Of the Russe Commonwealth, 1591: Facsimile Edition with Variants [Reprint 2013 ed.] 9780674334168, 9780674334151

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Of the Russe Commonwealth

Of the Russe Commonwealth BY GILES FLETCHER 1

59

1

Facsimile Edition with Variants

WITH

AN

INTRODUCTION

BY R I C H A R D

PIPES

AND A G L O S S A R Y - I N D E X BY J O H N V. A. F I N E J R .

HARVARD

UNIVERSITY

PRESS • I Ç 0 6

Cambridge · Massachusetts

©

Copyright 1 9 6 6 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College A l l rights reserved

Distributed in Great Britain by Oxford University Press, London

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 65—13842

Printed in the United States of America

Preface

The editors of this volume originally intended merely to make available to students of Russian history a scarce and important work on Muscovite Russia. The plan was to publish a facsimile of the first edition of Fletcher's Of the Russe Commonwealth (London, 1591) with a brief introduction and a glossaryindex. In the course of their work, however, the editors learned of the existence of several manuscripts of Fletcher's book, none of which had been consulted by previous editors. This information induced them to expand somewhat the scope of their undertaking by collating the available texts and listing important variants. Work on this collation was well under way when Professor Lloyd E. Berry brought out his volume, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, the Elder (Madison, Wisconsin, 1964), in which he not only reprinted the 1591 edition of The Russe Commonwealth but also provided variant readings from all three extant manuscripts. The publication of this volume at first seemed to make the present enterprise superfluous. But in the end it was decided to proceed with the work, on the grounds that M r . Berry's edition was prepared mainly for the specialist in Tudor literature rather than for the historian of Russia. The two editions thus complement one another. The present volume has several parts. Its core consists of a facsimile of the 1591 edition of The Russe Commonwealth accompanied by notes giving significant variants from the oldest extant manuscript, presently deposited in the Library of Cam[v]

Preface bridge University (Queens College M S 25). Only those variants are noted which alter in some significant manner the meaning of a passage or improve the rendering of Russian proper names. Appended to this text are three other pertinent contemporary documents. These materials are preceded by an introduction, written by Richard Pipes, which outlines the circumstances in which Fletcher composed his book, analyzes its political premises, and discusses its editions. They are followed by a glossary-index, prepared by John Fine, which lists and identifies terms appearing in The Russe Commonwealth, and, where necessary, corrects them. The editors would like to express their thanks to those who have given them assistance, and especially Messrs. J . L. I. Fennell, W. K. Jordan, Thomas Esper, and Edward L . Keenan. They also feel indebted to Mr. Samuel H. Bryant for admirably coping with the task of drafting a map of "Fletcher's Russia." JOHN V. A . FINE, JR. RICHARD PIPES

Cambridge, Massachusetts

[vi]

Contents

INTRODUCTION

OF THE RUSSE 1.

[1]

COMMONWEALTH

T h e description of the Countrie of Russia, with the breadth, length, and names of the Shires.

1

2.

O f the Soyle and Climate.

3

3.

T h e Natiue commodities of the Countrie.

6ν

4.

T h e chiefe Cities of Russia.

12

5.

O f the house or stocke of the Russe Emperours.

14v

6.

O f the manner of crowning or inauguration of the Russe Emperours.

17

7. T h e State or forme of their Gouernment. 8. T h e manner of holding their Parliaments. 9.

20 22

O f the Nobilitie, and by what meanes it is kept in an vnder proportion agreeable to that State.

24v

10.

O f the gouernment of their Prouinces and Shires.

29v

11.

O f the Emperours Counsell.

34v

12.

O f the Emperours customes and other Reuenues.

36v

13.

O f the state of the Communaltie, or vulgar sorte of people in the countrie of Russia.

45v

14.

O f their publique Iustice, and manner of proceeding in ciuill, and criminali matters.

49v

15.

Their forces for the warres, with the chief officers and their salaries.

53v

16.

O f their mustering, and leuying of forces, manner of armour, and prouision of victuall for the warres.

57v

[vii]

Contents 17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Of their marching, charging, and other Martiall discipline. Of their Colonies, and mainteyning of their conquests, or purchases by force. Of the Tartars, and other borderers to the Countrie of Russia, with whome they haue most to doo in warre, and peace. Of the Permians Samoites, and Lappes. Of their Ecclesiasticall state, with their Church offices. Of their Leiturgie, or forme of Church-seruice, and their manner of administring the Sacraments. Of the doctrine of the Russe church, and what errours it holdeth. Of the manner of solemnizing their Marriages. Of the other Ceremonies of the Russe Church. Of the Emperours domestike or priuate behauiour. Of the Emperours priuate, or householde Officers. Of the priuate behauiour, or qualitie of the Russe people.

59v 61v

65 75v 78 91v 96v 100 102v 107 llOv 112

APPENDICES A. Fletcher's Report on his Embassy B. Fletcher's Recommendations

[43] [54]

C.

[61]

T h e Merchant's Protest

Bibliography

[65]

Glossary-Index

[69]

[ viii ]

Maps

[χ]—[x'l

Fletcher's Russia

Detail from map by Anthony Jenkinson (London, 1 5 6 2 ) from Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp, 1 5 7 5 )

[ix]

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INTRODUCTION

In the first edition of that encyclopedia of early English travels, Hakluyt's Principali Navigations, Voiages, and Discoveries of the English Nation (1589), among descriptions of distant lands in America and Asia, one may find a document dated 1555 which bears the curious title, "Charter of the Merchants of Russia, granted upon the discovery of the said country by King Philip and Queen Mary." That the English of the mid-sixteenth century should have regarded themselves as the discoverers of Russia tells us not only of their provincialism but also of their commercial cunning. Actually, Russia had been "discovered" a good century earlier by continental Europeans, and the English were not entirely unaware of that fact. Their insistence on priority represented, as we shall see, an attempt to buttress an insecure claim to a monopoly on the trade with Russia through the northern route. Nevertheless, the concept of a "discovery" of Russia is not entirely to be dismissed, for it reflects both English and continental feeling of that time. Until the fifteenth century, Russia had indeed been a terra incognita, a part of legendary Tartary, the home of Scythians and Sarmatians, about whom Europeans knew no more than about the inhabitants of the continents in fact newly discovered by the great maritime explorers of that age. There was a time when the principalities of Russia had maintained close commercial and dynastic links with the rest of Christendom. In the eleventh century, Kiev's ruling family married into the royal houses of France, England, and Norway. [i]

Introduction But a succession of disasters resulting principally from recurrent invasions of Turkic and Mongolian nomads from inner Asia snapped one by one the links connecting Russians with the Catholic world. T h e final disaster was the great Mongolian invasion of 1236-1241 which ravaged most of Russia and placed it under the sovereignty of the Khan. T h e Russians were henceforth compelled to turn eastward. It was to the east that their princes had to travel to make their humiliating homage and pay their tribute, and it was there that they learned new means of government and warfare. Between the middle of the thirteenth and the middle of the fifteenth century, Russia was effectively separated from Europe and integrated into the oriental world. Infrequent travelers to Mongolia or China crossed lands once inhabited by Russians in the south and west, but they stayed away from the forests of the upper Volga and Oka, to which regions the center of Russian population and statehood had shifted. Plano Carpini, who journeyed to Mongolia in 1246, left in his account only passing references to the Russians, where he depicts them as abused vassals of the Tatars: any Tatar, he says, no matter how lowly, treats the best born Russian with utter disdain. W i l l e m van Ruysbroek, who repeated Carpini's trip seven years later, speaks of Russia as a province " f u l l of woods in all places . . . [which] has been wasted all over by the Tatars and as yet is daily wasted by them." 1 Given the hazards of medieval travel, there was nothing in these casual references to encourage European interest in Russia. If Russia lost contact with Europe as a result of MongolTurkic conquests, she re-established this contact as soon as she had emancipated herself from the invaders and organized a sovereign state. This event occurred in the second half of the fifteenth century. With startling rapidity what had been an im1 C . R. Beazley, ed., The Texts and Versions of John de Plano and William de Rubruquis (London, 1903), p. 205.

[2]

Carpini

Introduction poverished and maltreated frontier area of the Mongol Empire transformed itself into the most powerful eastern Christian kingdom. Some Russian theoreticians even began to claim for the Grand Dukes of Moscow — descendants of princelings who so recently had been humiliated by the Khans — the imperial title which had lapsed with the death of the last Byzantine emperor during the Turkish seizure of Constantinople in 1453. This claim was not very seriously taken by westerners when they first learned of it. But the existence of a large Christian kingdom in the east could not well be ignored by a continent threatened with Ottoman invasion. From the middle of the fifteenth century, Papal and Imperial legates found their way to Moscow in search of diplomatic or military alliances. A t the same time, the first Russian missions appeared in western Europe : they arranged for the marriage of Ivan I I I to the niece of the last Byzantine emperor, then a refugee in Rome ( 1 4 7 2 ) , brought to Moscow architects and decorators to construct the new Kremlin, and engaged in a variety of negotiations. In this manner the old links between Russia and the other states of the Western world were gradually reforged. On the European mind these first contacts produced quite an exotic impression. Owing to long commercial and military dealings with the Tatars, Turks, and Persians, the Russians of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries presented a completely oriental appearance. Their nobles wore clothes imported from Persia, and their soldiers carried weapons copied from the Tatars. Russian women painted their faces with garish colors quite unlike anything seen in Europe. T h e visual impression of strangeness, recorded by virtually every early visitor to Russia, was reinforced by curious customs. T h e practice of kowtowing before superiors, imposed on the Russians by the Tatars and retained after independence, astounded visitors as much as it repelled them. T h e absolute power of the ruler, the habit of even the

[3]

Introduction highest nobles of referring to themselves as the monarch's "slaves" ( k h o l o f y ) , the prevalence of sexual promiscuity — these and many other features of Muscovite Russia amazed all visitors, regardless of background. Russia appeared to them not as a European country, but as what one historian calls "a Christian-exotic country of the New World." 2 This initial impression never quite lost its hold on the European imagination. It continued to influence attitudes many years later, after Russia had become an integral member of the European cultural and political community. When an angry Castlereagh, in 1815, called the thoroughly Frenchified Alexander I a "Calmuck prince," he was unconsciously reverting to this tradition. The rediscovery of Russia produced a sizeable body of literature which in Russian historiography is known as skazaniia inostrantsev (accounts of foreigners). This literature, like the whole body of travel accounts of the age of discovery, has both specific strengths and weaknesses as a historical source. The early explorers were subjective, intolerant, and often uncritical, but they also approached foreign lands with a freshness of vision that comes only once to individual cultures as to individual persons. They saw more sharply and with less preconditioning than did their successors. The picture of Russia which emerges from these accounts is strikingly consistent — so much so that the historian Kliuchevskii felt justified in preparing on their basis a composite description of Muscovy. 3 The most important of these early accounts was written by the Imperial ambassador, Sigismund von Herberstein, who traveled to Russia twice in the reign of Vassilii I I I ( 1517 and 1526). His book, Commentarti rerum Moscoviticarum, appeared in Vienna in 1549 and ran through several editions. It was based on good knowledge of the written sources as well as intelligent per2

K a r l H . R u f f m a n , Das Russlandbild

1952)>

P·

im England

Shakespeares

(Göttingen,

*76·

3 V. O. Kliuchevskii, Skazaniia (Moscow, 1918).

inostrantsev

[4]

o Moskovskom

gosudarstve

Introduction sonai observations, and it provided westerners with the first serious description of Russian history, geography, government, and customs.4 Herberstein's book was the main source of continental knowledge of Russia in the sixteenth century, but by no means the only one.5 The English were at first not greatly interested in this body of information. They did not even bother to translate Herberstein's book, which within a few years of publication in Latin had come out in Italian, German, and Czech editions: for in the middle of the sixteenth century they had neither religious, nor diplomatic, nor commercial relations with Russia. England's first encounter with that country was an accidental byproduct of a search for a route to China, and for that reason bore the earmarks of a genuine maritime discovery. In the 1550's England experienced an economic depression caused by a sudden drop in the export of textiles. The merchants, who had come to depend on foreign markets, were now compelled to undertake in earnest maritime explorations in which England so far had lagged behind both Spain and Portugal. Since the Spanish and Portuguese had prior claim to the best southern routes, the English had to seek other, more risky ones. One of them was a northeast passage to China. Some of the outstanding geographers of the time, such as the cartographer Mercator, the explorer Sebastian Cabot, and the mathematician and astrologer John Dee, believed that such a passage was feasible. Basing their reasoning on the best available evidence, 4 T h e handiest edition is that published by the Hakluyt Society, translated and edited by R. H. M a j o r : S. von Herberstein, Notes upon Russia, 2 vols. (London, 1851—52). 5 A good account of foreign travel accounts is by V. Kordt, Chuzhozemny podorozhny fo skhydnyi Evrofy do 1700 r. ( K i e v , 1926). T h e pioneering bibliography by F. Adelung, Kritisch-literarische Uebersicht der Reisenden in Russland, 2 vols. (St. Petersburg-Leipzig, 1846), though outdated, is still useful. There is no edition or bibliography of Russian reports on Europe and Europeans, but a selection of the so-called stateinye sfiski, or formal reports of ambassadors, has been published under the title Puteshestviia Russkikh Poslov XVI-XVU w. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1954).

[5]

Introduction they concluded that the Asian continent terminated in the vicinity of the river Ob, where the coastline turned sharply south toward China. If that was indeed the case, then by sailing northeast, past the tip of Scandinavia, it would be possible to reach the great Chinese markets in a relatively short time. Encouraged by this prospect, a group of entrepreneurs equipped three vessels and in the summer of 1553 sent them in search of the passage to China by way of the North Sea. T h e expedition was under the joint command of Sir H u g h Willoughby and Richard Chancellor. T h e vessels of this expedition, having rounded the tip of Norway, sailed into waters previously unexplored by westerners. There they soon became separated. T w o ships, including the one with Willoughby aboard, encountered adverse winds and decided to drop anchor off the Kola Peninsula. Unprepared for the severity of the northern winter and unable to establish contact with natives, Willoughby and all his companions later froze to death. Their ships, intact but without a sign of life aboard, were discovered the next spring by Laplanders and eventually returned to England. Chancellor, in the meantime, having waited in vain for his companions in the third ship, sailed on into the White Sea, and on August 24, 1553, sighted the Russian monastery of St. Nicholas at the mouth of the Dvina River, where he landed". T h e English travelers touched Russian soil at a propitious moment. T h e country, led by the ambitious and belligerent Ivan IV, was in great need of military supplies and specialists with which to pursue war against the Tatars. Russia's western neighbors had for some time previous imposed an effective embargo on the shipment of European craftsmen and weapons, for they feared that Moscow, having defeated the Tatars, would once more begin to expand in their direction. By opening the northern route, the English had made it possible to break this embargo, and to establish a new and dependable route connecting

[6]

Introduction Russia with the outside world. 6 It is not surprising, therefore, that they were warmly welcomed. As soon as news of Chancellor's landing had reached Ivan, he ordered the visitors brought to him. In Moscow, where he was received with much display of friendliness, Chancellor learned that the Russian government was prepared to open negotiations for the purpose of granting the English merchants commercial privileges. With this assurance, the sponsors of Chancellor's expedition founded, on his return, a regular company, popularly known as the Muscovy Company, which received a royal charter and became the prototype of the great English joint-stock companies for overseas trade. In the same year ( i 555) the company received liberal privileges from Ivan I V which exempted it from the payment of customs and other dues, and in effect confirmed the monopoly on all English trade with Russia granted it by the English charter. Subsequent grants extended the company's rights to trade with Persia and with the Baltic port of Narva, held by the Russians between 1566 and 1581. T h e port of St. Nicholas was reserved for the company's exclusive use.7 Under the auspices of the Company, Russia and England developed a lively maritime trade which greatly contributed to the economic development of the entire Russian north. 8 T h e English soon discovered that there was in fact no northeast passage to China: the Asian continent stretched far beyond the river Ob, and in any event the northern waters at a certain degree of longitude (not far east of St. Nicholas) were impassable because of ice. But through Russia English traders unexpectedly found a land route to the commercial centers of the 6 Russian sailors had used the northern route before the arrival of Chancellor, but they did so sporadically and mainly for diplomatic purposes, rather than for regular trade. See Joseph von Hamel, England and Russia (London, 1 8 5 4 ) , PP· 5 ° - 5 4 · 7 T h e best account of the Company is T . S. Willan's The Early History of the Russia Company, 1553—'603 (Manchester, 1 9 5 6 ) . 8 I. Liubimenko, Les relations commerciales et politiques de l'Angleterre avec la Russie avant Pierre le Grand (Paris, 1 9 3 3 ) , pp. 280—81.

[7]

Introduction Middle East. The establishment of the Muscovy Company coincided with the conquest by the Russians of the entire length of the Volga River. By capturing Astrakhan, in 1556, the Russians planted themselves on the Caspian Sea, through which there was easy access to Persia and Central Asia. One year after the fall of Astrakhan, Anthony Jenkinson carried out a journey through Moscow to Turkestan and a few years later to Persia. Before long, amazed Englishmen began to receive oriental goods by way of the Northern Sea: " T h e silks of the Medes to come by Muscovia into England is a strange hearing," Sir Thomas Smith wrote to Sir William Cecil in 1564.9 The oriental trade through Russia came to an end in 1580. The route had proved too hazardous, and in that year another group of merchants formed the Turkey (or Levant) Company, which undertook trade with the Middle East through the Mediterranean. The Muscovy Company gave up this part of its business and came to concentrate entirely on an import and export trade with Russia, from which it derived no mean profit. The English brought into Russia manufactured goods (mostly textiles), metals and other mineral products useful for war (tin, lead, saltpeter, sulphur, and gunpowder), and colonial products (sugar, fruits, etc.). They purchased Russian furs, seal oil, tallow, wax, cordage, and even caviar. The Russian monarchy was in general well disposed toward the English merchants, causing by its patronage the displeasure of some high Russian officials. When Ivan died, the head of the foreign office, Andrei Shchelkalov, mocked a member of the Muscovy Company: "And now your English tsar is gone." 1 0 Under the protection of the Russian monarchy, the company was allowed to establish in Moscow and several provincial towns permanent agencies staffed by its merchants and clerks. In some "Cited by Willan, The Early History, p. J8. 10

Cited by I. M . Kulisher, Ocherk

1923). Ρ·

II8·

[8]

istorii russkot torgovli

(Petrograd,

Introduction instances, agents of the company stayed in Russia for many years, learned fluent Russian, and became first-rate Russian experts. In this manner, within thirty years after Chancellor had stepped ashore at St. Nicholas, England knew more about Russia than did any other country in Europe. This expertise lends British accounts particular value. In general, they are both more factual and less partisan than the accounts of Germans, Poles, or Italians. Some of them are indeed nothing more than intelligence reports prepared by and for merchants who cared only for information helpful in business. They reported distances between towns, measures and weights, coinage, available commodities, the customs and practices of their Russian counterparts, and the institutions of local and central government with which they had to deal. This fact must be kept in mind in evaluating English accounts, lest they be charged with gross prejudice, for they are virtually unanimous in their condemnation of Russia. Although a number of English residents became thoroughly assimilated, only one of them is known to have chosen to remain — and he was a man who faced prosecution for financial misdeeds. T o the English of the time, Russia was a barbarous country, much more so than the other countries of the Orient with which they then entered into relations.11 Their impressions are well summed up in three rhymed letters which the poet George Turberville sent to his London friends from Moscow, where he was serving in 1568 as Thomas Randolph's secretary: Their manners are so Turkie-like, the men so full of guile, T h e women wanton, temples stuffed with idols that defile 11 It is interesting to note that the T u r k s were much admired in sixteenthcentury English and particularly French literature for their sobriety, discipline, and effective government. See Samuel C. Chew, The Crescent and the Rose ( N e w York, 1 9 3 7 ) , pp. 100—121, and C. D. Rouillard, The Turk in French History, Thought, and Literature ( r ¡ 2 0 - 1 6 6 0 ) (Paris, [ 1 9 3 8 ? ] ) , pp. 376— 406.

[9]

Introduction T h e seats that sacred ought to be, the customs are so quaint As if I would describe the whole, I fear my pen would faint. In sum, I say, I never saw a prince that so did reign Nor people so beset with saints, yet all but vile and vain : Wild Irish are as civil as the Russies in their kind, Hard choice which is the best of both, each bloody, rude and blind. If thou be wise, as wise thou art, and wilt be ruled by me, Live still at home, and covet not those barbarous coasts to see. 12

Despite the advantages which both sides derived from it, Anglo-Russian trade ran into increasing difficulties. These difficulties stemmed in part from different attitudes towards commerce and in part from growing Russian dissatisfaction with the monopoly enjoyed by the Muscovy Company on the northern route. To England, trade with Russia was all along purely a business proposition. If Queen Elizabeth granted the Muscovy Company privileges and diplomatic support it was not because she expected to derive from its activities any immediate political advantage, but because in England then, as now, foreign trade and the well-being of the state were inseparable. This was not the case in Russia. Trade in general, and foreign trade in particular, played a small part in the life of the state, whose preoccupation was still with political and military matters. Ivan IV welcomed English merchants and granted them privileges not so much because he was interested in trade as such as because with their help he could break the Polish-German-Swedish blockade isolating him from the west. Although he personally derived a fair profit from doing business with England, as an autocratic ruler 12 Cited in Herberstein, Notes u-pon Russia, vol. I, p. CLVi. A good analysis of the Elizabethan "image" of Russia is to be found in Ruffman's Das Russlandbild.

[10]

Introduction claiming to own everybody and everything in his domain he treated commerce as only one of several ways of enhancing his power and wealth. These different attitudes led to misunderstandings which, compounded by Ivan's worsening paranoia, caused in 1567 the first crisis in Anglo-Russian relations. In that year, Ivan, feeling menaced by internal and external enemies, requested Elizabeth to enter into an alliance with him and to offer him asylum in England in the event he were forced to flee. The Queen promptly granted the request for asylum, but she hedged on the matter of alliances, for she saw no point in getting involved in Ivan's quarrels with his neighbors. Infuriated by her evasive reply, Ivan began to apply pressure on the Muscovy Company, threatening to open Russia to other English merchants. Under the pressure of the alarmed company, the Queen dispatched an embassy (1568-69) headed by Thomas Randolph which succeeded brilliantly in reconfirming the merchants' privileges and even adding new ones. The Muscovy Company was once more acknowledged the only English organization permitted to trade with Russia both through St. Nicholas and the newly acquired Baltic port of Narva. In addition, its agents and properties were placed under the protection of the ofrichnina, the part of the government under the tsar's direct control. Ivan, who used trade privileges as diplomatic leverage, apparently hoped that the generous new charter would persuade the Queen to grant his request for an alliance. But when this hope was again disappointed, he began to make new difficulties. In a violent letter which he wrote to the Queen in 1570, he clearly stated his political position: W e thought that you lord it over your domain, and rule by yourself, and seek honor for yourself and profit for your country. A n d it is for this reason that we wanted to engage in these affairs with you. But now w e see that there are men who do rule beside you, and not men but trading boors (muzhiki torgovye) who do not think of the profit [ I I ]

Introduction of our safety, honor, and lands, but seek their own merchant profit. A n d you remain in your maidenly estate like a common maid . . . A n d if it be so, then w e shall set these affairs to the side. A n d the trading boors w h o abandoned our royal heads and our royal honor and the benefit of our lands for their own merchant affairs, they shall see how they will now trade. F o r the realm of Moscow had not been wanting without their English goods. 1 3

T o the English ambassador, Anthony Jenkinson, whom the Queen sent in 1572 to patch up relations, Ivan also complained that the English government allowed "merchants' matters" to take precedence over "princely affairs." 14 In this manner, the Company time and again found itself a helpless victim of international diplomacy. T o compound its troubles, the Company had to confront a challenge from independent English merchants who resented its monopoly. Once the trade with Russia got under way in earnest, such merchants sought to persuade the Russian government that it would profit more by opening its ports to all comers. Ivan IV, who in general opposed these interlopers, for a while (in 1568, during his quarrel with Elizabeth) let them have their way. A number of highly placed Russians, moreover, were known to hold anti-monopolistic views, and this explains the Company's constant stress on its "discovery" of Russia. Even more difficult to control was the private trade carried on by the Company's employees. English agents, past and present, clerks, 13 Iurii Tolstoi, Pervye sorok let snoshenii mezhiu Rossiieiu i Anglieiu, 1553-1593 (St. Petersburg, 1 8 7 5 ) , pp. 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 . T h e original English translation (pp. 1 1 4 — 1 1 5 ) , omits the words "rule by yourself" in the first sentence, and renders "trading boors" as "boors and merchants." One cause of Ivan's fury was Elizabeth's failure to request reciprocal rights of asylum in Russia. In her reply she said she had "no manner of doubt of the continuance of our peacable government without danger either of our subjects or of any foreign enemies." Willan, The Early History, p. 99. Another, was her coolness to his marriage proposal. " W i l l a n , The Early History, p. 119.

[12]

Introduction and even simple sailors, engaged regularly in a lucrative side business of importing and exporting goods legally reserved to the Company. In some instances, these interlopers entered into partnerships with Russian officials who thereby became personally interested in terminating the Company's monopoly. The Russian government, accustomed to collective responsibility, tended to treat the Company as liable for debts incurred by individual Englishmen, whether or not they were acting on the Company's behalf and in its name. The Company's refusal to honor these debts led to constant recriminations and occasional confiscations of its property. The death of Ivan IV in 1584 by no means resolved these difficulties. The new government of Fedor Ivanovich, in which effective authority was exercised by Boris Godunov, was less concerned with diplomatic alliances which had so much harmed Russo-English relations under Ivan. But it was unfavorably inclined to the Company's exclusive commercial privileges secured under Ivan which it considered economically detrimental to Russia. In this attitude Godunov was supported by the head of the office of foreign affairs, Andrei Shchelkalov. In 1586 Elizabeth dispatched to Moscow a new embassy, headed by Jerome Horsey. Horsey was an old Moscow hand, having been there on Company business since 1572. H e spoke fluent Russian, a language which he considered "the most copious and elegant in the world." 15 H e was also sufficiently close to the Russian court to have been employed a short time before on a delicate and secret diplomatic mission on its behalf in Livonia. Horsey in part re-established the Company's privileges, but immediately new difficulties arose. One of the causes was a financial dispute between Shchelkalov and an English trader by 16 Jerome Horsey, "His Travels," in E. A . Bond, ed., Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century·, Hakluyt Society Publications, vol. X X (London, 1 8 5 6 ) , p. i j 6 .

[13]

Introduction the name of Anthony Marsh. 1 ® Clearly, until the powerful minister was placated, the affairs of the Company would not prosper. To settle this matter, as well as to re-negotiate some of the general issues of Anglo-Russian trade, Elizabeth in the summer of 1588 dispatched Giles Fletcher as her ambassador to Moscow.

Fletcher was born in Watford, Hertfordshire, in 1546, the son of a clergyman. He received his initial education at Eton, and in 1565 proceeded to King's College, Cambridge, where he remained for the next twenty years. At the university he took an active part in academic politics, wrote some Latin poetry, and eventually became lecturer in Greek and Dean of Arts at King's. 17 In 1579 he turned to law. In two years he earned his doctorate, and then entered politics, apparently under the patronage of Thomas Randolph. It is known that Fletcher served in Parliament (1584-85), as well as in the treasury of the City of London ( 1586-87), and participated in embassies to Scotland (1586) and Hamburg (1587), the former headed by Randolph. 18 (It is probably to Randolph, himself an ex-ambassador to Ivan, that Fletcher owed his Moscow appointment.) The combination of literary and academic training with legal and political experience accounts in no small measure for the high quality of his book. Fletcher received his royal papers on June 6, 1588, and departed, accompanied by twenty Englishmen, a short time afterwards. He carried with him several letters from the Queen, her le See below, Appendix A , p. [ 4 3 ] . Documents bearing· on the Marsh affair can be found in Sbornik Imferatorskogo Russkogo Istoricheskogo Obshchestva, X X X V I I ( 1 8 8 3 ) , 186—245, fassim, and Tolstoi, Pervye sorok let, pp. 292— 34°· 17 Fletcher's life is most fully recounted by Lloyd E. Berry in The English Works of Giles Fletcher, the Elder (Madison, Wisconsin, 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 3—49. 18 Athenae Cantabrigienses, III (Cambridge, 1 9 1 3 ) , pp. 3 6 - 3 7 ; Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, pp. 7 - 2 5 .

[H]

Introduction ministers, and the Company to the Tsar, his wife, and Boris Godunov, as well as the customary presents.19 Fletcher's mission — for a variety of reasons, most of them beyond his control — had a poor beginning. H e landed at the Dvina estuary in the middle of September, and then slowly made his way to Moscow. The journey of some 650 miles took over two months. Contrary to accepted custom, the embassy was neither welcomed officially at the gates of Moscow upon its arrival on November 25, nor escorted into the city. The quarters which the Russian authorities assigned the ambassador proved unsatisfactory; Fletcher later described them as "very unhandsome and unwholesome." 20 H e was allowed for three weeks to cool his heels under conditions of virtual house arrest before being asked to his first audience at the Kremlin. The audience got off to a bad start when Fletcher refused to pronounce the full title of the Tsar, allegedly because it was too long to be remembered but in fact (as he later admitted) because it was longer than that of the English Queen. The Russians would not allow the audience to proceed until he did so, and eventually he gave in.21 This incident did not improve relations. They became extremely strained the next day when the gifts Fletcher had brought were returned to his lodgings and unceremoniously dumped at his feet.22 The principal reason for Fletcher's unfriendly reception was diplomatic. Shortly before his arrival, the Russian government 19 The official Russian record of Fletcher's embassy is in Vremennik Imp erator skogo Moskovskogo Obshchestva Istorti i Drevnosti Rossiiskikh, vol. V I I I ( 1 8 5 0 ) , Part II/2, pp. 1—96: "Stateinyi spisok Angliiskogo posla Elizara [«e] Fletchera byvshego ν Moskve ν 7097 godu." 29 See below, Appendix A , p. [ 4 5 ] . T h e Russian record supports his assertion that he was not welcomed at the city gates ("Stateinyi spisok," p. 2 ) . 21 See the present edition of the Russe Commonwealth., pp. 19—19V, and Appendix A , p. [44]. 22 This episode, described by Fletcher in his report (Appendix A , p. [ 4 4 ] ) , is also noted in the Russian record ("Stateinyi spisok," p. 3 ) .

[15]

Introduction had opened negotiations in Moscow with Spanish and German missions which tried to enroll the Russians in an anti-Turkish alliance. They seem to have succeeded in persuading Godunov that England would soon be defeated by Spain and Elizabeth deposed. Apparently, the news of the defeat of the Armada, which had occurred while Fletcher was en route to Russia (August 1588), did not reach Moscow until sometime later that winter. Another factor was the presence in Moscow of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Jeremiah, with whom the government was negotiating the establishment of a Russian Patriarchate. While talks with him were in progress — that is, until January 26, 1589, when Job was named the Patriarch of Moscow — other issues were relegated to the background (cf. Appendix A ) . The particular indignities and discomforts which the embassy experienced can probably be traced directly to the hostility of Andrei Shchelkalov, who, as head of the foreign office, was in charge of the visitors. The English did not improve matters by returning niggardly gifts for the exceptionally rich ones the Russians had sent Queen Elizabeth the previous year. All these factors hampered and delayed Fletcher's mission. But his loss is our gain, for the many months he spent in idleness permitted him to study closely the country and its inhabitants, and to acquire the information which lends his account permanent importance. Fletcher was called for a second audience in the middle of January 1589, at which time Shchelkalov raised the issue of English debts. At about this time news of the English triumph over the Armada reached Moscow, and the atmosphere thawed considerably. On April 22, Fletcher went to his third and final audience in the Kremlin. H e was given a new charter of privileges, which, without meeting all the Company's demands, was on the whole quite satisfactory. The Company in effect had to give up its monopoly of the northern route, but it won exemp[16]

Introduction tion from responsibility for the debts of individual English merchants. Control over its activities was also shifted from the foreign office, headed by the unfriendly Shchelkalov, to the Treasury.23 There was some additional difficulty with the Office of Foreign Affairs a few days later when Fletcher insisted on delivering personally to the Tsar a note brought in the interval by courier from England. The foreign office refused the request on the grounds that Fletcher had already been formally dismissed. In the end he had to capitulate, and on May 6, 1589 was allowed to depart for Vologda, a major depot of the Company. There he spent two months waiting for the reply from Moscow to the latest note, and for the permit to sail. The permit and reply arrived sometime after July 17, and Fletcher, in the company of Horsey and Marsh, embarked for England soon afterwards.24 The party arrived in England in late August or early September. Fletcher's experience in Russia had not been a happy one, and he had good reason to dislike that country. This fact has been noted by historians, and there can be little question that to some extent his critical attitude derives from the treatment he received. Shortly upon his return to England, in a conversation with a Cambridge friend, he is reported to have "heartily expressed his thankfulness to God for his safe return from so great a danger": for the poets cannot fancy Ulysses more glad to be come out of the den of Polyphemus, than he was to be rid out of the power of such a barbarous prince; who, counting himself by a proud and voluntary mistake emperor of all the nations, cared not for the law of all nations; and w h o was so habited in blood, that, had he cut off this ambassador's head, he and his friends might have sought their own amends; but the question is, where he would have found it? 2 5 28 21 25

See Appendix A , pp. [51—52]. "Stateinyi spisok," pp. 4 1 - 7 5 . Thomas Fuller, The Worthies

of England,

[17]

edited by John Freeman,

Introduction W h i l e in Russia, Fletcher kept a journal 2 6 which furnished the basis of his book. W e know from Fletcher himself that he composed a draft of the Russe Commonwealth during the return voyage from Russia (see below, Of the Russe Commonwealth, " T h e Epistle Dedicatorie," p. A 3 ) . Unfortunately, neither the journal nor this first draft seems to have survived, and all the texts known to us are edited versions, prepared during the interval between Fletcher's arrival in England and the appearance of the book some two years later. T h e earliest reference to the Russe Commonwealth can be found in the first edition of Hakluyt's Princifall Navigations, which came out toward the end of 1589. Hakluyt provides a brief description of Fletcher's embassy, enumerates certain terms of the treaty signed by Fletcher in Moscow, and adds: " T h e said Ambassador . . . as I understand, hath drawen a book, intituled Of the Russe Commonwealth," the chapters of which he then recapitulates. Hakluyt's list contains 24 chapters, four less than are to be found in the published edition of 1591. Actually, since one of the chapters of the 1591 version (chapter 22) is divided in the Hakluyt list into two separate chapters (one on the liturgy and another on the sacraments), the Hakluyt list is five chapters shorter. T h e missing chapters are 4 through 6, 20, and 26. A t the end of his notice, Hakluyt adds: " T h e book it selfe he [Giles Fletcher] thought not good, for divers considerations, to make publike at this time." 27 W h a t these "considerations" were it is not difficult to surmise in view of what happened after the Russe Commonwealth did appear in 1591. T h e Muscovy Comoany must have exerted considerable pressure on Fletcher not to publish his account, so critical of Russia, from fear that it would further jeopardize its ( L o n d o n , 1 9 5 2 ) , p. 279. Bond, citing this passage (Russia, p. c x x i i i ) wonders h o w a dead man could have sought amends f o r his o w n murder. 28 See b e l o w , Of the Russe Commonwealth ( 1 5 9 1 ) , p. 2v. 27 Richard H a k l u y t , Princifall Navigations, London, 1589. In some copies Fletcher's account is on pp. 502—504, in others on pp. 498—500.

[I8]

Introduction trading privileges. For the time being, Fletcher had to content himself with two reports to the Queen, one describing the course of his embassy and the other suggesting the means of improving the position of English traders in Russia (see Appendices A and B). In 1590, his scholarly interests turned to native history, and he conceived a plan of writing a Latin account of the reign of Elizabeth. W e have a letter of his to Lord Burghley (William Cecil) dated November 3, 1590, in which he outlines his project and requests patronage as well as access to state papers.28 For some reason, however, the project fell through, and Fletcher returned to his Russian manuscript. In the Library of Cambridge University (Queens College M S 25) there is a manuscript of Fletcher's Of the Russe Commonwealth prefaced by an autograph dedication to the Queen. The table of contents of this manuscript lists the same number of chapters as does Hakluyt, that is, twenty-four, but with the difference that the two chapters on liturgy and sacraments are now consolidated into one, and a new chapter (corresponding to chapter 26 in the 1591 edition) on "The Emperours domestiqve or priuat behaviour" is added. The captions of the chapters in the Hakluyt list and Cambridge manuscript are virtually identical. Chapters 4, 5, 6, and 20 of the 1591 edition are still missing, and so are many scattered passages, short and long, found in the 1591 edition. The Cambridge manuscript thus seems to be a slightly expanded version of the original draft. 29 A comparison of the Cambridge manuscript and the book published in 1591 reveals one fact of particular interest. Nearly Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, the Elder, pp. 383-384. T w o other manuscripts are known. One is at the Bodleian Library in Oxford ( M S . Univ. E. 1 4 4 ) , the other at the University of Minnesota Library. Lloyd Berry, who has studied all three, considers the Oxford and Minnesota manuscripts posterior to the Cambridge one. His collation indicates that they contain no significant information not found in the Cambridge manuscript. T h e Cambridge manuscript, as being closest to the original version produced immediately upon Fletcher's departure from Russia, is by all accounts the most important and therefore it is the one we have selected for our collation. 28

Λ

[19]

Introduction all the references to historical sources made in the 1591 edition, and indeed virtually all the historical background of that edition, are missing from the manuscript. This fact strongly suggests that Fletcher did the bulk of his research on Russia after he had returned to England, during the interval which elapsed between the writing of the Cambridge manuscript and the publication of his book. On the basis of this research he now wrote chapters 4, 5, 6 and 20, and inserted numerous shorter historical passages in the other chapters. The Russian historian S. M . Seredonin identifies the following sources as having been consulted by Fletcher: 30 Herberstein's Commentaries; Pachymeres' History of the Paleologues·,31 Martin Kromer's History of Poland·*2 Nicephorus Gregoras, History of Byzantium ; 3 3 A. Bonfinius' History of Hungary -, 34 the so-called Berossus Babilonicus,35 and Saxo Grammaticus' History of the Danes.36 The following table provides references to the most important passages added to the Cambridge manuscript: Fletcher's Passage

pages

O r i g i n of Slavs and Russians Description of the winter

Probable

source

1—2

K r o m e r , Book 1, eh. vii—vili

4.V

Herberstein, vol. I I , p. 2

Russian

80 S. M . Seredonin, Soch'tnenie DzhiPsa Fletchera 'Of the Russe Commonwealth' kak istoricheskii istochnik (St. Petersburg, 1 8 9 1 ) , pp. 45-56. 81 Georgii Pachymeris De Michaele et Andronico Paleologis Libri Tredecim (cf. ed. Bonn, 1 8 3 5 ) . 83 Martin Kromer, De origine et rebus gestis Polonorum libri XXX, Basileae, 1555. 83 Nicephorus Gregoras, Romanae, hoc est Byzantinae historiae Libri XI, probably in the Basel 1562 edition, which contains also L. Chalcocondylas* account, De orìgine ac rebus Gestis Turcorum, which Fletcher cites. 81Antoni Bonfmii Rerum Ungaricarum Decades Quatuor, Basileae, 1568. 85 Berosus Babilonicus, Paris, 151 o. " Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum (cf. Holder edition, Strassburg, 1886).

[20]

Introduction

Passage

Etymology of " M o s c o w "

Fletcher's Pages

Probable

source

12

Berossus, f. 5

cow

12V-I 3

Herberstein, vol. II, p. 5

Story of Novgorod slaves

13-13V

Herodotus, Book iv, ch. iii—iv

Number of houses in Mos-

Herberstein, vol. II, pp.

26—27

Vladimir's marriage to Harald's daughter

14

Saxo Grammaticus, p. 370

Origin of Russian dynasty and its Hungarian links

14.V-15

Bonñnius, vol. II, Book v i n

T h e crowning ritual

17—19V

Herberstein, vol. I, pp.

39—42

(also J. Horsey) Origin of Russian language and the name "Slavs"

48V-49

Kromer, Book 1, ch. xii

Expansion of Moscow

6IV—62Ν

Herberstein, vol. I, pp. 21—32

65—65V

Kromer, Book I , ch. xiii

67V-68

Bonñnius, vol. I I , Book vm

soldiers compared

68V-69

Herberstein, vol. I, p. 98

Tatar means of waging war

71V

Laonicus Chalcocondylas in Nicephorus, pp. 3 3 6 — 3 3 8

Story of Nogas

72

Pachymeres, Book 1, pp.

Origin of name "Poles" and "Laches" Tatar wars against the H u n garians Tatar, Turkish, and Russian

347—

348

Origin of Turks

72V-73

Laonicus Chalcocondylas in Nicephorus, pp. 2 7 7 — 2 7 9

Story of "Slata Baba"

76—76V

Herberstein, vol. II, p. 41

Conversion of Russia

79V

Kromer, Book HI Herberstein, vol. I, pp. 1 6 - 1 7

[21]

Introduction Fletcher, it may be noted, was neither a profound nor an accurate scholar. His research is much inferior to his powers of observation, and the parts of his book based on study of other histories have been most severely criticized. There are a number of other differences between the manuscript and the book. Fletcher's printer made many errors, especially in setting proper names and numbers. For this reason, the manuscript is more accurate in rendering Russian terms. In the book version, Fletcher occasionally softened some opinions, especially as concerns Russian religion. Fletcher's life after 1591 was not particularly eventful. H e wrote a volume of mediocre verse, Licia, or Poems on Love (probably 1593), a r , d Israel redux (published posthumously in 1667) in which he argued that the Caspian Tatars were descendants of the ten tribes of Israel. Having served for a while as treasurer of St. Paul's Church in London, he obtained a lease on a provincial rectory. H e had some trouble during the Essex rebellion, but was found innocent and released. H e died in February 1611, shortly after he had carried out diplomatic negotiations with Denmark on behalf of the Eastland merchants. Fletcher's sons, Giles the Younger and Phineas, were also poets, both somewhat more prominent than he. Even more famous is the son of his brother Richard, the dramatist John Fletcher. His own reputation today rests entirely on the Russe Commonwealth, a book which occupies a unique place in the entire foreign literature on Muscovite Russia.

Of the Russe Commonwealth consists of three unequal parts. T h e first (chapters 1 - 4 ) contains a geographic description, the second (chapters 5 - 2 5 ) an analysis of the state and its institutions, and the third (chapters 26-28) an account of customs and manners. T h e first and third parts are short, and the bulk of the narrative (184 of the 232 pages) is devoted to the second, which [22]

Introduction in turn can be divided into four subsections: the government (including the nobility and fiscal apparatus), the judiciary, the armed forces, and the church. This structure, as outlined by Fletcher himself in the table of contents (p. A4.V), indicates that he intended his book as a systematic treatise. This feature alone distinguishes it from all other foreign accounts. Seredonin, having analyzed the sources Fletcher used, concluded that he was "undoubtedly the most erudite of all the foreigners who in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had written about Russia." 3 7 O f course, the real value of his book derives not from his reading, done, as we now know, mostly after his return, but from the knowledge obtained either from personal observation or from conversations with agents of the Muscovy Company resident in Russia. H e seems to have profited especially from talks with Horsey, who accompanied him on the return voyage. Indeed, Horsey afterwards claimed that he had furnished Fletcher with " a l l " the information for his book. 38 Another informant may have been Marsh, who had traded with Siberia and may have supplied Fletcher with facts about the Tatars and the eastern borderlands in general. Fletcher's account may be said to represent the cumulative knowledge and experience which the agents of the Muscovy Company had acquired over thirty-five years of commercial contact with Russians and their government. Fletcher was not content, however, to rely on information supplied by others, and went out of the way to learn on his " Seredonin, Sochinente Dzhil'sa Fletchera, p. j 6 . 38 Bond, Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century, p. 256. Fletcher's indebtedness to Horsey is a matter of dispute among historians. Hamel (England and Russia, p. 225) and Seredonin (Sochinente Dzhil'sa Fletchera, p. 67) support Horsey's claim. Others reject it on the grounds that Horsey, judged by his own account, lacked both the education and the understanding to do more for Fletcher than supplement the information Fletcher had obtained on his own (Bond, p. cxxii; Ruffman, Das Russlandbild, p. 54; Berry, p. 148). Horsey's account, in which he admits to being "but a plain grammarian," is reproduced in Bond, pp. 153—266.

[23]

Introduction own. 39 His descriptions are sometimes introduced by " I saw," " I heard," or " I talked to." H e subjects a Russian clergyman to an examination on the Bible and the essentials of Christian doctrine. H e asks a Russian merchant the reason for his reluctance to display his goods. H e talks to his servant about a conversation the latter has had with a Russian. A l l this information Fletcher noted down, and he did so with considerable accuracy. H o w reliable he is may be judged from those parts of his narrative which lend themselves to verification from independent sources. His rendering of Russian words, names, and even sentences is precise, as are his accounts of Russian customs and dress. Some of the statements about his treatment in Moscow are also confirmed by contemporary Russian records. H e reports rumors circulating in Moscow that the young prince Dimitrii, the sole successor, is in danger of being assassinated by persons interested in seizing the throne. 40 If this statement does not solve the mystery of Dimitrii's death, which occurred two years after Fletcher's departure from Moscow, it does explain why Russian opinion should have immediately blamed Boris Godunov for it. Anyone who read Of the Russe Commonwealth at the time of its appearance should have been prepared both for Godunov's succession to the throne (1598), and the civil war which broke out shortly after his death (1605). 4 1 Naturally, Fletcher is somewhat less dependable when dealing with subjects which fall in the category of state secrets, such as the revenues or military capabilities of the Russian state. But even on these matters he reports so intelligently that his information constitutes to this day an indispensable historic source.42 88 Fletcher had at his disposal an English-Russian interpreter named John Sowter ( T o l s t o i , Pervye sorok let, p. 3 9 7 ; see also Of the Russe Commonwealth, 1 5 9 1 ed., p. 8 9 ) . 40 Of the Russe Commonwealth, pp. 16—16v. 41 Ibid., pp. 21—21V, 27, 28 and 26. 42 Seredonin, w h o subjected Fletcher's book to a detailed analysis as a historical source, was himself a conservative and nationalist Russian and con-

[24]

Introduction From the point of view of the modern historian, the least useful contributions of Fletcher's book are the geographic and historical facts reported in the opening five chapters, most of which he seems to have learned after his return from Russia. The British merchants were well acquainted with the northern territories linking Moscow with the Dvina estuary, along which they traveled and traded, but the rest of the vast country they knew largely from hearsay. Their information, such as depicted in Jenkinson's map of Russia of 1562, which Fletcher used extensively, has long since been superseded.43 Much of the same holds true of the historical background which Fletcher sketches in chapter 5. The central part of the book devoted to the state and its institutions (chapters 6-20) represents the first systematic study of the Russian political and social system ever undertaken. Its superiority over all preceding foreign accounts, Herberstein's included, lies in the fact that Fletcher was not content to describe the surface appearance of things, but insisted on finding and laying bare the inner mechanism of the system. H e grasps the relations between various, seemingly disparate institutions and practices which other early travelers had missed entirely. That Russia was a "tyranny" and that its tsar had absolute authority to dispose of the lives and properties of his subjects was a commonplace in the literature of the time.44 But only Fletcher among sidered Fletcher prejudiced toward Russians and incapable of "understanding" them. Seredonin's treatment of Fletcher, therefore, must be accepted with some caution. He considers the most important parts those dealing with commodities (chapter 3), the armed forces (chapters i j — 1 7 ) , the borderlands (chapters 18—20), and everyday life (chapters 26 and 27). The sections dealing with politics and fiscal policies are in his opinion useful but full of errors, owing in part to what Seredonin considers Fletcher's regrettable tendency toward over-systematizing. Fletcher's geographic and historical descriptions, as well as his chapters on religion, he dismisses as useless. 48 A detail from Jenkinson's map is reproduced on p. xii above; an accurate map, incorporating information supplied by Fletcher in his book, on pp. x—xi. "See, e.g., Ruffman, Das Russlandbild, 81—87.

[25]

Introduction the travelers bothered to ask how such a government functioned and by what means it retained power. He perceives a connection between the authority of the monarchy, the position of the estates, and the general cultural level of the nation. He understands the political significance of the fiscal measures devised by the Russian government, as well as the various techniques employed to keep control of the conquered borderland regions. His whole analysis of political institutions is conceived in suprisingly modern, one may almost say sociological, terms. Indeed, if one were not afraid of modernizing, one could describe Of the Russe Commonwealth as a pioneering study of what today is called totalitarianism. His concern with the exercise of political power in all its aspects makes his book a very important document in the history of European political thought. Before dealing with Fletcher's account of the Russian political system it is necessary to say a few words about the premises from which he proceeds. Fletcher was an Elizabethan, the product of an age which was keenly interested in itself and engaged, as it were, in constant self-discovery.45 The emergence of Tudor absolutism on the one hand, and increased relations with other lands on the other, awakened a desire to know how England was ruled and what were the reasons that her government was so different from that of any other country with which Englishmen came in contact. The result was a body of literature, relatively small in the sixteenth century and voluminous in the seventeenth, which contributed greatly to the subsequent formulation of the English constitution. Fletcher's book must be viewed not only as one of the foreign accounts of Russia, but also, and perhaps above all, as a document of this genre. What it says of Russia tells us indirectly what Fletcher thinks of England, for, rightly or wrongly, he seems to have considered the two countries antithetical. Fletcher viewed the English constitution from the position 46

A . L. Rowse, The England of Elizabeth (New York, 1 9 6 1 ) , chapter ii.

[26]

Introduction of a proponent of parliamentary monarchy, a position best expounded in the most famous work of Tudor political thought, Sir Thomas Smith's The Commonwealth of England.™ Although Smith belonged to an earlier generation than Fletcher (he was thirty-three years Fletcher's senior), the two men had much in common. Like Fletcher, Smith was a Cantabrigian and a lawyer, one of the great lights of the university where he acquired a great reputation and left many disciples. Both combined literary pursuits with civil service, and both served on foreign embassies. Their respective books had a similar origin. W h i l e on a mission to France in the 1560's Smith conceived, as he put it, "a yearning for our commonwealth," and composed his treatise in order "to set forth almost the whole of its form, especially those points in which it differs from the others." 47 H i s book, like Fletcher's, was thus inspired by contact with a foreign state in which royal absolutism was the accepted form of government. Smith's treatise, composed in 1565, first appeared in print in 1583, that is, at the very time when Fletcher entered government service. Its principal thesis was that the government of England was a fusion of the interests and rights of the king, lords, and commons as formally embodied in the institution of the parliament. In parliament rested full sovereignty, or, as Smith called it, "the most high and absolute power." In Smith's view, parliament was not a counterweight to the monarchy, but the common ground on which the monarchic, aristocratic, and democratic forces met. T h e sovereignty of the king was that of the king-in-parliament. In certain respects—foreign policy, military affairs, and the appointment of chief officials — the king acted independently j in others, such as passing laws, raising revenue, and dispensing justice, he acted in concert with the "De república Anglorum (Cambridge, 1906). " Ibid.,

(London, 1583) ; see the edition by L. Alston

p . XIII.

[27]

Introduction nobles and commons represented in parliament. In Smith's view, the nation and monarchy were joined in an indissoluble community of interest. From this assumption followed a definition of a good and a bad king. A good king comes to power, "with the good will of the people," administers the commonwealth "by the laws of the same and by equity," and seeks "the profit of the people as much as his own." A tyrant, by contrast, "by force comes to the monarchy against the will of the people, breaks laws already made at his pleasure, makes others without the advice and consent of the people, and regards not the wealth of his communes but the advancement of himself, his faction, and kindred." 48 According to Smith, a ruler may qualify as a tyrant by being guilty of any one of these three malpractices. Whether Smith was accurately portraying or idealizing Tudor practices is a matter which need not concern us here. T h e important fact is that his book acquired immediate popularity, running through several editions in quick succession. Many Englishmen saw in it a true description of their constitution, and it came to be treated as something of a manual for persons entering state service.49 It is virtually certain that Fletcher, who in the 1580's had held a variety of political posts including membership in parliament, and who was also a scholar of wide interests, had read Smith's treatise. It is even probable that his Of the Russe Commonwealth, or Maner of Governement by the Russe Emferour was consciously conceived as a counterpart to Smith's The Commonwealth of England, and manner of government thereof,50 If Smith wished to present what he understood as a genuine, that is, parliamentary monarchy, Fletcher wanted to depict its opposite: " a true and strange face of a tyrannical state, Ibid., pp. 1 4 - 1 5 . M . Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith; a Tudor intellectual in office ( [ L o n d o n ] , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 112. 50 This is the title under which Smith's book appeared in 1589 and thereafter. 48 49

[28]

Introduction most unlike your own," as he wrote in the dedication to Queen Elizabeth, "without true knowledge of God, without written law, without common justice." Fletcher, like Smith, assumes a good government to be a partnership between crown and nation. In Russia he finds no such relation. There the monarch does not, as Smith would want him to, "seek the profit of the people as much as his own." The Russian government is "plain tyrannical," for everything must work "to the behoof [i.e., advantage] of the Prince," the nobility and commons alike being "but storers for the Prince, all running in the end into the Emperors coffers" (pp. 20-20v). This is the central accusation Fletcher levies against the tsarist government; from this evil flow all its other vices. In his account, the tsarist government resembles as it were a monstrous vampire which sucks from the nation all wealth and robs it of all initiative. Fletcher begins his description of Russian absolutism by pointing out that the tsar concentrates in his hands all "the principal points and matters of state wherein Sovereignty consists." H e is the sole legislator, he appoints all officials and judges, and he has control over the country's foreign affairs. H e is the framer of laws and their executor, and he carries out both functions without being held accountable to any genuine parliamentary institution. The Russian councils, whether the Boyar Duma, or what he calls the "Sobor," 51 he dismisses as impotent. Their function is not to initiate, influence, or even discuss pending laws, but merely to confirm laws which the monarch and his closest advisers had previously decided upon. A l l laws, he says, are "ever determined of before any public assembly or parliament be summoned" (p. 20v). " T o propound bills what 51 Seredonin points out {Sochínente Dzhil'sa Fletchera, pp. 230—233), citing Kliuchevskii, that the institution which Fletcher calls "Zabore" (p. 22v) is not the so-called Zemskii sobor, or Assembly of the Land, but the "Dumnyi Sobor," a joint meeting of the Boyar Duma and clergy.

[29]

Introduction every man thinks good for the public benefit (as the manner is in England) the Rus Parliament allows no such custom nor liberty to subjects" (p. 23). Fletcher considers the Boyar Duma so intrinsic a part of the monarchical machinery that he places its description in the section devoted to the administration (chapter 1 1 ) . Fletcher attaches much importance to the position of the nobility, for he believes that a powerful noble estate with firm rights is essential to prevent the monarchy from degenerating into despotism. One of the central features of the Russian constitution, as he interprets it, is that the nobles, including those of the highest degree (that is, the descendants of the former appanage princes) are completely subordinated to the crown. In a penetrating analysis in chapter 11, Fletcher describes the various means used to undermine the Russian nobility. T h e first, and in his opinion most efficacious, of these means is to prevent the fusion of titles with offices. " A s touching the public offices and magistracies of the realm, there is none hereditary, neither any so great nor so little in that country, but the bestowing of it is done immediately by the Emperor himself" (p. 21). T h e fact that many of the high officials are members of the great noble families does not deceive him, for he notes that every governor (or duke) has at his side a d'iak or secretary "to assist him or rather to direct him ; for in executing of their commission, the diak does all" (p. 3 1 ) . Furthermore, he observes, the government makes certain that no official is given an opportunity to ensconce himself in office. T h e "dukes and diaks are . . . changed ordinarily at every year's end . . . T h e y are men of themselves of no credit nor favor with the people where they govern, being neither born nor brought up among them, nor yet having inheritance of their own there or elsewhere" (pp. 31V-32). Any Englishman of the 1590's reading these lines would instantly compare the situation with that prevailing [30]

Introduction in his own country, where the local government was as a rule entrusted to officials (lieutenant-governors and the deputies) who were native to the region, and held in it extensive properties. In the second place, the Russian monarchy by a great variety of means assures the disintegration of the great noble families. Among these, Fletcher mentions measures which historians have come to regard as instrumental in the monarchy's triumph over the old aristocracy: preferential treatment of the service gentry, the establishment of the ofrichnina,52 and the forceful transfer of nobles from their patrimonial estates to distant provinces "where they might have neither favor, nor authority, not being native nor well known there" (p. 26v). T h e tsar also forces noble women into convents "to keep them unmarried from continuing the blood or stock which he would have extinguished" (p.

89V).

B y these measures, partly political and partly social, the Russian monarchy has reduced the nobility to a condition in which it poses no threat. " N o w [the nobles] hold their authorities, lands, lives and all at the Emperor's pleasure, as the rest d o " (p. 25; cf. p. 46). T h e contrast with the vigorous and self-confident English nobility of Elizabethan times is as obvious as it must have been intentional. As for the clergy and commons, Fletcher does not see much possibility of either group challenging the authority of the tsar. 02

In d e a l i n g w i t h the ofrichnina

in both the ofrichnina (p.

25V).

This

historiography stitution

Fletcher says that " n o b l e s " were enrolled

and zemshchina,

v i e w contrasts with

the criterion being· l o y a l t y to the tsar

that dominant

w h i c h held that the ofrichnina

formed

of

the g e n t r y

to destroy

until recently in Russian

had been established as an

the great

nobility

assigned to

inthe

ζemshchina. I t is interesting to note that most recent research confirms Fletcher's interpretation. ofrichniny, Moscow,

Monographs

Moscow, 1964)

1963)

by

S.

B.

and A .

Veselovskii

A . Zimin

show that the ofrichnina

(Issledovaniia

( O f r i c h n i n a Ivana

fo

istorii

Grazno

contained both nobles and

go,

gentry,

and was directed not against the upper nobility as such but against a l l persons regarded as disloyal b y I v a n I V . T h e p r e v a i l i n g earlier opinion rested in part on a misreading of Fletcher. C f . Z i m i n , p. 344.

[31]

Introduction In a long and in part very biased account of Russian religion and the Russian church, he depicts the clergy as too rich and too ignorant to participate seriously in public life. It devotes all its energies to the management of its great landed properties and the pursuit of trade, and prefers to suifer in silence occasional spoliation rather than to stand up to the monarchy and risk losing all it has (p. 42v). "The clergy of Russia," Fletcher says, "as well concerning their lands and revenues, as their authority and jurisdiction, are altogether ordered and over-ruled by the Emperor and his council, and have so much, and no more of both as their pleasure does permit them." (p. 8ßv) Fletcher's characterization of the Russian clergy as preoccupied with agricultural management and trade, ignorant, depraved, and ready to back the autocracy to the hilt as the price of preserving its wealth, conforms in general with the picture we obtain from contemporary Russian sources. The merchants do not appear as a separate category in Fletcher's narrative j nor are they so treated in other sixteenth-century English accounts of Russia.53 As may be gathered from Ivan's contemptuous reference to them in a letter to Elizabeth (cited above, pp. 1 1 - 1 2 ) , they were then considered merely a low breed of commoners. The term muzhiki torgovye — "trading boors" — indicates that clearly enough. As far as the English were concerned, the only important traders in Russia were the tsar, who accumulated merchandise from tribute, and the monasteries. The whole massive structure whose ultimate purpose is the exploitation of the country for the benefit of the monarch rests, in Fletcher's view, on the ignorance and depravity of the common people. His devastating description of Russian manners and morals has earned him a bad reputation among some Russians and in large measure accounts for the troubles his book subse5 8 Ruffman,

Das Russlandbild, γρ.

tío—m.

[32]

Introduction quently had with Imperial as well as Soviet censorship. H e has been accused of being hostile to the Russians and giving an unfair picture of their intellectual and moral condition.54 The charge of antipathy toward Russians is not quite just. Certainly, Fletcher had his reasons to dislike the country. Yet it must be noted that his antipathy was invariably directed against the regime, and never against the people. H e speaks of the Russians as a nation "of reasonable capacities," "of natural wit," and regrets their lack of opportunities "that some other nations have to train up their wits in good nurture [i.e., education] and learning" (p. 48 and H 5 v ) . H e shows much sympathy for the "poor people . . . now so oppressed with intolerable servitude" and hopes they may some day be given a government "of some better temper and milder constitution" (p. 17). Fletcher nowhere states that the Russians have a tyrannical government because they are uncivilized, but, on the contrary, explicitly says that they are uncivilized because they have a tyrannical government. One of the principal premises and conclusions of his account is that tyranny breeds barbarism. Furthermore, what Fletcher has to say about the general cultural level of the population finds ample confirmation in other contemporary accounts, native as well as foreign. One late nineteenth-century historian, drawing on a large body of sixteenthcentury literature — much of it of Russian origin — drew a picture of Russian society of that time every bit as devastating as Fletcher's. 55 The picture which emerges from other English accounts is similar.56 The concensus is so overwhelming — one 51 T h e charge was first levied by Slavophile publicists, from whom Fletcher was defended by the westerners. See the anonymous article (written by A . P y p i n ) , "Dzhil's Fletcher," Sovremennik, No. 3 ( 1 8 6 5 ) , Part 1, pp. 105—132. 55 I. Preobrazhenskii, Nravstvennoe sostoiane russkogo obshchestva ν XVI veke fo sochineniiam Maksima Greka i sovremennym emu famiatnikam (Moscow, 1 8 8 1 ) . Russian sources, in conceding the low moral level of the population, often blamed it on foreign (i.e., western) influences. See Seredonin, Sochinenie Dzhtl'sa Fletchera, pp. 160—162. " R u f i m a n , Das Russlandbild, 135—144.

[33]

Introduction may almost say, unanimous — that it cannot be ascribed simply to prejudice or misunderstanding. T h e ordinary sixteenth-century Russian, as he emerges from the narrative of Fletcher and other contemporaries, is given to lying and cheating, idleness, and inveterate 'round-the-clock drinking. H e is also addicted to a variety of "sins" : "whoredoms, adulteries, and like uncleanness of life" (p. n 6 v ) . T h e distinction of Fletcher here, as in other parts of his narrative, is that he goes beyond mere condemnation to the causes. H e raises the question why a people of "reasonable capacities" and "national wit" should sink into so barbarous a condition. H e places the blame directly on the government, which he accuses of having an interest in keeping the people ignorant "that they may be fitter for the servile condition wherein now they are, and have neither reason nor valor to attempt innovation": for "a man of spirit and understanding, helped by learning and liberal education can hardly endure a tyrannical government" (pp. 48 and 85V). T h e monarchy, assisted by the nobility and clergy, enter, in Fletcher's view, into a deliberate conspiracy to maintain the population in ignorance and to prevent it from learning of life abroad. This end is furthered by the policy of relentless fiscal exaction by the government and its agents, which breeds duplicity, indolence, and the habit of living at mere subsistence level: T h e great oppression over the poor commons makes them to have no courage in following their trades: for that the more they have the more danger they are in, not only of their goods but of their lives also. A n d if they have anything, they conceal it all they can . . . I have seen them sometimes when they have laid open their commodities for a liking [for approval] . . . to look still behind them and towards every door, as men in some fear that looked to be set upon and surprised by some enemy. W h e r e o f asking the cause, I found it to be this, that they have doubted lest some nobleman or syn

[34]

Introduction boìarskii of the Emperor had been in company, and so laid a train for them to pray upon their commodities perforce. T h i s makes the people (though otherwise hardened to bear any toil) to give themselves much to idleness and drinking, as passing for no more than from hand to mouth, (pp. 4 6 V — 4 7 V ) .

Fletcher calls attention to two additional features which reinforce the grip of the monarchy over the nation. First is the rigidity of the social system. H e notes with great insight that it is virtually impossible for a Russian to change his social status, and ascribes this practice to political considerations: " T h i s order that binds every man to keep his rank and several degree [s] wherein his forefathers lived before him is more meet to keep [the Emperor's] subjects in servile subjection . . . than to advance any virtue or to breed any rare or excellent quality in nobility or commons, as having no farther reward nor preferment whereunto they may bend their endeavors" (p. 49). T h e second is lawlessness. Fletcher correctly states that Russia had no written laws "save only a small book" (p. 53) — meaning the Code of Ivan I V , issued in 1550 — and rightly stresses the great importance of spoken or customary law. As an Englishman and a lawyer he was shocked by the submissiveness of judges, and the authority of the tsar and his council to give verdicts and to grant pardons (p. 2 i v ) . T h e total picture of Russian society as it emerges from Fletcher's description is of an interlocking system of economic exploitation, the ultimate aim of which is, regardless of the consequences, to enrich the monarch. T h e words which Fletcher puts in the mouth of Ivan IV, whether true or apocryphal, describe Fletcher's own view of the matter as practiced in Russia: that the nation is like a beard or like a flock of sheep "that must needs be shorn once a year at the least to keep them from being overladen with their wool" (p. 14). T h e fleecing is done directly and indirectly: directly by an elaborate system of exactions, which Fletcher

[35]

Introduction enumerates in detail (chapter 12), and indirectly by first allowing the officials to rob the people, and then arresting these officials and confiscating their ill-gotten gains. T h e low level of culture combined with lawlessness which breeds social conflict assures the preservation of this despotic regime. T h e whole system is so firmly consolidated in its political, social, and cultural elements that there is little possibility of Russia evolving toward that government of "better temper and milder constitution" which he hoped Russians would some day secure. In a passage which is one of the most remarkable in a book abounding in remarkable passages, Fletcher addresses himself to a question which has much vexed political thought in the twentieth century: whether an all-embracing absolutism is capable of peaceful evolution toward a more liberal system. H i s answer is negative. H e says it would be "a hard matter to alter the state of the Russe government as it now stands," and justifies this view as follows (pp. 33V-34V) : First, because they have none of the nobility able to m a k e head. A s for the lords of the four chetverti

or tetrarchies

they are m e n of n o

nobility, but diaks advanced by the E m p e r o r , depending on his f a v o r , and attending only about his o w n person. A n d for the dukes that are appointed to g o v e r n under them, they are but m e n of a titular dignity . . .

of no p o w e r , authority, nor credit, save that w h i c h they

have out of the office for the time they e n j o y it. W h i c h does p u r chase them no f a v o r but rather hatred of the people, for as m u c h as they see that they are set over them not so m u c h for any care to do them right and j istice as to keep them under in a miserable subjection, and to take the fleece f r o m them not once in the year (as the o w n e r f r o m his sheep) but to pull and clip them all the year l o n g . Besides the authority and rule w h i c h they bear is rent and divided into m a n y small pieces, being divers of them in every great shire, limited besides with a very short t i m e ; w h i c h gives them no scope to m a k e any strength nor to contrive such an enterprise if happily they intended any matter of innovation. A s for the c o m m o n people . . .

[36]

Introduction besides their want of armor and practice of war (which they are kept from of purpose) they are robbed continually both of their hearts and money (besides other means), sometimes by pretence of some service to be done for the common defence, sometimes without any show at all of any necessity of Commonwealth or Prince. So that there is no means either for [the] nobility or people to attempt any innovation, so long as the military forces of the Emperor (which are the number 8000 [ o ] at the least in continual pay) hold themselves fast and sure unto him and to the present state. W h i c h needs they must do being of the quality of soldiers and enjoying withal that free liberty of wronging and spoiling of the commons at their pleasure which is permitted them of purpose, to make them have a liking of the present state. A s for the agreement of the soldiers and commons, it is a thing not to be feared, being of so opposite and contrary practice much one to the other. T h i s desperate state of things at home makes the people for the most part to wish for some foreign invasion which they suppose to be the only means to rid them of the heavy yoke of this tyrannous government.

The country, desolate and apathetic, "so full of grudge and mortal hatreds, . . . will not be quenched (as it seems now) til it burn [out] into a civil flame" (p. 26). The foreign invasion and the civil war which Fletcher expected came to Russia fifteen years later.

Of the Russe Commonwealth ran into difficulties from the moment of its appearance. The Muscovy Company had had enough trouble with the Russian government to be acutely disturbed by a book written by an ambassador who had acted in Moscow on its behalf in which Russia and its country were described in the blackest colors. It feared in particular that the Russians would seize upon passages casting aspersions on Tsar Fedor and his protector Boris Godunov to cancel its surviving rights. As soon as the [37]

Introduction book was out, therefore, the company formally petitioned William Cecil to suppress it. In their petition the merchants nowhere accused Fletcher either of falsehoods or of inaccuracies, but merely of making statements offensive to the Russians. T h e request was granted, and the book was withdrawn from circulation. 57 Of the Russe Commonwealth was reprinted in its entirety in 1643, a t the height of the controversy between parliament and king and on the eve of the English civil war. A t that time Fletcher's account acquired particular relevance as a protest against royal absolutism. This version was published again in 1657. Afterwards, the book fell into oblivion. Since all these integral versions became very rare, the public knew Fletcher's account mostly from expurgated versions which appeared in various compendia of travel accounts.58 Of the Russe Commonwealth came back into circulation early in the nineteenth century when it was discovered by Russian historians. Karamzin located a copy of the 1591 edition in the archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and referred to it frequently in the ninth and tenth volumes of his History, published in the 1820's. In his opinion, Fletcher gave on the whole a just estimate of sixteenth-century Russia. 59 Karamzin's severe condemnation of Ivan IV, which earned him the disapproval of Russian reactionaries, was in no small measure due to Fletcher's evidence. Sergei Solov'ev, another great nineteenth-century historian, also relied heavily on Fletcher, as did every subsequent historian writing on the sixteenth century. But much as it was used by specialists, the book itself remained inaccessible to the general public. A n attempt to remedy this situation was made in 1845 by a 67 See found in 58 See N.

Appendix C. Evidence that the book was in fact suppressed can be Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, p. 153. bibliography below. Karamzin, Istorila gosudarstva Rossiiskogo, volume X , note 343.

[38]

Introduction group of archivists working in the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. T h e Archive of this ministry was in the first half of the nineteenth century an active center of intellectual and scholarly life, in part thanks to its unique collection of books and documents on Russian relations with the West. With the encouragement of the enlightened director of the Archive, Prince M . A . Obolenskii, the archivists undertook to translate into Russian some of the most important foreign accounts of Muscovite Russia, beginning with Herberstein's and Fletcher's. In so doing they took advantage of a regulation which exempted from censorship materials bearing on the period antedating the Romanov dynasty, that is, prior to 1613. Fletcher's book was translated by one D . I. Gippius, and edited by the legal historian Ν . V. Kalachov. T h e text was ready in 1847, a t which time Obolenskii made arrangements with the Imperial Moscow Society of Russian History and Antiquities to have the translation as well as the full original English text come out in its quarterly Proceedings {Chteniia).m T h e Gippius-Kalachov translation appeared under Obolenskii's editorship in the twenty-third number of the Proceedings, issued in September 1848. One can hardly conceive of a less oportune time for the publication of a book as critical of Russia as Fletcher's. Nicholas I, always a conservative, had been thrown into panic by the revolutionary wave which had swept Europe in the spring of 1848, and had adopted a policy of extreme reaction. T h e government now made a genuine effort to base its internal policy on the ambiguous triad which the Minister of Education, Count S. S. Uvarov, had casually formulated in 1832 in his annual report: Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality. One of the unwritten axioms 80

S. A . B e l o k u r o v , " ' D e l o Fletchera,'

torskogo (234),

Moskovskogo

Obshchestva

1 9 1 0 , Section II, pp.

Istorii

1848-1864 i

g g . , " Chteniia

Drevnosti

Rossiiskikh,

1—40; A . A . T i t o v , "Istorila p e r v o g o

sochineniia F l e t c h e r a , " in O gosudarstve

russkom —

ed. ( S t . Petersburg, 1 9 0 6 ) , pp. vii—xiv.

[39]

sochinenie

Imferavol.

3

perevoda

Fletchera,

3rd

Introduction of this doctrine was the sanctity of Russia's past. Only a year before, the censors had prohibited the publication of a Russian translation of Herberstein's Commentaries, an innocuous work compared to Fletcher's. 61 It was apparently no coincidence that the very first recipient of the Proceedings containing Fletcher's work was Count Uvarov himself. Uvarov had been engaged in a personal feud with the chairman of the Imperial Moscow Society which sponsored the edition, at whose hands he had suffered the previous year a humiliating defeat in a bureaucratic squabble. Some well-wisher (rumor blamed the writer Shevyrev or the historian Pogodin) brought the issue to his attention, and the minister could now enjoy his revenge. Uvarov quickly perused the text, learned the names of the persons responsible for the publication, and within an hour notified Nicholas. T h e punishment was swift. T h e publication of the Proceedings was suspended, the chairman of the society was reprimanded by Nicholas personally and forced to resign, and the wholly innocent secretary to the society temporarily was deprived of his professorship at Moscow and was ordered to Kazan. Curiously, Obolenskii himself suffered no harmful consequences. A l l of the nearly one thousand copies of the Proceedings with the offending text which had been distributed to subscribers were recalled, except for four left in the possession of eminent and trusted persons. T h e impounded copies of the journal, as well as proofs of the English text scheduled for future publication, were placed under seal in storage. Efforts to lift the ban on Fletcher in the more enlightened reign of Nicholas's successor, Alexander I I , were unavailing. But somehow the impounded copies disappeared, and when early in the present century a search was made for them in the " V . S. Ikonnikov, Ofyt Russkoi istorio grafii, Vol. I, Pt. ζ (Kiev, 1892), p. 14.30; Kliuchevskii, Skazaniia inostrantsev, p. 315.

[40]

Introduction storage where they had been placed in 1848, not a single one could be found.62 Of the Russe Commonwealth was republished in its integral form by the Hakluyt Society in 1856, under the editorship of E. A. Bond. The first legal Russian edition appeared in the midst of the Revolution of 1905. RICHARD 62

Belokurov, " 'Delo Fletchera,' " pp. 37-38.

[41]

PIPES

OF

THE

RVSSE

CommonWcalth. o i l

M A N E R OF GOucrncmcnt by the Ruffe é

EmperoW) (commonly called the

Emperour oï OHoikoHta)m\h the manners, and faßt ens of the people ef that Çomtrej, •• •

The Contents are noted in the Tsu blc/et down e before the beginning of the Bookc.

AT LONDON

Printed by T. D. for Thomas ι

Char Je. 591·

T o the Queenes moil excellent ¿Aíaiefiie. Oft gracious Soueraignc, beeyng employed in your Maiefties ieruicc to the Emperour of titySÍ, I obferued the State, and manners ofthat Countrey . And hauing reduced the (âme into iome order , by the way as I returned, I haueprefumed to offer it in this fmal Booke to your moft excellent Maieftie. My meaning was to note thinges for mine owne experience, of more importaunce then delight» and rather true then ftrange. In A j their Most gratious soveraign, beeing employed in your Highnes service in the Countrey of Russia, t did what I could to learn the state of that common wealth, and their manner of Government. Whearof having gott soom good and true intelligence, I have reduced the tame into order, and presumed to offer it to your Highnes, if it please yow to bee

THE

ET I STL E

their maner ofgouernment, your HighnefTe may fee both : A true andftrangeface of¿Tyrannicalftate, (moil vnlike to your own) with out true knowledge of G O D, without written Lawe, without common iuftice : faue that which proceedeth from their Speaking IxCtoe, to wit, the Magiftrate w h o hath moft iiecde of a Lawe,to reftraine his o w n e iniuftice, The praótife hereofas it is heauy, and grieuous to the poore opprefled people , that liue within thofe Countreycs : lo it may giue iuft caufetomy felfe, and other your Maieftiesfaithfull fubie&s, to acknowledge our happines on this behalfe, and to giue God thankes for your Maiefties moft Princelikc^and gracious gouernment : as alio troubled w i t h the sight t h e a r ( b e e i n g a most withowt written Law, t h a n c k s v n t o G o d for

of it. T h e i r f o r m of G o v e r n m e n t , as strict a n d e x t r e a m t i r a n n i e w i t h o w t w i t h o w t c o m m o n iustice) so it m a y y o u r H i g h n e s most P r i n c e l i k e a n d

it is heavie to the subiect the k n o w l e a d g e of G o d , give vs occasion to g i v e gratious G o v e r n m e n t : as

DEDICATORIE

alfo to your HighneíTe more ioy, and contentment in your royall citate, in that you are a Prince of íubieótes, not of flaues, that arc kept within duetie by loue, not by feare.The AlmightieftilbleiTe yourHighneswitha moft long, and happy reigne in this life, and with Chrift Iefus in the life to come. Your Mdießtes mofi htmble fubieBj/mdfiruant

G. Fletcher.

aliso to your Maîestîe cawse of reioycing, in that yow are a Prince of subiects not of slaves, that are tied to their obedience with love, not with fear. T h e L o r d allmightie bless your Highnes with all his good Messinges. Y o u r Maiesties most humble subiect, and servant. G . Fletcher.

[ f r o m the m a n u s c r i p t ]

T h e order of the Discourse I.

T h e description of the C o n t r e y . 1. 2. 3.

2.

T h e bredth, l e n g t h , and Shy res of Russia. T h e Soyle, and C l y m a t . T h e natiue commodities of the C o n t r e y .

T h e i r policye. 1.

T h e setting or o r d e r i n g of their State. 4 . T h e state or m a n n e r of their g o u e r m e n t v n d e r the P r y n c e . 5. T h e i r P a r l i a m e n t s , and m a n n e r of h o l d i n g t h e m . 6. T h e Russe N o b i l i t i e , and meanes w h e r e b y it is kept in an v n d e r proportion agreeable to that State. 7 . T h e m a n n e r of g o u e r n i n g their P r o i u i n c e s or Shyres. 8. T h e E m p e r o u r s priuie C o u n s e l l . 9. T h e E m p e r o u r s Customes, and other reuenewes, and w h a t they a m o u n t v n t o w i t h the Sophismes practised f o r the encreasing of them. 1 0 . T h e Russe C o m m u n a l t i e , and their state or c o n d i t i o n .

2.

T h e i r iudiciall p r o c e e d i n g . 1 1 . T h e i r J u d i c i a l l Offices w i t h theire m a n n e r of proceedinge.

3.

T h e i r prouision f o r w a r r e s . 1 2 . T h e E m p e r o u r s forces f o r his warres, w i t h their chiefe officers, and theire S a l a r y . 1 3 . T h e i r m a n n e r of m u s t e r i n g , a r m o u r , prouision f o r v i t t a i l e , and e n campinge. 1 4 . T h e i r e order in m a r c h i n g , c h a r g i n g , and m a r t i a l l discipline. 1 5 . T h e i r e C o l o n i e s and pollicie in m a y n t e y n i n g e theire purchases by Conquest. 1 6 . T h e i r e Borderers, w i t h w h o m e they haue most to doe in w a r r e and peace. T h e y r e church g o u e r m e n t .

4.

17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 3.

T h e C h u r c h offices and degrees. T h e i r e L e i t u r g i e , and f o r m e of C h u r c h seruice, w i t h theire of a d m l n i s t r i n g the Sacraments. T h e doctrine of the Russe Churche. T h e i r m a n n e r of s o l e m p n i z i n g M a r i a g e s . T h e other C e r e m o n y e s of d i e Russe Churche.

T h e i r O e c o n o m i e , or priuat behauiour. 22. T h e E m p e r o u r s domestique or priuat behauiour. 23. T h e E m p e r o r s houshold, and offices of his house. 24. T h e priuat behauior, and manners of the Russe P e o p l e .

manner

ι . H i e breadth and length of the

I. C o f m o g r a p h i c o f

Countries

w i t h the n a m e s o f t h e Shires« i . T h e Soy le a n d C l y m a t i .

the

} . T h e η»tine commodities o f t h e

C o u n t i i c .

Countrie,

4. T h e ehiefe cities of Rnisia. . 5. T h e honfc or f l o c k e o f the Ruffe Emperour. ¿ . T h e m j n c r of inauguration^" the Rime

Em-

pereurs. 7. The

forme

er manner o f their publique g o -

neinment.

Their Parliament«» and manner of holding them. Theer-

$ , T h e Rtì/fe Nofeilitie,8nd m e a n e s w h e r e b y ii

dcring

is k e p t i n a n v n d e r p r o p o r t i o n a g r e e a b l e

of

chat S t a t e .

tbeir

to

10. T h e m a n n e r o f g o u e r a i n g their P r o u i n c e ^

Siate

• r Shires. 11. T h e E m p e r o u w ptinic Connfel!. ki. T h e Empereurs Cuüomes and other Reue· • n e % & what they amount

vnto,withtheS»-

p h i (aies p r a & i f e d f o r t h e e n c r e a f e o f L T h e f u m

Their

o f .

î .

t b i s á i C J courfe

I

, Judicial

k

The Rafle crmmnnaltic&their

• < { j [ ^ f e e * f ~ ι J« T h e E m p e r e u r s f e r e e s /licy.

/

*

I

for

them*

condition.

an (that lieth fbutheaft fró Mosko) t o Nouograâ and Vohk«, that reach fartheft towards the north weft* so betwixt Mosko, and Smolemko{thst lieth fouth weft towards LttH(wta)is a very fruitful and pleafant íoile» *

The

( 1 8 ) 1 7 0 0 . verst/about 700 verse.

(22)

1700. v e r s t / 7 0 0 verse

Ofthe Soyle and Clymate.

4

The whole countrie differeth very much from it felfe, by reafon of the yeare: fo that a man would meruaile to fee the great alteration and difference betwixte the winter, andthefommer .%&ffi* . The whole countrie in the winter lyethvnderfnow, which falleth continually, and is fometime of a yarde or two thicke, but greater towardes the north. The riners and other waters arc all frofen vp a yarde or more thicke, how fwifteor broade fo euer they bee. And this çontinueth commonly flue moneths, vz, from the beginning of Nouember till tow ardes the ende of March, what time the fnow beginneth to mclte. So that it would breede afroft in amantolooke abroad ac that time, and fee the winter face of that countrie* Thelharpenefle of the ayre you T h e "? M may iudge of by this .· for that water dropped downe or caft vp into the ayre.congealeth into Ife before it come to the ground. In the cxtremitie of winter, if you holdc a pewter di£he or pot in your hand, or a· ηy other mettall (except in fome chamber where their warmeftoauesbee) your fingers will friefe fafte vnto it, and drawe of the skinne at the parting. When you paífc out of a warme roome into a colde.you (hall fenfibly feele your breath to waxe ftarke, and cuca ßifcling with the coldet as you draw it Β 4 in

Ofthe Soyle and CUmdte.

in and out. Diuers not onely that trauell abroad, but in the very markets ,and ftrcats of their rownes, are mortally pinched and killed withali : fo that you ihall fee many drop downe in the ftreates, many trauellers brought into the townes fitting dead and iliflfe in their ileddes* Diuers loie their nofes j the tippes of their eares,and the bals of their cheekes, their toes, feete, Emperom of All Rujfta, great Duke of Oolodemer, (JWosko and Kottogrady King of Cdz,an y King o f ¿yJßracAn. The reft I o-

mitted ofpurpofe, becaufe I knew they gloried , to haue their itile appeareto bee of a larger volume then the Queen es of England. But this was taken in fo ill part, that the Chauncellor(w ho then attended the E mperour, with the reft of the Nobilitie)with a lowdc chafing voice called ftill vpon mee to fay out the reft. Whereto I anfwered, that theEmperours ftile was very long,and could not ίο well be remembred by ftraungers, that I had repeated fo much of it, as might ihewe that I gaue honour to the reft &c: But all would not ièrue till I commaunded my Interpreter to fay it all out.

Tbt

20 The State or fome oftleìr Gouemment. The 7, Chapter. H e manner o f their gouemment is much after the T u r ki£h fa(hió: which they fceine to imitate as neare as the coütiie, and reach of their capacities in pollitique affayres will hifmis to recciue all complaints and a&ions what ioeuer, that are brought out of their fcnerall £betfîrds,and quarters, which thcmfelucs for the moil parte Woo make account o f . And therefore theyforniihthen»· fclues with all thefpoile they can for the time of their gouernmcnt, that they may haue For both turnes>,afwclforthe Empereur, and Lord ofùic Chetfird&stQ referuc fomcgood part for them (clues. They that are appointed to gouerne abroad,aremcn of this quälitie : iàuc that in thefoore border townes that are ofgreateftimportance, are let men of more {pedali vaiare and trail two in cucry townc. Whcr( 4 ) markes/Rubbles or marks

The Gouemment

5

ió

15

20

25

30

cfone is euer of the Emperours priuie coutifell. Theiê fcure border tovrnes arc Smolcnfho^Ü obsko.NoHogroá^ Ca&tnjw hereof three lie towards the Ρoloman&Swcdett) onebordereth far of vpon the Chrim Tartar • Thefc haue larger cómifsion then the other Dukes of rhe Prouinces that I fpake of before, and may doo execution in criminali matters • Which is thought behoofull for the Commonwelth : for incident occafions that may happen vpon the borders, that are far o £ & may not ftav for direftion, about cuery occurrent and particular matter from the Empereur and his Gounicll.They are chaunged cuery yeare (except as before) and haue for their ftipendyoo. rubbels ayearehee that hath moil: fome haue but 4 o q, Many of thefe places that arc of greateft importance,& alinoli the whole countrie is managed at this time,by the Godonoes and their clients. Thecitie of Mcsko(û\2xhthe Emperours (êat) is gouerned altogether by the Emperours Counieil, All matters there both ciuill and criminali, are heard and determined in the feuerall courtes, held by fome of th e faid CounfcU jthatteiìde there all the yeare îon g. The Gru Oriely for their rdinary matters (as buil· uernmcnt dings reparations, keeping of their Arcate« o(Moikg. decent and dcane, collectons, leuying o f taxes,importions and fueh like)are appointai ics, (11—14) (27—18) tions-

that are far of . . . C o u n s e l l omitted ( 2 0 ) clients/clients and favourers O n e l y . . . r e p a r a t i o n s / F o r their T o w n matters o n l i e (as buildings, repara-

of their (Provinces.

^

ted two Gentlemen,& two Dyacks or Secretarie$,who hold a court together for the ordering of fuch matters. This is called the Zempskey houfe • if any towncs man fufpe& his fcruant of theft or like matter, hitherhemay bring him to haue him examined vpon thePudkejhovother torture» Befides thefe two Gentlemen,and Secretaries that order the whole Citic, there are Starufts or Aldermen for euerie fcuerall conipanic. The Alderman hath his Sotskey or Conltablcj and the Confiable hath certeinc DecetskeU or Decurions vndcr him, which haue thcouer/ïghtof ten houfholds a pecce, whereby euerie diibrder is fooner ipide, and the common fcruice hath the quicker difpach. The whole number o f Citizens poore and rich are reduced into companies • The ehiefe officers (as the Dyacks and Gentlemen) are appointed by the Emperour himfelfc, the Staruß by the Gentlemen and Dyacksjthe Sctskpy by the Staruß or Alderman, and the Deeetskotes by the Confiables. This manner ofgouernment of their Provinces and townes, if it were afwell fet for the giuingof iufticc indifferently to al forts, as it is to preuent innouations, by keeping o f theNobilitie within order, and the commons in fubie&ion, it might (cerne in that kindc to bee no bad,nor vnpollitique way, F ios ( 6 - 7 ) to h a v e h i m . . . Pudkey/to h a v e h i m publiquelie e x a m i n e d by the pudkey ( 1 0 ) or A l d e r m e n for euerie/or A l d e r m a n for the o r d e r i n g of everie ( ΐ 5 - Ι 7 ) whereby euerie disorder . . . dispach omitted

5

10

ιs

20

25

30

The Government

An hnrdc matter to alter the State of

for the contcvning of fo large a Common· wealth,ofthat breadth and length as is the fcingdomc of %ujfM. • But the oppreffiort and ílauerieis fo open and ίο great, that a manwculd maruell how- the Mobilise and people ihoulde fufFer themfelues to bee brought vnder it, v/hiie they had any means to auoid and repulfe it:or being fo ftrpngfhnedas it is at this preienr, how thcEmperours themiclues can be content to praftife thefame, with fo open iniuftice and oppref. (ion of their fubiefts, being themiclues of a Chriftian profefsion. By 'lt appeareth how harde a matter it were to alter the ihte of the Ruß gouernment,asnowitftandeth. Firft,becaufc Nobilitic able to tjjev ^aue n o n c 0f make head. As for the Lords of the {bure Çhctfirds or Tctrarchiaihey

are men of n o

Nobilitie,but Dyac-ksaduancedby the Emperour,dependingon his fauour,and attending onely about his owne perfon, And for the Dukes that are appointed to gouern vn* der them, they arc 'but men of a titulat dignitie (as was iaied before) of no power, au* thoritie,norcrcdit3faue that which they haue out of the office,for the time they cnioy it. Which doth purchafe thé no fauour, but rather hatred of the people,for afmuch as they iee that they are fee ouçr thé,not fo much for sny ( 1 ) conteyning/ordering: ( 1 9 - 2 0 ) men of no Nobilitie omitted. ( 2 1 ) depending on his fauour omitted. ( 2 2 ) onely about his owne person/still about his person (26) haue/receive

of their Troulnces.

34

any care to doo them right and iuftîce as to keepe them vndcr in a mifcrable Íubicíftion, and to take the fliece from them,not once in theyeare (as the owner from his iheepe) but to poule and clip them all the yeare long.Befides the authority & rule which they beare, is rent anddiuided into many fmall pieces, being diuers of them in euery great Shire, limited befideswitha very lhort t ime : which giueth them no fcope to make any flrcngth, nor to contriuefuch an enterprife, if happily they intended any matter ofinnouarion, A s for the common people (as may better a pepeare in the deicriptionof their ilare 3c qualifie afrerwardes fet downe) beiides their want of armour & ρ rafti fe of warre (which they arc kept from o f purpofe)they are robbed continually both of their harts & monv, (befides other means)fomtimes by pretence o f fome feruice to be done for the common defence, fometimes without any ihewe at all o f any necefsitie of Common-wealth or Prince * So that there is no meanes either for Nobilitie.or people to attempt any innouation,fo long as the militane forces o f the Empcrour(which are the number of 8000 at the lead in continuali pay) hold themfelues fad and fure vnto him, and to the prefent fíate • Which needes they muft doo beyng ofthequalitie o f Souldiours, andenioying F 2

withaU

( 4 ) parenthetical phrase omitted. ( ; ) to poule and clip t h e m omitted. (6) a u t h o r i t y / t h e i r authority ( 7 ) emall/severall ( 1 1 ) happily omitted. ( 1 2 ) they t e n d e d / t h e y should intend ( 1 9 ) (besides other m e a n s ) . . . pretence/by o f t e n actions and soomtimes by pretence ( 2 6 ) 8000/80000

TbeEmterours Cwnfell withal that free libercie of wronging & ipoiling ofthe commons at their pleafure, which is permitted them ofpurpoie,to make them haue a liking of the prefent líate . As for the agreement of the Souldiers and commons, it is a thing not to be feared, beyngof f o oppofite and contrarie pradife much one to the other. This defperate ftate of things at home , maketh the people for the moft part to wiihe forfome forreine inuafion, which they iuppofe to bee the onely tneanes, to rid them of the heauy yoke of this tyrannous goucrnment»

Ofthe Emperours Counfell. The 11,Chapter. HE Emperours of %vflla giue the name ofcoûfellourto diuers of their chiefe Nobilitie rather for honors fake, then for any vie they make of the about their matters of toe « Thefe are called Botaren* with( i — 1 3 ) Land e n j o y i n g ] withal . . . g o v e r n m e n t / [ a n d e n i o y i n g ] that licence which is permitted vnto them of purpose to make them have a liking of the present State, by wronging & spoiling of the Commons at their pleasure. As for the agreement of the souldiours & the Commons it is not to bee thought of, being so opposite and of so contrarie practize the on to the other. This maketh the people for the most part of them to wish for soom forreign invasion which they suppose to be the onlie meanes to ease them of the heavie yoke of this tyrannous government.

The Emperours CounfelL

3?

without any addition, and may bee called Counfellors at large For they are icldomc o r neuer called to any publique confultation. They which are of his ípeciall and prime Counfcll indeed (whom hee vfeth daily and ordinarily forali publique matters perteining to the State) haue the addition of T>umnojyand âre r>âmed Dumnoy botaren, o r

Lords of the Couniell, their office or fitting TSoArßna dxmna.

Their names at this prefent are thefe in Thcnubcr their Order. Firft, Knez, Feeder loanomch and names tJtâethifloskey. 2, Knez, I nan UMichailowich oftheCoüCliHskoy g. Knez. Vafilte Itttnwich Swkpj j^1™"0*

Scapi». (Thefe three are accounted to bee of greater birth then wifedome taken in ( as may íceme) for that ende, rather to fur ni ili the place with their honours and prefence, then with their aduife or couniell.) 4» Knez,

ate *

VaCtlte ItMnovfich Swkoj,thought t o b e m o r e

wife then the other of bis name.

Kne*

Feeder (JMicbatlowicb. 6, Knez, CMichetA %onMnomch Trwbetskoy. 7. Knez,Ttwophcy T^manoWtchTrowbetskgy. 8. Knez, Andriew Gregoriwich ÇurÂkine. p. Knez, Detnetria InMnvWich Vorcßtne. 10. Knez, Feeder Ihmíoyrich Foreftine. 11. Bodan luancWich Sabor eue. I ». Knez, Ιηλη Vaftlowíck. 13. Knez, Felder *Demetrivo ich Sheflinone. 14» Knez, Feeder tJMchnilWtchTrojcontoue. 15» luanUrtter-

F 3

1)Ηψ

( 2 ) at l a r g e / a t l a r g e or e x t r a o r d i n a r y ( 9 ) Counsell/privie Court sell ( 2 8 ) Vasilowich/ Vasilowich Sytskoy (30) Troyconioue/Troyocoinove

T h e lyney.

B n p ù ' o n r s

τ 6 . Derne

Borrìfe

tri e

Federowich

5

. Gregarie

Godotjoe,

sAndriev?

natte

fertone, ßlte

Τ e H A.

2 7 .

2 1 .

2

Feeder

25*

tsíadrttW

'Pent

e le otte

23*

S hale alone.

.

3 1 .

M i -

luAnotrick

Ό a f i f o m e h

Elencar

Ig-

'Romain

D t m e n f h o y

2 6 » ^Romain

IMA*

o.

Sheremitouc.

C l e f t cuma*

Shalcaloue• 29.

Drez.heen

Godonoe,

Tatijloue. 24*

C h e r e m i j f e n .

17«

Faßlowtch

Vetrowich

TetroVvich

chailovficU·

10

Stephen

Çodettoe,

brother to the

f t f i l o w i c h Çodonoe.

ZJafilowich 2 2 ,

I x m o v t k k Çodonoe-,

Emp reife. 18, 19

C o t t n f d l

2 8 .

t / 4 l ~ U a -

Weliufgin Ζ

¿pon

• 30.

*sihrA-

moue.

Foure Se15 crctarics.

zo

25

30

The foure lad of thefe are called Dumnoy deiakey or Lord Secretaries . Thefe are all of thcEmperourspriui - cou η fell though but fewc of them are called to any confultation y for that all matters are aduifed and determined vpon by Β orris Federowich Godonoe brother to the EmpreiTc with íome flue or fixe more whom it pleafeth him to call. If they come, they are rather to hearc, then to giue counfel, & doo io demeane théfelues. The matters occupent which are of fíate done within the Bealme^are infourmed them at their fittings by the Lcrdes ofthe foure Chetfirds)or Tetrarchies. Whereof mention is made in the Chapter concerning the ( j ê f i e r n m e f t t of tbetr Premnccs, Who bring in all íiich letters as they rcceyue from the Dukes, (7) TatislouelTatishove

( 1 2 ) Drezheen

Penteleoue/Drusheen

Ρ entele ove

The Emperonrs Counfell Bukes, Dyacksj Captaincs, and oth$r officers of the Cities,and Gaftels pertevningto their feucrall quarter orCbetfird., with-other aduertifements, and informe the Counfell of them. The like is done by the chiefe officer ofeucry feucrall office of Record: who may come into the Counfell chamber«* and in* forme them, as occafiön incident to his office doth require, Β elides matters of State, they confidcr of many priûate caufes, informed by way of fupplicationin very great numbers. Whereofibme they internine and determine, as the caufe or meanes can procure fauourSome they fend to the office« whereto they perteyne by common courfe ofLawc, Their ordinane dayes for their fitting, are morrdaies, wenfdaies,and fridayes. Their time of meeting i s commonly feuen ζ dock in the morning. If there be any extra· ordinary occafion that requireth coníultatíon on fome other day, they haue warning bytheClarkeof the counfell called ì>orof Their bonds,or billes are drawen in a vcry plaine fortc,after this tenour. I luan V a f i b i l s

• r bonds,

^

a t i e

t h e f u m m e ney

of

borrowed

o f zsilphonaße

o f one

hauiour j a s applying themfelues to the fafhion of the PolonUnS ome of them haue fubiefted themfelues to the kings of Poland, & profefle Chriftianitie, The Nagay lyeth Eaft warde, and is reckoned for the beft man o f warre among all the Τ artars,but verie faThechtre- uagc,andcruell aboue all the reft.The mifun ret' rcmijin Tartar>that lieth betwixt the Ruffe 8c m ' the Nagajy are of two forts,the Lugzuoy(that is of the valley) and the Nagarnay, or of the hilliecountrey. Thefe haue much troubled the Emperours o f Ruffta.And therfore they are content now to buy peace o f thé, vnder pretencc of giuing a yeerely penfion of Ruffe commodities,to their Mor[eis.ox Diuoytnerjeis, thatarechiefeof their tribes For which alio they are boüd to ferue thé in their wars, vnder certeinc conditions.They arc (aide t o be iuft & true in their dealings: and for that caufe they hate the Ruffe people, whom they account to be d o u b l e d falfe in all their dealing.And therfbrethecommon fort are very vnwilling to keep agreement with them, but tíiat they are kept in by their cMorfeis^ or D u k e s for their penfions fake. T h e moftrude & barbarous is coüted the Mor duite ( 4 - 6 ) behauior . . . Some of them h a u e / b e e h a v i o u r l i k e to the S p a n n i a r d . S o o m of them h a v e ( 1 8 - 1 9 ) of Russe commodities omitted. ( 2 6 ) the c o m m o n sort omitted. ( 2 8 ) kept . . . Morseis/kept w i t h i n order by their Morseys ( 2 9 ) f o r their pensions sake omitted.

The borderers oftftyfsia.

74

Mordtvit Tartar, that hath many felffaíhiós, T h e ^ ^ &ftrange kinds of behauiour, differing fró vile Tartar the reft.For hisrèligió,thogh he acknowlege the moft one god,yet his maner is to worihip for god, barbarous that lining thing,that he firft meeteth in the o f l h c rcÄ * morning Sc to fweare by it al that whole day whether it be horfe.dogge,catte,or whatfoeuer els it be. When his friend dieth, hekil* leth his beft horfe, and hauing flayed off the skin.he carrieth it on high vpon a long pole, before the corpes to the place of buriall. Thishee doeth (as the fayeth) that his friend may haue a good horfe to carie him to heauen:but it is likelier to declare his louetowardes his dead friende, in thathee will haue to die with him the beßthing that hee hath» Next to the kingdome of ssfßracan, that is the fartheft part Southeailward of the Rufe dominion, lyeth the Shalean > and the countrey of Midut: whither the marchants trade for raw filks, iyndon, faphion, skins, and other commodities« T h e chiefe townes ofCMeâia where thc%ujfe tradeth, Ott,Derbeut (built by eAlexander the great, as the inhabitauntcs faye) and Z*m4chit where the ftaple is kept for rawe filkes* Their manner is in the Spring time to r e · utuethe filkc-wormes (that lye dead all t h e Winter) by laying them In the warme « ι tonne, ( 1 8 - 3 0 ) N e x t to the kingdome . . . [to end of chapter on p. 7 5 ]

omitted.

The barderen oftftyfsia. funne,and(to haften their quickening that they may fooner goe to workc) to put them into bags, and f o t o haag them vnder their childrens armes. As for the worme called Chrimjtn (as we call it cbrywßn) that maketh coloured filke, it is bred not in AfedtAtbut in Afsyria. This trade to 'Derbentzwà Sama* chie for rave filkes, and other commodities , o f that countrey* as alio into Perfia, and cBoHghartai downe the riuer Volgha.^ and through the Cafpian fea, is permiteed aiwcll t o the Englifh, as to the Ruffe marchants, by the Empcrotirs laft Graunt at my being there, Which heé accounteth for a very fpeciall fauour, and might prooue in deede very beneficiali to our Engliih marchants, if the trade were wel,and orderly vfed, The whole nation of the Tartars are vtterly voyde of all learning , and without written Lawe» Yet certeine rules they haue which they holde by tradition , common to all the Hoords for the praftife of their life. Which are of this fort. Ftrfi, To obey their Emperour An(l other cMagtßrates, vehatjòettcr they commende about the publique ferutce, t, Exceptfor the publique bchoofe, euery man tabe fret Ληά out of contrelement. 3. Nopiriand the bay of VedAgohAÜL there to fiih for Codd,Salmon,& But-fiih,which they fell to the RUFES, DAHCJ, & NorttegiansfLUÁ now oflate to the Engliih me that trade thither with cloth* which they cxchaunge with the Lapses and CtreUans for their fifh, oile, and furrcs, whereof alio they haue fomeftore.Thcy hold their mart ati^foia on SMeters day: what time the Captain of W*rdhuyfe(that is refiant there for the king cf Demnarke)mvSk be prefent,or at Icafl fend his deputie to fet prices vpon their ftockfifh, traine oile/urres,and other commodities:as alio the Rufe Emperours cuftomer a or tribute taker, to receiue his cuítame, which is euer payed before any thing can be bought» orioid.When their fiihingis done,their m i ner Entire page

omitted.

ani Lappes.

78

tier ïs to drawe their carbaffes, or boates on ihoare, & there to leaue them with the keelc turned vpwardes, till the next fpring tide» Their trauaile too & fro is vpon flcds, drawen by the Olen deertwhich they vfe to turne a graiing all the Sommer time,in an iland cai* leo Kílden (of a very good foile compared with other partes of that countrie) and towards the winter time ,when the fnow beçinneth to fall, they fetch them home again, íor the vfe oftheir fledde.

Ofthetr Ecckfiafitcahfiate,Ίϋ'ιώ their Church offices. The 21, Chapter* Oncerning the gouernement of their Churchc, it is framed altogether after the miner of the Greeks as being a part of that Church, and neuer acknowledging the iurifdt* Ôion of the Latine Church» yfurped by the Pope « That I may keepe a better mcafure in deferì. ( i ~ l i ) omitted. ( 2 6 - 3 0 ) that Church . . . T h a t I may keepe/that Church when it was at the woorst and hadd corrupted it self aswell in doctrine as in discipline. T h a t I may keep

Tbeir Eccleßafticallfiate. defcribing their ceremonies, thé they in the viing them ( wherein they are infinite) I will note briefly: Firfl,what Ecclefiafticall degrees, or offices they haue with theiurifdidion,and praétife ofthem. Secondly, what do&rine they holde in matter of religion. Thirdly, whatleiturgie,or forme of feruice they vie in their Churches, with the manner of their adminiftring the Sacraméts. Fourthly, what other ftraunge ceremonies, andiiiperftitious deuotions are vfed among them. Thechurch Their offices.or degrees of Churchmen, efficcrs. are as many in number, and the fame in a manner both in name and degree, that were in the Wefterne churches • Firít they haue their Patriarchythen their LMetropolites,their çArMtfho^s, their Fladikey or Hifiops, their *Protopapes or nArchpriefls 3 their 'Tapes or Ρrte βs their Deacons, Friers¡Menkes, Λ unnes} and Eremites• The Patri· Their Patriarchat chiefe dire&er in matuck ter of religion vntill this laft yeare, was of thecitie of Çonîiantinople (whom they called the "Patriarch of Sio) becaufe being driuen by the Türke out of Confiammopie (the ièate of his Empire) he remoued to the lie Sfo,Îom& times called Chio^and there placed his Patriarchiall fea So that the Erapcrour«, and clergie ofRuJfia, were wont yearely to fend gifts thither and to acknowledge a fpirituall kind of homage, and fwbic&ion due to him,

and

(1—2) describing· . . . in t h e vsing- t h e m / d e s c r i b i n g it, t h e n they in the cerimonies & superstitions of their church (18) Protopapes/Preiorfopes

Their Eccleßaßicallßate.

79

and to that Church. Which cuitóme they haue held (as it fecmeth)euer iincc they profeiled the Chriítian rcligió.Which how long it hath bene I could not well learne, for that they haue no ftorie.or monument o f antiquitie (thatl couldheareof ) toftiewewhat hath bene done in times paft within their countrie,concerning either Church,or c o m mon wealth matters. Onety I heare a report among them , that about three hundred yeares fince, there was a marriage betwixt the Emperour o f Conflantwoflc, & the kings daughter of that countrie : who at the firft denied t o ioyne his daughter in marriage with the Cjreeke Emperour,becâufc he was o f the Chriítian religion . Which agrceth well with that I finde in the ftorie o f Laonictu ChalcacondyUs conccrning Turkilli affaires in his fourth booke : where hee fpeaketh o f fuch a marriage betwixt lohn the Greekc Emperour, and the Kings daughter o f SArmut ta » A n d this argueth out of their ownc report, that at that time they had not receyued the Chriftian religion : as alfo that they were conuerted to the faith,and withall per* uerted at the very fame time, receyuing the dodrine of the gofpell,corrupted with fuper¿litions euen at the firft when they tooke it f r o m the Greekc C h u r h , which it felfethen «ras degenerate, and corrupted with many

fupcr( 1 7 — 2 2 ) X finde . . . A n d this a r g u e t h / I finde in the storie of Nicephorus that speaketh of such a m a r r i a g e w i t h the K i n g s daughter of Sarmatia abowt the time of Anironicus the y o u n g e r w h i c h w a s abowt the y e a r 1300. A n d this argueth

Their Eccleßaßicailßate. fuperftitions,and fowlc errours, bothin doörine and difciplinc:as may appeare by the {lory of Nicephorm Gregoras, in his 8. and 9«. bookes, But as touching the time of their çomier/ion to the chriftiá faith,I fuppofe rather that it is miftaken by the Ruffe, for that which I find in the Polonianftoric:thcíccód booke the third chaptenwhere is faid that about the yeare çço.Wodomirtu Duke of Ruf» fia* married one Anne fitter to Hafilitu&nA Conßmtintu brothers,Si Emperours of Confi Antinomie. Wheruponthe receiued the faith & profefsion of Chrift* Which though H bè foijiewhat more auncient then the time noted before ont .of the Ruffe report ,yet it falleth out al to one reckoning .touching this pointez : in what truth, and finceritie of dottrine the %uffè receiued the firftftampeof religion; for aímuch as the Grceke church at that time alio was many waies infefted with crrour.and fuperftition,. A t my being there.the yere 15 88 came vn*

¿fotkg the Ρ dtriarcb.o£C0nßatinarle ,οΓ the patri- Sw)called Hieronomo being ban iíhed as fome S i o n of"

t o t

^c

arcbicall faid} by the7*r%,as fome othcrreported by fea from the Greeks clergie depriued. The Emp. being Confian:mo- giucu altogether to fupcrfiitious deuotions, 10 J i Z * g a u c hiiii great intertainment. Before his coining ço Mosfahchzdbencin Italy with the Popc.aswas reported tJiçr by ionic of hisoô* pany, ( 3 - 4 . ) story of Nicephorus Gregoras, in his 8. and 9. bookes/storie of Nicephorus and h a t h so continued e v e r since. A n d that they receaved this f o r m a s w e l l of doctrine as of the Church g o v e r n m e n t f r o m the G r e e k church, thear are m a n i e evident reasons to induce a m a n to thinck, w h i c h m i g h t hear bee sett d o w n , but that it w o u l d d r a w this breif note into over g r e a t l e n g t h . ( 4 - 2 1 ) But as t o u c h i n g . . . [ t o end of p a r a g r a p h ] omitted. ( 2 4 ) called Hieronomo omitted.

Their Eccleßaßirattfíate.

8o

pany t His arrád was to cófult with the Emp» conccrning thcfc points.Firft about a league t o paffe betwixt him & the king o f Spatne^t themeeteft Princc to ioyne with him in oppofition againit the Türke.To which purpoiè alfo AmbaiTages had pafled betwixt the Ruffe & the Ρer fian. Like wife from the Georgians to theEmpcrour o f RuJJiat to ioyne league together, for the inuading o f the Turile on all fides of his dominion: taking the aduantage o f the fimple qualitie of the Türke that now i s . Thistrcatie was helped forward by the Emperour s Ambafladour o f AlmainCjfent at the fame time to folicite an inuafíon vpon the parts o f Ρolomd, that lie towards Rufland,.and to borrow mony o f the Ruffe Emperour, to purfue the warre for his brother Maximilian,again ft the Swedens fon now king o f Poland. But this confultation concerning a league betwixt the Ruße & the Spaniard hicli was in fomc forwardnes at my comming to Mosko, and already one appointed for Ambaífage into Spaine)was marred by means ofthe ouerthrow giuen to the Spanifb king by her Maieilie, the Queene o f England,this laft yeare. Which made the Ruffe Emperour and his Counfell, to giue a (adder countenance to the Engl i ih AmbafTadour at that time : for that they were di (ap-

pointed of fo good 2 policiers γγ** this con· iun&ion ( 7 ) Likewise/And this year

( 1 2 - 1 9 ) This treatie . . . now king oí

Poland

Their Ecclefiaßicallfiate. iunítion fuppofcd to bee betwixt them and the SfAtiifi. His fécond purpofe (whereto the firft ferued as an introduction)» was in reuenge ofthe Türke and the Greekecleargie, that had thruft him from his feat, to treate with them about the reducing ofthe Ruffe church vnder the Pope of Rome« Wherein it may iècme that comming lately from Rome, he was fet on by the Pope, who hath attempted, the fame many times before, though all in vaine : and namely in the time of the late Emperour Juan Vaftlovcich, by one Anthony his Legate » But thought this belike a farre better meane toobteine his purpofe by treatie and mediation of their owne Patriarch. But this not iucceeding, the Patriarch fell to a.third point of treatie, concerning the resignation of his Patriarch (Iii p, & tranflation ofthe Sea from Confianttnoylc, or S io, to the citie of(JKosko. Wh ich was fo well liked,and intertained by the Emperour (as a matter of high religion,& pollicie) that no other treatie (fpecially of forrein Ambaífages) could be heatd^or regarded j till that matter was concluded» The reafon wherewith thePatriarch periwad«djche translating of his Sea to the ö d e of OWosko were thefein efFcd, Firft,for that thcSea Of the Patriarch was vnder the Twk* that ( 7 - 8 ) about the reducing · · · Pope of Rome/abowt the Romish supreamacie over the Russ Cleargie (27-30) The reason . . . the 2'«r£/The reasons wherewith the Patriarch perswaded the equitie of his doings, wear, for that the Sea of the Patriarch was vnder the Turk

Their Ecclefiafitcaìlfiate.

81

that is enemie to the faith. And therefore to bee remoued into Tome other countrie of Chriftian profefsion, Secondly, becaufc the jRtffe church was the only naturall daughter of the Greeke at this time, and holderh the fame doctrine & ceremonies with it:thercft being all fiibieft to the Türke, and fallen away from the right profefsion. Wherein the íübtill G t ecke to make the better market of his broken ware , aduaunced the honour that would » o w e to the Emperour.and his countrie: to haue the Patriarches feat, tranílated into the chie£citic,and feat of his Empire, A s for the right of tran dating the fea, and appointing his fuçcdfour, bee nu de no doubt of it, but that it pcrteyned wJholy to himfetfe* So the Empcrour, beareth a fuperiour authoritie rifdiûion. oucr all the Churches,not onely of %ujfta& other the Emperours dominions, but thorough out all chechurchesof Chriftendome that were before vnderthe Patriarch of COfimtinofhyOX Sio : or at leaft the RNFFE Patriarch imagineth himfelfe to haue the fame authoritie. Hce hath vnder him as his proper dioceiR the Prouince of cJkioskg, befides other peculiars. His court* or office is kept at the Meska. The MeBefore the creaító of this new Patriarch, tropoütes. they had but one M-etrof olite , that was called the Metrofohte oiMoskg· Now for tnotc fiate ( 1 - 1 5 ) omitted. ( 1 9 - 2 0 ) thorough out/throughowt ( 2 2 - 2 + ) or Sio . . . H e e h a t h / Sio, or at the least they must suppose it to bee soe, except they w i l l g r a u n t that they h a v e m a d e a badd b a r g a i n , and b o u g h t that of the G r e e k , that h i m self had not r i g h t to sell. H e h a t h

Their Ecckfiaföcallβ ate.

S5

fiate to their Church, and ne\ve Pa triai ch, they hâue two Metropolites 3 the one of NoHbgred velieλ , the other o f Rottene. Their office is to rccciue of the Patriarch fach Ecclefiafticall orders, as he thinketh good,and to deliuer the charge of them ouer to the Archbifliops : befidesthe order mg of their owne dioceife. Their Archbiihops ate fourerof Smotenf- ArchbikptCazjOft^obs ' 0, and Vèlogàa. The partes of ihops. their office is all one with'the Metropoliti: lane that they haue an vnder furifdiiort, as Suffragai e s ro the Metfropolites ,andfuperiours to the Bifliops • ir,c next ate tire V l a d f y ù y or Biihops, that ate but fixe in all : of ¿rumska, of 'liez,*», of Qtfer and Torjhock., o f Collomenska s of Volòàimer , o f SufdaL·. t h e f t haue eueryone a very large dioccifc : as diuiding the reft of the whole countrie among them. The matters pcrtcynmgto die Ecdefí- Ecdcíiafti. afticâll iurifdi&ron, o f the Métropolites, "»«Miô i o n % Archbrílrops,and Biihops are the fame in a manner that are vied bv the Clcargtein other partes of Chriftendome. For befides theirauthoritie ouer theCleargre,and ordering iuch matters as are meare Ecclefîaíhca l.theiriurifdiâion extendedi t o ali teg m e n t a rie caefirs, matters of marriage, and diuorcemcntcs, forne pleas o f miaΜ ι riet, ( 2 2 ) ¡urisdiction . . . M e t r o p o l i t e s / i u r i s d i c t i o n , first of the P a t r i a r c h , then of the Metropoliti (24) vsed/claimed ( 2 5 ) of C h r i s t e n d o m e . F o r besides/of C h r i s t e n d o o m by the C a n o n L a w . F o r (bysides ( 2 7 — 2 9 ) meare Ecclesiastical . . . causes/mear ecclesiasticall) they usurp m a n i e things that b e l o n g to the C i v i l i magistracie, as a l l testam e n t a r i e cawses

Their Eccleßdßicallfiati, ties, &c • T o which purpofe alio they bane their Officials , or Commiflaries ( which Their Gen- they call 'ΈΟΪΛΠΗ Viaditskey ) that are Layelemcn có- men of the degree of Duícej, or Gentlemifltties« roen, that keepe their Courtes and execute their iurifdi&ion . Which beiides their other opprefsions ouer the common peo« ple,raigne ouer the Prieftcs : as the Dukei Sc Diacks doo ouer the poore pcoplc,within their precin&s • As for the Archbiihop or Bifhop himfclfc, he beareth no fway in deciding thofe caufes ,that are brought into his Court. But if hee would moderate any natter, hee muß doo it by intrcaticwitn Iiis Gentleman official!. The reafon is »be· caufethefe Boiarskcy, or Gentlemen officials, arc not appointed by the Biihops, but by the Emperour himfelfe, or his Connfcll, and are to giue account of their doings to none but to them. If the Biihoppe can intreatat his admiísion to haue the choice of his owne officiali, it is accounted for a fpeciall great fauour • Buttofpeakeitas it is, the Cleargie of , afwell concerning their landes and reuenues, as their authoritie and iutifdiäion, are altogether ordered and ouer ruled by the Emperour, and his Counfell, and haue ίο much,and no more of both as their pleafure doth permit thé» They haue alio their afsifUnts or fcuerall Coon.

lets ( 8 ) the P r i e s t e s / t h e pore Priests

( 9 ) the poore people/the other people p. 84

( 4 ) t w e n t i e . . . aduise/.24· a piece, to w h o m e thear is allotted o w t of their l i v i n g s the summe of Fortie Rubbells. T h e s e advise ( 1 6 - 1 7 ) t h e M e t r o p o l i t e of Nouograde . . . a p p a r e l l / t h e M e t r o p o l i t e of Novagorod. But the Emperours of late h a v e w e l l abated their revenues, w h i c h n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g w e a r l a r g e if they receaved it clear, and had it

Their Ecckßaßicallßiite. 84 ícU (as they call thera)ofcerteinc Priefts that arc o f their diocciFe, rcfiding within their cathcdrall citics^to che number oí foure and twentiea piece, Theíc aduife with them about the fpeciall and neceíTarie matters belonging to their charge. Concerning their rentes and rcuenucs. Tltechurek to raaintevne their dignities, it is fomewhat rcucnucs. large. TÍie Patriarches yearcly rents out o f his landes(befidesotherfecs)isabout 3000. rubbels, ormarkes. The Metropolites and Archbiihops about 2 5 00. The Biihops iome a 1 ooo.forae 800. ibmc 500,6«:. They haue had fome of them (as I haue heard fay J ten ortweluc thoufand rubbels a y care : as had the Métropolite o f Nouagmâc. Their habite or appareil ( when they ^ ^¡^ (hewe thcmfclucs in their Pontificalibus af· 0 f thcir ter their folemncfl manner) i s a miter on clcrgymau their heades, after the popiíli fafhion, fette with pearle and pretious ftone, a cope on their Backes, commonly o f cloth o f golde, cmbrodered with pearle , and a Croficrs flaffe in their h a n d e s , laved ouer all with plate o f filuer double guilt, with a crofle or ûîccpheardcs crooke at the vpperende o f it » Their ordinarie habite otherwife when they ride or goe abroad, is a hood o n their heads o f blacke colour , t h a t hangeth dOYrnc their back«*, and ftandcth out like a M 4 bongrac« a l l at their o w n disposición to spend as they listed. B u t their S t e w a r d is e v e r of the E m p e r o u r s a p p o i n t i n g , and hath a C o m m i s s i o n both to receive all their rents, and to expend w h a t is necessarie a b o w t their h o w s h o l l d p r o v i s i o n . I f anie t h i n g bee l e f t at the yeares end, hee g i v e t h account to the E m p e r o u r s Officers. T h e Patriarch, Metropolitsf Arch-Bishopps, and Biskopps are a l l o w e d o n l i e to their privat purse, f o r the expenses of their persons abowt 200. or 300. Rubbells a piece by the y e a r . T h e i r habitt or apparrell

Their Ecclejfäßieättßate. bongracc before • Their vpper garment (which they call JR^rs) is à gownc or mantell of blacke Damask«, w ith many lrftcs or garde« öf white Sattiñ laved vpon ït, euerie gardc ôbout twofittger'sj broad, and their Crofiers ilaffe carried before them. Themièlues followe after, blefsing the people «Ith therr two forefingers, with a matuciloas g tace. The eleftio Hie election-, and appointing òf the Bief Biíhops, /hops and the reft, perteyrreth wholy to the Emperotir hrmfelfe. They are dioten euer out of the Monafteries:fo that there is no B'tihop, Archbhhop, nor Metropofite, büt hath bene aMonke, or Priet· before. And by that reafon they are, and ntuft til bee VYImaried-men, for their vow of chailitie when they werefirit(home. When the Emperour hath appointed whomhee thinketh good, he is inuefted iti the Cathedral! chnrch of his dioces, with many ceremonies, rrruch after the mantter of the Popith inauguration. They haue aìfò their Deanes, & theit Archdeacons. rhc IcarAs for preaching the wtjrde of God, 0 7 âr, y teaching, or exhorting fach as are the Β φ vnderthem,they ne^trtrvfeit, nor hatfcaClcrgic, ny skill of it : the Whole Cteargre beytig vtterhe vnleamed bothe íbr óthet Knowledge,and in thewotd dfGod. Onelytheitr manner ( 2 2 - 2 5 ) of the P o p i s h i n a u g u r a t i o n . . . A s f o r p r e a c h i n g / o f the P o p i s h i n a u g u r a c i ó n . T o this purpose they h a v e their deanes, a n d A r c h d e a c o n s , a f t e r the order of the P o p i s h Churches. A n d if it bee a s k e d , w h a t v s e they h a v e in their C h u r c h e of their P a t r i a r c h M é t r o p o l i t e s , Archbishopps etc. I can note n o t h i n g s a v e that a m o n g so m a n i e dead I d o l l s as they w o o r s h i p p , they m a y h a v e soom a l i v e to f u r n i s h their C h u r c h w i t h a l l . A s f o r preaching

Their Ecclefiaßkallfiate.

85

manner is twifecucry veer e, vz.the fir ft of September (which is the firft day of their, yere)and on S John Baptifts day, to make an ordinarie fpeach to che people, euery Métropolite, Archbifliop,and Biíhop innis Cathedrall Church, to this or like efifeft: That if anie be in malice towardes his neighbour, hecihall leaue off his malice : if any haue thought of treafon or rebellion againß his Prince,he beware offuch praftife :if hehaue not kept his fails, and vow es, nor done his other dueties to the holie Church,he (hai amend that fault, &c. And this is a matter of forme with rhcm.vttered in as many words, and no more,in a manner,then I haue heere fet downe. Yet the matter is done with that grace and foîemnïtie, in a pulpit of purpoic let vp forthis one Ade, as if he were to dlfcourfe at large ofthe whole fubftance of dixrinitie. At the cjfew^the Emperour himfelfbis euerprelent at this fólemne exhorta* tioìi. As themfehies arc vovde of all maner of learning,(barethey warie to keepe out all meanesthat might bring any in: as fearing to haue their ignorance, and vngodlineflc difcouered» To that purpofe they ñaue perfwaded the Emperours, that it would breed mnouation,and fo danger to their date, to haue aftic noueltie of learning come within the ( 1 8 — 2 0 ) a> if he w e r e to discourse at l a r g e of the w h o l e substance of diuinitie

omitted.

Thftr

Ecckßaßkdlftate.

the Realme. Wherein they fay but trueth,for that a man of Γρι rit and vnderftáding,hclped by learning and liberal education,can hardly indure a tyrannical! gouernment. Some y eres paft in. the other Emperors time,there came a Preifc and Letters out of Poloni*, to thecitieof Mosko, where a printing houfc trasTet vp, with great liking & allowance o£ the Emper our himfelfe. But not long after, the houfe was fet on fire in the night time, and the preiTe and letters quite burnt vp, as vas thought by the procurement of the Cleargy men. Their Prieftes (whom they call Papáes an made by the Biíhops,with out any great tri. allforworthineile of giftes, before they admit them, or ceremonies in their admilsion: fàue that their heades are (home (not (haucti for that they like not)about an hand bredth or more in thccrowne, and that place an« noynted with oyle by the' Biihop ; who in Èisadmîfsîon putteth vpon the prieil.firft feisfurplcflc, and then fetteth a white croile on hisbreft of filke, or fome other matter, which he is to weare eight dayes, and no more« and fo giueth him authorise to by andfingin the Church, and to adminifter die Sacraments. They arc men vtterly vnlearned^hich it mo marueilc,foufmuch astkeir makers, the Bitoop* (1—5) Wherein they say . . . Some yeres past/Wherein they say but truth, for that sound learning and wisdoom, speciallie godlie wisdoom w i l l not well indure a tirannicall government. Soom years past ( 1 2 — 1 3 ) by the procurement . . . Cleargymen/by procurement of the Bishopps and other of the Cleargie

Their

Ecdefeußkallßatc·

8á

£ißiopsthemfclues(as before was faicfcJ arc clcerc of that qualitic, arid make no farther tie at al ofany kindofkarning,no pot ofthe (criptures themfelues, ûuc to reads and to fing them. Their ordinary charge & funótiò is to fay the Leiturgie, to adroinifter the Sa» craments after their maner, to kecpe & deck their idoles, and to doe the other ceremonie* rfuall in their Churches* Their number it great, becaufe their tonnes are parted into many fmal parifties, without any defcretion for deuiding them into competent numbers ofhouiholds,and people for a iuft congregation: as the manner in all places where themeanes isnegleded, for increaiing of knowledge, and inftruäion towardes God, Which cannot well be had, where by means of an vnequall partition of the people, and pariíhes, there followetha want and vncqualitie of ftipend fot a fufficient mini· ftcric. For their priefts, it is lawful to marrie for The chefirfttimc.Butif the firftwife dye, a fe- l'ndk ca* cond hee cannot take, but hee muß loofe m2rrT ^ his Priefthood, and his liuing with all. The°ftCC" reafon they make out of that place of Saine ΎΛΗΙ to Timothie τ, 2, not well vnderftood>thin king that to bee fpoken of diuers wiues fuccefsiuely,that the Apoftlefpeaketh ofatoncandthciametirae.Ifhewill needs osarrie ( 1 4 — 1 7 ) as the manner . . . Which cannot well be had/as is the manner in all places, whear thear is an idolatrous or ignorant ministrie, whear the people are content to want the preaching of the woord which can not bee well had ( 2 7 ) not well/corruptlie

Then· Eccleßaßtcallßate. mart; againe after hisfírílwife is dead, hee is no longer called Papa, but %ofpapa , of Trieft quondam. This maketh the Prieftcs to Stiakemuclo of their wiues, who are accounted as the mstrones , and of beft reputation among the women ofthe panili. For the ftipend of the Prieft, their manlier is not to pay him anV tenthes of corne, orought els : but he moft (land at the deuotion ofthe people of his pari ih, and make vp the incommes towards his maintenance,fo wel as he can, by offeringSjiliriftes, marriages,burials, dirges,atvd prayers for the dead and the liuing. (which they call MoHtua) Forbefides theifpublike femice within their Churches, their manner is for euery priuate man to haue a prayer làide for him by the Prieft,vpon any occaiion of bufineflc whatfoeuefr, whether he ride, goe, ßile, plough, orwhatioeacr els he doeth • Which is not Earned according to the occaiion of his buiirtfcíTe, but at raneóme, being fome of their ordinarie and vfuall Church-prayers . And this is thought to be more holy, and effeftu* alljîfit be repeated by the Priefts mouth,rather then by his ov-ne* They haue a coftome beírdes to folemnize the Saints day, that is patrone t o their Church once euery yecre» What time al their neighbours of their coütrey, and pariílies about, come in to haue

prayeri ( 1 4 ) Molitua/which they call Molytva or praier for remission of sinnes their countrey/of their T o w n & Countrey

( 2 9 - 3 0 ) of

Tbeir Ecdeßaßicallßatf.

87

prayers faide to that Saint for thcm¿cluc& and their friendes: and ίο nuke an offering to the Prieftfor his paines • This offering may yeeld them Tome ten ponndes aycere,, more or lcflc ,as the patrone ., or Saint of that Church is ofcrédite, and cftimatbn among them. The manner is on this day (which they keep anniucrfaric for thçprieu, to hire diuers of his neighbour prieftcs to helpehim: as hauingmoredi/hes to drefiè for the Saint,then he can wet turne his hand vnto. They vie beiides to vifite their pariöiioners houfes,with holy water,and perfumç, commonly once a quarter : and fo hailing fprinckled, and befenfed the goodman and hie wife, with the reft of their houihold, and houíliold íluífe, they recciue fonie deuotionmore orleiie,a$ the man is ofabilitic.Thi? jj and the reft laid al together , may make yp maiatel for the prieft towardeshis maiiit-cQauncc,a- sanee, bout thirtieorfourtierubbels aycre.wherof he payeth the tenth part to the Biöiop of thcDioces. The Ψαρα or Prieft is knowen by his long yj^ p^^ tufts of haire,hanging downc by his eares, attire, his çowne with a broad cape,and a walking fta$e in his hand. For the reft of his habite, he is apparelled like the common fort.When he faith the Leiturgie or feruice, within the Church, he hath on hita his furpkftc, and fomctiroes ( 2 0 - 2 1 ) about thirtie or fourtie rubbels/about X X or X X X Rubbells (24-25) The Papa . . . h a n g i n g d o w n e / T h e P a p a or priest is not so much k n o w n e by anie g o o d qualitie above the rest, but by his l o n g tuffes of heir, h a n g i n g d o w n

Their Eccießaßkallflote.

5

o

». .

i0

2;

3o

fbtnetimeshis coapc, if the day be morefolemnc, They haue befides their Tapaes or Prieftcs » their ChurntptpMcs (as they call them) that is, Alache bruñes .· that may iceepe their Benefices, though they bee admitted Friers with all within fome Mona» ftcrie. They ièeme to bee the verie lame that were called Regular Prieftes in the Poj>i(h Church. Vnder the Prieft, is a Deacon in eu cry Church,that doeth nothing but the office of a pariih Clearke. As for their TroiefMp«ef% or Archepriçftes, and their Archdeacons(thatare next in cle&ion to be their J>rorepop4t) they (crue onely in the cathedral Churches· O f Friere they haue an infinit rabbi e Tar re greater the in any other countrey,where popery is profefled. Euery city,& good part of the countrey,fwarmeth ful ofthem, For they haue wrought (as the popiih Friers did by their füperítition and hypocrific)that if any partof thcRcalme bee better and fweeter then other, there ftandeth a Friery^or * monailery dedicated to fome Saint« Thenumber of them is fomuch the greater, not onely for that it is augmented by the fiiperftition of the countrey , but becaufe the Fryers life is the fafcftfrom the opprefsions, andcxadions, that fall vpoa the Commons, Which caufeth many t o put

( 1 6 - 1 7 ) O f Friers . . . p r o f e s s e d / O f Friars they h a v e a greater nomber, then in anie C o u n t r e y w h e a r poperie is professed

Tbetr Eccleßaßicdlßate. 88 put on the Fryers weede , as the beft armour to beare offfìichblowes.Bcíidcs iùch as are voluntarle > there are diuers that are forced to ili ire themfelues Fryers » vpon íome difpleafurc .Theíé arc for the naoft part of the chiefe Nobility .Diuers take the Monaileries as a place of Sanihiary, and there become Friers,to auoydefome punifliment, that they had dcfcrucd by the laves of the Realrae. Forifhcegettea Monafteiy ouer his head, and there put on a cook before hee be attached , it is a protection to him for euer açamft an ν lav, for what crime foetier: except it be for treafon. But this Proxtji goeth withal, that no man commeth there , (except fuch as are commanded by the Empereur tobe receiued) buthcegiueth them lands,or bringeth his flock with him,& put« teth it into the common Trcaiiirie. Some bring a ι ooo rubbels,&fomemore,None it admitted vnder 3 .or 4.hundred. The manner of their admiision is λ fret Thann*, this fort. Firft,the Abbot ftrippeth him of ncr offtiU all his fecular or ordinarie appareil • ThenringFrier* hee putteth vpon him next to his skinne, a white flannel ihirt, with a long garment ouer it down to the ground,girded mto him with a broade leather belt. His vppermoft garment is a weede of G Arra, or Siofor colour and failiion, much like to the vpper treed

Their Ecckßaßicallßate. M eed of a Chimncy-fwceper . Then is his i r own ihorne a hand breadth,or more dofe to the very skinne, and thefcor like worde* pronounced by the A b b o t , whiles hee clippcth his h a ire tbefe haires are clipped ofy& roJn ttkep f bead*finow we take thee.andfefarats thee cleMcfrcm thevporlde, and worldly tiihiges, drc. This done, heeannoynteth his crowne with oyle,and putteth on his coole: and ib taketh him in among the Fraternitìe» They vowe perpetuali chaftme, and abftincnce from flefli. Befides their landes,(thatare verie great) they arc the greateft marchants in the whole countrcy, and deale for ^11 manner o f commodities* Some of their moriafterics difpêd in landes, one thoufande ,or two thouiande rubbclsayeere. There is one Abbey called Troits, that hath in lan ds & fees, the fu mmc o f iooooo.rubbels, or marks a yeere. It is fcuiltin manerofa Chille, walled rouodc a.bout, with great ordinance planted o u the w a l l e d conteineth within.it a large bredth ofgEouade.and great varietiç of building. There are o f Friers within it, (befides their officers, and other iêruants) about 700. The EmpreiTethat now is, hath many vowes t o Saint Sergiw,that is patrone thereto intreat him to make her fruitful, ashaujngno children by the Emperour herhusband»Lightly euery ( 1 6 — 1 8 ) dispend . . . a yeere/dispend in L a n d s 10000, soom 20000 Rubbells a year ( 1 9 — 2 1 ) that h a t h . . . in m a n e r of a C a s t l e / t h a t hath in L a n d s & fees to the summe of 100000 Rubbells a year. T h i s is m a n i e times visited by the Emperours for d e v o t i o n , soomtimes aliso they visitt their purse w i t h o w t anie devotion. It is built in m a n n e r of a Castle (29—30) to m a k e her f r u i t f u l . . . her h u s b a n d / t o m a k e hir f r u i t f u l l for children (30) Lightly omitted.

Their Ecclefiaßicallßate.

8ρ

eoçry yccrc íhe goeth on pilgrimage to him from the Mosko> on foote, about 80 Engliih miles, with fiue or fixe thoufand women attending vpon her, all in blcwe liueries, and fourc thoufand íouldiers for her garde» Bue SAmt Ser gun, hath not yet heard her prayers, though (they fay) he hath a fpeciall gift and facultie that way» What learning there is among their Fry- T h e F r i c t i trs, may be knowen by their Bifhops, that learning, are the choyce men out of all their monafieries, I talked with one of them at the Citie of Vologda^ where (to trie his skill) I offered him a Ruffe Teftament, and turned him to the firft Chapterof Saint CMatbeVces Gofpel. Where hee begänne toreadeinveric good order. I asked him firft what part of icripture it was,that hee had read ? hee an(wered, that hee coulde not well tell, Howe manie Eu angelices there were in the newe Teftament ? Hee fayde he knew not • Howe manie Apoftles there were? Hee thought there were twelue. Howe he flioulde be faued ? Whereunto he anfweared mee with a piece of Rttjfe do&i'mc, that hee knew noe whether he ihoulde bee iaued or no : but if God woulde ftp? Allouât e him, or gratifie fciiDfomuch^astofauehim^fo it was, hee would be glad of it : if n o t , what remedie. Ï asked him. why he ihoare himfelfc a Frver? Ν He ( 1 ) euery yeere she g o e t h / A year or two since shee went ( 3 ) thousand women/hundredth women ( 1 3 - 1 6 ) Vologda . . . begänne to r e a d e / V o l o g d a by an interpreter. T h e a r was brought vnto him a Russ testament whear hee tourned to the first Chapter of St. Mathiews Ghospell, whear hee beegann to read ( 2 1 ) he knew not/hee knew not well

Their Eccleßrtfiicattßate.

Nunneries.

limmttu

He anfwercdjbccauiè he would eat his bread with peace. This is the learning of the Friers of Raffi*, which though it be not to bee meaftjred by one, yet partly it mavbeegeffed by the ignorance of this man, what is ia thereft. They haue alfo many Nunneries, whereo f fome may ad mitte no ne but Noblemetis v i d owes, and daughters·, when the Emperour meaneth to keepe them vnmamed, from continuing the blood or flock e^vhich he would haue extinguiíhedTo fpeak of the life of their FricrSjandKunnes^it needes not, t o thofè that know the hypocrifie, and vncleanneiTe o f that Cloyfter-broode . The ^vtfe himfclfe(though otbcrwifeaddi&ed to all fuperftttion) fpeaketh¡fofowlly of it, that it muft needes gainefileη ce of any mo. deft man« Beßdes thefc, they haue certeyne B r m'ttes^ (whome they call Holy men) that are like to thoiè Cjyptnofophifis, for their life and behauiour : though farre vnlike for their knowledge,& learning/They vfe to go flarke naked,faue a clou t about their middle,with, their haire hanging long,and wildely about their ihoulders, and many o f them with an iron coller,or chaîne about theirjiecke$$ór middes, euen in the very extremity o f tëiov

tcr.Thcfe they take

Prophçts,and inch-off

great (7—9) m a n y N u n n e r i e s . . . w i d o w e s / m a n i e Nunries soom of g r e a t account, that admitteth n o n e but N o b l e m e n s w y d o w e s ( 1 4 - 1 5 ) and v n c l e a n n e s s e / & w i c k e d l i f e (25— 2 6 ) saue a clout . . . their h a i r e / s a v e a clout abowt their middes, eaven in the streets, in the e x t r e a m i t i e of w i n t e r , w i t h their hear

Their Ecclefiaßicall fut?.

great holines,giuing them a liberty to fpeak what they lift, without any cótroulmét,thogh it.be of the very higheft himfelfe, So that if he reprotic any openly, in what fort foeuer, theyaniwere nothing, but that it is Po gracum^ that is, for their finnes. And if anie of them take iomepiece offalciare from anic mans (hop,as he pafleth by,to giue where lie lift, hce thinketh himfelfe much bcloued of God,and much beholding to the holy man, f o r taking it in that fort*

ρο

Of this lande there are not many, becaufe it is a very harde and colde profession, to goe naked in %ujfta, fpeciallv in Winter. Among other at this time, they haue one at CMoska, that walketh naked about the ftreetes, and inueyeth commonly agaijnil theftate,and gouernmcnt, efpecially againft the Gedomes, that are thought at this time to bee great opprefiours ofthat Common wealth. Another there was, that dyed not many yeercs agoe (whomc they called 'Baß- Baßeo ^ leo) that would take vpon him to reprooue Erwnt, theoldeEmperoujr,forallhis crueltie, and opprefsions, done towards his people. His body they haue tráflated of late into a furap«. tuous Church, ncere the Emperours houfe in Afotkp, and haue canonized him for a Saint* Many miracles he doth there (for ίο the Friers make the people to beleeue) and manie Ν a ©firings (1—2) to speak . . . controulment/to speak or doe what they thinck good, withowt anie controlliment ( 1 5 ) at this time omitted. ( 2 4 - 2 5 ) for all his crueltie, and oppressions, done towards his people omitted.

Their Eccleßaßicallßate. offrings arc made vntohim, not only by the people,but by the chiefe Nobilitie, and the Empereur, and EmprciTe them felaes which vifite that Church with great deuotion. BuC this laft yeere, at my beeing at cMosko, this Saint had ill lucke, in working his miracles« For a lame man that had his limmes relió* red (as it was pretended by him) was char«» ged by a woman that was familiar with hint (being then fallen out) thathee halted bue in the day time , and coulde leape meriiy when he came home at night* And that hee had intended this matter fixe yeercs be« fore* Nowe he is put into a Monaftcry, and there raylethvpon the Fryers, that hyred him to haue this counterraite miracle, praöifedvponhim• Bcfidcsthis difgrace, ali« tie before my comming from thence, there were evght fiaine within his. Church by fire in a thHnder. Which caufed his belles (that were tingling before all day and night long as in triumph of the miracles wrought by 'Baßleo their Saint) to ring fomewhat foftlier, and hath wrought no little diferedite to this Miracle-worker. There was another of 2$cêUthe £reat account at Plesko, (called NicboU of ¿remite. pt that did much good, when this Emperours father came tofack the towne,vpon fiifpition of theirreuoltingand rebellion againil him. T h e Empcroura after hee had fa* luted ( 1 6 — 1 9 ) counterfaite miracle . . . eyght s l a i n e / c o u n t e r f a u t miracle. A g a i n a iiew dayes beefore I cam o w t of the Countrey, thear w e a r eight slaine ( 2 6 ) g r e a t account at Plesko/great account not l o n g since at Plesko ( 2 7 ) much g o o d / s o o m good

Their Eccleßaßiaüftate.

91

luted the Sremite, at his lodging, icnt him a reward. And th e Holy man to requite the Emperour,fenthim apiece of rawe flefhe, bevngthen their Lent time Which the EmO perour feeing,bid one to tell him, that hee marueilcd that the Holy man would e offer him flefli to cat in the Lent, when it was forbidden by order of holie Church. And doth Euakoy (which is as much to faye, as lacke) thinke (quoth Nicola)that is vnlawfull t o eate apiece of beads fle/h in Lent and not to cate vp fo much mans flcili,as hee hath done already. So threatning the Emperour with a prophecy of fome hard aduenture tocóme vponhim, excepthee left murdering of his people,and departed the towne: he Faued a great many mens liues at that time« This maketh the people to like very well o f them, beca ufe the)' are as Tafc/túls,to note their great mens faults, that no man els dare foeake of. Yet it falleth out fometime, that for this rude libertie, which they take vpon them, after acounVr&ite tienofVivphtt^&s:}.;ren&û.WV. »»yin fe. cret : ¿ s ν,ά one t rcwo of thsm Jn the iaft tàD.irours time, forbeyngouer bolde in fpeaking againft hisgouernment. *

Ni ( 3 ) rawe omitted.

(27—28) against his gouernment/against him

Of

Of their Leicurgîe, or forme of Clourch-ferulce, and their manner of admtntfirwg the Sacraments* The 2 2. Chapter. 3 Heir morning fcruicc they Their raer, ri call Ζa atrana, that is, matning ScrIO uice. % tins. Itis done in this order» m The Prieft entereth into the I Church,with his Deacon,folJ lowing him. And when hee is come to the middle of the Church, he beginneth to fay with a loude voy ce t T¿asfi*~ neyVladïka (that is) *ΒΙφ vs heauenly Paiior : meaning,of Chrift. Then he addeth,/»

the »ante of the Fatheri and ofthe Some, and of the holy Ghoß3one very God in Trinitte: and Afpody Pvmelúy, or, Lorde haue mercy vpon vs9 Lorde hake merde vpott vs3 Lorde haue merde iqonvsirepeated three times* This done, hee marcheth ο η to war des the Chauncell, or SanUuw SanBorum s (ascheyvfe to call it) and fo efltreth into the Scharfuey Dwrre, or the heauenly dooret which no man may enter into* but the Pried only« Where (landing at the altar, or table (ftt neerdto the vpper wall ofthe chauncell) hee fayeth the Lordcs prayer, and tben-againe ¿¿fpody Tmeluy,

or

Of their Leìturge.

Of Lord ha» e merde vpon vsy Lorde haue mer-

cte vpon vi, (¿rei pronounced twelue times» Thcnprayfcd bethe Trimtie, the Father, the

Sonne,αηά holte G h oïl far euer and euer* Wher-

to the Dcacons, and people fay,e^»*r».Next after, thePrieftaddeih the Pfalmes forthat day, and beginneth with O come let νs wor-

fbtppe, and fall dovette he fore the Lordet&c.2.nd

therewithall himfelfe, With the Deacons, & people., all turne themfelues towardes their Holes,or Images,that hang on the wall and crofsing themfelues , bo we downe three times, knocking their heades to the veric ground After this,he readeth the ten commandements and t^ thanaß m Creed,out o f the Seruice booke. This being done, the Deacon that itandeth without the heauenly doore, or chauncel readeth a piece oía Legéd, out of a written booke, (for they haue it not in print) of fome Saints life,miracles,&c. This is diuided into manie partes, for euerie day in the yceïe, and is read by them with a pi ay ne finging note, not vnliketo thcPopiíh tune, When they foimg their Gofpels. After all this (which reacheth to an hotite,and an hälfe, or two heures of length) hee addeth ccrteyne fette Colleges or prayers vpon that which hee hath read out of the Legend before : and fo endeth his Seruicej Ν 4 All

O f their

10

15

20

25

30

Lekurg'e.

All this while Hand burning before their I doks,a great many of waxc candles,(wherof Tome are o f thebigneífe of a mans wail) vowed, or enioynedoy penance, vpon the people of the pariih> A bout 9,of the clock in the morning,they haue an other feruice, called Ofaidna, (or Compline) much after the order of the Popilh Seruicc, that bare that name. If it bee {orne high, or Feitiuall day, they furniih their Scruice befide, with 'Blefed bee the Lorde God ofIfracly çfre. and Weprayfi thee O Godi&c: Sung with a more folemne,and curious note* Their Eue Their Euening feruice,is called Vecherna, ningiec" " *he Prieft beginneth with TSlaflauey tuce, Vlacbka, ashee did in the morning,and with the Pfalmes appointed for the Z/Víiírfta. Which bey ng read,hee fingeth, My finie doeth magnifie the Lordey &c. A n d then the Prieft, Deacons, and people , all with one v o i c e , f i n g , p o m e l u i > c r Lord haue mercte vpon vs, t hirty times together.Wh ereunto the boyes that are in the Church, anfwere all with one voyce, rowling it vpfo fait,as their lippes cangoe : Verija Verify Verif^erij, or, PrAyjèfPrayjefPrAyfe&Ct thirty times together,with a very ftraunge n o y é . Thçnis read by the prieft,& νρό the holidaies fung, the firft Piàlmc: Ulejfed is the m4»j&c. And i» the

Oftheir Leìtwgie.

95

the end of it, is added Alleluia repeated ten times .The next in order is fome part of the goipell read by the Pried, which hee endeth with Alleluia repeated three times. And fo hauing faid a colleft in remembrance of the Saint ofthat day, he endeth his euening feruice* All this while the Prieft ftandeth aboue at thealtar or high table^irhin the Chancel, or Sdnüum Samiorum, whence he neuer moueth al the feruice time,The Deacon,or Deacons ( which are many in their cathedrall Churches) (land without the chancell by the Schttrfney dwerejot heauenly doore: for within they may not beicene all the feruice time, though otherwife their office is to fweepe, and keepe i t , and to (et vp the waxe candéis before their Idols. The people ftand together the whole feruice time in the body of the Church ,and fome in the church porch» for piew, or feate they haue none within their churches. The Sacrament ofbaptifme they admin i- The nunßer after this manner. The child is brought n %°! thc vnto the Church(& this is done within eight ^ Γ 1 * * daies after it is borne) if it bee the childe of ibme Nobleman ,it is brought with great pomp in a rich (led or wagó , with chaires & cuthiôs of cloth ofgold,&fuch like iiimptuousiliew oftheir beft furniture • When they a r r o m e to the Church , the Prieft ftandeth readie

Of their Leitur^ie. ready to receiue the child within the church porch,with his tub of water by him,And thé beginneth to declare vnto them, that they haue brought a little Infidell to be made a Chriftian,&c* This ended,he teacheth the witne (Tes (that are two or three,) in acerteine fet forme out of his booke, what theif dutie is in bringing vp the childe after hee is baptifed vz.That he muft be taught to know God.and Chrift the Sauiour « And becaufe. God is of great maieftie, and wee mult not piefume to come vnto him without media* tours (as the manner is when wee make any fuit toan Empcrour,or great Princc) therefore they muft teach him what Saints are the beft,& chiefe médiateurs,&c. Thisdone, he cómandeth the diuell in the name of God after a coniuring manner,to come out ofthe water :&fo after certeinepraiers heplungeth the childe thrife ouer head,& eares, For this they holde to be a point necciTary , that no part ofthe childe be vndipped in the water» The words that beare with the the forme of baptifme vttered by thePrieft, when he dippeth in the childe, are the very fame that are prcfcfibed in the gofpell, & vfed by vs, ytxlnthe name ofthe Father^

ofthe Sonne,&

of the Gbofi. For that they ihould altar the forme ofthe words, and lay by the holy Ghaß, (as I haue hcardthat they did(folowÌBj5*»r* teia (28) of the Ghost/of

the holie

Ghost

Oftheir Leiturgie.

94

tein heretikes ofthc Greeke church'J found to be vntrue, afwcll by report of them that haue bin often at their baptifmes,as by theic booke of Leiturgie it felfe3wherein the order oí baptifme isprecifcly fet dovane» When the childç is baptifzed, thePrieft laieth oile and fait tempred together vpon the forehead, and both íídes of his face,and then vppon his mouth, drawing it along with Iiis finger ouerthechildes lippes (as did the Pop ifihprieftes ) faying withall certeine prayers to this eflfed : that God will make him a good Chriftian, &c : all this is done in the Church porch • Then is the childe (as being now made a Christian, and meet to be recemed within the church dore) ¿arriecl into the church, the Prieft going before, and there he is prefentedtothechiefe Idoli of the Church } being lay d on a cuihion before the feete of the image,by it(as by the mediatour ) to bee commended vnto G o d . If the child be fick, or weake(ipeciaUy in the winter) they vfe to make the water luke warme. After baptifme the man ner is to cut ofthehaire from the childes head, and hailing wrapped it within a piece o f wax to lay it vp.asa relique, or monument in a fccret place of the ch urch.

This is the máner oftheir baptifme, which they &COUE to be thebeft & perfcâeii form; AS (22-28)

If the child be sick . . .

[to end of paragraph]

omitted.

s

ιo

15

20

25

30

R' '•·..

OftheirLtiturgie,. Asthcy doo all other parts of their religion, receiued (as they fay) by tradition from the beft church,meaning the Greekc, And therfore they will take great paynes to make a profelitc,or cóuert,either of an infidel},or of a forrein Chrifiianby rebaptizing Him after the %u(fe manner. When they take any Tar* tar prifoner, commonly they will offer him life,wich condition to te baptized. And yet they perfwade very few of them to redeeine their life fo: becaufe of the naturali hatred thcTarur bpareth to the Rufe, and the opinion he hath of his falihood, and iniuftice* The yere after Mosko was fired by the ¿hrím Tartar, there was taken a Dixoymorfcy, one ofthechiefe in that exploit with 300. Tartars more i who had all their liues offered the, ifthey would be baptized after the Ruffe manner»Which they rehifed alito doo, with many reproches againft thofc that perfwaded them, And fobeyng carried to the riuer that runneth through the citie) they were all baptized after a violent mannertbe* ihg thruft downe with a knock on the bead ir - > the water, through an Η ^ -made in th# y(e for that purpofc • Of Ließanders that are captiues^here are many that take on thé this íecód /fo^baptifme togetmorelibcrtie, & íbmwhat be/ides towards their liuing,which the Emperouc ordinarily vfeth to giuc them. Of ( 2 8 ) more libertie/favour

Of their Leiturgie.

95

Of Englifhmen fincethey frequented the eountrie there was neuer any found, that Kb much forgot God,his faith/and eountrie,as that he would bee content to be baptized %tijfe, for any refpeft of feare , preferment, or other meanes whatfoeuer : faue onely Richard Re/pk,that following before an vngodly trade,by keeping a Caback^againftthe order of the eountrie) and being put of from that trade, & fpoiled by the Emperours officers ofthat which he had,entred himfelf this laftyeare into the Ruße profefsion: & ίο was rebaptifedjlïuing now afmuch an idolater aj before he was a rioter, and vnthrifty perfon. Such as thus receiuethe Rufe baptifme, arefîrft carried int i fomc Monafterie to be inftru&cd there in the dottrine and ceremonies of the church .Where they vfe thcie ceremonies - Firft } they put him into a new and freih fuite of appareil, made after the Rxfe faihion, and fer a coronet or (in Sommer) a garland vpon his head • Then they annoint his head with oiIe,& put a waxe candle light into his hand ; and ίο pray ouer him foure times a day,the fpace of feuen daies. All this while he is to abíhine from ñeíh^nd white meats.The feuen daics being ended,he is purified and waflied in a bathiloue, and ίο the eight day hee is brought into the church, where he is taught by the Friers how to bebaue ( 1 1 ) which he had/which hee had gott by v n l a w f u l l meanes ( 1 8 - 3 0 ) of the church . . . how to behaue/of their church, whear the Friars take them privatile into the monasterie church, and thear teach them how to beehave

Of their Leiturgie. hauehimièlfe in prefenceof their idols > by ducking downc,knocking of the head, croA fing himfelf\and fuch like geftures,which arc the greateft part of the Rufe religion. The adroi- The facrament of the Lordes fuppcr thejr niftring of receiuebut once ayeare » in their great Lent litle b c f o r e E a f t c r T h r c e at t h e ll,oft ftUi>i> ° crrd8< · ' are admitted at one time, and neuer aboue» The manner of their cómunicating,is thus* Firft they cófeíTe themfelues of all their fins to the Pricft(whó they call their ghoftly Either . Then they come to the Church, & are called vp to the Cómunion table, that ftandeth like an altar,a little remoued frö the vpper end of the Church.after the Doutch mailer« Here firft they are asked of the Prieft whither they be cleane or n o , that is, whither they haue neuer a finne behind that they left vnconfeiTed. If they anfwere. No, they are taken to the table.Where the Priefl; beginnethwith certeine vfuallprayers, the communicants (landing in the meane while with their armes foulded one within an o · ther3like penitentiaries,or mourners. When thefe prayers are ended, the Prieft taketh a ipoone,and filleth it full of claret wine Then he putteth into it a frnall piece of bread, and tempereth them both together: and fodeli* uereth th«m in the fpoone to the Communicants} that ifcndc in order, ípeakíng the vfuall (1—5) [be]haue himselfe . . . they/beehave themselves in presence of their idolls, by ducking down, knocking of the head, signing them selves with the Cross & such like gestures, which are the greatest part of the Russ relligion. Soomtimes they baptize within privat howses. T h e Sacrament of the Lords supper they

Of their Leituroie.

66

vfuall wordesof the Sacrament. €at this Drinks thx dre. both at one time without any paufe. After that he dcliuereth them againe bread by it felf, and then wine carded together with a little warme water, to reprcfent bloud more rightly (as they thinke) and the water withall, that flowed out of the fide of Chrift Whiles this is in doins; the coinmunicants vnfold their armes. And then foulding them againe,follow the Pricft thrife round about the communion table, and (o returne to their places againe, Where hailing {aid certcine other prayers, he difmiC. feth the communicants, with charge to bee meary,andtocheere vpthemfelues for the fcuen daies next following;.Which beinçç enü Π dedjheenioyneth them to fail for it as long time after. Which they vfe to obíeruewith very great deuotion .eating nothing els but bread and fait, except a little cabbage, and fbme other hearbe or roote » with water or quatie mead for their drinlce* This is their manner o f adminiftrins the Sacraments» Wherein what they differ from die inftitution o f Chrift, and what ceremo* nies they haue added of their owne, or rather borrowed of the Gttdxs, may caíily be noted» t

Of

Í96]

The dotlrìne ofthe Ofthe dottrine of the tyjfe church, AndwhAt errours it holdeth. The 23, Chapter» The -Ruffe hf* f l 1 erM T : © 1 JiiiowL I M «fee π tine

" f f ^ l Heir chiefeft errours in mat1 f S l | tcr o f to be thefe. M Û M^ncerningthewordof W w f God it felfthev will not read parrs of rhe É j ^ f M ML publiqutly ccrteine bookes Canonicali mmrnmmm 0 f t jj C Canonicali fcripture, knpturcs. a $ t h e bookes oí Mofes: fpecially thcfourc laft, Exodus^Leutttens^Numer'tf and Dcuterommiciwhich they fay are al made diiàuthentique,and put out of vfe by the couiming of Chrifl: : as not able to difccrne the difference betwixt the morall3and the ceremoniall law. The bookes of the prophets they allow οζ but read thé not publikelyJn their churches for the feme reafon : becaufc they were but direfters vnto Chrift, & proper (as they fay) to the nation of the Ie wes. Onely the bookc ofPfalmes they haue in great eftimation and fine; and fay them daylv in their Churches, Of the new Teftament they allow,and read a l l except the Revelation : which therefore they read not (though thev allow it^becaufc they vnderftand it not,neither haue the like ©ccafion ,to know the fulfilling of the pro* phccics ( 1 0 — 1 1 ) they w i l l not read publiquely certaine b o o k e s / t h e y refuse certein books



The dottrine of the o f extreame vnftion, they holdc it not ίο neceífarie to faluation as they do baptifme, but thinke it a great curfe and puniihmcnt of IO "dthac God } if any die with out it. 1 die without They thinke there is a necefsitie o f baptiime. baptifme, and that all are condemned that 3i. Ana- die without it* baptifme. i l . They rebaptife as many Chriftians (not being of the Greek church)as they conuertto their Ruffe profession : becaufe they arediuided from the true Church, which is iiXDiffc- thcGreekcjas they fay. rencc of They make a difference ofmeates& J 2 meates. drinks,accounting the vfe of one,to be more holy then of an other, And therefore in their fet faites they forbeare to eate fleflie , and white m eats (as we call them) after the manner of thePopifh fuperftition : which they obferue fo ftri&ly, & with fuch blinde deuo· tion,as that they will rather die,then cat one bit of fleih,egges,or fuch like, for the health of their bodies in their extreme fickneiTe,. 13. Marri13* They hold marriage tobe vnlawfull age for for all the Clergie men,except the prieüs onfotne per^ an(j f o r tj,çm ajf0 after wlfc } aS ions rnlaw- ^ ^ b c f o r e N e i c h e r d 0 0 t h e y w e l l aHOWo f i t in Lay men after the fécond marriage. Which is a pretence now vfed againft the Emperours only brother ,a child of fix yeres old : Who therefore is not praied for in theit

churches

btittoncd before; & then a CAftan or a clofc coat buttoned, and girt to him with a Ύerfíangirdle, whereat he nances his kniues. and ípoone t This commonly is of cloth o£ ( 3 - 4 ) This parcheth the skinne and helpeth to deforme them when their painting is of

ofthe tyffe people.

114

gold, and hangeth downe as low as his ankles* Oucr that he weareth a lofe garment of fomcrich filke, furred and faced about with fome gold lace,called a Ferris. An other ouer that of chamlet,or like fluflfe called an kafoprficcucd & hanging low, and the cape commonly brooched and fet all with pcarle* When hee goeth abroad, hecafteth ouer all thefe (which are but Height (though they Ceeme to be many) an other garment called an Honorathe y y like to the Alk^ben^ faue that it is made without a coller for the neck. And this is commonly of fi ne cloth > or Camels haire His bus kins (which heweareth in ftead of hofc, with linnen folles vnder them in Heed of boot hofc) are made ofa Perßan leather called Saphia»,c mbrodered with pearle. His vpperftockescommonly are of cloth of gold. When he goeth abroad, he mounteth oil horiëbackc, though it be but to the next doore .-which is the manner al fo of the Hoi*rskcr,oi Gendemen. The *Boiarskey or Gentlemans attire is ^caof the fame failiion, but differeth in ftuffe: apparii and yethe will haue his Caftan or vndercoat fòmetìmes ofcloth of gold, the reft of cloth, or filke. The Noble Woman (called Cbyna HoiNoble arfienÁ) wcareth on hir head, fìrfta cauli of woraus fome foft filke (which is commonly redde) end ouer it a fruotlec, cal led Oùrofa of white Q_a colour. ( 1 1 ) Honoratkey/Odnoradka

( 1 5 ) linnen folles/linnen cloutes

Tbepriudte behauiow colour . Oucr that hir cap(made after the coife fadiion of cloth ofgold ) called Shapkf Zcmpska^dged with fome richefurrc,and fee with pearle and ftone, Though they haue of late begönne to difdairte embrodering v/itft pearle about their cappes, becaufe tbe Diacks, and fome Marchants wiues haue tajeen vp the fafliion.In their cares they wearc caterings (which they call Bar gee) of two inches or more compafTe,the matter of gold let with Rubies, or Saphires, or Tome like prêtions fìone, In Sommer theygoeoîren wîrh IccrchiefFes of fine white lawne,or Cambricke, faftned vnder the chinne, with two long taflels peodent. The kerchiefefpotted and fet thicke with rich pearle • When they ride or goe abroad inraynic weather, they weare white hattes with coloured band*(called Stapa Zemshoy), About their necks they were collers ofthree or tourc fingers broad, (et with riche pearle and pretious ft o ne. Their vpper garment isa loofe gowne called Opa(hen commonly of skarlet,with wide loofe fleeues, hanging downe to the ground buttened before with great gold button$,cr atleaft ill uer and guik^nigh as bigge as a walnut . Which hath hanging ouer it faftned vnder the cappe, a large broad capeof fome riche furre ,that hangeth downe alnioit to the middes of their backes. Next vnder the

Op&sken or vpper garment, they ycare another (2—3) Shapka Stapa Ζ ens ko j

Zempskaf Shapka Zeynska (31) O pos ken/Opashney

(9) Sargee/Sergee

( 1 9 ) Stapa

Zetnskoyf

115

of the ^φpeople.

other called a Lritnukjhzt is made clofe before with great wide fleeucs,the cuftc or half fleeue vp to the elbowes,commonly ofcloth of golde : and vnder that a Ferra Zemskoy* which hangeth loofe buttoned throughout to th c very foote. Ο η the hand wrefts they weare very faire brafelets, about two fingers broad of pearle and pretious ftonc . They go all in buskins of white, yellow, blew, or fome other coloured leather, embrodered with pearle» This is the attire of the Noblewoman of Rußia, when íhecmaketh the beft íhewof hir felfe. The Gentlewomans appareil may differ in the ftuffe, but is ail one for the making or faihion»

As for the poore CMouftc^nà his wife The »to*. they go poorely cladde* The man with his M. r o r c ô Odnoratkcy ,or loofe gownc to the fmallof "®£cmans the legge, tyed together with a lace before,of courfe white or blew cloth, with. Come S huée o r long waftcoat of furre,cr of íhecpskinne vnder it, and his furred cappe, and buskins; The poorer fort ofthem haue their Odnerau fay,or vpper garment,made of Kowes haire* This is their winter habite. In the fommec time, commonly they weare nothing but their (hirts on their backes, and buskins on their legges. The woman goeth in a redde or blew gowne, when íhe makcth the beft (hew, and with fome warme S hube of furre vnder it in the winter time JBut in the Sommer,noQ j thing (1) Leitnick I Leatnick adka

(4) Ferris Zemskoy/ferris

zenskoy

(18)

Odnoratkey/Odnor-

Theprivate béaumr thing but her two ihirts(for fo they cali the) one ouer the other, whethcrthey be within doores, or without • On their heades,they weare caps of fome coloured iluffe, many of •eIuet,or of cloth ofgolde : but for ihe moft part kerchiefes.Without earings of filuer or fome other mettali,and her croÌFc about her necke you (hai fee no Ruffe woman, be fhec wife,or maide. Their wits As touching their bchauiour,and quality and capaci- otherwife they are of reafonable capacities, ·**· if they had thofe means that ibme other nations haue to traine vp their wittes in good nurture,and learning. Which theymight borrowe of the Tolotuans, and other their neighbours, but that they refufeitofa very felf pride,as accounting their owne faihions t o be far the beil. Partly al fo(as I faid before) forthat their manner of bringing vp (voide of all good learning,and ciuill behauiour) is thought by their gouernours moft agréable totbat State, ami their manner of government » Which the people would hardely beare,if they were once ciuilled, & brought t o more vnderftanding of God, and good policie. Thiscaiifeth the Empereurs to keep out al mearies of making it better,and to be very warie for excluding of all percgrinitie» that might alter their faihions, Which were Icflêto bcedifliked , ¿fit fet not a print into the very mindes of his people, For as themfelues ( 9 ) w i f e , or m a i d e / w i f e or maide [In the manuscript here follows the passage reproduced in the 1591 edition jrom page 14 (line 2 0 ) : T h e i r howses are of wood . . . to page i4v (line p ) : is most skant ( 3 0 ) not a print into/not a woorse print vpon

of the tyjfe people.

116

(clues are vene hardlie andcruellie dealte withall by their chiefe Magtilrarcs, ando· ther fuperiours, Co are they as crucll one againft an other a fpecially ouer their inferiours, and fuch as arc vnder them. So that thebafeft & wretchedeft ChrißtAnoe (as they call him) that ftoupeth and croucheth like a dogge to the Gentleman, and licketh vp the duft that liccfi at his feete, is an intolerable tyrant, where he hath the adiiantagc.lty this Crucine of ineanes the whole Countric is filled with t h e rapine,and murder • They make no account of the life of a man« You (hall haue a man robbed fometime in the very {treats oftheir townes, if hee goe late in the euening: and yet no man to come forth out of his doorss to refcue him,though hee heare him crie out. I will not fpeake of theilraungeneiïe of the murders, and other cruelties com* m it ted among them, that woutd fcarfly bee beleeuedtobee done among men »ípeciaU ly fuch as profeife thcmfclues Christians, The number of their vagrant and begging poore is almoft infinite : that arc fo pinched with famine and extreame necde, as that they begge after a violent and defperate manner, with gtut mee and cut me whear they shall bee farther of from the ey[e] & reach of the Court. This will avoyd the seasures doon vpon every pretence & cavillation & takings vp vpon trust by the Emperour & his Nobles. Which is the speciali means that vndoeth our Marchants trade : the rather when every man dealeth severally for himself with his own stock, which will not bee so ready for the Russ to commaund as when all was in the hand and ordering of one Agent. 2. B y this means aliso the inland privat trades practised by certein of the Company to the hurt of the Generallitie, will bee prevented, when they ar restrained all to one remote place from the inland parts. 3. T h e charge of houskeeping & houserents at those 5. severall places will bee cutt of. 4. T h e charge and trouble of travelling to and fro with their commodities & carriages (viz. 1500 miles within land) will bee eased. 5. T h e Russe commodities (that our Marchants trade for) will bee easier provided towards the sea coast then in the inland parts. A n d as toutching the lykelyhood of obteining the Emperours favour for the removing their trade from Mosko towards the sea side thear ar these reasons to induce it. ι . T h e pollicie of the Russ to remove strangers out of the inland parts, specially from Mosko (the Emperours seat) towards the outparts of the Countrey for bringing in novelties, & breeding conceipts in their peoples heads by their beehaviour & reports of the governments & fashions of other Countries. T o this pourpose the Emperours Counsell consulted at my beeing

[58]

Fletchers

Recommendations

thear, & conferred with mee abowt the removing of our Marchants trade from Mosko to Archangell, that lyeth 30. miles from the port of St. Nicolas vpon the river Duyna, to feell how it would bee taken if it wear forced by the Emperour. 2. T h e desier the Russ hath to draw trade to the port of St. Nicolas for the reasons mencioned beef ore. 3. T h e necessitie of our English commodities will draw the Russe Marchants to follow the Mart or staple whearsoever it bee specially at St. Nicolas for the commoditie of that port. 4. T h e whole inland trade will then bee the Russe Marchants. Whearas beefore our English Marchants (that kept residence at Mosko, and other inland parts) had trade within land & delt with Bougharians, Medians Turks etc: aswell as the Natives. Which the Russe Marchants very much envyed & mislyked. 5. T h e Emperour & his Counsells lyking will force the Marchants to frequent that trade though themselves should mislyke it. 3. Remedy for this, viz: 1. By removing their trade from Mosko, & by severall trading (noted beefore). W h e a r every man followeth his busines by himself or his factour. Hearby their servants ill dealing will bee prevented, and if the servant prove ill & vnthriftie, it hurteth but his M[aister]. 2. If they continew their trade (as they doe) by common servants, to allow them better wages, & to give them more contentment by permitting them to have a peculium to a certein stint, & to trade with it for bettering their own estates. This will give their servants better contentment when they see soom care had of them & their own estate to mend aswell as the Companies. 3. T o have a preacher thear resident with them that they may learn to know God and so their dueties towards their Maisters. Which will easier bee graunted if the trade bee removed towards the sea side. If they obiect they have no great number of servants thear that should need a preacher (as was answeared mee when I propounded that matter to them at my gooing over) it may bee answeared that if

[59]

Affendix

Β

they have never so fiew in that Countrey (whear they want all good means of instruction towards God) the Company ought in Christian duety to provide that means for them. The preacher (bysides that vse of him) might earn his stipend by advise with their Agent abowt their affaires beeing a man of soom judgement & discretion. 4. This inconvenience is prevented. By removing the trade to the coast, & observing the order mencioned beefore, as the Adventurers doe.

Means to terrifie the Russ & keef him in order. ι. By threatning to stoppe the way to the port of St. Nicolas. Which (howsoever it can bee doon) the Russ is perswaded hir Maiestie can doe it. 2. If hir Highnes shiew any correspondence with the Polonian, Sweden, and Turk, and that shee hath means to incite them &c: 3. If the Russ practise any seazure or violence vpon our Marchants goods (as was lykely beefore my comming thither) revenge may bee made at Pechora by the sea side vpon the Mart thear. Which is helld yearly abowt Midsommer. Whear ar marted of furres of all sortes to the value of iooooof yearly which may bee surprised by a fiew sail & a small company well appointed comming on a soodain, the Russ having no means to forsee or prevent it.

[60]

APPENDIX C The Merchant's Protest A petition submitted by the Muscovy Company to Sir William Cecil (Lord Burghley) probably in 1591, protesting the publication of Fletcher's Of the Russe Commonwealth. T h e manuscript is in the British Museum, Landsdowne M S 112, Burghley Papers No. 39, Folios I34r— 135V. First published by Ellis, Original Letters·, pp. 7 7 — 7 9 , then by Bond, Russia, pp. 3 5 2 — 3 5 5 , and most recently by Lloyd E. Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, the Elder, pp. 1 5 0 — 1 5 3 . T h e text which follows is based on the original manuscript and collated with the edition by Berry.

To the right honorable Sir William Cicell knight Lord Highe Treasurer of England. T h e Companie of Merchauntes tradinge Muskouia havinge bene manie waies preiudiced by the errors which have bene Committed by her Maiesties subiectes imploied by the companie in those partes in givinge offence or some smale Color of offence to the g[ov]ernment of the state of the Countrie of Russia, doe greatelie feare that a booke latelie sett out by M r Doctor Fletcher, dedicated to her Maiestie intituled the Russe Common Wealthe, will turne the Companie to some greate displeasure with the Emperour and endaunger boeth theire people and goodes nowe remayninge there Except some good order be taken by your Lordships honorable Consideration for the Callinge in of all the bookes that are printed, and some Cowrse holden therein signifyinge her Maiesties dislike of the publishinge of the same. In which booke (besides the discowrse of the discripcion of the [61]

Appendix C Countrie, the militane government and forces thereof, the Emperours Revenue, and howe yt ryseth (which is offensive to the Russe that anie man should looke into) the person of the Emperour his father, his Brother, and the L : Boris Fedorowich the protector, and generallie the nature of the people, are towched in soe harde tearmes, as that the Companie doubt the revenge thereof will light on theire people, and goodes remayninge in Russia, and vtterlie overthrowe the trade forever. Out of which booke for your L : readines, there is herevnder noted certen places offensive wherof the whole discowrse is full. In the epistle dedicatorie of the booke he tearmeth the Russe government a straunge face of a tirannycall state. Fol. 9b. T h e intolerable exaccions of the Emperour vppon his subiectes maketh them carelesse to laye vp anie thinge, for that yf they have ought yt cawseth them to be spoiled not onlie of theire goodes but of theire lives. Fol. 16. In shewinge the likelihoode of the ende of the whole race of the Emperour concluded in some one, two or some fewe of the bloud, he saieth there is noe hope of yssue in the Emperour by the Constitution of his bodie, and the barenes of his wief. H e noteth there the death of the Emperoures elder brother murthered by his father in his furie whose death was the murtheringe of the olde Emperour by extreame greefe. Fol. 16b. H e noteth what practisinge there hath bene by such as aspire the succession to distroye the younger brother of the Emperour that is yet livinge, beinge about Sixe yeares olde wherein he seemeth to ayme at Boris fedorowich. H e noteth in that younge infant an inclinación to Crueltie resemblinge his father, in delight of bloude, for that he beinge but Sixe yeares olde taketh pleasure to looke into the bleedinge throtes of beastes that are killed and to beate geesse and hens with a staffe untili they dye. Fol. 20a. T h e Russe government is plaine tirannycall, and [62]

The Merchants

Protest

exceadeth all iust measure without regard of Nobilitie or people givinge to the nobilitie a kinde of vniust and vnmeasured libertie, to exact on the baser sorte of people. Fol. 2ib. If the late Emperour in his progresse had mett a man whose person or face he had not liked, or yf he looked vppon him he would commaunde his heade to be stricken of and to be Cast before him. Fol. 26b. 27a. The practise of the Godonoes to extinguishe the bloude Ryall who seeke to Cut of or keapt downe the best of the Nobilitie. Fol. 33b. That yt is to be merveled howe the Nobilitie and people will suffer themselues to be brought vnder suche oppression and slaverie. Fol. 34b. That the desperate state of thinges at home maketh the people to wishe for some forrein invasion. Fol. 37b. That Boris Godonoe and the Empresse kindred accoumpt all that commeth to the Emperoures treasurie theire owne. Fol. 41, 42, 43, 44, 45. Divers grosse practises of the Emperour to drawe the wealth of the land into his treasurie, which he Concludeth to be straunge kinde of extortions but that yt agreeth with the qualitie of the Emperour and the miserable subieccion of the poore Countrie. Fol. 53a. Theire onlie lawe is theire speakinge lawe that is the pleasure of the prince and Magistrates which sheweth the miserable condicion of the people against whose iniustice and extreame oppression they had neede to be armed with manie good lawes. Fol. 98, 99. The practise of the Godones against the Emperoures brother to prove him not legittimate and to turne awaie the peoples likinge from him as next successor. Fol. 110. The discripcion of the Emperour, viz meane of stature lowe and grosse, sallowe of Complexion enclyninge to [63]

Appendix C dropsey hawcke nosed insteadie in his pase by reason of the weaknes of his lymes heavie and vnactive commonlie smilinge, almost to a laughter for quallitie simple and slowe witted, but verie gentle and of an easie nature quiet mercifull &c. Fol. 116. It is to be doubted whether is greater the Crueltie or the intemperauncie that is vsed in the Countrie, it is soe foull that is not to be named. The whole Countrie overfloweth with the synne of that kinde and noe mervell as havinge no law to restrayne whoredomes advlteries and like vncleanes of lief. From the greatest to the smallest except some fewe that will scarcelie be founde the Russe nether beleeveth anie thinge that an other man speaketh nor speaketh anie thinge him self worthie to be beleaved.

[64]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I.

EDITIONS OF

Of the Russe

Commonwealth

ι . There are three manuscripts extant: one at the University Library, Cambridge (Queens College MS.25), another at University College, Oxford (MS. 144), and a third at the University of Minnesota. They are described and analyzed in Lloyd E. Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher> the Elder, Madison, Wisconsin, 1964, pp. 160-167. 2. T h e first printed edition, Of the Russe Common Wealth, or Maner of Governement by the Russe Emferour (commonly called the Emferour of Moscovia) with the manners, and fashions of the people of that Countrey, London, 1591. 3. A précis in the second edition of Richard Hakluyt's Principali Navigations y Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation, Volume I, London, 1599 [ 1 5 9 8 ] , pp. 473—495· Includes chapters 1 - 4 , 6, 15—20 (omitting the last paragraph of Chapter 18), and 27—28. See Robert O . Lindsay, "Richard Hakluyt and Of the Russe Common Wealth," The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, L V I I ( 1 9 6 3 ) , 312-327. 4. " A Treatise of Russia and the adioyning Region," in Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimes, London, 1625, Volume III, pp. 413—460. Purchas provided in fairly complete form the 1591 edition, omitting only passages especially offensive to the Russians, so that, as he put it, he might "doe good at home, without harme abroad" (p. 4 1 3 ) . This version was reprinted in the edition of Purchas published in 1906 in Glasgow, Volume X I I , pp. 499-633. 5. G . Fletcher, The History of Russia or the Goverment of the Emferour of Muscovia with the manners and fashions of the People of that Countrey, n.p., 1643. Integral text of the 1591 [65]

Bibliography edition, without the Dedication. Reprinted under the same title in London, 1 6 5 7 . 6. Excerpts, mostly of geographic nature, in J. Harris' Navigantium atque itinerantium bibliotheca, Volume I, London, 1 7 0 5 , pp. 542-550· 7. E . A . Bond, ed., Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century, London, 1856, pp. 1 - 1 5 2 . T h e integral text of 1 5 9 1 , with minor editorial improvements and an informative introduction. 8. La Russie au XVle siècle, 2 parts, Leipzig-Paris, 1864. French translation by Charles de Bouzet based on the Bond text. 9. O gosudarstve Russkom, ili obraz fravleniia russkogo tsariia, n.p., 1867. A n émigré Russian edition of the confiscated 1848 translation by Gippius and Kalachov. Probably published in Basel. (See Russkaia f odpoi'naia i zarubezhnaia f echat' — bibliografiche s kit ukazateV, Vypusk I, Moscow, 1 9 3 5 , p. 1 3 2 . ) 10. A bowdlerized version, which omits among other things Fletcher's discussion of religion and church, in Aleksandr Burtsev, Ofisanie redkikh rossiiskikh knig, Part I I I , St. Petersburg, 1 8 9 7 , pp. 1 8 5 - 2 9 3 . 11. O gosudarstve rossiiskom; sochinenie Fletcher a, St. Petersburg, 1905. T h e first legal Russian publication; reprints the GippiusKalachov translation. T h i s book, brought out by the publishing house of A . S. Suvorin, had two subsequent identical editions: a second also in 1905, a third in 1906. A fourth legal Russian edition appeared in St. Petersburg in 1 9 1 1 . 12. " O f the Russe C o m m o n w e a l t h , " in Lloyd E . Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, the Elder, Madison, Wisconsin, 1 9 6 4 , pp. 169—306. T h e edition of 1 5 9 1 collated with the manuscripts and other editions.

II.

WORKS ON FLETCHER AND HIS BOOK

T h e best life of Fletcher can be found in Lloyd E . Berry, The English Works of Giles Fletcher, the Elder, Madison, Wisconsin,

[66]

Bibliography 1964, pp. 3 49· See also Athenae Cantabrigienses, Vol. I l l (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 3 6 - 3 7 ; this brief and now outdated sketch is reprinted, in somewhat abbreviated form, in the Dictionary of Na—

tional Biography, V I I , 299—302.

The only work specifically devoted to the Russe Commonwealth is S. M . Seredonin's Sochinenie Dzhil'sa Fletchera Of the Russe Commonwealth' kak istoricheskii istochnik, St. Petersburg, 1891. I t

analyzes in great detail the factual information supplied by Fletcher in the light of historical scholarship of the late nineteenth century from the position of a Russian nationalist and monarchist. Seredonin praises Fletcher in general terms, but criticizes him when it comes to particulars. T h e official Russian record of Fletcher's mission has been published in Vremennik Imperatorskogo Moskovskogo Obshchestva Istorti i Drevnosti Rossiis kikh, Vol. V I I I ( 1 8 5 0 ) , P a r t I I ,

pp. I - 9 6 .

III.

G E N E R A L L I T E R A T U R E ON ANGLO-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN T H E SIXTEENTH CENTURY

T h e best history of the Muscovy Company is T . S. Willan's The Early History of the Russia Company,

1553—1603,

Manchester,

1956. It relies mainly on English sources, and does not take full advantage of the materials printed from Russian archives. Karl H. R u f f m a n ' s Das Russlandbild im England Shakespeares, Göttingen,

1952, gives a convincing picture of England's view of Russia in the reign of Elizabeth. See also M . S. Anderson, Britain's Discovery of Russia, 1553—1815, London, 1958, Chapter i , pp. 1-32. English travel accounts of Russia can be followed in the second edition of R. Hakluyt's Principali Navigations, Vol. I [1598], and E . D . M o r g a n a n d C . H . Coote, eds., Early Voyages and Travels

to Russia and Persia, Hakluyt Society Publications, Volumes 7 2 and 73, London, 1886. Russo-English diplomatic correspondence of the second half of the sixteenth century, usually both in English and Russian, can be studied in the edition of Iurii Tolstoi, Pervye sorok [67]

Bibliography let snoshenii mezhdu Rossïieiu i Anglieiu, 1553—1593,

St. Petersburg,

1875. See also: J. von Hamel, England and Russia, London, 1854. V . O . Kliuchevskii, Skazaniia inostrantsev o Moskovskom gosudarstve, Moscow, 1918. I. Liubimenko, Les relations commerciales et folitiques de l'Angleterre avec la Russie avant Pierre le Grand, Paris, 1933.

[68]

GLOSSARY-INDEX to the facsimile text

The glossary-index lists the terms and proper names mentioned by Fletcher, and where pertinent, defines them. Words incorrectly rendered are put into proper Russian. The Library of Congress system of transliteration is used throughout. Place locations (insofar as they can be identified) can be found on the map of "Fletcher's Russia" ; the letters and numbers in parentheses which accompany each geographic reference in the index refer to the grid of this map; references designated " A " refer to the inset. In sixteenth-century Russia the new year began on September ι. Whenever the sources do not state in which month of the Russian (September) year a given event took place, both the January years are given, separated by a bar. Thus, "1585/86" refers to the year extending from September 1, 1585, to August 31, 1586. Aeolus (in G r e e k mythology, the W i n d G o d ) , 77V Alabaster rocks, 5 V Aleksandrova sloboda ( D 3 ) , 36V Alexander (Prince of Lithuania, 1 4 9 2 — 1 5 0 6 ; K i n g of Poland, 1 5 0 1 - 1 5 0 6 ) , 62 Alexander the G r e a t , 7 4 Alexandrisca, see Aleksandrova sloboda Alfer'ev,

Roman

Vasil'evich

(full

last

name

Alfer'ev-Beznin,

family Nashchokin ; dumnyi

of

dvor-

ianin·, died in disgrace in 1 5 9 0 ) , 3sy Alferiove, Romain Vasilowich, see A l f e r ' e v , Roman Vasil'evich Alkaben, see O k h a b e n ' Alkaron, see Koran Almaine, see G e r m a n y Alteens, see A l t y n A l t y n (old monetary unit having

[69]

Glossary — Index the value of 6 den'gi or 3 kofeiki), 6v, 7, 3 9 Amonites (Biblical), 2 Amurat, Murad I I Andreas, see Andrew I Andrew I ( K i n g of Hungary, 1 0 4 7 1 0 6 1 ) ,

1 6 0 5 ; dumnyi d'iak, 1 5 9 4 ; died after 1 6 0 9 ) , 30, 35V Azov, Sea of ( D 4 ) , 5V Azov, town of ( D 4 ) , 5v, 6gv Bacon, 59 Baltic Sea ( B 3 ) , 6 Baltick, see Baltic Sea Baptism, 5 I V , 9 3 - 9 4 ,

15

Andronicus I I (Emperor of Byzantium, 1 2 8 2 - 1 3 2 8 ) , 7 2 Anna (sister of Emperor Basil I I , wife of Russian Prince Vladimir

Barley, 6v, 37 Basil I I (Emperor of

D> 79 v Anthony, see Possevino, Antonio Apothecaries, 47V Appanage (Russian udel), 2 2 , 2 4 V — 25,2ÓV

Apple, 6v Aquavitae (vodka), 44, i o i v , H 2 v Arbouse, see Arbuz Arbuz (watermelon), 6v Arctic Ocean, 2, 75V Armenia, merchants of, jv, 40V, 44 Armor, 25 V, 34, 58, 58V, 64, 67 Asarmathes (Biblical: Hazarmaveth? ) ι ν, 2 Asia, 5v, 1 2 , 1 2 v , 65V, 73 Asia Minor, 72V Asia the Less, see Asia Minor Aspody pomeluy, see Gospodi pomilui Assyria, see Syria Assyrius (mythical figure mentioned by Berossus), 1 2 Astracan, see Astrakhan' Astrakhan' ( E 4 ) , 2v, 3V, 1 0 , 1 2 , 1 v 13> !9> 9 > 26V, 30, 63, 63V, 66v, 74 Athanasian Creed, 92 Attica, 73 Avramov, Sapun (sometimes called Abramov, also known as Vasilii Tikhonovich Avramov; razriadnyi d'iak — cf. Razriad — I 583—

94V, 95,

9 8 -

98V

9 7 6 - 1 0 2 5 ) ,

Byzantium,

79V

Basileo (or Basileo the Saint), see Vasilii the Blessed Basileus, see Vasilii I I I Basilius, see Vasilii I I I ; see also Basil I I Bath-house, 28V, 9 5 , i i 2 v , 1 1 3 Beads, 1 0 ; religious, 98 Beala, see Bela Bealagorod, see Belgorod Bealozera, see Belo-ozero Bear, 4V, yv, i o v , 109V, n o Beaver, 7, jv, i o v Beer, 1 3 , 4 4 Beggars, 1 1 6 Bekbulatovich, Prince Simeon (before baptism in 1 5 7 3 named SainBulat; Khan of Kasimov; in 1 5 7 6 , Great Prince of all Russia, then made Great Prince of T v e r ' ; died 1 6 1 6 as a monk), 43 Bela (Fletcher's name for the Russian royal house), 14V, 15V, 1 6 , 17,

24V,

30V

Bela I ( K i n g of Hungary, 1 0 6 1 1 0 6 3 ; brother of King Andrew I ; won fame fighting the G e r mans), I 5 Bela I I ("the B l i n d , " King of H u n gary, 1 1 3 1 - 1 1 4 1 ) , 1 5

[70]

Glossary — Index Bela IV (King of Hungary, 1 2 3 5 1 2 7 0 ; on the throne when Mongols invaded Hungary in 1 2 4 1 ) , 67V-68

Belgorod ( C 3 ) , 62V Bellougina [Bellouga], see Beluga Belo-ozero (A:b2), 2, 1 2 , 1 9 Belschey, Ivan Demetrowich, see Bel'skii, Prince Ivan Fedorovich Bel'skii, Prince Ivan Fedorovich (entered Moscow service as boiar from Lithuania, 1 5 2 2 ; fought Shuiskiis for control of government, 1 5 3 8 - 1 5 4 2 ; at height of influence, 1540—1541 ; died in chains, May 1 5 4 2 ) , 66v Beluga (white sturgeon), qv, n v Berossus (Babylonian priest-historian, 3rd century B.C.), 12 Beschest'e (dishonor, especially pertaining to quarrels arising over mestnichestvo, i.e., family and service rank), 29 Bestehest, see Beschest'e Beza (from vezha), see Guliai gorod Bezan, see Riazan* Bezobrazov, Istoma (Khariton) Osipovich ( fostel'nichii or chamberlain from 1 5 8 2 until his death in

1604),

1 1 1

Bilberry (whortleberry, hurtleberry), 6v Birch trees, 4V, 8 Bisabroza, see Bezobrazov Black Sea, iv, 5V, 69V, 73 Blagoslovi nas, otche nebesnyi ("Bless us, Heavenly Father"), 9 1 ν, 9 2 V Blasslavey vladika, see Blagoslovi nas, otche nebesnyi Blood, Tatars drink, 70V Boarstva dumna, see Boiarskaia duma

Böbasey (Bombasey; location unidentified, possibly Umba — D2), 1 0 Bohsedom, see Bozhii dom Boiar (general meaning, any Russian noble; specific meaning, one of the nobles granted this title by the Tsar and entitled to sit as a boiar in the Boiarskaia duma), 13, 47,

27V-28V, 64V,

83V,

29,

34V-36,

44V,

1 1 4

Boiar in service of Bishop, 83V Boiaren conesheua, see Koniushii Boiaren vladitskey, see Boiar in service of Bishop Boiarens, see Boiar Boiarskaia duma (Tsar's council, composed chiefly of nobles — bo ¡ars and the lower-ranking okofnichie — chosen by Tsar plus a few selected d'taki and courtiers; with advisory and some administrative functions), 2 0 v — 2 1 , 2 i v , 22, 31V,

22V, 32V,

23,

23V,

34V-36,

27V,

30V,

3 1 ,

55,

63V,

81,

83V, i o 8 v Boiarskaia zhena {boiar's wife), 1 1 4 Boiarskeis, see Boiar Boiarskey, see Boiar Boiuren, see Boiar Bol'shoi prikhod ("Office of Great Income" having financial competence over state lands, collecting essentially indirect taxes and fees), 36V, 38, 38V, 39, 39V, 40, 40V

Bonfinius, Anton (Hungarian historian, died 1 5 0 2 ) , 1 4 V Boristhenes, see Dnepr Borris, see Godunov, Boris Fedorovich Bougharia, see Bukhara Boulgharia, see Bulgaria on the Volga

[71]

Glossary — Index B o w and arrows, 58, 58V, 60, 6 1 , 67» 7 7 v Boxing, 1 0 9 Bozhii dom (house where corpses were kept through the winter to await spring burial), 1 0 6 Bransove (location unidentified, possibly Berasova, near the N . D v i n a m o u t h ) , 36V—37 Brass, 7 1 ν Bread, 7 , 4 2 , 95V, 96, i o i v , 105V Brimstone, see Sulphur Buckwheat ( b u c k w a y ) , 6v Bukhara, city of, 74V ; merchants of,

Bulsha prechod [prechode, p r e c o d ] , see Bol'shoi prikhod Bulsha Voiavoda, see Voevoda bol'shoi Bushev, D o r o f e i (a fodiachii—clerk serving under a d'iak — of the Razriadnyi frikaz through w h o m members of the D u m a were informed of extra sessions of the D u m a ) , 36 Buterlyney, Ivan, see Buturlin, Ivan Mikhailovich But-fish, 77V Buturlin, Ivan Mikhailovich (military commander from 1 5 7 0 ' s until killed in Dagestan in 1 6 0 4 ; okol'nichii — cf. Boiarskaia duma — 1 5 8 5 ) ? 35—3Sv

7, 40V, 4 4 ; people of, 10 Bulat ( a d j . bulatnyi·, damask steel), 58V, 7 I V _ Bulgakov, Princes (a f a m i l y ; according to Fletcher, six of them were called " G u l e t c h e y " — properly Golitsyn — of w h o m five were alive, viz., the three sons of V a silii Iur'evich Golitsyn: Vasilii, botar 1 5 9 1 , died 1 6 1 9 ; Ivan, boiar 1 5 9 2 , died 1 6 2 7 ; and A n d r e i , killed 1 6 1 1 ; and the two sons of Ivan Iur'evich Golitsyn, viz.,, Ivan, boiar 1 593, died 1603 ; A n d r e i , boiar, died 1 6 0 7 . T h e y all were Bulgakov-Golitsyns. T h e sixth referred to, no longer living, was Vasilii Iur'evich Golitsyn w h o died in 1 5 8 5 ) , 27V Bulgaloy, see Bulgakov Bulgaria on the Volga, 2v, χ 9 Bulgatkove, K n e z Andreas Guraken, see Kurakin-Bulgakov, Prince A n drei Petrovich Bulghoria, see Bulgaria on the Volga Bullatnoy, see Bulat Búllate, see Bulat

in Southwest Anatolia), 72V C a r p , 11 ν Caspian Sea ( E 4 ) , 2, 5V, 7 1 , 74V Cassanskoy Dworets, see Kazanskii dvorets Castróme, see Kostroma Cattle, 8, i 6 v , 47V, 69, 70, 70V,

Bulsha dworaney, see Dvoriane bol'shie

71. " 5 C a v e r y , see Caviar

Cabacks, see Kabak Cabbage, 96, 1 1 2 Cadam, see K a d o m C a i f a , see Kaffa Caftan (Eastern long under-tunic with waist g i r d l e ) , 1 1 3 V , 1 1 4 Calaber (fur of a gray squirrel), 1 1 Camel hair, 1 1 4 Candelox, see Kandalaksha Cape G r a c e , see Sviatoi Nos Cappadocia ( R o m a n - B y z a n t i n e p r o v ince in Central Anatolia), 72V Cargapolia, see Kargopol' Caria (Roman-Byzantine province

[72]

Glossary — Caviar, 9-9V, I I ν Cazan, see Kazan' Cazon, see Kazan' Cedar wood, 44V "Chaldeans" (in religious ceremony), ι 0 5 - 1 0 5 V Cham, see Khan Chamberlain, see Postel'nichii Chara (location unidentified, possibly Khor', Charanda, or Meshchera j in the manuscript, Charasametska, which may refer to Chern'chesk), 36V Chark(e), see Charka Charka (small cup or glass), i o i v ,

Chetfird of Pomestnoy, see Pomestnyi prikaz Chetfird of Posolskoy, see Posol'skii prikaz Chetfirdes, see Chetvert' Chetfyrds, see Chetvert' Chetvert' (as a measure: dry measure = 5.95 bushels; land measure = I.35 acres or half a desiatiti), 6v, 7, 37, 37V. (In Fletcher, the term usually appears in the plural, referring to shires and provinces of Russia and the offices for their administration.

died 1 6 0 1 ) ,

56V

Chernigo, see Chernigov Chernigov ( D 3 ) , 2v, 19, 62V Chernyi pop (black priest, monastic clergy), 87V Cherries, 6v Chetfird, see Chetvert'; sometimes used by Fletcher in place of frikaz

In

1588—1589,

there existed four offices (chetvertí) with financial and administrative competence over a given territory. A t times, Fletcher incorrectly uses this term for frikazy), 2v, 28V, 29V, 30, 30V, 3 1 ,

II2V

Cherechaskoy, see Cherkasskii, Prince Boris Kambulatovich Cheremisinov, Dementii Ivanovich {dumnyi dvorianin·, kaznachei from 1588 until at least 1 5 9 1 ) , 35v Cheremiss Tatars (Tatar tribes, located on the Volga in the vicinity of Kazan'), 8, 73, 73V Cheremissen, Demenshoy Ivanowich, see Cheremisinov, Dementii Ivanovich Cheremissens, see Cheremiss Tatars Cheremissin Tatar, see Cheremiss Tatars Cherkasskii, Prince Boris Kambulatovich (before baptism, Khoroshai-mirza; general; botar 1 5 9 2 ;

Index

31V, 3 2 , 33V, 35V, 3 6 , 36V, 37V, 3 8 , 4 0 , 40V, 5 0 , 5 2 , 52V, 5 7 ;

cf.

Prikaz Chio, see Chios Chios (an island in the Aegean), 7 8 V , 7 9 V , δον, 8 1 , 8 I V , 8 2 V Chircasses, see Circassians Cholopey, see Kholop Choranus, see Khoriv Chremissen Tartars, see Cheremiss Tatars Chresby Deyack, Profery, see Krestnyi d'iak; Porfirii Chrim, see Crimea ; Crimean Tatars Chrim Tatars, see Crimean Tatars Chrinisin, see Silk-worm Christianeis, see Krest'ianin Christianoe, see Krest'ianin Chrymson, see Silk-worm Chudotvorets (miracle-worker), 98 Chudovodites, see Chudotvorets Church, 12v, 21, 43, 50V, 78VI06v; ceremonies and doctrines,

[73]

Glossary — 8,

17-19,

81,

84V,

85,

85V,

86,

86V-87, 88-88V, 91V-106V; clerics and ecclesiastical positions, 17V—i8v,

21,

24,

78V,

48V,

81 ν,

82V-89,

22—22V, 79V,

23—23V,

δον,

103V-104,

monasteries and monks, 21, 4ÓV,

2ÓV, 84V,

27,

27V,

41,

87V-89,

90,

8 1 105;

ιόν—17, 42V-43, 90V,

95,

102V, 1 0 7 V - 1 0 8 V , ι i o ; particular churches, 17—17V, 8 1 , 84V, 88V-89

Churnapapaes, see C h e r n y i pop C h y n a Boiarshena, see Boiarskaia zhena Circassians lived in

(or the

Cherkass Caucasus

Tatars; region),

55 v > 71» 73» 73 v » 74» 7 5 v Cleshenina, A n d r i e w Petrowich, see Kleshnin, A n d r e i Petrovich d e s i n i n e , Andreas Petrowich, see Kleshnin, A n d r e i Petrovich Clothing, Russian, 113V—11 ξ ν ; Russian ecclesiastical, 8 4 — 8 4 V , 8 7 — 8 7 V , 8 8 — 8 8 v ; Samoyed, 76V Cod,77V

Cola, see Kola Peninsula Collimago, see Kolymaga Collomenska, see Kolomna Colmigroe, see Kholmogory Colpack, see Kolpak Columna, see Kolomna C o m m u n i o n , 9 5 V—96

Conaslue Sloboday, see Koniushennaia sloboda Condensa, see Kondinskaia zemlia Condora, see Kondinskaia zemlia Cones (Âon'), see Horse Confession, 95 V, 98 Connick, see Koniushii Constantine VIII (Emperor of Byzantium, 1 0 2 5 - 1 0 2 8 ) ,

79V

Index

Constantinople, 79V,

80V,

81,

5V, 7 2 , 81V,

78V,

79,

82V

Constantinus, see Constantine V I I I Controller (a non-existent office, possibly refers to rank of okoVnichii — cf. Boiarskaia d u m a ) , III Coole ( c o w l ) , 88 Copper, 1 0 9 Corelia, see Karelia Corelska, see K a r e l i a ; Kozel'sk Coria, see Caria C o r n ( g r a i n ) , 3V, 1 4 , 3 7 , 4 4 , 102 Courts, public justice, 20, 2 i v — 2 2 , 24V,

25V,

3 1-3IV,

39V, 4 9 V - 5 3 ,

32V,

57, 83V,

33,

ioov,

3 9 103

Crane, 11 Creustina Chelovania, see Cross-kissing Crimea ( D 4 ) , 6 Crimean Tatars (inhabitants of the Crimean khanate), 2, 3V, 5V, 1 3 , 2 6 , 3 2 V , 5 4 V , 5 5 , 6 5 V , 6 6 , 66v, 67,

69V,

70,

72V,

73,

73V,

74V-

75» 94-y Cross-kissing (Krestnoe tselovanie: the means of sealing an o a t h ) , 5 ov, 51» I 0 3 Crutitska, see Krutitsa Cucumber, 6v Curakine, K n e z A n d r i e w G r e g o r i wich, see Kurakin-Bulgakov, Prince A n d r e i Petrovich Cusconesse, see Koskanos Cyrus the Great (Persian k i n g ) , 7 1 ν C z a r , as title ( T s a r ) , 19V D a g g e r , 58 Daniel (Fletcher here confuses D . , Prince of Moscow, w h o died in 1 3 0 3 , and Daniel Romanovich of Galicia), I2v Danielska ( A : c 2 ) , 36V

[74]

Glossary — Index Darievnes, see Derevnia Darius Hystaspis (Persian king), 71 ν David (Biblical), 17V Decetskeis, see Desiatskii Decetskies, see Desiatskii Decetskoies, see Desiatskii Deer (or reindeer, Russian olen'), i o v , i l , 76, 78 Deiake, see D'iak Dementio, Alphonasse (possibly Dem'ianov, Afanasii Ignatevich — see below — or possibly an unidentified Dement'ev, Afanasii) Demetrio, see Demetrius Demetrius, Archbishop of Larissa, 82 Dem'ianov, Afanasii Ignatevich (d'iak·, in Razriadnyi frikaz, 1580—1588; dumnyi d'iak by 1588; administered Razboinyi frikaz, 15 8 8 - 1 5 9 4 ) , 51 ν Den'gi (singular: den'ga·, silver coin equal to half a kofeika), 39; Novgorod den'gi, 13V Denmark (Danes), 3, 14, 7 7 , 77V; K i n g of, l 6 v , 27V; Danish mercenaries, 56 Derbent (Persian city on the Caspian Sea), 74, 74V Derevnia (village), 46V Derpt, or Dorpat ( C 3 ) , 2v Desiatskii (a commander of ten; could be either a military official commanding a group of ten soldiers or a civil official responsible for keeping order or collecting taxes from ten households), 33, 5

7

Deti boiarskie, see Syn boiarskii Deuteronomy, 96V Diack, see D'iak D'iak (plural, d'iaki: administrative official; usually a clerk, though

some d'iaki rose to become heads of departments and acquired great power), 21, 23, 23V, 24, 29V, 3 1 » 3 I v > 33. 33v> 36, 4 1 v> 4 2 > 49V, 52, 52V, 57V, 65,83V, 114V; as a Church Deacon, 48V, 107 Diakeis, see D'iak Dikoy Lopary, see Lapps, wild Dingoe, see Den'gi Divei-mirza (leading Crimean general; of Nogai family Mansurov; captured 1 5 7 2 ; reported dead 1 5 7 6 , but possibly in Russian service 1 5 7 7 ) , 94 V. (Fletcher mistakenly uses the name as a rank equivalent to mirza), 70, _73 v Divoymorsey, see Divei-mirza Dmitrii Ivanovich (son of Ivan IV, born of Maria Nagaia in 1 5 8 2 ; died or killed under mysterious circumstances in Uglich, M a y 1 5 9 1 ) , 16, ι ό ν , 98V-99 Dnepr River ( D 4 ) , i v , 5 V Don River ( E 4 ) , I v, 5 V, 71 v, 72V Dorofey Bushew, see Bushev, Dorofei Dorogobose, see Dorogobuzh Dorogobuzh ( A : b 3 ) , 8, 10, 28 Dorp, see Dorpat Dorpat, or Derpt ( C 3 ) , 2V Doutches, see Germans Dowry, 70, 100, i o o v , i o i v Drum, 59V, 60 Duke, see Voevoda (as governor) ; see also Kniaz' Dukhovnyi otets (spiritual father), 95, 107, 107V, 109 Dumnoy, see Dumnyi Dumnoy Boiaren, see Dumnyi boiar Dumnoy Deiakey, see Dumnyi d'iak Dumnoy dyakey, see Dumnyi d'iak

[75]

Glossary — Index D u m n y i ( p e r t a i n i n g to t h e Boiarskaia d u m a ) , 3 ; D u m n y i boiar (a m e m b e r of the Boiarskaia d u m a of boiar

rank),

3 5

D u m n y i d'iak (a d'iak w h o was a m e m b e r of the D u m a ; in this period there w e r e usually f o u r dumnye d'iaii), 2 3 , 35V D u m n y i sobor ( m e e t i n g a t t e n d e d by m e m b e r s of the Boiarskaia duma and h i g h e r c l e r g y ) , 2 2 , 2 2 v , 2 4 ,

45v D u n a R i v e r , see Z a p a d n a i a D v i n a River D v i n a ( r e g i o n : E 2 ) , i v , 2, 1 0 , n v , 38 Dvoretskii ( m a n a g e r of t h e Dvortsovyi frikaz), 36V, 3 7 , 37V, 4 0 , 40V, IO8V,

D y t a boiarskey, see S y n boiarskii Eagle, 11 Easter, 95V, 105V E l i z a b e t h ( Q u e e n of E n g l a n d ) , 19V, 80

E l k (los'),

8, i o v , 7 6

Embroiderer, Emperor's

110

Counsel,

see

Boiarskaia

duma E m p r e s s that n o w is, see G o d u n o v a , Irina F e d o r o v n a E n g l a n d , 2, 3, 5, 5V, 6v, 1 4 ,

15,

19V, 23, 46, 80, 82, 89, 9 5 ,

99V

E n g l i s h merchants, 9V, 4 4 , 74V, j j v Erastnoy, see K r a i c h i i E r m i n e (gornostai),

7 , jv,

i o v , 58V

E r t o g r u l ( h a l f - l e g e n d a r y leader of a

H I

D v o r i a n e bol'shie

D y a c k , see D ' i a k

T u r k i s h tribe in A n a t o l i a w h i c h

(highest rank of

dvorianin), 5 4 , 59V D v o r i a n e serednie (second rank of dvorianin), 54 D v o r i a n i n ( c o u r t i e r ; plural, dvoriane·. o r i g i n a l l y all free and u n f r e e people serving at court e x c l u d i n g highest f a m i l i e s ; at this t i m e , the dvoriane and de ti boiarskie, as horsemen, f o r m e d the nucleus of t h e tsar's a r m y , generally supported by fomest'e estates), 5 4 D v o r t s o v y i p r i k a z (or Bol'shoi dvorets·, office in charge of a d m i n i s t e r , ing the c r o w n lands and their inh a b i t a n t s ) , 36V, 3 7 , 4 0 , 40V D v y n a , see D v i n a D v y n a R i v e r , see Severnaia D v i n a River D w o r a n e y , see D v o r i a n i n D w o e r t s o v a , see Dvoretskii D w o r a n e y B u l s h e y , see D v o r i a n e bol'shie

became the O t t o m a n T u r k s ) , 7 3 Estoma Bisabroza Pastelnischay, see B e z o b r a z o v , Istoma; Postel'nichii Estopnick, see Istopnik E u b a a , see E u b o e a Euboea (in G r e e c e ) , 73 Euphrates R i v e r , 2 E u r o p e , 5V, I 2 V , 65V E u x i n Sea, see Black Sea E v a n , see Ivan Evasko (Ivashko: nickname for I v a n ; refers here to I v a n I V ) , 9 1 E v d o k i a ( d a u g h t e r of M a r i a V l a d i m i r o v n a and M a g n u s , D u k e of H o l s t e i n ; f o r c e d to become a nun and d i e d , 1 5 9 8 ) , ι ό ν — 1 7 E x o d u s , 96V Falcons 11 Fedor

[76]

(gerfalcon, Ivanovich

slight

(Tsar

of

falcon), Russia,

Glossary — Index 1 5 8 4 - 1 5 9 8 ) ,

I7-I9V, 27V,

28,

6 6 v , 74V, 99,

15,

15V,

16,

ιόν,

2 1 , 2 I V , 2 2 , 24V, 37,

42V,

44V,

62,

81,

8IV,

88v, 90,

41,

63,

77V,

1 0 7 - 1 1 1

Finances

(including

taxes,

zhen-

wages,

w e a l t h ) , 9 V - 1 0 , 20v, 28, 28v, 30, 30V, 3IV, 32V, 34, 3 6 V - 4 1 , 4 1 v 45, 46V, 4 7 - 4 8 , 55,

55V,

51,

53,

62V, 6 4 , 7 7 ,

54,

54V,

77V,

83V,

8 4 ; support of priests and m o n asteries, 8 6 V - 8 7 , 88, 88v F i n l a n d , G u l f of ( C 2 , A : a i ) , 6, ψ F i n l a n d Sea, see F i n l a n d , G u l f of F i r , 4 v , 7 , 1 0 , 1 4 , 1 4 V ; fir forest, IIV F i r e s , 14V, 65V—66v, 85V, 94V Fish (in general), n v — 1 2 , 37, 7 6 , 7 7 , 7 7 V ; see also u n d e r special varieties Fish-tooth, see W a l r u s tusk Flax, 9 V - 1 0 , 47 Forestine,

Knez

Demetrie

Ivano-

w i c h , see K h v o r o s t i n i n , P r i n c e D m i t r i i Ivanovich Forestine, K n e z F e o d e r I v a n o w i c h , see K h v o r o s t i n i n , P r i n c e F e d o r Ivanovich F o x (all v a r i e t i e s ) , 7 , jv, i o v , 4 1 F o x N o s e (not the same as Koskanos; see Jenkinson m a p ) , 8v F r a n c e , merchants o f , 9V

43V, 81V,

44,

47,

113V,

58V, 114,

66v,

75V,

114V,

115

98V,

F e r e z ' (a loose l o n g g a r m e n t , o f t e n of silk, w i t h o u t a collar and w i t h l o n g sleeves n a r r o w i n g towards the wrists) , 1 1 4 F e r e z ' i a zhenskaia (a jerez' w o r n by a woman), 115 Ferris, see F e r e z ' F e r r i s z e m s k o y , see F e r e z ' i a skaia Fig, 7 0 V

Furs (all varieties), 7—7V, 28V, 40V,

27,

G a l i c h ( E 3 , A : c 2 ) , 2, η\ Gallets, see G a l i c h Garlic, i o 8 v , 1 1 2 Garras, see G a r u s G a r u s (worsted m a t e r i a l ) , 88 Geese, 16v, 3 7 , 4 2 G e o r g i a , 8 0 ; merchants o f , 40V G e r m a n s : artisans (possibly D u t c h ) , 4 7 V ; mercenaries, 4 0 , 5 5 V ; people and ways, 1 5 , 5 9 , 95V, i o 8 v , 1 1 2V G e r m a n y , 24V, 80 G e t e s , see G o t h s G h a l e t s a , see G a l i c h G h o s t l y F a t h e r , see D u k h o v n y i otets G l i m s k o y , see G l i n s k i i , Princes G l i n s k i i , Princes (a f a m i l y ; accordi n g t o F l e t c h e r , the o n l y one l e f t of this house was P r i n c e I v a n M i k h a i l o v i c h — see b e l o w ) , 27V, 28v Glinskii, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich (first cousin of I v a n I V ; m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d e r ; baiar, 1 5 8 6 ; d i e d a m o n k , 1 6 0 2 ) , 27V, 2 8 v , 3 5 , 56V G l i n s k o y , H o u s e o f , see G l i n s k i i , Princes Glinskoy, K n e z Ivan Michailowich, see G l i n s k i i , P r i n c e I v a n M i k hailovich G o a t , 8, 1 1 G o d e n o e , Borris F e d e r o w i c h , see G o d u n o v , Boris F e d o r o v i c h G o d o n o e , Boris [ B o r r i s e ] F e d e r o w i c h , see G o d u n o v , Boris F e dorovich G o d o n o e , D e m e t r i e I v a n o w i c h , see G o d u n o v , Dimitrii Ivanovich Godonoe, Gregorie [Gregory] Va-

[77]

Glossary — Index silowich, see Godunov, Grigorii Vasil'evich Godonoe, Ivan Vasilowich, see Godunov, Ivan Vasil'evich Godonoe, Stephan Vasilowich, see Godunov, Stepan Vasil'evich Godonoes, see Godunov family Godunov family, 27, 32V, 90, 99 Godunov, Boris Fedorovich (born about 1 5 5 0 ; brother of Empress Irina; botar., 1580; koniushii and Namestnik — governor — of Kazan' and Astrakhan' from 1 5 8 4 ; running the state by 1 5 8 5 ; Tsar, 1598—1605), 2 1 - 2 I V , 27, 28, 2 8v, 30V, 35 V, 37V, 40, 104V, 1 1 ov Godunov, Dmitrii Ivanovich (Boris' uncle; botar, 1 5 7 8 ; koniushii, 1 5 9 8 ; died 1 6 0 6 ) , 35V Godunov, Grigorii Vasil'evich (botar, 1 5 8 4 ; dvoretskii from 1 5 8 4 until his death in 1 5 9 8 ) , 35V, 37V, i l l Godunov, Ivan Vasil'evich (military commander; botar from 1 5 8 4 ; never was taster for the Tsar; died 1 6 0 2 ) , 35V, I I I Godunov, Stepan Vasil'evich (active military commander and diplomat; botar from 1 5 8 4 ; dvoretskii from 1 5 9 8 ; never a kaznachet·, died about 1 6 0 4 ) , 35V, 40, i l l Godunova, Irina Fedorovna (Tsarina; married Fedor, the future Tsar, between 1 5 7 4 and 1 5 8 0 ; through the marriage her family rose to power; her husband died in 1 5 9 8 ; she abdicated and became a nun; died 1 6 0 3 ) , 16, 2 1 , 2IV, 22, 27, 35V, 37V, 8iv, 8 8 v 89, 90V, 108, 109, i i o v

Gold (including gold cloth), 1 5 , 1 8 , 43 v > 5 8 v > 7 i v > 8 i v > 84, n o , 1 1 3 V , 1 1 4 , 114V, 1 1 5 , 1 1 5 V Golitsyn, Princes (a family; at the time, there were five GolitsynBulgakovs whom Fletcher knew about; see Bulgakov, Princes), 27V Golitsyn, Prince Vasilii Iur'evich (or Bulgakov-Golitsyn ; military commander; boiar by 1 5 7 3 ; died 1585),27 Gollavni, Peeter, see Golovin, Peter Ivanovich Gollooheen, Knez Vasilie Vyrwich, see Golitsyn, Prince Vasilii Iur'evich Golmigroe, see Kholmogory Golova (literally " h e a d " ; refers to a head man, either civil or military; sometimes equivalent to a sotskii), 57 Golovin, Peter Ivanovich [kaznachet from about 1 5 7 6 until his disgrace and death in 1 5 8 4 ) , 27 Gonets (plural: gontsy ; messenger), 46V, 1 1 1 Gorodets (A:c4), 8 Gorodetskey, see Gorodets Gospodar' (title meaning Lord; refers to the Tsar), 44V, 1 1 o Gospodi pomilui ("Lord have mercy"), 91V, 92V, 1 0 3 , 107V Goths, 49 Great Cham (Crimean Tatar Khan), see Crimean Tatars Greek alphabet, 49 Greek Church, I2v, 78, 79, 79V, δον, 8 1 , 8IV, 82, 94, 94V, 96, 97, 98V, 99 Greek mercenaries, 55V Greek writers, 72, 72V Greeks, 73, 1 1 3 V

[78]

Glossary — Gregorie, son of Onyka, see Stroganov, Grigorii Ioannikievich Gubnoi starosta (local official, chosen from local boiarskie deti, responsible to Razboinyi frikaz, whose task was to bring brigands to justice), 3 1 , 49V Gubnoy starets, see Gubnoi starosta Gubnoy starust, see Gubnoi starosta Gulavoy, see Golova Gulay gorod, see Guliai gorod Guliai gorod (portable fortress, often manned by strel'tsy), 57, 60—61 Guletchey, see Golitsyn, Princes G u n , 58V, 60V, 6 1 , i l l , gunpowder, 40, 105; Lapp hand-gun, 77V Gunner, see Strel'tsy Gurnstale, see Ermine Gymnosophists (wisemen wearing no clothes), 8 9 V — 9 0 Harbengers (harbingers), see Gonets Hares, 1 1 , 37, 45 Harold (English king killed at Battle of Hastings in 1066, whose daughter, Gyda, married Vladimir Monomakh), 1 4 Hartock Magnus, see Magnus, Duke (Herzog) of Holstein Hawks, 11 Hay, 3 7 , 4 4 Heath-cock (teterev, male black grouse), 11 Heber (Biblical), I ν Hemp, 9v, 10, 47 Hens, i 6 v , 37 Herring, 11 ν Hieronimo, see Jeremiah Hieronomo, see Jeremiah Hoist, see Holstein Holstein (Duchy north of Brunswick, south of Denmark), 16v

Index

Holy Spirit, only from the Father,

97

Honey, 7 V - 8 , 3 7 , 4 1 V , 4 3 V Honoratkey, see Odnoriadka Hoord, see Horde Horde (refers to a Tatar horde, Russian: orda), 70, 74V, 75 Horse, horsemen: i o v , 1 1 , 13V, 24, 39v> 43v> 58, 58V, 59V, 60, 60V, 66v, 6 7 , 6 7 V , 7 0 , 7 0 V , 7 4 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 4 V , 1 0 5 , ι iov, 1 1 4 Hospodare, see Gospodar' Hubetskoy, see Trubetskoi, Princes Hungary, 1 4 V , 1 5 , 1 5 V , 6 7 V - 6 8 Hunnes, see Huns Huns, 15v Iacone, son of Onyka, see Stroganov, Iakov Ioannikievich Iacovelesni, Gabrieli, see Iakovlev, Gavrilko Iakovlev, Gavrilko (a fod'iachii — minor clerk), 52 lam (imperial postal and messenger system), 46V lama ( D 3 ) , 6 Ianusses, see Janus Iaroslav (Great Prince of Kiev, died 1 0 5 4 ; son of, not surname of, Vladimir 1 ) , 1 4 Iaroslavl' ( D 3 , A : c 2 ) , 2, 5, 8, i o v , 12,

13V-14,

19,

38,

38V,

46V

Iaruslave, see Iaroslavl' j see Iaroslav Icary [Ickary], from Russian see Caviar Idols, see Images Images (or ikons, often called by Fletcher): Russian, 46,

[79]

86,

92,

98,

99V,

105,

92V,

93,

ioiv,

105V,

94,

103,

95V,

also tira,

idols 50V, 97V-

104,

104V-

107-107V;

ikon,

Glossary — Index made not by human hands, 104V— 105 ; Tatar idol, 69V Imperial Cappe, see Monomakh's crown Innocent IV (Pope, 1 2 4 3 - 1 2 5 4 ) , 12V Inozemnyi prikaz ( f r i k a z having charge of foreigners who were in Moscow service), 39V Inquisition, in Russia, 99V Ioktan, see Joktan Iosephus, see Josephus Ioughoria, see Iugra Iron, i o v , 89V Israel (Biblical), 17V Istopnik (or Istobnik; palace guard or jailer), 11 i v Italy, Italians, 9, 49, 79v, 82V Iugra (region occupied by and named for Ugro-Finnic tribes. In the Tsar's title from which Fletcher took the name it probably refers to the Viatka-Perm' region which by the sixteenth century was well penetrated by Russians), 2v, 7V, 19 Ivan I (Kalita, Prince of Moscow, 1325-1340),

12ν

Ivan III (Great Prince of Moscow, 1462—1505),

Ivan IV 1584),

15V,

62

(Tsar of Russia, 15,

15V,

16,

1533—

ιόν,

2iv,

22, 24V, 2 5 , 25V, 26, 2 7 , 37,

41,

4 2 , 4 2 V - 4 3 , 4 4 V - 4 5 , 62, 62V,

63,

63V-65,

65V,

82,

8 5 V, 9 0 ,

90V-91

66,

66v,

δον,

Ivan Ivanovich (son of Ivan I V ; heir to throne; killed by Ivan IV, 1 5 8 1 ) , 1 6

Ivan Vasilowich, see Ivan IV Ivangorod ( A : a 2 ) , 63

Janus (as keeper of the house), 69V

Javelin, 58 Jeremiah (Patriarch of Constantinople, visited Russia in 1 5 8 8 ) , 7 9 V , 8 0 , 8ov, 8 1 , 8 1 V , 8 2 , 8 2 V Jesters and dwarves, 109 Jeweler, 11 o John VIII (Byzantine Emperor, 1 4 2 5 — 1 4 4 8 , whose first wife was Anna, daughter of Vasilii I, Great Prince of Moscow), 79 John, see Ivan; John V I I I Joktan (Biblical), i v , 2 Josephus (author of the Jewish Wars), i v Kabak

(pot-house or tavern),

44, 44V,

39,

95

Kadom ( A : C 3 ) , y v , 8 Kaffa ( D 4 ) , 69V Kandalaksha ( D 2 ) , 76V Karelia ( C 2 ) , i o v , 76V; people of, 77V Kargopol' ( D 2 ) , i v , 2, 6, i o v , 12 Kazan' ( E 3 ) , 2v, 3V, 8, 8v, 12, I3V>

!9>

!9V>

2

6V,

30,

32V,

38,

38V, 43, 63, 63V, 66v, 7 2 ; Archbishop of, 83 Kazanskii dvorets (a frikaz. established to administer new territories in the East taken by the Russian government during the sixteenth century), 30 Kaznachei (treasurer, stood at head of Kazennyi frikaz or Kazennyi dvor where the Tsar's riches were kept and disbursed), 1 1 1 Kegor, or Kigor ( D 2 ) , 77V Kenitsma, see Kineshma Khan (Tatar ruler's title) Kholmogory ( E 2 ) , 12, 38 Kholop (a slave), 13, 25, 46, 52V, 53» 55^ Khoriv (one of three brothers,

[80]

Glossary — whom, tradition has it, founded Kiev), ι Khvorostinin, Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich (born ca. 1 5 2 0 ; great military commander, 1560's through 1580's; botar, 1 5 8 4 ; died 1 5 9 0 / 91 )> 35» 56V Khvorostinin, Prince Fedor Ivanovich (outstanding military commander from 1550's; often in charge of gunners; active diplomat; dvoretskii, 1577—1584; botar 1 5 8 8 / 8 9 ; died 1608), 35 Kii (most important of the three brothers to whom tradition attributes the founding of K i e v ) , 1 Kilden ( D 2 ) , 78 Kineshma (E3, A:cz), 10 Kio, see Kii Kiriach Morsey, see Kiriak mirza Kiriak mirza (according to Fletcher, nephew of the Crimean K h a n ) , 70 Kleshnin, Andrei (Lupp) Petrovich (okol'nichii — cf. Boiarskaia dui n a — 1 5 8 6 ; not controller, as there was no such post; tradition gives him a major role in the death of Tsarevich Dmitrii; died a monk, 1 5 9 9 ) , 35V, I I I Knazey, see Kniaz' Knez, see Kniaz' Knez Andreas Guraken Bulgatkove, see Kurakin-Bulgakov, Prince A n drei Petrovich Knez Feodor Michailowich, see Trubetskoi, Prince Fedor M i k hailovich Knez Ivan Vasilowich, see Sitskii, Prince Ivan Vasil'evich K n e z Vasilie Vrywich Gollooheen, see Golitsyn, Prince Vasilii Iur'evich

Index

Knez Volodemer, see Vladimir, Great Prince of Kniaz' (title meaning prince, translated " D u k e " by Fletcher), 29, 102 V Knives, 10, 7IV, 113V Kola Peninsula and town ( D 2 ) , 2v, 3V> 7V> I I V > 7 7 v Kolomna ( D 3 , A : b 3 ) , 1 2 ; Bishop of, 83 Kolophey, see Kholop Kolpak (or Kalpak; a high pointed hat or hood of Tatar origin), 45 Kolymaga (according to Fletcher, a heavy, unwieldy carriage), IOOv Kondinskaia zemlia (region drained by the Konda River, east of the Urals), 2v, 19 Koniushennaia sloboda (lands whose taxes are used to support the office of the koniushit), 28 Koniushii (Equerry or Master of the Horse, position held by Boris Godunov under Fedor), 28, I i o v Koran, 69 Koskanos, or Cape Kuiski ( D 2 ; not the same as Fox Nose), 8v Kostroma (E3, A : c 2 ) , 38, 38V Kozel'sk ( A : b 4 ) , 36V Kraichii (or Kravchii; taster for the Tsar), i o 8 v , 1 1 1 Kreshchenie (literally baptism ; here Epiphany), 5IV; see also Baptism Kreshenea, see Kreshchenie Krest'ianin (peasant), 29V, Γ ΐ 6 Krestnyi d'iak (in Fletcher, "clerk of the Cross" ; probably deacon of the Tsar's chapel), 107 Krutitsa (a bishopric with no territory attached ; located in the Novo Spasskii Monastery in Moscow),

[81]

83

Glossary — Index Kurakin-Bulgakov, Prince Andrei Petrovich (botar by 1 5 8 9 ; disgraced by Boris in 1 5 8 8 / 8 9 ; active during the T i m e of T r o u bles; died 1 6 1 5 ) , 2 7 , 35 Kvas (a fermented beverage popular in Russia), 96, i i 2 v K y n e (kine, plural of c o w ) , see Cattle Lach (legendary founder of l a n d ) , 65 V Laches, see L a c h ; Poland Laonicus Chalcocondyles (late zantine historian who wrote a tory in ten books covering period 1 2 9 8 - 1 4 6 4 ) , 7IV,

Po-

Byhisthe

72V

Lappes, see Lapps Lapps, 2, 75V, 76V, 7 7 , 77V; N o r wegian, 7 7 ; W i l d ( D i k o i ) , 7 7 Lard, 9 Larissa (city in Thessaly), 82 Latin Church, see Roman Catholic Church L a t i n ( e ) s (Westerners), 65V, 70V; (Romans), 72V Laws, 20V, 22V, 2 3 , 25V, 3 I V , 3 6 , 45V, 48V, 5 3 , i o o v , 1 0 3 , n 6 v ; T a t a r laws, 74V—75 ; see also Courts Lead, 4 0 , 4 4 Leches, see Lach Leitnick, see Letnik Letach vechshe, see Squirrel, flying Letnik (woman's light, not too long, garment with long sleeves worn over a blouse and under the outer dress) , 1 1 5 Lettoes, see Lithuania Levaia ruka (literally left arm; one of five regiments into which the army on campaign was usually d i v i d e d ) , 56V

Leviticus, 96V L e v o y Polskoy, see Levaia ruka Libeda, see Lybeda Liefland, see Livonia Lithuania, 2, 2v, 3V, 5V, 62, 62V, 73 Lituania, see Lithuania Livonia, IV, 2, 2V, 1 9 , 6 2 , 6 2 v , 94V London, 1 3 Losh, see Elk Luchina (wood splinter), 8 Luchineos, see Luchina Lugavoy, see Lugovye Tatars Lugovye Tatars (a branch of the Cheremiss Tatars, so called by Russians since they occupied the plain on the left bank of the Volga: lug — meadow), 73V Luserne, see L y n x Lybeda (sister of K i i , Khoriv and Shchek, the three legendary founders of K i e v ) , I L y d i a (Roman-Byzantine province in Western Anatolia), 72V L y n x , 7, 7v, i o v Lyserne, see L y n x Magnus, Duke of Holstein (son of K i n g Christian I I I of D e n m a r k ; married Maria, daughter of Vladimir of Staritsa; died 1 5 8 3 ) , i 6 v , 27V

M a g o g (Biblical), 1 2 Maotis, see Azov, Sea of Maria Vladimirovna (daughter of Vladimir Andreevich of Staritsa, thus daughter of Ivan IV's first cousin and not his sister; married Magnus, Duke of Holstein, 1 5 7 3 ; was enticed back to Russia after his death and incarcerated in a nunnery; died 1 6 0 9 ) , l 6 v — 1 7 , 27V

M a r t e n , 7 , yv, i o v , 4 1

[82]

Glossary — Index Matron ( e ) , see Marten Maximilian (brother of the German Emperor and first Duke of Austria), 80 Mead, jv, 1 3 , 4 4 , 96, i o i v , H 2 v Media, see Persia Medus (mythical figure mentioned by Berossus), 1 2 Merchants, foreign, 7 - 7 V , 8, 9V, 40V, 43V, 44, 48V, 74V, 75,

77V;

monasteries as, 8 8 v ; Russian, 1 0 , 22V,

43V,

44,

47-48,

74,

74V,

77V; wives, 1 1 4 V Mescha (or Masius), see Mesha Mesha (Biblical; Genesis 1 0 : 3 0 ) , 2 Meshchera ( D 2 ) , 2 Meshchora, see Meshchera Metheloskey, knez, see Mstislavskii, Prince Ivan Fedorovich Methisloskey, knez Feoder Ioanowich [Ivanowich], see Mstislavskii, Prince Fedor Ivanovich Mica (Russian: sliuda), i o v Michael Palaeologus (Michael V I I I , Emperor of Byzantium, 1 2 5 9 — 1282),

72

Michailowich, knez Feoder, see T r u betskoi, Prince Fedor Mikhailovich Micheta Romanovich, see Romanov, Nikita Romanovich M i d i a , see Persia Military forces, 24V, 28, 28v, 29V, 30, 47V,

3IV, 48,

34-34V, 52V,

39V-40,

53V-61V,

63V,

46, 64

Milk, 70V Mirza (title originally meaning "son of a p r i n c e " ; subsequently a title for a Tatar noble or prince of the second order of nobility), 6 7 , 70,

73V

Moisalskoy, see Mosal'sk Molitva (prayer), 86v

Molodaia kniagina (literally, "young princess," refers to a bride), I 0 2 v Moloday knez, see Molodoi kniaz' Moloday knezay, see Molodaia kniagina Molodoi kniaz' (literally, "young prince," refers to a bridegroom), 102

Momgosorskoy, see Iugra Monomakh's crown (according to legend this imperial crown had been the gift of the Byzantine Emperor to Kievan Prince Vladimir Monomakh), 17V, 1 8 , i 8 v Mordva (region along the Volga, south of Kazan', inhabited by the Mordvin Tatars), 8 Mordvin Tatars, 7 3 , 7 4 Mordwit(es), see M o r d v a ; Mordvin Tatars Morse, see Walrus Morsey [Morseis], see Mirza Morum, see Murom Mosal'sk ( A : b 3 ) , 36V Moscow, city ( D 3 , A : b 3 ) , i v , 2 , 3 V , 5v, 6, ι i v , 1 2 , I 2 V , 1 3 , i 6 v , i 8 v , 19,

19V,

31»

3

42,

44V,

45,

5 2»

54v>

55v>

6 1

66v,

70,

70V,

79V,

80,

δον,

81V,

82V,

85,

85V,

89,

90,

90V,

104V,

105,

I V

>

94V, 99V,

2IV,

26,

28,

2 v

38,

38V,

39V,

46V,

47V,

50,

3

>

103V,

28v,

> 64V,

104,

65V,

30V, 40,

5iv, 66, 81,

105V, ι i o v , 1 1 i v ; principality of, 1 5 V , i 8 v , 1 9 , 1 9 V , 6 1 V Moscow River ( A : b 3 ) , 5V, 6, I 2 v , 1 3 , 28, 94V,

103V,

104

Moscus (mythical figure mentioned by Berossus), 1 2 , I 2 v Moses (Biblical), i v , 2, 96V Mosko, see Moscow Moskva River, see Moscow River Mousick, see Muzhik

[83]

Glossary — Index Movable castle, see Guliai gorod Mstislavskii, Prince Fedor Ivanovich (boiar from 1576; top military commander; headed the whole army from 1588 until at least 1 5 9 1 ; died 1 6 2 2 ) , 2 7 V , 3 5 , 56-56V Mstislavskii, Prince Ivan Fedorovich (born 1530; botar, 1549; active military commander into 1580's; during Ofrichnina years stood at top of Zemshchina duma·, forced by Boris to become a monk, 1 5 8 5 ; died 1 5 8 6 ) , 2 7 V Murad II (Ottoman Sultan, 1 4 2 1 » 4 5 0 » 73 Murmansk (D2), yv Murmonskey, see Murmansk Murom (A:c3), yv, 8, 8v, 38 Muzhik (common man), 9V, 29V, 45,

46,

48,

48V,

52V,

54,

115

Naga, see Nagoi (naked) Nagaia, Maria Fedorovna (seventh and last wife of Ivan IV; married him in ι 581 ; mother of Dmitrii, with whom, at Fedor's accession, she was sent to Uglich; after Dmitrii's death she was forced to become a nun; died 1 6 0 8 ) , i6v Nagaian Tatars, see Nogai Tatars Nagaies, see Nogai Tatars; see also Nagoi family Nagay, see Nogai Tatars Nagoi (naked), 44V Nagoi family (family of Ivan IV's seventh wife Maria Fedorovna Nagaia), i6v Nagornay, see Nagornye Tatars Nagornye Tatars (a branch of the Cheremiss Tatars, so called by

Russians from gora — mountain, since they lived on the higher — the right — bank of the Volga) 7 3 v Naleika (suburb of Moscow), 13 Naloi, see Naleika Naples, 82V Naradna voiavoda, see Nariadnyi voevoda Nariadnyi voevoda (an artillery commander), 57 Narva ( A : a 2 ) , 2v, 3, 9V, 62V

Narve, see Narva Nemets (plural: nemtsy, general Muscovite term for a Western "foreigner" ; sometimes refers specifically to a German), 55V Nenoksa (D2), 10 Neper, see Dnepr River Neruchi (should be nerukotvorennyi, "not made by human hands"), 1 0 4 V - 1 0 5 Nesna Novogrod, see Nizhnii Novgorod Netherlands, merchants of, 9V New Testament, 96V Nice, see Nicea Nicea (city of Northwest Anatolia where first Ecumenical Council was held), 81 ν Nicephorus Gregoras (Byzantine scholar, 1 2 9 0 - 1 3 6 0 ) , 7 9 V Nichola of Pskov, see Nikola Salos Nicholas Schinick (thirteenth-century Hungarian chancellor), 67V Nightingale, 4V Nikola Salos (hermit and miracle worker who saved Pskov from being sacked by Ivan IV; died 1576),

90V-91

Nimrod (Biblical; Genesis 12

Nimschoy, see Nemets

[84]

10:9),

Glossary — Index Nisnovograd, Nisnovogrod, see Nizhnii Novgorod Nizhnii Novgorod (E3,A:c4), 2, 1 2 , 19» 38, 38V Nogai Tatars (Tatar tribe living north of the Caspian Sea and along the Volga), 2, 7 3 , 73V Nogas (or Nagai; a Tatar captain), 72 Nonocks, see Nenoksa North Cape ( C i ) , 76, j ò v North Ocean, see Arctic Ocean North Sea, see White Sea Norway, people of, 77, 77V Novgorod ( D 3 , A : a 2 ; often called Velikii Novgorod or Great Novgorod; not to be confused with Nizhnii Novgorod), i v , 2, 3V,

Obrok (quit-rent paid by peasants in cash or kind to the landowner), 37 Obrokey, see Obrok Obrosa (a word describing some sort of head covering; probably ubrus, a shawl, kerchief, or towel), 1 1 4 Ocka, see Oka River Ocona ("Owna" in ms.), see Una Odgoskey, see Odoevskii, Princes Odnoratkey, see Odnoriadka Odnoriadka (a wide, collarless outer garment, hanging to the heel), 114,

115

32V, 38, 38V, 6 2 ; Metropolitan of, 8 3 , 8 + Novograd of the Low Country, see Nizhnii Novgorod Novograd velica, see Novgorod Novograde, Novogradia, Novogrod, see Novgorod Nowremanskoy Lapary, see Lapps, Norwegian Numbers (Biblical), 96V Numeri, see Numbers

Odoevskii, Princes (a family: Fletcher says two of this house were left ; he probably meant Ivan Nikitich Bol'shoi — stol'nik serving at the tsar's head table 1 5 8 8 , botar 1606, died 1 6 1 6 — and Ivan Nikitich Men'shoi — in Tsar's suite during Fletcher's stay, botar 1 6 1 3 , died 1 6 2 9 ) , 2 7 V Oguzalpes (not father of Ertogrul, whose father was either GunduzAlp or Suliman; from Oguz, the name of the tribe from which the Ottomans arose, and alf, meaning hero), 73 Oil (fish or seal), 9, 77V, 85V, 88v, 94. 95

Oats, 6v, 3 7 , 55V Ob River ( G 2 ) , 63, 76 Obba, see Ob River Obdoria, see Obdorskaia zemlia Obdorskaia zemlia (region drained by the River Ob and its tributaries), 2v, 7v, 1 9 , 76 Obeadna, see Obednia Obednia (Russian Orthodox Church Mass), 92V, 108 Obeidna, see Obednia

Oka River ( E 3 , A : b 3 ) , 5V, 6 Okhaben' (an outer garment similar to odnoriadka, with a four-cornered turn-back collar), 1 1 4 Olen, see Deer Olla Billa (Tatar war cry, probably meaning "with G o d " ) , 68v Ollen, see Deer Onega River ( D 2 ) , 6 Onions, 1 1 2 Onyka, see Stroganov, Anika Opashen' (an elaborate outer gar-

7V>

8, 8v,

12,

13,

13V,

19,

19V,

[85]

Glossary — Index ment of fine material worn in summer over the caftan), 114V Oposhen, sec Opashen' Oposken, see Opashen' Oppressini, see Oprichnina Oprichnina (Ivan IV divided the nation into two parts during 1565—1572. T h e favored, or court territory, was called the Ofrichnina·, the other part, Zcmshchina),

25 V — 2 6

Ortogules, see Ertogrul Osman (founder of the Ottoman dynasty and Sultan of the Ottoman Turks, 1 2 8 8 - 1 3 2 6 ) , 7 3 Otetz Duhovna, see Dukhovnyi otets Otfer, see T v e r ' Otoman, see Osman Oudoria, see Udorskaia zemlia Ouglit(e)s, see Uglich Owl, ι IV Oxen, 8, 37 Ozeraes, see Ozerò Ozerò (lake), 5, i i v

24,

78V,

81,

84,

104,

105

Pea,

81V,

82,

82V,

83,

6v

Peaches, see Pech' Pear, 6v Pearl, 44, 58V, 72, 84, 97V, 107V, 113V, 114,

114V,

115

Pech' (oven, stove), II2V Pechenga ( D 2 ) , 3 Pechinga, see Pechenga Pechora ( F 2 ) , ην, ι ο ν , 40V, 63, 64

Penteleove, Drezheen, see Panteleev, Druzhina Penteleove, Druzhine, see Panteleev, Druzhina Perch, IIV PereiaslavP-Zalesskii ( A : b 3 ) , IIV,

Pachymeres, George (Byzantine historian, 1 2 4 2 - c o . 1 3 1 0 , whose works cover the period 1 2 5 5— 1308),

Papa, see Pop Partridge, 1 1 ν Pasquils (lampoons), 91 Pastelnischay, sec Postel'nichii Patriarch, 9 7 ; of Constantinople, 7 8 V , 7 9 V , δον, 8 1 , 8 I V , 8 2 V ; of Moscow, 17V, 1 8 , i8v, 22V, 23,

72

Pachymerius, see Pachymeres, George Painter, 1 1 0 Palach (executioner), 42 Palm Sunday, 1 0 5 Pannonia, 15V Panteleev, Druzhina (also known as Druzhina Panteleevich Petelin ; d'iak·, served in several frikazy and also as an active diplomat; administered Kazanskii dvorets from 1 5 8 8 / 8 9 until at least 1 5 9 5 ; dumnyi d'iati), 3 0 — 3 0 V , 3 5

12

Perislave, sec Pereiaslavl'-Zalesskii Perm' (city and region — F 3 , F 2 ) , 2v, 6, 7v,

47V, 63, Permia, sec Persia, 74, 7, 4OV; I13V,

8v,

10,

1 9 , 40V,

44V,

6 4 ; people of, 6v, 75V Perm' 74V, 80; merchants of, people of, 1 0 ; style,

114

Petyde setskoy, see Piatidesiatskii Peva, Romain Michailowich, see Pivov, Roman Mikhailovich Pewter, 4 Pheasant, 1 1 ν Phrygia (Roman-Byzantine province in Central Anatolia), 72V Physicians, 47 V

[86]

Glossary — Piatidesiatskii (Fletcher refers to a military officer who commands a group of fifty m e n ) , 57 Pigs, 69 Pike, ι IV Pivov, Roman Mikhailovich (dumnyi dvorianin; voevoda; died ca. 1 5 9 s ) » 35^ Plesko, see Pskov Plotsko, see Polotsk Plum, 6v Podat' (regular taxes), 37V, 38 Po gracum, see P o grekham Po grekham ( " f o r their sins"), 90 Polaches, see Poland Polachies, see Palach Poland, 2, 2v, ψ , 19V, 26, 27, 27V, 32V, 62,

63,

56, 56V, 65,

65V,

57V, 6 1 , 68,

73V,

61V, 80,

8IV, 85V, 99, 1 1 5 V ; mercenaries from, in Russia, 40, 55 V, 6 4 ; merchants of, 44 Polanos, see Poland Polk (regiment; an army generally consisted of five regiments: Bol'shot (main), flanked by levata ruka and fravaia ruka (left and right wings), with advance guard (feredovoi) and rear guard (storozhevoî) ) , 56V, 58, 59V Polonia, see Poland Polotsk ( C 3 , A : a 3 ) , 9V, 1 9 Polskeis, see Polk Polskey, see Polk Pomest, see Pomest'e Pomeshchik (holder of a fomest'e, owing service for his estate), ζξν Pomest'e (an estate held on condition that the holder contribute service, usually military, to the overlord — most often the T s a r ) , 26V,

28,

28v,

30,

53V-54,

Pomestnoy, see Pomest'e

54V

Index

Pomestnyi prikaz ( f r i k a z , working closely with Razriadnyi frikaz, responsible for assigning fomest'e estates and gradually acquiring authority over all transfers of land), 30 Pood (a measure of weight equal to forty funty, or 36 pounds), 7v> 8 Pop (Russian priest), 85V, 86v, 87, 87V; as Samoyed priest, j6v Pope, 12V, 79V, δον, 82, 82V "Popish practices," 84, 84V, 92, 92V,

94,

97,

98,

98V,

103,

106

Porfirii (a krestnyi d'iak ; nothing else known about h i m ) , 107 Poshallovate, see Pozhalovat' Posol'skii prikaz (the foreign office responsible for the reception of all foreign ambassadors and dispatch of Russian embassies), 28V, 30 Pososkoy Chetfird, see Posol'skii prikaz Possevino, Antonio (Papal Legate sent by Pope Gregory X I I I to Stefan Batory of Poland in 15 81 ; participated in mediating the peace between Russia and Poland signed in 1 5 8 2 ; died, 1 6 1 1 ) , δον Postel'nichii (chamberlain), m Potlads (clearly a type of oven; the Russian noun referred to is not clear), I I 2 V Pozhalovat' (to grant or favor), 89 Praetor (Roman Consul as leader of the army), 42 Praetorian (of the body guard of Roman general or emperor), 54V Prastave, see Pristav Prator, see Praetor Prava Polskoy, see Pravaia ruka

[87]

Glossary — Index Pravaia ruka (right arm; one of the five customary divisions of the a r m y ) , 56V Pravevsh, see Pravezh Pravezh (according to Fletcher, first, a w h i p ; second, a place where criminals were placed to be beaten), 4IV, 45, 5 1 , 51V Prechase, Shisivoy Nemshoy, see

making armaments and supplying the gunners), 40 Pytka (torture in which a man is hung by both hands, which are tied behind him, while weights are tied to his feet; while he is hung in this position, he is w h i p p e d ) , 32, 33, 52

Inozemnyi prikaz Precheste, see Prechistaia ; Uspenskii Cathedral Prechistaia (refers to Virgin M a r y ) , 97V, 103V, 107V [Prikaz] (governmentadministrative office, usually established according to function, e.g. foreign affairs, though sometimes according to region. Fletcher never uses the word frikaz, generally saying "office" or " C h e t v e r t " ' ) , 30, 30V, 3 1 , 3IV, 32, 33V, 35V, 36, 37 v > 38, 39~39 v > 40, 40V, 50, 52, 52V, 57V; cf. Chetvert' Prjstav (in Fletcher's context a court bailiff w h o serves a summons to court), 50, 51 Profery, see Porli rii Prophets, books of (Biblical), 96V Protopapes, see Protopop Protopop (Archpriest), 78V, 87V Psalms, Book of (Biblical), 96V Pskov ( C 3 , A : a 2 ) , 2, 3V, 10, 12, 13V, 19, 2 7 , 32V, 38, 38V, 6 1 , 62, 63V, 90V; Archbishop of, 83 Psyntha (millet), 6v Pudkey, see Pytka

Quasse, see Kvas

Pusharskoy, office of, see Pushkarskii prikaz Pushkarskii prikaz ( f r i k a z administering artillery and gunners other than strel'tsy, responsible for

Raspberry, 6v Razan, see Riazan' Razboinyi prikaz (the frikaz in charge of bringing bandits and brigands to justice; it supervised the activities of the gubnoi starosta), 39-39V Razriad (as Fletcher uses it, the dumnyi razriadnyi d'iak, who headed the Razriadnyi frikaz), 30,36,58 Razriadnyi prikaz (military frikaz in charge of all service men — deti boiarskie and dvorianefomeshchikt), 30, 39V, 53V Reis, see Riasa Religion (of peoples bordering on Russia, excluding Russians), 69— 69V, 73» 74» 76, 77» 94V, n 6 v ; for Russian religion, see Church Relph, Richard (Englishman sent to Russia by Muscovy company; became involved in private trading; refused to be recalled to E n g l a n d ) , 95 Revelation (Biblical book), 96V, 97 Rezan, see Riazan' Rezan Ozerò, see Riazanskoe ozero Riasa (cassock; an outer, long, wide garment with broad sleeves worn by priests and monks), 84V

[88]

Glossary — Index Riazan' ( D 3 , A : c 3 ) , i v , 2, 3V, 8, 1 9 , 28v, 3 8 ; Bishop of, 83 Riazanskoe ozero (see 1 5 6 2 map, where it appears on the Don), 5V Riba bela, see Salmon (literally, "white fish") Riba zuba, see Walrus tusk Riga(C3),6 Riurik (established himself and his followers in Novgorod and founded the family that ruled the Russian states until the death of Fedor Ivanovich in 1 5 9 8 ) , I Roach (fish related to carp), i i v Roe buck, 1 1 Roisbonia, Office of, see Razboinyi prikaz Romaine, see Roman Romanes, see Roman Roman, 49, 54V; Roman legion, 58 Roman Catholic Church, 78, 8 2 ; see also Pope Romanov, Aleksander Nikitich (taster to Fedor Ivanovich from 1 5 8 6 ; botar, 1 5 9 9 ; most likely the person Fletcher meant when he mentions "Theodore Alexandrowich"), h i Romanov, Nikita Romanovich (also known as N . R . Iur'ev and N . R . Zakharin; brother of Anastasia, Ivan IV's first wife; father of future Patriarch, Filaret; and grandfather of Tsar Mikhail Romanov; botar, 1 5 6 5 ; died 1 5 8 5 ) , 27V Rome, δον, 82 Roserad, see Razriad Roserade, see Razriad Roserade Office, see Razriadnyi prikaz Roseradney Chetfird, see Razriadnyi prikaz

Rospapa (or Razpop; former or defrocked priest), 86v Rostov (A: c 2 ) , 2, 8v, 1 2 , 19, 3 8 ; Metropolitan of, 83 Rostove, see Rostov Roxellani, see Roxolani Roxolani (a division of Sarmatians; though then in Western Europe a term used to describe Russians and Ruthenians), I ν Rubb, see Ruble Rubbel, see Ruble Ruble (Russian monetary unit equal to 200 Moscow derfgi or 1 0 0 Novgorod den'gi until the end of the 16th century), jv, 14V, 28, 28V, 29, 30, 30V, 32V, 37, 37 v > 38» 3» v > 39. 39v> 40, 4 ° v , 43» 44» 44v> 45» 47v, 48» 5™» 52, 54, 54V, 55, 55V, 84, 87, 88, 88v, 100, 105 Ruby, 1 1 4 v Rurico, see Riurik Rusnoy Polskoy (possibly ruchnoi folk·, term unknown, though the regiment's activities resemble those of the advance guard or feredovoi folk), 56V Russian language, 48V, 49 Rye, 6v, 7, 37, 55V Sabarove, Bodan Ivanowich, see Saburov, Bogdan Iur'evich Sable, 7, jv, iov, 41 Saburney Voscreshenea, see Sbornoe voskresen'e Saburov, Bogdan Iur'evich (military commander; botar, 1 5 7 3 ; died, 1 5 9 8 ) , 35 Saf'ian (an expensive Moroccan or Persian leather), 74, 1 1 4 Saint George, insignia of, 59V, 61 ν St. John's Day, 85

[89]

Glossary — St. M a t t h e w , Gospel of, 89 St. M i c h a e l , 103V St. Nicholas (patron saint of Russia; former Bishop of M y r a ) , 97V,

106,

St. Nicholas 6, 8v

107V

(city;

D2),

3V,

5V,

St. Paul, letter (I T i m o t h y ) , 86 St. Peter, 106 St. Peter's D a y , 77V St. Sergius of Radonezh (died 1392),

88V,

89

Saint Sergius Monastery, see T r i n ity Monastery Salmon (all types), n v , 77V Salt, 10, 38V, 47V, 94, 96, 104, 105V, i o 8 v Saltpeter, i o v , 40 Samachie, see Shemakha Sametska (place, location

Index

Saturn, 1 2 Say, see Silk Sbornoe voskresen'e ( C h u r c h holid a y ; former name for Sunday at end of first week of L e n t ) , 5IV Schalovaney, see Zhalovan'e Scharsuey D w e r e , see Tsarskaia dver' Scieko, see Shchek(o) Sciavi (or Sclavini, or Slovenes; originally the Slavic tribes establishing themselves from the Alps and the Adriatic to the Black Sea), 4 8 V Sclava, see Slava Scopin, K n e z Vasilie Ivanowich Suskoy, see Skopin-Shuiskii, Prince Vasilii Fedorovich Scora Pomosnick, see Skoryi pomoshchnik

unknown

Scotland, Scottish, 1 4 ; mercenaries,

— cf. C h a r a ) , 36V Samoits, see Samoyed Samoyed (semi-nomadic, semi-agricultural tribes of Northern Siberia and the T a i m y r Peninsula), 75V, 7 6 , 76V; Samoyeds, O b d o r ian, 7 6 Samoyt, see Samoyed Samuel (Biblical), 17V Sanctum Sanctorum ( H o l y of H o l ies in the C h u r c h ) , 9 I V , 93 Saphian, see Saf'ian Saphion, see Saf'ian Sapphire, 1 1 4 V Sargee, see Ser'ga Sarmates, see Asarmathes Sarmatia (ancient district between the Vistula River and the Caspian Sea, occupied by the Sarmatians from third century B.C. until second century A.D.), I, i v , 48V,

40, 55^ Scythian, 1 3 , 4 1 , 72V Seal, 8v—9, 76V Sem, see Shem Sephace, see Sephar Sephar (Biblical; Genesis 1 0 : 3 0 ) , 2 Seredney D w o r a n e y , see Dvoriane

72V,

79

Satin, 84V

serednie Ser'ga (earring), 114V, 1 1 5 V Sever, see Seversk Severiga, see Sevriuga Severnaia Dvina River (North D v i n a ; E 2 ) , 5V, 6, i o v , n v Seversk ( D 3 ) , 8, 28v Severskoy, see Seversk Sevriuga (type of sturgeon), 9V, 11 ν Shalcalove, Andreas [ A n d r i e w ] , see Shchelkalov, A n d r e i Iakovlevich Shalcalove, Basilie [Vasilie], see Shchelkalov, Vasilii Iakovlevich Shalcan, see Circassians Shapka zempska, see Shapka z h e n skaia

[90]

Glossary — Index Shapka zhenskaia (woman's hat; wide variety), 1 1 4 V Shawm (obsolete musical instrument with a reed), 60 Shchek(o) (one of three brothers who, tradition has it, founded Kiev), ι Shchelkalov, Andrei Iakovlevich (important d'iak; dumnyi d'iak from 15 7 1 ; headed Posol'skii frikaz, 1 5 7 1 — 1 5 9 4 ; died I 5 9 7 ) , i9 v > 30, 3 5 v Shchelkalov, Vasilii Iakovlevich (dumnyi d'iak by 15 71 ; headed Razriadnyi frikaz, 1577—1594; headed PosoPskii frikaz, 1594— 1 6 0 1 ; died 1 6 1 0 / 1 1 ) , 30, 35V Sheep, 1 1 , i6v, 37, 4 1 , 67, 70, 70V, 1 1 5 Shem (Biblical; Genesis 1 0 ) , i v Shemakha (city in Azerbaidzhán), 74» 74V Shepon, see Zipun Sheremetev, Fedor Vasil'evich (active in most military campaigns on all fronts from 1 5 5 0 ' s ; botar, 1 5 8 4 ; died, 1 5 9 2 ) , 35V Sheremitov, Feodor, see Sheremetev, Fedor Vasil'evich Shestapera, see Shestoper Shestinove, knez Feoder Demetriwich, see Shestunov, Prince Fedor Dmitrievich Shestoper (a sign of dignity; an ornamental mace whose head was made in the shape of arrow feathers), 58V Shestunov, Prince Fedor Dmitrievich (boiar, 1 5 8 4 ; died 1 5 9 7 / ?8)' 35 Shilsey strapshey, see Zhilets Shilsey, see Zhilets

Striapchie;

Shliapa zhenskaia (a woman's cap), 114V Shot, 40 Shuba (fur coat), 1 1 5 Shube, see Shuba Shuiskii, Princes (a family: Fletcher speaks of four young unmarried brothers, i.e., the four sons of Ivan Petrovich — Vasilii, see below; Dmitrii, boiar ca. 1 5 9 1 , died 1 6 1 2 / 1 3 ; Ivan (Pugovka), boiar by 1 5 9 6 , died 1 6 3 8 ; Aleksander, boiar 1 5 9 6 , died 1 6 0 1 ) , 27V Shuiskii, Prince Andrei Ivanovich (boiar, 1 5 8 4 ; died in exile, 1 5 8 7 ) , 27 Shuiskii, Prince Ivan Petrovich (great voevoda·, famous for saving Pskov from Stefan Batory's siege in I 5 8 1 ; boiar from 1 5 7 2 ; disgraced and murdered, 1 5 8 7 ; sons included future Tsar Vasilii Shuiskii), 27 Shuiskii, Prince Vasilii Ivanovich (born 15 5 3 ; boiar, 1 5 84 ; Tsar of Russia, 1606—1610; captured by Poles; died in Poland 1 6 1 2 ) , 27V, 35 Siberia ( 1 2 ) , 2v, 3, 3V, ην, 19, 26v, 38, 40V, 4 1 , 47V, 56, 63, 64, 64V Sibierskoy, see Siberia Sidorov, Micheta (first name possibly Nikita, possibly Mit'ka, since the latter is found in documents of the I 550's), 52 Simon, son of Onyka, see Stroganov, Semen Ioannikievich Silk, 43V, 58V, 69V, 74, 74V, 88, 113V, 1 1 4 Silkworm, 74V Silver, 7 i v , 107V, 114V, 1 1 5 V

[91]

Glossary — Index Sina boiarskey, see Syn boiarskii Sindon (thin, fine fabric of linen, or a type of muslin), 7 4 Sinees, see Sineus Sineus (legendary brother of rik), ι S io, see Chios

Riu-

Sitskii, Prince Ivan Vasil'evich (botar, 1 5 8 5 ; almost continually voevoda in Astrakhan', 1591— 1 6 o i ; deprived of boiar rank, 1 6 0 1 ; died a monk, 1 6 0 8 ) , 35 Skins (all types), 7 , jv, 8—8v, 9, 4 7 , 6 7 , 70V, 7 4 , 76V, 1 1 5 Skopin-Shuiskii, Prince Vasilii F e d orovich (boiar 1 5 7 7 ; died 1 5 9 5 ; father of M i k h a i l Vasil'evich Skopin-Shuiskii, commander for T s a r Vasilii Shuiskii during the T i m e of T r o u b l e s ) , 3 5 Skoryi pomoshchnik (literally "speedy h e l p e r , " a name given to St. Nicholas), 97V Skuratova, A n n a (daughter of the notorious ofrìchnìk — cf. O p r i chnina — G r i g o r i i Lukianovich Maliuta Skuratov; w i f e of Ivan Mikhailovich G l i n s k i i ; sister of M a r i a , the w i f e of Boris G o d u n o v ) , 28V Slata Baba, see Zolotaia baba Slava (means " g l o r y " in Slavic), 4 9 Slavic language, 48V, 4 9 Slavonian, see Slavic language Sloboda (as a term means "settlem e n t , " here a particular town, possibly the Sloboda in the N o r t h ( E 2 ) found on most early maps; possibly the settlements around M o s c o w ) , 36V Slobodev, see Sloboda Slude, see M i c a

Smolensk ( D 3 , A : a 3 ) , 2, 3V, 8, gv, 10, 1 2 , 13V, 1 9 , 32V, 38, 38V, 62, 62V, 63V; Archbishop of, 83 Smole nsko, see Smolensk Soap,9 Solovetske, Solovetsko, see Solovki Solovki ( D 2 ) , 6, 10 Sophism, 20, 41 Sophismata, see Sophism Sotskey, see Sotskii Sotskii (or sotnik·, a commander of a h u n d r e d ; frequently military, though the term can mean a civil official over a hundred units; for civil officiai, see also Sotskii starosta), 33 Sotskii starosta (a civil official over a hundred households; most similar to a constable), 3 1 , 49V Sotskoy, see Sotskii Sotskoy starets, see Sotskii starosta Sotskoy starust, see Sotskii starosta Soudia, see Sud'ia S p a i n ( e ) , 9, 80, 8ov Spear, 58 V, 67 Squirrel (all types), 7 , jv, 11 ; flying squirrel, 1 1 Stapa Zemskoy, see Shliapa zhenskaia Staraia Rusa ( D 3 , A : a 2 ) , 10, 36V, 38, 38V Stararouse, see Staraia Rusa Starosta (an e l d e r ) , 33 Starust, see Starosta Steel, 71 v ; see also Bulat Stefan Batory ( K i n g of Poland, ι 5 7 5 ~ ι 5 8 6 ) , 2 7 , 6 1 , 62 Stepan Batore, see Stefan Batory Sterledey, see Sterlet Sterlet (from the Russian sterliadi,

a small sturgeon), 9V, n v Steward, see Dvoretskii Steward, Office of, see Dvortsovyi prikaz

[92]

Glossary — Index Stoiania, see Stoianie Stoianie (or Andreevo stoianie — service on Thursday in fifth week of Lent), 105V Stollie, see Stolovaia palata Stolovaia palata (meeting place of duma), 22V, 23 Storeshovey Polskoy, see Storozhevoi polk Stork, I I Storozhevoi polk (the rear guard regiment), 56V Strabo (Greek geographer), I ν Strararouse, see Staraia Rusa Strawberry, 6v Streletskii prikaz {frikaz which handles strel'tsy affairs), 39V Strelletskoy Office, see Streletskii prikaz Strelsey, see Strel'tsy Strel'tsy (regiment of gunners founded about 1550 as the first permanently mobilized unit assigned either to guard the Tsar's court or to garrison towns when not campaigning), 39V, 55V, 58V, III,

11IV

Stremaney, see Stremiannyi Stremiannyi (mounted strel'tsy), 55V

Strapshey, see Striapchie Striapchie (one of four groups of Moscow service people which on campaigns in which the Tsar participated formed a special tsar's regiment — Gosudarev folk — and in peacetime served as palace guards, the latter function partly honorary), I I I , 1 1 1 ν Stroganov, Anika (Ioannikii) Fedorovich ( 1 4 9 7 — 1 5 7 0 ; successful merchant and trader who began his successes with salt and played

a major role in opening up and colonizing the Eastern frontier), 48 Stroganov, Grigorii Ioannikievich (son of Anika; died 1 5 7 5 ) , 48 Stroganov, Iakov Ioannikievich (oldest son of Anika; died 1 5 7 8 / 79)» 48 Stroganov, Semen Ioannikievich (youngest son of Anika died 1608), 48 Sturgeon, 9V, 11 ν Suchana, see Sukhona Sucharie, see Sukhar' Sud'ia (judge), 31 Sukhar' (dried crust of bread), 59 Sukhona River (E3, A r c i ) , 6 Sulphur, i o v , 40 Sun, worshiped by Samoyeds, 76 Surgeons, 47V Susdall, see Suzdal' Suskoy, see Shuiskii Princes Suskoy, Andriev Avanowich, sec Shuiskii, Prince Andrei Ivanovich Suskoy, knez Ivan Petrowich, see Shuiskii, Prince Ivan Petrovich Suskoy, knez Vasilie Ivanowich, see Shuiskii, Prince Vasilii Ivanovich Suzdal' ( A : c 3 ) , 83 Sven the Dane (Danish king who arranged marriage between Harold of England's daughter G y d a and Vladimir Monomakh), 14 Sviatala voda (Holy Water), 107V Sviatoi Nos (literally Holy Nose; D2), 76V Swan, I I , 37 Sweaden, see Sweden Sweden, 2v, 3, ψ , 32V, 56, 57V, 6 i v , 63, 65V, 7 7 , 80; Swedes as mercenaries, 40, 56 Sweetnesse, see Sviatoi Nos Sweta Voda, see Sviataia voda

[93]

Glossary — Sword,

10,

58,

63,

T a t i s l o v e , Ignatie P e t r o w i c h , see T a t i s h c h e v , Ignatii P e t r o v i c h T a u r u s (mountains in Southeastern

Sidorov,

Anatolia), 73 T a y t o v e , see T a t e v , Princes T e d d e r , see H e a t h - c o c k T e l i a t e v s k i i , Princes (a f a m i l y ; acc o r d i n g to F l e t c h e r o n l y one was l i v i n g ; this probably was A n d r e i ( K h r i p u n ) A n d r e e v i c h , one of t w o stol'niki serving at the tsar's head table 1 5 8 8 / 8 9 ; botar i 6 o o ; d i e d 1 6 1 2 ) , 27V T e l l e r s k o y , see T e l i a t e v s k i i , Princes T e n c h (fish related to c a r p ) , 1 i v Thames, 6

58V, 60, 6 1 ,

67, 7IV

Syberia, see Siberia Sydroveskoy, M i c h e t a , see Micheta

S y n boiarskii (plural: de ti boiarskie·, service people, generally g i v i n g m i l i t a r y service on horseback and r e c e i v i n g farnesi1 e estates), 29V, 47» 52 v > 53V, 54) 55) 5 7 ^ S y n d o n , see S i n d o n Syria, 4 9 , 74V

T a f f i a , see T a f ' i a T a f i a (skullcap m a d e of various materials, o f t e n richly d e c o r a t e d ) , 113V

T a g l a , see T i a g l o Tailor, 11 o T a l l o w , 8, 4 7 Tamerlane ( T i m u r ) , 71 ν T a n a is, see D o n Tar, i o T a r t a r s , see T a t a r s T a t a r s (in g e n e r a l ) ,

13,

A.D.), 4 I V

19V, 75V,

56, 63, 94V,

I i 6 v ; language, 7 2 , 72V-73; see also specific tribes: C h e r e miss; Circassian; Crimean; Mordvin; Nogai T a t e v , Princes (a f a m i l y ; F l e t c h e r refers to three l e f t a l i v e ; t h e y w e r e most probably Boris P e t r o v i c h — b o i a r 1 6 0 5 , died 1 6 0 7 — and his t w o uncles, A n d r e i Ivanovich and F e d o r I v a n o v i c h ) , 27V

T a t i s h c h e v , Ignatii P e t r o v i c h voda ; dumnyi dvorianin 1 5 8 3 ; kaznachei, 1600; 1604),

35V

T h e o d o r e A l e x a n d r o w i c h , see R o m a n o v , Aleksander N i k i t i c h Theodore I v a n o w i c h , see Fedor Ivanovich, Tsar T i a g l o (tax on land o w e d by peasa n t ) , 37 V, 3 8 T i b e r i u s ( R o m a n E m p e r o r , 14—37

56V, 57V, 58V, 60, 6 1 , 62V, 6 5 , 65V, 66v, 6 7 - 7 5 ,

Index

(voeafter died,

T i m o t h y , First Epistle to, 86 T o l l o c k n o , see T o l o k n o T o l o k n o (oat flour), 5 9 T o n d r o , see T u n d r a T o r s h o c k , see T o r z h o k T o r s h o c k e , see T o r z h o k T o r z h o k ( A : b 2 ) , 2 8 v , 38, 38V; Bishop o f , 83 T o t m a , see T o t ' m a Tot'ma (E3, A : c 2 ) , 10 T r a i n oil (or blubber o i l ) , 8v, η ην T r a n e oil, see T r a i n oil T r e a s u r e r , see K a z n a c h e i T r i n i t y Monastery (Troitse-Sergiev M o n a s t e r y ; A:t>3), 88v, 89 Troekurov, Prince Fedor Mikhailov i c h {botar, 1 5 8 6 ; first voevoda in Astrakhan', 1 5 8 8 - 1 5 9 4 ; d i e d 1597)>35

[94]

Glossary — Index Troits Monastery, see T r i n i t y M o n astery Tromschua (most likely not a river but the island Tromsö off the north coast of Norway ( B 2 ) ; the disputed river in the vicinity was Skibotn), 2v, 3 Trowbetskoy, see Trubetskoi, Prince Fedor Mikhailovich Trowbetskoy, knez Micheta Romanovich, see Trubetskoi, Prince Nikita Romanovich Trowbetskoy, knez Timophey R o manowich, see Trubetskoi, Prince T i m o f e i Romanovich Troyconiove, knez Feoder Michailowich, see Troekurov, Prince Fedor Mikhailovich Trubetskoi, Princes (a family: Fletcher mentions four as living -— three of them are listed below; the fourth could have been any one of six men, none of whom was particularly prominent at the time of Fletcher's visit), 27V Trubetskoi, Prince Fedor Mikhailovich (botar and leading military commander; died 1601/02), 2 7 v > 35> 56V

Trubetskoi, Prince Nikita Romanovich (botar, 1 5 8 4 ; died 1 6 0 8 ) , 2 v 7 >35. Trubetskoi, Prince T i m o f e i R o manovich (botar, 1 5 8 5 ; active general; died 1 6 0 2 / 0 3 ; father of Dmitri i Timofeevich, who led the noted Cossack army during the T i m e of Troubles), 27V, 35 Trubor, see T r u v o r Trumpet, 60 T r u v o r (brother of Riurik ; probably legendary), I Tsarskaia dver' (door separating the

Sanctum Sanctorum from the rest of the Church), 9IV, 9 2 , 93 Tundra (barren Arctic regions where subsoil is frozen), 77 Turiock, see Torzhok T u r k e y , Turkish, 1 5 , 20, 58V, 6 7 , 6 8 V - 6 9 , 69V, 7 1 V , 72V, 7 3 ,

78V,

δον, 8 1 , 8 2 , 8 2 V , 9 7 , 1 0 3 V ; Turkish merchants, 7, 40V, 4 4 ; Turkish mercenaries, 55V; Turkish story of Laonicus Chalcocondyles, 7IV, 72V Turkie, see Turkey T v e r ' ( D 3 , A : b 3 ) , 2 v , 8, 1 9 , 2 8 v , 79,

79V,

80,

36V, 3 8 ; Bishop of, 83 T w e r r a , see T v e r ' Udelney Knazey, see Udel'nyi kniaz' Udel'nyi kniaz' (appanage prince), 2 4 V , 2ÓV, 2 7 V , 2 8 V ,

29

Udorskaia zemlia (region drained by the River Vashka — formerly Udora — and its tributaries; E 2 ) , 2v, 1 9 Uglich ( A : b 2 ) , jv, 8, ι ο ν Una ( D 2 ) , 1 0 Ungarian, see Hungary Uspenskii Cathedral (in Moscow), 1 7 - 1 7 V , 81 _ Ustick, see Ustiug Ustiuck, see Ustiug Ustiug ( E 2 ) , IV, 2, i o v , 1 2 , 38 Ustiuzhna-ZheleznopoPskaia (D3, A:b2),

iov

Ustug, see Ustiug Ustug-Thelesna, see Zheleznopol'skaia Ustuga, see Ustiug

Ustiuzhna-

Vadska, see Viatka Vagha, see Vazhskaia zemlia

[95]

Glossary — Index Vaghnoy (some sort of root, not identified), 7 Vaida G u b a ( D 2 ) , 77V Variuus (legendary figure ; according to Fletcher, a third brother of Riurik), ι Varzuga ( D a ) , 76V Vasileo, Ivan, see Vasil'ev, Ivan Vasil'ev, Ivan (a debtor), 51V Vasilii the Blessed (a miracle-working hermit), 9 0 , 90V, 104V Vasilii I I I (Great Prince of Moscow,

1 5 0 5 - 1 5 3 3 ) ,

62V,

66

13,

15V,

62,

Vasilowich, knez Ivan, see Sitskii, Ivan Vasil'evich Vasma, see Viaz'ma Vasma Dorogobose, see Dorogobuzh ; Viaz'ma Vazhskaia zemlia (region in triangle formed by Vaga, Ν . Dvina, and Sukhona rivers — E 2 ) , i v , 2, 28v,

30V

Vecherna, see Vechernia Vechernia (Vespers), 92V, 9 3 , 1 0 9 Vechurna, see Vechernia Vedagoba, see Vaida Guba V e i j , see Vezha Velica knez Simeon, see Bekbulatovich, Prince Simeon Velvet, 1 1 5 V Verse, see Verst Versega, see Varzuga Verst (a distance of 0.66 miles), 3, 3v,

5,

5v, 6,

10,

28,

47V,

76V

Vezha (in this case, a T a t a r house on wheels), 7OV Viatka ( E 3 ) , 2V, 1 9 Viaz'ma ( A : b 3 ) , 8, 1 0 , 28 Vitebsk ( D 3 , A : a 3 ) , 62V Vitobsko, see Vitebsk

Vlademir, see V l a d i m i r ; Vladimir Monomakh Vladikeis, see Vladyka Vladikey, see Vladyka Vladimir (city; E 3 , A : c 3 , prior to Moscow, capital of a major Northeast Russian principality), i v , 2, 1 2 , i 8 v , 1 9 , 1 9 V ; Bishop of, 8 3 Vladimir, Great Prince of, i v , 15V,

i8v,

19,

19V, 27V,

2,

61V

Vladimir I (Great Prince of K i e v , 9 7 8 — 1 0 1 5 ; Christianized Russia), 7 9 V Vladimir Monomakh (Great Prince of K i e v , 1 1 1 3 — 1 1 2 5 ) , 1 4 Vladyka (title meaning bishop), 78V,

83

Vlodomirus, see Vladimir I Vobsko, see Pskov Vochin, see Votchina Vodka, 4 4 , i o i v , H 2 v Voevoda (term used as title for a military commander, also for the military governor of a city through his command of the city's garrison), 28v, 2 9 , 56, 56V, 5 7 ; (term implied in sense of voevoda or nameslntk, governor of a c i t y ) , 20V, 2 1 , 2 i v , 2 4 , 29V, 30V, 41

ν,

31,

3IV,

49V, 50,

32, 52,

63V, 64, 64V, 65,

32V,

33V,

52V, 57V,

36, 62V,

83V

Voevoda bol'shoi (voevoda who heads the whole army on a campaign; at the same time the voevoda of the BoVshot folk, the major regiment of the five making up the a r m y ) , 56, 56V, 5 7 , 5 8

Voevoda guliavyi (voevoda in charge of military intelligence;

[96]

Glossary — c o m m a n d e r of IOOO chosen horsem e n ) , 5 7 , 6 0 , 60V V o i a v o d , see V o e v o d a Voiavoda

Gulavoy,

see

Walrus ( m o r z h ) , i o v W a l r u s tusk (riba zuba), 1 0 — i o v W a r , w a r f a r e , f)v, 1 3 , 20v, 24V, 2 6 , 2 7 — 2 7 V , 28, 28V, 29V,

Voevoda

55,

guliavyi V o l g a R i v e r ( E 4 , A : c 2 ) , 2,

5,

6 , 9 , ΙΌΝ, Ι I V , 1 4 , 3 0 , 7 4 V

V o l g h a , see V o l g a

56V, 64,

57V-59V, 65-69V,

54V-

60-61V, 7IV,

see also M i l i t a r y forces W a r d b o u s e , see W a r d h o u s e W a r d h o u s e (or W a r d h u y s ,

73;

Vardö,

D i ) » 3» 7 7 W a x , 7v, 8, 43V, 4 7 , 52V, 9 4 , v

Volkhov River ( D 3 ) , 6 Volock R i v e r , see V o l k h o v R i v e r

95,

107V

V o l o d e m e r , see V l a d i m i r ( c i t y ) IV, 3V, 8,

56,

62-63,

V o i a v o d e y , see V o e v o d a

Vologda ( D 3 , A:C2),

Index

12,

Weapons 34,

38, 38V, 46V, 8 9 ; A r c h b i s h o p o f , 83. Vorallinskoy, see V o r o t y n s k i i P r i n ces Vorotynskii, Princes (a family: F l e t c h e r mentions t w o as l i v i n g — one certainly was Ivan M i k hailovich V o r o t y n s k i i , a voevoda, botar in 1 5 9 2 , d i e d in 1 6 2 7 ; the identity of the other is u n c e r t a i n ) , 27V

V o t c h i n a (landed estate d i f f e r i n g f r o m a fomest'e in that it is f r e e l y a l i e n a t e d ; p a t r i m o n y ) , 30V, 36V V o y a v o d e y , see V o e v o d a V o y a v o d e y Bulshaia, see V o e v o d a bol'shoi V y c h e g d a ( E 2 ) , 6, 8v, 1 0 , 47V, 63 Vyluzgin, Eliazar Danilovich (very active d'iak; dumnyi d'iak f r o m 15 8o's ; h e a d e d Pomestnyi frikaz, 1 5 8 7 — 1 6 0 1 ; active also in fore i g n affairs; date of death unk n o w n ) , 30, 35V Vypis' (order, warrant), 50 V y t ' (an old unit for tax assessment or a measure of tillable l a n d ; amount covered d e p e n d e n t on quality of l a n d ) , 37V

40,

(and 5 5 V,

armor), 10, 5 8 - 5 8 ν, 6 0 ,

6 1 , 6 4 , 64V, 6 7 ,

68v, 71V,

25V, 60V, 77V,

1 0 5 , I I I , 1 1 3 V ; see also p a r t i c u lar weapons Wellusgin [Wellusgine], Eleazar, see V y l u z g i n , E l i a z a r D a n i l o v i c h W e p i s , see V y p i s ' W h e a t , 6v, 7, 37 W h i t e Sea ( B e l o e more··, D 2 ) , 6 , iov W i c h i d a , see V y c h e g d a W i n e , 9 5 V, 9 6 ; Russian, see V o d k a Witchcraft (Lapps), 77—77V; (Samo y e d s ) , 7 6 — 7 6 V ; ( T a t a r s ) , 69V W i t e , see V y t ' W o l f , 4v, 7v W o l v e r i n e , 7 , yv, i o v Wool, i l Y a m a , see l a m a Y a m m e s , see l a m Yaruslave [ Yaruslaveley, s l a v e ] , see Iaroslavl' Y o u g h o r i a , see Iugra

Yarus-

Z a b o r e , see D u m n y i sobor Z a m a c h i e , see Shemakha Zapadnaia D v i n a R i v e r ( W e s t D v i n a R i v e r ; C 3 ) , 5V

[97]

Glossary — Zapon

Abramove,

see

Avramov,

Sapun Zautrana, see Zautrenia Zautrenia ( M a t i n s ) , 9IV, 108 Zempskey

[ Z e m s k e y ] , see Zemskii

(in combination forms) ; see also Zemshchina Zemshchina ( w h e n Ivan I V established the Oprichnina,

he divided

the realm in t w o ; the

Zemshchina

was the half under the Boiarskaia duma

and

not

favored

by

the

T s a r ) , 25V Zemskey House, see Zemskii

dvor

Zemskey M e n , see Zemskii starosta Zemskii dvor

(or Zemskii

prikaz;

the office responsible for the administration of the town of Mosc o w ) , 32V-33

Index

Zemskii starosta (Elder for zemskii institutions w h i c h performed important judicial and financial functions in the provinces), 44V Zhalovan'e (a grant, favor), 37V Zhilets (plural: zhil'tsy, one of four groups of Moscow serving people which were part of the Gosudarev folk w h e n the T s a r was on campaigns; in peacetime they served as Palace guards; cf. Striapchie), i o 8 v , i n , i i i v Z i p u n (a narrow silk garment resembling the caftan, generally extending to about the k n e e ) , 113V Zolotaia baba ( G o l d e n H a g ; of legendary fame, reportedly an idol worshiped by tribes to the far north and east), 7 6

C98]

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