Chalcedonian theology, see Grillmeier and Hainthaler, ChristinChristianTradition, vol. II, part 2, pp. 21–175. Cf. Allen and Hayward, SeverusofAntioch. 98 Syriac text with a French translation: Kugener, ViedeSévèreparZacharie. English translation based on the edition of Kugener: Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus. Another English translation based on the same edition: Brock and Fitzgerald, TwoEarlyLivesofSeveros, pp. 33–100. 99 See Watts, CityandSchool, pp. 213–219. Cf. also Camplani, “The Transmission of Early Christian Memories in Late Antiquity.” Camplani compares the phenomenon of philoponoi with the Syriac laymen group known as bnayqyama. 100 The dialogue Theophrastus composed in 480s by Aeneas of Gaza is considered to be a product of this movement. See Colonna, EneadiGaza:Teofrasto. English translation: Dillon et al.,AeneasofGaza:Theophrastus, pp. 11–53. Cf. Watts, “An Alexandrian Christian Response.” 101 The theory of Pier Franco Beatrice, see Beatrice, AnonymiMonophysitaeTheosophia, pp. xlv–l. 102 This work was probably present in Antioch in the first half of the sixth century. Cf. §3.3.1.

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beautiful words and deeds. (…) We advised him to compare the speeches by Libanius the Sophist, whom he admired among the ancient rhetoricians, with those by Basil and Gregory, the famous bishops, so that he would reach their opinion and philosophy by means of the rhetoric that was so dear to him.103

Following the advice of the philoponoi, Severus became a zealous promoter of the new form of rhetoric based on the writings of Gregory and Basil. During his stay in Beirut, he came into contact with the Palestinian monastic communities and their developed forms of ascetic training and spiritual education, reflected in the writings of John the Solitary.104 The end of the 5th century witnessed a remarkable shift in the rhetorical school of Gaza toward the “Christian sophistic” represented in the figure of Procopius, who was the head of the local rhetorical school until 526. Procopius composed, on the one hand, a collection of the standard progymnasmata exercises105 and the treatise MetaphrasesofHomer;106 and on the other hand, the catenae to Ecclesiastes.107 The works of Procopius serve as witnesses to the process of the transformation of the classical paideia into the new Christian rhetoric, and this process was actively supported by Severus. The name of the future patriarch of Antioch is associated with a set of progymnasmata,108 although there seems to be no other evidence of his activity as a teacher of rhetoric. Instead, Severus became “a rhetorician of the fear of God” (ÁüÓz ÀÍàs ĀáÐxx), in the words of his biography.109 His rhetorical training found expression in his active role of building the Syrian anti-Chalcedonian movement into a considerable intellectual force. Based on the apologetic program of the philoponoi of Alexandria and on the new rhetorical models found in the works of the Cappadocian fathers, the pedagogical system of Severus played a decisive role in this process. The monastery of Qenneshre became the main center of the West Syriac philoponoi and philhellenes. John bar Aphtonia founded it on the Eastern bank of Euphrates in 530. John’s father had studied rhetoric, and 103 Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, p. 8. Syriac text: Kugener, ViedeSévèreparZacharie, pp. 12–13. 104 See §4.2. 105 Amato, ProcopiusGazaeus,Opuscularhetoricaetoratoria. 106 Brinkmann, “Die Homer-Metaphrasen des Prokopios von Gaza.” 107 Cf. Kennedy, Greek Rhetoric under Christian Emperors, pp. 169–177; Romeny, “Procopius of Gaza and his Library.” 108 Amato and Ventrella, IProgimnasmidiSeverodiAlessandria. 109 Kugener, ViedeSévèreparZacharie, p. 93.5; Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, p. 96.

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he attained mastery as an author in his own right, as his biography of Severus demonstrates.110 The educational program at Qenneshre was based on the ascetic ideal of Basil of Caesarea and the monastic rules connected with it.111 From the 6th and until the 8th century, Qenneshre was the main center of the study, translation, and reception of the works of the Cappadocians as well as of those of Severus and Philoxenus. Its graduates included Thomas of Harkel, Paul of Edessa, Severus Sebokht, Athanasius of Balad, Jacob of Edessa, and George, bishop of the Arabs. Most of the names listed above are associated with translations that in many cases were meant to replace already-existing versions.112 Thomas of Harkel prepared a new translation of the Bible, and Paul of Edessa became the author of the new version of discourses of Gregory. Their work marked a new period of Syriac translation technique that was more literal and closer to the original than prior translations.113 The translators themselves clearly tried to separate and differentiate themselves from the work of their predecessors, as a note in BL Add. 12151 (dated to the year 804) indicates.114 This note belongs to Phocas (PhōqābarSargīs) who provides us with valuable information on the history of the transmission of the Corpus Dionysiacum.115 He writes that it was Sergius of Resh῾aina (d. 536) who translated it into Syriac, but his work turned out to be insufficient in light of the new standards of translation technique: … because at that age, it was not yet customary that many people had been trained in the art of interpreting the Greek language, until the time was ripe and after several generations it brought forth other “lovers of toil,” like the holy and blessed Athanasius, Patriarch of Antioch, and Jacob, bishop of Edessa, who paved this way as much as possible through their abilities, having become married to both languages in some manner.116 110 Kugener, ViedeSévèreparJean,supérieurdumonastèredeBeith-Aphtonia. An English translation based on the edition of Kugener: Brock and Fitzgerald, Two Early LivesofSeveros, pp. 101–139. The biography of John bar Aphtonia, composed by one of his pupils, is also a masterwork of rhetorical composition, cf. Watt, “A Portrait of John Bar Aphtonia.” 111 Cf. Fedwick, “The Translations of the Works of Basil before 1400,” pp. 448– 449. 112 Cf. Tannous, “You are what you read.” 113 See Brock, “Towards a History of Syriac Translation Technique.” 114 For this manuscript containing a Syriac translation of the CorpusDionysiacum, see Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 493–497. 115 For Phocas, see Baumstark, Geschichte, pp. 271–272; Brock, “Two Letters of the Patriarch Timothy,” p. 244. Cf. Wiessner, “Zur Handschriftenüberlieferung.” ? 116 ÀÎçã{¾ÂÀ¾ÚÆé{{zÎýxsgâÚÝËïĀÙ¾ÙĀòÀ{z¿ćàxâÔã > ¿ÚæÎÙ ¿çþà èãx ¿úýÎòx Áxz À{z Õý{Āþã ËÝx ¿ćãËï g¿çÂ| {ÍÂ

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The West Syriac tradition of learning came to be so closely associated with the Greek authors, that Phocas uses the metaphor of marriage to ? describe their relationship. The Syriac expression ¿ćáäïÛäÐ y“lovers A of toil” used in this passage is a calque from the Greek φιλόπονοι, and the new generations of them associated by Phocas with the school of Qenneshre became successors of the Alexandrian laymen groups who shaped to a large extent the educational program of Severus in the late 5th century. Jacob of Edessa refers to himself as a “lover of toil” in his own writings, and Phocas also praises the term.117 Apologetic and polemical interests motivated both the Greek philoponoi of the 5th–6th centuries and their Syriac successors of the later period. One of the main ideas of their apologetic program was a substitution of the classical Greek literature with the new Christian writings. In the Syriac schools, for example, the CorpusDionysiacum, discussed by Phocas and composed around the time when Severus was attending rhetorical classes in Alexandria, occupied the place that had been ascribed to Plato in the Alexandrian curriculum.118 The works of Gregory of Nazianzus formed the foundation of the new rhetorical education. More than a century after the educational program of Philoxenus resulted in a revision of the New Testament text that provided a necessary basis for the “testimonies,” Paul of Edessa produced a new more literal translation of the works of Gregory of Nazianzus in 623/624. It was the new version of Paul that was included in those Syriac manuscripts that reflect the tradition of study of the works of Gregory and contain scholia and commentaries on them. The extant Syriac manuscripts containing the orations demonstrate a systematic application of the Euthalian method to the writings of “the Theologian” and provide us with an insight into the rhetorical education practiced in Syriac monastic communities.

? > ¿ćáäï ? ¿æÏÝs gÀ{z ÀĀÚã ? g¿çÂ| ¿þÙËùx ÛäÐy? ¿æÌоćà €zÎáÂÎÚÂ{ A ? g€z{sx ¿òÎúêÚòs uÎúðÙ{ g¿ÚÝÎÚÔæsx ¿ÝüÙüÔò †ÎÚêæs g¿ÃÚÃÓ{ > > > „Ëã¿æÏÂ{{z{g¿ÙøãxßÙsÁxz¿Ð{¾ćà zÎá úæ… {zÎúóêÂx… Îæz A ? ? ? g¿çþà …{ÍÙyx ¿çÅ{Ïã (BL Add. 12151, f. 2r–v, cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 494; Wiessner, “Zur Handschriftenüberlieferung,” p. 198). 117 Cf. this expression as an address to the readers in the epistles of Jacob published in Wright, “Two Epistles of Mār Jacob, Bishop of Edessa.” See, e.g., p. }[8], line 19. 118 Cf. Bettiolo, “Scuole e ambienti intellettuali nelle chiese di Siria;” Watt, “From Sergius to Mattā.”

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4.5.2. GnomicSayingsinMarginalNotes Two corpora of the writings of Gregory were transmitted as texts for pedagogical purposes: his letters that are often combined with the letters of Basil of Caesarea and the orations. The letters of Gregory and Basil contained gnomic elements and could have served as rhetorical models. A number of examples bear witness to the educational use of these texts that in some manuscripts come in close proximity to the non-Christian rhetorical treatises: BL Add. 14615 includes on ff. 69v–74r an epistle of Basil entitled On Virtue.119 The Syriac text contains a fragment of the second letter of Basil addressed to Gregory. The fragment starts120 with a comparison between controlling passions and training animals. A similar topic forms the first part of the instruction of a certain Anton the Doctor. 121 Both the treatise of Anton and the letter of Basil seem to belong to the corpus of moral admonitions used for instructional purposes. There is a letter of Gregory addressed to Basil in Sinai Syriac 14 on f. 131r (B containing a collection of SGP).122 It considers the Christian attitude toward music. Elaborating this topic, Gregory tells a fable about swallows and swans taken from Ovid and quotes a maxim of Pindar at the end.123 The whole text has a structure of a chreia elaboration. In the manuscript, it follows a number of fragments taken from the oration of Themistius Onvirtue. A collection of letters of Gregory and Basil comprises the final portion of the unique anthology of non-Christian moral admonitions (of Themistius, Lucian, and Plutarch) and exempla contained in BL Add. 17209. The pedagogical use of the correspondence between the two Cappadocian fathers is witnessed by BL Add. 14549, dated to the 8th/9th centuries.124 It has preserved the full text of the epistles that are included in the so-called Shmahe-Mss. (containing “Syriac Masora”).125 Besides, this codex is of 119

Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 840–842. Cf. the Greek text in Courtonne,SaintBasile,Lettres, vol. 1. The beginning of the Syriac fragment corresponds to p. 7, line 36 (Ὡς γὰρ τὰ θηρία εὐκαταγώνιστά ἐστι …) 121 See §3.2.1. 122 For the description of B, see §2.4. 123 Letter 114 addressed to Celeusius in the Greek corpus (87–88 Gallay). This latter is found also in BL Add. 14549 (f. 216r–v). 124 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 428–431; Van Roey and Moors, “Les discours de Saint Grégoire” II, pp. 108–113. 125 Cf. Loopstra, “Patristic Collections in the ‘Syriac Masora,’” pp. 118–119. 120

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particular importance for our knowledge of the role of Gregory’s writings in the transmission of gnomic materials. It contains the second “volume” of the orations of “the Theologian” in the version by Paul of Edessa, including not only the text of the orations, but also the mythological scholia of Ps.Nonnus, two iambic poems, and a collection of letters by Gregory and Basil at the end. This codex exhibits plenty of marginal notes written by different hands. The dating of the marginal notes is a difficult issue. A large number of them apparently belong to the same period when the codex was copied, as they are also reflected in other manuscripts containing scholia on the orations.126 Some marginalia may be older, deriving from the subsequent generations of scholars. In the margins of f. 24r of BL Add. 14549 containing the Second Theological Oration (Or. 28), we find the first words written in Greek. The verso side of the same folio is already filled with Greek terms that refer to the unknown names and terms used by Gregory: Euclid (who comes in the margin as ΕΥΚΛΙΔΗΣ) and his knowledge of geometry, Palamedes (transliterated as ΠΑΛΑΜΙΔΗΣ) as inventor of military tactics, Daedalus (put correctly as ΔΑΙΔΑΛΟΣ), and Cretan labyrinth (ΛΑΒΥΡΙΝΘΟΣ).127 The interest of the scholiast was attracted to similar elements referring to classical Greek antiquity that became the topics of the commentaries by Ps.-Nonnus in relation to Or. 4, 5, 39, and 43. Three groups of Ps.Nonnus’ scholia follow after the corresponding orations in the manuscript. Or. 28 (ff. 16r–27v of the codex) contains a severe critique of the nonChristian philosophy. The few exceptions of positive attitude towards Greek sages who remain anonymous in the text of the oration attracted the interest of Syriac scholars and resulted in identifications in the margins of the presumed sources of the quotations: Already at the beginning of the oration (§4) Gregory quotes “one of the theologians of the Greeks” (τις τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησι θεολόγων), who stated the impossibility of defining God in words. The passage cited by Gregory128 appears by Cyril of Alexandria and by 126 127

101.

See §4.5.3. Cf. Or. 28, §25 in Syriac versionova: Haelewyck, VersioSyriacaIV, pp. 97, 99,

128 Θεὸν νοῆσαι μὲν χαλεπόν· φράσαι δὲ ἀδύνατον, ὥς τις τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησι θεολόγων ἐφιλοσόφησεν (PG 36, 29C = 106–108 Gallay = 70 Barbel). English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Select Orations,” p. 289b. The Syriac version: Haelewyck, Versio SyriacaIV, p. 17.

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Stobaeus among the words of Hermes.129 And the same attribution is found in the marginal note on f. 17r (below the second column): ëÚÔêÚÆÚäêÙüÔêÚãz(sic!).130 Two times Gregory gives praise to an unnamed “foreign” (ἀλλότριος) writer whose ideas he considers to be close to Christian views. The first reference appears in §16: “For I commend the man, though he was a heathen, who said, ‘What gave movement to these, and drives their ceaseless and unhindered motion?’”131 Though not a direct quotation, the cited words most likely refer to Platonic philosophy.132 A Syriac scholiast recognized the reference and wrote in the margin (f. 21v, right margin below) the name èÔáò. A Greek scholion to this passage found in the ninth/tenth-century codex Laur. Plut. VII.8 suggests the same identification: Πλάτωνα λέγει.133 Later on, Gregory again refers to the same author: “Have you considered the importance of the fact that a heathen writer speaks of the sun as holding the same position among material objects as God does among objects of thought?” (§30).134 The name of Plato, this time in the form …ÎÓ¾ćáò, appears in the margin near the Syriac text (f. 26v, between the columns). Again, the Syriac scholion matches the Greek one found in Laur. Plut. VII.8 where the marginal notes states: Πλάτωνός φασι τοῦτο.135 Though the quoted words are not present among the Platonic works, they may be regarded as a paraphrase of a passage from the sixth book of the Republic (cf. 508b-c).136 129 Cyril Alexandrinus, ContraJulianum I.43 (190 Burguière and Évieux); Stob. II.1.26 (9 Wachsmuth). A Greek scholion found in Ms. Laur. Plut. VII.8 refers to Plato as the author of the sentence: Πλάτωνός ἐστι τοῦτο (Piccolomini, “Scolii alle Orazioni di Gregorio Nazianzeno,” p. 257 [no. 170]). The Vienna Ms. Gr. 74 attributes it to Hermes, cf. Bruckmayr, Untersuchungen, p. 103 [L 11]. 130 The same form of scriptiocontinua of this name appears in the list of philosophers in BL Add. 14620, cf. above §3.5. 131 Ἐπαινῶ γὰρ τὸν εἰρηκότα, κἂν ἀλλότριος ᾖ. τί τὸ ταῦτα κεκινηκὸς καὶ ἄγον τὴν ἄληκτον φορὰν καὶ ἀκώλυτον; (PG 36, 48A = 134 Gallay = 96 Barbel). English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Select Orations,” p. 294a-b. The Syriac version: Haelewyck, VersioSyriacaIV, p. 65. 132 According to Gallay (p. 134, n. 1) and Barbel (p. 96, n. 44), the closest parallel to the text of Gregory appears in Plato’s Laws X.896. 133 Piccolomini, “Scolii alle Orazioni di Gregorio Nazianzeno,” p. 260 [no. 184]. 134 Ἐκεῖνο δέ σοι πηλίκον, εἰ κατενόησας· Τοῦτο ἐν αἰσθητοῖς ἥλιος, ὅπερ ἐν νοητοῖς θεός, ἔφη τις τῶν ἀλλοτρίων. (PG 36, 69A = 168 Gallay = 122 Barbel). English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Orations”, p. 300a. The Syriac version: Haelewyck, VersioSyriacaIV, p. 121. 135 Piccolomini, “Scolii alle Orazioni di Gregorio Nazianzeno,” p. 268 [no. 204]. 136 Cf. Gallay, p. 168, n. 1; Barbel, p. 122, n. 80.

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Thus, it is possible that the author of the Syriac marginalia had access to a Greek manuscript containing marginal scholia on the orations of Gregory or to a collection of scholia transmitted separately.137 The provenance of another marginal note found on f. 32v seems not to be very clear, though it is likely that the note goes back to the same source: On f. 32v containing the beginning of Oration 26, a short note refers to a moral maxim quoted anonymously by Gregory: “Thus we are slow to desire what is within easy reach, as one of the ancients has said.”138 The note in the margin states: “This (saying) belongs to Socrates.”139 The source for this identification remains unclear.140 This sentence has been transmitted in a mediaeval Byzantine anthology among the proverbs of Aesop,141 and it is possible that it was ascribed to Socrates in the source of the Syriac scholiast. A philosophical anecdote appears in the same manuscript as a scholion on Oration 32. This is the first treatise included in the codex (ff. 2v–12v). Its title sounds programmatically and this possibly could have served as a reason for putting it at the beginning of the “second volume” of the Syriac corpus and of the collection of BL Add. 14549: “On discipline in theological discourse and that discourse on God is not for everyone or for every occasion.”142 It refers to the idea of the right use (εὐταξία) of rhetoric for polemical purposes (διάλεξις). The Greek term for “discourse” is translated with Syriac ¿ćááäã, and the same word is used in the title of the collection of SGP in the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. The 137 Cf. Nimmo Smith, “The Early Scholia,” pp. 109–112. A number of similar identifications of the quotations by Gregory are found among the Scholia Oxoniensia, cf. Nimmo Smith, “Sidelights on the Sermons,” pp. 166–170. 138 English translation is adapted from: Vinson, SelectOrations, p. 176. Greek: Οὕτως τὸ ἕτοιμον εἰς ἐξουσίαν, ἀργὸν εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν, ὥς τις ἔφη τῶν πρὸ ἡμῶν (PG 35, > 1229B = 228 Mossay). Syriac (f. 32v): ÀĀáÚÔ¿çÔàÎþà¿ÃÚÔãx€zxĀÙsüÙüý > fèÚãËùx…Îæzèãü ãsÿæsxßÙsf ÀĀÅüà€z. A A > 139 Áxz ÍÙĀÙsëÚÓsüùÎéx(f. 32v, right margin). Greek probably: Σωκράτους

ἐστὶ τοῦτο (cf. the Greek scholion on Or. 28, §4 in Laur. Plut. VII.8 above). 140 PG and Mossay refer to a passage found by Pliny the Young: PG 35, p. 1230, n. 23; Mossay, p. 229, n. 1. 141 Krumbacher, DieMoskauerSammlung, p. 410 (no. 90). Cf. Perry, Aesopica, vol. 1, p. 280 (no. 103). 142 Περὶ τῆς ἐν διαλέξεσιν εὐταξίας, καὶ ὅτι οὐ παντὸς ἀνθρώπου, οὔτε παντὸς καιροῦ τὸ περὶ Θεοῦ διαλέγεσθαι (PG 36, p. 173A = 82 Moreschini). English translation: Vinson, Select Orations, p. 191. The Syriac title appears on f. 2v, cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 428; Van Roey and Moors, “Les discours de Saint Grégoire” II, p. 108.

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oration concerns the issues of the use of non-Christian philosophy in Christian education. A collection of moral maxims taken from the discourses of Gregory and preserved in SMMJ 124143 contains two sentences quoted anonymously in Or. 32. Applying the Euthalian method, the collection of SMMJ attributed the sayings to the famous Greek philosophers, apparently without any reason. This witness suggests that Or. 32 played an important role in rhetorical exercises and served as a source of maxims of non-Christian authors. One such maxim appears in the margin on f. 10v near the passage where Gregory refers to Pyrrho, Chrysippus, Aristotle, and Plato as symbolic figures representing the Greek paideia.144 A scholion comments on the skepticism of Pyrrho and a Platonic response to his skeptic ideas:   % &' ()! '*   +,  # % (")!  - +,. % (    -#  /*!  +,. '0 12*! 34 %  - 5  +,  Pyrrho stated that there is no wisdom. But Plato refuted him by what he said, asking him: “Did you determine this by means of wisdom or not? For if (you speak) by means of wisdom, then there is wisdom. And if not, then we should not listen to your determination.”

This chreia combines the famous epistemological paradox formulated by Plato in Meno 80d-e and the criticism of the Skeptic school represented by the figure of Pyrrho. The latter has not left any writings behind, and his ideas are known to us mainly through collections of anecdotes, e.g., Diogenes Laertius’ Lives.145 The quoted scholion appears in the Prolegomena to Philosophy attributed to David, which may have served as a source to it.146 The note on Pyrrho and Plato by Gregory served as an impulse for attaching this fragmentary information about skepticism and the Platonic response to it to the discourse of the authoritative church father and thus to reserve a place for it in the Christian education.

143

See §4.5.4. Or. 32, §25: PG 36, p. 201C = 136 Moreschini. English translation: Vinson, Select Orations, pp. 208–209. Cf. Piccolomini, “Scolii alle Orazioni di Gregorio Nazianzeno,” pp. 272–273 [nos. 230–232]. 145 See DL IX.74–76 (710–711 Dorandi). On Pyrrho writes Eusebius in Praeparatio Evangelica XIV.18.1–5 (305–306 Mras). 146 I would like to thank Elvira Wakelnig for bringing my attention to the text of David. For details, see her forthcoming article “Pyrrho and Sextus Refuting Philosophy and the Value of Definition.” 144

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To sum up, BL Add. 14549 provides various instances of the transmission of gnomic sayings in the educational use of the discourses of Gregory of Nazianzus. Some of the examples above remind us of the method of the Euthalian apparatus that gave Syriac scholars a pattern for dealing with non-Christian gnomic materials. In many cases, the identifications of anonymous sayings in the discourses of Gregory are quite accurate (cf. three references to Plato and Hermes), and they demonstrate the intention to supply the text with some sort of scholarly “apparatus.” The same intention was apparent in the marginalia in BL Add. 14598 containing the discourses of Philoxenus.147 And as in the case of the latter codex, where a gnomic anthology of Homer/Menander appears in the flyleaves, a short gnomology was attached to the works of Gregory of Nazianzus in BL Add. 14549. It is a collection of sayings of the Seven Sages that is identical to the one transmitted in V among SGP. The collection on f. 198r bears the title, “Names and sayings of the Seven Sages,” and it serves as an addition to the Ps.-Nonnus’ mythological scholia attached to Oration 5. 4.5.3. MaximsamongScholia The first translation of Ps.-Nonnus’ mythological scholia on the orations of Gregory into Syriac was made in the 6th century. One century later, Paul of Edessa made a revision of it as a product of the new philological approach.148 The mythological scholia provided Syriac scholars with new patterns of dealing with references to the non-Christian literature found among the writings of Gregory. Often transmitted separately as “pagan histories,”149 they served as a source of knowledge on Greek antiquity that otherwise was not represented in the curriculum of the Syriac monastic schools. While a large number of Syriac scholia to the works of Gregory appear in the margins of manuscripts containing his orations, several Syriac codices transmit these scholia separately.150 BL Add. 17147, dated to the 8th/9th centuries,151 presents a collection of the latter kind. The scholia on particular orations include commentaries on difficult terms 147

See §4.4. Cf. Brock, Pseudo-NonnosMythologicalScholia, pp. 7–12. ? 149 ? Cf. the title of the collection in BL Add. 18815, f. 30v: üÂËãx¿óçÐxÀĀÚð ý †ÎٍÎÆÙüÅ¿çÂÎÓ{z… {Íà. A 150 Cf. de Halleux, “Les commentaires syriaques des discours.” 151 Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 438–440. 148

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(this tradition found its full scholarly output in the Shmahe-Mss.), and lists of the biblical passages quoted by Gregory in his orations. The iden? tified quotations are designated with the term ÀĀÙÎЏ“testimonies,” the Syriac equivalent to the Greek μαρτυρίαι. Both types of commentaries include references to Greek non-Christian philosophers.152 Thus the scholia to the orations of Gregory apply the Euthalian method of separate treatment of the μαρτυρίαι in the authoritative texts, including not only quotations from the Old Testament, but also maxims of non-Christian authors. The section on Oration 26 in BL Add. 17147 on ff. 114r–116v includes the maxim quoted anonymously by Gregory at the beginning of the oration with the note that is nearly identical with the one found in the margin of BL Add. 14549 (see above): “This is the saying of Socrates.”153 ? The list of the ÀĀÙÎЏfound in Or. 26 and attached to the philological notes opens with the same maxim attributed to the “philosopher Socrates.”154 The sequence, including first the difficult passages followed by the list of “testimonies,” continues throughout the manuscript. It reflects the method of studying the writings of Gregory in the West Syriac schools. The letters of George, bishop of the Arabs (Syriac Giwargīd-῾Ammē, d. 724), who studied in Qenneshre, show how the educational process incorporated gnomic sayings of non-Christian authors.155 George writes about a child, who has not yet learned the letters of the alphabet and is therefore unable to deal with proverbs and sentences.156 The Syriac scholar explicitly refers to the fables of Aesop and the “riddles” of Pythagoras. This sequence of turning to moral maxims after having learned the alphabet takes us into the traditional curriculum of the elementary education that remained generally the same in the Late Antique Greek schools and in the early Medieval Syriac monastic communities. What is new in the letter of George, and what the Late Antique schoolbooks omit, is the context of dealing with proverbs and sentences. George writes about these issues in response to a request to explain some difficult passages in 152 Cf. the reference to the Platonic philosophy (…ÎÔáòĀÚÂx) in BL Add. 17147 on f. 83r among the scholia to Or. 31 (the Fifth Theological Oration, the note refers to §3). 153 BL Add. 17147, f. 114v, line 5: ÀĀáã€zëÚÓüùÎéx. A 154 BL Add. 17147, f. 116r, line 15. 155 The letters have been preserved in BL Add. 12154. A German translation based on this manuscript: Ryssel, Briefe. 156 BL Add. 12154, f. 273r-v. Cf. Ryssel, Briefe, pp. 65–69.

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the texts of Jacob of Edessa, who reportedly had “collected, written and sent” a number of “sentences and proverbs.”157 In another letter, transmitted in the same manuscript just several folios before,158 George explains some difficult passages in the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus that became a rich source of “sentences and proverbs” for the West Syriac schools. Evidence for this fact is also appears in BL Add. 14725 (ff. 100–215, dated to the 10th/11th centuries).159 At the beginning of the scholia on f. 103r the author refers to the authority of Athanasius of Balad (d. 687),160 who translated numerous works from Greek into Syriac. Later on, on f. 132v, the name Giwargīd-῾Ammē is written in the margin. The collection in the manuscript derived from “Rabban Benjamin,”161 who in the 9th century had established an authoritative commentary tradition based on the exegetical work of the previous generations of West Syriac scholars.162 The gnomic sayings, their identification and explication, formed part of this tradition, and the results of this work appear in BL Add. 14725 among the scholia to Or. 2. In this oration Gregory compares teaching with the work of a doctor. It was the medical imagery in the treatise that prompted the author of the scholia to quote one of the most famous maxims of the founder of the medical tradition, the great Hippocrates: “Life is short, the art is long.”163 The occasion for quoting it was the note of Gregory (Or. 2, §39) on the brevity of life restricting our cognitive abilities.164 Since the Syriac scholar was familiar the first Hippocratic Aphorism, he added it to the text of Gregory. ? ? > 157 BL Add. 12154, f. 273r, lines 11–12: À¾ćáò{ ¿æs üãs ÀËÐ{s. Cf. Ryssel, Briefe, p. 65. 158 BL Add. 12154, f. 263r–264v. 159 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 441–443. 160 BL Add. 14725, f. 103ra, lines 13–14, cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 441. 161 BL Add. 14725, f. 103rb, lines 28–33, cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 442. 162 A number of Syriac manuscripts containing commentaries to the orations of Gregory refer to the authority of Rabban Benjamin. BL Add. 12152 (dated to 837) mentions the school of “Mar Benjamin, Rabban of dogma” (Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 498). In BL Add. 17197 containing a commentary on the “first volume” of Gregory’s orations a > refers to the authority of Benjamin, bishop of Edessa, certain philoponos (¿ćáäïåЍ) who must be identical with “Rabban Benjamin” (Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 441). Cf. Halleux, “Rabban Benjamin d’Édesse.” ? ¿ÚÐ{ 163 ? Îï|x ¿çÂ| F. 146vb: €z ÀĀáã f¿úêï ÀÎçã{s{ èÙÌÝ ëÚÓüúò{sx. 164 PG 35, 448A = 83 Bernardi: Ταῦτ’ οὖν μακροτέρου μὲν ἢ κατὰ τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν, οἶμαι δὲ καὶ βίον, τοῦ λόγου καὶ νοῆσαι καὶ παραστῆσαι ἱκανῶς τε καὶ ὅσον ἄξιον. “A suitable and worthy comprehension and exposition of this subject demands a

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This maxim was transmitted in Syriac, not only among the Hippocratic Aphorisms that formed the basis for medical education, but also as a separate gnomic saying.165 A number of Syriac authors quote it in different forms: John of Apamea, Sergius of Resh῾aina, Isaac of Nineveh, and Ḥunayn ibn Isḥaq.166 The maxim of the Syriac scholiast does not correspond to any other known version (it seems to stand closest to its periphrastic use by Isaac): John of Apamea:167 f¿ÞٍsÀÎçã{s{ÁüÝ¿ćäáï ? Sergius of Resh῾aina:168 f¿ÞٍsèÙxÀÎçã{s{fèÙÌÝ¿Ú Ð? ? Ḥunayn b. Isḥaq:169 f¿ÞٍsÀÎçã{s{fèÙÌÝ¿Ú Ð? ? Isaac of Nineveh:170 ¿Þٍs…Îçã{s{fèÚÚÐx¿çÂ|{zÁüÝ f¿úêï{ ? ? BL Add. 14725, f. 146vb: f¿úêïÀÎçã{s{èÙÌÝ¿Ú Ð{Îï|x¿çÂ|

In BL Add. 14725 we also find marginal notes that thus form scholia to the scholia. On f. 133r the famous maxim is written between the two columns, containing scholia to Or. 2: “Physician, heal thyself!”171 Jesus quotes the proverb in the New Testament,172 and various Christian authors recall it. In §13 of Or. 2, Gregory paraphrases it, speaking of bad teachers as poor models for others, “barely escaping the proverb that we undertake to heal others while we are full of sores.”173 As in the previous discussion of greater length than the present occasion, or even our life, as I suppose, allows…” (Browne and Swallow, “Orations,” p. 213a). Syriac version: Haelewyck, VersioSyriacaV, p. 45. 165 See §3.1.10. 166 See Kessel, “Life is Short, the Art is Long.” 167 Dedering, JohannesvonLykopolis, p. 76; Hansbury, JohntheSolitaryontheSoul, p. 158. 168 Adalbert Merx published fragments of Sergius of Resh῾aina’s translation of Galen’s Desimpliciummedicamentorumtemperamentisacfacultatibus from BL Add. 14661 (the aphorism is found on f. 6v, line 13): Merx, “Proben der syrischen Übersetzung,” p. 263.3– 4. Cf. Kessel, “Inventory of Galen’s Extant Works in Syriac,” p. 176 (no. 4). 169 Pognon, Une version syriaque des aphorismes d’Hippocrate, p. 3. Rainer Degen compared it with the version of Sergius: Degen, “Zur syrischen Übersetzung der Aphorismen des Hippokrates,” p. 48. 170 G. Kessel quotes the text: Kessel, “Life is Short, the Art is Long,” p. 139. 171 ßþóæ¿és¿Úés. 172 Luke 4:23: ἰατρέ, θεράπευσον σεαυτόν (194 Aland). 173 ἢ τῆς παροιμίας μὴ πόῤῥω θέωμεν, ἄλλους ἰατρεύειν ἐπιχειροῦντες αὐτοὶ βρύοντες ἕλκεσι (PG 35, 424A = 106 Bernardi). English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Orations,” p. 207b. Syriac version: Haelewyck, VersioSyriacaV, p. 45. The sentence recalled by Gregory appears by a number of ancient authors in the form: ἄλλων ἰατρὸς αὐτὸς ἕλκεσιν βρύων. Suda ascribes it to Euripides (I, 468.1-2 Adler [no. 3691]).

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example, the Syriac scholiast recognized the implicit citation in the oration and wrote the source of the quoted text in the margins. 4.5.4. TheGnomicCollectioninSMMJ124 The separate Syriac transmission of the few μαρτυρίαι of the Euthalian apparatus — “from outside sages and unknown books,” as BL Add. 17193 puts it in the title — testifies to the interest of Syriac scholars in the maxims and chreias of non-Christian authors that appear in sources sanctified by the Church. The orations of Gregory of Nazianzus certainly belonged to the circle of writings of indisputable authority, providing a secure conduit for “pagan” gnomic materials. Besides BL Add. 17193, the six sayings of the “outside sages” from the Euthalian apparatus are included in the anthology that appears at the beginning of the 9th-century codex of Saint Mark’s Monastery in Jerusalem (SMMJ 124),together with a number of aphorisms, which derive from the orations of Gregory. Thus, SMMJ 124 gives evidence to the constant scholarly tradition of dealing with nonChristian gnomic materials in both sources.174 The anthology of SMMJ 124 opens with the Prophecies of Pagan PhilosophersaboutChrist.175 The selection from the Euthalian apparatus is combined with stories about the fall of Troy that served for Syriac readers as one of the sources of knowledge about the Homeric epic.176 The mythological scholia to the orations of Gregory of Nazianzus turned out to be another source of this kind, and the anthology of SMMJ 124 incorporated a number of scholia of Ps.-Nonnus. Finally, this manuscript includes a collection bearing the following title: An explanation about the sayings of the philosophers: Whence did the holy Theologian and the other teachers take each one of them.177

The collection contains twelve gnomic sentences extracted from the orations of Gregory of Nazianzus in the translation of Paul of Edessa.178 174

Cf. Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” pp. 42–47. See §3.3.1.1. The collection of Prophecies in SMMJ 124 is similar to the one transmitted in DS 27 (L) containing SGP. 176 See Hilkens, “Syriac Ilioupersides.” Cf. §3.2.4. ? > > ? 177 SMMJ 124, f. 4v: ÍàÀĀÚ ã¿ÞÙsèãxm¿òÎêáÚ òx¿ćá ãâÔã¿ïxÎý ? ? ? g¿æÌÐs¿çóáãx¿Ýüý{g†ÎÅÎà{s¿þÙËùèÙÍçãÁËÐâÞà. Cf. Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” p. 43. 178 The text with translation and commentary was published by the present author: Arzhanov, “Menander in Syriac,” pp. 43–47. The provenance of most of the sayings seems to be quite certain, although some of them apparently paraphrase the text of Gregory of Nazianzus. 175

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It attributes the maxims exclusively to non-Christian authors and reflects the method going back to the treatment of the “pagan exempla” in the Euthalian apparatus. The latter was mainly focused on establishing the provenance of gnomic sayings that were quoted anonymously by Paul the Apostle. The orations of Gregory gave plenty of occasions for applying the Euthalian method, as Gregory mostly referred to Greek sages and poets in a descriptive manner without mentioning their names. The Explanation contained in SMMJ 124 focused on this point and suggested a number of attributions to the proverbs transmitted anonymously by Gregory. As the examples above demonstrate,179 the identifications suggested by the Syriac scholiasts turn to be strikingly precise in many cases, and they may have been based on some Greek sources. On the other hand, there seems to be no rationale or justification for many identifications suggested in the margins of the Syriac manuscripts. But this is not altogether surprising due to the fact that the gnomic sayings in Late Antique anthologies changed their authors quite often. The Jerusalem collection includes only a few names. All of them were very popular in gnomic anthologies and in all likelihood were associated with particular sayings in SMMJ 124 only due to their symbolic status as representatives of the gnomic genre: Sentences 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, and 11 are ascribed to Menander. Sentences 5, 10, and 12 appear under the name of Demosthenes. Some Greek authors are associated with one sentence each: Archigenes (no. 1), Plutarch (no. 7), Solon (no. 8), and Democritus (no. 10). Thus, Menander turned out to be the most popular author of gnomic sentences according to the Jerusalem collection. The sayings ascribed to the Greek playwright in SMMJ 124 are not present among the Greek Gnomaimonostichoi, though the sentences of Menander frequently appear in the orations of Gregory, sometimes in the form of allusions and hidden quotations.180 In SMMJ 124, six maxims attributed to the Greek poet contribute to the image of the “Syriac Menander” that is mainly associated with the pseudepigraphic collection of moral sentences traditionally considered to be a product of Jewish Hellenistic culture.181 The Jerusalem anthology gives evidence to another source of pseudepigraphic sayings 179 180 181

See §4.5.2 and §4.5.3. See Azzarà, “Fonti e rielaborazione.” Cf. §3.4.2.6. See §3.2.4.

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attributed to the Greek playwright — the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus and the commentary work of Syriac scholars. Although the title of the collection in SMMJ 124 purports to establish the provenance of Gregory’s citations as its main purpose, not a single attribution in it is based on any known tradition. The first saying is ascribed to one of the famous ancient physicians. It derives from Oration 2 of Gregory that makes use of medical imagery: Or. 2, §27:182

Syriac version of Paul of Edessa:183 SMMJ 124, sentence no. 1:

Εἶτα οἱ μὲν τῶν σωμάτων θεραπευταὶ πόνους τε καὶ ἀγρυπνίας καὶ φροντίδας, ἃς ἴσμεν, ἕξουσι· καὶ τὸ ἐπ’ ἀλλοτρίαις συμφοραῖς ἰδίας καρποῦσθαι λύπας, ὡς ἔφη τις τῶν παρ’ ἐκείνοις σοφῶν. “Again, the healers of our bodies will have their labors and vigils and cares, of which we are aware, and they will reap a harvest of pain for themselves from the distresses of others, as one of their wise men said.” ? ? ? > ? ? ÀÎóÙøÙ{Á yÍý{¿ćá äïgÁ ÌÆòxè ãÀÎé ¾ćà¿ÔÙs ? ? > > > ? ¿ÙÌÝÎæ¿æøà{sâïx€z{g…{ÍàèÙ{zèçÚïËÙxèÚàz ? ? ? ¿  ćäÚÞÐèãÿæsüãsxßÙs…ÎóÔúæÀĀÚçáÙxÀĀúï > f…ÎæzÎàx = ? ? ëÚçÆÚݍsx zfÀĀÚçá ÙxÀĀ úïôÔ ù> “Reap a harvest of individual sorrows.” This is (a sentence) of Archigenes.

It remains unclear whether Gregory of Nazianzus had some concrete person in mind when he wrote about “one of their wise men.” The maxim quoted by him appears in the treatise Deflacibus of Hippocrates,184 and it was transmitted as a sentence of the famous physician.185 In the introductory part of his treatise, Hippocrates wrote about the heavy burden of the work of physicians who not only suffer themselves but also participate 182 PG 35, 436B = 124 Bernardi. English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Orations,” p. 210. 183 Or. 2, §27, versionova (67 Haelewyck). The versionova renders the Greek ἴδιος as ¿ÚçáÙx and not as ¿þóæ. This is one of the very few differences between the two Syriac versions of the passage, and it is reflected in the sentence 1 of SMMJ 124. 184 Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἰητρὸς ὁρῇ τε δεινὰ, θιγγάνει τε ἀηδέων, ἐπ’ ἀλλοτρίῃσί τε ξυμφορῇσιν ἰδίας καρποῦται λύπας (90.5–6 Littré). 185 The 12th-century Byzantine scholar Eustathius, archbishop of Thessalonica, included it in his commentary to Homer’s Iliad, probably on the basis of earlier commentaries: Van der Valk, EustathiiarchiepiscopiThessalonicensiscommentarii, vol. 4, p. 410.1618.

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in the anguish of their patients. It is not surprising that Christian authors applied the image used by Hippocrates and the aphorism derived from his work to Jesus. E.g., Eusebius of Caesarea (4th century) quoted the passage from Gregory’s Or. 2 in his EcclesiasticalHistory, referring to Jesus whom he presents as a doctor who takes the sufferings of all people upon himself, “handles their foul sores, and reaps the pain from the miseries of another for himself.”186 Both Eusebius and Gregory could have become familiar with this sentence from non-Christian, probably medical, sources. However, not one among the preserved witnesses containing the sentence ascribes it to Archigenes of Apamea. Thus, it is not likely that the Syriac attribution was based on any tradition, but it probably made use of the name of the known physician. A similarly surprising attribution is found in the second saying included in the collection and based on the same oration of Gregory: Or. 2, §47:187

Ἀγαπητὸν γὰρ ὅτῳ κἂν εἰς βαθὺ γῆρας λόγος ἀφίκοιτο πολιὸς, καὶ ὠφελῆσαι νέαν ἐν εὐσεβείᾳ ψυχὴν δυνάμενος. Ὡς τό γε παιδεύειν ἄλλους ἐπιχειρεῖν, πρὶν αὐτοὺς ἱκανῶς παιδευθῆναι, καὶ ἐν πίθῳ τὴν κεραμείαν μανθάνειν, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἄλλων ψυχαῖς ἐκμελετᾷν τὴν εὐσέβειαν, λίαν εἶναί μοι φαίνεται ἀνοήτων ἢ τολμηρῶν. “For it is delightful to have the reasoning of the aged come to one even until the depth of old age, able, as it is, to aid a soul new to piety. Accordingly, to undertake the training of others before being sufficiently trained oneself, and to learn, as men say, the potter’s art on a wine-jar, that is, to practice ourselves in piety at the expense of others’ souls seems to me to be excessive folly or excessive rashness.”

Syriac version of Paul of  Edessa:188

ÀĀúÚäïÀÎÃÚêÂèòsxgÿæ¾ćàüÚÅ€z¿ÃÚÃÐ > ¿þóçà{x¿Ùøãx{gÀĀÚÃéÀĀáãÀs > ¿ðêæxĀÚÝ€zx¿çÞÙsfÀÍàsĀáÐË¿ÚáÓx ? gÁxĀæĀÙ¾úóéèçÐx„Ëù¿æÌоćàÁxüäà > gÁüãsĀãx€zßÙsôà¾æÀ{üÑò¿ÂøÑÂx{

186 Θιγγάνει δ’ ἀηδέων ἐπ’ ἀλλοτρίῃσί τε ξυμφορῇσιν ἰδίας καρποῦται λύπας (HistoriaEcclesiastica X.4.11: 866.8-9 Schwartz). 187 PG 35, 456B = 152 Bernardi. English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Orations,” p. 214. 188 Or. 2, §47, versionova (99, 101 Haelewyck). The two versions differ in only one letter (x) marking the beginning of the quotation in the versio nova. This particle x is quoted in the sentence among the scholia, and this detail speaks again for the versionova as the basis for the scholia.

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> ? ? ÛÆémÀÍàsĀáÐx¿ÅzĀæ¿æ ÌÐsxÀĀ þóçÂx > > > > fèÚÐüã{sèÚáÞéx…Îæzx ÍÙĀÙsxÛà¿ÙÏÐĀã > = zfÁüãsĀãx€ zßÙsôà¾æÀ{üÑò¿ÂøÑÂx{ †{Ëççãx “‘Let us learn the potter’s art through a wine-jar,’ as it is said.” This is (a sentence) of Menander.

The proverb used by Gregory of Nazianzus appears in Plato’s Gorgias.189 Plato refers to it in the 4th century BCE in precisely the same way, as Gregory does in the 4th century CE: using it as an anonymous and apparently well-known maxim that brings a concise and vivid expression to the argument. The popularity of this proverb at the time of Gregory is attested by the fact that it was included in the manual on progymnasmata exercises attributed to Theon, where it is also quoted anonymously (τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν).190 Gregory probably encountered it in his rhetorical training, and he introduces the quotation with the same words as in the manual (τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον), manifesting its anonymous character.191 The Syriac scholiast, nevertheless, decided to personalize the saying, and it was the name of Menander that came to his mind, probably due to the fact that the sentences of the Greek playwright were used in elementary education. The apparently arbitrary method of ascribing the gnomic sayings used anonymously by Gregory is an idiosyncratic feature of the collection of SMMJ 124 that makes use of the famous names associated with gnomic anthologies. Most of the sayings are attributed to Menander, whose Greek sentences were probably never translated into Syriac, but who was known to Syriac readers as the author of the collection of sentences based mainly on the Jewish Sapiental literature, especially Proverbs. The gnomic anthology of the Jerusalem codex allows a better understanding the Syriac image of Menander. It ascribes to him a number of sentences taken from texts of clearly acknowledged Church authority. The rejection of the Greek Gnomaimonostichoi associated with the Late Antique paideia by the Christian monastic schools didn’t impose a ban on the name of the Greek poet who Gorgias 514e: τὸ λεγόμενον δὴ τοῦτο ἐν τῷ πίθῳ τὴν κεραμείαν ἐπιχειρεῖν μανθάνειν — “they should, as the saying is, try to learn pottery by starting on a wine-jar”. 190 Aelius Theon, Progymnasmata, preface (59.12 Spengel). Cf. the English translation in: Kennedy, Progymnasmata, p. 3. 191 It was quoted by many authors as a common proverb without attribution. In was included into the collection ProverbiaAlexandrinorum ascribed to Plutarch (Ps.-Plutarch, Παροιμίαι αἷς Ἀλεξανδρεῖς ἐχρῶντο: Schneidewin and von Leutsch, CorpusParoemiographorumGraecorum, vol. 1, pp. 321–342, here p. 338, no. 12). 189

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maintained his status as the most popular author of gnomic sayings. The Syriac scholars associated Menander with new gnomic materials derived from biblical sources and thus made the Greek poet speak with the words of Solomon. Sentence no. 6 in the Jerusalem collection reveals the association of Menander with biblical wisdom literature, which is characteristic of the pseudepigraphic Syriac collections ascribed to him.192 It apparently refers to the passage in Oration 27, where Gregory of Nazianzus explicitly points to the Bible as his source: ὡς Σολομῶντι κἀμοὶ δοκεῖ, καὶ τὸ καλὸν οὐ καλόν, ὅταν μὴ καλῶς γίνηται. “As it seems to Solomon, and also to me: something good is not good unless it happens at the good time.” > Syriac version ¿ćàÀ{üÚóý{gÁüóýÛà‰s… ÎäÚáþàx¿çÞÙs > > of Paul of ¿Ù{zĀÙsüÚóýÎàx€ĀãsÀüÚóý ÍÙĀÙs Edessa194: > SMMJ 124, ĀÙsüÚóýÎàx€ĀãsÀüÚóý ÍÙĀÙs¿ćàÀüÚóý{ > = sentence no. 6: †{Ëççãx zf¿Ù{ z Or. 27, §4:193

“A good thing is not good until it happens in a good way.” This is (a sentence) of Menander.

It is hard to imagine that the reference to Solomon by Gregory was not recognized by Syriac scholars as an allusion to the famous passage in Eccl. 3:1. It is thus likely that the secondary attribution in the Jerusalem collection is based not on the full text of the oration, but on the scholia ? to it, which included lists of testimonies (ÀĀÙÎЏ) extracted from the text of Gregory and deprived of context.195 The Jerusalem anthology not only sheds new light on the so called “Syriac Menander,” which traditionally has been considered as a product of Jewish Hellenistic culture, but also on the history of transmission of gnomic materials in Syriac in general. It makes apparent the mechanism of secondary attribution of moral maxims and edifying stories to the famous Greek poets and philosophers, whose names stood symbolically for the gnomic anthologies. The maxims and stories, however, derived not from the traditional gnomic collections associated with the “pagan” 192

See §3.2.4. PG 36, 16B–D = 80 Gallay. English translation: Browne and Swallow, “Orations,” p. 286a. 194 Or. 27, §4, versionova (15 Haelewyck). 195 Cf. §4.5.3. 193

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system of education, but from the texts sanctified by the authority of the Church. The Bible and the writings of the Church Fathers provided scholars in the West Syriac schools with the gnomic materials that formed the images of “Syriac Menander” and “Syriac Homer” (cf. the epigraph to this chapter) as they were known in the Late Antique and early Medieval periods. These materials formed sources for rhetorical education in Syriac schools as is reflected in the manual of Antony of Tagrit. 4.6. PROGYMNASMATA IN THE RHETORIC OF ANTONY OF TAGRIT The interest in rhetoric and rhetorical education can be traced in West Syriac sources from the late-5th century onwards, when Severus of Antioch adopted the educational program of the Alexandrian philoponoi who intended to substitute the works of Homer and Menander in rhetoric with the writings of the Cappadocian fathers. This program seems to have been successfully realized in the West Syriac schools, especially in the one established in the monastery of Qenneshre in the first half of the 6th century. The evidence from the Syriac manuscripts presented above leaves little doubt that the works of Gregory of Nazianzus provided Syriac scholars with the knowledge of classical Greek mythology. These works served as sources of gnomic materials that did not necessarily derive from the Greek works of Homer and Menander, but in some cases were, nevertheless, attributed to these authors who maintained their symbolic status as representatives of the gnomic genre. Based on this evidence, it seems legitimate to speak of “rhetorical” education in the West Syriac monastic communities since the 6th century onwards.196 Considering the fact that the term “rhetoric” was mainly associated with the Late Antique schools that often stood in opposition to the monasteries,197 it is not surprising to find no mention of it in Syriac sources until the early Medieval era. It was only in the 9th century when the first manual on rhetoric in Syriac appeared.198 196 For the Syriac tradition of rhetoric, see Watt, “Grammar, Rhetoric and the Enkyklios Paideia in Syriac;” Watt, “Syriac Rhetorical Theory;” Watt, “Eastward and Westward Transmission of Classical Rhetoric.” 197 This competition is reflected in the treatise AgainsttheOpponentsoftheMonastic Life by John Chrysostom composed in the second half of the 4th century and addressed to the Christian audience in Antioch on the Orontes. See §4.2. 198 The manual has been preserved in a number of manuscripts, cf. Watt, The Fifth BookoftheRhetoric(transl.), pp. xi–xxv. The edition of John Watt included Book 5 of the treatise. Pauline Ellen Eskenasy published in her dissertation the first book from the

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Little is known of its author, Antony (Anṭōn) of Tagrit,199 but according to Barhebraeus, his work belongs to the 9th century.200 Barhebraeus calls Antony “a rhetor” (ÎÔٍ) who addressed his work to a certain philoponos (†ÎæÎòÎáÚò).201 Though some have found the style of Antony to be rather artificial and sometimes difficult,202 the authority of his Rhetoric was high enough to qualify as a source for the works of Jacob bar Shakko203 and Barhebraeus204 in the 13th century. In the proem to Book 5 Antony points out the novelty of his work:205 For look, with the Greeks the three arts of grammar, rhetoric, and poetry exist in a collected and crafted form, but with the Syrians, Persians, and others, scattered and confused. For example, a Syrian may use letter points, nouns, verbs (…) — in short, all the parts of the grammatical art (…), but either from exercise or from aptitude and discerning power (…). Greek sophists should not make merry over us simple (folk), that we do not and could not have the possibility of (this) science and art nor words of poets and orators, for we do have them, although not properly set in order.

Antony explains the absence of the classical art of rhetoric that would meet the requirements of the “Greek sophists” until the 9th century by the fact that this art had other forms in Syriac schools and remained unordered. The reference to the “grammatical art” suggests that the study of grammar included rhetorical elements.206 A letter of George, bishop of the Arabs, referring to the use of “sentences and proverbs” in the 8th-century Syriac schools, combines them with the study of “letters,” i.e. with the two modern copies of the 15th century manuscript: Eskenasy, AntonyofTagrit’sRhetoric BookOne. Eliyo Seven d-Beth Qermez published the full text of the treatise without making clear the manuscript basis of his edition: d-Beth Qermez, TheBookoftheRhetoricby AntonyRhitorofTagrit. 199 Cf. Watt, “Antony of Tagrit as a Student of Syriac Poetry.” 200 In the EcclesiasticalHistory, Barhebreus makes Antony a contemporary of Dionysius of Tell Mahre who died in the middle of the 9th century. See Abbeloos and Lamy, Gregorii BarhebræiChroniconEcclesiasticum, vol. 1, col. 363. For the difficulties connected with the evidence of Barhebraeus, see Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric(transl.), pp. v–vi. > 201 This term is rendered in the title of the manual by the traditional Syriac åЍ ¿ćáäï, cf. Eskenasy, AntonyofTagrit’sRhetoricBookOne, f. 5a of the edition. 202 Cf. the remark of a confused Syriac scribe quoted in: Wright, Catalogue, vol. 3, p. xxiii. 203 Bar Shakko, Book of Dialogues, part I, treatise 3. Partial edition: Martin, De la métriquechezlesSyriens, pp. 11–39. 204 Cf. Moberg, Lelivredessplendeurs. 205 The English translation is adapted from: Watt, The Fifth Book of the Rhetoric (transl.), pp. 5–6. The Syriac text: Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (ed.), pp. 7–8. 206 Cf. Watt, “Grammar, Rhetoric and the Enkyklios Paideia,” pp. 57–59; Watt, “Guarding the Syriac Language in an Arabic Environment.”

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elementary education.207 This combination was generally characteristic of non-Christian Late Antique schools that combined grammatical education with the progymnasmata, the preparatory exercises in rhetorical composition.208 Antony integrates several types of progymnasmata in the fifth book of his treatise that is focused on the rhetorical figures.209 He defines five figures of speech that do not correspond to Greek models but suggest a rather peculiar combination: fable, aphorism, “bare figure,” prosopopoeia, and metaphor.210 What makes the figures of Antony especially close to the progymnasmata exercises is the use of short exemplary texts as building blocks for new rhetorical composition — the main principle of the elementary rhetorical education. Antony suggests the following examples for different types of figures:211 For fable: Aesop and Gregory of Nazianzus. For aphorism: Sentences of the Pythagoreans, Homer, and Evagrius. For “bare figure:” Gregory of Nazianzus, Ephrem the Syrian, and Evagrius. For prosopopoeia: Homer, Jacob of Serugh, Gregory of Nazianzus. For metaphor: Sentences of the Pythagoreans, Homer, Evagrius. Antony draws his examples from those writings that must have been familiar to his students and existed in Syriac versions in some form. Antony makes this clear in a note found in the first book of his treatise, where he writes on the use of poetry in rhetorical composition and refers to the examples of Greek authors: Since some Greek metrical discourses have been rendered into our language (èáÙx ¿çþáà …üÃïĀã) by some, they simplified them for rhetorical reading (¿ÙüÔÙA z¿çÙüúà).212

A large number of quotations used by Antony derive from Gregory of Nazianzus whom the author calls “the greatest of sophists.”213 Homer turns out to be the most popular of the non-Christian authors. Antony was 207

See §4.5.3. Cf. Watt, “Grammar, Rhetoric and the EnkykliosPaideia,” p. 63. 209 Cf. Watt, “Antony of Tagrit on Rhetorical Figures.” 210 Cf. Watt, “Antony of Tagrit on Rhetorical Figures,” pp. 322–324; Watt, TheFifth BookoftheRhetoric (transl.), pp. xv-xvii. 211 Cf. Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (transl.), p. xvi. 212 Eskenasy, AntonyofTagrit’sRhetoricBookOne, p. 257. The Syriac text is found on f. 46a-b of the edition. 213 Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (transl.), p. 47. 208

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probably familiar with this name through some Christian sources.214 Plato also appears among the examples provided in the manual of Antony.215 Similar to the Homeric quotations, the sentences ascribed to Plato correspond to the image of Greek philosopher found among the scholia to Gregory of Nazianzus and probably derive from gnomic anthologies. The quoted sentences of the Pythagoreans and Aesop’s fables are based on the Syriac versions of these collections, and they symbolize the two main types of progymnasmata: fable and of chreia elaborations. However, Aesop turns out to be not the only source of fables. In the fifth book, Antony quotes a letter by Gregory of Nazianzus to Basil of Caesarea containing a fable about swallows and swans.216 Antony only quotes the beginning of Gregory’s letter (and of the fable), adding that there is no need to write the whole text, which is “known to most.”217 The popularity of this letter is confirmed by the fact that it is transmitted both in the corpus of letters of Gregory as reflected in the Shmahe-Mss.218 and separately in the anthology of short edifying texts together with a selection from the oration of Themistius in B.219 Antony does not include any quotations from Themistius in his manual, but he makes use of another non-Christian moral treatise containing plenty of exempla, i.e. the discourse of Plutarch Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate.220 Speaking of the six-syllable line, Antony uses the following famous gnomic saying as an example: “The root of education is bitter at the beginning, but sweet at the end when it has produced fruits.”221 Antony uses this popular moral sentence, among others, as a “testimony” (ÀĀÙÎЏ), an illustrative text that may be applied for rhetorical composition. The same maxim appears among the progymnasmata exercises of Aphthonius and Libanius,222 and among the chreias of the Dublin 214 See §4.5.4. For Antony’s witness to Homer, see Raguse, “Syrische Homerzitate;” Köbert, “Bemerkungen zu den syrischen Zitaten.” 215 For Plato, see §3.2.3. 216 Cf. §4.5.2. 217 Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (ed.), p. 66.25–67.2. Translation: Watt, The FifthBookoftheRhetoric (transl.), p. 55. 218 BL Add. 17209, cf. §4.5.2. 219 Sinai Syriac 14, cf. §2.4. 220 Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (ed.), p. 3.11-16. Translation: Watt, TheFifth BookoftheRhetoric (transl.), p. 3. For the Syriac translations of Plutarch, see §3.4.1.2. 221 €ĀÙsx ¿ćã ¿ćäàÎþ èÙx Ûæz ¿ÙÎþ {z üÙüã À{xüãx Áüúï ? fÁy¾ò(Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (ed.), p. 17.25–28). English translation is adapted from: Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (transl.), p. 13. 222 Cf. Kennedy, Progymnasmata, p. 98f.

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Florilegium (= SGP no. 51) as the words of Thales. The fifth book of the treatise of Antony thus serves as a methodological guide to the use of chreias present in SGP and transmitted mainly in D. The first book of the Rhetoric already gives examples of particular types of speeches. Antony suggests different speeches to diverse occasions, which he wants his students to memorize and imitate: Behold, you are able to compose (words) like these, o rhetor, (…) and send forth the voice in this way …223

The methodology of Antony is the same as that of the non-Christian teachers of rhetoric in Late Antiquity, and his familiarity with this tradition supports his statement that rhetorical education had existed in the Syriac monasteries long before the systematic manual on it appeared. Two manuscripts of the British Library, Add. 17208 and Add. 14726, have preserved short treatises attributed to Antony.224 They contain letters, encomia, carmina, prayers written in metrical form, and a number of consolatory speeches on the dead. These texts must have served as exemplary rhetorical compositions that could be used for educational purposes, for the sake of imitation, and for particular occasions.225 Syriac manuscripts contain similar exemplary texts including moral sentences, quotations from the Bible and other “testimonies” without attribution to Antony. These indicate that the author of the manual was not the only Syriac scholar interested in rhetorical compositions. BL Add. 14725 (ff. 96–98) contains a collection of consolatory discourses for the dead.226 The first one (only the final part of it has been ? preserved on f. 96r–v) includes “witnesses” (ÁxÍé) from Ephrem the Syrian whom Antony frequently quotes in his Rhetoric. BL Add. 14653 includes a large collection of speeches intended to be used for different occasions.227 They are addressed to “a man of rank,” a bishop, “an honored and wise man,” etc. The address to “an honored person from the same congregation” includes (on f. 79v) a ? number of testimonies (ÀĀÙÎЏ) taken mainly from biblical books. 223

Eskenasy, AntonyofTagrit’sRhetoricBookOne, p. 159. Cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 613–618. Part of BL Add. 17208 remains in the monastery Dayr al-Suryan as manuscript DS Syr. 32, cf. Brock and Van Rompay, Catalogue, pp. 244–248. Cf. Watt, “Anṭun of Tagrit.” 225 Emil Rödiger published one of Antony’s carmina: Rödiger, ChrestomathiaSyriaca, pp. 100–103. 226 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 1, p. 399. 227 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 809. 224

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BL Add. 17181 presents a collection of addresses spoken on behalf of an abbot of a monastery.228 The address to a rich person (ff. 20va– 21ra) contains a note on the necessity to spend money for others and that a gift makes the giver wiser. These and other examples give good reasons for Antony to state in his manual that the Syrians had their own tradition of rhetorical education. It was based on specific set of rhetorical models that in the Greek schools received the name progymnasmata. Still maintaining interest in Greek fables and moral maxims, Syriac authors received them through Christian channels of transmission, to a large extent associated with the writings of the Church Fathers. Manuscript D containing the Dublin Florilegium reflects the Syriac familiarity with the progymnasmata exercises. It includes the main elements used for elementary rhetorical education: TextsinD

TypesofProgymnasmata

Kalilawa-Dimna

narration (diegema)

Aesop’s fables

fable (mythos)

Questions-and-answers

refutation (anaskeue) and confirmation (kataskeue)

Sentences of the Pythagoreans

maxim (gnome)

Sentences of the Philosophers (= a collection of SGP)

anecdote (chreia)

The questions-and-answers included in D between Aesop’s fables and the Sentences of the Pythagoreans deal with the affirmative and refuting types of speech that became subjects of elaboration in the manual of Antony. This part of D focuses on the issues of how to formulate correctly questions that could be either a request of definition, or implying a yesor-no answer, or as a question that is an answer to the previous question. The concluding remarks of this section recommend giving the answers to the questions with quotations from the Bible and the Church Fathers. This set of recommendations in D deals with the oratory education and imply 228 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 661–665. François Graffin and Christopher Lash published several addresses included in this 6th-century manuscript: Graffin, “Exhortation d’un supérieur de monastère;” Lash, “An Address of Thanks.” One of the pieces included anonymously in this anthology belongs to Philoxenus of Mabbug, cf. above §4.4.

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certain texts that should be used for building rhetorical compositions. What follows after this section in D is a gnomic anthology containing the Sentences of the Pythagoreans and the maxims of SGP that are put in line with other rhetorical materials included in this codex. 4.7. ELEMENTS OF PROGYMNASMATA INSGP Basil of Caesarea plainly expressed the Christian attitude to Greek learning in his Address to the Young Men on the Right Use of Pagan Literature.229 Basil warned against using classical Greek authors, such as Homer and Menander, in Christian schools but admitted their importance for education. He suggested that some “histories” taken from classical Greek literature could be incorporated in Christian education. As a positive example of this kind he referred to the anecdote about Alexander and the daughters of Darius known to us from Late Antique moral literature. Written in the late Hellenistic period, the Alexander-Novel included the following maxim of the Greek king: It is shameful for us, men who have won a victory, to be defeated by women.230

The Anthology of Stobaeus included it in the following more extended version: When some people persuaded Alexander to look at the daughters and the wife of Darius, calling them especially beautiful, he responded: “It is shameful for men who won a victory to be defeated by women.”231

Basil of Caesarea uses this anecdote in his Address as a starting point for a short moral admonition.232 The treatise of Basil was translated into Syriac, and the Syriac version contains several additional elements that we do not find in the extant Greek version:233 229 See §3.4.2.5. A response to this attitude came from Themistius, cf. Downey, “Education in the Christian Roman Empire,” pp. 56–61. 230 Greek: αἰσχρόν ἐστιν ἡμᾶς ἄνδρας νικήσαντας ὑπὸ γυναικῶν ἡττηθῆναι. This maxim is preserved in the recensions β and γ of the Alexander-Novel (ch. 2, section 17), see Bergson, DergriechischeAlexanderroman, p. 105 [rec. β]; Engelmann, Dergriechische Alexanderroman, p. 194 [rec. γ]. It is absent from the earlier recension α (recensiovetusta) and from the Syriac translation of the text prepared in the 8th–9th centuries CE on the basis of the Middle Persian version, cf. Kroll, HistoriaAlexandriMagni, vol. 1; Budge, TheHistoryofAlexandertheGreat. For the Alexander-Novel in Syriac, cf. §2.10. 231 Ἀλέξανδρος προτρεπομένων τινῶν αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν τὰς Δαρείου θυγατέρας καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα διαφέρουσαν κάλλει ’αἰσχρόν’ ἔφη ‘τοὺς ἄνδρας νικήσαντας ὑπὸ γυναικῶν ἡττᾶσθαι.’ (3.268 Wachsmuth and Hense). 232 Basil, Adadolescentes VII.40–44 (51 Boulenger). 233 The text is taken from BL Add. 14543, f. 43r–v, and BL Add. 17144, f. 65v.

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¿æüïÎé¿æÍà¿ćà‰s{ Οὐδ᾿ ἂν παρέλθοιμι τὸ τοῦ ἈλεξάνÀÎçÚãÍä†{ËçêÞàsx δρου, ὃς τὰς θυγατέρας Δαρείου αἰχ? zĀç¿æz{ zxf€zÎÙüÃðæ μαλώτους λαβὼν, θαυμαστόν τι οἷον τὸ A ÁüòÎýfÀ{züÂx¿ÚÃþÂŽÎٍxx κάλλος παρέχειν μαρτυρουμένας οὐδὲ προσιδεῖν ἠξίωσεν, αἰσχρὸν εἶναι fÀ{zĀÙsèÙÍàÀÎãxxüÚÅ κρίνων τὸν ἄνδρας ἑλόντα γυναικῶν ¿ćà‰sxfÀĀáãÁüãsxßÙs{ ëÚóӏsèÚæsÀ{zÀÏÑæx ἡττηθῆναι. Τουτὶ γὰρ εἰς ταὐτὸν ÍàüãssèÙÍÚáïËÝfÀ{z ἐκείνῳ φέρει, ὅτι ὁ ἐμβλέψας πρὸς Áxz€z¿Úçéxf¿çÝzüãs{ ἡδονὴν γυναικί, κἂν μὴ τῷ ἔργῳ τὴν ? ? ? Ìù¿ þæ¾ćà μοιχείαν ἐπιτελέσῃ, ἀλλὰ τῷ γε τὴν ÎÃýx¿þæèãxf¿æĀ u{ÍæüïÎé‰s{f…ÎÂÎÑæ ἐπιθυμίαν τῇ ψυχῇ παραδέξασθαι, > {ÍàfåÑàèáÙx¿æËùÎóà¿æzx οὐκ ἀφίεται τοῦ ἐγκλήματος. >Íàvs{ÀĀæsÀÏÐxè > > ãx > > ÁËÃïèã…s‰sxfÍÃá züÅ ÀÎýüãèãfßêÐĀæÁÎÅx A > ã¿ćàÀøòĀæx > Àø ÀĀōx{zf f¿òøæzĀÚïĀ But I will not overlook the conduct of Alexander, who, on taking captive the daughters of Darius (who were reputed to be of surpassing beauty), would not even look at them, for he deemed it unworthy of one who was a conqueror of men to be a slave to women. This is of a piece with the statement that he, who looks upon a woman to lust after her, even though he does not commit the act of adultery, is not free from its guilt, since he has entertained impure thoughts.

And also I will not pass in negligence by the deed of Alexander, who took into captivity the daughters of Darius. And they were of great beauty. And as the proverb says, he decided not even to look at them, after he was told about them. And he said thus: “It is unworthy for the combating men to be conquered by women who have been taken captive.” And his deed also agrees with our commandment that he who looks at a woman and lusts after her commits adultery with her in his heart; even if he restrains himself from committing the adultery and remains free from reproach, he is not able to be free of desire in his mind.

The Syriac version paraphrases the last part of the passage. A further elaboration of this story is found in one of the counsels of SGP preserved in F and G (= SGP no. 143).234 The fragment included in SGP contains all the additions that are found in the Syriac version of Basil’s text and 234 Syriac text: Sachau, Inedita Syriaca, p. Òï [78]. English translation: Cowper, Syriacmiscellanies, pp. 43–45. German translation: Ryssel, “Philosophensprüche,” p. 534.

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clearly derives from it and not from the Greek version known to us. The fragment in SGP further adds several elements not found in the Syriac text of the treatise of Basil, and these additions transform the quotation taken from the latter into a full-scale rhetorical exercise based on a chreia. The table below suggests a translation of the piece published as SGP no. 143 in the present book and divided into several sections that make apparent its rhetorical structure (specified in the “notes”): TranslationoftheSyriacText (= SGP no. 143) NotesontheText: (1) Alexander the king took the daughters of A paraphrase of chreia, quoted Darius into captivity, and they were considered from the Syriac version of Basil’s Adadol. to be of great beauty. But when he had been told about them, he decided not even to look at them, saying: “It is disgusting for combating men to be conquered by women who have been taken captive.” (2) For, just as the fire burns the person who Comparison which is not found approaches it, in this way beauty inflames by Basil and is probably based on 1 Cor. 7:9. those who are looking at it with desire. (3) In fact, his deed agrees with our statement The course, based on the commenthat the person who looks at a woman and tary in the Syriac text of Basil’s Adadol. desires her commits adultery with her in his heart. For even if he has refrained from committing adultery, he is not able to avoid reproach, since he is not free of desire in his mind. (4) So, the end of their whole instruction about whom we have related is the acquisition of their crowns through their endurance. Now, let us look at how those who have been enlightened by wisdom praised the soul in their sayings, stating that she is elevated above death, urging that a man should not neglect the life of the soul, instructing to abandon the distracting obstacles of the world, and teaching that men should not be negligent in good behavior. So, let us consider that the human race is of few days and of little joy, that all their rest and all their joy is of a short time and few days, and that their blossom is like flourishing grass and like a flower of the field that is withered.

Elaboration of the topic, not found by Basil and containing an encomion, examples based on Jewish Wisdom literature (cf. Eccl. 5:17 and Hiob 14:1), additional remarks with Christian interpretation, and final prayer.

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TranslationoftheSyriacText (= SGP no. 143) NotesontheText: That’s why the true concern and meditation of men, if they are willing, should be to contemplate not what is on earth but what is above, where Christ sits at the right side of God. Therefore, let us set our mind above. Let our way of life in this world be accomplished as though we were established in our form. But let us fix our thoughts in heaven, where our real place is, where the uppermost Jerusalem is, and where the names of those sons of our race who are blessed by God are written, to whom is due glory from every mouth! Amen.

The fragment containing the chreia on Alexander taken from the Syriac version of the treatise of Basil turns into a short rhetorical piece organized by several introductory formulas (“now, let us look;” “so, let us consider;” “therefore, let us place our mind above”) in collections of SGP. It contains the main elements of a chreia elaboration known to us from Late Antique handbooks on preliminary rhetorical exercises. One of them, transmitted under the name of Hermogenes of Tarsus (2nd century CE), suggests the following plan for a chreia elaboration: First, a brief encomion of the speaker or doer; then a paraphrase of the chreia; then the cause; for example, “Isocrates said that the root of education is bitter but its fruit is sweet.” Praise: “Isocrates was wise,” and you will slightly develop the topic. Then the chreia, “He said this,” and you will not state it in bare form but expand the statement. Then the cause, “For the greatest things are wont to succeed through toil, and when successful bring pleasure.” Then by contrast, “Ordinary things need no toil and in the end give no pleasure, but things of importance are the opposite.” Then from a comparison, “For just as farmers need to reap fruits by working the soil, so also with speeches.” Then from an example, “Demosthenes, by shutting himself up at home and working hard, later reaped the fruit in the form of crowns and testimonials.” It is also possible to bring in a judgment; for example, “Hesiod said, ‘The gods put sweat before virtue,’ and another poet says, ‘The gods sell all good things to us for toils.’ ” At the end you will put an exhortation to the effect that one must be persuaded by the person who has said or done this.235 235

English translation adapted from: Kennedy, Progymnasmata, p. 77. It is based on the Greek text by Hugo Rabe (7–8 Rabe).

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The elements of rhetorical composition, described by Hermogenes and known also from the other authors of progymnasmata exercises, may be identified in the Syriac fragment cited above. It is based on one of the stories in the Syriac version of the treatise of Basil that was separated from the text of Basil and thus became a “story” (diegema) elaborated in the form of a rhetorical exercise. 4.8. CONCLUSION The Christian critique of classical paideia rendered the Greek authors associated with it, like Homer and Menander, personae non gratae for Christian schools. However, the interest in their figures, writings, and ideas developed a need for legitimization of the prohibited authors through Christian sources. The Bible was naturally the first object to consider. The scholarly tradition of Bible study based on philological methods of Late Antique rhetorical schools provided Christian scholars with the necessary instruments for this process. Explicit and implicit references to non-Christian literature among the writings of the Apostle Paul turned into a legitimate conduit of Late Antique gnomic materials due to the Euthalian apparatus. The instrument used in the latter was two-fold: extracting the sentences of “outside sages” and providing them with references to the concrete authors that sometimes were based on the previous scholarly tradition but in some cases seem to be rather arbitrary. However, the new gnomic materials were ascribed to Greek authors associated with the gnomic genre, e.g. Menander, Demosthenes, and Solon. The same method of identification of moral sayings and ascribing them to the great philosophers and poets of the Antiquity was applied to the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus. For Syriac Christians, this corpus turned into a rich source of maxims that sometimes were transmitted separately. The gnomic sayings extracted from the writings of Church authorities formed the basis for the rhetorical training that had much in common with the Greek progymnasmata exercises. The manual on rhetoric composed in the 9th century by Antony of Tagrit gives evidence for the use of the new gnomic materials, most of which have a pseudepigraphic character, for the purpose of rhetorical education. Syriac manuscripts contain texts that were probably intended to propose rhetorical patterns applied for specific purposes by Church authorities and in monastic communities. Such texts usually contained “testimonies”

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derived not only from the Bible but also from a number of Christian works. The next chapter will focus on the Syriac transmission of testimonies in larger format. It will provide evidence for the function of the longer elements among SGP (“counsels”) that in several cases turn out to be fragments excerpted from moral treatises of Christian and non-Christian authors.

CHAPTER 5

SELECTION OF TESTIMONIES EVIDENCE FOR

THE

FUNCTION OF EXCERPTS

“With the secret wings that she possesses, the soul is able to fly and flutter over everything, seeing but not being seen. Thus, she resembles a bee which rests on all plants and does not depart from them empty. When she selects and carries away the sweetness of all their flowers, the plants remain in the bitterness of their nature, while she receives the treasure of joy.” SGP no. 85

The simile of the bee found in one of the counsels of SGP goes back to Isocrates’ treatise AdDemonicum that was translated into Syriac at a rather early date.1 Various authors frequently used this simile as a symbol of education, and it served as basis for the term ἀνθολογία (florilegium).2 Plutarch recalled it in his tract How a Young Man Should Study Poetry, while explaining the best way of reading classical Greek authors.3 He suggested collecting short excerpts from poets, philosophers, and sages, and recycling these materials for rhetorical purposes. The Anthology of Stobaeus (5th century) gives us some idea of the work of an educated person collecting excerpts for the sake of teaching his own son. Basil of Caesarea’s AddresstotheYoungMen created a Christian alternative to the educational program proposed by Plutarch.4 Basil, whose main concern was shaping the monastic school system, acknowledged the necessity of using classical Greek works while insisting on the selective manner of dealing with them. His “anthological” method implied careful selection of those passages from non-Christian works which were profitable for Christian education.

1

Isocrates, AdDemonicum §52 (27.1-5 Mandilaras). Cf. §3.4.1.1. Cf. Barns, “A New Gnomologium,” pp. 132–134. 3 Plutarch, Quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat (Gärtner, Plutarchi Moralia, vol. 1, pp. 28–75). 4 This treatise was well-known to Syrian Christians and was used as pattern for rhetorical education, cf. §4.7. 2

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While suggesting his program, Basil based it on the established tradition of selection from the classical Greek literature in the writings of Christian apologists. Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Theodoret of Cyrrhus quoted certain passages from Greek poets and philosophers and interpreted them in a Christian way. Many such passages migrated from earlier works into later ones, thus forming the limited corpus of excerpts from the Greek author, adapted for Christian use.5 The Christological debates of the 4th century gave rise to another type of anthology that included fragments from the Church Fathers used in inter-confessional polemic (among which the writings of Cyril played a central role).6 Syriac composite manuscripts have preserved traces of the reception of Late Antique rhetorical models applied to education and religious debates. 5.1. SYRIAC ANTHOLOGIES AND THE USE

OF

TESTIMONIES

Interest in rhetorical models and their adaptation for Christian education in the West Syriac Church at the end of the 5th—to beginning of the 6th centuries is represented by the figure of Severus of Antioch, who became the model of a “rhetorician of the fear of God.” A homily written in the 7th century by George, Bishop of the Arabs, in the form of the classical panegyric in praise of Severus, stressed his role in training the intellectual Church elite, providing them with “the words of teaching and sayings by which their hearers may live.”7 ? and “sayings” (¿äÅĀò) ? The reference to the “words” (¿ćáã) by George is not just a figure of speech. The preserved Syriac manuscripts containing the works of Severus show traces of their active use: the quotations included by Severus are marked with the same signs that were used for biblical quotations by Philoxenus (angular brackets and dots: • > ) and resemble the Euthalian method of identifying μαρτυρίαι within the authoritative texts.8 5

Cf. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, Lescitationsdespoètesgrecs. Cf. Schwartz, CodexVaticanusgr.1431. This collection of quotations of Cyril has been preserved in a Syriac translation in BL Add. 12156, cf. Abramowski, “Zur geplanten Ausgabe.” See also Richard, “Les florilèges diphysites.” ? ? ? (McVey, 7 …{ÍÚïÎäý èÙ¾Ð> …{ÍÂx ¿äÅĀò ‰s ÀÎçóáãx ¿ćáã George,BishopoftheArabs,AHomilyonBlessedMarSeverus(ed.), p. 25.597–598). The English translation is adapted from: McVey, George, Bishop of the Arabs, A Homily on BlessedMarSeverus(transl.), p. 21. 8 See above §4.4. 6

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The letters of Severus give evidence to patriarch’s interest in providing his readers with rhetorical instruments since “the time of the present struggles does not allow silence.”9 One of his correspondents, the governor Oecumenius, asked the patriarch about the acceptability of the παρρησία, bold and frank speech, for Christians, and thus turning to the realm of rhetoric. Severus answered that “there are occasions for using it and circumstances to apply it.”10 The circumstances that Severus had in mind were connected with the many challenges that the West Syriac Church had to face in its formative period: on the one hand, it had to defend its identity against other Christian confessions; on the other hand, it became a target of attacks from the Late Antique philosophical teachings. Both kinds of polemic required appeal to authoritative works and presentation of what were considered as “testimonies.”11 Severus composed a number of treatises in the form of collections of testimonies designed for polemical use. In his treatise Philalethes, he put together a large selection of fragments from the writings of Cyril.12 Severus addressed another polemical tractContraimpiumgrammaticum,13 including plenty of testimonies, and he lamented the difficulties connected with his work on this tract in one of his latters: It was a very difficult task and needed a great store of books, and it was so to speak difficult for me to correct, because I am moving from place to place, and I have not everywhere at hand fitting testimonies and demonstrations from the books.14

The rhetorical education of Severus provided him with the anthological method that he put into the service of the emerging West Syriac Church. ? ¿çÂ|x âÔã (Brooks, ACollectionof > ¿ćà èÚäÚùx 9 > ¿æÎÅsx ¿ùĀý ûóA ã Lettersp. 176). 10 Brooks, ACollectionofLetters, p. 176. Cf. also pp. 187–188. 11 For the use of patristic “testimonies” in the theological debates of the 6th century, see Gray, “Forgery as an Instrument of Progress.” Patrick Gray considers Severus of Antioch and Leontius of Jerusalem as two representative figures of the same phenomenon characteristic of both the Chalcedonian and the anti-Chalcedonian camps. 12 Hespel, Sévèred’Antioch,LePhilalèthe. 13 Lebon, SeveriAntiocheniLibercontraimpiumGrammaticum:Orationistertiaepars prior; Lebon, Severi Antiocheni Liber contra impium Grammaticum: Orationis tertiae pars posterior; Lebon, Severi Antiocheni Liber contra impium Grammaticum: Oratio primaetsecunda. > ? > 14 fûæĀés¿ ÂĀÝxÀ¾ÚÆéÁxÎ ïâï{À{z€z{ĀÙs¿úêïÛÆ éËÝ A > > > gÀĀÝ{xèãÀĀÝ{x¿æsôáÑãx€ zâÔãmÀ‹ {Āàû êïÛàüã¾ćäàxßÙs{ A ? ? èãx ÀĀÙÎЏ{ ? ¿ćà{ (Brooks, ? ? f¿ÂĀÝ èäÑàx À{xÍé ‚{ËáÞ Ûà èÑÚÞý ACollectionofLetters, p. 272). The English translation is adapted from Brooks.

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With his writings, he created a corpus of fragments and quotations that could have been used for polemical purposes.15 A fragment from the treatise Contraimpiumgrammaticum preserved in BL Add. 14629 (ff. 1–24)16 bears the title, “Book of testimonies of the fathers,”17 that clearly demonstrates the use of the text of Severus by later generations of Syriac scholars. The term “testimonies” applied to the treatise of Severus appears in a number of other West Syriac manuscripts that may be defined as “anthologies,” containing diverse short texts and extracts from the writings of Church authorities. Among them, we find texts ascribed to non-Christian authors. The “counsels” included in SGP may be compared to a large extant with the non-Christian texts transmitted as testimonies in the Syriac anthologies. One of the textual witnesses of SGP is BL Add. 17178 (J),18 where sentences from SGP are transmitted anonymously among other extracts taken mainly from the ascetic works and lives of Egyptian Fathers.19 An example of an anthology of testimonies survives in BL Add. 17193.20 The whole manuscript bears the title, “A volume of testimonies, collec? ? ? tions, and letters” (ÀÌÅsx{¿þæ ÎÝx{ÀĀÙΠЏxÀĀÚúçò). Among the texts included in this volume, there are six “pagan testimonies” taken from the Euthalian apparatus.21 Another non-Christian text that stands next to the extracts from (Ps.-)Dionysius the Areopagite and Basil, are the Pseudo-Platonic Definitions.22 A huge anthology of testimonies appears in BL Add. 12155, dated to the 8th century.23 It has a similar general title: “A volume of testimonies from ? ? the holy fathers against various heresies” (ÀÍÂsxÀĀÙΠЏxÀĀÚúçò ? ? ? ÀĀóáÑþãëÚéyzâÃùÎàx¿þÙËù). The title clearly indicates the polemical character of the anthology. It was evidently designed as a collection of excerpts and short texts that could be used as elements of polemics 15 Cf. Moss, “Packed with Patristic Testimonies.” The title of the article includes a quotation from Severus who confessed that his writings were “packed with patristic testimonies.” As Yonatan Moss correctly notes, “with these words Severus provides a selfevaluation of his writing style” (p. 228). 16 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 754–756. ? ? 17 ÀÍÂsxÀĀÙ ÎЏx¿ÂĀÝ(Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 754). 18 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 855–857. 19 For J, see §2.5. 20 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 989–1002. 21 Cf. §4.3. 22 It appears also in BL Add. 12154 among diverse questions-and-answers, cf. Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, p. 985. 23 Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 921–955.

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and preaching. It contains numerous extracts from Church authorities, including the names of Cyril, Basil, and Gregory of Nazianzus most frequently. Among them, there are a few pieces associated with or ascribed to non-Christian authors, such as, e.g., two short logical treatises derived from Galen (ff. 135va–136ra and 178ra-b), two physical treatises ascribed to Alexander of Aphrodisias (f. 178ra–va and 259v), and an exposition of the logical categories of Aristotle (178vb). F. 100v of BL Add. 12155 contains three short pieces in the form of sentences. One of them is ascribed to the Cynic philosopher Crates, whose name appears also among SGP (cf. nos. 13, 90, 112), while another is anonymous. The third piece contains a letter ascribed to Olympiodorus, and it is probable that the person in question is the famous 6th-century Alexandrian philosopher: The philosopher Olympiodorus’ answer after he was asked about Cyril and about Nestorius: “Cyril (is speaking) in the most Christian and pious way while Nestorius (is speaking) naturally. But I wonder at the diversity of Nestorius: how the two are one, and concerning both there is the same proposition (πρότασις) that a Virgin gave birth, and the birth is truly above the nature and turns out to be pleasing to God — he substitutes the nature so that the nature is purified.”24

The defense of Cyril comes here from the non-Christian camp, giving an impression of impartiality. One author who uses this rhetorical device of presenting pseudepigraphic works ascribed to non-Christian authorities as neutral witnesses to the Christian doctrines is Sahdona, who provides one of the few witnesses of the application of SGP. He quotes four counsels from SGP in his BookofPerfection, introducing the first piece with the following words: O wonderful thing! Even the outside philosophers, who wanted to acquire worldly wisdom, abstained from excessive and fat food and from all temptations of the body and purified their intellects as much as they could, being content with a few dry meals, and they acquired wisdom and illumination of the impulses.25 > †ÎáٍÎùA ƒÎÔã ƒsĀýs ËÝ f¿òÎêáÚò †{Ëóäàsx ¿ćäÅĀò ÛæÎò A > †ÎٍÎÔêæfĀÙ¾çäÙÍãÄÓ{ ĀÙ¾çÚÔéüÝÄÓmèãëáٍÎùfëٍÎÔêæâÔã{ A ? èÙÍُyĀàËÝ¿çÞÙsl†ÎٍÎÔêæxzÎóáÑþäÂèÙx¿æsüãxĀãfĀÙ¾çÚÝè ÙA x > ¿æüïÎé ÁËáÙ{ fËàs ÀĀà{ĀÂx fèÙÍà ĀÙs ëÚêÓ{üò €z A ËÝ €z{ A ÁËÐ > ¿çÚÝx ¿ÞÙs ¿çÚÝ Äúðã {z ÀÍà¾ćà À¾òx{ ¿çÚÝ èã âðàx A A fˆxÎþã fÛÝx|s(f. 110vb, lines 2–12). A > èÚ‹x > ? 25 ? ‰s fÀÍÚ㏠ÀĀäÞÐ ¿çúäà èÚáÙs üÃàx ¿òÎêáÚò {s Àz ? > ? ? ÍáÝ èã{ ÀĀç Ùzx{ ÀĀÚÃï ÀĀáݾćã èã …Îæs èÚÞêÐĀã jÀĀÚçäáï A 24

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The praise of pagan philosophers serves as a rhetorical device for demonstration that even those who do not possess true philosophy are able to express useful ideas. The same intention can be detected in Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi (d. 1171), who incorporated a number of PropheciesofPagan Philosophers about Christ in his Treatise against the Muslims.26 This tract appears in O, which includes also a collection of SGP,27 providing another witness to the connection between SGP and the Prophecies characteristic of the τ group of manuscripts.28 Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi gives in his tract various witnesses to the truth of the Christian doctrine as opposed to other teachings. In Book 8, he turns to the “testimonies from the holy prophets,” i.e. from the texts of the Old Testament.29 In the margins of O near these words, some Syriac ? ? scholar30 made a note: “Testimonies of the prophets” (¿ÚÃæxÀĀÙΠЏ). Having quoted few biblical passages, Dionysius turns to the next group of witnesses: Likewise, philosophers who lived before coming of Christ indicated to us in their writings that God is three hypostases. Indeed, examples from profane authors are more applicable than those of sacred ones because they are adversaries, and not familiar ones who show prejudice.31

After this introduction, the author presents the “testimonies” of the philosophers that derive from the Prophecies (the first by Dionysius is Thales, who probably symbolizes the beginning of the philosophical tradition).32 In the margins of O near the quotations of the Prophecies, a note reads: ? ? “Testimonies of the philosophers” (¿òÎêÚááÚòx ÀĀÙÎЏ), that is 33 identical with the title of SGP in V. The marginal note near the Prophecies in O suggests the reason for including a selection from SGP in this ? ? ÀĀçÚÔùÀĀáݾ ã{üÙøÃÂ… {Íæ{z…Îáàøæ…ÎÑÞþæxßÙsÁüÆòx¿òÎæ ? ? f¿ï{|{üÙÍæ{ÀĀäÞÐ… Îçúæ{jÀĀÂÎÑæ{(15 de Halleux). 26 The content of this work was first described in Griffith, “Dionysius bar Ṣalibi on the Muslims.” The manuscripts Griffith presents (Vat. Syr. 96, Mardin Syr. 82, Harvard Syr. 91 and 53, Mingana Syr. 89 and 215) were taken as basis for the edition of the text by Joseph Amar (see Amar, Dionysius). Neither Griffith nor Amar mentioned O, though this codex seems to be the earliest witness to the treatise standing most close to the date of its composition. 27 For the description of O, see §2.7. 28 See §2.2. 29 O, f. 34v. Cf. Amar, Dionysius, t. 239, p. 28. 30 The writing of the marginal note is similar but not identical with the main text. 31 O, f. 35r. Cf. Amar, Dionysius, t. 239, p. 29. English translation adapted from Amar. 32 For the Syriac reception of the Theosophia, see §3.3.1. 33 See above §2.6.

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manuscript. The compiler of O probably considered it natural to supply the Prophecies integrated into the polemical treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi with additional “testimonies” of Greek philosophers, thus demonstrating the practical application of the rhetorical training in West Syriac schools, which included non-Christian gnomic materials. 5.2. EXCERPTING AND CHRISTIAN RHETORIC The use of testimonies in the form of short excerpts for polemical purposes goes back to the early Christian apologists who selected a limited number of quotations from classical writers and used them as witnesses to the ideas they defended. The short gnomic collection on f. 128r-v of Sinai Syriac 14 (B) reflects this tradition.34 The gnomology includes a maxim attributed to Plato, stating that a righteous man is condemned to failure and suffering in this world: (Plato said:) “The one who truly seeks to be just, will be struck, scorned, reproached, beaten, fettered, will have his hands cut off together with his legs, will have his eyes gouged out, be wounded, and endure all evils of this world.”35

This sentence goes back to Plato’s Republic (361e–362a) where it is pronounced as an argument of the opponents of Socrates, who later undertakes the task of refuting it. The context of the sentence was absolutely ignored by the Christian apologists, who quoted this fragment as Plato’s “prophecy” about Christ.36 It was probably the work of one of the Christian apologists that served as a source for Syriac Christians who extracted the “prophecy” of Plato and included it in the gnomic collection as a testimony given by the great Greek philosopher. This example reveals the process of transmission of non-Christian “testimonies” including three subsequent stages: study of the original works, transmission of their quotations in exegetical treatises, and subsequent extraction of the “testimonies” and their independent transmission. The same three stages may be recognized in the Syriac scholastic tradition 34

For B, see §2.4. Cf. Arzhanov, “Syriac Reception of Plato’s Republic.” > eÁüþÂx ¿çÙs B, f. 128r, lines 23–26: ¿ÑãĀæ f¿úÙx| À{Íæx ¿ð èÙøÐĀæ f€zÎáÅy? åï €z{ËÙs èúêòĀæ füésĀæ fôùĀþæ fËêÐĀæ fÕÚýĀæ ? ? dÀĀþÚÂèÙÍáÝ¿æz¿ćäáðƒÎÃêæ{fôáÓøæf€zÎçÚ ï(Brock published the text: Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” p. 21). 36 The earliest witness is Clement of Alexandria (Stromata V.4.18: 204.5–7 Le Boulluec). The testimony appears later by Eusebius and Theodoret. 35

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reviewed in Chapter 4 above. The transmission of the works of Gregory of Nazianzus provides examples of three types of texts used for study, commenting, and secondary use:37 1) full translations containing certain elements that could have been identified inside the texts (see §4.3, §4.4, and §4.5.2); 2) collections of excerpts from (1) (see §4.5.3); 3) collections of “testimonies” extracted from (2) (see §4.5.4). These three types of text transmission reflect the educational background and the forms adopted for the pedagogical use of the works. We may identify the listed types in the transmission of some non-Christian Syriac works with moral content and elaborated rhetorical form. And the similarity between the forms of transmission of Christian authorities and “pagan” rhetorical compositions indicates the same educational context of both categories of texts. A good example of a Christian adaptation of the Late Antique rhetorical compositions appears in G (BL Add. 14614).38 G contains a collection of excerpts (ff. 114r–122v), deriving from those works, whose full versions have been transmitted in E (BL Add. 14658).39 E is a peculiar anthology of texts that represents the Late Antique idea of enkykliospaideia, general education, in its first half, and mainly included gnomic collections and moral treatises containing exempla in its second half:40 ContentofBLAdd.14658

Description

Sergius of Resh῾ayna, OntheAimoftheWorksofAristotle; prolegomena logic Porphyry, Eisagoge; Aristotle, Categories; grammar Dionysius Thrax, Technegrammatike. Pseudo-Aristotle, Demundo; Alexander of Aphrodisias, On physics theCosmos; Paul of Alexandria, OntheMotionoftheSun; astronomy psychology Galen, Dediebusdecretoriis; Bardaiṣan, BookoftheLaws oftheCountries; list of the signs of zodiac; Pseudo-Aristotle, OntheSoul. 37

Cf. Heal, “Five Kinds of Rewriting.” For this manuscript, see §2.5. 39 For this manuscript, see Renan, “Lettre à M. Reinaud;” Sachau, “Über die Reste;” Wright, Catalogue, vol. 3, pp. 1154–1160. 40 Cf. Hugonnard-Roche, “Le corpus philosophique syriaque;” King, “Origenism in Sixth Century Syria.” 38

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ContentofBLAdd.14658

Description

Isocrates, AdDemonicum; LetterofMarabarSerapionto moral philosophy hisSon; Ps.-Ambrose, Hypomnemata; Ps.-Melito, Apology; Platonica sentences of Menander, Pythagoras and Theano; Ps.-Plato, dialogue Sokrates, Definitions, Advicetohis Disciple.

The codex opens with the treatise of Sergius of Resh῾ayna containing not only a commentary on the Categories, but also a general introduction to the logical writings of Aristotle.41 It bears strong similarity with, and dependence on, the Alexandrian prolegomena treatises that preceded the study of Porphyry’s Introduction and Aristotle’s Categories. Both treatises appear later on in the manuscript,42 forming the logical section that also includes a treatise in grammar, together with a number of minor works.43 The second section of the manuscript is devoted to physics and astronomy.44 The last part is more diverse, embracing different treatises in moral philosophy. It includes a number of works connected with the name of Plato. They have no relation to the dialogues of the philosopher or even to the known Greek pseudepigrapha. However, their presence at the end of the manuscript reveals interest in the name of Plato and his works. The whole structure of the London manuscript starting with a prolegomena to logics and ending with the works ascribed to Plato reflects the curriculum associated with such centers as Athens and Alexandria.45 The last part of this collection was labeled by D. King as corpusrhetoricum.46 Its texts have a fragmentary structure and easily could have been 41 For Sergius and his work, see Hugonnard-Roche, “Aux origines de l’exégèse orientale;” JournalAsiatique 277 (1989), pp. 1–17; idem, “Note sur Sergius de Rēš῾ainā.” The treatise remains unpublished. Parts of it were translated into modern languages: Furlani, “Sul trattato di Sergio di Rêsh’ainâ circa le categorie;” Hugonnard-Roche, La logique d’Aristotedugrecausyriaque, pp. 165–231; Brock, ABriefOutlineofSyriacLiterature, pp. 202–204; Watt, “Sergius of Reshayna on the Prolegomena to Aristotle’s Logic.” 42 Brock, “The Earliest Syriac Translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge;” King, TheEarliest SyriacTranslationofAristotle’sCategories. 43 Cf. King, “Grammar and Logic in Syriac (and Arabic).” 44 Cf. Arzhanov and Arnzen, “Die Glossen in der Hs. LeydenOr.583.” 45 For the system of education in Athens and Alexandria in Late Antiquity, see Watts, CityandSchool. Hans Drijvers suggested that “Edessa, at least from the second half of the second century C.E. on, and probably much earlier, had a school, where literature, rhetoric, and philosophy were taught, as at Alexandria” (Drijvers, “The School of Edessa”). 46 King, “Origenism in Sixth Century Syria,” pp. 185–192.

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abridged, fragmentized or used as sources for exempla. G bears witness to the fact that the texts from the corpusrhetoricum of E were utilized in this way: ContentofBLAdd.14614

Description

“Questions and advice of Egyptian Fathers” selection from the Apophthegmata Patrum

“Selected sayings of philosophers on upright conduct” “Isocrates” “Menander” “Sayings of the sages”

excerpts from: – Isocrates, AdDemonicum; – the Syriac Menander; – Letter of Mara bar Serapion to his Son

“Counsels of the philosophers“

maxims of Plato, Thales and Theano

Pseudo-Plato, Definitions, Advicetoa Disciple

Platonica

“Sentences of the philosophers on the soul” a collection of SGP

After a collection of sayings of Egyptian fathers, G includes a number of excerpts. The first one derives from the LettertoDemonicus ascribed to Isocrates, and it is followed by the epitome of the Syriac Menander.47 Both excerpts have the form of gnomic collections focusing on the idea of the fear of God. Several fragments from the LetterofMarabarSerapion tohisSon48 also have the shape of moral sentences, which turn out to be close to the counsels of SGP appearing later. Ms. G thus presents a Christian version of the corpusrhetoricum of E. It starts with a selection from the histories and anecdotes of Egyptian ascetics that were translated into Syriac at a very early stage and greatly impacted Syriac monasticism. The wisdom of the desert fathers serves as a key to this collection of excerpts that focuses on the idea of the fear of God and in this way reflects the monastic pedagogical program found in the discourses of Philoxenus of Mabbug and other Syriac authors.49

47

See §3.2.4. Sachau published these fragments anonymously: Sachau, IneditaSyriaca, pp. ¿ò [81] – Äò [82]. 49 See §4.2 and §4.4. 48

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5.3. LATE ANTIQUE MORAL PHILOSOPHY IN EXCERPTS AND TESTIMONIES The LetterofMarabarSerapiontohisSon included in its fragmentary form in G and in the full version in E reserves a special place in the history of Syriac literature.50 Various scholars considered it to be the earliest extant treatise composed in the Syriac language. Its early dating, however, was put into question by the literal analysis of this piece. Its ostensible author, who describes himself as being imprisoned and waiting for execution, wrote the letter as a consolation and a testament. The literary form of consolatio,51 together with a fine literary style and active use of gnomic elements, strongly suggests a rhetorical background of the Letter.52 A chreia appearing at the end of the treatise and elaborating the topic of time, which stands in focus of the whole text, supports this impression.53 The transmission history of this piece also corroborates this assumption. The Letter has been preserved in three different forms that serve as witnesses to the process of extracting short fragments from those compositions that were regarded as having rhetorical value. The text is transmitted: 1) in the full form in E where it is shaped as a letter of admonition and consolation with a chreia at the end; 2) in the form of four anonymous fragments shaped as short moral admonitions in G: [1] G f. 117r.5–17 [2] G f. 117r.17–117v.4 [3] G f. 117v.4–7 [4] G f. 117v.7–17

= E f. 183rb.16–183va.2 = E f. 183va.13–29 = E f. 184va.27–34 = E f. 184vb.14–28

3) in the form of a short apophthegm extracted from fragment [2] of G,54 in J as a connecting link between the Pythagorean Sentences and SGP. The text of the four fragments in G differs in some details from the corresponding passages in the full version of the Letter. The differences 50 The full text of the Letter was published with an English translation in: Cureton, Spicilegium Syriacum, pp. 70–76 (English), 43–48 (Syriac). German translation: Schulthess, “Der Brief des Mara bar Sarapion.” The most recent analysis of the Letter which includes the earlier bibliography: Merz and Tieleman, The Letter of Mara bar SarapioninContext. 51 Cf. van der Horst, “Consolation from Prison.” 52 See McVey, “A Fresh Look at the Letter of Mara Bar Sarapion to his Son.” Cf. also McVey, “The Letter of Mara bar Serapion to His Son and the Second Sophistic.” 53 See Chin, “Rhetorical Practice in the Chreia Elaboration of Mara bar Serapion.” 54 It corresponds to 81.25–82.2 in the edition of de Lagarde.

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demonstrate the tendency of shaping short rhetorical units from loose portions of the text. Omissions and additions in G mostly serve this purpose rather than demonstrate another version of the text. They may be considered as deliberate alterations that accompanied the process of excerpting and transforming the excerpts into independent rhetorical units. The quotation from the Letter transmitted in J demonstrates the next stage of this process in the form of a short gnomic saying. The text of J corresponds to G against E and this fact suggests that the maxim was extracted from a fragment and not from the full version of the Letter. The sequence from full texts to excerpts and then further to gnomic sayings is found in the transmission of non-Christian moral philosophy. Syriac translations of Greek moral philosophical treatises not only demonstrate the interest of Syriac Christians in the ethical content of the treatises of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius.55 They also serve as witnesses to the rhetorical instruction that was traditionally based on moral philosophy in gnomic form.56 The preserved Syriac manuscripts contain the following: 1) full translations of these works, 2) excerpts of them presented as collections of useful stories, 3) excerpts of these texts transmitted anonymously as “testimonies.” The full versions of the works of Plutarch and Lucian appear in Sinai Syriac 16 (A).57 The most extensive collection of Syriac translations of Greek moral philosophy is transmitted in BL Add. 17209, including treatises of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius.58 Not only are the texts themselves of interest, but also their context, demonstrating how they were treated and studied. BL Add. 17209 contains a number of epistles of Gregory of Nazianzus after the last oration of Themistius. In A, the texts of Plutarch and Lucian appear after a selection from the Lausiac history of Palladius and are followed by the works of John the Solitary, John Chrysostom, and Jacob of Serugh. Thus, the Syriac translations of the Greek non-Christian moral treatises were transmitted and studied alongside authoritative Christian texts.

55

Cf. Watt, Recension of Conterno, ThemistioOrientale. See Cribiore, GymnasticsoftheMind, pp. 178–180. Cf. Rigolio, “Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius;” Rigolio, “Sacrifice to the Gods”. 57 For A, see §2.4. 58 Cf. §3.4.1. 56

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The works of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius contain a large number of histories, chreias, and anecdotes presented as illustrations to the main topics of the treatises. These exempla probably attracted the main interest of readers and could have been treated separately from their writings. Examples of the separate usage of fragments from the Syriac versions of the Greek moral treatises appear in the Sinai Syriac 14 (B).59 This codex begins with the works of Macarius and Gregory of Nazianzus followed by a collection of excerpts that mainly contain stories and anecdotes with moral content. Among them, there is a history of the philosopher Secundus, a story about Pythagorean philosophers who practiced silence, Sentences of Stomathalassa, and a conversation between Plato (described as an ascetic) and two philosophers. There is also a fragment “from the philosopher Themistius” among these texts.60 It includes four short histories deriving from Themistius’ oration De virtute: (1) about Heraclitus, (2) Socrates, (3) Plato, and (4) Lysimachus. Though the Sinai manuscript discloses the source of these excerpts, they are presented as separate stories that could have been used without any connection to the original work.61 They are combined with other anecdotes about the non-Christian Greek philosophers (Plato, Secundus, and a group of Pythagoreans) that appear before them. What follows after the fragments from Themistius is a letter from Gregory of Nazianzus to Basil of Caesarea on the use of music. Its presence right after the anecdotes about the nonChristian philosophers (cf. the concluding part of the BL Add. 17209) shows the pedagogical context of the usage of the excerpts from the works of Themistius. 5.4. EXCERPTS FROM PLUTARCH, LUCIAN, AND THEMISTIUS AMONG SGP A number of excerpts taken from the non-Christian moral philosophical works appear in the collection of SGP in the 9th-century codex V.62 In V, the collection bears the title “Testimonies of the philosophers” ? ? (¿òÎéÎáÚòxÀĀÙΠЏ), that is identical to the marginal notes found in O near the PropheciesofPaganPhilosophersaboutChrist. The version of SGP in V is rather unique. The collection of V is the only witness of SGP where sentences do not follow the order preserved in the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium. V is the only collection that includes not only 59 60 61 62

Cf. §2.4. B, f. 130r. Cf. Watt, “Themistius and Julian.” Cf. Rigolio, “Syriac Translations of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius”. See the description of the manuscript in §2.6.

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sayings of Theano (which is also the case in D), but also maxims of the Seven Sages. Besides, V has a number of fragments that otherwise are not attested among witnesses to SGP. Several of them come at the beginning of the collection, while others appear at the end. This order suggests that the unique elements were added to some “main stock” of SGP. The additional elements derive mainly from the moral philosophical tracts of Plutarch, Themistius, and Lucian, and V serves as an important witness to the transmission and study of these texts in Syriac schools. The first fragment taken from (Ps.-?)Plutarch’s tract Deexercitatione appears in the opening part of the collection as a sentence attributed to Theophrastus (= SGP no. 137). The fragment included in V is partly ascribed to Theophrastus by the author of the work De exercitatione, though the rest of the quotation in V seems not to belong to the words of the Greek philosopher, but adds a commentary from the author of the tract. The fragment in V ascribes the whole passage to Theophrastus, thus creating one of counsels included in SGP: (Ps.-)Plutarch, Deexercitatione 63 ? ? ¿æÌÐs¿ äÅĀò‰sèÙxĀÙs ? ? ¿ćäÝxèÚïxÎãx ¿ćäÚ Þп þæsx A ëÙ¾ÚÂf¿LÓz{¿ćáäïÄÓ fâÝèêпúòÎæxfüãsüÚÅ A ĀÚàxeüA ãs†ÎÔé{üò{su{{ A > ? ? ÓßÙs¿þçÚ ÁyÎ çÃàüÚêÐx„Ëã ? ? ¿çÂ|…ÎçãüÚÅĀàĀàf¿æËï{

SGP no. 137

> „ËãĀÙseüãs†ÎÔéüò{s ? ? ÁyÎÓßÙsf¿þç ÚçÃàüÚêÐx A ? ? …ÎçãüÚÅĀàĀàf¿æËï{ ? f¿çÂ|èÚÆáòĀã

f¿çò¿ćà u{ü ÃïxfÇáòĀã A A ¿ÚáÅ¿ćàÀ¾æxËÙĀïx{ A €z{ĀÙs¿ýzx¿æz{fèàÒÞþãx ? ÁyÎïfèçÚÔáþãÍáÝâïÎàmèà ÁÎïfèçÚÔáþãÍáÝâïÎà > ? ? > ? ÍàèÚÃçÅ¿æz yÎÝ{¿ çA Ùx{üÚÅ ÍàèÚÃçÅ¿æzÎÝ{¿ç Ùx{üÚÅ ? ? fèÚçÚï„ËùÍàèÙ|ÍàÏã{fèçA ã fèÚçÚï„ËùÍàèÙ|ÍàÏã{fè çA ã > ßÙsfÀĀçýèãzxÏæxèà Œx|{ ßÙsfÀĀç ýèãzxÏæxèàŒx|{ A A A ? > ? > ? >  > ? ¿ÙËðãèÚÚÐÛæ Ëïxè çA ÚïËÙxè ã ¿ÙËðãèÚÚÐÛæ Ëïxè çA ÚïËÙxè ã …{ÍÆáòßãËæ¿ćà{f…Îàèã …{ÍÆáòßãËæ¿ćà{m…Îàèã ? ? èàuÍُsx¿çÂ|üÚÅ…sfèÚÚÐx èàuÍÙA sx¿çÂ|üÚÆæsfèÚ ÚÐx A ? > mŒÎÃþæÀĀÃÓxÀÎÅsĀà mŒÎÃþæÀĀÃÓxÀÎÅsĀà ¿çÑàÎóàèàÒÝĀþæ¿çÂ|¿çÙs ¿çÑàÎóàèàÒÝĀþã¿çÂ|¿çÙs > ? ? > ? ? …ĀãÎÙèÙü äÅxf ÀĀ ÀĀãÎÙèÚúá ÓxgÀĀ ÃÓx A ÃÓx fÀÎúÙüê fÀÎúÙüê 63

Text: 180.27–181.5 de Lagarde.

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(Ps.-)Plutarch, Deexercitatione  There are also other maxims of the wise men that demonstrate how good labor and zeal are. For Bios said: “Exercise strengthens everything.” And further Theophrastus said: “People lack nothing more than limits and times. For time is divided into three parts: the past which will not return; the future, which cannot be visible for us; and the one which we have now and which we are not able to control completely. For they steal from us our riches, judgments and diseases and confuse them in front of our eyes.” And it is necessary for us to give heed to sleep, because we know that it deprives us from portions of our life, so that we would not sleep half of our life. For if we abandon the time which is given us for acquiring good things, how much time will be left for us for practicing good? But our days will be finished in emptiness.

SGP no. 137

Theophrastus said: “There is something that people lack, i.e. limits and terms. For time is divided into three parts,

and we are not able to control all of it. Wealth, court cases, and illnesses steal (time) from us, and cut it short before our eyes. And it is necessary for us to give heed to sleep, because we know that it deprives us from portions of our life, lest we sleep half of our life. For if we abandon the time that is given us for acquiring good things, how much time will be left for us to practice good works when our days vanish away in vain?”

The fragment in V corresponds to a large extent literally to the Syriac version of Deexercitatione preserved in A. It apparently derives from it and not from some Greek gnomic anthology. The manual on rhetoric of Antony of Tagrit demonstrates the idiosyncratic practice of extracting short fragments from the Syriac translations of Greek moral treatises.64 Antony used moral sentences, short gnomic sayings, and longer quotations as illustrations to the main figures of speech in Book 5. He took these from the Syriac translations (or what was considered to be a translation) of the Greek sources that had already existed.65 In the introductory part to Book 5, Antony quotes Plutarch’s treatise Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate, the full Syriac translation of which has been preserved in A.66 The fragment quoted by Antony certainly derives 64 65 66

See §4.6. Cf. Watt, TheFifthBookoftheRhetoric (transl.), p. xvii. See §3.4.1.2.

SELECTION OF TESTIMONIES

199

from the Syriac version and not from the Greek, as it is the case in SGP no. 137. In both cases the “sayings” of philosophers containing short moral admonition (“counsels”) were products of the process of transmission described in §5.3 above: from the full versions to excerpts, and then further to the collections of “testimonies” used for rhetorical training. Already, the title of the collection of SGP in V states this purpose clearly. Three fragments at the end of the collection of V (= SGP nos. 139, 140, 141) derive from the oration of Themistius De amicitia, the full Syriac translation of which has been preserved in BL Add. 17209.67 Four excerpts from another oration of Themistius (Devirtute) appear in B. They contain a reference to the author.68 The fragments of V lack the name of the Greek philosopher: SGP no. 139 is anonymous, no. 140 is ascribed to Plutarch, and no. 141 to Lucian. A short excerpt from Lucian’s treatise Calumniae non temere credundum69 is the last fragment in V. It is attributed to the author of the previous sentence, i.e. to Lucian, and this attribution turned out to be the only correct one in the collection of V. In general, one has an impression that the names of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius were used interchangeably or even randomly. However, it is probable that the compilers of the anthology were aware of the existence of the full versions of the three authors. The false attribution of the particular fragments speaks for the variant that the compilers used not the full translations but excerpts taken from them (like the excerpts from Themistius in B) as their source. V thus provides an example of the third form of transmission pointed above: separate use of fragments extracted from the full texts and included in the collections of “testimonies” of nonChristian philosophers. The collection of SGP in V is not the only example of “testimonies” taken from the non-Christian Greek authors in the form of excerpts. Several fragments from Plutarch are found in the anthology Muḫtāral-ḥikamwa- maḥāsinal-kalim of Mubashshir b. Fatik.70 The same part of Mubashshir’s treatise that has preserved the Arabic version of SGP includes a number of lengthy fragments, most of which are ascribed to Plutarch and indeed derive from his two moral treatises, Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate and Decohibendaira. The Syriac versions of both treatises have come down to us in A. 67 68 69 70

See See See See

§3.4.1.4. §5.3. §3.4.1.3. above, §2.10.

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All but one fragments from Plutarch included in the anthology of Mubashshir are ascribed to Plutarch himself. One sentence is attributed to another author who bears the name Anṭīs (‫ )أنطيس‬that is a corruption for Antisthenes. Plutarch included a quotation from the latter in his treatise De capienda ex inimicis utilitate as an exemplum illustrating the main line of thought. Like the sentence of Theophrastus in V, the saying of Antisthenes by Mubashshir is a product of its separation from the text of the original and of the transformation into a separate maxim that maintains no connection with the original treatise. The Arabic translation preserved by Mubashshir is based on the Syriac translation of the text of Plutarch that is known to us from A: Greekversion71

Syriacversion72

Arabicversionby Mubashshir73

ὁ Ἀντισθένης fëÙĀêÚÔæsüãs ‫ من أحب أن‬:‫وقال أنطيس‬ A Íà¿ćäÚA éxåà¿çÙ¾ćàx ‫يكون ممدوح ًا في فعاله فقد‬ εἶπεν ὅτι τοῖς > μέλλουσι σῴζεσθαι ¿ÑÚÃýÀ{Íæx ‫ينبغى أن يكون له إما‬ ? ? > φίλων δεῖ γνησίων ἢ ¿äÐy{sm€z{ÌÂ{Ë > ? διαπύρων ἐχθρῶν· οἱ {sgÍàèÚðÂĀãÁüÙÌý ‫ وإما أعداء‬،‫أصدقاء صادقون‬ ? ? μὲν γὰρ ÍÂfÀÏÙÏï¿ÃÂËá ð ‫ فإنهم يردعونه إذا‬:‫مهيبون‬ > ? νουθετοῦντες τοὺς ÍàèÚæÎÞã…ÎæzxüÚÅ ‫ وهم يكفونه عن الشر‬،‫أذنب‬ > ἁμαρτάνοντας οἱ δὲ …Îæz{g âÞésx¿ćã A ? ? λοιδοροῦντες ÀĀÚçéèãmÍàèÚÐ øã > ἀποτρέπουσι. fÍàèÚçóã Antisthenes said that, as a matter of selfpreservation, men have need of true friends or else of ardent enemies; for the first by admonition, and the second by reviling, turn them from error.

Antisth(en)es said: “He whose object is that he be famous in his conduct, has need either of true friends or of mighty enemies, inasmuch as they, by chastising him when he has sinned and by reproaching him, turn him away from that which is foul.”

Antis(thenes) said: “He who would like to be praised for his actions must have honest friends or foes whom he fears; for the former keep him from stumbling, and the letter restrain him from evil.”

71 Plutarch, Decapiendaexinimicisutilitate §6, 89B (178.9–12 Paton and Wegehaupt). English translation adapted with small modifications from: Babbitt, Plutarch’sMoralia, vol. 2, p. 89. 72 A, f. 71va, lines 18–29. Cf. Nestle, A Tract of Plutarch, p. ~ [9], lines 10–15. English translation adapted from: Nestle, ATractofPlutarch, p. 7. 73 320.6–8 Badawi. English translation: Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, p. 142 (no. 151).

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The Arabic version by Mubashshir stands closer to the Syriac translation than to the Greek original. The second part of the fragment by Mubashshir changes slightly the accents: while both Greek and Syriac make friends and enemies actors who by their own means turn someone from error, by Mubashshir it becomes the purpose of only the enemies. This modification must have taken place due to the word order in the Syriac version that could have allowed such interpretation in case if the Arabic translator didn’t have access to the Greek text. Besides, the Greek verb σῴζεσθαι is ? > rendered in Syriac with €z{ÌÂ{Ë ¿ÑÚÃý À{Íæx “to be famous in his conduct,” and it is this interpretation that lies behind the Arabic ‫أن يكون‬ ‫ ممدوح ًا في فعاله‬by Mubashshir. It is likely that the Syriac source for the Arabic translation by Mubashshir included extracts from Plutarch’s treatises and not the whole versions of them. If both the Arabic sentences taken from SGP and the excerpts from Plutarch’s works found by Mubashshir derive from one and the same Syriac source, then the anthology Muḫtāral-ḥikam gives us further evidence for combining SGP with the extracts from Greek non-Christian writings witnessed by V. 5.5. CONCLUSION The Christian system of rhetorical education established in West Syriac schools was to a large extent applied for polemical purposes around the time of Severus of Antioch and developed by several generations of the Syriac philoponoi into a full-scale discipline by the 9th century. The use of prooftexts shaped a new form of anthologies including short fragments used in the dogmatic controversies after Chalcedon. Among the “testimonies” included in the Syriac anthologies, short fragments attributed to Greek philosophers found their place. While the origins of the “pagan testimonies” remain obscure, some of them derive from Syriac translations of the moral treatises of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius. The Syriac SayingsofGreekPhilosophers reflect the process of transformation of the Late Antique rhetorical models into a powerful instrument of the polemics of the Church.

CHAPTER 6

PHILOSOPHY OF SOUL SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF SGP “Philosophy of soul is more difficult and more laborious than rhetorical education.” John Chrysostom, AgainsttheOpponentsoftheMonasticLife1

John Chrysostom addressed these words to Christian parents in Antioch, who preferred to send their children to traditional schools of rhetoric rather than to monastic schools that in the 4th century were beginning to adopt the models of Greek paideia. By the early 6th century, Christian monasteries had already presented a strong alternative to the traditional schools of rhetoric, although the latter still maintained their status. The transition from the classical forms of rhetoric to the Christian educational models can be detected in the history of Severus of Antioch, who abandoned the verses of Homer for the sake of the “rhetoric of the fear of God,” based on the writings of Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nazianzus. The manual on rhetoric written by Antony of Tagrit in the 9th century attests to a highly developed rhetorical education in Syriac monastic communities. The formation and transmission of the corpus of SGP turns out to be closely connected to the educational program of the West Syriac (“Miaphysite”) Church and the reception of rhetoric through the study of the new Christian literary models. This last chapter of the introduction proposes a tentative theory of the genesis and development of the Syriac moral sayings presented and published in the present book and focuses on its main characteristics. 6.1. GENESIS AND GROWTH

OF THE

CORPUS

OF

SGP

One of the peculiar characteristics of the Sayings of Greek Philosophers published in Part II of the present study is their pseudepigraphic character. SGP (especially its second component, the counsels) makes 1

Hunter, AgainsttheOpponents, p. 143.

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203

use of the names of well-known Greek authorities but substitutes their original texts with new ones. This idiosyncratic method puts SGP both chronologically and culturally close to the pseudepigraphic works that originated in the circle of the Alexandrian philoponoi. In the dialogue Theophrastus, a Greek philosopher traveling to Athens converted to Christianity during his short visit to Alexandria, which thus appeared as an alternative to the Athenian Academy. The PropheciesofPaganPhilosophers, or Theosophia, seem to be connected to the Alexandrian milieu of the second half of the 5th century, making local pagan deities utter oracles about the coming of Christ.2 The philosophical program of the Theosophia can be traced in the biography of Severus, West Syriac patriarch of Antioch, written by Zacharias Rhetor. Severus was even considered to be the author of this treatise.3 It suggested a Christian alternative to Porphyry’s PhilosophyfromOracles and included a collection of sayings ascribed to classical Greek authors and supporting the Christian belief in Jesus as the Son of God. The Life of Severus by Zacharias, one of the Alexandrian philoponoi and later bishop of Mytilene, focuses on those points that formed the core of the program of the Theosophia. The Life stresses the false nature of the oracles4 and their uselessness after the coming of Christ.5 The transformation of Severus from an educated rhetorician and lawyer into a Christian intellectual is described by Zacharias not as a refusal of the rhetorical skills attained during years of study, but as a replacement of the traditional texts used for rhetorical purposes with the works of Basil and Gregory.6 Likewise, the conversion of Severus to the monastic teachings did not lead him to reject philosophy. Rather, he identified the Palestinian asceticism as the highest form of philosophy. All three points stressed in the biography of Severus are based on the idea of Christianalternatives toand substitution ofthe classical forms of (1) rhetoric, (2) philosophy, and (3) oracles. This program found its vivid expression in the project of the Theosophia. Though the evidence from

2

For Theophrastus and Theosophia, see §4.5.1. Cf. Beatrice, Theosophia. 4 The original intention of Zacharias was to refute the accusation of Severus of having participated in the pagan cults, cf. Kugener, ViedeSévèreparZacharie, p. 9; Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, p. 6. 5 Cf. Kugener, Vie de Sévère par Zacharie, pp. 21, 30; Ambjörn, Life of Severus, pp. 18, 28. 6 Cf. Kugener, ViedeSévèreparZacharie, p. 13; Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, p. 8. 3

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PART I

the Life of Zacharias seems to be insufficient to single out Severus as the author of the Theosophia, it clearly presents both Zacharias and Severus as supporters and promoters of the views of the Alexandrian philoponoi. The adoption of the Greek term φιλόπονος in the West Syriac tradition after Severus7 looks programmatic. It is mainly connected with the school of Qenneshre and the development of the rhetorical tradition based on the program associated with Severus. The Theosophia turns out to be in many ways related to SGP and provides us with the likely dating of the composition of the latter: 1) The transmission history of both collections points at their relationship. In the late witnesses containing the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium, the two collections come together, the SGP following immediately after the Prophecies. L includes both collections, though not in consecutive order.8 O contains both collections, too, with the Prophecies appearing in the polemical treatise of Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi. The compiler of the codex found it necessary to include a number of sentences from SGP after the work of Bar Ṣalibi as additional witnesses of Greek philosophers that continue the same line of argument with the Prophecies, i.e. as non-Christian testimonies to the Christian doctrine. These links between the two collections suggest, first of all, that Syriac scribes and scholars saw and interpreted them in the same context. 2) SGP contains elements that may be interpreted as “testimonies” about Christ uttered by independent observers: the historian Longinus (no. 123) and a certain Ursinus who witnessed the terrible events following the death of Jesus on the cross (no. 128). SGP includes a conversation of the same Ursinus with his pupil Patrophilus (nos. 129 and 130) with a list of philosophers who have converted to Christianity. This list is not very informative for contemporary readers and may be a product of fantasy. However, it follows the same apologetic goal that is present in the Prophecies, i.e. showing that the leading nonChristian sages admitted the Christian doctrine as the new philosophy. SGP no. 130 even recasts pagan gods as disciples of Jesus, thus manifesting the intention of the Theosophy. The same apologetic intention is not the only point of connection between the two corpora of sayings. Some expressions in SGP may be 7 8

See §4.5.1. For an attempt of reconstruction, see §2.3.

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205

interpreted as allusions to the circle of the Alexandrian philoponoi and to the project of the Theosophia. For instance, one of the earliest witnesses to SGP is the 7th-century East Syriac author Sahdona, whose introductory words were already quoted above:9 O wonderful thing! Even the outside philosophers, who wanted to acquire worldly wisdom, abstained from excessive and fat food and from all temptations of the body and purified their intellects as much as they could, being content with a few dry meals, and they acquired wisdom and illumination of the impulses.

Who are these “outsiders,” i.e. non-Christian philosophers, who “abstained from excessive and fat food?” The main candidates would be the followers of the Pythagorean teachings that had become quite popular among Syriac readers due to the collections of sayings ascribed to them.10 A prominent advocate of vegetarianism was Porphyry who composed a treatise on the abstinence from animal food but whose name was rather unwelcome in Christian treatises dealing with spiritual life and not with Aristotelian logic. If the remark of Sahdona (who remains rather unspecific) really refers to Porphyry then we would have another point connecting SGP with the Theosophy, as the latter turned out to be dependent on the PhilosophyfromOracles composed by Porphyry. But even if such a connection seems to be far-fetched, it remains clear that SGP shares with Theosophy the intention to Christianize the “pagan” philosophers and include them into the camp of the followers of Christ. This intention goes back to the program of the Alexandrian philoponoi adopted by Severus and later by the school of Qenneshre. One of the sayings (SGP no. 104) quoted by Sahdona (who is the unique witness to it) contains a reference to the philoponoi: Those who love the labor (= φιλόπονοι) of learning retire from everything. Those who love to acquire excellence retire from the body. Those who are eager to struggle for comprehension of the things that exist flee from the bonds of the soul.

Though not a direct quotation, this sentence finds parallels in the opening paragraph of the first oration on Hexaemeron by Basil of Caesarea, who wonders how a man would be able to grasp the knowledge of God’s creation with his weak soul:

9 10

See above §5.1. Cf. also §2.9. See §3.2.5.

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PART I

How well prepared should that soul be for the hearing of such stupendous wonders? Cleansed from the passions of the flesh, undarkened by the cares of life, devoted to labor, given to investigation, watchful on all sides to see if from some place or other it may receive a worthy concept of God.11

The supposed use of Basil in the source of Sahdona is not occasional, as this Church father belonged to the main stock of the Christian rhetoric. The reference to the philoponoi seems also not random, as this term turned out to be a self-identification of the West Syriac scholars who saw themselves as followers of Severus and the “rhetoric of the fear of God” propagated by him. The 6th century witnessed the foundation of the monastery of Qenneshre and the beginning of the scholarly and educational work promoted by the Syriac philoponoi. It thus seems likely that the composition of the first stock of the SGP belongs into this formative period of the West Syriac school system and may be dated to the 6th century. An additional argument for this dating derives from SGP no. 129. In this piece, the above-mentioned Patrophilus lists the main centers of philosophical education that turned out to be followers of Jesus and accepted Christian teachings. This list may be pure fiction, and the main centers it mentions may be merely symbolic. However, the presence of Athens in it suggests that SGP should be dated to the period before 529, when the edict of Emperor Justinian closed the philosophical school in Athens.12 The story of two judges ascribed to Euripides in SGP no. 106 also mentions Athens as “mother of the sages,” which suggests that this city maintained its status as the main center (or at least one of the centers) of philosophy at the time of the composition of SGP. When taken seriously, this evidence suggests the beginning of the 6th century CE as the time of the composition of some collection of sayings attributed to the famous Greek philosophers, poets, and historians that formed the main stock of SGP. It is impossible to surmise the form and size of this “proto-collection” of SGP with certainty. The character of the materials included in SGP does not presuppose a direct line of transmission. The corpus of SGP had an open and expandable form that Τὸ γὰρ σεμνὸν ἑαυτῆς μέλος ταῖς τῆς ψυχῆς ἀκοαῖς ἀναβοῶσα, πρὸς τὸ τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων διανίστησι στάδιον, τοὺς τῶν θείων ἐραστὰς μαθημάτων φιλοπονωτέρους ἐξεργαζομένη, καὶ τῶν ἔνδον ὀφθαλμῶν περιαίρουσα τὰς λήμας, τὰς τῆς θεογνωσίας ἀκτῖνας φανερωτέρας δείκνυσιν (PG 85, 28A–B). English translation adapted from: Way, SaintBasil,ExegeticalHomilies, p. 3. Cf. the Syriac version: Thomson, TheSyriac VersionoftheHexaemeron(ed.), p. 1. 12 Cf. Watts, CityandSchool, pp. 111–142. 11

PHILOSOPHY OF SOUL

207

absorbed new materials and allowed the earlier tradition to be rearranged. However, the earliest witnesses of SGP give some idea of the initial stage of the corpus, and it seems possible to outline the growth of SGP on the basis of the following observations: 1) The collections of Sahdona (7th century) and of manuscripts F and G (that reflect the common source of the 7th century) clearly separate the longer elements of SGP (“counsels”) from the short ones (“maxims”). The latter are absent from Sahdona and appear as additional materials in G (but not in F). The τ-group of manuscripts based on the 8th-century source includes only counsels but also a number of nonChristian testimonies that were close to the tradition of the Theosophia. 2) The later witnesses (from the 9th century onwards) combine counsels and maxims. The collection of A preserved the general structure of the τ-group of manuscripts, but added a number of chreias at the end of the anthology. L (9th/10th century) has a number of Sayings of the Pythagoreans following the collection of SGP. All these facts point to the separate transmission of the maxims in the 8th–10th centuries, and D gives an even later witness to that. 3) V demonstrates that fragments from the non-Christian moral treatises (excerpts and gnomic elements taken from Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius) could be added to the SGP in the 8th century. The 9th-century manual on rhetoric of Antony of Tagrit serves as an external evidence for the main sources of SGP. In his work, Antony used as illustrative materials chreias and maxims, on the one hand, and extracts from the Christian and non-Christian moral treatises, on the other. These materials were probably used for supplementing the SGP in the context of rhetorical education in the West Syriac schools. 6.2. THE TITLES OF SGP Two main witnesses to the maxims and counsels collections of SGP, D and τ, call the anthologies preserved in them plainly, “Selected sayings of the (sc. Greek) philosophers,” and the present study has adapted this title for the whole corpus of sentences published in Part II. The titles of the collections preserved in other witnesses to the corpus are different. They give us an insight not only into the genesis of this corpus but also (and probably even more) into its reception among Syriac readers, who thus associated SGP with other texts.

208

PART I

The earliest witnesses came from the 7th century, when we have the four quotations by Sahdona and two manuscripts (F and G) based on the common source. In both cases collections of SGP were not transmitted separately but were included either in a new literary composition (by Sahdona) or in a larger anthology of short moral admonitions (G). ? The title of the collection of F, ¿þóæ âïx ¿òÎêáÚòx ¿Âüý ? ? “Treatise of the philosophers on the soul,” and that of G, ¿æÌÐs¿Â Ìý ¿þóæâïx“Another treatises on the soul,” should both be considered as subtitles of the parts within the larger compositions. The title of the whole collection including sentences of SGP in G comes on f. 114r: ? ? ? ? “Selected ÀÎçùx ÁÌÂ{x âïx ¿óêáÚòx ÀĀÚÃÆã ¿ćáã sayings of the philosophers concerning the virtuous way of life.” It refers to an anthology that includes extracts from Isocrates’ AdDemonicum, the SyriacMenander, the LetterofMarabarSerapion, the Counselof Theano, Plato’s Advice to his Disciple, and the collection of SGP.13 The anthology opens with those gnomic sayings taken from Isocrates and Menander that stress the idea of the fear of God, a central motif not only for the educational system of Philoxenus, but also for the monastic paideia in general. The whole anthology in G including the collection of SGP looks like an anthology of gnomic sayings and extracts that focus on this topic. Thus, at the earliest stage of transmission, the corpus of SGP already turns out to comprise part of the pedagogical model based on the idea of the fear of God. The first part of the general title of the anthology in G, including the collection of SGP, makes use of the expression found in the title of O and the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium: “Selected sayings of the philosophers.” It stresses the idea of excerpting and could go back to the term ἐκλογαί found in the Anthology of Stobaeus. ? Of interest also is the expression ÀÎçùxÁÌÂ{xfound in G. The first word is traditionally understood as referring to a certain “way of life,” and in Syriac monastic writings it designates ascetic practice.14 In Christian polemical and apologetic works, the monastic and ascetic way of life was often opposed to non-Christian philosophy. The LifeofSeverus written by Zacharias uses the term “monastic way of life” as a synonym

13

Cf. the description in §2.5. This term often appears in the writings of John of Apamea who speaks about ? different types of ÁÌÂ{x, “ways of life” (see especially his dialogues On the Soul, cf. §4.2). 14

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209

to the expression “true philosophy,” thus making ascetic practice an alternative to non-Christian teachings.15 ? The word ÀÎçùattached to the ÁÌÂ{xin the title of G refers to virtuous behavior in Syriac writings. The Syriac translation of Basil’s Ad adolescentes uses this term for translating the Greek ἀρετή, and it ? ? bears the title ¿òÎéÎáÚòxÀĀç ùâïthat may be freely translated as “(Teachings) on Virtue by (Pagan) Philosophers.” It must have reflected the main idea of the tract that Christians must treat non-Christian philosophy with discrimination and that the basis for selecting some of the “pagan” exempla and rejecting the others is the criterion of whether they turn out to be useful for the virtuous life or not. ? The combination of both terms (ÁÌÂ{xand ÀÎçù) appears in one of the gnomic sayings preserved in B (but not among the sayings of SGP) on f. 128r.16 The following maxim is ascribed to Plato: A man cannot understand his essence except through a virtuous way of life ? ? ÁÌÂ{x). (¿çù For the primary virtue (ÀÎçù) is that of one’s way of life and that a man does not consider himself as wise.17

In this saying, Plato takes on the role of a preacher of the “true philosophy” that is essentially identical with Christian ascetic practices. A number of Greek philosophers were considered to be transmitters of similar ideas or as useful authors who could be helpful in acquiring the “virtuous way of life.” It is not surprising to find Plato placed first among these philosophers in the gnomology (separate from SGP) in B and in some collections of SGP (cf. nos. 1 and 80 opening the collections of SGP in F, G, and O). Thus, the general title of the anthology focusing on the fear of God in G suggests that its materials served as witnesses to the true philosophy of Christianity and that they could be utilized for educational purposes according to the program of Basil as presented in his AddresstotheYoung Men. 15

E.g., Zacharias refers to a certain man who “honored true philosophy after first studying the art of medicine and that of profane philosophy” (Kugener, ViedeSévèrepar Zacharie, p. 43; Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, p. 42). On another occasion, Zacharias mentions a certain “John the philosopher,” who “established a monastery of true philosophy (ÀüÙüý ÀÎóêáÚò)” and “persuaded many to choose monastic life (ÁüÂ{x ÀÎÙüÙxx)” (Kugener, ViedeSévèreparZacharie, p. 80; Ambjörn, LifeofSeverus, p. 82). 16 For this gnomic anthology, see §3.2.3. ? ? ÁÌÂ{Ë 17 f¿çù …s ¿ćàs fzĀÙ ˆËäà ÒÞþã ÿæs èÙx ¿ćà …ÎÔáò ? ¿ćäÚÞÐxÍþóæâïüÃêæ¿ćàÿæsx{fÍàĀÙsÁÌÂ{xxÀĀÚþٍèÙxÀÎçù {z. Cf. the translation in Brock, “Some Syriac Pseudo-Platonic Curiosities,” pp. 21–22.

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? The title of the collection of SGP in V is formulated simply as ÀĀÙÎЏ ? ¿òÎéÎáÚòx. Here the Greek philosophers in SGP are put in line with “testimonies” transmitted in West Syriac manuscripts that have educational background (see chapters 4 and 5). V containing this title is rather unique among the witnesses of SGP. Besides the pieces transmitted in other manuscripts, it includes a number of excerpts from the works of Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius. These fragments serve as part of the rhetorical tradition that is found in the work of Antony of Tagrit, whose manual makes apparent the development of the “rhetoric of the fear of God” of the 6th–7th centuries as reflected in the anthology of G into a full-scale educational discipline in the West Syriac schools. A reference to the educational background appears also in the title of L. It turns out to be a subtitle within a larger compendium including extracts from Ps.-Aristotle’s OnVirtuesandVices, Ps.-Gregory Thaumaturgus’ On theSoul, a fragment ascribed to Ephrem the Syrian, and several Sentences of the Pythagoreans.18 This list of authors reflects the scope of sources used by Antony of Tagrit as examples in his manual on rhetoric. Chapter 12 of ? ÀĀçù ? âÔã the compendium in L is entitled, âÔã{ ¿òÎêáÚòx ? ÀÍäýx¿úýÎò, “On the virtues of philosophers and on definition of the terms.” The first part of the title reflects the same idea of the applicability of the moral teachings of non-Christian authors to Christian education that appears in the title of G. Its second part associates SGP with the elementary grammar education represented in the so called Shmahe-Mss.19 In the Late Antique schools the classes in grammar and rhetoric were closely related and based on the works of the same authors. Thus, it is not surprising to discover the overlap between works used for grammatical studies and elementary rhetorical education also in the West Syriac tradition of the 9th century. 6.3. MAXIMS

AND

CHREIAS (SGP 1–79)

> ? ܎   x ¿ćáäã The title of the Dublin Florilegium, ¿ćáã ? ? f…ÌÚãs ÀĀäÞÑÂx âÔã fÀĀäÞÐ âÔã èóáãx ÀĀÚÃÆã “Sayings of the philosophers: Selected sayings that teach wisdom 18

Cf. a description of L in §2.3. ? For the term ÀÍäýx ¿úýÎò cf. BL Add. 12168 (Wright, Catalogue, vol. 2, pp. 904–914), where it appears on f. 138v. Cf. Loopstra, Patristic Selections in the “Masoretic”Handbooks. 19

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(because they were said wisely),” reflects in its first part the title found in the τ manuscripts. The additional commentary at the end of it (in parentheses) is most likely secondary. The syntax of the title is in its present state rather clumsy. Probably its last part was initially a marginal commentary to the title that later found its way into the latter. If this really was the case, then the original title of the collection preserved in D was nearly identical with that of τ. Besides the title, D shares a number of materials with the other witnesses of SGP. Seven chreias in D are included in other collections of SGP: A, G, J, L, and V. Most of the sentences among the seven shared ones have an identical or nearly identical form in different manuscripts. In two cases, however, D has preserved a rather different form of chreias than the other manuscripts: nos. 5 and 14. In SGP no. 5, the versions of D and L are identical in the final part of the sentence but differ considerably in the first part: L D ¿çäÂfÍàèÙüãsëÚêÞæ¾ćà fƒsĀýs¿ÙÎúé†ÎÚéüÞæs A > > fÀ{À{Íæ¿ćà{ÿæsÎÑæ ÀÏÐËÝxfÀ{üæ¿ćàÿæsèÞÙsx > > ÁüäÐüðé¿çãÿæs „Ëã{͍ÎÑæf… {Íàüãs A ? ¿ćàxf¿æ ÌоÂÁüäÐüð éx ‰sÎðêæ¿ćàxf¿æüо A A fzÎà‰sÎðêæ fzÎà They said to Anach(ar)sis: “What should someone consider lest he get drunk?” He said to them: “Let him consider whatever wine has done with others, lest it do the same unto him.”

Anacharsis the Scythian was asked how someone might not get drunk. He answered: “When someone takes heed of what wine has done with another person, lest it do the same unto him.”

It is apparent that the D version is closer to the apophthegm ascribed to Anacharsis in the Greek sources (cf. the references in the edition). In no. 14, D contains the text which is considerably different from the version preserved in G and J: GJ D ? > ? ? ¿þæsèÙ¾òÛÆéfüãs … A A ÎÔáÚò ¿ćàx¿þæsèÙx¾òüãs…ÎÔáò > €ĀãsèÙxÎæzfèÚA äé¿ćàx èÙxĀÙsüÙĀÙf…{zÏÑÂè ÚA äé üًÀ{Íæ…{zĀïËÙxÁÎÐx f…{zĀïËÙxÁÎÐx€Āãs > f…{zÏÑ f…{zÏÑÂüÙxÀ{Íæ

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GJ

D

Plato said: “People who are not blind are magnificent. And this is the case as long as the light of their knowledge is depicted in their sight.”

Plato said: “People who are not blind in their opinion go astray. And this is the case especially when the light of their knowledge remains in their sight.”

Though the two versions are clearly related to each other, the meaning of the sentence is rather different in D. It is likely that the version of G and J originally contained a reference to the Platonic myth of the cave and to the philosophers who are able to go to the light and to see things properly (cf. Republic 518c). The version of D seems to have lost this meaning already. Similar to V, D includes a number of sentences of Theano (SGP nos. 21–30 and 66–79). Besides, D contains several groups of sayings attributed to one author: Socrates (nos. 18–20), a certain †ÎÚçò{s, who could be either Urfinus or Rufinus (nos. 33–37), and Alcestis (nos. 38–40). In the latter group of sentences, however, only the first one derives from the play of Euripides (probably via gnomic collections), while the other two anonymous sayings may have been attached to it. A group of sentences that is clearly distinguished from the rest of the maxims of SGP appears in V (it is published among the “additional materials” attached to D, nos. 55–61). The sentences are ascribed to the Seven Sages of Greece, and this short gnomology is transmitted separately in two Syriac manuscripts.20 The Syriac version of the sentences of the Seven Sages is closely related to those maxims that are found in the first book of Diogenes Laertius’ LivesandOpinionsofEminentPhilosophers. Diogenes points out that each of the Seven Sages is associated with one particular maxim (the associations of Stobaeus differ in two cases from those of the Syriac version), and these ascriptions perfectly correspond to the Syriac collection:21

Solon Bias

20 21

SGP nos. 55–61 > ÛÆé„Ëã¿ćà “Nothing many.”

DiogenesLaertius μηδὲν ἄγαν (DL I.63)

¿þÚA ÂÀ¾ÅÎé “The majority is evil.” οἱ πλεῖστοι κακοί (DL I.88) Cf. §3.2.1. The maxims of the Seven Sages are found in DL I.22–100 (79–132 Dorandi).

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SGP nos. 55–61

DiogenesLaertius

Periander „ËãâÝ¿ÚÅ{Í “Say everything by üãs A means of practice.” Thales Chilon Pittacus

ßþóæˆx “Know thyself.” ? ÀÎÂÌïèã “Refrain from ƒsĀýs pledges.” ¿çÂ|ˆx “Know the time.”

Cleobulus ¿ùüÓÀÎÑþäã “Moderation is

honorable.”

μελέτη τὸ πᾶν (DL I.99) γνῶθι σεαυτόν (DL I.40) ἐγγύα, πάρα δ’ ἄτα (DL I.73) καιρὸν γνῶθι (DL I.79) μέτρον ἄριστον (DL I.93)

Diogenes Laertius provides us with many parallels to the Syriac sentences in D. Besides, the Anthology of Stobaeus and the Gnomologium Vaticanum include plenty of materials that may be associated with the Dublin Florilegium and other maxims found in SGP. However, no single Greek source to which the Syriac sentences go back as a whole can be detected. 6.4. PHILOSOPHY OF SOUL (SGP 80–95) The collection of SGP in F bears the title, “A treatise of the philoso? 22 phers on the soul” (¿þóæâïx¿òÎêáÚòx¿Âüý). This topic, indeed, occupies the central place in the sentences of SGP, especially among the counsels.23 The group of SGP nos. 80–95 concentrates on it, stressing the following main points: Soul is immortal. This idea is present in the very first counsel (no. 80)24 and runs throughout SGP as a whole. The soul possesses a nature that is more subtle than death making her invulnerable and even unseen for the latter (SGP nos. 80 and 90).

22

F, f. 26v, cf. Sachau, Inedita, p. 76. For the Syriac treatises concerning the soul, see Hugonnard-Roche, “La question de l’âme dans la tradition philosophique syriaque.” 24 This piece is absent in τ but it stands at the beginning of several collections. Especially important is its presence in L which seems to contain selections from τ. This allows this piece to be included at the beginning of the counsels’ part. Cf. §2.11. 23

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Soul is by her nature clearly separated from the body (SGP nos. 90 and 91). The soul belongs to the realm of the spiritual beings25 that know her real nature and give praise to it (SGP nos. 80, 83, and 91). Soul is an independent actor in the human body (no. 81). The body is her “house” where the soul lives, like a virgin in her chamber (nos. 81 and 92). Soul is also compared to a queen who rules and gives orders (no. 82). SGP shares this idea with Neo-Platonic philosophy that considered body to be a temporal “instrument” used by the soul (the concept goes back to Plato).26 The body could be “in agreement” with the good intentions of the soul (nos. 82 and 89) and thus may participate in the life of the latter. No. 104 > with the soul for the latter states that the body should “unite” (ËÚÑã) “loves excellence.” The body and the soul are mixed like wine and water (SGP no. 93).27 The activity of the soul becomes visible through her “actions” (no. 80).28 The nature of the soul cannot be perceived or seen from the perspective of the body (SGP nos. 91, 92). Even the body where a particular soul resides is unable to look at her and understand her (no. 93). The one who tries to look at the soul is similar to someone looking at the sun (no. 94) or standing at the shore of the sea and trying to comprehend its size (no. 95). 6.5. WAY

OF

EDUCATION (SGP 96–122)

The last pieces dealing with the nature of the soul combine this topic with our ability or inability to grasp it. Thus, SGP nos. 91–95 build a bridge to the next group of sentences that focus on the right way of knowledge and learning. The last sentence of the previous group, SGP no. 95, Syr. ÀĀÚçÐ{y? ĀÚÂ, the same Syriac expression appears in one of the discourses of Philoxenus of Mabbug, see Budge, The Discourses, vol. 1, p. 303; Kitchen, The Discourses, p. 237. 26 Cf. Plotinus, Enneads I.3 (45.1 Henry and Schwyzer). 27 This was a popular image used in the Neo-Platonic philosophy, cf. Porphyry, SymmiktaZetemata, frgm. 259 (281a33-34 Smith); Nemesius of Emesa, OntheNatureof Man, ch. 3 (39.5-6 Morani). 28 The very first paragraph of the Syriac version of (Ps.-)Gregory Thaumaturgus’ Λόγος κεφαλαιώδης περὶ ψυχῆς preserved in A and L stresses the same idea. See Lewis, Catalogue, pp. 19–26. German translation: Ryssel, “Zwei neu aufgefundene Schriften,” pp. 4–9. Cf. Furlani, “A Syriac Version of the Λόγος κεφαλαιώδης περὶ ψυχῆς πρὸς Τατιανόν of Gregory Thaumaturgus.” 25

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points out the inability of the human mind to comprehend great phenomena, like the mystery of the human soul. SGP no. 96 expresses a paradox that nothing can persuade the person who has persuaded himself not to accept any persuasion. The following sentences deal mainly with the limits and capacities of the human knowledge and the ability to receive instruction. These sentences present the process of learning mainly as oral lectures. In particular, nos. 97 and 98 stress the role of listening. Two terms used in no. 97, ¿ðäþãand ¿ðäý, may have the meaning of “lecture.”29 No. 98 presents teaching as “telling stories of the sages.” The latter may be understood as the use of moral sayings and exempla in the educational process similar to the examples presented in chapter 4. No. 103 praises ? the learned person for “his sayings” (€zÎäÅĀò). The teaching is based on previous generations of scholars and teachers (see especially SGP no. 100). Sages and philosophers set in opposition to ordinary people who often fail to understand the value of the work of the former. Counsel no. 121 suggests that the speech of the sages sounds like a barbarian tongue for fools who do not possess any ability to understand it. Counsel no. 101 suggests that fools would call philosophers “those who avoid the labor of farming,” not knowing that philosophers work much harder than farmers.30 SGP stresses the practical character of education (see no. 99). This is a central point of most monastic treatises dealing with the process of learning, e.g. by Philoxenus of Mabbug in his Discourses.31 The person who approaches the “labor of the discipline of learning” should be pure in his body (SGP no. 103), and “retirement” from the body is a prerequisite for the process of learning (no. 104). No. 105 states that the real meaning of events happening in the world may be seen only in the “pure mirror of wisdom.”32 However, we only have limited comprehension and in many cases fail to understand the 29 Cf. the expression ¿ÚçÚÝ¿ðäý, rendering Aristotle’s Φυσικὴ ἀκρόασις, “natural lecture.” See Arzhanov and Arnzen, “Die Glossen in der Hs. LeydenOr.583.” 30 This opposition has found expression in the sentence appearing in different gnomic anthologies: Ὁ μὲν γεωργὸς τὴν γῆν, ὁ δὲ φιλοσοφῶν τὴν ψυχὴν ἐξημεροῖ — “the farmer cultivates the soil, the philosopher cultivates the soul” (cf., e.g., CP 5.18: 1.335 Searby). 31 See especially the beginning of Discourse 8 (Budge, TheDiscourses, vol. 1, pp. 221– 223). 32 The image of mirror is frequently used by Ephrem the Syrian, see Beck, “Das Bild vom Spiegel bei Ephräm.”

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hidden meaning of things (SGP no. 107). The difficulty results to a large extent in the inability of people to understand what is good and what is bad (cf. no. 112) and in their desire to justify their bad behavior in calling bad deeds good and good things bad (see no. 109, the same paradox is expressed among the maxims in no. 40). The hidden value of things is revealed through death (see especially nos. 115 and 122). The counsels stress this topic several times, and it comes in the last sentences of the group SGP nos. 96–122 dealing with the issues of education. 6.6. PAGAN TESTIMONIES ABOUT CHRIST AND CHRISTIAN TEACHINGS (SGP 123–143) The last section of SGP (as it is constructed in the present edition) includes a number of excerpts from the non-Christian moral treatises33 that come here under the names of Thucydides (no. 124), Herodotus (no. 138), Plutarch (no. 140), and others. The provenance of some of these counsels may be determined. This concerns especially the last pieces included in the edition: some of them derive from the treatises of Plutarch, Themistius, and Lucian; one of the counsels (no. 138) goes back to a passage from the History of Herodotus. The first testimony (SGP no. 123) is ascribed to a certain Longinus. A number of sources preserve his apocryphal letter to Caesar:34 – The Maronite Chronicle (Chronicum Maroniticum) composed in the second half of the 7th century CE. – Theodore Bar Koni, the East Syriac author of the end of the 8th century, BookofScholia. Theodore omits the answer of Caesar and some other details. He is the only author to call Longinus a “philosopher.” Though the version of Bar Koni is shorter, in the remaining parts it is close to the text of τ and to that of the MaroniteChronicle. – Agapius of Mabbug, a Melkite bishop of Manbij (Hierapolis) in the 10th century, Chronicle (Kitābal-῾Unwān). Agapius includes the answer of Caesar to Longinus where Augustus basically repeats the same information that was suggested by Longinus. 33

Cf. ch. 5, especially §5.4. The references are given in the edition and translation of SGP no. 123. Cf. ZeegersVander Vorst, “Quatre pièces apocryphes,” p. 69. 34

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217

– Michael the Syrian (Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of the 12th century), Chronography, Book 5. The version of Michael is different in some details from the three sources listed above. – Barhebraeus (Syriac Orthodox Maphrian of the 13th century), Chronicle. The version of Barhebraeus is very close to the text of Michael the Syrian, and it was probably borrowed from him. – Solomon of Baṣra (East Syriac bishop of Baṣra of the 13th century), BookoftheBee. The version of Solomon is different in some points from all the previous ones, but still preserves the main elements of the story. The earliest evidence for the apocryphal letter found in the Maronite Chronicle goes back to the 7th century and thus predates the evidence of τ. The version of the text in the MaroniteChronicle is very close to that of τ. It calls Longinus not a historian but a “Roman sage.” We may assume that the source for the chronicle was not a historical writing but a collection of testimonies similar to that of SGP and the Propheciesof PaganPhilosophers aboutChrist. All other witnesses listed above also refer to Longinus as a “sage,” with the exception of Theodore Bar Koni who calls him a “philosopher,” associating Longinus with other authors of SGP in this way. The apocryphal correspondence between Longinus and Caesar was published in 1908 by Raḥmani.35 He based his edition on three textual witnesses, designating them with the sigla “A,” “B,” and “C.”36 The version printed as the main text by Raḥmani turns out to be generally the same with the text of τ. The latter, however, is not completely identical in the five manuscripts that contain slight deviations in the forms of the names, conjunctions, and particles. In those cases where “A” contains other variants than the rest of τ, it corresponds regularly to P. In three cases the main text printed by Raḥmani corresponds to the Chronicum Maroniticum. In three other cases it clearly reflects the version of Bar Koni,37 which also appears among the footnotes as variants from “C.”38 Few variants from “B” correspond generally to the version of τ. 35

Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca II, p. ‚ [20]. Latin translation on p. 38. According to Alain Desreumaux, Ms. “A” = Sharfeh, Raḥmani 79 (Sony 256), Ms. “B” = Sharfeh, Raḥmani 87 (Sony 261), and Ms. “C” = Sharfeh, Raḥmani 86 (Sony 224), see Desreumaux, “De quelques pièces du dossier syriaque sur Pilate.” 37 This is particularly evident in the addition preserved only by Bar Koni, see footnote 6 by Raḥmani. 38 Both ms. “C” of Raḥmani and Bar Koni omit the answer of Augustus. 36

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PART I

Another group of testimonies about the death of Jesus and the spread of Christianity given by seemingly neutral observers appear in SGP nos. 128– 130. Agapius of Mabbug and Michael the Syrian quote the four pieces. Both authors probably used the same source containing testimonies about the birth and the death of Christ. The testimony of SGP no. 128 is ascribed to the otherwise unknown Ursinus.39 Ursinus refers to the letter sent by Pilate to Caesar who having received it absolved Pilate from his office “because he had fulfilled the will of the Jews.” The τ-manuscripts containing the Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium also include several other apocryphal letters, e.g. the letter of certain Quadratus to Tiberius, the treatise with the title Hypomnemata, the letter of Theodor to Pilate, and the correspondence between Herod and Pilate.40 All these pieces present the circumstances of the execution, death, and resurrection of Jesus in the guise of external and thus impartial reports about these events. Besides SGP in the τ-manuscripts, the testimony of Ursinus has been preserved in the chronicles of Agapius and by Michael the Syrian.41 Both authors make Ursinus a historian similar to Longinus. Agapius states that the quoted passage derives from the “fifth chapter of his book on the wars and expeditions of the kings.” At the same time, he calls the author of the passage a “philosopher,” and this characteristic, similar to SGP no. 123, suggests that the source of Agapius (and Michael) was not some historical chronicle or a quotation from it, but a collection of testimonies ascribed to Greek philosophers. The next piece (SGP no. 129) contains a question of a certain Patrophilus,42 the disciple of Ursinus, addressed to his teacher. Patrophilus is amazed about the number of people believing in Christ and following Christian teachings. He lists the apparently greatest philosophers of his time who converted to Christianity: the heads of the philosophical schools in the Athens, Alexandria, Beroea, and Caesarea. This list makes the end of the 5th—to the beginning of the 6th centuries CE the probable time of the composition of this piece (and of the first stock of SGP in general), The form †ÎÚçÚé{sin this piece may go back to the Gr. Αρσένιος. Some of these apocryphal treatises were published in: Raḥmani, Studia Syriaca, vols. 1 and 2. Cf. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Quatre pièces apocryphes;” Desreumaux, “De quelques pièces du dossier syriaque sur Pilate.” 41 See the references in the edition and translation of SGP no. 128. 42 This name may reflect the Greek form Πατρόφιλος. 39

40

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219

for this period witnessed a competition between the traditional (“pagan”) and Christian philosophical education that resulted in the closing of the Athenian school in 529 and the gradual “Christianization” of the Alexandrian school during the 6th century.43 This piece was transmitted by Agapius, Michael, and Barhebraeus.44 The versions of Michael and Barhebraeus are shorter than τ. They list only Theodore, Africanus, and Martin and sum up the last part. The text of Agapius is more extensive and is generally close to τ. A short excerpt from this piece was published by Raḥmani,45 who noted that he based his edition on manuscript “A.” His text is nearly identical with the τ-manuscripts and was probably based on S.46 SGP no. 130 contains the answer of Ursinus to the question of his disciple. In Agapius, Michael the Syrian, and Barhebraeus the two pieces follow one another, thus forming a short conversation. In Michael and Barhebraeus, we again find an abridged version of the text. As in the previous pieces, Agapius is more extensive and is very close to the version of τ, though his text is slightly shorter than τ. The answer of Ursinus in SGP no. 130 stresses one point that brings this piece close to the Propheciesof PaganPhilosophersaboutChrist, the Syriac version of the Theosophia: Ursinus states that even pagan gods may become disciples of Jesus. The Theosophia made a step further in this process, converting Egyptian deities into prophets of Christian teachings and pupils of Jesus. Thus, SGP no. 130 provides another link between the two collections of sayings (SGP and the Theosophia) pointing out their probable common origins. 6.7. CONCLUSION The corpus of SGP published in the following second part of the book vividly exemplifies the tradition of rhetorical training in Syriac schools of Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages. It includes gnomic sayings and chreias that turned out to be generally used for elementary grammar and rhetoric training. There are few rhetorical compositions, some of which contain contradictory or conflicting statements and thus have most likely served as an impulse for resolving the contradiction in form of rhetorical 43 44 45 46

See §6.1. See the references in the edition and translation of SGP no. 129. Raḥmani, StudiaSyriaca II, pp. 30–31. Cf. Desreumaux, “De quelques pièces du dossier syriaque sur Pilate.”

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elaboration. SGP also includes a number of testimonia of seemingly impartial witnesses to the birth and death of Jesus. The latter continue the tradition which is known to us from the Theosophia. Ascribed to the famous (and sometimes less familiar) philosophers, poets, and rhetors, Syriac Sayings of Greek Philosophers provide us with an idiosyncratic example of the educational models in Christian schools of Late Antiquity.

PART II

SAYINGSOFGREEKPHILOSOPHERS SYRIAC TEXT AND TRANSLATION

SIGLA A B C D E F G J L M O P R S V W X τ Sahd Mub

Sinai Syriac 16 Sinai Syriac 14 Cambridge, Additional 2012 Dublin, Trinity College, 1505 London, British Library, Additional 14658 London, British Library, Additional 14618 London, British Library, Additional 14614 London, British Library, Additional 17178 Dayr al-Suryan, Syriac 27, part B Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 4 Oxford, New College, 331 Biblioteca de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Or. 31 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 99 Sharfeh, Raḥmani 79 / Sony 256 Vatican, Syriac 144 Vatican, Syriac 596 Vatican, Borgia Syriac 17 the Tur ʿAbdin Florilegium (= M, P, R, S, W) Sahdona Mubashshir b. Fatik SIGNS WITHIN TEXTS

(…)

illegible words in the manuscripts that in some cases were reconstructed by the editor additions in the translation for the sake of more idiomatic rendering of the English text ABBREVIATIONS

conj. f. ms. om.

conjecture folio manuscript omission, omits

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PART II

1. Maxims Dublin Florilegium

K K K K áÓâq¿ÿãÝÏáÓâçòà⃿ÿÙ ÂÅâā â¾ñ ÍèÍààÙñƒāã âK qăÙâ~¿ÿãÝÐÁƒ K K q†…šÍXXßçXXÐÙÝüç؆ÌåÿߚçÙ߅ƒq¾Ùà Óß¿†…Êùò␠ÍÓàñ K çØÿñÍXXÝ円…†q†ÌXXæýßāXXü¿†…††ÌXXæÙîûÁ¿…‡¿†…ƒ K q†…šÎÐÁ çØĂÍXXî‡çXX؆ÌåçXXÐÝýâ¾æXXÝØ~ƒŽ~ÿXXü~q¾ñÍXXèÍàÙñ ÍXXå‡ N K K J K q†ÌXXÙæÙîÊXXøçXXÙãÙ萆†ÌXXåÊXX܃ûâ~†¾Ùà ҃†…šÍàÝè N J J q†ÌßçØûùÙ← †ÌæâçؚÌÁƒçÙàØ~ K J ¾ýæÙæÁÿå~˜ÿÙ â¾æâƒþå~ç âŽ~ÿ ü~¾ñÍèÍàÙñêÙÒûøÍè N N J K J J ¾åN ~áXXÜ~çXX؃¾å~qÍXXàܽåƒçXXÙÙϾýXXæÙæÁƒûXX â~†q¾åăXXÏ~ N q¾Ï~ƒ J qóXXß½åƒĀ†¾æXXâƒþXXå~çXXâŽ~ÿXX ü~¾ñÍXXèÍàÙñêXXØÿéÓå~ N J ~†q¿†Ìå¾ñÍèÍàÙñxûÁƒÿå¿ÌàßÞØ~ƒ¾Á–ƒçâƒqûâ ~† N K qÀûÓ؅˜¾ýæÙæÁäîç؃

1 2 3 4

D ʋ 1; G ʋ 1 (82.14-16 Sachau) Dʋ2 Dʋ3 Dʋ4

K

K

J 1 , 1 ÍXXÓàñ D : ÍXXÓàÙñ G | çXX؆ÌåÿXXߚ D : çXX؆Ìå ÊXXïàܐÍXXÁ–ÿXXߚ G 2 †ÌæÙîûÁ D : †ÌæÙî˜ G | ¿†…† D : ¿†…ƒ† G | ††…† D : ††…ƒ†G

1

2

3

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225

Sayings of Philosophers Selected Sayings That Teach Wisdom Because They Were Said Wisely 1 Plato recommended to the young men that these three things should

(always)1 be found among them: purity should be in their minds,2 silence should be on their tongues, and they should be modest in appearance. 2 Zeno the philosopher was asked how the follies of young men may be

minimized. He answered: “By setting before their eyes those (people) of whom they are ashamed and whom they honor.” 3 Socrates the philosopher was asked by somebody: “Why are you better

than other people?” He answered: “People live in order to eat, but as for me — I eat in order to live.” 4 Antisthenes the philosopher was asked by somebody: “What is worth

learning?” He answered: “If one wants to be guided by God, let him be a philosopher, and if (to be) with people, let him be a rhetorician.”

1 Stob. II.31.62 (2.212 Wachsmuth; 58 Stanzel [no. 23]); GV 433 (161 Sternbach); FM 230 (286 Meineke); FL 218 (37 Beynen); CP 3.89 (1.224 Searby) 2 Stob. II.31.81 (2.215 Wachsmuth); GV 304 (117 Sternbach); cf. CP 6.58 (1.365 Searby) 3 Stob. III.17.21 (3.495 Hense); cf. GV 479 (177 Sternbach), CP 3.120 (1.228 Searby), Stob. III.6.41 (3.295 Hense) - Diogenes, Boiss.GnG (37 Boissonade, 80–83 Stanzel [ʋ 45]) Plato 4 Stob. II.31.76 (2.215 Wachsmuth); GV 7 (7 Sternbach); FM 182 (281 Meineke) Demosthenes 1 2

Addition in G. Thus D, G: “their minds should be pure.” Here D is closer to the Greek version.

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J ¿ÎXXÏÊXX܃q¿†ûXXåĀþXXå~çÝØ~ƒqŽ~ÿ ü~¾ØšÍùè‘ÍÙèûÝå~ N q…šÍß”~˜ÍïéåĀƒq¾åûϽÁÀûãÏûïè¾æâþå~ N

5

¿…ûXXâ~†qÀƒ˜ĀƒÀûXXØÿîÀûXXÂÄ¿ÎXX Ïq‘ƒ˜çâƒêÙæßÍñ~ N N q¾æÙî˜Āƒ¾Á…ƒƒÀûÂÄ

6

ÊXXÜçXXÙãÏĂçߐÍÂÄÿå¾æ܅ƒûâ~q¾ñÍèÍàÙñ‘ÍÓèûñ†~š N ¾ùÂ像ÊøxÍå~¾ÂÅåƒ!Íå~¾ÂÅ像ÊøxÍå~¾ùÂå qÍå~

7

ûXXâ~çXX؃ †…q¾ÏûXXøÀûXXÂÄçXX⿆…ûïÒ÷âêÙæÄÍ؃Ìà؃ N N J J å~q…šÍß J J ûXXïéß¾ÁÍÒç؃¾å~€ÌØq¾ åN ~ûî÷âĀçà ܾ q‹ÌÄ~¾ýÙÁ¾ü˜çâƒ

8

J Ì僅ÍXXîçXXâ¿ÿÁ…ÍXXâƒÌXXÁ†Ì؃qûXX â~ÀûXXÓ؅˜êXXÙåÿé⃠N J J K J J äXXÙü˜¿†…‹…ÍXXæÙîÊXXøçXX؃ÌÁÍXXéåqÌXXÙïÓåƒĀ †…ÿXXïüûÁ qÌ僅Íî

5 6 7 8 9

D ʋ 5; L ʋ 6 Dʋ6 Dʋ7 Dʋ8 A ʋ 30 (38a8-14 Lewis; 541 Ryssel [ʋ 41]); D ʋ 9

5,1

‘ÍÙèûÝå~ D : êÙéÝåĀL | ¾ØšÍùè D : om. L | Ž~ÿü~ N D : êÙéÝåĀ  J ÌßçØûâ~L | çÝØ~ƒþå~Ā¿†ûå D : ¿†˜¿†ÌåĀ†þå~˜ÍÐå¾æãÁ L | Ê܃ J L 6 , 1 ‘ƒ˜ conj. : J L 2 ûïè¾æâ þå~¿ÎÏJ D : ˜ÍÐåq†Ìßûâ~ D : ûï胏Ê↠ÌÁ N N ‘˜ƒms. 9 , 1 êÙåÿé⃠D : êÙåÿéæÄÍ؃A | ÀûÓ؅˜ D : om. A | ÌÁ†Ì؃ J D: J J J ¾Á†ÌXXØ A 2 ÌXXÙïÓåƒĀ  †…ÿXXïüûÁ D : ¾ÓXXïå…ÿïüûÁƒĀ † A | ÌÁÍé J åJ D : N J A ¾ÁÍéå

9

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227

5 Anacharsis the Scythian was asked how someone might not get drunk.

(He answered:) “When someone takes heed of what wine has done with another person, lest it do the same unto him.”3 6 Apollonius of Rhodes4 saw a rich man who was uneducated and said:

“Behold, the man of gold who lacks understanding.”5 7 Theophrastus the philosopher said: “Let us choose our friends in the

following way: By examining them before we choose them choosing them before we examine them.” 8 (Another of) his (sayings).6 Diogenes was reproached by a bald man.

But he told him: “As for me, I am not reproached at all. But I praise your hair since it has escaped from a bad head.” 9 Demosthenes the orator said: “It is fitting that the giver of the gift should

wipe it out of his memory at once. But its memory should be inscribed before the eyes of its recipient.”

5 Stob. III.18.34 (522 Hense; 115 Kindstrand [A29A-E]); DL I.103 (134 Dorandi); CP 3.535 (1.293 Searby); cf. AɉM 113 (32 Schenkl) - Socrates 6 GV 484 (180 Sternbach) Socrates; DL VI.47 (434 Dorandi) - Diogenes; Stob. II.31.46 (2.209 Wachsmuth) and III.4.84 (3.238 Hense) - Socrates; AppGn 95 (43 Sternbach); AɉM 51 (19 Schenkl) Zosimus; Max 17.36/45 (415 Ihm) - Socrates; CP 3.252 (1.247 Searby) - Socrates 7 Theophrastus, frgm. 538A–F (2.362-365 Fortenbaugh); DL IV.51 (333 Dorandi) - Bion; GV 561 (200 Sternbach) - Pittacus; WA 160 (27 Wachsmuth) - Pittacus; CP 6.219 (1.389 Searby) - Pittacus 8 AesopFab 65a (89 Hausrath); Boiss.GT (468 Boissonade), AɉM 79 (25 Schenkl); GnBas 235 (83 Kindstrand); AppGn 74 (40 Sternbach), FL 202 (34 Beynen), FM 214 (284 Meineke) - Euripides; CP 3.431 (1.274 Searby); Ibn Hindu 514 (1.420 Khalifat) 9 GnBas 223a (81 Kindstrand); Max 8.53/55 (204 Ihm); CP 6.14 (1.358 Searby) 3

The version of L: “They said to Anach(ar)sis: ‘What should someone consider lest he get drunk?’ He said to them: ‘Let him consider whatever wine has done with others, lest it do the same unto him.’” Cf. §6.3 of the Introduction. 4 The Syriac text has Drs that is probably an error for Rds. 5 The final part of the Syriac sentence may reflect the Greek ਕʌĮȓįİȣIJȠȞ. 6 This note may refer either to some source of D or to the author of the particular maxim.

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J qÌXXÁçXX؃˜ÿâƒçXXÙàØĀûXXÓ؅ûÁÿXXØ~¾å˜šÍXXؾæXXâƒûXX â~€†š N J J â~† q¿šÍå½Ü¾ïÁšƒÌ嘚ÍØÍ元û N J çXXÙàÓøƒçXXÙàØ~áXXîÿXXãèĀ¾èÍXXãå¾æã߃¾ñÍèÍàÙñ Íàè « K Àƒ…þXXå~ÑXXÝýâƒÚXXßÿXXæã؅š~ĀƒáXXîûXX â~†q †ÌXXØÌÁ~ N N qÊÂïãß J K J â~†q¿ÿ J ÊÂîƒû ýÙÁÊ îáî¿šÍâúé ñƒ¾ æØÊß¿Î ÏêÙæÄÍ؃ N N N J qÿÙN ãâ¾ÙàÄ¿ÿýÙÁÊÂïßq¾ÙéÜ¿ÿýÙÁ N K K q¾Á…ƒƒçXXØăÝÜçXXØÿߚ¾ÙXX æؚĀúXX üxÿXX ÙN âÊÜq¾ÙùÙåÍøêÒûø N q¾æN XXø‹šÍXXÜ~ÌXXß¾ñ˜~ĀÊÜ”~ÚN ß¾âÊåN ~‹!ûÁƒûâ~† N J qçØÌßûÓåxÌß—ÍÂü~çÙ߅ÊÜāñ~q¾âƒÿåĀçØÊå~ N K K À˜Íσ‹ÿâ~ç؃Íå…qçÙN ãèĀƒ¾ýå~çؽ ñÚÅèqû â~ ÍÓàñ N q†…šÎÐÁûؖ¿†Ì吆…ÿîÊ؃

10 11 12 13 14

D ʋ 10 D ʋ 11 A ʋ 32 (38a18–38b3 Lewis; 542 Ryssel [ʋ 43]); D ʋ 12; V ʋ 40 D ʋ 13 D ʋ 14; G ʋ 3 (82.19-20 Sachau); J ʋ 1

ÑÝý⃠conj. : ÚÐãâJ ms. 1 2 , 1 êÙæÄÍ؃ A : ‘ÍæÙÄÍ؃ V : €†š (i.e. Solon) J V | ÊXXÂîJ D V : ‹ÊÂK îJ A 2 ¾ÙéÜ J â~ ¿ÎXXÏN A D : ¿ÎXXσûXX N A V : ¾ÙéÝÁ D Ā] supralinear correction in D apparently by the same hand 1 4 , 1 ÍÓàñ D : K ÍXXÓàÙñ G : om. J | çXXؽñÚXXÅè G J : çXX؃½ñ D | çXXÙN ãèĀƒ G J : çXXÙN ãèĀƒ †…šÎÐÁ D | Íå… G J : ÿØ~ûØÿØ D 2 ûؖ G J : û؃š D

11 , 2 D | 13,2

10

11

12

13

14

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10 Further, he was asked: “What is the benefit of rhetoric for those who are

instructed in it?” He answered: “Its benefit is that it seeks justice.”7 11 Solon the philosopher (was asked): “Why didn’t you issue a law against

those who kill their parents?” He answered: “Because it is unbelievable to me that anyone could do this.”8 12 Diogenes9 saw a judge who sentenced to death an evil-doer, and said:

“The secret evil-doer kills the manifest evil-doer.” 13 Crates the Cynic, when he was going to die, left for the Athenians10 300

talents of gold and said: “If son is similar to me, then even if I leave nothing behind, he would acquire (wealth) like me. And if he is not similar to me, then even if I leave this (money) to him, he would not preserve it.” 14 Plato said: “People who are not blind are magnificent. And this is the

case as long as the light of their knowledge is depicted in their sight.”11

10 cf. DL VI.28 (424 Dorandi), GnBas 263 (89 Kindstrand), Max 15.45/57 (376 Ihm), CP 3.424 (1.273 Searby) - Diogenes 11 cf. GV 506 (186 Sternbach); DL I.59 (101 Dorandi); Munৡণ 1336–1337 (66–67 Dunlop) 12 Mub, maxims of Diogenes, no. 14 (75.10 Badawi); cf. Stob. III.13.50 (3.464 Hense) - Democrates; DL VI.45 (433 Dorandi), CP 3.425 (1.273 Searby) - Diogenes 13 GV 387 (146 Sternbach) 7

Cf. the Greek maxim ascribed to Diogenes: “Orators are eager to speak of justice, never to perform it.” 8 Cf. the conversation between Homer and his companions in the Syriac Menander (version A: 62.9–63.6 Monaco; version B: 111.8–14 Arzhanov). 9 Thus in A and V, D attaches this chreia to the previous one and thus attributes it to Solon. 10 Thebes, the birth-place of Crates, in GV. 11 The translation reflects the version of G and J, the version of D: “Plato said: ‘People who are not blind in their opinion go astray. And this is the case especially when the light of their knowledge remains in their sight.’”

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J çXXâ¾ãXXàÒÿâĀxáXXàãâ¿ÿXXîÊÙÁƒ¾âÍXXñûXX â~êÙÒûøÍXXè N J q¿ÿîÊÙÁÌß¿ÿؖƒ¿ÿïãýâq…ûñÍü ûâ~ ÍÓàñ N J Àƒ…ƒqûXXâ~†áXXÜáXXîÀÊXXü~ …šÎXXσ…šÿXXåĀ¿Î ÏêÙæÄÍ؃ N N J J q¿ÿÙÓÏ…ÿîÊØáÓâx…šÎÐÁ¿šûØÿî! ¾åûèÍXXσqûâ~†qÀûÅñƒ¿ÿĘ‹…¾æâƒq‹…Íß½üêÙÒûøÍè N J J q¾ÂÒ¾æùòâĀƒ¾Ð Ùå†q¾å÷߆~Āƒ J þå~~q‹…¿ÍăÀƒ…¿ÿÙà؃ÿãÏÿâþå~ ~ûâ~Ìà؃† N J q‹…¾ÙæüƒÀƒ…xÑß ƒÿåç؃ N ûâ~†q¿ÿæØÊâ¿ÎÐãßÍùòãß¿ÿÁ÷âÊÜ¿šÿåĀ¿Î Ï! N N J J Ā~qÿXXåN ~¾ùXXòåçXXØÎϚƒ¿†…ĀƒqÚXXßÿXXå~¾ØÎÏ!ÿâƒpÌß qçØÎϚšƒ

15 16 17 18 19 20

A ʋ 33 (38b4-8 Lewis; 542 Ryssel [ʋ 44]); D ʋ 15 D ʋ 16 D ʋ 17 A ʋ 35 (38b13-18 Lewis; 542 Ryssel [ʋ 45]); D ʋ 18; V ʋ 3 D ʋ 19 D ʋ 20

1 5 , 1 êÙÒûøÍè A : êØûÓøÍè D 1 6 , 1 ûâ~ ÍÓàñ] lacuna in D 1 8 , 1 êÙÒûøÍè A N J V | ûâ~† A V : †Ìßûâ~† D D : êÙÒ~ûøÍè V | ‹…Íß½ü A D : Ž~ÿü~ N N

15

16 17

18

19

20

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15 Socrates said: “The mouth that speaks with understanding will not be

deprived of its glory, i.e. of the audience that will listen to it with understanding.” 16 Plato said: (...)12 17 Diogenes saw a woman13 whose appearance was exposed to everyone

and said: “She is in appearance because her knowledge is missing.” 18 Socrates was asked what was the desire of the body. He answered: “It is

loss without necessity and pleasure without good result.”14 19 (Another) of his (sayings). He said: “If someone becomes angry, this is a

common quality, but if someone is disturbed, this is (a quality) of madness.” 20 15 He saw a woman dressing herself before going out in order to see

the town, and he said to her: “It to me that you go out not to see but to be seen.”

18 cf. GV 332 (130 Sternbach), Stob. IV.20.66 (4.468.11-13 Hense), Libanius, Progymnasmata, On chreia, no. 4 (97.11-12 Foerster) - Theophrastus (cf. Theophrastus, frgm. 557: 2.382-383 Fortenbaugh); FM 270 (290 Meineke) - Theano; Mub, maxims of Diogenes, no. 38 (77.18 Badawi) - Diogenes 19 cf. GnBar 221 (27 Bywater = 76 Stanzel [39 b A]) 20 AɉM 91 (27 Schenkl), Munৡণ 591–592 (36 Dunlop) - Socrates about Xantippe, cf. Alon, Socrates Arabus, p. 60 [no. 266]; Shahr, maxims of Diogenes (334.1-2 Cureton) 12

There is a lacuna in D after these words comprising ca. one and half lines. The possessive suffix which would suggest the translation “his wife” is probably a scribal error and it should be deleted. Diogenes is one of the most misogynistic figures in gnomic literature. 14 Cf. the Greek chreia included in the Progymnasmata of Libanius: “Asked what love is, Theophrastus said: ‘An emotion of soul at leisure.’” 15 There is a small lacuna in D that was probably left for the word ÌXXà؃†, “of the same,” i.e. of Socrates. This chreia is associated with the name of Socrates in AɉM and in Munৡণ. 13

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q¿ÿòéÙàÙñêåš~ƒ¾æÝßÍâ J J J ÌßÌßĀ āÁÍù߃ĀƒäÙÝÏ¿†Ìåƒq¿ÌßĀĀ÷ ⃆ †ÚÅè N q…šÍߖ¿†…šx…šÍïÁƒ J K q¾ÂÒÀăÁ†ÊÁĀ~ÑÁÿ ýåĀþå~À˜šÍïÁ J K J K K Āx…šÍàÝèáîƒ †…áÓâ †…þÙÁxð éñ¿ÿ å½Üā âáîƒç âJ N qÀƒÍâ J K q‹…¾Ùæè—ÿýãßçÙ߅áîxçààâÿåƒĀ †ƒçÙàØ~áî K K ¾ãXXÏĂq¿šÍXXæÝéãߐÍXXàòåçXXñ~xçXXÙÓÙN òÏ¿ÿXXÂÓÁƒ¾ýXX æÙæÁ J K q†Ìßç؆…¿½Ù Åè K J J J ÌXXæÙÍXXÁûÁĀ~q€û؆ûùØÿ âþå~úò ⃿ÿù òæÁ¿†…Ā K J qûùØÿâ…ÿùò æÁ¾æøƒ

2 1 D ʋ 21; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 1, E ʋ 1 (70.8-9 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 1]), G ʋ 1 (83.1-2 Sachau), X ʋ 1 (600.5-6 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 21]) 2 2 D ʋ 22; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 4, E ʋ 4 (70.12 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 4]) 2 3 D ʋ 23; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 7, E ʋ 7 (70.15-17 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 7]) 2 4 D ʋ 24; V ʋ 7 (second part = SGP no. 66); cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 8, E ʋ 8 (70.17-18 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 8]) 2 5 D ʋ 25; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 9, E ʋ 9 (70.18–71.1 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 9]) 2 6 D ʋ 26; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 10, E ʋ 10 (71.2-3 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 10]) T h e a n o , 1 êXXåš~ƒ D : †½åš~ E, Íå~š A V 2 1 , 1 ÚÅè D G X : äßÚÅè A E J D E G X : ¾æØĀ A | ¿ÌßĀ †Ìß N A D E : ¿ÌßĀÌß X : om. G | Āƒ A D E : om. X | āÁÍù߃ A D E : áÂøÍ߃ X : áÂøÍß G 2 …šÍïÁƒ A D E : …šÍïÁ X | ¿†…š J D : ˜ÌXXÁÿýå A E 2 3 , 1 áXXÓâ D : çXXâ A E A D E : ÌXXß¿†…š X 2 2 , 1 ÑXXÁÿýå J K K K Âîƒ V | ¾Ùæè D : ¾æè E V : 2 4 , 1 çààâÿåƒĀ†ƒçÙàØ~áî D : çààâÿåĀÊÜ¿šÊÙ K K A | çÙÓÙòÏ¿ÿÂÓÁƒ K ¾ïè A | ‹… D : †… A E V 2 5 , 1 ¾ýæÙæÁ D : ¾ýå~ÚæÁ D: N K ¿ÿXXÂÓÁçÙÓÙòσ A E | ¿šÍæÝéãߐÍàòå D : ¿šÍæÝéãÁÍàòå E : †šÍãå ¿šÍæÝéãÁ A 2 6 , 1 ÌæÙî˜ D : ¾æÙî˜ A E

21

22 23

24 25

26

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Counsel16 of the woman-philosopher Theano:17 21 “It is most fitting for the one who prays to God to be wise, so that his

prayer would not be opposed to his petition.” 22 “A person gains praise not through riches but through the good way of

life.” 23 “Someone who scorns just commandments is bad because18 he is one

who does not acknowledge his own folly.” 24 “It is shameful to keep silence about those things that should be

proclaimed.” 25 “People who are zealous in doing good things have a lot of friends even

if they fall into poverty.” 26 “It is not through expenses that one gains respect and becomes great, but

rather, he gains respect for the greatness of his mind that he acquires through his expenses.”19

24 GV 574 (204 Sternbach) 16

The Syriac text and translation of nos. 21–30 is based on D (and in one case on V). Variants in the critical apparatus are taken from manuscripts A, E, G, and X, where the sentences of Theano are transmitted not among SGP but in the form of separate collections (for details, see §3.2.7). Thus, the numbers of the Sentences of Theano in manuscipts A, E, G, and X indicated in the list of witnesses refer to the Counsel of Theano in these manuscripts and should be distinguished from the nos. of SGP in A and G. 17 The name of the female Pythagorean philosopher in D is corrupt, but A and V have preserved the form of it that is close to the Greek ĬİĮȞȫ. Though nos. 21–30 bear a subtitle, they are not otherwise separated from the rest of the Dublin Florilegium, that includes several others groups of sayings ascribed to one author. 18 This is probably a corruption of the variant preserved in A and E: “is worse than.” 19 Syriac text is without corruption (contra Sachau and Possekel).

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K J q¿½ÙÅèÀ˜šÍîçↅçã ØN Ìâq¿ÿÂÓÁÀûØûü¾ã Ϙ N K ¿†ÌXXå¿ÿXXýÙÂÁĀ†vûXXÙòü¿†ÌXXå¿ÿØĂÍXXîÎÁþXXå~ƒ†…ÃXXÒ qûÙãÄ K ÌXXß¿†…šƒçXXâûXXØÿØq¿ÿXX ùåþXXå~ƒ‹…¾Á˜ N Â҃ÀûñÍXXü¾æXX N q¾æÙ܃ÀûñÍüáî¿šÍàÙÓÁ ¾å…q¿ÿXXýÙÁÌXXßûXXï èÞñ…†…ûÂÐÁ¿šÍÂÙÒÊ ÂîÊøƒþå~ N N N q…šÍÂÙÓß…ÿâÊø…ÿÙæè J K x†ÌXXßóXXùå‹…Íã Ϙƒ¿šÍϚûýãÁƒÀûÂÄû â~‘†ÊÙåÍãÙÒ N J qÌîƒ~ƒÚåÿĘĀx†Ìß¾ñû␆…šÍæÝéãÁ† J K J †ÿXXâĀq¾N ýÙÁäîƒāããÁä éÁÿ⃾æØ~Àû â~¾Ø˜½â J ÍXX元†…¿šÍ⃃vÿîÊØûÙÄÌæÙæîçâqÍæ ⃋…Íàîÿß½ü §ª q†ÌßóÙùåƒ ûâ~‘ÍÙæñ˜†~ N J J qÑÝýâçÝØ~ÿؽæøšäàýåƒq‹N ûüĀÌϘ†½ÁûÙòüƒçâJ 2 7 D ʋ 27; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 10, E ʋ 10 (71.3-4 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 10]) 2 8 D ʋ 28; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 11, E ʋ 11 (71.5-6 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 11]) 2 9 D ʋ 29; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 12, E ʋ 12 (71.6-7 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 12]) 3 0 D ʋ 30; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 30, E ʋ 30 (72.12-14 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 30]), X ʋ 6 (600.14-15 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 26]) 3 1 D ʋ 31 3 2 D ʋ 32 3 3 D ʋ 33 28,1

þå~ƒ D : þå~ A E | ¿ÿØĂÍîÎÁ D : ¿ÿØĂÍîÎÁƒ A E 3 0 , 1 ÊÂîÊøƒ ADE: N ÊXXÂÊXXø X | …ûXXÂÐÁ¿šÍÂÙÒ A D E : ¿šÍÂÙÒ…ûÂÐÁ X 2 …ÿÙæè A D : …š½æè E X

27 28

29

30

31

32

33

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27 “A true friend with good character20 is more trustworthy than great

wealth.”21 28 “It is good when one does well with the little things and does not seek

prosperity through bad deeds.”22 29 “It is great for one to acquire the beauty of good deeds rather than to be

concerned with the beauty of nature.” 30 “If someone first does a favor for his friend and later does him evil, then

this hateful deed of his surpasses his goodness.” 31 Timonides23 said: “Do not seek acquaintance with a man who keeps

company with his friends when they are rich but abandons them when they become poor.” 32 Maria says: “As for the one who takes delight in talking with evil-doers,

never ask who he is, for from his company you will learn that (his) image is the same as those with whom he associates.” 33 Urfinus24 said:

“How will the one who has not begun his way well be able to finish it properly?”

33 cf. CP 3.315 (1.256 Searby) - Moschion 20

Or: “A friend who is stable in (doing) good ...” This sentence forms in E a continuation of the previous one (thus also Sachau and Possekel), but both in D and in A it is presented as a separate maxim. 22 The second half of the sentence is difficult to translate. More literal: “... and not becomes perfected in bad things.” Another rendering seems also possible: “... then he will not be ruined by difficulties.” 23 Syriac ܑymwnydws that could render also the Greek Simonides (Simonides of Cos?). 24 Syriac Ҵwrpnyws. Maybe a corruption of “Urbanus” (cf. Rom. 16:9). 21

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āÙÏÊÐÁÍßq¾ï N N âÿýâ!¾æÝéâ†ÀûØÿîÍñç⃿ÿàâ q¾ïâÿýâ N J çXXØûØ÷ÁƒçXXÙàØ~çXXâ¿šăXXÙòüçXXÙïãüÊXXÜçXXÙùÙîšÿâÚÅè¾âĂ q†Ìæâ J J J ÊÂïß¾ýÙÁ†q¿šăÙòüÊ ÂïßÀûÙòü†qä ϘÌéæÄûÂß¾éæÄûÁ K q¿ÿýÙÁ K J K ¿ÿýÙÁçÙàؽÁƒqÊà ØN ÿâƒçâáî¾ÝÂãßÀƒÊ σ¾ÙüÍæÝÁƒçß—ƒ ‡J J !¿š†ÊXXÐÁx¿ÿXXùîçXXâ˜ûXXÏÿ↚½XXâƒ!áXXî†qðXXÅñ J J q‹ûü!úåÿýâ¾ñ˜ÍÓÁx™½ ñƒûÙľæØ~ J Àûâ~‘ÍÓéÙùß~ J ÂèÿØāă K J †…šÍÂÙéß‹†…!çÙßÊîÊÜq †šÍãåƒçÙß÷â¾ K çÙÐæâĀqÿããߐ †Ìß¿†…ƒûÙľæÁÎÁq†ÌÙÙσÀûÄÍæ߆ N q†…šÍÂÙèÀûÙù؃áÙ܅ÍÝØ~qÿããß N K ¿š†ÊXXÏÌXXß‹…¾Á˜x¿ÿXXÂÓÁ¾ÙXXàâÿâ¿š˜†‡…šÍXXùÙæèƒçâJ J q¿ÿæØÊâþÂ܃† …çâûØÿØ N H K J r¿ÿà㐆…šÍàÙàãÁÑÂýâ¾ýÙÂ߃q ÷ؘšĀƒ¾æÓßÍýß †~ K J “ÊØûÙľýÙÁrāÙàâĀƒr¿ÿå½Ü †…ÿàãÁ˜½Ýâ¾å½Ý߆ K J “ÊØĀƒ¾å½Ü†qÑÁÿýâ¿šÍå½ÝÁÍ߆x…ÿýÙÁçÙ å~¾îÿýåƒ K K J ‹ÎϚ~Àƒ…ç â†q˜½Üÿâ¿ÿå½Ü¿ÿàãÁx…ÿ ÂÒçÙ å~¾ îÿýå N N

34 35 36 37 38 39 40

D ʋ 34 D ʋ 35; V ʋ 4 D ʋ 36 D ʋ 37 D ʋ 38 D ʋ 39 D ʋ 40

34

35

36

37

38

39

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34 “A word that is heard from the mouth of the rich and of the poor,

shall it not be heard with the same power?” 35 “The proud are very much offended when they hear good things about

those who are lower than they.” 36 “A relative loves his relative, a good person (loves) the doer of good,

and an evil person (loves) the doer of evil.” 37 “When gathering with one another, it is fitting for us to mourn the one

who was born while bad things are happening. And (let us) in gladness about and is freed from sorrow. For the one who remains will be tortured in anguish begins.” 38 Alcestis says:

“Old people are falsely praying to die cursing their old age and the length of their life. But at the time when they are about to die they are not pleased with death, however burdensome their old age is.”25 39 “Whosoever has few needs and is satisfied with his possessions has

more joy than the one who conquers a city.” 40 “Woe to the ruler, who is not upright, who praises wicked people with

their deceptive rhetoric26 and puts to shame the upright with their upright words that lack rhetoric. For the wicked person knows (in which way) to tell about his wicked deeds, and he is praised unjustly. But the just person who does not know how to tell about his good deeds is reproached for his upright words. As a result, the upright person appears

38 Euripides, Alcestis 669–672 (26 Garzya); Stob. IV.52.1 (5.1075 Hense); Comparatio Menandri et Philistionis III.49-50 (117 Jaekel); cf. AesopFab 60 (83–84 Hausrath/Hunger) 39 cf. Prov. 5:16 and 19:1, both passages quoted by Gregory of Nazianzus in Or. 32, §26 (PG 36, 204C) 25

This idea forms the core of the Aesop’s fable about the old man and death (fable no. 60 by Hausrath and Hunger). The same passage from Euripides’ play which underlines no. 38 was included in the Anthology of Stobaeus. The two following Syriac maxims are not found in Alcestis, and it is possible that they were transmitted as anonymous sayings that were attached to the excerpt from Euripides in D. 26 The Syriac word mlƯlnjtƗ may have the meaning “logic,” but here it clearly refers to rhetorical skills.

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J áXXî¿ÿXXàă¾ÝXXàã⃾ÝXXâ†q¾å½XXÜĀÍXXî†qĀÍXXî¾å½XXÜ q¿šûØûü J J K †…¾Ä††ÎÁ¿†…Āû K †~ÀÊXXÄÚýÙ K ÚXXÂÒ Á¾ý å~‹ â~êñƒ~ N ¿šÿXXå~þXXå~ƒ‹ÿXXâ~q¿ÿXXýÙÁ†¿ÿXXÂÒûXXÙÄ‹N …Àƒ…qÀÊÄ J q…ÿÙÂßáïå¿ÿýÙÁ†~¿ÿÂÒ J J ƒÍÐàÁ¿šÿå~ƒûÂéåĀ¿šÿå~Ãéåƒç âáÜû â~‘Í҃†~š N J q¿ÿýÙÁ N †~¿ÿÂҾφ˜Ā~Ãéå K J Āƒ¿šÍÙÏçâÀÊÏÿÙßû â~‘ÍéàÜ~ q¿šÿXXå~ÞØ~¿šÌÁ N J áÓîƒq†ûÓåÿãßúÙýñÚß!úéÊãà܃ÿîÊØûÙÄÚýòåçâ! qçØûÏ~ÿÙß¿šÿå~ÞØ~†ûÓåÿãßç؃ J ¿ÿXXýÙÁ†~¾åÌXXßqûXX â~† úXXï⃾ãXXéÏ¿‡! ˆ¾ñÍXXèÍàÙñ N N N J q¿ÿÂÒš†…¾åûÏĀ†~xÌßÿJ üÊÄ¿ÿÁ˜ N J ¾îĂÿXXßçXXؚ~ĀÀăXXØÿîq¾æXXâáXXÓ⃎~ÿ ü~‘ÍòòÓéؘ~ N K K áXXÓâ ûXXâ~† qÀăXXØÿîƒ ¾î˜ÿXXß ¾ñÍXXè ÍàÙñ Ā~ q¾ãXXÙÝσ N K J J J †ÌÁçÙéòâĀç؃ÀăØÿî †ÌßÑýϾæâçÙîÊ Ø¾ñÍè ÍàÙñƒ qçØûÙéϾæâƒ

41 42 43 44 45

D ʋ 41 D ʋ 42 D ʋ 43 D ʋ 44 D ʋ 45

43,1

Āƒ] supralinear correction in D with the same hand

5

41

42

43

44

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239

wicked, and the wicked appears upright. Hence falsehood prevails over the truth.”27 41 Oedipus said: “There are no people who have a good fate and a bad fate

in marriage. For it becomes either good or bad as soon a man brings a good or a bad woman into his house.” 42 Theodotus said: “Let anyone who takes a wife consider that it is not only

a wife that he takes, but also a good or a bad spirit.” 43 Achilles28 said: “None of the living creatures is as embarrassing as the

woman. I myself know that everything that is hard is easy to be preserved. But there is nothing so hard to be preserved as a woman.” 44 A philosopher s a jealous person who was distressed and said:

“Either something very bad has befallen him or something good29 another person.” 45 Aristippus was asked why rich people do not go to the doors of the

sages, but philosophers go to the doors of rich people. He answered: “Because philosophers know what is useful for them, but rich people do not understand what they lack.”

44 GV 158 (66 Sternbach), DL IV.51 (333 Dorandi), Stob. III.38.50 (3.718–719 Hense), CP 3.541 (1.294 Searby) - Bion; Max 47.36./43 (797 Ihm) - Dion 45 DL II.69 (192 Dorandi); GV 6 (6–7 Sternbach) - Antisthenes 27

The same paradox is expressed in SGP no. 109. A parallel to no. 40 is found in Euripides’ Alcestis 209–212, which, however, may not be considered the source of the Syriac saying. 28 Syriac Ҵklsws that may be a corruption of “Alexis” (cf. ਡȜİȟȚȢ ੒ IJ૵Ȟ țȦȝ૳įȚ૵Ȟ ʌȠȚȘIJȒȢ in GV 46). Cf. no. 100. 29 The text of D corresponds here to the version of GV (cf. DL) that omits ȝ੼ȖĮ, which is present in the versions of Stob., Max, and CP.

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J J çXXØûÁÿéâƒçXXÙàØ~çXXâûXXÓ åN ÿ僿†…Ā÷â¾Ýà â‘ÍåÍÅÙÓå~ N K J ¾ÂÁÊàïÁçâƒqû â~†qĀ ÷âÀƒ…¾æãàÓ⃎~ÿ ü~†q¾ãÏĂ N N J å~ J qÚýòå¾å~ûÓå¾ J áÓâ!qÌßûâ~†!¾ïÁáà ãåðãýåƒçâûØÿ؃þåĀ¿Î ϐ N Íå‡ N K ¾âáXXî~”½î!ƒçÙåƒ~çؚ˜š¾æýßÊϾåÙÜ!ç߀ÌØ¾å… N J qðãýåçæÙààã⃠J K qûâ~†qáà ãå¿ÌÓ ÏĀƒƒ¾Ø÷â¾æÝØ~ƒŽ~ÿ ü~êÙÒ~ûøÍè N N qÌÁÿå~êòâûÙòüĀƒÊâûâ¿šĀ!†Ìå~ ÙXXàî!ûXXâ~ÿؽýÙÁçàñƒqþå~Ìßû ĀÌXXßûXXâ~q â~€†š N N N qûâ½ãßÿØÀûÙòü!óàØûÙÄĀqûâ~ šN N J ûXXâ~†qÌXXßûÙÄĀƒq¾â½å ~ƒ!ÌÁÞàâš~êÙß~ÿÁ N ûXXØÿØ¿ÿâÍXXâÞXXß¾ùXXÙïâĀqšûÄûÙĐ ~qÚâš!Ìß N J qÀÊÂîƒÌæâ

46 47 48 49 50

D ʋ 46 D ʋ 47 D ʋ 48 D ʋ 49 D ʋ 50

49,2

ûâ~šN ms. : a corruption of Ì⚚ ?

46

47

48

49

50

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241

46 Antigonus the king used to pray to be preserved from those who were

considered his friends. When he was asked why he was praying for that, he answered: “I will preserve myself from enemies on my own.” 47 Zeno saw someone who wanted to talk more than to listen told

him: “It is for ture gave us one tongue and two ears so that we might listen as much as we speak.” 48 Socrates was asked: “How is it possible to speak without sin?”30 He

answered: “If you do ay anything about what you are not quite convinced.”31 49 Further, someone told him: “So-and-so is speaking badly about you.” He

answered: “Do not say (that),32 for he didn’t learn to speak .” 50 Thales was asked , if he should swear that he had not

committed adultery, and told him: “ar, for if you commit adultery, your oath will make you grieve more than the deed.”

46 GV 107 (49–50 Sternbach); GnBas 430 (120–121 Kindstrand); WA 39 (12 Wachsmuth); AppGn 9 (31 Sternbach); CP 6.6 (1.356 Searby); Mub, maxims of various philosophers, no. 12 (297.15–298.2 Badawi; 125 Rosenthal [ʋ 12]) 47 DL VII.23 (489 Dorandi), Stob. III.36.19 (3.694–695 Hense), CP 4.136 (1.320 Searby) - Zeno; FL 128 (19 Beynen), FM 135 (277 Meineke); AɉM 31 (15 Schenkl) - Democrates; AppGn 68 (40 Sternbach) - Cleanthes; Mub, maxims of Diogenes, no. 78 (81.12-13 Badawi) 48 GV 482 (179 Sternbach) 49 GV 179 (73 Sternbach) - Diogenes, GV 441 (165 Sternbach) Platon; DL II.35 (171–172 Dorandi) - Socrates; Stob. III.19.5 (3.530 Hense = 78–79 Stanzel) - Platon 50 GV 317 (122 Sternbach); DL I.36 (88 Dorandi) 30

Cf. the Greek ਕȞĮȝĮȡIJ੾IJȦȢ in GV, which should be translated rather as “without making a mistake,” but which in the Byzantine Greek received primarily the meaning that we find in the Syriac expression here. 31 Cf. GV: İੁ ȝȘį੻Ȟ Ȝ੼ȖȠȚȢ, ੰȞ ȝ੽ ıĮij૵Ȣ ȠੇıșĮ. In generally, the Syriac sentence follows closely the version found in GV. 32 Cf. GV: ȝ੽ șĮȪȝĮȗİ, “do not be surprised (about it).” The Syriac form is probably a scribal error for the verb tmh “to wonder at.” 33 Thus GV and DL.

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J J J qÌØ!ç؃ ÌØĂ½ñqûØûâ¿š†ƒû⃠…ûùîqû â~€†š N J J ¾Ùýùß¿†ÌåƒþåĀ¿†…Ñùñqûâ~†xÚùÙèÍâóà ؃¾Â éß¿Î ÏN N q¾æòßÍØĀƒĀƒ†xÌæòßÍÙÁ J çXXÙýÙÁ†ÌXXéæÅÁÌãýâƒþå~çâq¿†…ûØ÷ÁƒÌéæÅÁÊéϚ~ J ÞXXéæÅßçXX؃ÿXXå~q†…ÚXXéæÄ‹N ÊXXéÏçXXâÚßÌßû â~†q‹…†ăÁ†ƒ N qÀÊéÏÞØÿØ~ J q¿†…ûXX܃ÿâ¿šÍXXØÍæïÁ†¿šÍXXòÝæÁ…šÍÂÙéÁ‘†āÙéÄ~ K çÙàØ~ƒ¿ÿØÍϚáÓâqû â~xÊ îÀƒ…¾æâáÓ⃎~ÿ ü~Ê܆ N N N !¾åÎÜ~qçÙà҃

51 52 53 54

D ʋ 51 D ʋ 52 D ʋ 53 D ʋ 54

51 52

53

54

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243

51 Further, he said: “The root of education is bitter, but its fruits are .” 52 He saw an old person who was learning music and said: “It is better for

a man to be learning at a ripe old age than to remain uneducated.” 53 He was reproached for being of humble origin by a person of noble

origin but bad morals and said to him: “My origin is indeed unworthy, but as for you, you are not worthy of your origin.” 54 Agesilaus was remembered as someone who in his old age lived in

modesty and humility. And when he was asked why he did that, he said: “In order to set examples for those who are young that thus ”34

51 GV 59 (28 Sternbach), DL V.18 (354 Dorandi) - Aristotle; Stob. II.31.29 (2.207 Wachsmuth), CP 3.125 (1.229 Searby) - Demosthenes; Libanius, Progymnasmata, On chreia, no. 3 (82.13-14 Foerster), Aphthonius, Progymnasmata, On chreia (4.16-17 Rabe) - Isocrates; Antony of Tagrit, Rhetoric V.4 (17.25-28 Watt) 52 Mub, maxims of Plato, no. 29 (133.20-21 Badawi); ID 59 (49, 179 Rosenthal [no. LIX]); cf. DL II.32 (169 Dorandi) about Socrates learning music 53 GV 15 (10 Sternbach), DL I.104–105 (135 Dorandi) Anacharsis; cf. Mub, maxims of Socrates (100.1-2 Badawi) 34

On f. 207v in D only separate words are legible.

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Additional Materials

K K K ¾ñÍèÍàÙñ¾ïÂüƒā â†¿Ì ãü J qÚÅèÊâĀq¾Ùåš~ Íàè q¾ýÙÁ¿½ÄÍèq¾Ùæؘ½ñq‘½ÙÁ qûâ~ÊâáܾÙĆÌÁq¾Øÿå˜Íø‘†˜Êå½Ø˜½ñ N qÞýò哃q¾ÙéÙàÙâêÙߚ qŽ~ÿü~¿šÍÁăîçâq¾ÙåÍâÊùߐÍàÙÜ q¾æÁ‡“ƒq¾æÁÎß‘ÍùÓÙñ q¾øûÒ¿šÍÐýãâq¾ØÊæÙß‘ÍàÂàø ¾æý߃qûâ~†q¿ÿýÙÁ†¿ÿÂÒ‹…¾æâƒuŽ~ ÿü~¾ãÙÝÏêߚ N N qçØÌ⃅†… J J q¾åN ~“ÊØĀÊâƒqÿ îÊØ‹ƒÍÐß¾å~qû â~êÙÒûùↃ N

5 5 - 6 1 V ʋ 28–34; I, f. 198rb; K, f. 108v 6 2 G ʋ 2 (82.17-18 Sachau) 6 3 A ʋ 31 (38a15-17 Lewis; 542 Ryssel [ʋ 42])

K

K

K

ž

5 5 - 6 1 , 1 ¾ñÍXXèÍàÙñ V : ¾òèÍXXàÙñ K : ¾òXXéàÙñ I 5 5 , 1 Íàè I V : Íß½èž K › Á¥ K : êÙÁ V | ¾Ùæؘ½ñ I K : ¾ÙåûÙñ V ¾Ùåš~ I V : ¾Ùæؚ~ K 5 6 , 1 ‘½ÙÁ I: ‘½Ù ž › ¥ ¡ ¿½ÄÍXXè I V : ¾ÄÍXXè K 5 7 , 1 ‘†˜ÊXXå½Ø˜½ñ I : ‘†˜Êå½Ø ˜½ñ K : ‘†ûæ؃½ñ V ¾Øÿå˜Íø I K : ¾ØÿæؘÍø V | ûâ~ N I K (a corruption of ûãÄÿâ ? cf. no. 140) : ˜Íïè › ¥ ž V 5 8 , 1 êÙߚ V : ‘†Ā~š I : ‘†Ā~š K 5 9 , 1 ÍàÙÜ I : ÍàÙÜ¥ K : ÍàÙñ V › ñ¥ K | ¾æÁÎß ¾ÙåÍâÊùß I : ¾ÙåÍâÊøĀ K : ¾ÙåÍâƒÍß V 6 0 , 1 ‘ÍùÓÙñ I V : ‘Íùž ÓÙ ¡ ¡ ž ÁÎ ž Á¨ ͞ ß½ø K | ¾ØÊæÙß I K : ¥ ß K 6 1 , 1 ‘ÍXXàÂàø V : ‘ÍßÍÁÍß½ø I : ‘Íà ž æÙ I V : ¾ÙXX ¾ÙåÊÙß V

55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

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Names and Sentences of the Seven Sages: 55 Solon the Athenian: “Nothing too much.” 56 Bias the Pirenian: “The majority is evil.” 57 Periander the Corinthian: “Say35 everything by means of practice.”36 58 Thales the Milesian: “Know thyself.” 59 Chilon the Lacedemonian: “Refrain from pledges.” 60 Pittacus the Lesbian: “Know the time.” 61 Cleobulus the Lindian: “Moderation is honorable.” 62 Thales the wise was asked: “What is (both) good and evil?” He

answered: “The tongue is the member for both.” 63 Democritus said: “The only thing I know is that I do not know

anything.”37

55-61 DL I.22–100 (79–132 Dorandi); Stob. III.1.172–173 (3.111–128 Hense) 55 GV 552 (198 Sternbach) - Chilon 62 GV 131 (57 Sternbach), DL I.105 (135 Dorandi), WA 62 (15 Wachsmuth), AppGn 11 (32 Sternbach), FL 152 (23 Beynen), FM 162 (279 Meineke) - Anacharsis; GnBas 477 (130 Kindstrand) - Thales; AɉM 64 (20 Schenkl) Theophrastes; CP 6.8 (1.357 Searby) - Antagoras 63 GV 267 (103 Sternbach) Democritus; DL II.32 (170 Dorandi) - Socrates 35

V: “do.” Cf. also no. 140. This aphorism appears as an anonymous saying in Themistius’ oration On Friendship that was translated into Syriac (see §3.4.1.4 of the Introduction). The passage from the Syriac version of the oration, including the aphorism, appears in V as a saying of Plutarch, see SGP no. 140. 37 This maxim is usually ascribed to Socrates, cf. DL II.32 (170.1 Dorandi) probably based on Plato, Apology 21d. The Syriac sentence matches with the version of GV. 36

246

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J çXXÙàØ~áXXî¿šăXXÙòüçXXÙïãüƒ¾âqçXXÙù îšÿâÚXXÅè¾âĂq€†š N q†ÌæâçØăØ÷Áƒ J J ¾èûXXòâ¾åûèÍXXÏx¾ÂXXÜû â¾èûXXÝÁƒ¿šÍXX؆~qûXX â~ ÍXXÓàñ N J J qÌߘÊÂ↠K Íå~šƒāâçâ K ¿šÊXXÙÂîƒĀ~qÀûXXÅòß¾ÐÙ円 …Ā¿šÍåûÂÙé⃾åăîÍè N K q†…¾æè—ÿýãßçÙ߅áîxçààâÿåĀÊÜ K J ¾æéÙòÒÿâqĀÀûÙÓùÁç؃û ÁƒšƒxÞßáÙÓÁ¿†ÌåþåĀêÙñšƒ J K K q¾ÂÁÊàïÁç؃¾æØ ÷îÿâqÞßç؆ …¾ãÏĂ K K çXX؃¿ÿýÙÁqÞæÙÁ÷Áûïéãß¿ÿæ øšáîÚÅèÞßáÙÓÁ¿†Ìå qÊÂîš¾åăÏ~çâÿåN ~÷ß~ÿ␠~Ā† N q¾Á˜šƒ¿šÍÂÁÊàïÂß¾æÁ‡ŽššĀƒqÞßáÙÓÁ¿†Ìå 64 V ʋ 4 6 5 A ʋ 34 (38b9-12 Lewis; 542 Ryssel [ʋ 45]); V ʋ 41 6 6 V ʋ 7 (cf. D ʋ 24); cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 2, E ʋ 2 (70.8-9 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 2]), G ʋ 2 (83.2-3 Sachau) + A ʋ 8, E ʋ 8 (70.17-18 Sachau; 18 Possekel [ʋ 8]) 6 7 V ʋ 8; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 19, E ʋ 19 (71.18-20 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 19]) 6 8 V ʋ 9; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 20, E ʋ 20 (71.20-22 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 20]), G ʋ 4 (83.5-7 Sachau) 6 9 V ʋ 10; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 21, E ʋ 21 (71.22–72.1 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 21]), X ʋ 3 (600.10 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 23])

J K K ÀûXXÅòß A E V : ÀûXXÅñƒ G | çXXààâÿåĀÊÜ¿šÊÙ Âîƒ V : Ā†ƒçÙàØN ~áî K çààâÿåƒ A E 2 çÙ߅ E V : çÙàØ~ A | ¾æè E V : ¾Ùæè D : ¾ïè A | †… A E V : ‹… K J A V : þåĀûÁƒšƒ E | ÀûÙÓùÁ A V : ÿØ~ûÙÓø E | ¾æéÙòÒÿâ V : D 6 7 , 1 ûÁƒšƒ K J K K ç؃¾æéÙòÒÿâ A E 2 ç؃¾æØ÷îÿâ V : ¾æØ÷îÿ↠A E 6 8 , 1 áÙÓÁÚÅ迆Ìå K K ÊÂïãß¿ÿýÙÁÞæÙÁ÷ÁĀ†þå~çâÿå~÷ß~ÿâÊÜûïéãß¿ÿæøšáîÞß A E : K K ÊÂïãß¿ÿýÙÁÞæÙÁ÷ÁĀ†q ÿå~÷ß~ÿâÊÜqûïéãß¿ÿæ øšÞßáÙÓÁ¿†Ì åJ G N 6 9 , 1 ¾Á˜šƒ¿šÍÂÁÊàïÂß¾æÁ‡ŽššĀƒ A E V : ¾Á˜šĀƒ¿šÍÂÁÊàïÁáî X 66,1

64

65

66

67

68

69

MAXIMS

247

64 Further, (Socrates said:)38 “Haughty people are much aggrieved when

they hear good things about those who are inferior to them.” 65 Plato said: “Harmony which is formed in the stomach spreads and

disperses whatever is lacking.” From the Sentences of Theano:39 66 “The deeds of endurance are not pleasant for the body, but when

something that should be done is not explained, it is wrong to remain silent about it.”40 67 “While trying to persuade somebody, let it be your concern not to do it

by force. Those whom you convince become your friends; those whom you oppress — your enemies.” 68 “Try your best to do good by your own will and not to do evil, even if

you are compelled by another.”41 69 “Be careful to give no time for enmity to grow.”

38

The sentence in V is introduced plainly by the adverb “further.” It follows the saying ascribed to Socrates. 39 The Syriac text of nos. 66–79 is based on V. Variants in the critical apparatus are taken from manuscripts A, E, G, and X, where the sentences of Theano are transmitted not among SGP but in the form of separate collections (see §3.2.7 of the Introduction, cf. also SGP nos. 21–39). Thus, the numbers of the Sentences of Theano in manuscripts A, E, G, and X indicated in the list of witnesses refer to the Counsel of Theano in these manuscripts and should be distinguished from the nos. of SGP in A and G. 40 This sentence in V combines the beginning of the 2nd and the 8th sentences of Theano in the collections of A and E. V has a small lacuna after the word “but” (Syr. ellƗ). What comes after it in V, seems to be a corrupted version of the text found in A and E. 41 This sentence has rather different form in (1) V (main text), (2) A and E, and (3) G. While the main idea of it remains the same in all three cases, the differences between the witnesses are considerable enough to speak of three versions of the sentence (see the critical apparatus).

248

PART II

K q¾æÙæøÊÙÁĀ†x¾ãÏĂ¾æøšÞâÍæøÊÙÁÞßá Ó N Áÿå K áXXÓâ¾ãXXÏĂ¾æøšĀ†xÞÙãÏĂáÓâ¾æÙæø¾æøšƒÞßá Ó N Áÿå K q¾æÙæø J ĀƒÞØ~x¿šÍåûñÍýÁ¾Ø†…¾ãÏĂç⃿ÿÏÍÂüšÀûØûüĀ K q¾ÂÁÊàïÁçâƒÀ˜~ÍÜ J q—ƒ‡ƒÊâĀ~q˜Íïéåþå~¾Á–ƒÊ⿆…ĀƒĀ† K ¾èÍXXãåÀăXXÙòüûÙÄ‹…ÍãÝè½Áq¾èÍãåáîúÙæèĀ¾å½Ü q¾æøN J J q¿šÍãϘ‹…Àƒ…áÓâq—ƒ‡ÍßÊý ãß¿šăÙòýÁÞÙãÏăß J çXXÙàØ~†q†…šÍXXß‹†…†ÊàÝÁxÞÙãÏІÌØÿØ~Ã҃çÙàØ~ q†Ì߀ûøš~çåÌîÊÁxÞæâçÙùÙϘƒ

7 0 V ʋ 11; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 25, E ʋ 25 (72.5-6 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 25]), X ʋ 4 (600.11 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 24]) 7 1 V ʋ 12; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 26, E ʋ 26 (72.6-7 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 26]) 7 2 V ʋ 13; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 28, E ʋ 28 (72.9-11 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 28]) 7 3 V ʋ 14; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 29, E ʋ 29 (72.11-12 Sachau; 19 Possekel [ʋ 29]), G ʋ 5 (83.7-8 Sachau), X ʋ 5 (600.12-13 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 25]) 7 4 V ʋ 15; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 40 and E ʋ 40 - 2nd part (73.2-4 Sachau; 20 Possekel [ʋ 40]), X ʋ 8 (601.1-2 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 28]) 7 5 V ʋ 16; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 49, E ʋ 49 (73.14-15 Sachau; 20 Possekel [ʋ 49]), X ʋ 9 (601.3-4 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 29]) 7 6 V ʋ 17; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 52, E ʋ 52 (73.19-21 Sachau; 21 Possekel [ʋ 52]), X ʋ 11 (601.7-8 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 31])

J J J J ÊÙÁ1 V : ÊÙÁƒ A E X 7 3 , 1 †…Ā~qÊÂïãßÌßĀ †þå~¾ï ÁƒÊ↠…Íß J K K —ƒ‡ƒÊâ X 7 4 , 1 ¾å½Ü A E V : ¾ÂÒ X | ‹…ÍãÝè½Á E V X : ‹…ÍãÙÝè½Á A J A E V : ÍXXßÊýãß 7 5 , 1 ÞXXÙãÏăß A E V : ÞXXÙãÏăß‹†… X | ÍXXßÊýãß¿šăXXÙòýÁ ¿šăÙòýÁ X | ‹…Àƒ… V : ûÙÄ‹… Àƒ… A E : ûÙĆ…çÙ߅ X 7 6 , 2 çåÌîÊÁ A E V : ˜ƒÍîÊÁ X | †Ìß A E V : †…šÍß X

70,1

70 71

72

73 74

75 76

MAXIMS

249

70 “Be careful to obtain friends by yourself and not by the means of

property.” 71 “Be careful to obtain property for the sake of friends and not to obtain

friends for the sake of property.” 72 “Neither is the praise true when it comes from friends as flattery, nor is

the rebuke when it comes from enemies.” 73 “A person should do not what he wants but what is right.”42 74 “The just person does not need the law, for he possesses the law through

his good behavior.”43 75 “It is proper to entice your friends with good things, for this is what

friendship is.” 76 “Be anywhere for those friends of yours who are good to you. As for

those who are far from you, you should approach them in a proper way.”

42

This sentence has been preserved in the fully identical form in A, E, G, and V, but in a slightly different version in X (see the critical apparatus). 43 Probably an allusion to Rom. 2:14 (cf. the first discourse of (Ps.-)Macarius in B). This maxim is not separated from the previous one in the collection of the Sentences of Theano in E (Theano, sentence no. 40), and it was published in this way by Sachau and translated by Possekel. But in A, V, and X, it appears as a separate maxim.

250

PART II

ç⿆…Ā¿†Ìå‹…†ăÁ†ÊÁÀĂ½ÏûÁƒqðÁšÿâÀƒ…ÀĂ½ÏûÁ N qƒÍÐàÁÌéæÄ J ‹…†ăÁ†ÊÁ~qÌùÙîšĀÀƒ…q¿š†ûâƒÀûÙæßÊÂï ýâƒÀÊ Âî N N qçãØÌâ N J çXXâvˆšûXXýâƒÿXXÙ߆q…˜šÍXXïÁðXX ÂèĀƒ¾æØ~çâÞؘ–ƒÿÙß N J q¿š˜Íÿñ÷ÁÌýòæßúò胾æØ~

7 7 V ʋ 18; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 56, E ʋ 56 (74.3-4 Sachau; 21 Possekel [ʋ 56]), X ʋ 13 (601.11-12 Levi Della Vida [ʋ 33]) 7 8 V ʋ 19; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 57, E ʋ 57 (74.4-6 Sachau; 21 Possekel [ʋ 57]) 7 9 V ʋ 20; cf. Sentences of Theano: A ʋ 62, E ʋ 62 (74.17-19 Sachau; 21 Possekel [ʋ 62]) 77,1 78,1

ƒÍÐàÁÌéæÄç⿆…Ā V : ÌéæÄç⿆…Ā† A E : ¾éæÄçâĀ† X J ÌùÙîš E V : ‹…ÍùÙîš A

77

78

79

MAXIMS

251

77 “For a freeborn person it is necessary that he conducts his way of life as

a freeborn person, not only by virtue of his origin.” 78 “A slave who is submitted to the yoke of authority does not suffer grief

if he is faithful in his way of life.” 79 “Nobody is poorer than the person who is dissatisfied with his wealth.

And nobody is more prosperous than the one who is content with little concern.”44

44

Cf. SGP no. 39.

252

PART II

2. Counsels

K K K ¿ÿãÝÏçòà⃾ñ ÍèÍààÙñƒ¿ÿÙ ÂÅâā âK J qûâ~ ÍÓàñ J ÏK J çXXâçXXØûÙÓ吆†ÌXXåÊXXÜqçÙãÙø¾ýò僆…¾åăîÍéÁ¾ýòåƒÌÙÙ J Ā~ƒáXXÓâq†ÌXXßáÓøÑÝý⃏Ê␠†Ì߀†ûùåĀƒq¾æÙÝå J J …ÿàÓø J ¾Ùàï↋…¾â˜ƒáÓâqÌßáÓøÑÝý⃏ÊâÿÙßq Ìß‹ N N J ÀûXXÅòßûÁƒƒ¿šÍↅāñ~†q‹…¿ÿÙæφĂÿÙÁ†qÀûÅñçâ N J J oÌæâ‹…¾æÙÓøƒáÓâqÌß¿Î ÏÑÝ ýâ N ÌXXß¾Á˜ÍXXâ†qÀûXXÅòÁÀûXXãîƒäXXß‹…¾ýXXòåÀûXXÅñƒ…ÌXXß~ K J J K ÌXXß¾ïXXÁ–†q…ÿXXã٠胿ÎXXÅÁÌßÀ˜ÿï↠…ÿãÝ Ïƒ¾îÊãÁ J K J K ÀûXXÅæèÌXXßÀÊXXÂî†q¿ššÊXX ÏÌXXß¾ÙXXæùâ†q …ÿÐ Ýüƒ¾åÍÅÁ J †…‹Íøq‹…†ÊؖçâÿÙæü†¿šÍãÁ…ÿÙñ˜~ƒ¾â†q…šÍàÙàãÁ title O IJ 8 0 C ʋ 1; F ʋ 1 (76.2-8 Sachau; 43 Cowper; 532 Ryssel [ʋ 1]); G ʋ 4; L ʋ 1 81 B ʋ 1

K K K ¿ÿãÝÏçÙòà⃾ñÍèÍààÙñƒ¿ÿÙ ÂÅâā âK O : ¾ãÙÝσ¾Áûü A : çâ K J ¾ãÙÝÏ B : ¾ñÍéàÙñƒāãâ C : ¾ýòåáñÍéàÙñƒ¾Áûü F : áåăÏ~¾Áăü K K K K ¾ýXXòå G : ¾ñÍXXéàñƒ†¾ ãXXÙÝσāXX âK J : ¾ùüÍXXñáXXÓ↾ñÍéàÙñƒ¿ÿæ øšáÓâ K K K K K ¿Ìãüƒ L : ¾ñÍèÍàÙñƒ¿ÿØÍϚ V : | ¾ñÍèÍààÙñƒ O P W : ¾ñÍèÍààÙñ M R S

title,1

J ÏK C F G : ¾ýXXòåƒçXX؃ÌXXÙÙÏ J ÍXXÓàñ F G L : ÍXXÓàÙñ C 2 ¾ýXXòåƒÌXXÙÙ L J ¾ýò僆…¾åăîÍéÁ C G L : †…¾ýòåƒÌÙåăîÍéÁ F 3 €†ûùå F G L : ÍÁûùå C J Ā~ƒ F G : Ā~ƒ C L 4 ÿàÓø C F G : āÓø L | ÌßáÓ J øÑÝ ý⃏ÊâÿÙß FG N L : om. C (homoeoteleuton?) | ¾Ùàï↠F G L : ‹…¾Ùàï↠C 5 ÿÙÁ† C F G : ÊÙÁ†  N ] C F G, L | ¿ÿÙæÏ†Ă F G : ¿ÿÙæφ˜ƒ L : ¾Ùæφ˜ C | āñ~† F G L : āñ~ C | †… J …ÊÜqÌæâ‹…¾æÙÓøƒ supralinear correction in L 6 Ìæâ‹…¾æÙÓøƒáÓâ F G : ¾ØÎÏ‹ N J …ÊÜ Ìß C : Ìæâ‹…¾æÙÓøƒÌß¾ØÎÏ‹ L N 80,1

80

5

81

COUNSELS

253

Selected Sayings of Philosophers That Teach Wisdom45 80 Plato says:

The life of the soul is established through the actions of the soul46 that keep her far from harm, so that nothing will approach her that may kill her. For unless she kills herself, there is nothing that could kill her. Because she is higher and more exalted than the body, and she belongs to spiritual beings.47 And even death that has power over the body cannot see her, because she is more subtle than it. 81 Soul is a god of the body that resides in the body.48 She enlarges it

through the knowledge of her wisdom, enriches it through the treasure of her riches, dyes it through the color of her discoveries, provides it with new things, and makes it into an advocate49 through her logical capacity. And when (the soul) abandons it after death and departs from

45

For the titles of the collections of SGP in different manuscripts, see §6.2 of the Introduction. 46 Cf. the Syriac version of ȁંȖȠȢ țİijĮȜĮȚȫįȘȢ ʌİȡ੿ ȥȣȤોȢ, §1 (19 Lewis; 4 Ryssel). 47 Cf. Philoxenus, Discourse 9, §36 (303 Budge). 48 Cf. Sentences of Sextus, no. 82d: “The soul of a God-fearing man is a god in the body” (Greek: 22.4 Chadwick). The Syriac version of this maxim is even closer to the opening sentence of no. 81: “The soul of a pious man is god because it resides in the mortal body” (Syriac: 13.5-6 de Lagarde). 49 The Syriac word is a transliteration of the Greek ıȣȞ੾ȖȠȡȠȢ.

254

PART II

K J J ÞXXØ~ÍXX߆q…ÿXXãÙ èƒÀ˜šÍî Ì؃~–þñ†qÌæÙ܃¿šÍæÝéãÁ K áXXÓâqÀăXXØÌâÌæÙæø¾ùÂüÌÁš†…ÀûãîƒÀûÅòß…ÿùÂüƒ K J …šăXXÂÏäXXîÌXXÁ¾ØûXXüƒ¾ØûXXýâÿXXÙÁ†q †ÌXXßĀ‡~ƒ¾å††~ƒ J K J …šÍãÁ J o…ÿÐÝüƒāãæÙùÁqçÙÐÙ å†çØû üp J qûâ~êÙàÒÍÓéؘ~ J J q¾æØÍXXÁçXX ↠åN ~ŽÊîĀ N …¾ÂXXîƒáXXÓâ…ÿÅÙÄăÁÀûÅòß¾ N J J †…ÌæÙܘÿÁ† J ÊXX܃q¾ýXXòåáîç؃¾åN ~úÙN îšÿâqÊïàÝÁ‰…˜ N J K J J ¾ùïâqÀûÅñƒ‹…ÍÐÙå ‹N …ÀÊÂîÊ܆qç øƒ‡ƒçÙàØ~¾üû ñ†¾îÊ ØJ J J J J J K Ìß‹… J ~ƒ“ÊXX؆q½XX ø†Āš N †… N ÌXXÁƒ†…qÌñšÍüƒ‹…ÍÙÐÁ N J J J ÀûXXãîÌÄ~ÿÁ¿ÿÝàâÞØ~‹N …ÊÜqāÙÓÁ™½ñÌß¾Ùñûâ J J J ÀûXXÅñÌXXßäXXà üƒÑXXÜÿý⃾æXXØ~†q¾ïXXâÿýâ†ÀÊXXù ñ†qÌXXÁ J J J ÃXXàÂXXㆅ¾ÙåÍÄçØÊå~†qÌãîêàøÿ僗ƒ ‡q¿šăÙòýÁ J o…ûÂÏçâûØÿØÃÙÏÿ僗ƒ ‡q…ûÂÐß N J J ûâ~‘ ÍÙ߆š J ÌæÙÜç âÍ߃Êâç â¾Ùòü†āß÷⃾â¾ýòå¾ÂÙÂφ¾ãÙϘ N N J J šûXXÁ…šûXXÂϾýXXòå~Ā~qÿXXÙß¾ýòæßäÐñƒûÙďÊâq †… N J J J J J J J çXXÙîÊ؃çXXÙàØ~¾ãÏÍXXòÁƒÞXXØ~ÌXXãî¾ùàè†Ìß¾Ù⃃qÌæÙÜ J ÌXXßçXXÙÂÐ↠K J J ÙÜ J Ìæ çXXÙøƒ‡ƒ¾éßÍXXø ÍXXÅé冐ÍXXÁ˜Í僆…—ƒ‡q J J K âáïß¾ãÙ J …š†ûÙùÙß o¾æÁ‡ç ø†ÀûÙÓå†qÀÊÁ~ĀƒçÙîÊ Øƒq N 82 IJ ʋ 1 8 3 B ʋ 2; IJ ʋ 2 8 2 , 1 êÙàÒÍÓéؘ~ M S W : êÙàÓÓéؘ~ P R 6 ÌÄ~ÿÁ J MRSW: 7 ¾æØ~† M R S W : ¾ÝØ~† P 8 ¾Âă M S W : ¾ÂÄ P R

J

J ÌÄÿÁ P

8 3 , 1 ‘ÍÙ߆š IJ : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B 2 ¾â B M P S W : çâN R | ¾Ùòü† IJ : ÿÙòü† B 3 ûÙďÊâ IJ : om. B 4 ¾ãÏÍòÁƒ B M P R W : ¾ãÐòÁƒ S 5 çÙÂÐ↠B M P S W : J BMPSW: çÙÂϽ↠R | †… B : ¿†… IJ | ÍÅéå† B : ÍÅéå”~ IJ 6 ¾ãÙø† J ¾ãؽø† R

5

82

5

83

5

COUNSELS

255

its presence, (the body) remains in the poverty of its nature. But the riches of (the soul’s) treasures remain with her, and when she abandons the body, in which she resided, (the soul) does not abandon her brilliant possessions. Because upon her death she goes to the abodes and to the place of living, where she dwells together with her associates, that are investigation, labor and discoveries, which abide and rest.50 82 Aristotle says:

I do not blame the body for its passions, because it is dense of understanding, and it runs after its nature all the time. But I am distressed about the soul, for, while she knows and discerns among those things which are right, all while serving the pleasures of the body, she becomes grieved at the life of her companion who is dependent on her, lives through her, and knows that when (the soul) leaves it, it remains idle. Like a queen with her crown, she resides in it, giving orders and being obeyed. And when the body is found to agree with her in her good actions, it should be praised together with her. But if it is something reproachful that it chooses and it overreaches its companion, it should be condemned more than its companion. 83 Thales51 says:

The soul is desirable and loved because it is more pure and sound than anything that is not from her nature. For nothing compares with the soul unless the companion of the soul has the same nature, so that it resembles her and ascends with her as if similar to those (beings) that know her nature and love her. It is right that praises that are due to her honor should be multiplied, for they acknowledge that she will not perish but will be preserved and remain beyond the times.

50

This anonymous counsel expresses the Platonic idea of the supremacy of the soul over the body and could have been ascribed to Plato, like the previous piece. 51 The Syriac form of the name in IJ is Twlyws that may refer to Tulis known from the Theosophia. Cf. no. 115.

256

PART II

J ûâ~‘ÍÓèûñ~š J ~Ā~q¿šÍXXàÙÐâÌXXß¾ÁûXXøĀ†q¾ýXXòå¾ÙXXåÿàÙÏÚXXÅ èJ J ØÎÄ J K ÌXXXX Ā q¾ÙXXXXÁ– ~ Ā~† qÌXXXXæÙÁ–ƒ ¿šÍXXXXæÙâÌãÁ K J J J K K ÌXXÙæÁ‡Ā†qçØûãÄÌÙÙÏĀ†q ăéÏ…ÿãÙèĀ†qçÙæÝéâÿâ çXXâ‹…¾â˜†q¾Ø˜ÿXXýâÍXXؘÿýâĀ†qÀûÂîûÂïâĀ†qçÙùàÒ N J o¾Ùãüçâ¾ùÙϘÚÅèÍ߆q¾î˜~ J ûâ~êÙåÿé⃠J J J áXXî¾éXXÙ҆¾ÏûXX ñ¾ÐÝýâq¾ýòæß ÌßÿØ~ƒ¿šÍÙé܃¾òÅ ÁK J J áÜáî¾æÝüƒ¿ÿؘÍÁÊß¾ÙâƒÊÜq¾ØÎÏÿâĀ†¾ØΠφqÊãàÜ āXXùü†¾ÙXXÂÅâƒÊXXÜqÿXXؽùÙò萆ÌXXæâ¾ÙXXæýâĀ†qçXXØăùî J †ÌXXæÙ܃¿š†ûXXØûãÁÀăXXùîçÙýÙñ†qçØăùî †ÌàÜçâ¿šÍÙàÏ J o¿šÍãÙéÁƒ¿ÎÄÌ߆

8 4 B ʋ 4; F ʋ 2 (76.9-14 Sachau; 43–44 Cowper; 532 Ryssel [ʋ 2]); G ʋ 5; C ʋ 2; IJ ʋ3 8 5 B ʋ 3; C ʋ 3; L ʋ 2; IJ ʋ 4 84,1

‘ÍÓèûñ~š G : êÓèûñ~š F : ‘ÍÓè†ûñ†~š C : ‘ÍÓéØûñ†~š IJ : ¾åûÏ~ J F G C B : ûâ~ç؃ J ¾ãXXÙÝÏ B | ûâ~ IJ 2 ¿šÍæÙâÌãÁ~Ā~ B G : Ā~ ¿šÍæÙâÌãÁ F IJ : ¿šÍæÙâÌâçâçâĀ~ C 3 ¾ÙÁ– B C F G P R : ¾Á– M S K K J ØÎÄĀ K B F G : ÌXXØ  J ÎÄçXXÙæÝéâÿâûXXÙÄĀ IJ : ÌXXØ  J ÎÄĀ W | çXXÙæÝéâÿâÌXX J 2 çæÙÂéâÿâ C 4 Ā† B C F G : āñ~† IJ 5 ¾â˜† B F G IJ : ¾Ù☠C 6 Í߆ C F G IJ : Ā† B | ¾Ùãü B C F G : om. IJ (lacuna)

85,1

êXXÙåÿé⃠L : êÙåÿéↃ C : ‘ÍÙåÿé⃠M R S W : ‘ÍÙåÿèÍ⃠P : ¾åûÏ~ ¾ãÙÝÏ B 2 ÿØ~ƒ B C L M P R S : ÿØ~ W 3 ÊÜ B C L : om. IJ | ¿ÿؘÍÁÊß C L IJ : ¿š˜ÍÁÊß B 4 ¾ÙæýâĀ† B L IJ : ¾ÙæýâĀ†çÙýñ† C | ¾ÙÂÅâƒÊÜ B : ¾ÙÂÅ↠C : ¾ÙXXÂÅâ¾âÊXXî L : ¾ÙXXÂÅ⃠IJ 5 çXXØăùÌàÜçâ L : çØăùîáÜçâ C : çâ K †ÌàÜ B : ¾ÂÁ…áÜçâ IJ | †ÌæÙ܃¿š†ûØûãÁ C L IJ : †…š†ăØûãÁ B 6 Ì߆ J B J J J C L : þæܚ~Ì߆ M R S W : þæܚ~Ì߃ P | ¿šÍãÙéÁƒ B C IJ : ÿØ~…šÍãÙéÁƒ J L Ìß

84

5

85

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84 Theophrastus says:

The soul is very powerful, and weakness does not approach her, unless through neglect of her will. And unless she wishes it, her treasures will not be impoverished, and her riches will not perish. Her life will not come to an end, and her time will not be over. She will not pass away and will never be destroyed. She is exalted from the earth and is not so far from the sky. 85 Demosthenes says:

With the secret wings that she possesses, the soul is able to fly and flutter over everything,52 seeing but not being seen. Thus, she resembles a bee which rests on all plants and does not depart from them empty. When she selects and carries away the sweetness of all their flowers, the plants remain in the bitterness of their nature, while she receives the treasure of joy.53

52

This image is probably based on Plato, Phaedrus, 246b. Cf. Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 2, §22 (PG 35, 432B = 119 Bernardi). 53 The simile of the bee goes back to Isocrates, Ad Demonicum, §52 (27.1-5 Mandilaras) and was used multiple times for rhetorical purposes. Cf. Ch. 5 of the Introduction.

258

PART II

J ûâ~‘†˜Êææâ J J J qÌßçÜÍï⃿ÿÙåă⃾ÙæèÀûøÍØ Ìæâ¾ýòå¾ØÊ üƒ‹ÿâ~áÜ J J K ÌÙîÍ K K ¾Ùòü Ââçâq¾îÍã ýß¾ÙùüŽÿ冓†˜ÿ僾æýßúò èĀ J J J K q¾æÝéâÿâĀ†À˜ÿïâ†qÀûéÏĀ†¾Á ÌØÊÜq …ÿãÝσā ⃠J K ÌXXà؃qŽššƒ¾ãXX܆qÀĂÍXXîÎß¾Á˜ÍXXâ†q¾ÒÍXX؃ Ìß¾ãXXÝÐ↠J J o€û؆˜ÿ î†q¾Åè¾Åéâ J ûâ~‘ÍØûåÍãÙÒ K J æøáî¾îÿýåƒÑÝýâÍæâ çÙòÓÏÿâĀ†çØÿÙâĀƒ¾ýòåƒÌÙæÙ J J J J ãß J J ÿÂæĐ J J ÿÁÌ؆ qÌXXßûXXò üƒç Ìæâ‹ … ~Ā~qÀûÙÓùÁÌæâ J ÌàØÊÁ J J J J J oÌàØÊÁ ÌÙàî† …áÝåš~ †~q …š˜ÿî~ †~ƒ N J ûâ~ ÍßÍè K « q¾üăXXÏáXXî¾åÊXXù؆qĀÍXXÓøáî¿šÍâÿؽå½Üš˜Îă¾ýòå J J «ÿØÎϚ~ç؃¾æ܅† ‹…ÌXXæÙÜšûXXÁƒ ÌÙàîûÂéåÍæâq¿ÿÙ߆ Ìß N 8 6 F ʋ 3 (76.15–77.3 Sachau; 44 Cowper; 533 Ryssel [ʋ 3]); G ʋ 6; C ʋ 4; IJ ʋ 5; Mub ʋ 67 (305.3-7 Badawi; 130–131 Rosenthal [ʋ 67]) 8 7 C ʋ 5; IJ ʋ 6; Mub ʋ 68 (305.8-11 Badawi; 131 Rosenthal [ʋ 68]) 88 IJ ʋ 7

K ‘†˜Êææâ G IJ : ‘†˜Êæâ F : ‘†˜ÊæÙñ C (cf. DžȁǁȁƾȈǧ Mub) 2 ¾Ùæè F G C : ¿ÿÙæèƒ J K K K NJƷơȂǨdzơ Mub) | ¿ÿÙåă⃠F G C : ¿ÿÙåă↠IJ 3 ā⃾ÙòüÌÙîÍÂâçâ K K K K J …ÿãÝσ F G, cf. Mub : …ÿãÝ J σā ↾٠òü¾î ÍÂâçâ C : om. IJ 5 ¾ã܆ F G C M P S W : ¾ãÜ~† W | Žššƒ F G C P : Úߚšƒ M R S W 6 ¾Åè¾Åéâ F G P : ¾Å膅¾Åéâ C M R S W

86,1 IJ (cf.

K IJ, cf. Mub (DZơȂǷƗ) : ‘ÍØûåÍãÙÒ IJ, cf. Mub (DžȂȇƾǻȂǸȈǗ) : êÙåÍãÙÒ C 2 ÌÙæÙ  J æø JÌæÙæø  C | çØÿÙâĀƒ IJ, cf. Mub (ƩȂŤȏŕdzơ) : çØÿÙ⃠C | çÙòÓÏÿâ IJ, cf. Mub (ȏȁ ƢȀǼǷǀƻƚƫȏȁƤǐǤƫ) : çÙÓòÏÿâ C 3 ÿÁÌ؆ J IJ:ÿ  J ÁÌØ C 4 †~ƒ J M P R S : †~ J C W N J J J JÌàØÊÁ J J J J  ÌÙàáÝåš~ †~ÌàØÊÁ…š˜ÿî~†~ƒ IJ, cf. Mub : ÌæÙÜ  †…‹Î Ϛ~ †~ N N N JÌàØÊÁ  C 87,1

88,1

ÍßÍè conj. : Íàùèmss.

86

5

87

88

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259

86 Menander54 says:

Every time the soul casts off from herself the ugly burden of concerns that oppress it, the tongue does not get tired55 in pouring out and giving a drink to the listeners from the pure springs of her wise sayings. Then (the soul) gives but does not lose. She enriches without becoming impoverished. She makes simple men wise and small men big. And while she gives away, what belongs to her increases greatly and grows rich and powerful. 87 Timonides56 says:

Who is able to tell of the possessions of the soul that do not perish and that cannot be taken from her by force, unless she has stolen them from herself and has given to that which has pleased her. Then either she will have enriched herself or that (to which it has given) will act deceitfully against her by means of what belongs to her.57 88 Solon says:

In the case of the soul which has uprightly decreed death for murderers and burning for magicians — for thus it seemed appropriate for her —

86 cf. Munৡণ 1182–1185 (60 Dunlop) - Theophrastus; Theophrastus, Fragments (2.308 Fortenbaught et al. [ʋ 485]) 54

“Pindar” in C and Mub. This form may go back to the misreading of the Syriac mem as pe. Al-Shahrastani and al-Shahrazuri attribute a very similar sentence to Theophrastus. 55 Thus the Arabic version of Mub. 56 The name in IJ is ܑymwnryws that is probably a corruption of “Timonides” (Mub: ܑƯmnjnadiynjs, C: ܑymwnys), cf. SGP no. 31. 57 It is most likely the body that may receive the treasures of the soul and act deceitfully against her. This piece is written in a condensed style that resulted in a number of metaphrastic expansions in the Arabic version of Mub.

260

PART II

J J J J ÌXXã†ÿXXü~ ~Ā~qÊXXãÁÌXXßäXXÐ ñĀƒ† …qÀûÅñƒ J J …ƒqÊãÁ oÌÁ¾âƒÿ僾Á–ƒ† J ûâ~êÙÒûøÍã؃ K K J q¿ÿXXýòåƒÀăXXÙòü¾Âü ÍXXÐߐ ÍXXå~çXXÙãàüƒÀăXXÅòÁ† …ÿXXØ~ N K K K K ¿ÿXXÙÁ†qÀăXXÅñƒ¾ÙXXæè¾ÂüÍXXÐßçXXãàüƒ¿ÿXXýòåÿØ~ƒ¾æÝØ~ J K ¾åûèÍXXϐ†Ì嘚ÍXXØqÀƒÊÐßçÙãà üĀ†‹…†ĂÍãîÌÁçÙÅÙàñƒ †ÌÁ¾Ø†…çÁÎàÝÁ¿†…ĀƒáÓâçÁÎàÝÁ¿†…ĀĀ~q†… K K K oÀƒÊÏáÂøÍ߃¾æØ÷ïÁƒÞØ~çÙåÊ îçÙåÊ îĀ~q¿šÍÅÙàñ J ûâ~êÒûø J J ϘÿÁ†q¾îÊ K J ¿šÍXXâÌXXæↅúXXÙϘq¾Ò…˜ ÌÙ٠؏Êãà܃¾ýòå J J J ÀûXXÙÏ¿šÍXXâçXX âÚXXàï⃏ÊXXãÁƒáXXÓâq ÌXX߀û øĀ†qÀûÅñƒ N J çÙùïâ¾å…áÓâ†qÑÝýâĀçâÿß¾Óã僿šÍâ†q¾ÙùÁÿ↠J K o¾æÁ‡ÊîqÀƒÊÏçâçÙÁÿýâ†çÙüû ñƒ¾â

8 9 B ʋ 5; C ʋ 6; IJ ʋ 8 9 0 F ʋ 4 (77.4-8 Sachau; 44 Cowper; 533 Ryssel [ʋ 4]); G ʋ 7; IJ ʋ 9 4

J ÊãÁÌã†ÿü~ ~Ā~ M R S W : om. P

êÙÒûøÍXXã؃ IJ : êXXÙÒÊùã؃ C : ¾ãXXÙÝÏ ¾åûXXÏ~ B 2 †…N B C : äXX߆… N IJ K B IJ : ¾ýòåƒ C 3 ÀăÅñƒ M R S W : ÀăÅòÁ B : ÀûÅòÁ IJ : ÀăÅñ C | ¿ÿýòåƒ ÀûÅñƒ B C P 4 †Ì嘚ÍØ C IJ : †ÌåÚÍؐ˜šÍØ B (dittography) 5 ¿†…1 B C : om. IJ | çXXÁÎàÝÁ¿†…ĀƒáXXÓâ C : çXXÁÎàÝÁÍXX߃áXXÓâ IJ : om. B (homoeoteleuton) 6 ¿šÍÅÙàñ C IJ : ¿šÍÅàñ B | ¾æØ÷ïÁƒ B C : ¾æØ÷îƒ IJ 89,1

J J êXXÒûø G : êXXÓØN ûø F : ‘ÍÒûø IJ 3 Ì߀û J øĀ† G F : …šÍãß¾ÂØûøĀ† IJ J K K J ÊãÁƒ G F : çâÊãÁƒ IJ 5 ÀƒÊÏçâçÙÁÿýâ†çÙüûñƒ¾â G : ÀƒÊÏçâçÙüăñƒ¾â K F : çÙÁÿýâ†ÀƒÊÏçâçÙüăñƒ¾â IJ

90,1

5 89

5

90

5

COUNSELS

261

who would consider her to be consubstantial with the body that does not compare with her in anything, except when it has shared in something with her which it wants to imitate? 89 Democritus says:

Among bodies, there are some that agree with beautiful intentions of souls. Likewise, there are souls that agree with loathsome intentions of bodies. As for a house in which its residents are divided and disagree with one another,58 their benefit is loss, although not always, because there are not always divisions among them, but from time to time, i.e. when they are resisting one another. 90 Crates says:

As for the soul that knows everything and strives for her life, the death of the body is far from her and it cannot approach her. For (the soul) observes and examines the things that are exalted above death, and death is not able to arrive there. And because of this, both (the soul and the body) are in distress when they are separated from each other and while they are dependent from each other for a particular time.

58

Cf. Lk. 11:17.

262

PART II

J ûâ~‘†ûÄ~šÍñ J J J ¾æXXÝØ~†qÍXXæâƒÌXXæÙÜáXXî¾ îÿXXüš†“ƒšƒ¾ýXXòæß‹ …āXXÓî J J J J q¾îÿüš†~ûâ~š …ÿØáî‹ …ƒqÀƒ… Ìß¾ÂØÌØĀÊÁq ÌØÿØ~ N J J çXXÝÂßÿâĀ†qçXXÙå~¿ÿÙæÏ†Ăƒ…šăÂÏáî† ÌÙàîûÙÄûâ~šƒ K ¿ÌXXãüçXXÙ߅qçXXØÌØÿØ~¿šÍXXâçXX âáXXï߃†qçXXãýÄÿâĀ† N J oûâ~ÿâĀƒ†…Íå~¾æÙÜÍ߆†ÌØÿØ~ J ûâ~‘ÍÙàÒûâ J J J Āƒ…š†ûXXØÿè† …šÍXXÙéÜqÍå…¾ýò僿š†˜ÿÙ↾Á˜ …ûùØ~ ÀûXXØN –šÿâĀƒ†qāXXàâÿâĀƒ†¾ÂXXýÏÿâĀ† q¾ÝXXÂßÿâ N N K J ÌXXÁÀûXXãîƒÀûXXÅñÞXXØ~qš†…¾ØÎÏÿâäßÍß~†q¾æ ããéÁ N J J ¿šÍXX؅‡ƒ¿šÍXXòÝå†qÍå…¾ãÙéÏûÙÄ…ûñÍüq¾ÙéÁ†¾ÓÙü ‹…¾ØÎXXÏÊXX܃¿ÿXXòÝæâq¿ÿXX߆ÿÁÞXXØ~ÀûXXÙÓå†qāÙ߇ƒ¾æÙî N J J K J K oÌßçØÎ Ïā Ù߃āñ~ Ìßq¿½Ù Åéß

9 1 B ʋ 6; IJ ʋ 10 9 2 IJ ʋ 11 9 1 , 1 ‘†ûÄ~šÍñ IJ : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B 2 “ƒšƒ B P : Úƒ M R S W | Íæ⃠B J B : om. IJ | ĀÊÁ B : ĀÊÜ IJ | ¾ÂØÌØ IJ : ¾ÁÌØ P : †…¾æ⃠M R S W 3 ÌØÿØ~ J B : ¾îÿüš† IJ B | áî B : om. IJ | ûâ~š B : Ú M R S W : “ƒš P | ¾îÿüš†~ 4 ûâ~šƒ B : ‹ûâ~š† M R S W : ûâ~š† P 5 Ā† B : āñ~† IJ | çãýÄÿâ B : çýýÄÿâ IJ 6 †ÌØÿØ~ B : ƒÍÐàÁÍå~ IJ | Í߆ B : ¿†…Ā† IJ 92,3

¾ÂXXýÏÿâ M R S W : ¾ýXXÂÏÿâ P N ¿šÍòÝå† M R S W : ¿šÍòÝå P

5

¾ÓXXÙü M S W : š†…¾ÓXXÙü P R

91

5

92

5

COUNSELS

263

91 Pythagoras says:

It is difficult for the soul to grasp and explain what her nature is and how she exists. For this is not granted to her,59 i.e. to say or explain what her essence is, since she would be speaking about herself and about her associates who are spiritual, imperceptible, incorporeal,60 and beyond death. They are names and they do not belong to the nature that is ineffable.61 92 Martialis says:

The great honor and superiority of the soul are her concealment and her secrecy that may neither be seized nor analyzed nor pronounced nor depicted with pigments. And if she were visible like the body in which she lives, she would be scorned and despised. For her beauty and the purity of her dignity are desirable for a shameless eye. But she is preserved like a modest virgin who, while seeing many people, as for herself, not even a few people see her.62

59

The variant of IJ: “... if it is not granted to her ...” The two versions differ in only one letter (beth vs. kaph) that are graphically similar. It is, thus, not possible to establish what the original reading was, but the version of B fits better in the line of argument of SGP nos. 91–95. 60 The variant of IJ: “immeasurable” (similar to the previous note, the two versions differ in only one letter). 61 I.e. to the divine nature, cf. Sentences of Sextus, no. 28 (14 Chadwick). For the much longer Syriac version of this sentence (12.4-12 de Lagarde), cf. Eisele, Sextussprüche, pp. 395–396. 62 Ephrem the Syrian uses a similar image in the Hymns on Faith, 14.5 (62.16 Beck).

264

PART II

J ûâ~‘†ûÓùߚ J J J ¾ùXXÁÿ冘ÍÐå¾æÝØ~ƒ“Ê Ø¾ýòåÌÁÀûã îƒÀûÅñ† …āñ~ N K K J J J ¾ùXXÁÿ僎‡~ƒ¾â†q¿½XXÙÅèÌà؃¾òàÏÍýÁÌß¾ØÌòâqÌÁ J J ÌXXÁÀ˜ÌXXă¾ýXXãüƒÀûXXÙòè~šÍXXâÊÁ‹ …ÌXXß¾Ùâƒÿâq ÌÁ N J J K J ‹…ÍXXùÙ߇ÊÙÁƒ† …ÑÝýâ†q ÌÁÀƒ÷↠ÌÁÀû٠σ‹ÿâ~q¾æÙî N J J J K q…šÎÏçâ¾âÌâƒç؃‹ÿâ~q¾Ù ã胾ÂÅÁ ÌÙãÙùå†ÌÙÓãïå N K K K K q¾ÙãÁÀûãÏÞØ~Àƒ ÊÐÁÍÄÎâš~†q¾Ø †~¾ Ï~ †Ì߆†… K oÀƒÊÏçâçÙýØûñĀÊܐ †ÌØÚÊÐÜ~çÙãïÒÿ↠N J ûâ~‘Íèûñ ¿ÿXXïÁçXXß¿†…šƒqÀƒÌXXÁ¾ÐXXæâ¾ýXXòå‹…āXXñ~ƒ¾ åN ~ûÂèJ N J J J J ÌXXæÐÝü~Ā†q ÌXXÁçXXæØĀƒšÎXXσ¾â†q ÍXXæ⃠ÌæÙÜáî¾ùÐüƒ J ĀƒÌÙïÂ像ÊøçæüûñĀƒqçßÀûéÁ†…çØÊ؅qçæÙïÁƒ¾âÞØ~ J ¾üÍÂßāÅåƒçæÙÁ–ƒq¾å…¾Á˜ûÙÄÌ߆…Àûî–q¾îÊØÿâ J J J J J ÌüÍXXÂßÀûÅòÁāñ~ƒ‹ ¾ØÎXXÏ …qÿØāÒûî ÌØÎÐåƒq …ÿÙéܚƒ J J ÌÁÀûãîƒÀûÅñÑÝü~Āq‹…¿ÿÙÁÍÅÁÊܐ ~†q¾æÙîÌß

9 3 B ʋ 7; IJ ʋ 12 9 4 B ʋ 8; IJ ʋ 13 9 3 , 1 ‘†ûÓùߚ M P R W : ‘†˜ÿù߆š S : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B : €†š add. M R S W K K J J èÌà؃¾ òàÏÍýÁ Ìß¾ØÌòâ 2 ¾æÝØ~ƒ IJ : ¾æÝØ~ B 3 ¾ùÁÿ僎‡~ƒ¾â†¿½ÙÅ K JÌÁ K  IJ : om. B (homoeoteleuton) | ¾òàÏÍýÁ M S R W : ¾ÂüÍÐÁ P 4 ÀûÙòè~ IJ : K Àûòè~ B 5 Àƒ÷↠B M P : Àƒ–½â† R S W, marginal correction in M | ‹…ÍùÙ߇ J J J J K  IJ : ÌãÙùå†  B | …šÎÏ  B : …š÷Á  IJ 8 †ÌØÚÊÐÜ~ B : IJ : ‹…ÍÙùÙ߇ B 6 ÌÙãÙùå† ÊÐÜ~†ÌØÚ IJ | çÙýØûñ B : çÙüăñ IJ

‘Íèûñ IJ : anonym. B 2 āñ~ƒ IJ : āñƒ B 3 Íæ⃠J B : †…¾æ⃠IJ 4 ¾â B : J J BMR Êâ IJ | †… B : om. IJ | çæüûñ B : çæÙüûñ IJ | ÌÙïÂåƒ  B : ¾ïÂåƒ IJ 5 ûÙÄÌß J J J J  P 6 ÌØÎÐåƒ  B : ÌØÎÐå†  IJ | ÿØāÒûî IJ : ¾ÙàÒûî B 7 ÌÁÀûãîƒ S W : ÌßûÙÄ «  IJ B : šûãîƒ 94,1

93

5

94

5

COUNSELS

265

93 Talactarus63 says:

Not even the body, in which the soul lives, knows how to see her and to observe her, leading her astray through its many changes. And when (the body) comes to observe her, (the soul) appears to it in the likeness of the sphere of the sun that blinds the eye as long as it is looking at it and is fixed on it.64 Through its rays, it may become darkened and it may come to the side of the blind. But when it turns away from her sight, they become equal brothers, and they are mixed with each other like wine in water, so that both of them have the same taste and are inseparable from one another.65 94 Paris says:

I believe that the soul herself does not remain at rest when she becomes a question that vexes us about what her nature is. When she sees that we become weary of this and are not able to find what we are looking for, then she despises us for not discerning that she is unknowable before making an investigation. For it is a great insult to (the soul) when we want to remove the covering of her clothes in order to see her naked. The eye is not able to see her clothes even in the body. And if the body in which she resides is unable to explain her when she is inside her

63

Maybe a corruption of “Alecterius.” Probably an allusion to the allegory of the cave in Plato, Republic, 514a–517a. 65 The idea of mixture of soul with body in the same way like wine and water was a popular example in the Late Antique philosophy. It appears by Porphyry in the Symmikta Zetemata (fr. 259: 281a33-34 Smith) that Nemesius paraphrased in Ch. 3 (“On the union of soul and body”) of the De Natura Hominis (39.5-6 Morani). 64

266

PART II

J J ¾ÐXXÝýâ¾æXXÝØ~q…ûXXãïâÿXXÙÁÿXXùÂüÿXXÐàüƒ¾â†q ÌXXÙîÿýåƒ o‹…¾æ⃓Êؚš J ûâ~‘ÍÙÒ~ûñ~ J J J ½XXøƒþXXåĀ¾ âƒq¾ýòå‹…¾æ⃏Êâûâ½åƒ¾Á –†ˆûãâç âJ J qçXXàñ‡ÌXXØÿñ†çXXàñ‡ÌùâÍXXïÁ†…ÿØ~ƒqû â~†¾ã؃…ûòèáî N J J ¾è˜ÍXXñÌXXßÿÙßÊÜ¿ÍÐåƒÑÝýâĀ†¿ÍÐâqû â~ç؃ûâ½â J J J q¿†…€½ ÏÃÐâƒáÓâq¿ †…¾Ü‡¿ †…û ÌÁÍ߆qÀƒÌß N N N â~ƒ‹ oÌÁ¾ÜÎåƒÑÝýâĀƒÊâûâ~ƒ N J ûâ~‘ÍÝãÙÒ K ¾ãXXÙÝφÀăXXòèÍXXÁĂqêXXÙòÒÿåĀÊXXã߃ÌXXæÙîûÁä胾æØ~ K J ~x¾î†Ê؆ †…ÀƒÌ߃áÓâqêÙòÒÿâĀq‹ÌÙåÍéÙòåƒçÙãÙø J ”~qÀăXXØÿؐÍXXå…Ì߆†…†qá ùåĀ¾éÙñƒq¿†…êÙòҚ~ N qêXXÙòҚ~ĀƒáXXÓâÍXX߆q…šÍXXàÓîáXXÓâ¾ØûÜÍXX吆ÌXX߆…N 9 5 IJ ʋ 14 9 6 A ʋ 1 (26a16–b19 Lewis; 535 Ryssel [ʋ 12]); F ʋ 5 (77.9-16 Sachau; 44 Cowper; 533 Ryssel [ʋ 5]); G ʋ 8; L ʋ 3; O ʋ 7 (IX.18-24 Sachau); Sahd ʋ 3 (16.11-17 [29] de Halleux); Mub ʋ 59 (304.1-4 Badawi; 130 Rosenthal [ʋ 59]) 8

ÿùÂü B : ÿùÂü”~ IJ 9 “Êؚš B : ÚîÊؚšƒ M R S W : “Êؚšƒ P

9 5 , 1 ‘ÍÙÒ~ûñ~ M R S W : ‘ÍÙÒûñ~ P 2 ˆûãâ M R S W : ˆûã⃠P 4 J ÏÃÐâƒáÓâ P R : om. M S W R : ûâ½å† M S W 5 ¿†…€½ N

ûâ½â P

9 6 , 1 ‘ÍXXÝãÙÒ F L O : êXXÝãÙÒ G : êÙåÍXXãÙÒ A :DžȁƢǸȈǗ Mub : ¾ãÙÝÏ ÊÏ Sahd J 2 äèƒ L O Sahd, cf. Mub (DzǠƳ) : ½èƒ F G : Ìß¾ãÙèƒ A | ÌæÙîûÁ F G L O Sahd, K K K A L O Sahd : ÀăXXò膾ãXXÙÝÏ cf. (ǾLjǨǻĿ) : om. A | ¾î†ÊXX؆¾ãXXÙÝφÀăXXòè K K ¾æòà↾åÿî†Ê؆ F G : ƔƢƦǘŬơȁƔƢǸǰūơ Mub 3 ~ A F G O Sahd : †Ìå~ L | çÙãÙøJ J A : Āƒ A F G O Sahd : çÙãÙøƒ L 4 ¿†… A L O Sahd : ƒÍÐàÁ F G | áÂùåĀ¾éÙñƒ J J J ¾éÙñáÂùå Sahd : ¿†…áÂùåĀ¾éÙñƒ L O : áÂùåĀþå~ƒ¾éÙñƒ F G | ††…† N J †Ì߆†…† F G L O | †Ì߆…”~ A : †…”~† Íå…Ìß A Sahd : ÌߐÍ児 N N †ÌXXß¿†… L O : †ÌXXßÌXXß¿†…†…”~ F G : †ÌßÌß¿†…†…”~† Sahd N N 5 …šÍàÓî A F G L Sahd : …šÍßÍî O | Í߆ A F G O Sahd : ¿†…Ā† L

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house, how can it be understood what she is, once she has stripped off and cast away the house of her dwelling? 95 Aphratius says:

The one who dares and desires to say something about what soul is, is similar to the person who is standing on the shore of the sea and saying that it is so-and-so much in its depth and is so-and-so much in its breadth. Having said that, he will demonstrate that he is not able to state anything because he has no means for that. And he will achieve nothing through his speech because he will certainly fail to speak about something that he is unable to embrace. 96 Timmachus66 says:

The one who has made up his mind to be persuaded by nothing will not be persuaded even if thousands of scholars, sages, and advisors tried to persuade him, because he has persuaded himself that he will not receive persuasion. They will seem superfluous to him, and he will look like a stranger to them because of his stupidity. And it is not because he is not

66

Maybe a corruption of “Symmachus.” Mub: “Timaeus.”

268

PART II

J šÊXXÁ~‹ …ÍXX߆qÌXXæ⿆…Ê Á~ûÙÄÍ ØN †…q¿ÿãÝÏÌßšÊ Á~ N N N N oÌæâ J ûâ~‘ÍÓùÙå~ J K ¿ÎXXÄçXXÙîÊØÿâq¾å†ÌXXâ¾ïXXãýãÁ†¾ãXXÙÝÏ †…ÀûXXâ½ãÁ K K qçü˜ÍXXñĀƒ¿šÍXXÙÏçXXßçXXæ؆…q¾æXX܅Āƒ†q¿ÿXX ýòåƒÀăXXØÌâ áXXøšÿåƒ ¾ÐXXÝýâ Āƒ ¾æXXÝØ~† q¾æØÍXXÁ ¾ÙXXæøJ Āƒ ÀûXXÙïÁ† ¾æXXÙî˜áXXøšÿ僾ÐXXÝýâĀ¾æXX܅q¾æXXÙéϾòÙùü¿š½éãÁ J J …q¾ãXXÙÝÏ ¿ÿÏÍXXý⃏ÊXXâáXXÜáXXî¾îÿXXýå†ûXXâ½åƒ“ÊXX؃† oƒÍÐàÁÌßÿØ~āøÿ↠J ûâ~êÙåÍòéØ~ K K K ĀƒÊXXÙÁq¾æXXæÂφāXXÝ èÊXXø¾ãXXÙ ÝσçXXÙÁăüÍXXÁĂ¾åšš ~ J K ¾ïXXXÂ҆ ¾Á…ƒ ÀûXXXÙïÂß çXXXïÓ⃠†… þXXXå~ ÞXXXØ~ qçXXXÙüûñJ

9 7 A ʋ 2 (26b20–27a10 Lewis; 535 Ryssel [ʋ 13]); B ʋ 9; IJ ʋ 15; Mub ʋ 69 (305.12-14 Badawi; 131 Rosenthal [ʋ 69]) 9 8 A ʋ 3 (27a11-22 Lewis; 535 Ryssel [ʋ 14]); B ʋ 10; O ʋ 8; V ʋ 24; Mub ʋ 70 (305.15-18 Badawi; 131 Rosenthal [ʋ 70]) 6

ûÙÄ A F G : om. L O Sahd | ¿†…ÊÁ~ …Í߆ N A L O Sahd : ÊÁ~ N F G | šÊÁ~‹ N N Ìæâ F G L Sahd : Ìæâ‹…Í߆ A : om. O Mub N

97,1

‘ÍXXÓùÙå~ A Mub (DžȂǘǬȈǻơ) : ‘ÍXXÓÙùå~ M R S W : ‘ÍXXÓÙùÙå~ P : ¾åûXXÏ~ ¾ãXXÙÝÏ B 2 ¾ïXXãýãÁ† A, cf. Mub (ǝƢǸƬLJȏơ) : ¾ïXXãýÁ B M R S W : ¾ãýÁ P J K A B IJ : ƨŻǂǰdzơƢȀǫȁǂǟȁdžǨǼdzơ ǺƟơDŽƻ Mub (= ÀăùÎÄ K ?) 4 ¾ÙæøĀƒ ÀăØÌâ¿ÎÄ A B : ç؃¾ÙæøĀƒ IJ | 4 - 6 (ƒÍÐàÁ¾æÝØ~†) absent in Mub | ¾ÐÝýâĀƒ A B : Āƒ J …J ) absent in B †…¾ÐÝýâ IJ 5 ¿š½éãÁ B IJ : ¿ÿè½ãÁ A 6 (ƒÍÐàÁ“Ê؃† N

98,1

êÙåÍòéØ~ A, cf. Mub (DžȂLjǨLJơ) : êæÙòè~ V (ıij઀Ȗȟ?) : ‘ÍÙå½òÙñ~ O : ¾åûÏ~ K BOV J O | çÙÁăü A B : ¾Áăü O V | ¾ãÙÝσ ¾ãÙÝÏ B 2 ¾åšš A B V : ¿ÿؚ K Mub : om. A | ÊÙÁ A B O : áÓâ V 3 þå~ A B V : ¾ýå~ O | ¾ïÂ҆ A V Mub : K K ¾ÂÒ¾ï Â҆ O : om. B

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persuaded that wisdom will be lacking. Rather, he will be deprived of it and not it will be deprived of him. 97 Anicetus says:

It is through wise speech and intelligent listening that the skillful treasures of souls are made manifest. Without this, we would be like animals having no discernment and like beasts that do not possess understanding. And just as it is impossible to weigh a huge rock with a measure, in the same way is it impossible to weigh the wise intellect that alone knows how to speak about and to relate everything that has measure and weight. 98 Speusippus67 says:

If you tell ten thousand stories of the sages in the presence of fools and sluggards, you will be like someone who loads an animal with gold,

67

The form of the name in the translation is based on the conjecture proposed by V. Ryssel. The form Ҵyspwnys in A may be a corruption of “Eusebius” (cf. no. 127). O: “Epiphanius,” which is most likely a late correction of the unknown name. Mub: Asfasnjs (?), which Rosenthal interprets as a corruption for “Speusippus,” probably having accepted the conjecture of Ryssel.

270

PART II

J J J ¿†…Ā†qÌßÃÙýφ…¿ÿåÍïÒÞØ~ Ìà؃ Ì߆q¿ÿÙæÄă↠J J J oçÙîÊ؆çÙüû ñƒ¾æØÍÁ†¿ÿîÊØÿÙßÊÁqûÙù؃Ê⃆ …ÞØ~ J ûâ~‘ÍØûÒÍå K K J K ÊXXâçÙòàâ†çØûâ~ƒq¾åăÁÊ↾ýØƾãÙ Ýφ¾æ òàâ†¾î †ÊØ J ÍÂÙÏÿå†qÿؽÙàІûéÁÿ僆…—ƒ‡qÀÊÂïÁÌßçÙÂØûøĀƒ J J ”~ƒÊXXãÁçXXÙÂÙÐâ†çÙü˜†qçØÊÂîĀƒÊâçØûâ ~ƒqÿؽå½Ü J ÌXXÁûXXÙÄÍßqÌÁçØûÙéÁ J J çXXØûøÿâçXXÙÁ–ƒÊXXâçXXØûâ ~ƒ‹ Íå… K J J J q¾î†Ê؆¾ü†ăñçØûøÿâqçØûâ~ç܆çØÊÂ…çâĀ~q¾ãÙÝ ÏK N K K çâ¿šÍàÝ胾æÏĂÍèçÙïÁšƒ¾âqçØûÙéÁĀ† †ÌÙñ~çÙàĆ o¾åăÏ~

9 9 A ʋ 4 (27a23–b17 Lewis; 535 Ryssel [ʋ 15]); J ʋ 2; L ʋ 4; V ʋ 21; IJ ʋ 16; Mub ʋ 71 (305.19-306.2 Badawi; 131 Rosenthal [ʋ 71]) 5

†…J A O : om. B V | Ê⃆…J A O : Êâ B V | ûÙù؃ A V : ûÙù؆… O : ˜ÿÙ⃠B

9 9 , 1 ‘ÍXXØûÒÍå M R S V : êØûÒÍXXå L P : ‘ÍXXØûÒ½å A : DžȂǗǂǻ Mub : anonym. J K K K K K K IJ : ¾ãXXÙÝϾæXXòà K V : ¾ãXXÙÝφ òà↠L : ¾ãXXÙÝÏ”~¾æXXòà ↠↠2 ¾ãXXÙÝφ¾æXX K K K ¾æòà↠J, cf. Mub (śǸǴǠŭơȁƔƢǸǰūơȁ) : ¾ãÙÝφ¾ÙÝà↠A | ¾ýØÆ A V : ¾æýØÆ J L IJ | çÙòà↠A J L V : çÙÝà↠IJ 3 çÙÂØûø A J V IJ : çÙÁăø L | †… A J V IJ : om. L †ûéÁÿåƒ A J V IJ : ††…†ûéÁÿåƒ L 4 çÙü˜† A J L V : çÙü˜ IJ 5 Íß A J V : Ā L J â A L V IJ : ¾â J | ç܆ A J L : çâ IJ : ÊÜ V IJ | çØûøÿâ A L V IJ : çØûùØÿâ J 6 ‹…ç N J K çØûâ~ A L V IJ : çÙòàâ J | çØûøÿâ A J L V : çØûøÿâÀƒ…ÊÙÁ IJ 7 †ÌÙñ~çÙàĆ K K A J V : †ÌØÊÂïÁ†ÌÙñ~çÙàĆ L IJ | çØûÙéÁĀ† A J V IJ : ÍåN …çØûÙéÁĀ† J †ÌÁ L | ¾â A J L V : ¾â† M S W : ¾ãÁ P R | çÙïÁšƒ A J L V : çÙß½üƒçØăâ~ƒ J K K A M S W : çÙß½ü†çØăâ~ƒ P R | ¿šÍàÝ胾æÏĂÍè J L V IJ : ¾æÏĂÍ胿šÍàÝè

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gems, and pearls, due to their inability to discern. For an animal considers the things it carries to be no more than a burden and not as something worthy because it lacks knowledge and intelligence to discern and understand. 99 Neuterius68 says:

Scholars, teachers, sages, leaders, and rulers who say and teach something about which they are not familiar in practice should be openly despised and justly condemned for saying something they do not do and for accusing and condemning something for which they themselves shall be despised. For men are called wise not because they are saying anything they wish. Rather, because they are doing what they say, are they called discerning and knowledgeable. And they have open faces and are not ashamed while blaming others for doing evil deeds.

68

It may be a corruption of Nq‫ܒ‬ryws, “Nectarius” (cf. the forms of the name of Lucian in no. 101).

272

PART II

J ûâ~‘ÍÙàø~ 100 K ¿~ÍXXàâ¾å…çXXßÍXXÙâ˜~†q††…ÍàãîĀçÙâÊøƒ¾ãÙÝÏÍß~ K ¿šÊXXϾîڐ Íå…çßÍÏÿñ†q¾ãÙéÁ¾Ä˜…¾å…†¾å˜šÍ؃ K ˜ÿXXÁÀƒûXXåƒāXXÙÂü†¿ÿXXÏÆ~çXXÙ߅çXXßÍXXü˜ƒ†q †ÌXXÁ—Íòåƒ K 5 ”~ ¿šÍXXXæÝéãÁ çÙñÍXXX↠çXXX؆… çXXXÙàÁ q†ÌXXXà؃ ¿ÿXXXÂùî q¿šÍæÝéãß”ƒ˜ƒ¿ÿãÝσÀ˜šÍ…ÿÙ߃ÊÙÁq¿šÍÙàÒûî J J J K çØÊÙÏ~ƒq¾Ùãèç âç؆…çÙùÙϘÚÅ èÍ߆q¿šÍùÙæéß Ìߘÿï ↠N J š†…† q…šÍXXÙòüƒ J ÍXXÅÁ ÌXXß À˜…ÍXXå çXXØÎÏJ Ā† q¿ÿXXÙæÄûâ N K oāÙÓÁ¾å½â†ÌØÊØ~ J ûâ~‘ÍæøÍß 101 K K J çXXØûÙσ¾âq¾î†ÊXXÙßÀûØûↅ¾ýφq¾ãÙÝÐß¾Á˜†…āÁ~ N K †ÌÁ J ÚXXãÏÆq¿š†ûÜ~ƒ¾æÐßÍñçâÚøăÌßçØûø†qāÝè K J ¾ýøƒq¾æØÍÁƒ¾å†…‹ÎÙà ÄçÙîÊ ØĀ†qÀƒ÷ÏĀƒ¾ÓÙýñ¿÷Ï N J ûXXÙĆ…q¿š†ûXXÜ~ƒ¾åÊXXñƒ¾ÁûXXÏçXXâ¿šÍòéàÙñƒāã 5 J Āq¾ÙXXà߃¾ÏÍXXåÌXXßÿXXÙß¾åÌXX߆q¾ÙààÁÑÙ冾ããؽÁáãî 1 0 0 A ʋ 5 (27b18–28a13 Lewis; 535–536 Ryssel [ʋ 16]); IJ ʋ 17; Mub ʋ 72 (306.3-8 Badawi; 131–132 Rosenthal [ʋ 72]) 1 0 1 A ʋ 6 (28a14–b12 Lewis; 536 Ryssel [ʋ 17]); B ʋ 11; IJ ʋ 18 1 0 0 , 1 ‘ÍÙàø~ M R S W : êÙàø~ P : ‘ÍÙæø A : DžȂǴǫ Mub 2 ÍàãîĀ A : Íàãîš~ K IJ, cf. Mub : om. A 5 çÙñÍ↠IJ 3 Íå… IJ : çÙ߅ A 4 †Ìà؃¿ÿÂùî˜ÿÁÀƒûåƒ A : çXX؆…çÙñÍ↠IJ | ¿šÍÙàÒûî”~ IJ, cf. Mub : ¿šÍàÓîƒ A 6 ÊÙÁ IJ : om. A J AMRSW: ¿ÿXXãÝσ A : ¿ÿãÝφ IJ | ”ƒ˜ƒ A M R S W : ¾ñƒ˜ƒ P 7 ˜ÿï↠J J IJ J À˜ÿï↠P | Ìß  A : om. IJ | Í߆ A : Ā† IJ 8 ¿ÿÙæÄûâ A : ¿ÿÙæÄûãßÌß

‘ÍæøÍß A : ‘ÍßÍß IJ : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B 2 ¾Á˜ A IJ : om. B | ÀûØûâ A : K ÀûØû↾Á˜ IJ : om. B 3 ¿š†ûÜ~ƒ¾æÐßÍñ A IJ : ¾æÐßÍñ†¿š†ûÜ~ B 4 ‹ÎÙàÄ K ¾æØÍÁƒ¾å†… A : ¾æØÍÁƒ¾å†…çâ‹ÎÙà Ä IJ : ¾æØÍÁ†¾å†…çâ‹ÎÙàÄ B | †…¾ýøƒ N N āXXãî A B : Àƒ÷XXσāãîçↅ¾ýø IJ 5 ¿šÍòéàÙñƒ A : ¿šÍñÍéàÙñƒ B : N ¿šÍñÍéàÙñ† P: ¿šÍòèÍààÙñ† M R : ¿šÍñÍèÍààÙñ† S W | ¿š†ûÜ~ƒ A IJ : om. J J B 6 áãîJ A B : ¿Ā IJ | ÑÙå† B IJ : ˆ½å† A | ¾åÌ߆ A B : ¾ãÙÝÐ߆ IJ | ¾ÏÍå ¾Ùà߃ A : ¾ÐÙ僾Ùàß B IJ

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100 Achilles69 says:

If the sages before us had not toiled providing us with this abundance of useful (knowledge) on which we have the pleasure to meditate, and had not opened for us these new gates through which we may enter, and had not explored for us these ways and paths where we may walk in their steps, then we would have perished and would have been destroyed from poverty and nakedness, for there would be no riches of wisdom that drive away poverty and enrich the needy, and we would be not far from the blind who hold a pearl but do not see the light of its beauty, so that it becomes a worthless thing in their hands. 101 Lucian says:

It is a great grief for sages and a bitter pain for scholars, when fools look at them and call them avoiders of the labor of farming and lovers of easy escape without harvest. Being deprived of theoretical understanding, they do not grasp that the work of philosophy is harder than the plowhandle of agriculture.70 For that one (the farmer) works during the day and rests in the night, whereas there is no rest at night for this one (the

101 cf. FM 28 (269 Meineke); FL 30 (7 Beynen); GnBar 24 (9 Bywater); Max 17.55/64 (422 Ihm); CP 5.18 (1.335 Searby) 69

Cf. no. 43. This name in A has the form Qnyws, but all other witnesses, including the Arabic form by Mub, suggest that it included lamad instead of nun. 70 Cf. the aphorism preserved in various anthologies: “The farmer cultivates the soil, the philosopher cultivates the soul.”

274

PART II

K J J J …†qˆÍæå†ÿÝý僿šÊ K ¾ÓÙøçâƒq˜½Ï† ϾÂü ÍÏÌßçÙù üûÙÄ J J K J K ¿ššÊÏçÙåÊ îá܃q˜½ Ͼ兆qáÜ ~¿† …¿šÊϾãÐß¾ÓÙùß oçÁÎàÝÁÌÁçïÅñ‹†…K J ûâ~‘Íàéñ 102 ‹…ÍXXÁăü†ÌXXàÜçXXâqÌâÍXXòÁƒ¿ÿؚÍXXÝâ¾æXXæÂÐßÌXXß¾Â҃ K J …ÿXXãÝÏçXXØÌàÜçXXâq¾ÙXXæüÌXXßÊXX îƒ¾ÙXXùüÌXXßÃ҆q ÍÓàñƒ K K …ÿXXÐÙÂüçXXØÌàÜçXXâq‹…ÍXXæýß¾ø˜ÍXXîÌXXßÃXX҆q‘†ûXXↅƒ J ÍXXà胋…ÍèÍãåáîúÙæèĀ†q‘ÍÓؘƒ†~šƒ K K 5 q¾èÍXXã叽XX è K J ”~†q¾èÍXXãåÍ߇½åƒ˜½ÏÌæÙÿÁ†qÌèÍã内ÌæÙÁ–ƒ K ãÙè K o¾èÍãåÚ Íå…

1 0 2 A ʋ 7 (28b12–29a2 Lewis; 536 Ryssel [ʋ 18]); Sahd ʋ 4 (16.21–17.5 [30] de Halleux); O ʋ 1 (VII.21-28 Sachau); V ʋ 25; IJ ʋ 19

K

J

J ) om. K K 7 ¾ÂüÍÏ A B M P S W : ¾ÂüÍϾ ÂüÍÏ R (dittography) | 7 - 8 (áÜ~†…† J J J J B (homoeoteleuton: ˜½Ï˜½Ï) | †…† A : †… IJ 8 ¿šÊÏ A : om. IJ | ¿†…J A : K K K ¿†Ìå IJ | ¾å…† A IJ : ƒáÓâ B | çÙåÊîá܃ A : çÙåÊîáÝÁ B : çÙåÊïàÝÁƒ IJ | ¿ššÊÏK J K K K M S R W : ¿šÊÏ A : ¿ššÊσ B : ¿ššÊφ P 9 çïÅñ A IJ : çÙïÅñ B 1 0 2 , 1 ‘ÍXXàéñ A O P : ‘ÍXXß½éñ M R S W : ‘ÍXX߆½ñ V : ¾åûXXÏ~¾ãXXÙÝÏ Sahd 2 ¾Â҃ A Sahd : ¾ÂÒ V IJ : ÃÒ O | Ìß A O V IJ : äßÌß Sahd | ¿ÿؚÍÝâ A Sahd K IJ | ÌâÍòÁƒ A V : ÌâÍòÁ O : ÌâÍñƒ Sahd IJ | ‹…ÍÁăü†ÌàÜçâ O V : ¿šÿÜÍå J ãÝÏçXXØÌàÜçXXâ K ÍXXÓàñƒ A O V IJ : ¾ýXXò僅ÿXX Sahd 3 ÍÓàñƒ A M O P V W : 2 ÍÒāñƒ R | Ìß A M O P V W Sahd : om. R | çâ A O V Sahd : çâÃÒ IJ | çØÌàÜ K A O V IJ : …ÿXX K Sahd 4 ‘†ûXXↅƒ A P :  J îÊØ A O V Sahd : †ÌXXàÜ IJ | …ÿXXãÝÏ ‘†˜½â†…ƒ M R S W : ‘†ûâ†~ƒ O : ‘†ûÙâ~ƒ V : ¿ÿüÍøƒ Sahd | Ìß A O V IJ : K AOIJ om. Sahd | ¾ø˜Íî A O V Sahd : š†˜Íî M R S W : À˜šÍî P | …ÿÐÙÂü K Sahd : …ÿÐÂüš V 5 ‘ÍÓؘƒ†~šƒ IJ : ‘Í҆˜ƒ~šƒ O : êÙҘ~šƒ A V (a corruption J Íà胋…ÍèÍãå K K è AOVIJ: of êXXÙÄûă ?) : ¿š†˜ÿXXÙ⃠Sahd | ¾èÍXXã叽 K Àņ‡ƒ†¾èÍã僾ãÙè Sahd | Íàèƒ A O IJ : Íß½èƒ V 6 ÌæÙÁ–ƒ A O V J IJ | †… A O V IJ : Ìà؃†… Sahd | ÌèÍãå A V : ‹…ÍèÍãå K OIJ Sahd : ÌæÙÁ–ƒ‹…† Sahd | ÌæÙî˜ A O V IJ : †…ÌæÙî˜ Sahd | ”~† A O IJ Sahd : ”~ V

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philosopher), for new thoughts do not allow him to be still and rest. And that one (the farmer) seeks to eat new bread from summer to summer. And this one (the philosopher) always seeks to encounter new things at every moment. 102 Psellus says:

For a sluggard, a piece of food in his mouth is better than all discourses of Plato. And a drink that makes him insane is better for him than all wise sayings of Homer. And something his teeth can gnaw is better for him than all the praises of Theodoret.71 And he has no need for the laws of the lawgiver Solon for his will is his law. And he expects the laws to follow his desires, such that they are his lawgivers.

71

Thus O and IJ. A and V: TҴr‫ܒ‬ys that is a possible corruption of Grgys, “Gorgias.” Like the other examples (Plato, Homer, Solon), the last name must have been a famous one standing for rhetorical skills. It is, thus, likely that the original text contained the name of Gorgias.

276

PART II

J ûâ~‘ÊÙæø†~š 103 ¿†ÌåqÌãüÍÅÁþØÊø†…ûÅòÁþå~¿…‡Ê܃qÀƒ…ÀûÙòüÚÅè N J ¾ùXXXÙòè š†…ƒ ÞXXXØ~ q¾æòßÍXXX؃ ¿š†ƒûXXX⃠āXXXãïß €ûXXXøÿâ N K â…ÿÂýÐâ K ††…†q¾æòßÍXXÙßçXX؃†Êâ†çXXØûÝïâƒq¾Ùæè¾Âü ÍÏç N K çXXâ¾ãXXÙéÁ¾ÙXXùüÞXXØ~qÌXXæâçXXÙïÂåƒ¾â‹…Í ãÄÿñçØûØÌå 5 N K K ¿ÎXXÄq¿ÿXXÂù僿ÿãϘ†¾ýåƒûÙľÁÍÏqÑÙ߃Āƒ¾îÍÂâ K K K oÀăÙÅß¾ÁÍσ¿ÿãÙè†q¾ÙÓ ýß¾åûèÍσçÙå ~ J ûâ~ç؃¾åûÏ~ 104 J ¿š†˜ÿÙâ¾æùãßÚãÏĂqáÜçâÍùϘ~¾æòßÍ؃āãîäßÚãÏĂ çÙàØ~ášÍæܘƒÿ⃾åÍĽÁÚ҅Ăq¾ãüÍÄçâÍùϘ~ ¾ýXXòåƒ ûXXÙÄ ÀăXXÝñ q¾ýXXòåƒ ÀăXXÝñ çXXâ ÍXXø†ûî qçXXØÌØÿØ~ƒ q¾éXXÝÒĀƒ††ÌXXØÿØ~äXXÙøĀƒƒçXXÙàØ~†ÌXXàÜq†ÌØÿØ~ 5 ¾ýòåÀÊÙÐâÊÜçâÃÒq¾ýòæßÀûÅñÊÙÐâÊÜûÙòüûÙÄÚÅèJ J J ÌXXæÙÁ–˜ÿÁŽ ‡~¿†ÌåÊÜq¾ýòæßÀûÅñûÙÄÊÙÏÿâqÀûÅòß

1 0 3 A ʋ 8 (29a3-20 Lewis; 536 Ryssel [ʋ 19]); F ʋ 6 (77.17–78.2 Sachau; 44–45 Cowper; 533 Ryssel [ʋ 6]); G ʋ 9; O ʋ 2 (VII.29–VIII.6 Sachau); Sahd ʋ 1 (15.9-16 [27] de Halleux); IJ ʋ 20; Mub ʋ 73 (306.9-10 Badawi; 132 Rosenthal [ʋ 73]) 1 0 4 Sahd ʋ 2 (15.17–16.6 [28] de Halleux) 103,1

‘ÊÙæø†~š A : ‘ÊØûø~š F G : êØÊø˜š O : ‘Í؃½ø˜š IJ : ľȂLjÃȂǨÃǂà Mub : K ¾ñÍéàÙñçâ ÊÏ Sahd | 2 - 6 (ÑÙ߃ÚÅè) absent in Mub 2 ÚÅè A F G O IJ : ÚÅèƒ äß Sahd | ¿…‡ N F G O IJ Sahd : ¿…‡¿†Ìå A | …ûÅòÁ F G O IJ Sahd : ÌãüÍÅÁ « †… O : ¿†…ƒ A | ÌãüÍÅÁ F G O IJ : …ûÅòÁ A : ÌýòæÁ Sahd 3 š†…ƒ N AFGIJ:š N N Sahd | ¾ùÙòè A F G O Sahd : om. IJ 4 …ÿÂýÐâ A M O P R S Sahd : ¿ÿÂýÐâ W : K …ÿXXÙ F G | çXXØûÝï⃠A F G O Sahd : çXXØûã⃠IJ 5 ‹…ÍãÄÿñ A O IJ Sahd : K †ÌÙãÄÿñ F G | Ìæâ A O Sahd IJ : †Ìæâ F G | ÞØ~ A F G O IJ : çâ Sahd K A F G O IJ : ¾ãàîƒ Sahd | ¿ÿÂùåƒ K A O IJ : ¾æÙæøƒ K F G : ¿ÿÅÙÄà Sahd 6 ¾ýåƒ K K ¾åûèÍXXσçÙå~¿ÎÄ A F G O Sahd, cf. Mub (ǹơǂLjŬơǃȂǼǯȆǿ) : çÙà⃐Íå~¿ÎÄ K ¾åăèÍÏ IJ 7 ¾ÁÍσ F G O IJ Sahd : ¿ÿÁÍσ A | ÀăÙÅß A F G : ÀăÙÅå O IJ Sahd, cf. Mub (ŚƦǰdzơ)

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103 Theognis72 says:

It is a great good for a man to approach the labor of the discipline of learning when he is clean in his body and sanctified in his flesh. Then his mind will be empty of odious thoughts that destroy and confuse learning. And his sayings will become enlightened, flowing out from him as a sweet drink from a fountain that is not turbid. For love of women and lust of passions are a hoard of loss for fools and a treasure of sins for adulterers.73 104 Another (philosopher) says:

Those who love the labor74 of learning should retire from everything. Those who love to acquire excellence should retire from the body. Those who are eager to struggle for comprehension of the things that exist should flee from the bonds of the soul. For the bonds of the soul are all of those things that are unstable and disordered. Because it is much better when the body unites with the soul than when the soul unites with the body. For the body unites with the soul when it keeps following the

104 cf. Basil of Caesarea, Homily on Hexaemeron I, §1 (PG 28, 28 A-B) 72

The form of the name in A is TҴwqnyds. In F and G: TҴqrwds (Theocrides? cf. Cowper and Ryssel). In IJ: TrqҴdyws (similarly O). Probably, the original name referred to Theognis. Cf. no. 124. 73 The last sentence, which is not directly connected with the previous ones, is transmitted as a separate saying by Mub. 74 Greek Ƞੂ ijȚȜȩʌȠȞȠȚ.

278

PART II

J J ÀûXXÁƒÿ⿆…šÊÜqÀûÅòßÀÊÙÏÿâç؃¾ýòåq¿š†˜ÿÙâä Ϙ K o…ÿÅÙÄþýÐß J ûâ~êÙàÓÓè˜~ 105 J J J ÃýÏÿåç܆qçÙÁÿ冘ÍÐå¿ÿãÝσ¿ÿùØûâ¿ÿØÎÐãÁƒ†…—ƒ‡ K K q¾æXXÙü˜çâÚàσ¾ýå ~ƒqçæØÎσÀƒ…qçæÙîûÁ¾åûå¾æ↾æÝØ~ƒ K K K ¾ýXXå~†q¾åăèÍXXφ¿ÿXX ùîç҅Ð †…˜ÿÁq¿šÍàÝèçâÚøăî† K K áXXÝÁçÙæØÌÜÊÜq¾åÚÍ؆¾ÐÙåç؃˜ †…ÿÂùïÁqÀÊØă↾Ùæ èK 5 K K J q¾ãXXÙÝÏçXXÙùåÿýâ†¾î †ÊXXØçXXØΠφqÀûXXùØ~ƒ¾ÄĂÊÁ”~qÊâ J …šÎXXÏÀƒ†ÊXXâƒq¾å…¾ãXXàïÁÌXXÁ†˜ÍXXÐå¾æÝØ~ƒçÙîÊØĀ† o…ÿïÁ¾Ùé܆ J 106 ûâ~êØÊÙñ˜†~ K K ÊXXÏq¾æXX؃çXXØÚçXX⚆†…q¾ãXXÙ Ýσ¾â~¿ÿXXæØÊâ‘ÍXX嚽Á K q¿½ÙÅéßúÙï↿†…™½Ââ†q¾ÝèĀƒ¿†…ûØû␆Ìæâ K ¿†… ¾å½XXXÜ q¾åûXXXÏ~ ¾æXXX؃J çXXX؃ †…J ¿†… ûXXXÙòü† q‹…ÍXXXæØÊÁ K J K J 5 çXXܘÿÁçXXâ†q¾ æN XX؃¿†…˜ÎXXľñ ½Áà è½âĀƒƒq‹…ÍèÍ ãæÁ N J †…†q¿†…ÿÙN âç܅†q¾ÝÜÍ⃆āòüƒ¿šÍùÙæéß¿†…¿š~ N

1 0 5 A ʋ 9 (29a20–b13 Lewis; 536 Ryssel [ʋ 20]); IJ ʋ 21 1 0 6 A ʋ 10 (29b14–30a8 Lewis; 536–537 Ryssel [ʋ 21]); IJ ʋ 22 105,1

êXXÙàÓÓè˜~ A : êÙàÒÍÓéؘ~ IJ 2 †… A M R : ¿†… P 3 ¾æÝØ~ƒ A : K K A : çÙýå~ƒ K ¾æXXÝØ~ IJ | ¾ýå~ƒ IJ 4 çÒ…Ă A M R : çÙ҅˜ P | ¾ýå~† A : om. IJ K K 5 ÀÊØă↠A : ÀăØû↠IJ | †…ÿÂùïÁ A : †…ÿÂùïÁ† IJ 7 Àƒ†Ê⃠A : Ê⃠M R : ƒ P

1 0 6 , 1 êØÊÙñ˜†~ A : ‘ÍÙñ˜†~€†š IJ 2 ‘Í嚽Á A : ‘½æؚ½Á M R : ‘Íæؚ½Á P | ç⚠A : om. IJ 3 ™½Â↠A M P : þÁ½â† R 4 ¾å½Ü A : çØN ½Ü M R : ½Ü P J ¿†…1 A M P : †… R 5 Ãè½â A : Ãéâ M P : €½éâ R 6 ¿†…¿š~ N A : ¿š~ N IJ | ¾ÝÜÍ⃆ A : ¾ÝÜÍ↠IJ | ç܅† A : ¾å…† IJ | ¿†…ÿÙN â A : äàü IJ

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will of the soul which loves excellence. And the soul unites with the body when she is governed by the passions of (the body’s) desires. 105 Aristotle says:

It is appropriate that we should gaze into and examine the pure mirror of wisdom. Thus let us consider how and which of the things are reflected in our intellect. This is what we see: difficulties and sorrows chase after people who are afraid of reproach and try to avoid condemnation, while pleasures and luxuries come on the heels of loathsome and rebellious people, when they have excess in everything, even in honorable offices. The wise men are contemplating and the sages remain in pain. Yet, they do not know how to gaze into this world whose appearance is confusing and whose meaning is hidden. 106 Euripides75 says:

There were two judges in the city of Athens, mother of the sages. One of them was severe beyond measure. He afflicted many people and made them suffer. And the other judge was just in his decisions and fair in his rules as he passed his judgments without hypocrisy. Soon, he fell into extreme need and was scorned, and thus he died. And the wicked one

75

“Orpheus” in IJ.

280

PART II

J K K ¾åN ~ûXXÂè†q¿†…ÿXX ÙN âç܆‹…ÍÙÏÚâÍ ØáÜûÁƒÀûùؽÁ¾Ùæè oĀ~ÍüçâÃÒÑùñ†…¾øÿü¾Ü˜Ìß¾âÊîƒ J ûâ~êÙàøÍòè 107 K J K †ÌXXØÊÙãߚ¾ãXXÙÝÏçXXæØûøÿâ†q¿ÿXXãÝÐÁÌÁçæØûüƒáÓâÍß J K Ā”~ƒáÓâq¿ÿãÝÐÁÌÁóß½åƒçæÐÝü~ÊâáÜq¾ãÙ Ýσ K K çïÅñƒ¿š½ÙÅ èûÙÄÿØ~qÊâáÜ“ƒšƒÿÐÝü~¿ÿãÝÏ‹ …N J K çXXØÎÏÿâĀ†çXXÙ é܃ N N †…ÞXXØ~q¾æXXÙšÎXXÐßçXXÙàÄÊXX܆qçXXÁ 5 Ā†ÊXXØûâƒÊXXÙÁ†qçØÌÁ˜ÍÐå¾æÝØ~ƒçæÙîÊØĀÊÁqçßçÙâƒÿâ K K çؚ~ƒÍåÌßûÂÜ~†qçØÌÙâÊø¾ÙãèÞØ~çßçæ؆…qçý Üÿâ çXXÙܘÊâĀÍXXå…”~çXX؃ ~†qçXXÙå~ÍXXܘÊ僐ăXXÙÓ吘ÿÁ N K ÍXXå…”~ÍXX ýñƒ¾ñš ÍXXü†ÀăXXÂϐÍXXå…”~çXX߆†…qçXXØÌß N N ošÍÜ~ 10 J ûâ~ ÍòÙéÜ 108 J J çÙ☃ÊↅáÂùâÑÝýↅ…šÍÜ~qāÙ܃¾å½âƒ¾æÝØ~ J J qçÙÐÝýâÀûØ÷ÁçÙ☃ç؃Íå…qÑÝýâĀÀûØÿ؃ÍϽ僆q ÌÁ 1 0 7 A ʋ 11 (30a9–b8 Lewis; 537 Ryssel [ʋ 22]); V ʋ 26; IJ ʋ 23 1 0 8 A ʋ 12 (30b9–31a7 Lewis; 537 Ryssel [ʋ 23]); IJ ʋ 24; Mub ʋ 74 (306.11-13 Badawi; 132 Rosenthal [ʋ 74]) 7

K K ‹…ÍÙÏÚâÍ ØáÜûÁƒÀûùؽÁ A : ÀûùؽÁ¿†…‹Íø IJ

K êÙàøÍòè A : êÙàùñÍè V : ‘Íàòè IJ 2 Íß A V : om. IJ | †ÌØÊÙãߚ AV: K †ÌXXØÊÙãߚ† IJ 4 “ƒšƒ A V : ÚXXܘƒš†ÚXXƒ M R (due to dittography?) : “ƒšƒ ˜ƒš† P 5 çÙàÄÊ܆ A : çÙàÄÊÜ IJ : çÙå~çÙàÄÊ܆ V | çØÎÏÿâĀ† A V : Ā† N çîÊØÿâ IJ 6 çÙâƒÿâ A V : çÙâƒÿ↠IJ | ĀÊÁ A V : ĀÊÜ IJ | Ā† A V : āñ~† IJ A : Íå…āñ~† IJ | 8 - 9 (çÙܘÊâĀ 7 ûÂÜ~† A : ûÂ܆ V IJ 8 ĀÍå…”~ N Íå…) om. V (homoeoteleuton: Í児Íå…)

107,1

1 0 8 , 1 ÍòÙéÜ A S (probably a corruption of ÍòæéÜ) : ÍÙòéÜ M P R W : ǁȂǨLjǯ Mub (probably a corruption of ǹȂǨǼLjǯ) 2 āÙ܃ A Mub (DZƢȈǰŭơ) : ¾æÙ܃ IJ | †…J A : om. IJ | çÙ☃ A P : çÙïøƒƒ M R 3 çÙ☃ A : ÌÁÍâûåƒ IJ

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remained in honor all days of his life, and thus he died. And so far, I suppose that silence was much better than questioning. 107 Sophocles says:

It is not because we abide in wisdom and are called wise disciples of the sages, by which we might teach everything through wisdom, for even wisdom is not able to know everything. As there are many things happening to us that, appearing to the sight of the eyes, seem concealed and invisible to us, since we do not know how to look at them. And because they remain difficult and not easily captured, we are like blind people before them. And maybe they are preserved for those who come after us and who will understand them. But if they also do not grasp them, they will be our companions and associates and will also remain like us. 108 Xenophon76 says:

Just as a vessel77 of certain size may contain only what goes into it but cannot hold more, while those who (try to) add more would hardly

76

Maybe “Xenophanes.” The same name occurs in SGP nos. 132–134. A and S have the form Ksypwn that is supported by most of the witnesses (Kspywn in the other manuscripts of IJ, Kasfnjr by Mub according to Badawi, probably a corruption for Ksanfnjn). It is likely that the original form contained nun which was misread as yod. 77 The same image of a vessel is applied to the soul by Philoxenus of Mabbug in Discourse 7, §29 (221 Budge).

282

PART II

J J J ¾æüĂÍXXñÌXXÁçXXØûã îqáXX ùåƒÑXXÝý⃾ãXX܃¾æXXÙ~¾æXX܅ J K ÑÝýâÍå~…šÍÜ~ƒçÙàØĀ¾æN øƒÊↅ†q¿ÿãÝσ¿Î ă J J J J €½XXÏqÌæâçØûØÿîƒçÙàØĀŽÿ僾Á –ûÙĐ ~q€Ì؆ˆû éâ J J ÊXXø½XXøÑXXÝýâûXXÙÄĀq¾ÝXXà âÊXXø¾æÝéâÞØ~¾ñÍ↠K K K þXXÙĘûXXÙÄĀqçØÌÁŽ~ÿýâÊÜqÌÁçïÅñƒ¿ššÊ Ï¿ÿ ÐÝü J J oçØÌÁ€½Ï”~†…† …áÓâ†qçØÌÁ¿†…

5

J ûâ~‘†˜Êæñ 109 J K J J K K çXX؅˜ÿÁçXXÙ҅˜qāXXãÁ¿ÿÙæèçÙæèÊ܃q¾ýæÙæÂÁ¾åN ~ûâƒÿâ K J ÁK J J q¿ÿXXÙæèçXXâƒÞXXØ~çXXØÌæâçXXÙøû îq¿šăÙòüçÙã ϘÊ܆qÀÊ Âï J J J †ÌÁ˜ÍÐå¾æÝØ~† äßçÙãϘƒq“Ê ØĀq †ÌÁ¾ùÁÿå†Àûؖ J J K J 5 †ÌXXßçXXÂÙýϾå…áXXÓâ†qçXXÙã ϘƒÊXXãßçXXÙæ è†qçXXÙæ 胏ÊXXãß J J K ÞXXØ~çXXØûïèĀƒ¿šăXXÙòü†q¿šăXXÙòüÞXXØ~qçXXØûï胿ÿXXÙæè o¿ÿÙæèK

1 0 9 A ʋ 13 (31a8-24 Lewis; 537 Ryssel [ʋ 24]); F ʋ 9 (78.18–79.3 Sachau; 46 Cowper; 534 Ryssel [ʋ 9]); V ʋ 22; IJ ʋ 25; Mub ʋ 75 (306.14-18 Badawi; 132 Rosenthal [ʋ 75]) 4 ”~ A : ”~† IJ | ¾ã܃ A : ¾ãÜ IJ | ÑÝý⃠A : †…ÑÝý⃠IJ | ¾æüĂÍñ A IJ : om. N J J ) absent in Mub | Íå~ A : om. IJ 6 çÙàØĀ A : J ϏÊ↠…† Mub 5 - 9 (çØÌÁ€½ K IJ | ¿†…þÙĘ A : þĘ IJ 9 †…†…áÓ↠J K ç؃çÙàØĀ IJ 8 ¿ÿÐÝü A : ¿ÿÐÙÝü ”~ A : ”~†Àƒ…áÓ↠IJ

K V: ‘†˜ÊXXæñ A F IJ : ‘†˜ÊXXæÙñ V : DžȁǁȁƾȈǧ Mub 2 ¿ÿXXÙæèK A F : ¿š½XXÙæè K K K ¿ÌÓÐß IJ | ç؅˜ÿÁ A F V : †…˜ÿÁ IJ 3 ¿ÿÙæè A F IJ : ¿š½Ùæè V 4 ¾ùÁÿå† A V IJ : ¾âÊå† F | †ÌÁ2 A V : om. F IJ | äß A : om. F V IJ 5 Êãß1 F V IJ : ÊâÊß A K K K çÂÙýϾå…áÓ↠A V : çÂÙýÏÀƒ…áÓ↠IJ : çÂÙýσáÓ↠F 6 ¿ÿÙæè A F IJ : K J ¿š½Ùæè V | çØûïèƒ A V IJ Mub (ǹȂǴǸǠȇŕdzơ) : çÙæèƒ F

109,1

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succeed; so also is the intellect, in the sense of how many discernments of the treasures of wisdom it is able to contain, abiding therein. And it is able to offer and give anything it possesses to those who are similar to it. For if it intends to give to those who are richer than it, then it is defeated and fails, like a poor man before a king. For it is not able to withstand new discoveries that it encounters, when it is asked about them. Since it doesn’t understand them, it is defeated by them. 109 Pindar says:

I wonder at people who, while hating hateful things in words, they run after them in deeds, and while loving good things, they flee from them as if from hateful ones. How should a painter look at them and understand them if he does not know that they love what they hate and hate what they love. And because of this, the hateful things that they do seem good to them, and the good ones that they do not do seem hateful.78

78

Cf. no. 40 expressing the same paradox.

284

PART II

J ûâ~êÙåÍãÙè 110 K J Āq¾åăXXÏ~ÌXXßçXXÙýÙÂ߃¾âÀûÝýâ¾üÍÂß‹…ÍæÙïÁ¾æèƒç N â J J ¿†…ƒä Ϙƒ¾üÍÂßûÙĆ…q¾æè†ÌæâûÝýâƒþÙÂß †…¿†Ìå N N N J J J ¾åÿXXéåĀƒq‹…ÍXXãÏÏÊXXø†…”~þXXÂà 内†…qÌXXÂÙÂÏþÙÂß N N J K K J 5 ÀÊXXÂîÍXXå…q‹…ÍXXæÙîÊXXøÍXXå…††…çXXÙæèƒÞØ~q†ÌÙæÙïÁ K †…ÊXXÂïåĀq¾ýXX æÙæÂß¿ÎXXÏÿå†qþXXå~ÊXXÂïåƒÀ˜ÍXXă¾ÙXXæè N K J æÙïÁ¾åÿé僅šÍÜ~ qÀûXXÙòüÀ˜ÍXXϐ†ÌXXß¿†ÌåĀ~qþæàÜÚ oÌÁÍâƒÿ僿ÿÂÒ¿šÍ⃆ J ûâ~‘ÍòÙÓéؘ~ K J Āƒ‹…¿šÍÂÙÏÀƒ…†qÀÊÂK îĀƒā ãÁ¿šÍ܇çæÙãϘÚÅ èJ J J J ¿÷XXÏ¿ÍÐâƒqāòýß¿šÍ܇Ì߀ ÌØÑÝýâûÙÄç âq¿šÍ܇ J J áXXîš½XXÁƒq¾åÿXXÁûøçXX â¿šÍXX܇āXX ÜÑXXÝýâÍæâ†~q¾ÁûùÁ N J K çâÍ߃¾æÝØ~q¿šÍ܇¾Ø† …ā âçâûÙÄÍßq¾ÁûùÁÌÙèÍè N J o¾åÍããÁĀ~¾æÝéâ˜ÿîā âK

11 0 A ʋ 14 (31a25–b14 Lewis; 537 Ryssel [ʋ 25]); V ʋ 27; IJ ʋ 26 111 A ʋ 15 (31b15–32a4 Lewis; 538 Ryssel [ʋ 26]); F ʋ 10 (79.4-10 Sachau; 46 Cowper; 534 Ryssel [ʋ 10]); V ʋ 23; IJ ʋ 27 11 0 , 1 êÙåÍãÙè A IJ : êæÙãè V 2 çâJ A V : om. IJ | çÙýÙÂ߃ A : çÙýÂ߃ V IJ 3 ¿†Ìå J IJ | ÌÂÙÂÏþÙÂß¿†…ƒä J N Âß Ï˜ƒ¾üÍÂßûÙÄ V IJ : ¿†… N A | þÙÂ߆… N A V : †…þ N J J  N A : †…q¿†…ä †… N ϘƒÌÂÙÂÏþÙÂ߃¾üÍÂßûÙÄ IJ : om. V (homoeoteleuton: †… J J J †…) 4 þÂàå A : þÙÂß¿†Ìå IJ : þÂàåĀ V 5 ÞØ~ A V : ¾ãÜ~ IJ | ††… A V : om. J K K IJ | ‹…ÍæÙîÊø A IJ : ‹…ÍæÙïÁ V | 5 - 7 (Ā~Íå…) absent in A V 7 †Ìß¿†Ìå N †Ìß¿†Ìå† A V IJ : †… 111 , 1 ‘ÍXXòÙÓéؘ~ F R : ‘ÍXXòÙÓè˜~ M P : êXXÙàÓÓè˜~ A : êÙß½ÒÍXXÓéؘ~ V 2 çæÙãϘ A F M R V : çæÙãü˜ P | ¿šÍ܇ A V : ¿šÍÜÎß F : ¿šÍÁ˜ IJ | ‹…¿šÍÂÙÏ J J A V IJ : ¿šÍÂÙÏ‹… F 3 - 5 (¾ÁûùÁûÙÄçâJ ) absent in V 4 š½Áƒ A IJ : š½âƒ F J K K 5 ¾ÁûùÁ A IJ : ¾ÁûøÍÅÁ F | (āâçâ¾Ø†…) om. IJ (homoeoteleuton: āâçâ K āâçâ) 6 ¾åÍããÁ A F P R V : ĀÍããÁ M

111

5

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110 Simonis says:

The one who finds ugly dirty clothes that others put on should not wear something dirtier and uglier than that. For it is the clothes that his friend has worn that he would prefer to put on in the presence of his friends, lest he appear ugly in their eyes, as they appeared ugly in his own eyes. (For example, if someone commits an ugly act of adultery, and it becomes known to people, then another person will not do something similar, for he will appear ugly in the eyes of everyone.)79 Instead, he should be a good model for them and a good example for them to imitate. 111 Aristippus80 says:

We greatly love victory in words and not in deeds, but that is loss and not victory. For who could award victory to the coward who deserts the battle? And who could withdraw victory from the warrior who spends the night on his horse in the midst of the battle? For victory is not from words, just as a poor person does not become rich of words, but in money.81

79

A and V omit this sentence (“For example ... everyone.”), and it could be an addition that has resulted from a marginal note. 80 “Aristotle” in A and V. 81 Literally “Mammon,” cf. ȝĮȝȦȞ઼Ȣ in Lk. 16:9.

286

PART II

J ûâ~êÒûø 112 J ‹…†ÿØ~çñ~q¾Á˜†…¾å˜šÍØÌà؃Ìßq¾ýåûÁÃÐ⃏ÊâáÜ J ‹…†ÿXXØ~çXXñ~†…¾åûèÍXXÏÌà؃ÌßqäϘĀƒÊâ†q¾åûèÍÏ K J J K āXXàÄqÞXXß ÌâÑXXÝýâÍXXæ âÀƒ †ÊXXâçXX؃¾æXXÙîĂÿXXæÙÁq¾å˜šÍØ J K ÑÝýâ¾Ùòü†…¾æÙqÊϘÿÁÊÏçÙÂܚÊܾ ÐÙ߃ûÙĐ Íå~ 5 K K K J o¿ÿùÙÐü¾òß~ÌÁçÐÙ僾æÙüƒ¾å½ãàß…ûÙÏ–˜š J ûâ~êÙàøÍòè 113 K K ¾ãXXÙϘ¾æXX܅q¾îÍXXãüƒ¾åƒĀ¾ãXXÙÝσ¿ÿàâ¾Ø½ñƒÞØ~ J Íßá߃ÎâƒûÙľãÙÝÏq¾ü†ăñƒ¾æÙïß¿ÿòÝæâ¿šÎϾÂÙÂφ J J çXX؃šÿ⃏Êâ˜Íïé僅ÿãÝÏÌß¾ù ÂüûÙÄĀq†…¾ãÙÝÏ J 5 q…ÎXXƘúàèĀ†qÌæÙî˜Ñ߃ÿâĀƒç؃¾æØ~qê éÜÿâ†ÌÁ N J J K Ā†Ìφ˜ûÅâ†qÌÁçÙïÅñƒ¾ÓÙïÁ…ÿÙ¾ýÄÿýâĀ† N J K oÀăØÌ⃆…¾Á˜†¾ãÙÝσ†…¾ýؘ¾å…q¾æÁ‡áÂøÍߏ½ø

11 2 A ʋ 16 (32a5-20 Lewis; 538 Ryssel [ʋ 27]); B ʋ 12; F ʋ 11 (79.11-17 Sachau; 46–47 Cowper; 534 Ryssel [ʋ 11]); IJ ʋ 28; Mub ʋ 76 (306.19-21 Badawi; 132 Rosenthal [ʋ 76]) 11 3 A ʋ 17 (32a21–b13 Lewis; 538 Ryssel [ʋ 28]); B ʋ 13; C ʋ 7; J ʋ 3; V ʋ 36; IJ ʋ 29 11 2 , 1 êÒûø A : ‘ÍÒûø F P : ‘ÍÒ~ûø M R : ǹȂǘȇǂǫ Mub : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B 2 - 4 J A B F M P : ÃϽ⃠R | †…¾å˜šÍØ (¾å˜šÍ؏ÊâáÜ) absent in Mub | ÃÐ⃠¾Á˜ A B F : ¾å˜šÍXX؆…€˜ IJ | çXXñ~ A B F : çXXñ~† IJ | ‹…†ÿXXØ~ A B F P R : ‹…†ÿØ~† M 3 Ê↠B F : Êâ IJ : Êâá܆ A | çñ~ A B F : çñ~† IJ | ‹…†ÿØ~ B J A 4 ÿæÙÁ F IJ : ÿÙÁ A | 4 - 6 (¿ÿùÐü¾æÙîĂÿæÙÁ K ) absent in F IJ : ‹…†ÿØ~¿†Ìå J J  F IJ : ÷ؘš A B 5 ÊϘÿÁÊÏçÙÂܚÊÜ A IJ Mub : om. F 6 –˜š 11 3 , 1 êÙàøÍXXòè A : êÙàùñÍXXè V : ‘ÍXXàøÍòè IJ : êàùòè C : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B : AV: anonym. J 2 - 5 (êéÜÿ↾ؽñƒÞØ~) absent in B and J 5 êéÜÿ↠N ¾ü˜ÿ↠C : ¾ü˜ÿâ†~ IJ | ç؃ A C J IJ : om. B V 6 Ā†1 A B C J V : āñ~† IJ J A B C J P V : ûĽ↠M R 7 áÂøÍß A C J V IJ : ŽÍÂùß B | †…2 A B V : om. ûÅ↠C J IJ | ÀăØÌ⃠A B C J V : ÀûØÌ↠IJ

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112 Crates says:82

Everything that a man loves is indeed a great profit for him even if it is a loss. And something he does not like is indeed a loss for him even if it is a profit. For who is able to pass between confused thoughts? They are tempestuous waves that crash down one after another. And only a pure mind is able to fix its gaze on the peaceful haven83 where the tormented ships find calmness.84 113 Sophocles says:

Just as the utterance of the sages is beautiful to the ear of the listeners, so also the modest appearance is pleasant and beloved to the eye of the discerning. For a sage who becomes contemptible is not a sage, because his wisdom will never allow him to do anything for which he could be judged and reproached. But as for the one whose intellect is not confused, and whose anger does not rise up, and whose judgment is not disturbed through irritation that happens to him, and who is patient and does everything at the right time, such person is the head of the sages and the great one among the skillful.

82

B includes only the first part of this piece: “Everything ... profit.” The Arabic version of Mub has preserved only the second part of it: “For ... rest.” 83 Syr. lmƝnƗ from Gr. ȜȚȝ੾Ȟ. 84 The same image is found in the anonymous sentence transmitted in Ms. Sin. Syr. 14 (see §3.2.3 of the Introduction) and going back probably to GV 430 (161 Sternbach). It is applied by different Syriac authors and is found in the colophons of some Syriac manuscripts, cf. Brock, “The Scribe Reaches Harbour.”

288

PART II

J ûâ~ ÍÙéÝߚ 114 K J J K …ÿãÙéÁ†ÌØÎÅÁ¿†…Āq¿ÿãÝσ¾æÙæĘ…†…ûÙòü J J ÀûøÿåƒÀƒ…ûÙÄ‹…ÀûÙòüq ÌÙåÍÝÁ† ÌãýÁ”~Ā~qƒÍÐàÁ N K çÙàâƒqÀăØÿåÍãâçâ”~q¾ãü¾å…†…ÃÒq¾ãÙÝÏþå~ K J 5 úXXÂüĀ”~Ā~qāÜÍXX膾æØÍXXÁçXXâçXXÙùÙòè†q †ÌXXÙéÙÜ qáXXÝè…ûXX⃿†Ìå~†qāÝèÀûøÿåƒÌß¾æ øƒ¾æØĀ¾Á…ƒ N N J J †… ÀûXXøÿ僾è˜ÍXXñûXXÙÄÿÙßq…ûãß¿ÿãÝÏÌßóà ↾æù â N N K J J çXXÙîÊØĀÊXX܆q†ÌßäÝÐâÍ؆…āÝé߃áÓâqāÝè¾Á…ƒ J q¾Á…ƒÌXXßÿXXÙ߃¾æØ~†q†ÌàøÍãØû僐†ÌßÊÂîq Íààãåƒ J ûXXùÙ⃾Á…ƒÌXXßÿXXÙ߃qÌßäØûâþå~Āq†…¾ãÙÝϐ~”~ 10 J K J ÃXXÙÐâ¿÷XX â†q¾ ÂXXÙÐß¾ÜÎXX âÑXXÝý⃾ýXXÙÁāXXÝåÍXX åN …qÌXXß N K o¾ÙÜÎß

11 4 A ʋ 18 (32b14–33a20 Lewis; 538 Ryssel [ʋ 29]); C ʋ 8; IJ ʋ 30 11 4 , 1 ÍÙéÝߚ A : ÍÙèÍߚ C : ÍéÂߚ M R : ÍÙéÙÂߚ P 2 ¾æÙæĘ… K K K J éÁ† IJ : ÿãÙéÁ† C : …ÿãÙè† A C IJ : ¾Ä˜…¾æÙæî A | Ā A C : Ā† IJ | …ÿãÙ 3 ”~ A C : ”~† IJ | ûÙÄ A C : om. IJ 4 ”~ A IJ : ”~† C 5 çÙùÙòè† A C : J A C : †…ú çÙùÙòèÍ兆 IJ | úÂü üJ IJ 6 ~† A C : ~ IJ | …û⃠A IJ : …ûÁ†ƒ C N 7 Ìß A : om. C IJ | ¾è˜Íñ A C P R : ¾Ùè˜Íñ M 8 ¾Á…ƒ A C : ¾Á…ƒÀûâ IJ K J †ÌXXßäXXÝÐâÍ؆…āÝ é߃áÓâ ] this sentence in IJ stands after the words Àûøÿåƒ N āÝè in line 6 (probably due to homoeoteleuton: āÝèāÝè) | Í؆… A C : †…N IJ J †… çÙîÊØJ A C : äßçÙîÊØJ IJ 9 ÊÂîJ A IJ : ÊÂî N C | ÍãØûåƒ A : ÍãØû僾æÝØ~ IJ : J ÍãØû僆Íààãåƒ C | ¾Á…ƒÌßÿÙ߃ A C : Ìß¾æN øĀƒ IJ 1 0 ~”~ A C : çñ~† IJ | ÌßäØûâþå~Ā A : ÌàøäØûâĀ C : ÌßûùÙâþå~Ā IJ | ÌßÿÙ߃ J ÌßûùÙ⃾Á…ƒ A C : om. IJ 11 āÝå A C : āÙÝå IJ | ¾ÜÎâJ A IJ : ¾øÎâ C | ¿÷↠N A IJ : ¿~÷↠C

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114 Thalaxion85 says:

It is good to strive after wisdom and to pursue it, not only because of its treasures and riches but also because of its name and its fame. For it is good for a man to be called wise. This name is much better than the wealth of the rich men whose wallets are full but who lack understanding and knowledge. Not even gold allows the one who possesses it to be called a fool. For if its master is a fool, it is (gold) that acquires and teaches wisdom to its master. Thus, there is no reason to call gold a fool, because it is something that makes fools wise. And if they do not know how to speak, it makes them raise their voice. But if someone does not possess gold, even if he is wise, then no one would exalt him, because he does not have money which would give him honor. This is a bad deceit that justifies the guilty and condemns the innocent.86

85

A: Tlksywn. C: Tlwsywn. M R: Tlbswn. Ryssel: “Theoxenos.” Maybe a corruption of “Philoxenus.” 86 This counsel reflects the social background of education in Late Antique rhetorical schools that was rather expensive and could be afforded mostly by wealthy families.

290

PART II

J ûâ~‘†ûĽéܽå~ 115 K J qûXXÙòüÚXXÅè…š÷XXÂÁq…šÎXXÐÁ¾ýXXæÙæÂßûØûâƒûÁÿé⃿šÍâ N J J K q¾Á½Ü ÌßçÙÝØă܃¿šÍãÙàï߆qāÙÏ ÌÁÿÙ߃¿šÍÂÙéßÑÙæâ çXXXøšš† €†–š† q¾æN XXXÁš† áXXXã úXXXÏÿüš Āƒ ¿šÍXXXÙàÓß N N N J J K q¿ÿXXÙÁ˜†¾åûXXøçXXÙïÁšƒq¾ÁÍÏÀûâçâ¾ N ÂÙÐßÞéÏq¾åăÏĀ 5 J J ûXXÙÄĀqÌXXÁúXXÙîšÿ僗ƒ‡Āq½XX ø††…ûXXØÎăûXXÙďÊXXâ qÌß¾ÙòÐâ¾Ø÷âç؃¿šÍÐØ÷ñqÌßÀûÂïâ¿ÿùî¾ÐÝýâ J qÌXXÁÀûXXüƒ¾å½XXãàÁÌXXÁÿØ~¾ùÐüûÙÄĀq¾æÁ‡āâçñ~ K J K ‹ÌXXØÿØÎÏ¿…†q¾åÊXXîāXXâÞÙæÙî÷ ãîq¾ØΠϏÊø¾æ èçñ~ƒ N J J K ƒÌ膅¾Ü˜…q¾ñăÓ↾ùïâÌßçÙß½üƒq¿šÍâûÙòü¾ãÜ 10 J oŽÍÙüƒ…ûâÍñ†ÑÙå¾ãÜ

11 5 A ʋ 19 (33a21–b25 Lewis; 538–539 Ryssel [ʋ 30]); C ʋ 9; O ʋ 3 (VIII.7-18 Sachau); V ʋ 35; IJ ʋ 31 11 5 , 1

‘†ûXXĽéܽå~ M R : ‘†ûXXÅéÝå~ P : ‘†ûXXÅÙéÝå~ A : ‘†ûXXÅÝéå~ C : K ‘ûÅÙéÝØ~ O : ‘†˜ÍÅÙéÜ~ V 2 ûÁÿé⃠A C V : ¿ÎÏÿ⃠O IJ | ¾ýæÙæÂßûØû⃠N K K K A C V : ûØû⃾ýæÙæÂß O IJ 3 çÙÝØă܃ A C O V : çÝØă܃ IJ | ¾Á½Ü A C O V : ¿ÿùî K ¾Á½Ü† IJ 4 ¿šÍÙàÓß A C V : ¿šÍÙàÓ߆ O : ¿šÍÙàÓß”~† IJ | úÏÿüš ACO N A C O P : Úàã M R : áã V | ¾æN Áš† V : ÚùÏÿüš M R : úåÿüš P | áã N ACOP A C O V : ¾æÁš†¾ÝÁš† IJ | €†–š† A C O P V : ÚÁ†–š† M R | çøšš† N J K C V : Úæøšš† M R 5 ¾åăÏĀ A C V : om. O IJ | ÞéÏ A C O IJ : ½è V | ¾ÂÙÐß J K O IJ : ¾ÂÙÏ A V | Àûâ A O V IJ : ‹ûâ C | çÙïÁšƒ A C O IJ : ðÁšƒ V 6 ûØÎă C O V J C O V IJ : äÙø† J A 7 ¾Ø÷âç؃¿šÍÐØ÷ñ IJ : om. A | †… A C O IJ : om. V | ½ø† ÌXXXß ¾ÙXXXòÐâ A C V : ÌXXXß ÀûXXXÂïâ ¾Ø÷XXXâ ¿šÍXXXÐØ÷ñ āXXXñ~† IJ : om. O J AO (homoeoteleuton: ÌßÌß) 8 ÌÁÿØ~¾ùÐü A O V IJ : ¾ùÐüÿØ~ C | Àûüƒ K K V IJ : ÀÊüƒ N C 9 çñ~ƒ A V : çñ~ C : çñ~† O IJ | ¾ØÎÏ A O V IJ : ¾åăÏ~ C | ÞÙæÙî K A C V IJ : ¾æXXÙî O | āXXâ O V IJ : āXXãÁ A C | ‹ÌXXØÿØÎÏ A C O V : †~q‹ÎXXÏ IJ J J J C | ƒÌ膅 J A O V IJ : †…ƒÌè C 11 ¿½ñ†ÑÙå A V : 1 0 çÙß½üƒ A O V IJ : çß½üƒ ÑÙ冿½ñ C O IJ

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115 Anaxagoras says:

People consider death malicious because of its appearance. But upon examination, it turns out to be very beautiful. It gives peace to the old age that has no strength; and to the youth that is surrounded by sufferings; and to the childhood lest it be tormented by toil, building, planting, obtaining, and establishing for others. It protects the debtor from the master of the debt who demands interest and gains. Thus, let us not grieve about something that is established and stands firm. Sorrow is not able to abolish it. And if happiness may conceal it, it is only for a short time. But there is no grief in the haven where one lives. Even if death looks disgusting, close your eyes for a certain time, and you will see how beautiful it is for those suffering and exhausted who seek it. And this gives evidence that the dwelling in Sheol is peaceful and pleasant.87

87

Cf. the B version of the Syriac Menander, which begins with a note on “mortal men” and ends with considerations about the state of the souls in Sheol (see Arzhanov, “Amrus Philosophus Graecus,” pp. 108–117).

292

PART II

J ûâ~‘ÍéÙàÙâ 116 J J J K À˜ÌXXýÁq¾ÙXXÏçØĀ†çÙàãùØûèāãîáî¾åN ~úïâÚÅè K K q¾ãXX؃ĀÍXXýÐâÿXXÙÁçXX؃ĂÊXXÜqāXXÙ Âüƒ¿š†āXXÁ†¿ÿÏÆ~ƒ K J J K ¾ÙXXæéÜ~çXX؆ …†q¾ÙXX Ðß¿šÍXXâÿXXÙÁ…ÍXXÅÁçXXÙãÙ ø†çXXÙàÙøš† J K K J æN âçÙîÊØĀƒ¾æØ~¾å˜šÍؐ J 5 šûØÍ ÍýæÝåƒq †ÌØÿÁçâÀÊï Â↠J K K K J Āƒ¿ÿãÝσ¾ÐÙÂü¿ÎĐÍæùåƒçÙÁ–Ā†q†ÌؚÍãÁÌß J †ÌXXãÌÙÂÙÂÐß J K Ž‡~ ÌßçؚĂÍâÊ܃q †ÌæâçÙæÝéâÿâ K J J J ¾ãÙÝÏçàñƒqçØûâ~Êܾî†ÊØç؃Ìè†q†Ìæ♽ñĀ†ŽÍÙýß o…ÿãÝÏĀ†ÿÙâ J ûâ~‘ÍØûÙñ 117 J J J K K J ÊXXσq¿†…—ƒ ‡ƒçXXØûâ~ƒçXXÙàØ~çXXÙýå~çXXÙýåĀ¾åN ~ŽÊXXîÚXXÅè N K J ûÙĐ~q¿†…šƒ¾Ø÷âĀƒ‹…q¾ý æÙæÁ †ÌàÝß¿†Ìå¾æÙî˜ K J †˜ÍXXÐåƒçXXÙÁ–çXXØÊå~q¾ÝXXà␆†ÌXX僐ÍXXå…† ÍXXÁ÷å N †… N J J çXXØÊâçXXØÊùñçXXÙàØĀ†q†ÌXXàÜÿXXؽÓàýâçØÊùñ††…qÿؽãÙÝÏ 5 N K J J J ÍXX児†ÌXXØÿØ~ûXXÙòüq¾ÝàâƒÀûùØĀçÙãÙøƒÍ児††Ìå K J J ¾æXXòàâÿXXØ~ûXXÙòüƒÞXXØ~qçXXØÊùñÿ⃐ÍXXå…ÿؽå½Ü†qçØÊù ñƒ K J o¾æÙÜÚÅè†¾î †Ê؆ 11 6 A ʋ 20 (34a1-23 Lewis; 539 Ryssel [ʋ 31]); C ʋ 10; IJ ʋ 32; Mub ʋ 82 (307.17–308.3 Badawi; 133 Rosenthal [ʋ 82]) 11 7 IJ ʋ 33; Mub ʋ 98 (311.12-17 Badawi; 136 Rosenthal [ʋ 98]) 11 6 , 1 ‘ÍéÙàÙâ IJ, cf. DžȂȈLjȈǴȈǷ Mub : ‘ÍéàÙâ C : ‘Íéïâ A 2 ¾ÙÏK A : ¾ýæÙæÁ C : K AIJ om. IJ Mub 4 çÙàÙøš† A : çÙàøš† IJ : çÙàÙܚ† C | …ÍÅÁ A C : om. IJ | ¾ÙÐß K K K Mub : ¾ÙÓÐß C 5 ¾æØ~ A IJ : ûÙľæØ~ C 6 †ÌؚÍãÁ A C : †ÌؚÍâ˜ÿÁ IJ J Mub | Ā† A C : ~† IJ | Íæùåƒ A C : ÍýæÝåƒ IJ 7 †Ìæâ A IJ : Ìæâ C | Ê܃ J çؚĂÍXXâ A C : çؚ˜ÍXXâÊÁ R : çؘšÍâÊÁ M P | Ìß  J A IJ : om. C 8 ç؃Ìè† AC: K K J J ç؃Ìè IJ | ¾î†ÊØ A IJ : ¾îÊØ C 9 ÿÙâ A : †…ÿÙâ CIJ N 11 7 , 1 ‘ÍØûÙñ M : ‘ÍØûñ P R : džȇŚǧ Mub ¾æÙÜ M R Mub (DžȂLjdzơ) : ¾æØÍÁ P

8

J IJ : ƾȀnjȇ Mub (= Syriac ƒÌè ?) ÚÅè†

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116 Melissus says:

I feel much pain about the useless labor at which the living work and toil. They remain sleepless during travels, undertake difficult journeys, go through storms of the sea, hazard in the midst of it standing between life and death. They depart from their homes, becoming strangers in order to earn profit, about which they are not aware who shall inherit it after their death. But they do not wish to gain the glorious treasures of wisdom of which they will not be deprived and which, while bringing benefit to their beloved ones, they may take with them in the underworld without losing it. Scholars testify to this by saying: “A certain wise man died but not his wisdom.”88 117 Pyrrho89 says:

I thoroughly blame those people who state that it is necessary that all men should have one mind. This is something which is impossible. For if they could they would wish to be kings. So, let us consider this wisely: if all men would have power and rule, who would be those to whom they will give orders, and who will give glory to the kings? So, it is good that there are those who give orders. And it is right that others follow orders. Likewise, it is proper that there are teachers and scholars and that nature multiplies.90

88

For the wisdom of Socrates that continues to live in the world after the death of the philosopher, cf. Letter of Mara bar Serapion (45.14 Cureton). 89 Cf. the anecdote on Pyrrho in §4.5.2 of the Introduction. 90 The Arabic version of Mub: al-snjsu [footnote by Badawi: al-‫ܒ‬abҵu, al-‫ܒ‬abƯҵatu] yašhadu bi-‫ڴ‬Ɨlika (“nature testifies to that”), which suggests that the translator(s) read shd instead of sgy.

294

PART II

J ûâ~‘†ûÅ҆ûñ 118 K q¿ÿÏÍXXÂüš†ÍXXå~āÙàÜq¾æòßÍ؆¿š†ƒûâƒāãùÐü K çXXÙàØ~ƒ¾ýXXØûÁäXXÙèšÿâ†qāÙàâ¾æý߃‹…ÍÐùñçâŽÊÄÿ ⃠N K J J K ¾ØÎφqçؚÊÏÿâ†çؘÿî‹…ÍÐùñ¾æýàß¾æýßçâÊÜqÌßçÙãϘƒ K K K J J 5 ûXXÂÜÊÜqçÙùåÿýâāÝè†qçÙÁû ØÀÊÙ ãߚ†qçØÊ Ï¾æòà â†çÙéàùâ oçÙýØûñĀÊÁçÙùåÿýâĀ J ûâ~êÙ҆ûù⃠119 J J K K ¿ÎÏĀƒ¾ØûÜÍåÀ˜šĀçÙ߇ ~ƒq¾ãÙÝϾýåĀ†Ìß¿†…—ƒ‡ N K J J ¾ÂÒçÙïã ü†çØÎÏÊÜq¾øÿýÁ†¾ÙàýÁ¾üÍýĐ ††Ìåƒq†Ìß N K J çÙãÙøçÙÐÝýâ~†qÍå~¾æÝØ~ƒqçâšÿØ~ƒ¾ãÙÝσ¾Áûüƒ K qÿؽÙéܐ†ÌÙæÙîăÁ†Ìà؃äÌÙàâçÙàøšÊÜq †ÌÙâÊø 5 J †ÍXXÐåçXXØÊ؅q…ûXXÂÐßÃXXàÂXXÄÍXXæØ~ƒ†ÎXXφÍà øšƒ¾â† N N çXXؘÿïâÊXXÜq†ÌæÙæøƒ¿ÎÅÁÍÐÁÿýåƒq†…ÿãÝσÀ˜šÍî J K çXXâçXXÙàù üq ÍXXßÿ僐†ÌXXà؃†…˜ÍXXî‡çXX؃~†q¾åûÏĀÌæâ N J †ÌØăÂÏ oçÙùò冐 11 8 A ʋ 21 (34a24–b12 Lewis; 539 Ryssel [ʋ 32]); O ʋ 4 (VIII.19-25 Sachau); IJ ʋ 34 11 9 A ʋ 22 (34b13–35a9 Lewis; 539 Ryssel [ʋ 33]); IJ ʋ 35; Mub ʋ 99 (312.1-6 Badawi; 136 Rosenthal [ʋ 99]) 11 8 , 1

‘†ûXXÅ҆ûñ A M O R W : ‘†ûXXÅÒûñ P : ‘†ûÄÍXX҆ûñ S 2 ¿š†ƒûXX⃠¾æòßÍXX؆ O IJ : ¿ÿXXãÝφ¿š†ƒûXX↾æòßÍ؆ A 3 ŽÊÄÿ⃠N O IJ : ŽÊÄÿ↠A K A | çÙÁûØÀÊÙ K J ãߚ† A O : çÙÁû؆ 4 ¾æXXýß O IJ : ûÙùØ A 5 çÙéàùâ O IJ : ¾æéàùâ K K K ÀÊÙãߚ IJ | çÙùåÿýâāÝè† A O : āÝèçÙùåÿý↠IJ | ûÂÜ A : ûÂÜ~ O P R : ûâ~ MSW

11 9 , 1 êÙ҆ûù⃠A : êÙÒûèÍã؃ M R : êÙÒûøÍã؃ P : džȈǗơǂǬǷȁƿ Mub 2 ¿†… IJ : J IJ : çÙ߇~ƒ¾â J †… A | çÙ߇~ƒ A 3 ¾øÿýÁ†¾ÙàýÁ IJ Mub : ¾ÙàýÁ†¾øÿýÁ A | ÊÜ IJ : Êî A | ¾ÂÒ N A M P : ¾Á½Ò R 5 ÊÜ A : ~† IJ | †ÌÙæÙîăÁ IJ : †ÌæÙîûÁ A 6 ÍæØ~ƒ A : †…¾æØ~ M R : ÍæØ~ P 7 À˜šÍî A : ¾ÐÙÂüÀ˜šÍî IJ | ÊÜ A : ÊÜ ”~ IJ 8 †Ìà؃†…˜Íî‡ A Mub : om. IJ

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118 Protagoras says:91

Travail and labor of training and learning are crowns of glory that are woven from the blossoms of the eloquent tongue and set on the heads of those who love it. Its blossoms are abundant and they are renewed from tongue to tongue. Then spectators give praise, teachers are happy, and students become more numerous, while fools are tortured. Though perhaps they are not tortured because they do not understand. 119 Democritus92 says:

It is necessary for wise men who come to a foreign place that they have never seen to become spies, silent and quiet. Then they should look and hear reports and stories on the sages living there and on how they (teach). They should secretly compare in their minds their words with their own (considering) if they are able to stand before them. And after they have compared and seen that they turn out to be more excellent than those ones, then they should reveal the riches of their wisdom, so that they would receive praise for the treasure that they possess and share its riches with the others. But if what they have turns out to be too small to be manifested, then they shall receive from the others and go away.

91

A maxim of Protagoras dealing with education appears in the tract De exercitatione preserved in Syriac as a treatise of Plutarch (see §3.4.1.2). Both SGP no. 118 and the maxim from the De exercitatione were included in the collection of testimonia about life and teachings of Protagoras by M. O’Brian in: Sprague, The Older Sophists, p. 24 (fragments 11 and 12). 92 This name may refer to Democratus known from the Corpus Parisinum and other gnomic collections.

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J ûâ~êÙÄûÄ 120 J K ÀûXXؖçXXÙÐÝýâĀƒ‹ÿXXâ~qÍXXå …¾éXX܃ÊâƒÀ˜ÿÙâÀûñÍü N K K ¿½ÙÅèûÙІÌàãîq‹ÌÙ冘†÷åÀăØÌâ¾æããéÁƒq¾ãÙ ÝÏ J q…šÍXXÙéÝÁÑXXÙÂü¾ãXX܃¿ÌXXÙ⚆…ÀƒÌèq¾Á˜ †ÌùÐü† J J J K 5 ¿šÍ܇ƒāÙàÜÌßçÙÁÌØçÙÝñ…q†ÌÙàãÄÃÍãàüƒ¾â† J J q¾æÙîÌß¾ØÎÏĀ†qÀÊØ~Ìß¾ÝÂßĀƒûÙďÊâqçÙùØÿüÊÜ J q‹…ÍXXXXØûâ½åƒ ¾æXXXXýß ÑXXXXÝýâ ¾æXXXXÝØ~ ¾îÍXXXXãüƒ ¾åƒ~ †~ o‹…Íؚ†–šƒ J ûâ~‘Íæâ†ûñ 121 K J J ÊXXøq†…ÿXXãÝϐ†ÍXXÐåƒçXXÙÁ–ƒçXXÙàØ~¾ýå~áîāÂùâĀ J q†ÿXXã␆ÌXXßûXXÙÂî¿ÿXXãÝσÌXXáXXîĀ”~ƒçXXÙàØ~ ‹ûÜÍ僾æýßðãýåƒÀÊïÂ↾ØûÁûÁ¾æý߃¾ÐÝýâĀƒ¾æÝØ~ƒ J K J ‹…¾æâĀ”~ƒ†…q¾ãÙ ÝÐßð ãüāÝèÑÝýâĀ¾æ܅qÌß 5

1 2 0 A ʋ 23 (35a10–b3 Lewis; 540 Ryssel [ʋ 34]); C ʋ 11; IJ ʋ 36 1 2 1 A ʋ 24 (35b4–36a6 Lewis; 540 Ryssel [ʋ 35]); V ʋ 37; IJ ʋ 37; Mub ʋ 83 (308.4-13 Badawi; 133 Rosenthal [ʋ 83]) 1 2 0 , 1 êXXXÙÄûÄ C : êÙåÍXXXÄûÄ A : ‘ÍXXXÙå½Ä˜ÍÄ M R : ‘ÍXXXÙæĘÍÄ P J K A: C | ‹ÿâ~ A IJ : ¾æØ~ C 3 ¾ãÙÝÏ 2 À˜ÿÙâÀûñÍü A IJ : Íå…¾ýòåƒÀûñÍü K K ÀăXXØÌâ C IJ | ¾æXXããéÁƒ A IJ : ¾æXXãéÁƒ C | ‹ÌXXÙ冘†÷å A IJ : ‹ÌXXÙ冘÷å C J ¿½ÙÅèûÙІÌàãî A : †…¿½ÙÅèûÙĐ †Ìàãî IJ : ûÙĐÍàãî C 4 ¾Á˜ J K AIJ: A : †…¾Á˜ IJ : ¾æXXÙâ~ C | …šÍXXÙéÝÁ A C : ¿šÍXXÙéÝÁ IJ 5 †ÌÙàãîƒ J †…šÍXXãÙàîƒ C | çXXÙÝñ… A IJ : çXXÙò܅ C 7 ¾æXXÝØ~ A C M P R W : ¾æXXØ~ S 8 ‹…Íؚ†–šƒ C IJ : …š†–šƒ A

‘ÍXXæâ†ûñ A : ‘ÍãØûñ (Priamus?) V : ‘ÍÙæãØûñ IJ : DžȂÃÃǸÃǂǧ Mub 2 Ā K J J ¾ýXXå~áîā Âùâ A : çÙàîçÙàÂùâĀ V : ¾ýå~ÚàîçÙàÂùâûÙÄĀ IJ Mub (džȈdz J ǵơȂǫƗŘǬǧơȂȇ) 3 Ì  A : ¾î˜š IJ : ÌÙîÚ J V | †ÌßûÙÂî A P : †ÌßûÂî M R : †ûXXÂî V 4 ¾æXXÝØ~ƒ A : ¾æXXÝØ~† IJ : ¾æXXÝØ~ƒáXXÓâ V | ¾ÐÝýâ A : ÑÝýâ V IJ ¾æý߃ A Mub (ǹƢLjǴdzơƤƷƢǏ) : ¾æýß V IJ | ¾ØûÁûÁ A M R V : ¾æýßðãýåƒÀÊïÂ↠K J A V : ðãýåƒ IJ | ¾ãÙÝÐß ¾ØûÁûÁ P (dittography) 5 ðãü A V Mub : ¿ÿãÝÏ IJ ¿ÿãÝÏ‹…¾æâ A V : ‹…¾æâ¿ÿãÝÏ IJ

121,1

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120 Gorgias says:93

The great beauty of something hidden is this: when wise painters are not able to represent it through skilled mixtures of pigments.94 Their intensive work and big labor is an astonishing witness to how great something in its hidden state is. And when they have completed all the stages of their work, then it happens that they give it the crown of victory by remaining silent. For how can the tongue speak about something that the hand has not grasped and the eye has not seen? Or how could the ear of the listener listen to it? 121 Firmanus95 says:

It is not acceptable for people to take pleasure in demonstrating their wisdom in front of those who have not even reached96 the gates of wisdom. Like a foreign person who speaks a barbarian tongue is not able to understand97 the language which is foreign to him, likewise a fool is

93

This piece was included in Buchheim, Gorgias von Leontinoi, pp. 98–99 (fragment 28). Buchheim discloses a number of parallels between it and the other testimonia about Gorgias and concludes that the Syriac piece may be considered as one of the sources on the teachings of the Greek orator. 94 The image of a painter was a popular one in philosophical treatises dealing with human ability to grasp reality. Cf. John of Apamea, The Fourth Dialogue with Thomasius (Strothmann, Johannes von Apamea, vol. 2, p. 52). 95 Probably this name derives from the Greek ĭȚȡȝȚȐȞȠȢ (cf. the name of Lactantius). It may also be a corruption of “Priamus” (cf. the variant of V) or “Parmenides.” 96 The Syriac verb may be translated also as “entered.” The Arabic version of Mub, however, supports the variant proposed in the translation above. 97 Literally “to listen to,” cf. the second part of the sentence.

298

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K J ¾ñ½XXÜÞXXØ~‹…ÍâÊø †…ÿÙæÄăâçØÌßç؆…†q“ÊØ¿ÿãÝÏ K ¾ýXXù僾â¾ùXXÙîšÿâq¾ãXXÙÝσ †…ÿXXàâ‹…”~ÊXXÜqÀûXXσƒ N J J J qÌXXß¿†ÌXXå¾Á˜ÀûùØ~ƒ¿†…—ƒ‡ƒ‹…qÀûÙÝèƒāÝèƒÌ僽Á J K ÍXX߆qāXXÓïXXÙü¾î˜šáXXî¿ÿXXâ~ÞØ~¾ãÙ øÿÐÜÿü~ J J J ††……†˜Êüƒ Íå…”~†Ā~q…†ûî–††… …ÍàÂøĀƒ Íå… K oÍüûñĀƒāÝèšÍß

10

J ûâ~‘†˜Êæñ 122 J …šÍXXØûèÑXXؘÌXX߈ûXXñqÀûXXÅñçXXâ¾ýXXòåÿXXùò僾⃾æXXÝØ~ ¾ýXXòå¿ÿXXãÝϾæXXøĀƒāXXÝè”~¾æXX܅q‹…†ĂÍÂøƒÀăÙÐæÁ N J J ˆ½ñ¿šÍØûèÑؘqÌâÍñçâ¾ùò僿ÿàÝè¿ÿàâáÜqçØšĂšƒ J K 5 ¾ÐXXØûÁþÙĘĀÀûÅñƒ¾æÝØ~†q‹…ÍîÍãýß…šÍàÓïÁ Ìæâ ÑØûÁþÙĘĀāÝè”~¾æ܅q†…¿ÿÙâƒáÓâÌæ⃾Øûè o™ûñĀƒÊÙÁq…ÿà⃿šÍØûè N

1 2 2 A ʋ 29 (37b15–38a7 Lewis; 541 Ryssel [ʋ 40]); V ʋ 39; IJ ʋ 38; Mub ʋ 84 (308.14-18 Badawi; 134 Rosenthal [ʋ 84])

K

6 ç؆…† A V : ‹†…† IJ | çØÌß A V : †Ìß IJ | ÞØ~ A : šÍâÊÁ V IJ 7 †…ÿàâ A J IJ : Ê܆q‹… J IJ | ‹…J A : ‹…† IJ : ¿ÿàâ V | ¾â A V : om. IJ 8 Ì僽Á A V : çâÌ僽Á J J V | ¿†Ìå V IJ : ¿†Ìåƒ A 9 ¾ãÙø A M R V : ¾ãÙøƒ P | ¾î˜š A V : Ì IJ J J J J …ÍàÂø A V : ƒÍÐàÁ††……†ûî– …ÍàÂø IJ | ”~† A IJ : om. V 1 0 …†ûî–††… J 11 Íüûñ A V : çÙüûñ IJ

J

 J A IJ : ˆ½ñ V 3 ”~ A V : ”~† 1 2 2 , 1 ‘†˜Êæñ A IJ : ‘†˜ÊæÙñ V : DžȁǁƾȈǧ Mub 2 ˆûñ J K A V Mub : IJ 4 ¿šÍXXØûè A V : …šÍXXØûè IJ | ˆ½XXñ V IJ : ÑÙñ A 5 ‹…ÍîÍãýß K ¾îÍãýß IJ | ¾æÝØ~† V IJ : ¾æÝØ~ƒ A | þÙĘĀÀûÅñƒ A : ÀûÅñþÙĘĀƒ V : J þĘĀÀûÅñƒ IJ Mub | ¾Øûè¾ÐØûÁ A V : ¿šÍØûèÑØûÁ IJ 6 Ìæ⃠A V : ¾ùòåƒ Ìæâ IJ | †…¿ÿÙâƒáÓâ A V Mub : om. IJ | þÙĘĀāÝè”~ V Mub : āñ~† þÄûâāÝè IJ : þÙĘĀ”~† A | …ÿà⃿šÍØûèÑØûÁ V Mub : ¿šÍØûèÑØûÁ J …ÿà⃿ÿÙæè A : ˆûé⃐˜šÍØĀƒ¿ÿàãÁ IJ 7 ĀƒÊÙÁ A : ĀƒáÓâ V : ‹ÌÁ Āƒ M R : ĀÊÁ P

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not able to listen to the sages. Their pearls put in front of a person who does not even know what wisdom is will look like hard stones to him. Similarly, the word of the sages will be pained when it knocks on the shut ear of a fool. (Wisdom)98 which should be held in great honor, turns out to be standing like a maidservant near the closed gates of the stubborn. And not (only)99 those who do not accept it are disgracing it, but also those who bring it to the fools who have no understanding. 122 Pindar says:

Just as the foul stench of the body, from which the soul has departed, drifts into the nostrils of those who bury it, similarly the listeners of a fool who does not possess wisdom, the second soul, smell the foul stench of stupidity from every foolish word that comes from his mouth. And just as the body does not feel the stench which it spreads because it is dead, thus also a fool does not feel the foul smell of his words because he has no understanding.

98

The Syriac text has the pronoun of the third-person feminine singular which clearly refers to “wisdom.” 99 The word is implied by the context and probably for this reason it was added in IJ.

300

PART II

J ¾Ùâ†Ăƒ†ÌÙÁăø¿ÿߚƒÀûâ½ãÁ¿†…€ÿ܃† …‘ÍæÙÅåÍß 123 N K †ÌØÊØ~ÿÙϚš†…ƒ¾Ø˜Í胾ÙÜÍÙÓå~á…šÍÜ~† áXXî†ûXXÂî¾ÐXXåÊ⃾ÙXXèăñƒq‘ÍÓèÍÄ~ûéù߀ÿÜ¾å… †… N N qƒ†Ì؃¾î˜½Á¾æÁĂÍøÍÁûø†††…Í߇~†qšÍÝà⃾æÓßÍü 5 ðÙãüĀáÙÜÊîÍæâûÁ†~ç؃ÍæâƒqçâšÊàؚ~ƒÀûÂüĀÍïß N êXX؃†ûØ~ƒ‘ÍXXæÙÅåÍß¾åÌXXß‘ÍXXÓèÍÄ~†…¿†…ÑXX àü†qçXXß N N J qÚXX߀ÿXX܃Àƒ…áXXîçXXß“ƒÍↀÿ ܆…qçâšçæùÂüƒq¾ñûÓè N N J J o¿ÿàîÀÊؽÁ†¾æÁĂÍøÌߘÊüƒ† N …Íæ↠J ûâ~‘ÊØÊø†š 124 J J ~qÌýòå¾ïÁš¾ÐÝýâĀq¾Ýàã⃾ÝØ~¿šûØûü¿š†˜½Ï J J J q¾åăXXî÷ãßûƒ¾ÏûâƒÀÊâÍľÙæ øûÙÄĀqÀûï Ò÷â K q¿šăXXÙî–āXX⃾ÙXXæè¾æXXÙéß¿šûÂï⿆…šƒ¾ÐÝýâĀ† J Ā~q¿ÿXXÙàãýâ‹…¿š†˜½XXÏ¿†…ĀqÀûXXî÷âçXX؃ ~† 5 J J ÿXXùò僾ùÙîšÿâçܘÿÁç šÊÜq¿š†˜½ÏƒÌàà҆…šÍâƒ

1 2 3 IJ ʋ 39 (II 20.1-9 Raতmani) 1 2 4 A ʋ 25 (36a7–b1 Lewis; 540 Ryssel [ʋ 36]); L ʋ 5; IJ ʋ 40 1 2 3 , 1 ‘ÍæÙÅåÍß P Raতmani : ‘ÍÙæÅåÍß M R | †ÌÙÁăø IJ : †ÌÙÁăøáî Raতmani (cf. Chronicum Maroniticum) 2 †…šÍÜ~† IJ : †…šÍ܇† Raতmani (= Chronicum Maroniticum) 3 ¾æÓßÍXXüáXXî IJ and ms. “B” of Raতmani : ¾æÓßÍXXýß ms. “A” of  N P : Íæ⃆… Raতmani (= Chronicum Maroniticum) 5 Íæ⃠M R S W Raতmani : Íæâ ms. “C” of Raতmani (= Bar Koni) | ÍXXæâûXXÁ†~ IJ : ÍæâûÁ† Raতmani (= Bar Koni) çßðÙãüĀáÙÜÊî IJ : Àƒ…¿ÿàãßÌÙïÁš¾ü…qáÙÜÊîçßðÙãüĀ Raতmani (= Bar Koni) 6 ‘ÍæÙÅåÍß P Raতmani : ‘ÍÙæÅåÍàß M R | ê؃†ûØ~ƒ M R : ‘Í؃†ûØ~ƒ J M R : ÿXXÁÿ܃ P Raতmani 8 ÀÊXXؽÁ† MPRS P : ‘ƒ†ûXXØ~ƒ Raতmani 7 €ÿXX܃ N N J Raতmani : ÀÊؽÁƒ W

J A L : €†šûâ~ J IJ 2 ¾Ýàã⃠J 1 2 4 , 1 ‘ÊØÊø†š L : ‘ÍØÊø†š IJ : ‘ÊÙæø†~š A | ûâ~ J  A 4 Ā† L IJ : ûÙÄĀ A A IJ : ¾ÝXXàãâ‹…ƒ N L 3 ¾åăXXî÷ãß L IJ : ÌXXÙåăî÷ãß J ¾Ùæè A L : ¾Øûè IJ 5 ¿ÿÙàãýâ L IJ : ¿šûØûü A 6 Ìàà҆ J …šÍ⃠L : …šÍ⃠J J †… N Ìàà҆ IJ : āà҆¾ÙↃ A

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123 Longinus who in the third treatise described the wars of the Romans and

their allies against Antioch of Syria when it was under their power:100 He wrote to Caesar Augustus the following: “The Persians of the East transgressed the power of your kingdom. And they came and made offerings in the land of Judaea to a newborn child who was born there and concerning whom we have not heard who he is or whose son he is until now.” And Augustus answered to this Longinus: “Herod the satrap whom we had set there shall write and inform us about this matter that you wrote to me and who is the one to whom the offerings were sent and on what occasion.” 124 Thucydides101 says:

Wherever true freedom reigns, it is not able to avenge itself if it is insulted. For it doesn’t possess the bold audacity to insult the insulters. And it is not able to become a channel for the ugly filth of insulting words. And if freedom is insulting, it is not perfect, rather it is an image and a shadow of freedom. Subsequently, it is grieved that it has departed

123 Chronicum Maroniticum (55.5-13 Brooks); Bar Koni, Liber Scholiorum VII.18 (73.16 Scher); Michael the Syrian, Chronicle V.10 (88b.21-31 Chabot); Barhebraeus, Chronicle (46.9-13 Bedjan = 16ra.3-12 Budge); Solomon of Baৢra, Book of the Bee 39 (94.14–95.4 Budge); Agapius of Manbij, Kitab al-‫ޏ‬Unwan II (463.3-10 Vasiliev) 100

No such chronicle has become known, but it seems possible to associate the author of no. 123 with Gaius Cassius Longinus (d. 42 BCE), one of the instigators of the plot to kill Julius Caesar, who ruled over Syria in 55–51 and later in 44–42 BCE. 101 Thus L and IJ, “Theognis” in A (cf. no. 103).

302

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K J J †ÌXXß ÿXXÙ⃚~ƒqāXXÝèÊXXø …ûXXî–ÿØÍXXφq ÌXXæÙî˜ çXXâ o¿ÿÙæè¿šÍàÓïÁ J ûâ~‘ÍàùØûñ 125 K ¾åƒ†ÊXXↆ…¾æÜÍïâq¾ý僾ñ†–ûñáîƒāÙ߇†āÙàøÀ˜ÍÏ K ¿šÍXXÏûâ‹…¾ÐÝýâ†q¿ÿãÝϐÍòß½åĀƒq¿½ÙÅè¾æÙîà K K K K K ¾ùXXÐýÁ†q‹†…çXXýÙ æܾÙXXæ üƒāXXãïÁƒ¿ÿXX ãÙè˜ÊXXÁšƒq¿ÿ Âùåƒ K K K 5 ¿ÿXXàâÌXX߾嚚~çXXÙæÁ‡ÍXX ÁÆq‹† …çXXÙæøÀăXXØÌâ¾æXXòà ⃠N J J J J …q¾åƒ~ƒ¾î˜ÿÁŽÍÌß¾ùÂüĀq¾ÙÓýß çâÍÅß¾Áÿ؃‹ J J çâÍÅߎÍï僾ùÂüĀ¾ã ϘƒÊãÁ ~Ā~†q¾Â߃¾î˜š J À˜ÊXXïâ¾æXXâq¿ÿàâĀ½î¾åƒ~ƒ¾î˜šçâÍÅߐ~†q¾Âß J J ¿ÿ܆ƒÌßÿÙ߃†qĀ ½î¾åƒ~ƒ¾î˜šçâÍÅßÍ߃q¾ÐØûéßÌß J J K J ĀƒšÎXXσqçXXâšçXXâ¾ùXXò 冾øÎ ÏāÙà ùÁqçâš¿Í øš†Àûüšƒ 10 N J oçâšÿà N øš~

1 2 5 A ʋ 26 (36b2–37a5 Lewis; 540–541 Ryssel [ʋ 37]); C ʋ 12; IJ ʋ 41 7

ÿÙ⃚~ƒ A L : ÿÙ⃚~† IJ

‘ÍàùØûñ IJ : ‘ÍßÍùØûñ C : ‘Íàøûñ A 2 áîƒ A IJ : áî C | ¾åƒ†Ê↠A C : K †…¾åƒ†Ê↠IJ 3 ‹… A IJ : om. C | ¿šÍÏûâ C IJ : ¿ÿÙåûâ A 4 ¿ÿãÙè A : çÙß~ K K K K K ÁÆ‹† … C : çÙßĀ IJ | çýÙæÜ A C : çýæÝâ IJ | ‹†… A IJ : ç؆… C 5 ¾åšš~çÙæÁ‡Í N ¿ÿàâÌß A C M P R S : om. W | ~ A : ÊÜ C M P R S 6 ¾ÙÓýß A IJ : ¾ÓÙýß C ŽÍXX A C : ÚßÍXX IJ 7 ¾î˜š A IJ : ÌXX C | (q¾ÂXXßçXXâĀ~†) om. IJ J ÊãÁ A : Êâ C 8 ¾Âß A : ¾Â߃Ì C | Ā½î¾åƒ~ƒ¾î˜šçâÍÅߐ ~† J Ā½XXî¾åƒ~ƒ¾î˜šçâÍÅßÍ߃¾ÐØûéßÌßÀ˜Êïâ¾æâ¿ÿàâ A : ÍÅߐ~† J J ~† M R : om. P J āî¾Â߃Ìçâ C : ¾Â߃¾î˜šçâÍÅßĀ½îƒ™ÊÄç␠J J K J  IJ | çâ¾ùò冾øÎÏāÙà ùÁ 9 ÿÙ߃† A C : ÿÙßÊÁ IJ 1 0 Àûüšƒ A C : ÌÁÀûüšƒ J ç⚠A IJ : om. C (homoeoteleuton: çâšçâš) | šÎσ N A C : šÎσ‹ÌÁ IJ 11 ç⚠A

125,1

C : om. IJ

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from its will and has manifested its insult in the presence of fools, having become similar to them in shameful obstinacy. 125 Pericles102 says:

A quick shameless look at a female face brings many minds into confusion, hindering them from learning wisdom. Female boldness may disperse the treasures which have been collected through years of labor and acquired due to the travail of skilled teachers. And many times, when you speak a word to a foolish (woman), she will not let it enter the threshold of her ear, (a word) that abides within the threshold of the heart. But unless it is something unpleasant, she will not let it to enter the threshold of the heart. And if the word enters the threshold of the ear, how does it help the shameless person, if it remains (only) in the threshold of the ear and finds no place where it could be preserved and remain? So it turns around quickly and flees from there because it sees that it could not be received there.103

102

Thus the forms of the name in IJ and C may be interpreted. A: probably “Proclus” (thus Ryssel). 103 The second part of no. 125 describing the process of entering of the word into the ear and the heart of a foolish person turned out to be rather confusing for the scribes (as probably it is also for modern readers). This confusion resulted in various versions of the text that have become products either of additions or omissions. The main text of the edition generally represents the most extensive version of the counsel preserved in A.

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J ûâ~‘†˜ƒ†~š 126 J J J âáÜ çXXâÌýòåúÏûåq¿ÿãÝÐßÀÊÙãߚ¿†ÌåƒÃÐ↾Á–ƒç K K J ¿ÿXXãϘƒÀƒ†ÊXXâ¾ÂüÍXXÏçXXâÌXXýòåáß÷å†q¾åÍã⃾åÚÍØ K q¿†…šƒ¾ÐÝý↾è˜ÍñÿØ~~†qÊãÁÍîÿåĀƒ¾ýåƒ K K 5 q¾ãXXÙè¾ÙXX⃾҅ûXXÁ¿ÿàÙàøûÙľæÙîq˜ÍÐå¾ ýæÁāñ~† J J J ÌXXß¾ÙXXàâ¾ÐXXÝýâ†q…˜ÿXXÁ¾æXXÙîûßÌXXßÀÊÅåāÙàø…˜ÍÐÁ† J …šÍàÙàùÁ K K J K ¾æÓãïÁ…ÿàø†šçÙÅ è†q¾ãÙ Ýσ¿ÿàâç♽ ñ†q o…šÍàÙÓÂÁāòü†q…šÍùÙæéÁÀÊéÏ¿†…†qÌæÙ J ûâ~êÙàè†~ 127 K J K J —ƒ‡q†ÌXXÙ蘆šƒ¿šÍùÙæèÿéâÍå~¿šÍÙâƒçÙîÊ؃¾ýå~ K J ”~†q¿ÿøĂÍXXؾñ~¾ æN XXøƒûXXÙľÁ…ƒqçXXÙàã…ƒ †ÌXXß J J ûXXÙÄçXXÙæøq†…šÍXX⃾åÊXXïÁÌåÍXXІÌXXß¾æXXùâ‹…†ăXXãß

1 2 6 A ʋ 27 (37a6–b1 Lewis; 541 Ryssel [ʋ 38]; 483 Giannantoni [B.1.]); C ʋ 13; V ʋ 1; IJ ʋ 42 1 2 7 A ʋ 28 (37b2-14 Lewis; 541 Ryssel [ʋ 39]); F ʋ 7 (78.3-8 Sachau; 45 Cowper; 533–534 Ryssel [ʋ 7]); G ʋ 10; V ʋ 38; IJ ʋ 43

J ‘†˜ƒ†~š A V : ‘†˜†ƒ~š C M R : ‘†˜†ƒ†~š P 2 ÃXXÐ↠ACMPV: J ÃXXϽ↠R | ¿ÿXXãÝÐß C V IJ : ¿ÿXXãÝσ A 3 áß÷å† A C P V : áß÷↠M R K K ÌXXýòå A V : ÌXXÂß C IJ | ¾ý僿ÿãϘƒ A V IJ : ¾ýåÿãϘƒ C 4 - 8 (ÿØ~~† …šÍàÙÓÂÁ¾è˜Íñ) absent in C | ~† A : €†š~† IJ : Ā† V | ÿØ~ A V : ÿØ~  J IJ | ¾ÐÝý↠A IJ : ¾ÐÝýâ†~ V 5 āñ~† V IJ : āñ~ A | ¿ÿàÙàø V IJ : áÙàø Ìß J K ⃾҅ûÁ A V : om. IJ (homoeoteleuton: ¿ÿàÙàø A | āÙàø…˜ÍÐÁ†¾ãÙè¾Ù K A : ½ÙÅè† K āÙàø) 6 ¾æÙîûß A V : ¾Äûýß IJ | ¾Ùàâ V IJ : ¾Øāâ A 7 çÙÅè† J K K IJ : çØ½è† V | …ÿàø†š A IJ : ¿ÿàø†š V 8 ÀÊéÏ A V : ÀûÙéÏ IJ

126,1

êÙàè†~ A : ‘Íàè†~ F : ‘ÍÙàè†~ G IJ : ‘ÍÙàÙè~ V 2 çÙîÊ؃J A F G V : ç؃çÙîÊ؃J IJ | ÿéâ A F G P V W : ÿè½â M R S | ¿šÍùÙæè A V : ¾æùåÍè F G : K †ÌæùåÍè M R : †ÌÙæùåÍè P | †ÌÙ蘆šƒ A F G V : †ÌÙ蘆š† IJ | —ƒ‡ J A F J J J J G IJ : ¿†…—ƒ‡ V 3 çÙàãî A F G V : çØĀ IJ | ûÙÄ A F G IJ : †… V | ”~† A IJ : ”~ J J A F G V : ¾æùâ‹…†ăãߐ†Ìß IJ | ÌåÍÄ A F G IJ : F G V 4 †Ìß¾æùâ‹…†ăãß K J ‹…ÍåÍÄ V | ÌåÍÄûÙÄçÙæø A V IJ : om. F G

127,1

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126 Theodore104 says:

Let everyone who wishes and yearns to become a disciple of wisdom withdraw his soul105 from the profits of money.106 And let him purify his soul from the turbid thoughts on the love of women, lest he be hindered by anything. And if there is a means and possibility, let him not even look at women. For the eye is set to be as quick as water in its rapidity. And in its quick gazing, it drags the intellect behind it and is able to fill it with its hastiness. And (such a person) remains far from the word of the wise. He has many stumbling blocks due to the darkness of his intellect. His need brings him to shame, and his zeal to humiliation. 127 Eusalius107 says:

Let people who know that they are mortal work for whatever is sufficient for their necessary nourishment. For money that has a greenish appearance also furnishes their owners with its color at the time of their

104

Cf. “Theodore, the head of the sages of Athens,” in no. 129. The Syriac name probably refers to Theodore, a philosopher of the Cyrenaic school, cf. Giannantoni, I Cirenaici, p. 483 [“B. - Imitazioni,” no. 1]. Marek Winiarczyk, however, excluded this piece from the testimonia to Theodore: see Winiarczyk, Diagorae Melii et Theodori Cyrenaei reliquiae, p. VI, n. 2. 105 Or “himself.” 106 Syriac “Mammon,” cf. no. 111. 107 Maybe a corruption of “Basilius” or “Eusebius” (cf. no. 98). Ryssel: “Eubulus.”

306

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J †ÌXXã½XX僾ÐXXÝýâĀ†q¾Ü˜…ÌXXßçXXÙùÂüƒáXXîqÌåÍXXÄ oŽÍÙýß

5

J ûâ~‘ÍÙæÙ蘆~ 128 J ÊXXÜqçXXÙà…ÿXXÝàâ~ƒ‹…¿ÿàσ†qçß¿†…ƒ¾Á˜†…¾ùÐüƒ J J †…¾î†‡†qçÁ‡çÁÎÁ¿†…Ôã îƒq…ÊÙïÁĀƒ¾ýãü¿†…Þý ÏJ K K J J K ¿ÿæØÊãÁ††…ƒç؆…çÙïã üƒā٠σ¾Ð åÍĆq¿ †…¿† …ƒ¾Á˜ N 5 ¿†…˜ÊXXüƒ¿šûXXÄ~çXXâçXXæïãü†çXXæòàؾæâÍXXØ¿…q¾ØăXXÂîƒ N ÀûXXÂÄÊXXσ…šÍXXãÁƒqûXXéø‘ÍXXØûÂÙҐûã߃†ÌØçâ‘ÍÓàÙñ N K K K ðXXãüÊ܆q¿ ÿàÙσçØÌàÜçÙ߅‹†…‹ăîÿè~q¾ØƒÍ؆†…Íòø‡ƒ N K ÊXXÜq¾ØƒÍXXÙß¾æXXÙÁ–ÊXXÂÍXXÓàÙòß‹ÌXXØû ü†˜ÊXX üqûXXéø¿†… N N N J J oûã߆†…‹…Íòø‡ƒÍ元†ÌÙàî”~äÐßÿâ

1 2 8 IJ ʋ 44 (II 21.1-8 Raতmani) 5

J J V : çÙùÂü† J FG çÙùÂüƒáî A IJ : çÙùÂüƒ

1 2 8 , 1 ‘ÍÙæÙ蘆~ IJ Raতmani, cf. ‘ÍæÙ蘆~ Michael the Syrian and DžȂǼȈLJǁȁơ Agapius J M R Raতmani : Íå…J P 5 ¿… IJ : ¿…† Raতmani 8 ¿†… IJ : †… Raতmani 9 Í元

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death. They acquire its color because they leave it here and are not able to take it with them in the underworld. 128 Ursinus108 says:109

A great calamity befell us, and terror ruled upon us when the sun turned unusually obscure and from time to time became dark. And there was a great earthquake, and terrible things were told of what happened in the Hebrew cities. Behold, today we learned and heard from the letter that Pilate sent to our lord Caesar Tiberius110 that it was because of the death of a certain man whom the Jews had crucified that all those horrible events had happened. And when Caesar heard it, he sent and dismissed Pilate because he had fulfilled the will of the Jews. And he also threatened them (with punishment) for having had crucified our Lord.

128 cf. Michael the Syrian, Chronicle V.10 (91b.6-14 Chabot) ; Agapius of Manbij, Kitab al-‫ޏ‬Unwan II (471.2-8 Vasiliev) 108

The Syriac form in this piece may go back to the Greek ǹȡıȑȞȚȠȢ. However, both Michael the Syrian and Agapius have preserved the same name that we find in no. 130 and that may be rendered as proposed above. 109 Agapius: “Ursinus said in the fifth chapter of his book which he wrote about the wars and expeditions of the kings.” Michael: “Ursinus said in the fifth treatise.” Similar to no. 123, these references present the testimony of Ursinus as derived from a chronicle and thus as a neutral historical evidence. 110 See Zeegers-Vander Vorst, “Quatre pièces apocryphes;” Desreumaux, “De quelques pièces du dossier syriaque sur Pilate.” For the so-called “Pilate cycle,” see Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament, pp. 164–225, especially pp. 205–213. An extensive letter of Pilate to Claudius has survived in Syriac, see Brock, “A Syriac Version of the Letters of Lentulus and Pilate.” Brock states that “on the whole the evidence and the likelihood points for a late Western origin for the two Syriac letters.”

308

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J ÌÁ˜‘ÍæÙ蘆Āûâ~‘ÍÙàÙñ~ûÓñ 129 K K K K ¾ØăÜÍXXå¾æXXý߆¿šÍXXâ~”~¿½ÙÅè¾ããî¿…ƒ¾å…Íæâ J J q¾Ùãýßúàè†ÀûÂøç âä σ† ÌÁçÙæãØÌâ N …ƒq…šÍòÙøÎÁ N ø†¾Ù N N K ¾ãÙÝσ¾ýؘ‘†˜ƒ~š¾ãÙÝÏûÙÄ¿…qÌ߆†…çÙòàâƒÞØ~ 5 q¾Ø˜ÊæéÝß~çâ‘ÍæÙùØûñ~†q¿~†ûÁç ⃑ÍæÙÒû↑½æؚ~ƒ N N K †ûòܾåËÁÊ␆ÌàܾæýØÆqÚæÙÓéàñƒ¾Ø˜½éøç⃑ÍæÙøû↠N J K çXXÙ߅†qÌXXÁçÙæãØÌ↾ÐÙýãßçØÊÅè¿…†q†ÌØÌß½Á††… K Āƒ† ¾éXXXÙÜ K ”~† q†ÌXXXØÿØ~ ¾æXXXÙæø Āƒ qÌXXXß çXXX؇ûÝ⃠J J ÌXXßçXX؇ûÝâ†ÀÊXXÂïÁçÙåÿàÙÏçÙÝÙÝâÊÜq¾ÝèĀƒ¿šÍøûéãÁ o¾Ü†ƒáÝÁ 10 J …ÊÙãßÿßûâ~‘ÍæÙ蘆~ 130 J K ¾ÙXXàÙàÄÌXXßçXXØÊÅè†qçXXØÊãߚÿâÍXXØûü¾ãXXãÌXXàܐ~ J K J ¿ÌXXãüÚXXßÿXX Ùåš¾æXXâq¿ÌXXß~ûÁ†¿Ìß~ÌßçØû ø†q¾ÐÙýãß K J J K K óøƒ‡~ƒ† ÌßÌßçØÊÅ è¿…†q †ÌØÌß½Á†û ò܃¾ãÙ ÝϾý å~ƒ N N J å~¿ÎXXσÞXXØ~ÚXXæÙÓéàñƒ¾î˜½Á J ”~ûXXÂ܃çXX؃¾ åN ~ûXXÂèq¾ 5 N N J J K çXXØÊÅè†çXXØÊãߚÿâÍXXå…”~ƒq†ÌßçØÊÅ胿Ìß~Íå…

1 2 9 IJ ʋ 45 (II 30–31 Raতmani - fragment) 1 3 0 IJ ʋ 46 129,1

‘ÍXXXÙàÙñ~ûÓñ M R S Raতmani : ‘ÍXXXàÙñ~ûÓñ W : ‘ÍXXXÙàÙñûÓñ P (cf. ‘ÍXXXXßÍñ†ûÓñ Michael the Syrian, ‘ÍXXXXàÙñ†ûÓñ Barhebraeus, džǴȈǧȁǂººǘǧ Agapius) ‘ÍæÙ蘆Ā Michael the Syrian, Barhebraeus, Agapius (DžȂǼȈLJǁȁȏ) : ‘ÍæÙߘ†Ā M R : ‘ÍXXÙæÙߘ†Ā P 4 ‘†˜ƒ~š M P S : ‘†˜†ƒ~š W : ‘†˜ƒš R : ‘˜†ƒ~š Raতmani 5 ‘½æؚ~ƒ M R W : êæؚ~ƒ S Raতmani : ‘Íæؚ~ƒ P 6 ¾Ø˜½éø M R W : ¾Øûéø P S Raতmani

1 3 0 , 1 ‘ÍæÙ蘆~ M R : ‘ÍÙæÙ蘆~ P 6 om. M (homoeoteleuton: Í児Íå…)

J K Íå…”~ƒ†ÌßçØÊÅ胿 Ìß~ PR:

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129 Patrophilus says to his teacher Ursinus:111

How does it happen that many people, even whole nations and foreign tongues, believe in his crucifixion, that he lived and rose from the grave and ascended to heaven, as it has been taught about him? For, behold, the wise Theodore, the head of the sages of Athens,112 and Martin of Beroea, and Africanus of Alexandria, and Marcianus from Caesarea of Palestine,113 and all the ruling governors have denied their gods but venerated Christ and believed in him. They preached about him without having funds or any possessions and in great poverty. While lowly, they are mighty in action, preaching about Him everywhere. 130 Ursinus says to his disciple:

While all nations have begun to learn and to worship the Galilean as Messiah and to call him God and Son of God, why do you repeat to me the names of the wise men who have denied their gods and are now worshiping him who was crucified in the land of Palestine, as I see. I guess that probably even those gods who are worshipped (now) turn into

129 cf. Michael the Syrian, Chronicle VI.3 (103b.18-27 Chabot); Barhebraeus, Chronicle (51.11-15 Bedjan = 18va.20–b.6 Budge); Agapius of Manbij, Kitab al-‫ޏ‬Unwan II (501.3-8 Vasiliev) 130 cf. Michael the Syrian, Chronicle VI.3 (103b.28-37 Chabot); Barhebraeus, Chronicle (51.15-18 Bedjan = 18vb.6-11 Budge); Agapius of Manbij, Kitab al-‫ޏ‬Unwan II (501.8–502.2 Vasiliev) 111

“Urlinus” in IJ. However, both the evidence of IJ in nos. 128 and 130 and the other witnesses to this counsel (Michael, Barhebraeus, Agapius) have preserved the form that is reflected in the translation. 112 Probably, the Cyrenaic philosopher of the 4th-3rd centuries BCE, who received the epithet ੒ ਡșİȠȢ (see also no. 126). Maybe the latter was interpreted by the author of SGP no. 129 as ੒ ਝșȘȞĮ૙ȠȢ. Theodore spent several years in Athens but could hardly be regarded as the leading philosopher of this city. His figure enjoyed popularity in the Late Antique period due to the gnomic sayings transmitted under his name (see Giannantoni, I Cirenaici, pp. 455-483). 113 It seems difficult to identify the names of the other philosophers that may have had not a historical, but rather a symbolic value. Since the author of no. 129 also mentions governors, it is possible that the name Africanus refers to Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus (2nd century BCE).

310

PART II

J K J çâ†À˜ÍÄç âçÙøû îƒq‹…†ÊÙ ãߚáî¾ åN ~ðãüƒç؃Àƒ…qÌß N N J J äXXæXXÙæîçXX âçXXÙÓ èƒ†q¿šÍàăç ↾üăÏç â†q¿šÍÂæÄ N N N J ýXXå K J çXXÙÁÌØĀƒqÚXXàîÀûXXÙòüûXXØÿ؆Àƒ…¾Ø½XXñûXXÙÄÚXXÅèq¾ K K K ¾æXXàòýâ†āXXÙÐâ¾éXXæĆq¿ÿXXÂù僾ÙXX æèÀăXXÝòߐ †…ÿýòå K oÀăÂæľýå~ƒ

10

J ûâ~‘ÍÙĘÍÄ 131 J J J K ÀÊXXÙãߚçXX؆…çÙæñƒ†qþå~áÜçâ N ÌßçæÙïãü†ÌÙÁÍ҃Àƒ… K K ¾ãXXÙÝÏþXXå~áXXÜÀûXXøÿ僀†šÀƒ…†q ÍXXå~āXXÙ߃q¾ãÙÝÐß N J J Àƒ…ƒçXXâ˜ÿXXÁq¾ãXXü¾å…Ž‡½XX僾ÐXXÝýâĀ†qÌXXß¾ Ä~˜ J J J 5 ¿ÍXXùâÊXXÜq¿ÿXXãÝÐÁÌXXÁáXXÙãîƒç â˜ÿÁ‰ …˜Ā~q…ÿĘ J ÑXXÝü~ÌXXýòåƒçXXâqÀ˜ÿÙâ†Àƒ…Úß¾Á˜ÚÅèç؃Úßq‹…†ƒ~– J J J K J óXXà僆q¾ùXXÙýñ†āXXÙ߃¿½XXÙÅ éßóà åƒûÙÄÀƒ …q¿šûå†óà åƒ oāÓî”~¾Á˜qÌýòåþå~

1 3 1 B ʋ 14; V ʋ 2; IJ ʋ 47; Mub ʋ 85 (309.1-5 Badawi; 134 Rosenthal [ʋ 85]) 7

Ìß M P : om. R 1 0 ¾éæĆ M P R W : ¾éæă S

131,1

‘ÍXXÙĘÍÄ P : ‘ÍXXÙĘ~ÍÄ M R : êæÄûÄ V (probably a corruption of êÙÄûÄ, cf. no. 120) : džȈǴƳǁȂƳ Mub : ¾ãÙÝÏ ¾åûÏ~ B 2 - 6 (†ÌÙÁÍ҃Àƒ… K J ‹…†ƒ~–) absent in B and V | (ÀÊÙãߚçæÙïã üJ ) om. Mub 4 ¾Ä~˜ MR: J J J J ¾Ä˜ P 5 çâ˜ÿÁ‰…˜Ā~ M P R W : Ā~q…ÿĘÀƒ…ƒçâ˜ÿÁ‰…˜Ā~ J S (dittography due to hamoeoteleuton) 6 Úß2 B IJ : om. V | Ìýòåƒ B : J çâ˜ÿÁ‰ …˜ J B V Mub (ƣƽƚȇȁǶǴǠȇ) : óà冿šûåƒ IJ | Àƒ…J B IJ : ‹…J V ¾ýòæ߃ V IJ 7 ¿šûå†óàåƒ J J K K ¿½ÙÅéß B IJ Mub (DžƢǼdzơ) : ¿½ÙÅéß¾åăÏĀ V | óà僆 B IJ : ç؃óàåƒ V 8 þå~ V  N B | ÌXXýòå V Mub (ǾLjǨǻ) : Ìýòæß IJ : Ìß B (supralinear correction) IJ Mub (Ɣǂŭơ) : †… ¾Á˜ IJ Mub (Ƨƾȇƾnjdzơ) : ‹…¾Á˜ B : ¾Á˜ÚÅè V

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his disciples and worship him.114 And what I hear about his pupils is that they reject adultery, stealing, magic, and deception, and that they turn away from intercourse with women. For I find it very good and most worthy that they do not commit themselves to the odious bonds of women, this feeble race which brings low mighty men. 131 Gorgias115 says:

We hear from everyone that it is a blessing of a few to be a sage to whom pupils turn. And further, that it is everybody’s desire to be called a sage. This name can not follow any person who wishes it, rather it adheres to the one who practices wisdom while continuing to seek it. As for me, I consider that person most great and honorable, who is able to teach and admonish himself.116 For it is easy and simple to teach many. But it is much more honorable and difficult when a person teaches himself.

114

This idea of pagan gods becoming disciples of Christ plays an important role in the cycle of texts that are related to the treatise Theosophia. For Theosophia and its Syriac reception, see §3.3.1 of the Introduction. 115 Thus P. M and R: “George.” Mub: ЁnjrЂalƯs. Cf. no. 120. 116 Or “his soul.”

312

PART II

J ûâ~ ÍòÙéÜ 132 J K q†ÌXXæÙîûÁðXXÙÂø††ÌXXßûXXØûüƒÊXXↅƒq‹…Àƒ…¾ãXXÙÝσ J K J ÿؽÙàÄçÙ嚆…ÌßqÿؽÙéÜÌÁçÙãÙø† †…ÿÂýÐãÁûã î† J J ÊXXâóXXàↇûXXÝ âþXXå~¿†…ƒÀƒ…¾ÙXXæèƒáXXÓâqþXXæà܏ÊXXø J J 5 þXXå~ƒ‹…ÀûXXÝýâ†qáXX ùâĀ†ûØûüĀÌ߆qûØûü† …¾åăÏĀƒ N ¾ÂXXÄçXXâÌXXæÙîûÁ† …ÊXXÜq¾ÙXXↅþ åN ~¾ÂXXÄçXXâƒûXXâ½å N N N o¾ØăÁûÁƒ ÌÁ˜ÍòÙéÝßûâ~‘ÍÙøûÒ 133 N J J ûXXâ~†qÿXXؽÙéÜÌXXßûXXØûüƒþXXå~¾òXXÐâ¾æXXâáXXÓ↾æXXÝØ~ J K ¿šÿXXåĀ¾âƒÊXXÜqÌXXßûXXØûüĀƒÊXX⿽ ÙÅèÊøÿؽÙàÄ J ÌXXàïÂß¾ïXXҚƒ¾ñ~ÎXXÁ¾òÝæâ¾üÍÂß‹ …¾ýÙÂ߃q¿ÿÂæÅâ N oÌ߆…˜Êâ¾Ùè˜Íñ† …ƒ‹ÿâ~ÊÜāÙÝå¾ãÝè½Á 5 N N …ÊÙãßÿßÌßûâ~ ÍòÙéÜ 134 N K J J †Ìßóàↅq¾ýæÙ æÂÁ†ÌÁûãýÙÁ¾æÙ¾ÙéÜāÝå N J J K ‹…āXXÅ僾îÍãüçâóÝåƒáÓâqÊâóàϏÊâçØûâ ~††…ƒ N J â~q J J J K áÓâqáÂøÿↅ¾îÍ ãý߃Ê↠…û ÌÁÀûÙéÁƒÌæÙ

1 3 2 L ʋ 7; M P R W ʋ 48; Mub ʋ 86 (309.6-9 Badawi; 134 Rosenthal [ʋ 86]) 1 3 3 M P R W ʋ 49 1 3 4 L ʋ 8; IJ ʋ 50 1 3 2 , 1 ÍòÙéÜ L M P R : ǹȂǨǼLjǰȇơ Mub 2 †ÌæÙîûÁ L : †ÌÙæÙîăÁ M P R 3 †… J L: L P : ††… M R 5 †…N M P R : om. L | Ì߆ L P Mub : Ìàø M R | áÂùâĀ† J áXXÂù↠M P R | 5 - 6 (¾ØăÁûÁƒ‹…ÀûÝýâ†) absent in Mub 6 ¾Ùↅà L : ¾Ùâ†Ăƒ M P R | ÌæÙîûÁ L : ‹…†ÿØ~ M P R

…ÊÙãßÿßÌß L : om. IJ 2 ¾ÙéÜ L : om. IJ 3 áÓâ IJ : áÓ⃠L 4 ÀûÙéÁƒ L : J L : †…û J IJ | áÂøÿↅ J ûÙéÁƒ IJ | ûâ~  N â~ L : áÂùâ IJ | áÓâ L : om. IJ

134,1

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132 Xenophon117 says:

This is (a characteristic) of the sages: if there is something that is true for them, that is fixed in their mind, that dwells in their thoughts, and for which they stand secretly, they should repeat it openly in front of everybody. For it is ugly when a man declares and teaches something that is true for others but seems false and unacceptable for him. And it is hideous when a man says: “I am from the party of Romans,” while he is from the party of barbarians in his mind.118 133 Thracius asked his teacher Xenophon:

How and why does a man conceal secretly what is true for him and proclaims openly something that is not true for him in front of many, resembling a treacherous woman who puts on modest clothes in order to hide that she deceives her husband in a cunning manner until her shame finally is disclosed? 134 Xenophon answered his pupil:119

It is the hidden deceit of an evil mind dwelling in people that teaches them, saying one thing instead of other. Because a man is ashamed of revealing something of his mind to his listeners that may be despised, he

117

The Syriac name in nos. 132–134 in IJ is Ksypwn, cf. no. 108. This is probably a corruption of Ksnpwn, cf. the name by Mub. 118 It is likely that the expression “the party of Romans” refers to that social group which established its identity on the classical Greek learning, while the “the party of barbarians” refers to those who rejected it. For this conflict between the traditional and the new Christian educational systems, cf. Chapters 4 and 5 of the Introduction. 119 This counsel concludes the collections of IJ and L.

314

PART II

J ÌXX߆…ÊXXÅ æâÊXXÜqÌXXà؃úXX Âü† †ÌXXà؃ûXXâ~ †ÌXXæN âšÌXXÁƒ N N N N oÊÂî¾æ܅ÿؽýÙÁƒ N

5

¿ÿòèÍààÙñÍå~š 135 J J ¾ýXXòæßq¿šûùÙâ¿š†˜½ÐßÌßäϘ†ÀûøÿâÀĂ½ÏûÁƒ¾æØ~ N J ÿæÙÁðÙÂøƒ¾Ù܃¾â†ûÁ†ÍÙàܾæø¿†…ÀÊÂîƒçâÀ˜ÿÙ⃠N š†…¾Ø˜ÿýâĀƒ¿ÿãÝσ¿ÿàâ†qÌßÿØ~¿ †…¾ýؘƒ¾æÙ îK N N J 5 qÌXXæâ¿ÎXXÏÿ⿆…ÀûXXÙù؆¾òXXÝåÀûXX٠φqÌXXæâ¾ïXX âÿýâ N N oÊïàÜÌßÿØ~¿†…¾ýØÊøÀûÅñƒ¾Ù܃¾ãüÍĆ N J 136 Àûâ~Íå~š J çÙàØ~†qÀûØûü¾ãϘ†…šÍß‹†…ÀûØăü Íå~ÞÙãÏÃçÙàØ~ N J qÿXXØ~ûØûü ÞXXß çXXÙãàüĀƒ †ÌXXÙàîÞXXßÿXXØ~¿šÍXXÅÙàñƒ J J ¾ãÜ~†Ìã…šĀ†q †ÌãîáàãâÿØ †…¾ãÙÝè½Á N 5 ”~ÍXXܘÊ參ƒq†ÌXXæâÞýòåšûÓåN ††ÌæÙî˜ÿåN ~ÿܘƒ~ƒ N K ûXXÙľãXXÙÝσqÞXXæ␆ÌýòåÍå…”~ †ûÓå†qÞà؃ÞæÙî˜ N ¿ÿXXãÐÁ¾Üƒ‡šçXX؃Āq ÍXXèûñÿ冐 †ÊXXؖšÿåĀƒ‹…Àƒ… N N N qÿXXåN ~¾ÜƒÎXXâÍXXÙ܃Î␠~Ā~qÞXXæÙî˜çXXâ—ÍXXñš†ÊXXÂ܃ N J oÍÙàÝÁÀƒÌÁêàøššƒqÍÙàÝÁ¾ÜƒÎâÿ؆…ÞæÙ¾ÁÍÐÁ N

1 3 5 O ʋ 5 (IX.1-7 Sachau; 542 Ryssel [ʋ 50]; 22 Possekel) 1 3 6 O ʋ 6 (IX.8-17 Sachau; 542–543 Ryssel [ʋ 51]; 22 Possekel) 6

ÊÂî¾æ܅ L : ¾æ܅ÊÂîN IJ N

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says whatever would be accepted by his listeners. Being ashamed by them, he says what is theirs and neglects his own, thus dragging himself to act badly. 135 Theano the woman-philosopher (says):

The one who is called a freeborn man and who loves precious freedom possesses a soul that is more valuable than (the soul) of a slave everyday. And (the soul) that he has is fixed in the pure height between the eyes of the head. And the word of perennial wisdom is heard from him. And the chaste and honorable appearance is seen from him. And he always has the pure flesh of a holy body. 136 Theano says:

May you be a true friend to those who are true friends to you. And may you deal with those about whom you have doubts whether they are really devoted to you, in the (following) way. Do not conduct yourself with them as though you understood their mind, and protect yourself from them, lest they also understand your own mind and also protect themselves from you. This is a characteristic of the sages, namely, that they do not get seized and exposed. That is why you should not be defeated by the vehemence of your anger and go out of your mind. But if you want to be truly defeated, let your mind be defeated by love everyday, and everyday you will receive praise for this.

316

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J ûâ~‘ÍÓèûñ†~š 137 K K K ÍæâûÙÄÿßÿßq¾åÊî†ÀĂÍÒÞØ~q¾ýæÙæÂßûÙéσÊâÿØ~ K K ¾æXX؃†ûXXÙÄÀ˜šÍXXîqçXXæÙÓàýâÌXXàÜáXXîÍXXßq¾æXX Á‡çXXÙÅàñÿâ K J J ˜…ƒÎåƒçß —ƒ‡†qçÙ æÙîÊøÌßç؇ÌßÎâ†qçæâÌßçÙÂæ ľå…ĂÍ܆ N K J J âÞØ~q¿ÿæüçâ K 5 Ā†qšÍXXßçXXâ¾ØÊXXïâçXXÙÙÏÚå ÊîƒçæÙîÊ Øƒç K ¿š˜ÍÄ~ÿßç߀Ìؚ~ƒ¾æÁ‡ûÙĐ ~qçÙÙσ†ÌÅàñÞâÊå N J J K çÙùà҃q¿ÿÂ҃¾æÐßÍòßçßÑÜÿýâ¾æÁ‡¾æØ~q—ÍÂýå¿ÿ ҃ N K o¿šÍùØûéÁÿâÍØ J ûâ~‘Í҆ƒ†˜~ 138 J ÊXXàØÿ⃾ÙXXàÒäXX߆ÎXX σ¾âƒqçØÊ î¾æâ¾éÙ܆û҃äß¾ãîƒ N N K J J qçXXÙÂýÏÿ⃾ýXXå~ÞXXØ~qÌXXßçXXÙàÂùâ¿šƒÍXXøûãÁ†¿ÿXXààؽÁ J K çXX؇†˜ÊXXÜqš½XXâƒçXX؃¾æXXØĀq¿š½XXãßÌßÿØ~¿ÿ ùîçÙàØĀƒ K J J Ā†q¿½XXñƒÊXXâ¿šÍÁ–çØÌؚĂÿßûÙÄÍÅàñqçÙò ïâçØÊ Ï† 5 J o½ØÍÁĀƒÍýÄÿü~Àƒ…áîĀ†q¿ÿÙâçâûÂ߆û ø‹ N N Ìß

1 3 7 V ʋ 5; (Ps.-)Plutarch, De exercitatione (180.27–181.5 de Lagarde = BL Add. 17209, f. 3v.21–4r.5 = A, f. 79ra.20–b.14; 529 Gildemeister-Bücheler) 138 V ʋ 6 137,1

‘ÍXXXXÓèûñ†~š V : ‘ÍXXXXÓè†ûñ†~š (Ps.-)Plutarch in BL Add. 17209 : K êÓèûñ~š (Ps.-)Plutarch in A 2 ÿØ~ V : ÿÙ߃ (Ps.-)Plutarch 3 ¾æÁ‡çÙÅàñÿâ V : Æàñÿâ¾æÁ‡ (Ps.-)Plutarch which after these words has: ÊØÿq¾æñĀ€†šûÂîƒ N çß‹…†ÿØ~¾ü…ƒ¾å…†qçßÑÝý⃾ÙàÄĀ¿š½åƒ | À˜šÍî V, (Ps.-)Plutarch in V : ÑXXÜÿýå (Ps.-)Plutarch BL Add. 17209 : ¿šĂÍXXî (Ps.-)Plutarch in A 7 ÑXXÜÿýâ N J V : çØûãă (Ps.-)Plutarch çÙùà҃

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137 Theophrastus says:120

There is something that people lack, i.e. limits and terms. For time is divided into three parts, and we are not able to control all of it.121 Wealth, court cases, and illnesses steal (time) from us, and cut it short before our eyes. And it is necessary for us to give heed to sleep, because we know that it deprives us from portions of our life, lest we sleep half of our life. For if we abandon the time that is given us for acquiring good things, how much time will be left for us to practice good works when our days vanish away in vain? 138 Herodotus says:122

What does the folk of Thracians do when they see a newborn child? They receive him with lamentation and mourning, like people who are thinking about all the sufferings that would come upon him. But when someone dies they bury him exulting and rejoicing. For everything that is worthy they divide into two parts, and they do not consider one of them to be free of death, and they are not thoughtlessly disturbed about the other.

138 Herodotus V.4 (440.34-41 Wilson); Stob. IV.52.53 (1096 Hense) 120

This piece derives from the Syriac tract De exercitatione ascribed to Plutarch, cf. §5.4 of the Introduction. The tract ascribes the first half of the excerpt to Theophrastus, while the second half apparently includes an author’s commentary. 121 (Ps.-)Plutarch: “People lack nothing more than limits and terms. For time is divided into three parts: the past that will not return; the future that cannot be visible to us; and the one we have now and which we are not able to control completely.” 122 SGP no. 138 goes back to the passage by Herodotus that describes the customs of the Thracians. Stobaeus includes it in his Anthology, and this serves as a witness to its separate transmission and to its use as an exemplum. The Syriac text contains not only the fragment that derives from Herodotus, but also an additional commentary, and similar to nos. 137 and 139-143, it most likely was excerpted from a moral treatise containing exempla (cf. the particle lam at the beginning).

318

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J J ¾ÙüÍXXæÜûXXÂÙ蚃ÌXXØÊÙïå†qÀ˜…ÍXXæß¿šÍXXæòàâúXXò åçXX؃çXXæÏ 139 K ~ûXXÙÄÿXXâ½Üq¾ïXXãýßÃXXØÿ؃¾ãXXÿXXïø†q‹…ÍXXýÅü† ÀÊXXÐÜ~çXXÙýÙæ܃¾â”~†q˜š†šÌXX߆ÌXXæâÊXXÏáXXÝ߃q¾Ø÷â J J K †ÌXXàÝß qÌ嘃ÍXXî ûXXÙÄ ¿†… Ā qÌXXà؃ ¾îÍXXãü ¾ÁûXXùâJ J J 5 ĀqçؚĂÿ߆ÀÊÐß¾ùòèÊÜ¿šÍæòàâ¾Ù⠃ÀûÅñƒ¿šûÂÙéß J K úXXÙýñƒÞXXØ~ƒq¾Ù⃆…À˜…ÍæßĀ~q¿½ÙÅèðÂèšÑÝüš J æÙîçØÌؚĂÿ߃Ìß K K K oçÙæâĀƒ¾æÙ ïß”~¾æ܅q˜Ì æåçÙ J ûâ~‘ÍÜûÓàÙñ J šÍXX߃¿šÍæÙâ~ÊÙÁƒq¾ÁÍÏûÓãßçÙïÁƒçÙàØĀç؃¾ åN ~ÞàâJ ¿šÍXXæÙâ½ÁÊXXãàÜûXXÙĐ~q†˜ûXXýå¾ÁÍXXσ¾øÎXXÏqÀƒÊXXÏK J oðÁšÀƒ…‹ …¾ÁÍÏ”~çØÊâqû ãÄÿâ N N

140

J 141 ûâ~‘ÍæøÍß J ÀƒÌXXÁçXX؃ÿXXØ~ûØÿØq¾åÿüÍÅýß¾âƒÀÊÐÁāñ~ç؃¾ãϘ J J ¾Ø÷âĀqç؃¾å…qÑÂýâÿå~ÊÂÊãàÜç↠…ƒqúÙϘÌæâ J K J ‹…ÍýÄÍüçâƒ¾å˜ †…ûÙÄÿâ½Üqÿ åN ~áÝéâÊÜÞåÍÝåĀƒ ˜…š †… ˜šÍXXXïÁ ˜…š† ÑXXXÂý⃠¾â† q¾è˜šÿXXXå† ˜ÿXXXïå 5 Ā~q¾æXXøš¿†…š¾æXXÝØ~ƒóXXØ÷ØĀ†qÞXXÁÍXX߆ÞæÓßÍýÁ† 1 3 9 V ʋ 42; Themistius, De amicitia (49.12-20 Sachau; 52 Conterno) 1 4 0 V ʋ 43; Themistius, De amicitia (60.5-8 Sachau; 62 Conterno) 1 4 1 V ʋ 44; Themistius, De amicitia (61.11–62.12 Sachau; 64 Conterno)

J

1 3 9 , 1 úXXXòå V : ÌXXXÙùòå J Themistius | ¿šÍXXXæòàâ V : šÍXXXæòàãß Themistius K K J V: 2 ‹…ÍýÅü† V : ‹…ÍÙüÍÅü† Themistius | ûÙÄ V : ç؃ Themistius 4 Ì嘃Íî JÌÙåÃÍXXî J J K K  Themistius | ÌXXà؃¾îÍXX  ãü V : ÌÙîÍXX  ãü Themistius 5 ÊXXÜ V : ÊXX܃ Themistius | ÀÊÐß V : ÊÐß Themistius | çؚĂÿ߆ V : çؘÿ߆ Themistius 6 ðÂèš K V : ¿½XXÙÅéß K Themistius 7 çXXØÌؚĂÿ߃ V : V : úXXòèš Themistius | ¿½XXÙÅè çؚĂÿ߃ Themistius

¾å˜ V : ˜½XXÏJ Themistius 6 óXXØ÷Ø V : ”÷XXØ Themistius | Ā~ V : Ā~ ¾æÝØ~ƒ Themistius

141,4

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139 So, let us bring teaching out into the light and accustom it to endure the

assembly and its flattery, and the clamor of the people who have taken seats for the lecture. Indeed, if it is capable of benefiting each one of them individually, it will also bring profit to all its listeners when they come together. For teaching is not like servings of food for the body that may be enough for one or two but cannot satisfy many people. Rather, it is more like the light that may shine into two eyes as easily as countless eyes.123 140 Plutarch says:

I advise those who want to preserve love124 to fasten the bond of love through constantly staying together. For if everything is accomplished through constant exercise,125 then this is also what love demands. 141 Lucian says:

A friend is in no way similar to a flatterer. In fact, what puts them farthest from each other is that the one praises everything that you are doing, while the other cannot help admonishing you for doing wrong. For with the help of his flattery, one intends to profit and to have a good meal. It is your wealth and power that he praises and admires and not you. His concern is not that you would be well, but rather that you would lose caution, so that there would be a place for his greed. In

139 Themistius, Or. 22: De amicitia (53.8-18 Schenkl) 140 Themistius, Or. 22: De amicitia (65.9-13 Schenkl) 141 Themistius, Or. 22: De amicitia (66.18-67.18 Schenkl) 123

This piece is transmitted anonymously in V, but, together with the two following excerpts, it derives from the Syriac version of Themistius’ oration On Friendship. Like the latter, SGP no. 139 changes the expression “the great god,” i.e. the Sun, into “the light.” 124 Greek ijȚȜȓĮ, “friendship,” that is the main subject of Themistius’ oration. 125 An allusion to the famous aphorism that was usually ascribed to Periander: ȝİȜȑIJȘ IJઁ ʌ઼Ȟ, “exercise is everything.” It appears in a quite different form than in the Syriac version of Themistius, among the Sayings of the Seven Sages, see SGP no. 57.

320

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çXX؃¾ãXXϘq…šÍXXÂïàßÀ˜š~ÑXXÙÝü¿†…ƒqÀûXX؅‡Ā¿†…š N ÍXX߆‹ÌXXØÿÐÂü†…ÿXXå~†qÑXXÂý⃾âÑXXÂýↅÞXXßqÀûØûü ¿šÍXXÁ÷Á¿ÿâšÍXXÜ¿ÎXXÐåĀƒÆXXÙĘ¾å…áXXÓâq˜šÍXXî K J q¿šÍXXàÝèáîçÙãÏăßçæÙåÍÝ⃾âƒáÙ܅ —ƒ‡q¾ãϘÿâÌæ⃠K J çXXÙùÂüƒ¿šÍXX èĀ¾âƒÿXXåĀ~q ÍXXå~¾è½XXåÿXXؽÙýøĀƒ K áXXÙ܅ÞßçÙÐÙÝüq¾ýÏĀƒçÙè½âƒ¾æããèçÙÁûùâ†qĀ‡ûòß K K çXXÙàØ~¿†…Āq¾å†ÍXX܃āXXâ¾Ø ÍXX܆ÀĂÎXXÅâóXXàÏÞXXß”~ K K K K çæýïâ†q¾å…˜ÍÝßç؆…¾ÙæüÞØ~ûÙÄçÙ߅qçýÅý← ½Ù元 K ¿†…ĀqçXXàăĀ† ăXXØûüƒçXXÙàØ~áXXàâĀ~qÿXXØ~ûØÿØÌXXß K J ñ~āÅâÊÙÁÿ J ûÙĆ…ÚæÅýâqÿåN ~¾æøƒ¾ åN ~ÊéÐâƒçãÜ~ ¿†…Āq¿ÿXXÙφ–çXXâ¿šÍXXæØÿâ†qÀÊXXéÏçXXâ¾å†ÍXXÜÚXXÅè J K €ûXXùå¾ãXX߃áXXÙ܅˜…ƒÎåqā ãÁçØÌÁ”~Ā~qƒÍÐàÁ¾ýÙæÁ ÿòåĀ~q¿šÍÝÙÝãÁ†¿šÍãÙéÂÁ¾ÅØÎâĀƒ¿šÍæéÝâ J K K K q‹…ÍXXØÿýߘš ÍXXåûXXØû⃾ÙXXùüçXXæÙÁûùâÊXX܃q¿ÿXXÙ ýùÁ¿ÿXX ÐÙå ûÙľæØ~qÌÁ¾ÅØÎ⃿šÍÙàÏÊÙÁ…š†ûØû⚆ÎØÎîÀûÙÁšƒ J q…‡ÍXXîç␆‡ÍÝ僐†ÌßÊÂîĀq¾îăãß¾Ùùü€ûùâ¾æ܅ƒ o†…šÍßçâ‹ÌÙåÍùÏÊå†

8 ‹ÌXXØÿÐÂü V : ‹ÌXXØÿÙÂü Themistius 1 0 çæÙåÍXXÝ⃠V : çXXæÏçÙåÍXXÝ⃠Themistius 1 2 Ā‡ûòß V : Ā‡ûñ Themistius | çÙè½âƒ V : çÙè½â† Themistius | çÙÐÙÝü V : ¾ÐÙÝü Themistius 1 3 çÙàØ~ V, correction by Sachau : çÙàØĀ Themistius in BL Add. K K V : çÏÍýâ Themistius 1 6 ÿåN ~2 V : 17209 1 4 ¾Ùæü V : ¾Ùùü Themistius | çæýï↠om. Themistius 1 7 ¿šÍæØÿ↠V : ¿šÍæؚû↠Themistius 1 8 ¾ýÙæÁ V, correction by Sachau : ¾ýÙæÙÁK Themistius in BL Add. 17209 2 0 Ê܃ V : ÊÜ Themistius | çæÙÁûùâ J V : çæÏçÙÁûùâ Themistius | ˜šÍå V : ˜šÍåƒÑÂýå Themistius

10

15

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contrast, when a true friend gives praise, it is you that he praises — and it is you who praise him126 — and not your wealth. For his desire is that not a single blemish could be seen on his beloved one.127 Therefore, it is necessary for us, while admonishing our friends for doing wrong, not to treat them severely, but to be like physicians who put aside iron and turn to medicines that heal without pain. In the same way, you should seek words of admonition instead of knives and branding-irons. They are not sweet and soothing, in which case they would be like frenzy128 for the disease that will strengthen it greatly. Say what is true and not what is false. But in doing this, do not be like the one who is insulting by means of the frankness he has acquired. For there is a big difference between admonition and insulting, and between indolence129 and abuse, not only in the (speaker’s) intent, but also in the concrete words.130 Therefore, we should be careful not to give admonition that is not combined with sweetness and humbleness. Rather, we should mix pleasant things with difficult ones, like, while giving a bitter drink, we help the one who has to drink it by suppressing the strength of its bitterness through the sweetness that is mixed in it. The one who gives a drink to sick people in this way, will not allow them to reject its strength or throw it away from themselves.

126

Cf. the version of the Syriac Themistius: “And it is you who captures him ...” The verb šb‫ ۊ‬in V is an obvious corruption of šby that is found in the text of the Syriac Themistius and that renders the Greek verb ਖȜȓıțȠȝĮȚ. 127 Baumstark suggested that the Syriac version reflects the Greek text: ȝȘį੻Ȟ țĮțઁȞ ਩ȤİȚȞ IJઁȞ ਥȡઆȝİȞȠȞ (Baumstark, Lucubrationes Syro-Graecae, p. 467). However, it is worth noting that the rest of the fragment that derives from the Syriac version of Themistius differs in many respects from the Greek version that is known to us. Thus, it is likely that the Syriac translators paraphrased some elements of their Vorlage. 128 The word šnyҴ “frenzy” in V is an obvious error for šqyҴ “irrigation” preserved in the Syriac Themistius and rendering the Greek verb ਙȡįȦ. 129 The form mtynwtҴ “indolence” in V is an obvious misspelling of mrtynwtҴ “instruction” in the Syriac Themistius (= Gr. ਥʌȓʌȜȘȟȚȢ). 130 Both the Syriac Themistius and SGP no. 141 omit the Greek sentence ȞȠȣșİIJȠ૨ȞIJİȢ, Ƞ੝ ȜȠȚįȠȡȠȪȝİȞȠȚ, țĮ੿ ਥʌĮȞȠȡșȠ૨ȞIJİȢ, Ƞ੝ț ੑȞİȚįȓȗȠȞIJİȢ, “(the right words) admonish rather than abuse; correct rather than reproach.”

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€†š† 142 K K çØÌßäÙùåĀ~qçÙïãüá܏ÊøçÙå~ˆÿòåĀ†çÙåƒ~áÁ˜ÍÝéå J áXXîƒāXXÝèÚXXÅèûÙÄ”~qáÂùåĀ†ƒÍϽå†çØÌÙâÊø¾îÚ K K K K oçÙÐØÿñÊÜ—ÍÂýåÿÂýÐã߆ç؃çÙ åƒĀq¾ ‹ăÓåäÙùåç ØÿÁ K ÀûñÍXXüq¿†…ûÁƒ¾ÙÂýÁ™Íؘƒƒ…ÿ æÁq¾Ýà⑆˜ÊæéÝß~ (1) 143 N āñ~qÌßûâ~š~çØÌÙàîÊ܆q¿†…ÿØ~çØÌß¿š†˜ÿÙâƒç؃ K ¾ýXXåĀÀƒ…‹…¾ÙXXæèƒqûXX â~ÊXXÜq¿†…êXXÙòҚ~çÙå~¿ÎÐåƒ N K qÍÁÍÐåÍÂüƒ¾ýåçâƒq¾åÿÁăø K J (2) 5 ‹…ÍØÎÐßÀûñÍü¾æ܅qÌ߀û øÊßÀÊøÍâÀ˜ÍåƒûÙľåÎÜ~ J q¿ÿÄûÁ†Ì߀Ìàýâ J J âƒqäXX J ¿šÿXXå~¿ÎXXσçXX ÐßçXXà؃¾åÊøÍXXò߾元ç؃ÌåûîÍè (3) J J J çâqÞéÏÿâÀ˜ÍăÀÊÂîçâçñ~ƒqÌÂàÁ…ûÄÌ߁~˜† J q¾ñ÷å…ÿÙî˜ÿÁ¿ÿʃ†…q¿÷âĀ¿÷ñÿ僿šÍüûâ

1 4 2 V ʋ 45; Lucian, De calumnia (15.18-23 Sachau) 1 4 3 F ʋ 8 (78.9-15 Sachau [parts (1)–(2)]; 45–46 Cowper; 534 Ryssel [ʋ 8, parts (1)–(2)]); G ʋ 11; parts (1) and (3) = Basilius, Ad adolescentes (Syriac translation in BL Add. 14543, f. 43rb.24–43va.15; BL Add. 17144, f. 65va.10–b.8)

K áÁ V : áÙ܅ Lucian 3 ¾îÚ V : ĂÊïâƒçÙàØ~†¾ü†ăñ¾ÂüÍÏÊÙÁ¾îÚ K ¾î˜šçòÅéâƒçÙàØ~†áÂùå Lucian (omission in V is probably due to homoeoteleuton: K K ¾î˜š¾îÚ) | ƒÍÏ½å† V : ƒÍϽå Lucian 4 ¾î˜š‹ăÓå V : ¾î˜š‹ăÓ冾îÚ Lucian | çÙÐØÿñ V : çÐØÿñ Lucian

142,2

1 4 3 , 1 ‘†˜ÊæéÝß~ F and Basilius in BL Add. 17144 : ‘˜ÊæéÝß~ G and Basilius in BL Add. 14543 2 ç؃ F G : ûÙÄ Basilius | ¿š†˜ÿÙ⃠F G : ¿š˜Í⃚ƒ Basilius | Ê܆ ÌXXßûXXâ~š~çØÌÙàî F G : ¿ÿàâÀûâ~ƒÞØ~† Basilius 3 ¿ÎÐåƒ F G : ¿ÎÐåƒ ¿†… Basilius | ûXXâ~ÊXXÜ F G : ¾æXX܅ûXXâ~†ÌXXßûXXâ~š~çXXØÌÙàîÊXXÜ Basilius N J J F G : ç⃆ J Ìß 7 ¾å…ƒç؃ÌåûîÍè F G : ¾å…ƒ€†šÌåûîÍè”~† Basilius | ç⃠Basilius 8 ÞéÏÿâ F G : ÞéÏÿå Basilius 9 ¿ÿʃ G Basilius : …ÿʃ F

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142 And further (he says:)131

Let us shut our ears to reception132 and not open them before all reports. Instead, let us install gates in front of them, close them and let nothing in. For it would be a great folly for one to place guards at the gates of his house, but to leave open his ears and mind. 143 (1) Alexander the king took the daughters of Darius into captivity,133 and

they were considered to be of great beauty. But when he had been told about them, he decided not even to look at them, saying: “It is disgusting for combating men to be conquered by women who have been taken captive.” (2) For, just as the fire burns the person who approaches it, in this way beauty inflames those who are looking at it with desire. (3) In fact, his deed agrees with our statement that the person who looks at a woman and desires her commits adultery with her in his heart. For

142 Lucian, De calumnia, §30 (167.3-7 Bompaire) 143 (1) Basilius, Ad adolescentes VII.40-44 (51 Boulenger); cf. Alexander-Novel (rec. ȕ and Ȗ) II.17 (105.11-12 Bergson; 194.11-12 Engelmann); Stob. III.5.41 (3.268 Hense); Boiss.GnT (468.13-14 Boissonade); Max 3.34/31 (70 Ihm); CP 3.405 (1.269 Searby); Barhebraeus, Stories (14 Budge) (2) cf. 1 Cor. 7:9 (3) Basilius, Ad adolescentes VII.44-47 (51 Boulenger) (4) cf. Eccl. 5:17; Hiob 14:1-5; Ps. 103:15-16; Phil. 3:20 131

V introduces this piece with the plain “and further” and thus ascribes it again to Lucian, the presumed author of the previous fragment. In this case, it indeed derives from the Syriac version of Lucian’s De calumnia. 132 The word bl in V is probably a misspelling of hkyl, “thus,” of the Syriac Lucian. 133 No. 143 is a chreia elaboration deriving from the Syriac version of Basil of Caesarea’s Address to the Young Men, cf. §4.7 of the Introduction.

324

PART II

†… †…šÍXXææøÿâqçXXæÙ嚃çXXÙ߅ƒ†ÌXXü˜†ƒÌXXàÜçXX؃¾ÝXXè(4) N J K ÌßçÙÁ˜ÍâçÝØ~ƒçæÏáÙ܅¿ÎÐåq†…šÍåûÂÙéãÁ†ÌÙàÙà܃ J ‹…¾ÙXXàïâƒçØûâ~ÊÜq¿ÿãÝÐÁ‹ăØÌâçÙ߅ †…ÿàãÁ¾ýòæß J K —ÍÂý僆qçÙÓòÐâ¾ýòåƒÌÙÙÏçâ¾âÌåþå~Āƒ†q¿šÍâçâ K K K çXXâāXXÙÓÁ¿†ÌXXåĀƒ†qçXXؘ…Îâ¾å…¾ãà僆Êâ¾Ü †Íî J qçÙòàâÀûÙòü¾æÙæî K ¾éXXæĆ…¿š†ÊXXϘÍ†…¿ÿâÍؘÍçæÏáÙ܅¾ùÁÿå J K À˜ÍXX…¾æXXÁ‡ƒq†…š†ÊXXÏÌXXà܆ †ÌXXÐÙåÌXXà܃q¾ýXXæÙæÁƒ K J J K ÞXXØ~†qÃXXÁÌâƒÀûXXÙãîÞXXØ~ †ÌXXÂÁ†…†qāÙà ø¿ÿâ Í؃† q‹…†ÿØ~¾ãσāùσ¾ÙñÍî K J ~†…ÿXXÙåû↾ýæÙæÁƒ¿šûØûü†…ÿñ–¾å…áÓâ çXXÙÁ– áî€ÿؾÐÙý⃾ÝØ~q¾î˜½ÁƒĀ†Íî˜ÿåáï߃ƒq‹…Àƒ… q¿Ìß~ƒ¾æÙãØ J çXXãÝè½ÁçXXøšš~ƒ¾âÞXXØ~†ÿXXÙî˜ÿßÌXXØÊÂïåáXXÙ܅áXXïß q¾ÙXXãýÁçXXæÙîûß‹…ÍXXØÿùå†q¾å…¾ãXXàïÁçXXØăÁ†ƒ††Ìå¾æ܅ J J K K ÚæÁƒ¿Ì ãüƒ¾ÝØ~q¿ÿÙàîäàü˜†~‹ ÌÁ†ÀûØûü ˜š~†ÌÁ† çXXâ¾ÐÁÍXXüÌ߃q¿Ìß~ƒ‹…ÍÝØăÁ†ÌØÿØ~ƒqçÙÂØÿÜçéæÄ K oçÙâ~qçÙâÍñŽÍÜ K o¾ñÍéàÙñƒāãâäàüo

10

†ÌXXü˜†ƒ F : †ÌXXü˜†ƒƒ G | †…šÍXXææøÿâ F : ¾æXXæøÿâ G 11 çXXÝØ~ƒ F : J ¾æÝØ~ƒ G 1 7 †… F : ‹… G 1 8 †ÌÂÁ†…† F : †ÌÁ…† G 2 0 †…ÿñ– F : J †…ÿÁ– G | ¿šûØûü F : ÀûØûü G 2 3 çøšš~ƒ F : çæøšš~ƒ G 2 5 †ÌÁ† F: J K †ÌÁ G 2 6 çÙâ~çÙâÍñŽÍÜçâ¾ÐÁÍüÌ߃ G : om. F, which after the words äàü K ¾ñÍXXéàÙñƒāXXãâ adds a concluding çXXÙâ~¿šÍXXØÿÙßÿß¿ÿÏÍXXÂüš 2 8 äXXàü K K K ¾ñÍéàÙñƒāãâ F : ¾ØăÁ¾ãÙÝσ†¾òéàÙ ñƒāàãâäàü G

10

15

20

25

COUNSELS

325

even if he has refrained from committing adultery, he is not able to avoid reproach, since he is not free of desire in his mind. (4) So, the end of their whole instruction about whom we have related is the acquisition of their crowns through their endurance. Now, let us look at how those who have been enlightened by wisdom praised the soul in their sayings, stating that she is elevated above death, urging that a man should not neglect the life of the soul, instructing to abandon the distracting obstacles of the world, and teaching that men should not be negligent in good behavior. So, let us consider that the human race is of few days and of little joy, that all their rest and all their joy is of a short time and few days, and that their blossom is like flourishing grass and like a flower of the field that is withered. That’s why the true concern and meditation of men, if they are willing, should be to contemplate not what is on earth but what is above, where Christ sits at the right side of God. Therefore, let us set our mind above. Let our way of life in this world be accomplished as though we were established in our form.134 But let us fix our thoughts in heaven, where our real place is, where the uppermost Jerusalem is, and where the names of those sons of our race who are blessed by God are written, to whom is due glory from every mouth! Amen. Here end the Sayings of the Philosophers.

134

Syr. ҴskmҴ from Gr. ıȤોȝĮ.

INDEXES 1. SYRIAC The following index was generated with the digital tools and linguistic data of the GREgORI project, carried out at the Oriental Institute of the University of Louvain (UCLouvain),1 in collaboration with CENTAL (Centre de traitement automatique du langage / Center for Natural Language Processing).2 I would like to express my particular thanks to Bastien Kindt for his help during each step of the automated processing of the Syriac data and to Professors Andrea Schmidt and Jean-Claude Haelewyck, who revised the lemmatization of the whole text and provided me with many comments and suggestions that improved the lexical analysis of the Sayings ofGreekPhilosophers(SGP). They all share with me the authorship of this index.3 The selective Syriac index of SGP includes nouns, adjectives, and verbs. The index of Syriac proper names includes names of all persons and places that appear in SGP. References are to the number of the sentence and the line number of the present edition. The complete lemmatized concordance is freely available on the GREgORI project website. a) SelectiveSyriacIndex Ÿ ¿Â• s 11, 2 œ ËÂs 83, 6; 96, 6 ¿ćáÂs 101, 2 ¿æÎÅs 104, 3 ÀüÅs 128, 5 ¿æxs 47, 2; 113, 2; 120, 7; 121, 8; 125, 6; 125, 8; 125, 9; 142, 2; 142, 4 ¿æ{{s 81, 7 ¿Ù{s 93, 7 ÀÎÙ{s 65, 1 ÀĀã{s 129, 2 ¿Ð{s 33, 2; 100, 4; 116, 3 ƒ|s 3, 2; 81, 7; 93, 3; 102, 6; 104, 7; 116, 7; 119, 2; 123, 4; 127, 5; 131, 4 ¿Ðs 3, 3; 93, 7 ËÐs 100, 7; 108, 3; 142, 3

1

ÁËÙs 70, 1; 93, 5; 98, 2; 100, 6; 100, 9; 107, 6; 120, 6; 122, 7; 123, 2; 123, 8; 140, 2; 141, 16; 141, 21 ¿ćääÙs 101, 6 âÝs 3, 2; 101, 8 ¿ÚçêÝs 116, 4 À{üÝs 101, 3; 101, 5 ÀÍàs 4, 2; 21, 1; 81, 1; 129, 7; 130, 3; 130, 4; 130, 6; 143, 4, 22; 143, 4, 26 ¿çóáã 99, 2; 117, 7; 118, 5; 125, 5 ÀÎçóáã 139, 1; 139, 5 ôàs 99, 2; 107, 3; 114, 7; 129, 4; 131, 7; 132, 4; 134, 2; 143, 4, 15; Tit., 1 • s ¿óà 112, 6 ˜ ¿æøà{s 18, 2 øàss 68, 2

About the GREgORI project, see https://uclouvain.be/fr/instituts-recherche/incal/ciol/ gregori-project.html. 2 About CENTAL, see https://uclouvain.be/fr/instituts-recherche/ilc/cental. 3 For guidelines about Syriac lemmatization, see B. KINDT, J.-C. HAELEWYCK, A.B. SCHMIDT and N. ATAS, La concordance bilingue grecque-syriaque des Discours de Grégoire de Nazianze, in BABELAO 7 (2018), pp. 51–80 (the paper is available on the GREgORI website; German revised version is in preparation by A.B. SCHMIDT).

328

INDEXES

• s ¿ã 106, 2 ˜ ÀÎçÚãs 140, 2; 140, 3 Áüã¾ćã 97, 2; 123, 1 üãs 2, 2; 3, 2; 4, 2; 6, 1; 7, 1; 8, 1; 9, 1; 10, 1; 10, 2; 11, 2; 12, 1; 13, 2; 14, 1; 15, 1; 16, 1; 17, 1; 18, 1; 19, 1; 20, 1; 31, 1; 32, 1; 33, 1; 38, 1; 41, 1; 42, 1; 43, 1; 44, 1; 45, 2; 46, 2; 47, 1; 48, 1; 48, 2; 49, 1; 49, 2; 50, 1; 51, 1; 52, 1; 53, 2; 54, 2; 57, 1; 62, 1; 63, 1; 65, 1; 80, 1; 82, 1; 83, 1; 84, 1; 85, 1; 86, 1; 87, 1; 88, 1; 89, 1; 90, 1; 91, 1; 91, 3; 91, 4; 92, 1; 93, 1; 94, 1; 95, 1; 95, 2; 95, 3; 95, 4; 95, 5; 95, 6; 96, 1; 97, 1; 97, 6; 98, 1; 99, 1; 99, 2; 99, 4; 99, 5; 99, 6; 100, 1; 101, 1; 102, 1; 103, 1; 104, 1; 105, 1; 106, 1; 107, 1; 108, 1; 109, 1; 110, 1; 111, 1; 112, 1; 113, 1; 114, 1; 115, 1; 116, 1; 116, 8; 117, 1; 117, 2; 118, 1; 119, 1; 120, 1; 120, 7; 121, 1; 122, 1; 124, 1; 125, 1; 126, 1; 127, 1; 128, 1; 129, 1; 130, 1; 131, 1; 132, 1; 132, 6; 133, 1; 133, 2; 134, 1; 134, 3; 134, 4; 134, 5; 136, 1; 137, 1; 138, 1; 140, 1; 141, 1; 143, 1, 3; 143, 4, 12; Tit., 2 üãss 91, 6; 143, 1, 2 ¿þæs 3, 1; 4, 1; 5, 1; 5, 2; 11, 2; 14, 1; 19, 1; 22, 1; 26, 1; 28, 1; 29, 1; 30, 1; 41, 1; 41, 2; 47, 1; 49, 1; 52, 1; 53, 1; 67, 1; 73, 1; 95, 2; 98, 3; 103, 2; 105, 3; 105, 4; 110, 6; 110, 7; 114, 4; 114, 10; 117, 2; 119, 2; 121, 2; 127, 2; 130, 4; 130, 11; 131, 2; 131, 3; 131, 8; 132, 4; 132, 5; 133, 2; 138, 3; 143, 1, 3; 143, 4, 13 ÀĀæs 17, 1; 20, 1; 41, 2; 42, 1; 43, 1; 43, 3; 103, 6; 125, 2; 126, 4; 126, 5; 130, 9; 133, 3; 143, 1, 4; 143, 3, 7 ¿Úés 141, 11 ¿és 141, 11 Ûés 141, 12 ¿ćäÞés 74, 1; 133, 5; 136, 4; 143, 4, 23 ÁüÚóés 93, 4 ? ¿òs 99, 7; 106, 5; 127, 3; 141, 16 ¿ïs 84, 6; 123, 4; 130, 5; 143, 4, 21 Ëýs 17, 1 Às 45, 1; 106, 6; 107, 7; 138, 4 €ĀÙs 87, 2

Ás 119, 2; 141, 7; 143, 4, 25 ¿þÚ 8, 3; 23, 1; 32, 1; 36, 1; 40, 1; 40, 2; 41, 1; 41, 2; 53, 1; 56, 1; 62, 1; 114, 11; 134, 2 ÀĀþÚ 12, 1; 12, 2; 28, 1; 30, 1; 36, 2; 37, 1; 40, 3; 41, 3; 42, 2; 44, 1; 68, 1 Ž¾Âs 106, 3 Ë 125, 4 Ë 65, 2 Í 2, 3; 43, 1; 134, 5 üÚÂs 141, 21 ¿ćáÚÔ 67, 1; 68, 1; 69, 1; 82, 6; 100, 9; 143, 4, 14 ÀÎáÚÔ 29, 2; 126, 8 âԏs 70, 1; 71, 1 ¿çÙΠ82, 2; 97, 4; 98, 5; 101, 4; 114, 5; 138, 6 èڏs 105, 2 ÀĀÚ 41, 3; 89, 3; 94, 7; 116, 4; 116, 5; 142, 4 Ā 111, 4 ¿Þ 37, 1 ¿ćá 100, 5 ¿ç 115, 4 ¿Úê 92, 5 ¿ćäÚê 100, 3; 103, 5 ÀÎäÚê 85, 6; 141, 19 åês 32, 1 ÁüÚê 134, 4 • Áüê˜Â 94, 4 üê 99, 5; 99, 7 üês 99, 3 ËðÂs 116, 5; 121, 4 ÀÎð 21, 2 ÀĀð 94, 2; 105, 8 ¿ð 47, 1; 94, 4; 140, 2 ÁüÚð 97, 4; 98, 3 ¿ćáð 133, 4 ¿ÃÂËáð 46, 2; 67, 2; 72, 2 ÀÎÃÂËáð 69, 1 Àø 115, 2 ÁüÙø 35, 1; 53, 1; 64, 2; 108, 3 ¿çÚú 81, 8 ¿ú 7, 2 Ûús 90, 4; 93, 2; 93, 3; 109, 4; 143, 4, 16 Áü 9, 2; 13, 2; 36, 1; 77, 1; 106, 7; 123, 5; 130, 3; 135, 2; 143, 4, 25

SYRIAC

¿ÙüÂü 121, 4; 132, 7 ¿ÞÙü 143, 4, 26 ¿þæü 3, 1; 3, 2; 4, 3; 25, 1; 109, 2; 110, 6; 112, 2; 115, 2; 117, 3; 134, 2; 137, 2; 143, 4, 17; 143, 4, 20 Àü 83, 3; 88, 3; 143, 1, 1 ÀĀà{Ā 92, 6 ¿ÃÅ 93, 6; 119, 6; 132, 6 ¿ÃÅ 7, 2; 82, 8 ¿Ãŏs 7, 1 ÛÃÅ 85, 4; 133, 4; Tit., 1 ÁüÃÅ 6, 1; 6, 2; 8, 1; 31, 1; 128, 6 ÁËÅ 41, 1; 41, 2 ƒËŏs 118, 3 ŽËÅ 44, 2 €ÍÅs 8, 3 ÍÅ 93, 4 ÀÎÅ 19, 1; 94, 7; 100, 8; 116, 4; 125, 6; 125, 7; 125, 8; 125, 9 • Å • ¿æÎ 81, 3; 127, 4; 127, 5 • • ÁÎÅ 110, 6; 130, 7; 143, 3, 8 • Ÿ Áüڕ Å 103, 7 œ üÅ 50, 2; 143, 3, 8 ¿ćäýÎÅ 103, 2; 104, 3; 135, 6 åþŏs 91, 5 Ÿ 81, 2; 84, 3; 85, 6; 97, 2; 103, 6; Àϕ Å œ 108, 5; 114, 2; 116, 6; 119, 7 ÁÏÆã 141, 13 ÏÅ 88, 2; 106, 5; 115, 6 ÀÏÚáÅ 101, 4 ¿ÚáÅ 12, 2 ¿ćáÅ 94, 5; 99, 7; 107, 5; 134, 3 ¿ćáÅs 141, 16 ¿ćááÅ 112, 4 ÁËãÎÅ 124, 3 ÁüÚäÅ 28, 2 üäÅ 84, 4 üäŏs 140, 4 ÀÎÃçÅ 130, 8 ÄçÅ 87, 3; 137, 4 ÁüÃçÅ 130, 11 ¿ÑæÎÅ 128, 4 ÛçÆý 141, 16 ¿ÚæÎÅ 82, 8 ¿êçÅ 36, 1; 53, 1; 53, 2; 77, 2; 130, 10; 143, 4, 16; 143, 4, 26 ¿ó• Å 85, 2 ˜ ¿ýÎþÅ 119, 3

329

ÀĀٍÎÂx 85, 3 ÁüÂ{x 22, 1; 53, 2; 77, 1; 78, 1; 143, 4, 24 ¿æüÂËã 99, 2; 129, 6 üÂx 80, 5; 143, 1, 1 üÂx 67, 1 üÂxs 4, 2; 104, 8 ÀÎáÅx 130, 8 ÀĀáÅx 40, 1; 40, 5 âÅx 141, 15 • xŸœ 6, 2; 13, 1; 98, 3; 114, 6; 114, 8; ¿Âz 114, 9; 114, 10; 127, 3 ¿æx{Ëã 125, 2; 143, 4, 14 ËÙx 103, 4; 105, 7; 112, 4; 126, 3 ¿çÙx 12, 1; 106, 2; 106, 4; 106, 5; 137, 3 ÀĀçÙËã 20, 1; 39, 2; 106, 2; 128, 4 èÙxs 113, 4 ¿ćáÚÐx 128, 7 ÀĀáÐx 128, 2 âÐx 105, 3 ûÐx 141, 23 ÁüÐx 121, 7 ÀĀÚáÙx 19, 1 ¿ÚÝx 135, 3; 135, 6 ¿Ý{x 76, 1; 129, 10 ÀĀÝ{x 125, 9 üÝxs 54, 1 ¿ÑÚàx 103, 6; 112, 5 Òàxs 19, 2; 113, 5 ¿ćáÚàx 92, 7; 131, 3; 131, 7 ÀÎãx 32, 2; 93, 4; 110, 8; 124, 6 ¿ćãx 13, 2; 83, 4; 85, 3; 95, 2; 133, 3; 139, 5; 139, 6; 141, 2 ¿ćãxs 13, 3; 93, 4; 107, 6; 124, 7; 141, 11 Ûãxs 88, 5; 110, 8 ßãx 137, 6 üãxs 109, 2 ¿ÑæËã 123, 3 ¿Åx 105, 6; 120, 5 ÀÎçݍxĀã 104, 3 ‚x 136, 5 ‚xs 107, 8; 133, 5; 136, 5 ¿ý{x 143, 4, 10 Žx 100, 4 ¿ÃÂ{z 143, 4, 18 ÄÂz 143, 4, 18 ¿ÚÅ{z 57, 1 ¿LÓÎÙxz 86, 5

330

INDEXES

¿ćãxz 62, 2 À{z 1, 1; 1, 2; 2, 1; 2, 2; 4, 2; 8, 1; 9, 2; 14, 2; 20, 2; 21, 1; 21, 2; 25, 2; 26, 1; 28, 1; 29, 1; 38, 2; 38, 3; 41, 1; 44, 2; 46, 1; 52, 1; 53, 1; 54, 1; 66, 1; 67, 1; 67, 2; 68, 1; 69, 1; 72, 1; 73, 1; 76, 1; 77, 1; 80, 2; 81, 6; 89, 5; 92, 4; 93, 7; 94, 2; 95, 5; 96, 4; 96, 6; 97, 3; 98, 4; 100, 2; 100, 5; 100, 6; 100, 7; 100, 8; 101, 8; 101, 9; 103, 2; 103, 3; 103, 4; 104, 7; 104, 8; 106, 2; 106, 3; 106, 4; 106, 5; 106, 6; 106, 7; 107, 7; 107, 9; 108, 9; 110, 3; 110, 5; 110, 7; 111, 5; 114, 2; 114, 6; 116, 4; 117, 2; 117, 3; 117, 4; 117, 5; 117, 6; 119, 2; 119, 3; 121, 6; 121, 8; 121, 10; 123, 1; 123, 2; 123, 4; 123, 6; 124, 4; 124, 5; 125, 4; 125, 5; 126, 2; 126, 4; 126, 8; 127, 3; 128, 2; 128, 3; 128, 4; 128, 5; 128, 7; 128, 8; 128, 9; 129, 4; 129, 7; 131, 2; 132, 4; 134, 3; 135, 3; 135, 4; 135, 5; 135, 6; 136, 2; 136, 4; 136, 9; 139, 4; 141, 6; 141, 7; 141, 13; 141, 14; 141, 15; 141, 17; 143, 1, 1; 143, 1, 2; 143, 1, 3; 143, 4, 14; 143, 4, 24 ¿æ{Íã 97, 2 ¿æ{z 101, 4 ¿çäÙÍã 27, 1; 78, 2 èäÙz 129, 3; 129, 7 èäÙzs 11, 2 ßàz 112, 4 ÀÎçÚãÍã 84, 3 ¿ćãz 143, 4, 13 Ûãzs 93, 6 ¿æz 141, 14 ßòz 30, 1; 120, 5 ¿Åz 100, 3; 114, 2 ¿Úà{ 88, 3 ¿ćà{ 4, 1; 9, 2; 21, 1; 24, 1 ¿òs| 133, 4 ¿çÂ| 38, 3; 60, 1; 69, 1; 83, 6; 84, 4; 89, 5; 90, 5; 101, 9; 113, 7; 115, 8; 125, 5; 128, 3; 137, 3; 137, 6; 137, 7; 143, 4, 17 Œx| 37, 1; 73, 1; 75, 1; 82, 4; 82, 8; 82, 9; 83, 5; 99, 3; 105, 2; 115, 6; 117, 2; 119, 2; 121, 8; 127, 2; 137, 4; 141, 10

¿Ùz| 1, 2 ÀÎÙz| 92, 5 Àz| 103, 2 ÁüÙz| 141, 7 zx|s 137, 4; 141, 18 z| 143, 4, 14 ¿Å{{| 41, 1 v{|s 141, 19 ¿ï{| 128, 3 Á{| 39, 1 ÀÎÝ| 111, 2; 111, 3; 111, 4; 111, 5; 120, 5 ¿ÚÝ| 114, 12 ¿Ý| 95, 5; 95, 6 ¿Ýx|s 136, 7; 136, 8; 136, 9 ¿Ý|s 114, 11 |Íà| 137, 4 ¿ćáÚà| 92, 6; 125, 2 âàx|s 113, 3 ¿úÚà| 93, 5 ÁÎï| 2, 1; 28, 1; 79, 2; 86, 5; 119, 8; 143, 4, 16; 143, 4, 17 èáò| 95, 3 ÀÎóÚù| 129, 3 ôù| 128, 7; 128, 9 ôùx|s 130, 4 ¿ÃÚÃÐ 83, 2; 110, 4; 113, 3; 116, 7 ¿ÂÎÐ 103, 6; 103, 7; 115, 5; 136, 9; 140, 2; 140, 3; 140, 4 ÄÐs 83, 5; 112, 2; 126, 2 ¿ççÃÐ 98, 2; 102, 2 ÁüÃÐ 30, 1; 82, 9; 107, 9; 119, 6; 119, 9 ÀüÃÐ 81, 7; 83, 3; 91, 4 À{ËÐ 37, 2; 39, 1; 143, 4, 16; 143, 4, 17 ÁËÐ 118, 5; 138, 5 ÀËÐ 81, 3; 100, 3; 101, 7; 101, 8; 108, 8 ËЏs 118, 4 ¿ÃÚÐ 114, 11; 115, 5 ÀÎÃÚÐ 111, 2 ÄÐ 95, 5; 108, 6; 108, 9; 143, 1, 4 ÄÚÐ 99, 4; 114, 11 ÄÚЏs 82, 9; 99, 3 ËÚÐ 104, 6 ËÚЏs 104, 7; 104, 8 ÀĀÙÎЏ 54, 2 ÀÎÐ 124, 7 €ÎÐ 95, 4; 111, 3; 119, 6; 121, 2

SYRIAC

• ÁÎЕ 14, 1; 110, 7; 125, 2; 126, 6 ÁüÚÐ 112, 6; 135, 5 üÐ 90, 3; 93, 2; 93, 5; 101, 2; 101, 7; 101, 8; 102, 6; 105, 2; 105, 7; 107, 6; 109, 4; 117, 4; 126, 5 ÀÏÐ 1, 3; 14, 2; 17, 1; 17, 2; 93, 6; 105, 7; 107, 5; 113, 3; 115, 2 ÀĀÙÏÑã 105, 2 ÀÏÐ 5, 1; 6, 1; 12, 1; 17, 1; 20, 1; 20, 2; 44, 1; 47, 1; 52, 1; 80, 5; 85, 3; 92, 6; 92, 7; 94, 3; 94, 6; 100, 8; 105, 3; 105, 6; 115, 9; 118, 4; 119, 2; 119, 3; 119, 6; 120, 6; 125, 10; 130, 5; 138, 2; 141, 9; 143, 1, 3; 143, 2, 5; 143, 3, 7; 143, 4, 11 ÀÏЏs 20, 2; 20, 3; 40, 4; 85, 3; 88, 3; 92, 4; 107, 5; 110, 6; 135, 5 • ¿ù• ÏÐ 125, 10; 140, 3 ¿ÚÔÐ 17, 2 • • ÔÐ ÀÍ 48, 1 ôÔЏs 87, 2 ¿ÚÐ 38, 3; 80, 2; 82, 5; 84, 4; 90, 2; 106, 7; 116, 2; 116, 4; 143, 4, 13 ÀÎÚÐ 43, 1; 97, 3 ¿ÚÐ 3, 2; 129, 3; 137, 5; 137, 6 ¿æĀáÚÐ 84, 2; 129, 9 ¿ćáÚÐ 34, 1; 115, 3; 128, 4 ¿ćäÚÞÐ 21, 1; 45, 2; 62, 1; 96, 2; 97, 2; 97, 6; 98, 2; 99, 2; 99, 6; 100, 2; 101, 2; 105, 6; 106, 2; 107, 2; 107, 3; 113, 2; 113, 3; 113, 4; 113, 7; 114, 4; 114, 10; 116, 8; 119, 2; 119, 4; 120, 3; 121, 5; 121, 7; 126, 7; 129, 4; 130, 4; 131, 3; 132, 2; 136, 6 ÀĀäÞÐ 81, 2; 86, 4; 96, 6; 100, 6; 102, 3; 105, 2; 107, 2; 107, 3; 107, 4; 108, 5; 113, 4; 114, 2; 114, 7; 116, 6; 116, 9; 119, 7; 121, 2; 121, 3; 121, 6; 122, 3; 125, 3; 126, 2; 131, 5; 135, 4; 143, 4, 12; Tit., 1; Tit., 2 åÞÐ 86, 5; 114, 8 ÀÎÚáÐ 85, 5; 141, 21 ¿óáÐÎý 93, 3 ¿ćäÐ 143, 4, 19 • ÁüäМŸ 5, 2; 93, 7 ÀĀäÐ 136, 7 ĀäЏs 19, 1 ÁËêÐ 53, 2; 53, 3; 126, 8; 141, 17

331

ËêÐ 141, 16 ËêЏs 53, 1 ßêÐ 115, 5 ßêЏs 143, 3, 8 ¿ćäÚêÐ 92, 5 ¿ćäêÐ 44, 1 ¿çÚêÐ 97, 5 ÁüÚêÐ 45, 4 ¿æüéÎÐ 18, 1; 65, 1; 89, 4; 103, 7; 105, 4; 112, 3 üêÐ 84, 4; 86, 4; 137, 2 ¿ÔÚóÐ 25, 1 ÕóÐ 143, 4, 13 ¿óÐ 115, 7; 133, 2 ÀøÐ 101, 4; 111, 3 ÁxøÐ 101, 4 ¿ćáúÐ 143, 4, 19 • МŸ 101, 5 ¿Âü Á¾Ð 77, 1; 135, 2 À{¾Ð 124, 2; 124, 5; 124, 6; 135, 2 üЏs 37, 2 Ÿ • ¿ý œ üМŸ 88, 2; 130, 8 ¿ÃýÎÐ 89, 2; 89, 3; 101, 7; 103, 4; 126, 3 ÀĀÃþÑã 103, 4; 132, 3; 142, 4 ÄþÐ 98, 4; 109, 5 ÄþЏs 92, 3 ÄþЏs 105, 2; 138, 3 ÒþÐ 45, 3 ßþÐ 128, 3 ¿þÐ 101, 2; 104, 9; 141, 12 Ÿ 98, 3 • Ó ¿ðà œ ¿ÃÓ 18, 2; 22, 1; 28, 1; 41, 1; 41, 2; 41, 3; 42, 2; 62, 1; 76, 1; 102, 2; 102, 3; 102, 4; 104, 6; 106, 8; 110, 8; 114, 4; 119, 3; 137, 7 ÀĀÃÓ 25, 1; 27, 1; 29, 1; 39, 1; 40, 4; 44, 2; 137, 7 ¿ÂÎÓ 8, 2; 131, 2 ÀÎÃÚÓ 30, 1; 30, 2 ëÓ 85, 2 ÁÎÓ 137, 2 ¿êÞÓ 104, 5 ¿ÚáÓ 1, 1; 2, 2; 138, 2 ÀÎÚáÓ 115, 4 ¿ćáÓ 54, 3 ¿ćááÓ 124, 6

332

INDEXES

åáӏs 15, 1 ûáÓ 84, 5; 137, 7 ÛðÓs 9, 2; 133, 4 åðӏs 93, 8 ÀĀæÎðÓ 98, 4 èðÓs 98, 3 • ¿ò• ÎÓ 37, 3 ‰üÓ 115, 10 ¿ùüÓ 61, 1 €x{s 23, 2 ¿ï{ËÙ 96, 3; 99, 2; 99, 6; 101, 2; 105, 6; 116, 8; 117, 8 ¿ïËÙ 31, 2 ÀĀïËÙ 14, 2; 15, 1; 15, 2; 17, 2; 98, 5 ¿ïËã 81, 2 ˆËÙ 32, 2; 40, 2; 40, 3; 43, 2; 45, 3; 58, 1; 60, 1; 63, 1; 82, 4; 82, 5; 83, 4; 83, 6; 90, 2; 91, 2; 93, 2; 97, 6; 98, 5; 101, 4; 105, 7; 107, 4; 107, 6; 109, 4; 114, 8; 116, 5; 121, 6; 127, 2; 137, 5 ˆËُs 94, 5; 94, 9; 97, 2 ˆx{s 123, 7 ¿Â{ÍÙ 9, 1 ÀĀÂzÎã 9, 1 uÍÙ 8, 2; 47, 2; 69, 1; 86, 3; 86, 4; 86, 5; 87, 3; 91, 3; 108, 6; 111, 3; 119, 8; 120, 5; 130, 9 uÍُs 137, 6 ¿ÙxÎÙ 128, 7; 128, 8 ¿ćãÎÙ 106, 7; 135, 3; 136, 9; 137, 8; 143, 4, 16; 143, 4, 18 Ëáُs 37, 1; 123, 5; 138, 2 ÀĀááÙ 138, 3 ¿çóàÎÙ 52, 2; 103, 3; 103, 4; 104, 2; 118, 2 ôáÙ 4, 1; 49, 2; 52, 1; 125, 3; 128, 5 ¿ćäÙ 95, 3; 116, 3 ¿ćäÙ 50, 1; 50, 2 ¿çÚäÙ 143, 4, 22 ¿ò{s 100, 5; 108, 7 ¿óÙøÙ 141, 6 ÀĀò‹ 79, 2; 143, 4, 20 ¿æËúÙ 88, 2 Ëù{s 143, 2, 5 ÁüÚúÙ 38, 4; 98, 5; 135, 5 ÁüúÚã 135, 2 ÁüúÙs 92, 2; 105, 6; 106, 7; 117, 6; 121, 8

ÁüùÎÙ 86, 2 À{üÚúÙ 83, 6 üúÙ 2, 3; 114, 10 üúُs 26, 1; 26, 2 uüÙ 26, 1; 86, 6; 118, 5 u{s 81, 1; 83, 5; 86, 5; 143, 4, 11 ¿ùÎÙ 127, 3 üÙ 116, 5 {s 116, 7 ÀĀÙ 91, 3 uĀÙ 125, 6; 139, 2; 143, 4, 21 ÁüÙĀÙ 96, 4; 108, 3 ÁĀÚã 3, 1; 120, 2; 135, 3 ¿æÎÙ 10, 1; 10, 2; 89, 4; 100, 3; 105, 5; 112, 2; 112, 4; 116, 5; 126, 3 À{ĀÚã 92, 2; 104, 2; 104, 8; 143, 1, 2 ĀÙ 131, 6 {s 139, 3; 141, 20 ¿Â¾Ý 115, 3 ¿ò¾Ý 121, 6 ÁsÎÝ 72, 2 ¾Ý 40, 2 ¾Ýs 40, 4 ÁËÃÝ 136, 8 ÿÃÝ 39, 2 ÿÃݏs 107, 7 ¿çÙÍÝ 105, 5 ÏÝ 141, 22 ¿ÙÎÝ 141, 13 • ¿áÚݟœ 108, 2 ¿æ¾Ý 23, 1; 40, 2; 40, 3; 40, 4; 40, 5; 74, 1; 106, 4 ÀÎæ¾Ý 10, 2; 40, 3 ¿æ{ÎÝ 141, 13; 141, 17 ¿çÚÝ 29, 2; 47, 2; 81, 5; 82, 3; 83, 2; 83, 4; 83, 5; 85, 5; 88, 3; 91, 2; 91, 6; 94, 3; 117, 8 èÚÝ 141, 4; 141, 10 ¿êÚÝ 114, 5; 129, 8 ÁüÞÝ 13, 1 ¿ćáÝ 111, 4 ¿ćáÚáÝ 118, 2; 120, 5; 143, 4, 11 ¿ÚæÎÝ 114, 3 ¿ÚýÎçÝ 37, 1; 139, 1 ÿçÝ 125, 4; 139, 3 ÿçÝ 116, 5 • Ý 12, 2; 134, 2 ¿Úê˜ ÀÎÚêÝ 85, 2; 92, 2; 120, 4

SYRIAC

ÀĀÚêݏ 94, 6 ¿êÝ 105, 8; 107, 5; 120, 2 ÀÎçêÞã 141, 19 ëêݏs 113, 5 üóÝ 129, 6; 130, 4 ¿æzÎÝ 137, 4; 141, 14 |üÝs 129, 8; 129, 9; 132, 4 ‚üÝ 115, 3 ¿éüÝ 65, 1 uĀÝ 123, 1; 123, 3; 123, 7; 143, 4, 26 ÀĀãÎÝ 141, 9 À{¾ćà 116, 3 À¾ćà 94, 3; 116, 2 ¿Ãà 125, 7; 125, 8; 143, 3, 8 ßÃà 120, 6 ßÃàs 91, 4; 92, 3 ¿ýÎÃà 94, 5; 94, 6; 110, 2; 110, 3; 133, 4 ÿÃà 110, 2; 110, 3; 110, 4; 133, 4 uÍáý 143, 2, 6 ¿ÙxÎÑà 63, 1 • àœ Ÿ 101, 8 ¿äÑ åÑà 143, 3, 7 åÑàs 128, 9 ¿Úáà 101, 6 ¿æ¾ćäà 112, 6; 115, 8 ÀÎÃðà 141, 7 ¿çþà 1, 2; 47, 2; 62, 1; 86, 3; 102, 4; 118, 3; 118, 4; 120, 7; 121, 4; 129, 2 ¿æ¾ćã 100, 9; 108, 2 ÁüÙÍã 81, 6; 97, 3; 113, 7; 120, 3; 125, 5; 143, 4, 12 ÀĀãÎã 50, 2 ÛúÚéÎã 52, 1 ÀÎÚã 127, 2 ÀĀÚã 122, 6; 138, 6 ÀÎã 12, 1; 80, 5; 81, 4; 81, 8; 88, 2; 90, 2; 90, 3; 90, 4; 91, 5; 115, 2; 115, 10; 116, 4; 116, 6; 127, 4; 128, 6; 143, 4, 13 Āã 13, 1; 37, 2; 38, 2; 38, 3; 38, 4; 106, 6; 106, 7; 116, 9; 138, 4 ĀÚãs 12, 2 vÏã 141, 21 vÏãs 93, 7 ¿ćáÚÑã 130, 10 ÀÎáÚÑã 84, 2 ¿ćàÎþÑã 116, 3 ¿Ôã 90, 4

333

? ¿Úã 93, 7; 126, 5 ¿ÞÝÎã 106, 6 ¿ÞÚÞã 129, 9 ÀÎÞÚÞã 141, 19 ¿Úáäþã 124, 5 ÀsÎáã 100, 2 ¿ćáã 114, 4; 126, 6 ¿ćáãs 39, 1 ¿çÞàÎã Tit., 1 ¿Þáã 46, 1; 108, 7; 117, 4; 117, 6; 143, 1, 1 ÀÎÞáã 123, 4 ÀĀÞáã 82, 6 ßáã 140, 2 ßáãs 50, 1 ßáãs 40, 5; 124, 2; 128, 2 ¿ćáÚáã 40, 2; 118, 3 ÀÎáÚáã 40, 1; 81, 4 ÀĀáã 23, 1; 34, 1; 40, 2; 40, 4; 86, 4; 109, 2; 111, 2; 111, 5; 113, 2; 115, 8; 115, 9; 119, 5; 121, 7; 122, 4; 122, 7; 124, 4; 125, 5; 125, 8; 126, 7; 135, 4; 141, 13; 141, 18; 143, 4, 12; Tit., 1 ¿ćááäã 32, 1; 143, 4, 28; Tit., 1 âã 47, 1; 47, 3; 48, 1; 114, 9; 141, 15 âáã 15, 1; 136, 4 âáãs 24, 1; 66, 2; 92, 3 ¿æÎäã 111, 6; 114, 4; 126, 3 ¿çÚçã 139, 7 ÀĀçã 137, 2 À¾êã 97, 5 ¿çÚÞêã 34, 1; 108, 7; 111, 6 ÀÎçÚÞêã 25, 1; 31, 2; 81, 5; 100, 5; 100, 6 èÞêãs 84, 4; 86, 4; 116, 7 ÀĀêã 127, 2 Àøã 48, 1; 114, 11; 115, 7; 117, 3; 139, 3; 141, 3; 143, 3, 9 ¿Úæüã 86, 2 Áüã 114, 6; 114, 7; 127, 4; 128, 6; 128, 9 À{üã 78, 1 ¿Ùüã 115, 5 ÀĀÚçÅüã 98, 4; 100, 8; 121, 6 ÁËÙüã 105, 5 xüã 107, 6 ¿Ðüã 124, 3 ÀÎÐüã 125, 3 }üãs 95, 2

334

INDEXES

¿ïüã 141, 22 ¿úÙüã 105, 2 ÁüÙüã 51, 1; 101, 2; 106, 3; 115, 2; 141, 20 À{üÙüã 85, 5; 141, 21 ÀÎÑþäã 61, 1 ÀĀÐÎþã 97, 6 ¿ÑÚþã 129, 7; 130, 3; 143, 4, 21 ÀÎçÙĀã 141, 17 ¿ïÎÃã 86, 3; 103, 6 ñÃæ 103, 5 ËÆæ 126, 6 ËÆæ 134, 5 ÁüÅÎæ 38, 3 üÆæs 113, 6 ÁüÙÍæ 103, 5 ÁzÎæ 100, 8; 139, 1; 139, 6 Íæs 139, 7 ¿Ñçã 38, 3; 94, 2 ¿ÑÚæ 18, 2; 66, 1; 81, 8; 101, 6; 105, 5; 115, 11; 141, 20 ¿ÐÎæ 101, 6 ¿ÑÚæ 82, 4; 143, 4, 17 Òæ 101, 7; 112, 6 ÒÚæs 115, 3 ¿ÙüÝÎæ 96, 5; 119, 2; 121, 4; 129, 2 ÁÎæ 143, 2, 5 ÁüÚÑæ 122, 3 üÔæ 13, 3; 46, 3; 80, 2; 83, 6; 92, 6; 107, 8; 136, 5; 136, 6; 140, 2; 142, 4 üÔæs 43, 2; 43, 3; 46, 1 ÁüÚæ 78, 1 ¿þÚæ 141, 18 ¿çÚÞæ 80, 3 ¿ćáÚÞæ 133, 5 ¿ćáÞæ 114, 11; 134, 2 âÞæs 87, 4 ¿óÞçã 92, 6; 113, 3; 133, 4 ¿òÎÞæ 1, 2; 54, 1; 92, 5 ¿óÞæ 135, 5 ôÞæ 134, 3 ÀÎÞã 102, 2 ¿éÎäæ 11, 1; 74, 1; 102, 5; 102, 6; 102, 7; 106, 5 ¿ÂÎêæ 9, 2 Äêæ 42, 1; 42, 2; 106, 5 âóæ 25, 1 ¿çúóã 18, 2

ÀĀúóæ 26, 1; 26, 2 ûóæ 20, 1; 20, 2; 100, 4; 119, 9; 122, 2; 122, 4; 124, 6; 125, 10; 136, 8; 139, 1 ûòs 26, 1 ¿þóæ 43, 2; 46, 3; 58, 1; 79, 2; 80, 2; 81, 1; 82, 3; 83, 2; 83, 3; 84, 2; 85, 2; 86, 2; 87, 2; 88, 2; 89, 2; 89, 3; 90, 2; 91, 2; 92, 2; 93, 2; 94, 2; 95, 2; 97, 3; 104, 4; 104, 6; 104, 7; 104, 8; 122, 2; 122, 3; 124, 2; 126, 2; 126, 3; 130, 10; 131, 6; 131, 8; 135, 2; 136, 5; 136, 6; 143, 4, 12; 143, 4, 13 uøæ 115, 4 ‰øæ 143, 3, 9 ÀĀÃúæ 103, 6; 125, 4; 130, 10 ¿úæ 116, 6 ôúæ 31, 1; 32, 3 ÿúæ 121, 7 ¿Ãé 38, 2; 52, 1 ÀÎÃÚé 38, 2; 38, 4; 54, 1; 115, 3 ñÃé 79, 1 ñÃé 139, 6 ÀÎæüÃÚêã 66, 1; 143, 4, 11 ÀüÃÚé 139, 5 üÃé 42, 1; 88, 3; 94, 2; 106, 7; 130, 5 üÃÚé 139, 1 üÂĀés 46, 1; 115, 2 ËÆé 129, 7; 130, 2; 130, 4; 130, 6 À¾ÅÎé 56, 1 ¿Æé 83, 5; 86, 6; 117, 8 ÛÆés 86, 6 À¾ÚÆé 14, 1; 21, 1; 25, 2; 27, 1; 35, 1; 55, 1; 64, 1; 68, 1; 84, 2; 84, 6; 92, 7; 93, 3; 100, 7; 103, 2; 104, 6; 106, 3; 107, 4; 111, 2; 115, 2; 116, 2; 117, 2; 120, 3; 125, 3; 126, 7; 129, 2; 130, 9; 131, 6; 131, 7; 133, 3; 139, 6; 141, 17; 142, 3 xÍé 115, 10; 116, 8; 120, 4 ¿Þé 106, 3; 129, 9; 143, 4, 10 ¿ÚéÎé 111, 5 ¿Ôé 130, 8 ¿òüÔé 123, 7 ¿ćäÚé 102, 7; 126, 5 ÀĀäÚé 81, 2; 81, 5; 84, 4; 103, 7; 114, 2; 125, 4 åé 2, 2; 11, 1; 96, 2; 102, 5 åÚ鏏s 118, 3

SYRIAC

• ¿ç• Úé 124, 4 • ¿áÞ霟 98, 2; 101, 3; 114, 6; 114, 8; 118, 5; 121, 5; 121, 8; 121, 10; 122, 3; 122, 4; 122, 6; 124, 7; 142, 3 ÀÎáÞé 2, 2; 23, 1; 99, 7; 105, 4; 141, 10 ¿ćáÝÎé 114, 5 âÞés 141, 4 üÞé 121, 8; 142, 2 ûáé 83, 4; 113, 5; 129, 3 ¿Úäé 14, 1; 93, 6; 100, 7; 107, 7 ¿çääé 92, 4; 120, 3; 141, 12 Áüžçé 81, 3 ¿çé 24, 1; 30, 2; 66, 2; 86, 2; 89, 3; 103, 4; 105, 5; 106, 7; 109, 2; 109, 3; 109, 5; 109, 6; 109, 7; 110, 2; 110, 3; 110, 6; 115, 9; 124, 4; 124, 8; 130, 10; 132, 4; 143, 1, 3 ¿çé 109, 2; 109, 5; 110, 5 ¿æĀés 110, 4; 110, 7 ¿úÚçé 74, 1; 102, 5 ÀÎúÚçé 39, 1; 100, 7; 106, 6; 126, 8; 127, 2 ¿æüïÎé 66, 1; 80, 2; 143, 3, 7 üðé 5, 2; 30, 1; 68, 1; 73, 1; 109, 6; 113, 4 üïĀés 128, 7 Áüðé 8, 2 ¿úÚóé 103, 3; 114, 5 ûóé 79, 2; 86, 3; 139, 5 • • Áüóé 95, 3 • • Áüóé 96, 2 ¿çЍÎé 99, 7 }üé 108, 6 ¿ÑÙüé 125, 9 ÀÎÙüé 122, 2; 122, 4; 122, 7 Áüé 122, 6 ¿úÙüé 116, 2 ÀÎùüêã 129, 9 ÀÎúÙüé 137, 8 À{üÙĀé 92, 2 ÁËÃï 78, 1; 99, 3; 109, 3; 110, 5; 111, 2; 129, 9; 135, 3; 143, 3, 8 ÀËÚÃï 66, 1 ËÃï 11, 3; 12, 1; 12, 2; 30, 1; 36, 1; 50, 3; 54, 2; 68, 2; 81, 3; 82, 4; 99, 4; 99, 6; 102, 3; 110, 6; 114, 9; 128, 8; 134, 6; 138, 2; 141, 3; 141, 22; 143, 4, 23 ËÃðý 78, 1

335

¿ÚÃï 82, 2 ÀüÃðã 124, 4 üÃï 84, 5; 121, 3; 123, 3 üÃïs 115, 7 ¿ÙüÃï 128, 5 €Ëïs 137, 5 ƒËï 38, 2; 82, 2; 117, 2 ¿æËï 82, 3; 89, 6; 101, 8; 115, 9; 127, 4; 135, 6; 137, 2; 137, 5 ¿æxÎï 139, 4 Ëï 125, 8 ¿æxzÎï 9, 1; 9, 3 ¿æÍï 76, 2 ÁËÚï 128, 3 ËÚï 139, 1 ¿çÝÎðã 125, 2 ¿Ý{Îï 143, 4, 14 ßÚï 86, 2 ßÚïs 126, 4 • • ¿àÎï 40, 5; 123, 5 ÀĀúï 37, 2; 105, 4; 115, 7; 138, 4 ûï 44, 1 ûÚï 50, 2 ûÚïs 78, 1; 82, 4; 90, 4; 106, 3; 115, 10; 116, 2 ûÚs 35, 1; 64, 1; 82, 3; 115, 6; 121, 7; 124, 6 À|Îï 141, 22 À{ÏÙÏï 141, 21 ¿ćáÔï 43, 2; 91, 2; 121, 9; 131, 8 ÀÎáÔï 96, 5; 122, 5; 124, 8 ¿ÔÚï 113, 6 ¿çÚï 2, 2; 9, 2; 92, 6; 93, 5; 94, 7; 107, 5; 110, 2; 110, 5; 110, 7; 113, 3; 115, 9; 120, 6; 126, 5; 135, 4; 137, 4; 139, 7 üÞï 103, 4 Äáï 82, 8; 119, 6 ¿Úáï 143, 4, 25 Ûáï 80, 4; 90, 3; 143, 4, 12 ÀĀáï 123, 8 âï 41, 3; 125, 6; 125, 7; 125, 8; 125, 9 ÀÎäÚáï 115, 3 ¿ćäáï 105, 7; 143, 4, 14; 143, 4, 24 ¿ćäï 129, 2; 130, 2; 138, 2; 139, 2 ¿çÔäï 126, 7 Õäï 93, 6; 128, 3

336

INDEXES

¿ćáäï 81, 8; 101, 5; 103, 3; 104, 2; 116, 2; 118, 2; 120, 3; 120, 5; 125, 4 âäï 100, 2; 101, 6; 115, 4; 116, 2; 127, 3; 131, 5 øäï 115, 9 ¿úãÎï 95, 3 Áüäðã 94, 8 ÁüãÎï 115, 11 ÁÎäï 89, 4 ÁüÚäï 143, 4, 18 üäï 81, 1; 81, 6; 82, 6; 92, 4; 93, 2; 94, 7; 108, 4; 132, 3; 134, 2 ÀÎÙÎçï 54, 1 • ï ¿ç• Úç 32, 2; 114, 2; 130, 8; 143, 4, 15 ˜ ûêï 43, 2 ¿ÚòÎï 143, 4, 19 Ûóï 138, 5 ¿ò¾ï 47, 2 ¿çÙøïĀã 67, 2 ¿çÙøï 89, 6 ÀĀÃúï 100, 5; 105, 5 Áüúï 51, 1; 85, 5 üúï 85, 4; 85, 5 ÀÎÂüï 59, 1 ÀÎÚáÓüï 100, 6 Œüï 101, 3; 104, 4; 105, 4; 109, 3; 130, 7 ¿ùÎï 102, 4 èþï 141, 14 ÁüÙĀï 6, 1; 17, 2; 34, 1; 45, 1; 45, 2; 45, 3; 108, 6; 114, 4 ÁÎï 22, 1; 27, 1; 79, 1; 81, 5; 100, 6; 119, 7; 137, 3; 141, 5; 141, 9 Āï 86, 6; 111, 6; 118, 4; 141, 5 Āïs 81, 2; 86, 4; 87, 4; 100, 7; 119, 7 À¾ò 14, 1; 113, 2; 115, 11; 130, 9; 138, 5 Á¾ò 51, 1 ñÆò 37, 2; 101, 9; 107, 4; 108, 8; 113, 6 ÁüÆò 18, 1; 66, 1; 80, 5; 81, 1; 81, 6; 82, 2; 82, 4; 82, 7; 88, 4; 89, 2; 89, 3; 90, 3; 92, 4; 93, 2; 94, 6; 94, 7; 103, 2; 104, 6; 104, 7; 104, 8; 122, 2; 122, 5; 135, 6; 139, 5 ¿æËò 101, 5 €Íòs 93, 3 Òò 122, 4 ¿ćãÎò 15, 1; 34, 1; 102, 2; 122, 4; 143, 4, 27

¿éÎò 95, 4; 114, 7; 126, 4 ¿ÚéÎò 133, 5 ÿò 37, 3; 81, 5; 82, 6; 85, 5; 107, 9; 116, 8; 126, 7 ¿ćäÐÎò 83, 4 åÑò 83, 3; 88, 4 ¿òÎéÎáÚò 2, 1; 3, 1; 4, 1; 4, 2; 7, 1; 11, 1; 44, 1; 45, 2; 45, 3; 143, 4, 28; Tit., 1 ÀĀóéÎáÚò 135, 1; Tit., 1 ÀÎóéÎáÚò 101, 5 ¿çêÚóÓĀã 67, 1 ¿êÚò 96, 4 ëÚòs 45, 3; 48, 2; 67, 1; 96, 3 ëÚóӏs 96, 2; 96, 3; 96, 4; 96, 5; 143, 1, 3 ÁüÞò 104, 4; 130, 10 ¿Æáò 137, 6 ÀÎÆÚáò 89, 6; 136, 3 Çáò 89, 4; 138, 5 Çáòs 137, 3 ¿çÑàÎò 101, 3; 137, 7 èáò 49, 1; 116, 8 ¿çò 131, 2 ñêò 23, 1 ûêò 12, 1 ÀÎÑÙøò 115, 7 €øòs 143, 3, 9 ¿æËùÎò 143, 3, 7 Ëúò 82, 7; 117, 5; 117, 7 Ëúòs 117, 7 Ëúò 1, 1 ¿Ñúò 118, 3; 118, 4 Òúò 52, 1; 106, 8 ¿ćà|üò 141, 12 }üò 85, 2; 122, 2 †üòs 136, 7 †üò 65, 1 ¿Úéüò 123, 3 ¿ò{‹üò 125, 2 ¿ý{üò 99, 6; 113, 3 ¿çýÎò 97, 3; 108, 4 Žüò 82, 4; 90, 5; 93, 8; 94, 4; 98, 3; 98, 5; 118, 6; 121, 10; 122, 7 ¿ÔÚþò 101, 4 ¿úÚþò 43, 2; 131, 7; 139, 6 ¿ćäÅĀò 103, 5 }Āò 100, 3; 142, 2; 142, 4

SYRIAC

¿ÙĀò 95, 3 ‚Āò 141, 19 ÀÎ‹ 138, 5; 141, 9 ¿çÚ‹ 68, 1; 84, 3; 94, 5; 102, 6; 104, 7; 128, 8 ¿Â‹ 4, 2; 73, 1; 84, 3; 88, 5; 95, 2; 99, 5; 108, 6; 116, 6; 117, 4; 121, 2; 126, 2; 143, 4, 20 ñ‹ 81, 2 Ā‹ 20, 1 €x‹s 93, 5 x‹ 131, 6 Ëًs 136, 7 ÀĀÚÐ{‹ 141, 17 • Ÿ Áüٕ ‹ 109, 4; 120, 2 œ ‹ 14, 2; 120, 3 üًs 92, 3 ‹ 15, 2; 120, 8 ÀÎà‹ 21, 2 ¿ćà‹ 21, 1; 38, 2; 46, 1; 46, 2 Ûà‹ 83, 2; 126, 3 ÁüÚï‹ 124, 4 ¿æüïøã 124, 3 Áüï‹ 94, 5; 124, 7 üï‹ 121, 10 üï‹ 8, 2; 124, 3; 124, 5 üðӋs 8, 1; 124, 3 ¿Þٍ‹ 79, 1 ¿ćáÂÎù 21, 1 âÃù 96, 4; 108, 2; 108, 4; 121, 2; 121, 10; 132, 5; 138, 3; 142, 3 âÃùs 125, 11; 134, 4 ñÃù 132, 2; 135, 3 ÁÎÃù 122, 3 ÁüÃù 129, 3 ¿ćãËù 100, 2 „Ëù 30, 2 ¿þÙËù 135, 6 ŽËù 103, 2 ÀÎù 81, 4 €Îù 125, 10; 131, 5 ¿ćáù 114, 9 ¿ćäÚù 83, 6 åù 80, 2; 82, 5; 95, 2; 96, 3; 104, 5; 108, 7; 113, 7; 115, 6; 116, 4; 119, 4; 121, 9; 129, 3; 132, 3 åÚù 93, 6; 117, 6; 142, 2; 142, 4 ¿ÚúÚæÎù 13, 1

337

¿ćàÎÔù 88, 2 âÔù 11, 1; 80, 3; 80, 4 ¿çÚÔù 80, 6 ÁüÚÔù 67, 1; 87, 3 ¿ÔÚù 101, 7; 101, 8 ¿ćáÚáù 125, 2; 125, 10; 126, 5; 126, 6; 143, 4, 18 ÀÎáÚáù 126, 7 ¿êàÎù 83, 5 ëáù 118, 5 ëáùs 82, 8; 136, 9 ¿ćãÎçù 70, 1 ÀÎçÚçùĀã 143, 4, 10 ¿çÚçù 70, 1; 71, 1; 71, 2; 81, 6; 87, 2; 119, 7; 129, 8 ¿çù 13, 2; 26, 2; 29, 1; 70, 1; 71, 1; 74, 2; 97, 4; 104, 2; 108, 5; 114, 6; 122, 3; 124, 3; 125, 5; 127, 3; 127, 4; 135, 3; 141, 16 Ûçùs 81, 3; 114, 7; 127, 4 üêù 123, 3; 128, 6; 128, 8 ÀĀðù 139, 2 ¿ÃÙüù 99, 3 ¿çÎù 123, 4; 123, 8 ¿Âüù 84, 2; 111, 4; 111, 5; 123, 1 ¿æĀÂüù 111, 4; 143, 1, 4 uüù 80, 3; 90, 3; 143, 2, 5 uüù 123, 4; 139, 4; 141, 12; 141, 18; 141, 20; 141, 22 uüùs 76, 2; 103, 3 • ¿Ð• üù 8, 1 Áüù 101, 3; 130, 3; 138, 6 Áüùs 99, 5; 99, 6; 107, 2; 114, 3; 114, 6; 114, 7; 131, 3; 135, 2 ¿æüù 115, 5 ¿Úþù 52, 1; 101, 4; 141, 20 Āùs 143, 4, 24 ¿Â 29, 1; 39, 1; 44, 2; 92, 2; 94, 5; 101, 2; 112, 2; 113, 7; 120, 4; 121, 8; 128, 2; 128, 4; 131, 6; 131, 8 ¿Â 129, 1; 133, 1 ÀÎ 26, 1 ÀĀڍ 115, 5 ¿Â 69, 1 ¿ÆÚō 141, 9 ÀĀÆÚō 82, 2; 104, 9 ÀĀō 18, 1; 31, 2; 131, 5; 143, 2, 6; 143, 3, 9

338

INDEXES

v 131, 4; 143, 3, 8 ÀÏÅ{ 113, 5 ÿō 108, 8; 122, 5; 122, 6 ¿Ùx 6, 1 À{xüã 51, 1; 103, 3; 118, 2 Áx 100, 4; 105, 5; 116, 3 Áxs 10, 1 ‰x 100, 6 ¿Úã{z 123, 1; 132, 6 ¿LÓz 126, 5 ~z 82, 3; 90, 2; 104, 3; 105, 4; 109, 2; 131, 5 ÁüÔÙz 4, 3; 9, 1; 10, 1 |{ 138, 4 ¿ÚçÐ{ 80, 5; 91, 4 ¿Ð{ 42, 2; 113, 6 À{ 5, 1 ¿ć㍠35, 1; 64, 1; 80, 4; 84, 5 ¿ćã{ 135, 3 åٍs 114, 9; 114, 10 ¿ćäÚЍ 83, 2; 113, 2 ¿ćäЍ 7, 1; 25, 1; 27, 1; 31, 1; 46, 2; 67, 2; 70, 1; 71, 1; 72, 1; 75, 1; 76, 1; 101, 3; 110, 4; 136, 2; 141, 2; 141, 7 ÀÎäЍ 75, 1 ÀĀäЍ 103, 6; 126, 3 åЍ 36, 1; 104, 2; 104, 8; 109, 3; 109, 4; 109, 5; 110, 3; 111, 2; 112, 3; 118, 4; 125, 7; 135, 2; 141, 10 åЍs 141, 10 ¿úÚЍ 76, 2; 84, 6; 90, 2; 100, 7; 141, 3 ûЍ 126, 2 ûЍs 104, 2; 104, 3 ¿Ñٍ 122, 2; 122, 4; 122, 5; 122, 6 ¿þٍ 8, 3; 99, 2; 113, 7; 118, 3; 129, 4; 135, 4 ¿çþٍ 129, 6 Äݍ 65, 1 ¿ć㍠108, 2; 108, 3 Ûãs 100, 2 ÀĀÚæüã 143, 4, 20 ¿æ 105, 3; 141, 4 ¿çÚï 1, 2; 6, 2; 26, 1; 96, 2; 97, 5; 102, 6; 105, 3; 108, 4; 112, 4; 112, 5; 113, 5; 117, 3; 119, 5; 124, 7; 125, 3; 126, 6; 126, 8; 132, 2; 132, 6; 134, 2; 134, 4; 136, 5; 136, 6; 136, 8; 136, 9; 143, 4, 24

ÀĀÚ 113, 6; 143, 3, 9; 143, 4, 23 Ûs 143, 4, 21 Ûòs 13, 2; 31, 2; 81, 4; 82, 6 ÀxÎùüã 138, 3 ÀÎýüã 143, 3, 9 ¿çÚý 105, 3 ¿ý 99, 4 åý 9, 2 ÀÎЏüþã 31, 1 }üý 79, 1 €s 131, 7 ¿ćàsÎý 106, 8 ƒ¾ý 18, 1; 32, 2; 115, 10 ƒsĀýs 2, 1; 3, 1; 4, 1; 5, 1; 45, 1; 46, 2; 48, 1; 54, 2; 59, 1; 62, 1; 108, 8 ¿ÑÚÃý 102, 4; 116, 6; 120, 4 ¿ÑÂÎý 143, 4, 26 ÀĀÐÎÃý 72, 1; 118, 2 ÒÃý 40, 1; 141, 3; 141, 5; 141, 8 ÒÂĀýs 22, 1; 40, 3; 119, 7 ¿ÚÃý 143, 1, 1 ¿Ãý 143, 1, 4 ¿ÂĀýs 90, 5 ¿ćáÚÃý 100, 4; 116, 3 ûÃý 13, 1; 13, 3; 81, 6; 94, 8; 101, 7; 113, 4; 114, 5; 123, 7; 125, 6; 125, 7; 127, 5; 134, 5; 137, 7; 141, 11; 142, 4; 143, 4, 13 ÁüÃý 123, 5 ¿æĀýÎÆý 141, 2 ¿þÆý 139, 2 ¿þÅÎý 141, 4 ÿÅĀýs 113, 6; 138, 6 ÿÆý 141, 14 ÁËý 86, 2 ƒËý 75, 1 Ëý 121, 10; 123, 8; 128, 5; 128, 8 ÁÍý 116, 2 ¿ÔÚý 92, 5 ñý 121, 9 ¿òÎý 82, 5; 107, 9 ‰{Āýs 88, 4 ¿úÚÑý 112, 6 ¿úÑý 94, 3; 115, 8; 118, 2; 120, 4; 125, 4; 128, 2 ûÐĀýs 115, 4 ¿ÚÔý 103, 7; 125, 6 ƒÎÚý 115, 11; 116, 8; 127, 6

SYRIAC

¿çÚý 112, 6 ¿ÑÚÞý 1, 1; 141, 7; 141, 12 ÀĀÑÞý 81, 3; 81, 8; 108, 8 ÒÝĀýs 82, 7; 121, 9; 137, 7 ÒÞýs 2, 1; 11, 2; 33, 2; 80, 3; 80, 4; 80, 5; 85, 2; 87, 2; 90, 4; 93, 5; 94, 3; 94, 7; 94, 8; 95, 4; 95, 6; 97, 4; 97, 5; 107, 3; 107, 4; 108, 2; 108, 3; 108, 4; 108, 5; 108, 7; 111, 3; 111, 4; 112, 4; 112, 5; 114, 11; 115, 7; 119, 4; 120, 2; 120, 7; 121, 4; 121, 5; 124, 2; 124, 4; 125, 3; 126, 4; 126, 6; 127, 5; 131, 4; 131, 6; 139, 6 ÁüÞþã 110, 3 üÞý 110, 2; 132, 5 èÞý 85, 3 ĀÞý 101, 7 Òáý 94, 8 Òáý 123, 6 ¿çÔàÎý 40, 1; 123, 4; 141, 6 Õáý 137, 3 ¿ćáý 1, 2 ¿Úáý 119, 3 åáý 82, 7; 89, 2; 89, 3; 89, 4; 136, 3; 143, 4, 28 åáý 33, 2; 120, 5 ¿ćäý 91, 5; 114, 3; 114, 4; 130, 3; 131, 4; 143, 4, 25; Tit., 1 ÀÍäþã 53, 1 ? ¿Úäý 84, 6; 129, 3; 143, 4, 24 ¿ðäþã 97, 2 ÀĀðäþã 15, 2 ¿ïÎäý 86, 3; 113, 2; 120, 7; 122, 5; 134, 3; 134, 4; 139, 4 ¿ðäý 139, 2 ñäý 35, 1; 47, 1; 47, 3; 64, 1; 119, 3; 121, 4; 121, 5; 123, 5; 128, 4; 128, 5; 128, 7; 130, 7; 131, 2; 142, 2 ñãĀýs 34, 1; 34, 2; 82, 7; 135, 5 ¿þäý 93, 4; 128, 3 ¿Úçý 19, 2; 102, 3; 141, 14 ¿çý 81, 4 Ûçý 85, 4 ûæĀýs 37, 3; 105, 6; 118, 5; 118, 6 ÀĀçý 125, 4; 137, 5 ÛïĀýs 40, 3; 40, 4; 87, 2; 91, 2; 91, 3; 94, 8; 97, 6 ÀĀðý 9, 2

339

¿Úóý 83, 2; 86, 3; 112, 5 ÀÎÚóý 100, 8 ¿çáóþã 130, 10 • ¿áóý 106, 6; 111, 3; 126, 8 ˜ ÁüÚóý 28, 1; 33, 2; 35, 1; 36, 1; 48, 2; 64, 1; 74, 1; 75, 1; 82, 8; 89, 2; 103, 2; 104, 6; 106, 4; 109, 3; 109, 6; 110, 7; 114, 2; 114, 3; 115, 2; 115, 10; 117, 6; 117, 7; 130, 9; 143, 4, 15 ÁüòÎý 15, 2; 29, 1; 29, 2; 92, 5; 120, 2; 143, 1, 1; 143, 2, 5 ÀÎæüòÎý 72, 1 üóý 87, 3 • ý ¿Úú 86, 3; 102, 3; 103, 5; 141, 20; ˜ 141, 22 âúý 85, 4; 119, 8 ¿óÚúý 97, 5 ¿Âüý 98, 2; 102, 2; 119, 4 ¿Ùüþã 81, 7 Áüý 81, 7; 81, 8; 107, 2; 115, 8; 125, 10; 128, 8 €üý 33, 2; 37, 3; 130, 2 €Āýs 84, 5; 135, 4 ÁüÙüý 27, 1; 40, 6; 72, 1; 124, 2; 132, 2; 132, 5; 133, 2; 133, 3; 136, 2; 141, 8; 141, 15; 143, 4, 20; 143, 4, 25 üý 140, 3 ¿ÙĀý 141, 20 ¿úÙĀý 120, 6 ¿ùĀý 106, 8; 119, 3 ŒĀý 24, 1; 66, 2 ñ 10, 2; 99, 7; 115, 5; 124, 2; 140, 4 ñs 77, 1 ¿Å 82, 6 ÀÎÅs 137, 6 z 141, 5 Äݏ 112, 5 ¿ćà 82, 5 ÁËÚäà 107, 2; 118, 5; 126, 2; 130, 1; 130, 7; 131, 2; 134, 1 Ëäàs 130, 2; 130, 6 ÀÍÚ㏠120, 4 ¿æ 98, 2; 125, 5; 130, 3; 132, 3; 143, 4, 10 ¿ćáùĀã 97, 7 âù 116, 4; 119, 5; 119, 6 âùs 97, 4; 97, 5

340 ÀĀáù{ 126, 7 ¿çù 68, 1; 141, 6 èù 115, 4 èùs 143, 4, 23 ¿Úé{ 127, 2 Û鍏s 141, 5

INDEXES

Ÿ 45, 1; 45, 2; 100, 3; 121, 3; •  ¿ï œ 121, 9; 125, 6; 125, 7; 125, 8; 125, 9; 142, 3; 142, 4 ˆ 86, 3 Àøٍ 40, 1 ‹ 112, 6

b) ProperNames †ÎÔéÎÅs 123, 3; 123, 6 †{¾ćáÚêÅs 54, 1 ëòxs 41, 1 ëÚáé{s 127, 1 †ÎçÚé{s 129, 1; 130, 1 †ÎÚçÚé{s 128, 1 ëÙËÚò{s 106, 1 †ÎÚçò{s 33, 1 åáý{s 143, 4, 25 ëÚæÎóêÙs 98, 1 ëÙx{üÙs 123, 6 †ÎêáÝs 43, 1 †{ËçêÞàs 143, 1, 1 ¿ÙËçêÞàs 129, 5 †ÎÔêÚúàs 38, 1 †{üžêݾæs 115, 1 †ÎæÎÆÚÔæs 46, 1 ¿ÚÝÎÚÔæs 123, 2 ëæĀêÔæs 4, 1 †ÎÔúÚæs 97, 1 †ÎÚéüÞæs 5, 1 ëÚçàÎòs 6, 1 †ÎÚÓsüòs 95, 1 †ÎçÚúÙüòs 129, 5 †ÎÚáùs 100, 1 †ÎÓ{x{s 138, 1 ëÚáÓÎÔêٍs 82, 1 †ÎóÚÔêٍs 111, 1 †ÎóóÔêٍs 45, 1 ëÚáÔÔés 105, 1 †¾çُs 129, 5 ¿Úçُs 13, 1 †Îæs 106, 2 ¿Úæs 55, 1 ëæs Tit., 1 †¾Ú 56, 1 Às{ü 129, 5

†ÎÚōÎÅ 131, 1 ¿ÚáÚáÅ 130, 2 ëÚÅüÅ 120, 1 ëÚÓüúã{x 63, 1 ëÚçÅÎÙx 8, 1; 12, 1; 17, 1 ëÚÓüùÎäÙx 89, 1 ëÚæĀêãx 9, 1; 85, 1 ëÚÓ{üúãx 119, 1 ŽÎٍx 143, 1, 1 †{üã{z 102, 4 …Îæ| 2, 1; 47, 1 †ÎÙüÃÚÓ 128, 6 †{ËÚæÎäÚÓ 31, 1 †ÎÙüæÎäÚÓ 87, 1 †ÎÞäÚÓ 96, 1 ¿êÚÝ{üÓ 138, 2 †ÎÚùüÓ 133, 1 x{ÍÙ 123, 4; 128, 6 …ÎáÚÝ 59, 1 …ÎóÚêÝ 108, 1; 132, 1; 133, 1; 134, 1 †ÎçÚÆæÎà 123, 1; 123, 6 †ÎçùÎà 101, 1; 141, 1 ¿ÙËçÚà 61, 1 ¿ÚæÎãËúà 59, 1 ¿Ù¾ćã 32, 1 †ÎêÚáÚã 116, 1 ¿ÚêÚáÚã 58, 1 †{Ëççã 86, 1 †ÎçÚÓüã 129, 5 †ÎÚáÓüã 92, 1 †ÎçÚùüã 129, 6 †ÎÙüÓÎæ 99, 1 …ÎàÎé 88, 1 ëÚÓsüùÎé 48, 1 ëÚÓüùÎé 3, 1; 15, 1; 18, 1 ¿ÙÎé 123, 2 ëÚæÎäÚé 110, 1

SUBJECT

…Îáé 11, 1; 55, 1; 102, 5 ëÚáùÎóé 107, 1; 113, 1 ¿ÙÎúé 5, 1 †{Ëæ¾Ù¾ò 57, 1 ¿Úçٍ¾ò 56, 1 †{üÅsÎò 91, 1 †ÎÚáÚòsüÔò 129, 1 †ÎúÔÚò 60, 1 †ÎÔáÚò 128, 6; 128, 8 †ÎÝüÔáÚò 140, 1 †ÎÙüÚò 117, 1 …ÎÔáò 1, 1; 14, 1; 16, 1; 65, 1; 80, 1; 102, 3 ÛçÚÔêáò 129, 6; 130, 5 †{Ëçò 109, 1; 122, 1 †Îáêò 102, 1 †{üÆÓ{üò 118, 1 †Îçã{üò 121, 1 †ÎáúÙüò 125, 1 †Îéüò 94, 1

341

¿ÙĀæÎù 57, 1 †ÎáÃáù 61, 1 ¿Ù¾êù 129, 6 ëÓüù 13, 1; 90, 1; 112, 1 †x 6, 1 †{xs 129, 4 †ÎÓx{s 42, 1 †{x{s 126, 1 †ÎÔٍx{s 102, 5 †ÎÔéüò{s 7, 1; 137, 1 †ËÚçù{s 103, 1 ëÚàs 50, 1 Îæs 135, 1; 136, 1; Tit., 1 †ÎÔéüòs 84, 1 †ÎÚà{ 83, 1 †ËÙËù{ 124, 1 ëÚà 58, 1 …ÎÚêÞà 114, 1 ëà 62, 1 †{üÔúà 93, 1

2. SUBJECT INDEX Acts, Book of 143 admonition 45, 46, 194, 200, 321 moral 5, 38, 46, 48, 75, 80, 90, 92, 93, 97, 111, 113, 114, 115, 118, 122, 132, 139, 148, 157, 178, 194, 199, 208 Aesop Fables 16, 67, 68, 75–76, 163, 174, 175, 177 Life 67, 68, 73, 75 Aḥiqar, sayings 73–74 alchemy 97 Alexander the Great and the daughters of Darius 178–181, 323 Laments of the philosophers 113–114 Alexandria 104, 106, 153, 154, 156, 192, 203, 204, 205, 218, 219, 309 anecdote 57, 70, 71, 76, 84, 102, 103, 111, 112, 115, 118, 121, 125, 127, 129, 139, 141, 147, 160, 161, 177, 178, 193, 196 anthology 4, 8, 16, 28, 29, 30, 37, 39, 41, 42, 45, 46, 48, 49, 52, 54, 55, 57, 58, 62,

63, 66, 67, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 99, 103, 105, 111, 113, 114, 115, 117, 120, 122, 125, 126, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 150, 157, 160, 162, 166, 167, 170, 171, 175, 177, 178, 184, 185– 187, 191, 198, 199, 200, 201, 207, 208, 209, 210, 215, 273 Anthology of Stobaeus 16, 94, 102, 115, 131, 178, 184, 208, 213, 237, 317 Arabic 100, 112 monastic 37, 41, 48 sacro-profane 101 Antioch on the Orontes 82, 86, 105, 106, 108, 134, 153, 172, 202, 301 Apamea on the Orontes 85, 137, 147 aphorism, aphoristic 5, 16, 49, 72, 81, 90, 148, 166, 169, 174, 247, 273, 319 Hippocratic Aphorisms 102, 140, 164, 165 apocryphal 10, 12, 13, 20, 30, 114, 143, 145, 216, 217, 218

342

INDEXES

apology, apologetic 7, 8, 49, 96, 104, 120, 121, 122, 133, 142, 153, 154, 156, 204, 208 apologist 12, 76, 78, 121, 185, 190 apophthegm 54, 78, 92, 93, 115, 118, 124, 132, 135, 140, 141, 142, 194, 211 ApophthegmataPatrum 42, 49, 55, 79, 135, 193 Areopagus, Athenian 143 Aristotle Categories 128, 192 Devirtutibusetvitiis 42, 210 logic 188, 192 ascetic 48, 54, 74, 78, 79, 85, 90, 92, 99, 102, 120, 154, 155, 193, 196, 203, 208 literature 8, 44, 46, 47, 135, 187 practice 43, 78, 208, 209 astronomy 36, 98, 99, 191, 192 Athens 100, 192, 203, 206, 279, 309 Academy 206 Baba (of Ḥarran) 10, 20, 109 Baghdad 19, 25, 117 Basil of Caesarea Address to the Young Men (Adadolescentes) 62, 123, 139–141, 178–182, 184, 209 Asceticon 138 epistles 124, 125, 157–158 Hexaemeron 122, 205 MonasticRules 122 bee, simile of 184, 257 Beirut 57, 153, 154 Ben Sira (book) 81, 83, 136 Beroea 218 Beth Abe (monastery) 55, 56, 90 Bible, biblical 6, 16, 29, 52, 53, 56, 120, 123, 135, 136, 139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 155, 163, 171, 172, 176, 177, 182, 183, 185, 189 Birmingham 19, 39, 113 Hierotheos, Book of 79, 86 British Library 6, 44, 125, 150 British Museum 6, 7, 8 Caesarea in Palestine 218, 309 Cairo 57 Cappadocian 122, 123, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 172

Chalcedon 30, 142, 201 anti-Chalcedonian 142, 153, 154, 186 Chalcedonian 52, 114, 186 chreia 5, 7, 16, 51, 67, 70, 76, 84, 93, 95, 111, 112, 120, 121, 133, 137, 140, 141, 150, 161, 166, 175, 176, 177, 180, 181, 194, 196, 207, 210, 211, 219, 229, 231 elaboration 115, 123, 125, 157, 175, 181, 323 Christological 142, 185 chronicle 84, 97, 104, 105, 218, 301, 307 of Agapius of Mabbug 216, 218 of Barhebraeus 217 of Eusebius 84 of John Malalas 105, 107, 108, 110 Maronite 216, 217 Church 7, 20, 21, 33, 52, 53, 101, 144, 145, 146, 151, 166, 170, 172, 182, 185, 187, 188, 201 Church of the East 55, 57, 102 Fathers 52, 120, 122, 126, 144, 161, 172, 177, 185 West Syriac (Syriac Orthodox) 134, 142, 150, 152, 185, 186, 202 consolation 45, 194 CorpusDionysiacum 155, 156 CorpusParisinum 62, 105, 125, 295 counsels (of SGP) 5, 15, 17, 34, 38, 41, 46, 47, 51, 55, 56, 61–68, 76, 89, 95, 133, 179, 183, 184, 187, 188, 193, 197, 199, 202, 207, 213, 216, 252–325 Crete 146 curriculum 36, 123, 136, 152, 156, 162, 163, 192 Cynic 103, 112, 132, 141, 188, 229 Cyrenaic 128, 305, 309 Damascus 25, 57, 60 Dayr al-Suryan 3, 7, 8, 36, 47, 125, 129, 130, 176 Dayr al-Za῾faran 24–25, 28 death 10, 29, 45, 72, 79, 90, 94, 100, 101, 130, 131, 204, 213, 216, 218, 220, 229, 237, 253, 255, 259, 261, 263, 291, 293, 307, 317, 325 desert fathers, sayings of 40, 55, 135, 193 dialogue 9, 10, 79, 80, 100, 137, 139, 140, 141, 192

SUBJECT

343

Platonic 71, 76 DidascaliaApostolorum 23, 29, 33 doxai 127 doxography 35, 69, 71, 121, 127–133 Dublin Florilegium 5, 15–18, 37, 61, 76, 95, 103, 177, 210, 213, 224–243

exercise 319 progymnasmata 93, 115, 135, 154, 174, 175, 177, 182 rhetorical 115, 161, 170, 174, 180, 181, 182 writing 70, 136

Ecclesiastes (book) 141, 154 education 3, 16, 36, 45, 46, 55, 56, 66, 77, 81, 82, 83, 93, 99, 105, 120, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 134, 135, 140, 142, 144, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152, 154, 157, 161, 162, 163, 176, 178, 184, 185, 191, 192, 202, 206, 208, 209, 210, 214– 216, 219, 220, 289, 295, 313 elementary 70, 85, 115, 127, 134, 138, 139, 163, 170, 172, 174 grammatical 174, 210 primary 71, 83, 122 program of 122, 123, 141, 147, 150, 155, 156, 172, 202 rhetorical 70, 75, 115, 135, 138, 152, 153, 156, 172, 174, 176, 177, 182, 186, 201, 202, 207, 210 Egypt 3, 6, 57, 61, 75, 79, 80, 81, 104, 114, 136, 147, 153, 219 Egyptian Fathers 140, 193 Lives of 45, 47, 187 Sayings of 49, 54, 140, 193 Encomion 176, 180, 181 Alcestis (Euripides) 237, 239 Euthalian apparatus 82, 84, 125, 142– 146, 151, 152, 156, 161, 162, 166, 167, 182, 185, 187 excerpt, excerpts 5, 37, 42, 47, 59, 62, 70, 76, 81, 106, 118, 122, 123, 125, 133, 184–201, 207, 208, 216 collections of 184, 187, 191, 193, 196– 201 from Plutarch Lucian, and Themistius 51, 116–120, 196, 210, 319–323 exemplary stories 40, 49, 70, 101, 102, 103, 115, 118, 121, 123, 134, 150, 174, 176 exemplum, exempla 40, 49, 56, 69, 71, 115–126, 134, 139, 140, 142, 157, 167, 175, 191, 193, 196, 200, 209, 215, 317

fable 75, 115, 157, 174, 175, 177, 237 Fatimids 57 fear of God 92, 134, 136, 139, 142, 147, 150, 154, 185, 193, 206, 208, 209, 210 figures of speech 174, 198 florilegium 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 35, 37, 41, 69–70, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84, 88, 89, 92, 96, 103–114, 116, 119, 120, 128, 134, 184 sacro-profane 17, 125 flyleaves 52, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 136, 150, 162 fragment, fragmentary 6, 7, 11, 12, 35, 36, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 56, 58, 62, 73, 99, 101, 103, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 135, 148, 157, 179–183, 184–201, 207, 210 Gaza, school of 154 gnome 16, 67, 70, 177 gnomic 5, 69–183 anthology 70, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 82, 83, 87, 90, 91, 93, 95, 99, 103, 112, 122, 140, 141, 143, 167, 171, 175, 178, 198 collection 4, 6, 8, 13, 16, 64, 69, 75, 76, 81, 89, 90, 92, 101, 111, 121, 127, 140, 166, 171, 190, 191, 193, 212 elements 15, 103, 115, 126, 139, 194, 207 form 16, 55, 69, 71, 102, 127, 144, 147, 195 sayings 13, 15, 46, 48, 83, 84, 93, 97, 101, 113, 114, 116, 122, 125, 133, 134, 149, 150, 152, 157, 162, 163, 164, 165, 167, 170, 171, 175, 195, 208, 209, 219, 309 gnomologium, gnomology 69–71, 75, 82, 91, 103, 115, 120, 134, 135, 162, 190, 209, 212 GnomologiumBaroccianum 16

344

INDEXES

GnomologiumVaticanum 16, 78, 213 grammar 3, 36, 72, 124, 135, 138, 173, 191, 192, 210, 219 Greek 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 69, 139, 144, 155, 156, 158, 161, 162, 163, 178, 185, 202 culture 69, 82, 135 mythology 118, 120, 122, 124, 125, 126, 172 philosophy 9, 13, 71, 122, 131, 153 rhetoric 115, 134, 173 religion 118, 121 Syriac translations from 6, 70 Gregory of Nazianzus letters 124, 157, 175, 195, 196 orations 84, 124, 146, 152–172 poems 124, 158 Ps.-Nonnus’ mythological scholia 76, 94, 97, 125–126, 133 sayings 125 scholia to 82, 126, 136, 152–172, 175 translations into Syriac 124–126 Harklean version (NT) 145 Ḥarran 10, 20, 49, 109, 110 Hellenistic 70, 84, 113, 178 Herod, apocryphal correspondence with Pilate 218, 301 Hiersemann, catalogues 11, 14, 43–44 Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (HMML) 34 Homer Iliad 84, 168 Odyssey 84 quotations by Antony of Tagrit 84, 136, 172, 174, 175 Syriac translations 84, 136 Jews 30, 52, 218, 307 Jewish 30, 52 Hellenistic literature 73, 83, 167, 171 Wisdom literature 73, 83, 170, 180 Kalilawa-Dimna 16, 177 knowledge 43, 45, 147, 148, 205, 212, 214–216 hermetic 97 Laconian 144, 146

lament 58, 69, 115–116 Late Antiquity 3, 6, 36, 46, 69, 70, 76, 81, 94, 100, 115, 116, 119, 120, 122, 123, 127, 132, 134, 135, 140, 142, 151, 163, 167, 170, 172, 174, 176, 178, 181, 182, 185, 186, 191, 201, 209, 219, 220, 265, 289, 309 Lausiachistory 39, 44, 195 learning 3, 135, 136, 139, 148, 149, 156, 178, 214, 215 literary models 202 literate training 134 logic 16, 36, 128, 188, 191, 192, 205, 237 Louvain 44 magic 96, 97, 98 Mar Gabriel 129 Mar Mattai 37, 129 Mardin 21, 23, 24, 25, 34 marginalia 149–150, 157–162, 165, 189, 196, 285 Maronite Chronicle 216, 217 Mart Shmuni, church in Midyat 21, 33 maxim 5, 6, 8, 12, 15, 16, 40, 50, 56, 61–63, 70, 71, 72, 76, 78, 81, 82, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 102, 103, 105, 111, 115, 116, 120, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 132, 133, 134–183, 190, 193, 195, 197, 200, 207, 209, 210–213 Masora, Syriac 72, 123, 124, 146, 157 Medieval 51, 69, 83, 93, 97, 163, 172 Mediterranean 69, 72, 83, 125, 135 Melkite 38, 44, 57, 61, 110, 114, 216 Menander gnomes (gnomai) 83, 136 monostichs (monostichoi) 70, 81, 82, 125, 136, 144 Syriac 4, 6, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 147, 150, 151, 171, 172, 192, 193, 208, 229, 291 metaphor 50, 156, 174 Midyat 20, 21, 29, 33 monasteries 3, 24, 34, 54, 55, 57, 79, 81, 83, 93, 122, 123, 136, 138, 140, 142, 147, 154, 155, 156, 172, 176, 182, 184, 193, 202, 208

SUBJECT

and rhetorical education 81, 172, 182, 202 as centers of learning 38, 51, 81, 82, 133, 136, 137–142, 148, 154, 162, 163, 170, 172, 184, 202, 208 monastic anthology 37, 41, 48 monks 11, 54, 56, 148 Montserrat (monastery) 25 moral admonition 5, 38, 46, 48, 75, 80, 90, 92, 93, 97, 111, 113, 114, 115, 118, 122, 132, 139, 148, 157, 178, 194, 199, 208 philosophy 16, 62, 64, 69, 78, 99, 100, 115, 119, 120, 124, 127, 192, 194–196 sentence 3, 6, 8, 10, 17, 36, 40, 56, 67, 69, 70, 77, 81, 83, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 100, 102, 103, 111, 112, 115, 116, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 133, 134– 183, 193, 198, 202, 215 treatise 6, 38, 46, 67, 71, 72, 84, 92, 115, 118, 125, 133, 134, 175, 183, 191, 195, 197, 198, 199, 201, 207, 216, 317 Mosul 19, 20, 21, 22, 28, 72, 129 Muslims 52, 108, 189 Mytilene 71, 203 Neo-Platonism 137, 214 Neopythagoreanism 85, 87, 96 Nestorian 52 Old Testament 29, 142, 143, 163, 189 oracle 104, 106–110, 146, 153, 203 ostracon 136 paideia 46, 94, 122, 123, 135, 139, 154, 161, 170, 182, 191, 202 monastic 137–142, 208 palimpsest 82, 84, 135, 136 panegyric 185 papyrus 73, 81, 103, 136 patristic 6, 186 pedagogical 16, 37, 45, 48, 55, 56, 83, 134, 137, 139, 141, 142, 144, 147, 148, 149, 154, 157, 191, 193, 196, 208 philoponos, philoponoi 50, 152–156, 173, 203–206

345

Alexandrian 153–154, 172, 203, 204, 205 Syriac 152–156, 201, 206 philosophy 36, 42, 85, 87, 90, 100, 120, 127, 131, 138–140, 147, 153, 158, 161, 189, 203, 206, 208, 209, 265, 273 Christian 78, 138, 139, 203, 204, 209 Greek 9, 13, 69–133 history of 71, 72, 131, 133 moral 16, 62, 64, 69, 78, 99, 100, 115, 119, 120, 124, 127, 192, 194–196 popular 127, 128, 129 Platonic 116, 128, 159, 163 physics 16, 36, 53, 191, 192 Physiologus 81, 132 Pilate correspondence with Herod 218 Letter to Caesar 218, 307 Pilate cycle 307 Placita Philosophorum 121, 127, 128, 130, 131 Plato Advice to his Disciple 10, 39, 45, 46, 80, 192, 193, 208 Definitions 77, 99, 187, 192, 193 dialogues 71, 76 on matter 36, 130 philosophy 35, 76, 85, 116, 130, 159, 163 Platonists 128 rhetorical theory 77 sayings 42, 77, 193, 209 Syriac image 76–81 Pleiads 132 poetry 173, 174 polemic, polemical 19, 30, 52, 53, 86, 108, 133, 139, 142, 148, 156, 160, 185, 186, 187, 190, 201, 204, 208 Porphyry Deabstinentia 96 Eisagoge 6, 191, 192 LettertoMarcella 87, 91 LifeofPythagoras 85, 90 PhilosophicalHistory 76, 127, 129 PhilosophyfromtheOracles 104, 203, 205 SymmiktaZetemata 265

346

INDEXES

pre-Socratics 128 progymnasmata 70, 75, 93, 115, 135, 154, 170, 172–178, 182 proof-texts 53, 142, 148, 149 Prophecies of Pagan Philosophers about Christ 10, 13, 20, 30, 36, 72, 80, 84, 103–110, 126, 133, 166, 189, 196, 203, 217, 219 prophecy 78, 80, 108, 133, 190, 219 prophets, Jewish 29, 52, 146, 189 prosopopoeia 3, 174 ProverbiaAlexandrinorum 170 proverb 73, 75, 85, 86, 87, 123, 128, 144, 146, 160, 163, 164, 167, 173 Proverbs, Book of 77, 81, 83, 98, 136, 139, 141, 144, 170 pseudepigrapha, pseudepigraphic 9, 12, 36, 37, 52, 69, 78, 98, 106, 121, 132, 167, 171, 182, 188, 192, 202, 203 Pythagoras GoldenVerses 84 proverbs (symbola) 34, 85–87, 96, 129, 163 sentences 6, 58, 87, 192 Vita 85, 90, 128 Pythagorean 50, 84–98, 128, 135, 233 107 Pythagorean philosophers 42, 90, 119, 196 Sentences 4, 6, 16, 36, 37, 39, 48, 58, 70, 87–91, 95, 96, 133, 174, 175, 177, 178, 194, 207, 210 teachings 91, 93, 96, 205 Qenneshre (monastery) 37, 154, 155, 156, 163, 172, 204, 205, 206, questions-and-answers 16, 77, 80, 122, 141, 142, 177, 187 RefutationofallHeresies 127 rhetor, rhetorician 105, 123, 134, 153, 154, 173, 185, 203, 225 rhetoric 3, 77, 123, 124, 125, 134–204, 210, 229, 237 manuals on 115, 116, 136, 172, 198 schools of 81, 138, 154, 182, 202, 289 Christian 151, 152, 154, 172, 185, 190–193, 202, 206

rhetorical composition 115, 150, 174, 175, 176, 178, 182, 191, 219 figures 174 education 70, 75, 115, 134, 135, 138, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 170, 172, 174, 176, 177, 182, 184, 185, 186, 190, 195, 199, 201, 202, 207, 210, 219 Rhetoric (Antony of Tagrit) 77, 84, 136, 172–178, 198, 202, 207, 210 RhetoricaadAlexandrum 115 riddle 16, 29, 34, 74, 75, 77, 79, 85, 86, 97, 98, 163 Saint Mark’s Monastery (Jerusalem) 145, 166 scholia mythological 76, 94, 97, 125–126, 133 to Gregory of Nazianzus 82, 126, 136, 152–172, 175 ScholiaOxoniensia 160 schools monastic 38, 51, 81, 82, 133, 136, 137–142, 148, 154, 162, 163, 170, 172, 184, 202, 208 rhetorical 81, 138, 154, 182, 202, 289 Seven Sages 71–72, 108, 132, 212–213, 245 prophecies 105 sentences 50, 51, 64, 67, 71–72, 133, 162, 197, 212–213, 245, 319 Severus of Antioch Contra impium grammaricum 186, 187 educational program 152–156, 172, 185–187, 202–205 Philalethes 186 Sextus, Sentences of 48, 70, 87, 89, 90–93, 112, 135, 150 Sharfeh (monastery) 10, 20, 21, 23, 24 Shmahe-Mss. 124, 157, 163, 175, 210 Sibyls 104, 109, 110, 132, 133 Skepticism 161 Socrates (Syriac dialogue) 9 Solomon proverbs 98, 123 Queen of Sheba’s questions to 54

AUTHORS

soul 4, 7, 11, 12, 13, 36, 37, 39, 42, 45, 46, 79, 99, 100, 102, 112, 128, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 191, 193, 213–214, 253– 269, 277, 279, 291, 299, 315, 325 nature of 100, 213, 214 relation to the body 79, 99, 213, 214 sentences on 4, 7, 13 speech affirmative and refuting 177 consolatory 176 figures of 174, 176, 198 St. Catherine monastery on Sinai 9, 43 story, stories exemplary 16, 40, 49, 84, 99, 101, 102, 103, 115–126, 127, 134, 166, 178, 182, 196 edifying 43, 56, 71, 140–142, 148, 149, 171, 195 talismans (of Apollonius of Tyana) 96, 97, 98 TestamentofAdam 96 testimony, testimonies 30, 50, 52, 76, 84, 106, 133, 142–146, 149, 150, 156, 163, 171, 175, 176, 182, 184–201, 204, 207, 210, 216–219, 307 anthology of 185–190 collection of 53, 111, 145, 149, 186, 190, 191, 199, 217 of the philosophers 49, 50, 106, 108, 189, 190, 196 Thais (Menander) 146

347

Theano Counsel 39, 94, 95, 208 death 94 sentences 63, 67, 93–96, 193, 197, 212 Thebes 229 Theophrastus (dialogue) 153, 203 Theosophia 72, 103–110, 116, 133, 153, 203–205, 207, 219, 220, 255, 311 Thracians 317 Tobit, book of 72, 73 translation 6, 8, 34, 46, 60, 61, 62, 76, 87, 99, 115, 118, 119, 120, 128, 137, 142, 143, 155, 191, 195 from the Greek 6, 9, 69, 70, 99, 142 style 118, 120, 142, 155 Troy 166 Tur ῾Abdin 5, 15, 19, 20, 27, 33 Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium 5, 10, 17, 18–34, 38, 61, 63, 107, 109, 110, 160, 196, 204, 208, 218 VitaAntonii 79, 80 way of life 43, 46, 78, 99, 102, 139, 140, 147, 208–209 West Syriac 38, 57, 77, 84, 86, 125, 142, 172, 185–190, 202, 203, 204, 206, 210 Church 142, 152, 185, 186, 202 philoponoi 154, 204 schools 85, 139, 151, 156, 163, 164, 172, 190, 201, 206, 207, 210

3. INDEX OF AUTHORS a) Ancient Abba Cassian 42 Abraham b. Zur῾a 36 Achilles 18, 31, 40, 59, 239, 273 Addai (Apostle) 45 Aelius Theon 93, 170 Aeneas of Gaza 153 Aesop 16, 67, 73, 75–76, 160, 163, 174, 175, 177, 237 Aëtius 121, 127, 128, 130

Africanus 219, 309 Agapius of Mabbug (Manbij) 216, 218, 219 Agesilaus 18, 243 Aḥiqar 72–75, 76, 78, 81, 100, 111 Alcestis 18, 212, 237 Alexander of Aphrodisias 188, 191 Alexander the Great 7, 47, 58, 101, 102, 103, 113–114, 178–181, 323

348

INDEXES

Alexis (poet) 239 Ambrosius 121 Anacharsis 17, 44, 138, 211, 227, 243, 245 ῾Ananisho῾ 55 Anastasius of Alexandria 106, 107 Anaxagoras 32, 41, 51, 53, 55, 132, 291 Antigonus 18, 241 Antisthenes 16, 17, 132, 200, 225, 239 Antonius Melissa 125 Antony of Tagrit 77, 84, 136, 172–178, 198, 202, 207, 210 Antony the Great 79 Apollo 105, 107, 109, 116 Apollonius of Rhodes 17, 227 Apollonius of Tyana 96–98 Aratus (astronomer) 143 Archigenes 167, 168, 169, Aristides 39, 120–121 Aristippus 47, 239, 285 Aristotle 39, 50, 53, 69, 105, 111, 116, 127, 129, 161, 191 Athanasius of Alexandria 53, 79, 80, 105, 106, 107, 108 Athanasius of Balad 155, 164 Atticus 130 Augustus 107, 109, 216, 217, 301 Bardaiṣan 122, 191 Barḥadbshabba 76 Barhebraeus 35, 54, 97, 106, 107, 108, 109, 116, 130, 173, 217, 219, 309 Basil of Caesarea 30, 42, 45, 52, 67, 81, 92, 122–123, 139, 140, 141, 150, 153, 154, 155, 157, 175, 178–182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 196, 202, 203, 206, 209 Benjamin (Rabban) 164 Bias 51, 71, 132, 212, 245 Bion 227, 239 Callisthenes 58, 113 Chilon 51, 71, 72, 108, 132, 213, 245 Chrysippus 161 Cleanthes 132, 241 Clement of Alexandria 94, 185, 190 Cleobulus 51, 71, 132, 213, 245 Clitarchus 87, 91

Constantine (Emperor) 52 Crates 17, 31, 32, 40, 47, 59, 132, 188, 229, 261, 287 Cyril of Alexandria 42, 53, 85, 86, 104, 108, 158, 185, 188 Daedalus 158 Dandamis 42, 99, 100, 102–103, 119 Darius 178, 179, 180, 323 David (philosopher) 161 Demades 144 Demetrius of Phaleron 71 Democratus 295 Democritus 12, 31, 32, 41, 55, 59, 132, 167, 245, 261, 295 Demophilus 87 Demosthenes 17, 30, 37, 41, 54, 167, 181, 182, 225, 227, 243, 257 Diadochus of Photike 42 Diogenes Laertius 57, 71, 72, 100, 127, 128, 161, 212, 213 Diogenes the Cynic 17, 18, 41, 51, 111, 112, 122, 138, 225, 227, 229, 231, 241 Dionysius Bar Ṣalibi 30, 52, 107, 108, 109, 189, 190, 204 Dionysius of Tel Maḥre 49, 173 Dionysius the Areopagite 98, 187 Dionysius Thrax 191 Elias of Anbar 93 Elijah (prophet) 146, 149 Elisha (prophet) 149 Ephrem the Syrian 29, 30, 36, 40, 43, 45, 52, 92, 150, 174, 176, 210, 215, 263 Epictetus 140 Epicurus 132 Epimenides 146 Euclid 132, 158 Euripides 40, 165, 206, 212, 227, 237, 279 Eusebius of Caesarea 84, 91, 94, 96, 104, 121, 122, 127, 161, 169, 185, 190 Eutychius of Alexandria 114 Evagrius Ponticus 45, 47, 48, 79, 80, 89, 91, 102, 135, 147, 174 Gaius Cassius Longinus 301 Galen 76, 102, 165, 188, 191

AUTHORS

George, bishop of the Arabs 85, 155, 163, 164, 173, 185 Gorgias 13, 32, 33, 41, 50, 55, 59, 275, 297, 311 Gregory of Nazianzus 42, 45, 53, 76, 82, 84, 94, 97, 115, 123–126, 133, 136, 146, 152–172, 174, 175, 182, 188, 191, 195, 196, 202, 203 Gregory of Nyssa 45 Gregory Thaumaturgus 36, 39, 53, 121– 122, 210, 214 Ḥarit bar Sisan of Sanbat 110 Helena 52 Heracles 132, 133 Heraclitus 132, 196 Hermes Trismegistus 100, 107, 108, 109, 110, 132, 133, 159, 162 Hermogenes of Tarsus 181, 182 Herod 218, 301 Herodotus 50, 216, 317 Hesiod 70, 132, 181 Hippocrates 102, 122, 140, 164, 168, 169 Hippolytus of Rome 127, 128, 129 Homer 69, 70, 82, 83–84, 106, 116, 123, 132, 135, 139, 143, 144, 146, 150, 151, 154, 162, 166, 168, 172, 174, 175, 178, 182, 202, 229, 275 Ḥunayn b. Isḥaq 57, 58, 114, 128, 165 Iamblichus 85, 137 Ibn al-Nadim 117 Ignatius of Antioch 45 Isaac of Antioch 45, 48 Isaac of Nineveh 30, 44, 101, 102, 103, 165 Isaiah of Scetis (Abba Isaiah) 42, 44, 47, 48, 150 Isocrates 46, 115, 116, 181, 184, 192, 193, 208, 243 Iṣṭifan b. Basil 83 Jacob bar Shakko 173 Jacob of Edessa 29, 38, 40, 155, 156, 164 Jacob of Serugh 30, 45, 46, 54, 174, 195

349

James (bishop of Jerusalem) 20, 29 Jeremiah (prophet) 146 Jesus Christ 10, 78, 96, 116, 149, 165, 169, 203, 204, 206, 218, 219, 220 John bar Aphtonia 154, 155 John Chrysostom 40, 52, 172, 195, 202 John Climacus 48, 54 John Malalas 105, 107, 108, 110 John of Apamea (John the Solitary) 39, 45, 48, 102, 137–142, 147, 154, 165, 195, 208 John Philoponus 49 Justin Martyr 104, 121 Justinian 49, 206 Lactantius 104, 297 Libanius 123, 137, 154, 175 Longinus (historian) 32, 301, 204, 216, 217, 218 Longinus (philosopher) 130 Lucian 31, 39, 40, 51, 62, 64, 115, 118, 119, 120, 125, 157, 195, 196–201, 207, 210, 216, 273, 319, 323 Lysimachus 196 Macarius 42, 48, 196, 249 Maria 18, 235 Mark the Solitary 42 Martialis 31, 263 Martin (philosopher) 219, 309 Mas῾udi 110 Melissus 32, 41, 55, 59, 293 Melito 121, 192 Menander 4, 6, 80, 30, 46, 47, 70, 81–83, 84, 92, 116, 123, 125, 135, 136, 137, 139, 144, 146, 147, 150, 151, 162, 167, 170, 171, 172, 178, 182, 192, 193, 208, 229, 259, 291 Michael Badoqa 42 Michael the Syrian 27, 97, 110, 217, 218, 219, 307, 309 Minos 133 Moses (prophet) 146 Moses of Nisibis 3 Moshe bar Kepha 128 Mubashshir b. Fatik 11, 12, 57–61, 89, 90, 103, 114, 128, 199, 200, 201

350

INDEXES

Nemesius of Emesa 128, 265 Nilus of Ancyra 39, 89 Nonnus (scholiast) 76, 94, 97, 125–126, 158, 162, 166 Numenius of Apamea 85, 137 Oedipus 18, 239 Olympiodorus (philosopher) 132, 188 Origen 91 Orpheus 31, 109, 279 Ovid 157

78, 128,

Palamedes 158 Palladius 39, 103, 195 Parmenides 297 Patrophilus 33, 204, 206, 218, 309 Paul of Alexandria 191 Paul of Edessa 124, 126, 155, 156, 158, 162, 166 Periander 51, 71, 132, 213, 245, 319 Pericles 32, 55, 132, 303 Philo of Alexandria 132 Philostratus 96 Philoxenus of Mabbug 30, 48, 92, 136, 142, 143, 145, 147–151, 152, 155, 156, 162, 177, 185, 193, 208, 214, 215, 281 Phocas 155, 156 Pilate 218, 307 Pindar 32, 40, 41, 50, 51, 54, 58, 59, 125, 158, 283, 299 Pittacus 51, 71, 72, 132, 213, 227, 245 Plato 6, 17, 36, 37, 39, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 51, 54, 69, 71, 74, 76–81, 95, 105, 107, 109, 111, 116, 122, 128, 129, 132, 136, 137, 156, 159, 161, 162, 175, 190, 192, 193, 196, 208, 209, 212, 214, 225, 229, 231, 241, 243, 247, 253, 255, 275 Pliny the Young 160 Plotinus 130 Plutarch 9, 39, 40, 51, 58, 59, 60, 62, 64, 67, 71, 84, 105, 107, 115, 116–118, 119, 120, 125, 127, 130, 131, 157, 167, 170, 175, 184, 195, 196–201, 207, 210, 216, 245, 295, 317, 319 Polycarp (Chorepiscopus) 143, 145

Porphyry 6, 76, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 100, 104, 127, 129, 130, 137, 191, 192, 205, 265 Priamus 51, 296, 297 Proclus 41, 303 Procopius of Gaza 154 Protagoras 32, 41, 53, 295 Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus 309 Pyrrho 32, 59, 161, 293 Pythagoras 6, 8, 31, 58, 84–90, 93, 94, 96, 128, 129, 132, 163, 192, 263 Quadratus 20, 29, 218 Qusṭa b. Luqa 127 Rhadamanthus 132, 133 Rufinus 91, 99 Sagus 109, 110 Sahdona (Martyrius) 11, 12, 14, 55–57, 68, 188205, 206, 207, 208 Samuel (prophet) 149 Secundus Taciturnus 99, 100–102, 103, 130 Sergius of Resh῾ayna 76, 102, 128, 155, 165, 191, 192 Severus of Antioch 30, 54, 134, 152–156, 172, 185, 186, 187, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206 Severus Sebokht 35, 36, 37, 76 Severus (philosopher) 130 Sextus (Xystus) 48, 70, 87, 89, 90–93, 112, 135, 150 Sextus Empiricus 129, 130, 131, 132, 196 Shahrastani 112, 259 Shahrazuri 259 Simonides of Cos 235 Socrates 17, 18, 41, 50, 111, 132, 136, 138, 160, 163, 190, 196, 212, 225, 227, 231, 241, 243, 245, 247, 293 Solomon (Jewish king) 54, 98, 123, 171 Solomon of Baṣra 217 Solon 17, 31, 51, 71, 76, 107, 109, 132, 167, 182, 212, 228, 229, 245, 259, 275 Sophocles 31, 32, 40, 50, 51, 55, 107, 281, 287

351

AUTHORS

Speusippus 40, 59, 269 Sṭephanos Bar Ṣudayli 79 Stobaeus 16, 62, 71, 72, 94, 102, 115, 127, 131, 159, 178, 184, 208, 212, 213, 237, 317 Stomathalassa 42, 98–100, 196 Thales 18, 30, 47, 51, 71, 72, 95, 109, 132, 176, 189, 193, 213, 241, 245, 255 Theano 6, 8, 18, 39, 50, 53, 63, 64, 67, 93–96, 133, 192, 193, 197, 208, 212, 231, 233, 247, 315 Themistius 40, 42, 51, 62, 64, 71, 115, 118, 119, 120, 125, 157, 175, 178, 195, 196, 197, 199, 201, 207, 210, 216, 245, 319, 321 Theodore (philosopher) 33, 41, 50, 55, 219, 305, 309 Theodore Bar Koni 76, 85, 86, 128, 216, 217 Theodoret of Cyrrhus 121, 127, 185, 190 Theodosius of Antioch 86

Theognis 31, 40, 41, 47, 53, 59, 277, 301 Theophilus of Edessa 84 Theophrastus 17, 30, 47, 50, 54, 69, 117, 127, 197, 198, 200, 227, 231, 257, 259, 317 Thomas (Apostle) 54 Thomas of Harkel 145, 155 Thomas of Marga 55, 79, 85, 90, 102 Thucydides 32, 37, 216, 301 Timothy I (East Syriac Catholicos) 35, 37, 129 Tulis 107, 108, 255 Ursinus

33, 204, 218, 219, 307, 309

Xantippe 231 Xenocrates 132 Xenophon 32, 33, 37, 40, 59, 281, 313 Xystus of Rome 30, 87, 90–93, 135 Zacharias Rhetor (Scholasticus) 134, 153, 203–204, 208, 209 Zeno (philosopher) 17, 18, 225, 241 Zosimus 100, 227

b) Modern Addai Scher 34 Armalah, Isaac 19, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29 Bar Pawlos, Mattai 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29 Baumstark, Anton 10, 11, 12, 44, 49, 84, 119, 321 Brock, Sebastian 13, 38, 39, 41, 74, 103, 108, 110, 113, 130, 145, 307 Brown, Peter 135 Buchheim, Thomas 13, 297 Chadwick, Henry 87 Cowper, Benjamin H. 7, 8, 44 Cureton, William 7, 121 De Halleux, André 11, 56 De Lagarde, Paul 7, 87, 88 Draguet, René 38 Evelyn White, Hugh 3 Gildemeister, Johann 58, 87, 88, 90 Harris, James Rendel 23, 38, 39

Levi Della Vida, Giorgio 98 Lewis, Agnes Smith 9, 11, 12, 13, 38, 39, 41, 44 Mingana, Alphonse 19, 22, 23, 33 Nestle, Eberhard 38 Payne Smith, Robert 7 Raḥmani, Ignatius Ephrem II 10, 12, 20, 21, 24, 27, 28, 29, 217, 219 Renan, Ernest 6 Rosenthal, Franz 11, 12, 59 Ryssel, Victor 9, 13 Sachau, Eduard 8, 9, 11, 12, 38, 44 Schenkl, Heinrich 87 Sony, Behnam 21 Ubach, Bonaventura, Dom 25 Vööbus, Arthur 33 Zeegers-Vander Vorst, Nicole 11–13, 34, 38

352

INDEXES

4. SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS Berlin, Petermann I 24 Berlin, Syriac 134 (Sachau 336) Berlin, Syriac 165 (Sachau 162) Berlin, Syriac 201 (Sachau 165) Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 4 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 47 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 71 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 89 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 215 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 433 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 566 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 641 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 650 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 655 Birmingham, Mingana Syriac 662 Cambridge, Additional 2012 Cambridge, Additional 2020 Dayr al-Suryan, Syriac 27 Dayr al-Suryan, Syriac 32 Diyarbakır, Syriac 114 Dublin, Trinity College, Syriac 1505 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 47 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 59 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 80 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 91 Harvard, Houghton Library, Syriac 99 Hiersemann 500/2 Jerusalem, St. Mark’s Monastery, Syriac 124 Jerusalem, St. Mark’s Monastery, Syriac 162 Jerusalem, St. Mark’s Monastery, Syriac 200 Kirkuk, Chaldean Archdiocese, 117 London, BL Add. 7157 London, BL Add. 7190 London, BL Add. 7200 London, BL Add. 12151 London, BL Add. 12152 London, BL Add. 12154 London, BL Add. 12155 London, BL Add. 12156 London, BL Add. 12163 London, BL Add. 12168 London, BL Add. 14549 London, BL Add. 14577 London, BL Add. 14578

75 73, 75 73, 74 113 12, 13, 14, 18, 19–20 113 74, 112 189 189 73 97 38, 39 56 42 126 9, 11, 54–55 73, 75, 76 28, 34–37, 88, 105, 129 176 11, 14, 34 5, 12, 14, 15–18, 88 80, 81 74 73 189 13, 14, 18, 22–23 11, 44, 57 84, 106, 107, 108, 124, 126, 145, 146, 161, 166–172 73 92 87 145 79 73 155, 156 164 77, 85, 163, 164, 187 187, 188 121, 185 92, 150 210 71, 157, 158, 160, 162, 163 92, 142, 150 79

SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS

London, London, London, London,

BL BL BL BL

Add. Add. Add. Add.

14581 14598 14612 14614

353

92, 93 82, 83, 84, 149, 150, 162 92, 112 8, 9, 11, 14, 44–48, 80, 82, 83, 116, 191, 193 London, BL Add. 14615 157 London, BL Add. 14617 89, 142 London, BL Add. 14618 7, 8, 9, 11, 14, 44–48, 80 London, BL Add. 14620 71, 72, 101, 116, 130, 131–132, 159 London, BL Add. 14621 79 London, BL Add. 14623 79 London, BL Add. 14629 187 London, BL Add. 14653 176 London, BL Add. 14658 6, 7, 15, 36, 39, 46, 80, 82, 83, 87, 94, 116, 121, 191–192 London, BL Add. 14661 165 London, BL Add. 14682 110 London, BL Add. 14684 71, 72 London, BL Add. 14725 164, 165, 176 London, BL Add. 14726 176 London, BL Add. 17146 126 London, BL Add. 17147 162, 163 London, BL Add. 17178 8, 11, 14, 44, 47–49, 88, 187 London, BL Add. 17181 151, 177 London, BL Add. 17193 77, 145, 146, 166, 187 London, BL Add. 17197 164 London, BL Add. 17208 176 London, BL Add. 17209 117, 118, 119, 124, 157, 175, 195, 196, 199 London, BL Add. 18815 126, 162 London, BL Add. 18821 128 London, BL Or. 2084 75 London, BL Or. 2312 79 London, BL Or. 2313 73 London, BL Or. 4398 97 London, East India Office, Syriac 9 81, 97, 98 Mardin, Chaldean Cathedral, 10 (olim Mardin, Syriac 81) 34, 86 Milan, Ambrosianus A 296 inf. 39 Montserrat, Or. 31 13, 14, 18, 23–25 Oxford, New College, 331 8, 9, 11, 14, 51–53 Oxford, New College, 333 145 Paris, BnF, Syriac 197 86 Paris, BnF, Syriac 215 86 Paris, BnF, Syriac 378 126 Sharfeh, Raḥmani 79 (Sony 256) 14, 18, 217 Sharfeh, Raḥmani 86 (Sony 224) 217 Sharfeh, Raḥmani 87 (Sony 261) 110, 217

354

INDEXES

Sinai, Syriac 14

12, 14, 41–43, 74, 77, 90, 99, 101, 103, 111–112, 119, 125, 157, 175, 190, 196 9, 11, 14, 28, 37–41, 88, 94, 117, 118, 195 15, 85, 87, 89, 96 75 125 79 4, 12, 103, 111–112, 141 11, 14, 49–51, 71 99 97 99 12, 13, 14, 18, 22 82, 135

Sinai, Syriac 16 Vatican, Borgia Syriac 17 Vatican, Syriac 39 Vatican, Syriac 105 Vatican, Syriac 126 Vatican, Syriac 135 Vatican, Syriac 144 Vatican, Syriac 217 Vatican, Syriac 504 Vatican, Syriac 555 Vatican, Syriac 596 Vatican, Syriac 623

5. REFERENCES Aesop Fable no. 60 Fable no. 65a AgapiusofManbij Kitab al-῾Unwan II

235 227

301, 307, 309

Alexander-Novel II.17

323

AntonyofTagrit Rhetoric V.4

243

Aphthonius Progymnasmata, On chreia

243

AppendixGnomica No. 9 No. 11 No. 68 No. 74 No. 95

241 245 241 227 227

BasilofCaesarea Ad adolescentes VII.40-47 178, 323 Asceticon, question 15, §3 139 Homily on Hexaemeron I, §1 277

Bible Ps. 103:15-16 Ps. 110:10 Prov. 5:16 Prov. 9:10 Prov. 19:1 Prov. 20:21 Eccl. 3:1 Eccl. 5:17 Hiob 14:1 Sir. 25:24 Sir. 1:14 Tob. 1:21-22 Tob. 2:10 Tob. 11:19 Tob. 14:10-15 Lk. 11:17 Acts 17:28 Rom. 2:14 Rom. 16:9 1 Cor. 2:9 1 Cor. 7:9 1 Cor. 15:32 1 Cor. 15:33 Gal. 6:15 Eph. 5:14 Phil. 3:20 Tit. 1:12

323 136 237 136 237 142 171 180, 323 180, 323 136 136 73 73 73 73 261 143 42, 249 235 146 180 144, 146 144, 146 146 146 323 146

355

REFERENCES

ClementofAlexandria Stromata I.16.80 Stromata IV.7.44 Stromata V.4.18 Stromata V.19

94 94 190 76

ComparatioMenandrietPhilistionis III.49-50 237 CorpusParisinum 3.89 3.120 3.125 3.252 3.315 3.405 3.424 3.425 3.431 3.535 3.541 4.136 5.18 6.6 6.8 6.14 6.58 6.219

225 225 243 227 235 323 229 229 227 227 239 241 215, 273 241 245 227 225 227

CyrilofAlexandria Contra Julianum I.43

159

DiogenesLaertius I.22–100 I.36 I.40–42 I.40 I.59 I.63 I.73 I.79 I.88 I.93 I.99 I.103 I.104–105 I.105

212, 245 241 71 213 229 212 213 213 212 213 213 227 243 245

II.32 II.35 II.69 IV.51 V.18 V.48 VI.28 VI.45 VI.47 VII.23 VIII.17–18 VIII.10 VIII.42 IX.74–76

243, 245 241 239 227, 239 243 127 229 229 227 241 85 90 93 161

EphremtheSyrian Hymns on Faith 14.5

263

Euripides Alcestis 669–672

237

EusebiusofCaesarea Historia Ecclesiastica X.4.11 169 Praeparatio Evangelica IV.12–13 96 Praeparatio Evangelica XIV.18.1–5 161 FlorilegiumἌριστονκαὶπρῶτονμάθημα No. 31 241 No. 51 227 No. 64 245 No. 79 227 No. 91 231 No. 113 227 FlorilegiumLeidense No. 30 No. 128 No. 152 No. 202 No. 218

273 241 245 227 225

FlorilegiumMonacense No. 28 No. 135 No. 162 No. 182 No. 214

273 241 245 225 227

356

INDEXES

No. 230 No. 270

225 231

GnomicaBasileensia No. 223 No. 235 No. 263 No. 430 No. 477

227 227 229 241 245

GnomologiumBaroccianum No. 24 No. 221

273 231

GnomologiumVaticanum No. 6 No. 7 No. 15 No. 59 No. 107 No. 131 No. 158 No. 179 No. 194 No. 267 No. 304 No. 317 No. 332 No. 387 No. 430 No. 433 No. 441 No. 479 No. 482 No. 484 No. 506 No. 552 No. 561 No. 574

239 225 243 243 241 245 239 241 112 245 225 241 231 229 287 225 241 225 241 227 229 245 227 233

GregoryofNazianzus Or. 2, §13 Or. 2, §22 Or. 2, §27 Or. 2, §39 Or. 2, §47 Or. 4, §70 Or. 27, §4

165 257 168 164 169 94 171

Or. Or. Or. Or. Or. Or.

28, 28, 28, 28, 32, 32,

§4 §16 §25 §30 §25 §26

160 159 158 159 161 237

Herodotus V.4

317

IbnDurayd No. 59

243

IbnHindu No. 514

227

Isocrates Ad Demonicum, §52

257

JohnChrysostom Adversus oppugnatores III.8 Adversus oppugnatores III.11

138 138

Libanius Progymnasmata, On chreia, no. 3 243 Progymnasmata, On chreia, no. 4 231 Lucian De calumnia, §30

323

MaximusConfessor,LociCommunes 3.34/31 323 8.53/55 227 15.45/57 229 17.36/45 227 17.55/64 273 47.36/43 239 MichaeltheSyrian Chronicle V.10 Chronicle VI.3

301 309

Mubashshirb.Fatik Diogenes, no. 14 Diogenes, no. 38

229 231

357

REFERENCES

Diogenes, no. 78 Plato, no. 29 Various philosophers, no. 12

241 243 241

SolomonofBaṣra Book of the Bee, 39

301

143 159 243 227 225 225 225 71 245 227 323 225 229 225 227 241 241 239 231 94 94 102 237 317

MuntaḫabṢiwanal-Ḥikmah 591–592 1182–1185 1336–1337

231 259 229

NemesiusofEmesa De Natura Hominis, ch. 3

265

Origen Contra Celsum VIII.30

91

Plato Apology 21d Gorgias 514e Laws X.896 Meno 80d-e Phaedo 67b Phaedrus 246b Protagoras 343a Republic 361e–362a Republic 508b-c Republic 514a–517a Republic 518c Timaeus 20d

245 170 159 161 76 257 71 78 159 265 212 76

Stobaeus,Anthology I.1.3 II.1.26 II.31.29 II.31.46 II.31.62 II.31.76 II.31.81 III.1.172 III.1.172–173 III.4.84 III.5.41 III.6.41 III.13.50 III.17.21 III.18.34 III.19.5 III.36.19 III.38.50 IV.20.66 IV.23.32 IV.23.55 IV.34.68 IV.52.1 IV.52.53

Plotinus Enneads I.3

214

Themistius Or. 22

319

Porphyry Symmikta Zetemata, frgm. 259 214

TheodoreBarKoni Liber Scholiorum VII.18

301

RefutatioOmniumHaeresium X.6.1

129

SentencesofSextus No. 28

Theophrastus Frgm. 485 Frgm. 538A–F Frgm. 557

259 227 231

263

SextusEmpiricus Adversus Mathematicos X, §310–311 129

WienerApophthegmen-Sammlung No. 39 241 No. 62 245 No. 160 227

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .

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PART I. SYRIAC SAYINGSOFGREEKPHILOSOPHERS IN CONTEXT .

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CHAPTER 1. CORPUS OF SGP.

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1.1. Prolegomena . . . 1.2. History of Research

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CHAPTER 2. TEXTUAL WITNESSES OF SGP .

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The Dublin Florilegium (TCD 1505) . . . . . . . . The Tur ῾Abdin Florilegium . . . . . . . . . . . Dayr al-Suryan 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sinai Syriac 16 and 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . BL Add. 14618, 14614, and 17178 . . . . . . . . Vatican Syriac 144 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oxford 331 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cambridge Add. 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Quotations by Sahdona . . . . . . . . . . . . The Arabic translation preserved by Mubashshir b. Fatik . Relation between the Witnesses and Principles of the Edition

15 18 34 37 44 49 51 54 55 57 61

CHAPTER 3. GREEK PHILOSOPHY IN GNOMIC FORM: OVERVIEW OF SYRIAC SENTENCES ATTRIBUTED TO GREEK PHILOSOPHERS. . . .

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3.1. Preliminary Notes . 3.2. Gnomologia . . .

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Preface

2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5. 2.6. 2.7. 2.8. 2.9. 2.10. 2.11.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

3.2.1. Seven Sages . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2. Aḥiqar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2.1. Fables of Aesop . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3. Plato . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.4. Menander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.4.1. Homer as an Author of Gnomic Sentences 3.2.5. Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans . . . . . . . 3.2.6. Sextus (Xystus) . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.7. Theano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.8. Apollonius of Tyana . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.9. Stomathalassa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.10. Secundus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.10.1. The First Hippocratic Aphorism . . . . 3.2.10.2. Dandamis the Naked Philosopher . . . Florilegia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1. Prophecies of Pagan Philosophers about Christ . . 3.3.2. Collections in Sin. Syr. 14 and Vat. Syr. 135 . . . 3.3.3. Laments of Philosophers on Alexander’s Grave . . Exempla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.1. Late Antique Moral Philosophy . . . . . . . 3.4.1.1. Isocrates . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.1.2. Plutarch . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.1.3. Lucian . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.1.4. Themistius . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2. Christian Authors. . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2.1. Aristides . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2.2. Justin Martyr . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.2.3. Gregory Thaumaturgus . . . . . . . 3.4.2.4. Eusebius of Caesarea . . . . . . . 3.4.2.5. Basil of Caesarea . . . . . . . . 3.4.2.6. Gregory of Nazianzus . . . . . . . Doxographia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71 72 75 76 81 83 84 90 93 96 98 100 102 102 103 103 111 113 115 115 115 116 118 119 180 120 121 121 122 122 123 127 133

CHAPTER 4. RHETORIC OF THE FEAR OF GOD: GNOMIC SAYINGS AND THEIR USE IN SYRIAC SCHOOLS . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 4.1. Gnomic Materials in Education . . . . . . . . . . 134 4.2. John of Apamea and Monastic Paideia . . . . . . . 137

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

4.3. Non-Christian Testimonies in the Euthalian Apparatus . . 4.4. Philoxenus of Mabbug and Sentences of the Syriac Menander 4.5. Maxims among the Scholia to Gregory of Nazianzus . . . 4.5.1. Severus of Antioch and the Syriac Philoponoi . . 4.5.2. Gnomic Sayings in Marginal Notes . . . . . . 4.5.3. Maxims among Scholia . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.4. The Gnomic Collection in SMMJ 124 . . . . . 4.6. Progymnasmata in the Rhetoric of Antony of Tagrit . . . 4.7. Elements of Progymnasmata in SGP . . . . . . . . 4.8. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

142 147 152 152 157 162 166 172 178 182

CHAPTER 5. SELECTION OF TESTIMONIES: EVIDENCE FOR THE FUNCTION OF EXCERPTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5.

Syriac Anthologies and the Use of Testimonies . . . . . Excerpting and Christian Rhetoric . . . . . . . . . Late Antique Moral Philosophy in Excerpts and Testimonies Excerpts from Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius among SGP Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

185 190 194 196 201

CHAPTER 6. PHILOSOPHY OF SOUL: SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF SGP 202 Genesis and Growth of the Corpus of SGP . . The Titles of SGP . . . . . . . . . . Maxims and Chreias (SGP 1–79) . . . . . Philosophy of Soul (SGP 80–95) . . . . . Way of Education (SGP 96–122) . . . . . Pagan Testimonies about Christ and Christian (SGP 123–143) . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6.

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202 207 210 213 214 216 219

PART II. SAYINGSOFGREEKPHILOSOPHERS: SYRIAC TEXT AND TRANSLATION 1.

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Maxims . . . . Dublin Florilegium . Additional Materials Counsels . . . .

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Syriac . . . . . . a) SelectiveSyriacIndex b) ProperNames. . . Subject Index . . . . Index of Authors . . . a) Ancient . . . . . b) Modern . . . . . Syriac Manuscripts . . References . . . . .

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