Old Babylonian Texts from Dilbat, Sippar, and Other Places: Edited by M. Stol 9789042946705, 9789042946712, 9042946709

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PIHANS • CXXXII

Old Babylonian Texts from Dilbat, Sippar, and Other Places By W.F. LEEMANS Edited by M. STOL

Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten – Leiden Peeters – Leuven 2023

OLD BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM DILBAT, SIPPAR, AND OTHER PLACES

PIHANS onder redactie van J.G. DERCKSEN, K. VAN DER TOORN, K.R. VEENHOF en W.J.I. WAAL

volume CXXXII

STUDIA AD TABULAS CUNEIFORMES COLLECTAS A F.M.Th. DE LIAGRE BÖHL PERTINENTIA I 4

OLD BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM DILBAT, SIPPAR, AND OTHER PLACES

By

W.F. Leemans Edited by M. Stol

NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN LEIDEN PEETERS LEUVEN 2023

Cover illustration: LB 3619 (text no. 312). Photo by R. Looman, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-90-429-4670-5 eISBN 978-90-429-4671-2 D/2023/0602/26 © 2023, Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium W.F. Leemans, Old Babylonian Texts from Dilbat, Sippar, and Other Places, edited by M. Stol. PIHANS 132 = Studia ad Tabulas Cuneiformes Collectas a F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl Pertinentia I (4), Leiden & Leuven 2023. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage or retrieval devices or systems, without the prior written permission from the publisher, except the quotation of brief passages for review purposes.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface ....................................................................................................

VII

Transliteration and translation of texts with comments .......................... Nos. 191-198: Texts from Southern Babylonia .................................. Nos. 199-216: Texts from Northern Babylonia ................................. Nos. 217-231: Texts from Sippar ....................................................... Nos. 232-251 and 258: Texts from Dilbat......................................... Nos. 252-304: Various documents ..................................................... Nos. 305-313: More texts, not in TLB I............................................

1 3 17 43 75 115 161

Indices..................................................................................................... Text and inventory numbers: TLB – LB, LB – TLB ......................... Names of deities ................................................................................. Personal names ................................................................................... Geographical names ............................................................................

177 177 180 180 193

Plates....................................................................................................... Plate I: No. 243 (copy by G.Th. Ferwerda); No. 305 (copy by R. de Boer) Plate II: Nos. 306, 307 (copies by R. de Boer) Plate III: No. 309 (pencil copy by F.E. Peiser) Plate IV: No. 310 “Wengler 7” (pencil copy by F.E. Peiser; inked copy by H. Waetzoldt) Plate V: No. 311 (copy by G. Kalla) Plate VI: No. 312 (photos by R. Looman) Plate VII: No. 312 (photo by R. Looman; copy by K.R. Veenhof) Plate VIII: No. 313 (copy by R. Frankena); No. 201 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate IX: Nos. 206, 210 (copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate X: Nos. 229, 231 (copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XI: No. 233 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XII: No. 234 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XIII: No. 241 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof)

195

VI

table of contents Plate XIV: No. 242 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XV: No. 253 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XVI: No. 266 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XVII: No. 276 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XVIII: No. 280 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XIX: No. 283 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XX: No. 286 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XXI: Nos. 287, 288 (copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XXII: No. 289 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof) Plate XXIII: No. 208 (copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof and S.A. Moore) Plates XXIV-XXV: Collations by S.A. Moore

PREFACE This is the fourth and last fascicle in the edition of the Old Babylonian legal and administrative texts in the Collection de Liagre Böhl (LB) in Leiden. It all began with the publication of the hand-copies of the cuneiform tablets by W.F. Leemans, TLB I (1954-1964). Meanwhile, Leemans edited in transcription and translation one most interesting text, with an extensive commentary, no. 69 (with no. 70), Ishtar of Lagaba and her Dress (1952), fascicle 1 of this series SLB, ‘Studia ad tabulas cuneiformas [sic] ab De Liagre Böhl pertinentia’. Later followed fascicles 2 (1954) with nos. 1-67, and 3 (1960), with nos. 71-191. While Leemans was working on the legal and administrative texts, R. Frankena (1925-1974) prepared three books on the Old Babylonian letters in the collection: in TLB IV (1965) his hand-copies; in AbB 3 (1968) the transcriptions with translations, Briefe aus der Leidener Sammlung; and his posthumous SLB IV (1978), Kommentar zu den altbabylonischen Briefen aus Lagaba und anderen Orten; with some collations of passages in Leemans, fascicles 2 and 3 (see the Index on p. 307 – correct there 162-18E into 162-15E, and 175:13 into 175:1-3). When Leemans died (1991), the manuscript of fascicle 4 was ready and had been entered in the computer by Els Woestenburg; quite a job. Professor K.R. Veenhof went over her work and ameliorated Leemans’ manuscript. In the margins he occasionally added his collations based on the original tablets; here they are marked by an asterisk (*). More collations by him are reproduced on the plates at the end of the book. During the many years that followed, that version was seen by several Assyriologists in Leiden. In the first place G.Th. (Bert) Ferwerda (1957-2016) who studied and collated the litigations among them and made a new copy of no. 243, reproduced at the end of this book. In 1993, Sergei Koshurnikov from St. Petersburg collated the tablets from Dilbat (nos. 232-250) and made valuable observations. Other people who worked on some tablets were Frans van Koppen and Els Woestenburg. In 2013 the editor of this book promised to prepare the final text. In the last phase Dr. Rients de Boer and Dr. Stephen A. Moore collated a number of passages. Dr. Jeanette Fincke, when catalogueing the LB collection, inspected every tablet edited here and gave precise descriptions which were incorporated. My wife Roos C. Stol-van Wijngaarden formatted and prepared the manuscript in various ways. I thank them all for their help. Finally, Dr. Jan Gerrit Dercksen, editor of this series, read the final manuscript with care and made corrections. Years ago, R. Frankena and K.R. Veenhof discovered two more Old Babylonian texts in the collection, nos. 312, 313. In recent years, more tablets in the collection were published by R. de Boer. They will be found at the end of this book,

VIII

preface

as nos. 305-308. Three more texts from Dilbat and Lagaba, related, were identified and are published here as nos. 309-312; no. 310 with the kind permission of Professor E. Cancik-Kirschbaum (Berlin) and no. 311 by courtesy of Dr. G. Kalla (Budapest). And now, about thirty years after Leemans’ demise, the manuscript is ready. This editor respected his work. In the first place because we admire the high qualities of Dr. W.F. Leemans in Assyriology (M. Stol, JCS 34, 1982, p. 127; K.R. Veenhof, JESHO 34, 1991, 256 ff.; bibliography: JEOL 32, 1991-92, 5-11). Secondly, because this book will be a major contribution to Old Babylonian studies. We respected his opinions, organisation, and even formatting, by closely following the preceding fascicles. Of course, the manuscript was not up to date. Often more evidence from new text editions or parallel texts became available, or new interpretations ought to be mentioned. In a few cases this editor added his own views. All editorial addenda are introduced by a long stroke (—). The policy was conservative, but a few totally outdated (or even wrong) passages were tacitly deleted. Leiden, Summer 2022

M. Stol, Editor

TRANSLITERATION AND

TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH

COMMENTS

Nos. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA INTRODUCTION The first eight texts, nos. 191-198, originate from Larsa (as do nos. 1-68, earlier edited in SLB I (2)), and other cities in that area (like Zabalam, with the goddess Sugalītum, or Bad-tibira, with the god Dumuzi). 191 (LB 2115) (6.7 × 5.5 × 2.1) CDLI, P 390389 Deed for a common wall – Rīm-Sîn 28 O.

5

10

R. 15

20

[x n]inda 3 kùš ⸢ús⸣ 1 kùš 5 šu-si sag sig4-zi dal-ba-na ša Nu-úr-ì-lí-šu ù U-bar-dZu-gal ki Nu-úr-ì-lí-šu mU-bar-dZu-gal šu-ri--bi sig4-zi [i]n-ši-šá⸢m⸣ [x gín] kù-babbar [šám-til-l]a-a-ni [in-na-a]n-lá ⸢u4-kúr-šè N ⸣u-úr-ì-lí-šu ù U-bar-dZ[u-ga]l i[nim n]u-gá-g[á] mu lugal-bi in-[p]àd-meš igi dEN.Z[U-m]u-ba-l[í-i]ṭ dumu  A-ḫu-wa-qar mdEn-líl(?)-me-du mNu-úr-ì-lí-šu dumu Dingir-ba-ni mBe-ga-gu-um mI-ri-ba-am-dEN.ZU šitim mṢi-lí-dEN.ZU šitim mLú-sa-tum šitim mdEN.ZU-ma-dingir

[x] ‘ninda’ 3 cubits the length, 1 cubit 5 digits the front, is the common wall of Nūr-ilišu and Ubar-Sugalītum. From Nūr-ilišu Ubar-Sugalītum has bought the (other) half of the wall. […] shekels of silver as its full price he has paid. That in future Nūr-ilišu and Ubar-Sugalītum will not complain, they have sworn by the king. Before Sîn-muballiṭ, son of  Aḫu-waqar, Enlil-medu, Nūr-ilišu, son of Ilī-bāni, Begagum, Irībam-Sîn, the builder, Ṣilli-Sîn, the builder, Lusātum, the builder, Sîn-ma-ilī,

4 25 U.E.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS mTa-ri-bu-um

[du]b-sar [kišib] lú-inim-bi-me[š] [it]u sig4-[a] [mu bà]d Zar-bí-lum ki ba-[dù]

Tarībum, the scribe; the seals of the witnesses. In the month Simānu of the year: the wall of  Zarbilum was built.

Nūr-ilišu and Ubar-Sugalītum had a common wall (between their houses). For a reason not mentioned Nūr-ilišu sold his half in the property to Ubar-Sugalītum. The reason might have been that the house of Nūr-ilišu was pulled down or was to be pulled down so that Ubar-Sugalītum had an interest in having the complete wall. The consequence of the transaction must have been that Ubar-Sugalītum had to bear the whole cost of the keeping up of the wall. For the law with regard to common walls in general, see J.G. Lautner, Symbolae P. Koschaker (1939) 76-95; now ‘Trennwand’, RlA XIV/1-2 (2014) 119-121. Cf. also TLB I 19 (with the notes in SLB I (2) 9), and TLB I 202. The contract is from the region of Larsa as is also shown by its date, and it can be reckoned to the same group of contracts as TLB I nos. 1-28. Notes to the lines: 1. The length of the wall was at least ca. 6.93 meters (1 n i n d a + 3 ammatum: i.e., 5.94 + 0.99 meters). 2. s a g (Akkadian pūtum) is the word for the frontside, that is the side on the street. In this case the thickness of the wall on the street-side was ca. 41 cm. The height of the wall is not mentioned. 5. For names composed with the name of the god Sugalītum (Zugal, Sumerian Inanna Zabalam), see SLB I (2) 21. To the names mentioned there several can be added. Ku-uk-dZu-gal-li-it in YOS 5 191, 2 with the Elamite element Kuk-, has to be noticed. Cf. P. Michalowski, JCS 38 (1986) 169 f. 8. “Half of the (common) wall”, in Akkadian: ba-ma-at i-ga-ri, T. Fish, MCS 7 (1957) 1, 6; ba-ma-at i z - z i d a l - b a - n a , YOS 12 42, 2. 11. The translation of the payment clause follows C. Wilcke, ‘The law of sale and the history of Babylon’s neighbours’, Sumer 41 (1979-1981) 74-77, although a more detailed examination of these clauses might be necessary.

192 (LB 2000) (4.5 × 3.7 × 2.1) CDLI, P 39090 Deed for a house – Rīm-Sîn 20 (beginning lost) […] lugal é-a-k[e4]

O.

[from PN], the owner of the house,

NOS. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA mBa-la-lum

5’

10’

in-ši-šám 15⅓ gín kù-babbar šám-til-la-ni-šè in-na-an-lá u4-kúr-šè nu-ub-bé-[a] mu lugal-bi [in-pàd] igi Ṣi-lí-I[štar] [i]g[i] PI-in-[ ]  (rest of rev. lost)

5

Balalum has bought. 15⅓ shekels of silver as its full price he has paid. That in future he (the seller) will  not say (“it is mine”) he has sworn by the king. Before Ṣilli-Ištar, before Pin (?)-[…]

On the left edge the remains of the year-name are to be read: [… gištukul-kalag-ga dEn-líl mu-na-sum-m]a-ta [bàd-anki mu-n]a-ḫul-a The tablet was sealed all over before writing. The dealer had cut the break even in order to later attach another “half” tablet to it to “produce” a complete one (J.C. Fincke). Seal impression: the second line begins with d u m u A-x-[…], son of A […] The contract belongs to the same group as TLB I nos. 5, 8, 9 and 10, all deeds by which Balalum bought real estate. Note [d u m u ]-m e š Ba-la-lum, no. 265, 1. The name of the witness Ṣilli-Ištar is probably also found in a seal inscription on no. 10. Notes to the lines: 7’. One would expect: x - m u / x - a n u - u b - b é - a “that he will not say: it is my/ his x”. Cf. C. Wilcke, Sumer 41, 75a. L.E. For the complete year-name of Rīm-Sîn 20, see M. Stol, Studies in Old Babylonian History (1976) 4 and 22 f.

193 (LB 2131) (3.8 × 3.0 × 1.7) CDLI, P 39091 Record of outstanding debts – Rīm-Sîn 45 O.

13 gín kù-babbar  šám gu4 1 (PI) 3 (bán) še íb-tag4 níg-ŠID 1 gín kù-babbar níg-kú-bi

13 shekels of silver,  price of an ox, 1 PI 3 sūtu of barley, balance of the  account, 1 shekel of silver, its …,

6 5

R.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

u4 a-šà-ga udu-ḫi-a in-kú-uš-a ki Na-bi-dEn-líl itu še-gur10-ku5 u4 9-kam mu ki 16 ús-sa

when they pastured the sheep on the  field; due/received from Nabi-Enlil. In the month Addāru, 9th day, of the 16th year after (the conquest  of Isin).

This administrative text seems to contain some amounts (to be) received from Nabi-Enlil, the price of an ox he bought, the credit-balance of an account and the price of pasturing sheep. Notes to the lines: 1-2. The price of oxen variated, certainly in agreement with their age and quality; cf. W. Schwenzner, MVAeG 19 / 3 (1914) 111, and H. Farber, ‘A price and wage study for Northern Babylonia’, JESHO 21 (1978) 14-16, 43; M. Stol, BSA VIII (1995) 186. The present price was not unusual. 3. For í b - t a g 4 n í g -ŠID, see now M. Stol, Studies R.J. van der Spek (2016) 27, a. 4-5. The interpretation given is open to discussion, especially the reading of line 5. — This passage was not taken into account under ‘Das Überhüten’ in D. Charpin, D.O. Edzard, M. Stol, Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160 / 4) (2004) 953.

194 (LB 1958) (8.0 × 4.9 × 3.0) CDLI, P 390392 Administrative list – Hammurabi period (Lower part of a large tablet) [a-šà níg-gar še-bi / šu-ri-a-bi mu-bi-im] 1’ x.x.[…] X x.x.x […] 10.0.1, 20 uru Kas6-pa-a-nu-um ki dEN.ZU-ni-i engar 0.0.1½ 10 0.2.0, 5 sila3  lú dEN.ZU-tu-⸢ra-am⸣ 5’ a-gàr Ja-ra-la-a uru La-la-a-tum ki d 0.2.0 15 5.0.0 En-líl-a-bi na-gada ša i-na  ṭup-pí in-na-ma-ru 0.1.0 15 2.2.3 El-me-šum na-gada ša in-na ma-ru 0.0.3 10 0.4.1 engar Ú-un-nu-ú šà-gu4 O.

NOS. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA

10’

R. 15’

20’

0.0.3

10

A-lí-ki-mar(?) 0.0.3, 40 0.0.3, 70 0.0.2½ 3.0.4 0.1.4½ a-gàr 0.0.2

šà-gu4 10 0.4.4, 3 sila3 10 1.0.0, 8 sila3 10 0.3.2, 8 10 16.0.3, 3 10 2.4.3, 5

uru-

5

0.1.2, 3⅓

sá

0.0.1

5

0.0.4, 1⅔

sá

a-gàr 0.0.5 0.0.1½ 0.0.3

20 20 20

2(!).3.5, 3 0.4.1 1.3.2

20 [ ]

3.2.4, 7 2.[x.x]

[ [

0.4.1

sal-la

] ]

7

A-pil-ì-lí-šu lú  uru La-la-a-tum ki I-qí-ša-dEN.ZU ki ki 1 ki 2 dNanna-ug5-ti-la ki 1 ki 2 dEN.ZU-im-gur sipad Ì-lí-ip-pa-al-sà-am sipad A-ku-ú Ta-ri-bu-um šà-gu4  pdEN.ZU-iš-me-a-ni* dMarduk-mu-da-mi-iq šà-gu 4  pdEN.ZU-iš-me-ni sipad* Uru-dMAR-TU-ba-ni ki ki 1 ki 2 ki 3 A-ta-na-aḫ-dingir dumu Šu-Dingir-maḫ ki 1 [ki 2] x-dMAR-TU dumu x[…]

(rest lost) According to M. Birot, TEBA p. 44-46, this text is one of a group of taxation documents from Larsa, most probably all from the Hammurabi period. They record the valuation of amounts of barley from different plots of land, specifying the surface measure (col. 1: eqlum), the estimated yield (col. 2: n í g - g a r = šukunnûm, i.e., 5, 10, 15 or 20 gur per bur) and the output of barley (col. 3: š e - b i ). Only half of the result of the calculation is given, in the third column, which, just as in TCL 11 171, most probably was specified as š u - r i - a - b i , “half of it”. Birot suggests this is the actual amount booked for the tenants, who are mentioned in the last column and to whom the fields were allotted by the government. — M. Stol interprets the 5, 10, 15, 20 in the second column as fractions of 60 in the sexagesimal system; in Charpin, Edzard, Stol, Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160/4) (2004) 783-785. More examples are found in OECT 15 15, 134, Riftin 136, UET 5 664 I, 9 ff. Not so B. Fiette: “La deuxième colonne donne leurs coefficients de rendement, en gur par bur [NÌ.GAR]”, B. Fiette, Le palais,

8

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

la terre et les hommes. La gestion du domaine royal de Larsa d’après les archives de Šamaš-ḫazir (2018) 191, on p. 332-339, nos. 4, 5. It is remarkable that among these tenants appear several herdsmen (s i p a d , rē’ûm) and ox-drivers (š à - g u 4, kullizum), who in this way had agricultural land at their disposal, probably on behalf of their main occupation. Notes to the lines: 2’. The surface measure listed here gives most probably the subtotal of the preceding lost entries. 3’. For the place-name Kaspānum, cf. M. Stol, RA 65 (1971) 95, TIM 5 75 iii 10, RGTC 3 (1980) 135, 293, Ka-ás-pa-a-nu-umki, JCS 53 (2001) 51 no. 8:9. 4’. Or 1 eše = 6 iku? As in 21. 5’, 9’. The geographical name Lalātum (or Āl-Lalātum?) also occurs in UCP 9 / 4 no. 9, 10 (= AbB 11 173), a letter to Šamaš-ḫāzir (uruLa-la-tum). 6’. ša ina ṭuppi innammaru (amārum, N): “who appears in the record”, cf. “what was found in the record”, CAD A/2 25a, 7b, 4’, to AbB 1 59, 11’-12’. Said of fields in AbB 4 155, 7. Said of goods in Birot, TEBA no. 36, 14: “être inventorié”. 8’. The first sign in the last column is conform to the copy and looks like e n g a r as in l. 4’. We would, however, expect the first element of the personal name of this ox-driver. 10’. In view of the other intermediary lines (lines 3’, 5’, 16’ and 19’) a topographical feature is to be expected here. 11’-14’, etc. ki 1, ki 2 mean “item 1, item 2”. 15’. A shepherd Ilī-ippalsam also in AbB 4 79, 4, 14, 28, a letter from Hammurabi to Šamaš-ḫāzir. In this text the king orders his representative official to see to it, that the 3 ikû of field, illegally appropriated by a certain Etel-pi-Marduk, is returned to Ilī-ippalsam. 17’, 18’. s á (?) could be ì - s á , “of equal size”; Bram Jagersma apud Els Woestenburg, BiOr 50 (1993) 426 f.; cf. Borger, MeZ 324 no. 379, as GAG-DI. Cf. sá “to be equivalent” in E. Prang, ZA 66 (1976) 21, on TIM 4 1, 46. Again in no. 288, 1. — Also in NBC 10916:37, the narrow column between cols. I and II; copy R. Middeke-Colin, Text 7. 18’. In addition to the copy one sign after Sîn-išmenni can be read, most probably specifying his profession. It might be a compact writing of s i p a d , ‘shepherd.’ 19’. For s a l - l a = raqqatum, see M. Stol, BSA IV (1988) 174. 20’. Calculation suggests in the third column of this line 2 gur instead of the clearly written 3 gur. Since all the other amounts agree, we might have to do with a slip of the ‘pen’ here. 23’. Calculation made it possible to supplement the numbers in the first column.

NOS. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA

9

195 (LB 1959) (7.1 × 7.4 × 3.3) CDLI, P 390393 Record of fields measured – Samsuiluna 7 O

5

10

[… a-šà en]si2-meš ù a-šà šuku mu-uš-ke-ni ša ensi2-meš i-re-šu [ù a-š]à ensi2-meš ša mu-uš-ke-nu i-re-šu [… q]á(?)-du-um a-šà ḫi-ir-ru ša ki-ma iš-ša-ad-du […] x-mu-ru gú íd idigna bal-ri dUtu-è-a [li-ib-b]u er-ṣ[e-e]t E-mu-ut-ba-lum níg-šu A-wi-il-dEN.ZU sag-tùn [ša li-ti]m(?) ki-ta dEN.ZU-i-din-nam gal-uk[ki]n-na [ḫi]-ir-ru [  ] [  ]x [  ] [  ] [  ] [  ]x [  ]

e[p-š]u / ⸢šu-nigin2⸣ 60 bùr, 20 bùr 7 bùr 2 eše 2 bùr 1 bùr 3 iku 4 bùr 3 iku+?

mu-bi-im a-gàr Ka-a-ri uru Ka-a-rum/súm ki a-gàr Šu-Nu-nu a-gàr dLuga[l-…] a-gàr Da-ru-di […] ki 1 ki 2 ki 3 a-gàr […] a-gàr Ka-⸢a⸣ [x x] x x x […] [ ]

(rest broken) R. 15’

20’

X 3.2.[  ] šà a-šà gibil (?) x […] gìr I-din-dNin-šubur sag-tùn mdUtu-di-ku mIg-mil-dEN.ZU a-bi aš-lim 5 ù šà-tam-meš tap-pé-šu-nu itu gu4-si-sá u4 20-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal-e gištukul šu-nir níg-babbar -ra kù-gi kù-babbar me-te-é-ke 2 4

Translation: O.

5

[… field(s)] of the iššakkū and the sustenance-field of the muškēnū, which the iššakkū cultivate, [and the field(s) (?)] of the iššakkū, which the muškēnū cultivate, [… together] with ḫirrum-fields as many as have been measured, [… fields] … on the eastern bank of the Tigris, [i]n the land of Emutbalum, under the orders of Awīl-Sîn the šassukkum, [of] the lower district; Sîn-iddinam, the mu’errum. ḫirrum-land

epšum-land (?)

its designation

10

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

80 bur … 10

7 bur 2 eblu 2 bur 1 bur 3 ikû

4 bur (rest obverse broken) R. 15’

20’

the ugārum of Kārum (?), Ālum Kārum(?) the ugārum Šu-Nunu the ugārum Lugal-[…] the ugārum Darudi […] 1st, 2nd and 3rd entry, the ugārum […] the ugārum Kā[…]

… 3 bur 2 eblu [ ] from the new (?) field […] For the correctness vouch Iddin-Ilabrat, the šassukkum, Šamaš-dajjān, Igmil-Sîn, the abi ašlim, and the šatammū, their companions. In the month Ajāru, 20th day, the year Samsu-iluna, the king: a shining weapon, emblem of silver and gold suitable for the temple.

A transliteration and translation of this text by W.F. Leemans can be found in his Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period (1960) 173, and in Symbolae F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl (1973) 281-292, and partly by M. Stol, Studies in Old Babylonian History (1976) 68. Also M. de Jong Ellis pays attention to this text, JCS 29 (1977) 131-132. — F.R. Kraus, Kön. Verfügungen, 246. He collated the tablet. His new readings were incorporated here (lines 1, 2, 5, 8, 13). Some of his notes will be quoted below. Notes to the lines: 1. F.R. Kraus saw a - š à š u k u ; Vom mesopotamischen Menschen der altbabylonischen Zeit und seiner Welt (1973) 104 n. 432. Birot, TEBA 43 n. 3, avoided the discussion by reading a - š à el instead of a - š à š u k u , although the latter reading is closer to the signs on the tablet. 3. Kraus thought of [š]a-[a]d(??)-du-um “measured (fields)” instead of qá-du-um. End, Kraus: “sobald (die Furchen) vermessen worden sind”. 3, 7. Birot, TEBA p. 43 f., compares the ḫirru fields with the a - š à g í d , unproductive (BU = g í d = s ù , ‘empty’) fields (40-42). M. Stol listed various kinds of fields in his article ‘Old Babylonian fields’ in BSA IV (1988) 173-188. He translates “field wich has been ‘dug’” (ḫarārum) (p. 173). — K.R. Veenhof connects the word ḫerrētum with the verb ḫarārum and translates “fields dug up”, AbB 14 17, 5 f.,

NOS. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA

11

with p. 207 f. — New references for a field named ḫirru: VAS 22 27, 1; BM 80481, 2 in: š à a - š à ḫi-ir-ri ḫa-ar-bu-x (by courtesy of Frans van Koppen). Note a - š à ḫa-ar-ru-um, CT 4 9a, 8 (Fs. C. Wilcke, 293). 4-6. Cf. W.F. Leemans, Foreign Trade (1960) 172-173, for some remarks on the location of the fields in the Emutbal region, and M. Stol, Studies, 68. On b a l - r i (= ebirtum), cf. Stol, BSA IV, 176. For the mu’errum cf. N. Yoffee, The Economic Role of the Crown (1977) 130 n. 144. — Criticized by D. Charpin, JAOS 100 (1980) 461-471; a reaction by Yoffee in JAOS 102 (1982) 347-353. 5. A šassukkum is an administrator, a surveyor, obviously concerned with fields. Cf. MSL XII, 99, 143a-c: d u b - s a r - a - š à - g a , d u b - s a r - z a g - g a , s a g - t ù n = šá-as-suk-[ku]. See also no. 206, 17 and TCL I 5, 2 (= AbB 14 5). — Now Fiette, Le palais (2018) 102-105. 5 and 8. M. Stol discussed both the concepts erṣetum and a - g à r (ugārum) in ‘A cadastral innovation by Hammurabi,’ Zikir šumim (Studies presented to F.R. Kraus) (1982) 351-358. 6. He may be identical with the Sîn-iddinam discussed in RlA XII/7-8 (2011) 518, § 2. 7. Second column: According to M. Stol, BSA IV, 173, ipšum is “a field where work has been done in preparation for the seed-plowing” (cf. eqlam šipram epēšum). The two types of fields listed thus are in a preliminary state of cultivation. – Kraus saw here the “Umrisse” of š u - n i g i n 2 ‘total’. 8. Kraus identified the signs as 60 b ù r (sign š á r ), 20 b ù r (sign U-gunû; twice). 16’. A satisfying translation of the term g ì r remains hard to find. The translation in this volume is in accordance with that used in earlier fascicles of SLB I. For a discussion of the term see amongst others: P. Steinkeller, JESHO 24 (1981) 117 n. 20, and in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East (1977) 42, with notes 8-12 (‘conveyor’), M. Stol, JCS 34 (1982) 149, and AbB 11 37, 8 and note “a” (‘via’ or ‘ultimate destination?’). F.R. Kraus, Königliche Verfügungen in altbabylonischer Zeit (1987) 377, line 20: ‘Verantwortlich:’. It has to be noted that another šassukkum is responsible here than the one in line 5. 18’. For the šatammū as field measurers, cf. M. Gallery, ‘The office of the šatammu’, AfO 27 (1980) 15-16. On the relation between the šassukkum, the abi ašlim and the šatammum in the cadastral hierarchy, cf. also W.F. Leemans, Symbolae Böhl (1973) 289 ff., and C. Wilcke, RA 73 (1979) 94 f.; now R. Dorado, NABU 2013/80; Fiette, Le palais, 120 f. — Prosopography: Šamaš-dajjān: AbB 4 21, 6; Igmil-Sîn: MHET II/3 420 = Anbar, Stol, RA 85 (1991) 35 no. 23, 12. 21’ The sign BÁBBAR is erased – it seems as if the scribe wrote BÁBBAR, then tried to erase it for writing BABBAR on top, but then didn’t do it because the erasure was not good enough (J.C. Fincke).

12

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

196 (LB 1025-A) (5.7 × 3.9 × 1.7) Contract for the ripening of dates – Rīm-Sîn 41 (Tablet; for the Case LB 1025-B see SLB I (2) no. 20) O.

5

R. 10

15

20

17 (gur) 1! (PI) gur ú-ḫi-in 17 gur 1(!) PI half ripe dates, zú-lum-bi 8 (gur) 3! (PI) gur zú-lum of which the (quantity of) dry dates i-na šu-ri-a-bi is 8 gur 3 (!) PI, i.e. its half, the estimated yield of the grove of níg-gar giškiri6 dUtu-ma-gir  Šamaš-māgir ki dUtu-ma-gir from Šamaš-māgir, giš the owner of the date-grove, lugal gišimmar-ke4 mPi-ir-ḫu-um Pirḫum íb-ta-è-a has rented. itu gišapin-du8-a In the month Waraḫsamna zú-lum ì-ág-e he shall deliver the (dry) dates. Before Ṣilli-Ištar, igi Ṣi-lí-dInanna igi Lu-lu-um before Lūlum, before Sîn-šar-mātim, igi dEN.ZU-šar-ma-tim igi A-ba-a before Abbā, igi A-ra-šu-ta before Arašuta, before Ilam-ēreš, igi Dingirlam-uru4 before Etel-pi-Sîn, igi E-te-el-pi4-dEN.ZU igi A-ḫu-šu-nu before Aḫušunu, before Šu-Nidaba. igi Šu-dNidaba kišib lú-inim-ma-bi-meš The seals of the witnesses. In the month Elūlu, itu kin-dInanna of the 12th year after (the conquest mu ki-12 Ì-si-in ki  of) Isin.

The Tablet, mentioned in SLB I (2) p. 30, has turned up and now the complete text can be given. The quantities mentioned on the Case must be correct, for 8 gur 3 PI is half of 17 gur 1 PI. Obviously the scribe has inverted the quantities of PI in lines 1 and 3. For the interpretation of this text cf. B. Landsberger, The Date Palm and its By-Products (AfO Beiheft 17) (1967) 56-61, where he sets forth his theories on šakānum, šukunnûm and related expressions. Our text is mentioned on p. 60a sub 5. Accordingly we can conclude that Pirḫum assumes the responsibility for the revenues of the orchard of Šamaš-māgir. — See J. Renger in A.C.V.M. Bongenaar, Interdependency of Institutions and Private Entrepreneurs (MOS Studies 2)

NOS. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA

13

(2000) 162; G. Mauer, Das Formular der altbabylonischen Bodenpachtverträge (1980) 22, bottom (compares Riftin 42). J.C. Fincke sees seal impressions on this Case. Not copied by Leemans. 197 (LB 746) (8.8 × 5.0 × 2.7) CDLI, P 389209, photo Delivery of barley from temple land at Bad-tibira – Rīm-Sîn IIb O.

5

90 (gur) 4 (bán) še-gur  gišba-rí-ga 1 (PI) 1 (bán) 15 še-gur s[a]g-íl-l[a]  ša i-n[a 1] gur 5 (bán) dDum]u-zi ša i-na [ gišba-rí-ga d[

]-ma  1 (PI) 1 (bán) [ ] 105 (gur) 4 (bán) [še-gur]  gišba-rí-ga dM[ardu]k 10 mu-túm ensi2-meš dDumu-zi Bàd-tibiraki Lo.E. níg-šu Ṣíl-lí-dUtu  šà-tam é dingir-didli R. 15

20

nam-ḫa-ar-ti mKa-lu-mu-um mA-bi-ia-tum mA-bu-wa-qar mDingir-mu-ša-lim a-na pí-ḫa-at še-e é-gal i-ip-pa-lu itu gu4-si-sá u4 23(+x?)-ka[m] mu dRi-im-[dEN.ZU lugal]  dN[in-ma]ḫ ⸢é⸣ kèš ki] (one line lost)

90 gur 4 sūtu of barley,  (measured by) the paršiktum  of 1 PI 1 sūtu 15 gur of barley as difference,  of 5 sūtu per gur, which in […] of Dumuzi, (measured by) the paršiktum of […]  1 PI 1 sūtu. (in total) 105 gur 4 sūtu of barley,  in the paršiktum of Marduk, delivered by the land stewards of  Dumuzi of Bad-tibira, under the orders of Ṣilli-Šamaš,  šatammum of the temple of ‘the  various gods’, received by Kalūmum. Abijatum, Abu-waqar, (and) Ilum-mušallim will be held answerable to the palace  for the barley. In the month Ajāru, 23rd (?) day, of the year Rīm-Sîn, the king:  the temple of Ninmaḫ [of Keš].

The tablet is covered with seal impressions, but their inscriptions are illegible. The text is closely related to the tablets discussed in W.F. Leemans, ‘Tablets from Bad-Tibira and Samsuiluna’s reconquest of the South’, JEOL 15 (1957-58) 214-218. Bad-tibira is mentioned in that article, as well as the god Dumuzi and the temple of the ‘various gods’; Ṣilli-Šamaš acts as šatammum-official as in the

14

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

other texts. The tablet is dated in the month Ajjāru (II), evidently of the year b of the rebel-king Rīm-Sîn II and, consequently, circa 7 months earlier than the other tablets. Since 1958 some new references on Bad-tibira can be added, cf. B. Groneberg, RGTC 3 (1980) 36. M. Gallery, ‘The office of the šatammu’, AfO 27 (1980) 19-20, offers a full discussion of all texts referring to Ṣilli-Šamaš. R. Kutscher, Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology (1990) 37-38, gave an edition of this text. — Another text from this group is NBC 11417 (copied by Tina Breckwoldt), dated to Rīm-Sîn II, month IV. It resembles C.F. Jean, Šumer et Akkad (1923), no. CCVII:187, dated to Samsu-iluna, month III. — For the short reign of Rīm-Sîn II, see D. Charpin, RA 108 (2014) 122-130; P. Michalowski, Mélanges Dominique Charpin II (2019) 669-692; Archibab 4, 79 n. 38, 77-84. The text records the delivery of a rather large quantity of barley by the farmers of the Dumuzi temple at Bad-tibira. It was already known from the other tablets that (the) Dumuzi (temple) was concerned with landed property and C.F. Jean, Šumer et Akkad (1923), no. CLXXXII:167, records the renting of such land by the intermediary of Ṣilli-Šamaš at the rent of 33 gur of barley, to be delivered to the palace on Simānu 1st (Rīm-Sîn IIb). The present text is clearly the counterpart of that text for the previous season: just before Simānu (month III), at the end of Ajāru (month II) (Rīm-Sîn IIb), the rent was delivered by the farmers to four persons, apparently at the order of Ṣilli-Šamaš who directed the land administration. Evidently the palace had a claim on the rent. This can be explained by the fact that the fields belonged to the royal domain, as probably also can be inferred from line 1 in Jean, Š. et A., no. CLXXXII:167. [Full text of lines 1-3: 1 b ù r a - š à l u g a l x, 1 b ù r a - š à AN ZA x (x), (total, indented) 3 [sic] b ù r a - š à é š - g à r d D u m u - [ z i ] ]. But as the palace (as may be supposed) did not need the barley, it was delivered to the four persons mentioned, perhaps dealers in barley, on the condition that they would pay the palace (in silver), later. As far as the condition of this LB tablet allows it, the beginning of the text, containing a description of the quantity of barley to which lines 10 ff. refer, may be interpreted in detail as follows: In line 1 the total amount of the barley delivered as rent is listed, according to the measure b a r i g a (paršiktum) containing 70 qa (‘litres’) instead of the 60 for the ordinary b a r i g a . Line 3, a slightly indented line and, therefore still secondary to line 1, gives the result of the conversion from the b a r i g a measure of 70 qa into the b a r i g a of 60 qa, presumably that of Marduk (l. 9). This amount is added to that of line 1 for obtaining the total amount in gur’s of line 8 (105 gur 4 sūtu). Line 5 is again a main line. It must have contained the indication of the land for which the rent was paid. It may be inferred from the end of this line that Dumuzi was concerned with the land. Jean, Š. et A., CCVII:187, shows that the gur of Marduk was used for a deliveries to Dumuzi (a-na š u k u dD u m u - z i , 5).

NOS. 191-198: TEXTS FROM SOUTHERN BABYLONIA

15

— The calculations in lines 1-9 are paralleled by those in YOS 12 203, recently studied and (partly) explained by G. Chambon and L. Marti, RA 111 (2017) 73 f. They surmise that the ‘difference’ (s a g - í l - l a ) is a levy or tax. K.R. Veenhof had realised that already in the Ur III period the s a g - í l - l a was known, named s a g ; in his study on s a g - í l - l a in Mélanges Maurice Birot (1985), 294-297. The latest full study of s a g was given by K. Maekawa, ASJ 14 (1992) 218 f., on Text 87 (p. 203 f.); cf. P. Attinger, ZA 95 (2005) 246 (5.405). Note that YOS 12 203 and our no. 197 have in common that the ‘difference’ in both texts is one-sixth of the main amount preceding it. In our text 27040 s i l a 3 vs. 4500 s i l a 3 (again onesixth in Veenhof, 293 sub 4 (s a g - e n g a r ), and 306, CBS 7504). Moreover, in both texts that amount is calculated in the b a r i g a container holding 70 litres (not 60, as is usual). It is interesting that this exceptional b a r i g a -vessel (Veenhof, 302) is attested in an Old Babylonian letter, AbB 1 42, 6-13, where the barley is ‘sieved’, naḫālum; its product naḫiltum should not be ‘wet’ (ra-aṭ-ba-at, 14), so the writer adds. ‘Sieving’ reminds us of neḫlum in the third line of YOS 12 203, discussed by Veenhof and Chambon/Marti. The current French project ‘Metrologia’ may shed light on this (cf. RA 111, p. 67 note 8) (M. Stol). The yield of certain groves was received by Nūr-Kabta under the orders of Ṣilli-Šamaš. For these dates he probably had to pay the palace (in money) (lines 6-7: “In the month Tašrītu he shall pay to the palace for the Tilmun dates”). GÌR Kalūmum, Abijātum and Abu-waqar figure in Š. et A. no. CCVII:187, a text which is a receipt of barley and ends in ekallam ippalū. — NBC 11417 rev. 8-13 ends in: GÌR A-bi-ja-tum, Annum(AN)-pi-dD u m u - z i , A-bu-wa-qar, Ka-lu-mu-um, Ilum(dingir)-mu-ša-lim š à - t a m é dD u m u - z i . Note to the lines: 3. On the use of various measures and especially on the device of the s a g - í l - l a , see K.R. Veenhof, ‘Sag.íl.la = saggilû’, Miscellanea Babylonica (Mélanges M. Birot, Paris, 1985) 285-306. 12. For this Ṣilli-Šamaš, see M. Gallery, AfO 27 (1980) 19. Also in TEBA 43, 7-8; YOS 15 76, 4.

16

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

198 (LB 941) (4.9 × 6.9 × 2.7) CDLI, P 389392, photo Tabulated account of fruits – Samsuiluna 11 O.

R. 5

u4-ḫi-in nu-úr-ma 1(gur) 2 (bán) 1 (PI) x[(bán)] [ ] itu du6-kù u4 10-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal bàd Urim2ki

mu-bi-im Nu-úr-d⸢Kab⸣-ta A-ḫu-um Ka-lu-mu-um

A very similar text, with the same persons, is Ao(sta) 7, in A. Archi, F. Pomponio, M. Stol, Testi cuneiformi di vario contenuto (= Catalogo del Museo egizio di Torino, Serie seconda – Collezioni, vol. IX) (1999) 78 f. Uḫinnū are unripe dates (cf. SLB I (3), nos. 71-72, and B. Landsberger, The Date Palm and its By-Products [1967] 18); nurmû are pomegranates. The last column contains the names of the persons to whom or by whom the fruits were delivered. The text is inserted here because the (infrequent) name Kalūmum could suggest a connection with the preceding text, and it could fit into the series also with regard to the date: Tašrītu, Samsuiluna 11, i.e., in the period after the reconquest of the South by Samsuiluna. Cf. JEOL 15 (1958) 214 ff., and (later on) the publication of YOS 12, Legal and Administrative Texts of the Reign of Samsu-iluna, by S.I. Feigin (1979), together with the reviews by D. Charpin, BiOr 38 (1981) 517-547, and M. Stol, JAOS 102 (1982) 161-163.

Nos. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA INTRODUCTION Texts from the province Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm are nos. 200, 205, 207, 212, 215, 263, 289, 290, 305-307. This geographical name, ‘Lower Yaḫrūrum’, is mentioned in groups of texts dated to Samsuiluna and Abiešuḫ. We now know that they originate from Tell Abu Antiq; in the texts the city is named Pi-Kasî, often written (u r u ) KA-Ka-si-(i) ki; see the note on no. 207, 2. Tell el-Muṣbaḥ, in the same region, was suggested as a possible alternative origin by I. Arkhipov, NABU 2017/72. More: R. de Boer, ‘From the Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm archives: the administration of harvest labor undertaken by soldiers from Uruk and Malgium’, ZA 106 (2016) 138-174; idem, NABU 2016/92 (4) (p. 154 f.); idem, ‘From the Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm archives: three unpublished administrative texts in Leiden’, BiOr 73 (2016) 590-612 [here nos. 305-307]; idem, ‘From the Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm archives: Kassites, Elamites, and other strangers serving in Samsu-iluna’s army’, in a forthcoming book, edited by J.G. Dercksen. – An edition of texts: A.J.H. Hamūndī, Texts from Bikasi (2017). Other provenances: from Kiš: no. 257; from Lagaba: no. 199; from Dilbat: nos. 207, 208; from Sippar: no. 214, and in the next section, nos. 217-231. 199 (LB 2104) (6.3 × 4.4 × 2.3) CDLI, P 390394 Expenditures – Samsuiluna 20 O.

qá-ti še 1 (bán)

5

2 (bán) 4 (sìla) 2 (PI) 1 (bán) šuku erin2

10

íb-tag4 5 (bán)

še zú-lu[m zú-lum 1 (bán)

z]i-ga didli lú [ ]-ḫa-zir ša u4 [x]-kam 1 (bán) 4 sìla [ - d]MAR-TU [ ] 2 (bán) [ ] A-ḫi-l[i-i]b-la-a[m …]* (??) ] e-zu-u[b …] ] gur itu gan-gan-è [u4 x-kam ]

18

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

1 (bán) Lo.E.

R.15

itu gan-gan-è 1 (bán) 2 (sìla) 2 (bán)

20

U.E.

2 (bán) […] [

1 (bán)

1 (bán) 1 (PI) 1 (bán) 1 (PI) 5 (bán) 4 (sìla) 6 (sìla)  šà še-e dUtu-na-ṣir itu gan-gan-è u4 10-kam mu nigin2 ugnim

] ] x[ ] ša u4 [x-kam] u4 6-kam šuku Ì-lí–im-gu[r-(ra)-an-ni] ša u4 6-kam šuku A-ḫu-ṭa-bu-[um] ša u4 10-kam A-pil-Ku-bi lú ad-KID a-di itu gan-gan-è u4 10-kam

From Lagaba, in view of the reed worker Apil-Kubi (20) who is attested in no. 312, 17 f., a text with the same year-name. Text 312 was not known to Leemans (M. Stol). Leemans: “The text may belong to a group of texts from Lagaba during the reign of Samsuiluna, beginning with qāti (‘list’) (nos. 94-97, 125, 127, 160; cf. SLB I (3), p. 37 ff.).” Correct! The text lists barley and dates distributed to workmen who worked a certain field, in the first 10 days of the month Kislīmu. In the first column the barley is listed, in the second column the dates and in the third, with the heading ‘various expenditures’, the receiver, with the day of the distribution. Lines 7-8 seem to give a recapitulation with a remainder in line 10, and another recapitulation is given in line 22, where the barley is said to come from Šamaš-nāṣir. Lines 7-10 run as follows: 7. 2 PI 1 sūtu (of barley), 2 sūtu (of dates), 8. food ration for the workmen of Aḫi-liblam (?), 9. apart from […], 10. remainder: 5 sūtu of barley, of the month Kislīmu, day […] Notes to the lines: 10. For í b - t a g 4 , cf. no. 193, 3. 24. Year-formulae beginning with u g n i m are known for the years Hammurabi 30, 32 and 37, and Samsuiluna 9, 10 and 20. Only one year-name with n i g i n 2 is known: Hammurabi 39: n i g i n 2 g ú - d ù - a - b i . Do we have a variant here? — In the Lagaba texts this year-name is Samsuiluna 20; LB 1894 (a), in SLB IV (1978) 265 (here no. 312); no. 82, 19 (coll. M.J.A. Horsnell); cf. no. 115, 8 and VAS 13 22.

19

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

200 (LB 949) (11.4 × 5.5 × 2.7) CDLI, P 389398, photo Accounts over seven years – Samsuiluna 15-21 O.

5

10

15 Lo.E. R.

20

25

26 (gur) 2 (PI) zú-lum 5⅔ gín kù-babbar mu-túm mÌ-lí-ba-ni nam-ḫa-ar-ti mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki  mu bàd Ì-si-in ki 32 (gur) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) mu-túm mÌ-lí-ba-ni nam-ḫa-ti mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki  mu bàd an-da-sá 14 (gur) 3 (PI) 1 (bán) zú-lum 7 gín kù-babbar mu-túm mÌ-lí-ba-ni nam-ḫa-ti mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki mu bàd didli gal-gal 29 (gur) 3 (PI) zú-lum 4½ gín kù-babbar mu-túm mÌ-lí-ba-ni nam-ḫa-ti mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki mu é-babbar-ra é dUtu-ke 4 31 (gur) 1 (PI) 1 (bán) zú-lum 2 gín kù-babbar mu-túm m[Ì-lí-ba-ni] n[am]-ḫa-t[i mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki] mu gu-za bara2 g[uškin] 56 (gur) (sic) 1 (PI) 1 (bán) zú-lum ½ gín kù-babbar mu-túm m[Ì-lí-ba]-ni nam-ḫa-ti mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki mu kur [nu]-še-ga 32 (gur) 1 (PI) (sic) 1 (bán) zú-lum mu-túm mÌ-lí-ba-ni nam-ḫa-ti mDumu-Ká-dingir-raki mu gišgu-za bara 2 kù-gi gu-la šu-nigin2 223 (gur) zú-lum 19⅔ gín kù-babbar

year 15

year 16

year 17

year 18

year 19

year 20

year 21

From Lower Yaḫrūrum. This text belongs to the group of date-accounts from the province ‘Lower Yaḫrūrum’ (Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm), see above, ‘Introduction’. — R. de Boer discovered a parallel text in the Horn Museum, AUAM 73.2453; photo in: http://cdli.ucla.edu/search/archival_view.php?ObjectID=P249863. Our text will be found under Charpin, BiOr 38 (1981) 522, Archives B 5, Mār-Bābilim; the son of Ilum-damiq and brother of Ali-lūmur, the other chief gardener originating from Uruk. It records the total account of deliveries of dates

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

and silver by the gardener (nukarribum) Ilī-bānî to his superior, the Urukean sandanakkum Mār-Bābilim, in seven subsequent years. Each section runs as follows: x gur of dates and x shekels of silver, delivered by Ilī-bānî, received by Mār-Bābilim in the year […] No relation between the quantities of dates and the sums of silver can be stated. However, the tablet which records the delivery of the year Samsuiluna 17, in the present text recorded in lines 8-10, is known from YOS 12 389, with the date of 5-XII-Samsuiluna 17. Only the contribution of dates (14 gur, 3 PI, 1 ban) is recorded in this text, specified as being part of the total yield of 30 gur, 2 PI and 5 sūtu (š à 30 g u r 2 PI 5 b á n g ú - u n -šu), i.e. something less than 50 %. Moreover, we have a text recording the payment of 5 shekels of silver by Ilī-bānî to Mār-Bābilim, dating from the year preceding the present summarizing account, i.e. Samsuiluna 14, on the first day of the eleventh month (YOS 12 374). — Another text involving Ilī-bānî and Mār-Bābilim is AUCT IV 75 (R. de Boer). More on Ilī-bānî: see the note to no. 215, 3, 5. Lines 8-10: this delivery is recorded in YOS 12 389 (see above), where the name of the father of Ilī-bānî is given, d u m u Na-bi-ì-lí-šu (4). The last two lines of the present text prove to be the exact sum of the amounts recorded. Collation of line 27 offers 19⅔ gín (R. de Boer). Peculiar is the incomplete writing of namḫati in lines 6, 16 and 20 in contrast to namḫarti in the first item (line 3). Other texts from this group in the present volume are nos. 212, 215, 305, 306. Nos. 212 and 305 deal with the team of gardeners from Uruk, known to be headed by Mār-Bābilim, and, by the time of this text, by Ali-lūmur. No. 215 presents an interesting view on an aspect of the personal life of the contributor in the present text, Ilī-bānî. Notes to the text: The writing nam-ḫa-ti for namḫarti in lines 6, 9, 12, etc.: cf. the abbreviated form nam-ḫa-ar in TLB I 73, 3 and 154, 13. Normally, the name of Ilī-bānî ends in ba-ni-i (here again abbreviated?), see the note to lines 3, 5 of no. 215.

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

21

201 (LB 2009) (7.3 × 3.6 × 2.0) Plate VIII, copy; CDLI, P 390395 Deed – date lost (early Old Babylonian)  (1 line lacking) [ ]x na x […] * [ú]s-sa-du […] pa-ni […] 5 [ ]x sag 2 (?) […] [ ] a-ni x[ [ki] Ur-dUt[u [S]a-ma-a-[a] [du]mu-munus Ib-n[i…] 10 [i]n-ši-e[n-šám] [š]ám-til-la-[ni-šè] [x] gín kù-ba[bbar] [in-n]a-an-l[á] (lacuna) R.  [ ] [nu]-mu-un-g[i4-gi4-dè (?)] mu lugal-b[i] in-pàd-d[è]-[eš] igi I-ku-pí-[…] 5’ dumu Ú-pu-u[l- …] igi Ì-lí-am-r[a-an-ni (?)]  nu- giškiri6 igi Ni-di-in-[…]  šitim x […] 10’ igi Ja-du-[…] dumu Da-di[-ia (?)] [igi] E-te[l (?)- …]  (lacuna) Lo.E. I [x] x x x II  ù ⸢Ib⸣-ni-[…(?)] e-zi-ib-tu[m] (?) O.

[…], adjacent to […], frontside (?) […], the other frontside (?) […], […] … [from] Ur-Utu, Samaja, the daughter of Ibni-[…], has bought. As its full price … shekels of silver she has paid. [That in future …] will not come back to it, by the king she has sworn. Before Ikuppi-[…] son of Uppul-[…], before Ilī-amranni (?),  the gardener, before Nidin-[…],  the builder […], before Jadu […], son of Dadija (?), before Etel (?)-[…],

… and Ibni-[…(?)]  the remainder (?) […]

The writing shows that the deed must be of an early date. The name Ilī-amranni is only found in the early part of the Babylonian dynasty, especially at Dilbat. The fragmentary state of the tablet does not allow any other observations than that we have to do here with the sale of some real property to a woman.

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Lower Edge: copied by K.R. Veenhof; see Plate VIII. Leemans: part of this property may have been excluded from the sale, if the completion of the last line is correct. Cf. CAD E 430, ezibtum, and also K. Van Lerberghe, BiOr 34 (1977) 195, and F.R. Kraus, Königliche Verfügungen (1984) 46. — The word ezibtum (i/ezibtum in AHw) here probably means ‘unpaid balance (of a loan, etc.)’; Studies R.J. van der Spek (2016) 27, with note 10. Notes to the lines: 6-9. R. de Boer suggests: [k i ] A-lí-x-…], [d u m u ] Ur-dUt[u], [S]a-ma-a-[…], [d u ]m u - m u n u s Ip-q[ú …]. 10. Cf. K.R. Veenhof, Symbolae Böhl (1973) 368 to 22’, for more early Old Babylonian examples of the writing i n - š i - e n - š á m instead of i n - š i - i n - š á m . See also no. 217, 8.

202 (LB 2057) (5.7 × 4.4 × 2.3) CDLI, P 390396 Contract with regard to a common wall – Samsuiluna (?) [aš]-šum é* x […] ša U-bar-d[Utu] [ša(?)] gišùr ša dEN.Z[U-be-el ] ap-lim [i-n]a(?) li-ib-bi-im [ku-un(?)]-nu 5 i-ga-rum ip-pé-tu-[ú]-ma ša U-bar-dUtu i-nu-ú-ma li-ib-bi-šu i-na-aq-qá-ar R. igi dNin-urta-ga-mil 10 igi Qí-iš-dBa-ú igi A-li-dingir igi Ap(?)-li-e i[gi dEn]-líl-is-sú [igi] I-din-Ištar 15 [igi] dEN.ZU-lu-ud-lu-ul [kišib l]ú ki inim-ma-bi-meš [íb]-ra-aš U.E. [it]u gišapin-[du8-a u4 x-k]am mu S[a-am-su-i-lu-na (?) …] x […] O.

With regard to the […] (wall?) of Ubar-Šamaš, in which the joist of Sîn-bēl-aplim was fixed (?), the wall can be opened; (it is) of Ubar-Šamaš; when he wants to, he can tear it down. Before Ninurta-gāmil, before Qīš-Bau, before Ali-ilī, before Aplê (?), before Enlil-issu, before Iddin-Ištar, before Sîn-ludlul. The witnesses have impressed their seals. In the month Waraḫsamna, […] day, of the year Sa[msuiluna (?) […]

23

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

Seal inscriptions: [ ] [ ]-ma-an-sum [ ]

dx

x[ dumu x [ [

] ] ]

x[ ]x[ ] [ ] ib (?) ] [ìr] dEN.[ The tablet was sealed all over before writing (J.C. Fincke). The interpretation of this text, as given, is doubtful, but only in this way it could be given some sense. Evidently, Sîn-bēl-aplim had fastened a joist of his house in a wall of Ubar-Šamaš. Now an agreement is made that Ubar-Šamaš may tear down his wall, when he wants to do so. For the rights with regarding adjacent walls see J.G. Lautner, Symbolae P. Koschaker (1939) 76-95; ‘Trennwand’ in RlA XIV/1-2 (2014). Notes to the lines: 1. Unfortunately the signs defining the object of the settlement cannot be identified, but it seems likely that they relate to the wall, in which the joists of Sîn-bēl-aplim are fixed. 4. Compare igārum ša gušūrū kunnū (Meissner, BAP 35, 6), “the wall with beams (set) in place” (CAD G 144b b, and CAD K 164a c). Cf. AHw 300a, 2b. 6. -rum is certain; coll. K.R. Veenhof. 7-8. Cf. inūma libbišu ú-qú-ur (imperative), TCL 1 184, 16 f.

203 (LB 2003) (5.9 × 4.0 × 2.0) CDLI, P 390397 Settlement concerning a field – Apil-Sîn (?) O.

5

10

1 (eše3) 3 iku [a-š]à* i-na ú-sal li[m(?)] ⅔* gín na a[r x] x x ap(?)-lu-sà* x[x]x zi-ti i / dumu x (x) šu (?) ù* Sà-li* -[x] ús-sa-da (sic) pNa-ḫa-ra-[(x)]* (?) ù A-bi-nu-um a-šà še-giš-ì ša dumu-meš lú-x-[x] i-te-re-šu

1 eblu 3 ikû field in the meadow ⅔ gin ..[…], her inheritance …, the share of […]-šu (?) and of Salli …, adjacent to Naḫara (?) and to Abinum, a sesame-field which the sons of […] have (always) cultivated;

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[p]a-la-ak a-š[à (?)] marking off the field ša A-ḫa-am-[ar-ši (?)] of Aḫam-[arši (?)] Dingir-šu-ma-gi[r …] Ilšu-māgi[r …]. R. ba-aq-ri a-š[à] For the vindication of the field, 15 tám-ka*-ra-a[m (?)] to Tamkārum (?) ù A-mu-ri-am [(?)] and Amurrûm(?), A-ḫa-am*-a[r-ši (?)] Aḫam-[arši (?)] i-ta-na-a[p-pa-al ] (?) will be answerable; a-šà ù-la* x [x x x a]z* (?) if he / they does / do not […] the field, 20 kù-babbar ù še[-giš-ì x]di / ki* (?) he / they will … the silver and the i-NE(?)-ši-x[ x (x) ]  sesame … (?). i[gi dEN.Z]U(?)-en-nam Before Sîn-ennam (?) d U.E. ig[i EN.Z]U(?)-⸢x-x-x⸣* before Sîn (?)-[ [ ] x x x […] [before ] […] Lo.E. igi I-ku-pí-ša before Ikuppīša igi Pa-la-ia before Palaja mu ús-s[a] the year after Apil-Sîn (?). A-pil(!)-dEN.ZU(?) Lo.E.

The surface of the tablet is partly broken off (J.C. Fincke). The translation was made (by Leemans) after his collation of the tablet. The interpretation of the text is difficult due to the fragmentary state of preservation (the ends of most of the lines are missing). There are, however, four elements helping to reconstruct its contents: 1. The text concerns a field for producing sesame (lines 1, 8 and 20), and probably a quantity of some article (line 2); 2. The field and the quantity mentioned in line 2 were probably an (inheritance) share (l. 4: zitti?) of two persons mentioned in lines 4 and 5; 3. The field was cultivated by sons of the partner in an agricultural partnership with the proprietors (lines 9-10); 4. The end of the text seems to guarantee the delivery of silver and sesame. All this suggests the hypothetical interpretation that the owners of the inheritance share (a field) participated in a partnership with the sons of the former partner, who cultivated the field in fact. The heir(s) would then have been the furnishers of the capital (the field and some article), the sons the working partners (cf. W. Eilers, Gesellschaftsformen im altbabylonischen Recht [1931] 38 ff.). The sons (brothers, aḫam, line 17?) had to deliver a part of the gains in the company of the owners of the field. Lines 13-14 seem to contain a guarantee against revendication by a certain Ilšu-māgir. This man could have been a co-heir of the owners, who makes the promise.

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

25

Interpreted in this way, the text seems to contain a quite extraordinary combination of obligations of different persons, interested in the field, probably resulting from an agricultural partnership and a division of inheritance. Notes to the lines: 1. J.C. Fincke suggests 3 ½ (!) i k u (the copy is correct). For a definition of ú - s a l , cf. K.R. Veenhof, Symbolae Böhl (1973) 346 ff., 371 ff.: ‘land, originally watermeadow, used as farm-land and for gardens’. Cf. M. Malul, Studies in Mesopotamian Legal Symbolism (1988) 411-418. 6. The tablet shows a clearly written da as last sign of the indication of the location: ú s - s a - d a . Leemans: dIš-ḫa-ra follows. 11. Completion to palākum suggested by W.H. van Soldt; confirmed by J.C. Fincke. 15-16. Perhaps: tamkaram u Amurrâm; “(he will be answerable) for/to (any) merchant/ creditor or Amorite” (M. Stol). 19-20. The last signs after the lacuna are omitted in the copy, in line 19 ni (could be the end of az) and in line 20 di or ki. Left Edge, the year name: F.N.H. al Rawi, ZA 83 (1993) 29 (Apil-Sîn 18).

204 (LB 753) (7.5 × 4.5 × 2.6) CDLI, P 389216, photo Loan (school exercise?) – no date O.

5

10 R.

15

1 (PI) 3 (bán) [ ] še giš ba-* x x ki (?) Dingir-šu-illat-su mdNanna-me-du šu-b[a-a]n-[ti] itu ab.[è (?)] sag-níg-[ga] (!?) še ì-[ág-e] i[tu ab.è (?) [dNanna-me-du (?)] sag-níg-[ga] (!?) še nu ì-ág-[e (?) máš 1 gur 1 (PI) 4 (bán)-ta-à[m] ba-ab-daḫ-e nu-ub-ta-bal-e mu lugal-la(?)-bi in-pàd

1 PI 3 sūtu [and …] of barley in the … measure (?) from Ilšu-tillassu Nanna-medu has borrowed. In the month Ṭebêtu (?) the capital sum (?) he will deliver in barley. (If) [in the month Ṭebêtu] [Nanna-medu (?)] does not pay the capital sum (?) in barley, the interest will accrue to 1 PI and 4 sūtu per gur. That he will not act against the  agreement, by the name of the king he swore.

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The obverse of the tablet is badly damaged, but seems to contain the stipulations for a loan. In view of the poor writing, the absence of witnesses and date, the text is perhaps a school exercise. Notes to the lines: 2. R. de Boer: g i š b a - < a n > z ú - l u m (?). 7. Reading suggested by W.H. van Soldt. Note that n í g is written as á b . 13. The interest is the ordinary one for barley-loans, i.e. 33⅓ percent.

205 (LB 945) (7.0 × 4.5 × 2.6) CDLI, P 389394, photo Rent of a field for planting beds of garlic – Samsuiluna 8 O.

5

R.

a-šà ma-la ma-ṣú-ú ki dWe-du-um-qar-ra-ad a-na sum-ḫi-a ši-ki-in mu-ša-ri mIp-qá-tum ù dMarduk-da-a-a-an a-na gú-un ú-še-ṣú-ú gú-un a-šà-šu [a-na 1 (bùr) iku]-e 55 še-gur [a-na dWe]-du-um-qar-ra-a[d] [lu]gal a-šà-ga-⸢ke4⸣ u4 ebur-šè še ì-ág-e-meš igi Ta-ri-bu-um PA.PA igi Ip-qá-tum dumu É-a(?)-ma-dingir [igi] E-tel-pi4-dNusku tibira

15

[igi dUtu]-na-ṣi-ir gú-gál

[igi …-d]Utu dub-sar [it]u ne-ne-gar u4 1-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lug[al-e] U.E. urudu ki-lugal-gub 20 ḫur-sag íd-didli-bi

A field as far as it extends from Wēdûm-qarrād for planting beds of garlic Ipqātum and Marduk-dajjān have rented. The rent of his field per [1 bur] 55 gur of barley, [to] Wēdûm-qarrād, the owner of the field, at the time of the harvest they will  deliver the barley. Before Tarībum, the PA.PA, before Ipqātum, son of Ea(?)-ma ilum, before Etel-pi-Nusku, the  coppersmith, before Šamaš-nāṣir, the canal inspector, before […]-Šamaš, the scribe. In the month Abu, 1st day, of the year Samsuiluna, the king: a copper royal pedestal of mountains and streams.

The tablet was sealed all over before being written.

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

27

From Lower Yaḫrūrum. This text belongs to the date palm archive texts from the province Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm (see the Introduction) and more specifically to a small group of texts relating to the orchard of the Rababeans (gišk i r i 6 l ú - m e š Ra-ba-bi-i ki). D. Charpin and J.-M. Durand studied these texts in RA 75 (1981) 27 ff.; cf. Charpin, BiOr 38 (1981) 521 (‘Archives’ A.8). For the combination of date-gardens and the cultivation of vegetables, cf. W.F. Leemans, Phoenix 27 (1981) 57, and in K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Schrijvend Verleden (Leiden, 1982) 140. — See now R. de Boer, ZA 106 (2016) 138-174. His conclusion is: “It seems that Mār-Araḫtum was the Babylonian official administratively responsible for the orchards that were given to the men from Rabbabû, and they in turn leased them out as a group to ‘gardeners’. These ‘gardeners’ (i.e., Marduk-dayyān, etc.) seem to have worked in a fashion similar to the e n s i 2 farmers: they worked for their own profit, but were also connected to the state because they had access to some of its resources.” Notes to the lines: 3. The object of the planting-activity is s u m , šūmū, ‘garlic’, cf. M. Stol, BSA III [1987] 57-80). – Confirmed by collation by K.R. Veenhof. For a discussion on the technical term šikin mušarī see CAD M/2 262a and G. Mauer, Das Formular der altbabylonischen Bodenpachtverträge (diss. München, 1980) 84, ‘Die Gemüsegartenpacht’, sub 3.2.6.1. As is already noted in the CAD-article, the (very high) rent (as is usual for vegetable crops) is paid in barley, whereas the crop consists of garlic. 8. The rent is here 55 gur of barley per bur. In other contracts on garlic or ‘gardening’ it is 60 gur per bur (TIM 5 44, 5; PBS 8/2 180, 9, TLB I 142, 9 (to be corrected in SLB I (3) 73); or 40 gur (YOS 12 135, 7; MHET II/6 893, 14 [vegetable not named]); or 30 gur (AUCT V 124, 8 f.); cf. Rochberg-Halton, JCS 31 (1979) 141 no. 14, 4 [vegetable not named]. Note this rent for planting the leek geršānū in a garden: 4 gur per 1 ikû = 72 gur per 1 bur, VAS 9 26, 10; similarly, but the vegetable is not named, in BM 81490, 7; BBVOT 1 143, 8; CT 8 40b, 10; CT 48 113 rev. 2; MHET II/2 254, 8, 305, 7; II/3 371, 9 [so?], 373, 9; OLA 21 44, 9. Broken off: MHET II/6 905, 14. Seen from another angle in BM 16613 (in the Notebooks of H.H. Figulla): 2 gur g i š b á n dUtu, g ú - u n of ½ ikû, ši-ki-in SAR-ḫ i - a , ša m u - 2 - k a m ša Marduk-nāṣir d u m u Ikūn-pi-Sîn (M. Stol).

206 (LB 759) (6.6 × 4.2 × 2.4) Plate IX, copy; CDLI, P 389222, photo Rent of a field – date not identified O.

3 (bùr) iku a-šà GUG4+ŠE ḫé-diri ḫa-ba-lá

3 bur of sowing-field, it may be more or less,

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šà a-šà gú pa5 Du-da

5

10 Lo.E.

a-šà dEN.ZU-uru4 ki dEN.ZU-uru4 lugal a-šà-ga-ke4 mḪa-bil-a-ḫi dumu Mi-gir-dEN.ZU nam-uru4-lá-šè á mu-ú-a-šè íb-ta-an-è u4 ebur-šè á-zi-da-ni-šè á-gùb-bu-ni-šè bí-ib-te*-ge i-na 1 (bùr) iku 3 iku a-šà ša 3 (bùr) iku a-šà 1 (eše3) 3 iku a-šà

R.

i-si*-ip-ma i-ta-ba-al

igi U-bar-dNin-urta we-du-ú igi Dumu-ki PA.PA igi A-pil-ki sag-tùn igi Qí-iš-ti-dMAR-TU igi Dingir-šu-ib-ni 20 igi dUtu-ga-mil igi Be-lí-na-ṣir itu kin-dInanna u4 16-kam U.E. mu é dUtu ma-an-x […] 15

Seal inscriptions: [ … ] dumu x x [ ìr Lu-lu-ú -x-[ ]

]

in the field on the bank of the Duda(?)-canal, the field of Sîn-ēreš, from Sîn-ēreš, the owner of the field, Ḫabil-aḫī, the son of Migir-Sîn, for cultivation against annual rent, has rented. At the day of the harvest,  according to (the yield of) the neighbours to his right and left, he will take  (his share?) Per bur (a yield of) 3 ikû of field, i.e. on 3 bur of the field  (a yield of) 9 ikû of field, he (i.e. Ḫabil-aḫī) will reap and take  away. Before Ubar-Ninurta, the wēdûm, before Mār-erṣetim, the PA.PA, before Apil-erṣetim, the šassukkum, before Qīšti-Amurrum, before Ilšu-ibni, before Šamaš-gāmil, before Bēlī-nāṣir. In the month Elūlu, 16th day, of the year: the temple of Šamaš  (was restored?). [Ḫ]a-bi-il-[a-ḫi] [du]mu Mi-gir-d[EN.ZU] ] [ì]r dNin-[

This contract for the rent of a field contains some particular clauses, notably those in lines 7-8, 9-11 and 12-14. The fact that the clause in lines 7-8 is particularly known from Nippur, might give an indication that the tablet is from the region of that city. — C. Wilcke, Studies J.M. Sasson (2020) 334. Notes to the lines: 1. The last signs look like GUG4-ŠE (M. Stol). Frequent in Nippur. See M. Stol, OLZ 108 (2013) 90, on urbatu A; C.J. Crisostomo, RA 112 (2018) 109, on obv. line 7 (so!).

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

29

For other texts with this clause, cf. CAD I-J 20a and comments. As a rule: í b - t a - è ; í b - t a - a n - è also in BE 6/2 29, 11 and ARN 18, 8 (JCS 3 [1951] 136), both from Nippur. 9-10. Cf. CAD I-J 123-124 and G. Mauer, Bodenpachtverträge (1984) 112-113. Akkadian kīma can correspond to Sumerian š è , cf. MSL 14 (1979) 186, Ea I 181. 11. The reading is not certain and no parallel is known to us, but the signs on the tablet do seem to point this way. — This looks like syllabic Sumerian for - b a - a b - t e - GÁ (= g e 26), verb /t e ĝ e /, as in the model contract no. 266, 11. 12-14. The reaping and taking away of the barley from the cultivated field is meant here. Cf. CAD E 330, 2, 2’, AHw 248 f., and Mauer, loc.cit., 78-79 (3.1.5), 101 and 166. Note that not the ordinary esip tabal formula, as discussed by W. Eilers, OLZ (1931) 935, and P. Koschaker, Über einige griechische Rechtsurkunden (1931) 90, and HG VI 21 (ad no. 1491), is used here, but a shortened form. — Field leases ana esip tabal: RlA X/3-4 (2004) 172, ‘Pacht’ B, § 1e (‘Scheinpacht’). Two clauses like this one now are known: (1) š à - b a 1 e š e a - š à - lim issip itabbal ul irrešma 1 b ù r 1 šu-ši g u r še’am ì - á g - e , OECT 15 91, 14-18; (2) ina libbi 6 b ù r g á n a - z i 6 (?) i k u ašar damqu PN ana nēsepētim inassaq ileqqe, TIM 5 42, 14-17. Leemans was correct in interpreting: “(a yield) of the x ikû of field”. This yield was the remuneration for the work to be done (mānaḫtum), as in MHET II/3 358 (from Larsa). See M. Stol, ‘Esip tabal in agriculture’, in Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Francesco Pomporio (2021) 301-318. 12. Three ikû per b ù r is the rule in this clausula; Stol, Fs. Pomporio (2021) 310. 14. Collation confirmed the reading of the second sign to be si. 15. For wēdûm cf. AHw 1495a (in the singular only here and in awīlum wēdûm, AbB 4 154, 22). The plural wēdûtum indicating important persons is frequent in the Mari texts; also in wēdūja wašbū in R.M. Whiting, Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar (AS 22) (1987) no. 46, 30. 17. For the title of s a g - t ù n (šassukkum) see note to no. 195, 5. U.E. End of year-name: see the collation by K.R. Veenhof, Plate IX. 7. 8.

207 (LB 951) (6.9 × 4.1 × 2.3) CDLI, P 389400, photo Rent of a field – Samsuiluna 27(?) O.

5

a-šà-lum ma-la ma-ṣú-ú gú íd-da Ka-si-i a-šà dMarduk-na-bi-ir ki dMarduk-na-bi-ir lugal a-šà-ga-ke4 mRi-iš-dMarduk ù Ì-lí-ip-pa-al-sa-am a-na tap-pu-tim

A field to its whole extent on the bank of the Kasû-canal, the field of Marduk-nawir, from Marduk-nawir, the owner of the field, Rīš-Marduk and Ilī-ippalsam for joint

30

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

a-na gú-un a-na mu 1-kam íb-ta-è-a [sic] gú-un mu 1-kam 3 (gur) 3 (PI) 2 (bán) še-gur  ì-ág-e-eš íd-da-šu i-ḫe-er-re 15 igi Ì-lí-a-wi-lim  ra-bi-a-nu-um igi dNa-bi-um-ma-lik  ra-bi-a-nu-um itu gu4-si-sá u4 20-kam U.E. [m]u Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal gibil ḫur-sag 10 R.

Seal inscriptions: Ì-[lí]-a-wi-li du[mu Ḫa-an-na-m]i -la(?)-AN [ìr d]Nin-šubur

exploitation for 1 year have rented it. As the rent for 1 year they will deliver 3 gur 3 PI and  2 sūtu of barley. He will dig out his canal. Before Ilī-awīlim,  the mayor, before Nabium-mālik,  the mayor. In the month Ajāru, 20th day of the year Samsuiluna, the king the new (year): the mountain. d[

[ ìr dNa-bi-um

] ]

From Lower Yaḫrūrum; see the Introduction. Notes to the lines: 1. RGTC 3 (1980) 279, reads í d Da-ka-si-i, without other references. In view of the writing of í d - d a in line 14 we prefer the reading as given. Cf. also YOS 12 360, 1 (Samsuiluna 12): field g ú í d Ka-si-[…]. — Probably the element Kasî is found in the geogr. name Pi-Kasî (previously read as Kakasi), “The mouth of (the canal) Kasû”, discussed by K.R. Veenhof, AbB 14 p. 215; R. de Boer in BiOr 73 (2016) 590; ZA 106 (2016) 138. Cf. Kāsum in no. 195:8? 3-4. The element -nabir in the PN is a variant of nawir; W. von Soden, GAG § 21d; D.O. Edzard, ASJ 16 (1994) 11-14. Cf. Na-ab-ru-um-ì-lí, PBS 8/1 8 rev. 13. Note, however, that Napir is the Elamite word for ‘god’, also attested in PNs (YOS 12 72, 18; see the note on no. 215, 4, 12). 15-18. This pair of ‘mayors’ (rabiānū) is discussed by M. Stol, Studies in Old Babylonian History (1976) 79, and can also be found in YOS 12 382 (Si. 24?). They occur in texts dated from Samsuiluna 24(?)-28. — Cf. Stol in Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160/4) (2004) 677 n. 231. Mayor Nabium-mālik alone in YOS 13 480, 9 (Abi-ešuḫ o), BM 97067, 20; K.R. Veenhof, Studies K. Van Lerberghe (2012) 628. 21. Year-name: probably “the new year after m u ḫ u r - s a g ” (= year 26). Seal 1. The same person on the seal on YOS 12 382 (Plate C), and line 12 of that text (ref. M. Stol). The first seal is that of the first witness, the other seal may be that of the other witness.

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

31

208 (LB 683) (8.1 × 4.7 × 2.7) Plate XXIII, copy; CDLI, P 389147, photo Rent of a field – date lost O. 1’

5’

R.

15’

[ ] [ ] [ ]x[ ] iš-t[u ú]s-sa-du x [ ]x sa-dul5-bi dumu-meš Tu-tu-na-ṣi-ir mx x x [ ]xx ki [ lugal a-š]à-ga (?) mx x-d[ ] ù Sar-rum […] ] nam-igi-3--la-[šè íb-ta]-è-meš a-na uru4-lá [o?] a-šà i-na-ad-du-ú ú-ul i-re-šu-ma ki-ma i-m[i]-ti-im ù šu-me-[l]i-im še ì-ág-e-meš itu gišapin-du8-a [u4] 23-kam [mu …]  (rest broken)

[x ikû field …] [adjacent to …] [and adjacent to …] from next to … its backside the sons of Tutu-nāṣir, … from […] [the owner of the] field (?), […] (PN)  and Sarrum […] have rented it on a third (of the  yield) for cultivation. If they neglect the field, and do not cultivate it, like (the tenants) to the right and to the left they will deliver barley. In the month Waraḫsamna, 23rd day, of the year […]

Seal inscription: A-wi-il-[…] dumu Ja-ku-nu-[um(?)] ìr d[L]a-ga-m[a-al] From Dilbat. The tablet is in a poor condition. So much can be understood that two people rented a field for the ordinary price, calculated on the base of the output of the surrounding fields. The tablet is from Dilbat as can be inferred from the term s a - d u l 5 - b i (cf. no. 232, etc.) and the god Lagamal in the second seal inscription. This was only recognized after the copy was made, so that it could no more be included in the group of Dilbat texts, nos. 232-250. — Additional evidence pleading for Dilbat: two names are known from Dilbat, Tutu-nāṣir (3) and Sarrum (7): a - š à Sar-ru-um, Gautier 34, 4; a - š à Sa-ar-ri d u m u Inapalêšu, VAS 7 130:3, Sa-ar-rum, 140, 4 f. (Amṣ). Collations by K.R. Veenhof and S.A. Moore on Plate XXIII.

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

The beginning of the text is partly reconstructed on the basis of Gautier 22 (HG IV 960). It is curious that no witnesses are mentioned. The seal might be that of the first tenant. 209 (LB 953) (7.2 × 4.5 × 2.5) CDLI, P 389402, photo Rent of a house – Samsuiluna 23 é Ì-lí-ḫi-ṭa-ni ki Ì-lí-ḫi-ṭa-ni lugal é-ke4 mLa-ma-as-sú 5 nam KA-kešda mu 1-kam  íb-ta-è KA-kešda mu 1-kam [ x ] gín kù-babbar Lo.E. ⸢ì⸣-lá-e R.  (lacuna of 2 lines) igi E-tel-pi4-⸢dMarduk⸣ igi Nu-ra-tum itu bár-zag-gar u4 1-kam U.E. mu usu gìr-ra dEn-líl-le O.

The house of Ilī-ḫiṭanni, from Ilī-ḫiṭanni, the owner of the house, Lamassu for 1 year  has rented it. As rent for 1 year … shekels of silver he will pay. Before Etel-pi-Marduk, before Nūrātum. In the month Nisannu, 1st day, of the year: by the terrible power of Enlil.

Traces of seal impressions. Probably from Lower Yahrūrum: the texts from that area have museum numbers between LB 940-960 and the house rentals among them date to Samsu-iluna years 23 and 29 (R. de Boer). 210 (LB 950bis) (6.6 × 4.0 × 2.5) Plate IX, copies; CDLI, P 345852, photo Rent of parts of a house – Ammiditana 2 O.

5

é e-da-kum ù ti-il-x-x (?) ša Ṣe-er-re-ni ki Ṣe-er-re-ni [be]-e[l] é mBe-e[l-š]u-nu a-na ki-iṣ-ri [a-n]a ⸢mu 1-kam⸣

The wing of the house and the […] of Ṣerrēnu, from Ṣerrēnu, the owner of the house, Bēlšunu, against rent for one year

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

ú-še-ṣi ki-ṣi-ir mu 1-kam ⅔ gín kù-babbar 10 ì-lá-[e] R. é ep-⸢šum⸣* ša Ṣe-er-[re]-ni ki Ṣe-er-[re]-ni be-el [é] m 15 Še-ep-d[EN.ZU (?)] a-na ki-iṣ-ri [a-na mu 1-kam] ú-[še]-ṣi ki-ṣ[i-ir mu 1-kam] ⅓ gí[n kù-babbar ì-lá-e] igi Sí-na-tum 20 igi Ḫa-zi-rum igi Ib-ni-dŠe-rum [itu gan]-gan-e u4 1-kam U.E. [mu Am]-mi-di-ta-na lug[a]l [sipad ní-tu]ku še-ga

33

has hired. As the rent for one year ⅔ shekel of silver he will pay. The built houseplot (?) of Ṣerrēnu, from Ṣerrēnu, the owner of the house, Šēp-[Sîn (?)] against rent (for one year) has hired. As rent for one year he will pay ⅓ shekel of silver. Before Sinātum, before Ḫāzirum, before Ibni-Šērum. In the month Kislīmu, 1st day, of the year Ammiditana, the king: the exalted shepherd, the obedient.

Sealed all over before writing (J.C. Fincke). Traces of seal impressions. The text records the rent of different parts of a house by two persons from the same owner. A similar double rental in TCL 10 131, cf. RlA X/3-4 166 ‘Miete’ B.I § 2a.8. Notes to the lines: 1. What could be the part of the house next to the edakkum is obscure. See the collation by K.R. Veenhof, Plate IX. 2 ff. The same personal name Ṣerrēnum can be found in BIN 7 197, 17 (Samsuiluna 23), VAS 18 111, 4 (Samsuiluna 28), YOS 13 510, 5 (Ammiṣaduqa 9). 15. Or: mgu-ur-x[…]

211 (LB 715) (47 × 51.7 × 25.6) CDLI, P 389178, photo Rental of a house – Ammiṣaduqa 14 or 17 O.

é ma-la ma-ṣú-ú ša Ib-ni-dIškur dumu x […]-ni ki Ib-ni-dIškur dumu x […]-ni

The house to its whole extent of Ibni-Adad, the son of […], from Ibni-Adad, the son of […],

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

be-el é mAp-la-tum dumu Dingir-šu-na-ṣi-ir KA-kešda a-na mu 1-kam íb-ta-[è] KA-kešda mu-1-[kam] Lo.E. ⅔ (?) [gín kù-babbar] 10  (lacuna of 2 lines) ú-ra-am i-si-[ir] a-su-ur-ra-a-a[m ú-da-an-na-an] igi [ 15 igi La(?)-AN[  itu diri še-gur10-ku5 u4 7-kam U.E. mu Am-mi-ṣa-du-qá lugal-e  urudu ki-lugal-ba  íb-diri-ga 5

the owner of the house, Aplātum, the son of Ilšu-nāṣir, against rent for 1 year has rented it. As rent for 1 year [he will pay] ⅔ (?) shekels of silver. He will plaster the roof and keep the sewer [solid]. ] Before […], ] before Lā(?)-[…]  In the second month Addāru, 7th day, of the year Ammiṣaduqa, the king: a copper royal pedestal  exceeding […].

Seal impression, with personal name added: kišib Ib-ni-dIškur

Le.E.

Note to the lines: 12-13. See for these clauses L. Oppenheim, Untersuchungen zum babylonischen Mietrecht (1936) 4 and 71 ff.; B. Landsberger, MSL I (1937) 214. — asurrûm is the ‘sewer’; A.R. George, Iraq 77 (2015) 90-102, cf. N. Heeßel, KAL 1 (2007) 26 (‘Abflußrohr’).

212 (LB 955) (Case: 7.2 × 5.5 × 3.3; Tablet: 5.9 × 4.3 × 2.3) CDLI, P 389404, photo Note concerning harvesters – Samsuiluna 28 Case and Tablet have practically the same contents. O. 4 erin2 še-gur10-ku5 4 harvesters belonging to the 12 gardeners from šà 12 erin2 nu-giškiri6 Unugki  Uruk, ugula A-li-lu-mur foreman Ali-lūmur, níg-šu Šar-rum-ki-ma-dingir under the orders of Šarrum-kīma-ilim 5 ù Pa-lu-šu-li-ri-ik and Palušu-līrik, ša i-na a-šà gú-un who reap in the retribution field mdMarduk-mu-ša-lim ša -dub-ba of Marduk-mušallim, the 13  archivist,

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

R.

ša (a-šà) uru Ba-ad-rum ki i-ṣe-du i[tu bá]r-zag-gar u4 6-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal-e Ia-di-a-ba ù Mu-ti-ḫu-ur-ša

35

(in the fields) of the town of Badrum. In the month Nisannu, 6th day, of the year Samsuiluna, the king: Jadiḫaba and Mutiḫurša.

The envelope had been sealed all over before writing. From Lower Yaḫrūrum. One of its many ‘harvest acquittance texts’, in the terminology of R. de Boer, ZA 106 (2016) 140b, 142b, with Table 1 [this text on p. 146], with general remarks on p. 141. See for the context of this particular text (which belongs to the date archive group from Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm) the comments to nos. 200, 205 and 215. For the analysis of this text see D. Charpin, BiOr 38 (1981) 525-530, ‘Archives B 8’, M. Stol, JAOS 102 (1982) 163b, and R. Kutscher, C. Wilcke, ZA 68 (1978) 99 n. 19. This text was quoted as ‘Leiden Inv. Nr. 955’ by J.G. Lautner, Altbabylonische Personenmiete und Erntearbeiterverträge (1936) 202. — A similar text is LB 2113, R. de Boer, BiOr 73 (2016) 591-593; here no. 305. Notes to the lines: 2. Read 12 instead of 22 on the case, according to collation. These 12 gardeners from Uruk form part of a group of 13, cf. D. Charpin, op. cit., 525 and 528. 3. Ali-lūmur leads this group of gardeners in any case during the years Samsuiluna 28 and 29, after Mār-Bābilim (cf. nos. 200 and 215), who did so some ten years before him. Whereas Ali-lūmur bears the title u g u l a , Mār-Bābilim has the title š a n d a n (sandanakkum). Charpin presumes Ali-lūmur held the same position some years later (op. cit., 525). 4-5. Šarrum-kīma-ilim and Palušu-līrik are the superiors of Ali-lūmur; see Charpin, op. cit., 523-524. 6. The biltum-field (a - š à g ú - u n ) was ‘state’-land liable to retribution, under the responsibility of certain high functionaries. Cf. M. deJong-Ellis, Agriculture and the State in Ancient Mesopotamia (1976) 26-55. For the location of the biltum-field of Marduk-mušallim, cf. Charpin, op. cit., 525, and especially 528. 7. On Marduk-mušallim and his various titles over the years, see Charpin, op. cit., 525 and n. 4; JAOS 100 (1980) 466 n. 26. The title š a 13- d u b - b a (šandabakkum) was discussed by W.F. Leemans in JESHO 32 (1989) 229-236. 8. a - š à appears only on the Case. For the town Badrum see RGTC 3, 35; R. de Boer, ZA 106, 143b. — The town is attested in a similar context in a passage in a text from Sippar (!), CBS 483, 5’-9’. This passage (collated by Els Woestenburg): (5’) 20 š e - g u r (6’) 10 g í n k ù - b a b b a r (7’) a-na š e a l - d ù (8’) ù i-di e r é n ḫ u n - g á (9’) ša a - š à u r u Ba-ad-ri ki (10’) na[m]-ḫa-ar-ti (11’) pdEN.ZU-šu-ulli-ma-an-ni. This Sîn-šullimanni may be identical with the e n s í S. in VAS 29 97, 8 (Amd 5) and S. in CBS 420, 7 (Amd 3), BM 82118 rev. 1 (Amd x).

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

213 (LB 771) (7.6 × 4.7 × 2.5) CDLI, P 389237, photo Rent of an ox – Ammiditana 4 O.

5

10

Lo.E. R. 15

20

1 gu4 ùr-ra gu4 Šar-rum-dIškur ki Šar-rum-dIškur be-el gu4-ke4 mA-ḫa-am-nir-ši a-na mu 1-kam in-ḫun-gá i-di mu 1-kam 5 še-gur 1 (PI) še-giš-ì ì-ág-e a-na pí-ḫa-at gu4 i-ni-im qá-ar-ni ù ṣú-up-ri-im iz-za-az i-na 5 še-gur ù 1 (PI) še-giš-ì i-di ša-at-ti-šu 2 (gur) 2 (PI) 3 (bán) še-gur  ú-qá-ar-[ra]-ab igi Ib-ni-dIškur igi Ib-na-tum dumu A-wi-li-ia itu sig4-a u4 10-kam mu Am-mi-di-ta-na lugal-e mu gibil egir eš-bar-maḫ  dingir gal-gal-la

Seal inscriptions: [Ib]-ni-dIš[kur] dumu E-tel-pi4-dNa-[bi-um] ìr dNin-si-an-[na] A-ḫa-am-n[ir-ši] [dum]u x x […] ìr d[…] ù dx […]

1 rear ox, the ox of Šarrum-Adad, from Šarrum-Adad, the owner of the ox, Aḫam-nirši for 1 year has rented it. As rent for 1 year 5 gur of barley and 1 PI of sesame he will deliver. For compensation (of damages) to the ox, viz. to the eye, the horns and the hoofs, he is responsible. From the 5 gur of barley and 1 PI  of sesame, the rent for this year, he will (now) deliver 2 gur 1 PI and  3 sūtu of barley. Before Ibni-Adad, before Ibnātum, son of Awīlija. In the month Simānu, 10th day, of the year Ammiditana, the king: the new year after by the high decree  of the great gods. Ibni-Adad, son of Etel-pi-Nabium, servant of Ninsianna. Aḫam-nirši, son of […], servant of […], and […].

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

37

This text was already amply commented upon by F.M.Th. Böhl, Mededeelingen uit de Leidsche verzameling van spijkerschrift-inscripties II (1934) 26 f. (= 48 f.), M. David, ‘Betrachtungen zur Leidener Keilschriftsammlung’, Revue d’histoire du droit XIV (1936) 11-16, and J.G. Lautner, Altbabylonische Personenmiete und Erntearbeiterverträge (1936) 99 n. 321 and 107 n. 344. The seals are those of the first witness and of the person who rents the ox. Notes to the lines: 16. For the suffix -šu behind “year”, see M. Stol, ‘Suffixe bei Zeitangaben im Akkadischen’, WZKM 86 (1996) 413-424; now J. Huehnergard, N. Pat-El, ‘Third-person possessive suffixes as definite articles in Semitic’, in Journal of Historical Linguistics 2 (2012) 25-51. 18. In his discussion on qerēbum D (and teqrubtum) ‘to make a (partial) advance payment’, M. Stol overlooked this passage; Festschrift Karel Van Lerberghe (2012) 575. Another example can be found in “I will repay to you (anything) needed, as much as they might deliver in advance (mala liqerribū)”, AbB 9 119 rev. 8-10, cf. CUSAS 36 98, 9. 20. Sign SIG4 as copied (coll. J.C. Fincke).

214 (LB 947) (5.3 × 3.8 × 2.3) CDLI, P 389396, photo Silver for the purchase of sesame with future delivery (?) – year not identified O.

5

[ x x x x x š ]i (?)-im še-giš-ì xxxxx [ ]xx[ ]i-na* [ ]Šu(?)-ma(?)-dingir(?) [ ]x [ ]xx [ ] 1 (PI?) še-giš-ì

x[ ]x x x xx[ ] Lo.E. UD-[KIB]-⸢NUN⸣-NAki* R. še-giš-ì a-na Ì-lí-tu-ra-am a-ḫ[i-šu (?)] gišbán dMarduk ì-ág-e 15 igi Sîn-iš-me-a(?)-ni

… for the purchase of sesame (?) [ ] [ ]… [ ] Šû-ma-ilum (?) [ ]… [ ] […] [ ] 1 PI (?) of  sesame …[ ] […] …[ ] (of) Sippar the sesame to Ilī-tūram, [his] brother (?), in the sūtu-measure of Marduk he will deliver. Before Sîn-išmeanni

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igi A-wi-il-dMi-ša[r]  dub-sar [it]u du6-kù u4 11(?)-kam U.E. MU/GAR/AM x (x) IB ḪA A/ZA

before Awīl-Mīšar,  the scribe. In the month Tašrītu, the 11(?)th day AŠ/NU

Traces of seal impressions. From Sippar. The conjectured place of delivery (Lo.E.) and the appearance of Awil-Mīšar establish Sippar as the place of origin of this text. Notes to the lines: 4. Perhaps a personal name at the end of this line. Compare Šu-ma-a-ḫi (YOS 13, 233, 12, seal, and 352, 35). 16. The same scribe occurs in CT 33 34, 17 (HG VI 1419; R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian Marriage Law, 120), a document from Sippar from the year Ammiditana 14. U.E. Collated by J.C. Fincke. K.R. Veenhof saw m u u g n i m . Year-names beginning with u g n i m : see note on no. 199.

215 (LB 944) (Tablet: 7.0 × 4.5 × 2.6) Redemption of a girl – Samsuiluna 19 (Tablet and fragment of Case) mLa-lu-tum

mu-im-ni (sic)  dumu-munus Unugki-ga dumu-munus Ì-lí-ba-ni-i dumu  Na-bi-ì-lí-šu ki Be-el-ta-ni dam Sa-an-ta-an-ni-eš mÌ-lí-ba-ni-i 5  dumu Na-bi-ì-lí-šu ad-da-a-ni ip-ṭú-ur-ši a-na ip-ṭe4-ri-ša ga-am-ru-tim 6 gín kù-babbar in-na-an-lá 10 u4-kúr-šè a-na ba-qí-ra-nim Lo.E. ša ib-ba-aš-šu- mBe-el-ta-ni dam Sa-an-ta-an-ni-eš R. iz-za-az-zi mu dMarduk Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal-e O.

15

in-pàd

One Lalûtum by name,  a woman from Uruk, the daughter of Ilī-bānî son of  Nabi-ilišu, from Bēltani, the wife of Santanneš, Ilī-bānî,  the son of Nabi-ilišu, her father, has redeemed her. As her total ransom he has paid 6 shekels of silver. That in future, for (every) vindicant, who will be there, Bēltani, the wife of Santanneš, will answer, by Marduk and Samsuiluna, the  king, she has sworn.

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

igi Dumu-Ká-dingir-raki sandan igi Im-ḫu-ur-ma-tam-dMarduk  dumu Nu-ri-ia igi Ri-ba-am-ì-lí dumu Nu-úr-ì-lí-šu 20 igi Gi-mil-dMarduk dumu Pu-du-ši igi A-wi-il-dIškur  dumu Ip-qú-dŠa-la-a igi Nu-úr-dUtu dub-sar U.E. itu ab-è-a u4 20-kam 25 mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal-e gu-za bara2 kù-gi 2-a-bi dMarduk dṢar-pa-[ni-tum]

39

Before Mār-Bābilim, the sandanakkum, before Imḫur-mātam-Marduk,  son of Nūrija, before Rībam-ilī, son of Nūr-ilišu, before Gimil-Marduk, son of Puduši, before Awīl-Adad,  son of Ipqu-Šala, before Nūr-Šamaš, the scribe. In the month Ṭebētu, 20th day, of the year Samsuiluna, the king: 2 golden thrones for Marduk and Ṣarpanitum.

On the tablet faint seal impressions; on the case: Mār-Bābilim, [Du]mu-Ká-dingir-raki [du]mu Din[gir-da-mi-iq] son of Ilum-damiq, servant of Sakkut. [ìr] d[SAG.KUD] Ri-ba-[am-ì-lí] Rībam-ilī, [du]mu Nu-úr-ì-lí-[šu] son of Nūr-ilišu, [ì]r dLugal-x[ ] servant of Lugal-[…] The tablet was sealed all over before being written. From Lower Yaḫrūrum; R. de Boer, BiOr 73 (2016) 590. The text of the tablet is followed here; variants of the case are given in the annotation. Ilī-bānî redeems his daughter, said to be ‘a daughter (= citizen) of’ Uruk, from the hands of Bēltani. He is one of the team of gardeners from Uruk who operated under the supervision of the sandanakkum Mār-Bābilim, who appears here as first witness. On several occasions D. Charpin has pointed out that the appearance of a group of labourers from the South in the Northern province of Yaḫrūrum šaplûm must have been a result of the political loss of the South since the year Samsuiluna 11. In view of this observation he interprets the present text as follows: Ilī-bānî, a refugee from Uruk, found back his daughter in slavery with Bēltani and releases her by paying a ransom. Cf. BiOr 38 (1981) 522, B 5, Le clergé d’Ur (1986) 414, and AfO 34 (1987) 44. Another instance of the release of a woman can be found in G. Boyer, Contribution à l’histoire juridique de la 1re Dynastie babylonienne (1928) 64 f. (HE 122). — The sum paid there was 5 shekels, as it was in F. Nebiolo, Mélanges Dominique Charpin II (2019) 715, lines 29, 33.

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Notes to the lines: 1. mu-im-ni for mu-ni-im. 4, 12. The case reads: 1 k i Be-⸢el ⸣-[ta-ni ù Sa-an-ta-an-ni-eš] 2 d a m - a - n i . For the name of the husband, compare Sa-an-tu-ge-eš, YOS 15 29, 5, or Sa-an-ta-na-bi-ir, A.J.H. Hamūndī, Texts from Bikasi (2017) 91 no. 5:1 (M. Stol). 3, 5. Ilī-bānî (son of Nabi-ilišu): refs. were given by R. de Boer, ZA 106 (2016) 164 n. 34; in particular here, no. 200. — This name always ends in -ba-ni-i, ‘My god is my creator’ (with two exceptions, in no. 200 (passim) and YOS 12 388, 3: ba-ni). J.J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung (1939) 28, states that only in this name composed with ilī we find bānî; he mentions refs. from Sippar collected by Ranke (add CT 45 30, 2, CT 47 69, 28). The name Enlil-bānî in AbB 10 10, 1, is an exception to this interesting ‘rule’: read Illil-bānî? (M. Stol). 8. For kasap ipṭeri cf. MSL I p. 38, ana ittišu Tf. 3, II, 17. 10-11. The text of the case differs here from that on the tablet: 7’ […] a-na ba-qí-ra-an 8’ib-ba-qa-ru “for a vindicant who will vindicate” (the error ibbaqqaru was induced by the ibbaššû on the tablet). 13. The ‘i-Modus’, cf. F.R. Kraus, Symbolae Böhl (1973) 254, (f) (16); D.O. Edzard, ZA 60 (1969) 19 n. 31. 16. Seal 1. For Mār-Bābilim cf. the comments to no. 200. — The fragmentary seal impression can be supplemented on the basis of Mār-Bābilim’s seal on AUCT IV 75 (Samsuiluna 14), YOS 12 378 (Samsuiluna 15). Cf. the collation of the seal inscription on YOS 12 492 by F. van Koppen, apud R. de Boer, ZA 106 (2016) 144 note 30: A-li-lu-[mur], d u m u d i n g i r -da-mi-[iq] ì r dSAG.KUD. 27. Ṣarpanītum: J.C. Fincke: The copy is not correct; the four horizontal wedges (the top and bottom ones are longer) have a half destroyed vertical wedge (in the copy indicated as destruction) at the end on the lower end of which the small diagonal wedge is put, followed by two vertical wedges after a little space (sign A). It rather looks like dx-a-tu[m].

216 (LB 2004) (5.3 × 3.9 × 2.1) CDLI, P 390398 Settlement concerning the price of a slave-girl – Samsuiluna 28 O.

1 sag-géme NIM.MAki ša dUtu-a-bi a-na ⅓ ma-na 5 gín kù-babbar a-na Ìr-dMAR-TU id-di-nu-ši-ma mÌr-dMAR-TU a-na dUtu-a-bi

5

ú-te-er-ra-aš-ši a-na ⅓ ma-na 5 gín kù-babbar-šu

1 Elamite slave-girl, whom Šamaš-abī for ⅓ mina and 5 shekels of silver had sold to Warad-Amurrum and whom Warad-Amurrum had  returned to Šamaš-abī. For his ⅓ mina and 5 shekels of  silver

NOS. 199-216: TEXTS FROM NORTHERN BABYLONIA

iṣ-ba-as-sú-ma mSîn-i-din-nam

qá-ba-am

iš-ku-um-ma sag-géme ma-aḫ-ri-šu  ik-la-a mdUtu-a-bi il-li-kam R. mSîn-i-din-nam a-na ⅓ ma-na 5 gín  kù-babbar iṣ-ba-as-sú-ma 15 um-ma dUtu-a-bi-ma sag-géme ša ma-aḫ-ri-ka  ka--a-at bi-lam a-na kù-babbar  lu(!)-ud(!)-di-iš-ši-ma ⅓ ma-na 5 gín kù-babbar a-na  u4 5-kam lu-pu-ul-ka 20 1 sag-géme NIM.MAki U.E. mSîn-i-din-nam a-na dUtu-a-bi ip-ta-qí-id igi Sîn-na-di-in-šu-mi dumu  Šu-dMAR-TU igi Sîn-iš-me-a-ni dumu dMarduk na-ṣir L.E. itu apin-du8-a u4 17-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal á-ág-gá dEn-líl-lá Lo.E. 10

41

he has taken action against him; Sîn-iddinam made a promise and he retained the slave-girl  with him. Šamaš-abī came, Sîn-iddinam for ⅓ mina and 5  shekels of silver took action against him. Thus spoke Šamaš-abī: “Bring here the slave-girl that is  retained with you, (and) let me sell her, so that I can pay to you ⅓ mina and  5 shekels of silver within 5  days”. 1 Elamite slave-girl Sîn-iddinam has entrusted to Šamaš-abī. Before Sîn-nādin-šumi, son of  Šu-Amurrum, before Sîn-išmeanni, son of  Marduk-nāṣir. In the month Waraḫsamna, 17th day, of the year Samsuiluna, the king: after the command of Enlil.

The tablet was sealed all over before writing (J.C. Fincke). Šamaš-abī had sold a slave-girl for ⅓ mina and 5 shekels (= 25 shekels) of silver to Warad-Amurrum, but for an unknown reason Warad-Amurrum returned the girl to Šamaš-abī and claimed the price he paid. The rest of the text concerns a problem between Šamaš-abī and a certain Sîn-iddinam about this slave-girl. In any case the girl is in the hands of Sîn-iddinam (lines 10-11, 16), but it is not said by which title. Lines 16-19 describe how Šamaš-abī proposed to make a deal with regard to the matter. He offered to sell the girl for the same price for which he had sold her to Warad-Amurrum, and to pay this sum to Sîn-iddinam within 5 days. Sîn-iddinam accepted and returned the girl to Šamaš-abī (lines 20-22). The following hypothetical interpretation of the text may be proposed: Sîniddinam held the slave-girl by a valid title, probably as security for the obligation

42

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of Šamaš-abī towards Warad-Amurrum to return the price. Since Šamaš-abī was not able to do so, they agree on the arrangement that Sîn-iddinam will return the slave-girl to Šamaš-abī, on the condition that the latter will sell her again for 25 shekels of silver, the sum he owed to Warad-Amurrum, and give the money to Sîn-iddinam within five days, so that the latter could satisfy Warad-Amurrum. — Another theory: Šamaš-abī is a trader in slaves and Sîn-iddinam is his chief (M. Stol). Notes to the lines: 1. Slaves were imported from many countries around Southern Mesopotamia. See W.F. Leemans, Foreign Trade (1960) 110; J.J. Finkelstein, JCS 9 (1955) 1; JNES 21 (1962) 75, and see CT 45 45 and 87. Most of the texts are of the later part of the dynasty of Babylon. Elamites are mentioned in several Old Babylonian texts, sometimes explicitly as slaves, as in the present text. — F. van Koppen, ‘The geography of the slave trade and Northern Mesopotamia in the Late Old Babylonian period’, in H. Hunger, R. Pruzsinszky (eds.), Mesopotamian Dark Age Revisited (2004) 9-33. ‘Eastern’ slaves from Ešnunna and Elam: p. 18, 24, 26. 8-9. For qabâm šakānum ‘to make a promise’, cf. M. Stol, AbB 9 105, 7, and in Studies R.J. van der Spek (2016) 31 f. The contractor who makes this promise acts as guarantor for the debts of another person. 16. The scribe must have left out the sign la, probably because of lack of space; he had to write over the right edge already. 17. The same lack of space as in the preceding line might have caused the compact writing of the signs lu-ud-[…]. In view of the following precative in line 19 this reading seems to be the most meaningful. Collation by G.Th. Ferwerda: the signs lu-ud are a clear ID. 18. The prices of slaves (here 25 shekels) were high in the Late Old Babylonian period; RlA XII/7-8 (2011) 567 ‘Sklave’ § 6.1. Note that for a male slave from Elam again 25 shekels were paid, in the same year; BM 22513, mentioned by van Koppen, 17 n. 48. 24. Sîn-išmeanni, son of Marduk-nāṣir, was involved in a dispute about the purchase of a female slave; CT 45 37, 6-7 (Sippar); D. Charpin in F. Joannès (eds.), Rendre la justice en Mésopotamie (2000) 107 f. no. 66. So this text may originate from Sippar as well. 25. The day might be the 17th or the 18th.

Nos. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR INTRODUCTION For Sippar in general see the book of R. Harris, Ancient Sippar. A Demographic Study of an Old-Babylonian City (1894-1595 B.C.) (1976), and additional material in the review by M. Stol in BiOr 33 (1976) 146-154. For a discussion on the conglomerate of Sippar, cf. D. Charpin, ‘Sippar: Deux villes jumelles’, RA 82 (1988) 13-32, and NABU 1992 / 114. Prosopograhical data from Sippar were provided by G.Th. Ferwerda, E. Woestenburg, and M. Stol. Nos. 218, 220, 222, 224 and 230 have clear connections to the ‘cloister’ of Sippar: the witnesses come all from the ‘cloister’ population (e.g. šangûm-priests, overseers of the nadītum-women of Šamaš, doorkeepers of the cloister). The groups of witnesses in these texts are coherent, in composition as well as regards the order. In general they consist of cultic functionaries. — M. Tanret, G. Suurmeijer, ‘Officials of the Šamaš temple of Sippar as contract witnesses in the Old Babylonian period’, ZA 101 (2011) 78-112. The functions and sometimes even the personal names of these functionaries are often hereditary, as for instance the šangûm-priests. For more details see: R. Harris, ‘The organization and administration of the ‘cloister’ in ancient Babylonia’, JESHO 6 (1963) 121-157; ‘The nadîtu woman’, Studies A. Leo Oppenheim (1964) 106-135; Ancient Sippar (1976), Chapters II.5 and IV.2, and J. Renger, ‘Untersuchungen zum Priestertum der altbabylonischen Zeit’, ZA 58 (1967) 110188; ZA 59 (1969) 104-230. For the nadītum see especially ZA 58, p. 149-176; for the šangûm see ZA 59, 104-122, with the chronological table on p. 115. — Now M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga (2010). To this group belong also the texts 214, 216 (?), 267, 268 (?), 276 (?) + 277, 280. 217 (LB 2006) (7.8 × 4.9 × 2.3) CDLI, P 390399 Deed for a field – Time of Sumu-la-El O.

1½ ik[u a-šà (x x)] i-na Za[r*…] ús-sa-du dx[…]

1½ ikû of field […] at Zar […] bordering on (the field of) […]

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ù ús-sa-du [I ]p-qú-[…] 5

ki Suḫuš!di-k[i]-in Nu-ṭú-up(!)(TE)-tum lukur dUtu

dumu-munus Lú-d[Iš]kur-[ra] in-ši-en-šám šám-til-la-ni-šè 10 kù-babbar in-na-lá gišgan-na ib-ta-bal inim-bi al-til Lo.E. u4-kúr lú-[r]a* R. nu-mu-gi4-gi4-dam 15 mu dUtu dMarduk ù Su-mu-la-AN in-pàd dumu-meš Iš-du-ki-in ir-gu-mu-ma ru-gu-mu-šu-nu* na-ás-ḫu igi A-wi-lum 20 igi Ku-tu-um dumu Puzur4-Nu-nu igi A-bu-um-ṭà-bu-um dumu Puzur4-dNa-bi-um igi Iš-du-ki-in igi I-din-dU[tu (?)] 25 dumu Ur-dE[n-líl(?)]  (some lines lost) Lo.E. igi A-ḫu-⸢sú⸣-[nu(?)]

and bordering on (the field of) Ipqu- […] from Išdum-kīn Nuṭṭuptum (!), the nadītum of  Šamaš, daughter of Lu-Iškura, has bought. Its full price she has paid in silver. The bukānum was transferred (?). The negotiation is terminated. That in future one against the other will not come back to it, by Šamaš, Marduk and Sumu-la-El they have sworn. If the sons of Išdu-kīn complain, their complaints  will be rejected. Before Awīlum, before Kūtum, son of Puzur-Nunu, before Abum-ṭābum, son of Puzur-Nabium, before Išdu-kīn, before Iddin-Šamaš (?), son of Ur-Enlil (?) before Aḫussunu (?)

The contract records the sale of a field to a nadītum of Šamaš. Both in the names of the seller and the purchaser there are apparently mistakes; the name of the seller Išdu-kīn (written DI-in) is found in lines 5 and 17, whereas the same name is found in line 23. Both R. Harris (Ancient Sippar, 214 ff.) and J. Renger (ZA 58, 162) describe the purchases of land by nadītum-women. Comment by K.R. Veenhof: translate line 18 thus: “(the sons of I.) complained and their complaints were rejected”. This text is a judiciary protocol in which lines 1-16 look back. Notes to the lines: 5. Cf. lines 17 and 23. Iš-du-ki-nu-um in Speleers, Receuil, 241, 5 (Sippar). 6. Probably a mistake of the scribe: Nu-ṭú-up(!)-tum must be meant.

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

8. 9. 11.

13. 19. 20.

Note the writing of i n - š i - e n - š á m . Cf. note to no. 201, 10. Cf. note to 191, 11. For this clause cf. D.O. Edzard, ZA 60 (1970) 8-53, C. Wilcke, WdO 8 (1976) 267, and M. Malul, ZA 75 (1985) 66-77. The conclusion from these articles is that the translation of this clause is still uncertain. — P. Steinkeller: “It (i.e., the object of sale) was passed over the bukānu”, in the Old Babylonian period an idiomatic expression meaning something like “the transfer was performed”; Steinkeller, Sale Documents of the Ur-III-Period (1989) 41 f. Evidently an abbreviation of u 4 - k ú r - š è l ú - l ú - r a ; cf. BE 6 / 2 43, 25 (VAB 5 no. 192): u 4 - k ú r - š è l ú - ù - l ú - r a […]. Awīlum(ma) appears as first witness among the judges of the temple of Šamaš; Harris, Ancient Sippar, 120; Walther, Das Gerichtswesen, 25. The PN Kūtum is rare. In Kisurra: A. Goddeeris, Tablets from Kisurra (2009) Index (p. 46) (there also Ku-ta-ja). In Dilbat Ku-ú-tum, Gautier 36, 2, cf. the gardener Ma[sic]-tu-um in OECT 13 272, 24? In Nippur Ku-ti-ja, E.C. Stone, P.E. Zimansky, OIMA1 (1976) no. 34 rev. 2. Does it mean ‘The man from Cutha’? Cf. the PN G ú - d u 8 - a k i -a-lum /u r u - k i , TLB I 94, 23, 36 / 126, 2 (compare Urimālum, YOS 15 62, 3) (M. Stol).

218 (LB 1836) (11.9 × 5.5 × 2.9) Plate XXIV, collations; CDLI, P 389715 Deed for a field – Time of Apil-Sîn O.

5

10

45

2 iku a-šà i-na ša pú (?)ki sag 1-kam immer i-ta  Mu-da-du-[um]

2 ikû of field in … its front on one side, to the north,  bordering on (the field of)  Mudadum, its front on the other side, to the sag 2-kam imu18 i-ta Ja-aḫ-[…]  south, bordering on (the field  of) Jaḫ […] ús-bi i-ta I-ba-lu-u[ṭ] its long side bordering on (the  field of) Iballuṭ, son of Nūr-Šamaš, dumu Nu-úr-d[Utu] ki Nu-úr-dingir dumu […] from Nūr-ilī, the son of […] ù I-din-ia x […] and Iddinja […] mE-ri-iš-ti-d[A-a lukur dutu] Erišti-Aja, [the nadītum of Šamaš],  dumu-munus Dingir-šu-i-[bi-šu]  daughter of Ilšu-ibbišu, i-na ša-wi-ri-[ša] with her ring-money in-ši-in-šám has bought. [šám]-til-la-bi-šè Its full price [kù-babb]ar in-na-an-lá in silver she has paid. [gi]šgan-na íb-ta-bal The bukānum was transferred (?),

46 15 Lo.E.

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inim-bi al-til [šà]-ga-a-ni ì-dùg u4-kúr-šè lú-lú-ra

[nu]-mu-un-gi4-gi4-dam mu dUtu dMarduk 20 ù A-pil-dEN.ZU it-mu-ú igi Li-pí-it-Ištar igi Ša-[mu-ú]ḫ-dEN.ZU [sang]a-meš igi A[N-…] igi x-[…] 25 igi x-[…] igi A-i-[…] igi Géme-d[…] igi dA-[a-…] igi Mu-da-du-um dumu […] 30 igi dEN.ZU-e-ri-ba-am dumu  Ak[šakki (?)-…] igi E-ri-ba-am dumu Nu-úr-x[…] igi Akšakki-ia dumu d[EN].ZU m[u]-[b]a-l[í-iṭ] (?) igi Be-la-ni-ia dumu x x […] igi A-na-dUtu-ták-la-ku [dumu  I-din-dMAR-TU] U.E. igi Dingir-šu-ba-ni dumu x […] igi dEN.ZU-ga-mil dumu Puzur4-dx Le.E. I. igi dUtu-na-ṣir dumu Im-gur-ia  [igi] dEN.ZU-a-⸢bu⸣-šu dumu  dUtu-di-ku5 II. i-na a-ta-ap-pí e-l[i-tim (?)] 40  ša me-e ub-ba-lu mE-ri-iš-ti-d⸢A-a⸣ a-šà-ša i-ša-aq-qí R.

the negotiation is terminated, his heart is satisfied. That in future the one against the  other will not come back to it, by Šamaš, Marduk and Apil-Sîn they have sworn. Before Lipit-Ištar, before Šamuḫ-Sîn, [šangûm]-priests, before […], before […], before […], before Aj […], before Amat-[…], before Aja-[…], before Mudadum, son of […] before Sîn-erībam, son of  Ak[šak-[…] (?)], before Erībam, son of Nūr-[…], before Akšaja, son of Sîn muballiṭ (?), before Bēlānija, son of […], before Ana-Šamaš-taklāku, [son of  Iddin-Amurrum], before Ilšu-bāni, son of […], before Sîn-gāmil, son of Puzur-DN, before Šamaš-nāṣir, son of Imgurja, before Sîn-abušu, son of Šamaš dajjān. From the upper irrigation canal, which brings the water, Erišti-Aja can irrigate her field.

The contract records the sale of a field to a woman who bought it by means of her ‘ring-money’. This money was a capital of which the nadītum-women could dispose freely. Certainly, Erišti-Aja, daughter of Ilšu-ibbišu, the buyer, in this instance was also a nadītum (her title probably to be added in line 8). A list of some of her personal belongings can be found in VAS 9 204+216 (HG IV 795). — Erišti-Aja: M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga (2010) 234; K. De Graef in: B. Lion, C. Michel (eds.), The Role of Women in Work and Society in the Ancient Near East (2016) 291 n. 37. Els Woestenburg identified in the British Museum

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

47

a group of 35 texts in which this nadītum gives silver or barley on loan (dated to Apil-Sîn, Sîn-muballiṭ and Ḫammurabi). Only one of them was published, CT 33 26b (BM 97671) (Hamm. 11). Another, a barley loan (š e u r 5 - r a m á š g i - n a ú-ṣa-ab) dated to month Sēbutum, day 6, year m u í d i d i g n a r a a x , inserts wa-ar-ki ṣí-im-da- šar-ri-im, BM 97587. — The present contract is drawn up according to the customary formularization of Sippar. A special clause concerning the irrigation of the field is added at the end. A fragment in the Geneva Museum, published by E. Szlechter, TJDB 43 f. (museum no. MAH 16.516, pl. LIX) (Apil-Sîn), as far as preserved, runs literally parallel with the present text. Only the order of the witnesses is different. It also contains the clause concerning the irrigation at the end. There is another additional clause on the left edge of that fragment, running as follows: e-zu-ub pî tup-pí-šu pa-ni-im ša 2 iku a-šà-im

“Disregarding the wording of the  earlier tablet concerning the 2 ikû of field”

The Geneva tablet refers to an additional contract, apparently a deed by which Erišti-Aja bought an additional field; the 2 ikû correspond exactly to the dimensions of the field bought according to the Leiden contract. — F.R. Kraus, BiOr 16 (1959) 122 f.; M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga (2010) 96 note 13: “TLB I 218 is related to TJDB pl. 49” [error for 59, again on p. 234]. As will be noticed to lines 39-41, the contract TCL 1 63 (HG V 1144) can be compared with this text. It is also of the time of Apil-Sîn, records also a purchase of a landed property by a nadītum, contains a similar clause with regard to the irrigation of the field and the first witness has the same name (Šamuḫ-Sîn). As to the witnesses of this contract, primarily members of the ‘cloister’, we refer to the general remarks in the introduction to this section. Notes to the lines: 1. For the sign p ú (?) see the collation by S.A. Moore, Plate XXIV. The sign p ú (t ú l ) denotes a source or well (būrtum) and a canal (ḫirîtum). Place names of the form ša X are common at Sippar. In another text of the time of Apil-Sîn (CT 6 8, 7 = HG III 743) a place called Ḫi-ri-tumki ‘moat’ is found. 2-3. The orientation to the cardinal points is rarely seen; for OB texts, see K.R. Veenhof, Symbolae Böhl (1973) 363, 364 to 14’. — P. Steinkeller, Third-Millennium Legal and Administrative Texts (…) Baghdad (1992), no. 50. The full Akkadian terminology appears on the plan of a city: šārum iltānum, šūtum, [amurrûm], šaddûm; D. Charpin, MARI 7 (1993) 194 f. 2-4. s a g (pūtum) is the short side, ú s (šiddum) the long side. 4. Iballuṭ, son of Nūr-Šamaš, buys a house in CT 8 31c, 6 (HG III 258; Apil-Sîn) and acts as witness of an inheritance in S. Dalley, A Catalogue of the Akkadian Cuneiform Tablets in the Collections of the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh, with copies of the texts (1979), no. 16, 26 (Sabium).

48

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8.

The name can be restored from line 40, MAH 16.516, 2’ f. (TJDB p. 43), VAS 9 204 + 216. — More in M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga, 234. 10. Cf. G. Driver and J.C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws I (1956) 365. 14 ff. The final clauses are common at Sippar. For the bukānum-formulary cf. to no. 217, line 11. 21 f. The first šangûm-priest Lipit-Ištar is followed by the second, Šamuḫ-Sîn. This couple is attested during the reign of Apil-Sîn; Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga, 26 f. 21. Lipit-Ištar, son of Šamaš-tappâšu, is known to be a šangûm-priest of Šamaš. Cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar (1976) 157 (‘senior sanga’); E. Woestenburg, AfO 44-45 (1997-98) 358 f.; Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga, 25-34, 301. 22. Šamuḫ-Sîn (or Šumuḫ-Sîn) is another šangûm-priest of Šamaš. Cf. Ancient Sippar, 157 (‘junior sanga’); Woestenburg, ibidem; Tanret, 95-99 (note 13), 164, 302. 29. Best known is Mudadum, the son of Uštašni-ilum: CT 4 16a, 22 = MHET II/1 73 (HG III 393; Apil-Sîn); CT 6 48a, 15 (HG III 571; Apil-Sîn); CT 8 49b, 24 = MHET II/1 79 (HG III 677, VAB 5 15; Apil-Sîn); VAS 8 20, 15’ (HG IV 1050). 30. Cf. Sîn-erībam, son of Akšak-šēmi, CT 4 16a, 33-34 (Apil-Sîn). 34. Ana-Šamaš-taklāku, son of Iddin-Amurrum, can be found also in CT 8 12a, 17 (HG III 285; Hammurabi 3); CT 47 9, 21 (Sîn-muballiṭ 7); VAS 8 19, 21 (HG IV 1049; Apil-Sîn); VAS 9 199, 16 (HG IV 991). 37. Šamaš-nāṣir, the son of Imguria/Imgur-Sîn, also appears in BM 92657, case (Sîn-muballiṭ); Dalley, Catalogue Edinburgh no. 16, 27’ (Sabium); TCL 1 59, 21 (HG V 1134; Apil-Sîn); 63, 30 (HG V 1144; Apil-Sîn). 38. Other references for Sîn-abušu, son of Šamaš-dajjān, are: BM 92657 (Sîn-muballiṭ); TCL 1 63, 33 (HG V 1144; Apil-Sîn) and 64, 20 (HG V 1145; Apil-Sîn). 39-41. These lines contain an additional clause with regard to the irrigation of the field. See the note to lines 1-2 of no. 220. Other contracts with clauses concerning the irrigation are for example CT 4 16b (HG III 455) and CT 8 23c (HG III 389, VAB 5 94). Cf. also J.G. Lautner, Symbolae Koschaker, 89. — K.R. Veenhof in his chapter ‘Mesopotamië: het land en het water’, in E. Endesfelder, et al. (eds.), Landbouw en irrigatie in het oude Nabije Oosten (1993) 63-96, esp. 86 n. 64. Telling is this passage in a letter: “Is it good that, while those here with me and those far away from me are ‘drinking’, my field is perishing?”, cited in CAD U/W 79a, c.

219 Fragment of the Case of no. 248. See after no. 248. 220 (LB 773) (9.1 × 5.1 × 2.7) CDLI, P 389238, photo Renouncement to complain about a canal and an embankment – Apil-Sîn O.

a-na ⸢a-ta-ap-pí-im⸣ ù m[a-aš-q]í-| tim* / zi-ti A-wi-la-ki

With regard to the irrigation canal and irrigation outlet — the share  of Awīlaki —

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

5

ša ki A-wi-la-ki dumu dEN.ZU sipad mSa-bi-bu-um dumu A-bu-um ṭà-bu-um i-ša-mu mLa-ma-sà-tum lukur dUtu dumu-munus dEN.ZU-sipad a-na  Sa-bi-bu-um dumu A-bu-ṭà-bu-um ú-ul i-ra-ga-am a-na a-ta-pí-im pé-ti-tim ù ka-ri-| im

10

a-na a-šà zi-ti La-ma-sà-tum dumu-munus dEN.ZU-sipad  ša pí-i ṭup-pí-ša mSa-bi-bu-um dumu A-bu-um [ṭà-bu-um] a-na La-ma-sà-tum [lukur dUtu]

dumu-munus dEN.ZU-si[pad] 15 ú-ul i-ra-[ga-am] Lo.E.  (broken) R. mu dUtu d[…] ù A-pil-[dEN.ZU in-pàd-meš] igi Li-pí-[it-Ištar …] igi Ša-mu-uḫ-dE[N.ZU …] 20 igi dNin-šubur-ba-n[i …] igi dIškur-re-me-ni x x[…] igi I-da-du-um ì-DU igi Wa-tar-tum dumu-munus  I-din-30 igi Nu-ṭú-up-tum 25  dumu-munus At-ki-lum igi Na-ru-ub-tum dumu-munus  Bi-na-dTe-el igi Na-ra-am-tum dumu-munus  Dingir-na-ṣir igi Im-gur-Sîn dumu I-pí-iq-| Ištar

49

which from Awīlaki, the son of  Sîn-rē’ī, Sabībum, the son of Abum-ṭābum, has bought. Lamassātum, the  nadītum of Šamaš, the daughter of Sîn-rē’ī, against  Sabībum, the son of Abu-ṭābum, will not complain. With regard to the opened canal and  the embankment, with regard to the field, the share  of Lamassātum, the daughter of Sîn-rē’ī, according  to the wording of her tablet, Sabībum, the son of Abum-ṭābum, against Lamassātum, [the nadītum of  Šamaš], the daughter of Sîn-rē’ī, will not complain. This they have sworn by Šamaš, […] and Apil-Sîn. Before Lipit-[Ištar, the šangûm], before Šamuḫ-Sîn, [the šangûm], before Ilabrat-bāni, […], before Adad-rēmēni, ..[…], before Idadum, the doorkeeper, before Watartum, the daughter of  Iddin-Sîn, before Nuṭṭuptum,  the daughter of At/Ṣi-kilum, before Narubtum, the daughter of  Bina-Tēl, before Narāmtum, the daughter of  Ilum-nāṣir, before Imgur-Sîn, the son of Ipiq Ištar,

50

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

igi Dingir-šu-ba-ni dumu Nu-úr-ì-lí-šu igi Nin-ba-an-tuk U.E. [o o o o o] munusdub-sar 30

before Ilšu-bāni, the son of Nūr-ilišu, before Nin-bantuk, the female scribe.

Sîn-rē’ī had a son (Awīlaki) and a daughter (Lamassātum) who was a nadītum of Šamaš. Awīlaki and Lamassātum had each inherited a part of the fields with irrigation works of their father Sîn-rē’ī. Awīlaki sold the irrigation system of his field to Sabībum, but as the fields had been in one hand and had been worked as a whole, the irrigation system was common to brother and sister. Sister Lamassātum promised not to object against the sale of Awīlaki’s part of the irrigation system and, it may be supposed implicitly, against the use Sabībum would make of it. She retained the rights to the ‘open’ atappum and the embankment. The list of witnesses consists of people connected with the ‘cloister’ and some nadītu-priestesses. Most of the witnesses can be found in the nos. 218, 222 and 230. See the general remarks in the introduction to this chapter. — Summary of this text: A. Goddeeris, Economy and Society (2002) 80, cf. 82. Notes to the lines: 1-2. H. Reculeau: “Que l’atappum était un canal permettant d’acheminer l’eau de rang supérieur jusqu’aux champs apparaît le plus clairement pour la région de Terqa et pour celle de Qaṭṭunân”, in Flor. Mar. XVI/1 (2018) 169; his translation is ‘canal de distribution’. This is also true for Babylonia proper. This canal “transports the water to (the fields)” (mê ubbalam) where (two) people have the right to ‘drink (it)’; TCL 1 63, 6-9 (HG V 1144). The source is qualified as atappum mašqīt PN1 u PN2, 10-11). Interestingly, a letter from Mari on irrigation mentions the canal jābiltum which once is referred to as ‘that atuppum’, ARM 14 14, 17, with Reculeau, 170. This is a local West-Semitic word meaning ‘transporting (water)’ and one easily recognizes Akkadian mê ubbalam in it. The atappum often is associated with mašqītu ‘irrigation outlet’ (CAD M), without being identical with it (pace Reculeau, 174), as is clear from line 1 and MAH 16.342 (p. 140 in TJDB), on an atappum having no mašqītu, quoted in CAD A/2 484a and M/1 382b. A few times they are mentioned in one breath, as if the latter word were an apposition to the canal (ARM 27 40, 13; Flor. Mar. VI 520 no. 80, 16; XVI/2 363 no. 20, 22; twice with the verb petûm, ‘to open’). § 55 of the Hammurabi code associates this canal with šiqītu, in Old Babylonian a rare word for ‘irrigation’ (only astested in the school letter UET 5 67, 16, 22). The verb šaqûm’ to irrigate’ (lit. ‘to give to drink’) is associated with atappum and mê ubbalū, in no. 218, 39-41. In some letters after ‘opening’ the atappum follows erēšum ‘to cultivate (the field)’ (Flor. Mar. XVI/2 nos. 21, 22). – Dimensions of this canal (Sum. p a 5 s i g ): D. Charpin, AfO 36-37 (1989-90) 95b, on p. 90, A. 7714, 12-13

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

51

(Mari); M.A. Powell, BSA IV (1988) 163; M. Civil, The Farmer’s Instructions (1994) 116-118; E. Robson, OECT 14 (1999) 98-101 (mathem.) (M. Stol). 2. The copy of the signs after ù invite to read k[a-ri-im …], as in line 9. However, G.Th. Ferwerda saw mašqītim. – The words zi-ti A-wi-la-ki seem to have been added to lines 1 and 2. With regard to what follows it must be assumed that this addition indicates explicitly that only the canal and its outlet field (atappum ù mašqîtum) had been sold and not the field, being the share of Awīlaki (cf. line 10: a - š à zi-ti La-ma-sà-tum). Awīlaki also appears in BE 6/1 16, 2’; son of dEN.ZUs i [p a d ] (HG III 397), and TCL 1 64, 4; son of [30-s i p a d ] and husband of Ištar-ummī (HG V 1145); VAS 8 19, 4 (VAB 5 229); all dated to Apil-Sîn. 9-15. K.R. Veenhof compares this passage with CT 48 42, 31 f. (on exchange, šupêltum); in Endesfelder, et al. (eds.), Landbouw en irrigatie (1993) 92 (n. 88) (see the note to no. 218, 39-41). 11. The tablet referred to may be supposed to have been the contract of division of property between Awīlaki and Lamassātum. 18-19. These men, both šangûm-priests, are also the first two witnesses in no. 218, 21-22. See to that text for references. 20. Ilabrat-bāni, son of Būr-Nunu, is an overseer of Šamaš-nadītum-women (u g u l a l u k u r d U t u ). The exact date of the texts is rarely given, the only indication is the name of the king in the oath. For references see: R. Harris, JESHO 6 (1963) 132 ff., Ancient Sippar (1976) 190 and 314, and J. Renger, ZA 58 (1966) 151 n. 286. Ilabrat-bāni, the son of Būr-Nunu, according to CT 45 10, 24 with seal 1 (from the time of Apil-Sîn) and CT 48 29, rev. 5 with seal, is attested from Sabium 12 to Apil-Sîn. — See E. Woestenburg, AfO 44-45 (1997-98) 359; M. Stol, Festschrift J. Oelsner (2000) 459 n. 15; M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga (2010) 84 f., 87, 303. 21. Adad-rēmēni was the son of dDamu-galzu, the courtsweeper of the Šamaš-temple (k i s a l - l u ḫ é - b a b b a r ), and for that reason the title following his name could be k i s a l - l u ḫ ‘court-sweeper’. However, his title is damaged here. Cf. R. Harris, JESHO 6 (1963) 136 f. G.Th. Ferwerda saw something like a m a (?) gá-[gi-im]. Elsewhere he is ì - d u 8 (MHET II/1 61, 20) or r á - g a b a ; M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga (2010) 89f. (correct there “TCL” I 220 into TLB I 220), 206, 295 Fig. 15A. Cf. M. Stol, Altorientalische Studien zu Ehren von Pascal Attinger (2012) 345. – Note the title s u k k a l ì - d u 8 of Ibni-Amurrum in no. 280, 15, with note. 22. Idadum, son of Palâ-Sîn, was a gatekeeper (ì - d u 8) of the ‘cloister’. Note the writing ì - d u here. He is not the son of DU-x-Sîn, R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 194, which is based on an erroneous reading of seal inscription 2 on CT 45 10; see F. Blocher, Siegelabrollungen auf frühaltbabylonischen Tontafeln im British Museum (Wien, 1992) 96 no. LXXI. Add to Harris: CT 45 16 rev. 19; 91, 16; CT 47 11, 33 with seal (Sîn-muballiṭ 8); CT 48 17, 24 (Apil-Sîn); 59 seal 3; Szlechter, TJDB 44, MAH 16516, 20 (Apil-Sîn); VAS 8 12 / 13, 33 (HG IV 1043; Sabium); MHET II/1 61, 21 [sic]. Cf. Tanret, Sanga, 30, 303. In CT 57 764, 1, with the title n í g k á g[a-gi-im] (?). 26. For references to the theophoric element dTe-el, cf. M. Stol, AfO 27 (1980) 164, bottom. Cf. Adam-Tel and Adam-Telum in no. 248, 5 and Gautier 31, 6.

52 27. 31.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Narāmtum, daughter of Ilum-nāṣir, also appears in CT 8 25a, 52 (HG III 678, VAB 5 16; Sîn-muballiṭ). For female scribes, cf. B. Lion, ‘Les femmes scribes à Sippar’, in F. BriquelChatonnet, et al. (eds.), Femmes, cultures et sociétés dans les civilisations méditerranéennes et proche-orientales de l’Antiquité (= Topoi, Suppl. 10) (2009) 289-303. This scribe Nin-bantuk is also known from MHET II/1 107, 35 (Sîn-muballiṭ).

221 (LB 1981) (7.3 × 4.2 × 2.0) CDLI, P 390400 Deed for a house – Time of Sabium 10 é-dù-a x x […] da dA-a-tal-[lik] ù Ša-lu-ur-[tum] ki Lu-ia-t[um(?)] 5 ù dUtu-nu-ri Ša-at-dA-a dumu-munus Ja-aḫ-zu-ub-AN in-ši-šám šám-til-la-ni-šè 10 kù-babbar in-na-lá Lo.E. [m]u dUtu dMarduk R. [ù S]à-bi*-im [i]n-pàd-m[eš(?)] ⸢x⸣ x x x x 15 [x x] x x [x] x ša [ ]x [ b]i(?) x[ ]-tum dumu-m[unus ]x 20 igi GA/TA -x [ dumu-munus Nu-úr-[ igi Mu-na(?)-[wi]- | ir-tum O.

U.E. 25 Le.E.  I.

 II.

10 sar, with house built on it […] next to (the house of) Aja-tallik and Šallūrtum, from Lujātum (?) and Šamaš-nūrī Šāt-Aja, the daughter of Jaḫzub-El, has bought. Its full price in silver she has paid. Before Šamaš, Marduk and Sabium they have sworn. […], […], […], […], […], daughter of […], before ..[…], the daughter of Nūr-[…], before Munawwirtum],

dumu-munus 30-i- | [pa]-al-sà-[am]

the daughter of Sîn-ippalsam,

[igi Ḫ]u-nu-ub-ti-a dumu-munus Ḫu-zu-bi-im igi dA-a-tal- | lik

before Ḫunnubtia, the daughter of Ḫuzzubum, before Aja-tallik.

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

53

The parties in this deed were probably priestesses (nadiātum) of Šamaš. All persons are women. Notes to the lines: 11-13. One would expect between lines 10 and 11 a revendication clause (like ana baqrī bītim izzaz). The traces in line 11 allow the reading ù Sà-bi-im l u g a l , a royal name being expected here. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 5 n. 19, suggests the reading [ù Su-mu]-a-bi-im (?), which does not seem to fit in the open space on the tablet. 14. Veenhof suggests: x g í n k ù - b a b b a r […]. 20. Collated by J.C. Fincke. 22-25. The reconstruction of these lines is arbitrary; no prosopographical evidence is known to support it. The signs on the tablet, however, suggest this writing of the personal names and the father’s names written on two lines each. Indeed, as can be seen from the rest of the text, the lines are short. 28. The witness Aja-tallik, whose name is partly written on the next line due to a lack of space, is probably the neighbour mentioned in line 2.

222 (LB 2118) (3 small fragments) CDLI, P 390401 Contract concerning two houses – Time of Apil-Sîn or Sîn-muballiṭ O.

5

10 R.

5’

[½⸣ SAR é-dù-a i-na ⸢gá-gi4⸣ i[m(?)] [é] dA-a-šar-ra-at* [x SAR] é-dù-a i-na ki-di-im [é Šu (?)]-ma-ì-lí x (?) […] x […] da (?) x […] mKa-[…] 1 (eše3) 5 ik[u …] [x ]x a-[šà (?)  (lacuna) i-na x […] igi Ša-mu-uḫ-[dEN.ZU] igi Ìr-dEN.ZU sa[nga-meš dUtu] igi dIškur-re-me-ni […] igi dMardu[k-n]a-ṣir […]  dumu Na-ra-a[m-…]

Half a sar with house built up within  the gagûm, [house of] Aja-šarrat, [x sar] with house built up in the  countryside, house of Šû-ma-ilī (?), […] next to […], Ka … 1 eblu and 5 ikû […] […] […] Before Šamuḫ-Sîn, before Warad-Sîn, the šangûm[priests of Šamaš], before Adad-rēmēni […], before Marduk-nāṣir […],  the son of Narām-[…],

54

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

igi Ši-im-ti-x x  dumu Ìr-dEN.ZU igi S[ig(?)]-dingir-šu 10’ [dum]u Luga[l-dUtu (?)] U.E. [igi Ì]-lí-e-ri-ba-am [dumu I]b-ni-dMAR-TU L.E. I [igi …]-ti-dingir  d[umu] x x x     II igi A(?)-[  dumu [

before Šimti…,  the son of (?) Warad-Sîn, before Ipiq(?)-ilišu, son of Lugal-Utu (?), before Ilī-erībam, son of Ibni-Amurrum, before […]ti-ilī,  son (?) of […], before […]  son of […]

The text concerns two houses; the verb is lost, so that the character of the contract cannot be identified. As in nos. 218, 220, 224 and 230 the list of witnesses indicates a link with the ‘cloister’ community. See the introduction to this chapter. — Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 148. Notes to the lines: 1. This house might be supposed to stand within the ‘cloister’, gagûm, as opposed to the one outside it (line 3: ina kīdim). For similar situations, cf. CAD G 10b, c; D. Charpin, RA 82 (1988) 20 f. rev. 2’ f. The (second) šangûm-priest Šamuḫ-Sîn normally appears after the (first) šangûm-priest Warad-Sîn; Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga, 35-36 (during the reigns of Apil-Sîn and Sîn-muballiṭ). The same anomaly is seen in TCL 1 63; discussed by Tanret, 38 f. (our text was overlooked). Rev. 7-8, 9 “Join impossible” (K.R. Veenhof). Perhaps Šimti-Sîn d u m u Warad-ilišu.

223 (LB 716) (Tablet: 6.1 × 4.0 × 3.1; Fragment of Case: 6.9 × 4.8) CDLI, P 389179, photo Gift of a house – Hammurabi 26 (Tablet and Case) O.

5

½ SAR é-dù-a da é dUtu-ti-la egir-bi é E-ṭé-rum (?) sag-bi sila dagal ša Ra-ma-tum ki Kas6-pu-um  ir-šu-ú

½ sar with house built on it, next to the house of Utu-tila, its back side the house of Eṭerum (?), its front side on Broad Street, which Ramātum, from Kaspum  has obtained,

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

a-na La-ma-sí dumu-munus-a-ni id-di-nu 10 u4-kúr-šè mAd-da-kal-la Lo.E. ⸢ù Š⸣u-mi-er-ṣe-tim [dumu-me]š Dingir-šu-⸢a-bu⸣-šu R. a-na La-ma-s[í] a-ḫa-ti-šu-nu ú-ul e-ra-ga-[mu] 15 mu dUtu dA-a dMar[duk] ù  Ḫa-am-mu-ra-bi lugal  in-pàd-dè-meš igi dUtu-ga-mil du[mu …] igi Ka-lu-mu [dumu … •  i]-din-nam igi A-wi-il-dIškur dumu […] 20 igi Aš-qú-du(!)-um dub-[sa]r (?)* igi Ni-ši-i-ni-š[u luku]r dUtu (?) U.E. [itu gu4-s]i-sá u4 10-kam [mu bá]ra gal-gal kù-gi

55

(and) to Lamassī, her daughter, she has given. That in future Adda-kalla and Šumi-erṣetim, [sons] of Ilšu-abušu, against Lamassī, their sister, will not complain, by Šamaš, Aja, Marduk and  Hammurabi, the king,  they have sworn. Before Šamaš-gāmil, the son of […], before Kalūmum, the son of […]  -iddinam, before Awīl-Adad, the son of […], before Ašqudum, the scribe (?), before Nīši-inīšu, Šamaš-nadītum (?) In the month Ajāru, 10th day, the year: the very great golden dais.

Seal inscription on the case: dEN.ZU-iš-me-[…] [dumu] Ib-x […] ìr dNa-bi-[um] (?) ìr dMAR-[TU] The text of the Tablet is given here. The fragment of the Case parallels lines 1-11. The seal can only be found on the case, and cannot be identified. Ramātum gave a house to her daughter Lamassī. The girl’s brothers Adda-kalla and Šumi-erṣetim swore not to complain about this gift. These brothers were the sons of Ilšu-abušu. Ramātum, her mother, had obtained the house of her own right. Notes to the lines: 3. Case: e g i r é [  ]. 5. According to R. Harris, Ancient Sippar (1976) 368 n. 126 “the name Ramātum is the name of several nadîtu’s”. See the references given by her, mainly from the time of Hammurabi. 6. Kaspum is a shortened version of the personal name of the type Kasap-DN. Cf. M. Stol, JCS 31 (1979) 181 n. 26, and D. Charpin, BiOr 38 (1981) 542.

56

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

20-21. An Ašqudum writes a letter to a Niši-inišu, AbB 11 40 (M. Stol). U.E. Date collated by J.C. Fincke.

224 (LB 682) (8.0 × 5.1 × 2.5) CDLI, P 389146, photo Deed for a plot of unbuilt ground – Samsuiluna 26 O.

5

[…] ki-gál […] dEn-líl]-ma-an-sum x x […] ù […] Sà-bi-tum [dum]u (?) A-lí-ba-ni-šu [sa]g-bi 1-kam sila zag-è [sa]g-bi 2-kam é  dEn-líl-ma-an-sum […] i-ga-ar bi-ri-tim [ki (?) I]l-ta-ni lukur dUtu dumu munus I-bi-[dNin-šub]ur Geme2-dUtu lukur dUtu

dumu-munus Ḫa-da-an-šu-li-ik-šu-ud ⸢i-n⸣a ḫar kù-babbar-ša [šá]m-til-la-bi-šè [x +]1 gín kù-babbar in-na-an-[lá] [šà-ga]-a-ni [al-dùg] Lo.E. [u4]-kúr-šè lú-lú-[ra] inim nu-gá-gá R. mu dUtu dA-a dMar[duk] ù Sa-⸢am⸣-[su-i]-lu-[na] lugal  in-pàd-dè-m[eš] 20 [i]gi Ìr-dEN.ZU sanga dUtu 10

[i]gi Sig-An-nu-ni-tum dumu  I-din-Ì[r-ra] [igi A]-wi-il-dIškur dub-sar  d[i-ku5-meš] / lu[kur]

[…] of unbuilt ground, [confining to Enlil]-mansum […], and [confining to] Sābîtum, [the child of (?)] Ali-bānišu, its front on one side: opening out into the street, its front on the other side: the house  of Enlil-mansum, [and (?)] the wall in between, from Iltani, the nadītum  of Šamaš, daughter of Ibbi Ilabrat, Amat-Šamaš, the nadītum of  Šamaš, the daughter of Ḫadānšu-likšud, with her ‘ring-money’ (has bought). As its full price, she has paid […] shekels of silver. [Her heart is satisfied] That in future one against the other will not complain, by Šamaš, Aja, Marduk and Samsuiluna, the king,  they have sworn. Before Warad-Sîn, the šangûm priest of Šamaš, before Ipqu-Annunītum, the son  of Iddin-Irra, [before] Awīl-Adad, the scribe of  the…,

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

[igi …]-nu-um dumu  Du-mu-uq-d[…] [igi A-wi]-il-dNa-bi-um dumu  Akšakki -⸢e⸣-r[i-ba-am] 25 [igi …]-na-šu [ù …]- dUtu dumu-meš  dEn-líl-ma-an-s[um] [igi …]-dI]škur dub-sar [it]u ne-ne-gar u4 10+x-[kam] [m]u Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal U.E. [ḫ]ur-sag gal kur M[ar-tu]

57

[before …] num, son of Dumuq […] (?), [before] Awīl-Nabium, son of  Akšak-erībam, [before …]-našu, [and …]-Šamaš, sons of  Enlil-mansum, [before …]-Adad, the scribe. In the month Abu, the 10+xth day, of the year Samsuiluna, the king: the great mountain of the land  Amurrum.

Notes to the lines: 2. Enlil-mansum is probably the father of the witnesses in lines 25 and 26. The signs following to his name must refer to his professional title. 5. z a g - è = mūṣû A, according to CAD M/2 247 ‘right-of-way (a strip of land to be used as the exit from a house across land held by another person)’. Cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 17 (n. 21) (‘corner street’). 8. For Iltani, daughter of Ibbi-Ilabrat, the nadītum of Šamaš, cf. e.g. CT 8 46a, 23 (HG III 682; Samsuiluna 2); CT 45 35c, 9 (Samsuiluna 15), and from a much later date BE 6/1 105, 20 (HG III 368; Ammiṣaduqa 17+b). — Daughter of Ibbatum/Ibbi-Ilabrat (all Amṣ 18): S. Richardson, JCS 69 (2017) 79 (n. 86). 9. Amat-Šamaš, daughter of Ḫadānšu-likšud, cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 54 and VAS 9 172, 44 (HG V 1364); 174, 22 (HG V 1297). 11. The scribe did not write the expected verbal clause i n . š i . i n . š á m , “she bought”. 20. This priest (s a n g a ) was Warad-Sîn, the son of Šamaš-tappâšu. M. Tanret, The Seal of the Sanga, 61-63. Cf. no. 222, line rev. 3’. 21. Ipqu-Annunītum, son of Iddin-Irra, is a judge (d i - k u 5). See a.o. CT 2 13, 24 (HG III 441; VAB 5 103; Samsuiluna 16); CT 47 65, 38 (Samsuiluna 25); BE 6/1 86 rev. 34’ (HG III 228; Samsuiluna 30). 22. Two options for “the scribe of …”: (1) Awīl-Adad could very well have been ‘the scribe of the nadītum-women of Šamaš’ known from Samsu-iluna, years 18, 23, 25. References: CT 2 43, 38; 8 32a, 22; 47 65, 40 / 65a, 47; RA 9 21 = VAB 5 317, 34). Probably he is identical with Awīl-Adad, the son of Gula-balassu, with the same title (MHET I 2, 23, written d u m u dNinkarrak-[balassu] on seal 5, p. 150) who was “appointed for the administration of justice (ana dīn) of the nadītum-women, for the ‘cloister’”; thus AbB 6 62, 8-10. He is attested without title in CT 47 47, 35 (Hammurabi 43) and again, as first witness, in MHET II/3 356, 21 (Samsuiluna 1) and II/6 854,

58

24.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

24 (d u m u d N i n . g u . l a -ba-la-sú). R. Harris, Ancient Sippar (1975) 130 and 285 n. 118, identifies him with the the scribe of the nadītum-women; similarly M. Tanret, RA 98 (2004) 56. (2) An Awil-Adad d u b - s a r d i - k u 5 ( - m e š ) is attested in Hammurabi 34 and 41. References: CT 47 44, 24; VAS 13 25 rev. 10; perhaps VAS 29 88, 4. Cf. CT 6 38a, 26 (Abi-ešuḫ).

225 (LB 1965) (5.2 × 4.3 × 2.1) CDLI, P 390402 Rent (?) of a field – Time of Abi-ešuḫ O.

5

a-šà qá-ta-an-tum  s[a]g-bi e a-šà(?)-lum (?) iš-tu a-tap-p[í-i[m] Na-qá-ab nu-[uḫ-ši(?)] a-di nam-ka-ri-i[m x] x x  mE-ri-iš-ti-[dA-a] lu[kur dUtu(?)] a-šà ma-la qá-as-sa i-k[a-aš-ša-du]

a-šà E-ri-iš-ti-dA-[a]  dumu-munus* Lú!- dIškur-[ra] Lo.E. ki E-ri-iš-ti-dA-[a] 10 [x]xx[x]x[  (rev. broken off except a part of the ig[i dEN.ZU-na-d]i-in-šu-mi dub-sar U.E. itu bár-zag-gar u4 28-kam mu A-b[i]-e-š[u]-uḫ lugal-e x[xxx]xx R.

The field ‘The narrow’  its front side the dyke of the  field […], from the canal Naqab-nuḫši (?) to the irrigation-reservoir […],  Erišti-Aja, the nadītum of  [Šamaš] (?), the field as much as her hand can  handle, the field of Erišti-Aja,  the daughter of Lu-Iškura, from Erišti-Aja […] last line) before Sîn-nādin-šumi, the scribe. In the month Nisannu, 28th day, of the year Abi-ešuḫ, the king, […]

The tablet was sealed all over with a cylinder seal before writing; the sealing is, however, very faint (J.C. Fincke). The text concerns a field which is mentioned in line 1 and which is specified in that line and the next three lines, while lines 5-8 seem to describe the relation of Erišti-Aja to the field. From ki at the beginning of line 9 it may be inferred that another persone obtained the field from Erišti-Aja under one title or another. Most probably this title was a rent. “Her hand” (6) shows that the buyer is a woman.

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Notes to the lines: 1. Courtesy K.R. Veenhof; cf. AbB 8 3, 10 (a - g à r qá-ta-a[n-t]um) (Lagaba). — Note a - g à r qá-ta-na-tum (‘narrow’) in OECT 15 105, 15, as opposed to a - g à r rapaštum (‘wide’) in lines 7, 10. Cf. a-šà qa-ta-tum, YOS 15 76, 3 (Bad-tibira). 3. Reading suggested by K.R. Veenhof, as opposed to CAD N/1, 230a, a. (ištu atappim arkim). 4. For a namkārum as a landmark in Sippar cf., a.o., CT 2 37, 7 (HG III 386, VAB 5 95) and CT 6 6, 3 (HG III 752, VAB 5 281). See recently W.H. van Soldt, BSA IV (1988) 112. — M. Stol, Festschrift W.H.Ph. Römer (1998) 422; M. Tanret, Changing Water Courses in Babylonia (1998) 65-132; H. Reculeau, Florilegium Marianum XVI/1 (2018) 174-176. 6. Cf. K.R. Veenhof, Symbolae Böhl (1973) 372 f. n. 8. 8. Erišti-Aja, daughter of Lú-Iškura, is found also in CT 45 121, 8, where she buys land “from the king” (Abi-ešuḫ); and in BBVOT 1 96, 5 f., where she leases a field; and in MHET II/6 882, 10 f. (Si 36); and 884, 2-3, 12-13 (Si), where her father appears to be a general (šāpir rēdê). 12. For this scribe cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 300. U.E. 1 The ‘28’ was seen after collation by J.C. Fincke.

226 (LB 754) (7.5 × 4.7 × 2.6) CDLI, P 389217, photo Rent of a field – Time of Ammiṣaduqa O.

5

10

3 ikû of cultivated field 2 ikû of uncultivated field  (total) 5 ikû field in the ugārum  of Šamaš, munus d d Geme2- Ma-mu lukur Utu field of Amat-Mamu, the nadītum a-šà  of Šamaš,  dumu-munus Si-na-tum  the daughter of Sinātum, has from Amat-Mamu, the nadītum ki munusGeme2-dMa-mu lukur dUtu  of Šamaš, [b]e-el-ti a-šà the owner of the field, Utul-Ištar, the abi ṣābim, [mÚ]-túl-Ištar a-bi erin2 [a-na er-r]e-šu-tim ù te-ep-ti-[tim] for cultivation and reclamation, [a-na mu 3]-kam íb-ta-è rented for three years. At the time of the harvest they will [u4 ebur-šè] a-šà pí-i šu-ul-[pí-šu] [i-ša]-ad-da-du-ma measure the field according to its  stalks […] a-šà ab-sín […] […] of cultivated field […] 3 iku a-šà a[b-sín] 2 iku a-šà kank[al]  5 iku a-šà a-g⸢àr⸣ dUtu

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 (lacuna of ca. 2 lines) x x […] […] ul […] 3 iku a-šà […] [a-na m]u-3-ka[m 20 […] x me eḫ (?)- x […]x  (lacuna of ca. 8 lines) U.E. […] x-bi-a Lo.E.

 [he will deliver …, etc.]

Traces of seal impressions. Utul-Ištar rents a field from a nadītum of Šamaš. The activities of Utul-Ištar are described by N. Yoffee, The Economic Role of the Crown in the Old Babylonian Period (1977) 12-44, and M. Stol in Ex Mesopotamia et Syria Lux. Festschrift M. Dietrich (2002) 742-753. Since Utul-Ištar was already abi ṣābim in the 8th year of Ammiṣaduqa (Yoffee, 22), the present text must have been dated later. UtulIštar is attested until the 15th year of that king. For contracts of rent of land see F. Pomponio, I contratti di affitto dei campi per la coltivazione di cereali pubblicati in YOS 13 (1987); M. Stol, ‘Pacht. B. Altbabylonisch’, RlA X/3-4 (2004) 170-172. The present contract contains a rent for the cultivation of cultivable and waste land. These contracts were generally made for three years (lines 10 and 19). Close parallels to the present text are YOS 13 30 (Pomponio, 52-53), 368 (Pomponio, 75-76) and 377 (Pomponio, 81-82). Cf. also no. 464 (Pomponio, 84-85). These texts allow a partial reconstruction of the fragmentary Leiden text. Notes to the lines: 4. The nadītum of Šamaš Amat-Mamu was the daughter of Sinātum, the ‘steward’ of the nadītum-women. Her father is named Nannatum in VAS 13 31, 8. Cf. Studies Oppenheim, 123, and Renger, ZA 58, 152 n. 287, for family relations; attested from Hammurabi 40 to Samsuiluna 24. 11-12. For this clause see B. Landsberger, WZKM 26 (1912) 127-130, and JNES 8 (1949) 280 n. 106; P. Koschaker, HG VI 1698, and W. Eilers, Gesellschaftsformen (1931) 45-46; Pomponio, I contratti, 38-39. It indicates that the cultivated area shall be measured in order to fix the rent for that year. — A. Walther, Das altbabylonische Gerichtswesen (1917) 201 f., n. 1; G. Mauer, Das Formular der altbabylonischen Bodenpachtverträge (1980) 101 f.; H.P.H. Petschow, ZA 74 (1984) 199 f., 212, bottom; RlA X/3-4 (2004) 171b, ‘Pacht. B’ § 1c.

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227 (LB 700) (7.2 × 4.7 × 2.5) Plate XXIV, collations; CDLI, P 389163 Loan of silver – Ammiditana 9 1 ma-na k[ù-babbar ka-an-kum] (?)  a-na š[ám še-giš-]ì (?) ki Il-ta-[ni lukur dUt]u  dumu-munus l[ugal] mŠu-mu-um-l[i-ib-ši] 5  dumu Pir-ḫi-ì-[lí-šu] šu ba-an-[ti] i-na e-re-b[i-ša] še-giš(!?)-[ì] (?) Lo.E. [i]-na li-ib-[bi] UD.KIB.NUNki […] gišbán d[Utu] R. O.

15

a-na na-ši ka-ni-ki-[šu] ì-ág-e igi Lu-uš-ta-mar-dIškur kù-dím igi Ta-ri-bu-ša dumu Gi-mil-lum igi Si-na-tum dumu dEN.ZU iš-me-a-ni igi Dingir-[š]u-ib-ni-šu dumu  Be-li-ia-t[um] [kišib] Dingir-šu-ib-ni-šu

itu gan-gan-è u4 29-kam U.E. [mu Am]-mi-di-ta-na lugal-e [nam(?)-gá]l-la ki-tuš dMarduk-ke4 [

]xxxx[

1 mina of [sealed] (?) silver,  to buy sesame (?), from Iltani, the nadītum of Šamaš,  the princess, Šumum-libši,  the son of Pirḫi-ilišu, has received. At its (caravan’s) arrival the sesame (?) in the centre of Sippar […] according to the sūtu-measure of [Šamaš] to the holder of his document he will deliver. Before Luštammar-Adad, the  goldsmith, before Tarībuša, the son of  Gimillum, before Sinātum, the son of Sîn išmeanni, before Ilšu-ibnīšu, the son of Bēlijātum. [Seal impression of] Ilšu-ibnišu In the month Kislīmu, 29th day, of the year Ammiditana, the king: […], the dwelling place of  Marduk […]

Indistinct seal inscriptions with the names of the holders added: Lo.E. 1. [kiš]ib dMarduk-pi-laḫ (?) 2. [kiš]ib Lu-uš-ta-mar-dIškur

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The text records a loan of 1 mina of silver. The purpose of the loan is given in line 2, which is unfortunately broken on a crucial point. The 1 mina of silver was a usual amount for a commercial enterprise, either for a tappûtum, a (commercial) partnership (cf. Eilers, Gesellschaftsformen, 57-58, and a number of other contracts), or for a trade expedition (gerrum). Instead of silver, barley or other goods had to be returned to the furnisher of the money or to the holder of the tablet. Three essential lines of the text are damaged (2, 8 and 9). Line 8 contains evidently a stipulation about the moment of the delivery of the barley. The signs suggest i-na e-re-bi-[šu], ‘at his/its arrival’. This conjecture would very well fit in with a tappûtum or a trade expedition, although one would expect ina erēb gerrim. The third and the last sign of line 2, as well as the length of this line suggest indeed the conjectural reading a-na ta[p-pu-ti]m (cf. no. 207, 8). Another possibility is that the capital sum was for buying sesame, a-na š [ á m š e - g i š ] - ì , since the repayment also seems to be in sesame (?; line 9). One would expect a stipulation about the quantity to be returned, the more as the measure is mentioned (line 12). This must have been specified in line 9, but in that line certainly no specific quantity is mentioned, at best a quantity that can be fixed, e.g. an equivalent quantity of barley, or according to the current rate in silver. Only if in line 2 a-na š á m š e should be read, in line 9 a conjecture še ma-[la i-ba-(aš)-šu-ú] could be possible: Šumum-libši should return the quantity of barley which he had bought. In that case, the document does not contain any more than a commission for buying barley. Anyhow, the document does not contain any stipulation about the profit of the parties. — Šumum-libši was a dealer in sesame (BM 81334), see below. Loans that have to be returned ‘to the holder of the tablet’ were quite usual; cf. D.O. Edzard, Altbabylonische Rechts- und Wirtschaftsurkunden aus Tell ed-Dēr (1970) 69-74, ‘Die sogenannte Inhaberklausel’; M. Stol, Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160/4 )(2004) 879 f. The furnisher of the money was the nadītum-woman Iltani, a princess, known from a number of other tablets. See R. Harris, JCS 16 (1962) 6 f., and the authors quoted there, J. Renger, ZA 58 (1967) 164, § 80; in K.R. Veenhof, Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (CRRAI 30) (1986) 104, and M. Stol, ‘Prinzess Iltani’, Studi epigrafici e linguistici 4 (1987) 3-7. — S. Richardson, ‘Goodbye, Princess: Iltani and the DUMU.MUNUS LUGAL’, JCS 69 (2017) 67-108 (not acceptable but still valuable for its many references and the new texts). This princess is also found in no. 228. The debtor Šumum-libši is described by D. Charpin as one of the middlemen in the business transactions of the palace at Babylon, playing his role on a local level, particulary in Sippar; JA 270 (1982) 37 BM 81334 (again sesame!). Cf. Richardson, JCS 69, 84 note 130 (commercial products). The occurrence of the witnesses Luštammar-Adad (line 15) and Ilšu-ibnišu (line 18) further points to the relation with this trade of the palace, concentrated on wool, cattle and sesame.

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Notes to the lines: 1. The huge amount of silver requires the restoration kankum ‘sealed’, or n a 4 dUtu ‘in the weight-stone of Šamaš’. See M. Stol, Munuscula Mesopotamica. Festschrift für Johannes Renger (1999) 575 f. 5. For the merchant Šumum-libši, the son of Pirḫi-ilišu, see D. Charpin, op. cit.; R. Pientka, Die spätaltbabylonische Zeit II (1998) 470, 6. — M. Stol, Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160/4) (2004) 941 f. (note 2139; ‘für Sesam’); S. Richardson, JCS 69 (2017) 92 no. 3. 8. The signs suggest ina erēbī[ša] rather than ina erēb [gerrim] (Richardson, JCS 69, 84 note 130). See the collation by S.A. Moore, Plate XXIV. 15. For Luštammar-Adad, the goldsmith, cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 278; Stol, Festschrift Renger, 575 n. 14. All dated to king Ammiditana. — Richardson, JCS 69, 76 note 57. 16. Taribuša: Richardson, 76 n. 62 (VAS 29 45, 14). 17. Sinātum: cf. CT 33 36, 5 (HG VI 1711; Ammiditana 29): Sí-na-tum d u m u dEN. ZU-iš-me-a-ni. — Richardson, 76 note 60. 18. Ilšu-ibni, the son of Bēlijātum, who appears as a witness in the present text, is the debtor of wool from the palace in CT 8 11c (HG III 223) (Ammiṣaduqa 17+c), whereas Šumum-libši acted as a witness to this deed. Cf. F.R. Kraus, Ein Edikt des Königs Ammi-ṣaduqa von Babylon (1958) 108, 2, c. — Richardson, 75 note 51.

228 (LB 2078) (7.3 × 5.3 × 2.6) CDLI, P 390403 Delivery of sheep and wool to the palace – Abi-ešuḫ 21 O.

5

10

R.

14 u8 23 udu-nita2  37 u8 udu-nita2-ḫi-a 6* gú 16 ½ ma-na síg  na4 nam-ḫar-tim lal-u u8 udu-ḫi-a ša Il-ta-ni lukur dUtu dumu- munus  lugal ša mu A-bi-e-šu-uḫ lugal-e  bàd-da A-bi-e-šu-uḫ-ke4  bí-in-dù-a ki dEN.ZU-i-din-nam na-gad ú-sa-ad-da-ar-⸢ma] u8 udu-ḫi-a ù síg

14 ewes, 23 rams,  (total) 37 ewes and rams 6 talents 16 ½ minas of wool,  according to the weighing-stone  for goods to be received, arrears of ewes and rams, of Iltani, the nadītum of Šamaš,  the princess, during the year Abi-ešuh, the king:  Dūr-Abi-ešuḫ was built,  (= Abi-ešuḫ 21), due from Sîn-iddinam, the  herdsman. In regular installments, ewes, rams, and wool

64

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é-gal i-ip-pa-al itu še-gur10-ku5 u4 30-kam mu A-bi-e-šu-uḫ lugal-e  bàd-da A-bi-e-šu-uḫ-ke4  bí-in-dù-a

he will pay (deliver) to the palace. In the month Addāru, the 30th day, of the year Abi-ešuḫ, the king:  Dūr-Abi-ešuḫ was built.

The tablet was sealed all over before writing (J.C. Fincke). An inscription: x x x […] dumu Ì-lí-[…] ìr d[…] This text, dated on the last day of Abi-ešuḫ’s 21st year, contains the statement that the herdsman Sîn-iddinam will deliver sheep and wool from the estate of the princess Iltani to the palace, in regular installments. Deliveries of sheep and wool, recorded together in one text, are not rare, as can be seen from JCS 2 (1948) 83-84 no. 10. The princess Iltani had a large estate, as appears from a number of tablets. See for references the comments to the preceding text. The present text suits well the series that A. Goetze has published in JCS 2 (1948) 73 ff. The herdsman (n a - g a d a ) Sîn-iddinam is found in some of these texts too (p. 79, no. 8 rev. 6; p. 97, no. 24, 5; his son Šēlebum on p. 84 no. 10, 14). Cf. also M. Stol, BiOr 33 (1976) 152. — S. Richardson, JCS 69 (2017) 87. The seal must be that of Sîn-iddinam, since there are no witnesses. Notes to the lines: 5. Von Soden, AHw 727, reads ša (nam-ḫar-tim), but the text shows a clearly written n a 4. The weighing-stone aban namḫartim also in JCS 2 (1948) 83 no. 10. 6. l a l - u : see F.R. Kraus, Ein Edikt, 88 ff.: ‘Rückstände’ (ribbatum). M. Stol, Studies R.J. van der Spek (2016) 27, d. — ribbatum is attested in OB texts only; LÁL.KAK in MB is Akkadian rēḫu (M. Stol). 11. For more references on the herdsman Sîn-iddinam see above, the comments to this text. 12. For this hendiadys of suddurum with apālum, see CAD S 14 f., ‘to do little by little, in installments, to let an unspecified time lapse before doing something’; F.R. Kraus, Sonderformen akkadischer Parataxe: die Koppelungen (1987) 10-12 (‘das schrittsweise Erreichen eines festlegendes Ziels’, 12). 8-10, 16-18. The year Abi-ešuḫ “m” is now year 21, according to J.M.A. Horsnell and now D. Charpin, RA 112 (2018) 188, 191.

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229 (LB 772) (10.4 × 5.5 × 2.8) Plate X, copies Contract of marriage – Samsuiluna 3 O.

5

10

15

Lo.E.

mGeme -dAsal-lú-ḫi dumu-munus 2  [dNa-bi-um-at-pa-lam]

Geme-Asalluḫi, the daughter of  Nabium-atpalam, ki dNa-bi-um-at-p[a-lam ad-da-a-ni] from Nabium-atpalam, her father, {ù [x] x [x x] x [ama-a-ni (?)]} {and […], her mother,} mdUtu-ba-ni dumu Nu-úr-d[…] Šamaš-bāni, son of Nūr-[…], a-na aš-šu-tim ù mu-t[u-tim i-ḫ]a-uz4 has taken into marriage. On the day Šamaš-bāni says to ⸢u4-um⸣ mdUtu-ba-ni a-na m d  Geme-Asalluḫi,   G[eme2- As]al-lú-ḫi aš-[ša]-ti-šu ú-ul aš-ša-ti at-⸢ti⸣ his wife: “you are not my wife”,  i-qá-ab-bi 1 ma-na kù-babbar ì-lá-e ù-lu he will pay 1 mina of silver; or m d  (when) Geme-Asalluḫi   Geme2- Asal-lú-ḫi says to Šamaš-bāni, her husband: a-na mdUtu-ba-ni mu-ti-ša ú-ul  mu-ti at-ta  “you are not my husband”, i-qá-ab-bi-ma a-na me-e they will throw her into the water.  i-na-ad-du-ši 1 slave girl, Ana-šumīja-libluṭ by 1 sag-geme2 mA-na-šu-mi-ia li-ib-lu-uṭ mu-ni name, 2 shekels of gold for her ears, 1 2 gín kù-gi ša uz4-ni-ša 1  copper cauldron of 2 sūtu of …  urudušen ša 2 (bán) x (x) 5 pieces of cloth, 11 overgarments, 5* túg-ḫi-a 11* túgguz-za 11 túg  bar-si-ḫi-a  11 head-dresses, 2 baskets, 1 cow, 15 sheep and 2 gipisan-ḫi-a 1 áb 15 u8-udu goats,  nita2-ḫi-a 1 na4ur5 zíd-gu 1 na4ur5 ad-bar 1 grinding stone for fine flour, 1  grinding stone of basalt, 1 bed of apple wood, 6 chairs 1 gišná gišḫašḫur 6 gišgu-za  zú-a[m-s]i dib (?)  inlaid with ivory (?), 1 table with a top of 1 gišbanšur qá-qá-di-im ša  musukkannu-wood,  gišmes-má-gan-na 4 wooden dishes: all this is 4 gišma-ka-la-tum mi-im-ma  an-ni-im what Nabium-atpalam, her father, [š]a mdNa-bi-um-at-pa-lam  ad-da-a-ni

66 20

R.

25

30

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[a-n]a mGeme2-dAsal-lú-ḫi  dumu-munus-a-ni [i]d-di-nu mA-wi-il-dEN.ZU  dumu-a-ni ⸢ù⸣ dumu-meš mGeme2-dAsal-lú-ḫi [š]a ib-ba-aš-šu-ú ap-lu-ša mu dUtu dA-a dMarduk ù Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal in-pàd dè-meš [igi …] dumu Ìr-dEN.ZU igi I-din-dIškur dumu dEN.ZU lu-ud-lu-ul igi d[MA]R(?)-TU-ma-an-sum dumu  Sig-Ištar igi [Dum]u-UD.KI[B].NUNki  dumu d[E]N.ZU-i-din-nam igi dUtu-i-te-e dumu Ra-x-x[…] igi Ku-ta-a dumu Ma-an-nu-um ki-ma-ì-⸢lí⸣-i[a] igi A-⸢pil⸣-ì-lí-šu dumu Dingir šu-na-ṣir igi Dingir-da-mi-iq dumu  dNanna-tum igi Ma-an-na-šu dumu dUtu-ma-gir igi Be-el-šu-nu dumu Ìr-ì-lí-šu igi Ḫa-bil-ki-nu-um dumu  Ṣi-lí-dEN.ZU (?) igi Dumu-AN-dMAR-TU dub-sar igi Dingir-šu-ellat-su dumu (?)  I(?)-ku-pí-x (?) [itu ga]n-gan-è u4 11-[ka]m

40 U.E

[m]u íd-da Sa-am-su-⸢i-lu-na⸣  na-qá-ab-nu-u[ḫ-ši mu-un-ba-al]

to Geme-Asalluḫi, his daughter, has given. Awīl-Sîn, her/his son, and the children of Geme-Asalluḫi, which will be there, will be her  heirs. They have sworn before Šamaš, Aja, Marduk and Samsuiluna, the king. Before […], the son of Warad-Sîn, before Iddin-Adad, the son of Sîn ludlul, before Amurrum-mansum, the  son of Ipiq-Ištar, before Mār-Sippir, the son of  Sîn-iddinam, before Šamaš-itê, the son of Ra-[…], before Kutâ, the son of Mannum kīma-ilija, before Apil-ilīšu, the son of Ilšu nāṣir, before Ilum-dāmiq, the son of  Nannatum, before Mannašu, the son of  Šamaš-māgir, before Bēlšunu, the son of Warad ilišu, before Ḫabil-kīnum, the son of  Ṣilli-Sîn (?), before Mār-Amurrum, the scribe, before Ilšu-tillassu, the son of  Ikuppī-x (?). In the month Kislīmu, the 30th (?)  day, of the year: he dug the canal  Samsuiluna-naqab-nuḫši.

See for this text F.M.Th. Böhl, Mededeelingen II, 20-25, and M. David, Betrachtungen, 8. For the law of marriage in general see R. Westbrook, Old Babylonian

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67

Marriage Law (AfO Beiheft 23) (1988), with a translation of the present text on p. 132-133. — The bride must be a nadītum of Marduk who was allowed to marry; but bearing children was a taboo for her; instead, she could adopt sons; see L. Barberon, Les religieuses et le culte de Marduk dans le royaume de Babylone (2012). The most interesting features in the text are the enumeration of the marriage gifts by the father of the bride and the clause concerning the inheritance in lines 21-23. A full discussion of the implications of these clauses would exceed the limits of a short comment. Only the following remark on the gift, the dowry, may be made. The gift was commonly named nudunnûm, but the word is šeriktum in the laws of Hammurabi (to be distinguished from the terḫatum). See A. van Praag, Droit matrimonial assyro-babylonien (1945) p. 173 ff. and 160, n. 1, Driver and Miles, The Babylonian Laws, p. 265 ff. and 271 ff., and C. Wilcke, Zikir šumim (1982) 440 f. (Exkurs A), Westbrook, op. cit., 24-28, 89, 95-96, 99, M. Stol, Women in the Ancient Near East (2016) 134-145. In two crucial texts again the inheritance of the dowry of a nadītum of Marduk is involved; BE 6/1 84 (HG III 9) and CT 8 2a (HG III 10). — Lucile Barberon is of the opinion that Geme-Asalluḫi had already the son Awīl-Sîn, born in an earlier marriage, and takes into account that there will be more sons (adopted) in the future They all will inherit the dowry; cf. CH § 173. See Barberon in Revue historique de droit français et étranger 81 (2003) 7, and her Les religieuses, 147 n. 841. — He probably was the son adopted by the bride (M. Stol). Notes to the lines: 1 ff. This Geme-Asalluḫi must have been a nadītum of Marduk. Cf. W. Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks (AOAT 213, 1982) 14-15. — See Barberon, Les religieuses, 161, 215 f. More nadītum-women of Marduk had this name, Barberon, 138-140. Note another Geme-Asalluḫi, the daughter of Ilī-atpalam (not: Nabium-atpalam) in Barberon, 106, 248, Archibab 1 no. 6, 12, 19 (Abi-ešuḫ). 3. This line was erased by the scribe. 5. See for this clause P. Koschaker, JCS 5 (1951) 107, and the references quoted; and more recently Westbrook, op. cit., p. 10-16. — At the end of the line one sees [… i-ḫ]a-az “he takes/will take”. We expect īḫuz “he has taken”. Note that in line 12 AZ again stands for uz, in ša uz4(AZ)-ni-ša. Did they pronounce īḫoz, oznī? (M. Stol). 10. Cf. for this clause Koschaker, JCS 5, 116 f., and Westbrook, op. cit., 83. 12. For other examples of gold for the ears – earrings – see BE 6/1 84 (HG III 9); E. Szlechter, TJA 10 f. UMM.H 41, 10 (= MCS II 42, no. 13) (with n. 1), and perhaps YOS 8 141, 12. uruduš e n = ruqqum. The same copper cauldrons in BE 6/1 84, 12 (HG III 9); CT 8 2a, 6 (HG III 10); 34b, 11 (HG III 456; VAB 5 202); CT 2 1, 9 (HG III 735). The capacity of these cauldrons was as a rule 2 or 3 sūtu. More in K.R. Veenhof, BiOr 27 (1970) 34 f. (not the unusual reference here).

68 13.

14.

16.

17.

18. 21.

27. 29. 32.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

= i’lum / illukkum; cf. AHw, p. 372b illukkum 2) ‘ein Prachtgewand’, p. 373b i’lu 2) ‘eine Binde?’; CAD I-J 86b, illukkum 2 ‘a sumptuous garment’; H. Waetzoldt, Neusumerische Textilindustrie (1972) 291, and RlA VI (1980) 21 f. — According to J.-M. Durand, ARM 30 (2009) 35, in Akkadian gizzum. For t ú g b a r - s i , see the note on no. 279, 10. The combination u 8 - u d u - n i t a 2 - ḫ i - a is rare; CT 45 31, 18; again in the dowry lists CT 4 1b, 6 = MHET II/2 328; CT 45 29, 15, both followed by ul imuttā “(they) will not die”, referring to the ‘iron cattle’; see M. Schorr, VAB 5 208 with note, p. 291, A.L. Oppenheim, ‘A note on ṣôn barzel’, Israel Exploration Journal 5 (1955) 89-92, and K.R. Veenhof, JEOL 35-36 (1997-2000) 74 n. 118. Also in AbB 11 152, 25, CT 48 33, 9 (dowry) (refs. M. Stol). The u 8 - u d u - ḫ i - a flock is known to include sheep and goats (cf. CAD Ṣ 128, ṣēnu A,; AHw, 1090b); the addition of n í t a ‘male’ probably indicates that there are female as well as male sheep to be found in this flock. For a bed of ḫ a š ḫ u r -wood (apple) see A. Salonen, Möbel, 120. As to the chair ‘of ivory’, g u - z a z ú - a m - s i , see op. cit., 48 etc. The reading ‘ivory’ is not beyond doubts; see the copy by K.R. Veenhof, Plate X. For paššur qaqqadim see A. Salonen, Möbel, 168, and K.R. Veenhof, BiOr 22 (1965) 37a; CAD P 261, c’; Q 108a. Another reference may be CT 45 75 rev. 8’, g i š b a n š u r - m e s - s a g - d u . For gišm e s m á - g a n - n a = musukannum, mēsu-, wood from Magan, see W.F. Leemans, Foreign Trade, 9; J.-M. Durand, Documents épistolaires du palais de Mari, Tome I (1997) 259, d. The mention in this text of furniture of musukannum wood from Magan imported from the Persian Gulf, is very interesting (see Leemans, op. cit., 125 f.). Similarly the chairs with inlays of ‘ivory’ in line 16. No mention of ivory and of Magan wood was known in Old Babylonian texts after the end of the Larsa dynasty. Both were precious articles. Thus, since among the gifts were articles of gold – a rare feature (cf. W.F. Leemans, RlA s.v. ‘Gold’) – it may be assumed that Geme-Asalluḫi’s father was a wealthy man. It may be supposed that the pieces of furniture he gave were from his own furnishings and that these pieces dated from the time of the regular imports from the Persian Gulf. Did these beautiful pieces of old furniture count as especially valuable (just as in present days)? For mākaltum see A. Salonen, Möbel, 196, K.R. Veenhof, BiOr 22, 37b, and M. Birot, ARM 9, p. 321 ad 118. It seems not clear at first sight whose son Awīl-Sîn was, of Nabium-atpalam, the bride’s father, or of Šamaš-bāni, the husband (cf. M. David, Betrachtungen, 10). In my opinion: of Nabium-atpalam, because (a) he is mentioned in the preceding sentence, (b) if he was the son of Šamaš-bāni, it would have been said so explicitely, being an exception, and (c) it fits well into the historical development, sketched aboven, that the bride’s brother would inherit. — He probably was the son adopted by the bride (M. Stol). Iddin-Adad, the son of Sîn-ludlul, also appears in MHET II/2 145, 6-7 and in BM 80357, 6. One Mār-Sippir, the son of Sîn-iddinam, also in the much earlier MHET II/2 145, 6 f. (Hamm. 3). Apil-ilišu, the son of Ilšu-nāṣir, also in MHET II/2 264, 13 f.; II/3 402, 9 f. túgg u z - z a

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

69

Bēlšunu, the son of Warad-ilišu, also in A. Rositani, Harvest Texts in the British Museum (2011) 116 no. 41, 15. 37. The same scribe appears as D u m u -dMAR-TU in Th. Friedrich, BA V/4 (1906) 493 no. 15, 17 (HG III 544; ref. M. Stol). AN-dMAR-TU and dMAR-TU can be equivalent; Stol, JCS 31 (1979) 178. 39-40. Collated by J.C. Fincke. 35.

230 (LB 768) (6.4 × 8.7 × 0.8) (Fragment of Case: 8.6 × 6.2) CDLI, P 389234, photo Contract to provide maintenance – Apil-Sîn 12. R.

5’

 (several lines missing) […] dUtu […] a-na Ḫu-šu-t[um (?) …] a-di ba-al-ṭà-at […] mu dUtu dA-a dMarduk ù mu A-pil-30 it-ma ša KA dub an-ni-im ú-na*-[ak-ka-ru] igi Ìr-Sîn sanga dUtu igi  Ša-mu-úḫ-dE[N.ZU] igi dIškur-re-me-ni igi dNin-šubur-ma-an-sum  ugula lukur dU[tu-meš]

10’

15’

igi Na-ra-am-ì-lí-šu dumu  Iš-me-3[0] [ig]i A-lí-a-bu-ša dumu-munus  Qá-ra-ṣú-mu-[ia] [igi] Sa-mu-ra-aḫ igi Ma-ia-tum [dumu-m]eš A-sà-li-ia [igi Na-ap]-sa-nu-um igi  Be-le-[su-nu] [igi … n]a(?)-ia igi Ḫa-[…]

[that she/he will provide  maintenance (?)] to Ḫuššutum (?) as long as she lives […] By Šamaš, Aja, Marduk and Apil-Sîn she/he swore (against) whoever changes the wording of this  tablet. Before Warad-Sîn, the šangûm priest of Šamaš, before  Šamuḫ-Sîn, before Adad-rēmēni, before Ninšubur-mansum, the  overseer of the nadītum-women  of Šamaš, before Narām-ilišu, the son of  Išme-Sîn, before Ali-abuša, the daughter of  Qaraṣumuja, before Samuraḫ, before Majātum, the sons of Assalija, [before Nap]sānum, before  Bēle[ssunu], [before …n]aja, before Ḫa […].

CT 45 11 is the Tablet belonging to this Case (a shortened text); see M. Stol, The care of the Elderly in the Ancient Near East (1998) 110, where a translation

70

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

with a short commentary is presented. That text is dated to Apil-Sîn, year 12. Cf. Tanret, Sanga (2010) 35 n. 1, end. Archival context: A. Goddeeris, Economy and Society in Northern Babylonia in the Early Old Babylonian Period (2002) 60-62. The clause with adi balṭat occurs in contracts of adoption (for instance BE 6/1 96 = VAB 5 29) and contracts of donation in which the donee promises to maintain the donor (BE 6/1 101 and TCL I 90 = VAB 5 209 and 214). In most instances it was a means used by a nadītum in order to bestow her property to a certain person and to safeguard her own sustenance. It seems likely that we have to do here with the maintenance of her adoptive mother by an adopted girl, a common feature in the circle of childless nadītum-women (cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 347 n. 105, and cf. CT 4 45c = VAB 5 223). The name Ḫuššutum is found in other texts referring to nadītum-women of Šamaš. — The Tablet shows that she is the daughter of Qara-ṣumuja (Apil-Sîn). Her father Qara-ṣumuja and a Ḫuššutum appear in the earlier text CT 2 34, 5, 32 (Sumu-la-el). See Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 47, 61 f. (family tree), 63 f. (correct ‘Apil-maraṣ’ in the family tree into A-bí-maraṣ, and add D. Arnaud, BBVOT 1 no. 12, 1). Notes to the lines: 4’-6’. For this combined formula of a curse and an oath, cf. K.R. Veenhof, Vetus Testamentum 22 (1972) 380-381. 7’-9’. These witnesses also in nos. 220 and 222. 10’. Narām-ilišu, the son of Išme-Sîn, also in BE 6/1 20, 18 (HG III 272; Sînmuballiṭ). 11’. Ali-abuša, the daughter of Qaraṣumuja, also in CT 45 11, right edge (Apil-Sîn) (the Case). She might be the sister of Ḫuššutum in Waterman, BDHP 64, 4, 8 (HG VI 1765; Sabium), although no relationship is explicitly stated. 12’-13’. The brothers Majātum and Sa/umuraḫ, sons of Assalija, are known from the texts CT 2 34, 9-10 (Sumu-la-el), CT 2 50, 7, 16, 22 (= MHET II/1 45) (HG III 690, VAB 5 290; Sabium) and CT 4 26b, 14 f. (HG III 691; Sabium). Sumuraḫ alone in Waterman 64, 6, 9; more in Stol, The Care of the Elderly, 111 n. 217. Note the writing A-sa-li-ja in CT 8 47b, 18 (= MHET II/1 8). Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 63 f. 14. Napsānum with Bēlessunu in CT 2 34, 24, 26 (or 29) (Sumu-la-el); 50, 5, 17; CT 4 26b, 13 (Sabium).

231 (LB 697) (7.6 × 4.7 × 2.6) Plate X, copies Record of an oath – Samsuiluna 2 O.

igi Ša-dA-a dumu E-tel-pi4 dEN.ZU

Before Ša-Aja, the son of Etel-pi Sîn,

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR mdMarduk-mu-ša-lim

5

dumu  Bur-dIškur mBe-el-šu-nu dumu I-bi-dE[N.Z]U mÌr-dE-la-li dumu A-bu-ni mdUtu-na-ṣir dumu Akšakki eri4-ba-am mIb-ni-dBIL.GI dumu dUtu-ba*-ni m[dE]N.[Z]U-na-di--šu-mi  dumu Sig/Kù*dx x mA-pil-ì-lí-šu ù Na-ra-am-ta-ni mdUtu-li-wi-ir dumu I-din-dBIL.GI

71

Marduk-mušallim, the son of  Būr-Adad, Bēlšunu, the son of Ibbi-Sîn, Warad-Elali, the son of Abuni, Šamaš-nāṣir, the son of  Akšak-erībam, Ibni-Gibil, the son of Šamaš-bāni, Sîn-nādin-šumi, the son of Ipqu-[…]

Apil-ilišu and Narāmtani, Šamaš-liwwir, the son of Iddin Gibil mÌ-lí-ù-dUtu dumu I-din-dBu-né-[né] Ilī-u-Šamaš, the son of Iddin10  Bunene, mdEN.ZU-re-me-ni d[umu Sîn-rēmēni, the son of […], mA-ḫa-[…] Aḫa-[…]  (lacuna) R. [igi] ši-b[i an-nu-ú-tim] Before these witnesses mNi-id-na-a[t-dEN.ZU] (?) Nidnat-[Sîn] (?) 15 a-na* ⅓ ma.na 2 gí[n kù-gi (?)] that the ⅓ (or ⅔) mina and 2 shekels  of gold (?) k[ù]-babbar s[íg] š[e] t[úg]-ḫi-a the silver, wool, barley, textiles and ù ⸢x x⸣ / ⸢x (x)⸣ […] ša i-ba-aš-šu [š]a (?) dumu-munusthat are present, belong to Mārat ki (?) x  erṣetim (?),  dumu-munus dEN.ZU(?)-ma-g[i]r  the daughter of Sîn (?)-māgir, in the gate, at the divine …[…] i-na ká-gal i-na dgu-š[u]l (?) 20 it-ma i-na mi-im-ma he has sworn. If in all an-ni-im ša it-mu-ú this that he has sworn ú-ba-ar-ru-ši-i-ma one disproves her, šu-ru-uq dingir ù lugal a theft of god and king  in-na-ak-ka-al  will be ‘eaten’. U.E. itu ab-è-a u4 25-kam In the month Ṭebētu, the 25th day, mu ama-ar-gi ki-en-gi of the year: the freedom of Sumer. The importance of the text is that it gives the Babylonian expression for perjury: šuruq ilim u šarrim akālum (lines 23 f.). The text begins with the witnesses, just like no. 235; see W.F. Leemans in Marchands, diplomates et empereurs. Études offertes à Paul Garelli (1991) 321 (summary). See for this kind of text the comments to no. 235. For the interpretation of the text: W.F. Leemans, RA 64 (1970)

72

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

63-66, with a new copy of lines 13-24. Collated and corrected by F.R. Kraus, RA 65 (1971) 94 (2), and J. Renger, JESHO 20 (1977) 71 n. 16 s.v. ‘False accusation’. For 14-16, 18 (the end), see the collations by K.R. Veenhof, Plate X. The text contains the record of an oath sworn by a man, Nidnat-Sîn (??) (14), stating that certain objects belong to a woman, Mārat-erṣetim (?). As it was evidently Nidnat-Sîn (?) who swore the oath, itmû in line 21 must be translated by: he has sworn, but -ši- in ubarrušima must refer to the woman. Accordingly Kraus translated (loc. cit.): “Si l’on la trouve coupable de tout ce qu’il a déclaré sous serment, il y aura un cas de vol de (propriété) divine ou royal” (italics by me). But how could somebody (Mārat-erṣetim) be guilty of an false oath, sworn by another person (Nidnat-Sîn?)? This paradox makes the proposed interpretation of the text doubtful. If the oath was a perjury, it was considered as an act of theft committed against the gods and the king, by whom the oath was sworn. This can be compared with other delicts which were considered offences against the god(s). For example in Emar in the 12th century B.C. (cf. W.F. Leemans, JESHO 31 [1988] 214, 216 and 221). For the oath in general see RlA II, 305 ff. — See J. Hengstl, Festschrift für Burkhart Kienast (2003) 216; D. Charpin, AfO 50 (2003-2004) 378a, reviewing Dombradi II, 158 n. 1091; K. Kleber, ‘Zum Meineid und zu seiner Bestrafung in Babylonien’, ZABR 13 (2007) 23-38 (esp. 24 f.) who shows that in the Neo-Babylonian period, too, the punishment is a matter of god and king (36). Notes to the lines: 1. He is first witness in CT 4 25a, 18. 4. The deity Elali is only known from personal names; see RlA II, 324. — As a god in UET 5 304, 10, cf. C. Michel, Innāya dans les tablettes paléo-assyriennes I (1991) 35 n. 33. 5. The first sign of the father’s name is not entirely clear. If Akšakki is correct, cf. CT 4 11a, 31 (HG III 69, VAB 5 193; Samsuiluna): i g i dUtu-na-ṣir d u m u Akšakki-eri (!?)-ba (!?). 4 6. Collation proved the father’s name to be dUtu-ba(!)-ni. 8. For Apil-ilišu, son of Nanna-mansum, and the woman Narāmtani, cf. CT 47 43, 8-9 (Hammurabi 33): Apil-ilišu and Narāmtani, a nadītum of Šamaš, sell a field together. They are supposedly brother and sister. Apil-ilišu, the son of Nannamansum also figures in CT 48 36, 10 (Hammurabi 33). 10. Ilī-u-Šamaš, son of Iddin-Bunene, is also found in JCS 11 (1957) 17 no. 3 rev. 4 (= CUA 80) (Samsuiluna 1). According to his seal impression on BM 17077A he is a servant of the Ebabbar (Apil-Sîn 22 -XII -6) (F. Blocher, Siegelabrollungen auf frühaltbabylonischen Tontafeln im British Museum [Wien, 1992] no. 203 = A. Rositani, Harvest Texts in the British Museum, nos. 17-18).

NOS. 217-231: TEXTS FROM SIPPAR

73

13-20. — Leemans follows Kraus in RA 65 p. 94. The copies of the first signs of lines 14-16 made by K.R.Veenhof (see Plate X) do not support these readings. 15. As supposed by F.R. Kraus, op. cit., probably a quantity of gold is mentioned here. The amount x might be ⅓, ⅔ or maybe ⅚. 19. The divine Gu-… must be a god, or a divine symbol or weapon. Cf. K.R. Veenhof, Festschrift C. Wilcke (2003) 323-326. In an unpublished text from Sippar five men testify (qabûm) “in the temple of Šamaš, in the holy Gušalla (i-na dGu-šal-la)”, BM 16886, 26 (by courtesy of F. van Koppen). 23-24. Kraus: “il y aura un cas de vol de (propriété) divine ou royale”. This passage is cited in CAD A/2 327a sub asakkum B, b, asakkam akālu ‘to infringe on a taboo’, and translated “should they prove that she had taken a false oath, a taboo of god and king is infringed upon”. — This asakkam akālum, lit. ‘to eat tabooed divine property’, and the similar expression nīšam akālum means ‘to commit sacrilege’; S.D. Simmons, JCS 14 (1960) 31, to no. 64, 6, 7 (= YOS 14 42 with H.P.H. Petschow, ZA 76 [1986] 31); lastly, D. Charpin, Festschrift P. Attinger (2012) 129 f. The word šurqum means ‘theft’. CAD Š/3 354 f. s.v. šurqum A offers no translation and mentions the similar šurqam akālum in AbB 10 192, 23, 26 (‘obscure’). C. Wilcke: ‘Diebstahl essen’, analog zu ‘Verleumdung essen’ = ‘verleumden’ and he translates our passage as “Wenn man sie wegen irgend etwas, worüber sie den Eid geschworen hat, überführt, so wird ein Diebstahl von Gott und König gegessen werden”; in V. Haas, Außenseiter und Randgruppen (= Xenia 32) (1992) 53 f. Cf. J. Hengstl, Festschrift Burkhart Kienast (2003) 216 (‘Meineid’). — The last words in the seemingly similar phrase a - š à ù g i š -SAR ša-ar-qum ša (…) i[n]-na-ka-al mu innammar probably should be read ú-ka-al-mu innammar; in St. Dalley, A Catalogue of the Akkadian Cuneiform Tablets in (…) Edinburgh (1979) no. 24:23-25 (M. Stol).

Nos. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT INTRODUCTION Also from Dilbat: nos. 208, 219, 281, 309, 310. Nos. 254, 256, 282 might come from Dilbat because its god Uraš is mentioned. In July, 1993, the now following Dilbat texts were studied and collated by S.G. Koshurnikov; his improvements are marked by a starlet (*). Since J.E. Gautier, Archives d’une famille de Dilbat au temps de la première dynastie de Babylone (1908) – in the following abbreviated as Gautier – and A. Ungnad, BA 6 / V (1909), several studies have been specifically devoted to Old Babylonian Dilbat, first of all H. Klengel, ‘Untersuchungen zu den sozialen Verhältnissen im altbabylonischen Dilbat’, AOF 4 (1976) 63-110. V. Scheil composed a Latin eulogy on Gautier, Archives: E. Jiménez in Mélanges Marcel Sigrist (2020) 276-278. Another comprehensive study on the subject is the (unpublished) dissertation of M.J. Desrochers, Aspects of the Structure of Dilbat during the Old Babylonian Period (Los Angeles, 1978). Apart from a general introduction, which pays attention to the history of Dilbat itself and to the research done in this field (Section I), he gives an inventory of the contents of the texts (Section II), of the social context (Section III), as well as a short analysis of the political history (Section IV). A large amount of the prosopographical information is, due to the absence of an index, difficult to consult. Although not all of the suggested family connections are reliable, in the commentary to the texts references are made to Desrochers’ family trees. For a reconstruction of later Dilbat-archives cf. also M. Stol, JCS 25 (1973) 216 f., and C. Wilcke, WdO 8 (1975 / 76) 274-277. More recently S.G. Koshurnikov presented some studies on Dilbat, ‘A family archive from Old Babylonian Dilbat’, VDI 1984.2, 123-133 (on the IddinLagamal family) (in Russian); also ‘Old Babylonian Tablets from Dilbat in the Ashmolean Museum’, together with N. Yoffee, in Iraq 48 (1986) 117-130; ‘Prices and types of constructed city lots in the Old Babylonian period’, in K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Houses and Households in Ancient Mesopotamia (1996) 257-260. In addition, N. Yoffee, ‘The sale of real estate in Old Babylonian Dilbat’, American Anthropologist 90 (1988) 120-129, studied Iddin-Lagamal’s subsequent acquisitions of houses (or rooms, both named é-dù-a) in five texts: AM 1951:6 = OECT 13 273; C.J. Ball, PSBA 29 p. 275; TLB I 233; Gautier 4, and Gautier 6 (= VAB 5 156). A survey of all early Babylonian texts from Dilbat presented A. Goddeeris,

76

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Economy and Society in Northern Babylonia in the Early Old Babylonian Period (ca. 2000-1800 BC) (OLA 109) (2002) 225-249. Several of the texts following concern the well known family of Ilī-amranni. For a better understanding of these texts the genealogy of this family – ranging from the time of Sumu-abum to that of Samsuiluna – is given here, mainly based on Desrochers’ data (Aspects, 235-264). The TLB-references are given after the family tree that is following here. More expanded family trees were given by Goddeeris, op. cit., 232, and by G. Kalla in M.P. Streck, S. Weninger (eds.), Altorientalische und semitische Onomastik (2002) 152. Ilī-amranni En(n)um-ilī

Ṣilli-Uraš

Aḫu-kīnum

Iddin-Lagamal

Tutu-nāṣir

Nigga-Nanna

Ilī-iddinam

Ilī-mude

Iddin-Lagamal

Nāḫilum Salātum (× Išme-Sîn)

Etel-pi-Sîn

Warad-Amurrum

Ḫuzālum

Sîn-bēl-aplim

Uraš-muballiṭ

Eli-erēssa

Marduk-nāṣir (× Šāt-Marduk) Ibbi-Ilabrat

En(n)um-ili (Sumu-la-El 6): nos. 233, 244 Iddin-Lagamal (time of Sumu-la-El): nos. 233, 234, 244. Tutu-nāṣir (Sîn-muballiṭ): nos. 241, 242, 258. Nigga-Nanna (Sabium 11-Sîn-muballiṭ 12): nos. 237, 241, 242, 258. Nāḫilum (Sabium 5-Sîn-muballiṭ 14): nos. 235-238, 240-242, 245, 246, 258, 308, 309; see Koshurnikov and Yoffee, Iraq 48, 118 n. 10. Ḫuzālum (Hammurabi 25-38): no. 248. Sîn-bēl-aplim (Hammurabi-Samsuiluna 5): no. 248. 232 (LB 685) (7.6 × 4.5 × 2.5) Plate XXIV, collations; CDLI, P 389149, photo Deed for a field – Time of Sumu-la-El O.

⸢in⸣-n⸢a⸣-l[á (?)] ½ iku 30 SAR a*-[šà]

(several lines lost) … ½ ikû 30 sar […]

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

77

a-šà A-na-ki-i[a]* šám-ti-la-ni-šè 16 ⅔ gín kù-babbar in-na-lá da dumu Lú-dBa-ú

field of Anakija as its full price 5’ 16 ⅔ shekels of silver she has paid. (Field) bordering on the son of  Awīl-Bau, da Ì-lí-i-na-a-a and bordering on Ilī-ināja, the backside Mannum-šāninšu, sa-dul5 Ma-nu-um-ša-ni-in-šu 10’ ki Ip-qú-ša dumu I-bi-dEN.ZU from Ipquša, the son of Ibbi-Sîn, ù ki A-na-ki-ia and from Anakija, dam I-ti-dingir-mi-il-ki the wife of Itti-ilim-milkī, m Lo.E. Me-ès-li-ma-tum Meslimātum, the daughter of Ibbi-Sîn, dumu-munus I-bi-dEN.ZU 15’  nin-a-ni  their (!) sister, R. a-šà in-ši-šám has bought the field. gišgan-na íb-ta-bal The bukānum was transferred (?). u4-kúr lú-lú nu-mu-un-[gi4]-gi4-[dè] That in future the one and the other  will not come back to it, by Uraš, Marduk mu dUraš dMarduk 20’ ù Su-mu-la-AN in-pàd-[dè-meš] and Sumu-la-El they have sworn. igi Ìr-ra-i-mi-ti Before Irra-imittī, igi Ḫi-pa-ri-ia before Ḫiparja, igi Sú-na-bu-um before Sunabum, d  sons of Sîn-nāṣir,  dumu-meš EN.ZU-na-ṣi-ir 25’ ig[i dE]N.ZU-ja* dumu dUtu-ellat before Sîn-ja, son of Šamaš-tillatī, [before …], son of Uraš-nada, [igi …] dumu dUraš-na-da [before …] Uraš […] [igi …] dUraš […]  (several lines lost) L.E.

Seal impressions with legend: [ i]b(?)-ni

[

kišib igi-meš  íb-ra-eš (?)

The witnesses have  impressed the seal.

-i]bni (?)

Summary and archival context: A. Goddeeris, Economy and Society (2002) 245; family tree, 246. Ipquša and Anakija, children of Ibbi-Sîn, sold a field to their sister Meslimātum. All three of them also figure in the text Gautier 40 (HG IV 1084), only the upper part of which is preserved. That text concerns a sale of real property in connection with their shares in the inheritance, probably from their father, together with

78

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

another brother, Sîn-nāṣir. That text is dated Sumu-la-El 7, and not Hammurabi 28, as indicated in HG IV 1084. Also, the present document, probably posterior to Gautier 40, may contain a sale, sequent to the division of the inheritance. The properties belonging to estates were generally divided into exactly equal parts, with the result that unmanageable lots came into existence. The heirs often solved the situation by selling these lots to another. The present text and Gautier 40 are probably examples of this practice. For the family relations, see M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 278 (family 10: seller: ‘Anaṭia’ = Anakija; buyer: ‘Me’at-libas’ = Meslimātum). To the same family refers the document Gautier 2 (HG IV 1054, VAB 5 300; Goddeeris, 245). In the present text, the clause stating the payment of the price precedes the clause stating the actual purchase. This is a characteristic of early deeds from Dilbat, Kiš and Nippur; cf. M. San Nicolò, Die Schlussklauseln der altbabylonischen Kauf- und Tauschverträge (1922) 15. Notes to the lines: 2’. Collated by S.A. Moore, Plate XXIV (not: 1 b ù r ). 3’. Collated by S.G. Koshurnikov. 9’. s a - d u l 5 ( - b i ) is typical of Dilbat (Gautier, Dilbat, 7); and of other towns in the same region (e.g. Riftin 44; Szlechter, TJA 10 UMM H 41, 4). 11’. For the alternation Anakija and Ḫanakija (Gautier 2), compare Aliûm and Ḫaliûm (M. Rutten, RA 52 [1958] 212). 13’. ‘Me’at-libas’, thus Gautier, repeated by Desrochers and Goddeeris. — Read Meslimātum (Amorite): written Me-SI-li-ma-tum in Gautier 40, 4. Cf. Me-ès-lima-tum, YOS 14 104, 10; Me-É-li-mu-um, YOS 14 59, 11 f.; Me-IŠ-li-mu-um, JCS 9 (1955) 64, 75 no. 18, 18. 17’. See for this clause the note to no. 217, 11. 23’. Cf. no. 233 rev. 2’. Le.E. Similar statements with regard to the seal are found on other Dilbat tablets, e.g. Gautier 1 (HG IV 951), Gautier 2 (HG IV 1054, VAB 5 300), Gautier 4 (HG IV 923), Gautier 6 (HG IV 977), all of the time of Sumu-la-El. Later on these statements do no more occur.

233 (LB 707) (5.2 × 4.0 × 2.0) Plate XI, copies; CDLI, P 389170, photo Deed for a house – Time of Sumu-la-El O.

igi 4-⸢gál⸣ é-dù-a da I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al šám-til-la-ni-šè

¼ (sar?) with a house built on it, adjacent to Iddin-Lagamal, as its full price,

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

5

10 R.

5’

2 ½ gín kù-babbar in-na-lá ki dEN.ZU-na-ṣi-ir Šum-ma-AN (?)  dumu-ki x (x) ù Ḫa-ki-ra-tum MA (erasure) I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al dumu Ì-lí-am-ra-ni [i]n-ši-šám [gišgan-na] íb-[ta-ba]l  (lower edge lost) [(igi) …] x ⸢igi⸣ Sú-na-bu*-um igi En-um-dingir dumu Ì-lí-am-ra-ni igi Ì-lí-tu-kul-ti dumu Zi-za-am-ì-lí igi dEN.ZU-še-mi dub-sar iti zíz-a mu A-lum-bi-ú-mu Dil-bat ki in-dab5

79

he has paid 2 ½ shekels of silver; from Sîn-nāṣir, Šumma-ilum (?),  Mār-erṣetim, his brother, and Ḫakirātum […] (?), Iddin-Lagamal, the son of Ilī-amranni, has bought. [The bukānum] was transferred (?). […] Before Sunabum, before En(n)um-ilī, son of Ilī amranni, before Ilī-tukultī, son of Zizam-ilī, before Sîn-šēmi, the scribe. In the month Šabāṭu of the year: Alumbiumu captured Dilbat.

Traces of a seal impression. Iddin-Lagamal can be seen here extending his real estate. The activities of the descendants of Ilī-amranni are described by M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 237 ff. For the family tree see the Introduction to the present chapter. See for the date of this document (also in YOS 14 120) W.F. Leemans, JCS 20 (1966) 48. — This is a year-name of Alumbiumu (Ḫalun-pi-umu), king of Marad; Goddeeris, Economy (2002) 226; R. de Boer, JCS 65 (2013) 81, 84 (n. 64), 86. Now also attested in BM 23751, in the dissertation of R. de Boer, Amorites in the Early Old Babylonian Period (2014) 462 f. — Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 234, 241. Discussion of this text by N. Yoffee, American Anthropologist 90 (1988) 122 f. Text 3, 125 (with a sketch); S.G. Koshurnikov in Veenhof (ed.), Houses and Households, 258 f. Notes to the lines: 5. Copy of the last signs by Veenhof: Plate XI. S.A. Moore: the traces are very faint and do not fit š e š - n i . End: Koshurnikov saw d u m u - k i š e š - n i . 5-6. Yoffee sees in Sîn-nāṣir and ‘Ḫaqirātum’ the sons of Abum-waqar in AM 1951:6 (= OECT 13 273, 2), ‘perhaps’. Not fully accepted by Goddeeris, Economy, 234 n. 233. 6. Some title might be expected at the end of this line.

80

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

rev. 2’. rev. 3’. rev. 5. rev. 6’.

rev. 8’.

Cf. no. 232, 23’. For this personal name cf. J.J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung (1939) 133, and AHw 219. Cf. also no. 244, 24. Zīzam-īlī ‘Stand by me, my god!’, imperative of izuzzum, uzuzzum; normally iziz; not recorded by the dictionaries (M. Stol). The same scribe in no. 244, 9, and its corresponding tablet C.J. Ball, PSBA 29 (1907) 275, 27 (Sumu-la-El 6), in VAS 7 1, 24 (HG III 381), and in Gautier 40 rev. 5 (HG IV 1084). Cf. Desrochers, op. cit., 275-276. Ḫalun-pi-(u)mu, the father of king Mutija, is again a royal name in Tell Leilan; J. Eidem, The Royal Archives from Tell Leilan (2011) 368 ff.

234 (LB 714) (6.1 × 4.5 × 2.2) Plate XII, copy XXIV, collations; CDLI, P 389177, photo Deed for real property – Time of Sumu-la-El  (upper half lost) […] pa5 […] ⸢sag⸣* 2-kam šám giškiri6 dEN.ZU  x x |-um šám-til-la-ni-šè 13 gín kù-babbar in-na-lá 5’ ki Ur-dLa-ga-ma-al dumu Ì-lí-i-na-a-a mI-din-dLa-ga-ma-al dumu Ì-lí-am-ra-ni Lo.E. in-ši-in-šám gišgan-na íb-ta-bal 10’ R. u4-kúr-šè inim nu-gá-gá-a mu dUraš ù Su-mu-la-AN  in-pàd a-na ba-aq-ri i-za-az 15’ igi AN-pi4–šu dumu I-pí-iq-Ištar* O.

igi dEN.ZU-mu-ši-im-mi nar (?)

20’

 dumu Pu-um-ki-nu-um [ig]i dEN.ZU-mu-ba-lí-iṭ [dumu … Q]á-qá-ru-um [ … … ] dumu Ir-x[…]

[…] the atappum-canal […] …] the second front side … garden of Sîn-….] as its full price he has paid 13 shekels of silver; from Ur-Lagamal, the son of Ilī-ināja, Iddin-Lagamal, the son of Ilī-amranni, has bought. The bukānum was transferred (?). That in future he will not complain, by Uraš and Sumu-la-El  he has sworn. For vindications he will answer. Before Annum-pišu, son of Ipiq Ištar, before Sîn-mušimmī (?),  musician (?),  son of Pûm-kīnum, before Sîn-muballiṭ, [son of (?) Q]aqqarum (?), before […], son of Ir […]

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

81

Seal impression over the text and traces of seal inscriptions (not on copy): dEN.ZU(?)-mu-[…]*

dumu […] Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 231. Notes to the lines: 1’-2’. These lines must contain a description of (the geographical setting of) the object of sale, which was a piece of real estate, in view of the atappum-canal, mentioned in l. 1’. Cf. D.O. Edzard, OLZ 65 (1970) 555 f. (‘Immobilien- oder Sklavenkauf’). Visible signs in line 2: a copy by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XII. 6’. The same name in no. 232, 8’. 14’. See for this clause S.D. Simmons, JCS 13 (1959) 91, and AHw 105b, 4, and H.P.H. Petschow, ‘Beiträge zum Codex Ḫammurapi’, ZA 76 (1986) 24-34. 15’. End, ‘Ipiq-Ištar’: collated by S.A. Moore, Plate XXIV. 16’. Unidentified personal name. The sign im in the name has no vertical wedge, as in the copy (Veenhof). The last sign could be n a r or perhaps n a r - s a , although sa is not clear at all on the tablet. For the string-musician n a r - s a cf. CAD N/1 378a, b, and D. Charpin, Clergé d’Ur, 250 n. 3. 18’. The witness Sîn-muballiṭ appears also in Gautier 10 rev. 11 (HG IV 925) and 33, 3’ (Desrochers, Aspects, 313).

235 (LB 696) (4.3 × 4.6 × 2.5) CDLI, P 389160, photo Statement of the purchase of a person – Date lost  (lower half of the tablet) m[Ì]-lí-e-ri-ba-am lú Nu-ká[rki] Ilī-erībam, a man from Nukar, m[Ìr]-dMAR-TU aga-uš š[a]r-ri-[im] Warad-Amurrum, the soldier of the  king, ši-bu-ú an-nu-tum ša maḫ-ri-šu-nu these are the witnesses, before  whom mA-bi-in-ši gudu dUraš Abi-enšim, priest of Uraš, 4 5’ dumu Li-pí-it-dEn-líl the son of Lipit-Enlil, Lo.E. ki dMarduk-ga-mil from Marduk-gāmil, dumu Ri-iš-Tu-tu the son of Rīš-Tutu, R. aga-uš šar-ri-im the soldier of the king, mNa-ḫi-dingir dumu I-dinNāḫilum, the son of Iddin-Lagamal, dLa-ga-ma-al O.

82 10’

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

a-na 15 gín kù-babbar in-ši-in-šám a-na ba-aq-ri-šu [iz-za-az]

for 15 shekels of silver has bought. For vindication [he will answer.] (rest lost)

Traces of seal impressions. Nāḫilum buys Abi-enšim, a priest of Uraš. Had he been captured as booty by the soldier of the king, line 8? As in nos. 231 and 243, the witnesses are mentioned first. Texts beginning with a list of witnesses are rare. See the contribution by W.F. Leemans in Études offertes à Paul Garelli (1991) 318; A. Goddeeris, Economy and Society in Northern Babylonia in the Early Old Babylonian Period (ca. 2000-1800 BC) (2002) 20 f. The date of the present text lies certainly between Sabium and Sîn-muballiṭ, because of the presence of Nāḫilum, the son of Iddin-Lagamal. Cf. also W. Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks (1982) 27 n. 2. Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 237. Notes to the lines: 1’. For the geographical name N u - k á r , cf. B. Groneberg, RGTC 3 (1980) 180. — Add AUCT V 262, 9, 13; I. Bernhardt, TuM NF 5 (1976) no. 32, 17-19 (Old Babylonian!); CUSAS 29 nos. 71, etc.; VAS 7 124, 10; YOS 13 171, 4; here no. 308, 13. Now attested in Apil-Sîn, year-name 5 (misread): m u b à d N u - k á r k i b a - d ù ; ZA 83 (1993) 24, 9’. 2’ and 8’. ‘Soldiers of the king’ (rēdi šarrim) are known from various places; see CAD R 248 f. More: CT 8 49b, 34 (HG III 677, VAB 5 15), PBS 8/2 117, 3. Apparently more than one of them were functioning at the same time, cf. AbB 9 112, 28, 44: qá-du-um re-di-i šar-ri-im, “accompanied by soldiers (or: a soldier) of the king”. 4’. The name means “The father of the weak”, referring to a god as father; see M. Stol, SEL 8 (1991) 199 n. 80 (correct there TCL 10 105 into 107). ‘Priest’ (gudu4 = pašīšum), with J. Renger, ZA 59 (1969) 144, § 184.2. — This name with the same title is now also attested in YBC 11041:15; in M. Stol, Anatolica 41 (2015) 24, with comments (p. 28) (year: Samsu-iluna 22). Here his father’s name is mentioned, so he was not just a slave. 6’ One of the few instances in Dilbat where ‘Marduk’ is attested in a PN: W. Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks (1982) 27 n. 3. Note that he is a soldier of the king of Babylon. 9’. About Nāḫilum cf. H. Klengel, ‘Untersuchungen’, AOF 4 (1976) 68-74; M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 240 and 254 (where the present text is erroneously included in a list of 12 house purchases by Nāḫilum), and S.G. Koshurnikov with N. Yoffee, Iraq 48 (1986) 118 n. 10.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

83

236 (LB 731) (5.3 × 4.6 × 2.5) Plate XXIV f., collation; CDLI, P 389194, photo Exchange of houses – Time of Sîn-muballiṭ O.

 (upper part lost) md⸢Uraš⸣-qa[r-ra-ad] a-na Na-ḫi-dingir i-di-in é Na-ḫi-dingir ma-la ma-ṣú

[…. ] Uraš-qarrād has given to Nāḫilum. The house of Nāḫilum, as large as  it is, at the gate of Lugal-abzu (?), ša ká dLugal-ZU-AB-BA 5’ da é Dil-bat ki-a-bi adjacent to the house of Dilbat-abī, ù da é Ka-ka-a* and adjacent to the house of  Kakâ, mNa-ḫi-dingir Nāḫilum has given to Uraš-qarrād. a-na dUraš-qar-ra-ad i-di-in Lo.E. im-ta-ag-ru-ma They have come to an agreement 10’ uš-te-pí-lu-ú and exchanged. R. 1 ½ gín kù-babbar ni-ip-la-tim 1 ½ shekel of silver as compensatory  payment mdUraš-qar-ra-ad Uraš-qarrād has given to Nāḫilum. a-na mNa-ḫi-dingir i-di-in That in future the one against the u4-kúr-šè lú-lú-ra  other 15’ inim nu-um-gá-gá-a will not complain, by Uraš and Sîn-muballiṭ (they have mu dUraš ù dEN.ZU-mu-ba-lí-iṭ  sworn). igi dEN.ZU-mu-ša-lim* dumu I-din-ia* Before Sîn-mušallim, son of Iddinja, before Nanna-šuku, son of Sîn-šēme, igi dNanna-šu-ku6 dumu dEN.ZU še-me igi Ip-qá-tum dumu Ni-bi-rum before Ipqātum, son of Nēberum (?), 20’ [ ]xx[ […] For a similar contract of exchange see no. 238 and Gautier 25 (HG IV 981). Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 235. Notes to the lines: 1’, etc. Uraš-qarrād: cf. no. 132, 2, Gautier 5, 6. 4’. Copy: Lugal-ZU.AB-ba. The interpretation dLugal-ki-ab-ba seems the most plausible one. The gate is otherwise unknown, as is the deity; cf. E. Unger, RlA II, 221. The reading of J. Renger, HSAO (1967) 140: k á dLugal-abzu, seems to be unjustified. — Not in RlA VII/1-2 110, s.v. Lugal-abzu.

84 5’.

6’. 10’. 17’. 18’.

19’.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

For Dilbat-abī (the son of Ulammadu), cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 305 (family 38). The man also figures as a witness in the marriage contract of a daughter of Nāḫilum to Išme-Sîn (Gautier 14 rev. 13; HG IV 784; VAB 5 34; Apil-Sîn 13). End: see the collation by S.A. Moore, Plate XXIV. The same verb šupêlum in no. 238, 15 and Gautier 25, 16 in the more complete expression é ana é(-tim) uštapilū. Collated by S.G. Koshurnikov. The same person in no. 237, 32. The correct spelling of this personal name is arbitrary: the Leiden tablets show invariably -š u -ḪA (š u - k u 6 ) (nos. 236, 18’; 238, 26’; 241 rev. 10’; 245 rev. 6’), whereas the copies of Gautier vary between -š u -ḪA (Gautier 13 rev. 11 = HG IV 1058, and Gautier 35 rev. 8’+ l.e. = HG IV 1053), and -ma-gir (Gautier 15 rev. 14 = HG IV 927), and even dNanna-š u (-) d i - k u 5 (Gautier 18 rev. 6 = HG IV 930; also the son of Sîn-šēme!). Add –šu-gir, no. 241 rev. 10, coll. Leemans; CT 45 101, Le.E. II 1-2, YOS 14 154, 17’ (M. Stol). The element -š u -ḪA ‘fisher’ is uncommon in personal names from the Old Babylonian period. Note, however, CT 48 39, 5: PN d u m u Ba-e-ri (H.M. Kümmel, OLZ 68 [1973] 467; courtesy F.R. Kraus). — Cf. CAD Š/3 227 f., šukudakku ‘(temple) fisherman’. This Ipqātum might be the same man as the father of Sîn-māgir and Iddin-Lagamal in no. 237, 29-30 (Sîn-muballiṭ 7) and 248, 23-24 (Hammurabi 36). Cf. Desrochers, op. cit., 317 (family 57).

237 (LB 686) (11.7 × 5.4 × 3.2) CDLI, P 389150 Deed for a house – Sîn-muballiṭ 7 O.

5

10

4 SAR 18 ⅔ gín é b[ur-ba]l da é sila Na-ap-še-ra-am-ì-lí

4 sar 18 ⅔ gín unbuilt ground, adjacent to the house of the street of Napšeram-ilī d  and Šubula-nāṣir,  ù Šu-bu-la-na-ṣi-ir and bordering on the street of Nergal, ù da sila dNè-iri11-gal sag-bi é dNè-iri11-gal at its frontside the temple of Nergal, at its backside the temple of Uraš, egir-bi é d⸢Uraš⸣ […]* d its exit on the street of Nergal(?), mu-ṣú-šu sila [Nè-iri11-gal] é A-pil-ì-[lí-šu] the house of Apil-ilišu ù Ku-r[u-um šeš]-a-[ni] and Kurûm, his brother,  d[um]u-meš I-din-dMA[R-TU]  the sons of Iddin-Amurrum, [ki] A-pil-ì-lí-š[u] from Apil-ilišu [ù] Ku-ru-um šeš-a-[ni]  and Kurûm, his brother, Nāḫilum, the son of Iddin-Lagamal, [mN]a-ḫi-dingir dumu I-din d[La-ga-ma-al]

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

[é(?)] in-ši-in-[šám] [šá]m-til-la-bi-šè [ x g]ín kù-babbar [in-n]a-an-lá [u4-kúr]-šè Lo.E. [A-pil-ì]-lí-šu 20 [ù Ku-r]u-um šeš-a-ni [é]-šè inim nu-um-gá-gá 15

R.

25

30

35

40

85

has bought [the house (?)]. As its full price [x] shekels of silver he has paid to him. That in future Apil-ilišu and Kurûm, his brother, with regard to this house will not  complain, [mu] dUraš ù dEN.ZU-mu-ba-lí-iṭ lugal by Uraš and Sîn-muballiṭ, the king, [i]n-pàd-dè-eš they have sworn. [a]-na ba-aq-ri é For vindication of the house mA-pil-ì-lí-šu Apil-ilišu ù Ku-ru-um dumu-me-eš I-dinand Kurûm, the sons of Iddin Amurrum,  d⸢MAR-TU⸣ iz-za-az-zu will be responsible. igi I-pí-i[q]-Ištar dumu Nu-ri-i[a] Before Ipiq-Ištar, son of Nūrija, igi dEN.ZU-ma-gir dumu Ip-qá-[tum] before Sîn-māgir, son of Ipqātum, igi I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al šeš-[a-ni] before Iddin-Lagamal, his brother, d d before Šarrum-Adad, son of […], igi Šar-ru-um- Iškur dumu x[…] igi dEN.ZU-mu-ša-lim dumu [I-din-ja] before Sîn-mušallim, son of […], before Ipiq-Išḫara […], igi I-pí-iq-dIš-ḫa-r[a …] before Uraš- […], igi dUraš-x […] igi Na-ap-še-ra-am-ì-lí […] before Napšeram-ilī […], igi A-bu-um-wa-qar dumu NI-x [ before Abum-waqar, son of ..[…], before Nigga-Nanna, son of Iddinigi Níg-ga-dNanna dumu I-din Lagamal,  dLa-⸢ga-ma-al ⸣ d before Išme-Adad, the scribe. igi Iš-me- Iškur dub-sar itu zíz-a In the month Šabāṭu mu bàd AN.ZA.GÀRki-Da-da of the year: the wall of Dimat-Dada.

Seal inscriptions: 1. [Ní]g-ga-dNanna [du]mu I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al [ìr dL]a-ga-ma-al 2.

I-[pí-iq-Ištar] dumu Nu-ri-ia ìr dNin-si4-an-na ù dLa-ga-ma-al

3.

No inscription.

Nigga-Nanna, son of Iddin-Lagamal, servant of Lagamal. Ipiq-Ištar, son of Nūrija, servant of Ninsianna and Lagamal.

86

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 236, 241. Notes to the lines: 1. Burubalûm, cf. AHw 142a: ‘Baustelle’; CAD B 343b: ‘unimproved land (?)’; D. Charpin, Archives familiales et propriété (1980) 163 (on b. and turbalûm). In Dilbat: H. Klengel, AOF 4 (1976) 71 f.; M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 114-116 (“b. property is cheaper than epšum property [e.g. lots with a house or shed built on them] and shows a much greater variation in the price/size ratio”); S.G. Koshurnikov, N. Yoffee, Iraq 48 (1986) 119 ff. (‘deserted house lot’); Koshurnikov in K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Houses and Households in Ancient Mesopotamia (1996) 258. 2. The street (s i l a , sūqum) seems to be named after two persons. — Streets named after one person are known from Tell Sifr, see D. Charpin, Archives familiales (1980) 162; E. Stone, Nippur Neighborhoods (1987), Texts 19, 6, 22, 3; TIM 4 8,17, 20 (= 16, 12, 15); VAS 13 82, 4; YOS 8 124, 3; YOS 14 161,11. 4-5. A Nergal temple in Dilbat is not mentioned by E. Unger, RlA II, 222 f. The present text may contribute to the topography of Dilbat. M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 204 n. 3, considers such a temple in Dilbat as an indication of a relationship with Kutha, “which may have been formalized by means of a separate quarter in Dilbat”. Cf. also J. Renger, HSAO (1967) 140. 8-9, 11-12 and 19-20. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 301. 29-30. For these brothers, see no. 248, 23, 24 (Hammurabi 36) and Desrochers, Aspects, 317. 32. For this person Sîn-mušallim in the Dilbat texts, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 307 (Gautier 23 rev. 6). 33. For Ipiq-Išḫara, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 327-328, and no. 244, case, line 6’, and tablet, line 22; cf. Gautier 24, 3-4. — More from Dilbat: TIM 5 17, 14; YOS 14 154, 18. 37. For Nigga-Nanna, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 242 f., and Klengel, AOF 4, 67 n. 28; OECT 13 271, 22. See also nos. 241 rev. 9’ and 242 rev. 9’. Seal 1 is also found on Gautier 20 (HG IV 931; Sîn-muballiṭ 8). There, Nigga-Nanna witnesses the purchase of some ground by his brother Nāḫilum.

238 (LB 679) (7.9 × 4.8 × 2.6) Plate XXIV f., collations; CDLI, P 389143, photo Exchange of houses – Sîn-muballiṭ 11 O.

5

5/6 [SAR é-dù-a] da […] ù d[a …] é [dEN.ZU-na-ṣir] 1½ SA[R … é-d]ù-a* da é [ … t]um

5/6 sar [with house built on it (?)] adjacent to […], and adjacent to […], the house of [Sîn-nāṣir]; 1½ sar [with a house built on it], adjacent to the house of […],

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

ù da é Erí-ba-am  dumu dUraš-a-bi sag sila dagal-la 10 sa-dul5-bi dumu-meš Ur-mes é Na-ḫi -dingir mNa-ḫi-dingir ù dEN.ZU-na-ṣir Lo.E. é a-na é 15 [u]š-te-pí-lu R. u4-kúr-šè lú-lú-ra inim nu-[u]m-gá-gá-a-a* m[u d … … ù] dEN.ZU-mu-ba-lí-iṭ

20

25

i[n*-pàd-dè-éš] (?) ig[i I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al dumu Ja-a]m-nu-um igi [ … ]-ì-lí-ia igi [ … li-i]b-lu-uṭ (?) igi [ … ]-ma/ku (?) [igi … … ]x-ia [igi … du]mu Ìr-dingir [igi Pi]-ir-ḫu-um dumu I-ku-un-pi4 Sîn [igi dNanna-šu]-ku6 dumu 30-še-me

[igi … ]-du [igi … ] dumu    U-bar-30  (ca. 5 lines lost) U.E. itu kin-d[inanna u4 x-kam] mu bàd I[Mki ba-dù] Seal inscriptions: 1. I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al dumu Ja-am-nu-um ìr dLa-ga-ma-al 2. […] dumu Šu-[…] ìr [d]Iš[kur] (?)

87

and adjacent to the house of  Erībam,  the son of Uraš-abī, its frontside on the Broad Street, its backside: the sons of Ur-mes, the house of Nāḫilum. Nāḫilum and Sîn-nāṣir house against house they have exchanged. That in future the one against the  other will not complain, by [Uraš, Marduk (?) and] Sîn muballiṭ they have sworn before [Iddin-Lagamal, the son of  Ja]mnum, before [… , the son of …]-ilija, before [… , the son of …]-libluṭ (?), before [… , the son of … ma/ku (?), [before … , the son of …] ja, [before … , the son of] Warad-ilim, [before] Pirḫum, the son of Ikūn-pi Sîn, [before Nanna-šu]ku, the son of  Sîn-šēme, [before … , the son of …] du, [before …], the son of Ubar-Sîn,

In the month Elūlu, [the … day], of the year: the wall of En[nigi was  built]. Iddin-Lagamal, son of Jamnum, servant of Lagamal.

88

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

For other contracts of exchange cf. nos. 236, 248. Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 235, 246. Notes to the lines: 7. S.A. Moore: the traces allow e or erí (URU); see his copy, Plate XXIV. 9. For the Broad Street (ribītu) in Dilbat, see E. Unger, RlA II, 224, and nos. 246, 248, 310; Gautier 25 (HG IV 981). 10. The personal name Ur-mes is also attested in AM 1951: 6, 17 = OECT 13 273, 17 (Koshurnikov and Yoffee, Iraq 48, 125, read as ‘Ur-ra’ d u m u Ilšu-nāṣir). 19. Restored from the seal inscription. The same seal on Gautier 21 (HG IV 1045), from the same year, and on Gautier 22 (HG IV 960), also dated in the reign of Sîn-muballiṭ, recording a purchase of a field by Nāḫilum from Tutu-nāṣir, the son of IddinLagamal. For the name Jamnum, cf. Th. Bauer, Die Ostkanaanäer, 76; note Jamnunum in TIM 3, see F. Reschid, Archiv des Nūršamaš (1965) 137. For his genealogy cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 306 (family 41). 24. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 311 f. 26. Cf. no. 236, 18’. U.E. For the identification of IMki, cf. the references in RlA s.v. IMki and RGTC 3, 108 f. For another interpretation of the grammatical construction of the year-name, cf. M.J.A. Horsnell, JNES 36 (1977) 282-285. He argues that the verb d ù in this type of year-names is used in a transitive-active way and the translation should be: “The year: RN did such-and-such”. Seal inscriptions: 1. Cf. remarks to line 19. 2. This impression was seen by S.G. Koshurnikov.

239 (LB 770) (Fragment of a Case: 4.3 × 4.0) CDLI, P 389236, photo Only part of this case, about 6 lines, is preserved, together with some traces of seal impressions. In the second line the end of a personal name and the beginning of the father’s name can be discerned: [ ] x-dUraš d u m u Ì-lí-[…]. 240 (LB 737) (Lower part of a tablet: 2.8 × 4.3 × 2.4) CDLI, P 389200, photo Promissory note – date lost O.

 (upper part missing) (amount of money which PN 1) ⸢ir⸣-šu-ú has outstanding (with PN 2); mA-ḫa-tum dumu-munus dIškur-ba-ni Aḫātum, the daughter of Adad-bāni,

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

a-na Na-aḫ-dingir […] id-di-in […] x še-ba [x m]a-na síg 1 (bán) 2 sìla ì-giš [mNa-aḫ]-dingir […] i-na-ad-di-in (?) Le.E. [ ] mu [ Lo.E. R…

89

to Nāḫilum […] has given. […] barley ration, [x] mina(s) of wool, 1 sūtu 2 qa of oil Nāḫilum will give. […]

The document is too fragmentary to allow a certain interpretation. Perhaps Aḫātum gave a promissory note to Nāḫilum and the latter promised to give everyday necessities. Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 238, 249.

241 (LB 681) (8.0 × 5.2 × 2.9) Plate XIII, copies; CDLI, P 389145, photo Lawsuit concerning a field – Time of Sîn-muballiṭ O.

4 iku a-šà i-na x[ x ] x x [i]m da a-šà [… dumu] dEN.ZU-ga-mil

10

ù da a-šà […] ri mBa-al-ṭu[m-ka-ši]-id mNa-ḫi-d[ingir ib-qú-u]r-ma di-ku[5-meš d]i-nam [ú-ša-ḫi-zu-šu-nu-ti]-ma [ … ] ma li bi tam [ … š ]u(?)-nu(?)-ma [ … ] x šu

R.

[m]Na-ḫi-[dingir]

5

a-na Ba-al-ṭum-ka-š[i-id] i-di-in u4-kúr-šè lú-lú-ra inim nu-gá-gá-[a] 5’

mu dUraš ù dEN.ZU-m[u-ba-lí-iṭ]  in-pàd-dè-meš igi Tu-tu-na-ṣi-ir  dumu I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al igi Níg-ga-dNanna šeš-a-ni

4 ikû field in … bordering on the field of […, son of]  Sîn-gāmil, and bordering on the field […], Balṭum-kāšid claimed from Nāḫilum; the judges [admitted their case to] litigation and […] … their […]  […] (many lines lost) Nāḫilum to Balṭum-kāšid has given. That the one against the other will  not complain, by Uraš and Sîn-muballiṭ they have sworn. Before Tutu-nāṣir,  son of Iddin-Lagamal, before Nigga-Nanna, his brother,

90 10’

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

igi dNanna-šu-GIR* dumu dEN.ZU še-me igi A-ia-e-ni-iš*-dEN.ZU igi A-ḫi-a-sa-ad dumu Puzur4 dMAR-TU aga-uš GÌR-NITA2 Ká-dingir-ra[ki] igi dEN.ZU-ma-gir dub-[s]ar

before Nanna-šuku, son of Sîn šēme, before Aj-ēniš-Sîn, before Aḫī-asad, son of Puzur Amurrum, the rēdûm of the šakkanakkum of  Babylon, before Sîn-māgir, the scribe.

Seal impression (uninscribed). Balṭum-kāšid claimed the ownership of a certain field from Nāḫilum. The parties applied to the judges, but due to the lacuna of the text, the course of the proceedings is unknown. The outcome was that Nāḫilum gave the field (back?) to Balṭum-kāšid (not: ‘Baltum’, as in Goddeeris, Economy, 234). Notes to the lines: rev. 7’. For Tutu-nāṣir, the son of Iddin-Lagamal, cf. no. 242 rev. 7’ and Gautier 22, 6, 7, rev. 6 (HG IV 960); 30 (HG IV 1052) and 33 (HG IV 1044); Desrochers, Aspects, 243 f. 9’. Nigga-Nanna, cf. to no. 237, 7. 10’. Cf. to no. 236, 18’. 13’. For the function of šakkanakkum see the note to no. 250, 8’. The šakkanakkum of Babylon is also attested in no. 245, 5. 14’. Sîn-māgir d u b - s a r , cf. Gautier 25 rev. 17 (HG IV 981; Sîn-muballiṭ 1); Gautier 35 rev. 10 (?) (HG IV 1053) and 41, 11 (HG IV 780); Desrochers, Aspects, 329.

242 (LB 703) (8.7 × 4.5 × 2.9) Plate XIV, copies; CDLI, P 389166, photo Establishment of a boundary – Time of Sîn-muballiṭ O.

5

(ca. 2 lines lost) [… x ] ⸢ig⸣ (?) x […] [pa-a]š]-tu-um ša d[U]raš [a]-na a-šà-im ú-ri-id-ma ⸢i ⸣-ta-am ša bi-ri-šu-nu-ú ú-ki-in-nu-ú [a-n]a* i-te-e* la-bi-ri-im [mNa]-ḫi-dingir i-zi-iz [im-ta-a]g-ru-ú-ma

[…] … the axe of Uraš came down to the field and the boundary between them they established. For the old boundary Nāḫilum took responsibility (?). They agreed with each other and

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

10

R.

5’

10’

U.E. 15’

91

[mu dUr]aš ù dEN.ZU-m[u-ba-lí-iṭ]  in-pàd-dè-[meš] [i]-tu-ru-ú-ma […] x […]

by Uraš and Sîn-muballiṭ  they swore. If they do come back to it, […]

[…] x […] […] ni a […] […] ia […] [igi ] x-dNanna du[mu …] [igi dU]tu/[dEN.Z]U*-tab-ba-we-di-im  dumu dEN.ZU-i[š-me-a-ni (?)] [igi] Tu-tu-na-ṣi-ir [dumu I-di]n-dLa-ga-ma-al [igi Níg-ga]-dNanna šeš-a-ni [igi … ]x-A-SU dumu Iš-me-É-a [igi x -i-d]in-nam dumu  Im-gur-ru-um [igi Ìr(?)-dM]AR-TU dub-[sar]

[…] […] […] [before] […]-Nanna, the son of […], before Šamaš/Sîn-tappâ-wēdim,  the son of Sîn-išmeanni (?), before Tutu-nāṣir, the son of Iddin-Lagamal, before Nigga-Nanna, his brother, before […]-asî, the son of Išme-Ea, before […]-iddinam, the son of  Imgurum, before Warad(?)-Amurrum, the  scribe. In the month Du’ūzu, the 7th day, of the year […] […] […]

[itu] šu-numun-a u4 7-[kam] [mu … ] um / urudu 2 ki […] šu me[ ] x [ x d[…]

There is a seal impression visible on the right edge, which is unusual; this means that the tablet might have been sealed all over, but the impression is now only visible in the space on the right edge that had no text (J.C. Fincke). Evidently there was a controversy between Nāḫilum and another proprietor about the boundary of a field. An arbiter came to the field and in the presence of an emblem of the god the boundary was established. Then Nāḫilum swore that he was responsible, and a sanction was fixed (line 11 ff.). Another example of a decision about real estate in the presence of the emblem of Uraš is found in no. 245, 8 and 9. The same practice is found elsewhere in Babylonia, e.g. in Larsa (YOS 8 76), cf. R. Harris, AS 16 (1965) 218. — M. Stol, Festschrift K. Van Lerberghe (2012) 564 (3). Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 234. Notes to the lines: 2’. The syllabic writing of u r u d u š e n - t a b - b a = pa-al / áš-tum (MSL VII, 145, 400) is not too common in documents. Also in D. Charpin, Archives familiales (1980), Tell Sifr 71, 16: pāšta ša Lugal-kiduna (p. 183, 188, 254).

92

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

4’-5’. 6’-7’. 8’ rev. 7’. rev. 9’. rev. 10 U.E.

For the expression itâm kunnum cf. the text quoted CAD I-J 313 under 1a 2’. The construction of this sentence is unclear. Thus G.Th. Ferwerda. Leemans: [ú-ul i-t]u-ru-ú-ma. Tutu-nāṣir, cf. to no. 241 rev. 7’. Nigga-Nanna, cf. to no. 237, 37 (Sîn-muballiṭ 7). An Ilī-asî is known from the Dilbat texts, in nos. 219, 246, 248. The reconstruction of the year-name is difficult due to a break of the tablet. See the copy of lines 14-16 by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XIV.

Nos. 243 ff. follow after no. 258 (here). 258 (LB 769) (Fragment of Case: 4.5 × 5.2) CDLI, P 389235, photo Institution of heirs – Time of Sîn-muballiṭ mTu-t[u-na-ṣir] mQá-qá-d[i-ia]* mdEN.ZU-mu-b[a-lí-iṭ] mNíg-ga-d[Nan]na

5’

ù Ri-ba-tum n[in-a-ni] [dum]u-meš Ma-nu-um-[šu-uk-lu-ul] (rest lost)

Seal inscriptions (twice; collated by S.G. Koshurnikov): […]- dUtu [dumu d]EN.ZU-še-mi This small fragment belonged to the Case of the Dilbat text Gautier 33 (HG IV 1044, VAB 5 22). Not noticed by Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 248. Leemans identified it only after the copies of the texts were ready. For another case of a tablet published by Gautier, in the Leiden collection, see no. 245, etc. (fragments of the Case) with Gautier 13 (Tablet). Something may be said with regard to the interpretation of the text Gautier 33. In the line preceding the first line of this fragment, Nāḫilum is mentioned. This is the only occurrence of a Nāḫilum at Dilbat with another father than Iddin-Lagamal. Tutu-nāṣir and Nigga-Nanna are said to be sons of Iddin-Lagamal in TLB I 241 and 242, and both are mentioned together with Nāḫilum in Gautier 30 (HG IV 1052), while Nigga-Nanna also appears as the son of IddinLagamal in several other texts and he is to be found among the witnesses in no. 237, certainly a contract of Nāḫilum, the son of Iddin-Lagamal, since no other NiggaNanna is known from Dilbat.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

93

In the present text, however, Nāḫilum, Tutu-nāṣir, Qaqqadija, Sîn-muballiṭ, Nigga-Nanna and Ribātum, their sister, are said to be the children of Mannumšuklul. As M. Schorr has pointed out already (on VAB 5 no. 22), it may be held for certain that these six persons are identical with the children of Iddin-Lagamal and that the document contains the declaration that these persons are (to be considered as) the children of Mannum-šuklul and it establishes their institution as his heirs. Consequently, this text modifies what J. Klíma, Untersuchungen zum altbabylonischen Erbrecht (1940) 86, says with regard to Dilbat: “Gautier 41 beweist, daß die aplūtu-Institution in Dilbat unbekannt war und man dort eine eigene Form besaß, die aber sachlich dasselbe bezweckt”. The aplūtum existed also at Dilbat, but here the heirs are designated as mārū, instead of the usual aplum, “heir”. D.O. Edzard, OLZ 65 (1970) 556 n. 1, describes the present text (no. 258) as a court proceeding with regard to a house; M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 184, names it a ‘confirmation of property’. The latter suggests that Sîn-muballiṭ, ‘Bikkija’ (= Qaqqadija!), and Ribātum are children of Mannum-šuklul, the testator (op. cit., 313 f.). The interpretation of Schorr is however more plausible, although it may be doubted if the act contains an ‘adoption’ in our modern conception. Notes to the lines: 1’. Tutu-nāṣir, cf. to no. 241 rev. 7. 2’. Qaqqadija: signs BI-GA-d[i-ja], as on the tablet Gautier 33, 3, rev. 2 (HG IV 1044, VAB 5 22), Desrochers, Aspects, 313, Goddeeris, Economy and Society 248 (everywhere the wrong reading Bikkija); W.F. Leemans was correct: Qá-qá-di-ia; again here in no. 309, 14. This variant not in CAD Q 106a, (6’). 4’. Nigga-dNanna, cf. no. 237, 37.

243 (LB 699) (Upper half of a tablet; 5.9 × 4.9 × 2.4) Plate I, copy; CDLI, P 389162, photo Compensation for stolen sheep – Apil-Sîn 5 O.(!)

mBe-la-ki

GÌR-NITA2 Dil-bat ki

mI-din-dUraš

sanga dUraš

mIm-gur-ru-um

dumu 30-še-me dumu 30-⸢en-nam⸣* mIp-qú-ša dumu Dingir-a-bi mE-tel-lum dumu Ga-ga-a mAr-wi-um ša GÌR-NITA 2 mMa-an-ni-ia

5

mRi-iš-Ìr-ra

dumu A-sa-nu-u[m(?)]

(Before) Belaki, the šakkanakkum  of Dilbat, Iddin-Uraš, the šangûm-priest of  Uraš, Imgurum, the son of Sîn-šēme, Mannija, the son of Sîn-ennam, Ipquša, the son of Ilum-abī, Etellum, son of Gagâ, Arwium, belonging to the  šakkanakkum, Rīš-Irra, the son of Asānum (?),

94

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS mdUraš-a-bi

lú (?) […]* Uraš-abī, the […] [ ]xx[ […]  (a third or a half of the tablet is broken off) R.(!) a[š-šum …] Be[cause …] 3 rams belonging to the palace 3 udu-nita2(?) ⸢é-gal⸣ [(x x)]  [(…)] (?) ša šu-ur-qí-im originating from the theft, mNa-ḫi-dingir iṣ-ba-tu-ma (that) Nāḫilum has taken, and 5’ 1 sag-ìr A-na-dLa-ga-ma-al-| 1 slave (named) Ana-Lagamal ták-la-ku  taklāku, a-na ki-ša-tim (that) as compensation m(!) Ma-ru-ṣum Marūṣum,  dumu AN NE AN  the son of Anne-El (?), a-na Na-ḫi-dingir has given to U.E. i-di-nu-ú Nāḫilum. a-na ba-aq-ri sag-ìr For the vindication of the slave, Le.E. I  mMa-ru-ṣum Marūṣum i-za-az will be responsible. In the month Addāru, II itu še-gur10-ku5 ki of the year: Dūr-Mūti was built.   mu bàd Mu-ti [ ba-dù] 10

Traces of seal inscriptions: […] la […] [dumu] Puzur4-dU[ra]š In the autography in TLB I the obverse and reverse have been interchanged. A new copy was made by G.Th. Ferwerda, reproduced here (Plate I). The document begins with the witnesses, just like no. 235, although the writing direction of the left edge of the tablet logically follows on the side with the list of witnesses. The sequence is, however, secured by the unity of lower and left edge. It may be supposed that the last witness was followed by the phrase: šībū annūtum ša maḫrīšunu or a similar one. See W.F. Leemans, Études offertes à Paul Garelli, 317. Translation and remarks: F.R. Kraus, Königliche Verfügungen (1984) 271. It is noteworthy to see that some of the witnesses in this text appear together more often, i.e., in Gautier 12 (HG IV 928) and Gautier 15 (HG IV 927). See the notes to the lines and M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 364 f. The text seems to record the settlement of the consequences of a theft of sheep between Nāḫilum and Marūṣum. The details of the facts are, however, lost and no sure conjectures seem to be possible. It seems to be clear that Nāḫilum had seized the three sheep originating from a theft. But from whom they were stolen cannot be inferred.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

95

Marūṣum must have had an obligation to Nāḫilum, but the reason of this obligation cannot be inferred. He answered this obligation by giving a slave to Nāḫilum, ana kiššātim. This expression, followed by nadānum, is translated by F.R. Kraus, op. cit., 270-271, as ‘zur Dienstbarkeit übergeben’, to give for serving. CAD K 459-460 gives two meanings: 1., ‘state of a person given as a distrainee for a debt’; 2., ‘indemnity (for a lost object), replacement (for a distrained person)’. Westbrook and Wilcke in a discussion of the present document translated: ‘as a compensation’ (AfO 25 [1974 / 1977] 120), and H. Klengel: ‘als Sicherheit’, as a guarantee (AOF 4 [1976] 74). Since Marūṣum will answer in case of revindication of the slave, a clause typical for the transfer of property, the translation ‘as a compensation’ or ‘for answering his liability’ (piḫassu ippal, TLB I 144, 11) seems most likely. TLB I 144 also concerns the consequences of a theft, probably of cattle or sheep. The question may be asked whether also in CT 45 14, 6 the payment has to be made to another person as a compensation for a theft (robbery): a-na ki-iš-ša-a-at ḫu-ub-tim (!). — The -u in the verbal form (Nāḫīlum) iṣ-ba-tu-ma in rev. (!) line 4 is either a plural (-ū), or a singular followed by the subjunctive –u, after a conjunction. When one reads rev. line 1 as a[š-šum …] and takes aššum to be a preposition, one may translate “Because of … (the sheep, from a theft), they seized Nāḫīlum and (…) Maruṣum gave (him) one slave (…) ana kiššātim”. Or, taking aššum as a conjunction, Goddeeris, Economy, 239, following Westbrook and Wilcke, summarizes: “[Because …] Naḫilum had seized the 3 sheep from the palace (?), which had been stolen, and then (!) [WestbrookWilcke] Maruṣum gave a slave to Naḫilum as compensation, Maruṣum will answer all vindications concerning the slave”. The focus of the text is on the liabiity of Maruṣum in case of an eviction. Dr. S.A. Moore wrote a book on redemption in the Old Babylonian period in which this text is discussed: Redemption in the Old Babylonian Period (dissertation Leiden University, 2020) 241-242, 249. Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 239. Notes to the lines: 1. A scribe with the name of Belaki is known from Gautier 15 rev. 18 (HG IV 927; Apil-Sîn 6) (cf. M.J. Desrochers, Aspects, 326). For the šakkanakkum (Sum. š a g i n a ) of Dilbat, see H. Klengel, AOF 4 (1976) 99, and the note to no. 250, 8’. 2. Iddin-Uraš, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 273, although it is not sure at all whether this is one and the same man in every text. 4. For Mannija, cf. Gautier 12 rev. 7 (HG IV 928; Apil-Sîn 13): Ma-an-ni-ia d u m u 30-en-nam, and Gautier 15 rev. 13 (HG IV 927; Apil-Sîn 6): Ma-ni-um d u m u dEN.ZU-x (cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 364). — The name of the father Sîn-ennam is confirmed by collation. 5. Ipquša, son of Ilī-abī, also in Gautier 12 rev. 6 (Apil-Sîn 13) and Gautier 15, 12 (Apil-Sîn 6), cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 302.

96

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

7. 8.

9. rev. 9’.

Le.E.

Arwium may have had a similar function as the rēdûm of the šakkanakkum (of Babylon) in no. 241, 13’. A Rīš-Irra occurs as a witness to the sale of a house in Gautier 31 rev. 5 (HG IV 929; Sîn-muballiṭ), but again one cannot be sure this is the same man; cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 329. Or should we read: dUraš-a-bi n a r ‘the singer’? Should we read the signs AN NE AN as dGibil4- d i n g i r , or, with Desrochers (Aspects, 272), An-ne- d i n g i r , in analogy with the personal name Anni-ilum (J.J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung, 136 (n. 4), known from Dilbat, cf. AHw 52a, anna)? Cf. also no. 244, Tablet, 2 (= PSBA 27 275, 2; see below). — Note the name A-nu-um-E-el, J.-M. Durand, Documents cunéiformes (1982) pl. 72 no. 425, 5 (Dilbat; Sabium 15), or An-nu-um-ì-lí, TCL 10 108, 22 = 127 Le.E., 1. For the year-name, see F.N.H. al-Rawi, ZA 83 (1993) 28 (Apil-Sîn year 11). For the translation of this type of year-name, cf. to no. 238, upper edge.

244 (LB 766) (Fragment of a Case; 7.1 × 3.6 × 0.6) CDLI, P 389229, photo Deed – Sumu-la-El 6 R.

5’

 (lacuna) ù ⸢Su-mu-la⸣-[AN] in-pàd-dè-[eš] a-na ba-aq-ri-š[u] i-za-az-ma igi En-um-dingir dumu Ì-lí-[am-ra-ni] [i]gi Ip-qú-dIš-ḫa-ra dumu […] [i]gi Ma-ra-an-ki-na dumu […] [ig]i Ìr-ì-lí-šu dumu Zi-k[ir-…]

10’

[igi] dEN.ZU-še-me dub-s[ar]  kišib ši-bi íb-r[a] [x x ] mu ús-sa [bà]d DIN-TIR[ki ba-dù] (rest lost)

and by Sumu-la-El they have sworn. For its vindication he will be responsible. Before En(n)um-ilī, son of Ilī [amranni], before Ipqu-Išḫara, son of […], before Mārān-kīnā, son of […], before Warad-ilišu, son of Zikir […], before Sîn-šēme, the scribe. The witnesses have impressed their  seal. […] of the year after: the wall of Babylon was built.

Line 12: The second sign is ú s , not RI, as copied (coll. J.C. Fincke). This Case appeared to be that of the Tablet, published by C.J. Ball in PSBA 29 (1907) pl. III and p. 264 ff. (HG III 244). The full transliteration and translation of that text run as follows:

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

97

½ SAR é-dù-a da é An-ni-dingir ù da é I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al

5

10

15

20

25

30

½ sar with house built on it, adjacent to the house of Anni-ilum and adjacent to the house of Iddin Lagamal, šám-til-la-ni-šè — as its full price 10 gín kù-babbar in-na-lá he has paid 10 shekels of silver — ki Sà-su-um from Sāsum ù Ištar-ra-bi-a-at nin-a-ni and Ištar-rabiat, his sister, dumu-meš Ḫa-am-bi-ia the children of Ḫambija, Iddin-Lagamal, I-din-dLa-ga-ma-al dumu Ì-lí-am-ra-ni the son of Ilī-amranni, in-ši-šám has bought. gišgan-na íb-ta-bal The bukānum was transferred (?). That in future the one and the other u4-kúr lú-lú will not go back to it, nu-mu-un-gi4-gi4-dè d mu Uraš by Uraš ù Su-mu-la-AN and Sumu-la-El in-pàd-dè-eš they have sworn. a-na ba-aq-ri-šu For its vindication i-za-az-ma he will be responsible. igi Ma-ra-an-ki-na Before Mārān-kīnā, dumu Nagar the son of Naggārum, before Ipqu-Išḫara, igi Ip-qú-dIš-ḫa-ra dumu Pu-ṣí-ia son of Puṣija, igi En-um-dingir dumu Ì-lí-am-ra-ni before En(n)um-ilī, son of Ilī amranni, igi Ìr-ì-lí-šu before Warad-ilišu, dumu Zi-kir-pí-šu son of Zikir-pišu, before Sîn-šēmi, the scribe. igi dEN.ZU-še-mi dub-sar iti zíz-a mu ús-sa In the month Šabāṭu, of the year  after: the wall of Babylon was built. bàd DIN.TIRki ba-dù kišib ši-bi íb-ra-aš The witnesses have impressed their  seal.

In the year Sumu-la-El 13 Iddin-Lagamal bought the house of Anni-ilum, the son of Ilī-adrī (cf. VAS 7 2, 20 = HG III 382), adjacent to the house of IddinLagamal and Mannija (Gautier 4 = HG IV 923). It may be assumed that this was the house adjacent to the one in the present text, so that Iddin-Lagamal arrived at obtaining a complex of houses. See also no. 233. In OECT 13 273 Iddin-Lagamal and Ilšu-bani bought a house from Nūriya and …, sons of Ḫa--bi-ja; see Iraq 48 (1986) 125f. Cf. for the date of the text: W.F. Leemans,

98

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

JCS 20 (1966) 48b. — ‘Babylon’ is always written k á - d i n g i r - r a k i in this year-name; foreigners wrote DIN.TIR ki — Discussion and context: N. Yoffee, American Anthropologist 90 (1988) 122b Text 2, 124 (sketch). Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 249 (on no. 244); 234, 241, 247 (on PSBA 29). Notes to the lines on the tablet: 2. The same rare name (= person) in Gautier 4, 8, 18; 31, 2. For the reading of the name, cf. no. 243 rev. 9’. 20. Mārān-kīnā and his father: see M. Stol, Festschrift C. Wilcke (2003) 298 f., n. 26. Note the syllabic writing of his father’s name, Sumerian N a g a r , as Na-ga-ru-um / ri-im in Gautier 3, edge; 9 rev. 10. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 243 f., read ‘Nakkarum’. 22. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 270, and also no. 237, 33. 23. In VAS 13 9 rev. 9-10 (Dilbat) Pu-ṣi-ja, with ṣade. “(Person) with a white spot”. Cf. no. 255, 17; Gautier 4 rev. 14. 24. For En(n)um-ilī, cf. no. 233 rev. 3’, and Desrochers, Aspects, 239 (read as ‘Belumilum’; thus also A. Goddeeris). 25. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 271. 27. The scribe Sîn-šēmi also occurs in no. 233 rev. 6’; cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 275. 29. For the translation of this type of year-name, cf. to no. 238, upper edge.

245, 247, 259, 260, 261 (LB 765, 767, 2 and 4, now LB 765/2). (Four fragments of a Case) CDLI, P 389228 (no. 245), photo Lawsuit – Apil-Sîn 13 The text can be reconstructed thanks to the text of the Tablet, Gautier 13 (HG IV 1058; VAB 5 275). No. 259 = lines 1-9; no. 245, 1’-7’ = lines 26-32; no. 247, 1-6 = lines 1-6; no. 261 = line 33 + seal inscription; no. 260, seal inscription. — No. 247 (LB 767) was physically joined with no. 259 (LB 767,2) by J.C. Fincke.

5

é-a[m] ša Na-ḫi-dingir ki Lú-ma-tum i-ša-mu mLú-ma-tum ib-qú-ur-[šu-ma] mLú-ma-tum GÌR-NITA 2  Ká-[dingir-raki] im-ḫu-ur-[ma] [di-nam] ú-ša-ḫi-z[u-šu-nu-ti-ma]

The house, which Nāḫilum from Lumātum has bought; Lumātum has claimed it from him [and] Lumātum applied to the  šakkanakkum of Babylon and they admitted their case to litigation;

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

[urudušen-tab]-ba ša [dUraš a-na é-tim]

10

[ir-du]-ú-[ma] [é-am ú-sa-an-ni-qú-ma] [1 SAR é i-te-er-ma] [a-na te-ri-it é-tim ] [e-zu-ub pi4 ṭup-pí-šu pa-ni-i]

30

[4 gín kù-babbar mNa-ḫi-dingir] [a-na Lú-ma-tum iš-qú-ul] [u4-kúr-šè mLú-ma-tum] [la i-tu-úr-ru-ma] [la i-ba-aq-qá-ru] [mu dUraš ù A-pil-dEN.ZU] [in-pàd] [igi dLa-ga-ma-al-ga-mil] [dumu I-bi-Sîn] [igi dEN.ZU-iḫ-šu-uḫ dumu  Dingir-a-bi] [igi Ip-qú-ša dumu Dingir-a-bi] [igi E-tel-lum dumu Qar-du-dUraš] [igi] A-ḫu-wa-qar [lú uš-bar] igi Ú-ra-ti-ia dumu Ḫa-AB-[nu-um] igi Ap-li-ia dumu Ḫa-ši-[šum] igi dUraš-mu-ba-lí-iṭ dumu  Be-l[í-a-ša-re-ed] igi Ši-im-ti-dEN.ZU dumu Ìr-dUraš

35

igi dNanna-šu-ku6 dumu dEN.[ZU še-me] igi La-ga-tum dumu Ìr-[…] igi Šu-ì-lí-šu [dub-sar] [itu kin-dInanna] [mu é-tùr-kalam-ma]

15

20

25

Seal inscriptions:* 1. On no. 245: [L]ú-ma-tum

99

they have brought the axe of  Uraš to the house; and they checked the house. 1 sar of built-on ground was in excess and for the overmeasure of the house, – besides (what he has paid)  according to his preceding  tablet – Nāḫilum paid 4 shekels of silver to Lumātum. That in future Lumātum will not come back to it, and will make no claims, by Uraš and Apil-Sîn he has sworn. Before Lagamal-gāmil, son of Ibbi-Sîn, before Sîn-iḫšuḫ, son of Ilum-abī, before Ipquša, son of Ilum-abī, before Etellum, son of Qardu-Uraš, before Aḫu-waqar, [the weaver], before Uratija, son of Ḫadunum, before Aplija, son of Ḫašišum, before Uraš-muballiṭ, son of Bēlī ašarēd, before Šimti-Sîn, son of Warad Uraš, before Nanna-šuku, son of Sîn-šēme, before Lagātum, son of Warad-[…] before Šu-ilišu, the scribe. In the month Elūlu, of the year: the temple  Eturkalamma.

Lumātum,

100

2.

3.

4.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

[dumu S]u-ka-lum [ì]r dUraš

son of [S]ukkallum, servant of Uraš.

On no. 247: dLa-ga-ma-al-ga-mi-il [dub]-sar [dumu] ⸢I⸣-bi-dE[N.ZU] [ìr Sà-bi-um]

Lagamal-gāmil, the scribe, son of Ibbi-Sîn, servant of Sabium.

On no. 260: dUraš-ga-mil dumu Ḫa-ab-ni-i[m] ìr dMAR-TU

Uraš-gāmil, son of Ḫabnum, servant of Amurrum

On no. 261: xxxxx […] x dIškur-ga-mi-i[l] dumu x x [x]

Nāhilum has bought a house from Lumātum. Lumātum started a lawsuit against Nāḫilum, saying that the surface of the house was larger than stipulated (verb watārum) in the contract. The court went to the house, taking with it the emblem of the god Uraš (as in no. 242) – in whose temple the court held sessions (see annotation to no. 251 rev. 7’) – and the house was measured. As a result the house was indeed found to be 1 sar larger than stipulated and Nāḫilum had to pay for it. Lumātum then swore not to come back to it and he sealed the case of the tablet, as is shown by the present fragment. Cf. with regard to this text the remarks made by D.O. Edzard, OLZ 65 (1970) 555 f. Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 235. Notes to the lines: 4-7. Cf. J.G. Lautner, Die richterliche Entscheidung (1922) 6 ff. and 25 ff. 4. Lumātum: cf. no. 308, 12. 5. Cf. the witness a g a - u š GÌR-NITA2 k á - d i n g i r - r a ki in no. 241, 13 (of Babylon), for the title, see on no. 250, line 8’. See the note on no. 308, 1. 8. For š e n - t a b - b a , Akkadian pāštum, cf. RA 12 (1915) 74 and 78 (ad line 3). See also no. 242, lines 2’-3’ in the present volume. The reading iṣ-ra-at by Desrochers, Aspects, p. 210, n. 42, should be rectified. — M. Stol, Festschrift K. Van Lerberghe (2012) 562, 564 (2). 10. For sanāqum D, see A. Walther, Das altbabylonische Gerichtswesen (1917) 202-204, n. 2; CAD S 142, 2’.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

27.

28. 29.

30.

31. 32. 33.

101

Uratija is also a witness in Gautier 10 rev. 10 (HG IV 925; Sabium 55); OECT 13 270, 25, our no. 310, 21 (both Apil-Sîn 13); Gautier 18 rev. 4 (HG IV 930; Sîn-muballiṭ 2); Gautier 19 rev. 10 (HG IV 956; Sîn-muballiṭ 6), Gautier 20 rev. 7 (HG IV 931; Sîn-muballiṭ 8); cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 276. — More in the notes on the seal impressions. Aplija, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 302. For Uraš-muballiṭ, the son of Bēlī-ašarēd, cf. Gautier 17, 5-6 (HG IV 1063) and maybe Gautier 21 rev. 5’ (HG IV 1045), Gautier 31 rev. 8 (HG IV 929) (thus Desrochers, Aspects, 315). — His seal impression on YOS 14 154, seal no. 73 (Plate CXX), was identified by D. Charpin, BiOr 36 (1979) 195a, commenting on ‘Bēlī-arik’. Šimti-Sîn, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 299. — A letter written to Šimti-Sîn discusses men of Dilbat (ṣābum ša Dilbat), YOS 15 69, 1. In contrast, Šimat-DN is a name of high-ranking women (as in no. 286, 2). For Nanna-šu-ku6: see no. 236, 18’. Lagātum, 245, 7’, Gautier 13, 12: cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 305. A shortened form of a name beginning with Lagamal-? The name of the scribe is written on the fragment no. 261. He is also attested in OECT 13 270, 35, left edge (together with another scribe, X-Araḫtum (upper edge).

Notes on the seal impressions: S.G. Koshurnikov was able to read impressions 3 and 4. Impression 3 enabled him to identify the Uraš-gāmil, son of Ḫadunum (so!), with the well-known Ú-ra-ti-ja, also the son of Ḫadunum, in other early OB Dilbat texts (OECT 13 270, 25). More on him above, comments on line 27. Ever since Gautier (1908) the father’s name has been read as ‘Ḫa-ab-nu-um’ (some passages indeed present the sign AB). Note the name A-du-nu-um, Gautier 1, 2 (Sumu-abum). Impression 3: see also on no. 245+ (= no. 260). Impression 2: see the note on no. 247. Impression 4: collations on Plate XXV.

246 (LB 755) (10.4 × 5.3 × 2.7) Plate XXIV, collations; CDLI, P 389218, photo Contract for rent of a house – VII. Apil-Sîn 12 O.

5

4 ½ SAR [é …] šà-bi-ta ½* s[ar (?) …] sag-bi sila dagal-la da é Nu-úr-dKab-[ta] é Sa-ka-ti-ia dumu Dingir-A-S[U …] ù Ḫa-bi-lum dumu Sà-sà-a ki Sa-ka-ti-ia ù Ḫa-bi-[lum]

4 ½ sar […] out of it ½ sar (?) […] its frontside the Broad Street; adjacent to the house of Nūr-Kabta; the house of Sakatija, son of Ilum asî, and Ḫabilum, the son of Sasā: from Sakatija and Ḫabilum

102

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS mŠa-lu-ur-tum

10

15

nam mu 11-àm a-na wa-aš-ša-bu-tim é íb-ta-è-a ki-iṣ-ri é ša bé-li-⸢ša⸣-[ma] (?) 4 ½ SAR é an-ni-a-[am] É.SIG4 dù-a ù ½ ninda 2 kùš ú-ul-la-šu gišùr-ḫi-a é ma-la ú-ṣa-la-lu mSa-ka-ti-ia

ù Ḫa-bi-lum Lo.E. a-na Ša-lu-ur-tum [i-n]a-ad-di-nu R. [tuk]um-bi Ša-lu-ur-tum 20 ⸢4⸣½ SAR é an-ni-a-am É.SIG4 la i-pu-uš ù ½ ninda 2 kùš la ú-li ma-la u4-mi ša i-na é uš-bu mu 1-àm 3 gín kù-babbar 25

a-na Sa-ka-ti-ia ù Ḫa-bi-lum [ì]-l]á-e igi L[ú]-dMAR-TU dumu Ḫa-pí-rum igi Na-ḫi-dingir dumu I-din dLa-ga-ma-al igi Mu-na-nu-um dumu dUtu-AD-ri

igi I-bi-dNin-šubur šeš-a-[ni] igi A-píl-ia-tum dumu Ḫa-x-[…] igi Nú-ur-dKab-ta dumu […] igi dNanna-šu-ku6  (lacuna of 1 or 2 lines) U.E. itu d[u6-kù …] Le.E. mu bàd (!) gú ídIdigna 30

Šallūrtum for 11 years for habitation has rented the house. The rent for the house is for its  owners. (On) this plot of 4 ½ sar she shall build a wall and raise it  by half a ‘ninda’ and 2 cubits. The joists for the house as many as  she will use to roof with, Sakatija and Ḫabilum to Šallūrtum will give. If Šallūrtum (on) this plot of 4 ½ sar does not build a wall and does not raise it by half a ‘ninda’  and 2 cubits, as long as she will live in the house she will pay 3 shekels of silver a  year to Sakatija and Ḫabilum. Before Awīl-Amurrum, son of  Ḫapirum, before Nāḫilum, the son of Iddin Lagamal, before Munānum, son of Šamaš dūrī, before Ibbi-Ilabrat, his brother, before Apiljatum, son of Ḫa […], before Nūr-Kabta, son of […], before Nanna-šuku, […], In the month Tašrītu […] of the year: the fortification on the  bank of the Tigris.

The rent of the house, recorded in this contract, has an exceptional form. The renter hired an unbuilt plot (?) to build a wall on of a size fixed in the contract. This might explain why – in contrast to almost all other contracts for rents of

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

103

houses – the size of the surface of the plot is mentioned and why the rent is for eleven years (rents of houses usually are for one year). Another example is BAP 66 = Tell Sifr 60 (HG III 513), recording the lease of ki-šub-ba against the efforts made on it for a period of eight years. After that term the renter had no claim on the house. In conrast, Waterman, BDHP 9 (HG VI 1669) is an ordinary rental for 2 sar with a house on it. – See for this text F.M.Th. Böhl, Mededeelingen II, 17 ff., and M. David, Betrachtungen, 7. — This text belongs to the category ‘Baupflicht statt Mietpreis’, summarized in RlA VIII/3-4 (1994) 166, ‘Miete’ § 2a.7: the work done on the house compensates the payment of a rent. Exceptional in this text is that here the owners get their rent anyhow, if we may interpret line 11 this way: “the rent for the house is for its owners”. — On the construction of the new house, see D. Charpin, D.O. Edzard, M. Stol, Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160/4) (2004) 685: it is a house with two stories, four meters high. Cf. Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 247, 248. Collated by F.R. Kraus. Notes to the lines. 1. S.G. Koshurnikov suggested [é k i s l a ḫ ], or [é b u r - b a l ], ‘unbuilt plot’, in view of his interpretation of É.SIG4 in lines 14, 26. 5-8. Family trees: Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 247 f. 5, etc. Koshurnikov reads Ú-qà-ti-ja; Kraus suggested Tab-ka-ti-ja. 11. M. Stol, RlA VIII/3-4 (1994) 166b, ‘Miete’ § 2a.7. 13. Sumerian d ù – a for Akkadian ippuš (so in line 21) is unusual. 14, 21. CAD E 126a, 2. Koshurnikov interpreted É.SIG4 (= igarum, ‘wall’) as ‘brick house’. — Cf. SIG4-d ù d a l - b a - n a , ‘partition wall’, YOS 14 166, 1. 26. S.A. Moore: the few traces allow ⸢ú-ma-la⸣ or ⸢ì-lá-e⸣; see his copy, Plate XXIV. 27. His seal legend on CT 45 101; see F. Blocher, Siegelabrollungen … British Museum (1992) 75, no. 221. Dated to the same year (M. Stol). 28. The buyer of a house (plot) in VAS 7 3, 10 f., Gautier 10, 11, is witness here, cf. no. 310, 11 f. 29. Munānum, cf. also Gautier 36 rev. 3 (HG IV 937; Hammurabi 3; cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 309). — His father must be Šamaš-dūrī, written Šamaš-AD-ri. The same ‘error’ in Ì-lí-AD-ri, VAS 7 2, 20, written Ì-lí-du(! sign UŠ)-ri in 1, 23 (Ungnad, BA VI/5 p. 96). More in the note on the year-name. 31. The first name: see the copy by S.A. Moore, Plate XXIV. 32. Nūr-Kabta, cf. Gautier 36 rev. 13 (HG IV 937; son of Sîn-iddinam; Hammurabi 3). Lo.E. This is an Apil-Sîn year-name according to Horsnell: m u b à d (!) g ú ídi d i g n a A-píl-Sîn š u b í - i n - z i (ref. M. Stol). — In both texts the sign b à d is written like UN, a simplified form? Horsnell saw the sign SIPAD (in his first example for this year-name), in the list of year-names. Written as AD in line 29 of this text. See F.N.H. al Rawi, ZA 83 (1993) 28, 16’ (year 12). Add m u b [ à d …], ša [a-aḫ …], BBVOT 1 no. 12 rev. 10-11.

104

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

247 (LB 767 / 1) CDLI, P 389230, photo Fragment of case, part of nos. 245+ Seal inscription: dLa-ga-ma-al-ga-mi-il [dub]-sar [du]mu I-[bi-dEN.ZU] [ìr Sà-bi-um]

Lagamal-gāmil, the scribe, son of Ib[bi-Sîn], servant of Sabium.

The same seal inscription, complete, is found on Gautier 17, cf. line 1 (HG IV 1063; Apil-Sîn); also here, on no. 309. For Lagamal-gāmil, son of Ibbi-Sîn, see Gautier 13 rev. 4 (HG IV 1058; Apil-Sîn 13); son of […], Gautier 10 rev. 6 (HG IV 925; Sabium “c”); no father in Gautier 38 rev. 1; 41, 1. No royal name is given in his seal inscription on no. 309. — Lagamal-gāmil d u m u I-bi-[d] EN.ZU is first witness in OECT 13 270, 21 (Apil-Sîn 13). Miraculously, during the excavations in Tilmen Höyük (Turkey) in 2007 a bulla was found with this inscription. There, the name of the king in line 3 (Sumu-la-El) is preserved: ì r Su-mu-la-d i n g [ i r ] . See the publication by G. Marchesi and N. Marchetti, ‘A Babylonian official at Tilmen Höyük in the time of king Sumu-la-el of Babylon’, Or NS 88 (2019) 1-36, esp. 5-11 (with a study of Lagamal-gāmil), Plate III.

248 (LB 698) (Tablet: 9.4 × 5.4 × 2.7) Fragments of Case, nos. 248a, 219. Plate XXV, collations; CDLI, P 389161, photo. Exchange of real property – Hammurabi 36 O.

5

7* SAR é dù-a da é Ḫu-za-lum dumu dMarduk na-ṣi- ù da é (erasure) dEN.ZU-dingir sag-bi sila dagal egir-bi é A-da-am-Te-el é Ḫu-za-lum ù* 30-be-el-ap-lim  ù ma(!)-ri-šu (?)

7 sar with house built on it, adjacent to the house of Ḫuzālum,  the son of Marduk-nāṣir, and adjacent to the house of Sîn ilī, its frontside on Broad Street, its backside the house of Adam Tel, the house of Ḫuzālum and Sîn-bēl aplim and his children (?);

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

105

ki-bi-gar-bi-šè (erasures) 2 ⅓ SAR é-dù-a 1 ½ SAR é kislaḫ da é Ša-lu-rum ù da é I-din-dL[a-ga-ma-al]

its object of exchange is 2 ⅓ sar with a house built on it, 1 ½ sar unbuilt plot, 10 adjacent to the house of Šallūrum, and adjacent to the house of Iddin Lagamal, sa[g-bi é E]-te-⸢ia-tum⸣ its frontside the house of Etejātum,

[egir]-bi é dumu-meš Lú- MAR-TU its backside the house of the sons of  Awīl-Amurrum, the house of Etel-pi-Uraš; [é] E-tel-pi4-dUraš 15 é-é-e gim (erasure) house against house. Lo.E. ù 1 ma-na 18 gín kù-babbar and 1 mina 18 shekels of silver mE-tel-pi -dUraš Etel-pi-Uraš 4 R. a-na Ḫu-za-lum ù 30-be-el-ap-lim to Ḫuzālum and Sîn-bēl-aplim id-di-in has given. 20 [u4]-kúr-šè inim-inim nu-gá-gá-a That in future they will not complain [mu] dMarduk dUraš ù Ḫa-am-muby Marduk, Uraš and Hammurabi  ra-b[i]  in-pàd-dè-[meš]  they have sworn. d igi 30-ma-gir d[umu E]N.[Z]U-…] Before Sîn-māgir, the son of …, before Iddin-Lagamal, [son of ] igi I-din-dLa-ga-ma-a[l dumu]  Warad-[Sîn],  Ìr-dE[N.ZU] 25 igi A-pil-ì-lí-šu dumu Ìr-dE[N.ZU]* before Apil-ilīšu, son of Warad-Sîn, d before Warad-Amurrum, son of Sînigi Ìr- MAR-TU dumu 30 be-e[l-ap-l]im  bēl-aplim, igi Tu-tu-ni-šu ù (?) 30-ra-[b]i before Tutu-nīšu (?) and Sîn-rabi,  dumu-meš Ìr-ra-mu-ba-[lí]-iṭ  the sons of Irra-muballiṭ, d before Iddin-Nabium, the son of igi I-din- Na-bi-um dumu  A-bu-um-wa-qar  Abum-waqar, 30 igi A-si*-rum* dumu* Sig*-an-tum* before Asirum, the son of Ipiq Antum, igi Ki-gu-la dumu Šeš-dingir-mu before Kigula, son of Šeš-dingir-mu, igi I-din-30 dumu Dingir-A-SU before Iddin-Sîn, son of Ilī-asî In the month Addāru, 20th day, itu še-gur10-ku5 u4 20-kam mu é-me-te-ur-sag of the year: he restored U.E.  mu-un-gibil-a  Emeteursag. No seal impression on the tablet. The text of the Case (248a; LB 698) is almost identical with that of the Tablet. The preserved lines give the names of the first witnessess which can be restored in

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Tablet, 24-26. An additional fragment of the Case is no. 219 (discovered by S.G. Koshurnikov) and will be edited right after this text. Seal inscription on the case: I-din-d[EN.ZU] dumu Dingir-A-[SU] [ì]r dx[…]

Iddin-[Sîn], son of Ilum-a[sî], servant of […]

The text contains an exchange of a house against another house and an unbuilt plot. As the plots of Etel-pi-Uraš were smaller than those of Ḫuzālum and Sîn-bēl-aplim, he had to pay for the difference in value (line 18). — See S.G. Koshurnikov in K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Houses and Households in Ancient Mesopotamia (1996) 259. Notes to the lines: 2. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 237, and Klengel, AOF 4 (1976) 74-78. 3. Sîn-ilī, cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 294. 5 Cf. A-dam-Te-lum, Gautier 31, 6 (Sîn-muballiṭ 1). See the note on no. 220, 26. 6. According to the Case Sîn-bēl-aplim is the son of Ḫuzālum, see obv. 2’: é Ḫu-zalum ù dEN.ZU-be-el-ap-li d u [m u - n i ]. 7. Case, obv. 3’: [ k i ] - b i - g a r - r a - n i - š è . 12. Restored from the Case, obv. 8’. 13. Note the absence of the divine ideogram before Amurrum; scribal error? 14, 17. Etel-pi-Uraš rents a house from Ḫuzālum in Gautier 28 (HG IV 994; Hammurabi 35); cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 257-258 and 334, and Klengel, AOF 4, 75. 15. Cf. BE 6/2 37 and 39 (with p. 117). 23. For Sîn-māgir, also no. 237, 29-30 (Sîn-muballiṭ 7); cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 317. 24. [d u m u ] Warad-Sîn in no. 248a, rev. Also in BIN 7 190, seal; cf. 206, 3. 25. Restored from the Case, rev. 8’. Cf. also VAS 7 37, 20 (HG III 33; Desrochers, Aspects, 335). 27-32. = no. 219 rev. 1-7 (second fragment of the Case) (here, no. 219 will be the next text). 27. See the copy by S.A. Moore, Plate XXV. Cf. the Case, rev. 10’: [igi Tu]-tu-ni-šu d u [m u ] … 29. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 320. 30. Collated by K.R. Veenhof. 32. Probably the same person as on the seal on the case. — The few syllabic writings of the PNs composed with A-SU/ZU show that our name was pronounced Ilī-asî ‘My god is my healer’. One example was known to J.J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung, 216, followed by CAD A/2 347a, c. Also Ì-lí-a-sí-i in A. Rositani, Sefarad 66 (2006) 10 III 10. Note Ilī-asûni ‘My god is our healer’, Veenhof, Études P. Garelli (1991) 297. Cf. Tišpak-a-si-i, Lutz, UCP 10/1 no. 3,2. Seal: Cf. line 32.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

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No. 249 follows after no. 219 219 (LB 764) (Fragment of a Case; 3.8 × 6.5 × 3.0) CDLI, P 389227, photo Probably deed for a house – Hammurabi 36 ⸢7⸣ SAR é-dù-a 5 (?) sar house built up, […]x x x x x […]x ni …  (rest of obverse and greater part of reverse lost) R. [ …] x […] [before] […], dumu-meš Ìr-r[a-mu-ba-al-[lí-iṭ] sons of Irra-[muballiṭ], before Iddin-Nabium, igi I-din-dN[a-bi-um] dumu A-b[u-u]m-wa-q[ar] son of Abum-waqar, 5’ igi A-si-rum dumu Sig-An-tum [ before Asīrum, son of Ipiq-Antum, d igi I-din- EN.ZU dumu Dingir-A-ZU before Iddin-Sîn, son of Ilī-asî, U.E. igi Ki-gu-la dumu Šeš-dingir-mu before Kigula, son of Šeš-dingir-mu, before Ibni-Marduk, the scribe. igi Ib-ni-dMarduk dub-sar In the month Addāru, 20th day, itu š[e-gur10-k]u5 u4 20-kam 10’ mu é-me-t[e-ur-s]ag mu-un-gibil of the year: he restored Emeteursag. O.

Traces of seal inscriptions:* […] […] ìr dNa-bi-u[m]

[E-te-el]-pi4-[dUraš] [du]mu […] ìr Ḫa-am-m[u-ra-bi]

This text is another fragment of no. 248a, the Case of no. 248 (S.G. Koshurnikov). It adds the name of the scribe. Obv. 1-2 = no. 248:1-2 (Tablet); rev. 1-7 = 27-32 (Tablet). The copies of the father’s names in lines 5-6 are not reliable.

249 (LB 704) (6.0 × 4.2 × 2.2) Plate XXV, collations; CDLI, P 389167, photo Deed – Time of Sumu-la-El (?) O.

 (beginning lost) x […] ù d[a …] šám-⸢ti⸣-la-ni-š[è] 6 gín kù-babbar in-na-lá

… and adjacent to […] as its full price he paid 6 shekels of silver,

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ki Ri-iš-dUraš dumu Ba-ba-nu-um* dumu Ì-lí-i-din-nam in-ši-šám gišgan-na íb-ta-bal u4-kúr-šè lú-lú mIp-qú-dingir

nu-mu-un-g[i4-g]i4-dam mu dUraš ù* […]  in-[pàd-dè-meš] R. a-na ba-[aq-ri é] mRi-iš-[dU]raš 15’ i-za-az igi Zu-ḫa-ad-nu-um dumu  Bu-x-x-lim (?) igi Dan-dUraš dumu Ìr-dEN.ZU igi E-èš-ki-it-AN  dumu A-sà-lum 20’ igi Ku-da-nu-um dumu  ZA-BA-gu-um (?) igi dEN.ZU-še-mi dumu N[a -…] igi Ku-da-nu-um […] igi I-din-dMAR-[TU …] […] x x […]  (lacuna) Le.E. […]x-ḫa-tum Lo.E.

from Rīš-Uraš, son of Bābānum (?), Ipqu-ilim, son of Ilī-iddinam, has bought. The bukānum was transferred (?). That in future the one against the  other will not complain, by Uraš [and …]  they have sworn. For revindications [of the house] Rīš-Uraš will be responsible. Before Zu-Ḫadnum, son of […], before Dān-Uraš, son of Warad-Sîn, before Eškit-El,  son of Assalum, before Kudānum, son of …, before Sîn-šēmi, son of N[a …], before Kudānum, […], before Iddin-Amurrum, […], […] […]

The formulation of the text points to the period of Sumu-la-El, who in that case may have been mentioned in line 11; cf. nos. 232-234. — Goddeeris, Economy and Society, 244 f. (family tree). Notes to the lines: 16’. The name Zu-Ḫatnim is known from the Mari texts; ARM XVI/1 (1979) 244. The father’s name is written over the right edge and therefore difficult to read. — Zu-Ḫadni was the king of Šurnat; see M. Guichard, BBVO 20 (2009) 111, on line 17; cf. Zu-Ḫadnu on p. 265, on line 4. — Cf. X-ḫa-at-nu-um, H. Limet, Mélanges J.-R. Kupper (1990) 38 no. 3, 2. 17’. See the collation by S.A. Moore, Plate XXV. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 268. 18’. Identical with Ja-aš-ki-it-AN d u m u As-sà-lum, Gautier 1, 19-20. — Cf. Ja-e-eš-kiit-AN, YOS 14 291, 2, and E-eš-ki-i-[tum], AbB 5 141, 7; E-iš-ki-tum, M. Rutten, RA 54 (1960) 21 no. 27, 11. 20’. The name of the father is written over the right edge and badly damaged. 23’. Cf. Desrochers, Aspects, 301.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

109

250 (LB 713) (7.3 × 4.2 × 3.7) CDLI, P 389176, photo Judgement concerning a liability – Time of Hammurabi  (several lines lost) dum[u-…] a-na* […] aš-šum il-ki [… … ] x […] mSig-A-ra-aḫ-tum a-[…] 5’ e-ḫi-il(!)-tum iṣ-ba-at-m[a (?)] a-na e-ḫi-il (sign IŠ)-ti-šu aḫ-ḫa(sic)-šu ú-ul iz-zi-zu-ú-[ma] mdMarduk-na-ṣi-ir GÌR-NITA 2  Dil-bat [ki] ù ši-bu-ut Dil-bat ki 10’ [di-na]m i-di-nu-šu-nu-ti-ma [x x x x b]i-ti x [x x]* Lo.E. [… …] x […]  (lacuna of five or six lines) R. [x x a]-šà-im i-na-ad-di-i[n-ma]* [e-ḫi]-il-ta-šu i-ip-pa-a[l] O.

[u4-k]úr-šè a-na a-šà-im ù bi-t[i]m*

5’

10’

[š]a aš-šum e-ḫi-il-ti-šu mSig-A-ra-aḫ-tum i-na-ad-di-n[u] mdUraš-na-da ù I-din-dx [x x] (?)* ú-ul e-ra-ag-ga-mu mu dUraš ù Ḫa-am-mu-ra-bi [(x x)] [i]n-pàd-dè-meš [igi I]p-[p]a-li-is san[ga]

towards (?)[…] by reason of the service (?)[…] Ipqu-Araḫtum […] a liability has seized and for his liability his two brothers did not guarantee; Marduk-nāṣir, the šakkanakkum of  Dilbat, and the eldermen of Dilbat have passed judgement on them. […] house […] […] […] of/from the field he will give; for his liability he will be  responsible. That in future with regard to the  field and the house, which, by reason of his liability, Ipqu-Araḫtum will give, Uraš-nada and Iddin-… will not complain, by Uraš and Hammurabi they have sworn. Before Ippalis, the šangûm.

From obverse lines 8’-10’ it is clear that the text contains a judgement, and the following lines contain the contents of the sentence: Ipqu-Araḫtum, answering for a liability, had to give a field and a house. Consequently, he was one of the parties in the lawsuit, probably the defendant, because he was condemned. Urašnada and Iddin-Lagamal would no (more) raise a claim (against Ipqu-Araḫtum): so they may be supposed to have been the claimants. The basis of the claim was evidently exposed on the obverse of the tablet: a liability of Ipqu-Araḫtum, which evidently was toward Uraš-nada and Iddin-

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Lagamal. And the claim was made against Ipqu-Araḫtum, because his brothers did not act as guarantee for the liability. The contents of the liability are not clear. If really ilkum is read in line 3’, it may be supposed that it had something to do with a service, due because of the possession of a plot of land (with house). But generally these services were due to the king (the government) and not to private persons, as the claimants were. So, if an ilkum was at the basis of the liability, it can only be supposed that Ipqu-Araḫtum had undertaken to fulfil the obligations resulting from an ilkum, to which Uraš-nada and Iddin-Lagamal were entitled. It is, however, unusual that an ilkum was granted to other persons than soldiers and similar servants. As Ipqu-Araḫtum had not performed his obligations, he had to return the field and the house to the claimants. In this context it has to be observed that the field and the house are mentioned in this order; in an ilkum the field was of first importance and the house was subsidiary. Cf. also Desrochers, Aspects, 92-93. Eḫiltum – a word which also occurs in the Codex Hammuabi, but rarely in the documents – is as a rule a liability for a debt. Cf. Driver and Miles, The Babylonian Laws I, 211; CAD E 51 ff.; F.R. Kraus, Edikt, 41 and 168 ff.; or M. Stol, Een Babyloniër maakt schulden (inaugural lecture Vrije Universiteit 1983) 13 (‘an irredeemable debt leading to enslavement’). It might also be another kind of liability (see AHw I 191). — C. Janssen, ‘E’iltam paṭārum: awāt hadê’, in Mésopotamie et Elam. Actes de la XXXVIème Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Gand 10-14 juillet 1989 (Ghent, 1991) 77-107 (not helpful here). The closest parallel to the present text is CT 33 47a (HG VI 1449), from Sippar. In that instance, Adad-rabi had got a liability, but Iddin-Sîn, perhaps at the order of Adad-rabi’s father Pirḫi-ilišu, would answer the liability by paying 7 shekels of silver to Ibbi-Adad, probably the creditor. In another Dilbat text (VAS 7 5-6, HG III 460, VAB 5 26) Ramātum had answered a liability of her father by paying ⅓ mina of silver and because she did so, her father gave her a house. According to VAS 13 96 (HG VI 1481; from Larsa) Ipqātum had a liability and Ubar-Šamaš paid 5 shekels of silver for it (to the creditor?). In return Ipqātum enslaved himself to Ubar-Šamaš until he will have paid him back the 5 shekels. YOS 8 31 is a similar text. On these instances from southern Babylonia, see CH § 117. All these references have in common that the liability is answered for – the debt is paid – by another person than the debtor. The former two instances, from Sippar and Dilbat in northern Babylonia, more closely resemble the present case. In these instances it was a relative who answered for a liablity and no persons were

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

111

pledged. In the present instance there seems to be a liability on a contractual basis. – See also H. Klengel, AOF 4 (1976) 89. — Another suggestion. The ilkum could be the obligation of a family. Ipiq-Araḫtum was burdened by an irredeemable debt (e’iltum) and had given a field to his creditor. His brothers protest (M. Stol). Dr. Stephen A. Moore pointed out that CH § 38 forbids a soldier, fisherman, or state tenant to aleniate any property attached to his service obligation (ša ilkišu) ‘to meet any outstanding obligation’ (ana e’iltišu inaddin) (translation by M.T. Roth). He prepares a book on redemption in the Old Babylonian period in which this text is discussed. See Moore, Redemption in the Old Babylonian Period (dissertation Leiden University, 2020) 266-227, 233-234. Notes to the lines: 7’ Prof. Veenhof suggests: “his two brothers” (dual). 8’. For the function of the šakkanakkum see A. Walther, Das altbabylonische Gerichtswesen (1917) 127 ff.; W.F. Leemans, Symbolae M. David dedicatae II (1968) 125 f., note 5 (his role in lawsuits). In Dilbat: Klengel, AOF 4, 99; W. Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks (1982) 37 (Marduk-nāṣir). This function as the royal representative was manysided. While in the Ur III period he was according to A. Goetze, JCS 17 (1963) 8, a high military official, he functioned in the Old Babylonian period in several instances as the president of a court: Amanānum, probably a šakkanakkum from Babylon, presided the court, probably at Sippar (in CT 6 8 = HG III 743 = VAB 6 92 = AbB 2 106). Also in Gautier 13 (HG IV 1058) the šakkanakkum of Babylon functioned as a judge in Dilbat. The present text gives an instance of a local šakkanakkum acting as a judge. The king was considered the highest judge in Babylonia, and he pursued his jurisdiction in different ways (see J.G. Lautner, Die richterliche Entscheidung [1922] 73 ff.). Evidently his šakkanakkum could represent him in this task. In the text from Kiš, E. Szlechter, TJA 53, H 57 (Samsu-iluna 23), the šakkanakkum Munawwirum acted as the representative of the king together with, among others, the eldermen of Kiš, just as in the present text. The eldermen of Dilbat sitting in court occur also in, e.g. VAS 7 7 (HG III 755, VAB 5 307), in the 12th year of Hammurabi. In that instance the function of the president of court, Imgur-Sîn, is not mentioned (line 7). — In the Dilbat text Gautier 25 rev. 11, read perhaps Irra-gāmil d u m u ⸢GÌR-NITA2⸣ (not: ‘Abi-jatar’ which is based on Gautier 21 rev. 6) (M. Stol). rev. 1’ End: -i[n-ma], collated by S.A. Moore. He suggests to read at the beginning [i-na a]-š à . He observes: “The collation [x x a]-š à -im i-na-ad-di-i[n-ma] reflects the fact that there is only space for three signs before š à . Restore ina? Having ruled out nu in the TLB I copy, the possibility of subordination of the verb in rev. 1’ is no more valid”. rev. 10 Also in VAS 7 4 rev. 15, first witness.

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251 (LB 680) (Upper half of a tablet; 6.3 × 6.4 × 2.8) CDLI, P 389144, photo Account, sworn in court – no date 20 š[e-g]ur šà-gal 6 gu4-apin iš-tu itu sig4-a u4 17-kam  a-di itu ne-ne-gar u4 15-kam ša itu 3-kam u4 15-kam   1 (PI) 2 (bán) še-ta-àm 11 (gur) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) šuku ù ma-aš-ti-tum ša Ḫu-za-lum ù dumu-meš 5  iš-tu itu še-gur10-ku5 u4 1-kam a-di itu ne-ne-gar u4 20-kam  ša itu 5-kam u4 20-kam 2 (bán)-ta-àm 12 (gur) 4 (PI) 1 (bán) šuku sag-géme-ìr ša itu 5-kam u4 20-kam 2 (bán) 4   sìla-ta-àm 8 1 (gur) 1 (PI) šám 1 gín kù-babbar šu-ti-a A-pil-ì-lí-šu  šár-ra-ab-ta a-na sila4 máš-šu-gíd-gíd 10  [ ]U-bar-rum ù I-bi-dNin-šubur šár-ra-ab-ta  [ ]x-um(?)-ni-šu 2 (?) x x […]  (lacuna) R. 22 še-gur 1 (gur) 2 (PI) zíd-d[a (?) …]  gìr U-bar-rum dEN.ZU-re-me-ni ⸢ù⸣ […]  64 (gur) 3 (PI) 4 (bán) še-gur zi-ga  23 (gur) 2 (PI) še-gur ša é 5’ šu-nigin2 88 (gur) 4 (bán) še-gur  ša šà-tam šar-ri-im (erasure)  i-na ká dUraš ma-ḫar (?) dEN.ZU  ù dUtu ú-ta-am-mu-ni-a-ti  ú-bi-ir-ru-ni-a-ti U.E.   1-kam (or: 1 šár)

O.

Translation: 20 gur of barley, fodder for 6 plough-teams, from the month Simānu, 17th (?) day, th till the month Abu, 15 day, which is for 3 [sic] months and 15 days, 1 PI and 2 sūtu per day; 11 gur 1 PI 4 sūtu: food and drink for Ḫuzālum and (his) sons, 5  from the month Addāru, first day, till the month Abu, 20th day,  which is for 5 months and 20 days, 2 sūtu per day; 12 gur 4 PI 1 sūtu: food for the slaves for 5 months and 20 days, (i.e.) 2 sūtu and 4 qa per day; 1 gur 1 PI, value of 1 shekel of silver, received by Apil-ilišu, the šarrabtum, for (buying?) a lamb for the diviner, O.

NOS. 232-251 AND 258: TEXTS FROM DILBAT

113

[… …] Ubarum and Ibbi-Ilabrat, the šarrabtum, [… Na]bium(?)-nīšu …  (lacuna) R. 22 gur of barley, 1 gur and 2 PI of flour? […]; for the correctness vouch Ubarum, Sîn-rēmēni and […]  64 gur 3 PI 4 sūtu of barley, expenditures,  23 gur 2 PI of barley for the house, 5’ total: 88 gur 4 sūtu of barley, for which the šatammum of the king has made us swear and made us give proof of at the gate of Uraš, before Sîn and Šamaš. U.E. First (tablet?) 10

The text contains a list of expenses, in barley, in connection with the harvest and the following ploughing season, as can be inferred from the times of the year in which they were done, the months Addāru (XII) till Abu (V). From the quantities expended it may be concluded that the expenses were made for a large area of fields, which in itself indicates that they had a bearing on palace fields. This is confirmed by the end of the text, recording that an administrator of the king called for the proving and swearing of the account by the local surveyors before the judges, holding court in the gate of Uraš. This is a rare example of swearing an account. A gate of Uraš was the main gate of Dilbat and this may imply that the text is from Dilbat. The personal name Ḫuzālum (line 4) was common at Dilbat, although it is also found elsewhere. It is known that the court held sessions in the temple of Uraš (Gautier 30; HG IV 1052). It is, however, curious that – in the gate of Uraš – the oath was sworn by Sîn and Šamaš, whereas otherwise the oath was always sworn by Uraš at Dilbat. — A gate (k á ) of Uraš is also known from Sippar texts: VAS 8 56, 11 / 57,14; VAS 9 176, 1; 177, 2. In YOS 13 13, 5, 17 a ‘street’ of Uraš; the text may originate from Kār-Šamaš, see F. van Koppen, AfO 50 (2003-2004) 387b, on VAS 29 19. Notes to the lines: 1-3. Period: 1.III – 15.V, so 75 days. The quantities mentioned in lines 1 and 3 urge to the inference that the period must have been 2 (!) months and 15 days and that it, consequently, must have begun on Simānu 1st (no explanation for mentioning the 17th [or 15th or 16th] day can be offered). Thus, although the number of months as written in the text seems to be 3, it should be 2. This is also in accordance with the quantity of 80 litres (8 sūtu) per day as given in line 3: the total is 20 gur = 600 sūtu, that is, on the base of 8 sūtu per day, 75 days = 2 months and 15 days. See also M. Stol, BSA VIII (1995) 195, bottom. The question remains

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whether 80 litres (qa) per day is the average amount of fodder for one ox or a whole team (epinnum)? (cf. e.g., no. 285). There are indications that a team of ploughoxen consists of 6 animals, cf. Birot, TEBA p. 44 n. 2. — More in BSA VIII, 195 f. In Gautier 47, 3 a single ox apparently gets 12 litres (qa) per day (the text says: 246 litres for 22 days). 4-6. Period: 1.XII – 20.V, so 170 days. Personnel get 20 litres (2 sūtu) in food and drink per day. 170 days of 20 litres each yield indeed 3400 litres = 11 (gur), 1 (PI), 4 sūtu of barley (M. Stol). 7. A number of slaves, male and female (aštapīrum), apparently get 24 litres of food (no drink) per day. When we read “10 (!) days” in “for 5 months and 20 days”, so a total of 160 days, we arrive at 3840 litres, based on 24 litres per day. The total at the beginning of this line, 12 gur 4 PI 1 sūtu, would be exactly that amount if we disregard the 1 sūtu at the end (M. Stol). 8. For the prices of barley, see the table given by W. Schwenzner, MVAeG 19 / 3 (1914) 102, and, more recently, H. Farber, ‘A price and wage study for northern Babylonia during the Old Babylonian Period’, JESHO 21 (1978) 17-21 and 45 (Table D). It can be concluded from the table by Schwenzner that a price of 1⅕ gur of barley for 1 shekel of silver is rather low. 9-10. The receiving parties are described as šár-ra-ab-ta, a functionary otherwise not attested in the Old Babylonian period (cf. AHw 1187b šarrabd /tû; CAD Š/2 69 f. šarrabtû). In Neo-Sumerian texts he seems to be concerned with the preparation of ‘the estimates of the expenses connected with the cultivation of fields and to account for the harvest’ (P. Steinkeller, Acta Sumerologica 3 [1981] 87). Cf. also A. Falkenstein, NSGU 3 (1957) 161; J.-P. Grégoire, AAS (1970) p. XV-XVI, and P. Steinkeller, JESHO 24 (1980) 131 n. 52. — Now S. Alvernini, JCS 66 (2014) 5-8. For a possible other Old Babylonian reference, cf. W.H. van Soldt, AbB 13 35, 10 (ša-ra-ab-tu-um). Apparently at the time of the harvest or ploughing the lamb was a special gift for the diviner (who may have given his advice for the moment to do the work) and some other persons concerned. Many deliveries of lambs to diviners (bārûm) are recorded in a group of tablets from the time of king Sîn-iddinam of Larsa (A. Goetze, JCS 4 [1950] 88 ff.). Those records were sealed by the šatammū (probably of a temple) and often also by the bārûm. The number of lambs, in these instances delivered by herdsmen, varied between 2 and 14 (perhaps once 68). It may be supposed that the lambs were given for services rendered by the diviners in all these instances. rev. 2’. For g ì r see no. 195, 16’. rev. 5’-9’. Cf. M. Gallery, ‘The office of the šatammu’, AfO 27 (1980) 14b. rev. 6’-8’. According to CAD T 165b (2’): “(barley) concerning which the šatammu-official of the king has proven us (to be the owners) by having us take an oath (…)”. rev. 7’. In the main gate of a town, courts held session and it was obviously before the court, sitting in the gate, that the account was sworn. rev. 7’-8’. For the first person “us”, not expected, see the note on no. 312, 16.

Nos. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS INTRODUCTION The origin of many of the texts in this group is unknown. For some of them, however, their origin can be inferred from their contents, e.g.: Nos. 271, 276, 280, 297, 299 are from Sippar Nos. 216, 278 might come from Sippar Nos. 281, 309, 310 are from Dilbat Nos. 254, 256, 282 might come from Dilbat because its god Uraš is mentioned Nos. 257, 288 probably from Kiš Nos. 209, 263, 289, 290, 305, 306, 307 from Lower Yaḫrūrum Nos. 199, 283, 311, 312 from Lagaba Nos. 287, 308 from Damrum (?) No. 298 from Kisurra No. 293 from Nippur

252 (LB 684) (9.0 × 5.0 × 2.8) CDLI, P 389148, photo Expenditures for agriculture – Samsuiluna 22 O.

5

10

4 (PI) 4 sìla še za-ru-ú da-l[u]-ú  ù šuku gu4-ḫi-a 4 (gur) ḫu-bu-ta-tum  mI-na-pa-le-šu ša a-na ba(?)-ra(?) [x x]-n[i]  a-na lú še-gur10-ku5  in-na-[ad-nu (?)] 2 (PI) a-na du8-duru5-ḫi-a 1 (PI) 3 (bán) a-na á-bi má-ḫi-a 4 (PI) 1 (bán) šuku ù ma-aš-ti-t[um] ša lú še-gur10-ku5 ù x […] 2 (gur) 1 (PI) 3 (bán) gú-un a-šà

4 PI 4 qa of barley (for) sowers and  water drawers,  and fodder for the oxen; 4 gur as a loan  Ina-palêšu, who /which for […]  were given (?) to/for the harvesters; 2 PI for moist draff; 1 PI 3 sūtu for the rent of boats; 4 PI 1 sūtu for food and drink  of the harvesters and […]; 2 gur 1 PI 3 sūtu (for) the rent of the field;

116

R.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

2 (PI) še šuku a-n[a (?) …] 2 PI of barley, food for (?)[…]; 8 (gur) 4 (PI) 1 (bán) 4 sìla [ ] (total) 8 gur 4 PI 1 sūtu 4 qa […]  (ca. 6 lines illegible and 2 lost) In the month Ajjāru, 25th day, itu gu4-si-sá u4 25-kam of the year: the exalted ziqquratum. mu u6-nir ki-tuš maḫ

The text contains the expenses for the work on a field and is comparable with texts like nos. 121-128. The total of the expenses is enumerated in reverse line 1. The field was rented (line 10), barley was lent for paying the work on the field, done by harvesters and oxen (lines 1-6), and finally the harvest was shipped (line 7). Consequently, in this account several expenses are mentioned, based on contracts, of which many examples are known. Notes to the lines: 1. A zārûm is a winnower, but, just like the verb zarûm means both ‘to sow’ and ‘to winnow’, a zārûm may also be a sower, which is more probable in the present text, as it is the first work and the water drawer (dālûm) is mentioned next to him. For dālûm cf. no. 127, line 2, and CAD D 57 and 142 f. (dīlû, dīlûtu): manual irrigation. — Cf. the sequence of the workers (e r é n) kāsimu, ḫērû, šāqû, za-ru-ú, ‘weeders, diggers, irrigators, sowers’ in S. Richardson, TLOB 53, 12-15, with D. Charpin, RA 109 (2015) 166 n. 87. Also za-ru-ú ‘sower’ in TCL 1 174, 2 (not: ‘winnower’). 3. For ḫubuttatum see SLB I (3) 23 f., the note to no. 79, line 25’, and D.O. Edzard, Tell ed-Dēr (1970) 42 n. 1; A. Skaist, The Old Babylonian Loan Contract (1994) 43-45, 52-56. Many loans were taken with regard to agricultural activities, especially the harvest. Here, the counterpart of such a loan is found in the account. Leemans saw in the ḫ. at Ischchali (Lutz, UCP X/1) commercial loans; JESHO 2 (1959) 331-333. Not repeated here. 5. We would expect an activity or a period of time to be mentioned here, maybe the first month: a-na i t u b á r - [ z a g - g ] a r ? 6. Draff (tuḫḫū) as a waste-product of brewing beer could be used as fodder for oxen. Cf. M. Stol, BiOr 28 (1971) 170a, 2; CAD T 453 f. 12. The sum of lines 1-11 adds up to 9 gur 1 sūtu 4 qa. It is possible that the scribe forgot to transfer one extra PI, remainder of the sum of the sūtu’s. If so, the sum corresponds to the one recorded in this line. 13ff. Indistinct traces of numbers do suggest that the following illegible lines may have contained a calculation.

253 (LB 774) (8.9 × 5.3 × 2.7) Plate XV, copy; CDLI, P 389239, photo Account of barley – Samsuiluna 4 O.

83 še-gur ì-du[b x x (x)]- ⸢ru⸣-tim 35 (gur) 2 (PI) 3 (bán) ⸢še-gur⸣

83 gur of barley stored […] 35 gur 2 PI 3 sūtu of barley

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

5

10

R. 15

20

117

 ì-dub pa-pa-ḫi-im šu-nigin2 118 (gur) 2 (PI) 3 (bán)  še-gur  gìr dEN.ZU-i-din-nam

 stored in the cella, together 118 gur 2 PI 3 sūtu of  barley,  for the correctness vouches Sîn iddinam. 3 (gur) 2 (PI) 4 (bán) šu-ti-a 3 gur 2 PI 4 sūtu received by the  ‘cloister’,  ga-gi4-aki 1 (PI) 1 (bán) šuku ṣú-ḫa-re-e 1 PI 1 sūtu food for the servants, 5 (bán) ka(!)-aš-ši-lu-ú [x x] / ru* (?) 5 sūtu for the beer-men (?) ša še-a-am a-na ú-ri-im who brought the barley ú-še-lu-ú-n[im (?)] up to the roof, 2 (bán) [ ] 2 sūtu […] 1 (PI) še x [ ] 1 PI of barley […] 1 (PI) še a-na [ ] 1 PI of barley for […]  dumu-munus dEN.ZU-i-q[í-ša-am]  daughter of Sîn-iq[īšam],  šu-nigin2 4 (gur) 2 (PI) še-gur  total: 4 gur 2 PI of barley ša i-na šà-bu ì-dub ú-ṣú-ú which went out of the storehouse. 5 (gur) 3 (PI) 2 (bán) (total) 5 gur 3 PI 2 sūtu  ma-aš-ša-ar-tum  as staples,  for the correctness vouches Sîn gìr dEN.ZU-i-din-nam  iddinam. itu apin-du8-a u4 20-kam In the month Waraḫsamna, 20th day, mu íd Sa-am-su-i-lu-na of the year: the Samsuiluna ḫé-gál  ḫegal-canal.

Seal inscription: AN-dMAR-[TU(?)] [e]n-gal kur-kur-r[a] [zál]ag-e ùg-g[a]

AN-MARTU (?), great lord of the lands, light of the people.

The text contains an account of barley, stored in two storehouses, the second of a temple, the first probably also. That temple might have been that of Amurrum (AN-AN-MARTU), as the text is sealed with the seal of this god. Sîn-iddinam was responsible for the correctness of the quantity (line 5). In lines 6 ff. follow the expenses of that barley; also for these Sîn-iddinam was responsible (line 18). The expenses are for various purposes: for the ‘cloister’ (line 6), rations for the ṣuḫarū, ‘servants’ (line 7), a small amount for the people who brought the barley to the roof, probably to let it dry (lines 7-10), three for unknown purposes (lines 8, 11-12), and one for a daughter of Sîn-iqīšam (lines 13-14). The reference to the gagûm ‘cloister’ in line 6 is likely to indicate that the text is from Sippar, although this is not necessarily so. — Note that ‘the cloister’ is

118

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attested in the group of texts around Aja-šēmiat, probably not from Sippar: ARRIM 7, 41 no. 36, 7; RA 74, 48 no. 117, 11; ZA 89, 29 no. 2, 9. It is possible that our text is part of that group. See M. Stol, OBO 160/4 (2004) 693 n. 356. Notes to the lines: 1. The reading ru is based on a collation by K.R. Veenhof; Plate XV. 3. Papāḫum ‘cella’, cf. E.A. Speiser, Cahiers d’Histoire mondiale I (1953) 317; H.J. Lenzen, ZA 51 (1955) 25 and AHw 823, CAD P 101 ff. — Cf. ì - d u b (= našpakum) ina papaḫim, S. Richardson, TLOB 40, 1, cf. 14. Cf. barley ina/ana bīt papaḫim in TLB I 184, 9, 13. — “La pièce de la réception”, D. Charpin, RA 103 (2009) 136 (n. 28); Archibab 4 (2020) 404, on line 5. 6. The gagûm had a storehouse (ì - d u b , našpakum) for barley; e.g. CT 8 21d (HG III 773) and CT 4 29b (HG III 774), cited in CAD N/2 67a. 8. The word kaššilum is not given by the two dictionaries AHw and CAD. References: ARMT 22 57 A III, 12, 19; ARMT 23 609, 19; 580, 25; CT 48 32 left edge; OECT 13 61, 1. Discussion: J.-M. Durand, NABU 1978 / 42; RA 97 (2003) 172 n. 116 (‘brasseur’). Cf. l ú k a š - í l , CUSAS 15 158, 5 (M. Stol). – Collation of the first sign ka (!) by Veenhof: Plate XV. 9. The roof was a place for storage of barley; CAD U/W 261b. Cf. (barley) a-na u4-ri-im, no. 131, 1 (collated). 15. The total agrees with the quantities listed in lines 6-13. 18. maššartum ‘staples set aside in a household for specific periods to be processed by its craftsmen’; CAD M/1 387 f. Seal: The inscription of the god Amurrum on the seal is of particular interest; referring to his temple? Seals with just the name of a god are rather common, cf. D. Charpin, Archives familiales (1980) 292-295; J. Renger, JAOS 105 (1985) 333 ff., gives ‘a random selection’. Cf. also no. 280. Those of the god Amurrum: J.-R. Kupper, L’Iconographie du dieu Amurru dans la glyptique de la Ire Dynastie babylonienne (1961) 56-68.

254 (LB 747) (5.3 × 4.3 × 1.9) CDLI, P 389210, photo Contract for the hire of an agricultural labourer – Hammurabi 37 O.

5

mdEN.ZU-ta-ia-ar

engar ki ra-ma-ni-šu-ma mdNanna-tum dumu Tu-tu-na-ṣir a-na mu 1-kam [a-na(?)] engar in-ḫ[un(?)] […] á(?) mu [1-kam]

Sîn-tajjār, the farmer, from himself, Nannatum, son of Tutu-nāṣir, for one year, hired to do the farming. The wage (?) for 1 year  [he will …]

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

 (lacuna of ca. 4 lines) dumu […] x igi d[EN.Z]U-a-ḫa-am-i-din-nam dumu I-din-ia igi dEN.ZU-i-din-nam dub-sar U.E. itu še-gur10-ku5 u4 20-kam mu ugnim Tu-ru-ku-ú

119

R.

Seal inscription: [ŠE]Š.UNUGki-ga-[…] [dumu] A-wi-i[l- …] [ìr] dUraš (?)[o]

son of […] Before Sîn-aḫam-iddinam, son of Iddinja. Before Sîn-iddinam, the scribe. In the month Addāru, the 20th day, of the year: the troops of  Turukkûm. Urim-gā[mil] (?) [son of] Awīl-[…] [servant of] Uraš (?)

Possibly from Dilbat. Sîn-tajjār, a farmer (e n g a r , ikkarum), enters into the service of Nannatum, son of Tutu-nāṣir, to do one year of agricultural work (ikkarūtum). See for this kind of contracts (‘Selbstvermietung’) J.G. Lautner, Altbabylonische Personenmiete, 73. It is an interesting feature that the labourer is qualified as an e n g a r (ikkarum), ‘agricultural labourer’, in this text. Cf. AHw 368 and CAD I-J 49b, 1b). There are two more contracts of this type, PBS 8/2 196; K. De Graef, Aula Orientalis 20 (2002) 90, 95 no. 15 (there, he is responsible for the oxen at the plough). The mention of Uraš (?) in the seal may indicate that the text is from Dilbat. Tutu-nāṣir is a name well known from that town. He may even have been the son of Iddin-Lagamal, and if so, we might find one of his sons in the present text, which is chronologically well possible. — According to the family trees by A. Goddeeris (p. 232) and G. Kalla (p. 152) (see at the end of the Introduction to ‘Texts from Dilbat’), a Tutu-nāṣir is the son of Iddin-Lagamal. Note: U.E. K.R. Veenhof read this year-name (KI-SU-LU--GAR Tu-ru-ku-ú).

255 (LB 751) (4.2 × 3.4 × 2.2) CDLI, P 389214, photo Deed for real estate – Southern Mesopotamia; date unclear. O.

5

14 SAR x […] ús(!)-sa-1 x[…]x ús-sa-2 pa5 ku6* ki A-lí-a-ḫu-ú-a  dam 30-we-du

14 sar of […], its first side [ its second side the canal Fish; from Ali-aḫḫūja,  the wife of Sîn-wēdu,

120

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS mŠEŠ.UNUGki-dùg

R. 10

in-ši-šám x x […] šá[m-til-la-ni-šè (?)] in-[na-an-lá (?)] u4-kúr-šè nu-[mu]-⸢un⸣-gi4 mu lugal-bi in-pàd igi Tap-p[u]-um mÌr-dEN.ZU*

15

mBu-ni-ku-nu-um

(?)

mA-n[a]-tum mPu-ṣí-ia

U.E.

mDùg-ab-ia

20

itu kin-dInanna mu ⸢kar⸣ íd-da ba-a[n-x]

Urim-ṭāb bought.  … as its full price he paid. That in future he will not came back  to it, by the name of the king he has  sworn. Before Tappûm, Warad-Sîn, Bunikunum (?), Anātum, Pūṣija, Ṭābaja, In the month Elūlu of the year: the embankment  of the canal was […].

Notes to the lines: 13-18. Remarkable are the names of the witnesses, mostly not being composed with a god’s name and all without further qualifications (neither father’s name nor profession). 20. The year-name is supposedly one of the Isin/Larsa year-names. Cf. m u u r u - k i k a - í d - d a b a - a n - ḫ u l , Sumu-el year 8, or Rīm-Sîn 15 (J.C. Fincke); also possible is a year-name of Mana-balte-el; B. Kienast, Die altbabylonische Briefe und Urkunden aus Kisurra (1978) no. 90, cf. vol. I p. 24 § 19 (year h), with W. Sommerfeld, ZA 73 (1983) 209, and A. Goddeeris, Tablets from Kisurra (2009) 20 (year e). — F.N.H. al-Rawi, ZA 83 (1993) 27: Apil-Sîn year 7?

256 (LB 721) (8.4 × 4.6 × 2.4) CDLI, P 389184, photo Deed for a field – year lost O. 1

2 ½ (iku)* ⸢x⸣ ši-ma-at Na-ḫi-din[gir] (?) ṭe4*-ḫu-ut bi-i (?)-m[a (?)] [d]a a-šà Li-pí-i[t- …] ù a-šà dumu-meš Sa-r[i-qum(?)]

2 ½ ikû [ ] purchased property of Nāḫiilum (?)  access route to ..[…] [adjacent to]the field of Lipit-[…] and the field of the sons of  Sar[riqum] (?)

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

5

R.

5’

10’

[sag]-bi 2-kam a-šà Mu-t[u-ú-ma] [a-š]à Mu-tu-ú-ma [ki] Mu-tu-ú-ma x  (lacuna of ca. 6 lines) […] ⸢ki⸣ […] igi dNa[nna-…]  dumu Sî[n-…] igi A-ḫu-[…]  [dumu] dUraš-n[a-ṣir] (?) ⸢igi⸣ Šu-dPa-bi[l-sag]  dumu Pu-ṣú-ú [o] igi Sîn-i-din-na[m]  dumu Qú-ur-di-I[štar] igi Pí-ir-ḫu-u[m]  dumu I-ku-un-p[i4-x] [igi] Lú-dIškur dub-s[ar] [itu x x x] u4 ⸢15/16⸣-[kam]  (rest lost)

121

its second frontside to the field of  Mutûma, the field of Mutûma, from Mutûma, …, […] … […] Before Nanna-[…]  son of Sîn-[…] Before Aḫu-[…]  son of Uraš-n[āṣir] (?) Before Šu-Pabilsag,  son of Pūṣû Before Sîn-iddinam,  son of Qurdi-Ištar Before Pirḫum,  son of Ikūn-pi-[…] Before Awīl-Adad, the scribe. [In the month …], the 15/16th day,

Notes to the lines: 1. On the tablet (traces of) one or two signs can be seen above line 1 of the copy. Their reading seems to be 2 ½ (ikû). Or do they belong to the broken Upper Edge? – At the end of line 1 K.R. Veenhof saw signs which fit Na-ḫi-A[N], possibly Nāḫilum, well known from Dilbat. 2. ṭe4-ḫu-ut bi-i-m[a …] (K.R. Veenhof). CAD Ṭ 83 f.: (‘part of a building’). — Cf. d é ḫ i - b à d - d a = ṭè-ḫu-tum, M. Krebernik, ZA 94 (2004) 230 I, 9, with p. 233. 7-8. The name of the father is lost. rev. 11’. This personal name can be completed by a divine name or by the suffix ša.

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257 (LB 693) (7.6 × 5.1 × 2.6) CDLI, P 389157, photo Act before witnesses – Ammiditana 14 O.

5

10 R.

5’

10’

[ ] giš UM* [ ] [ š]a (?) [ ] [ ]x-ru [ ]-nu [ ]x [ ] [ ]x [ ] numun (?) [ ] bar ne […] [igi Me-a-i]m-ri-a-mu gala-maḫ dZa-[ba4-ba4] [igi] dIškur-šar-ì-lí dumu dZa-ba4-ba4-na-ṣir [igi] Ib-ni-dÉ-a dumu E-ṭe-rum [igi] di-ku5* ta bi ki ù Du11!-ga-ni-nu-kúr-ru dumu-meš* igi Ṭà-ab-é-ṭup-pí dumu -din-dZa-ba4-ba4 igi E-ṭe-rum dumu dZa-ba4-ba4-dEN.ZU*-ì-lí igi I-din-dZa-ba4-ba4 dumu dEN.ZU-iš-me-a-ni igi Ib-ni-dIškur dub-sar ⸢Ib⸣-ni-dZa-[ba4-ba4]* itu šu-numun-a u4 20-kam mu Am-mi-di-ta-na lugal-e al[am] n[a]m-šul-la-na zà-[a] DU.DU-ḫi-a [é-sag-í]l-la-šè in-na-ni-in-ku4-ra

Traces of seal impressions. Possibly from Kiš. From the manifold occurrences of the god Zababa in the names of the witnesses and the presence of a priest of Zababa among them, it can be concluded that the text has come from Kiš. From the few traces on the obverse the character of the text cannot be recovered. It seems most likely that the text contained a contract or a judicial statement, perhaps – with regard to the presence of the kalamaḫḫûm-priest of Zababa – with some relation to the temple. Notes to the lines: rev. 2’ For this chief lamentation priest kalamaḫḫûm, cf. C. Wilcke, Zikir šumim (Fs. F.R. Kraus) (1982) 453, sub 1, Zeuge 2.

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

123

rev. 5’ The reading of Du11!-ga-ni-nu-kúr-ru was suggested by C. Wilcke, op. cit., based on a comparison with YOS 13 33, 4-6 (Ammiditana 3), where Mea-imria-mu (also in the present text, rev. 2’) and this man are said to be the sons of dInanna-zi-mu. The first personal name and the last two signs are unclear. rev. 7’ One expects -dEn-líl-, not -dEN.ZU-; Akkadian ellilu (AHw), illilu (CAD). ‘The Enlil of the gods’, as in no. 263, 14 (M. Stol). rev. 9’ Before the date, the indication of a seal inscription of a person called Ibni-Zababa can be found on the tablet. The year-name: M.A. Horsnell, The Year-Names of the First Dynasty of Babylon (1999), vol. 2, 289 note 60.

258 See after no. 242, p. 92 f. 259-261 These fragments belong to the same Case; see no. 245. CDLI, P 389231 (no. 259), photo, P 389232 (no. 260), P 389233; Plate XXV, on no. 261, now LB 765/2. 262 (LB 702) (6.5 × 4.7 × 2.8) CDLI, P 389165, photo Letter concerning wool  (upper part lost; ca. 3 lines) […] x […] [… Ì]r*-⸢d⸣ x x ⸢14⸣ gú síg-ḫi-a a-na Ṣi-lí-dUtu  i-di-in 5’ [ši]-ta-at síg-ḫi-a [š]a(?) te-zi-bu […] x-ma [… aṭ-ṭ]a-ra(?)-da-ku[m] […]x Lo.E. […] za (?) [… 1]4 g[ú …] R.  (several lines lost) [ ] KA (?) […] [x]-x-ki-zi ⸢x⸣- za-zu O.

[…] [… W]arad-… 14 talents of wool to Ṣilli-Šamaš  give. The remainder of the wool, that you have left, […] […] herewith I send (?) to you. […] […] 14 talents […] […] […]

Traces of seal impressions on the reverse and left edge.

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

This text, considered as a contract at first, because it was sealed, seems to be a letter. Especially the verbal forms in lines 6 and 8 point to it. Letters were only exceptionally sealed. See F.R. Kraus, ‘Altbabylonische Briefe mit Siegelabrollungen’, in Miscellanea Babylonica (Mélanges M. Birot) (1985) 137-145. Another letter in Leiden is no. 162, now AbB 10 152, with Frankena, SLB IV p. 50. It cannot be said whether Ṣilli-Šamaš in line 3’ is the same man as the official during the reign of Rīm-Sîn II in the region of Bad-tibira (in no. 197). In texts from this town a man of that name deals with the collection and transport of barley, dates and vegetables, but not with wool, as far as known. Cf. M. Gallery, ‘The office of the šatammu’, AfO 27 (1980) 19 f., and no. 197 in this volume. Note to line 2: possibly [t]a an ḫu u[r]. 263 (LB 688) (6.0 × 4.1 × 2.2) CDLI, P 389152, photo Contract for the delivery of dates – Samsuiluna 21 O.

5

3 (PI) 5 (bán) zú-lum níg-ŠID giškiri6 Tu-ra-am-ì-lí 1 (gur) zú-lum níg-ŠID giškiri6 Bu-ra-tum 3 (PI) 4 (bán) zú-lum níg-ŠID giškiri6 Ra-bu-us-sà  2 (gur) 2 (PI) 3 (bán) gur zú-lum níg-ŠID giškiri6 ma-du-tim

[…] x-um [… zú]-lum [ì]-ág-e R. igi Ì-lí-ip-pa-al-sà igi Ì-lí-a-wi-lim-ra-bi (?) igi dUtu-dEn-líl-ì-lí 15 igi Be-la-nu-um itu kin-dInanna u4 7-kam U.E. mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal gu-za bara2 gu-la dNin-gal-la Lo.E.

Seal inscription: dUtu-dEn-líl-ì-lí dumu U-bar-[ri-ja] ìr dNin-šu[bur]

3 PI 5 sūtu of dates account of the orchard of Tūram-ilī, 1 gur of dates, account of the orchard of Būrātum, 3 PI 4 sūtu of dates, account of the orchard of Rabūssa,  2 gur 2 PI 3 sūtu of dates, (total) account of the orchard of the  other people. […] … […] of dates he will deliver. Before Ilī-ippalsam, before Ilī-awīlim-rabi (?), before Šamaš-ellil-ilī, before Bēlānum. In the month Elūlu, 7th day, of the year Samsuiluna, the king: a throne for the great shrine  of Ningal.

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

125

From Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm. The text lists quantities of dates from different orchards, to be delivered by a person, who must have been mentioned in line 9. See for contracts concerning the date cultivation SLB I (3), nos. 71 ff., and in the present volume nos. 196 and 199. Būrātum and Rabūssa also figure among the men from whom, with ‘the others (of the group)’ (u mādūtim), Marduk-dajjān rented an orchard (BIN 7 182; 24-XII-Samsuiluna 4). The same Marduk-dajjān is one of the renters in text no. 205. This indicates that the present text belongs to the group of texts from the province of Yaḫrūrum Šaplûm; see the notes to text no. 205. — This text was overlooked there and by Charpin, Durand, RA 75 (1981) 27 ff. — R. de Boer: this text is part of the Lipit-Ea archive from Lower Yaḫrūrum, studied by J. Renger in Studies F.R. Kraus (1982) 290-297. Notes to the lines: 2. Tūram-ilī: ZA 106, 147, 161. 14. The witness in this line is probably also the person whose seal is seen on the tablet. An impression of the same seal can be found on FM 20, in E. Szlechter, TJA (1963) 66 f. (R. de Boer). Also in AUCT V 271, 7. 15. A scribe Bēlānum appears in RA 75 (1981) 29 AO 10340, 13, also a text relating to the group of texts concerning the garden of the Rababeans. Its date is 1-XIISamsuiluna 4.

264 (LB 748) Kassite: cf. Leemans, RA 60 (1966) 75 note 2. CDLI, P 389211, photo Published by F.E. Peiser, Urkunden aus der Zeit der dritten babylonischen Dynastie (1905) p. 26, P 133 (copy)

265 (LB 775) (Fragment of a case: 3.1 × 3.5 × 2.0) CDLI, P 389240, photo Samsuiluna 6 (?) O.

[…]-meš Ba-la-lum [… A-p]il-ì-lí-šu

R.

[itu x x x] u4 1-kam [mu Sa-am-s]u-i-lu-na lugal [alan šùd.š]ùd.dè ù dlam.ma | kù-gi (?) [… i-ni-i]n-ku4 (?)

126

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Seal inscription: en gal […] ma du [ ] x x For another (?) Balalum, see no. 192. 266 (LB 1954) (10.4 × 6.0 × 3.0) Plate XVI, copies; CDLI, P 390404 Model contract on a trading enterprise – no date O.

5

10

1 ma-na k[ù-babba]r máš 1 ma-na 12 gín-t[a] ki dUtu-nu-úr-ma-ti mdUtu-dingir ù dEn-líl-me-du šu ba-an-ti-eš silim-ma kaskal-ta kù ì-lá-e-ne ki lú silim-ma ù lú gi-na-ta šu ba-ab-te-gá-e

1 mina of silver, its interest is 12 shekel on a mina, from Šamaš-nūr-mātim Šamaš-ilī and Enlil-medu have borrowed. After safe return from the journey they will pay the silver. From the financially sound and legally responsible he (the creditor) will receive (the money).

This large tablet offers an exercise; obverse and reverse contain the same text, with this difference, that line 6 was forgotten on the reverse. Other differences in the forms of the signs are probably due to the inability of the practising scribe; cf. e.g. m á š and k a s k a l on the obverse. — A ‘model contract’; the latest edition of a group was given by G. Spada in CUSAS 43 (2019), nos. 38 ff. K.R. Veenhof collated the tablet; see Plate XVI. The text gives the formulary for a loan for a trade-journey in partnership (cf. Hallo, AS 16 [1965] 200 n. 14). As it is only a model, no witnesses and no date are mentioned. The formulary is almost exactly identical with formularies as in Ana ittišu and ḪAR-ra = ḫubullu I. For line 2, see Ana ittišu II i 43; for line 7, VI i 20 (= MSL 1 [1937] 18, 76); and for lines 9-11, see Ḫḫ I 294-296 (= MSL 5 [1957] 30 f.) (W. Eilers, Gesellschaftsformen, 55 f.). Although the money is not qualified as k ù - n a m - t a b - b a , ‘money for a common enterprise’, it may be inferred from the duality of the debtors and the following clauses that this was the purpose (see Eilers, op. cit.). The sum on which the specimen text is based, is the most common sum for business loans (cf. Eilers, op. cit., 57 ff.). W.W. Hallo quoted this text in AS 16 (1965); a full transliteration by D.O. Edzard in OLZ 65 (1970) 556, with remarks on the verbal forms in lines 7, 11.

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

127

267 (LB 720) (3.7 × 3.7 × 2.1) CDLI, P 389183, photo Loan with interest – Samsuiluna 24 ⅓ gín 15 še kù-babbar máš-bi ma-ka-lum kù-babbar dEN.ZU ki dEN.ZU m 5 A-wi-i[l-x x] Lo.E. dumu A-bu-⸢wa-qar⸣ R. šu ba-an-ti u4 ebur-šè kù-babbar ì-lá-e 10 igi dUtu igi dMarduk itu kin-dInanna U.E. mu bàd Kiški O.

⅓ shekel 15 še of silver, its interest will be a food-offering, silver of Sîn, from Sîn Awīl-[…], son of Abu-waqar, has borrowed. At the time of harvest he will pay the money. Before Šamaš, before Marduk. In the month Elūlu of the year: the wall of Kiš.

The loan was furnished by the temple of Sîn. For this clausula in loans from temples, see R. Harris, JCS 14 (1960) 132. As was written by R. Harris, temple loans could contain an interest, in the form of an offering. — A. Skaist, The Old Babylonian Loan Contract (1994) 127-129. An interesting example in M. Sigrist, a.o., Catalogue of the Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum III (2006) 64 BM 25377: the mākalum seems to consist of two male sheep (2 u d u - n i t á ḫ i - a m á š - b i ma-ka-lum). More on temple loans: D. Charpin, ‘Gods as Creditors in the Amorite Near East’, in his Gods, Kings, and Merchants in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia (2015) 149-172. — Now on mākalum: G. Spada, RSO NS 95 (2022) 89-101. The witnesses to the loan were two other gods, Šamaš and Marduk, which shows that the Sîn-temple was not the main temple in the place of origin of the text. Probably Šamaš was its principal deity, so that the text may have come from Sippar. Cf. the following text. 268 (LB 735) (3.1 × 3.0 × 2.0) CDLI, P 389198, photo Loan with interest – Samsuiluna 19 O.

igi-6-⸢gál kù⸣-[ba]bbar  máš-bi ma-ka-lum kù-babbar dUtu

⅙ (shekel) of silver,  its interest will be a food  offering, silver of Šamaš,

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

[ki] dUtu 󰀅 [Ta-r]i(?)-ba-tum R. šu ba-an-ti u4 [e]bur-šè kù-babbar [ì-l]á-e igi dU[tu] 10 igi dMarduk U.E. itu ab-è u4 22-kam* mu gu-za bara2 kù-gi

from Šamaš Tarībātum (?) has borrowed. At the time of the harvest he will pay the money. Before Šamaš, before Marduk. In the month Ṭebētu, 22nd day, of the year: a throne for the shrine  of gold.

Cf. the preceding text.

269 (LB 732) (3.8 × 3.5 × 2.2) CDLI, P 389195, photo Loan of barley – date lost 1 (gur) še-gu[r (x)] x […] ki Gi-mil-lum mTa-ri-ba-t[um]  dumu Dumu-er-ṣ[e-tim] Lo.E. šu ba-an-ti u4 [e]bur-[š]è R. še ì-á[g-e] (Traces of seal impression.) [it]u g[u4-si-sá (?) u4 [x-kam] (Upper Edge lost) O.

1 gur of barley […] from Gimillum Tarībātum,  son of Mār-erṣetim, has borrowed. At the time of the harvest he will deliver the barley. In the month Ajjāru, day …,  [of the year […].

270 (LB 717) (3.6 × 3.4 × 1.8) CDLI, P 389180, photo Acknowledgement of a debt – Samsuiluna 7 O.

5

½ gín kù-babba[r] si-ta-at kù-ba[bbar] dirig šám 7 ½ gín kù-babbar [o] ša é [x (x)] [š]a(?) […]

½ shekel silver, the remainder of the silver, paid too  much, of the price of 7 ½ shekel silver, [ ] of the house […] from (?) […]

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

Lo.E.

R. 10

15

[š]a ⸢e⸣-li* pA-pil-dEN.Z[U] (?)  dUtu-Z[U*-…] ir-šu-ú iš-tu i-na- u4 20[+x-kam] kù ì--e igi Ì-lí-ip-pa-al |- sà [it]u apin-du8-a [mu S]a-am--i-lu |- na* gištukul šu-nir

129

which on Apil-Sî[n  Šamaš-..[…] has got (as a claim). From (now?) until the 20th day (?) he will pay the silver. Before Ilī-ippalsam. In the month Waraḫsamna of the year of Samsuiluna: a weapon, an emblem.

The tablet was sealed all over before being written. Traces of seal impression on the lower edge: […] dUtu [ìr?] dIškur Probably the text has to be interpreted in this way that ½ shekel of silver, apparently paid too much by the buyer of a house, is acknowledged as a debt by the seller, to be repaid within 20 days. — The formula ša eli PN išû refers to the remaining part of a debt that has been paid back partially (Restschuld); M. Stol in Silver, Money and Credit (Studies R.J. van der Spek) (2016) 23-37. In another text with the same formula we see wa-ta-ra-tum which can be identical with d i r i g in line 2; TIM 3 120, 8, with the dissertation by Fauzi Reschid, Archiv des Nūršamaš (Heidelberg, 1965) 115. Cf. [ n í g - d i ] r i - g a = ⸢wa-at⸣-ta-ra-a-tum, MSL 13 (1971) 116, bil. Nigga, 44; in AHw s.v. both watartum ‘Überschüssiges’, and wattarum 2 (asking: ‘wohin?’). Notes on the lines: 10. The same error in the OB letter AbB 5 210, 13; cf. iš-tu -na-an-na in A. Goetze, Sumer 14 (1958) 63 no. 37, 10. Colloquial language?

271 (LB 724) (4.0 × 3.5 × 2.4) CDLI, P 389187, photo Loan to buy barley – Abi-ešuḫ “y” (12) O.

5

1 ⅓ gín 15 (?) še kù-babbar (?) a-na šám še ki dI-šum-ib-ni  dumu I-bi-dU[tu] mTa-šu-ba-tum

1 ⅓ shekel and 15 še of silver (?), for the purchase of barley from Išum-ibni,  son of Ibbi-Šamaš, Tašūbātum

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

šu(!) ba-an-ti u4 ebur-šè R. ki-lam ib-ba-šu-ú še ì-á[g]-e 10 igi Pir-ḫi-dMAR-TU igi Ku-ub-bu-tum  dumu A-ḫu-ni U.E. itu šu-numun-a u4 1-kam mu A-bi-e-šu-uḫ dNanna dMarduk-bi-da-k[e ] 15 4 Lo.E.

L.E.

has borrowed. At harvest time, according to the current rate, he will deliver the barley. Before Pirḫi-Amurrum. Before Kubbutum,  son of Aḫuni. In the month of Du’ūzu, 1st day, of the year Abi-ešuḫ: Nanna with Marduk.

(omitted in the copy*): Ta-šu-ba-[tum] kišib Pir-ḫi-dMAR-[TU] Ku-ub-bu-tum

From Sippar. Tašūbātum received a loan of barley to be returned at the harvest. As it is the purpose of the loan to buy barley, it may be supposed that the loan was furnished in silver. For this kind of loans ‘to buy a commodity’ cf. D. Charpin, Journal Asiatique 270 (1982) 40 n. 36. As he points out, the repayment is always in the commodity the loan was originally intended for, thus in this case in barley. Išum-ibni(šu), the son of Ibbi-Šamaš, the creditor, also occurs in BAP 2, 18 (Abi-ešuh 28) (coll. R. Pientka); YOS 13 384, 8 (Abi-ešuh “k”), unfortunately in broken context, and 504, 3 (Abi-ešuh “p”), texts from Sippar; see R. Harris, JNES 34 (1975) 295, and R. Pientka, Die spätaltbabylonische Zeit 2 (1998) 504, 511. In the latter text he acts as creditor, as in the present text. Notes to the lines: 15. For the year-formula see A. Goetze, JCS 5 (1951) 101; Pientka, Die spätaltbabylonische Zeit 1, 41 f. (year Abi-ešuḫ y). Prosopographically related texts are TJDB 156 MAH 16.275 (Ammiditana 2), BBVOT 1 1 (Ammiditana 3), BE 6/1 91 (Ammiditana 4) = Pientka 2, p. 472 ff., nos. 32, 114, 599. — Year 12 of Abi-ešuḫ according to ARCHIBAB. L.E. The captions of the persons who have sealed, although there are no seal impressions on the tablet. They were probably imposed on the case.

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

131

272 (LB 690) (3.5 × 3.5 × 1.8) CDLI, P 389154, photo Receipt of barley – Sumu-El 17 O.

R.

1 (gur) 3 (PI) gur šà a-gàr* (?)  8 gur še-ba lú KIN-me* (?) šu-ti-a A-ab-ba--bu-u[m]* itu ⸢gu4⸣-[si-s]á šà mu ús-sa é-duru5–ì-sáki ba-an-d[ab5] kišib A-ab-ba-ṭà-bu-um

1 gur 3 PI in the ugārum (?)  8 gur the barley ration of the  messengers (?) received by Abba-ṭābum. In the month Ajjāru, of the year following on the year: the town  Eduru-(Nanna)-isa was taken. Seal of Abba-ṭābum.

Traces of seal impression. Note to the lines: 3. Cf. perhaps Sumerian a - š à - g e k i ĝ 2 AK, ‘travailler un champ’, P. Attinger, ZA 95 (2005) 234 (5.246); field work done in winter; the operations are hoeing, breaking and removing the clods, weeding, according to M. Civil, Studies in Honor of Marcel Sigrist (2008) 36, 42. See the note on no. 281. 7. Cf. M. Sigrist, Larsa Year-names (1990) 19, Sumu-el year 17.

273 (LB 742) (3.5 × 3.5 × 2.0) CDLI, P 389205, photo Receipt of barley – Hammurabi 33 O.

[ x ] še-gur [gi]šba-rí-ga x x 4*sìla še (?)

⸢a⸣-na é agrig  šu-ti-a 5 […] dNanna-⸢lú⸣-ti* Lo.E. […] x x […] R. x ba ab x [ [x] ⸢tab-ba⸣-tum (?) itu du6-kù u4 ⸢4⸣-kam U.E. [m]u íd Ḫa-am-m[u-ra-bi]  [n]u-ḫu-uš-ni-ši

[…] of barley, in the paršiktum -measure of […] 4  litres of barley, for the house of the abarakkum  was received by Nanna-lu-ti (?) […] … […] […] … […] … In the month Tašrītu, the 4th day of the year: the canal Hammurabi nuḫuš-nīšī.

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

The tablet was sealed with a seal all over before being written. Notes to the lines: 2. For the various gišb a - r í - g a (parsiktum) measures cf. A. Goetze, JCS 2 (1948) 85, and K.R. Veenhof, ‘Sag.íl.la = saggilû’, Miscellanea Babylonica (Mélanges M. Birot) (1985) 285-306. 3. For the ‘house’ of the abarakkum, cf. CAD A/1 33a, 2 c), where it can be inferred from the texts cited that this house was used as a prison (CT 2 19 = AbB 2 83, 4). — A. Seri, The House of Prisoners (2013) 149-154. More refs.: E. Szlechter, TJA p. 41 UMM G 4, 3; OECT 15 51, 2.

274 (LB 709) (3.9 × 3.3 × 2.0) CDLI, P 389172, photo Receipt of barley – Samsuiluna 3 O.

5 R.

2 gur še šu-ti-a mLa* x [ ] ki […] [ ] itu gán-gán-è mu Sa-am-su-i-[lu-na] íd Na-qá-ab- | nu-uḫ-ši

2 gur of barley received by La-[…] from [PN] [ ] In the month Kislīmu of the year Samsuiluna: the canal Naqab-nuḫši.

The tablet is sealed on all four edges.

275 (LB 723) (4.1 × 3.9 × 2.1) CDLI, P 389186, photo Delivery of barley – Ammiṣaduqa 10 O.

R.

⸢3⸣ (gur) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) še-gur ša a-na na-si-iḫ še-giš-ì mBe-el-šu-nu im-du-du-ú itu apin-du8-a u4 5-kam [mu A]m-mi-ṣa-du-qá lugal [si]pad zi še-ga

3 gur, 1 PI, 4 sūtu of barley which for the sesame harvesters Bēlšunu measured out. In the month Waraḫsamna, the 5th day, the year of king Ammiṣaduqa: the true shepherd, the obedient.

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

133

276 (LB 725) (3.6 × 3.5 × 2.2) Plate XVII, copies; CDLI, P 389188, photo Receipt of silver – Ammiṣaduqa 8 ½ gín kù-babbar  šà kù-babbar ša qá-ti mu-túm mIb-ni-dMAR-TU* bur-gul* 5 nam-ḫar-ti Lo.E. mŠu-mu-um-li-ib-ši  dumu dMarduk-mu-ša-lim R. gìr Lú-dMi(?)-šar x / ga* O.

 (seal impression) itu šu-numun-a u4 24-kam 10 mu Am-m[i-ṣa-du-qá lugal]-e U.E.  gišdúr-gar kù-gi x[…]

½ shekel silver  from the silver at hand; delivered by Ibni-Amurrum, the seal-cutter; received by Šumum-libši,  son of Marduk-mušallim; for the correctness vouches Awīl Mīšar(?)-[…], In the month Du’ūzu, the 24th day, the year of king Ammi[ṣaduqa]: a throne with gold.

The tablet is covered with seal impressions, making the tablet on some places hard to read. From Sippar. Note to the lines: 6. A Šumum-libši, son of Marduk-mušallim, also appears in the Sippar-texts AbB 14 155, 13; MHET I 50, 11 (the persons in lines 10-12 are also mentioned together in CBS 1703 rev. 7, 9, 13; translit. Els Woestenburg); MHET II/2 325, 15, see F. van Koppen in K. Radner, E. Robson (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture (2011) 149; possibly the u g u l a g i d r u in Di 1646, see K. De Graef, Aula Orientalis 20 (2002) 65 n. 15. Possibly also in BE 6/1 101, 39 (VAB 5 209). 8. A man with the name A-wi-il-dMi-ša(?)-rum is attested in a list of persons qualified as g ì r (‘conveyor’; so Steinkeller), CT 45 51, 15. K.R. Veenhof collated the first three signs of this line, see Plate XVII. 11. Collated by J.C. Fincke.

277 (LB 729) (3.6 × 3.5 × 1.3) CDLI, P 389192, photo Receipt – Ammiṣaduqa 12 O.

5 šu-ši* ⸢sum.sar⸣ (?) 4 [š]u-ši* ⸢sum.sikil.sar⸣ (?) 1.1.0 (gur)* ninda* (?) x x x x

300 garlic (bulbs) (?), 240 onions (?), 1 gur […]

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mu-túm Ib-ba-tum*  x x x nam-ḫa-ar-ti PIb-ni-dEn-líl  dumu é-dub-ba-a itu bár-zag-gar u4 26-kam 10 mu Am-mi-ṣa-du-qá lu[gal] U.E. ala[m-a]-ni máš [g]ab-tab-b[a] 5 R.

delivered by Ibbātum  …; received by Ibni-Enlil,  the secretary. In the month Nisannu, the 26th day, the year Ammiṣaduqa, the king: his statue clasping a goat at the chest.

The obverse of the tablet is covered with salt and therefore difficult to read.

278 (LB 727) (3.4 × 3.2 × 1.3) CDLI, P 389190, photo Inspection of birds – Ammiṣaduqa 17+b O.

R.

i-na itu kin-dinanna*  u4 3-kam 10 mušen-ḫi-a in-n[é-e]p(!)-šu itu b[ár-za]g-gar u4 3-kam mu Am-mi-ṣa-du-qá lugal  alam-a-an-ni din-bi ì-mùš-[a]

Seal inscription: Ìr-ì-lí-šu dumu E-tel-pi4-dNa-[bi-um] ìr dÉ-a

In the month Elūlu  on the 3rd day 10 birds were ‘handled’. In the month Nisannu, the 3rd day of the year Ammiṣaduqa, the king:  his statue …

Warad-ilišu, son of Etel-pi-Nabium, servant of Ea.

The obverse is written over with inscribed seal impressions and therefore difficult to read. Possibly from Sippar. The text concerns birds used for a divinatory inspection (epēšum, lit. ‘to do’, see K. Van Lerberghe, CUSAS 29 p. 2b). The occurrence of Warad-ilišu, on the seal, indicates a link with Sippar. The same seal inscription is to be found on CT 48 92, seal 2 (Ammiṣaduqa 17+b), a text from Sippar recording a loan of barley, and on OLA 21 no. 71, seal 9 (Ammiṣaduqa 13), a Sippar text in which Warad-ilišu occurs as a witness to a division of property (l. 50).

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

135

Notes to the lines: 1. The readings are uncertain, but the signs seem to suggest a month-name. If so, there is a gap of half a year between the date of recording and the actual performance of the act. 3-4. On ‘oionoscopy’, cf. J.-M. Durand, ARM 26 (AEM I / 1) (1988) 10 f., n. 27. He refers to BE 6/1 118, “six birds which they gave for the performance (of extispicy) by the diviner (ana nēpešti bārîm)”. — More examples: W.H. van Soldt, CUSAS 30 no. 445 (MB); A. Tsukimoto, Orient 18 (1982) 106-110 [line 2: Kurû is the merchant from Babylon, well known from VAS 22]. Another type of divination with birds offers A.R. George, CUSAS 18 no. 18 (p. 112 ff.).

279 (LB 761) (3.8 × 3.6 × 2.2) CDLI, P 389224, photo Receipt of silver – no date O.

5 R.

10

15

1 gín kù-babbar šu-ti-a mGi-mil-dMarduk gìr Ì-lí-b[a-n]i-i ½ [sic] gín kù-babbar a-na uru-A-ḫi-im ki ⅓ gín kù-babbar gìr Nu-ra-tum ⅓ gín kù-babbar šám túgbar-si gìr Ì-lí-ba-ni-i 15 še dUtu-na-aḫ-ra-ri šu-nigin2 1 gín igi-4-gál  kù-babbar šu-ti-a Ì-lí-ba-ni-i

1 shekel of silver received by Gimil-Marduk, for the correctness vouches Ilī-bānî; ½ shekel silver for (the town) Āl-Aḫim; ⅓ shekel silver, for the correctness vouches  Nūrātum; ⅓ shekel silver the price of a sash, for the correctness vouches Ilī-bānî; 15 še from Šamaš-naḫrārī. In total: 1¼ shekel  silver was received by Ilī-bānî.

Notes to the lines: 5. The amount is clearly a mistake for ⅓ in view of the total sum in line 13. 10. Cf. H. Waetzoldt, Untersuchungen zur neusumerischen Textilindustrie (1972) 133: ‘Bänder’, and RlA VI (1980-1983) 198. Cf. also SLB I (1) 12 f. — CAD P 203, paršigu A (‘a sash, often used as a headdress’).

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280 (LB 710) (4.7 × 4.7 × 2.1) Plate XVIII, copies; CDLI, P 389173, photo Receipt from the Šamaš temple in Sippar – Ammiṣaduqa 13 or 17 […] ⅔ (?)[…] x x […] gín kù-babbar […] x ša é dUtu 5 […] x lú ad-KID […] lú su-ra […] dUtu [il (?)]-qú-ú [ú]-ša-ad-di-nu-ma 10 [a-na] é dUtu i-ru-bu Lo.E. mu-túm mdNa-bi-um-mu-ša-lim lú KA.KA nam-ḫa-ar-ti mdMarduk-la-ma-sà-šu šu-i* R. mIb-ni-dMAR-TU sukkal ì-du * 15 8 mdIškur-ma-an-sum ugula dam-gàr O.

mdNa-bi-um-na-ṣi-ir

nimgir (?) ù šà-tam-meš é dUtu

20

itu du6-kù u4 [x-kam] mu Am-mi-ṣa-d[u-qá lugal-e] urudu ki lugal-gub-[ba]

Seal inscription:* dNà(AK)-bi-x BE x KAB GI [o] AN GIL UR AB An x […]

[…] ⅔ (?) […] … [… x] shekel silver […] of the Šamaš temple […] the reed-worker […] the … […] Šamaš they took; they collected and they entered the temple of Šamaš. Delivered by Nabium-mušallim, the exorcist; received by Marduk-lamassašu, the barber, Ibni-Amurrum, the vizier-janitor, Iškur-mansum, the overseer of the  merchants, Nabium-nāṣir, the herald (?), and the šatammum-officials of the  Šamaš temple In the month Tašrītu, day x of the year of king Ammiṣaduqa: a copper royal pedestal.

Nabium (?) … … …

From Sippar. Functionaries from the Šamaš temple collect an amount of silver from Nabium-mušallim. For the business of this temple, see M. Stol, Die altbabylonische Zeit (OBO 160/4) (2004) 945-948, with a tentative summary of this text on p. 947. Most of the people mentioned are known from Sippar-texts. This text therefore belongs to the group of texts from Sippar, above, nos. 217-231. Collations * by F. van Koppen.

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

137

Notes to the lines: 5. atkuppum ‘reed worker’, cf. R. Harris, Ancient Sippar, 272 n. 19. 9. Or: [uš]-ta-ad-di-nu-ma. 10. According to M. Stol, the subject of īrubu must be the silver. This is suggested by a similar text in which silver is ‘collected and brought in (ušēribu) into the temple of Šamaš’, BE 6/1 91, 8-10, see D. Charpin, Journal Asiatique 270 (1982) 51 (n. 59). 12. Nabium-mušallim lú KA.KA also occurs in AbB 1 131, 16, in connection with a lawsuit. F.R. Kraus translates ‘Zeuge’. F. van Koppen suggests: twice a simplified KAxLI, so m u 7 - m u 7 , āšipum, ‘exorcist’. The same person, KA.KA (without lú), might also be found in MHET I 78, 6, from Sippar (after the copy; thus G.Th. Ferwerda). Note also Ur-mes AN KA (?) ⸢l ú KA⸣-KA b à n - d a A-TU é - m a ḫ , St. Dalley, A Catalogue of Cuneiform Tablets … Edinburgh (1979) no. 15, 34, among people in the temple of Šamaš. A similar title in CT 48 66 rev. 4, with seal inscription. In Larsa: l ú KA.KA-n e , var. m e - e š , TIM 5 68, 5, with J. van Dijk, HSAO (1967) 241. 14-18. On this passage R. Harris, op. cit., 74 n. 112; 163 n. 48: “š à - t a m officials, preceded by a judge, an overseer of the merchants, and a barber, receive staples (no longer preserved) for the temple”. Compare BM 80911, 13 ff. (11-VAmmiṣaduqa 16), now Seth Richardson, Texts from the Late Old Babylonian Period (= TLOB) (2010) no. 13, a report on a distribution of barley from the temple of Šamaš, under the orders of the same people as in the present text: (14) š à še-e é ì - d u b é dUtu (15) n í g - š u Ibni-Amurrum s u k k a l ì - d u 8 (= TLB I 280, 15) (16) dNabium-nāṣir š u - i (= TLB I 280, 17) (17) dIškur-ma-an-sum PA d a m - g à r (= TLB I 280, 16) (18) ù š à - t a m - m e š é dUtu (TLB I 280, 18). — See R. Pientka, Recht gestern und heute. Festschrift Richard Haase (2006) 61 n. 50. 14. Marduk-lamassašu, the barber, son of either Marduk-mušallim, or GimilMarduk: F. van Koppen in A. Bartelmus, K. Sternitzke, Karduniaš. Babylon under the Kassites (2017) 90 f. (note 140). 15. The title of Ibni-Amurrum, read s u k k a l l u g a l by Leemans, is attested in TLOB 13, 15; 35, 3, and possibly in OLA 21 no. 20, 35; read as s u k k a l x by Stol in Festschrift M. Dietrich (2002) 755 f. He was s u k k a l ì - d u 8 , a title also attested in Ur III texts; A. Kleinerman (‘Secretary of the Doorkeepers’) and R.H. Mayr in CUSAS 6 (2011) 179a, 228 (fig. 2). In earlier texts s u k k a l - d u 8 , see M. Bonechi, Studies Presented to Lucio Milano (2016) 9 n. 23, who mentions Late Babylonian sukkal-atû ‘doorkeeper’. A high-ranking Ibni-Amurrum is mentioned together with Nabium-mušallim lú KA.KA in AbB 1 131, 13, 28, cf. 16. Note the Ibni-Amurrum sukkal in Richardson, TLOB 94, 6 – as was seen by D. Charpin, RA 112 (2018) 191 n. 59. See the note on no. 220, 21. 17. Probably Nabium-nāṣir n i m g i r , attested in AbB 12 83, 4, TLOB 93, 11(?), and BM 97636: 4-5 (by courtesy of Els Woestenburg). 18. For the šatammum in general, cf. M. Gallery, ‘The office of the šatammu’, AfO 27 (1980) 1-36, and especially p. 22 for the present text. Seal: for this type of seal, cf. no. 253.

138

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

281 (LB 695) (6.3 × 4.2 × 2.1) CDLI, P 389159, photo Contract for hire of a seasonal worker – no date […] x [ ki r[a-ma-ni-šu] [a-n]a ši-pí-ir e-[re-bi-im ù a-ṣi-e] a-na qá-be-e Bu-la(!)-da-tum (?)* mÚ-túl-Ištar* dub-sar* 5 a-di pa-ṭa-ar e-re-[ši-im] in-ḫun á-bi itu-1-k[am]-šu 2 i-ni-a-tu-šu 10 [x⸣ sila3 2 (gur), 2 PI, 1  (bán) gú-gal (?) [in-n]u (?) i-na-aš-ši Lo.E. […] ú (?)-u[l (?) …] […] x x […] R.  (rest lost) O.

[PN] from himself for the work of ‘going in and out’, by order of Buladātum, has Utul-Ištar, scribe, until the end of the sowing (period) hired. As his hire (wage) per month his ‘double rates’: […] qa, 2 gur, 2 PI, 1 sūtu  of beans (?), [stra]w (?) he will carry. [If he does] not (?) […] […]

From Dilbat. Although the tablet is in a poor state of conservation, so much can be inferred from what remains, that it contains a contract for an agricultural labourer. Note that most clauses occur in texts from Dilbat, which might indicate the provenance of the text from that town. Compare also YOS 12 421, a similar text from the archive of Kunna (Leemans, JESHO 2 [1959] 326-327, and Charpin, BiOr 38 [1981] 432). Notes to the lines: 1. The person (and /or ox) hired must be mentioned in this line. 3. The CAD E 263a b’ translates erēbu u aṣû by ‘to move freely, to do business’. Von Soden, AHw, 235a translates šipir erēbim u aṣîm by ‘Botendienst’. According to Lautner, Personenmiete, 134, the expression refers to the entering into service (erēbum) and the end of the service (waṣûm). Other texts with the same expression are VAS 7 61, 4 (HG III 556; Dilbat); VAS 7 87 (VAB 5 161; Dilbat); VAS 7 144, 3 (HG III 561, VAB 5 163; Dilbat); YOS 12 466 (Lower Yaḫrūrum). All these translations do not satisfy here. From line 6 it must be inferred that in the present instance the labourer is hired for agricultural work. The genitive in line 3 denotes that the work to be done consists of erēbum u waṣûm, just like, for example, in VAS 7 144 and 61. So the expression cannot refer to the beginning and the end of the service. But the work of a labourer (and certainly not of an

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

139

agricultural labourer) cannot be ‘to move about freely’ or ‘to do business’, nor to do ‘Botendienste’. It is difficult to guess what then is the contents of the work to be done. Perhaps one could think of “all the work which presents itself to be done”, “the work which comes and goes”. — ‘Arbeit während der Pflugsaison’, M. Stol, RlA VIII/3-4 (1994) 172 ‘Miete’, § 3.9. See also G. Mauer, JANES 15 (1983) 69 n. 45; 71, and the note on no. 273. 4. Possibly ana qabê Bu-la(!)-da-t[um], a PN known from YOS 13; see JCS 25 (1973) 226, Archive D; Festschrift M. Dietrich (2002) 743 f. For ana qabê in Dilbat see H. Klengel, AOF 4 (1976) 86. Collation shows KU for la (?) (R. de Boer). 5. Collated by R. de Boer: Utul-Ištar d u b - s a r , see Festschrift M. Dietrich, 743. 7. If the reading is correct, the scribe did not seem to be bothered by the empty space at the end of this line. 9. See the extensive essay on inītum by B. Landsberger in MSL 1 (1937) 233-245 (Ana ittišu VII i 13 ff.); M. Stol in Cinquante-deux réflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancient offertes en hommage à Léon De Meyer (1994) 229-235, esp. 230 f. Two iniātum also in YOS 12 421, already mentioned. — K. De Graef in A. GarciaVentura (ed.), What’s in a Name? (AOAT 440) (2018) 230 f., ‘Ox teams, fodder and seed’. 10. The reconstruction of this line is not at all clear. For the suggested g ú - g a l ‘broad bean’, cf. M. Stol, BSA II (1985) 128. — Collation by M. Stol: 2 qa n i n d a 2 qa k a š x; Cinquante-deux réflexions … Léon De Meyer (1994) 230. 11. The usual technical term for the delivery of the iniātum is nadānum. Cf. Landsberger, op. cit., 238, c. — Straw (?): cf. i n - n u ana g u d - ḫ i - a mudiššā[tim] (fem., sic) upaššaš, YOS 12 421, 10 f., with J.G. Dercksen, JEOL 44 (2012-13) 182. Lo.E. A clause in case of non-fulfilment of the conditions of the contract might be expected here, also in view of the probable remains of ú-ul. Cf. Lautner, op. cit., 177 ff., and Landsberger, op. cit., 239 d (ul illakma ṣimdat šarrim, or the like).

282 (LB 733) (7.2 × 5.3 × 2.7) CDLI, P 389196, PHOTO DISTRIBUTION OF BARLEY TO VARIOUS PERSONS – NO DATE O.

5

4 (gur) 1 (gur) 3 (PI) 3 (bán) 2 (bán) 3 (gur) 2 (gur) 2 (PI) 3 (bán) 2 (gur) 2 (PI) 3 (bán) [ ]

A-pil-ì-lí-šu A-ḫi-a-ia-[a]m-ši Ì-lí-im-[gu]r-an-ni Ša-ma(!)-ia-tum dUtu-a-bi IM Ú-ra-tum dEN.ZU-a-ḫu-um

140

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

[ ] [ ] 10 [ ]  (lacuna) R. [ ] [ ] [ ] [x (gur)] 2 (PI) 5’ [x (gur)] 1 (PI) [ ] [1 (gur?)] 1 (PI) 5 (bán) 2 (gur) 1 (PI) 1 (gur) 3 (PI) 10’ [ ] 3 (PI) 3 (gur) 1 (PI) U.E. 3 (gur) 3 (gur) 1 (PI)

Nam-ra-tum Dumu-er-ṣe-tim x x x x […] x[ E-te[l-…] I-din-dUraš Dumu-er-ṣe-tim ZI-⸢il⸣-si-lu[m] Us-sú-l[um] It-ti-dUraš-mil-ki A-pil-ì-lí-šu Tab-ba-we-di-im 30-im-gu-ra-an-ni dUraš-di-ku 5 30-ba-ni Ku-ru-um dUraš-i-din-nam

From Dilbat. The fact that four names are composed with the name of the god Uraš indicates that the tablet is from Dilbat. Urātum (6) may be an abbreviation of a name beginning with Uraš-, cf. Urātija = Uraš-gāmil, in the note on no. 310, 21. A Tappa-wēdim (rev. 9) is known as son of the Uraš-iddinam, VAS 18 23, 25 (from Dilbat) (M. Stol).

283 (LB 745) (6.1 × 4.1 × 2.2) Plate XIX, copies; CDLI, P 389208, photo Account of barley – Samsuiluna 30 O.

5

2 (gur) 1 (PI) 3 sila3 dNa-bi-um na-ap-li-sa 2 (gur) 2 (PI) 8 sila3 še-gur  dUtu-ni-šu 3 (gur) A-bi-la-ma-sí 1 (PI) dṢar-pa-ni-tum-ni-šu 2 (PI) 9 (sila3) á-bi é ì-dub 3 (bán) BI-BI-tum 4½ šuku ša erin2 gìr (?)

2 gur, 1 PI, 3 qa, Nabium naplisa(m) 2 gur, 2 PI, 8 qa barley,  Šamaš-nīšu 3 gur, Abī-lamassī 1 PI, Ṣarpanītum-nīšu 2 PI, 9 qa, the rent of the  storehouse, 3 sūtu, Peqqātum (?) 4½, food of the infantry

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

6½ ta-ka-pu 6½ má-laḫ4 ša má ú-še-[ri-bu-nim] 1 (bán) 4 sila3 be-el m[á] Lo.E. 1 (PI) 2 (bán) 7 sila3 A-pil-ì-lí-š[u] R. 3 (bán) dingir-dingir-meš 15 1 (bán) ša é ú-nu-t[im(?)] 10

1 (bán) Ku-bu-rum 1 (PI) 3 (bán) 7 sila3 Ru-ut-tum 23 (gur) 4 (PI) 2 (bán) é ì-du[b]  32 (gur) 4 (PI) 3 (bán) še-gur  níg-ŠID Ba-aš-ti-dingir-a-ba4 itu sig4-a u4 21-kam U.E. mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal-[e]  mu gibil 2-kam.ma 20

141

6½, the … 6½, the boatmen  who brought in the boat 1 sūtu, 4 qa, the owner of the boat 1 PI, 2 sūtu, 7 qa, Apil-ilišu 3 sūtu, the (various) gods 1 sūtu of the house  of the utensils (?) 1 sūtu, Kubburum 1 PI, 3 sūtu, 7 qa, Ruttum 23 gur, 4 PI, 2 sūtu, the  storehouse,  (total) 32 gur, 4 PI, 3 sūtu barley,  account of Bāšti-Ilaba. In the month Simānu, the 21st day, the year Samsuiluna, the king,  the second new year.

From Lagaba. This account lists the expenses for various purposes, individuals and institutions, among whom the owner and personnel of a boat (lines 10-12). It has several entries in common with no. 150 (Lagaba; see R. Frankena, SLB IV, 117 f.) (M. Stol). Notes to the lines: 7. Copy K.R. Veenhof, Plate XIX (“no verticals; BI as in line 6”). 8. See g ì r in the copy of no. 150, 9. — e r é n g ì r ‘infantry’ is opposed to e r é n g i š - g i g i r - ḫ i - a ‘cavalry’; AbB 10 150, 11, CT 45 48, 30; CUSAS 29 16, 1. 9. CAD T 75b takkāpu (a profession). 15. Collation K.R. Veenhof: é has no verticals. End: copy Veenhof, Plate XIX. 19. Our sum adds up to 33 g u r 2 PI 3 b á n and 8 s i l a 3 ! 16, 17, 20. Bāšti-Ilaba, Kubburum, and Ruttum are persons in the texts from Lagaba; Frankena, SLB IV p. 33-36, 50-53, 118.

284 (LB 743) (7.6 × 4.7 × 2.6) CDLI, P 389206, photo Account of barley for agricultural labour – no date O.

1 (PI) 2 (bán) 6 sila3 ma-ti-im  ša še-duru5 (?) 2 (bán) 8 sila3 Be-lí-ia 8 sila3 dEN.ZU-i-din-nam

1 PI, 2 sūtu, 6 qa ‘of the country’ (?)  of moist barley 2 sūtu, 8 qa, Bēlija 8 qa, Sîn-iddinam

142

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

1 (bán) 1 sila3 dEN.ZU-uru4 1 (bán) 1 sila3 Šu-mu-li-ib-ši 1 (PI) 1 (bán) 5 sila3 še i-da-šu 1 (bán) Ša-ma-tu-um 10 ša a-na ka-sa(?)-mi-im i-li-ku 2 (bán) Iš-lu-ku engar 1 (PI) 1 (bán) e-pí-tum [x x x] 5 sila3 Da-da-a  šu-nigin2 1 gur 3 še-duru5 Lo.E. [š]a a-šà ša ma-ti-im 5

R.

20

 i-ša-ak-nu [… i]n(?)-na(?)-tu-um [ … dum]u dEN.ZU-ú-se-li (?) […]x dumu Ub(?)-ra-bi […]-Lu-lu engar (?) […] x in-na(?)-tum […]x-zi-ru […] a-šà-ni ša-ak-nu

[…] dEN.ZU-ma-gir 25 […] ù ta-pu-šu 3 […]-am-⸢mu⸣ 2* Šu-mu-li-ib-ši 3+x Ša-dDa-mu x x U.E. 5+x dEN.ZU-dingir 30 [š]u.ni[gi]n2* 19 ka-si-mu Lo.E. šu-nigin2 5 gur 2 (PI) še x x x*  x x […] x x x […]

1 sūtu, 1 qa, Sîn-erēš 1 sūtu, 1 qa, Šumum-libši 1 PI, 1 sūtu, 5 qa barley, his wages, 1 sūtu, Šamātum (?) who went to do the weeding (?) 2 sūtu, Išluku, the farmer 1 PI, 1 sūtu, the baker woman x+5 qa, Dadâ  In total: 1 gur 3 qa of moist barley [which (from)] the field ‘of the  country’ was placed /assessed (?) […] … [… so]n of Sîn-uselli (?) […] … son of (the) Ubrabu […]-Lulu, the farmer (?) […] … […] … […] our field (was) placed /  assessed (?) […] Sîn-māgir […] and his companions (?) 3 [of …]-ammu 2 of Šumum-libši 3+x of Ša-Damu … 5+x of Sîn-ilī In total: 19 weeders In total: 5 gur 1 PI of barley  … […] … […]

J.C. Fincke: I believe that in the copy obverse and reverse have been reversed, judging from the curve of the sides. Line 31ff. is written on the left edge (not on the lower edge). Notes to the lines: 2. š e - d u r u 5 ‘moist’ is opposed to ‘dry’ (šābulum) barley; A. Goetze, JCS 11 (1957) 32 no. 21:1-3. — More OB refs. are AbB 11 44, 5; CUSAS 8 63, 7, 9; MHET

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

8.

11. 12. 14. 30.

143

II/5 820, 16 (read as ‘zíd.še.a’); E.C. Stone, Nippur Neighborhoods (1987) no. 60, 5; TLB I 42, 3; YOS 12 352, 6, 9. The word idū ‘wages’ in most cases is written in the plural, but occasionally the singular i-da-(a)-šu/ša is attested; in AbB 3 7, 6 (contrast idī, 25); AbB 5 162, 16 (idam); AUCT V rev. 2; DCS 100, 6; O. Rouault, Terqa Final Report 2 no. 6-1, 6; TEBA 22, 7; TIM 7 21, 13 and 151, 2; YOS 12 442, 9; 13 219, 7 and 434, 9. Cf. Iš-lu-kum d u m u dUtu-na-ṣir, CBS 1858 v 8 (R. de Boer). A female baker (ēpîtum) is attested in no. 47, 8, in M. Birot, TEBA 20, 7, and in the Mari texts. A sum of 1 gur 2 PI and 4 qa is expected. Cf. 19 l ú - ḫ u n - g á ka-si-mu ša Dil-bat k i u g u l a Da-qum, Durand, Documents cunéiformes, Pl. 72 no. 425 rev. 14-16. They were hired.

285 (LB 2093) (6.6 × 4.3 × 2.0) CDLI, P 390405 Bookkeeping record of fodder for plough-oxen – Hammurabi 3 O.

5

R.

15

4 (bán) še šà-gal 1 gu4-apin A-da-ia-tum 4 (bán) Ta-ri-ba-tum 4 (bán) Ì-lí-ù-dUtu 4 (bán) I-ba-al-lu-uṭ 4 (bán) I-pa-i-la 4 (bán) dEN.ZU-e-ri-ba-a[m] 4 (bán) Pir-ḫu-um 4 (bán) A-pil-dIškur xxxxx […] dE[N.Z]U-i-din-n[a]m […] E-te-el-KA-dMarduk […] Ḫu(?)-bu-tum š[à-ga]l 10* gu4-apin-ḫi-a i-na u4 1-kam itu ne-ne-gar u4 11-kam mu gišgu-za bara2 é dNanna

4 sūtu barley, fodder for  1 plough-team,  Adajātum, 4 sūtu, Tarībātum 4 sūtu, Ilī-u-Šamaš 4 sūtu, Iballuṭ 4 sūtu, Ipa-ila 4 sūtu, Sîn-erībam 4 sūtu, Pirḫum 4 sūtu, Apil-Adad … […], Sîn-iddinam […], Etel-pi-Marduk […], Ḫubbutum fodder for 10 plough-teams for one day. In the month Abu, the 11th day, of the year: the throne of the shrine  of Nanna’s temple.

Ten persons receive 4 sūtu each as fodder for their plough-oxen/teams. For this amount cf. no. 251, lines 1-3. The reverse is covered with salt and therefore difficult to read. Line 12: suggested by R. de Boer.

144

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

286 (LB 730) (7.3 × 5.2 × 1.8) Plate XX, copies; CDLI, P 389193, photo List of barley and silver expenses – no date O.

dEN.ZU-i-din-nam

2 (PI) še

dumu Im-lik-

dEN.ZU(?)

5

2 (bán) 1 (PI) 2 (PI) 2 (PI) 2 (PI) 1 (PI)

Ši-ma-at-Ištar dam Šu-nu-ḫu-um dumu A-nu-nu (?) Ni-din-tum Na-ra-am-tum dam A-li-x-[ ] Ḫu-um-tum dam Pa-la-dIškur ra-bi-a-(erasure)*-tum ša gi-mil-li-im (?)

dNanna-tum

½ kù-babbar ½ kù

The reverse is lost, but probably uninscribed. In this text expenses of barley and silver are given, mostly for wives of certain men. The man in the first line, recipient of a larger amount of barley, seems to be in charge. Notes to the lines: 6. Ḫumat-, Ḫumti- often is an element in names of a (rather independent) qadištum woman (who could be married); as in Ḫumti-Adad (Sippar). 7. Rabiātum is no PN but the plural of rabîtum, a title of women; A. Finet in De la Babylonie à la Syrie, en passant par Mari (Mélanges J.-R. Kupper) (1990) 144 n. 22; J.-M. Durand, LAPO 16 (1997) 144 f. Attested in CH § 158; according to Sophie Lafont ‘une catégorie de marâtre, à savoir l’épouse principale ayant conçu une descendance’; Femmes, droit et justice dans l’Antiquité orientale (OBO 165) (1999) 223-5. Add perhaps s a g - b i 1 - k a m - m a ra-bi-tum u Nūr-Kabta r á - g a b a , YOS 8 65, 7 f.; a-na bi-ti ra-bi-ti, F.N.H. al-Rawi, St. Dalley, Old Babylonian Texts from Private Houses at Abu Habbah, Ancient Sippir (2000) 118 no. 112, 6 (M. Stol). 8. Last sign: copy by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XX.

287 (LB 2092) (12.2 × 5.8 × 2.5) Plate XXI, copies; CDLI, P 390406 List of barley expenses – Samsuiluna 19 or 21 O.

2+x (PI) 4 (bán) 2+x (PI) 1 (bán) 3 (sila3) 1+x (PI) 4 (bán)

Ib-n[i-…] Li-pí-it-dX Ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am šu-i

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

2 (gur) 1 (PI) 5 (bán) 5 1 (PI) 3 (bán) 9* (sila3) 5 (bán) 1 (sila3) 2+x (PI)* 1 (bán) 3 (sila3) 3 (PI) 3 (bán) 5 (sila3) 3 bán* 2 (sila3) 10 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 2 (sila3) 3 (PI) 3 (bán) 1 (PI) 3 (sila3) 3 (PI) 1 (PI) 2 (bán) (?) 15 2 (bán) 1 (gur) 4 (PI) 1 (gur) 2 (PI) 1 (bán) 5 (sila3) 1 (gur) 2 (PI) 1 (bán) 2 (PI) 2 (bán) 7 (sila3) 20 2 (PI) 3 (sila3) 2 (PI) 3 (bán) 8 (sila3) 2 (bán) 7 (sila3) 3 (bán) [x (sila3)] 1 (gur) 1 (PI) (?) Lo.E. 1 (PI) 2 (sila3) 1 (PI) [ ] R. 4 (PI) 2 (bán) 1 (sila3) 4 (PI) 1 (sila3) 4 (bán) 7 (sila3) 30 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 5 (bán) 7 (sila3) 2 (PI) 2 (sila3) 4 (bán) 1 (bán) 35 4 (PI) 3 (bán) 1 (gur) 2 (PI)1 (bán) 2 (PI) 1 (gur) 3 (PI) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 2 (sila3) 40 2 (gur) 1 (PI) 3 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 5 (sila3) 1 (PI) 1 (PI) 4 (PI) 3 (bán) 2 (sila3)

dEN.ZU-lugal dIškur-lugal

lú ku7.ku7 (?) Akšakki-i-din-nam dIškur-lugal engar (?) It-ti-dUtu-ba-la-sú Ì-lí-ma-a-ḫi šu-ku6 Li-ip-ḫu-ur-Dùg-garki dam Ta-ri-ba-kum (sic) sigqá-tum Ša-at-dIškur Ḫu-na-ba-tu[m] x dUtu-i-na-m[a-tim] ⸢x-x⸣-am-ra-tum* A x an en x Dumu-ki ensi2 Ta-ri-ba-tum dUtu-mu-še-zi-ib dMarduk-na-ṣir dNa-bi-um-ma-lik 30-a-ḫa-am-i-din-nam Ta-ri-ba-tum AD x (x) Ni-ši-i-ni-šu Pa-ku-ni I-din-dMAR-TU Dumu-ki (!) dumu-munus Ki-ṣum-ma-girx dEn-líl-na-ṣir Ì-lí-na-ap-li-sa dam dUtu-mu-še-zi-ib Ša-la-aš-tum Ru-ba-tum Mu-ḫa-ad-di-tum A-ḫu-wa-qar mi-lí-ia Ta-ri-bu-um Un-nu-ub-tum dUtu-aja-a-ḫa-aš dUtu-ni-šu Mu-na-wi-ir-tum Ma*-i-tum Ba-aš-dingir

145

146

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

2 (PI) 1 (bán) A-wi-il-dIškur 2 (PI) 1 (bán) dam Da-da-a 3 (PI) 1 (bán) La-ma-súm dUtu-tukul-ti 2 (PI) 4 (bán) 5 (sila3) 1 (PI) 1 (bán) dam A-pil-ku-bi 50 1 (PI) 2 (bán) Ib-ni-dMarduk Ni-in-nu-ú ⸢4 (bán) 5 (sila3)⸣ * (?) Šu-mi-a-ḫu-um 2 (PI) 1+x (sila3) U.E. 2 (PI) x (bán) [ ] [ ] 3 (bán) 9 (sila3) 55  1 (bán) 2[+x (sila3) ] L.E. 1 (bán) 2 (sila3) Ḫu-za-lum 4 (PI) 2 (bán) mi-lí-dIš[kur(?)]  5 (bán) Šu-pí-ša (?) nu-giš-kiri6* Ri-iš-dŠu-bu-la x 1 (PI) 5 (bán) 6 (sila3) 60 šu-nigin2 31 (gur) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 2 sila3 bappir (?) níg-šu dUtu-ba-la-ṭi itu še-gur10-ku5 u4 30-kam  mu gišgu-za bara2 45

Among the men occasionally women are mentioned (11-14, 29, 32-35, 39, 42, 46, 49, and probably more). — The PN Lipḫur-Damru (10) may refer to the city Damru as the place of origin of this text. Notes to the lines: Collations of the ends of lines 17, 24, 58 by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XXI. 10. D ù g - g a r ki is Damru (or Dawrum); cf. RGTC 3 (1980) 50; A.R. George, House Most High (1993) 95 (407); A. Millet Alba, RA 97 (2003) 37 f.; I. Arkhipov, NABU 2013/26 (Dawrum in ARM 27 162, 19, 25). 13. The name Šāt-Adad can be that of a ‘priestess’, qadištum; M. Stol, Women in the Ancient Near East (2016) 609 n. 32. 29. Perhaps ‘the daughter of Kiṣṣum-māgir’; cf. Ki-ṣum-ma-gir, L. De Meyer, Tell ed-Dēr II (1978) 170 no. 35, 12; 171 no. 37 env. rev. 6; Ìr-Ki-iṣ-ṣum, Greengus, OBTI 83, 2 (M. Stol). 60. The sum seems to be correct. The item counted seems to be beer-bread (b a p p i r ) (M. Stol). The text is dated to the last day of the year. 63. Collated by J.C. Fincke.

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147

288 (LB 2058) (6.8 × 4.3 × 2.0) Plate XXI, copies; CDLI, P 390407 Administrative list – no date O.

1 (gur) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (gur) 1 (gur) 1 (PI) x

5

R.

5

sá 4 ma-na 4 ma-na 4 ma-na 2 ma-na 2 ma-na 17

5 (gur) 1 (PI) 3 (bán) (erased: 5 (gur) 3 (bán) aš-šum 3 giš ùr-ḫi-a ša E-ṭe-ri-i[a] (?) 3 I-din-dZa-ba4-ba4 3 Lú-dMAR-TU lú egir 2 30-i-mi-ti mu tu mušen-ḫi-a ša E-ṭe-ri-ia mu giš/é x x -li-di-iš

dam dEn-líl-ni-šu Šu-bu-ul-tum Be-el-ta-ni E-ṭe-ri-ia dam Ša-mu-úḫ-tum dumu-meš A-ḫi-we-du-um

mu giššú-a Possibly from Kiš (in view of the god Zababa in rev. 2). The text contains one or more accounts, on the obverse probably of barley (in the first column) and of wool (in the second column), delivered to five persons, probably all women. For s á , see the note on no. 194, 17-18. On the reverse a ‘memorandum’ (preceded by aššum = concerning) on three joists for a building and three objects, probably also joists, for three persons. Three other lines follow, beginning with m u (= aššum), referring to miscellaneous items: pigeons (t u = summatu) and possibly a stool (g i š š ú - a = littu). The relation between the three sections, just like the whole text, remains obscure. Notes O. 4. R. 5. R. 6. R. 7.

to the lines: Column I: copy by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XXI. The two signs after m u : copy by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XXI. R. de Boer suggests m u é dEN.ZU-li-di-iš. The signs after m u : copy by K.R. Veenhof, Plate XXI.

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

289 (LB 687) (8.2 × 5.2 × 2.3) Plate XXII, copies; CDLI, P 389151, photo List of expenses of barley, beer and bread – no date 2 (PI) 1 (bán) 6 (sila3) 2 (PI) 1 (bán) 2 (sila3) 2 3 3 (bán) 4 (sila3) 8 (sila3) 5 1 (bán) 1 (bán) 4 (sila3) 2 (bán) x 6 (sila3) 10 2 (bán) 2+x 1 pí-ḫu 1 (PI) 2 (bán) 8 (sila3) 1 (bán) 4 (sila3) 6 1 (bán) 7 (sila3) x 2 (bán) Lo.E. 2 (bán?) 2+x R. 1 (bán) 1 (sila3) 1 6 (sila3) 1 (bán) 2 (sila3) 20 1 pí-ḫu [ ] 1 pí-ḪA [ ] 1 (bán) 1 (bán) 9 (sila3) 5 (sila3) 25 1 (bán) x 5 ninda 2 (gur) 3 (bán) x[ [ ]x x O.

30-re-me-ni Ú-na(?)m[a(?) x] Im*-di-lu[m] (?) Na-kar-tum I-din-dE[N.ZU(?)] lú zadim (?) BE x x x I-din-dIškur 30-i-din-nam Lú-30 Ib-ni-dIštar (?) dUraš-a-b[i] d a m A-bu-[š]u (?) Ta*-ri-bu A-na-tum (?) dUtu-a-bi Iš-me-x x Be-el-šu-nu Ma-áš-kum* Ra-i-ma-nu Ku-bu-rum Ma-an-ni-dUtu 30-lu-mur (?) Ḫi-in-ṣum (?) I-din-ti (?) dam (?) lú ti (?) ]

From Lower Yaḫrūrum (?). This is a list of the expenses of the first necessities of life, barley, beer (in jars, lines 11, 20 and 21), and bread (counted in line 26 and probably the amounts given in the second column). The style of writing is remarkable, cursive and leaning over to the left. Note to the lines: 22. The same (rare) personal name Manni-Šamaš occurs in nos. 290, 3’; 307 rev. 4 (= LB 952); DCS 111, 10; LACMA, 8, see R. de Boer, K.R. Veenhof, BiOr 73 (2016) 602, 606, 609, all texts from Lower Yaḫrūrum (see no. 200).

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

290 (LB 694) (3.6 × 5.5 × 2.5) CDLI, P 389158, photo Fragment of a list of expenses (?) – no date O.

5’ R.

10’

 (beginning lost) [ ] 3 5 9 7 (?) 1+x 2 3 2 3 1+x

⸢dEN.ZU⸣(?)-⸢na-di⸣-i[n-šu-mi] (?) Ib-ni-dMarduk Ma-an-ni-dUtu dMarduk-mu-ba-lí-iṭ (x) x* Ìr-Šu-nir Ri-ša-tum ugula MAR-TU Ša-mur-e-ze-es-sà dUtu-gim-la*-an-ni Ip-qá-tum Bu-ur-ri [x x ] x x  (rest lost)

From Lower Yaḫrūrum (?). Notes to the lines: 3’. The same personal name in no. 289, 22. 4’. The tablet shows traces of one or two other signs, probably a title. 7’. ‘Furious is her raging’ (reading M. Stol).

291 (LB 692) (8.8 × 4.9 × 2.4) CDLI, P 389156, photo List of barley expenses – no date O.

5

10

1 (PI) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 1 (bán) 4 (bán) 5 (bán) 2 (bán) 5 (bán) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 1 (bán)

A-wi-il-dNa-b[i-um] Ri-iš-dMarduk U-bar-rum (?) E-ri-ib-ba-am (sic) Ì-lí-ma-[a]-ḫ[i(?)] dUtu-um (?)-[…] dMar[duk(?)-[…] I-din-dNa-bi-u[m] dŠe-rum-ì-lí dumu dInanna-x […] Ḫa-bil-ki-nu-u[m]*

149

150

15 Lo.E. R. 20

25

30

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

[1 (PI)?]1 (bán) [ ]x [ ]x [x x] 2 (bán (?) 1 (PI) 2 (bán) [ ] [x x] 5 (bán) [ ]x [ ] 1 (PI) [ ]x 2 (bán) 1 (PI) [ ] 1 (PI) 1 (bán) 1 (PI) [ ] 2 (PI) 1 (PI) 1 (PI) 1 (bán) 5 (bán)

A-⸢wi-il-dE[N.ZU(?)] Ib-ni-dIškur [x] x I-din-dIškur Dingir-ḫa-bil [o o] ugula MAR-TU Ib-ni-dIškur* N[u- …] II-ša-x-x-ri-ša* (?) dUtu-ib-ni-šu  [ ]-x-dIškur ⸢Ki-din(?)⸣-dMAR.TU (?) x […] x-um(?)-[…] dumu(-)dUt[u (?) …] x x […] x […] […] x […] d[… …]x[ x […] […] Lú (?)-[…] Na-x-[…]

292 (LB 1839) (5.6 × 3.8 × 2.0) CDLI, P 389718, photo List of personal names – no date O.

5

10

1 Ì-lí-AḪ(?)[-ta-li-ja (?)] dEN.ZU-i-qí-ša-a[m] 1 1 Ia(?)-x-[…] 1 Ba-ri-ḫu-um (?) dEN.ZU(?)-iš-[…] 1 1 A-na(?)-ši-[…] 1 x x  x d(?) x x x 1 1 Ì-lí-x x [1] Be-lí-x […] (Reverse destroyed)

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

151

Due to the fragmentary state of this tablet it is uncertain whether the vertical wedge at the beginning of each line has to be read as the number 1 or as the personal wedge m. The former seems more likely, in view of the space between the wedge and the names. The persons may have been slaves or labourers. The number was probably more important than the name, and each line has to be translated as “1 (person), (named) A”, etc. Note to line: 1. The name Ili-AḪ-talija is attested in AbB 9 108, 7; 10 193, 8; Birot, TEBA no. 69 I, 14; Edzard, Tell ed-Dēr, no. 69 I, 3; C. Saporetti, Mesopotamia 30 (2001) 94 HY 756 I, 19; M. Rutten, RA 54 (1960) 149b (Ì-lí-aḫ-ta-AN), cf. RA 72 (1978) 142; S. Greengus, OBTI 67, 16 f. (?). Note I-la-aḫ-ta-nu-um, A. Rositani, Sefarad 66 (2006) 10 f., II 17, III 16 (M. Stol).

293 (LB 734) (5.6 × 4.4 × 2.1) CDLI, P 389197, photo Account of cattle – Rīm-Sîn 24

R.

220 gu4-amar-ḫi-a é-tùr–nam-en-na 12 gu4-amar-ḫi-a é-tùr–ní-te-na  232 gu4-amar-ḫi-a šà-bi-ta 227 gu4-amar ì-dab5 dEN.ZU-e-ri-im-šu 5 gu4-amar é-kurušda-ka gub-ba

10

2[3]2 gu4-amar

220 bull-calves from the Etur-nam-enna, 12 bull-calves from the Etur-nitena,  (in total) 232 bull-calves out of which 227 bull-calves, in the charge of Sîn-erīmšu, and 5 bull-calves stationed in  the house of the fattener,  (in total) 232 bull-calves.

itu bár-zag-gar u4 16-kam [mu íd] ⸢maš-tab⸣-ba mu-ba-al

In the month Nisannu, the 16th day of the year: he dug the Maštabba Canal.

O.

5

From Nippur. This text belongs to a group of texts concerning the control of the herd and flocks of the Etur-nam-enna and Etur-nitena stables in Nippur (HG VI 1795 ff.; F.R. Kraus, ZA 53 [1959] 147 f., Gruppe D). In most of these texts Sîn-erīmšu is the responsible herdsman. His responsibility is in PBS 8/2 66 and 79 and in the present text described as ì - d a b 5 (ṣibtum). In a list of witnesses: A. Goddeeris, TMH 10 no. 69, 19. Other texts from these stables are PBS 8 / 1 nos. 14; 17; 50; 51; 54; 57; 60; 62; 64; 65; 66; 67; 68; 69; 71; 72; 74; 79

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(= HG VI 1795-1834) (nos. 62, 65, 71, and 72 deal with another herdsman than Sîn-erīmšu). Also: J.-M. Durand, Documents cunéiformes (1982) Pl. 67 no. 314. The timespan of this group of text ranges from Rīm-Sîn 24 to 52, whereas the last occurrence of Sîn-erīmšu is in the year Rīm-Sîn 33 (PBS 8/1 50). — J.F. Robertson, Redistributive Economies in Ancient Mesopotamia: a Case Study from Isin-Larsa Period Nippur (diss. Philadelphia, 1981) 200-231; M. Stol, ‘Nippur’, B § 7.I, RlA IX/7-8 (2001) 542. é - t ù r – n a m - e n - n a : MSL 8/1 p. 39 ad 265, with K. Butz, WZKM 65 / 66 [1973 / 74] 23 n. 38; D. Arnaud, BBVOT I 50. é - t ù r – n í - t e - n a : PBS 8/1 32 III, 10; 8/2 108, 8; S. Langdon, Babyloniaca VII, after p. 242, Plate XXII no. 17; Goddeeris, TMH 10 no. 131. Note to the text: With g u 4 - a m a r bull-calves must be meant. Contrast the female calves, á b - a m a r - ḫ i - a , CT 48 33, 9, and note the sequence 2 á b būrātum, 1 g u 4 būrum, R.D. Biggs, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 3 (1976) no. 38, 1-2. Perhaps both calves in: ‘barley for g u 4 ù m u n u s a m a r - ḫ i - a ’, D. Arnaud, Larsa et Ou’eili. Travaux de 1978-1981 (1983) 271, 9 (M. Stol).

294 (LB 718) (5.2 × 3.7 × 1.9) CDLI, P 389181, photo Expenses in barley – no date 1 (gur) 2 (bán) 1 (sila3) i x[…] 4 (PI) (?) x KU/ba […] 1 (PI) 3 (bán) 5 sila3 x […]  Ìr-d[…] 5 2 (PI) 2 (bán) 6 sila3 Šu-[…]  dEN.ZU-x[…] R. x […] x […] 2 (?)[…] 10 […] […] x x [x.x.]5 (bán) 2 sila3 i-[…] 3 (bán) Šu-mu-[…] U.E.  4 sila3 […] O.

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153

295 (LB 757) (2.9 × 3.0 × 1.9) CDLI, P 389220, photo Receipt – no date 1 sila3 ninda sag 3 sila3 uš 2 sila3 ninda še x a-na igi a-wi-⸢il-ti⸣ (?) Lo.E. gìr Ib-ni-x-x R. ⅓ sila3 sag ½ sila3 uš  šu-ti-a a-wi-il-ti [é] (?) O.

1 qa of ‘first-class’ bread 3 qa ‘second-class’ 2 qa of … bread at the disposal of the Lady (?). For the correctness vouches Ibni-… ⅓ qa ‘first-class’ ½ qa ‘second-class’ received by the Lady [of the house (?)]

296 (LB 712) (2.8 × 2.5 × 1.5) CDLI, P 389175, photo Receipt (?) – Hammurabi 36/Samsuiluna 22 O.

iš-tu itu ne-ne-[gar u4] 1(?)-kam mḪa-ab-lum

x NI x ká si-in-ni-ša-tim [i]ṣ-b[a-at] (?) itu ne-ne-gar u4 1-kam u6-nir ki-tuš maḫ U.E. dZa-ba4-ba4 dInanna R.

From the month Abu, the 1st(?) day  onwards, Ḫablum, …. the Gate of the Women, received (?). In the month Abu, the 1st day, of the year: the exalted ziqquratum of Zababa and Inanna.

Stol proposes to read in line 4: [iṣ-b]a-[at] (?); for this type of text, see BiOr 33 (1976) 147 n. 3. ‘To take rationed food’; a few references gives CAD Ṣ 18, h. More in the notes on no. 313. The Gate of the Women: on the ancient map of Nippur the ‘Gate (k á - g a l , abullum) of the Unclean Women’, musukkātum, CAD M/2 239b, bottom; see M. Stol, Women in the Ancient Near East (2016) 440 f.; P. Michalowski in The First Ninety Years [= Studies M. Civil] (2017) 209 f. — Leemans: [š]a ì - d u 8 ( k á ) precedes.

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

297 (LB 739) (2.3 × 2.3 × 1.7) CDLI, P 389202, photo List of builders – Hammurabi 35 O.

5 R.

1 dUtu-na-ṣir šitim 1 Ša-ma-ia-tum 1 30-be-el-ibila dumu šitim  2 šitim  1 dumu šitim [itu kin dinan]na (?) u4 27 m[u bà]d má-ríki

Šamaš-nāṣir, builder Šamajātum Sîn-bēl-aplim, apprentice-builder  2 builders  1 apprentice-builder In the month Elūlu(?), the 27th day of the year: the wall of Mari.

From Sippar. More similar notes of (hired?) builders (š i t i m , itinnum) from the same year can be found: cf. M. Weitemeyer, Some Aspects of the Hiring of Workers in the Sippar Region at the Time of Hammurabi (1962) 50 f. Closely related to our text are TCL 1 93-95, VAS 9 122 (!), 129, and Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art I (1988) 65 no. 49 (24-VII-Hammurabi 35). Another group of dockets, on the builder Warad-ilišu, are Gordon, SCT nos. 58, 59, W.H. van Soldt, JEOL 25 (1977-78) 50 (Samsuiluna 6), and perhaps Arnaud, BBVOT 1 3. — In most texts the builder and a son (d u m u š i t i m ) are mentioned, the latter here translated as ‘apprentice builder’, by Leemans. Another aspect reveals CAD I/J 297a (top), on DUMU-DÍM: ‘a member of a family working as house builder’. This now is nicely illustrated by Ibni-Marduk, d u m u š i t i m , son of Elmēšum, MHET II/6 915, 8, whose father indeed is named l ú š i t i m in CT 33 36, 8 (note the impression of the seal of Warad-[…], u g u l a š i t i m , on MHET II/6 915, p. 124). This may open a new perspective on § 229231 of the laws of Hammurabi: “If a builder constructs a house for a man but does not make his work sound, and the house that he constructs collapses and causes the death of the householder, that builder shall be killed. If it should cause the death of a son of the householder, they shall kill a son of that builder (variant: a son shall be killed). If it should cause the death of a slave of the householder, he shall give to the householder a slave of comparable value of the slave” (translation M. T. Roth). Did father and son work together? Still, the primary intention of § 230 is to uphold the jus talionis in any situation, not only that of father and son working together — Cf. “three junior builders (š i t i m šeḫḫērūtum)”, UET 5 26:29, with a discussion of š i t i m by Charpin, Archibab 4 (2020) 98-100.

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155

298 (LB 738) (3.2 × 2.9 × 1.8) CDLI, P 389201, photo Memo on measuring out barley. No date O.

R.

[x (gur) še-g]ur [x x (x)]-ma-kum (?) [im-d]u-ud 7 (gur) še-gur Šu-Ba-ba im-du-ud

From Kisurra. This type of text is frequent in Kisurra and two of them mention Šu-Baba; see A. Goddeeris, Tablets from Kisurra in the Collections of the British Museum (2009) nos. 32-46, etc.; add AUCT V 112. Šu-Baba in Goddeeris, nos. 36, 9; 49, 11. A Ma-ku-um occurs in no. 38, 4. 299 (LB 740) (2.6 × 2.7 × 1.8) CDLI, P 389203, photo Administrative record – no year-name O.

1+x (PI) še dUtu-i-na-ia 1 (PI) [+ x]?] Ki-dUtu-ṭe4-mi itu ezen diškur

1+x PI barley Šamaš-ināja 1 PI +[x] Itti-Šamaš-ṭēmī In the month The Festival of Adad.

From Sippar, in view of the ‘Semitic’ month-name. Notes to the lines: 2. This personal name is also found in the administrative list CT 45 27, 13 (20-I-Hammurabi 35). Its meaning is: ‘The decision about me is with Šamaš’; M. Stol, Tablettes et images aux pays de Sumer et d’Akkad. Mélanges offerts à Monsieur H. Limet (1996) 182. A similar meaning has the name Itti-ilim/Uraš-milkī, in nos. 232, 12; 282 rev. 7. 3. For this eleventh month of the Sippar calendar see S. Greengus, ‘The Akkadian Calendar at Sippar’, JAOS 107 (1987) 212, 218.

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TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

300 (LB 758) (2.6 × 3.7 × 1.8) CDLI, P 389211, photo Administrative record – no date (Middle Babylonian) O.

11 (gur) 2 (PI) 5 (bán) še gišbán 12 sila3

Lo.E.

ša mBé-la-ni (erasure: im-ḫu-ru (?))

11 gur, 2 PI, 5 sūtu barley in the sūtu-measure of  12 qa which Bēlāni received (?).

301 (LB 760) (3.0 × 3.0 × 1.5) CDLI, P 389223, photo Fragment of administrative record; tag with two holes – no date O.

1 (PI) še-gur gišbán (?) […] x x x […] 1 (PI) 2 (bán?) […]

1 PI barley in the sūtu-measure [of…] … […] 1 PI 2 sūtu (?)[…]

302 (LB 756) (4.3 × 6.5 × 2.4) CDLI, P 389219, photo Account – no year-name (Middle Babylonian) O.

5

R. 10

še-bar 2 (PI) 3 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 1 (PI) 4 (bán) 5 (bán) pap 3 (gur) 1 (PI)

gišbán

gal*

m[u-bi-im] […] md⸢FN.ZU⸣-[…]-ši-im* mBu-un--dIškur mEgir-dingir-sig * 5 mMu-ib-ši-e mI-di*-dIškur mA-da-tum re-ú mBu-un-A-šùr (?) mdIškur-mi-ša-rum munusú-tu-tum u4 25-kam kam md

itu bár-zag-gar 4 (bán mu 1-

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

157

This text was by mistake included in the corpus of Old Babylonian texts. In the first column quantities of barley (š e - b a r ; Middle Babylonian and later) are listed, the second column is empty except for the header, in the third column (m u - b i - i m ) the persons who received the barley are mentioned. The total sum (p a p ) is the total of the quantities listed in the first column. This is said to be the sum of 1 year, probably expended until the 25th of Nisannu. Notes to the lines: 5. Arkāt-īlim-damqā; J.J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung (1939) 236, h.; meaning ‘The future (offered by) the god(s) is fine’, so CAD A/2 282a (arkītu). 11. Probably ‘the (female) doorkeeper’ (masc. atû, utû) (M. Stol).

303 (LB 708) (8.1 × 6.0 × 2.9) CDLI, P 389171, photo Administrative list – no date O.

5’

10’

 (beginning lost) [1 …. ] x x-ri x […] [1] Pir-ḫu-um má-la[ḫ4] 1 Ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am [o] 1 Ḫu-un-na-tum dumu-munus A […] 1 ma-na síg Gi-mil-lum dumu Ḫa-ab-l[u-um] 5 sila3 ú DIN-TIR SAR Ì-lí-i-qí-ša-am m[á-laḫ4] Ri-ma-tum 5 sila3 Ar-du-um 3 sila3 Dingir-šu-na-ṣi-ir 3 sila3  1 (gur) še-gur 1 ma-na síg 1 (bán) 6 sila3 ú DIN-TI[R SAR]  [x]-lu-uš-tum ki igi-6-gál [ x x ] dEN.ZU-i-qí-ša-am dÉ-a-ra-bi igi-6-gál ⅓ […. ] ⸢Ur⸣-súm Su4-bir4 ki

igi-6-gál [ igi-6-gál igi-6-gál igi-6-gál Lo.E. ⅓ x gín (?) 20’ [igi]-6-gál R. [igi-6-g]ál gín ⅓ gín 15’

] x x […] Ḫa-ab-li-dingir* Ìr-dNa-bi-um Ìr-ku-bi ù a-ḫu-šu dŠe-rum-b[a-n]i A-bi*-lu--ta-mar dUtu-be-el-ì-lí

158

25’

30’

35’

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

igi-6-gál Ìr-ku-bi ⅓ gín A-wi-la-tum ù a-ḫu-šu igi-6-gál Ib-na-tum igi-6-gál Ib-ni-dUtu 1 (PI) še x x […] x 2 ½ gín kù-babbar 1 (PI) š[e (?) Di]l-bat ki (?) 1 ma-na síg x x x x 1 ma-na Mu-ti-AN Sú-tu-ú 1 ma-na Dumu ká (?) gi ki (?) [3] ma-na síg Du-un-nu ša íd x ki (?) igi-6-gál Be-el-šu-nu [ ] igi-6-gál Dumu-u4-20-ka[m …] igi-6-gál Ib-ni-dUtu […] igi-6-gál Ta-ri-iš-x-x [igi-6]-gál A-di-du-[um] [ ] ZU x x […]  (rest lost)

Seal inscription: […] x […] dumu x-nu-um (?)[…] ìr dx The quantities in line 5 and some preceding lines refer to barley and wool, the quantities in lines 6-9 to cumin (ú DIN.TIRsar = g a m u n , kamūnu), those in lines 12-rev. 6 to silver, those in lines rev. 9-12 again to wool, those in lines rev. 13-17 again to silver. The word aḫušu ‘his brother’ (19, 24) could mean ‘his (business) partner’. The tablet is sealed, probably by the man who received the items listed. These were evidently delivered by men from different places (lines 11’, 14’, 28’ and 32’). — Rather a list of expenditures in various places, sealed by an accountant (K.R. Veenhof). Notes to the lines: 11. A geographical name is expected. 14. Ursum in the country Šubartum was situated in the area of Gaziantep in eastern Turkey; in the Late OB period a source of slaves; RGTC 3 (1980) 250; H. Klengel, AOF 4 (1976) 95 (Dilbat); F. van Koppen in H. Hunger, R. Pruzsinszky, Mesopotamian Dark Age Revisited (2004) 24 no. 16; 28b. — C. Michel, ‘Uršu(m)’ A, RlA XIV/5-6 (2015) 440-442.

159

NOS. 252-304: VARIOUS DOCUMENTS

304 (LB 689) (6.3 × 4.8 × 2.6) CDLI, P 389153, photo Administrative list – no date  (Beginning lost) O. 1’

[ 6 gìr (?)

5’

10’

lú (?)

15

[gìr (?) R.

20’

gìr 25’

dam

30’

] Ìr-N[anna

[ [ [ [ [

en (?) 10 10 10 10 4* 5 X 15 15 15 15 15 x 8 18 10 4 6 6 níg12 34 -gàr 5 x+11(?) g]ur (?)

10 (?) X

5

GA 1(?)

du (?)

(?)] sizkur dingir […] (?) x-ba-m[eš] (?) Iš-me-30 x […] dEN.ZU-še-me-⸢i⸣ É-babbar2-lu-mu-ur U-bar-⸢dUtu⸣ La-a-x dEN.ZU-m[a-gi]r xxx dUtu-zalag-ir* dEN.ZU-m[u-ba]-lí-iṭ* dIškur-ri-im-ì-lí Qí-iš-tum A-wi-il-dUtu ]-meš édx Zalag-d[Ut]u (?) lú egir*(?)-meš é dNin-[šub]ur é dIn-za-x éx -meš UD/erén NUN x (?) é x lum-ma -meš* gi (?) gi d Ìr- Utu (?) ir / ni (?) ba(?) tum(?) ]xxxxx ]x ] ]

160

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Palaeography: the ‘Larsa script’, from Southern Babylonia. Notes to the lines: 3, 10, 16. A (Sumerian) occupation is expected. 4. Cf. dEN.ZU-še-me-e-i, TLB I 14, 13 [sic] and TIM 3 4,17; contrast Sîn-šeme-e, CT 2 13, 6 (VAB 5 no.103), or Sîn-še/ša-me/mé-e, J.-M. Durand, MARI 8 (1997) 608 n. 140 (‘imperative’). 18. The sign e g i r looks like AM-GAR (collated). 21. Enzag is the god of Tilmun (modern Bahrain). 23. Possibly g ì r - s è ( ! ) - g a - m e š = gerseqqu. Here of temples (20-22), cf. “g. of the gods”, diss. R.D. Freedman, no. 214:10, and Arnaud in: Larsa et Ou’eili 1978-1981 (1983) p. 282, AO 24170:2. Akkadian kirisakkum, N. Ziegler in Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes rendus des séances de l’année 2019, 87-119. Note ki-ir-se-ga in the MB letter CT 51 41, 4 (M. Stol). 26. Cf. the heading of CBS 577, a - š à - h i - a g ì r - s è - g a - m e š ù d a m - g à r - m e s UD.KIB.NUNki š à er-se-et Nam-zu-umki (1-2) (unpublished). In BBVOT 1 94 I 6 (merchant), 20 (g.).

Nos. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I 305 (LB 2113) (4.3 × 3.9 × 2.3) Plate I, copy Harvest acquittance text – Samsuiluna 28 1

11 eren2 za-bi-il ša-ḫar-ri-im! šà 13 eren2 nu-giškiri6 ˹Unug˺ ki u[gula] A-li-lu-mur [níg-šu Š]ar-rum-ki-˹ma˺-dingir

5

˹ù˺ Pa-˹lu˺-šu-˹li˺-ri-˹ik˺ ša i-na a!-šà gú-un dMarduk-mu-ša-lim pisan-dub-ba

L.E.

š[a a-šà íd A-m]a-tim

˹iz˺-[bi]-˹lu˺ gìr [dZa-ba4]-˹ba4˺-na-ṣi-ir iti gu4-si-sá u4 7-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal-e ˹Ia-di˺-[a]-˹bu ù Mu-ti-ḫu-ur-ša-an˺ U.E.  šu-ni ˹in˺-ne-in-˹ak˺ R.10

Eleven carriers of nets (with sheaves  of straw), from amongst the thirteen gardeners  of Uruk, the overseer being Āli-lūmur, who are under the authority of  Šarrum-kīma-ilim and Palušu-līrik. who in the tributary field of Marduk-mušallim, the šandabakkum-official, which is a field (situated) along the  Nār-Amātim canal carried (the nets with straw). Transaction of Zababa-nāṣir. Month II, day 7. Year: Samsuiluna the king defeated  Jadiḫ-abum and Muti-ḫuršān

Seal impression(s) The seal of Zababa-nāṣir is impressed on almost all sides: dZa-ba -ba -na-ṣir 4 4 dub-sar ìr dNa-bi-um Copy seal impression: G. Colbow, RA 89 (1995) 155, no. 21.1. Copy and edition: R. de Boer, BiOr 73 (2016) 591-593. From Lower Yaḫrūrum.

162

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

306 (LB 3251) (4 × 4.1 × 2.3) Plate II, copy Receipt of dates and silver as taxes – Samsuiluna 23 1

32.4.2.0 gur zú-lum é-gal gišáš

5 R.

nam-ḫar-ti

1 gín kù-babbar mu-túm dEN.ZU-iš-me-a-n[i] a-na gišmá-ì-[dub] ˹é˺-gal! gìr A-w[i-i]l-Iš8-tár santana

iti še-kin-ku5 u4 10-kam mu Sa-am-su-i-lu-na lugal usu gìr-˹ra˺ den-líl-lá U.E. [mu-u]n-na-an-sum-ma

32.4.2.0 gur of dates from the  palace, (measured in) the three-bán  measure-of-receipt (and) one shekel of silver, brought in by Sîn-išmeanni, for the cargo boat of the palace. Transaction of Awīl-Ištar, chief  gardener. Month XII, day 10. Year: Samsuiluna the king, by the terrible power, by Enlil given to him.

Seal impression(s). The seal of Awīl-Ištar is impressed on all sides: A-wi-il-Iš8-tár dumu A-bi-ia-tum ìr dNè-eri11-gal Copies of the same impression: YOS 12 438; AUCT 4 62, 63; Colbow, RA 89, 155, no. 18.3. Copy and edition: R. de Boer, BiOr 73 (2016) 593-596. From Lower Yaḫrūrum. No. 307 (LB 952) (12.8 × 6.8 × 3.2) Plate II, copy List of amounts of silver and dates as taxes – undated or date lost (Samsuiluna) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

dŠe-ru-ia-˹tum˺ [šu?]-˹ḪA˺ ½ ma-˹na 1 gín 1 gín˺ 3 ½ ½ gín Ḫa-bil-ki-nu-um 6 gín 1 gín da-tum A-ḫi-ia-šu 17 gín 2 ½ gín A-pil-dMar-˹tu˺ ù Bu-ri-ia 10 gín 1 gín Ì-lí-i-din-nam 1 ma-na 6 ½ gín kù-babbar mu-túm a-na é-gal 6 gín kù-babbar da-tum a-na dIškur-šar-rum uru Gír-su! ki

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I

8 9 10 11

14 15 16 17

13 gín 2 gín 6 ½ gín 19 ½ gín ˹kù-babbar˺ mu-túm! a-na é-gal 2 gín ˹kù-babbar˺ da-tum Uru má-lah4ki 10 gín ⅓ ma-na 4 gur zú-lum [2] gín [1]5 gín ⅔ ma-na 7 gín [kù-babbar … ⅓ ma.na […]

18 19 20

10 gín 10 gín ⅓ ma-na

21 22 23 24 25 26

10 gín 10 gín ˹x gín˺ [x m]a-na ⅓ ma-na ˹10 gín˺

12 13

[…] […] ˹x + ½ gín˺

1 gín

1 gur zú-lum

Ri-iš-dWe-du-um A-at-ta-šu dumu Ṭu-bi-ja

dEN.ZU-ša-mu-uḫ dUtu-ma-gir

Ṣíl-la-ša [M]u-na-wi-˹ir˺-tum …]-˹x˺ki dEN.ZU-re-me-ni ù dAmar.utu-na-ṣir E-tel-pi4-dEN.ZU A-at-ta-tum dIškur-šar-rum dumu  Si-r[u?-x] [i]a? x zu uḫ si ba at dUtu-illat-ti [R]i-ba-tum Ib-na-tum MI-dDam-ki-˹na˺ ˹gal!˺-ni dEN.ZU-iš-me-an-ni

[…] [?] In-bu-ša dNiraḫ-še-mi […] […] Rest of obverse, lower edge and beginning of Reverse lost: ca. 12 lines R. 1ʹ […] […] […] […] x […] 2ʹ 7 gín x […] […] […] […da?]-a-tim ˹Ìr-dUtu˺ dIškur-ba-ni dumu 3ʹ 4 gín […] […] 30-ga-mil 4ʹ 2 gín […] […] Ma-an-ni-dUtu 5ʹ 10 gín 2 gín 3.0.1.0 E-pé-iš-dingir zú-lum 6ʹ ⅓ ma.na 1 gín 0.2.4.0 I-ba-šar-rum zú-lum 7ʹ 10 gín 2 gín 1 gur ˹dEN.ZU?-ba˺-ni zú-lum 8ʹ 10 gín A-bu-um-[x x x] x 9ʹ 10 gín A-ḫu-š[i-n]a d 10ʹ 10 gín Iškur-šar-rum 27 28

163

164 11ʹ 12ʹ 13ʹ 14ʹ 15ʹ 16ʹ 17ʹ 18ʹ 19ʹ 20ʹ 21ʹ

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

˹Ri-im˺-dIškur ˹x˺-si-šu šeš-a-ni Ba-aš-dI-šum x U-bar-rum dumu Er-ṣe-ia dGÌR-dingir Ì-lí-i-dí-nam Dumu-dDa-an-na-tum dWe-du-um-mu-ša-lim dŠe-rum-ba-ni Ta-ri-bu-um

10[+x?] gín 1 gín 3(?) gín 1 gín 9 gín 7 gín 7(?) gín […gín] […gín] ⅓ ma-na 1 gín [x] gín [x g]ín [x] x 6(?) x x […] zú-lum x x x […] x x [x] gín

Ba-aš-dingir dumu A-pil-dNin.šubur 23ʹ […gín] Nu-úr-dWe-du-um dEN.ZU-i-din-nam 24ʹ […gín] dIškur-i-din-nam 25ʹ 2 ½ (?) gín 26ʹ 2 ½ (?) gín ˹Pir˺-ḫu-um 27ʹ 2 Sig-er-ṣe-tim 28ʹ […] [zú]-lum a-˹aḫ˺-ḫi-šu 29ʹ […] x x […] […] x ni ku x x U.E.30ʹ […] x x […] ˹x x x x x x˺ 31ʹ ša […] ˹x˺ ˹iš-qú-lu-šum˺ 32ʹ x x […] xxx 22ʹ

From Lower Yaḫrūrum. Copy (larger!) and edition: R. de Boer, BiOr 73 (2016) 597-604. Cited by K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology (1972) 220, b. Related to DCS 111 and AUCT V 102; see de Boer, 606. 308 (LB 3244, tablet), (LB 2722, case) Loan (su-lá) of silver – Sumu-la-El 35 LB 3244 (tablet) (3.9 × 3.5 × 1.7) 1

⅔ gín kù-babbar su-lá-šè ki é-a-da-pí-in

LB 2722 (case) (5.3 × 4.5 × 2.7) 1

⅔ gín kù-˹babbar˺ su-lá-šè ki é-a-da-pí-in

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I Ira-bi-a-nu-um

kù šu-ba-an-ti mu-túm u4-ebur-šè kù ì-lá-e Rev. igi ib-ni-é-a igi dEN.ZU-na-ṣir 10 igi nu-úr-ku-bi igi mu-tum-me-el iti du6-kù mu alan sú-mu-la-dingir 5

165

Ira-bi-a-nu-um

kù šu-ba-an-ti mu-túm u4-ebur-šè kù ì-lá-˹e˺ Rev. [ig]i mu-tum-me-˹el˺ dumu ia-ba-nu-um 10 igi nu-úr-ku-bi dumu du-lu- qum [i]gi ib-ni-é-a dumu ˹en˺-nam-dEN.ZU [i]gi˹dEN.ZU˺-na-ṣi-ir| dub-sar 15 [i]ti du6-kù U.E mu alan sú-mu-˹la˺-dingir 5

Seal inscription (bur-gul): [R]a-bi-a-nu-u[m], [dum]u dEN.ZU-[na] |-ṣi-ir Translation (composite): ⅔ shekel of silver as a su-lá loan from Ea-dāpin, Rabiānum received the silver. He will weigh out the silver during harvest time. Witnesses: Mutum-me-El, son of Yabanum; Nūr-Kubi, son of Dulluqum; Ibni-Ea, son of Ennam-Sîn; Sîn-nāṣir, the scribe. Month VII, Year: The statue of Sumu-la-El. Copy and edition: R. de Boer, RA 111 (2017) 34-35, 55 (photos), no. 5. From Damrum (?)

309 (current location and inv. no. unknown) (dimensions unknown) Plate III, copy Declaration before witnesses – Sabium 9 Obv. 1

pÌr-ra-i-mi-ti

GÌR.NITA2 dumu dUraš-i-din-nam pdLa-ga-ma-al-ga-mil  dumu I-bi-dEN.ZU pA-wi-il-dGaš-ra pdUtu-ma-an-sum dumu Lú-dIškur pI-din-dEN.ZU dumu Ì-lí-tu-kúl-ti pÌr-dUraš

5

Irra-imittī, the governor Warad-Uraš, son of Uraš-iddinam, Lagamal-gāmil son of Ibbi-Sîn, Awil-Gašra, Utu-mansum, s. of Awil-Adad, Iddin-Sîn, son of Ilī-tukultī,

166

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS pIm-gur-ú-a

dumu A-ba-a dumu dingir-sipad pA-bi-i-din-nam dumu  Ma-nu-um-ša-nin-šu pI-ba-lu-uṭ dumu Ba-al-ka-tim pLú-ma-tum dumu Su-ka-lum pI-ku-un-KA-dEn-lil lú Nu-kár ki pQá-qá-di-ia

Imgurūja, son of Abâ, Wardija, son of Ilum-rē’ī, Abī-iddinam, son of  Mannum-šāninšu, Iballuṭ, son of Balkatim, Lumātum, son of Sukkallum, Ikun-pi-Enlil, the man from Nukar, Qaqqadija,

pI-din-dLa-ga-ma-al

Iddin-Lagamal, the builder: these are the witnesses before whom …  with the sons that in the partition wall of Nāḫilum they will not drive in a peg, nor place a beam on it, by Uraš and Sabium he swore. Month Simānum of the year: E-Ibbi-Anum he renovated.

pÌr-di-ja

10

Rev. 15

20

25

šitim ši-bu-ú an-nu-ú-tum ša ma-aḫ-ri-šu-nu pKA GA KA  ù dumu-me-eš i-na i-ga-ar bi-ri-tim ša Na-aḫ-dingir giš-kak-am la i-ma-ḫa-ṣú ù giš-ùr-am la ú-ma-du mu dUraš ù Sà-bi-um in-pàd itu sig4-a mu é I-bi-a-nu-um mu-un-gibil

1. Seal impressions on the left side (3 ×): Ìr-ra-i-mi-ti dumu Be-li-i-a ìr Sà-bi-um 2. Seal impressions on the upper side (2 ×): dLa-ga-ma-al-ga-mi-il dub-sar dumu I-bi-dEN.ZU In the archive of F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl a pencil copy of this text was found, probably made by F.E. Peiser; reproduced on Plate III. Böhl bought many Dilbat tablets from Peiser, but not this one. It is not in the Altorientalisches Seminar in Berlin (thus Prof. E. Cancik-Kirschbaum). From Dilbat. For more texts beginning with a list of witnesses, see nos. 231, 235, 243. This declaration records a promissory oath about a partition wall; see the remarks on nos. 224, 246.

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I

167

Notes to the lines: 1. Irra-imittī, the military governor (šakkanakkum), is not necessarily that of Dilbat: no. 245 shows that Lumātum from Dilbat turned to the military governor of Babylon in the matter of the dimensions of a house bought by Nāḫilum; elsewhere one of his soldiers was witness (no. 241, 13). More on this title: the note on no. 250, line 8’. – The first witness on no. 232 has the same name Irra-imittī (no title). 3. For this Lagamal-gāmil, see no. 247 (his seal, with comments). 5. Cf. perhaps Gašrum in the names dGašrum-gāmil, Gašrum, CAD G 57a, bottom; ARMT 22/2 p. 570. 12. Lumātum is attested in nos. 245, 259, 261 (with seal impression), the Case of Gautier 13. 13. Nukar was a city in the Dilbat neighbourhood. See the note on no. 235, 1. 14. One strictly sees BI-qá-di-ja, just as in no. 258, 2 (here published after no. 242, p. 92 f.), with the Case Gautier 33, 3, rev. 2. See the note on no. 258, 2. 18. The copy offers KA GA KA. The sign GA is like that in lines 3, 20. The signs BI in lines10, 24, 27 are different (no two verticals inside). 22-23. Syntax of an oath, ‘negativer promissorischer Eid’; W. von Soden, GAG § 185 e. The seal of Lagamal-gāmil here (2) has no third line; elsewhere he is named ì r + royal name.

310 (AOFU 29) (7.5 × 4.8 × 2.4) Plate IV, copies Deed for a house – Apil-Sîn 13 Obv. 1

5

10

2/3 SAR é bur-bal da é …… ù da é Na-aḫ-dingir egir é Na-aḫ-dingir  sag-bi sila dagal (!)  šám-til-la-a-ni-šè 4 gín kù-babbar in-na-lá ki Ša-at-dUraš dumu-munus Ì-lí-ip-pa-al-sà-am ù E-BE-ja nin mu (sic) pNa-aḫ-dingir dumu I-din- dLa-ga-ma-al é in-ši-in-šám u4-kúr-šè lú-lú-ra (!)

2/3 sar unbuilt ground, adjacent to … and adjacent to the house of Nāḫ ilum, at its backside a house of Nāḫilum,  at its frontside Broad Street –  as its full price 4 shekels of silver he has paid from Šāt-Uraš, the daughter of Ili-ippalsam, and Etēja, her husband (!), Nāḫilum, the son of Iddin-Lagamal, has bought the house. That in the future the one against the  other

168 15

20

25

Le. E. I II

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

inim nu-gá-gá-a mu dUraš ù A-pil-dEN.ZU in-pàd-dè-eš a-na ba-aq-ri é-tim pŠa-at-dUraš ù E-te-ja i-za-zu-[ú] igi Ú-ra-ti-ja dumu Ḫa-du-nu-um igi dNanna-šu-ku6 dumu 30-še-me igi I-din-dMAR.TU dumu  I-pí-iq-Nu-nu igi Pí-ir-ḫu-um-li-zi-iz igi (!) I-ku-un-KA-dEN.ZU igi dEN.ZU-ra-bi dumu … ˹igi˺ Im-gur-dNanna dumu  I-din-dLa-ga-| ma-al

will not complain, by Uraš and Apil-Sîn they have sworn. For vindication of the house Šāt-Uraš and Etēja will be responsible. Before Uratija, son of Ḫadunum, before Nanna-šuku, son of Sînšēme, before Iddin-Amurrum, son of  Ipiq-Nunu, before Pirḫum-lizziz, before Ikun-pi-Sîn, before Sîn-rabi, son of … before Imgur-Nanna, son of  Iddin-Lagamal,

igi Ḫu-nu-bi-ja dub-sar [it]u gan-gan-è-a mu é-tùr-kalam-ma

before Ḫunnubija, the scribe. In the month Kislimu of the year: Etur-kalama.

Seal impressions; traces (after H. Waetzoldt): d[Urašdumu Ḫa-du-ni-im (!) ìr dMAR.TU The tablet is kept in the Altorientalisches Seminar in Berlin, where it was seen and copied by H. Waetzoldt. In 1976 he gave M. Stol a photocopy. In the NINO archives a copy by Peiser was found. Both are reproduced here, Plate IV. The text is mentioned in H.J. Nissen, P. Damerov, R.K. Englund, Frühe Schrift und Techniken der Wirtschaftsverwaltung im alten Orient (1990) 217, 17.15, cf. 165. Professor E. Cancik-Kirschbaum (Berlin) identified Waetzold’s text as AOFU 29 and kindly allowed us to incorporate it in this book. From Dilbat. Purchase of an unbuilt house plot from a couple, by Nāḫilum. In OECT 13 270 (Apil-Sîn 13, month V, so four months earlier) the couple exchanged with Nāḫilum unbuilt plots, both of an equal size. Edited by S.G. Koshurnikov and N. Yoffee, Iraq 48 (1986) 120-122 (AM 1951:3). – Perhaps read there, in line 6, Sa-am-su-rum. In line 23: Ḫa-du-num. Line 26: this Imgurum again in CT 45 13, 21.

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I

169

Notes to the lines: Lines 2 and the father’s name in line 26 could not be deciphered. 1. For burubalû, see note on no. 237, 1. 5. ‘Broad Street’ in Dilbat: nos. 238, 9; 246, 3; 248, 4; OECT 13 269, 4; 270, 8; 271, 4; 273, 4; 274, 4. 10. In OECT 13 270, 9 the sequence of the persons in the couple is: “Eteja and Šāt-Uraš, his wife (d a m - a - n i )”. E-BE-ja in 10 must be variant of E-te-ja, thus unequivocally in line 19 and OECT 13 270, 3, 9. Probably BE was pronounced as tel, as in E-tel-lum, OECT 13 270, 24. Etellum is the name of a man. This person must be the husband, possibly here suggested by d a m ( ! ) - m u . 21. Uratija, son of Ḫadunum: see the note on no. 245, 27 and its seal impression 3: identical with Uraš-gāmil, son of Ḫabnum in OECT 13 220, 25. The impression of his seal, here, must be identical with that on no. 245. For other witnesses, consult the Index of Personal Names.

311 (current location and inv. no. unknown) (dimensions unknown) Plate V, copy Loan with interest – undated or date lost Tablet: O. 1

5

11 gín kù-babbar síg [é-gal-lim] ka dub-pí ì-nu-[me-a] máš-gi-na daḫ-[ḫé-dam] ki E-tel-KA-d[Na-bi-um] IŠu-dMAR-TU dumu Im-gur-É-[idim-an-na]  (the remainder is lost)

Case: O. 1

5

E. 10 R. 1’ 2’

Seal impression on Case: Šu-dMAR-TU dumu Im-gur-É-idim-an-[na] ìr dNa-b[i-um]

11 gín kù-babbar síg ⸢é-gal⸣-[lim] ka dub-pí ì-nu-m[e-a] máš-gi-na daḫ-ḫé-d[am] ki E-tel-KA-dN[a-bi-um]? IŠu-dMAR-TU dumu Im-gur-É-idim-an-na šu ba-an-ti u4-um é-gal-lum (!) (sign LAM) kù-babbar i-ri-šu kù-babbar ù máš-bi é-gal-lam [i-pa-a]l  (destroyed) it[i… u -x-kam] 4 m[u …]

170

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Translation: 11 shekels of silver, the wool of the Palace (disregarding the wording of [an earlier] contract), yielding the normal interest, from Etel-pi-Nabium, Šu-Amurrum, the son of Imgur-E-idim-anna, has borrowed. On the day the Palace requires the silver, he shall satisfy the Palace with the silver and its interest. From Lagaba. This text, in private possession, was copied and transliterated by G. Kalla (Budapest). “Diese Urkunde war in 1996 in Besitz des Kölner Kunsthändlers Gordian A. Weber. Er hatte mir das Publikationserlaubnis gegeben, so ich kann es weitergeben”. He discovered that it parallels some texts from Lagaba (TLB I nos. 99-102) and kindly allowed us to incorporate his edition in this book. Comments on nos. 99-102 were made by R. Frankena, SLB IV 81 f. Prosopography. Etel-pi-Nabium: also in TLB I 74, 4; 99-102; 144, 4; AbB 3 23, 6, with Frankena, SLB IV. – Šu-Amurrum: C. Wilcke, OLZ 66 (1971) 548550; R. Frankena, Symbolae F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl (1973) 150-153, and SLB IV 68 f., 71-75 (on nos. 21, 22) (for no. 22, see W. Sallaberger, Wenn Du mein Bruder bist… [1999] 122 f.). – The (rare) name of his father is also attested in Larsa, A. Goetze, JCS 4 (1950) 105, YBC 4974, 9, written Imgur- É - d í m - m a a n - n a , and in UIOM 2019, 10 (Imgur- É - d í m - a n - n a ). Two remarks on the dates on TLB I no. 101: 1. The month name on the tablet is i t u k i n - d I n a n n a 2 - k a m - m a , ‘the second month VI’, an intercalary month. See P.J. Huber, Astronomical Dating of Babylon I and Ur III (1982) 57, Hammurabi 38. 2. “The case is dated one month later than the tablet”, SLB I (3) p. 49, viz. to month VII, day 1: more on this feature in D. Charpin, Archives familiales (1982) 87 § 5. Note to line 1: 1. In Akkadian ezub pi tuppi (panîm); R. Pientka, Die altbabylonische Zeit I (1978) 178 note 1. – Read in TLB I no. 22, 9-10 e-zi-ib k a ša ki š i b - í b - r a ; cf. ezib pi-i i-ib-re-e-šu, AUCT V 144, 4-5, and AUCT IV 5, 4-5.

312 (LB 1894A = LB 3619) (4.8 × 3.7) Plates VI-VII, photos, copy Docket: rations for workers – (date?) 5 še-gur giš-1-bán 30 me-še-qum 30-re-me-ni lú mu-we-er-rum 1 PI si-bu ša gu4-ḫi-a

5 gur of barley, in the sūtu measure  of Sîn: Sîn-rēmēni, the mu’errum; 1 sūtu, beer (for) the oxen (teams);

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I

2 bán 4 (sila3) A-bu-um-wa-qar  gi-zi itu-6-ká[m] 5 1 bán 2 (sila3) Ì-í-ma-lu-lim  gi-zi itu-4-k[ám] 2 bán Ar-wi-ú-um ša é dingir-šu  A-bu-u[m]  ṭà-bu-um a-šà gu-la 1 PI 1 bán á-bi urudu-mar  ù ka-an-nim an nu an lú simug-meš (?) 10 3 bán 2 (sila3) si-lá  dUtu-mu-ba-li-iṭ 3 bán dDumu-zi i-na ba-ba-tim 4 bán 2 (sila3) ša é  dMi-ša-rum-ga-mil 1 bán 2 (sila3) si-lá Me-lu-lum 1 bán 2 (sila3) ma-áš-ti-it ra-pí-qí a-šà gu-la 15 1 bán šuku  dInanna-La-ga-baki-um-mi i-nu-ma a-na a-šà gibil al-li-ku 1 bán 2 (sila3) A-pil-Ku-bi lú  ad-KID   i-nu-ma gi-ig i-pu-šu  šu-nigin 6 (gur) 3 bán 6 sila3   še-gur Le.E. itu šu-numun-a u4-20-kám mu kilib ugnim

171

2 sūtu, 4 qa: Abum-waqar, reed  cutter, 6 months; 1 sūtu, 2 qa: Ilīma-lulīm, reed  cutter, 4 months; 2 sūtu: Arwium, of the house of his  god – Abum-|ṭabum, the Large  Field; 1 PI, 1 sūtu: wages for a copper  spade and a kannum, …. the smiths (?); 3 sūtu 2 qa: provision for  Šamaš-muballiṭ; 3 sūtu: Tammuz ‘in the gates’; 4 sūtu 2 qa: of the house of  Mīšarum-gāmil; 1 sūtu 2 qa: provision for Melūlum; 1 sūtu 2 qa: beverages for the hoers  of the Large Field; 1 sūtu: the food allowance of  Ištar-Lagabītum-ummī, when I went to the New Field; 1 sūtu 2 qa: Apil-Kubi, the reed  worker,   when he made the door.  Total: 6 gur 3 sūtu 6 qa of   barley. Month Tammuz, day 20, year: All the troops.

From Lagaba. Photos and copy on Plates VI-VII (also on the cover). It is a docket ‘shaped like an egg’, pierced by a hole (for a string), discovered and identified by K.R. Veenhof. Similar texts from Lagaba were published by R.D. Freedman, The Cuneiform Texts in St. Louis (diss. Columbia University, 1975), nos. 225-228, 230-233; according to the catalogue ‘walnut-shaped bullas’ (p. 30 f.); and by S. Dalley, OECT 15 nos. 298-337, ‘peach-stone-shaped dockets, axially perforated’ (p. 27). One more docket was published by W.R. Mayer, Or NS 74 (2005) 330-334. For another group of dockets from Lagaba in the Israel Museum, see O. Tammuz, NABU 1994/52. Dated to Samsuiluna 20 (as in nos. 82, 115 !); see M.A. Horsnell, The YearNames of the First Dynasty of Babylon (1999), vol. 2, 208 note 107; Mayer, Or NS 74, 334.

172

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

Notes to the lines: 1. The measure g i š - b á n dEN.ZU mešēqum (so the copy) is attested in TLB I 142, 13; and ‘Sîn’ is again written ‘30’ in no. 160, 6, OECT 15 305, 3; 332, 1. A measure only known from Lagaba. 2. Sîn-rēmēni was discussed by R. Frankena, SLB IV 135, commenting on AbB 3 39, 27 and AbB 8 152, 47 (S. n u - b à n d a ). 3. sību: Cf. CAD S 231b, sību C, ‘beer’, with only one reference in context, phrased as follows: “1 (PI) si-bu TLB I 190:21, 1 (PI), si-bu-šu ibid. 8 are obscure.” This again is a text from Lagaba. There are more Old Babylonian refs.: 4 b á n a-na si-bi, YOS 12 410, 1; k a š si-bi , Dalley, Edinburgh 26, 1, 6; 2 b á n š e si-bu, TCL 1 174, 13; 1 pi-ḫu 1 b á n - t a k a š si(!)-bi, Pinches, PSBA 19 (1897) 135 no. 2, 1. More: M. Stol in L. Milano, Drinking in Ancient Societies (1994) 164 n. 100. 4. Abum-waqar: SLB IV p. 89, commenting on AbB 3 27, 3, and our text “LB 1894a” (= LB 3619). The occupation g i - z i (in lines 4-5), attested in Ur III Sumerian (Falkenstein, NSGU III, p. 116), is in Akkadian ša kīsi, see CAD K 433b, ‘reed cutter’. Cf. e r é n l ú - g i - z i - k u 5 - d a in the docket BRM 3 22b (‘reed cutter’, CAD Ṣ 48a), and contrast l ú - g i - k u 5 - d a = kāsimu ‘weeder’ (CAD K). 5. The name Ilī-ma-lulīm: M. Stol, JCS 25 (1973) 219, also DCS 99, 1; written d i n g i r -lu-lim, BE 6/1 61 Case 24, Tablet 30; note d i n g i r -lam-lu-lim, MHET II/2 226, 18. 7. The area a - š a g u - l a ‘the large field’ is well known in Lagaba, SLB IV p. 47 and [305]; also OECT 15 301, 4; 316, 1; 319, 5, 7; Mayer, Or NS 74, 332. 10. Šamaš-muballiṭ: SLB IV p. 79 f., commenting on AbB 3 23, 3 (several persons had this name); also in OECT 15 314, 1. 11. Dumuzi ina bābātim: in a list of disbursements from Larsa this entry: 1 g a d a SAR.SAR k ù - b i 2 g í n n í g - b a d D u m u - z i i-nu-ma i-na ba-bi-im ik-ka-lu-ú, “one linen … -cloth, its value is 2 shekels, a present for Dumuzi, when he was detained in the gate”, YBC 7268, 6-7 (Larsa; copy Tina Breckwoldt; also in Karljürgen Feuerherm, Abum-waqar and His Circle. A Prosopographical Study (diss. Toronto, 2004), II no. K 113). This ritual cloth is also known from J.G. Westenholz, Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Collection of the Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem. The Old Babylonian Inscriptions (2006) 40 no. 1 II 21, with p. 71; M.J. Geller, ZA 91 (2001) 232, 70 (incantation, titled KA-i n i m - m a g a d a SAR-SAR-k a m ). The god Dumuzi being ‘detained’ reminds one of the ‘binding’ of Dumuzi/ Tammuz (kimîtu, kimûtu; the shepherd Dumuzi was bound, ikkamû) in later religious texts; see A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (1986) 137 f.; A.R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts (1992) 58 Tintir IV 11 (‘the temple of Dumuzi of Captivity’), with p. 309; in the Nippur Compendium, 154 § 13, 23; M.E. Cohen in Studies in honor of Barry L. Eichler (2011) 263 (‘the binding of sheaves’) [sic!]. A welcome OB reference is Arnaud, BBVOT 1 141, 9, 12, cereal offerings ša ūm ki-mi-tim. Perhaps also in Black, Spada, Nisaba 19 (2008) no. 245 II 3 (Plate LXXI). This must refer to a phase in Dumuzi’s sufferings, when in vinculis in the Netherworld. Probably at this time women were lamenting. Our two passages suggest that he was detained in a ‘gate’. The Gates of Hell. In the Bible, the wailing of Tammuz took

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I

10, 13. 15. 16.

17-18.

173

place at the gate of the temple, Ezekiel 8, 14. – Another reference to Dumuzi in Lagaba is OECT 15 308, 9; with M. Stol, NABU 2008/1, sub e (on funeral rites). ‘Provision’, piqittum; as in OECT 15 304, 11; 308, 2. The name Melūlum is unknown, but compare the woman’s name Melūlātum in Sippar. This lady is also attested in TLB I 70, 6; see Leemans, SLB I (1) p. 34. The docket Freedman no. 230, 14 f. (p. 197 f.) ends with a similar remark: inūma a - š à g i b i l (?) alliku. That in an administrative text a person speaks in the first person (‘I’) is very rare. In the archive of the merchant Mannija (Larsa) in TCL 10 he does so several times (87, 18-20, etc.). Other examples are PBS 8/2 175, 2 f., 9, 20, 25; PBS 13 55, 25; perhaps also in our texts, in OECT 15 305, 4 (al-qé-e); TLB I 254 rev. 8f. (“us”). The reed worker (atkuppum) Apil-Kubi making a door: SLB IV p. 110-113, commenting on AbB 3 34, 16 ff. (with an excursus on doors made of reeds). He is also attested in no. 199, 20.

313 (LB 762) (5.8 × 4.9 × 2.7) Plate VIII, copy List of food allowances – (date?) 2 gur 2 (PI) 2 bán še-gur še-ŠEŠ  še-numun 2 gur 3 (PI) 2 bán še-GUD šà-ba šuku ša itu ab-è u4-17  ba-zal

5

rev. 10

a-di itu zíz-a ù itu še-kin-ku5  UD LU UB | i-ru-bu-ni šà-ba 2 gur 3 (PI) 2 bán gur  še-bi (or: še kaš) 3 (PI) 1 bán ša A-pil-dMAR.TU  in-na-sa-aḫ-ma ša-pi-il-tum 2 gur 4 (PI) 1 bán  gur šuku ša i-na qá-ti Be-la-nu-um  (blank line) itu ab-è u4-17-kam ba-zal(!)-ma šuku iṣ-ba-tu itu zíz-a u4-3-kam ba-zal(!)-ma i-ru-bu-ni 7 sila3-ta-àm ša u4-45 u4-mi-im šuku 3 ṣú-ḫa-re-e ù 1 munus

2 gur, 2 PI, 2 sūtu of barley:  late millet, sowing seed, 2 gur, 3 PI, 2 sūtu: common millet. From which: the food allowance for  when day 17 of month X had  passed, until months XI and XII …  they had arrived; From it: 2 gur, 3 PI, 2 sūtu, its  barley (or: barley (for) beer), 3 PI, 1 sūtu for Apil-Amurrum will  be deducted, and the remainder (is) 2 gur, 4 PI,  1 sūtu: the food allowance which is in  the hands of Bēlānum. When day 17 of month X had passed, they have taken the food allowance. When day 3 of month XI had  passed, they have arrived. Each one 7 qa, for 45 days (?): the food allowance of 3 young men  and one woman

174

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION OF TEXTS WITH COMMENTS

This text records disbursements of food allowances (š u k u , kurummatum) for a number of days. Many texts state that personnel or oxen ‘took’ this (iṣbat, iṣbatū; a few refs. gives CAD Ṣ 18b). Two passages associate this ‘taking’ with the arrival (erēbum) of the workers or animals, and this seems to happen here, too. Examples: “Month III, day 8 having passed (issuḫ-ma): Šamuḫtum and the servants of the house arrived. Four PI, one sūtu of bread (is) their food allowance. (Also) four PI, one sūtu of dates. They took (it)”. Dated to day 5 of this month (two diverging days occur more often in these texts); C.H. Gordon, Smith College Texts (1952) no. 54, with CAD A/2 245a. The other passage, about arriving animals, is AbB 6 50, 8-11. Somewhat similar is this remark about weakened oxen: “During two months they ate fodder: when month VIII had ended, those oxen arrived here (ikšudūnim), (during) months IX and X those oxen ate; now they are ‘taking’ the third month”, ARM 27, 110, 17-22. Some texts indicate that bread was ‘taken’ from a baker (m u ḫ a l d i m , BBVOT 1 140, 2; YOS 13 146, 212, 400), or beer from a brewer (l ú DIN-n a , YOS 13 6, 7; 75, 5). It is impossible to find out what the quantities in this text mean. The first two lines speak of 740 and 800 qa (= litres) of millet, in total 1540 qa. Line 5 seems to repeat the 800 qa of line 2 and here follows that 190 qa of Apil-Marduk was deducted ‘from it’ and concludes with: ‘the remainder: 850 qa’. This solution may be suggested: the scribe forgot to give in lines 3-4 the amount of this first ‘From it’, presumably 300 qa (= 1 gur). After a blank line, line 3 is repeated in line 9, informing us that ‘they’ arrived only on the third day of the next month (line 10). The ‘they’ may refer to the persons mentioned in the last line. Notes on the lines: 1-2. The first cereal product here is š e -ŠEŠ = š e - m u š 5, šeguššū, in later periods uppulu, ‘late’. The second product is š e -GUD, ḫurpum, ḫarpum, in later periods aršikku, arsuppu; MSL 11 p. 82 Hh XXIV:148-150 and many more refs. They often are mentioned together. M. Stol, ‘Mohrhirse’, RlA VIII/5-6 (1995) 348 f., identified both with ‘millet’, distinguishing ‘early’ (GUD) and ‘late’ (ŠEŠ) millet, explicit in post-Old Babylonian lexical texts which equate both with the Semitic word duḫnu, ‘millet’. Accepted by R. Da Riva, Der Ebabbar-Tempel von Sippar in frühneubabylonischer Zeit (640-580 v. Chr.) (2002) 95-97, ‘Hirse’. CAD U/W 186b, uppulu, ‘late (barley)’, was not aware of this identification with millet, nor did it quote this line from the lexical text Ḫargud: š e - m u š 5 = ši-gu-šú = up-pu-lu, SpTU III p. 238 no. 116 iv 21. Followed by š e -UD-NE = še-im pu-ṣu = duḫ-nu (22). In Hh II 116 (MSL 5 p. 60), the mysterious še-UD-e-dè = (še’im) pu-ṣi, ‘white grain’, could refer to millet; in the Emar Forerunner ŠE-BABBAR = e-ja pe-ṣu-u; M. Gantzert, The Emar Lexical texts (2008) Part 1 60, 74, line 2062. — Note OB š e - b í r (UD).(b í r ) “dehusked barley”, S. Sanati-Müller, Baghdader Mitteilungen 19 (1988) 480-482.

NOS. 305-313: MORE TEXTS, NOT IN TLB I

4. 12.

175

In the Late Babylonian text BE 9 80, 1 we see Š E -UD-E-DÈ ḫarpu u uppulu, CAD P 541a s.v. puṣṣû 3; CAD U/W 187a, on top. Does Neo-Babylonian ŠE-BAR peṣîtu mean ‘millet’? Some refs. in F.S. Reynolds, Mining the Archives. Festschrift for C.B.F. Walker (2002) 224, on 14’. Contrast the black cereal ṣallāmtu in Ḫargud, cited above, SpTU III 238 f., IV 20, 29, in the third column. CAD U/W does quote a new source, Uruanna III 302, translating ‘[shoo]t (š e - g a g = ḫabbūru) of the third month (si-ma-ni) (means) late shoot [š e - g a g uppuli] which sprouted out during fifty days’ (the published sources are KADP 28 I 36, cf. 12 IV 31, and Meek, RA 17 (1920) 138 K. 4199, 14’). However, here ‘the third month’ cannot be correct; in that case, one expects the Sumerogram, as in ‘months VI and VII’ in a similar context in KADP 12 IV 29 f. Here, simānum refers to the season when the grain is ripe; possibly in month VIII. This fits ina ḫabbūri ‘zur Zeit des Sprossens (des Getreide)’, YOS 21 17, 26, with M. Jursa, Studies Presented to Mario Fales (2012) 387 f. ‘During fifty days’ has a parallel in lines 12-14 of the Sumerian composition ‘Laḫar and Ašnan’: “(at the beginning) there was no š e - m u š 5 of 30 days, of 40 days, of 50 days”; B. Alster, H. Vanstiphout, ASJ 9 (1987) 14 f.; now C. Mittermayer, Was sprach der eine zum Anderen? (2019) 37 ff., 163 ff. Clearly, varying cultivation periods are meant and 50 days are the maximum. This passage has a parallel in the modern growth period of 45 days of ‘early planted millet’, as quoted in ‘Mohrhirse’, p. 349a. We repeat: “The fields to be sown with millet are first ploughed, then sown, and then ploughed again. Sowing is carried out from mid-March to the beginning of July. The harvest is 90 days later. Ten days after sowing, the crop is irrigated for the first time. In all, it is irrigated four times. The normal planted millet is planted after barley and wheat on the same fields. The early planted millet is planted on special fields at the beginning of September. The growth period of this millet is only 45 days”. Note that ‘early planted’ means: late in the calendar year. In the Old Babylonian period the early millet (arsuppum, or ḫarpum, ḫurpum, sing. and plural, ‘early’) was a summer crop (often cultivated together with sesame); contrasted with ‘the late’ uplitum, mostly sing.) (CUSAS 36 180, 12 f.; and in Mari). Discussed by H. Reculeau, Florilegium Marianum XVI/1 (2018) 181-184; he did not know the letter B. Kienast, Kisurra II (1978) no. 178, beginning with “I have just threshed the threshing floor of the early grain; the late grain is behind schedule. (…) I asked for oxen but they did not give (them) to me” (4-9). In the MB period ŠE-GAL is contrasted to ŠE-ŠEŠ; L. Sassmannshausen, Beiträge zur Verwaltung und Gesellschaft Babyloniens (2001) 314 no. 148, 2, with note (also in BE 15 122, 8, 131, 8). It is possible that UD LU UB at the end of the line was an error (for e-ru-ub?) which the scribe corrected by adding the correct word underneath. Could ša u4-45 u4-mi-im mean “during 45 days”? For the surprising singular ūmim see M. Stol, BiOr 69 (2012) 533, under ūmu, ‘Syntax’; N.J.C. Kouwenberg, A Grammar of Old Assyrian (2017) 279 f. If so, is the rest of the year meant, from 3.XI to 30.XII, so 27 + 30 = 47 days, when deducting two or three ‘free’ days?

INDICES INDEX OF TEXTS: TLB – LB TLB I no.

LB inv.no.

191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 210 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222

2115 2000 2131 1958 1959 1025 746 941 2104 949 2009 2057 2003 753 945 759 951 683 953 950 715 955 771 947 944 2004 2006 1836 764 773 1981 2118

223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256

716 682 1965 754 700 2078 772 768 697 685 707 714 696 731 686 679 770 737 681 703 699 766 765 755 767,1 698 704 713 680 684 774 747 751 721

178 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285

INDICES

286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 (305) (306) (307) (308) (309) (310) (311) (312) (313)

693 769 767,2 767,3 767,4 702 688 748 775 1954 720 735 732 717 724 690 742 709 723 725 729 727 761 710 695 733 745 743 2093

730 2092 2058 687 694 692 1839 734 718 757 712 739 738 740 758 760 756 708 689 2113 3251 952 3244, 2722 Peiser Peiser = AOFU 29 Kalla LB 3619 LB 762

INDEX OF TEXTS: LB – TLB LB inv. no.

TLB I no.

0679 0680 0681 0682 0683 0684

238 251 241 224 208 252

0685 0686 0687 0688 0689 0690 0692 0693

232 237 289 263 304 272 291 257

179

INDICES

0694 0695 0696 0697 0698 0699 0700 0702 0703 0704 0707 0708 0709 0710 0712 0713 0714 0715 0716 0717 0718 0720 0721 0723 0724 0725 0727 0729 0730 0731 0732 0733 0734 0735 0737 0738 0739 0740 0742 0743 0745 0746 0747

290 281 235 231 248 243 227 262 242 249 233 303 274 280 296 250 234 211 223 270 294 267 256 275 271 276 278 277 286 236 269 282 293 268 240 298 297 299 273 284 283 197 254

0748 0751 0753 0754 0755 0756 0757 0758 0759 0760 0761 0762 0764 0765 0766 0767,1 0767,2 0767,3 0767,4 0768 0769 0770 0771 0772 0773 0774 0775 0941 0944 0945 0947 0949 0950 0951 0952 0953 0955 1025 1836 1839 1894a 1954 1958

264 255 204 226 246 302 295 300 206 301 279 (313) 219 245 244 247 259 260 261 230 258 239 213 229 220 253 265 198 215 205 214 200 210 207 (307) 209 212 196 218 292 (312) 266 194

180 1959 1965 1981 2000 2003 2004 2006 2009 2057 2058 2078 2092 2093

INDICES

195 225 221 192 203 216 217 201 202 288 228 287 285

2104 2113 2115 2118 2131 2722 3244 3251 3619 (Peiser = AOFU 29) (Peiser) (Peiser) (Kalla)

199 (305) 191 222 193 (308) (308) (306) (312) (310) (309) (310) (311)

NAMES OF DEITIES Aja, 223:15, 224:17, 229:24, 230:4 Amurrum, 203, 16 (?), 253, seal Dumuzi, 197:5, 312:11 Gušul (?), 231:19 Ilabrat, 204:20 Inza…, 204:21 Išḫara, 203:6 (?) Lugal-zu-ab-ba, 236:4 Marduk, 197:9, 268:10 Nergal, 237:4, 5, 7 Sîn, 251 rev. 7 (D), 267:3, 4 Šamaš, 217:6, 15, 218:19, 221:11, 223:15, 224:8, 9, 17, 226:4, 7,

227:3, 12, 228:7, 229:24, 230:4, 7, 9, 251 rev. 8 (D), 267:10, 268:1, 3, 4, 9, 280:4, 7, 10, 18 Marduk, 217:5, 218:19, 221:11, 223:15, 224:17, 229:24, 230:4, 248:21, 267:11 Nabium, 280, seal Sîn, 312:1 (Lag) Uraš, 236:16, 237:22, 241 rev. 5, 242:2, 9, 243:2, 248:21, 250 rev. 8, 251 rev. 7, 254 seal, 309:24, 310:16 Uruk, 305:2 Zababa, 257 rev. 2 (Kish)

PERSONAL NAMES ABBREVIATIONS: d. = daughter of; s. = son of; w. = wife (of) For the places of origin (between brackets): BT = Bad-Tibira, D = Dilbat, L = Larsa, Lag = Lagaba, S = Sippar, Yaḫr = Lower Yaḫrūrum

INDICES

181

1. OLD BABYLONIAN A x an en x, 287:17 Abbā, 196:14 (L) Abba-ṭābum, 272:4 Abi-enšim-Uraš s. Lipit-Enlil, 235:4 (D) Abī-iddinam s. Mannum-šāninšu, 308:10 (D) Abī-lamassī, 283:4 (Lag) Abī-luštamar, 303:21 Abijātum, 197:14 (BT) Abijātum, 306, seal (Yaḫr) Abinum, 203:7 Abum-…, 307 rev. 8 (Yaḫr) Abum-ṭābum s. Puzur-Nabium, 217:21 (S) Abum-ṭābum, 220:4, 7, 12 (S) Abum-ṭābum, 312:6 f. (Lag) Abu-waqar, 194:15 (BT) Abu-waqar, 267:6 Abum-waqar, 219 rev. 4 (S) Abum-waqar, 237:36, 248:29 (D) Abum-waqar, ša kīsi, 312:4 (Lag) Abuni, 231:4 (S) Abušu (w.), 289:13 (Yaḫr?) Adad-bāni s. Sîn-gāmil, 307 rev. 3 (Yaḫr) Adad-iddinam, 307 rev. 25 (Yaḫr) Adad-rēmēni,…, 220:21, 222 rev. 4, 230:8 (S) Adad-rīm-ilī, 304:13 Adad-šar-ilī s. Zababa-nāṣir, 257 rev. 3 (Kiš) Adad-šarrum s. Siru…, 307:20 (Yaḫr) Adad-šarrum, 307:7, rev. 10 (Yaḫr) Adad-šarrum, ikkarum, 287:7 Adad-šarrum, ša kurustê, 287:5 Adajātum, 285:2 Adam-Tel, 248:5 (D) Adattum, rē’ûm, 302:8 Adda-kalla s. Ilšu-abušu, 223:10 (S) Adidum, 303:37 Aḫa…, 231:12 (S) Aḫam-[arši (?)], 203:12, 17 Aḫam-nirši, 213:5, seal

Aḫātum d. Adad-bāni, 240:2 (D) Aḫī-aj-amši, 282:2 (D) Aḫi-asad, s. Puzur(?)-Amurrum, soldier of the šakkanakkum of Babylon, 241 rev. 12 (D) Aḫī-liblam (?), 199:8 (Lag) Aḫī-wēdum, 288:7 Aḫiāšu, 307:3 (Yaḫr) Aḫu-[…] s. Uraš-n[āṣir] (?), 256 rev. 4 (D) Aḫum, 198:3 Aḫuni, 271:12 (S) Aḫussunu (?), 217:27 (S) Aḫušina, 307 rev. 9 (Yaḫr) Aḫušunu, 196:18 (L) Aḫu-ṭābum, 199:18 (Lag) Aḫu-waqar, [the weaver], 245+:26 (D) Aḫu-waqar, 287:36 Aj-ēniš-Sîn, 241 rev. 11 (D) Aja-šarrat, 222:2 (S) Aja-tallik, 221:2, Le.E. (S) Akšaja s. Sîn-muballiṭ(?), 218:32 (S) Akšak-erībam, 224:24, 231:5 (S) Akšak-iddinam, 287:6 Ali-…, s. Ur-Utu, 201:6 Ali… (his w.), 286:5 Alī-abuša d. Qaraṣumuja, 230:11 (S) Ali-aḫḫūja w. of Sîn-wēdu, 255:4 Ali-bānišu, 224:4 (S) Ali-ilī, 202:11 Ali-kimar, kullizum, 194:10 (L) Ali-lūmur, šāpirum, 212:3, 306:3 (Yaḫr) Amat-…, 218:27 (S) Amat-Mamu d. Sinatum, nadītum, 226:4, 6 (S) Amat-Šamaš d. Ḫadānšu-likšud, nadītum, 224:9 (S) Amurrum-mansum s. Ipiq-Ištar, 229:28 (S) Ana-Lagamal-taklāku, slave, 243 rev. 5 (D) Ana-Šamaš-taklāku [s. Iddin-Amurrum], 218:34 Ana-šumīja-libluṭ, slave girl, 229:11 (S) Anakija, w. Itti-ilim-milkī, 232:3, 11 (D)

182

INDICES

Anātum, 255:16 Anātum, 289:15 (Yaḫr?) Anni-ilum, 243 rev. 8 (D) Annum-pišu s. Ipiq-Ištar, 234:15 (D) Apil-Adad, 285:9 Apil-Amurrum, 307:4, 313:6 Apil-erṣetim, šassukkum, 206:17 Apil-Ilabrat, 307 rev. 22 (Yaḫr) Apil-ilišu s. Iddin-Amurrum, 237:8 (D) Apil-ilišu s. Ilšu-nāṣir, 229:32 (S) Apil-ilišu, s. Warad-Sîn, 248:25 (D) Apil-ilišu, 194:9 (L) Apil-ilišu, 231:8 (S) Apil-ilišu, 282:1, rev. 8 (D) Apil-ilišu, 283:13 (Lag) Apil-ilišu, šarrabtum, 251:8 (D) Apil-ilišu, 265:2 Apil-Kubi (his w.), 287:49 Apil-Kubi, atkuppum, 199:20, 312:17 (Lag) Apil-Sî[n], 270:7 Apil-Sîn, 218:20, 230:5 (S) Apil-Sîn, 310:16 (D) Apiljātum, s. Ḫa…, 246:31 (D) Aplātum s. Ilšu-nāṣir, 211:5 Aplê (?), 202:12 Aplija s. Ḫašišum, 245+:28 (D) Arašuta, 196:15 (L) Ardum, 303:8 Arwium, 312:6 (Lag) Arwûm, of the šakkanakkum, 243:7 (D) Asānum, 243:8 (D) Asīrum s. Ipiq-Antum, 219 rev. 5, 248:30 (D) Ašqudum, scribe, 223:20 (S) Assalija, 230:13 (S) Assalum, 249:19 (D) Atanaḫ-ilī, s. Šu-Dingirmaḫ, 194:22 (L) Atkilum 220:24 (S) Attašu s. Ṭūbija, 307:9 (Yaḫr) Attātum, 307:19 (Yaḫr) Awīl-[…] s. Abu-waqar, 267:5 Awīl-Adad s. Ipqu-Šala, 215:21 (Yahr)

Awīl-Adad, 223:19 (S) Awil-Adad, scribe of…, 224:22 (S) Awīl-Adad, scribe, 256 rev. 12 (D) Awil-Adad, 287:45 Awīl-Amurrum s. Ḫapirum, 246:27 (D) Awīl-Amurrum, 248:13 (D) Awil-Amurrum, lú egir, 288 rev. 3 Awīl-Bau, 232:7 (D) Awil-Gašra, 309:5 (D) Awil-Ištar s. Abijatum, sandanakkum, 306:6, seal (Yaḫr) Awīl-Mīšar…, 276:8 (S) Awīl-Mīšar, scribe, 214 (S) Awīl-Nabium s. Akšak-erībam, 224:24 (S) Awil-Nabium, 291:1 Awil-Šamaš, 304:15 Awīl-Sîn, 229:21 (S) Awil-Sîn, 289:10 (Yaḫr?) Awil-Sîn, 291:12 Awīl-Sîn, šassukkum, 195:5 (L) Awil…, s. Jakūnu[m], 208, seal Awīlaki s. Sîn-rē’ī, 220:2, 3 (S) Awilātum, 303:24 Awīlum, 217:19 (S) Ba…, 292:4 Babānum, 249:5 (D) Balalum, 192:2 (L) Balalum, 265:1 Balṭum-kāšid, 241:4, rev. 2 (D) Bāš-ilum s. Apil-Ilabrat, 307 rev. 22 (Yaḫr) Bāš-ilum, 287:44 Bāš-Išum, 307 rev. 13 (Yaḫr) Bāšti-Ilaba, 283:20 (Lag) Begagum, 191:20 Belaki, šakkanakkum of Dilbat, 243:1 Bēlānija, 218:33 (S) Bēlānum, 263:15 (Yaḫr) Bēlānum, 313:8 Bēle[ssunu], 230:14 (S) Bēlī-…, 292:10 Bēlī-ašarēd, 245+:29 (D) Bēlija, 284:3

INDICES

Bēlija, 309, seal (D) Bēlijātum, 227:18 (S) Bēli-nāṣir, 206:21 Bēlšunu s. Ibbi-Sîn, 231:3 (S) Bēlšunu s. Warad-ilišu, 229:35 (S) Bēlšunu, 210:5, 275:3, 289:18 (Yaḫr?), 303:33 Bēltani, 288:3 Bēltani, w. Santanneš, 215:4, 12 (Yaḫr) Bibitum, 283:7 (Lag) Bina-Tēl, 220:26 (S) Bu..lim, 249:16 (D) Buladātum, 281:4 (D) Bunikunum (?), 255:15 Būr-Adad, 231:2 (S) Būrātum, 263:4 (Yaḫr) Būrija, 307:4 (Yaḫr) Burri, 290:10 (Yaḫr?) Dadâ, 284:13 Dadâ (w.), 287:46 Dān-Uraš s.Warad-Sîn, 249:17 (D) Di ku ta bi ki, 257 rev. 5 (Kiš) Dilbat-abī, 236:5 (D) Dugani-nu-kurru, 257 rev. 5 (Kiš) Dulluqum, 308:11 (case) Dumuq-…, 224:23 (S) Ea-dāpin, 308:3 Ea-rabi, 303:13 Ebabbar-lūmur, 304:6 Elmēšum, nāqidum, 194:7 (L) En(n)um-ilī s. Ilī-amranni, 233 rev. 3 (D) Enlil-abī, nāqidum, 194:6 (L) Enlil-issu, 202:13 Enlil-mansum, 224:2, 6, 26 (S) Enlil-medu, 191:18, 266:5 Enlil-nāṣir, 287:30 Enlil-nīšu (w.), 288:1 Ennam-Sîn, 308:13 (case) Ennum-ilī s. Ilī-[amranni], 244:5 (D) Epeš-ilī, 307 rev. 5 (Yaḫr) Erībam s. Nūr-…, 218:31 (S)

183

Erībam s. Uraš-abī, 238:7 (D) Erībam, 291:4 Erišti-Aja d. Ilšu-ibbišu, nadītum, 218:8, 40 (S) Erišti-Aja d. Lu-Iškura, nadītum, 225:5, 7, 9 (S) Erṣija, 307 rev. 14 (Yaḫr) Eškit-El s. Assalum, 249:19 (D) Ete[l-…], 282 rev. 2 (D) Eteja, 310:10, 19 (D) Etejatum, 248:12 (D) Etel(?)-[…], 201 rev. 12 Etel-pi-Marduk, 209:12 (Yaḫr) Etel-pi-Marduk, 285:12 Etel-pi-Nabium, 311:4 (Lag) Etel-pi-Nusku, gurgurrum, 205:14 (Yaḫr) Etel-pi-Sîn, 196:17 Etel-pi-Sîn, 231:1 (S) Etel-pi-Sîn, 307:18 (Yaḫr) Etel-pi-Uraš, 248:14, 17 (D) Etellum s. Gagâ, 243:6 (D) Etellum s. Qardu-Uraš, 245+:25 (D) Eṭerija, 288:4, rev. 1, 5 Eṭerum s. Zababa-ellil-ilī, 257 rev. 7 (Kiš) Eṭerum, 223:3 (S) Eṭerum, 257 rev. 4, 7 (Kiš) Gagâ, 243:6 (D) Geme-Asalluḫi d. Nabium-atpalam, 229:1, 6, 8, 19, 22 (S) Gimil-Marduk s. Puduši, 215:20 (Yaḫr) Gimil-Marduk, 279:3 Gimillum, 227:16 (S) Gimillum, 269:2 Gimillum s. Ḫablum, 303:5 Ḫa…, 230:15 (S) Ḫabil-aḫī s. Migir-Sîn, 206:6, seal Ḫabil-kīnum, 291:11 Ḫabil-kīnum, 307:2 (Yaḫr) Ḫabil-kīnum s. Ṣilli-Sîn (?), 229:36 (S) Ḫabilum s. Sasā, 246:6, 7, 16, 25 (D) Ḫabli-ilim, 303:17

184

INDICES

Ḫablum, 296:2, 303:5 Ḫabnum, 245+:27 (D) Ḫadānšu-likšud, 224:9 (S) Ḫadunum, 310:21, seal (D) Ḫakirātum…, 233:6 (D) Ḫammu-rabi, 223:16 (S), 248:21, 250 rev. 8 (D) Ḫapirum, 246:27 (D) Ḫašišum, 245+:28 (D) Ḫāzirum, 210:20 Ḫinṣum, 289:24 (Yaḫr?) Ḫiparja s. Sîn-nāṣir, 232:22 (D) Ḫubbutum, 285:13 Ḫumtum, w. Pala-Adad, 286:6 Ḫunnabātum,…, 287:14 Ḫunnabija, scribe, 310 Le.E. (D) Ḫunnātum, d. A…, 303:4 Ḫunnubtia d. Ḫuzzubum, 221 Le.E. (S) Ḫuššutum, 230:2 (S) Ḫuzālum s. Marduk-nāṣir, 248:2, 6, 18, 251:4 (D) Ḫuzālum, 287:56 Ḫuzzubum, 221 Le.E. (S) I-…, 289:25 (Yaḫr?) Iba-šarrum, 307 rev. 6 (Yaḫr) Iballuṭ s. Balkātim, 309:11 (D) Iballuṭ s. Nūr-Šamaš, 218:4 (S) Iballuṭ, 285:5 Ibbātum, 277:4 Ibbi-Ilabrat s. Šamaš-adrī, 246:30 (D) Ibbi-Ilabrat, 224:8 (S) Ibbi-Ilabrat, šarrabtum, 251:10 (D) Ibbi-Šamaš, 271:4 (S) Ibbi-Sîn, 231:3 (S) Ibbi-Sîn, 232:10, 245+:22 (D) Ibbi-Sîn, 309:4, seal 2 Ibnātum s. Awīlija, 213:19 Ibnātum, 307:24 (Yaḫr) Ibnātum, 303:25 Ibni-…, 201:9, Le.E., 287:1, 295:5 Ibni-Adad, scribe, 257 rev. 9 (Kiš) Ibni-Adad s. Etel-pî-Nabium, 213:18, seal

Ibni-Adad, 211:2, 3, seal Ibni-Adad, 291:13, 17 Ibni-Amurrum, purkullum, 276:4 (S) Ibni-Amurrum, sukkal-atûm, 280:15 (S) Ibni-Amurrum, 222 rev. 12 (S) Ibni-Ea s. Eṭerum, 257 rev. 4 (Kiš) Ibni-Ea s. Ennam-Sîn, 308:8 Ibni-Enlil, dume é-dub-ba-a, 277:7 Ibni-Gibil s. Šamaš-bāni, 231:6 (S) Ibni-Ištar, 289:11 (Yaḫr?) Ibni-Marduk, 290:2 (Yaḫr?) Ibni-Marduk, scribe, 219 U.E. 8 (S) Ibni-Marduk, 287:50 Ibni-Šamaš, 303:26, 35 Ibni-Šērum, 210:21 Idadum, atûm, 220:22 (S) Iddin-…, 250 rev. 7 (D) Iddin-x x, 289:5 (Yaḫr?) Iddin-Adad s. Sîn-ludlul, 229:27 (S) Iddin-Adad, 289:8 (Yaḫr?) Iddin-Adad, 291:14 Iddin-Amurrum s. Ipiq-Nunu, 310:23 (D) Iddin-Amurrum, 237:10, 249:23 (D) Iddin-Amurrum, 287:27 Iddin-Bunene, 231:10 (S) Iddin-Gibil, 231:9 (S) Iddin-Ilabrat, šassukkum, 195 rev. 16 (L) Iddin-Irra, 224:21 (S) Iddin-Ištar, 202:14 Iddin-Lagamal, 235:9, 237:13, 37, seal, 241 rev. 8, 242 rev. 8, 246:28, 248:11, 310:12, 27 (D) Iddin-Lagamal, itinnum, 309:15 (D) Iddin-Lagamal s. Ilī-amranni, 233:2, 7, 234:7 (D) Iddin-Lagamal s. Ipqātum, 237:30 (D) Iddin-Lagamal s. Jamnum, 238:20, seal (D) Iddin-Lagamal s. Warad-Sîn, 248:24 (D) Iddin-Nabium, 291:8 Iddin-Nabium (?) s. Abum-waqar, 219 rev. 3 (S) Iddin-Nabium s. Abum-waqar, 248:29 (D)

INDICES

Iddin-Sîn s. Ilī-tukultī, 309:7 (D) Iddin-Sîn s. Ilī-asî, 219 rev. 6, 248:32, seal (D) Iddin-Sîn, 220:23 (S) Iddin-Šamaš (?) s. Ur-Enlil (?), 217:24 (S) Iddin-Uraš, 282 rev. 3 (D) Iddin-Uraš, šangûm-priest of Uraš, 243:2 (D) Iddin-Zababa s. Sîn-išmeanni, 257 rev. 8 (Kiš) Iddin-Zababa, 257 rev. 6 (Kiš) Iddin-Zababa, 288 rev. 2 Iddinja, 218:7 (S) Iddinja, 254 rev. 3 (D) Iddinjātum, 236:17 (D) Ide-Adad, 302:7 Igmil-Sîn, abi ašlim, 195 rev. 17 (L) Ikun-pi-Enlil, 309:13 (D) Ikūn-pi-Sîn, 238:26, 310:25 (D) Ikuppi-… s. Uppul-…, 201 rev. 4 Ikuppīša, 203:25 Ilabrat-bāni, 220:20 (S) Ilam-ēreš, 196:16 (L) Ilī-abī, 245+:23, 24 (D) Ilī-aḫtalija, 292:1 Ilī-amranni, 233:8, rev. 3, 234:8 (D) Ilī-amranni, nukarribum, 201 rev. 6 Ilī-asî, 219 rev. 6, 242 rev. 10 (?), 246:5. 248:32, seal (D) Ilī-awīlim, rabiānum, 207:15 (Yaḫr) Ilī-awīlim-rabi, 263:13 (Yaḫr) Ilī-bānî s. Nabi-ilīšu, 215:3, 5 (Yaḫr) Ilī-bānî, 279:4, 11 Ilī-bāni, 200:2, 9, 12, 15, 19, 23 (Yaḫr) Ilī-damiq s. Nannatum, 229:33 (S) Ilī-erībam, 222 rev. 11 (S) Ilī-erībam, 35:1 (D) Ilī-ḫiṭanni, 209:1, 2 (Yaḫr) Ilī-iddinam, 249:6 (D) Ilī-iddinam, 307:5, rev. 16 (Yaḫr) Ilī-imguranni, 199:16 (Lag) Ilī-imguranni, 282:3 (D) Ilī-ināja, 232:8, 234:6 (D)

185

Ilī-ippalsam, 207:7, 263:12 (Yaḫr) Ilī-ippalsam, 310:8 (D) Ilī-ippalsam, rē’ûm, 194:15 (L) Ilī-ippalsam, 270:12 Ilī-iqīšam, 303:3 Ilī-iqīšam, gallābum, 287:3 Ilī-iqīšam, mallāḫum, 303:6 Ilī-ma-aḫī, 291:5 Ilī-ma-aḫī, šu-ku6, 287:9 Ilī-ma-lulīm, atkuppum, 312:5 (Lag) Ilī-naplisa(m), 287:31 Ilī-tukultī s. Zizam-ilī, 233 rev. 4 (D) Ilī-tūram, 214:12 (S) Ilī-u-Šamaš s. Iddin-Bunene, 231:10 (S) Ilī-u-Šamaš, 285:4 Ilšu-abušu, 223:11 (S) Ilšu-bāni s. Nūr-ilīšu, 220:29 (S) Ilšu-bāni, 218:35 (S) Ilšu-ibbišu, 218:9 (S) Ilšu-ibni, 206:19 Ilšu-ibnīšu s. Bēlijātum, 227:18, seal (S) Ilšu-māgi[r…], 203:13 Ilšu-nāṣir, 229:32 (S) Ilšu-nāṣir, 303:9 Ilšu-tillassu s. Ikuppī-x (?), 229:38 (S) Ilšu-tillassu, 204:3 Iltani, princess, nadītum, 227:3, 228:7 (S) Iltani d. Ibbi-Ilabrat, nadītum, 224:8 (S) Ilum-abī, 243:5 (S) Ilum-damiq, 215, seal (Yaḫr) Ilum-ḫabil, 291:15, PA MAR.TU Ilum-mušallim, 197:16 (BT) Ilum-nāṣir, 220:27 (S) Imdilum, 289:3 (Yaḫr?) Imgur-Nanna s. Iddin-Lagamal, 310:27 (D) Imgur-Sîn s. Ipiq-Ištar, 220:18 (S) Imgurja, 218:38 (S) Imgurūja s. Abâ, 309:8 (D) Imgurum s. of Sîn-šēme, 243:3 (D) Imgurum, 242 rev. 11 (D) Imḫur-mātam-Marduk s. Nūrija, 215:17 (Yaḫr) Inanna-…, 291:10

186

INDICES

Ina-palêšu, 252:4 Inbuša, 307:27 (Yaḫr) Ipa-ila, 285:6 Ipiq-Antum, 219 rev. 5 (S) Ipiq-Antum, 248:30 (D) Ipiq-erṣetim, 307 rev. 27 (Yaḫr) Ipiq-Išḫara, 237:33, 244:6 (D) Ipiq-Ištar, 220:18, 229:28 (S) Ipiq-Ištar, 234:15 (D) Ipiq-Ištar s. Nūrija, 237:28, seal (D) Ipiq-Nunu, 310:23 (D) Ipiq(?)-ilīšu s. Lugal-Utu (?), 222 rev. 9 (S) Ippalis, šangûm, 250 rev. 10 (D) Ipqātum s. Ea(?)-ma-ilum, 205:13 (Yaḫr) Ipqātum s. Nēberum, 236:19 (D) Ipqātum, 205:4 (Yaḫr), 290:9 (Yaḫr?) Ipqātum, 237:29, 287:12 Ipqu-…, 217:4, 231:7 (S) Ipqu-Annunītum s. Iddin-Irra, 224:21 (S) Ipqu-Araḫtum, 250:4, rev. 5 (D) Ipqu-ilī s. Ilī-iddinam, 249:6 (D) Ipqu-Šala, 215:21 (Yaḫr) Ipquša s. Ibbi-Sîn, 232:10 (D) Ipquša s. Ilum-abī, 243:5, 245+:24 (D) Ir-Nanna, 304:1 Irībam-Sîn, itinnum, 191:21 Irra-imittī s. Bēlija, šakkanakkum, 309:1, seal 1 (D) Irra-imittī s. Sîn-nāṣir, 232:21 (D) Irra-muballiṭ, 219 rev. 2 (S) Irra-muballiṭ, 248:28 (D) Išdum-kīn, 217:5, 17, 23 (S) Iškur-mansum, šāpir tamkarī, 280:16 (S) Išluku, ikkarum, 284:11 Išme-.., 289:17 (Yaḫr?) Išme-Adad, scribe, 237:38 Išme-Ea, 242 rev. 10 (D) Išme-Sîn, 230:10 (S) Išme-Sîn, 304:4 Ištar-Lagabîtum-ummī, 312:15 (Lag) Išum-ibni s. Ibbi-Šamaš, 271:3 (S) Itti-ilim-milkī, 232:11 (D) Itti-Šamaš-balassu, 287:8

Itti-Šamaš-ṭēmī, 299:2 (S) Itti-Uraš-milkī, 282 rev. 7 (D) Ja…, 292:3 Jabānum, 308:11, case 9 Jadu… s. Dadija (?), 201 rev. 10 Jaḫ […], 218:3 (S) Jaḫzub-El, 221:7 (S) Jakūnum, 208 seal (D) Jamnum, 238:20 (D) Jaškit-El s. Assalum, 249:19 (D) KA GA KA, 309:18 (D) Kakâ, 236:6 Kalūmu s.…-iddinam, 223:18 (S) Kalūmum, 197:13 (BT) Kalūmum, 198:4 Kaspum, 223:6 (S) Kigula s. Šeš-dingir-mu, 219 U.E. 8, 248:31 (D) Kiṣṣum-māgir, 287:29 Kubburum, 283:16 (Lag) Kubburum, 289:21 (Yaḫr?) Kubbutum s. Aḫuni, 271:11 (S) Kudānum s.…, 249:5, 20, 22 (D) Kurûm s. Iddin-Amurrum, 237:9 (D) Kurûm, 282 rev. 13 (D) Kutâ s. Mannum-kīma-ilīja, 229:31 (S) Kutum s. Puzur-Nunu, 217:20 (S) La-[…], 274:3 Lagamal-gāmil s. Ibbi-Sîn, scribe, 245+:21, 247 seal, 309:3, seal 2 (D) Lagātum s. Warad-…, 245+:32 (D) Lalûtum d. Ilī-bānî s. Nabi-ilīšu, 215:1 (Yaḫr) Lamassātum d. Sîn-rē’ī, nadītum, 220:5, 10, 13 (S) Lamassī d. Ilšu-abušu, sister of Adda-kalla and Šumi-erṣetim, 223:8, 13 (S) Lamassu, 209:4 (Yaḫr) Lamassum, 287:47 Lipḫur-Damru, 287:10 Lipit-[…], 256:3 (D)

INDICES

Lipit-Ištar, šangûm, 218:21, 220:18 (S) Lipit-Enlil, 235:5 (D) Lipit-X, 287:2 Lu-Iškura, 217:7, 225:7 (S) Lujātum (?), 221:4 (S) Lulum, 196:12 (L) Lumātum s. Sukallum, 309:12 (D) Lumātum, 245+:2, 3 (D) Lusātum, itinnum, 191:23 Luštammar-Adad, kutimmum, 227:15 (S) Ma’itum, 287:43 Masqum, 289:19 (Yaḫr?) Majātum s. Assalija, 230:12 (S) Mannašu s. Šamaš-māgir, 229:34 (S) Manni-Šamaš, 289:22, 290:3, 307 rev. 4 (Yaḫr?) Mannija s. Sîn-ennam, 243:4 (D) Mannum-kīma-ilīja, 229:31 (S) Mannum-šāninšu, 232:9 (D) Mannum-šuklul, 258:6 (D) Mār-Amurrum, scribe, 229:37 (S) Mār-Bābilim, 200:3, 6, 10, 13, 16, 20, 24 (Yaḫr) Mār-Bābilim s. Ilum-damiq, sandanakkum, 215:16, seal (Yaḫr) Mār-Dannatum, 307 rev. 17 (Yaḫr) Mār-erṣetim (!), 287:28 Mār-erṣetim (?), 233:5 (D) Mār-erṣetim, 269:4 Mār-erṣetim, 282 rev. 4 (D) Mār-erṣetim, 282:9 (D) Mār-erṣetim, iššakkum, 287:18 Mār-erṣetim, PA.PA, 206:16 Mār-ešrê, 303:34 Mār-Sippir s. Sîn-iddinam, 229:29 (S) Mārān-kīnā, 244:7 (D) Mārat-erṣetim (?) d. Sîn(?)-māgir, 231:17 (S) Marduk-dajjān, 205:5 (Yaḫr) Marduk-gāmil s. Rīš-Tutu, 235:6 (D) Marduk-lamassašu, gallābum, 280:14 (S) Marduk-muballiṭ, 290:4 (Yaḫr?)

187

Marduk-mudammiq, kullizum, 194:18 (L) Marduk-mušallim s. Būr-Adad, 231:2 (S) Marduk-mušallim, 276:7 (S) Marduk-mušallim, šandabakkum, 212:7, 305:7 (Yaḫr) Marduk-nabir, 207:3, 4 (Yaḫr) Marduk-nāṣir s. Narām-[…], 222 rev. 5 (S) Marduk-nāṣir, 216:24, 287:21 Marduk-nāṣir, 248:2 (D) Marduk-nāṣir, 307:17 (Yaḫr) Marduk-nāṣir, šakkanakkum of Dilbat, 250:9 (D) Marūṣum s. Anni-ilum (?), 243 rev. 7, Le.E. (D) Me-a-im-ri-a-mu, kalûm of Zababa, 257 rev. 2 (Kiš) Melūlum, 312:13 (Lag) Meslimatum d. Ibbi-Sîn, 232:13 (D) Migir-Sîn, 206:6, seal Mīšarum-gāmil, 312:12 (Lag) Mudadum s. of [Uštašni-ilum], 218:29 (S) Mudadum, 218:2 (S) Muḫaddîtum, 287:35 Munānum s. Šamaš-dūrī (?), 246:29 (D) Muna[wwirtum (?)] d. Sîn-ippalsam, 221:22 (S) Munawwirtum, 287:42 Munawwirtum, 307:15 (Yaḫr) Muti-El, Sutû, 303:30 Mutum-me-El s. Jabānum, 308:11, case 8 Mutûma, 256:6, 7 (D) Nabi-Enlil, 193:6 Nabi-ilišu, 215:3, 5 (Yaḫr) Nabium-atpalam, 229:1, 3, 18 (S) Nabium-malik, rabiānum, 207:17:4 (Yaḫr) Nabium-mālik, 287:22 Nabium-mušallim, lú KA.KA, 280:12 (S) Nabium-naplisam, 283:1 (Lag) Nabium-nāṣir, nāgirum, 280:17 (S) [Na]bium(?)-nīšu…, 251:11 (D) Naḫara (?), 203:6

188

INDICES

Nāḫilum s. Iddin-Lagamal, 235:9, 237:13, 246:28, 310:11 (D) Nāḫilum, 236:2, 7, 13, 238:11 f., 240:3, 8, 241:5, rev. 1, 242:7, 243 rev. 4, 10, 245+:1, 256:1, 309:21, 310:3, 4 (D) Nakartum, 289:4 (Yaḫr?) Namrātum, 282:8 (D) Nanna-[…] s. Sîn-[…], 256 rev. 2 (D) Nanna-lu-ti (?), 273:5 Nanna-medu, 204:4, 10 Nanna-šuku s. of Sîn-šēme, 236:18, 238:27, 241 rev. 10, 245+:31, 246:33, 310:22 (D) Nannatum, 229:33 (S) Nannatum s. A…, 286:3 Nannatum s. Tutu-nāṣir, 254:3 (D) Nanna-ug-tila, 194:12 (L) [Nap]sānum, 230:14 (S) Napšeram-ilī, 237:2, 35 (D) Narām-ilišu s. Išme-Sîn, 230:10 (S) Narāmtani, 231:8 (S) Narāmtum d. Ilum-nāṣir, 220:27 (S) Narāmtum, w. of Ali…, 286:5 Narubtum d. Bina-Tēl, 220:26 (S) Nēberum, 236:19 (D) Nidin-…, itinnum, 201 rev. 8 Nidintum, 286:4 Nidnat-[Sîn], 231:14 (S) Nigga-Nanna s. Iddin-Lagamal, 237:37, seal, 241 rev. 9, 242 rev. 9 (D) Nigga-Nanna s. Mannum-šuklul, 258:4 (D) Nin-bantuk, 220:21 (S) Ninnû, 287:51 Ninšubur-mansum, šāpirum of the nadītumwomen, 230:9 (S) Ninurta-gāmil, 202:9 Niraḫ-šemi, 307:28 (Yaḫr) Niši-inīšu, nadītum (?), 223:21 (S) Nīši-inišu, 287:25 Nūr-ilī, 218:6 (S) Nūr-ilišu s. Ilī-bāni, 191:19 Nūr-ilišu, 215, seal (Yaḫr)

Nūr-ilīšu, 220:29 (S) Nūr-ilišu, 191:4 Nūr-Kabta, 198:2 Nūr-Kabta, 246:4, 32 (D) Nūr-Kubi s. Dulluqum, 308:10 Nūr-Šamaš, 218:5 (S) Nūr-Šamaš, scribe, 215:23 (Yaḫr) Nūr-Wēdum, 307 rev. 23 (Yaḫr) Nūrātum, 209:13 (Yaḫr) Nurātum, 279:8 Nūrija, 215:17 (Yaḫr) Nūrija, 237:28, seal (D) Nuṭṭuptum d. At/Ṣi/kilum, 220:24 (S) Nuṭṭuptum, d. Lu-Iškura, nadītum, 217:6 (S) Pakuni, 287:26 Pala-Adad, 286:6 (his w.) Palaja, 203:26 Palûšu-līrik, 212:5, 305:5 (Yaḫr) Pin…, 192:10 (L) Pirḫi-Amurrum, 271:10 (S) Pirḫi-ilišu, 227:5 (S) Pirḫum s. Ikūn-pi-Sîn, 238:26, 256 rev. 10 (D) Pirḫum, mallāḫum, 303:2 Pirḫum, 196:7 (L) Pirḫum, 307 rev. 26 (Yaḫr) Pirḫum, 285:8 Pirḫum-lizziz, 310:24 (D) Puduši, 215:20 (Yaḫr) Pûm-kīnum, 234:17 (D) Puṣija, 255:17 Puṣû, 256 rev. 7 (D) Puzur-Nabium, 217:22 (S) Puzur-Uraš, 243, seal (D) Puzur(?)-Amurrum, 241 rev. 12 (D) Qaqqadija s. Mannum-šuklul, 258:2 (D) Qaqqadija, 234:19, 309:14 (D) Qaqqarum, 234:19 (D) Qaraṣumuja, 230:11 (S) Qardu-Uraš, 245+:25 (D) Qīš-Bau, 202:10

INDICES

Qīšti-Amurrum, 206:18 Qīštum, 304:14 Qurdi-I[štar], 256 rev. 9 (D) Rā’imānu, 289:20 (Yaḫr?) Rabiānum s. Sîn-nāṣir, 308:4, seal Rabūssa, 263:6 (Yaḫr) Ramātum, 223:5 (S) Rībam-ilī s. Nūr-ilišu, 215:19, seal (Yaḫr) Ribātum d. Mannum-šuklul, 258:5 (D) Ribātum, 307:23 (Yaḫr) Rīm-Adad, 307:11 (Yaḫr) Rimātum, 303:7 Rīš-Irra s. Asānum, 243:8 (D) Rīš-Marduk, 207:6 (Yaḫr) Rīš-Marduk, 291:2 Rīš-Šubula x, 287:59 Rīš-Tutu, 235:7 (D) Rīš-Uraš s. Babānum, 249:5 (D) Rīš-Wēdum, 307:8 (Yaḫr) Rīšātum, PA MAR.TU, 290:6 (Yaḫr?) Rubātum, 287:34 Ruttum, 283:17 (Lag) Sabībum s. Abum-ṭābum, 220:4, 6, 12 (S) Sābîtum, 224:3 (S) Sabium, 221:12 (S), 309:24, seal 1(D) Sakatija s. Ilī-asî, 246:5, 7, 16, 25 (D) Samāja d. Ibni-…, 201:8 Samsu-iluna, 224:18, 229:25 (S) Samuraḫ s. Assalija, 230:12 (S) Santanneš, 215:4, 12 (Yaḫr) Sar[riqum] (?), 256:4 (D) Sarrum, 208:7 (D) Sasā, 246:6 (D) Silsilum, 282 rev. 5 (D) Sîn(?)-[…], 203:23 Sîn(?)-māgir, 231:18 (S) Sîn-išmeanni (?), 242 rev. 6 (D) Sin-…, 289:23 (Yaḫr?) Sîn-abušu s. Šamaš-dajjān, 218:38 (S) Sîn-aḫam-iddinam s. Iddinja, 254 rev. 2 (D) Sîn-aḫam-iddinam, 287:23

189

Sîn-aḫum, 282:7 (D) Sîn-bāni, 282 rev. 12 (D) Sîn-bāni, 307 rev. 7 (Yaḫr) Sîn-bēl-aplim, 248:6, 18, 26 (D) Sîn-bēl-aplim, mār itinnim, 297:3 (S) Sîn-bēl-aplim, 202:3 Sîn-ennam, 243:4 (D) Sîn-ennam, 203:22 Sîn-ēreš, 206:4 Sîn-ēreš, 284:5 Sîn-erībam s. Ak[šak-…], 218:30 (S) Sîn-erībam, 285:7 Sîn-erīmšu, 293:8 (Nippur) Sîn-gāmil s. Puzur-…, 218:36 (S) Sîn-gāmil, 241:2 (D) Sîn-gāmil, 307 rev. 3 (Yaḫr) Sîn-idinnam s. Imlik- Sîn(?), 286:1 Sîn-iddinam s. Qurdi-I[štar], 256 rev. 8 (D) Sîn-iddinam, mu’errum, 195:6 (L) Sîn-iddinam, nāqidum, 228:11 (S) Sîn-iddinam, scribe, 254 rev. 4 (D) Sîn-iddinam, 229:29 (S) Sîn-iddinam, 289:9, 307 rev. 23 (Yaḫr) Sîn-iddinam, 216:13, 21, 253:5, 18, 284:4, 285:11 Sîn-iḫšuḫ s. Ilī-abī, 245+:23 (D) Sîn-ilī, 248:3 (D) Sîn-ilī, 284:29 Sîn-imgur, rē’ûm, 194:14 (L) Sîn-imguranni, 282 rev. 10 (D) Sîn-imittī, 288 rev. 4 Sîn-iqīšam, 253:14, 292:2, 303:12 Sîn-išme-… s. Ib…, scribe (?), 223, seal (S) Sîn-išmeanni s. Marduk-nāṣir, 216:24 Sîn-išmeanni, 194:17 (L) Sîn-išmeanni, 227:17 (S) Sîn-išmeanni, 257 rev. 8 (Kiš) Sîn-išmeanni, 306:4, 307:26 (Yaḫr) Sîn-išmenni, 194:18 (L) Sîn-išmenni, 214:15 (S) Sîn-ja s. Šamaš-tillatī, 232:25 (D) Sîn-līdiš, 288 rev. 6

190

INDICES

Sîn-ludlul, 229:27 (S) Sîn-ludlul, 202:15 Sîn-ma-ilī, 191:24 Sîn-māgir s. Ipqātum, 248:23, 237:29 (D) Sîn-māgir, scribe, 241:14 (D) Sîn-māgir, 284:24, 304:9 Sîn-muballiṭ s. Aḫu-waqar, 191:17 Sîn-muballiṭ s. Mannum-šuklul, 258:3 (D) Sîn-muballiṭ [s. Q]aqqarum, 234:18 (D) Sîn-muballiṭ, 236:16, 237:22, 238:18, 241 rev. 5, 242:9 (D) Sîn-muballiṭ, 304:12 Sîn-mušallim s. Iddinja(tum), 236:17, 237:32 (D) Sîn-mušimmi, nārum (?), s. Pûm-kīnum, 234:16 (D) Sîn-nādin-šumi s. Ipqu-…, 231:7 (S) Sîn-nādin-šumi s. Šu-Amurrum, 216:23 Sîn-nādin-šumī, scribe, 225 rev. 1 (S) Sîn-nādin-šumī, 290:1 (Yaḫr?) Sîn-nāṣir, 232:24, 233:5, 238:4, 13 (D) Sîn-nāṣir, scribe, 308:9, seal Sîn-rabi s.…, 310:26 (D) Sîn-rabi s. Irra-muballiṭ, 248:27 (D) Sîn-rē’ī, 220:3, 6, 11, 14 (S) Sîn-rēmēni s. Marduk-nāṣir, 307:17 (Yaḫr) Sîn-rēmēni, mu’errum, 312:2 (Lag) Sîn-rēmēni, 231:11 (S) Sîn-rēmēni, 289:1 (Yaḫr?) Sîn-rēmēni, 251 rev. 2 Sîn-šamuḫ, 307:12 (Yaḫr) Sîn-šar-mātim, 196:13 (L) Sîn-šarrum, 287:4 Sîn-šēme, 236:18, 238:27, 241 rev. 10, 243:3, 245+:31, 249:21, 310:22 (D) Sîn-šēme, scribe, 233 rev. 6, 244:9 (D) Sîn-šēmī, 304:5 Sîn-tajjār, ikkarum, 254:1 (D) Sîn-tūram, 194:4 (L) Sîn-uselli, 284:18 Sîn-wēdu, 255:5 Sîn-x…, 294:6 Sinātum s. Sîn-išmeanni, 227:17 (S)

Sinātum, 226:4 (S) Sinātum, 210:19 Sînnī, ikkarum, 194:4 (L) Siru…, 307:20 (Yaḫr) Sumu-la-El, 217:16 (S), 244:1 (D) Sunabum s. Sîn-nāṣir, 232:23 (D) Sunabum, 233 rev. 2 (D) Ṣarpanītum-nīšu, 283:5 (Lag) Ṣerrēnu, 210:2, 3, 12, 13 Ṣi / Atkilum, 220:25 (S) Ṣikilum, 220:24 (S) Ṣilli-Adad (?), 287:57 Ṣilli-Damkina, sandanakkum, 307:25 (Yaḫr) Ṣilli-Ištar, 192:9, 196:11 (L) Ṣillija, 287:37 Ṣilli-Sîn (?), 229:36 (S) Ṣilli-Sîn, itinnum, 191:22 Ṣilliša, 307:14 (Yaḫr) Ṣilli-Šamaš, šatammum, 197:12 (BT) Ṣilli-Šamaš, 262:3 Ša-Aja s. Etel-pî-Sîn, 231:1 (S) Ša-Damu…, 284:28 Šakkan-ilī, 307 rev. 15 (Yaḫr) Šalaštum, 287:33 Šallūrtum, 221:3 (S) Šallūrtum, 246:8, 17, 19 (D) Šallūrum, 248:10 (D) Šamajātum, 282:4 (D) Šamajātum, 297:2 (S) Šamaš-…, 270:8 Šamaš-abī, IM, 282:5 (D) Šamaš-abī, 289:16 (Yaḫr?) Šamaš-abī, 216:2, 4, 12, 15, 21 Šamaš-aja-aḫāš, 287:40 Šamaš-balaṭī, 287:61 Šamaš-bāni s. Nūr-[…], 229:4, 6, 9 (S) Šamaš-bāni, 231:6 (S) Šamaš-bēl-ilī, 303:22 Šamaš-dajjān, 195 rev. 17 (L) Šamaš-dūrī, 246:29, cf. 30 (D) Šamaš-ellil-ilī s. Ubarija, 263:14, seal (Yaḫr) Šamaš-gāmil, 206:20 Šamaš-gāmil, 223:17 (S)

INDICES

Šamaš-gimlanni, 290:8 (Yaḫr?) Šamaš-ibnišu, 291:20 Šamaš-ilī, 266:4 Šamaš-ina-mātim, 287:15 Šamaš-ināja, 299:1 (S) Šamaš-itê s. Ra…, 229:30 (S) Šamaš-liwwir s. Iddin-Gibil, 231:9 (S) Šamaš-māgir, 196:5, 6 (L) Šamaš-māgir, 307:13 (Yaḫr) Šamaš-muballiṭ, 312:10 (Lag) Šamaš-mušēzib (his w.), 287:32 Šamaš-mušēzib, 287:20 Šamaš-naḫrārī, 279:12 Šamaš-nāṣir s. Akšak-erībam, 231:5 (S) Šamaš-nāṣir s. Imgurja, 218:37 (S) Šamaš-nāṣir, itinnum, 297:1 (S) Šamaš-nāṣir, gugallum, 205:15 (Yaḫr) Šamaš-nāṣir, 199:24 (Lag) Šamaš-nawir, 304:11 Šamaš-nīšu, 283:3 (Lag) Šamaš-nīšu, 287:41 Šamaš-nūr-mātim, 266:3 Šamaš-nūrī 221:5 (S) Šamaš-tillatī, 232:25 (D) Šamaš-tillatī, 307:22 (Yaḫr) Šamaš-tukultī, 287:48 Šamaš-um…, 291:6 Šamaš/Sîn-tappa-wēdim s. Sîn-išmeanni (?), 242 rev. 5 (D) Šamātum, 284:9 Šamuḫ-Sîn, šangûm, 218:22, 220:19, 222 rev. 2, 230:7 (S) Šamuḫtum (w.), 288:5 Šamur-ezēssa, 290:7 (Yaḫr?) Šarrum-Adad, 213:2, 3 Šarrum-Adad, 237:31 (D) Šarrum-kīma-ilī, 212:4, 306:4 (Yaḫr) Šāt-Adad, 287:13 Šāt-Aja d. Jaḫzub-El, 221:6 (S) Šāt-Uraš d. Ilī-ippalsam, 310:8, 19 (D) Šēp-[Sîn (?)], 210:15 Šērujātum, bā’irum (?), 307:1 (Yaḫr) Šērum-bāni, 307 rev. 19 (Yaḫr) Šērum-bāni, 303:20

191

Šērum-ilī, 291:9 Šeš-dingir-mu, 219 U.E. 8 (S) Šimat-Ištar w. Šūnuḫum, 286:2 Šimti-x x s. Warad-Sîn, 222 rev. 7 (S) Šimti-Sîn s. Warad-Uraš, 245+:30 Šu-… 238, seal (D) Šu-Amurrum s. Imgur-E-idim-anna, 311:5 f., seal (Lag) Šu-Amurrum, 216:23 Šu-Baba, 298:5 (Kisurra) Šu-Dingirmaḫ, 194:22 (L) Šu-ilišu, scribe, 245+:33 (D) Šu-ma-ilum (?), 214:4 (S) Šu-Nidaba, 196:19 Šu-Pabilsag s. Puṣû, 256 rev. 6 (D) Šu-piša (?), nukarribum, 287:58 Šubula-nāṣir, 237:3 (D) Šūbultum, 288:2 Šumī-aḫum, 287:52 Šumi-erṣetim s. Ilšu-abušu, 223:11 (S) Šumma-ilī (?), 222:4 (S) Šumma-ilum (?), 233:5 (D) Šumu-libši, 284:27 Šumum-libši s. Marduk-mušallim, 276:6 (S) Šumum-libši s. Pirḫi-ilišu, 227:5 (S) Šumum-libši, 284:6 Šumu-…, 294:13 Šūnuḫum, 286:2 Tappi-wēdim, 282 rev. 9 (D) Tappûm, 255:13 Tarāš-…, 303:36 Taribakum (his w.), 287:11 Tarībātum s. Mār-erṣetim, 269:3 Tarībātum, ad-da x, 287:24 Tarībātum, 285:3, 268:5 (?), 287:19 Tarībum, PA.PA, 205:12 (Yaḫr) Tarībum, kullizum, 194:17 (L) Tarībum, scribe, 191:25 Tarību(m), 289:14 (Yaḫr?), 307 rev. 20 (Yaḫr) Tarībum, 287:38 Tarībuša s. Gimillum, 227:16 (S)

192

INDICES

Tašūbātum, 271:5 (S) Ṭūbija, 307:9 (Yaḫr) Tūram-ilī, 263:2 (Yaḫr) Tutu-nāṣir s. Iddin-Lagamal, 241 rev. 7, 242 rev. 7 (D) Tutu-nāṣir s. Mannum-šuklul, 258:1 (D) Tutu-nāṣir, 208:3, 254:3 (D) Tutu-nīšu s. Irra-muballiṭ, 248:27 (D) Ṭāb-Bīt-ṭuppi, s. Iddin-Zababa, 257 rev. 6 (Kiš) Ṭābaja, 255:18 U-x-x, 289:2 (Yaḫr?) Ubar-Šamaš, 304:7 Ubar-Ninurta, wēdûm, 206:15 Ubar-Šamaš, 202:2, 6 Ubar-Sîn, 238:29 (D) Ubar-Sugalītum, 191:5, 7, 14 Ubarija, 263:14, seal (Yaḫr) Ubarum s. Erṣija, 307 rev. 14 (Yaḫr) Ubarum, 251 rev. 2 (D) Ubarum, šarrabtum, 251:10 (D) Ubarum, 291:3 Unnû, ikkarum, kullizum, 194:8 (L) Unnubtum, 287:39 Ur-Enlil (?), 217:25 Ur-Lagamal s. Ilī-ināja, 234:5 (D) Ur-mes, 238:10 (D) Ur-Utu, 201:7 Uraš-[…], 237:34 (D) Uraš-abī, 238:8, 243:9 (D) Uraš-abī, 289:12 (Yaḫr?) Uraš-dajjān, 282 rev. 11 (D) Uraš-iddinam, 282 rev.14 (D) Uraš-muballiṭ s. Bēlī-ašarēd, 245+:29 (D) Uraš-nada, 232:26, 250 rev. 6 (D) Uraš-n[āṣir] (?), 256 rev. 5 (D) Uraš-qarrād, 236:1, 8, 12 (D) Uratija s. Ḫabnum, 245+:27 (D) = Uratija s. Ḫadunum, 310:21 (D) = Uraš-gāmil s. Ḫabnim, on 245, seal 3 Uratum, 282:6 (D) Urim-gā[mil] (?) [s. of] Awīl-[…], 254, seal (D)

Urim-ṭāb, 255:6 Ussulum, 282 rev. 6 (D) Utu-mansum s. Lu-Iškur, 309:6 (D) Utu-tila, 223:2 (S) Utul-Ištar, abi ṣābim, 226:8 (S) Utul-Ištar, 281:5 (D) Warad-ilišu, 229:35 (S) Warad-…, 245+:32 (D) Warad-Amurrum s. Sîn-bēl-aplim, 248:26 (D) Warad-Amurrum, rēdi šarrim, 235:2 (D) Warad(?)-Amurrum, scribe, 242 rev. 12 (D) Warad-Amurrum, 216:3, 4 Warad-Elali s. Abuni, 231:4 (S) Warad-ilim, 238:25 (D) Warad-ilišu s. Etel-pî-Nabium, 278, seal (S?) Warad-ilišu s. Zikir-[…], 244:8 (D) Warad-Kubi, 303:19, 23 Warad-Nabium, 303:18 Warad-Sîn, šangûm of Šamaš, 222 rev. 3, 224:20, 230:7 (S) Warad-Sîn, 222:8, 229:26 (S) Warad-Sîn, 248:24, 25, 249:17 (D) Warad-Sîn, 255:14 Warad-Šurinnim, 290:5 (Yaḫr?) Warad-Uraš s. Uraš-iddinam, 309:2 (D) Warad-Uraš, 245+:30 (D) Wardija s. Ilum-rē’î, 309:9 (D) Watartum d. Iddin-Sîn, 220:23 (S) Wēdum-mušallim, 307 rev. 18 (Yaḫr) Wēdum-qarrād, 205:2, 9 (Yaḫr) Zababa-ellil-ilī, 257 rev. 7 (Kiš) Zababa-nāṣir, 257 rev. 3 (Kiš) Zababa-nāṣir, scribe, 305:10, seal (Yaḫr) Zikir-[…], 244:8 (D) Zizam-ilī, 233 rev. 5 (D) Zu-Ḫadnum s. Bu..lim, 249:16 (D)

INDICES

…-Lulu, ikkarum, 284:20 …-mansum, 202, seal ….sišu, 307:12 (Yaḫr) …-ti-ilim, 222 L.E. …-Uraš s. Ilī-…, 239, seal (D) [x] x zu uḫ si ba-at, 307:21 (Yaḫr)

… ammu, 284:26 … amrātum, 287:16 …-Šamaš, scribe, 205:16 …-Adad, scribe, 224:27 …-Amurrum, 199:5 …-Amurrum, s.…, 194:24 …-ḫāzir, 199:3

2. MIDDLE BABYLONIAN Adad-mišarum, 302:10 Adattum re-ú, 302:8 Arkāt-ilim-damqā, 302:5 Bēlāni, 300:3 Bun-Aššur, 302:9

Bunna-Asdad, 302:4 Ide-Adad, 302:7 Sîn-[…]šim, 302:3 Šumum-ibšê, 302:6

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES Place names

Lalātum, 194:5, 9 (L)

[x]-luštum ki, 303:11 Āl-Aḫim, 279:6 Āl-Amurrum-bāni, 194:19, 24 (L) Āl-Iqišam-Sîn, 194:9(L) Āl-Mallāḫi, 307:11 (Yaḫr) Amurrûm, 203:16

Nukar, 235:1, 309:13 (D)

Bābīlī, 241 rev. 13, 245+:5 (D) Badrum, 212:8 (Yaḫr) Bad-tibira, 197:11 (BT) Dilbat, 243:1, 250:9, 303:28 (?) Dunnu-…, 303:32 Elam, 216:1, 20 Emutbalum, 195:5 (L) Etur-nam-enna, 293:2 (Nippur) Etur-nitena, 293:4 (Nippur) Girsu, 307:7 (Yaḫr) Kārum/Kāsum, 195:8 (L) Kaspānum, 194:3 L)

Sippar, 227:11 (S) Sutû, 303:30 Šubartum, 303:14 (dumu) Ubrabi, 284:19 Ursum Subir, 303:14 Za[r…], 217:2 Gates Ká dLugal-abzu(?), 236:4’ (D) Ká sinnisatim, 296:3 Ká dUras, 251 rev. 7’ (D) Rivers, canals Atappi Naqab-nuḫšim, 225:3 (S) Íd Amatim, 305:8 (Yaḫr) Id-da Kasî, 207:2 (Yaḫr) Íd idigna bal-ri dUtu-è-a, 195:4 (L)

193

194

INDICES

pa5 Duda, 206:3 pa5 ku , 255:3 6 Field names a-gàr a-gàr a-gàr a-gàr

Akû, 194:11 (L) Darudi, 195:11 (L) Jaralâ, 194:5 (L) Kāri, 195:8, 13 (?) (L)

a-gàr Lugal-…, 195:10 (L) a-gàr sal-la, 194:19 (L) a-gàr Šu-Nunu, 195:9 (L) a-gàr Utu, 226:3 (S) a-šà gibil, 312:16 (Lag) a-šà gu-la, 312:7, 14 (Lag) a-šà Qatantum, 225:1 (S)

PLATES

PLATE I

No. 243 Copy by G.Th. Ferwerda

No. 305 Copy by R. de Boer

PLATE II

Nos. 306, 307 Copies by R. de Boer

PLATE III

No. 309 Pencil copy by F.E. Peiser

PLATE IV

Pencil copy by F.E. Peiser No. 310 “Wengler 7”

Inked copy by H. Waetzoldt

PLATE V

No. 311 Copy by G. Kalla

PLATE VI

No. 312 Photos by R. Looman

PLATE VII

No. 312 Photo by R. Looman; copy by K.R. Veenhof (in: R. Frankena, SLB IV, Tafel I, after p. 264)

PLATE VIII

No. 313 Copy by R. Frankena (in: R. Frankena, SLB IV, Tafel II, after p. 264)

No. 201 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE IX

Nos. 206, 210 Copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE X

Nos. 229, 231 Copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XI

No. 233 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XII

No. 234 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XIII

No. 241 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XIV

No. 242 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

No. 253 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XV

No. 266 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XVI

PLATE XVII

No. 276 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XVIII

No. 280 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XIX

No. 283 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XX

No. 286 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XXI

Nos. 287, 288 Copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XXII

No. 289 Copy by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof

PLATE XXIII

Line 4’.

(break)

Line 6’.

No. 208 Copies by W.F. Leemans with collations by K.R. Veenhof and S.A. Moore

PLATE XXIV

COLLATIONS BY S.A. MOORE No. 218 Line 1. 2 iku a-šà i-na ša

ki [(…)]

No. 227 Line 8:

No. 232 Line 2:

No. 234 Line 15’: igi AN-pi4–šu dumu

No. 236 Line 6: ù da é Ka-ka-

No. 238 Line 7:

No. 245 Seal 3: see on No. 261 No. 246 Line 26:

Line 31: igi

d u m u Ḫa-x-[...]

PLATE XXV

No. 248 30-ra-[b]i

Line 27:

Line 31: The final sign is clear, and nothing follows.

No. 249 d u m u Ìr-dEN.ZU

Line 17:

No. 250 Line 1’ of the reverse, the traces of the final extant sign match the beginning of /in/.

No. 261 (= LB 767, 4 = LB 765/II) The seal inscription reads: d u m u ˹ḫa-ab˺-ni-im ˹ìr˺ dMAR-TU dUraš-ga-mil x x […]