Minoan Glyptic: Typology, Deposits and Iconography: From the Early Minoan period to the Late Minoan IB destruction in Crete 9781841717258, 9781407328867

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BAR S1442 2005  GALANAKIS  MINOAN GLYPTIC: TYPOLOGY, DEPOSITS AND ICONOGRAPHY

Minoan Glyptic: Typology, Deposits and Iconography From the Early Minoan period to the Late Minoan IB destruction in Crete

Konstantinos Galanakis

BAR International Series 1442 B A R

2005

Minoan Glyptic: Typology, Deposits and Iconography

Minoan Glyptic: Typology, Deposits and Iconography From the Early Minoan period to the Late Minoan IB destruction in Crete

Konstantinos Galanakis

BAR International Series 1442 2005

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1442 Minoan Glyptic: Typology, Deposits and Iconography © K Galanakis and the Publisher 2005

The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841717258 paperback ISBN 9781407328867 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841717258 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by John and Erica Hedges Ltd. in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2005. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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ABSTRACT The present thesis is a study of Minoan glyptic with the focus on the typology of seals in different periods, the deposits in which the most important seal groups have been found their iconography and their religious significance. The present study examines the following topics: The use of seals and sealings and the importance of the sealing systems in Minoan Crete. The background of seal production before the emergence of the Minoan period from the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. The development of seal iconography in the Prepalatial, Protopalatial and Neopalatial glyptic from Minoan Crete with emphasis on the variety of materials and the development of seal-engraving techniques. The appearance and subsequent development of the metal signet ring types in the Neopalatial period with reference to their main iconographical aspects. The existence of several deposits with sealings from Minoan Crete, their chronological sequence and iconography. The importance of Minoan sealing deposits which allows conclusions to be drawn about Minoan religion. The examination and reevaluation of the Minoan ritual action as represented in glyptic iconography and the establishing of an adequate methodology for reading religious images in glyptic. The examination of the human and divine figures in Minoan ritual iconography and the configuration and interpretation of different types of ritual action in glyptic. The typology of the Late Minoan glyptic iconography according to its most important and representative religious and decorative elements is also tabulated and catalogued.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The present study was gradually developed after my initial research of the subject which provided the material for my MA in Archaeology dissertation submitted to the University College London in September 1996. It was my first attempt to handle the vast subject of the development of glyptic iconography in the Minoan and Mycenaean periods. It was later expanded as a Ph.D. thesis with the title Minoan Glyptic: Typology, Deposits and Iconography (from the Early Minoan period to the Late Minoan IB destruction in Crete), submitted to the University of Birmingham in March 2003. I wish to thank my supervisor, Professor Ken A. Wardle, for his guidance and support since the beginning of my work and his constant advice throughout every stage of my research; The Athens Academy for their financial support and funding of my MA and Ph.D. studies in England; Dr. Gillian Shepherd at the Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity, University of Birmingham, for examining my thesis and for directing my attention to several areas in my study that needed improvement; Dr. John Betts for his comments and advice on many areas in the text; Dr. Cyprian Broodbank at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London; Professor Kostas Kotsakis and Professor Aikaterini Papaefthimiou-Papanthimou at the Aristoteleion University, Thessaloniki; The McCrone Research Institute in Chicago and the Conservation Centre in New York University for giving me the opportunity to participate in their intensive workshop concerning the chemical microscopy of arts and artifacts for art conservators. Throughout the progress of my studies in Aegean Archaeology, many people offered their time and invaluable advice concerning the subject of my study: Dr. Krzysztof Nowicki; Dr. Katherine I. Wright at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London; Mr. Robert Arnott at the University of Birmingham; Professor Günter Kopcke at the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University. Several institutions and museums also provided their facilities and exhibitions which were fundamental to my research: The University of Birmingham; University College London; The Aristoteleion University, Thessaloniki; The British Museum, London; The California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco; The Museum of Natural History, Los Angeles; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; The National Museum, Athens; The Herakleion Museum, Crete; The Hellenic Society, London. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to my family for their support and encouragement and the fact that they learned to live with my studies for a long time. Without them, the present study would have never been completed.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF PICTURES LIST OF TABLES AND CHARTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE THE TYPOLOGY AND FUNCTION OF THE SEALING SYSTEMS IN THE MINOAN ADMINISTRATION 1.1. Seals and sealings: Interpretation of the terms 1.2. The presence and use of archives in the Minoan world. «Final», «abandoned» and «living» archives 1.3. The development of the sealing systems in the Minoan world 1.4. Seal-engraving areas and lapidary workshops in the Aegean world 1.5. The case of the «talismanic» class of Minoan seals CHAPTER TWO THE CULTURAL BACKGROUND OF SEALS BEFORE THE MINOAN PERIOD: THE NEOLITHIC AND EARLY BRONZE AGE PERIODS 2.1. The seals of the Neolithic Greek mainland 2.2. The Early Helladic II sealings from the House of Tiles at Lerna. Seals and sealings from other Early Bronze Age settlements in mainland Greece 2.3. The microglyptic art in metals in the Early Bronze Age: The evidence for the earliest metal seals in the Aegean world CHAPTER THREE THE PREPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE EARLY MINOAN II-MIDDLE MINOAN IA (ca. 29002300/2026 to 2160/1979-1900 BC): CHRONOLOGY, SHAPES, MATERIALS AND TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF THE EM III/MM IA SEALS 3.1. Seals of the Early Minoan II-III: The evidence from the Messara tholos tombs 3.2. Seals of the Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA 3.2.1. General remarks 3.2.2. Materials and shapes 3.2.3. Tools and techniques 3.3. The appearance and development of the three-sided prism seals CHAPTER FOUR THE PREPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE EARLY MINOAN II-MIDDLE MINOAN IA (ca. 29002300/2026 to 2160/1979-1900 BC): DESIGNS AND MOTIFS OF THE EM III/MM IA SEALS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE MOST REPRESENTATIVE DEPOSITS 4.1. Designs and motifs of the Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA seals 4.2. The Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA seals from the tholos tombs A and B at Platanos 4.2.1. Designs and motifs of the seals from Platanos 4.3. The Prepalatial seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes 4.3.1. The Early Minoan III seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes: Designs and motifs 4.3.2. The Middle Minoan IA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes: Designs and motifs CHAPTER FIVE THE PROTOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IB-MIDDLE MINOAN IIIA (ca. 1800-1700 to 1700/1650-1640/1630 BC): SHAPES, MATERIALS AND TECHNICAL ASPECTS 5.1. General remarks 5.2. Materials 5.3. Tools and techniques CHAPTER SIX THE PROTOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IB-MIDDLE MINOAN IIIA (ca. 1800-1700 to 1700/1650-1640/1630 BC): DESIGNS AND MOTIFS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE MOST REPRESENTATIVE DEPOSITS 6.1. General remarks 6.2. The Mallia Workshop 6.2.1. Designs and motifs of the seals from the Mallia workshop 6.3. The Phaistos Deposit 6.3.1. Designs and motifs of the seals from the Phaistos Deposit 6.4. The Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos 6.4.1. Designs and motifs of the seals from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos CHAPTER SEVEN

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iii iv v viii xviii xix 1 7 7 8 9 12 13 15 15 15 18

20 20 22 22 23 25 26

28 28 30 30 31 32 33 35 35 36 38

41 41 41 41 43 43 46 47

THE NEOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS AND FINGER RINGS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IIIB-LATE MINOAN IB (ca. 1640/1630-1600 to 1480-1425 BC): SHAPES, MATERIALS, TECHNICAL ASPECTS AND ICONOGRAPHIC ELEMENTS. THE FIRST METAL SIGNET RINGS IN THE AEGEAN 7.1. General remarks 7.2. Materials and techniques 7.3. Metal signet rings of the Neopalatial period 7.3.1. General remarks 7.3.2. Materials and techniques 7.4. The earliest metal signet rings in the Aegean CHAPTER EIGHT THE NEOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IIIB-LATE MINOAN IB (ca. 1640/1630-1600 to 1480-1425 BC): DEPOSITS AND ICONOGRAPHY WITH REFERENCE TO THE MOST REPRESENTATIVE DEPOSITS 8.1. General remarks 8.2. The Temple Repositories Deposit at Knossos 8.2.1. The date and function of the Temple Repositories Deposit 8.2.2. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the East Temple Repository Deposit 8.3. The Zakros sealings 8.3.1. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Zakros Deposit with reference to the Zakros Master 8.4. The Sklavokampos sealings 8.4.1. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Sklavokampos Deposit 8.5. Notes on the evidence for the cultural interaction between Near Eastern and Minoan seal-motifs in Neopalatial Crete CHAPTER NINE THE NEOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IIIB-LATE MINOAN IB (ca. 1640/1630-1600 to 1480-1425 BC): THE AGIA TRIADA DEPOSIT AND ITS RELATION TO MINOAN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY 9.1. General remarks 9.2. The Agia Triada Deposit 9.2.1. The sealings and the function of the archive 9.2.2. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Agia Triada Deposit 9.3. Interpretation of the iconography in the Agia Triada deposit CHAPTER TEN READING IMAGES IN THE AEGEAN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY. ASPECTS OF MINOAN RITUAL IN THE PREPALATIAL AND PALATIAL TIMES AND THE QUESTION OF METHODOLOGY 10.1. The dynamics of Minoan cult and ritual from Prepalatial towards the Palatial times 10.1.1. Notes on the Prepalatial Minoan ritual action 10.1.2. Notes on Palatial Minoan ritual action 10.2. Reading images in glyptic iconography and the identification of ritual action: The question of methodology CHAPTER ELEVEN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY I: «IMAGES OF A DIVINITY». THE CONFIGURATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE DIVINE FIGURE AND THE EVIDENCE FOR RITUAL ACTION IN MINOAN RELIGIOUS SCENES IN GLYPTIC 11.1. The representation of the human figure in the Bronze Age Aegean glyptic: General remarks 11.2. Gestures 11.3. Representations of cult activities and divine figures in three-dimensional forms and in glyptic during the Prepalatial, Neopalatial and Postpalatial periods 11.3.1. The foundations of religious iconography: Early representations of cult activities and religious symbolism in glyptic. Early Minoan Prepalatial female deities/ «Goddesses» 11.3.2. The divine figure in the Middle and Late Bronze Age Aegean glyptic: Female deities/ «Goddesses» of the Protopalatial and Neopalatial periods 11.3.3. The divine female figure in the end of the Late Bronze Age in the Aegean: Female deities/ «Goddesses» of the Postpalatial period 11.4. The male figure in the Late Bronze Age glyptic in the Aegean: Male deities/«Gods» CHAPTER TWELVE RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY II: THE «SECRET WORLD» OF THE CRETO-MYCENAEAN RELIGIOUS IMAGERY. THE EVIDENCE FOR RITUALS AND THE TYPOLOGY OF RITUAL ACTION IN GLYPTIC ICONOGRAPHY 12.1. General remarks: A note on the subject of architecture in the Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic of the Late Bronze Age 12.2. Case Study I: The epiphany of the divinity: An examination of the most securely identified Minoan ritual in glyptic

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49 49 50 50 50 50 53

57 57 57 57 58 61 62 63 63 65

67 67 67 67 68 69 71 71 71 73 74

78 78 80 81 81 82 84 85

88 88 88

12.3. Case Study II: Glyptic image and archaeological reality: The case of the sacred enclosures/Temenoi 12.4. Case Study III: A re-evaluation of the possible meaning of baetyls/omphaloi in glyptic 12.5. Case Study IV: Implications and considerations of the «sacred» tree motif in glyptic CONCLUSIONS APPENDIX I Chart 1. Seals from sites of the Early Minoan III-Late Minoan I period. Chronology of sealstones and sealings dated by a pottery context Chart 2. Signet rings from the Early and Middle Bronze Age Chart 3. The thematic material of the representation of the human figure in the Late Bronze Age Aegean glyptic APPENDIX II Chart 4. The religious architectural elements of Late Bronze Age sealstones and finger rings Chart 5. The religious decorative elements of Late Bronze Age sealstones and finger rings APPENDIX III CONCORDANCE BIBLIOGRAPHY PICTURES INDEX

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90 92 94 96 102 106 108 116 121 126 129 151 263

LIST OF PICTURES Picture 1: The tripartite system of classification for the chronology of the Minoan, Cycladic and Mycenaean periods and subperiods. Picture 2: Chronological table with suggested dates for the Minoan, Cycladic and Mycenaean civilizations (Warren and Hankey, 1989). Picture 3: Suggested outline for absolute chronology (Dickinson, 1994. p. 19). Picture 4: Map of Crete with the main sites mentioned in the text. Picture 5: Map of Southern and Central Greece with the main sites mentioned in the text. Picture 6: Diagram of seal types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 190, fig. 5.42). Picture 7: Diagram of seals, sealings, and clay sealings and documents (Rehak and Younger, 1998. p. 113). Picture 8: Diagram of seal shapes and sizes. Picture 9: Diagram of seal profiles. Picture 10: Map with the distribution of minerals in the world (Wartke in Brandt (ed.), 1997. p. 44, fig. 32). Picture 11: Various reconstructions of the bow lathe in the fragmentary tombstone of Doros of Sardis, the engraver of ringstones of Philadelphia in Lydia, 2nd century AD (preserved height: 74 cm, width: 30 cm.) (Merrillees, 1990. pl. 2). 1. After Kontoleon, 1890. p. 333. 2. After Fürtwangler, 1900. p. 399, fig. 206. 3. After Feldhaus, 1914. p. 212, fig. 147. 4. After Charleston, 1964. p. 85, fig. 2. 5. After Boardman, 1970. p. 381, fig. 316. 6. After Gorelick and Gwinnett, 1979. p. 25, fig. 20. 7. After Younger, 1984. p. 32, fig. 2. 8. After Yule and Schürmann, 1981. p. 277, fig. 6. Picture 12: 1. Detail of the fresco from the tomb of Tiy at Saqarra (Collon (ed.), 1997. p. 46, fig. 2/20). 2. Detail of the fresco from the tomb of Rekhmere (Rekh-mi-re) at Thebes (Davies, 1973. p. 49, pl. LIV). Picture 13: Map with the distribution of seals and seal impressions in Early Bronze Age Greece (Kosmopoulos, 1991. p. 103, fig. 9.1). Picture 14: 1. Plan of EH II Lerna III and the «House of Tiles» (Dickinson, 1994. p. 59, fig. 4.8). 2. Plan of the Platanos cemetery at Messara (Dickinson, 1994. p. 213, fig. 6.3). Picture 15: Plan of the Phourni cemetery at Archanes (Dickinson, 1994. p. 216, fig. 6.5). Picture 16: Plan of Quartier Mu, Mallia (the darkened areas show the findspots of sealings) (CMS II 6. p. 193, fig. 4). Picture 17: Plan of the MM II seal engraver’s workshop at Quartier Mu, Mallia (Poursat et al, 1996. p. 9, fig. 2). Picture 18: Plan of the Palace at Knossos showing distribution of latest sealings (Popham and Gill, 1995. pl. 1). Picture 19: Plan of the Palace at Knossos showing the distribution of lapidary’s workshops (Polinger-Foster in Hägg and Marinatos (eds.), 1987. p. 289, fig. 1). Picture 20: 1. Plan of area of South Front Basements at the Palace at Knossos (Momigliano and Hood, 1994. P. 104, fig. 1). 2, 3. Two seal impressions of the scene in the clay matrix from the Room of the Clay Signet (Popham and Gill, 1995. pl. 28, nos. R1, R51, R54). Picture 21: Plan of the Palace at Phaistos (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. p. 127, fig. 12). Picture 22: Plan of the second Palace at Mallia (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. p. 132, fig. 14).

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Picture 23: 1. Plan of the Palace at Kato Zakros (the dots indicate the findspots of sealings) (Myers and Cadogan, 1992. p. 294, fig. 44.3). 2. Plan of House A, Kato Zakros (CMS II 7. p. xvi). Picture 24: Plan of the Palace at Agia Triada (the darkened area shows findspot of sealings) (Myers and Cadogan, 1992. p. 72, fig. 7.1). Picture 25: 1. Plan of the villa at Sklavokampos (the darkened area shows the findspot of sealings) (Marinatos, 1939-1941. p. 71). 2. Plan of LC I Akroriri, Thera (Dickinson, 1994. p. 66, fig. 4.16). Picture 26: 1. Plan of the peak sanctuary at Mt Juktas (Dickinson, 1994. p. 271, fig. 8.4). 2. Plans of Minoan built shrines (Dickinson, 1994. p. 277, fig. 8.7). Picture 27: Plan of the Greek-Swedish excavations at Agias Aikaterinis Square, Chania (Hallager, 1985. p. 41, fig. 1). Picture 28: 1. Plan of the Cult Centre at Mycenae (Dickinson, 1994. p. 289, fig. 8.12). 2. Plan of Late Bronze Age Phylakopi, Melos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 61, fig. 4.11). Picture 29: 1. Plan of the Palace at Pylos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 156, fig. 5.31). 2. Plan of the excavations at the Kadmeion in Thebes (Tzedakis and Martlew, 1999. p. 119). Picture 30: 1. EM II Vasiliki Ware spouted jug from Vasiliki (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. III). 2. MM II Kamares Ware jugs from Phaistos (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. VIII). Picture 31: 1. EM III-MM small pottery types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 112, fig. 5.7). 2. EM III-MM large pottery types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 113, fig. 5.8). Picture 32: 1. MM IIIB-LM IA pottery types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 116, fig. 5.10). 2. «Palatial» LM IB and LH IIA pottery types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 119, fig. 5.13). Picture 33: 1. The LM I «Boxer’s Rhyton» from Agia Triada (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. 106). 2. The LM I «Chieftain’s Cup» from Agia Triada (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. 100). Picture 34: Snake Goddess from the Temple Repositories at the Knossos Palace, MM III (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig, XXIV). Picture 35: 1. The EM II «Lady of Myrtos» clay vessel goddess from Myrtos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 280, fig. 8.9.1). 2. EM III/MM IA anthropomorphic clay vessel from Mochlos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 280, fig. 8.9.2). 3. LM III clay goddess statue from Gazi (Andronikos, 1979. p. 55, fig. 55). 4. Subminoan/Early Geometric clay model from Archanes (Andronikos, 1979. p. 54, fig. 54). Picture 36: The MM III «Lilies» fresco from the Amnissos villa (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. XXII). Picture 37: 1. Detail of the «Blue Bird» fresco from Knossos (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204). 2. Fresco with a seated female figure from Phylakopi (Hood, 1978. p. 63, fig. 35A). 3. Relief fresco with seated female figure from Pseira (Hood, 1978. p. 63, fig. 35B). Picture 38: The «Cup-Bearer» fresco fragment from the Palace of Knossos, LM I (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. XV). Picture 39: Fresco with «taurokathapsia» (bull leaping) scene from the Palace of Knossos, LM I (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. XVII). Picture 40: 1. LH I grave stele from Grave V, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (Hood, 1978. p. 119, fig. 78). 2. The latest relief grave stele from Grave Circle A, Mycenae (Hood, 1978. p. 122, fig. 81). Picture 41: 1. Detail of the «Siege Rhyton» from Mycenae (Hallager, 1985. p. 66, fig. 25e). 2. Fresco fragment with «Minoan Genii» carrying a palanquin from Tsountas House, Mycenae (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959) Picture 42: Some examples of the granulation and filigree techniques. 1. Gold bead shaped like a frog from Koumasa decorated with granulation (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 121). 2. Gold bead from the Kalathiana tholos tomb decorated with the filigree technique (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 121). 3. Gold pendant from the Chrysolakkos Cemetery, Mallia (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204). 4. Gold bead shaped like a couchant lion (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204). 5. Gold bead of a necklace shaped like a duck (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204).

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Picture 43: Some examples of the granulation technique and the use of gold caps. 1. Gold ring from the Vapheio tholos tomb decorated with the filigree technique (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 108, no. 43). 2. Gold ring from the Pylos tholos tomb IV decorated with granulation (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 108, no. 44). 3. Gold bead from the Vapheio tholos tomb decorated with granulation (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 108, no. 42). 4. Gold beads from the Spata tholos tomb decorated with granulation (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 109, nos. 46-48). 5. Frontal and back view of a sard lentoid seal from Aidonia chamber tomb 8 (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 116), decorated with gold caps (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 60, no. 39). Picture 44: 1. The «Master Impression» clay sealing from Kastelli, Chania (Hallager, 1985. p. 52, fig. 11). 2. The «Mother of the Mountain» clay sealing from Knossos (Hood, 1978. p. 278, fig. 234). Picture 45: The four seals from Grave Circle B at Mycenae. 1. Amethyst lentoid seal from Grave G, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 5) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 253). 2. Carnelian amygdaloid seal from Grave M, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 6). 3. Sard amygdaloid seal from Grave O, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 7). 4. Sard lentoid seal from Grave R, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 8). Picture 46: 1. Gold seal from Grave III, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 9) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 244). 2. Gold seal from Grave III, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 16) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 255). Picture 47: 1. Gold ring from Shaft Grave IV, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 11) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 286). 2 Gold ring from Grave IV, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 15) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 245). Picture 48: Gold ring from the Mycenae acropolis (CMS I, no. 17) (Tzedakis and Martlew (eds.), 1999. p. 267). Picture 49: 1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 55, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 86) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 94, fig. 16). 2. Red jasper ring from chamber tomb 58, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 89). 3. Gold ring from chamber tomb 58, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 91). Picture 50: 1. Gold/silver ring from chamber tomb 66, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 101) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 250). 2. Gold/silver ring from chamber tomb 71, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 108) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 93, fig. 14). Picture 51: 1. Rock crystal amygdaloid seal from chamber tomb 79, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 112). 2. Agate lentoid seal from chamber tomb 83, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 116). 3. Gold ring from chamber tomb 84, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 119). Picture 52: 1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 91, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 127) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 92, fig. 13). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 91, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 128). Picture 53: 1. Sard lentoid seal from chamber tomb 515, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 144) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 95, fig. 18). 2. Clay sealing from Mycenae (CMS I, no. 163). 3. Clay sealing from Mycenae (CMS I, no. 171). 4. Bronze ring from chamber tomb 1, Asine (CMS I, no. 200). Picture 54: 1. Gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 179) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 299). 2. Gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 180) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 277). Picture 55: 1. Sardonyx lentoid seal from chamber tomb 8, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 46) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 97, fig. 21). 2. Amethyst amygdaloid seal from chamber tomb 52, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 85) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 97, fig. 22). 3. Onyx lentoid seal from the Dendra tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 185) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 97, fig. 23). 4. The three sides of an agate prismatic seal from the Dendra chamber tomb 10 (CMS I, no. 193) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 98, fig. 24). Picture 56: 1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 91, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 126). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 10, Midea (CMS I, no. 191). Picture 57: 1. Gold ring from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 219).

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2. Chalcedony lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 220) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 99, fig. 25). Picture 58: 1. Red jasper lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 223) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 99, fig. 26). 2. Jasper lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 224). 3. Chalcedony lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 227). 4. Sard amygdaloid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 230) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 99, fig. 27). 5. Agate lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 231). 6. Amethyst three-sided prism from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 233b). Picture 59: 1. Sardonyx lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 275). 2. Agate lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 276) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 101, fig. 30). 3. Agate lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 278) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 101, fig. 31). 4. Sard lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 279) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 101, fig, 29). Picture 60: 1. Gold ring from the Pylos tholos tomb D (CMS I, no. 292). 2. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace (CMS I, no. 293). 3. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace, Room 98 (CMS I, no. 324). 4. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace (CMS I, no. 377). 5. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace (CMS I, no. 379). Picture 61: 1. Agate ring from the Spata tholos tomb, Athens (CMS I, no. 383). 2. Ivory ring from Phylakopi, Melos (CMS I, no. 410). Picture 62: 1. Gold ring from Crete (CMS I, no. 514). 2. Gold ring in the Athens National Museum (CMS I Suppl., no. 114). 3. Clay sealing from Polochni (CMS I Suppl., no. 170). Picture 63: A selection of seals from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A. 1. Ivory theriomorphic seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 20). 2. Ivory theriomorphic seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 21). 3. Ivory seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 23). Picture 64: A selection of seals from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A. 1. Ivory seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 27). 2. Ivory flask-shaped seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 28). 3. Ivory seal from the Agia Triada Tholos Tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 29). Picture 65: A selection of seals from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A. 1. Ivory ring-seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 32). 2. Ivory conoid seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 41). 3. Ivory three-sided prism seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 55). Picture 66: 1. Ivory semi-globular seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 96). 2. Ivory cylinder seal from the Agios Onouphrios tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 105). 3. White steatite scaraboid seal from the Agios Onouphrios tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 119). 4. Ivory seal from Kalathiana tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 126). Picture 67: 1. Ivory theriomorphic seal from Koumasa tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 133) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 119). 2. Olive-green/black steatite three-sided prism seal from Koumasa tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 145). 3. Chlorite flattened cylinder seal from Lenda-Lebena tholos tomb II (CMS II 1, no. 196). 4. Chlorite conoid seal from Lenda-Lebena tholos tomb IIa (CMS II 1, no. 206). 5. Bone theriomorphic seal from Lenda-Lebena tholos tomb IIa (CMS II 1, no. 216). Picture 68: 1. Ivory cylinder seal from Marathokephalo tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 222) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 115). 2. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 248). 3. Ivory theriomorphic seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 249) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 119).

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Picture 69: A selection of seals from the Platanos tholos tombs A and B. 1. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 251). 2. Ivory cushion seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 253). 3. Ivory Egyptian scarab from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 283). 4. Ivory seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 287). 5. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 300). 6. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 311). 7. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 312). Picture 70: 1. Ivory disc seal from Porti tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 355). 2. Olive-green steatite stamp-seal from Porti tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 365). 3. Green-black steatite disc seal from Porti tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 367). 4. Ivory cylinder seal from Archanes (CMS II 1, no. 382). 5. Red jasper button seal from Kamilari (CMS II 2, no. 6). Picture 71: EM II, EM III and EM III-MM IIA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes. 1. EM II seals from Tholos Tomb E, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 672, fig. 742). 2. EM III seals from Tholos Tomb G, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 673, fig. 743). 3. EM III-MM IIA seals from Tholos Tomb E, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 684, fig. 778). Picture 72: EM III-MM IIA and MM IA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes. 1, 2, 3. EM III-MM IIA ivory seals from Funerary Building 6, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 678, fig. 758). 4. EM III-MM IIA ivory seal from Funerary Building 3, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 678, fig. 755). 5. EM III-MM IIA ivory seals from Funerary Building 18, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 682, fig. 771). 6. MM IA ivory seal shaped in the form of a couchant dog from Funerary Building 7, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p.688, fig. 783). 7. MM IA ivory seal shaped in the form of a female figure with folded arms from Funerary Building 7, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 687, fig. 781). 8. MM IA ivory seal shaped in the form of a fly from Funerary Building 6, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (SakellarakisSakellarakis, 1997. p. 689, fig. 787). Picture 73: 1. Ivory seal from Archanes with fourteen sphragistic surfaces (CMS II 1, no. 391) and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 118). 2. Sphragistic surfaces of CMS II 1, no. 391 from Archanes. Picture 74: Sphragistic surfaces of CMS II 1, no. 391 from Archanes. Picture 75: 1. Ivory cushion seal from Knossos (CMS II 2, no. 70). 2. Black-green steatite disc seal from Mallia Palace (CMS II 2, no. 76). 3. Green steatite conoid seal from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 127). 4. Gray-black steatite four-sided prism seal from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 153). 5. Gray-green steatite three-sided prism seal from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 159). 6. Gray-black steatite three-sided prism seal from Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 182). 7. Olive-green steatite three-sided prism seal from Mallia (CMS II 2, no. 243). Picture 76: Clay sealings from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 147). Picture 77: 1. Clay sealings from the hieroglyphic Deposit, Knossos. 2. Clay sealings from the Temple Repositories Deposit, Knossos. 3. Lentoid seal from Knossos Palace (CMS II 3, no. 8). 4. Lentoid seal from Tomb at Sanatorium, Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 63). Picture 78: 1. Gold ring from the Isopata Necropolis (CMS II 3, no. 51) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 224). 2. Gold ring from the Isopata Necropolis, Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 56). Picture 79: 1. Gold ring from the Kalyvia Necropolis (CMS II 3, no. 103). 2. Gold ring from the Kalyvia Necropolis (CMS II 3, no. 114). 3. Gold ring from Sellopoulo Tomb 3 (Warren, 1990. p. 194). Picture 80: 1. Black hematite Syrian Stamp cylinder seal from Tylissos (CMS II 3, no. 128). 2. Black limestone lentoid seal from Knossos(?) (CMS II 3, no. 170).

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3. Gold ring from Avgo/Kavousi (CMS II 3, no. 305). 4. Gold ring from Crete (CMS II 3, no. 326). Picture 81: Clay sealings from the Phaistos Deposit. 1. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 59). 2. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 60). 3. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 132). 4. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 133). 5. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 140). 6. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 171). 7. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 191). 8. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 192). 9. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 209). 10. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 218). 11. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 254). 12. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 255). Picture 82: Clay sealings from the Phaistos Deposit. 1. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 258). 2. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 270). 3. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 272). 4. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 304). 5. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 311). 6. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 322). 7. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 324). Picture 83: Clay sealings from Agia Triada. 1. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 1). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 2). 3. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 4). Picture 84a: Clay sealings from Agia Triada. 1. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 3). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 5). 3. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 6). 4. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 8). 5. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 9). 6. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 10). 7. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 11). Picture 84b: Clay sealings from Agia Triada. 8. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 13). 9. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 16). 10. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 20). 11. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 21). 12 Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 26). 13. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 33). 14. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 74). 15. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 107). Picture 85: Clay sealings from Agia Triada. 1. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 15). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 17). 3. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 19). 4. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 30). 5. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 36). 6. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 43). 7. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 44). 8. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 106). Picture 86: Clay sealings from Sklavokampos. 1. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 255).

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2. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 256). 3. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 260). 4. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 261). 5. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 267). 6. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 268). Picture 87: Clay sealings from Kato Zakros. 1. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 1). 2. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 6). 3. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 7). 4. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 8). 5. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 36). 6. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 37). 7. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 38). 8. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 39). Picture 88: Clay sealings from Kato Zakros. 1. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 73). 2. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 83). 3. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 84). 4. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 104b). 5. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 117). 6. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 118). 7. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 121). 8. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 122). 9. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 123). 10. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 126). 11. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 127). 12. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 129b). Picture 89: Clay sealings from Kato Zakros. 1. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 137). 2. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 150). 3. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no.. 159). 4. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 176). 5. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 177). 6. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 108). 7. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 196). 8. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 217). 9. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 218). Picture 90: EH II sealings from mainland Greece. 1. Clay sealing from Myrtos (CMS V 1, no. 20). 2. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 48). 3. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 49). 4. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 50). 5. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no 52). 6. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 53). 7. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 54). 8. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 59). 9. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 78). 10. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 79). 11. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 81). 12. Clay Sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 93). 13. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 95). 14. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 97). 15. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 100). Picture 91: 1. Gold ring from the Athens Agora (CMS V 1, no. 173). 2. Lapis lacedaemonius lentoid seal from Pyrgos-Psilonero (CMS V 1, no. 201). 3. Gold ring from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 336). 4. Black steatite lentoid seal from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 337).

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5. Glass paste lentoid seal from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 348). 6. Glass paste lentoid seal from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 349). 7. Dark red steatite matrix form Eleusis (CMS V 2, no. 422). Picture 92: Seals and seal impressions from Neolithic Greece. 1. Clay pintadera from Dikili-Tash (CMS V 2, no. 449). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Irini (CMS V 2, no. 464). 3. Stamped pottery design from Agia Irini (CMS V 2, no. 475). 4. Gray limestone lentoid seal from Agia Irini (CMS V 2, no. 500). 5. Stamped pottery design from Zygouries (CMS V 2, no. 503). 6. Clay conoid seal from Poliochni (CMS V 2, no. 518). 7. Clay sealing from Asine (CMS V 2, no. 520). 8. Clay sealing from Asine (CMS V 2, no. 521). 9. Clay sealing from Asine (CMS V 2, no. 522). Picture 93: Seals and seal impressions from Neolithic Greece. 1. Clay conoid seal from Grotta, Naxos (CMS V 2, no. 603). 2. Olive green steatite conoid seal from Thebes (CMS V 2, no. 668). 3. Clay pintadera from Eutresis (CMS V 2, no. 681). 4. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 693). 5. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 694). 6. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 699). 7. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 700). 8. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 707). 9. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 708). 10. Clay pintadera from Sesklo (CMS V 2, no. 712). 11. Clay pintadera from Sesklo (CMS V 2, no. 713). 12. Clay pintadera from Sesklo B-Almyros (CMS V 2, no. 717). Picture 94: 1. Shape of a clay seal from Neolithic Sesklo. 2. Gray/green limestone cylinder seal from Grave D at Kapros in Amorgos (Hood, 1978. p. 258., fig. 211G). 3. Lead oblong seal from Skoteini Cave, Tharrounia (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 349). 4. Green jasper four-sided prism bead seal in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (CMS XII, no. 113). Picture 95: 1. Amethyst cylinder seal from Kazarma tholos tomb (CMS V 2, no. 585). 2. 3. 4. Bronze ring from Agios Charalambos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 45). 5. Silver ring from Agios Charalambos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 46). 6. Brown-gray agate lentoid seal from Knossos(?) (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 75). 7. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 177). Picture 96: «The Goddess from Beyond» in mythological scenes. 1. Gold ring from Mochlos (CMS II 3, no. 252). 2. Anthracite-coloured steatite amygdaloid seal from Makrygialos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 55). Picture 97: 1. Gold ring from Thebes (CMS V 1, no. 199). 2. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 180). Picture 98: Gold rings from the Aidonia Treasure. 1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 7, Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 113) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 49, fig. 16). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 7, Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 114) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 49, fig. 17). 3. Gold ring from chamber tomb 7, Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 115) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 50, fig. 18). Picture 99: Gold rings from the Aidonia Treasure. 1. Gold ring from the Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 70, fig. 1). 2. Gold ring from the Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 71, fig. 2). Picture 100: 1. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 178). 2. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 176). 3. Gold ring from Anthia (CMS V suppl. 1B, no. 135).

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4. Gold ring from Anthia (CMS V Suppl. 1B no. 137). Picture 101: 1. Gold ring in the Berlin Museum (CMS XI, no. 29). 2. Gold ring from Thebes (CMS XI, no. 30). Picture 102: Epiphany scenes. 1. The «Epiphany ring» from Knossos in Oxford. 2. Gold ring from Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 15). 3. Gold ring in the Berlin Museum (CMS XI, no. 28). Picture 103: 1. The gold «ring of Minos» (Platon in Hägg and Marinatos (eds.), 1984. p. 66). 2. The gold «ring of Nestor» (Evans, 1925. p. 65, fig. 55). Picture 104: 1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 55, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 87). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 520, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 155). 3. «The Danicourt ring» (CMS XI, no. 272). Picture 105: 1. Gold ring from Tholos Tomb A, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 655, fig. 722). 2. Gold ring from Tholos Tomb B, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 653, fig. 719). Picture 106: 1. Ring from Poros (Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis, 2000. p. 43, fig. 4c). 2. Seal from Galatas (Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis, 2000. p. 45, fig. 5).

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COLOUR PICTURES Picture I: Materials (Boardman, 1970. p. 29). 1. Green steatite prism (CS 41). 2. Green steatite prism (CS 98). 3. White agate prism (CS 109). 4. Green jasper prism (CS 170). 5. Carnelian prism (CS 174). 6. Chalcedony loop signet (CS 121). 7. Yellow jasper loop signet (CS 117). 8. Green jasper loop signet (CS 139). 9. Green jasper loop signet (CS 118). 10. Carnelian loop signet (CS 142). 11. Agate stamp seal shaped like a sea shell (CS 136). 12. Carnelian stamp seal with an S relief back (CS 131). 13. Carnelian stamp seal shaped like a human hand (CS 127). 14. Carnelian stamp seal shaped like a duck (CS 128). Picture II: Materials (Boardman, 1970. p. 39). 1. Chalcedony stamp seal shaped like two joined animal foreparts (CS 132). 2. Blue chalcedony theriomorphic seal shaped like a crouching cat (CS 139). 3. Agate stamp seal shaped like a duck (CS 125). 4. Sardonyx theriomorphic seal shaped like a sitting monkey (CS 134). 5. Oval hematite seal with an «architectural» motif (CS 157). 6. Red jasper lentoid seal with an «architectural» motif (CS 153). 7. Hematite amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CS 276). 8. Carnelian amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CMS VIII, no. 58). 9. Carnelian amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CMS VIII, no. 62). 10. Carnelian amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CS 179). 11. Carnelian flattened cylinder seal with the representation of a horned sheep (CS 200). 12. Steatite flattened cylinder seal covered in gold leaf (CS 203).

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LIST OF TABLES CHAPTER THREE Table 1. List of the main tombs of the Messara plain CHAPTER SIX Table 2. The main representational motifs from the Mallia Workshop Table 3. Suggested dates for the Phaistos deposit Table 4. The main motifs of the Phaistos sealings Table 5. The main important representational motifs of the Phaistos deposit CHAPTER EIGHT Table 6. The main naturalistic motifs from the Temple Repositories deposit Table 7. Types of sealings from the Zakros deposit Table 8. The typology of the monster and demonic iconographic types from the Zakros deposit and their variations CHAPTER NINE Table 9. The typology of the designs in the Agia Triada deposit Table 10. The gallery of ritual and monumental scenes in the Agia Triada sealings CHAPTER ELEVEN Table 11. The typology of the female divine figures in the glyptic of the Neopalatial period LIST OF CHARTS APPENDIX I Chart 1. Seals from sites of the Early Minoan III-Late Minoan I period. Chronology of sealstones and sealings dated by a pottery context Chart 2. Metal seals Signet rings from the Early and Middle Bronze Age Chart 3. The thematic material of the representation of the human figure in the Late Bronze Age Aegean glyptic APPENDIX II Chart 4. The religious architectural elements of Late Bronze Age sealstones and finger rings Chart 5. The religious decorative elements of Late Bronze Age sealstones and finger rings

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS PERIODICALS AA: Archäologischer Anzeiger ΑΑΑ: Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών AbhMainz: Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz Α∆: Αρχαιολογικόν ∆ελτίον ΑΕ: Αρχαιολογική Εφηµερίς AJA: American Journal of Archaeology AK: Antike Kunst AthMitt: Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts: athenische Abteilung AR: Archaeological Reports AS: Anatolian Studies: Journal of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara ASAthene: Annuario della scuola italiana di Atene e delle missioni italiani in oriente BAR: British Archaeological Reports International Series, Oxford BCH: Bulletin de correspondance hellenique BICS: Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, London BSA: Annual of the British School of Archaeology in Athens JdI: Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts JDRGZM: Jahrbuch des römisch-germanischen Zentralmuseums, Mainz JHS: Journal of Hellenic Studies OJA: Oxford Journal of Archaeology OpAth: Opuscula Atheniensia ΠΑΕ: Πρακτικά της Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας SIMA: Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology SMEA: Studi micenei ed egeo-anatolici SERIES CMS: Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (Vols. I-XIII) CMS Beiheft 1: PINI, I. (ed.) 1981. Studien zur minoischen und helladischen Glyptik. International Symposium on Seals, Marburg, 26-30 September 1978 CMS Beiheft 3: PINI, I. (ed.) 1989. Fragen und Probleme der bronzezeitlichen ägäischen Glyptik. Third International Symposium on Seals, Marburg, 5-7 September 1985 CMS Beiheft 5: POURSAT, J. C. and PINI, I. (eds.) 1995. Sceaux minoéns et mycéniens. Fourth International Symposium on Seals, Clermont-Ferrand, 10-12 September 1992 CMS Beiheft 6: PINI, I. (ed.) 2000. Minoisch-Mykenische Glyptik. Stil, Ikonographie, Funktion. Fifth International Symposium on Seals, Marburg, 23-25 September 1999 AGDS: Antike Gemmen in deutschen Sammlungen BOOKS AND ARTICLES CS: Kenna, V. E. G. 1960. Cretan Seals CHIC: Olivier, J. P. 1996. Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae. Études Crétoises 31 CMCG: Sakellariou, A. 1958. Le Cachets minoéns de la Collection Giamalakis. Études Crétoises 10 ECS: Yule, P. 1981. Early Cretan Seals: A Study of Chronology FKS: Sbonias, K. 1995. Frühkretische Siegel. Ansätze für eine Interpretation der sozial-politischen Entwicklung auf Kreta während der Frühbronzezeit. BAR International Series 620 GGFR: Boardman, J. 1970. Greek Gems and Finger Rings: Bronze Age to Classical KMS: Biesantz, H. 1954. Kretisch-mykenische Siegelbielder. Stilgeschichtliche und chronologische Untersuchungen KSPI: Gill, M. A. V. 1965. «The Knossos sealings: Provenance and identification». BSA 60. pp. 58-98 MMR: Nilsson, M. 1959. The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its survival in Greek Religion MR: Marinatos, N. 1993. Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image and Symbol PM: Evans, A. Sir. 1921-1935. The Palace of Minos at Knossos (Vols. I-IV) Polemos: Laffineur, R. (ed.) 1999. Polemos: Le Contexte Guerrier en égée à l’ âge du bronze. Actes de la 7e Recontre égéene internationale, Université de Liège, 14-17 Avril 1998. Aegaeum 19. Vols. I, II. Annales d’ archeologie égéene de l’ Université de Liège SCABA: Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) Sanctuaries and Cults of the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the First International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 12-13 May 1980. 1981 SM I: Evans, A. Sir. 1909. Scripta Minoa I. The written documents of Minoan Crete with special reference to the archives of Knossos. Vol. I. The hieroglyphic and primitive linear classes with an account of the discovery of the pre-Phoenician scripts, their place in Minoan history and their Mediterranean relations

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Transition: Laffineur, R. (ed.) 1989. Transition: Le monde égéene du Bronze moyen au Bronze récent. Actes de la Deyxieme Recontre égéene internationale de l’ Université de Liège, 18-20 Avril 1988. Aegaeum 3. Annales d’ archeologie égéene de l’ Université de Liège VTM: Xanthoudides, S. 1924. The Vaulted Tombs of Messara. An account of some early cemeteries of Southern Crete SPECIAL ABBREVIATIONS AM: Ashmolean Museum, Oxford CMs: Chania Museum sealing HM: Herakleion Museum HMs: Herakleion Museum sealing HM G: Herakleion Museum, Giamalakis Collection NM: National Museum, Athens

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Introduction INTRODUCTION Sealstones, sealings and finger rings are probably some of the most spectacular manifestations of the Minoan cultural legacy. Their number, their technical aspects, the manner of their decoration and their almost uninterrupted use during the long Minoan presence in the Aegean, consequently transformed the glyptic products into an inseparable feature of the Aegean culture. Yet, in spite of the significance and systematic study of glyptic throughout the history of research in Aegean archaeology and the existence of serious and competent works on the subject,1 Minoan glyptic still remains an obscure and often underestimated part of the Aegean culture. It lacks the size and the pictorial programs of the monumental representations in frescoes,2 and the materials and techniques usually fade in comparison to the three-dimensional effect, the complexity of the representations and the use of precious metals for the production of the luxurious Minoan palatial art. Precious metals and even rarer materials were also employed for the production of seals and finger rings. Reflections of the same monumentality and complexity are also present in their representations albeit on a much smaller scale. Nevertheless, architecture, frescoes, figurines, gold jewellery and palatial

1 The most important and unrivalled study of the Aegean Bronze Age glyptic is the Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (CMS), Volumes IXIII, with detailed catalogues of all seals, sealings and finger rings from the Aegean in museums and private collections; Other important studies on Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic include the following in chronological order: Matz, F. Frühkretische Siegel. 1928; Biesantz, H. KMS. 1954; Kenna, V. E. G. CS. 1960; Sakellariou, A. CMCG. 1958; Gill, M. A. V. KSPI. 1965. pp. 58-98; Sakellariou, A. Μυκηναϊκή Σφραγιδογλυφία. 1966; Boardman, J. GGFR. 1970; Papapostolou, I. A. Τα Σφραγίσµατα των Χανίων. Συµβολή στη µελέτη της Μινωικής Σφραγιδογλυφίας. 1977; Yule, P. ECS. 1981; CMS Beiheft 1, 1981; Betts, J. H. and Younger, J. G. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. I. Introduction». Kadmos 21, 1982. pp. 104-121; Younger, J. G. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. II. The first generation of Minoan Masters». Kadmos 22, 1983. pp. 109-136; id. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. III. The first generation of Mycenaean Masters». Kadmos 23, 1984. pp. 38-64; id. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age. IV. Almond and Dot-Eye Groups of the fifteenth century BC». Kadmos 24, 1985. pp. 34-73; id. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. V. Minoan groups contemporary with LM IIIA1». Kadmos 25, 1986. pp. 119140; id. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. VI. Fourteenth century mainland and later fourteenth century Cretan workshops». Kadmos 26, 1987. pp. 44-73; id. The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. 1988; CMS Beiheft 3, 1989; Palaima, T. G. (ed.) Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration. Aegaeum 5, 1990; Sbonias, K. FKS. 1995; Younger, J. G. Aegean Seals in their Middle Phase. SIMA CII, 1993; Betts, J. H. Gold of the Mycenaeans. Important finger rings, sealstones and ornaments of the 15th century BC. 1993; Popham M. R. and Gill, M. A. V. The Latest Sealings from the Palace and Houses at Knossos. BSA Studies 1, 1995; CMS Beiheft 5, 1995; Demakopoulou, K. (ed.) Ο Θησαυρός των Αηδονιών. Σφραγίδες και Κοσµήµατα της Ύστερης Εποχής του Χαλκού στο Αιγαίο. 1998; CMS Beiheft 6, 2000. For more bibliographical references see individual categories in Younger, J. G. A Bilbliography for Aegean Glyptic in the Bronze Age in Pini, I. (ed.) CMS Beiheft 4, 1991, Danielidou, D. Βιβλιογραφία για την Κρητοµυκηναϊκή Θρησκεία. 1993 and Ruud, I. M. Minoan Religion: A Bibliography. SIMA Pocket Books 141, 1996. 2 The groups of frescoes from the Palace of Knossos ranging from MM IIIB (miniature frescoes, Grand Staircase fresco) to LM IIIA (Camp Stool fresco) are the most notable examples. For the reconstruction of the pictorial themes, their interpretation and their ritual identity, see Cameron, M. A. S. «The pictorial thematic system in the Knossos murals: Last notes on Knossos frescoes». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 321-325.

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pottery are undoubtedly more convenient as standard indicators of the Minoan culture. But there is something different when it comes to the study and interpretation of glyptic. It can be seen as a contradictory, multifaceted and complex phenomenon of the broader Aegean culture, an unparalleled collection of different shapes, materials, iconographical types and images, the product of an advanced culture in the Aegean region striving for perfection and artistic excellence. Glyptic has a socio-economic, technological and artistic significance. It may comprise the result of the economic ascent of a specific area during a specific period of time (sealing deposits of MM II B and MM III-LM I Knossos, MM IIB Phaistos, LM IB Zakros, LM IB Agia Triada in Crete and EH II Lerna in the mainland). The variety of the techniques involved in their manufacture indicates the artistic progress in each area and the subsequent development of seal-engraving as a «specialist» craft (Chapters 3.2.2, 3.2.3; 5.2, 5.3; 7.3). The spectacular gallery of multifaceted images, small-scale representations and complex scenes involving the real and the imaginary, the religious with the mythical as well as the extensive use of figurative symbolism provides unparalleled evidence for the artistic level and the relative prosperity of every different period in the long history of the Minoan civilisation. A glyptic image may express simultaneously a socio-economic, cultic or artistic significance and it may convey a multiplicity of meanings reflecting aspects of the culture which produced it. Iconography became language for the Minoans and the images comprised the vocabulary which demonstrates their attitude towards the natural and religious world in an attempt to comprehend it. The present study provides an account of the history of the Minoan glyptic from the Early Minoan period and before the emergence of the first palaces until the Late Minoan IB destruction in Crete. It is thus focused only on the seal production in Crete during the Prepalatial, Protopalatial and Neopalatial periods and the material examined in the text is exclusively Minoan. The LM IB destruction horizon in Crete is the signpost when the genuine Minoan identity -as far as glyptic only is concerned- is progressively altered and transformed (see below). Aspects of seals in which this study focuses, are the typology of seals of the Minoan Prepalatial, Protopalatial and Neopalatial periods, on the deposits in which the most important groups have been found, on their iconography and religious significance. Chapters One to Nine of this study are completely dedicated to the glyptic production of Crete in terms of typology and iconography. The material is analysed in chronological order. It would be an impossible task to discuss the Minoan glyptic without describing initially the basic aspects of the craft in its whole entity ever since its hesitant appearance in Neolithic mainland Greece (Chapter 2.1) and the first evidence for seal use in the Early Bronze Age sealing deposit from the settlement at Lerna in the mainland (Chapter 2.2). In Crete, the emergence of the hierarchical organisation of the Minoan society in the context of the Early Minoan Messara tholos tombs (Chapters 3.1-3.4; 4.1-4.2) and the subsequent emergence of the palatial system in Crete (Chapters 5.1-5.3, 6.1-6.3) provided the impetus for the development of

Introduction complex sealing systems and the production of amazing quantities and exceptional groups of glyptic pieces. The periods of the Minoan culture ranging from EM I-II to LM IB are examined separately in connection with their evidence for securely dated deposits, artistic development and the character of the small-scale iconography on seals. Shapes, materials, technical aspects and their subsequent and constant evolution are discussed in conjunction with the most representative assemblages of glyptic products. Specific deposits with collections and groups of seals or sealings are discussed separately and in chronological order. In my discussion of the Minoan deposits, I followed the relevant bibliography for their dating and a consistent chronological system for the Aegean culture is applied throughout the text (Pictures 1-3). Equally, any problems concerning the absolute or relative chronology of seal deposits and groups are discussed whenever this was possible. Seals are identified by their Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (CMS) volume catalogue number and by their picture number whenever an illustration is provided. The most important seals in terms of style and iconography and in connection with the relevant chapters in the text are illustrated. The picture numbers follow the order of the CMS volumes and their catalogue numbers (Appendix III provides the concordance of CMS seal numbers and Picture numbers). The deposits of the most significant levels of the Messara tholos tombs (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1), the Phourni cemetery at Archanes (Chapter 4.3, 4.3.1, 4.3.2), the deposits from the workshop of Quartier Mu at Mallia (Chapter 6.2, 6.2.1; Table 2) and the Phaistos Palace deposit (Chapter 6.3, 6.3.1; Tables 6.2-6.4), the Hieroglyphic Deposit (Chapter 6.4, 6.4.1; Table 6) and the Temple Repositories Deposit from Knossos (Chapter 8.2, 8.2.1, 8.2.2; Table 7), the deposits from the Zakros palace (Chapter 8.3, 8.3.1, 8.3.2; Tables 8.2, 8.3) and the Sklavokampos villa (Chapter 8.4, 8.4.1) are all studied in an attempt to provide a detailed insight into the long process of development and the acquisition of different properties and characteristics of Aegean glyptic during each separate phase of the Minoan culture. In a separate chapter, the development and the technical aspects of the metal signet ring type in Crete (Chapter 7.3, 7.3.1, 7.3.2; Appendix I, Chart 2) are described and analysed in an attempt to illuminate the massive phenomenon, the level of perfection and the extreme sophistication of the glyptic tradition in Minoan Crete. The extensive deposit of sealings from the Agia Triada villa/palace is also examined separately (Chapter 9.1, 9.2, 9.2.1, 9.2.2; Tables 9.1, 9.2) for the religious importance of their representations and their connection to the contemporary massive religious iconography of the Neopalatial period which is also examined in this study. The first complete groups of seals appeared in the Prepalatial Messara tholos tombs in Crete (Chapter 3.1, 3.2; Table 1; Appendix I, Chart 1) but it is almost impossible to define the exact place or the places where these groups may have originated. With the secure evidence for the appearance of groups of seals in prehistoric Crete, questions related to their initial function in the society may soon arise. They were widely distributed in the Messara region of Crete but it is

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unlikely that they can provide any secure evidence regarding economic status and social stratification in the area. Recent studies have regarded them as items of commodity exchange between the subsistence economy units of the settlement areas at Messara.3 The burial context of the seals may justify some speculations that they constituted markers of status in Prepalatial Crete in the form of funerary gifts but the continuing plundering and disturbed interments of the tombs cannot provide secure data for the actual numbers of seals which were initially deposited in each burial. Furthermore, if we consider sealstones as markers of status or rank, the problem is related to who actually possessed these seals. The fact that we are unable to find specific answers regarding the social organisation of the Prepalatial period and, consequently, unable to prove the suggested use of the Messara tholoi by nuclear families, clans or extended families makes the problem of how seals were distributed among the population insoluble at present. It is important to add at this point that the limited numbers of seals amongst hundreds of burials over long periods of time may indicate that seals were deposited in burials only under specific circumstances such as the burials of the heads of family groups. This may be further proved if we take into consideration the presence of prestige goods like pendants, amulets and vases in association with the sealstones in some burials. Apart from their intrinsic value, they could have functioned as indicators of high social status.4 Inferences can be made by the use of seals in other neighbouring cultures. The use of seals as markers of status is also attested from Egyptian burials of the Early Dynastic (3100-2686 BC) and Old Kingdom (2686-2181 BC) periods in royal and rich private tombs at the cemeteries of Abydos, Saqqara and Memphis. Egyptian seals often carry the names and titles of officials combined with a number of decorative devices which functioned as markers of a higher or even royal status within a religious and funerary context. Although it seems very tempting to make a correlation between the use of Egyptian seals and specific pieces from the richer Messara tombs, the chronological discrepancies between the Egyptian and Cretan burial deposits and the differences between the socio-political backgrounds of the two civilisations at that particular time should prevent us from any direct inference. These parallels should be used only as paradigms for the supposed use of seals in the Aegean during prehistoric times. Any assumption based on the existence of a social ranking in the Messara tholos tombs should be made according to the following criteria as suggested by Soles:5 i) the types of goods which appear in the graves; ii) the types of graves and their architectural types; iii) the existence of symbols of authority among the artefacts found within the tomb; iv) the

3 Blasingham, A. C. «The seals from the tombs at the Messara: Inferences as to kinship and social organisation». In Krzyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983. pp. 11-19. 4 Karytinos, A. «Sealstones in cemeteries: A display of social status?». In Branigan, K. (ed.) Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. 1998. pp. 83-85. 5 Soles, J. «Social ranking in Prepalatial cemeteries». In French, E. B. and Wardle, K. A. (eds.) Problems in Greek Prehistory. 1986. p. 50.

Introduction indication of a different treatment of the corpse or postmortem handling of the body; v) the demographic evidence and especially sex and age distribution among the burials. It is widely accepted that the existence of a larger quantity of seals, jewellery, stone vases, prestige goods and weapons may imply some concentration of wealth. Some of the most carefully constructed seals may have been symbols of political office or prestige items since they were usually found in some of the larger built tombs of the Messara. New questions associated with the problem of whom and how many people actually possessed seals and other types of prestige goods may arise. It is always important to remember that the possession of seals may have been directly related to social status and the number of seals and prestige goods in comparison with the number of burials within each tomb may provide some useful information regarding their distribution during the use of tombs over long periods. Seals may incorporate different functions apart from their appearance as funerary gifts in tombs or as possible evidence for the social status of individuals. They may survive as «heirlooms» over long periods and the presence of older seals in later strata is undoubtedly a part of the archaeological reality. The significance of the seals from Messara or from other Prepalatial sites may lie in their function as reflections of specific emerging social «classes» which possibly moved towards the acquisition of a higher socio-political status in the period shortly before the rise of the First Palaces. The custom of passing seals from generation to generation may indicate that they may have been exploited by the emerging elites in order to prove their links to important ancestors and their rights to the ownership of the tombs and therefore their continuing use. The accumulation of larger numbers of seals in rich tombs like tholos tombs A and B at Platanos (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1) and the continual use of new motifs as evidenced from the seals of the EM III-MM IA deposits at Archanes (Chapter 4.3, 4.3.1, 4.3.2) may indicate that seals had already acquired newly established functions not only as markers of political office but as the foundations for the development of administration, too. With the examination of the glyptic art of Neopalatial Crete and the appearance of scenes with humans engaged in what are commonly interpreted as ritual activities in the unique Agia Triada sealings (Chapter 9.1, 9.2, 9.2.1, 9.2.2; Tables 9.1, 9.2) and in metal finger rings, the final chapters are accordingly dedicated to the multiplicity of the religious scenes in small-scale iconography (Chapters 11.1-11.4; 12.112.5). The identification of rituals and symbolic objects in glyptic soon presented a problem. A detailed study of all the different groups of ritual scenes and the interpretation of cultic activities as represented in glyptic would seem tempting and quite appropriate in connection with the overall examination of the Aegean Bronze Age small-scale iconography. This goal inevitably remains unfulfilled considering the limitations imposed by the subject and the restricted length of the present study. The LM IB period in Crete signalled the end of the autonomous Minoan culture and the emergence of the Mycenaean presence in the broader Aegean area starting

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with the Shaft Graves in the mainland (LH I)6 and the subsequent establishing of the Mycenaeans in Crete.7 When the Minoan and Mycenaean cultures merged, the glyptic production soon acquired a different character.8 The emergence of a new mainland style is identified in glyptic which is based on the criteria described below. The subject is very extensive and requires further research.9 Here, they are only categorised in order to stress the different function and concept of glyptic in the period immediately after the LM IB destruction. The seal numbers and the relevant bibliography are also provided: i) The appearance of two different but representative groups of glyptic styles already in the LM IB period and their immediate successors in later periods. They are located geographically in Crete and the mainland. These two groups are commonly termed a) the «Cretan Popular Group» in Crete10 and b) the «Mycenae-Vapheio Lion Group» in the mainland.11 In Crete, the «Cretan Popular Group» remained the most representative in the island and includes serpentine lentoid seals of poor workmanship with studies of simple and sometimes disproportional animals with «dot» eyes and little or no indication of the musculature (CMS IV, no. 300; V 1, no. 222; XII, no. 272), people engaged in cult activities and variations of monster types which are all well represented in the contemporary Zakros deposit (Chapter 8.3.1, 8.3.2; Pictures 90, 91.1-7). Imitations of this group appeared later in the mainland at the LH IIA Vapheio tholos tomb on some seals made of harder materials (CMS I, nos. 221, 250, 254). The second group includes seals made exclusively from hard and soft materials. The monumental style of the «Mycenae-Vapheio Lion Group» with its representations of naturalistic lions and

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For the first seals in the mainland from Grave Circle A at Mycenae, see Mylonas, G. E. Ο Ταφικός Περίβολος Β των Μυκηνών. 1973: Grave Γ, pp. 77-78, 340, pl. 60b; Grave Ρ, pl. 201; Grave Μ, pl. 135; Grave Ο, pl. 187. 7 In terms of chronology, the exact date of the establishment of the Mycenaeans in Crete is still a matter of debate among the experts: Palmer, L. R. in The Penultimate Palace of Knossos 1969, p. 121, suggested that the Mycenaean Linear B tablets at Knossos belong to the same date as those from the Palace at Pylos, ca. 1200 BC; Niemeier, W. D. in «The character of the Knossian palace society in the second half of the fifteenth century BC: Mycenaean or Minoan?» in Krszyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society 1983, p. 344, locates the Mycenaean presence before the LM IB destruction in Crete; Popham, M. in The Destruction of the Palace at Knossos: Pottery of the Late Minoan IIIA period. SIMA 12, 1970, pp. 85-86, supports a date between 1400 and 1375 BC; Driessen, J. in An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace of Knossos 1990, suggests a date around 1400 BC. 8 See discussion and division of stylistic groups in KMS. pp. 52-83 and GGFR. 1970. pp. 393-396; Sakellariou, A. Μυκηναϊκή Σφραγιδογλυφία. 1966. pp. 2-3, 104-111; id. Die mykenische Siegelglyptik. SIMA 9, 1964. 9 Galanakis, K. «Η εµφάνιση της ελλαδικής τεχνοτροπίας στη µικρογλυπτική της πρώιµης µυκηναϊκής περιόδου». Αρχαιολογία 94, 2005. pp. 103-109. 10 Younger, J. G. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. II. The first generation of Minoan Masters». Kadmos 22, 1983. pp. 109-136, esp. pp. 117-119, 123-127. 11 Younger, J. G. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops. III. The first generation of Mycenaean Masters». Kadmos 23, 1984. pp. 38-64, esp. pp. 46-48; id. «The Mycenae-Vapheio Lion Group». AJA 82, 1978. pp. 285-299, esp. pp. 295-299; id. Abstract of Mycenaean Seminar, supplement to the paper «Origins of the Mycenae-Vapheio Lion Master». BICS 26, 1979. pp. 119-120; id. «The Mycenae-Vapheio Workshop, III». TUAS 6. 1981. pp. 67-71.

Introduction bulls with pronounced musculature, rich modelling and elliptical, «almond» eyes (CMS I, nos. 140, 250), is common in mainland Greece and particularly in the Shaft Graves (LH I) and the assemblage of seals from the LH IIA Vapheio tholos tomb (Pictures 59.1-2, 60.1-6) but it is relatively rare in Crete. It continues well through the LM IB period with its variation called «Almond-Eyes» group which consists of studies of technically modelled bulls in hard stones. ii) The appearance of metal rings with scenes made by Mycenaean artists which were designed to be appreciated from the original only as items of jewellery and not intended for secular use or sealing purposes as in Protopalatial and Neopalatial Crete.12 iii) Technical weaknesses which result from the unsuccessful treatment of space and the disposition of the images in Mycenaean gold-working of the Shaft Grave period (LH I) in the mainland.13 iv) The emergence and subsequent development of an indigenous Mycenaean epic ideology and a specific type of religious imagery in small-scale iconography which are reflected on the battle scenes in Mycenaean glyptic.14 v) The appearance of a new gallery of motifs which are mainly associated with the newly-introduced Mycenaean idea of celebration of death in the form of hunting and militaristic scenes with emphasis on pieces of military equipment.15 vi) The emergence of a distinctive Mycenaean female militaristic anthropomorphic figure which is usually characterised as a divinity («warrior goddess»/ «palladion») and is represented in association with the figure-of-eight shield and other pieces of armour.16

12

CMS I, nos. 9 (Picture 46.1), 11 (Picture 47.1), 16 (Picture 46.2); originally pointed out by Biesantz in KMS. p. 51; See also discussion on the iconographic details in Kopcke, G. «Male iconography on some Late Minoan signets». In Polemos Vol. II. p. 342, footnote 11. 13 CMS I, no.15 (Picture 47.2); the ring and the subject are discussed in detail by Morgan, L. «Ambiguity and interpretation». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 148-149. 14 CMS I, nos. 11 (Picture 47.1), 12, 14, 16 (Picture 46.2), 263, 306, 340; V 2, no. 643; Silver «Siege Rhyton» from Shaft Grave IV (Picture 41.1); Stone stelai 1427 and 1428 from Shaft Grave V. See individual bibliography for the silver rhyton in Karo, G. Die Schachtgräber von mykene. 1930. pp. 106108, no. 481; PM III. p. 89; Vermeule, E. Greece in the Bronze Age. 1966. pp. 100, 362; Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978. pp. 196-197, 199; Marinatos, S. «Νέα ερµηνεία του αργυρού ρυτού των Μυκηνών». Α∆ 10, 1926. pp. 78-90; Hooker, J. T. «The Mycenae Siege Rhyton and the question of Egyptian influence». AJA 71, 1967. pp. 269-281. For the figured stone stelai, see Mylonas, G. E. «The figured Mycenaean stelai». AJA 55, 1951. p. 156; Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978. p. 122, fig. 81. 15 Scenes of hunting and chariot riding in seals: CMS I, nos. 9 (Picture 46.1), 11 (Picture 47.1), 112 (Picture 51.1), 165, 224 (Picture 58.2), 227 (Picture 58.3), 228-229, 230 (Picture 58.4), 263, 290, 294, 302, 307, 331; I Suppl., no. 173; II 3, no. 14; IV, no. 233; V2, no. 656; VII, nos. 131, 195; IX, nos. 114, 152, 7D; XI, no. 272 (the «Danicourt ring» [Picture 104.3]); GGFR. pp. 3-8. For a catalogue of hunting scenes including more examples and chronological information, see Younger, J. G. The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. 1988. pp. 159-163. For the importance of hunting in Mycenaean times, see the articles of Marinatos, N. «Celebrations of death and the symbolism of the lion hunt» and Morris, C. «In pursuit of the white-tusked boar: Aspects of hunting in the Mycenaean society». In Hägg, R. and Nordquist, G. C. (eds.) Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid. 1990. pp. 143-147 and 149-155 respectively. 16 For the «palladion» see CMS I, nos. 12, 17 (Picture 48), 132, 219 (Picture 57.1); For the figure-of-eight shield, see CMS I, nos. 11, 39, 41, 105, 115, 153, 182, 216, 228, 260, 403, 412; I Suppl., nos. 3, 71, 91, 142; For a

vii) The presence of seals made of hard stones which were regarded as valuables and as items suitable for collection by small parts of the richer Mycenaean population.17 It is evident that by the end of the LM IB period in Crete the glyptic styles had changed. New stylistic directions prevailed which were Mycenaean and not Minoan in style and character. The above criteria which summarise the glyptic tradition after the LM IB can provide the impetus for a different discussion and an equally long study which is beyond the scope of the present study. The imposition of the LM IB date of the destruction of the New Palaces in Crete as the end of the genuine Minoan glyptic provided the limit point where the research in this study was structured and organised. Chapters Ten to Twelve of this study examine the main problems of the Minoan religion and the manner in which cult is reflected in small-scale iconography. Many questions may arise: What was the nature of the rituals represented and how ritual action is placed in prehistoric Aegean societies? If a specific methodology is adopted and formalised, is it possible to apply it in order to classify and identify the glyptic scenes? What ways did the Minoans choose in order to portray their religious beliefs and the performance of rituals? What is even more fascinating about the study of the Minoan glyptic is the inevitable conclusion that there is no single and exclusive meaning to every small-scale work. The blending of idioms, the outstanding contrast between the abstract realism and the surreal disposition in the more complex scenes involving the activities of humans together with the incredible ability of the Cretan seal-engravers to portray a unique gallery of numerous different combinations of similar scenes and motifs, allow the contemporary research to apply freely any desired epistemological method

discussion on the meaning of the figure-of-eight shield in Mycenaean iconography with examples, see Rehak, P. «New observations on the Mycenaean «Warrior Goddess». AA 1984. pp. 535-545 and id. «The Mycenaean «Warrior Goddess» revisited». In Polemos Vol. I. pp. 227-239. 17 The subject is discussed generally by Younger, J. G. «Non-sphragistic uses of Minoan-Mycenaean sealstones and rings». Kadmos 16, 1977. pp. 144-145. For individual categories, I provide the seals and the relevant bibliography: i) The Vapheio gems from the LH IIA Vapheio tholos tomb: CMS I, nos. 219-261 (Pictures 59.1-2 and 60.1-6); Tsountas, C. «Έρευναι εν τη Λακωνική και ο τάφος του Βαφειού». ΑΕ 1889. pp. 130-171; Younger, J. G. «The Vapheio gems: A reconsideration of the find-spots». AJA 77, 1973. pp. 338-340; Korres, G. S. «Ο πραγµατικός αριθµός των σφραγιδολίθων του Βαφειού». ΑΕ 1976. pp. 148-163. Kilian-Dirlmeier, I. «Das Kuppelgrab von Vapheio. Die Beigabenausstattung in der steinkiste untersuchungen zur Sozialstruktur in späthelladischer Zeit». JDRGZM 34. 1987. pp. 197-212. ii) The twenty seals from the LH IIB tholos tomb II at MyrsinochoriRoutsi: CMS I, nos. 275-285 (Picture 59.1-4); Marinatos, S. «Ανασκαφαί εν Πύλω». ΠΑΕ 1956. p. 204. iii) The group of seals from the Medeon cemetery: CMS V2, nos. 336-376 (Picture 91.3-6). iv) The six seals and the four bronze rings from the LH IIIA1 tholos tomb at Midea: Persson, A. The Royal Tombs at Dendra near Midea. 1931. pp. 8-64, esp. pp. 32-33, nos. 3a-c, figs. 19.2. v) The six seals from Shaft I of the tholos tomb at Dendra: CMS I, nos. 182, 183, 185 (Picture 55.3), 186-188; Åström, P. The Cuirass Tomb and Other Finds at Dendra. SIMA 4, 1977.

4

Introduction for the interpretation of the mysterious but unrivalled fascination of the Minoan glyptic. It is necessary for the contemporary research to apply a systematic method or a process of thought in order to comprehend the small-scale iconography of the Minoans. The analysis of the material follows the principles of a specifically applied methodology which is defined in the text (Chapter 10.2) before the discussion of the problems concerning ritual action and its meaning in the Minoan times. It is almost certain that the religious background which predominated in the late Middle and Late Minoan periods had been developed on specific principles and criteria. The question of the existence and the identity of a pantheon in the Minoan periods are highly problematic although glyptic iconography and pictorial art in general suggest the presence of a number of deities. These iconographic types of possible Minoan deities in connection with the evidence for ritual action are identified and categorised (Chapter 11.3, 11.3.111.3.3, 11.4; Table 11; Appendix I, Chart 3). An attempt is made to identify the most important rituals of the Minoans according to their frequency in glyptic scenes and their basic iconographical characteristics (Chapter 12.2-12.5). In terms of the classification of the glyptic material, Appendix I provides the thematic material of glyptic with a list of scenes involving human figures and their range of activities in glyptic while Appendix II provides lists with the architectural (Chart 4) and decorative elements (Chart 5) in glyptic which are usually regarded as «religious». It appears that the Minoans have handed down to us only a small percentage of relatively large but elusive archaeological evidence. Despite the current level of information which has been obtained by the intensive archaeological research in the Aegean, an accurate and secure reconstruction of the Minoan religion will remain permanently hidden somewhere within the ruins of the glorious but distant Minoan past. The surviving evidence from the Minoan glyptic presents only a limited variety of iconographic types and subjects. The human figure occurs only in a small percentage of the seal types in a restricted variety of scenes (Chapter 11.1, 11.2). These scenes may include studies of standing solitary figures, figures in connection with cultic architecture or participating in ritual activities, combat scenes, figures associated with the taming of wild animals («Master» and «Mistress of Animals») and athletic scenes like bullleaping.18 The majority of these scenes have all been described with the general and much overworked term «religious iconography» although it is very difficult to explain the value of this particular choice of imagery and the problems regarding the exact nature and the actual practice of rituals in Minoan times. The greatest number of seals portray animals in a number of different conventional poses and in many cases they comprise parts of monumental hunting scenes where the

animals are usually hunted, killed or captured.19 The much earlier Prepalatial theriomorphic seals carved in the shape of animals provide an insight into the Minoan natural environment and the gradual emergence of seal-engraving as a major art form. Geometric and schematic motifs are abundant especially in the early stages of the Minoan sealengraving and comprised the area where the pioneer Minoan artists experimented and gradually perfected their designs. Decorative motifs remained popular throughout the history of the Minoan glyptic despite the outstanding quality of the human element. The rest of the seals in general represent other interesting subjects including depictions of monsters (griffins, sphinxes, «Minoan Genii», dragons) and a number of minor hybrid types of humans which appear to be highly problematic and remain unsatisfactorily explained (Chapter 8.3, 8.3.2, 8.4, 8.4.1; Table 9). With the consistent focusing of the Minoan small-scale iconography on the monumental, the religious, the supernatural, the different studies of animals and the experimentation on new linear styles and combinations of motifs, it is not surprising that scenes of everyday life and domestic activities remained almost absent. Little information can be actually gathered regarding the recording of the palaeoenvironment and the general appearance of the people or their attitude towards social life in general. The value of sealstones and rings as items of jewellery or as bureaucratic tools with representations of only standardised and selected subjects evidently impaired the freedom of choice, imposed limits on the artistic repertoire and implied that the main interests basically laid not in the variety of subjects but in the preservation of a specific formalised iconographic style or styles. The application of a specific terminology used for the description of certain images and motifs in Minoan glyptic was necessary throughout the text. It is used extensively for the cataloguing of the seals with mainly religious architectural or decorative elements (Appendix II, Charts 4 and 5). Many conventional terms for objects and motifs may appear problematic. Specialist terms are established in the study of Aegean glyptic such as «omphaloi», «sacred hearts», «sacred robes», «snake frames» or «horns of consecration» (Appendix II, Chart 5). They are used for objects and motifs which may have been depicted in smallscale iconography in the first place with a completely different concept or purpose. All the designs and motifs in sealstones and rings are described from their impression and not from the seals or rings themselves but as presented in the CMS volumes. It is not known if the designs were more appreciated when read from their impression in the Minoan times but it is possible that this depended on other factors such as the choice of the material, the degree of convexity of some seal shapes, the direction of certain scenes and specific iconographic details. A complete study of the glyptic iconography and production in the Minoan and Mycenaean world including the material

18 Younger, J. G. The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. 1988. pp. x-xi.

19 op. cit., pp. xv-xix and 1-3 for a detailed list with all the poses of animals in seals.

5

Introduction after the LM IB period would be ideal considering the potential of the subject and its possibilities for research studies. In the light of the modern analytical approach towards the ancient or modern iconography these studies are destined to be fragmentary and often representative of only specific aspects and problems related to iconography which result in various studies on chronology, stylistic patterns, technical aspects and classification of the material. The present study aims to provide a more complete picture of the Minoan glyptic of the Prepalatial, Protopalatial and Neopalatial times in chronological order in terms of dated and consecutive sealing deposits, technical advances and development of different styles, the emergence of figured and monumental scenes with their analysis and the impact of Minoan religion in the configuration of the character of glyptic in the Bronze Age. Certain related subjects concerning a number of individual Minoan and especially Mycenaean deposits after the LM IB in Crete and the mainland or the analysis of post-LM IB decorative styles and motifs are inevitably omitted. These subjects should provide the impetus for more fruitful studies in the future which would enable the contemporary archaeological research to clarify and evaluate the complex identity of the Aegean Bronze Age glyptic. On these grounds the present study was constructed.

6

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function CHAPTER ONE THE TYPOLOGY AND FUNCTION SEALING SYSTEMS IN THE ADMINISTRATION1

OF THE MINOAN

1.1. Seals and sealings: Interpretation of the terms The term «seal» can be briefly interpreted as a device made of stone, bone, ivory or wood with an intaglio design which is impressed upon nodules of wet clay in order to identify, secure or authenticate the object to which the clay had been attached. In the case of the Aegean area, the exact number of Minoan and Mycenaean seals, sealings and finger rings from Crete and the Greek mainland cannot be specifically known since every new excavational project in Minoan and Mycenaean sites provides new pieces which add to the already existing collections illustrated in the CMS volumes. In addition, there is the problem related to the existence of a large number of glyptic products which have not been published yet in detail either because they belong to private collections of individuals or because they still remain in museums without inventory numbers awaiting a serious examination. The presentation of the Minoan and Mycenaean sealstones and finger rings according to their chronological sequence was obviously one of the main purposes of the pioneering and unique concept of the CMS series, although its first and foremost aim was the presentation of Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic on the basis of its stylistic and iconographic elements. The volumes provide all the necessary information in terms of the clear description of the subject, the meticulous reference to the materials and the classification of the subject according to the contemporary collections in museums and private collections of individuals. The particular range of advantages of the CMS series is the basic explanation for the reason why they still remain the basic bibliography for any study concerning the Aegean Bronze Age sealstones, sealings and finger rings. As opposed to «seal», the term «sealing» indicates a lump of clay with one or more seal-impressions which had been attached to a specific object for the purpose of security or identification. Sealings can be stamped in a variety of objects including loom weights, spindle whorls, handles of vases and interiors of open vessels. The widespread use of the Linear A

1 For general information regarding the archaeology of many of the sites mentioned in the text, see individual guide books for Minoan Crete: Spanakis, S. G. Κρήτη. Τόµος 2: ∆υτική Κρήτη: Τουρισµός, Ιστορία, Αρχαιολογία. 1971. Vol. 2; Papapostolou, I. A. Crete: Knossos, Phaistos, Mallia, Agia Triada, Zakros and the Herakleion Museum. 1981; Davaras, C. Phaistos, Agia Triada, Gortyn. 1980; Konsola, D. Crete: Knossos, Phaistos, Agia Triada, Gortyn, Mallia, Zakros, Gournia, Herakleion Museum, Agios Nikolaos Museum, Chania Museum. 1985; Vandenabeele, F. Κρήτη: Μάλια. Το Ανάκτορο των Μαλίων και η Χερσόνησος (Greek translation). 1992; Davaras, C. The Palace of Zakros. 1994; id. Gournia. 1994; Michailidou, A. Κνωσός. Πλήρης Οδηγός του Ανακτόρου του Μίνωα. 1997; Zois, A. Κρήτη: Η Πρώιµη Εποχή του Χαλκού. Αρχαιολογία και Ιστορία όλων των θέσεων της νήσου από τις πιο ανατολικές ως τις πιο δυτικές. 1997.

7

script and sealings in Neopalatial Crete for administrative purposes is often associated with three types of clay documents (Picture 7): a) tablets, b) roundels, and c) nodules / «noduli». Further distinctions are made between inscribed documents and documents impressed by seals. Although tablets are never impressed, the nodules can be either impressed, inscribed or both.2 Clay sealings can take the form of independent documents which are not attached to anything, as direct-object sealings which are pressed against a surface or as hanging nodules which are hung from a cord. The most common sealing document in Minoan Crete was the Minoan roundel which is often a flat clay, disc-shaped independent document which could be inscribed in one or both faces and impressed along the rim by one or more sealimpressions.3 The roundels functioned as receipts, with the recipient of goods acknowledging units of «debt» by marking the edge of the roundel with the equivalent number of seal-impressions.4 The other common type, the «nodulus», is a lump of clay marked with a seal-impression but without stringholes or any other means of attachment to an object, so it is possible that they could have sealed anything. The term is used to describe «seals that do not seal», meaning that they had a rather decorative character. Nodules could have also secured the ends of a string and hang from objects.5 They are usually interpreted as «dockets» handed out in return for occasional work to be later exchanged for rations or other payment.6 The close examination of the presence of the sealings in the history of the ancient world can reveal a great deal of information regarding the concept and the subsequent evolution of the administrative systems and the mechanisms which are associated with them. Sealings in spite of their insignificant physical appearance can provide a rich variety of information to art-historians who are interested in one of their many aspects, the seal-impressions and their representations. Although seals and seal-impressions appear to be indispensable parts of a single study due to the prevalence of purely artistic approaches in the archaeological science, the examination of the complete meaning of the clay sealing not as an object of art but as a specimen of the administrative concepts of certain people during certain periods can provide the evidence for the economic control and the synthesis of complex organisations.

2 Rehak, P. and Younger, J. G. «Review of Aegean Prehistory VII: Neopalatial, Final Palatial and Postpalatial Crete». AJA 102: 1, 1998. p. 131. 3 Hallager, E. «The Knossos roundels». BSA 82, 1987. pp. 55-70; id. The Minoan Roundel and other sealed documents in Neopalatial Linear A administration. Aegaeum 14, 1996. 4 Weingarten, J. «Sealings and sealed documents at Bronze Age Knossos». In Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds.) Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. 1994. p. 183. 5 Rehak and Younger (n. 2) p. 132. 6 Weingarten (n. 4) p. 176; Weingarten, J. «Late Bronze Age Trade within Crete: The evidence of seals and sealings». In Gale, N. H. (ed.) Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean. SIMA 90, 1991. pp. 303-324; id. «Seal use at LM IB Agia Triada I». Kadmos 26, 1987. pp. 38-43; id. «Some unusual clay nodules». Kadmos 25, 1986. pp. 1-21; id. «More unusual clay nodules». Kadmos 29, 1990. pp. 16-23.

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function 1.2. The presence and use of archives in the Minoan world. «Final», «abandoned» and «living» archives

earlier and possibly Minoan gold rings and considerably earlier seals were preferred at that particular region.11

Clay sealings usually comprise a regular part of extensive excavations in the Minoan palaces. They are often found in poor condition mixed with clay from nearby structures as a result of rain or in debris mixed with other materials. A careful excavation and especially a detailed identification of the stratigraphic sequence of every object and the elements which are associated with it can provide the highest quantity of data. As Kenna had noted, the presence of a seal in a specific and undisturbed stratum provides only evidence for the time at which it was left or placed at that point. This particular fact may not provide evidence for its manufacture or its current use. Any seal which is found within a clear stratigraphical context should be compared and examined with other seals which are similar to it on the basis of style and material in order to see if external factors were operative and so to determine its origin and chronology more precisely.7

Sealings can be extremely informative for various reasons. They provide evidence for the nature of the sealed objects and particularly a portion of them which is preserved imprinted on the back of the sealing. Sealed objects were mainly containers lying in storage rooms such as jars (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 149), open vessels (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 150), baskets, canvas bags, vases of different dimensions and with different kinds of lids made of straw, plaited reed, cloth or leather. The impressions on the sealings can be very informative in terms of style and technique of the original seals which impressed them. In most of the cases the figured compositions or representations can be very helpful for the reconstruction of specific aspects and beliefs of social life in prehistoric times and the cultural level of specific periods. The dimensions, the colour, the condition and especially the consistency of a sealing are evidence for the extent of the bureaucracy. Clay sealings were also used to close storeroom or chest doors by closing the door with a string which was then sealed by an impressed sealing. They are present on knobs, latches or other kinds of locks. The majority of the sealings from EH II Lerna (Picture 90.2-15) and MM IIB Phaistos (Pictures 83, 84) were used for this purpose. This is an evidence for the internal movement of the stored goods within the grounds of palaces or houses by the administrative staff or the owners of the goods who were responsible for that function.

In the case of clay sealings, their exact location can provide important information for the nature of the sealed objects and the management of any existing archive which was eventually destroyed. The situation becomes clearer when the archaeologist deals with the accumulation of high quantities of clay sealings which seem to have been thrown away during a specific period for some reason. This phenomenon constitutes the picture of the most important sealing archives in Crete including MM IIB Phaistos, Knossos and Mallia, LM IB Agia Triada and Zakros. The catalogue of the sites does not end here. There is a fair number of isolated cases which are fundamental in every research of the ancient administrative systems and include the site of Monastiraki8 and the Early Minoan settlement at Myrtos, Phournou-Koryfi.9 In the Greek mainland, the unique accumulation of clay sealings in the «House of Tiles» at the EH II level of the settlement at Lerna in the Argolid (Pictures 16.1 and 92.2-15) is considered as the earliest deposit in the Aegean world and is often associated with the economic control of goods and units which flourished in the Argolid during a specific but short period of time. The extensive Late Helladic palatial archives of Pylos (Picture 29.1),10 Thebes (Picture 29.2) and Mycenae provide the necessary information about the development of the earlier Minoan systems and the possible extent of administration in the Mycenaean period. The Mycenaeans obviously used earlier seals for sphragistic purposes. At Pylos, the majority of the seals which stamped the nodules were not contemporaneous with the sealings and it is evident that

The movement of the stored goods was inevitably alternated with the periodical removal of the clay sealings from the containers. This was often followed by a change in the quantity of goods after the operation of administrative and economic control was finally completed. Withdrawals and differences in the quantities of goods are represented by broken or detached sealings. Removed and unused sealings were then accumulated in storage rooms forming initially a small and temporary archive which reveals the chronological sequence of activities which correspond to the specific amount of discarded sealings and the last personal check of the transactions by the officer who was directly responsible for this task. After all the possible checks were completed, the clay sealings were either thrown away or deposited in the main archive rooms for a longer period of time where they represented past transactions of units and formed a «final archive».

11

7

CS. p. 14. Kirsten, E. and Grundman, K. «Die Grabung auf der Charakeshöhe bei Monastiraki». In Matz, F. (ed.) Forschungen auf Creta 1942. 1951. pp. 2761. 9 Warren, P. M. Myrtos: An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete. BSA Suppl. Vol. 7, 1972. 10 See details in Pini, I. (ed.) Die Tonplomben aus dem Nestorpalast von Pylos. 1997. 8

8

Tamvaki, A, «Minoan and Mycenaean elements on the Pylos sealings». In Darque, P. and Poursat, J. C. (eds.) L’ Iconographie minoénne. BCH Supplement XI, 1985. pp. 271-279. Pini suggested that the practice of administration by the Mycenaeans can be pushed back before the LH IIIB period in the mainland, when extensive building activities at the major Mycenaean palatial centres destroyed any possible evidence for specific administrative activities in earlier deposits. It is surprising that seals or tablets before LH IIIB have not survived although Linear A was relatively widespread outside Crete at the time, which meant that the early Mycenaeans were able to write and use it for administrative purposes; on this problem, see Pini, I. «Some considerations on the use of seals for administrative purposes in Mycenaean Greece». SMEA 28, 1990. pp. 110 and 112-114 with a table for seals and sealings used for sphragistic purposes in Mycenaean sites.

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function The general picture of the excavation projects reveals that we have to deal with abandoned archives found in destruction levels at settlements which ceased to be active due to unknown reasons. Discarded sealings are often discovered in closets under stairways, in the form of fill in abandoned spaces or in blocking walls. The case of an «abandoned» or «discard» archive is evident in Phaistos where the clay sealings were buried in the foundation of a floor. In terms of preservation and due to the climate of Crete, sealings survive only after baking as the result of a fire which was probably accidental and does not imply a deliberate firing of the documents. It is now very remarkable that discoveries of temporary archives for clay sealings are becoming more frequent in the archaeological research. A number of sealings was found in a cupboard in Room D of House 1 in Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, nos. 140, 145), in a cupboard in a blocked doorway at Sklavokampos (Picture 25.1) and in House A at Zakros (Picture 23.2) which imply a temporary storage of documents. In the case of a «living archive» where sealings are discovered still attached on containers or doors, there are only a few examples from Neopalatial Crete. The most representative deposit of the «living» type consists of two roundels, two dome-shaped noduli, two Linear A tablets and a single hole hanging cone found in situ in the LM IB destruction level of the storeroom in House A at Tylissos.12 1.3. The development of the sealing systems in the Minoan world The system of the multiple sealing of objects was introduced to Crete sometime before the end of the Middle Minoan II period imitating in the beginning the Near Eastern sealing practices.13 The existence of any particular type of an earlier sealing system is doubtful due to the absence of significant numbers of sealings from Early Minoan contexts which deprives the archaeologist from any criteria regarding the indication of a current sphragistic use of the seals and it is unlikely that Crete had practised an administrative system before the beginning of the Middle Minoan period.14 There are only twenty-one examples of seals used for sealing purposes in Prepalatial Crete including eleven intact sealings and ten sealings stamped on pottery, loom weights and on a spindle whorl. The evidence for a restricted Prepalatial sealing practice is attested from sites spreading almost all over the island and include Kastelli-Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 150), Platyvola Cave (impression on a belly amphora), Khamaleuri (on a unique spindle whorl with 39 impressions), Archanes, Trypiti, Mallia, Sphoungaras, Pyrgos (on a jar handle), Chamaizi (on a loom weight) and

12

Original report in Chatzidakis, J. «Τύλισσος Μινωική». ΑΕ 1912. pp. 197233. 13 Ferioli, P. and Fiandra, E. «The use of clay sealings in administrative functions from the 5th to the 1st millennium BC in the Orient, Nubia, Egypt and the Aegean: Similarities and differences». In Palaima, T. G. (ed.) Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration. Aegaeum 5, 1990. pp. 221-232. 14 Weingarten, J. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of the palace at Knossos. Part I: The evidence until the LM IB destructions». OJA 5, 1986. pp. 279-298; id. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of palace at Knossos. Part II: The evidence from Knossos until the destruction of the palace». OJA 7, 1988, pp. 1-25.

9

Palaikastro (on a clay bar with hieroglyphic signs).15 The two EM IIA sealings from the West Court House at Knossos are also considered among the earliest in the Aegean.16 At Myrtos, the few seals from the settlement (CMS V1, nos. 1420; Picture 90.1) may have been connected with administrative purposes associated with the several pithoi found within the magazine area which had been dedicated for the storage of local agricultural production.17 A small worn fragment of a clay sealing fractured all the way around and without a string-hole is also attested from the EM IIBEM III/MM IA small agricultural settlement at Psathi, West Crete.18 The seal-impression carries a complicated geometric linear design around a cross or swastika.19 Its fragmentary condition does not allow any assumptions whether it was a «true» sealing or part of pottery decoration. The presence of sealings in Prepalatial contexts may provide some evidence towards the development of an early administrative system in Crete connected with the organisation and control of production. According to the existing material the absence of string marks or any type of attachment to a specific material on the reverse side of the sealings show that the securing of household items may have not been the case. Sealings may have been used only as markings of ownership or for the authentication of objects in Prepalatial Crete although the storage of goods and the control of production on a household only level may have required a restricted use of seals. It is more than probable that the Near Eastern sealing systems which flourished in that particular time provided the stimulus towards the adoption and development of seal use in Prepalatial Crete. The evolution of the sealing practices in Crete itself became much clearer with the gradual formation of a fully developed bureaucratic system in Middle Minoan Phaistos which served the demands of a newly established, more complex economy after the foundation of the First Palaces. The sealing system which had been already successfully applied to Near Eastern economies was suitable for the early transactions and the economic control of the agricultural products among the Cretan society. The adoption of the general idea of a sealing system from Near East, though not in its detailed and exact application, implied the advanced form of economic authority which preceded the common use of writing and the improvement of administrative techniques which were expressed by graphic representations. The use of sealings became necessary when the need for preserving, storing and exchanging goods became more intense in

15 Vlasaki, M. and Hallager, E. «Evidence for seal use in Prepalatial Western Crete». CMS Beiheft 5. pp. 251, 254-256, 258, 267-269. 16 Weingarten, J. (n. 4) p. 174; The sealings are: A clay sealing with four concentric circles, a central dot and an outer border of raised dots (SMV 865), and a clay sealing with a tight continuous spiral filled with finely drawn cross stripes (SMV 866). 17 Warren (n. 9) pp. 48-50, fig. 20, pl. 17. 18 For more information on the site and the sealings, see Hallager, E. «New evidence for seal use in the Pre- and Protopalatial periods». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 97-105, esp. pp. 98-99. 19 The motif is also represented on a seal from tholos tomb A at Agia Triada (CMS II 1, no 66) and on a seal from tholos tomb at Porti (CMS II 1, no. 351).

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function Protopalatial Crete and therefore provided a complex network of economic control that covered different levels of responsibility and emphasised the structure of the Cretan society. The sealings had been directly impressed on various kinds of identifiable items including jars, containers, wooden pommels, small cylindrical pegs and boxes which were probably fastened by cords. At Middle Minoan Mallia a new type of sealing emerged which was a purely Cretan invention, the crescent-shaped sealing, usually termed as «crescent», which hang by a string through a hole in the middle of the sealing. The particular type deprives us from any information about the objects it had sealed because «crescents» had been no longer impressed directly on the object. The Middle Minoan II period is also characterised by the appearance and the common use of the hieroglyphic script in sealings (Chapter 3.3). The hanging sealings and the document sealings inscribed with hieroglyphics signalled the abandonment of the older custom of direct impression which was previously encountered at Phaistos. After the MM IIB destruction in Crete, both the use of the inscribed sealings and the use of the hieroglyphic script in seals abruptly disappeared with the exception of some very isolated cases. New centres of authority emerged like the Agia Triada villa/palace in the Messara plain (Picture 24), and the sealing system became more restricted and concentrated within the boundaries of the palaces. The appearance of the Linear A script in Crete obviously opened new territories to the authorities for the practice of economic control and in the long run it proved to have been a more flexible system comparing to the earlier use of sealings either as direct impressions or as tools for the use of the hieroglyphic script. Until the final LM IB destruction in Crete the main hoards of sealings come from the most important centres of authority in the island but their use does not suggest any extended and long-term bureaucratic character. The Agia Triada villa/palace (Picture 24) provided a hoard of 957 sealings of the hanging type (Chapter 9.1, 9.1.1, 9.1.2) which were probably connected with containers of small size and high value goods because no sealings were found in the magazines of the villa/palace. They are small nodules of clay, often triangular in section with a hole running through their middle and bear only a single seal-impression. Their absence from the magazine section does not allow us to think of a possible bureaucratic character of the seals.20 At LM IB Zakros in Eastern Crete (Chapter 8.3, 8.3.1), 548 sealings were found in House A located to the north of the Kato Zakros settlement (Picture 23.2) but sealings were absent from the «treasury» and the magazines of the nearby palace (Picture 23.1).21 The excavation at Katre Street in Plateia Agias Aikaterinis in the town of Chania (Picture 27), in spite of its restricted information due to the presence of the modern town above the Minoan remains yielded 112 complete and fragmented roundels with multiple impressions of a single seal-motif, 26

20 21

Weingarten (n. 4) p. 108. Hogarth, D. G. «The Zakros Sealings». JHS 22, 1902. pp. 76-93.

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hanging nodules, 57 flat-based nodules, one nodulus as well as 82 fragments which comprised parts of 20 to 30 tablets carrying Linear A signs and texts. Although the dating of the deposit is quite problematic due to the presence of MM III, LM IA, LM IB (lower floors) and LM II-IIIA pottery (upper floors), the destruction debris of the archive are associated with LM IB pottery which accordingly dates the documents.22 A limited number of Linear A tablets is also known from the square between Houses I, II, III and a larger deposit in Katre Street, no. 10, is associated with later, LM IIIA1 contexts.23 The finds obviously implied the existence of a possible archive although I would be very reluctant to use the term «palatial archive» since the general picture of the area and the actual extent of the archive is far from being completed. Sealings belonging to the type of nodules of the same LM IB date are also known from the west wing area of the «palace» and House Fg (Room 30) of the destroyed Block F at Gournia and from the provincial villa at the site of Sklavokampos (Chapter 8.4, 8.4.1; Picture 25.1).24 During the LM IB period in Crete the sealing system became more restricted in certain strategic areas of the island with an apparent administrative character. Sealings were only encountered at Chania on the west (Picture 27), Knossos on the north (Picture 18), Agia Triada on the south (Picture 24) and Zakros (Picture 23) on the east of the island. The formerly active palaces at Mallia (Picture 22) and Phaistos (Picture 21) seem to have been non-functional during the opening of the LM IB phase. The period is characterised by the circulation of different types of nodules within certain areas of Crete. The analysis of the texture of the clay of some nodules proved that the clay had been foreign to the sites where most of such sealings were found. Several examples of a single seal-design were found at various different places and sealings with identical scenes cannot be distinguished from each other easily. The majority of the identical scenes are related to the existence of some gold rings with representations of bulls and bull-leaping. The rings or their exact replicas in clay may have belonged to administrators who used them to impress documents at several sites.25 It seems almost certain that these administrators travelled extensively and impressed several documents at one regional centre and sent them out to others.26 The origin of the gold rings was obviously Knossos which functioned as the socio-

22 Papapostolou, I. A. Γραµµική Α στο Μινωικό Αρχείο των Χανίων. 1976; id. Τα Σφραγίσµατα των Χανίων. Συµβολή στη µελέτη της Μινωικής Σφραγιδογλυφίας. 1977. pp. 11-26; Hallager, E. «Linear A and Linear B inscriptions from the excavations at Kastelli, Chania, 1964-1972». OpAth 11, 1975. p. 63; id. The Minoan Roundel and other Sealed Documents in the Neopalatial Linear A Administration. Aegaeum 14, 1996. pp. 49-50. 23 Hallager, op. cit., p. 51. 24 i) Gournia: 22 seals and 16 sealings: Original publication in Boyd-Hawes, H. Gournia, Vasiliki and other prehistoric sites on the Isthmus of Ierapetra, Crete. 1908. pp. 54-55; Fotou, V. New Light on Gournia. Unknown documents of the excavation at Gournia and other sites on the Isthmus of Ierapetra by Harriet Ann Boyd. Aegaeum 9, 1993. pp. 34-35 with a catalogue of seals and sealings in pp. 36-39. ii) Sklavokampos: Original publication in Marinatos, S. «Το Μινωικόν µέγαρον Σκλαβόκαµπου». ΑΕ 1939−1940, 1948. pp. 69-96. 25 Betts, J. H. «New light on Minoan bureaucracy». Kadmos 6, 1967. pp. 1540, esp. pp. 24-27. 26 Rehak and Younger (n. 2) p. 133.

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function political and artistic centre of the time. Fifty-two impressions have been identified from ten such rings. They appear on fifty-two documents of which forty-six are on recumbent flat-based nodules, and the rest of them are large dome noduli, two-hole hanging nodules and two fragments from Knossos, perhaps from single-hole hanging nodules.27 The rings appear to have been of high quality but they present only a limited gallery of motifs including six different bullleaping scenes, two horses and a chariot, two running lions in front of a palm tree and two combat scenes. Thirty-six impressions involve bull-leaping scenes. A ring with the representation of a bull appears to have impressed three documents from Agia Triada, two document sealings from Sklavokampos, one nodulus from Gournia and one nodulus from the Zakros palace.28 As far as the sealings from Sklavokampos are concerned, a copy of the design CMS II 6, no. 259 was found at Gournia and Agia Triada, the design II 7, no. 258 at Zakros, the design II 6, no. 260 (Picture 86.3) at Agia Triada.29 I believe that the frequent occurrence of the bull-leaping scene on Knossian replica rings and their impressions is not accidental. It is very possible that the subject constituted the symbol of the Knossian rule, a suitable iconographic schema where the power of the central authority is best represented allegorically by the raging bull, the strength and stamina of the athletes and the artistic excellence which was probably unparalleled at the time in the rest of Crete. The widespread circulation of various types of nodules from a single owner or a single source which may have been Knossos, to other secondary centres like Sklavokampos, Gournia, Zakros and Agia Triada can explain the usually limited numbers of clay nodules in these places and the absence of an extensive sphragistic use of the sealings. Weingarten, in her discussion about the particular subject suggested that «[nodules]... established identity to the local authorities of provincial centres of people coming from an administrative centre».30 Whether it was actually the officials carrying the rings or the nodules themselves who travelled extensively to different Minoan sites, they were the representatives of a Knossian pattern of administration which was applied accordingly to other provincial centres although the kind of the relations between these centres still remain unknown to us. Recent studies were able to prove that the secondary centres of the Minoan administration actually produced their local replica rings which were all made of local clay but followed the Knossos pattern in terms of decoration and administrative use of the nodules. Five pieces of local manufacture are known from Zakros, four from Agia Triada, two from Chania, two from Gournia and one from Sklavokampos.31

27

Hallager (n. 22) p. 208. Rehak and Younger (n. 2) p. 133. Marinatos (n. 24) p. 91; Marinatos, S. «Some general notes on the Minoan written documents». Minos 1, 1951. pp. 39-40. 30 Weingarten (n. 4) p. 112; Weingarten, J. «Some unusual Minoan clay nodules». Kadmos 25, 1986. pp. 1-21. 31 Hallager (n. 22) pp. 210-211, fig. 78, Table 75. 28 29

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The Mycenaean occupation of the Knossos palace was followed by the re-habitation of Minoan sites like Amnissos, Kydonia, Phaistos and Agia Triada which were incorporated into the Mycenaean administrative system.32 The administrative functions suggest the decrease of the numbers of sealings which were then dispersed throughout the Knossos palace and the external buildings. The long-lived type of the roundel (MM IIB-LM IB) and the flat-based document sealings came gradually out of use.33 Hanging nodules, sometimes with Linear B inscriptions, and directobject sealings in the form of clay balls pressed directly on to the cords which bound the sealed objects became the norm. The Mycenaeans introduced only a single type of a combination nodule which hung from cords but was also pressed against either a wooden or wickerwork object. With the final destruction of Knossos in LM IIIA2 or LM IIIB period,34 sealings were still used at Chania together with Linear B tablets but they suggest a non-administrative local and sporadic use which did not comprise a part of a larger bureaucratic organisation.35

32 Bennet, J. «The structure of the Linear B administration at Knossos». AJA 89, 1985. pp. 231-249. 33 Except for a single sealing from the LM II fire destruction level of the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos. See Betts, J. Η. «The sealstones and sealings». In Popham, M. R. et al (eds.) The Minoan Unexplored Mansion at Knossos. BSA Suppl. 17, 1984. p. 196, pl. 190d. 34 In terms of chronology, the exact date of the final destruction of Knossos is still a matter of debate among the experts: Niemeier, W. D. «The character of the Knossian palace society in the second half of the fifteenth century BC: Mycenaean or Minoan?» in Krszyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983, p. 344, locates the Mycenaean presence before the LM IB destruction in Crete; Popham, M. R. in The Destruction of the Palace at Knossos: Pottery of the LM IIIA period. SIMA 12, 1970, esp. pp. 85-86 and in «The historical implications of the Linear B archive at Knossos, dating to either ca. 1400 or 1200 BC». Cretan Studies 1, 1988, pp. 217-227, suggests a LM IIIA2 date for the Knossos destruction and dates the Linear B archives between 1400 and 1375 BC; Driessen, J. An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace of Knossos 1990, suggests a date around 1400 BC; On the other hand, Palmer, L. R. in The Penultimate Palace of Knossos 1969, p. 121, believes that the tablets belong to the same date as those from the palace at Pylos, ca. 1200 BC; Hallager, E. in The Mycenaean Palace at Knossos: Evidence for final destruction in the IIIB period 1977 and Niemeier, W. D. in «Mycenaean Knossos and the Age of Linear B». SMEA 23, 1982, pp. 219-187, both suggest a LM IIIB date for the final destruction of Knossos. 35 Hallager, E., Vlasaki, M. and Hallager, B. P. «New Linear B tablets from Chania». Kadmos 31, 1992. pp. 61-87.

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function 1.4. Seal-engraving areas and lapidary workshops in the Aegean world Although the examination of the background of the sealings can be enriched with many details, the sources of our knowledge for the craft of seal-engraving are fairly limited. The finished seals do not provide any direct information for the actual process of manufacturing and the circumstances under which the particular objects had been made. It is now commonplace to divide the chronological phases according to pottery styles where every different period is represented by a characteristic style with different designs on pottery and new shapes. In the case of the seals, although they present a mass-production phenomenon especially during the Middle and Late Minoan periods, it is quite difficult to establish chronological phases where different stones were made and different styles were represented. The first serious obstacle is obviously the reuse of seals under a variety of circumstances as in the case of the seals found among the interments of the tholos tombs in the Messara plain which are represented by many of the Minoan chronological phases and provide evidence for the uninterrupted use for burials through many centuries.36 Similar problems related to the disturbance and reuse of tombs are attested in tombs belonging to a later date in mainland Greece and especially at the LH IIA tholos tomb at Vapheio in Laconia.37 The second obstacle is basically associated with the repetition of older motifs in seals belonging to later periods. This particular tendency may indicate an evolution in ideology when either specific religious beliefs or different ideas among some parts of the population led to the production of a separate series of seals imitating older artistic styles and techniques. Whenever we come to the technical aspects of the seals, the information derives only from unfinished or discarded items thrown away for some reason or from scratches and clear traces of tools used for the carving and engraving of the seal. In some cases the signs from the tool-work are evident even after the final abrasive work. The craft of seal-engraving is attested archaeologically with few specific architectural remains which contained an equipment related to the craft of seal-engraving and particularly with contexts within parts of palatial buildings which have been characterised as workshops responsible for the production of seals in various periods. In the case of Crete, they are attested in only three sites belonging to different chronological phases and each contained controversial finds: 1. The Middle Minoan II workshop at Mallia, located at Quartier Mu, West of the palace (Pictures 18, 19), where 132 seals and a variety of tools were found (CMS II 2, nos. 86-198; Picture 75.2-7). The seals are mostly represented by three-sided prisms and the tools constitute of knives, burins, a tubular drill, obsidian blades and

36

Soles, J. The Prepalatial Cemeteries at Mochlos and Gournia and the House Tombs of Bronze Age Crete. Hesperia Suppl. XXIV, 1992. pp. 119, 122 (Agia Triada), 157 (Koumasa), 193 (Platanos), 194 (Porti). 37 CMS I, nos. 219-261; First published in Tsountas, C. «Έρευναι εν τη Λακωνική και ο τάφος του Βαφειού». ΑΕ 1889. pp. 130-171.

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abrasive tools. The workshop was probably the living and working area of two or three artisans. 2. The three areas in the Minoan port settlement at PorosKatsambas near Herakleion which have been associated with the craft of seal-engraving:38 i) a Neopalatial building (late LM IA) with a workshop area for sealengraving and jewel manufacture which functioned on the first floor of the building. Inside there were fragments of various stones (raw materials), semi-worked and broken seals or beads and pumice as abrasive. No finished seals or even at some point of engraving were found in this context; ii) A seal and jewellery workshop incorporated into a large LM IA building which yielded many dozens of semi-worked and broken seals and beads, raw materials (various semi-precious stones, Egyptian blue, bronze lumps), clay moulds, waste material and pumice as abrasive. Eight finished seals were found in this context;39 iii) In a plot in the area among scattered LM IA tortoise ripple ware pottery, the remains of a seal and jewellery workshop have also been excavated. The finds consisted of raw materials, a small stone mould, semi-worked beads and seals.40 Only one amygdaloid seal with a star-and-rosette motif in the field was found in this context (CMS II2, no. 205). The seal appears to be unfinished, partially perforated and unpolished. 3. The Late Minoan IB remains of a room of small dimensions have been identified as a «lapidary’s workshop» located in the Southwest Basement of the south wing of the palace at Knossos (Pictures 21, 22.1).41 The place may have also included parts of the surrounding rooms and appears to have been responsible for the manufacture of lentoid gems mainly of soft materials like steatite and serpentine.42 As far as the Greek mainland is concerned, only two areas have been connected with the art of seal-engraving: i) An area located at the Kadmeion in Thebes; ii) An area within a house located in the East wing of the anaktoron at Mycenae which is possibly associated with the House of Columns but the area of the suggested workshop needs further research. In the case of the workshops at Thebes (Picture 29.2), the excavation revealed a working space for gold and semiprecious stone jewellery belonging to the Second Palace building at Thebes and dated in LH IIIA2 according to the associated pottery. A second workshop area in the south included an extensive hoard of cut and uncut stones, various tools, stone moulds, rock-crystal beads, faience, ivory and was dated in the end of the LH IIIB1 period.43 The workshop was well-supplied with quantities of onyx and seventy-five lapis lazuli inlays as raw bulk. The latter material was

38

Complete information for the site and the workshop areas in Dimopoulou, N. «Seals and scarabs from the Minoan port settlement at Poros-Katsambas». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 27-38, esp. pp. 33-36. 39 op. cit., pp. 35-36, nos. 23-30. 40 op. cit., p. 36, no. 33 41 PM IV. pp. 594-595. 42 Younger, J. G. «The lapidary’s workshop at Knossos». BSA 64, 1979. pp. 258-268. 43 Keramopoulos, A. D. «Αι βιοµηχανίαι και το εµπόριο του Κάδµου». ΑΕ 1930. pp. 29-58.

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function considered very precious and extremely rare in the Bronze Age period. No seals have been found inside the workshop but the finds were associated with the nearby «treasure» which included thirty-six Near Eastern cylinders in pristine, poor, reworked or uncarved form and four Aegean seals (CMS V 2, nos. 672-675). The Near Eastern seals seem to have been a gift to the palace at Thebes by a Near Eastern source but the problem concerning their transfer to mainland Greece appears more complex.44 The two workshop areas have been considered a part of the second Late Helladic palace at Thebes.45 At Mycenae, a square building complex is located within the acropolis walls and consists an indispensable part of the whole architectural complex which served the central anaktoron. The building may have been initially two-storied and shares a common supportive wall which divides the complex from the adjacent House of the Columns. This particular architectural arrangement which is additionally divided by a longitudinal external court into two separate sections has been termed as an «Artisans’ Quarter».46 The pottery which represented the last phase of the building at the time of its destruction by fire dated the complex in the LH IIIB period which makes it contemporaneous with the House of the Columns. Scattered small flakes and pieces of ivory and gold, pieces of finished or in the process of manufacturing semiprecious stones like opal, steatite and rock-crystal which were possibly test pieces destined for the manufacturing and engraving of beads or sealstones may provide the proof for the character of the building and the existence of an artisans’ or engravers’ workshop located in close proximity to the rest of the anaktoron areas. This particular area within the acropolis was possibly responsible for the production of prestige items of palatial character and functioned under the general control of the central authority. The few seals found in the Temple Complex at Mycenae (Picture 28.1) which were probably deposited there as offerings due to their intrinsic value during phase VII of the Temple in LH IIIB1 and the small accumulation of finished or unfinished seals and «test» pieces from the Citadel House excavations were also regarded as evidence for the existence of a workshop in the vicinity.47 The evidence is apparently very scanty and recent studies on the stratigraphy of the area suggest that the existence of a workshop does not seem very probable.48 Seals are highly portable and may have been

manufactured or used elsewhere before their final deposition in particular areas of Mycenae. In his discussion of the sealgroups in the Aegean, Younger suggested an alternative hypothesis concerning the existence of a seal workshop at the Mycenae acropolis. By focusing on the iconographic style of the few seals found at the Citadel House excavations, he noted the similarity between these pieces and other contemporary seals belonging to the commonly termed «Island Sanctuaries Group» (Chapter 8.4) which were found in other Aegean sanctuaries and specifically at Phylakopi and Agia Irini, Keos.49 He suggested that the seals may have been the work of craftsmen and seal-engravers who travelled to religious festivals all over the Aegean, they were eventually employed by local dignitaries and their work could be commissioned for dedication at the local sanctuary. 1.5. The case of the «talismanic» class of Minoan seals The subsequent evolution in the religious ideology of the Minoans during the Neopalatial period is best represented by the so-called «talismanic» sealstones with characteristic motifs made by a different and much simpler technique (Pictures 6.7, 12.7-10).50 The «talismanic» class consists of seals with a possible non-sphragistic purpose, a fact that separates them from the rest of the seals which were used both as personal or decorative items and as mediums for the counting of items and the marking of private property. In the latter case, the practice of stamping of the seal design on a small piece of clay on the surface of specific objects clearly indicated the artistic and economic value of the seals and the use of their impressions. In the case of the «talismanic» seals, the execution of the designs was made with less accuracy by broad straight cuts rounded in outline, edged by or alternating with sharp narrow cuts and embellished with cross-hatching.51 This technique often resulted in the misplacement of the circles and arcs of the motifs as far as the rules of symmetry and compositional balance are concerned.52 These particular characteristics also appear in a more limited scale in the so-called Middle Minoan «architectural» motifs (Picture II.5-6), the majority of which come from the MM IIB Phaistos archive and show some elements of the cutting in a more controlled and careful manner. The economical and rapid technique which is clearly presented in the «talismanic» class was applied to gems of a lesser quality including the group of carnelians (Picture II.8-

44

Aruz, J. «The Aegean and the Orient: The evidence of stamp and cylinder seals». In Cline, E. H. and Harris-Cline, D. (eds.) The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium. Aegaeum 18, 1998. p. 303; For the Thebes «treasure», see Platon, N. and Touloupa, E. «Oriental seals from the Palace of Kadmus: Unique discoveries in Boetian Thebes». London Illustrated News. November 28, 1964. pp. 859-861. 45 Symeonoglou, S. The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age to Modern Times. 1985. pp. 47-48. 46 Mylonas, G. E. Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age. 1966. p. 73; id. Μυκήναι. Τα Μνηµεία και η Ιστορία τους. 1999. pp. 60-61. 47 Tamvaki, A. «The seals and sealings from the Citadel House area: A study in Mycenaean glyptic and iconography». BSA 69, 1974. p. 292. 48 Moore, A. D. and Taylour, W. D. Well Built Mycenae. The Temple Complex. In Taylour, W. D., French, E. B. and Wardle, K. A. (eds.) Well Built Mycenae. The Helleno-British Excavations within the Citadel Area at Mycenae, 1959-1969. 1999. pp. 110-111.

13

49

Younger, J. G. «The Island Sanctuaries Group: Date and significance». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 263-272; id. «The sealstones». In Renfrew, C. The Archaeology of Cult: The Sanctuary at Phylakopi. BSA Suppl. 18, 1985. pp. 281-298; id. «Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age. Stylistic groups VI: Fourteenth century mainland and fourteenth century Cretan workshops». Kadmos 26, 1987. pp. 61-62. 50 The individual group of the «talismanic» sealstones is treated separately and in detail by Onassoglou, A. Die «talismanischen» Siegel. CMS Beiheft 2, 1985; For an earlier study on the subject, see Kenna, V. E. G. The Cretan Talismanic Stone in the Late Minoan Age. SIMA 24, 1969 and review by Betts, J. H. in Bibliotheca Orientalis 3/6, 1974. pp. 309-314. 51 GGFR. p. 42. 52 Gill, M. A. V. «The human element in LH and LM glyptic art». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 87-88 for examples.

Ch. 1: Minoan Sealing Systems: Typology, Deposits and Function 10) and the commoner coloured jaspers. Their absence from any of the known Minoan palatial archives is probably an indication that the particular class may not have been important to specific higher classes of the Minoan society. The cheapness of the materials and the simplistic technique obviously show that the «talismanic» series were intended for specific classes which were not placed high in the scale of social stratification. The treatment of the designs should not be regarded as an evidence for the degeneration of the whole style of seal-engraving since there are many other seals with competent designs and actually contemporary with the «talismanic» class. The series present the disregard for the naturalistic pattern which was probably a deliberate action and the attempt of some engravers to reach a point where individual characteristics such as simplification and surrealism deprive us from any information about what is actually represented and what was the reason the seal was intended for. The limited variety of the designs and the repetition of the basic rules of manufacture are probably an indication that technique was the dominant factor which differentiated the «talismanic» class from the rest of the contemporary seals and not the actual designs which may have served as a kind of a codex between specific layers of the Minoan social stratification.

come from the MM III-LM IA deposit at Sphoungaras56 but the «talismanic» class is often dated on basically stylistic grounds due to the comparative lack of other securely dated contexts.57

The «talismanic» seals belong to the amygdaloid class with plain back (Pictures 6.9, 7, 8.9, 9) and a variety of schematic designs such as facades of gabled buildings, vegetation charms, schematic wild goats, lion masks, ships, fish and octopus types. Common themes consist of the «amphora», the «rustic shrine», the «ship», the «papyrus-lion mask», the «fish», the «octopus», the «insect», the «double axe» and the «quadruped» motifs.53 Although the amygdaloid was the most popular shape intended for the «talismanic» seals, some pieces with talismanic motifs appear in cylinder shapes, too. The shape of the three-sided prism with amygdaloid faces appears to be unique to this group. One three-sided prism with amygdaloid faces carries the motif of three bucrania over sacral horns and another a motif with repeated representations of dolphins. Both seals are made of carnelian.54 Some of the basic motifs in the «talismanic» class of subjects obviously have their parallels among the Linear A signs as well as among the decorative motifs of the Kamares pottery.55 The circular contours of the designs with the pairs of lines representing the tentacles of the species which appear in the bodies of the Kamares vessels were obviously reworked in the surface of the «talismanic» sealstones and led to the characteristic summary treatment of the subjects belonging to this particular class. Most of them

53 The study of Onassoglou (n. 50) is divided in the examination of different types of motifs which appear in the series of the «talismanic» sealstones. The most important motifs are discussed separately like the «amphora» motif (pp. 12-23), the «rustic shrine» motif (pp. 23-28), the «ship» motif (pp. 28-35), the «papyrus-lion mask» motif (pp. 48-57), the «fish» and «octopus» motifs (pp. 57-74), the «insect» motifs (pp. 79-82), the «double axe» and other decorative motifs (pp. 102-117), and various stylised representations of quadrupeds (pp. 120-138). 54 Kenna, V. E. G. «Ancient Crete and the use of the cylinder shape». AJA 72, 1968. p. 331, pl. 108, figs. 18-19. 55 Walberg, G. «Middle Minoan III: A time of transition». SIMA XCVII, 1992. p. 108.

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56 57

PM I. pp. 671-674; PM IV. pp. 445-446. ECS. pp. 2-4; Onassoglou (n. 50) pp. 195-202.

Ch. 2: Seals and Sealings of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Periods CHAPTER TWO THE CULTURAL BACKGROUND OF SEALS BEFORE THE MINOAN PERIOD: THE NEOLITHIC AND EARLY BRONZE AGE PERIODS 2.1. The seals of the Neolithic Greek mainland Seals first appeared in Greece during the Early Neolithic period and they were made of clay or soft serpentine stone consisting of talc. A range of simple tools which included obsidian burins, hand-held drills and knives appear to have been responsible for the outlining and rough carving of the details. The clay seals were quite large with a deep decorative relief which is a feature that distinguishes them from the seals of the Bronze Age. In terms of size, Neolithic clay seals are also twice as big compared to their Bronze Age counterparts. Any seal-impressions on clay like those from the Early Bronze Age and onwards are virtually unknown from the Neolithic period, or at least there are not any traces of them on any kind of material which has survived. The possibility that these seals were used as «pintaderas» (Pictures 94.1, 95.3-12) for body-decoration or as items for the stamping of designs on flesh, pottery and textiles still remains under debate in Prehistoric Archaeology. Pintaderas were widely used in Neolithic Çatal Hüyük in Anatolia1 and in Neolithic settlements of the Northern Balkan region2 for the stamping of designs on textiles («σταµπωτά») and possibly on body parts. Seals dated to the Early Neolithic period are only isolated and sporadic finds with the exception of the twentyone seals from the site of Nea Nikomedeia in Macedonia (CMS V 2, nos. 692-711; Picture 93.4-9). The particular seals are of a conical shape with a round, elliptical, oblong or radiating base and an apex which was used as a handle. The fact that they are pierced probably indicates suspension. Their symmetrical designs include simple forms like shallow holes arranged in columns or «pointille» columns (CMS V 2, no. 698), zigzags along a linear axis (CMS V 2, no. 712) (Picture 93.10), stacked chevrons, spirals and more complex forms such as perpetual triangles, triangular protuberances (CMS V 2, no. 694; Picture 93.5) and quadrilateral projections with a deep shallow groove running within them (CMS V 2, no. 693; Picture 93.4). Their relation to the seals found in some sites of Anatolia and especially at Çatal Hüyük probably implies some broad relationship of this particular area with some regions of northern Greece.3 The clay seals from the settlement at Sesklo located in the Gulf of Volos in Thessaly (CMS V 2, nos. 712-717; Pictures 6.1, 94.2, 95.10-12, 96.1) are well-known for their more complex craftsmanship and their pioneering designs. They

1 Mellaart, J. «Excavations at Çatal Hüyük, 1963. Third preliminary report». AS XIV, 1964. pp. 97. 2 Grammenos, D. V. «Από τους προϊστορικούς οικισµούς της ∆υτικής Μακεδονίας». Α∆ 30, 1975. p. 224. 3 Papathanassopoulos, G. A. The Neolithic Culture in Greece. 1996. pp. 163164, 331-334; Makkay, J. Early Stamp Seals in South-East Europe. 1984.

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consist of concentric circles (CMS V 2, no. 715), saltire crosses with stepped motifs encased within each of their arms (CMS V 2, no. 464; Picture 92.2), holes of varying size within an incised circle (CMS I 4, no. 1) and dense meanders forming a labyrinthoid device (CMS I 5, no. 2). The excavator, Tsountas, suggested that the seals were used as «pintaderas» for stamping purposes continuing the Neolithic tradition of body-decoration and stamping of textiles.4 Other important seals in limited numbers came from the Early Neolithic Tsoungiza with motifs of intersecting grooves forming a network of regular tiny squares (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 127), from Middle Neolithic Dikili-Tash I-II in Eastern Macedonia with zigzag motifs (CMS V 2, no. 449; Picture 92.1) and from Middle Neolithic Eutresis including a plaque with acute angles and pairs of inscribed lozenges (CMS V 2, no. 681; Picture 93.3). Some of the motifs were probably influenced by contemporary designs on pottery or inspired by motifs on basketry and weaving which probably carried some sense of symbolism.5 Some of the problems concerning the Neolithic seals are related to the existence of unstratified contexts which do not provide a secure dating either in the Early or in the Middle Neolithic period. In the more securely dated contexts of the Late Neolithic, the seal production is represented by the appearance of more complex designs which include cruciform motifs with chevrons in the quadrants, spirals, concentric circles and reticulated designs. The Late Neolithic seals seem to follow the tradition which had been already established in the Middle Neolithic period but the foundations for the rendering of the new reticulated, cruciform and complex spiral designs were now clearly established. The experimentation on new materials like bone is more evident in the cylindrical bone signet ring from Skoteini Cave at Tharrounia in Euboea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 349; Picture 95.4). 2.2. The Early Helladic II sealings from the House of Tiles at Lerna. Seals and sealings from other Early Bronze Age settlements in mainland Greece Sixty-seven percent of the Early Bronze Age seal-types come from Lerna in the Argolid. They comprise the earliest complete hoard of sealings which was found in Room XI of the «House of Tiles» at Lerna IIID (Picture 14.1) and consisted of a closed deposit of 143 fragments of clay sealings stamped by 124 different seal designs (CMS V 1, nos. 43-50, 54-119; Pictures 6.2, 92.2-15).6 The absence of

4

Tsountas, C. Αι Προϊστορικαί Ακροπόλεις ∆ιµηνίου και Σέσκλου. 1908. p. 339; Pilali-Papasteriou, A. «Οι σφραγίδες από το Σέσκλο και τα προβλήµατα της Θεσσαλικής Νεολιθικής σφραγιδογλυφίας». In Αρχαία Θεσσαλία. 1992. pp. 83-86; for a summary account of the Neolithic settlement at Sesklo, see Andreou, S., Fotiadis, M., and Kotsakis, K. «Review of Aegean Prehistory V: The Neolithic and Early Bronze Age of Northern Greece». AJA 100, 1996. pp. 540-542; For the sites mentioned in the text, see Leekley, D. Archaeological Excavations in Central and Northern Greece. 1980. 5 Theocharis, D. Neolithic Greece. 1973. pp. 67-68; for a summary account of Dikili-Tash, see Andreou, Fotiadis and Kotsakis (n. 4) pp. 587-588. 6 Wiencke (Heath-Wiencke), M. C. «Early Helladic clay sealings from the House of Tiles at Lerna». Hesperia 27, 1958. pp. 81-121; id. «The Lerna

Ch. 2: Seals and Sealings of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Periods any intact seals at the site led to the assumption that they were probably made of a perishable material like clay or wood.7 The date of the deposit was assigned to the EH II period according to the pottery context. A slightly earlier deposit of sealings from Room DG at the south flank of the site near the House of Tiles consisted of 100 fragments of sealings decorated with variations of five different designs which included a bipartite spiral, tripartite interlocking spirals, a petal rosette, a hatched quadrant and a three-leafed element (trefoil).8 The earlier sealings were simpler in design than those of the main deposit from the nearby corridor house and were found scattered among debris or around pots. The sealings may have fastened the necks of jars or they have been applied to the surface of wooden containers. The pottery which accompanied the sealings consisted of a ware coated with an all-over wash of semi-lustrous brown and black glaze which is better known as Urfirnis ware, and yellow mottled ware. The pottery was represented by small bowls, sauceboats, jugs and large coarse bowls. The excavator, Caskey, dated the particular deposit to an earlier phase of the EH period preceding the House of Tiles. The building of the House of Tiles obviously removed parts of Room DG during its construction in EH II.9 Sealings were also reported from the earlier levels of Lerna IIIC and particularly from Room B of Fortifications, in a street deposit outside Tower V and from Rooms DM and CA in storage pits (bothroi) and inside or around storage vessels.10 The sealings from the House of Tiles were directly impressed on containers as the marks on the clay indicate, then each of them was stamped with one or more seals on the exposed surface. The designs consist of symmetrical and carefully designed geometrical forms which obviously required some advanced technical skill. They may have been the work of a single artisan or the collective work of a team of seal-engravers according to the variety of the motifs. The designs are characterised by the use of the continuous line in many geometric forms, the appearance of the loop pattern, interlocking motifs, combinations of running spirals, interwoven lines and the meander or swastika motifs. In fact, the loop pattern consisting of double, triple, tripartite or tetrapartite loops and combined with isolated elements like trefoils, tetrafoils and swastikas appears to have been the most common motif in the deposit and is represented in twenty-seven impressions.11 The geometric motifs of the Lerna sealings appear to be similar to some works of the MM IIB Phaistos sealings despite the chronological distance between the two deposits. Both deposit share the swastika, trefoil, «triskeles» and spiral motifs with their variations but the absence of «Torsion» (Chapter 4.1) and the mechanical repetition of decorative elements in the Lerna motifs is

sealings». In Matz, F. (ed.) Die kretisch-mykenische Glyptik und ihre gegenwartigen Probleme. 1974. pp. 149-163. 7 Caskey, J. «Activities at Lerna, 1958-1959». Hesperia 28, 1959. p. 206. 8 Wiencke (n. 6) p. 83. 9 Caskey, J. «Excavations at Lerna, 1955». Hesperia 25, 1956. pp. 168-169. 10 Wiencke, M. C. «Further seals and sealings from Lerna». Hesperia 38, 1969. pp. 501-508; Cosmopoulos, M. B. The Early Bronze 2 in the Aegean. SIMA XCVIII, 1991. p. 107. 11 op. cit., p. 106.

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opposed to the subtle decoration of the Phaistos sealings. At Lerna, each design appears to be integral and organised by linear axes and right angles. The motifs are usually developed around a single central point with a rather acute sense of geometry and solidity.12 Although the complexity of the Lerna sealings is an indisputable evidence for the progress in the area of seal-engraving at that time, the seals do not suggest the use of the cutting-wheel for the rendering of the motifs. At Phaistos the motifs are more symmetrical and the artists successfully managed the juxtaposition of integral linear elements by avoiding the unvaried repetition that characterises most of the Lerna sealings. The advanced sigmoid, the meander motifs and the symmetrical intersected axes of the Phaistos sealings are obviously some of the manifestations of the independent spirit and the enhanced abilities of the Middle Minoan Cretan artists. The validity of any suggestions that the Lerna sealings were the products of Cretan artists working initially in the mainland should be seriously questioned since Cretan pottery is absent from the EH II stratum of Lerna and appears only after the Lerna V stratum which is contemporaneous with the MM IA period in Crete.13 I suggest that the Lerna sealings should be placed in the broader engraving tradition of the Cycladic region which probably influenced both the island of Crete and the Greek mainland during the Early Bronze Age period. The existence of Early Cycladic pottery in the EH II Lerna and the appearance of mainland decorated pottery of the Early Bronze Age at Cyclades with geometric motifs quite reminiscent of those of Lerna, can possibly provide some evidence for the unique Cycladic-oriented artistic tradition which characterised the Aegean during the Early Bronze Age period. The Lerna sealings were probably the products of an independent school of seal-engraving probably located at Lerna itself. The number of different seal designs is representative of the number of different containers that held a variety of goods and the practice of some kind of an early economic control in areas of the Argolid. The Lerna sealings cannot imply the use of a multiple sealing system during such an early phase, but they were probably the result of a sudden economic ascent of the site during the EH II period. This is further attested by the building of the House of Tiles (Picture 14.1), probably the most representative form of the corridor house, a monumental structure which probably implied the existence of a central authority and the concentration of economic surplus. Although the sealing system and its wide use was not practised by chance at Lerna because it was a vital part of the economic control and the inventory of most of the products, it can be better characterised as a «sign of the times» when economic prosperity led to the application of a system which required control and classification of the production. This particular need for a simple sealing system in a single period became

12 Xenaki-Sakellariou, A. «Τα σφραγίσµατα της Λέρνας και το πρόβληµα των σχέσεών τους µε την Κρήτη». Κρητικά Χρονικά 15-16: Πεπραγµένα του Α΄ ∆ιεθνούς Κρητολογικού Συνεδρίου. 1961. pp. 81-82. 13 op. cit., p. 80.

Ch. 2: Seals and Sealings of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Periods more evident when the use of sealings for administrative purposes abruptly ended during the following periods and it is generally unknown in the Middle Helladic period which is characterised by a general spirit of cultural and economic decline. Another very important deposit of Early Helladic clay sealings has been excavated in the EH II settlement at the village of Geraki located Southeast of Sparta. The clay sealings with seal-impressions were found in the northern part of the acropolis area in an EH II room which was then destroyed by fire. The burnt clay sealings were found scattered around a pithos located in a clay stand above a roughly circular stone-built platform and they were thrown into the area, probably due to the collapse of adjacent mudbrick walls. The pottery in the room consisted of small bowls with incurving rims resting on a ring or pedestal base which is a standard shape of EH II pottery and similar to those from the EH II Lerna IIIC phase.14 The deposit consisted of nearly 50 clay sealings with seal-impressions and 179 seal fragments. 102 of these sealings obviously sealed objects (vases, pithoi). The sealings were either placed over the mouth of the vases overlapping their rim or functioned as lids to small jars. Three sealings preserved clear textile imprints. 48 fragments were stamped with sealimpressions, some with as many a four impressions and always a repetition of the same seal type. Six types of seal motifs have been discerned so far: i) a cross design with parts of parallel lines and combined with a central swastika motif; ii) an irregular quadripartite cross design; iii) seven circles with interspersed single dots combined with central circle; iv) a sixpartite loop design; v) an incomplete «sun motif» with rays of unequal length; vi) elliptical geometric forms and lines.15 At first glance, the deposit seems to have functioned like a smaller-scale equivalent to that from the House of Tiles in Lerna. Further examination of the sealings proved that the sealings from Geraki are actually similar to those from Rooms CA and DM from Lerna Phase IIIC which is actually contemporary with the House BG and earlier than the House of Tiles (Lerna IIID). In fact, Rooms CA and DM were destroyed before the House of Tiles was built. It seems that if we accept the fact that the Geraki sealings belong to the same date as the sealings from Lerna IIIC (Rooms CA, DM and Room B of Fortifications),16 they are actually some of the earliest known specimens of seal use in mainland Greece.17 It is important to add at this point that although the Geraki sealings preceded the sealings from the House of Tiles, an extensive practice of seal use is not attested at Geraki. Is it also possible that the seals in question were made on the spot by competent engravers and seal-cutters instead of having been imported from elsewhere? I would

14 Weingarten, J. «Early Helladic II sealings from Geraki in Lakonia: Evidence for property, textile manufacture and trade». CMS Beiheft 6. p. 317. 15 The motifs here are only described briefly. For a detailed description of the motifs and comparisons, see Weingarten (n. 14) pp. 323-326. 16 Wiencke (n. 10) pp. 500-509). 17 Weingarten (n. 14) pp. 319-320.

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only think of placing the Geraki deposit in the broader tradition of the Lerna IIIC phase with the simultaneous appearance and early use of a primitive sealing system, the introduction of seal-impressed pithoi and hearth rims and the use of seals for the marking and securing of property. It seems now almost certain that Geraki was an unbreakable part of this very tradition. The final disintegration of the sealing system which flourished in Lerna’s House of Tiles during the EH II period was equally demonstrated in the overall population of the mainland Greece which was under the influence of a general spirit of economic stability. The Lerna sealings are the only existing example for a wide use of seals in the Early Bronze Age with the exception of a few isolated finds from other parts of mainland Greece and the Cyclades. In the Cycladic islands, seal impressions were stamped on EC II clay pyxides, frying pans and pithoi and probably served only decorative purposes. An isolated deposit of 70 sealimpressions corresponding to 59 different stamp seals was reported from the EB II strata at Agia Irini in Keos. Younger was able to discern the influence of a Cycladic and a mainland tradition in the motifs of the Agia Irini impressions and accordingly divided the motifs into two groups: the first group includes impressions with typical Cycladic motifs consisting of spirals and concentric circles which were common in stamped pottery vases and the second group presents similarities with the Lerna sealings especially in the continuous curvilinear motifs and the use of the C-spiral motifs.18 In a number of isolated cases, seals also appear to have stamped hearth rims in the mainland in the form of single or continuous motifs.19 Intact but isolated EB II-III seals include a terracotta button seal with an irregular linear design from Zygouries (CMS V 2, no. 501),20 two single pieces from Tiryns21 and Provatsa at Makronisos respectively22 and a cylinder seal made of green stone from tomb D at Kapros in Amorgos (Picture 94.2). The latter seal is considered an import of an Anatolian or Mesopotamian origin although it is difficult to explain the complex process of its transfer in the Aegean.23 Isolated seal impressions include the three clayimpressions with symmetrical geometric designs found within an EH III context in Terrace III, House R, Room I at the settlement of Asine (CMS V 2, nos. 519-521; Picture 92.7-8). Other isolated finds related with the evidence from

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Younger, J. G. «Early Bronze Age seal impressions from Keos». In Matz, F. (ed.) Die kretisch-mykenische Glyptik und ihre gegenwartigen Probleme. 1974. p. 165. 19 Lavezzi, J. C. «Early Helladic hearth rims at Corinth». Hesperia 48, 1979. pp. 342-347. 20 Blegen, C. W. Zygouries: A prehistoric settlement in the valley of Cleonae. 1928. p. 107, fig. 91:1. 21 Kilian, K. «Ausgrabungen in Tiryns». 1980. AA 1982. p. 424, fig. 47. 22 Spitaels, P. «Provatsa on Makronisos». ΑΑΑ 15, 1982. p. 158, fig. 47; for additional bibliography and a complete list of seals before the Mycenaean period, see Pini, I. «Some considerations on the use of seals for administrative purposes in Mycenaean Greece». SMEA 28, 1990. p. 107. 23 Hood, S. in The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978, pp. 257-258, fig. 211Γ, suggested a Syrian origin for the seal; Renfrew, C. in «Cycladic metallurgy and the Aegean Bronze Age». AJA 71, 1967, p. 7, believes that the seal is Mesopotamian.

Ch. 2: Seals and Sealings of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Periods stamped pottery consist of a row of twenty-five impressions of a single seal with a concentric circle motif on the shoulder of an EH III globular jar from Terrace III, House R, Room III at Asine (CMS V 2, no. 522; Picture 92.9),24 a sealimpression with a concentric circle motif around a central dot on the side of a bowl from House U at Zygouries (CMS V 2, no. 503; Picture 92.5), the seal-impressions on vessels from Lerna (CMS V 1, nos. 52-53; Picture 90.5-6), and the seal-impressions from Poliochni (CMS I, Suppl., no. 170; Picture 62.3), Samos and Troy.25 2.3. The microglyptic art in metals in the Early Bronze Age: The evidence for the earliest metal seals in the Aegean world Metal appeared in Greece in the end of the Neolithic period. The best pieces from the Neolithic period include a golden bead from the settlement of Sitagroi in Eastern Macedonia, and a golden jewel from Dimini located in the Gulf of Volos in Thessaly. A Late Neolithic «treasury» consisting of a small hoard of gold objects from Aravissos located between Yannitsa and Nea Nikomedeia in Western Macedonia, cannot be attributed to a particular settlement and is usually regarded as a «chance find». Nevertheless, the style of the objects carries close parallels with the funerary furnishings from the cemeteries of Varna in Bulgaria.26 In the Early Helladic period, the advanced and intensive contacts with the East led to the development of the craft. The so-called «Poliochni Treasure», a collection of golden jewels from the island of Lemnos is reported to have been similar to the famous Trojan Treasure. In terms of technical advances, the adoption of the repoussée technique is probably an evidence for the influence of Crete in the area of jewellery. The «Treasure of Thyreatis», a collection of gold jewels which is believed to have been found in Thyreatis, a district between the borders of Argolid and Laconia, is astonishingly similar to the golden pieces from the Archanes cemetery in Crete and the golden pieces from Troy II which, if actually contemporaneous, may date the particular treasure in the EH II period.27 The jewellery consists of gold and electrum

24 Frödin, O. and Persson, A. W. Asine: Results of the Swedish Excavations. 1938. pp. 217-218, figs. 160: 1, 2 and pp. 234-239, figs. 5-7. 25 Pini (n. 22); For the Samos impression, see Milojcic, V. Samos. Band I. Die prähistorische Siedlung unter dem Heraion. 1961. pl. 49.2; For the Troy impression, see Aruz, J. «The Aegean pottery impression from Troy». Kadmos 25, 1986. p. 164, pl. Ia-b. 26 Andreou, S., Fotiades, M. and Kotsakis, K. «Review of Aegean Prehistory V: The Neolithic and the Bronze Age of Northern Greece». AJA 100, 1996. p. 571; Grammenos, D. V. Νεολιθικές Έρευνες στην Κεντρική και Ανατολική Μακεδονία. 1991. p. 109, pl. 30.1-6; Makkay, J. «Comparisons of some Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age types from Anatolia, the Aegean and the Southeast Balkans». In Αρχαία Μακεδονία. Vol. 5. 1993. pp. 821-823; For a summary account of the settlements at Dimini and Sitagroi, see Andreou, Fotiadis and Kotsakis (n. 1) pp. 542-546 and 588-589 respectively; For a more extensive account of the personal ornaments and jewels from Neolithic Thessaly, see Kyparissi-Apostolika, A. «Κοσµήµατα της Νεολιθικής Θεσσαλίας». In Αρχαία Θεσσαλία. 1992. pp. 185-190, and id. Τα Προϊστορικά Κοσµήµατα της Θεσσαλίας. ∆ηµοσιεύµατα του Αρχαιολογικού ∆ελτίου 76, 2001. 27 Higgins, R. A. Greek and Roman Jewellery. 1961. p. 50; Buchholtz, H. G. and Karageorghis, V. Prehistoric Greece and Cyprus. An Archaeological Handbook. 1973. p. 108; Karo, G. Die Schachtgräber von mykene. 1930. pp. 188, 353.

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pieces, some of an astonishing craftsmanship, including a pin with a head shaped in the form of a bull’s head and a miniature jug which probably comprised the head of another pin. A number of beads are composed of concentric hoops of wire with eyes at two points in the circumference and chains which hang with wedge-shaped pendants. Although the material and the general spirit of work resembles those from Troy, this simple but austere jewellery appears to be the work of a goldsmith or a team of goldsmiths located in the mainland who were capable of producing fine pieces executed in gold. Although the production of jewellery appears to have been in an extremely advanced level, the manufacture of metal seals during the Early and Middle Bronze Age is relatively uncommon due to the rare use of materials such as copper and bronze. Still, there are some isolated examples made of silver, gold and lead. Lead seals are rarely preserved in excavations due to the composition of the material which tends to corrode easily under alternative conditions. Extant seals of earlier periods in the Greek mainland appear only in relatively small numbers and do not indicate the practice of a sealing system in areas other than EH II Lerna in the Argolid. The first known surviving metal seal from the Early Bronze Age mainland Greece is the lead seal from Tsoungiza, ancient Nemea, which carries the motif of a simple cross with angles in each of the quadrants.28 The seal consists of a small cone carrying a little knob over a slender neck which probably served as a handle. The seal is badly corroded, a fact that excludes any assumptions concerning the process of piercing the handle or the piercing’s use for suspension. Any type of piercing of the seal is now blocked due to the extensive corrosion of the material. The motif belongs to the widespread tradition in the Aegean area which could be easily called a «koine» which is defined by a remarkably uniform set of clay and stone stamps with linear motifs and especially meander, spirals and variants of chevron cross designs. These seals are found throughout the wider area from central Europe through Greece, Anatolia, Cyprus and the northern Levant in contexts dating from the Neolithic and well into the Early Bronze Age.29 In Greece, the motif of the chevroned cross is also encountered in the earliest seals from Middle Neolithic Sesklo, in several Early Bronze Age pieces from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 48), on a stamped jar handle from Lerna (CMS V 2, no. 470), from Agia Irini in Kea (CMS V 2, no. 486), in the conical terracotta stamp from the Blue Period of Poliochni (CMS V 2, no. 518; Picture 92.6), in the seal from the EH II polygonal wall terrace at Asine (CMS V 2, no. 525), in the conical terracotta stamp with a hammer-head shaped handle found in a Submycenaean context at Grotta in Naxos (CMS V 2, no. 603; Picture 93.1), in the steatite cone from Thebes (CMS V 2, no. 668; Picture 93.2) and in a seal

28

Pullen D. J. «A lead seal from Tsoungiza, ancient Nemea, and Early Bronze Age Aegean sealing systems». AJA 98, 1994. pp. 35-52. 29 Younger, J. G. «Seals from Middle Helladic Greece». In Nordquist, G. C. and Zerner, C. (eds.) Hydra 8: Working Papers in Middle Bronze Age Studies 1991. p. 50.

Ch. 2: Seals and Sealings of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Periods of an unknown provenience and probably of an EH II date in the New York Metropolitan Museum (CMS XII, no. 6). The use of lead in the Early Bronze Age is also attested by a lead seal from the Aplomata cemetery in Naxos.30 The seal was found in a Middle Cycladic grave which included a fair amount of EC II pottery. It is decorated with close-set «clover» motifs which are reminiscent of the sealings from the House of Tiles at Lerna and particularly the designs CMS V 1, nos. 104-109. Seals made of lead reappeared in Aegean sites many centuries later and particularly in the Late Helladic and Late Minoan periods and comprise the only known extant examples from the Late Bronze Age. These finds include the two seals from a LM IIIB grave at Armenoi in Crete (CMS V 1, nos. 266, 267) and the lead seal from a LH IIIB chamber tomb at Olympia in Peloponnese (CMS V 2, no. 614). One of the earliest examples of metal seals in the Aegean area is probably a bronze seal-ring from Insula XIV at the settlement of Poliochni in Lemnos. The seal is decorated with a multiple, superimposed cross motif and is dated in the Red Phase of the settlement which ranges from the Early Bronze II period and onwards and is parallel with the EM II and EH II periods.31 The cross design which appears on its surface is very common especially after the Early Bronze II period and includes variations of the cross motif which consist of the simple cross and the angle-filled cross design. The most important examples carrying these particular designs come from the settlements of Poliochni32 and Myrtos (CMS V 1, no. 20; Picture 90.1).33 Some additional pieces from Agios Onouphrios (CMS II 1, no. 116), Trapeza (CMS II 1, no. 431) and Gournia (CMS II 1, no. 466b) are probably slightly later, dated in the beginning of the Early Bronze III period. As far as Crete is concerned, there are not any extant examples dated in the Early Bronze II except for a fragment of an EM II lead casting found near Herakleion with the representation of a lead female figure. This particular casting includes one complete roundel with a multiple cross design and an incomplete square design carrying an identical motif which is reminiscent in a way of the superimposed cross motif of the Poliochni seal-ring. The multiple cross designs obviously belong to the single working tradition of the «koine» discussed above which included various areas such as the Balkan peninsula, Anatolia and Syria. The areas of Cilicia in Southeast Turkey and Syria are thought to have been the origin of the decorated metal stamp-seal which may have reached the Aegean in the Early Bronze period via the Troad sometime during the middle of the 3rd millennium BC.34

30

Kontoleon, N. «Ανασκαφή Νάξου». ΠΑΕ 1970. p. 151, pls. 195b, g; Marangou, L. (ed.) Cycladic Culture. Naxos in the 3rd Millennium BC. 1990. fig. 87:83. 31 Brea, L. B. Poliochni: Citta Preistorica nell’ Isola di Lemnos. 1964. p. 663, pls. CLXX. 4, CLXXV.5. 32 op. cit., pls. 168:9, 170:4, 175:5. 33 Warren, P. M. Myrtos: An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete. 1972. p. 227, no. 134. 34 Branigan, K. «Early metal seals and signets». SMEA 17, 1976. p. 161.

19

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals CHAPTER THREE THE PREPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE EARLY MINOAN II-MIDDLE MINOAN IA (ca. 29002300/2026 to 2160/1979-1900 BC): CHRONOLOGY, SHAPES, MATERIALS AND TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF THE EM III/MM IA SEALS 3.1. Seals of the Early Minoan II-III: The evidence from the Messara tholos tombs It is almost an impossible task to understand and discern the dynamics that led to the birth and subsequent development of the Minoan civilisation. The Early Minoan period is an almost «dark» period in terms of information about settlement patterns and the emergence of the genuine Minoan artistic identity in Crete. Most of our knowledge for the Early Minoan period derives from the burial sites of the island although the pattern appears to be in a rather disordered state. The new cultural horizon in Crete is usually associated with the arrival of new populations of unknown descent but it is certain that they belonged to the Mediterranean race.1 New and extended contacts with the rest of the Aegean islands, Egypt and the Near East provided the desired new materials and the destinations for the Cretan exports especially in the periods immediately following the EM III period. A dramatic progress in the areas of housing and architectural techniques is also observed. Houses at Myrtos and Vasiliki show the use of stone foundations and bricks for the upper structures. The technical advances in pottery are manifested by the Pyrgos, Agios Onouphrios and Koumasa wares which led to the typical EM II ware consisting of black dot decoration patterns over red ground, better known as Vasiliki ware (Picture 30.1). Before the beginning of any discussion concerning the tholos tombs of Messara, it is important to make a short introduction about the most important burial types of the Early Minoan period since the majority of the Prepalatial seals are reported to have been found in burial sites. The intensive building of tombs in Prepalatial Crete may be seen as an evidence for the emergence of the concept of territory and the emphasis on communal living which is further attested from the collective, not individual, graves. These graves served the Prepalatial social element and particularly the living system of the nuclear or extended family unit.2 The cave burials which were the standard form of burial during the Late Neolithic period continued throughout the Early Minoan period in the north and east of the island. Cist graves although relatively rare in Crete, appeared in the north-east of the island (Agia Photia, Mochlos, Pseira, Zakros) and were probably the result of a strong Cycladic influence. New

rectangular built tombs or «house tombs» designed for multiple burials were built in the north-east and east of the island during the EM II period probably imitating the houses of the living and destined to serve mainly as «houses» for the dead. They are divided in two categories: i) complexes consisting of a series of long and narrow parallel chambers located within a single rectangular building (Archanes, Gournes, Palaikastro, Platanos, Siva) and ii) complexes consisting of a group of square and oblong rooms within a single building (Gournes, Mochlos, Palaikastro). The type evolved in the MM I period when monumental versions of rectangular tombs appeared at Agia Varvara (Tomb B) and Mallia (Chrysolakkos). The particular type probably served the demands of kinship groups or single nuclear families and provides some evidence for a hierarchical social organisation according to the architectural elaboration of the tombs and the differences in the quality of the grave goods. The earliest seals of the Minoan era are dated in the Early Minoan I-II periods and onwards, approximately from around 2400 BC, but we are still unable to assign the opening phase of the craft to a specific date or site of Crete. The earliest seals in Crete belong to Yule’s EM I-II «Chip Cut/Small Picture Signet Group» and in the EM II-III «Floating Figures Group».3 The earliest Minoan seals are reported to have been found in an Early Bronze I context from the lowest level of tholos tomb IIa at Lenda-Lebena in Messara (CMS II 1, nos. 195-200, 202-203; Picture 67.3).4 Early seals securely dated by an EM II context (ca. 2200 BC) are confined to those from the settlement of Myrtos, Phournou-Koryfi (CMS V 1, nos. 14-20; Picture 90.1), the eight carved buttons and cylinders of ivory, steatite and schist from the lower level of tholos tomb E at Archanes (Picture 71.1)5 and the seals from the basal burial level of tholos tomb IIa at Lenda-Lebena in Messara (CMS II 1, nos. 204-217; Picture 67.4-5). The most important assemblages derive from the tholos tombs of Messara which were usually collective tombs containing multiple burials and have been often characterised as «family» tombs. A number of problems regarding their use are related to the existence of the Messara tholoi. Ancient and modern looting has resulted in an extreme degree of damage to the pre-existent skeletal material which represented the use of the tombs over long periods. Periodical cleaning of the tombs and the practice of secondary burials added to the list of problems. Who actually used these tombs is still open to question. Early scholars preferred the notion of the existence of tribes or different social groups at the Messara area6 but later studies tend

3

ECS. pp. 8-11, 229; FKS. pp. 74-81. Alexiou, S. «Ein frühminoisches Grab bei Lebena auf kreta». AA 1958. pp. 1-10. 5 Sakellarakis, Y. «Gruppen minoischer Siegel der Vorpalastzeit aus datierten geschlossenen Funden». JDRGZM 27, 1980. pp. 1-12; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. p. 672, pl. 742; Wiencke (Heath-Wiencke), M. C. «Typology and style of the Prepalatial seals». CMS Beiheft 1. p. 251. 6 See Glotz, G. La civilization minoénne. 1923. 4

1 For general information regarding the Prepalatial period in Crete, see Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. «Νεολιθική και Μινωική Κρήτη». In Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. (eds.) Κρήτη: Ιστορία και Πολιτισµός. 1987. pp. 21-46. 2 Branigan, K. The Tombs of Messara. 1970. pp. 128-130; Warren, P. M. «The genesis of the Minoan palace». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. p. 52.

20

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals towards the assumption that the tombs were used by clan groups7 or even nuclear family groups.8 More than seventy of these tombs are known from a total of forty-five different sites. The earliest tholoi (Lenda-Lebena tomb IIa) appear to have been in use since the Late Neolithic period. With the exception of the tholos tomb at Krasi, the majority of them are located within the area of the Messara plain. The burials consist of hundreds of inhumations in communal vaulted tombs projected above the surface of the ground. The dead were deposited in the contracted position on the natural floor either directly on the ground or in larnakes made of wood with no regard being paid to previous interments. The EM larnakes are elliptical in plan and relatively low in elevation with no legs or any type of decoration. The earliest pieces are dated in the EM III period and were originally deposited inside the rectangular built tombs. By the MM period this custom had been extended to most of the Messara tholos tombs. The door of the tholos was constructed always on the east side of the tomb and the tomb could have also included a small ante-room before the main burial chamber.9 The seals from the Messara region (Pictures 65-72) show advanced designing skills and large proportions with subsequent development of some of the most popular motifs and particularly the endless variations of the spiral motif. The motifs appear complete with integrated parts executed concisely with an acute sense of balance. This particular desire for balanced patterns obviously harmed the clearly natural motifs which gradually tended to formalise but the great variety of the shapes certainly provides a compensation for the lack of naturalism and freedom of the repertoire. It is evident that in EM II there is not specialised seal manufacture. The homogeneity which is encountered in the seal motifs is usually the result of the lack of differentiation and the inability of the first engravers to dramatically transform the raw material required for the seal. The Messara seals were responsible for the creation of the Minoan glyptic style and though there were some influences from external factors, Crete managed to develop gradually its own explicit style.10 Egyptian art and especially its glyptic, appears to have been the most potential candidate for those earlier influences but the later adoption of the Minoan spiral motif by Egypt and the rejection of the Egyptian scarab by Crete shows that the first generation of Minoan engravers had already established a more eclectic and personalised style.11 A similar situation is probably observed in connection to the cylinder shape of seals which appeared in Syria but later developed in Crete with a completely different approach.

7 Branigan (n. 2) pp. 128-129; Warren, P. M. Myrtos: An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete. 1972. p. 267. 8 Whitelaw, T. «The settlement at Fournou Koryfi Myrtos and aspects of Early Minoan social organisation». In Krzyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983. pp. 334-335; Cherry, J. «The emergence of State in the prehistoric Aegean». Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 30, 1984. p. 31. 9 VTM. p. 134. 10 CS. p. 27. 11 op. cit.

21

Syrian cylinders have their long cylindrical sides engraved continuously and probably depict a single subject or motif. In the case of the Cretan cylinders, most of the available cylindrical area of the stone is left unengraved and the motif appears on the ends of the cylinder. Needless to say, the motifs on the seals are completely different both in technique and in style. The amuletic tradition among the Messara seals became more explicit by the challenge of the theriomorphic seals which turned more freely to natural forms and offered a wider choice of subjects. The classification of the Prepalatial seals in terms of their materials, their stylistic devices or with similar tenuous criteria may lead to many confusing results. It has already been observed that the CMS II 1 and CMS II 2 volumes avoid the presentation of the sealstones from some Cretan sites according to a chronological sequence and particularly in the seals from the tholos tomb at Kalathiana (CMS II 1, nos. 123-132; Picture 66.4) and the tholos tomb at Koumasa (CMS II 1, nos. 133-169; Picture 67.1-2) or they seem to locate the seals in a rather wide chronological range describing seals that belong to the particularly long EM IIIMM II period especially in the case of the tholos tombs A and B at Platanos (CMS II 1, nos. 241-349; Pictures 16.2, 70.2-3, 71.1-6). There are also problems related to the acquisition date of seals and their actual provenance. Confusion is evident on the early manuscript catalogues, inventories, correspondence books and reports. There are cases where provenance may only indicate where the pieces were bought in the first place.12 In a following section (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1) I shall be able to present the evidence for the seals from the tholos tombs at Platanos. It is very difficult to assign a date to the specific groups of seals from the tholos tombs A and B at Platanos due to the superimposed deposits but the seals themselves present a unique collection of decorative shapes and motifs. In this particular group of seals we can possibly locate the traces of an evolution in the art of seal-engraving and the new steps towards advanced representational motifs which would characterise the craft of seal-engraving during the Prepalatial period. It is very difficult to make any definite assumptions concerning the Prepalatial seals especially from the tholos tombs of the Messara plain since they present a continuous use with disturbed interments and some of them seem to have been in use even during the Late Minoan period (Table 1). The notion of the simple «family» tombs which could explain the existence of so many tholoi in Crete cannot be regarded as evidence for the abundance of sealstones and their differentiation in style and technique which are present in the various chronological periods and sub-periods or even the chronological gaps between the deposits. Table 1. List of the main tombs of the Messara plain and the date of their deposits (after Soles 1992, with additions). i) Aspri Petra (tholos tomb): EM I-EM II

12

Krzyszkowska, O. «The Eye of the Beholder: Some nineteenth century views of Aegean glyptic». CMS Beiheft 6. p. 150 and footnote 3.

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals ii) Drakones (tholos tomb D): MM I iii) Agia Irini (tholos tomb): EM I-EM II iv) Agia Triada (tholos tomb A): EM III-MM III v) Agia Triada (tholos tomb B): EM II-MM IB/MM II vi) Agia Triada (South Building): MM IA-MM IB vii) Agia Triada (Building S): EM II, MM III/LM I, LM IIIA viii) Agia Triada (Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus): LM IIIA ix) Koumasa (tholos tomb A): EM II x) Koumasa (tholos tomb B): EM II-MM IA xi) Koumasa (rectangular tomb Γ): EM II xii) Koumasa (tholos tomb E): MM I xiii) Lenda-Lebena (tholos tomb I): EM II-MM IA xiv) Lenda-Lebena (tholos tomb II): EM II-MM IA xv) Lenda-Lebena (tholos tomb IIa): EM II, MM IA xvi) Lenda-Lebena (tholos tomb III): EM II, MM IA xvii) Marathokephalo (tholos tomb): EM II-MM IB xviii) Platanos (tholos tomb A): EM II, EM III/MM IA-MM II xix) Platanos (tholos tomb B): EM II, EM III/MM IA xx) Platanos (rectangular tomb a): LM I xxi) Platanos (rectangular tomb b): LM I xxii) Porti (tholos tomb): EM III-MM IA/MM IB xxiii) Porti (rectangular tomb): MM IA/MM IB-MM II xxiv) Siva (tholos tomb): EM I(?), MM IA xxv) Vorou (tholos tomb A): EM III-MM II

according to the sub-periods of the Middle Minoan period. The sealstones are presented in a chronological order whenever this was possible. The chart is a brief account of the main Middle Minoan sites of Crete which yielded sealstones from both Prepalatial and Protopalatial contexts. Reference is made to the exact location where the gems were found and whenever this was indicated. Emphasis is also given to the seals after the MM IA period. The exact CMS volume and the catalogue number of each seal follow respectively. 3.2. Seals of the Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA 3.2.1. General remarks

In my attempt to assign a conventional date to some of the sealstones from the burial deposits, the pottery context can be the only source for the presentation of a chronological sequence for most of the sealstones.13 The pottery which usually appears in an archaeological context provides the material for separate studies and publications whenever the shape or the style of the decoration allow any further examination of the material. Although there were many cases where the artefacts were dated only on the basis of the pottery, the glyptic products are usually classified according to their stylistic and iconographic elements. Of the overall number of Prepalatial seals catalogued in the CMS volumes which amounts to a total of around 700 seals, the 82% can be relatively dated on the basis of their context. In each site, their number ranges from 30-35 seals.14 In such cases, the CMS volumes seem to rely on the pottery context for the chronology of the seals and especially for the seals from the EM III-MM IA deposit of the tholos tomb A at Agia Triada (CMS II 1, nos. 20, 25, 37, 52, 62; Picture 63.1), the MM IA deposits of the tholos tombs I and IIa at Lenda-Lebena (CMS II 1, nos. 180, 294-309; Picture 69.5), the EM III-MM IA tholos at Krasi (CMS II 1, nos. 406-408) and the MM IA-B tholos at Porti (CMS II 1, nos. 350-367; Picture 70.1-2). Chart 1 in Appendix I, presents a classification of the material according to the pottery context. I tried to make an attempt in order to present the information given in the CMS II 1 and CMS II 2 volumes by dividing the material

The period was obviously one of the most prolific in Minoan history in terms of the use of new materials, experimentation in new designs and motifs, and competent rendering of the available surface area of the seals. The basic shapes of the EM III/MM IA seals15 are only rivalled by the contemporary theriomorphic type of seals which was a variation with the reversed side shaped in the form of an animal. The type is the most typical and characteristic of the Prepalatial period. The elementary technique was impaired by the available tools which were made of copper and obsidian although there is a suggestion for the existence of a more advanced tool based on the principle of rotation and driven by the hands of the engraver. The technique was completed with the application of the suitable abrasive materials. The type of the signet ring which was initially made of ivory, made its first appearance in the EM III/MM IA deposits of some of the Messara tholos tombs. In general terms, the designs in the seals follow the linear rules and their variations combined with an acute sense of symmetry. Scenes with plant motifs and rudimentary representations of animals are first encountered with a general spirit of proliferation and unbroken development. The few human figures, although extremely summarised, are depicted with a characteristic «bird-like» appearance and with profile views which were the result of the unsuccessful treatment of the human anatomy. Still, they can be a proof for the development of the technique and the first attempt for more competent representations and even narrative scenes. The clock-wise twist and the overall sense of motion of the design, led Wiencke to the application of the terms «Torsion» and «Rapport» on seal-engraving which summarised the technique and the designs on seals.16 The two principles were compared to their equivalents in the Prepalatial Minoan pottery where the adoption of the principle of «Torsion» in EM III pottery seems to have been influenced by specific designs in glyptic. In general terms, the variety of the shapes and designs which characterise the EM III/MM IA seal-engraving was inevitably replaced by the wide use of the three-sided prisms which offered some very interesting pieces with hieroglyphic symbols but gradually their designs were directed towards total abstraction.

13

Kenna, V. E. G. «The chronology of Cretan seals: Methods and limitations with special reference to the dating of the great destruction of the palace at Knossos». In Πεπραγµένα του Β΄ ∆ιεθνούς Κρητολογικού Συνεδρίου, Χανιά, 1966. Vol. I, 1968. pp. 189-195. 14 FKS. pp. 63-70.

22

15

FKS. pp. 84-102. Wiencke, M. H. «Typology and style of the Prepalatial seals». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 253-254.

16

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals The most important assemblages of EM III/MM IA seals came from the tholos tombs A and B at Platanos and the lower strata of some tholos tombs located in the Phourni cemetery at Archanes. The seals from Platanos (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1; Pictures 16.2, 70.2-3, 71.1-6) are characterised by their tendency towards ornamentation with rich interlocking motifs and scenes with animal friezes and insects. The deposit at Platanos included a variety of shapes and especially the very important shapes of the cylinder and hemicylinder seals. A seal shaped in the form of a standing woman is reminiscent of the clay figurines from the Petsophas peak sanctuary in eastern Crete. The EM III/MM IA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes (Chapter 4.3, 4.3.1, 4.3.2; Pictures 17, 73, 74, 75, 76) basically constitute one of the most important deposits of the Minoan times. The seals follow the same principles and guidelines of the Prepalatial period, but there are some almost perfect designs and interesting variations of the commonest shapes. An ivory seal carrying fourteen different sphragistic surfaces was among the most intriguing finds (Pictures 75, 76). The importance of the Phourni cemetery is also validated by the appearance of a specific type of script which is encountered only within the Archanes area. 3.2.2. Materials and shapes17 Ivory was initially regarded as the most important material employed for the manufacture of the earliest Cretan seals. Recent works on the morphology of the material led to the re-assessment of the term «ivory» and proved that a number of other similar materials was responsible for the manufacture of Prepalatial seals. Cattle bone, boar’s tusk and hippopotamus dentine which are usually termed as «ivory» account for a much higher percentage of Prepalatial seals than it was previously suspected.18 Many seals with simpler motifs often follow the natural shape of the raw material which required less carving and shaping. It is possible that seals with the best representational motifs were usually made of the most expensive available material such as the hippopotamus ivory. The rest of the Prepalatial seals were mainly manufactured of soft stones engraved by a limited range of hand tools but with a wide range of motifs combined with experimentation and choice of new repertoires especially after the beginning of the EM III period. In general terms, the craft shows a gradual progression from simple shapes and few attempts for experimentation in the designs on the seal faces to the development and creativity of the EM III period when the craft had already acquired the basic characteristics which were going to be followed even in later periods. The

17 For more specific information concerning the properties of each material in prehistoric and modern times, see Schumann, W. Gemstones of the World. 1977; Rutland, E. H. An Introduction to the World’s Gemstones. 1974; Sinkankas, J. Gemstones and Mineral Data Book. A compilation of data, recipes, formulas and instructions for the mineralogist, gemologist, lapidary, jeweller, craftsman and collector. 1981. 18 Krzyszkowska, O. H. «Ivory from hippopotamus tusk in the Aegean Bronze Age». Antiquity 58, 1984. pp. 123-125; id. «Early Cretan seals. New evidence for the use of bone, ivory and boar’s tusk». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 111-126.

23

majority of the Prepalatial seals are characterised by the lack of technical expertise due to the restrictions of the limited range of simple tools which obviously influenced in a negative way and imposed limits to the creativity of the seal engravers. The craft seems to have concentrated in particular areas of the Messara region where only specific «classes» of the Early Minoan society may have developed some particular interest or demand for pieces of glyptic. The Prepalatial seals were made of soft local materials including steatite and serpentine, bone and wood and imported organic materials from the Near East such as ivory. Steatite (Picture I.1-2), a non-mineral massive form of talc (Mg3S4O10(OH)2), is one of the softest stones. It consists of hydrated magnesium silicate with the addition of more silica. Its softest variety, the pure talc, is the softest of the minerals with a hardness of just 1.0 point. It was selected by F. Mohs in 1812, as the first element in his scale of hardness ranging from 1.0 to 10.0 points.19 Variable constituents like the degree of talc, chlorite and tremolite in the material determine the hardness of the steatites which can range from 3.0 to 6.0. (Chlorite is a mineral of related composition to steatite and serpentine with a hardness between 2.0 and 3.0 and usually green, brown or black in colour). Pure steatite with no constituents can be described as a talc schist with a hardness of 2.0 to 3.0. It is basically granular in texture and can be easily scratched by a fingernail. It has a soapy or greasy feel, a quality which is responsible for the subsequent nomenclature of the material as «soapstone». The colour scheme of the steatites ranges from silvery white to green (Picture I.1-2) and green-grey but there are also red-brown and black varieties with an often pearly lustre. When the stone is fired, it becomes relatively hard and dark and this particular fire-resistant quality of the steatites together with the fact that steatite sources are abundant in Crete and the same bedrock can provide a variety of colours, made them a favourite material throughout the history of glyptic production in the Aegean.20 Similar to the steatites but genuine minerals and basic magnesium silicates as solid constituents of the earth’s crust are the serpentines, a hydrous magnesium silicate (Mg6[OH]6Si4O11H2O). They belong to the metamorphic class of minerals which form from the constant change of older solid rocks due to pressure, heat and fluids. The mineral serpentine is extracted from the rock which consists solely or predominantly of the material which is commonly termed serpentinite. As a result of continuous complete or partial alterations of harder materials, the hardness of the serpentines may range from 2.5 to 4.0. They consist of a splintery fracture and occur in a variety of forms from pieces with a waxy or greasy texture to very fine and granular pieces. Their colour scheme ranges from shades of green like pale green, yellowish green and bright green due to the

19

For the analysis and more detailed information regarding the hardness of all the materials listed in Mohs’ scale, see Gilbert, B. W. Shore Scleroscope hardness tests made on Mohs’ scale minerals from talc to quartz, inclusive. 1954. 20 Becker, M. J. «Minoan sources for steatite and other stones used for vases and other artefacts: A preliminary report». Α∆ 30A, 1975. pp. 44-85.

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals presence of iron in a ferrous state to dark brown-green and even black. They have a variable appearance ranging from translucent to opaque pieces with different chemical properties and names. The white serpentine was probably used as a cheap alternative to ivory for the Prepalatial Messara group of seals. Other varieties include the plain red and yellow serpentine which was only occasionally used in the Bronze Age Aegean, the green serpentine which became a very popular material throughout the Bronze Age, and the grey-black variety which became the dominant material for seals especially after the LM/LH IIIB period.21 Steatite and serpentine are often discussed as a single material but it is necessary to make the distinction since they consist different cores for the manufacture of seals. In fact many seals described as «steatite» may be actually serpentine, chlorite or even a composite material. A more systematic study in this area may provide the necessary distinction between the two materials. In addition to the variety of the materials used by the Minoans, the end of the EM III period is also characterised by the appearance of some «white» pieces (Pictures 68.1, 71.3, 72.1) which were not equally favoured during later periods.22 In terms of decoration they belong to Yule’s «Border/Leaf» group which includes bifoil, trefoil or multifoil motifs within a surrounding border line. The seals appear to have an additional upper layer different from the main material beneath. The material is often described as powdered «steatite» or talc which was somehow modified in Prepalatial Crete with the help of a binding agent in order to produce a «faience» effect. These particular pieces were probably the result of experimentation with artificial substances and glazes, especially sepiolite, with a high magnesium silicate content.23 Sepiolite is an opaque white variety of soapstone or «meerschaum» (Mg4Si6O15[OH]2.6H2O) with high porosity, flat earthy fracture and a hardness of 2.0-2.5 points. It belongs to the class of phyllosilicates where the SiO4 tetrahedra combine in sheets to form its layered structure. It is sometimes regarded as a form of decomposed or burnt serpentine. The preparation method of the «white» pieces is still unknown but it has been suggested that a possible accidental exposure of mixed materials to the open air was the crucial factor for the acquisition of the particular technique by the Minoans and it was not based on any advanced knowledge of the basic laws of chemistry. The basic shapes of the Prepalatial seals consist of pyramidals, buttons (Picture 70.5), cushions (Picture 69.2), conoids (Pictures 6.4, 67.2, 69.4), discs (Pictures 8.7, 72.1, 72.3), cylinders (Pictures 6.3, 68.2, 69.3, 70.2, 71.1, 71.5-7,

21

GGFR. p. 375. CMS II 1, nos. 1, 96 (Picture 66.1), 97, 114, 258, 267, 283 (Picture 69.3), 286, 292, 302, 333, 353, 355, 357, 403; IV, nos. 30, 95-113, 121; V Suppl. 1A, nos. 206-225; X, nos. 37-39. 23 Evely, R. D. G. Minoan Crafts: Tools and Techniques. An Introduction. Vol. I. SIMA XCII: 1, 1993. pp. 148-149; Hughes-Brock, E. «The early Cretan white seals in the Ashmolean Museum, ancient and modern: Some enigmatic materials». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 79-89; Originally described as «white steatite» in VTM pp. 68, 118-119. 22

24

72.4), «bottle-shaped» signets (Picture 64.2), «loop» signets (Pictures 6.5, 11.6-10), stamp seals (Pictures 11.12-14, 72.2), animal-headed or theriomorphic seals (Pictures 8.6, 11.14, 12.1-4, 65.1-2, 69.1, 69.5, 70.3, 74.6-8) and buttons with characteristic designs of opposed, confronting or reversed figures of schematic animals and especially lions (Picture 68.2-3).24 The exceptional group of theriomorphic seals has their reverse side carved in the round in the form of birds (Pictures II.3), apes (Picture II.4), cats (Picture II.2) and dogs (Picture 72.6).25 Among the best examples is a seal shaped in the form of a dove sheltering its young with a spiraliform motif on its base from Koumasa tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 133; Picture 67.1) and a seal in the form of an ape in relief from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 249; Picture 68.3). As a general rule in Early Minoan glyptic, a theriomorphic shape is always accompanied by a geometric design on its base. This particular observation appears to be peculiar considering the fact that while the artisans were capable enough of carving an almost perfect image of the animal with skilful rendering of the contour lines and muscles, the designs in the base of the seals were consistently rendered in a simple geometric form which implied restrictions in the technique but not necessarily lack of creativity. Possibly, the trend demanded seals with detailed reverses carved as animals but the base surface of the seals followed the usual geometric and linear rules until the later phase of the EM III period when the engraver felt freer to perform new patterns in his designs. The variety of the materials chosen and the gallery of the modelled subjects probably indicate the ornamental significance of the theriomorphic seals. These seals were designed for suspension or display and were obviously worn on the wrist or around the neck. Their talismanic, prophylactic and ornamental value possibly depended on the shape and colour which may have constituted the decisive factors for their purchase. We may even assume that their limited numbers in burial deposits, the amount of time and effort needed for their manufacture and their careful modelling, may have carried a certain amount of social significance in terms that they were probably linked with high status individuals as prestige items. In addition, one of the most significant inventions among the types of the Messara seals was the appearance of the signet ring-seal which was initially made of ivory. The particular type was intended for suspension since the small dimensions of the hoop prevented it from being worn on the fingers. The rounded oval bezel was always constructed at right angles to the hoop. The type appears to have been the forerunner of the later Minoan and Mycenaean metal rings. Signet ringseals were found in the deposits of tholos tomb B at Koumasa (CMS II 1, no.159) and tholos tomb at Porti (CMS II 1, no. 350, 351). The two latter ivory ring-seals are characterised by the thickness of the circular bezel which

24

PM I. pp. 123-125, figs. 92, 93B,b. CMS II 1, nos. 18, 20 (Picture 63.1), 21 (Picture 63.2), 130, 213, 216 (Picture 67.5), 435, 437, 438.

25

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals carries in each case a rectilinear design that combines the elements of the swastika and the meander motifs.26 3.2.3. Tools and techniques The raw material that was chosen for the manufacture of a seal often had the appropriate shape, so the waste of many blocks of stones was probably avoided by the Minoans especially in the case of the more expensive and semiprecious materials. The initial steps of the process for the extraction of the rough seal shape from a blank or a stone core of some sort are difficult to recognise. Stone cylinders extracted by a drill from the interior of stone vases may have provided the cores required for the manufacture of seals. Such cores are attested from the later Minoan periods. Fiftytwo stone cores suitable for the manufacture of lentoid seals were found inside the so-called «lapidary’s workshop» at the palace of Knossos (Chapter 1.4; Picture 20.1).27 The approach of the Minoans to the available materials must have been empirical without any specific petrologic knowledge or application of rules used in lapidary art and in ancient studies for the composition and identification of sealstones. Carving a rough sketch of the design in the sphragistic surface with a knife or a pointed tool was obviously the initial stage of the engraving procedure. The pictorial scenes with their sense of mobility and the balance between the compositions and the available surface area were often achieved only after the engraving of preliminary sketches. The same process had been applied since EM III for the labyrinthoid and linear geometric motifs. Two later pieces from the LH I and LM III periods respectively, show marks of preliminary sketches.28 In the chalcedony seal CMS I, no. 220 from the Vapheio tholos tomb (Picture 57.2), the lower part of the one surface -the one intended to have been the sphragistic surface of the seal- carries the preliminary sketch of a female figure. It appears that the engraver did not estimate precisely the available surface area and the engraving of the complete motif was subsequently applied to the other surface of the seal. In a lentoid seal from the Isopata necropolis at Knossos, the initial motif also remained incomplete. In the lower part of the sphragistic surface just under the legs of the goat, there is a sketch of what was intended to be its suckling which was not included eventually in the composition. The engraver proceeded instead to the rendering of the suckling just over the back of the goat. In both cases, the hardly visible sketch consists of punctuated lines which render a rough outline of the motifs. After the successful rendering of the preliminary sketch, the artisan proceeded to the making of the guidelines and framing lines for the delineation of the basic design and the principles of the execution. The blade of the knife, usually

made of copper or obsidian, was applied at a right angle to the surface of the seal although irregularities and scorings are still evident on the sides of each cut. The carved lines in the surface with a V or U section show the different proportions of the blades and their application from different angles.29 The copper and obsidian blades with a hardness of 5.0 on the Mohs’ scale could easily carve the surface of the much softer steatites and serpentines (Obsidian is an igneous volcanic rock which is formed at or near the earth’s surface. It solidifies quickly from a molten state by obtaining a glassy and fine-grained texture). The string-holes of the seals indicate manual twisting and irregularities but they may have been the result of an elementary tool based on the principle of rotation in a rather slow motion. This tool is related to the existence of a solid or tubular drill with a pointed or rounded head made of bone which was operated by hand.30 These tools were often made of copper or bronze in the form of saws or drills and when used with the right abrasives, they could effectively cut the soft or less hard stones.31 The possibility that a vertical bowdrill either solid or tubular and operated by an apprentice and not the engraver himself existed during such an early period still remains a hypothesis. The particular device would leave both hands of the engraver free allowing a more meticulous and detailed engraving of the seal. The cutting of the string-holes and the carving of lines in the surface of the seal were completed with the addition of abrasive materials which were a rather indispensable stage of the whole procedure. The abrasive tools consisted of splinters and slabs of obsidian or they could have been in a powdered form having pumice, sand containing quartz grains and emery as potential sources especially during the later part of the period. Pumice is a highly vesicular form of lava mainly composed of aluminium-silicate glass. Its use as an abrasive was more effective on less hard stones excluding the quartzes. Emery is an impure form of corundum with a portion of crystalline aluminium oxide and iron oxide and a hardness of 8.0. Deposits of emery usually associated with granular and crystalline limestone and schist were known from the island of Naxos and Asia Minor. The use of abrasives either coarse or fine, were an important factor to the final cutting of the stone. Coarse abrasive tools cut down rapidly but leave a rough surface and wear the tools out relatively quickly. Fine grain abrasives leave a smooth surface and are used for polishing. For a particularly fine polishing, an abrasive less hard than the stone being polished, was often employed. A lubricant, usually oil or water, was used in all cases in combination with the abrasive material.32

29

26

VTM. p. 68. 27 Younger, J. G. «The Lapidary’s Workshop at Knossos». BSA 64, 1979. pp. 258-268; Momigliano, N. and Hood, S. «Excavations of 1987 in the South Front of the Palace at Knossos». BSA 89, 1994. p. 104, fig. 1. 28 Sakellarakis, Y. «Το προσχέδιον της σφραγίδος CMS I, 220 εκ Βαφειού». ΑΕ 1972. pp. 234-244; Boulotis, C. «Η µικρογλυπτική των Κρητοµυκηναϊκών σφραγίδων». Αρχαιολογία 9, November 1983. p. 24.

25

GGFR. pp. 150-153. op cit.; Warren, P. M. «The first Minoan stone vases and the Early Minoan chronology». Κρητικά Χρονικά 19, 1965. p. 9. 31 Gorelick, L. and Gwinnett, A. J. «The change from stone drills to copper drills in Mesopotamia. An experimental perspective». Expedition 29:3, 1987. p. 15. 32 Merrillees, P. H. Cylinder Stamp Seals in Australian Collections. 1990. p. 41. 30

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals The use of abrasives was essential for the drilling and cutting of the string-holes but not for the making of the guidelines which could have been roughly done in the first instance by a point or a thin blade. There is no evidence for the existence of saws either as abrasives or as blades usually of obsidian for roughing out blocks and for the engraving of linear grooves, but it seems very possible. The same can be applied to the chisel which may have worked as a smaller knife or as a burin.33 3.3. The appearance and development of the three-sided prism seals Apart from the seals discussed above, the theriomorphic type and the button shapes, the square and rectangular variety of the three-sided prisms (Pictures 8.1, 8.3, 11.1-4, 67.3, 69.2, 77.5-7) appeared during the opening phase of the MM period and soon became the dominant shape of the seal-production. During the later part of the EM III and the beginning of the MM IA period, the ivory seals went out of fashion giving way to the three-sided prisms which became the most frequent and popular shape of the next two sub-periods.34 Their elongated faces usually present hieroglyphics of Evans’s Class A35 with the best example coming from the Knossos area in a clay sealing from the MM IA stratum of the East Pillar Basement, and in a brown steatite seal from Mallia.36 Over 160 seal inscriptions are known today engraved on 110 sealstones and 50 impressions on sealings and vessels.37 The designs in the surfaces of the prism seals were made by a blade, point or burin, but the introduction of the horizontal bow-lathe in ca. 1700 BC allowed the engraving of three-sided prisms made of harder materials like red carnelian (Picture I.10, I.12-14) and green jasper (Picture I.4-5, I.8-9) apart from the usual steatites and serpentines. The sometimes shallow designs in prisms which usually appear in the most worn specimens possibly indicate a continuous use well through the Minoan times and may imply that they were initially deeply engraved. In general terms, the three-sided prisms followed the same basic technical principles as the rest of the seals but many survivals of cutting marks show the poor technique and the lack of expertise of the engraving skills applied to the particular shape. In contrast, there are few isolated examples which include prisms with carefully rendered scenes combining human and animal figures set heraldically (CMS II 1, no. 55; Picture 65.3). The most popular subjects that appear in prisms are walking men, insects and animals with a tendency for distortion and dismemberment and without any stylistic variations or development. This stylistic stability was probably the reason for their amuletic character. The figures show the interest of

the time in animal husbandry and agriculture and later the preoccupation with pottery and studies of ships.38 The figures are engraved as though they were intended for a cylinder shape with singular lack of propriety and may indicate that the three-sided prism was rather an unusual medium although their shape and motifs are always closely related and appropriate. The motifs which appear in the two of their long sides are similar but the third is different on the grounds of treatment and style and might be described as slightly more advanced. This was probably the result of the re-engraving of a single side of an old prismatic stone which was intended for reuse in a later period while the rest of the motifs in the other two sides were left undisturbed in an attempt to maintain the «archaising» character of the stone. Their use during a later period and probably with an amuletic character in the form of «charms» is evident by the presence of an EM III-MM I green steatite prism in a LM II jar used for the purification of oil found within an oil-press at Palaikastro.39 In general terms, the shape remained the same throughout the Cretan glyptic tradition but the absence of a significant number of seal-impressions from three-sided prisms is very remarkable. They are usually found only as surface finds in unexpected contexts, sometimes in a much worn condition, and in certain localities of the North and Central Crete where the stone is supposed to have originated. In spite of the presence of three-sided prisms in the later levels of Northern Iraq sites like Tepe-Gawra II-I (2nd millennium BC), the shape was probably perfected and redesigned by Cretan artists. In the Hittite Empire (ca. 1700/1600-1200 BC), the shape appeared at a later stage than in Crete and it was formed in the shape of gable which probably denoted its origin from a similar architectural construction. In Crete, the rounding of the corners and the edges of the shape are more reminiscent of a natural form than inspired by architectural or geometrical rules. It has been once suggested that the shape is a copy of a human bone and particularly the fourth cervical vertebrae which has a rounded prismatic shape and is common to both animals and humans.40 The shape of the three-sided prism declined sometime in the MM III-LM I period in favour of the «talismanic» stone, but its long tradition among the Cretan seal-engravers resulted in occasional revivals probably for talismanic purposes. In terms of style and usage, the three-sided prism which was adopted in the Messara region in the late EM III period, possibly affected the abstract ivory designs on the already existing ivory seals. Their fusion into an already developed system of seal-production in the region resulted in a change of their amuletic character in favour of a more -but still not intensive- sphragistic use which was influenced by the earlier ivories. The growing insistence of the seal engravers on natural forms which were already successfully applied on

33

See Walberg, G. «Middle Minoan III: A time of transition». SIMA XCVII, 1992. p. 108 for a more detailed description of the use of tools in EM glyptic. 34 GGFR. p. 26. 35 For a complete list of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, see SM I. 36 PM I. p. 196, fig. 144; PM II. p. 50, fig. 23. 37 Olivier, J. P. «Les sceaux avec des signes hiéroglyphiques. Que lire? Une question de définition». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 105-115.

26

38

CS. p. 22. Eccles, E. «Unpublished objects from Palaikastro and Praisos: The seals and the sealings». BSA 40, 1939. pp. 40, 43-44, fig. 8.1 . 40 Boyd-Hawes, H. Gournia, Vasiliki and other prehistoric sites on the Isthmus of Ierapetra, Crete. 1908. p. 182, fig. 2. 39

Ch. 3: Typology of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals ivory seals, gradually lessened their amuletic character. Some three-sided prisms with naturalistic motifs seen before in ivory seals, succeeded in a way some of the ivories of the Messara region. This phenomenon is commonly termed as the First Transitional period.41 In connection to the overall fusion of styles and seal-shapes, some early shapes and especially the cylinder seals which appeared in the EM III period, show a different style and technique which is more related to the three-sided prisms. Studies of men are stylistically related to some of the forms in prisms with antithetically disposed hind legs to the rest of the body, figures carrying storage vessels and a sense of dismemberment of the bodies. The fusion between the amuletic character of some stones and the sphragistic use of the earlier ivories obviously had an aesthetic reason but there was a need for more sphragistic media alongside the amuletic pieces.

41

CS. pp. 24-25.

27

Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals CHAPTER FOUR THE PREPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE EARLY MINOAN II-MIDDLE MINOAN IA (ca. 29002300/2026 to 2160/1979-1900 BC): DESIGNS AND MOTIFS OF THE EM III/MM IA SEALS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE MOST REPRESENTATIVE DEPOSITS 4.1. Designs and motifs of the Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA seals The most dominant subjects especially during the early stages of the craft in the Prepalatial period, are the linear cross-hatching and variations of straight linear motifs with occasional floral elements. The evidence for motifs with human or animal figures is very scanty and there is a total lack of any ritual scenes or cultic symbols probably due to the absence of some sort of defined religious identity. Still, the EM III motifs are characterised by a strong feeling of symmetry and the choice for heraldic arrangements.1 The unbroken development of the craft led to the advanced pieces of the early phase of the EM III period which are characterised by the appearance of a bordering line encircling the whole motif. The linear designs remained dominant, but new forms made their first appearance including leaf patterns, volutes, cross motifs, single, multiple, isolated or running spirals and C-spirals. The spiral motif is supposed to have originated in the EC I pottery from the Cyclades and was soon adopted by Cretan artists.2 Although it appears to have been a purely decorative device, it has been suggested that it may represent sea waves.3 It is the period of consolidation of the two basic principles of Minoan seal-engraving, the «Torsion» and «Rapport».4 The «Torsion» usually appears as a sense of constant motion in a clock-wise twist with a diagonal and spiraliform decoration arranged around the surface. The «Rapport» is characterised by the visual repetition of multiple-crossed designs engraved at equal distances from opposite directions and seem to extend perpetually over the surrounding area by ignoring the boundaries of the composition. This is usually applied on the labyrinthoid motifs which found their perfection in Crete.5 A sense of «Rapport» had initially appeared in the EH II sealings from the House of Tiles at Lerna (Chapter 2.2; Picture 90.2-14) but in a more simplified way having their motifs restricted by the surrounding border (CMS V 1, nos.

1 Branigan, K. The Foundations of Palatial Crete: A Summary of Crete in the Early Bronze Age. 1970. p. 137. 2 Matz, F. «Bemerkungen zum Stand der Forschung über die frühen ägäischanatolischen Siegel». In Matz, F. (ed.) Die kretisch-mykenische Glyptik und ihre gegenwartigen Probleme. 1974. pp. 78, 87. 3 Mylonas, G. E. Aghios Kosmas: An Early Bronze Age Settlement and Cemetery in Attica. 1959. pp. 127-137. 4 Originally pointed out by Matz, F. Die Frühkretische Siegel. 1928; Yule in ECS suggested the following principles for the designs on EM seals: Rotation, Radiation, Outline, Segmentation and Rapport. The terms of «Torsion» and «Rapport» were subsequently perfected by Wiencke, M. H. in «The typology and style of Prepalatial seals». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 253-254. 5 CMS II 1, nos. 60, 65, 123, 185, 314, 351, 358.

28

74, 79 [Picture 90.10], 97 [Picture 90.14], 126, 128).6 The labyrinth pattern appeared approximately at the same time in Old Kingdom Egypt from the period of the 4th dynasty (ca. 2600-2500 BC) and onwards as it is depicted on a steatite plaque from Memphis.7 The «Torsion» effect also appeared in the EM III white-ondark pottery (Picture 31) in curved or diagonal lines, rectilinear and curvilinear motifs set diagonally across the surface of the vessel in order to accentuate the vessel as a unit with a central axis or set with a «triglyph» and «metope» succession.8 The particular designs on pottery were mainly concentrated in the eastern part of the island of Crete and they seem to have replaced the dark vessels of the EM II Vasiliki ware (Picture 30.1) which were eventually brightened by the rich light-coloured decoration sometime during the EM III when the curved line, often in the form of a continuous spiral, remained the dominant motif. The most representative deposits containing East Cretan white-on-dark pottery came from Gournia (north trench and hollow NE of quartier A), Vasiliki (well deposit), Mochlos (deposits in block A and C), Palaikastro (deposit in Delta 32, deposit west of block Delta, Ossuary III at Ellinika) and KastriPalaikastro (floor deposits). The «Torsion» may have been applied to the surface of vessels since EM I when the Agios Onouphrios ware became the first dominant pottery style in the island of Crete but remained more popular in eastern Crete. Although the motifs consist mainly of vertical, horizontal and diagonal or crosshatched lines, the potter seemed to have paid more attention to the close relation between the shape of the vessel and the decoration by applying different decorative elements on the neck and the body of the vessel. In one of the commonest shapes, the jug, the decorative lines sweep down in groups from the base of the neck to the body of the vessel and gradually emphasise the contours of the body. In contrast, the neck is decorated with horizontal lines. The subtle decoration and the variety of the thickness of the lines emphasised the bodies of the two-handled jars and their squat necks were painted with small rectangular areas.9 The diagonal lines on the Agios Onouphrios ware probably became the first example of «Torsion» which was later more evident in the EM III pottery. The rectilinear and curvilinear motifs suggested a movement on the surface of the vessels which was usually combined with the skilful use of colour and line. The use of «Torsion» in the EM II-III glyptic was responsible for the development of the spiral motif and the rows of concentric semicircles. The designs may have been transferred later to the EM III pottery where the broader surfaces of the vessels and the colouring scheme provided

6 CMS V 1, nos. 44-148; Original publication of the seals from the House of Tiles at Lerna in Heath, M. C. « Early Helladic clay sealings from the House of Tiles at Lerna». Hesperia 27, 1958. pp. 81-121. 7 PM I. p. 122, fig. 91. 8 Betancourt, P. P. East Cretan White-on-Dark Ware: Studies on a handmade pottery of the Early to Middle Minoan periods. 1984; Zois, A. «Υπάρχει Πρωτοµινωική ΙΙΙ εποχή;». In Πεπραγµένα του Β΄ ∆ιεθνούς Κρητολογικού Συνεδρίου, Χανιά, 1966. 1968. p. 147. 9 Branigan (n. 1) p. 127.

Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals more impressive pieces and better rendering of the motifs which were enlarged to suit the bodies of the ceramic products. As far as the designs in glyptic are concerned, symmetry and discipline remained the basic principles either in an abstract form (CMS II 1, nos. 441, 433, 435) or in variations of the cross-motif (CMS II 1, nos. 92a, 116, 196 [Picture 67.3], 200, 276b, 431). Designs include the «Wave/Meander Group» (CMS II 1, nos. 65, 125, 231, 313) and the «Spiral Group» with spirals in «rapport» pattern (CMS II 1, nos. 37, 124, 134, 229, 243, 294, 332, 472).10 During the later part of the EM III and the beginning of the MM IA period, new patterns including stars and flowers made their first appearance showing greater balance between the available engraving area and the filling decoration (CMS II 1, nos. 356, 366, 367, 387, 391, 392, 393, 427). There are also rosettes with leaves in outline composition or as a filling ornament belonging to the «Leaf/Ivory Group» (CMS II 1, nos. 228, 241, 242).11 The new tendency is also represented by central motifs enclosed by a running frieze (CMS II 1, nos. 382, 385, 388) and by representational motifs of the «Lions/Spiral Group»12 standing alone in the field including agrimia (CMS II 1, nos. 268, 391b), Mesopotamian lions (CMS II 1, nos. 63, 222-225 [Picture 68.1], 248a [Picture 68.2], 249 [Picture 68.3], 253 [Picture 69.2], 300a [Picture 69.5], 396-399) and scorpions (CMS II 1, nos. 248b [Picture 68.2], 250b). These particular subjects shared the same technical devices in most of the cases, although they present a step towards realism especially in the seals of the beginning of the Middle Minoan period (CMS II 1, nos. 287 [Picture 69.4], 396, 391B-N) and particularly in the lion motifs (CMS II 1, nos. 336a, 408, 419). Finally, the advanced contacts with Egypt resulted in the imitation of the Egyptian scarab by the Minoans during the MM IA period (CMS II 1, nos. 118, 119 [Picture 66.3], 121, 238).13 An example of the Minoan imitation of the Egyptian scarabs comes from the MM I deposit of tholos tomb B at Platanos and shows the schematic figure of the Hippopotamus goddess and beneficiary spirit Ta-Urt or Thueris (CMS II 1, no. 283; Picture 69.3). The particular figure is frequently encountered in Early Egyptian scarabs and presents the goddess or protectress of childbirth in the «adoring» attitude. The design

10

Sbonias, K. «Specialisation in the Early Minoan seal manufacture: Craftsmen, settlements and the organisation of production». CMS Beiheft 6. p. 284, fig. 3. 11 op. cit., p. 286. 12 op. cit. 13 EM-MM IA contexts: Lenda (CMS II 1, nos. 180, 201, 204), Moni Odigitria, Archanes (Prepalatial Ossuary: CMS II 1, no. 395). Other contexts include Platanos B, Gournes B, Trapeza, Agia Triada tholos tomb, Agios Onouphrios, Psychro Cave; see Aruz, J. «Artistic change and cultural exchange-The glyptic evidence». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 2-4. The scarab («scarabaeus sacer») was known since the 4th millennium in Egypt in a variety of «scaraboid» objects as pendants, talismans and steatite, carnelian, ivory, bone, amethyst, faience and glass seals. The first imports in Crete are attested in EM III/MM IA and developed into Minoan variations of the image. These variations are known from the Messara tombs, Mallia, Zakros, Nipedetos, Trapeza and Knossos (particularly in the Neopalatial period). For a detailed discussion and a catalogue of scaraboid seals, see Karetsou, A. and Vlasaki-Anderadaki, M. (eds.) Κρήτη-Αίγυπτος: Πολιτιστικοί ∆εσµοί Τριών Χιλιετιών. 2000. pp. 302-333, nos. 296-355.

29

was probably the first of the series of the beneficent «Minoan Genii» in the iconography of later Minoan periods although their faces were changed in favour of a more leonine appearance.14 A large percentage of the motifs consists of abstract and highly stylised forms where the straight line is still the most important element of the design. Whenever the curved line appears, it is probably the result of the successful linking of linear cuts. The three-sided prism seals probably formed a separate group with a different function comparing to the rest of the seals. The three-sided prisms are usually related to a special meaning which was not connected with exclusively sphragistic purposes as described in Chapter 3.2.4. They are attested both in the Messara plain (Agia Triada, Agios Onouphrios, Platanos) and outside the Messara (Archanes, Trapeza, Kalo Chorio). Their poor technique and their tendency towards total abstraction which was probably applied on purpose is reminiscent of the later «talismanic» series which became very popular during the MM IIIB-LM IB period (Chapter 1.5). The relation to the «talismanic» seals is only indicative since the general spirit of the Neopalatial period which produced the «talismanic» series might have been different in many aspects. The particular seals were probably related to a specific class or personnel of palatial Crete with predetermined activities and duties during certain occasions. Attempts to represent humans during the Prepalatial period resulted in abstract and schematic figures due to the lack of technical expertise and the exclusive engraving by hand with the use of knife blades and burins. The movements of the human figures appear to be restricted even in the most competent scenes (CMS II 1, no. 55; Picture 65.3). Some of the most important scenes including human figures are CMS II 1, no. 145a from tholos tomb A at Koumasa (Picture 67.2) representing a standing man in profile with his head turned right with a triangular torso and hanging arms, and CMS II 1, no. 162 from tholos tomb B at Koumasa which consists of a small slab of ivory pierced through the rounded end and carries on its flat end the design of the stylised body of a man in profile. There is not even a rudimentary indication of the human anatomy and the body is rendered by a series of straight lines. Humans are represented with profile views with no facial features except for a pointed projection that stands for the nose. The particular «bird-like» appearance was obviously the result of the unsuccessful treatment of the nose and chin.15 The artist engraved a projection which represented the nose but the transition to the lower part of the head only a few millimetres below in order to render the jaw-line was rather difficult. This becomes clearer when we consider the available tools of the engraver which were

14 For an extensive discussion on the subject, see Weingarten, J. The Transformation of the Egyptian Taweret into the Minoan Genius: A study in cultural transmission in the Middle Bronze Age. SIMA 88, 1991. For a detailed description of representations and the development of the «Minoan Genius» image through the LM period, see Karetsou and VlasakiAndreadaki (n. 13) pp. 155-163. 15 GGFR. p. 26.

Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals guided only by his hands and his inability to engrave such detailed parts of the human body in microglyptic works. The remaining representations of the human body consist of triangular torsos and profile views of the legs (CMS II 1, nos. 145a [Picture 67.2], 300 [Picture 69.5], 477a). The particular treatment does not imply a relatively early attempt at a threedimensional view but rather the lack of technical experimentation. It should be important to add at this point that the rude naturalism of the Prepalatial human figures in glyptic does not seem to represent aspects of rituals but rather scenes inspired by the intention of the engraver to portray the human figure in action. Although the artist of the Early Minoan period had the whole natural world at his disposal in order to observe and test experimental designs in his works concerning the human nature and the human activities, he seems to have remained preoccupied with the repetition of linear designs, lattice motifs and cross-hatching. Narrative scenes even in abstract form are almost absent. The appearance of narrative scenes initially in an elementary form can be assigned only to the period of the First Palaces in Crete when innovative designs and the rendering of the scene’s background demonstrated the new trend towards narration and representational art. The seal CMS II 1, no. 287 from Platanos (Picture 69.4)16 probably represents a «pictorial» and narrative scene in a relatively early piece dated in the MM I-MM II period. It probably represents a naval activity aptly located in the right marine background. The appearance of a ship with high prows, triple-forked termination and an upright stern, may have implied a maritime enterprise and may provide evidence for foreign connections which partly characterise the period. The evidence for maritime connections is further attested by the great use of ivory, metal, semiprecious stones and obsidian which were all imported from various areas of the Aegean and the Near East. Maritime trade must have been one of the main sources of prosperity in Prepalatial Crete and may have resulted in a progress in the area of the arts although Crete never functioned as a copyist but rather as a pioneer. The spirit of freedom which characterises the Cretan works of art was the impetus for the development of a genuine art which was going to be perfected in the following periods. 4.2. The Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA seals from tholos tombs A and B at Platanos 4.2.1. Designs and motifs of the seals from Platanos The seals from the burial deposits of tholos tombs A and B at Platanos (CMS II 1, nos. 241-349; Pictures 16.2, 70.2-3, 71.1-6) dated from the EM II to the MM II period, probably consist the most important collection of seals from the Messara region and the most representative specimens of glyptic excellence during the Prepalatial period in Crete. Many of the seals from the Platanos deposits show the gradual stylistic improvement of designs towards complexity and early attempts for representational motifs with carefully executed interlocking motifs (CMS II 1, nos. 245, 263),

16

Chapouthier, F. «De l’origine du prisme triangulaire dans la glyptique minoénne». BSA 47, 1951. p. 44.

30

animal friezes, more realistic animal figures which capture the essential elements of the species (CMS II 1, nos. 268, 287 [Picture 69.4], 336) and especially studies of lions in «Torsion» surrounding the borders of the seals (Picture 68.23).17 The craft as seen in the seals from Platanos seems to have been approached with more discipline but with equal sensitivity, too. The assemblage included 90 unbroken seals of ivory and stone besides a fair number of fragmentary ivory seals which were either rotted away or fallen to pieces. Many of the Platanos seals belong to the cylindrical type which was a purely Cretan invention (Picture 68.2-3). They differed from the similar Egyptian and Syrian cylindrical type in the aspects that the design in the Cretan version does not appear in the circumference but in the two ends, and it is triply bored with one boring right through the middle of the side of the cylinder and the other two sharing a common orifice between the openings of the first and close to end of the cylinder.18 The shape of the Platanos cylinder seals is obviously different from the hemicylinder seals from the same deposit which consist of a rectangular base carrying the design and a handle, often rounded in section, projecting from one-half of the back of the base along the full length of one of the long sides. The shape is reminiscent of the Egypto-Libyan class of seals from the 6th to the 10th dynasties (ca. 2350-2010 BC) with geometric and linear designs either crossed or in a net pattern.19 The Platanos deposit included ten hemicylinder seals20 and a unique collection of three scarabs of white steatite and a Babylonian hematite cylinder from tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 306).21 The fractured surface of the hematite cylinder seal probably made the seal unsuitable for Mesopotamian use which somehow passed to Crete.22 The appearance of a hematite cylinder seal at the EM III-MM IA Platanos deposit can be very informative for a period when the Minoan artists had not yet developed the necessary skills and the technical means to engrave an hematite stone. The cylinder probably constituted a unique example and a rare funerary offering. The seals from Platanos represent pioneering designs including seven lions marching in procession with a second

17

CMS II 1, nos. 248a (Picture 68.2), 249 (Picture 68.3), 250a, 251a (Picture 69.1) from tholos tomb A, and no. 312a from tholos tomb B. 18 See also Chapter 3.1; VTM. p. 112; CMS II 1, nos. 248a (Picture 68.2), 249 (Picture 68.3), 250a, 251a (Picture 69.1) from tholos tomb A, and II 1, no. 312a from tholos tomb B. Cylinder seals with a carved scene, design or inscription originated in Mesopotamia and appear to have been the standard seal shape of the Mesopotamian civilisation. These particular seals were used by rolling their motifs across the clay surface which was supposed to be sealed, including jar stoppers, tablets and door locks. The appearance of the first cylinder seals is conventionally dated in the Uruk period of the Mesopotamian alluvium (ca. 3800-3100 BC). Recent studies with calibrated radiocarbon dating method turn in favour of the period between the late 5th millennium and ca. 3400/3300 BC. 19 VTM. p.117. 20 CMS II 1, nos. 263, 266, 322 from tholos tomb A and nos. 281, 316-320 from tholos tomb B. 21 Robinson, P. «The three scarabs and the cylinder seal from Tholos B, Platanos». SMEA 26, 1968. pp. 25-29. 22 Kenna, V. E. G. «Ancient Crete and the use of the cylinder seal». AJA 72, 1968. pp. 324, 326, pl. 106, figs. 3-5.

Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals inner circle of six lifelike spiders and three scorpions in the smaller ends (CMS II 1, nos. 248 [Picture 68.2], 250, 251 from tholos tomb A). The combination of these particular animal types probably implies the existence of a specific belief or superstition connected with the appearance of spiders and scorpions as elements of the chthonic world. Some designs are also of intrinsic interest and especially CMS II 1, no. 311b from tholos tomb B (Picture 69.6) with a pair of reversed lions each facing left and a man behind them stretching his hand against the beasts. The subject was probably a part of a hunting scene and also appears in the seal CMS II 1, no. 222a (Picture 68.1) from the Marathokephalo tholos tomb. The human figure is treated in a very distinctive manner in the Platanos seals and usually as taking part in action or peaceful scenes. In the seal CMS II 1, no. 300b (Picture 69.5), the artist engraved a rather symmetrical scene with two standing figures holding an object in each hand which may be easily recognised as a pot. The seal CMS II 1, no. 277 from tholos tomb B is an exceptional piece shaped in the form of a woman and reminiscent of the small stone figures from tholos tomb B at Koumasa.23 The Koumasa figures were made of grey/blue steatite and represent standing women with extended arms and wearing a bell-shaped dress down to their feet which stands out behind in an exaggerated manner. The hands are resting on the breasts and the elbows are sticking out. The front part of the figures is flat. The head is projected with a pointed chin but the back is modelled in the round. In spite of the accuracy of the outlines, the omission of most of the details is quite peculiar and reminiscent of the clay figurines from the Petsophas peak sanctuary. The seven intact and best preserved (in their greatest part) figurines from Petsophas, were single pieces of clay brought into a shape reminiscent that of a standing woman.24 The figurines wear their own attire which consists of a bell-shaped or conical skirt narrowing towards the hips which is similar to the flounced skirts of the «goddess» figurines from the period of the Second Palaces and is sometimes decorated with ornamental linear designs. Their upper body is indicated by a lozengeshaped piece of clay with its two lateral angles drawn out in order to form the arms. The arms are brought forward above the horizontal line. Wide standing collars of the flounced type («collar Medicis») rise to a high point at the back of the head. The figurines have long necks and round or oblong heads with oval hats in most cases and without any indication of the hair except for some parallel incised lines on the nape in some of them. The oval crownless hats are attached far back on the head by their hinder margin and sweep forward above the forehead in a high curve. The hats rise to nearly twice the height of the face but there is not clear delineation between the hat and the head because the same pigment of clay was employed for the body of the hat and for the intended border which limits the face. The white

coating on the face provided the canvas for painted features such as the eyebrows, eyes and mouth. The eyes are indicated with black dots on the white ground with or without eyebrows. The lips are sometimes indicated by red pigment. A similar type of the general concept and the dress of the figurines which consists of a bodice and a skirt or a one-piece garment like a long robe, is represented in an ivory hemicylinder seal found near Knossos25 and in the Mesopotamian cylinder seal CMS II 1, no. 306 from tholos tomb B at Platanos which probably implies that the particular dress may have had an eastern origin. The seal from Platanos probably shares common features with the Petsophas figurines but obviously in a more simplified and summary treatment. 4.3 The Prepalatial seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes The Phourni cemetery at Archanes (Picture 15) is indisputably an inseparable part of the present study and deserves a separate examination since it presents an almost uninterrupted use from the EM II to the LM III period in an area including a total of 26 funerary structures, tholos tombs and house tombs intended for burials, secondary interments and cultic purposes. Most of the burial buildings were erected in the Prepalatial period including the earliest EM II tholos E (lower level) and MM IA tholos Γ which were consequently followed by the rest of the burial buildings. The seals from the funerary structures and particularly the tombs of this amazing Minoan necropolis are dated from the Prepalatial EM II to the Postpalatial LM IIIA period (Pictures 73-76) when two subterranean tombs were built and a Mycenaean perivolos was added to the structure incorporating seven shafts in the grounds constructed in three layers. The grave stelai on three of the shafts have been connected to the similar stelai from the much earlier LH I Grave Circle A at Mycenae. Possibly, the repetition of the custom reflects a revival of an early Mycenaean funerary practice in the area which clearly presented a purely Mycenaeanised character at the time. The Prepalatial seals from the Phourni cemetery are 140 in number.26 Securely dated groups came from the lower EH II burial stratum of tholos tomb E (2700-2300 BC) including eight seals (Picture 71.1),27 three additional seals from Funerary Building 5, three from the MM IA Funerary Building 6 (Picture 72.1-3) and three from the area north of the MM IA Funerary Building 19. The seals follow the principles of the Prepalatial period which have been already examined in previous sections and consist of three-sided prisms, rough pyramidal, conical and stamp cylinder seals.

25

PM I. fig. 146 See information concerning the Prepalatial seals from Archanes in Karytinos, A. «Οι προανακτορικές σφραγίδες των Αρχανών». Αρχαιολογία 53: Αρχάνες: ∆έκα Χρόνια Έρευνας. 1994. pp. 42-46; for a detailed discussion for the Archanes seals, see Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 670-689 with extensive bibliographic references. 27 Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1975, pp. 294-297, 301302. 26

23

VTM. pp. 128-129, pl. IV. Rutkowski, B. Petsophas: A Cretan Peak Sanctuary. 1991. pp. 29-31; Original publication of the site in Myres, J. L. «Excavations at Palaikastro. II.13. The sanctuary site at Petsopha». BSA 9, 1902-1903. pp. 356-387, esp. pp. 361-376 and pls. VII-XII. 24

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Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals Like other securely dated EM II groups of seals from Myrtos (Picture 90.1)28 and tholos tomb IIa at Lenda-Lebena (CMS II 1, nos. 210-216; Picture 67.5), the majority of them were made of soft stones. A theriomorphic seal from tholos tomb E presents an early example of «Torsion» with two intercoiling snakes from opposite directions and placed in a symmetrical arrangement.29 The eyes of the snakes are rendered by a horizontal hole. The theriomorphic upper part of the seal is placed on a circular base which is filled underneath with a cross-hatched motif. The rest of the seal motifs consist of irregular linear subjects, net patterns, organised C-spirals placed in integral compositions with preset boundaries, and schematic representations of animals which is another evidence for the development towards new naturalistic scenes.30 An ivory seal with two sphragistic surfaces from the lower burial stratum of Funerary Building 19 carries on its bigger surface a motif consisting of four lions moving in circular torsional direction and revolving around a central decorative plant motif. Their bodies are oblong with long tails and their mane is engraved by two double lines of linear strokes. The other surface of the seal is decorated with two antithetical animals, probably goats. The bodies of the particular animals are exceptional for their plastic rendition and the clarity of the outlines.31 4.3.1. The Early Minoan III seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes: Designs and motifs The EM III period (2300-2100 BC) is represented by nine seals from tholos tomb Γ (upper level) (Picture 71.2),32 two seals from Funerary Building 5, four seals from the area between Funerary Buildings 8 and 9,33 two seals from Funerary Building 12 and two seals from Funerary Building 18 (Picture 72.5). Tholos tomb Γ is a well-preserved example of an early circular tomb which included a pithos burial, extended burials on the ground and eleven sarcophagi (the latter type of burial was apparently a Cycladic custom and is further attested at the Mallia, Pseira and Sphoungaras cemeteries). The finds included a hoard of sixteen Cycladic idols of the Spedos, Dokathismata and the Cretan Koumasa types, and suggested the development of marine enterprises in the area and the advanced relations with Cycladic populations or even a temporary Cycladic settlement at the site.34

28

Warren, P. M. Myrtos: An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete. 1972. pp. 226-227, fig. 97, Table 77. 29 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Crete: Archanes 1991. p. 126; Sakellarakis (n. 23) p. 295. 30 Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1976. pp. 376-377, pl. 218γ and p. 379, pl. 215α; id (n. 27) p. 295, pl. 245γ. 31 op. cit., p. 379. 32 Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1972. pp. 336-339, 342344. 33 Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1982. p. 499. 34 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1972. pp. 350-351; Sakellarakis, Y. «Τα Κυκλαδικά στοιχεία των Αρχανών». ΑΑΑ 10, 1977. pp. 93-115; id. «Το νεκροταφείο στο Φουρνί». Αρχαιολογία 53: Αρχάνες: ∆έκα Χρόνια Έρευνας. 1994. p. 17; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. I. 1997. pp. 342-348; for general information regarding the types of Cycladic

32

The EM III seals (Picture 71.2) belong to the cylindrical, button and three-sided prism types and are characterised by the appearance of completed shapes in the form of button and stamp cylinder seals.35 The earlier EM II irregular pyramidal shape seems to have disappeared completely. The repertoire of the motifs consists of the newly-introduced linear and leaf motifs, cross-hatched triangles and new studies of fishes and animals. The application of «Torsion» is fully developed and completed in the more competent compositions where the engraving field on the seal is left with no empty spaces at all. An ivory cylinder from tholos tomb Γ carries a motif with three fishes and constitutes a successful experimentation on a new subject. The materials, although similar to the previous period, are widely used and in larger quantities due to the more frequent contacts with Egypt and the Near East which provided the necessary raw materials. Towards the end of the period, the popularity of the soft stones for the production of seals gradually declined while hippopotamus tusk and bone became the most preferred materials. A small medium blue lapis-lazuli cylinder seal from Funerary Building 5 is probably a unique piece due to its quite unusual composition. The seal was found in a deposit which included seals of an EM III-MM IA date. The piece is apparently of Syrian source but appears to be flawed, re-cut and unfinished, and the blurred lapis-lazuli material which was used for its manufacture is of a lesser quality due to the inclusion of white calcite elements in the original material.36 The motif consists of a single male figure in the type of the «priest-king» dressed in the Syrian attire consisting of a cap or a veil covering the back of his head and the forehead, and a short kilt-like garment. The background is filled with typical Middle Bronze Age Syrian geometric and lattice patterns with discs, rhomboid motifs and antithetical triangles. The importance of the particular seal lies in the presence of palm leaves which are also represented in many Minoan Prepalatial seals (CMS II 1, nos. 226, 242, 311 [Picture 69.6], 450; II 2, no. 70 [Picture 75.1]), and the addition of Minoan-style elements in the posture of the male figure which appears to be «minoanized» in a way according to the rendering of the arch in his back, the position of the head and his dynamic movement. The seal presents a Syrian imagery but it was probably re-cut after it had been imported to Crete with the addition of Minoan elements.37 The piece comprised a fitting grave good as an item of jewellery or as a foreign import which was usually available to the leading classes of the social and administrative hierarchy and showed the status of the deceased. Its remodelling and restoration in prehistoric Crete provided the necessary

figurines, see Renfrew, C. The Cycladic Spirit. Masterpieces from the Nicholas P. Goulandris Collection. 1989. pp. 74-86. 35 Karytinos, A. «The stylistic development of seals from Archanes-Phourni throughout the Prepalatial period - Style and social meaning». CMS Beiheft 6. p. 127. 36 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Crete: Archanes 1991. p. 106; Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1967. p. 159, pl. 152 and ΠΑΕ 1972. p. 319. 37 Aruz, J. «Syrian seals and the evidence of cultural interaction between the Levant and Crete». CMS Beiheft 5. pp. 5-6.

Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals Minoan characteristics against a foreign Near Eastern imagery and background which were probably considered important and valuable aspects among the population of the Archanes area. 4.3.2. The Middle Minoan IA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes: Designs and motifs The size of the Phourni cemetery increased during the MM IA period in concordance with the uninterrupted use of the tholos tombs Β and Γ and the further use of Funerary Buildings 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 13, 29, the labyrinthine Building 18 and the apsidal Building 19. A new upper burial stratum was added in tholos tomb E which provided thirteen seals (Picture 71.3)38 and another hoard of fifteen seals was found inside Funerary Building 6 (Pictures 74.1-3, 74.8). The period was obviously the most important and the most prosperous in the cemetery’s long use. Paved areas were added in front of Building 6 which implied communal gatherings and post-mortem ceremonies. A new building complex was added to the centre of tholos tomb Β which consisted of nine rooms scattered around a central vaulted building and included a pillar crypt in the south side. The crypt contained a sarcophagus with the remains of nineteen deceased and a fixed offering table which provided further evidence for the cultic nature of the structure.39 The seals of the MM IA period consist of various shapes including three-sided prisms, cylinder, button, conical and discoid seals.40 Connections with the contemporary artistic currents of the Messara region and the pioneer position of Archanes in the area of seal-engraving may validate the possibility for the existence of a local workshop in the region dedicated to the uninterrupted production of seals. A bronze sphragistic ring with an elliptical bezel carrying a linear motif divided in five zones, was one of the most exceptional finds and provided evidence for the use of bronze even in those early stages of the Minoan culture. The ring was found near the phalanges of the fingers of the deceased from the upper burial stratum of tholos tomb E. Two ivory cylinder seals with a hollow interior from Buildings 6 and 16 respectively consist of two cylindrical bases which were closed by two thin caps carefully adjusted to the sides of the seal with ivory pegs. The seal was probably intended for the safe-keeping of an important material or substance. A unique seal which was part of a group of sixteen seals found in the eastern Rooms 1 and 2 of Building 6, consists of fourteen sphragistic faces carefully engraved in the squared cylinder shape of the seal with rounded corners which is intersected at three points providing three cubes around a cylindrical stalk carrying the suspension hole (Picture 73). The sphragistic faces appear on the sides of the cubes, on the base of the squared cylinder and on the tip of the cylindrical stalk (Pictures 75, 76). The seal is associated with other multifaced seals from Building 5 at Archanes, Platanos, Agia Triada, as well with the original cylindrical shape of the

38

Sakellarakis (n. 27) pp. 275-292. Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1966. p. 176. 40 Karytinos (n. 35) pp. 128-130. 39

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Mesopotamian seals.41 The motifs of these seals are reminiscent of the seals from tholos tomb IIa at LendaLebena (CMS II 2, nos. 204-209; Picture 67.4).42 The exceptional hoard of theriomorphic seals included a seal shaped in the form of a dog seated on its hind legs upon a longitudinal base from Building 7 (Picture 72.6). Another seal from Building 9 is formed like a standing woman wearing a long dress with a high bodice and a «collar Medicis» and clasping her hands below her breasts (Picture 72.7).43 A seal from Building 6 is fashioned in the shape of a fly (Picture 72.8). Sakellarakis, the excavator of the site, connected the seal with the hidden symbolism of the fly which implied courage in ancient Egypt. Its image appeared on medallions which were awarded to selected individuals for that particular reason.44 The tradition of the theriomorphic seals which began in EM IIA, is perfectly expressed at Archanes with the collection of twelve seals fashioned in the shape of a frog, seated monkey, seated dog, bull’s head, female figure with long dress and folded arms, boucrania and intercoiling snakes. During the MM IA period the torsional linear motifs continued to be the favourites along with the organised Cspirals, spiral complexes, cross-hatched triangles, meanders, rosettes and leaf patterns. An ivory cylinder seal from Building 6 represents four goats with inter-linking horns in the centre in order to form a cross with circles between its arms.45 Another seal from the same building represents three seated human figures in a circular, «floating» arrangement with their right hand raised around the edges of a two-lobe torsional motif.46 In the seals CMS II 6, no. 149 from Tourkogeitonia and II 6, no. 150 from Building 18, two pairs of male figures are schematically represented without any indication of individual characteristics. The scene in the latter seal was probably an attempt of the seal engraver to represent an early version of the later «offering schema» (Chapter 12) in religious glyptic iconography and its symbolic meaning may be considered of an exceptional value. Humans are also represented in two seals from Buildings 5 and 16 respectively in the form of male figures carrying two vessels supported by a horizontal stick passed on their shoulders. These figures are commonly regarded as potters at work.47 The choice of the subjects is evidence for the progress achieved in seal-engraving which moved from lifeless motifs into more complicated and representational scenes. The unique importance of Archanes is also evident from the seven hieroglyphic seals which present a new stylistic group

41

Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. I, 1997. pp. 327-329. 42 Sakellarakis (n. 27) p. 292. 43 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Crete: Archanes. 1991. p. 121, pl. 96. 44 Sakellarakis (n. 43) p. 100, pl. 76; The subject is also well represented on a carnelian pendant from the MM III Grave VII (Room 2) at Profitis Elias, in Karetsou, A. and Vlasaki-Andreadaki, M. (eds.) Κρήτη-Αίγυπτος: Πολιτιστικοί ∆εσµοί Τριών Χιλιετιών. 2000. p. 192, no. 188. 45 Sakellarakis (n. 43) pl. 78. 46 op. cit., pl. 77; ECS p. 208. 47 ECS. pp. 119-120, no. 130.22; See also CMS II 1, no. 300 from Platanos (Picture 69.5).

Ch. 4: Deposits and Iconography of Prepalatial EM II-MM IA Seals with a specific type of script generally known as the «Archanes Script Group» or «écriture d’Archanes» (CMS II 1, nos. 389-394).48 The hieroglyphic seals (one from Building 7, two from Building 3, and four from Building 6) are all made of bone and consist of discoid, cylindrical shapes and three-sided prisms. Their individual motifs, the less perfected hieroglyphics and their more simplistic appearance are opposed to the ornamental motifs and compositions of the earlier discussed seals from Platanos. Among them, the above mentioned seal which carries fourteen different sphragistic faces (Pictures 75, 76) is a unique example combining hieroglyphic symbols, representational scenes and decorative motifs with individual symbols including the hand, leg, seistrum and various combinations of the «fish-vessel-double axe» symbols.49 The symbols of the hieroglyphic seals probably suggest a logical coherence engraved in a special pattern in order to be read only by their impressions on pieces of clay and not by the seals themselves. The majority of them come from Funerary Building 6. If their date is actually MM IA or later as it has been suggested and as the pottery indicates which is dated from MM IA to MM II,50 the use of the hieroglyphic script probably precedes the date of the building of the First Palaces which provided certain evidence for the existence of a central authority and the use of a specific type of script for the control and the accumulation of economic surplus. This specific group of seals may represent a distinct group of individuals who could have been related in some ways and used the burial buildings at Archanes over a certain amount of time. It is important to add that this specific type of script on seals is unique to the whole island of Crete and seems to have been discontinued after a short period at the end of the Prepalatial era. The MM IA seals from the Phourni cemetery were indisputably engraved with advanced accuracy and increasing competence. The use of most of the pieces as decorative items and either as pieces of jewellery or as symbols of social status (prestige items), provided the stimulus for new efforts concerning more decorative and more impressive creations. The magical or talismanic purposes hidden beneath the wide use of the hieroglyphic symbols and the symbolism related to the plastic representations in the theriomorphic seals were further indications of the status that the Archanes area enjoyed as an important centre for the development of the art of seal engraving in the Early and Middle Bronze Age.

48

CHIC nos. 202, 251, 252, 314, 315; ECS pp. 169-172; Grumach, E. and Sakellarakis, Y. «Die neuen Hieroglyphensiegel vom Phourni, Archanes, I». Kadmos 5, 1966. pp. 109-114. 49 See Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellaraki, E. (n. 41) pp. 327-330 for a detailed discussion of the seal and the rest of the hieroglyphic seals from Archanes. 50 Sakellarakis (n. 34) p. 21.

34

Ch. 5: Typology of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals CHAPTER FIVE THE PROTOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IB-MIDDLE MINOAN IIIA (ca. 1800-1700 to 1700/1650-1640/1630 BC): SHAPES, MATERIALS AND TECHNICAL ASPECTS 5.1. General remarks The building of the First Palaces in Crete seems to have marked both the cultural and the political dynamics of Minoan Crete which led to a new social and political organisation. The first palaces were responsible for the consolidation of the architectural rules which would be also practised later in the building of the second palaces in the island. The central courts, palace shrines, series of magazines and palace workshops were some of the new elements which appeared as parts of the overall social change in Crete. The emergence of the peak sanctuaries as the major conveyors of cult with the sanctuary at Mt Juktas as its leading expression (Picture 26.1), all belong to this period.1 It appears that distinct and powerful social units established on a larger territorial scale, began to live by the beginning of MM IB in monumental buildings within already strongly developed urban environments. This phenomenon resulted in a more hierarchical and ranked social structure with absolute evidence for the support of craft specialisation, ritual or ritualised behaviour and organised economy which is evidenced by the variety of artefacts, storage areas and impressed documents.2 The Protopalatial period was the age in which the Cretans discovered and practised the art of writing in its most ancient form, the hieroglyphic script, sometime in MM IA and shortly before the rise of the First Palaces. Although the script proved to have been short-lived, it was the first linear writing system in the Aegean and the primary tool for the administrative practices that emerged in Crete. The hieroglyphic script is basically pictographic and uses 96 pictorial signs, syllabograms which conveyed the initial syllable of the represented objects and ideograms which conveyed the meaning of the objects, as well as 34 logograms, 9 fractions and a number of other signs as adjuncts and punctuation in conjunction with a decimal numerical system.3 There is no uniformity in the direction in which the script is written. Many hieroglyphic symbols consist mainly of representations of humans, body parts like heads, legs or arms, animals, fish, plants, vessels, armour, boats, architectural parts, geometric symbols and votive

1

Karetsou, A. «The peak sanctuary at Mt Juktas». SCABA. pp. 137-153. Cherry, J. «The emergence of the state in the Prehistoric Aegean». Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 210, 1984. pp. 7, 10; Warren, P. M. «The genesis of the Minoan palace». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 53-54; Branigan, K. «Some observations on state formation in Crete». In French, E. B. and Wardle, K. A. (eds.) Problems in Greek Prehistory. 1988. pp. 63-69. 3 Rehak, P. and Younger, J. G. «Review of Aegean Prehistory VII: Neopalatial, Final Palatial, and Postpalatial Crete». AJA 102: 1, 1998. p. 130; CHIC provides a catalogue of 331 hieroglyphic inscriptions (136 on seals and 122 on tablets) from Crete, Kythera and Samothrace. 2

35

objects including double axes. The script still remains undeciphered and any possible connections with other existing scripts of the time cannot be proven. Variations of the hieroglyphic script in different areas of Crete such as Knossos, Mallia and Phaistos may prove that different teams of scribes existed in the island. Protopalatial Phaistos must have been a pioneer in the engraving of hieroglyphic inscriptions according to the multiplicity of symbols in the famous MM II Phaistos disc, one of the most famous enigmas of the Minoan civilisation.4 Archanes was probably the pioneer as far as the «Archanes Script Group» of hieroglyphics is concerned, which used signs that appear to have been earlier than their equivalents in the typical hieroglyphic script as seen in the Mallia deposit. The signs were carved on seven seals dating to the EM III-MM IA period and their characteristics have been discussed in Chapter 4.3.2. The majority of the hieroglyphic inscriptions appear in seals and seal-impressions of the MM IIA period (CMS II 1, nos. 389-394) and the MM IIB period (CMS II 1, no. 126; Picture 66.4). A nodulus and a sealing with hieroglyphic signs accompanied by a fragment of a Linear A tablet from the MM IIA workshop area under the later South-West House at Knossos, may represent the earliest use of hieroglyphics at Knossos.5 Hieroglyphics are well-represented in the seals from the MM IIB Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, nos. 100, 116, 134) and in the seals from the MM IIB Quartier Mu, Mallia.6 Survivals of the hieroglyphic script also appear in later contexts in the form of hieroglyphic sealstones (CMS II 2, no. 256; V Suppl. 1B, no. 337) or nodules impressed by hieroglyphic seals.7 The script appears for the last time in a votive gold double axe from the Archalochori Cave sometime during the MM III-LM I period. The seals of the Protopalatial period are characterised by the evolution and perfection of older forms which were typical of the preceding period consisting of buttons, signets and scaraboid seals and the appearance of the forerunners of the Late Minoan and Late Helladic shapes of seals including the lentoid, cushion and amygdaloid seals (Pictures 6-9). The faces of the seals were now largely occupied by signs and groups of Evans’s Hieroglyphic Class B. The new hieroglyphic signs appear in flat-sided discs, three-sided prisms and seals of the signet type (petschaft). The new tendency towards the sophistication of the designs is represented by the symmetrical arrangement and the detailed representation of animal and human figures in addition to the earlier geometric and abstract forms which were

4 Axiotis, T. Η Αποκρυπτογράφησις του ∆ίσκου της Φαιστού. 1988; Craik, L. Phaistos Disc. 1990. 5 Weingarten, J. «Sealings and sealed documents at Bronze Age Knossos». In Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds.) Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. 1994. p. 178. 6 Poursat, J. C. «Sceaux et empreintes de sceaux». In Detournay, B, Poursat, J. C. and Vandenabeele, F. (eds.) Fouilles exécutées à Mallia. Le Quartier Mu II. Vases de pierre et de métal, vannerie, figurines et reliefs d’applique. Études Crétoises 26, 1980. pp. 157-229, esp. pp. 157-191 (seals) and 192229 (seal impressions). 7 Rehak and Younger (n. 3); CHIC nos. 138, 152, 153, 155.

Ch. 5: Typology of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals characteristic of the Prepalatial period. Some naturalistic studies of animals appear in the form of wild goats beneath tress, birds in three sided prisms and signet seals with naturalistic subjects such as agrimia standing on peaks.8

discussed in Chapter 6.3, 6.3.1 in connection with the seals from the Phaistos deposit.

A part of the craft developed from the survival of older motifs and shapes and particularly the theriomorphic and conoid seals decorated with ornamental linear motifs which were made of cheaper and softer materials like serpentine. This particular tendency probably reflects a spirit of conservatism and traditionalism although we cannot deny the fact that cheaper and simpler seals were made only due to clearly economical reasons and shortage of semiprecious materials. The new developments of the craft are related to the choice of harder stones and especially the silica-based minerals which are more commonly known as quartzes including rock-crystal, coloured jaspers (Pictures 11.7-10, 12.6), carnelian (Pictures 11.5,11.10, 11.12-14, 12.8-11), agate (Pictures 11.3, 11.11, 12.3) and amethyst. The technical advances consisted of the wide use of the cuttingwheel, the consolidation of the tubular drill as the most important medium for the rendering of the designs, and the extensive use of emery both as a cutting and as an abrasive medium due to its hardness by the presence of corundum in its chemical composition. Warren suggested that the EM III/MM IA period is the possible date for the appearance and constant use of the tubular drill, and the MM III/LM I period as the date for the appearance of a metal drill or cutter. As far as emery is concerned, he suggested that its wider use began after the MM III/LM I period according to traces on bore cores from a mixed deposit of the LM IB-LM IIIA period,9 but his observations were made on the basis of a material dated only on stylistic grounds and not based on stratigraphical sequence.

The steatites and serpentines continued to be very popular materials in the Protopalatial period due to their wide availability and relative cheapness. The period is also characterised by the appearance and subsequent use of the silica group of minerals, the coloured crystalline quartzes (SiO2). They are directly associated with the sedimentary class which is formed by particles eroded from older rocks (mechanical sediments), precipitation from water (chemical sediments) or by organic activity (organic sediments). The quartzes form the cement that bonds some sedimentary rocks together. They are members of the class of tectosilicates which make out about seventy-five per cent of the earth’s rocky crust. They consist of a three-dimensional structure of linked SiO4 tetrahedra where every oxygen atom in each tetrahedron is shared with neighbouring tetrahedra. This class also includes the feldspars which are important rockforming minerals.

In general terms, the MM II period is clearly a time of transition with achievements encountered not only in the field of seal-engraving but in pottery, too. The period is characterised by the appearance of the finest works of the Kamares pottery, the new ornamental light-on-dark style which was linked to the entire First Palatial period (ca. 19001700 BC) (Picture 30.2).10 The variety of the decorative themes with their flexibility and spreading all over the surface of the vessels was not yet parallel to any application of naturalistic subjects. The golden, blue, yellow and red lines radiating from a central nucleus follow the shape and emphasise the features of the vessels. However, the forceful and elastic curves of the decoration which follows the shape and the characteristic features of each vessel, may suggest that the artisans were looking for something apparently exotic which was going to be developed during the process of creation into the animal and plant themes of the later periods. In the Protopalatial period, the close connection between the motifs in seal iconography and in pottery are

8

PM I. pp. 274-275, fig. 204a; PM IV. p. 489, fig. 417. Warren, P. M. Minoan Stone Vases. 1969, pp. 160-161. Walberg, G. Kamares: A Study of Palatial Middle Minoan Pottery. 1976. p. 126.

9

10

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5.2. Materials11

The use of quartzes ultimately resulted in more accomplished works of a better quality although there were variations in the form and quality of some pieces according to the different properties of each stone. The macrocrystalline family of quartzes which includes true crystals like rock crystal and amethyst, obviously carried works of the best quality since the particular stones were expensive and rare. Rock-crystal, the pure crystalline quartz (SiO2-silicon dioxide), is colourless and transparent with a very brittle fracture and a hardness of 7.0.12 It resembles glass but is distinguished since only quartz shows double refraction. Some coloured varieties may occur due to the presence of small allochromatic admixtures of colouring agents. Amethyst (SiO2-silicon dioxide) was probably considered as the most valued stone of the quartz group. Its clear and transparent composition is sometimes shadowed by a violet colouring due to the presence of manganese which is also responsible for the appearance of stains and traces within the clear stone. Its hard composition (hardness 7.0) made it suitable for the manufacture of beads as parts of necklaces and other items of jewellery.

11

The rich subject of the lapidary’s art, the choice of materials and the techniques involved, had preoccupied scholars since antiquity. Ancient but vastly important studies include the work of Theophrastos (372/370-310 BC), De Lapidibus, written in 315-314 BC (translated and edited by Eichholz, D. E., 1965) and Pliny’s (Gaius Plinius Secundus, AD 23-79) Libri Naturalis Historiae (Natural History), Books XXXVI and XXXVII (translated and edited by D. E. Eichholz, 1962), both dealing with the nature, the origin and the use of gems. For the main sources of specific and modern information concerning the properties of each material in prehistoric and modern times, see Schumann, W. Gemstones of the World 1977, Rutland, E. H. An Introduction to the World’s Gemstones 1974 and Sinkankas, J. Gemstones and Mineral Data Book. A compilation of data, recipes, formulas and instructions for the mineralogist, gemologist, lapidary, jeweller, craftsman and collector. 1981. 12 For the use of rock crystal in Crete, see Marinatos, S. «Η ορεία κρύσταλλος εν Κρήτη». ΑΕ 1931. pp. 158-160.

Ch. 5: Typology of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals Another variation and sub-category of coloured crystalline quartzes is the cryptocrystalline or microcrystalline family made up of microscopic fibrous crystals. It includes the chalcedony silicates or chalcedonies, a cryptocrystalline silica group having a structure of microcrystalline quartz with some impurities. Their microporous structure tends to make their hardness just below 7.0. and is responsible for a wide range of colours, degrees of transparency and textures. The group includes the various chalcedonies (Pictures 11.6, 12.1-2), the coloured jaspers (Pictures 11.4, 11.7-9, 12.6) and the saphirines, a blue variety of chalcedony which was favoured later during the Neo-Babylonian period (625-539 BC) for the production of stamp seals and during the Achaemenid period (538-331 BC) for the Greco-Persian scaraboids. The latter material appears to have been non existent in the glyptic of the Bronze Age Aegean. The chalcedonies (Pictures 11.6, 12.1-2) consist of a cloudy white, milky, bluish or grey colour with a uniformly coloured or sometimes stained texture and a shell-like fracture with a hardness of 6.5. There are many varieties depending on the degree of translucency of the stone ranging from semi-opaque to opaque stones. The natural chalcedony has no layering or banding. Another member of the cryptocrystalline family is carnelian (Pictures 11.5, 11.10, 11.12-14, 12.8-11), a translucent clear to semi-opaque stone with a red or reddish brown colour and a variety of colour intensity and distribution. Carnelian was the most popular material for the production of the «talismanic» seals (Chapter 1.5, Picture II.8-10). Its brownish variation with parallel layers is commonly known as sard. The richly coloured chalcedonies also include the banded translucent varieties like agate and onyx. Agate (hardness 6.5) is a translucent semi-opaque chalcedony with parallel wavy or concentric bands of varying width and colours (grey, white [Pictures 11.3, 11.11, 12.3], brown, red, orange, blue, mauve and yellow), irregular, rough fracture and uneven surface. The bands are the result of gradual or simultaneous crystallisation of mineral agents. A variation with paler bands or red bands was employed for the manufacture of seals in Crete. Its red variety was often used as an imitation of carnelian or sard, and blue agate was a common substitute for chalcedony. The brown and black agate appears to be indigenous to Egypt and the light brown and crème agate is probably a product of the Cambay region of Western India (Picture 10).13 Egypt also appears to have been the most potential source for amethyst, carnelian and hematite stones (Picture 10). Onyx is a layered translucent stone with thicker and straighter dark brown and white bands. Sardonyx (Picture II.4) is basically a variation of onyx but with red and white banding and a brown base. The various opaque jaspers (hardness 6.5) of the quartz group appear in all colours according to the presence of different foreign elements. They are either striped or spotted with heavy impurities and uniformly coloured varieties are rare.

They include the red jasper as the commonest variation (Picture II.6), yellow (Picture I.7), brown, grey and black jaspers. The colours are often distributed in spots or bands in combination of two or more colours. A much rarer variation, the green jasper (Picture I.8-9), is found only occasionally in Palatial Crete. The red and green jaspers possibly derived from the single quarry located at Cape Tainaron in Peloponnese via the Minoan site of Kastri in the island of Kythera.14 The rest of the silicates and obviously the most precious materials were probably procured from Near Eastern and Egyptian sources (Picture 10). The particular translucent and opaque family of the chalcedonies was usually responsible for the production of deep-coloured stones of a relatively good quality but the tendency of some of the stones to accept staining as a result or as a decorative element in various cases, evidently offered the pieces with the best visual appearance. It is possible that the Minoan and later the Mycenaean seal-engravers used the natural colour banding and the veins of the stone in order to enhance the motifs in the intaglios of their seals and add a more dramatic and three-dimensional effect to the scenes. This may have been accidental due to the natural properties of the banded stones but it seems very possible that the artists were able to exploit the fact that a number of banded stones provided the appropriate background for the rendering of more dynamic motifs. In the case of stones indigenous to Greece, the so-called lapis-lacedaemonius seems to have been procured from the exclusive deposit located at Croceae, North of Skala Laconias in the southern hill of Mount Taygetos.15 It consists of green porphyry spotted with pale green rectangular crystals. Its earliest appearance can be dated in the beginning of the 16th century when the contacts of Crete with the mainland became more intense. The material was mainly responsible for the production of lentoids in the LM/LH IIIIIA period. Hematite (Picture II.7), probably one of the hardest stones ever used in the prehistoric Aegean (hardness 6.5+), is a ferric oxide (Fe2O3) with uneven, fibrous fracture and a dull opaque, deep brown/red or steely grey and black colour. It belongs to the class of oxides and hydroxides where one or more of its elements are combined with oxygen. The stone has a metallic lustre and in thin sections is tinted red. When the mineral is finely powdered, it leaves a constant red streak which is usually determined in chemical terms by rubbing a hematite specimen across a piece of unglazed porcelain. Although it was widely used in Syrian cylinder seals from Ras Shamra-Ugarit in particular,16 its presence in Crete is more related to some cylinders with a possible Oriental origin. It was probably considered as one of the best stones for sealing purposes in Near East due to its resistance to

14

Hope-Simpson, R. Mycenaean Greece. 1981. Site E 43. op. cit., Site E 13; Waterhouse, H. and Hope-Simpson, R. «Prehistoric Laconia: Part I». BSA 55, 1960. pp. 105-107 with catalogue. 16 Amiet, P. Sceaux cylindres en hématite et pierres diverses. Corpus des cylindres de Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Vol. 2. 1992. 15

13 Younger, J. G. «Semiprecious stones to the Aegean». Archaeological News 8.2/3, 1979. pp. 40-44; Possehl, G. L. «Cambay Bead-making». Expedition 23.4, 1981. pp. 39-46.

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Ch. 5: Typology of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals wear and its hard texture which provided sharp-cut designs and produced clear impressions on clay. In modern lapidary workshops, the craftsmen consider hematite as one of the hardest stones to work since the iron in the stone causes the tools to wear out quickly. In the case of harder stones like hematite, the stones probably arrived either in the form of raw bulk as pre-cut beads (CMS V, nos. 671, 674) or as foreign already cut pieces of jewellery.17 The stones were probably imported in small sizes and the Minoan engravers created small seals in order to preserve valuable material. Amethyst and lapislazuli appear in relatively few numbers and were extremely rare in the Late Bronze Age. Lapis-lazuli or lazurite (NaCa)7-8(AlSi)12(OS)24[(SO)4CI2(OH)2]: sulphur containing sodium aluminium silicate- is a complex opaque blue stone with grainy fibrous fracture and a hardness of 5.56.0.18 It belongs to the class of the tectosilicates. The blue colour is the result of isomorphous series of aluminium silicates and is often spotted with bronze and golden specks called iron pyrites (FeS2) which are composed of several minerals. The stone is known to have derived from the ancient mines of the Badakshan region in North-east Afghanistan (Picture 10). An early example of a lapis-lazuli stone is the rectangular prism CMS II 2, no. 286 but thereafter it became rare in the prehistoric Aegean except for the isolated pieces CMS I, no. 289, V 2, no. 639 and the occurrence of a quantity of the stone in the early Mycenaean Kakovatos in the Greek mainland.19 Two other materials with a very limited occurrence in the Aegean glyptic tradition but extremely popular in the production of jewellery, are faience and glass-paste. Faience is a mixture of ground and powdered quartz, milky limestone and alkali. Its core was worked to a plastic substance according to the desired shape and size. A dusting of powdered coloured glass and the firing of the substance followed. The materials melted into a white substance while the glass powder provided a very thin protective layer. The whole procedure is known as vitrification. Faience was probably procured from Egypt and became popular in Crete after the Middle Minoan period for the production of beads, relief plaques and vessels. Glass-paste consists of powdered glass and mixtures of quartz or sand with limestone and alkaline substances which were all melted and cast in various ways in order to acquire the desired shape. With the process of firing, the glass particles melted forming an opaque substance with a loose texture. The material was already known in Crete since the Neopalatial period. Blue glasspaste seems to have replaced in LH III the blue faience of the LH I period in mainland Greece. Pale yellow glass-paste was employed for imitations of gold, the silvery coloured glasspaste for imitations of silver and the variously coloured glass-paste for imitations of semi-precious stones.

17 Younger, J. G. Bronze Age Aegean Seals in their Middle Phase (ca. 17001550 BC). SIMA CII, 1993. p. 184. 18 For detailed information on lapis-lazuli and its use in antiquity, see Van Rosen, L. Lapis Lazuli in Geological Contexts and in Ancient Written Sources. SIMA Pocket Books 65, 1988. 19 Higgins, R. A. Greek and Roman Jewellery. 1961. pp. 74-75.

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No material seems to have been destined for a single shape or group of seals and seals appear in almost every shape. It is possible that the popularity of a particular material depended on its direct availability and not on purely aesthetic reasons since some stones may have been more readily available in the Aegean than others. The continuing popularity of the easily procured steatite and serpentine is obviously an indication that the materials in question could have been used for testing newly introduced motifs and shapes before they were perfected in harder and more precious minerals. It is probable that they were manufactured in order to satisfy a less-privileged clientele which required sealstones but could not afford the semi-precious and expensive pieces. The colour banding of the translucent chalcedonies may indicate that banded stones were of special significance and may have been attributed with a sense of magical potency. Although a seal and especially its material could have carried a number of different properties, it was primarily designed as a jewel worn on bracelets and necklaces most of the times so the aspect of aesthetics alone was obviously a factor of major importance to the Aegean collectors and recipients of every particular item. 5.3. Tools and techniques As far as tools are concerned, the bow-drill based on the principle of rotation remained the main source of engraving power and it was responsible for the regularity of the stone profiles and the accuracy of designs. The solid drill and the heads of the tubular drill are attested by marks left on sealstones and by the regularity and precision of the designs with concentric circles.20 The solid and tubular drills usually had the form of copper cylinders. The tubular drill carried mixed metal drills with tips of various shapes and edges of varying thickness probably spherical or blunt, which could have been fitted on the detachable spindle. It often carried a spatula-shaped cutting edge and its stem was square in section so that it could have been firmly stuck in the shaft. Tips made of wood were probably used in the earlier stages but they were soon replaced by metal attachments which were more durable and produced more versatile designs. The drills were operated by a bow with its string tied around the shaft of the drill and the bow drawn back and forth. The movement of the spindle was provided by the operation of a fiddle-bow which was handled by the engraver’s apprentice or assistant. Drilled seals of hard stones were first found among the unfinished pieces of the Mallia Workshop (Pictures 18, 19, 77.2-7) and particularly the seals CMS II 2, nos. 128-130, 150, 168. The date of the appearance of the horizontal bow-lathe can be traced in the MM IIB level of the Mallia Workshop and within the majority of the seal motifs from the slightly later Phaistos Deposit (Pictures 23, 83.1-12, 84.1-7). The horizontal bow-lathe could make distinctive straight cuts when it was applied horizontally across the surface of the seal. The point where the cutting edge touched the convex

20

Evely, R. D. G. Minoan Crafts: Tools and Techniques. An Introduction. Vol. I. SIMA XCII:1, 1993. pp. 157-158.

Ch. 5: Typology of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals face of the seal is often evident by cuts which taper at both ends on the surface of the stone. This arrangement is evident in the pieces CMS II 3, no. 162 and CMS II 5, nos. 2, 3. Drills made of wood produced large and deep dots with marked horizontal ridges.21 The use of various drills was responsible for the engraving of the majority of designs including rings, arcs, dots and centred circles including the so-called «Olympic» circles (CMS XII, no. 93b). The tubular drill produced rings when it was held perpendicularly to the face of the seal or arcs with tapering edges when it was held at an angle (CMS II 3, no. 162). The solid drill was responsible for the making of tiny dots which usually represented the eyes and noses of animals (CMS II 2, no. 79a, c). A wider variety of designs could be made by the combination of both drills which allowed the artist-engraver to model the surfaces more easily. The introduction of the cutting-wheel can be possibly described as a revolutionary technical innovation based on wheel-driven rather than bow-driven tools allowing faster and continuous action on the rotating wheels by avoiding the stop-and-start movement of the bow. The wheel could also provide greater facility in the working of harder stones. The cutting-wheel consisted of a head fashioned from a block of pumice or emery in the form of a wooden or metal disc which is more commonly known as «cap-wheel». This particular version with its rotating motion either continuous or alternating, could have been operated by an assistant or apprentice of the engraver and could have left both the engraver’s hands free allowing him to take full control of his work by presenting the stone directly to the cutting edge of the wheel.22 The cutting-wheel was responsible for the making of the accurate linear motifs in the seals which impressed the Phaistos sealings (Pictures 83.1-12, 84.1-7) and the linearised hieroglyphic symbols in the seals from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos. Its contribution to the execution of the naturalistic motifs of the following Neopalatial period was obviously very significant since the biggest parts of the human and animal bodies as well as some of the architectural elements were all engraved by the cutting-wheel. The use of the wheel was also responsible for the regular and geometric linear grooves with parallel and fine lateral scratching, although its presence is still under dispute in favour of some sort of a saw or an abrasive splinter.23 The solid and tubular drills remained popular but only responsible for the engraving of additional details including the eyes of the humans, the legs of the animals and the ends of their tails.24 Tools made of cane or wood could have been equally effective either driven by the hands of the engraver or adjusted to the hand-operated bow and rotated to drill

21 CMS II 5, nos. 59 (Picture 81.1), 110, 140 (Picture 81.5), 205 and XII, no. 93c; Younger (n. 17) p. xxii. 22 Yule, P. and Schürmann, K. «Technical observations in glyptic». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 273-282, esp. p. 274. 23 Evely (n. 20). 24 Boulotis, C. «Η µικρογλυπτική των κρητοµυκηναϊκών σφραγίδων». Αρχαιολογία 9, 1983. p. 23.

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simple designs like small circles.25 Pointed tools including needles were also used in order to render delicate details of the engraving. Carving tools made of metal may have been more appropriate for the handling of harder materials. In addition to the earlier abrasives including pumice and sand, emery became the most popular with its high potential to work the harder range of stones. The polishing which was obviously the final stage of the abrasion work, was applied by means of leather, cloth, wood or bone object in connection with the utilising of some lubricant like water or olive oil, especially for the harder stones. In ancient iconography, an early example for the representation of the process of manufacturing and cutting of seals comes from a scene in the tomb of Tiy at Saqqara of the Egyptian 5th Dynasty (ca. 2490-2350 BC), with the representation of a seal-cutter opening a hole through a cylinder with the aid of a hand drill (Picture 12.1).26 It is clear that the artisan is opening a suspension hole through the body of a cylinder seal. A more famous fragment of an Egyptian fresco from the eastern upper section of the South wall of the tomb of Rekhmere (or Rekh-mi-re) at Thebes dated around 1450 BC and contemporary with the Egyptian 18th dynasty and the reign of Tuthmoses III (1479-1425 BC), represents the deceased supervising various stoneworkers, jewellers and leatherworkers during different stages of their work (Picture 12.2).27 A bead-maker holding a drill driven by a horizontal bow is opening suspension holes in lentoid seals. The red and blue colour of the beads probably indicate the use of carnelian and lapis-lazuli respectively. This particular technique may have been applied to the engraving of seals, too. In the ancient Greek world, the first visual evidence for the fixed drill or «bow-lathe» is a Greek scarab of the 5th century BC in the British Museum representing an artisan handling a spindle with the alternating movement of a horizontal bow-lathe. The object which is being engraved is well-adjusted to a horizontal surface and may be some type of a seal.28 The second evidence consists of a fragmentary representation on the tombstone of the eighteen-year-old Lydian seal-engraver Doros of Sardis who died in Philadelpheia, Lydia, dated in the 2nd century AD (Picture 11). It also provides evidence that the bow-lathe remained the chief equipment for seal engraving for a long time. The fragment of the tombstone shows a fixed horizontal lathe

25 CS p. 70; Betts, J. H. «Seals of the MM III: Chronology and technical revolution». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 9. 26 James, T. G. H. «Ancient Egyptian seals» in Collon, D. (ed.) 7000 Years of Seals. 1997. p. 36; Keel, O. Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palästina/Israel: von den Anfängen bis zur Perserzeit. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Series Archaeologica 10, 1995. fig. 233; Gorelick, L. and Gwinnett, A. J. «The origin and development of the ancient Near Eastern cylinder seal». Expedition 23:4, 1981. p. 24, figs. 9a-b; Original publication in Wreszinski, W. Atlas zur altägyptischen Kulturgeschichte III. Gräber des alter Reiches. 1936. pl. 35. 27 Davis, N. The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebes. 1973. p. 49, pl. LIV; Gorelick, L. and Gwinnett, A. J. «Ancient seals and modern science. Using electron microscope as an aid in the study of ancient seals». Expedition 20:2, 1978. p. 40, fig. 4. 28 Middleton, J. H. The Engraved Gems of Classical Times. 1891. p. 103.

Ch. 5: Typology of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals worked by a bow-drill.29 The relief is showing the tool rather finely constructed with the spindle or rod laid across two vertical struts placed at each end of the rod. A bow with its thong looped over the spindle is placed in front of the upright support. The part of the relief showing the extreme point of the lathe is missing. Various reconstructions of the missing part demonstrate that the missing and probably pointed end, would have been the piece on to which the tools would have been hafted.30

29

Original publication in Kontoleon, A. «Epigraphia». Mitteilungen des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts: Athenische Abteilung 15, 1890. pp. 333-334. 30 op. cit.; Fürtwangler, A. Die antike Gemmen. Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst im klassischen Altertum, III. 1900. p. 399, fig. 206; Feldhaus, F. M. Die Technik der Vorzeit, der geschichtlichen Zeit und der Naturvölker: Ein handbuch für Archäologen und Historiken, Museen und Sammler, Kunsthündler und Antiquare. 1914. p. 212, fig. 147; Charleston, R. J. «Wheel-engraving and cutting: Some early equipment. I. Engraving». Journal of Glass Studies 6, 1964. p. 85, fig. 2; GGFR. pp. 380-382, fig. 316; Gorelick, L. and Gwinnett, A. J. «Ancient lapidary: A study using scanning electron microscopy and functional analysis». Expedition 22:1, 1979. p. 25, fig. 20; Younger, J. G. «A study of seals in Greek Late Bronze Age». Expedition 23:4, 1981. p. 32, fig. 2; Yule, P. and Schürmann, K. «Technical observations in glyptic». CMS Beiheft 1. p. 277, fig. 6; Merrillees, P. H. Cylinder and Stamp Seals in Australian Collections. 1990. p. 26, pl. 2.

40

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals CHAPTER SIX THE PROTOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IB-MIDDLE MINOAN IIIA (ca. 1800-1700 to 1700/1650-1640/1630 BC): DESIGNS AND MOTIFS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE MOST REPRESENTATIVE DEPOSITS 6.1. General remarks The spirit of progress of the legendary «pax Minoica» was basically responsible for the intensive Cretan contacts abroad, the establishment of the first Minoan colonies, the new organisation of social and religious life which involved the expansion of the early cemeteries into extended necropoleis and the appearance of the peak sanctuaries. (Chapter 5.1) It is therefore not surprising that there was a rapid development in all the branches of art which had already begun to flourish in the Prepalatial period. The Middle Minoan period is obviously the time when the proliferation of the artists reached the highest point. The seal-production of the period dated between ca. 1700 to 1550 BC is best represented by some very important assemblages of seals and sealings: the MM II workshop at Mallia (Pictures 18, 19, 77.3-7), the MM IIB deposit of sealings at Phaistos (Pictures 23, 83.1-12, 84.1-7) and the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos dated probably in the MM IIB (Pictures 20, 78, 79.1). A smaller but also important hieroglyphic archive of a MM II date has also been attested from the site of Petras in East Crete (Section 5.6). 6.2. The Mallia Workshop The excavation at the workshop at Mallia (Pictures 18, 19) located in the North-east periphery of Quartier Mu West of the palace, revealed the remains of an artisan’s quarter (atelier) occupying a large area including the important Buildings A and B.1 The deposit was associated with pottery

1 Dessenne, A. «Recherches dans les quartiers d’ habitation: a) Ateliers de pierres gravées». BCH 81, 1957. pp. 693-695, fig. 11-14, with an account of the location and a brief report of the most important finds from the workshop; Poursat, J. C. «Mallia: Ateliers de sceaux». BCH 102, 1978. pp. 831-834; For visual references of the seals, see CMS II 2, nos. 86-198 (Picture 75.2-7); Poursat, J. C. Fouilles executées à Mallia: Le Quartier Mu III. Artisans Minoens : Les maisons-ateliers du Quartier Mu. Études Crétoises 32, 1996. pp. 7-22 (architecture) and pp. 103-110 (the seals and sealings); id. «L’ atelier des sceaux et le Quartier Mu de Mallia: Étude comparée des sceaux découverts». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 159ff; The seals HM 2520, HM 2521, HM 2522, HM 2523, HM 2524, HM 2646, HM 2647, HM 2648, HM 2649, HM 2650, HM 2651, HM 2652, HM 2653, HM 2654, HM 2655, HM 2655b, HM 2656, HM 2663, 2664, HM 2749, HM 2750, HM 3019, HM 3020, HM 3021, HM 3022, HM 3023 from the Workshop, described in Poursat, 1996, pp. 104-105 and figs. 58-66, should be added to the catalogue of seals in CMS II 2, nos. 86-198. See also Chapouthier, F. Fouilles exécutées à Mallia: Les écritures minoénnes au palais de Mallia, d’ après le depôt d’archives exhumé sous la direction de Charles Picard, par Louis Renaudin et Jean Charbonneaux. Études Crétoises 2, 1930; Poursat, J. C. «Hieroglyphic documents and sealings from Mallia, Quartier Mu: A functional analysis». In Palaima, T. G. (ed.) Aegean Seals Sealings and Administration. Aegaeum 5, 1990. pp. 25-29; Pelon, O. «Minoan palaces and workshops: New data from Mallia». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 269-272 for general information about the areas discussed.

41

which corresponded to the Knossos MM IIB ceramic style. The scattered remains which were probably the result of destruction by fire, included raw materials, unfinished seals, blanks in the process of manufacturing and tools which showed the various stages of the engraving process. The majority of the seals from the workshop (Picture 77.2-7) consisted of three-sided prisms with elliptical or circular faces and conoid seals of steatite and serpentine. In addition, there were some pieces made of other materials including obsidian, chalcedony, jasper, agate and conglomerate. The tools included saws, burins, tubular drills, needles and obsidian blades found alongside with pieces of clay which were probably used for the taking of test impressions of designs before the final process of the engraving. The separate assemblage of seals and sealings found in the MM IIB destruction levels of the rest of the buildings at Quartier Mu, basically consisted of three-sided prisms similar to those found in the nearby atelier. 2 Some of the seals present hieroglyphic signs (CMS II 2, nos. 100, 116, 134) and there are examples depicting animal heads.3 A number of sealings from Quartier Mu (CMS II 6, nos. 176-184, 187-189), a sealing from Quartier Theta (CMS II 6, no. 175) and a sealing from the «Dépôt hiéroglyphique» from Vestibule III8 in the Palace (CMS II 6, no. 168) also depict similar hieroglyphic signs in a variety of combinations. Some 40 seals show a wider range of motifs than those from the engraver’s workshop and harder stones seemed to have been more in use. The style, although it is somehow more «advanced» when compared to the seals from the atelier, is by no means parallel to the naturalistic style of the Phaistos sealings which shows a tendency towards the appearance of representational motifs and the interest in the rendition of the scene’s background. The seals from the surrounding buildings of Quartier Mu show some progress regarding the choice of materials and subjects but they should be considered contemporaneous with the neighbouring atelier and should be dated accordingly.4 6.2.1. Designs and motifs of the seals from the Mallia Workshop The seals from the Mallia Workshop show new balanced compositions and a more careful appearance which was obviously the result of the proliferation of the artists who seemed to have paid more attention to the final contour of each seal.5 This comprised a part of the engraving process which had been neglected in the past. The new tools

2

Detournay, B., Poursat, J. C. and Vandenabeele, F. Fouilles exécutées à Mallia: Le Quartier Mu II. Études Crétoises 26, 1980. Chapter VII, pp. 157234, nos. 230-258 (seals) and nos. 259-274 (sealings). The flattened cylinders nos. 253-254, the discoids nos. 256-257 and the lentoid seal no. 258, probably belong to the Late Bronze Age levels; Poursat, J. C. Fouilles exécutées à Mallia: Le Quartier Mu III. Artisans Minoens : les maisonsateliers du Quartier Mu. Études Crétoises 32, 1996. pp. 7-22 (architecture) and 103-110 (the seals and sealings). 3 Detournay et al. (n. 2) nos. 241-243. 4 Betts, J. H. «Seals of the MM III: Chronology and technical revolution». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 6. 5 See the article on the subject by Poursat, J. C. and Papatsarouha, E. «Les sceaux de l’ Atelier de Mallia: Questions de style». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 257268.

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals including the horizontal bow-lathe, seem to have been used for the majority of the motifs but a number of hand-held tools were still responsible for some unbalanced and less skilled compositions. Every attempt for the survival of older decorative motifs and techniques should be considered from now on as «archaism». Typical subjects include geometric patterns with linear and curvilinear elements, abstract designs, ornamental motifs like solitary circles or rows of overlapping circles, crescents made by a tubular drill and the application of the already familiar principles of «Rapport» and «Torsion». A number of seals carry the motifs of animals, birds and the repetitive representation of scorpions and specific insects like spiders (Table 5.1). There are some rudimentary representations of a «narrative» character with human figures still with the «bird-like» appearance of the preceding period but it seems that the human figure motif had been consolidated and exploited as a specific iconographical type per se.6 Other motifs include boats, a human figure, probably a potter holding a two-handled vessel (CMS II 2, no. 179a) as an example of the variety of scenes with potters at various stages of their craft (CMS II 2, nos. 76, 157, 178, 190, 241),7 and an early representation of an idol of a «goddess» or priestess with upraised arms (CMS II 2, no. 127; Picture 75.3; Table 5.1.). I am inclined to think that the austere reverential posture, the bowed head, the animalistic bird-like head and the sometimes high collar which projects from the costume of the «potters» and the rest of the standing figures and was probably used for the representation of a formal dress, were not actually incidental (CMS II 2, nos. 157, 178, 179, 190). It would not have been necessary for the artists to represent scenes from everyday and possibly trivial activities which in the case of the Mallia seals seem to appear in significant numbers and often with a general disposition for repetition. In fact, the presence of potters only is peculiar and the representation of their hand resting on amphora handles may indicate a ritual gesture and not the simple representation of a potter in his everyday activities. Another possible ritual gesture is indicated by the raised left hand of the standing figures which are either depicted alone (CMS II 2, nos. 89, 98b, 102, 118a, 119?) or following a figure which is represented with the hands down resting near the waist (CMS II 2, nos. 159a). The second side of the prism in CMS II 2, no. 159b represents a unique scene with two figures with raised hands following a single leading figure without any indication of a specific gesture.8 If we accept the possibility that the gestures are actually ritual, the scenes may constitute representations of a sacred dance or procession performed by a number of male figures. The number of figures in each scene was often dictated by the size of the available sphragistic surface of the stones.

Table 2. The main representational motifs in the seals from the Mallia Workshop: 1. Single human figures: CMS II 2, nos. 89b, 98b, 102a, 104c, 118a, 119a, 152, 153a (Picture 75.4), 157a, 163b, 164c, 174a, 178a, 179a, 190a, 195a, 197a 2. Pairs of human figures: II 2, nos. 159a (Picture 73.5), 160b, 182a 3. Three human figures: II 2, nos. 159b (Picture 73.5), 198b 4. Spiders: II 2, nos. 92, 101a, 124a, 145c, 154c, 156c, 171c, 184c, 189a, 198a 5. Scorpions: II 2, nos. 153c (Picture 75.4) 6. Boats: II 2, no. 100a 7. Religious (?): II 2, no. 127 (Picture 75.3) A large percentage of the three-sided prisms carries engraved hieroglyphic symbols related to the pieces from the slightly later Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos (CMS II 2, nos. 100b, 116a, 168a) and the stray finds from the surrounding Mallia territory (CMS II 2, nos. 227, 230, 244b-c). Some examples of four-sided prisms either in the form of rectangular bars or as four-sided prismatic seals, were made exclusively for hieroglyphic inscriptions (CMS XII, no. 113; Picture 94.4). The persistence of the artisans in the engraving of hieroglyphic symbols only in the surface of three-sided or four-sided prisms can be explained by the fact that the particular shape offered an extended surface area which was suitable for a variety of inscriptions with a specific pattern of orientation and it was reminiscent in a way of tablets made of perishable materials like wood or of documents written on papyrus containing texts in hieroglyphic symbols. The possibility that the Minoans used documents written on other materials beyond the conventional three-sided prisms cannot be excluded since the period is characterised by a tendency towards the invention and the adoption of a new writing system which coincided in a way with the emergence of the First Palaces. The advanced relations with Egypt and the presence of typical Egyptian scarabs engraved with hieroglyphics of the Middle Kingdom which reached areas of Eastern Crete, probably had a maximum impact on the Minoans. The obvious familiarity of the Cretan artists with the Egyptian scarabs of the 11th and 12th dynasties (ca. 20231786 BC) resulted in the adoption of the symbols of their neighbours and the imitation of some of their inscriptions in purely Cretan territories.9

6

ECS. p. 119, motif 1B and pp. 212ff. Van Effenterre, H. Le Palais de Mallia et la Cité minoénne. Vol. I, 1980. p. 558. Originally recognised as «potters» by Evans, A. SM I. p. 132. 8 See also the MM II prism CMS XII, no. 58c and CMCG. nos. 3548 and 3335, p. 5, no. 35, pl. XVI and p. 14, no. 83, pl. XVIII. 7

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9

Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978. p. 262.

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals 6.3. The Phaistos Deposit 6.3.1. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Phaistos Deposit The 6,586 sealings impressed by a variety of 327 different seals from Phaistos were discovered in 1984 beneath a layer of concrete in the southern part of Room 25 below the pavement of the hall between the Central Court and the West Magazines located within the grounds of the West Wing of the New Palace (CMS II 5, nos. 1-326; Pictures 23, 83.1-12, 84.1-7). Smaller deposits of sealings were also attested from Rooms 10, 11, LI, LV and Sottoscala LIII-LV. Of the total number of sealings, 1,544 bore legible seal-impressions, 1,600 fragments are illegible, 825 fragments bore sealimpressions but no impressions on the reverse, 304 fragments bore no impressions but were impressed on the reverse side, 233 fragments were poorly preserved and 1,705 fragments were crushed and deformed sealings. Among the fragments there were also 375 spherical matrices. The sealings consist the best preserved and the most informative «abandoned» and occasionally «living» archive in Crete with undamaged clay sealings, some still attached to the containers.10 The sealings mainly include geometric designs, examples of cross-hatching, straight cuts and wide use of cup-sinking.11 The date of the deposit was assigned to the MM IIB period according to the pottery which corresponded to the Knossos MM IIB style, but the proposed dates vary considerably (Table 3). Table 3. Suggested dates for the Phaistos deposit. 1. MM IB-IIA (Levi, 1957/1958. pp. 7-192) 2. MM IIA (Zois, 1965. pp. 27-109) 3. MM IIB (Fiandra, 1968. p. 385, footnote 2; Pini, 1970. pp. xiv-xvi; Walberg, 1981. pp. 248-249) 4. MM II-III (Kenna, 1968. p. 191) The stratum in Room 25 was discovered beneath two Neopalatial floors, in a cement-like filling below which the archive rested upon Neolithic layers. The Protopalatial period was represented by only one phase in the area instead of the four Protopalatial phases in the West and Southwest parts of the palace. The sealings were later mixed with mortar during the levelling process of the strata which was required for the building of the Neopalatial structures. The sealing deposit was accompanied by cult vessels, conical cups, clay tubes, decorated jugs and jars, and 400 complete or fragmented juglets for precious oil, perfume or wine. In none of the cases did the sealings appear to have sealed any of those juglets. The stratum also included a considerable amount of Classical Kamares pottery which was dated accordingly in MM IIB. There is a close relation between the motifs of the Classical Kamares pottery (Picture 30.2) and the motifs in some of the sealings from the deposit.12 On mainly stylistic grounds, if not on an exact stratigraphybased analysis, this particular observation can provide strong

evidence for the acceptance of a MM IIB dating for the Phaistos sealings which seems to be the most accurate. Although the date appears to be almost the same as that of the Mallia Workshop, the motifs, style and shape of the seals from the two deposits do not seem to share many common elements. It is possible that a certain amount of time must have elapsed between them allowing the perfection of techniques and tools including the horizontal bow-lathe, the more skilful use of the tubular drill and the consolidation of new shapes and motifs which first appeared in the Phaistos Deposit. This particular progress may have been a part of a transitional phase when the advance of the engraving technique marked the beginning of the most prolific stage in the history of the Aegean glyptic. In general terms, the Phaistos sealings show more careful and complex designs with interlaced patterns and wide use of the cutting-wheel, although the linear designs could have been easily carved by simple hand-held tools. The impressions include a variety of circular, ellipsoid, square and rectangular shapes and there are some pieces where there is evidence for representational motifs with animals (lions, agrimia, apes), birds and species of the marine world designed with a tendency towards naturalism. At Phaistos, the lions have already obtained their new Anatolian type, as opposed to the Mesopotamian type which consisted of processional arrangements as shown in the earlier seals from Platanos (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1). The new iconographical type of lion consisted of a square muzzle and an open jaw and is often presented in antithetical schemata (CMS II 5, nos. 270275; Picture 82.2-3).13 Some pieces represent mythical monsters which appear for the first time in glyptic including the Cretan griffin,14 sphinxes, and possibly the earliest version of «Minoan Genius» (Table 5.4.).15 The studies of «Minoan Genii» are rather elaborate versions of demons and their concept is reminiscent according to the basic characteristics of the much later LH IIA agate amygdaloid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 232). As mentioned earlier, there is a direct correspondence between the motifs in the seals and the designs in the bodies of Early and Classical Kamares vessels (Picture 30.2). In the case of seals, the relationship between the motifs which are formed by carved outlines, and the plain circular or ovoid background which does not allow any colour-contrasting areas, is opposed to the more independent decoration of the Kamares ware where the wider use of colour for the designs may appear more dramatic over the larger bodies of the vessels. Typical Classical Kamares small ovoid jugs are represented in CMS II 5, nos. 239, 240 and 322 (Picture 82.6).16 General motifs of the Phaistos sealings like radiating motifs (CMS II 5, nos. 82, 124-140; Picture 81.3-5), rosettes with rounded petals (CMS II 5, nos. 135, 140; Picture 81.5),

13

Immerwahr, S. Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age. 1990. p. 30. Frankfort, H. «Notes on the Cretan Griffin». BSA 37, 1936/1937. pp. 106132. 15 Gill, M. A. V. «The Minoan Genius». AthMitt 79, 1964. pp. 1-21; id. «The Minoan Genius reconsidered». AJA 74, 1970. pp. 404-406. 16 Walberg, G. Kamares. A Study of the Character of Palatial Middle Minoan Pottery. 1976. Types 47, 117. 14

10

For a discussion on the typology of archives, see Chapter 1.2. Original publication in Levi, D. «L’ Archivio di Cretule i Festòs». ASAtene 35-36, 1958. pp. 7-192. 12 Walberg, G. «The date of the Archivio di Cretule in Phaistos». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 245, 248-249. 11

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Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals varieties of antithetical J-spirals17 and whirling motifs,18 are all frequent in Classical Kamares pottery. The interrelation between the motifs in the Phaistos sealings and the Kamares ware is further evidenced from other decorative motifs including the four-petal rosette (CMS II 5, nos. 213, 218219; Picture 81.10), the eight-petal rosette (CMS II 5, no. 140; Picture 81.5), the petaloid loop (CMS II 5, no. 209; Picture 81.9), the interlocking circles (CMS II 5, nos. 25, 45) and variations of the spiral motif (CMS II 5, nos. 168-169) which are all frequent on the bodies of Kamares vessels.19 The radiating motif in the seal CMS II 5, no. 134, is reminiscent of a type of motif which appears in the MM IBIIA Early Kamares pottery and probably indicates that the seal belongs to an earlier phase.20 It should be considered that many seals may have survived as heirlooms due to their artistic or sentimental value even after a major stylistic and technical change in the area of seal-engraving. In order to justify the presence of earlier motifs in the Phaistos sealings it seems very probable that a number of such earlier «heirloom» seals with less competent motifs could have impressed some clay sealings (CMS II 5, nos. 206-207) in contrast to the majority of the more pioneering pieces. The correlation of the decoration of the Kamares pottery to certain motifs of the Phaistos sealings is only indicative since there is not direct correspondence between these two areas of art. Seal engraving is always more advanced in technical and stylistic terms due to the differences in the materials and the existence of the flat surface of the seals which helped the engraver to complete more competent scenes as opposed to the curving bodies of the vessels. Seals required more attention visually and technically because they constituted bureaucratic tools which were intended to impress a number of objects. They were meant to last longer even to the point of becoming «heirlooms» and sometimes they are associated with elite members of society. Pottery breaks easily, but seals may survive centuries. Table 4. The main motifs of the Phaistos sealings. 1. Cross: i) simple cross: CMS II 5, nos. 71-74, 76-77, 8081, 83-84, 90, 114; ii) cross with square motif: II 5, nos. 63-65, 67, 86-87, 103, 105-106; iii) cross with chords in the quadrants: II 5, nos. 66, 118; iv) H-cross: II 5, 68-69, 96; v) outlined cross: II 5, nos. 91-92; vi) cross made of multiple striations with chevrons in the quadrants: II 5, nos. 75, 93-95; vii) branched cross: II 5, nos. 97-99; viii) cross in each quadrant: II 5, no. 113; ix) cross with striations in the quadrants: II 5, nos. 116-117 2. Stars: i) multiple-rayed star: II 5, nos. 78, 149; ii) fourpoint star with cross: II 5, nos. 85, 88-89; iii) «Star of David»: II 5, nos. 146-147; iv) «Star of David» with central dot: II 5, nos. 141, 143, 148, 152; v) five-point star with central circle: II 5, no. 158

17

CMS II 5, nos. 169-181 (Picture 81.6), 194, 204. CMS II 5, nos. 55, 107, 128, 129, 187-193 (Picture 81.7-8), 196-198, 210212, 221. 19 Walberg (n. 16). Motifs nos. 10.i.9, 10.iii.6-7, 12.i.2-3, 1.20, 8.6 and 8.7. 20 op. cit., pp. 246-247. 18

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3. Knots/Weaves: i) simple knots: II 5, no. 167; ii) interlocking triangular and rectangular weaves: II 5, nos. 153-157, 159, 163 4. Rosettes: i) quatrefoil rosette: II 5, nos. 137, 213-222; ii) seven/eight-leaf rosette: II 5, nos. 135-136, 139-140 (Picture 81.5); iii) octofoil rosette: II 5, no. 82 5. Spirals: i) simple spiral: II 5, nos. 184-185; ii) single Sspiral: II 5, no. 186; iii) S-spiral with dots as terminals: II 5, no. 187; iv) four interlocking spirals: II 5, no. 191 (Picture 81.7); v) interlocking C-spirals: II 5, nos. 196197 6. Paisleys: II 5, nos. 209-212 (Picture 81.9) 7. Circles: i) circles flanked by lines: II 5, nos. 26-28, 3032; ii) group of elliptical circles: II 5, no. 46; iii) plain circles: II 5, nos. 47, 50; iv) group of circular faces: II 5, nos. 58, 60 (Picture 81.2); v) centred circles with whirls: II 5, nos. 49, 107; vi) centred circles with wedges: II 5, nos. 53-55; vii) central concentric circles: II 5, nos. 56, 124, 127-131; viii) central simple circles: II 5, nos. 126, 132-133 (Picture 81.3-4); ix) concentric circles: II 5, nos. 188-189 8. Hatching: i) single-line hatching: II 5, nos. 4, 7; ii) hatching with circular faces: II 5, nos. 1-3, 6; iii) hatching with bisecting lines: II 5, nos. 9-11; iv) plain hatching: II 5, nos. 13-14; v) hatching with dots: II 5, no. 15; vi) hatching in two registers: II 5, nos. 19, 21, 35; vii) chaotic hatching: II 5, no. 120 9. Double Axes: i) simple double axe: II 5, nos. 231-232, 239; ii) cut double axe: II 5, nos. 235-236; iii) double axe with interior hatching: II 5, no. 233 10. Jugs/ «Olympic Circles»: II 5, nos. 25, 45 11. Human Masks: i) with circles as eyes: II 5, nos. 169-172 (Picture 81.6), 175, 204; ii) with spirals as eyes: II 5, nos. 173-174, 176, 179-181 12. Architectonic Class: II 5, nos. 29, 33, 237, 242-244. Table 5. The main representational motifs of the Phaistos deposit. 1. Agrimia: CMS II 5, nos. 253-254, 255 (Picture 81.12), 256-257, 259, 260(?), 261-265 2. Bulls: II 5, no. 266 3. «Palaikastro Cat Group»: i) full lion: II 5, nos. 270 (Picture 82.2), 271, 272 (Picture 82.3), 273(?), 274-275, 276(?), 277(?), 278-279, 280 (?), 281-283, 286; ii) lion head: II 5, no. 299; iii) dog head: II 5, no. 300 4. Apes: II 5, nos. 297-298 5. Species of the underwater world: II 5, nos. 302, 304 (Picture 82.4), 305-306 6. Birds: II 5, nos. 307-310, 311 (Picture 82.5) 7. Griffins: II 5, nos. 317-318 8. Sphinxes (?): II 5, no. 320 (?) The human element in Phaistos sealings is usually a part of a rather complicated scenery which shows a tendency towards narrative scenes. The seal-impressions CMS II 5, nos. 323 and 324 (Picture 82.7) show some of the basic characteristics which were going to be applied even during the later phases of seal-engraving but with more detail and a more narrative perspective. In the first impression, the object between the two figures holding hands can be recognised as a summary version of a «sacred» tree. In the second impression, the

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals floating object in the middle of the scene can be considered as a baetyl carrying a cultic meaning. These special issues of Minoan religion and their connection with the particular seal impressions and with many others which belong to later periods, are treated separately in later chapters and particularly in Chapter 12.5. Whenever representational motifs appear, they are usually static perhaps due to the restricted available surface area of the seal although the new designs were undoubtedly pioneering and inspirational. Some of the designs including animals and stylised human figures which were introduced to the seal-engraving of the period, continued to be represented only on sealstones but very scarcely on pottery. This particular remark is of great importance if we assume that sealstones were the first medium which allowed the initial and trial representations of elaborate scenes to take place including animals and humans in action in contrast to the stylised plants and the ornamental designs. The early preoccupation with naturalistic motifs among the Phaistos sealings is also evident when compared to contemporary works of jewellery and especially the so-called MM II Aegina Treasure (ca. 1800-1700 BC) which probably originated in the Chrysolakkos cemetery near Mallia.21 The transfer of the Treasure to the island of Aegina probably took place in ancient times and may indicate a secondary placement. The best piece of the Treasury which demonstrates the practice of the early naturalism, is the pendant with the «Master of Animals» figure representing a man holding two geese and standing perhaps in a marsh decorated with lotus flowers and sun-discs below. Although the «Master of Animals» image is rarer in Minoan iconography than that of the «Mistress of Animals» (Appendix I), the naturalism of the particular piece of jewellery and the contemporary scenes from Phaistos set the basis for a trend towards naturalism which would be followed in the art works of the New Palace period and especially in frescoes. The significance of the Phaistos seal motifs in relation to the contemporary seal-engraving is very important. Younger was able to distinguish groups of representational motifs in the Phaistos Deposit which are technically and iconographically parallel to contemporary motifs in seals from other deposits.22 The first group termed the «Palaikastro Cat Group», includes seals portraying studies of lions in seated or regardant poses (CMS II 3, nos. 277, 292; XI, no. 82; Table 5) and seals with the representation of a single head of a lion or dog. The latter can be associated with Evans’s hieroglyphic sign no. 73. His second group termed the «Group of the Kalyvia Bull-Wrestler» includes seals with a flat modelling and an underdeveloped sense of space (CMS II 3, no. 105).23 In addition, the «human mask» motif which consists of a simple stroke that stands for the nose flanked by

21

For a comprehensive account of the Treasure, see Higgins, R. A. The Aegina Treasure: An Archaeological Mystery. 1979. 22 Younger, J. G. Bronze Age Aegean Seals in their Middle Phase (ca. 17001550 BC). SIMA CII, 1993. pp. 119-120. 23 op. cit., p. 150.

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two centred circles or two spirals as eyes, continued throughout the MM II-III period in seals from Phaistos and from other regional deposits.24 In order to explain the presence of such a large number of sealings at Phaistos which represent over 300 different designs, I use the term «emblems» by accepting the possibility that the particular clay impressions sealed documents and properties (boxes, vessels, pithoi) of different people during a certain chronological phase of the Middle Minoan period. In that case, each design became the characteristic emblem of a person or of a group of people and the designs were clearly related to properties of the people in question. If the accumulation of this particular number of sealings implied the presence of a variety of properties or belongings of a single person or family, either a «royal» family or one living in the residential quarters of the palace, then each characteristic design on the sealings distinguished a variety of different objects which had been destroyed or perished during a certain chronological phase and due to an unknown reason. The emblems were used to distinguish some materials and may have been attached to belongings or movable equipment. The Phaistos sealings present an intensive model of seal use -as opposed to the non-intensive model described below in connection with the Knossos Hieroglyphic Deposit- which is distinguished by the use of few seals for a disproportionately large number of sealings.25 The presence of more than one clay impression with the same design obviously means that they were intended to seal similar objects. Different emblems were applied only on objects which were different in character or nature. This differentiation was either bestowed to them for economic reasons or estimated according to their sentimental value to the group or groups of people which owned them in the first place. The process in detail might have been a complex one: the objects were repeatedly sealed. A single impression, an «emblem», may have signified the authentication of the contents or the ownership of the contents by a social group as described above. Multiple impressions of the same seal over the surface of the sealing may have implied the safeguarding of the contents to avoid pilfering. In the case where impressions of two or more different seals appear on the same sealing, the purpose of the transaction is more problematic. Does it imply communal use of the contents that were impressed (by more than one group of people) or is it an evidence for departmental use where many officials appeared to have been involved in the same transaction?26 The latter case is rather rare at Phaistos, so it should be regarded as specific and exceptional. Is it possible that different seal impressions may have indicated the change of seal users used together and at the same time in order to

24 CMS II 2, nos. 6 (Picture 70.5), 16, 14, 25; IV, no. 78-79; V 1, no. 288; IX, no. 96. 25 Weingarten, J. «Sealings and sealed documents at Bronze Age Knossos». In Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds.) The Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. 1994. p. 183. 26 Foster, A. L. «Administrative functions of seals on sealings at Phaistos: A comparative view from Egypt». CMS Beiheft 6. p. 87.

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals show the old (the previous owner) and the new seals (the new, current owner) at the exact moment of the transaction?27 The «noduli» from Room 25 at Phaistos apparently functioned in a different way. They were not used for sealing purposes but served as «dockets» of some sort.28 The «roundels» mainly functioned as receipts denoting the number of transactions of units of goods by marking the edge of the «roundel» with the equivalent number of seal impressions.29 Each seal-impression was equivalent to a single unit and the whole system was the first attempt for the formation of an early bureaucracy which was suitable for the transaction of goods regarding numbers and a primitive numerical system. The objects which were sealed by the same seal, the quantities of a single seal which sealed many objects or the seals which sealed a single object often constitute parts of an extensive bureaucratic system involving advanced economic and administrative thought and awareness. It is very important to bear in mind that sealings were the most significant implement used for the management of the economic activity at Phaistos during a time when writing had not reached the right proportions in order to have been used in a more extensive and variable way. It is very remarkable that small tablets with inscriptions were found near the Phaistos archive which might refer to the transactions to which the clay sealings testify.30 We are able to assume that these short inscriptions on the tablets from Phaistos could have comprised only a small part of larger, more definitive documents which contained a full description of the transactions carried out at the Phaistos archive and were possibly made of perishable materials like wood or leather. Although this hypothesis cannot be proven in MM IIB Phaistos, it certainly existed in the LM I contexts at Agia Triada and Zakros, where clay sealings appear to have been fastened with cords on leather documents.31 Careful analysis of the backs of some clay sealings from the Zakros Deposit by Weingarten32 on which portions of the perished sealed document survived, proved that perishable materials could have been used in the form of writing documents which copied the several transactions of an archive in more detail and over a certain period of time, instead of using the restricted surface areas of the clay sealings and small tablets. 6.4. The Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos The evidence and configuration of the Hieroglyphic Deposit and the Temple Repositories Deposit at Knossos (Picture 18) was constructed by the attribution of several distinctive

27

A similar view has also been suggested by Foster, op. cit., pp. 93-94. 28 Weingarten, J. «Sealing studies in the Middle Bronze III: The Minoan Hieroglyphic Deposits at Mallia and Knossos». CMS Beiheft 5. p. 286. 29 op. cit. 30 Ferioli, P. and Fiandra, E. «The importance of clay sealings in the ancient administration». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 49. 31 op. cit. 32 See Chapter 8.3, 8.3.1 for an account of the Zakros Deposit; Weingarten, J. «The use of the Zakro sealings». Kadmos 22, 1983. pp. 8-13; CMS II 7.

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characteristics to each deposit and especially by the identification of specific series of motifs which appear to belong to two separate deposits instead of the accumulation of sealings in a single deposit at Knossos. The general character of each deposit usually consists of a certain glyptic style and a different colour of clay which may suggest the difference between deposits. The examination of several examples of new motifs or older motifs with a fresh approach may suggest either that some motifs should be included within a single deposit or that they belong to two different deposits and perhaps to different periods.33 The debate concerning the appearance of a variety of sealings at Knossos during the excavations in the beginning of the 20th century, soon led to the assumption that the Knossos sealings were part of a single deposit which was probably Neopalatial in date. This particular assumption had not been seriously argued until very recently when further examination of the designs proved that the existence of two separate deposits was more than probable. Our knowledge for the Knossos deposits is based only on Evans’s comments on his notebook for the year 1900 in which he recorded the places where the sealings had been found that season and provided some sketches of their representations. Evans’s notebooks give the context of sealings and often provide detailed descriptions but it is sometimes difficult to identify a published seal with a notebook’s sketch or description. Evans failed to record the findspots of the sealings during the Knossos palace excavations and sometimes he omitted any reference to the specific contexts where the sealings belonged. Even his use of terminology presents a problem since specific names used for excavated areas are now abandoned or changed. Still, Evans was able to rectify his mistakes by giving full accounts of the contents of each area whenever the nomenclature is accurate. Whatever the problems may be, Evans’s notebooks remain the main source for learning which sealings came from each deposit and for identifying the actual examples in museums.34 The seals from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos (Pictures 78, 79.1)35 were found in a narrow northern part below the staircase/landing of the north end of the Long Gallery and outside Magazines XVI-XVIII, located in the west wing of the Palace with the addition of scattered pieces from Magazines IV, V, VI, XII, XIII and one piece from the «Room of the Cupboard». There were also isolated specimens within a radius of the deposit, probably carried away by earth disturbances. This inconsistency of the findspots further adds to the problem of which seals may

33 Popham, M. R. and Gill, M. A. V. The Latest Sealings from the Palace and Houses at Knossos. BSA Studies 1, 1995. p. 6. 34 Popham and Gill, op. cit., pp. 1, 6; Gill, M. A. V. «The Knossos sealings: provenance and identification». BSA 60, 1965. pp. 58-59. In spite of the absence of any indication for the provenance of the sealings, a certain pattern among them is observable, and sealings with a specific range of inventory numbers appear to belong to the same deposit including the sealings HMs 170-200 (Hieroglyphic Deposit) and HMs 333-352, 383-397 (Temple Repositories). 35 PM I. p. 271-285; Gill (n. 34) pp. 66-67.

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals have actually belonged to the Hieroglyphic Deposit. The deposit included the following documents according to the account of Evans: «i) quadrangular, three-sided bars with perforation at one end and only one triangular type; ii) perforated «labels» in the form of bivalve shells with a hole through the projection answering to the valve; iii) a flat tablet or «label» rounded at one end and near which was a double perforation but otherwise rectangular; iv) three-sided sealings of clay of crescent-shaped outline showing sealimpressions as well as graffito writing and with a perforation along their major axis through which a string had run».36 The two latter types of 10 flat-based nodules in the form of flat cakes of clay pressed down over leather strips as traces of leather indicate, and 31 crescent-shaped sealings which provided a spacious surface for groups of incised signs, were introduced for the first time in the Hieroglyphic Deposit. In contrast to the sealings from the Phaistos Deposit, the use of the sealings from the Hieroglyphic Deposit suggest the practice of the non-intensive model of seal use. Only two seal motifs appear twice and the rest indicate mostly individual transactions by external seal owners probably sending one or two sealed objects to the palace from elsewhere. This practice suggests the lack of storeroom activities or intensive accounting as in Phaistos, but rather a specialised bureaucratic operation from the hinterland to the centre.37 The seals included a wide range of linear hieroglyphic inscriptions made by drills and the cutting-wheel and present characters in the hieroglyphic or «conventional pictographic script of Crete and distinct from the linear style of the great mass of inscribed tablets found throughout the Palace» according to the account of Evans.38 These signs mainly appear on 18 labels (medallions), 31 crescent sealings and 21 tablets or bars of the deposit. The wide range of hieroglyphic signs was obviously an independent Cretan system of writing although there were some selected signs and isolated borrowings from Egypt in a more simplified form. The particular «borrowed» signs include the ankh, the libation ewer, the palatial sign and the ship with oars and high stern.39 The smaller hieroglyphic archive from Petras in East Crete was found in situ in a structure located in the Northwest part of the site. The area included MM II destruction debris and MM IIB pottery.40 The finds revealed a typical hieroglyphic deposit similar to that at Knossos which consisted of two complete crescents and one fragment, eight inscribed medallions, two complete four-sided clay bars, pierced labels and some half-finished sealings. The deposit also included

few tablets, clay cones and three-sided clay bars.41 The sealings mainly sealed doors and chests but there is evidence that they were used as direct sealings on vessels. The prepared but unfinished specimens show a crude treatment with fingers or a stage of final polishing of the sealing in order to receive the impression. The impressions are mainly hieroglyphic inscriptions (double axe, prochous signs), geometric, floral and spiral designs but there are many figural motifs including good quality animals. Although the deposit consists of only forty-five fragments with sealimpressions and it is not as extensive and important as those from Mallia and Knossos, it undoubtedly presents an evidence for the existence of a separate Hieroglyphic Deposit. 6.4.1. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos The sealings with hieroglyphic inscriptions present an artistically executed linearised hieroglyphic script with a range of different signs implying properties of various types and an elaborate system of numerals which was probably responsible for the counting and controlling of different possessions. The functional bureaucratic system was directly connected to the extensive use of the hieroglyphic script denoting an evolution in the sealing practices. The hieroglyphic inscriptions in concordance with the advanced naturalistic subjects, were then used for administrative purposes instead of the use of the linear geometric designs which appear in the Phaistos sealings. The hieroglyphic signs basically consist of inscriptions based on combinations of mainly two-sign formulae, a repetitive and independent group of signs representing words, ideograms or even symbols that implied the existence of administrative sections within the palace.42 The specific faces of the prisms which were intended for inscriptions and eventually for sealimpressions, imply a contrast between the organised and individually aligned inscriptions and the ornamental and decorative motifs. It is possible that the hieroglyphic inscriptions complemented each other and formed separate readings. Sometimes, combinations of inscriptions in the three faces of prisms were carefully chosen in order to convey precise meanings and textual information.43 The few scenes with humans or animals show some development in the overall designs, more careful and accurate compositions and a more advanced naturalism when the sealings are compared to the earlier representations of the Phaistos Deposit. The scenes include animals located in their natural environment, agrimia in mountainous backgrounds

36

Evans, A. «Knossos: Summary report of the excavations in 1900: A. The Palace. 28. The Hieroglyphic inscriptions and the single deposit in which they were found». BSA 6, 1899-1900. pp. 25, 59-63. 37 Weingarten (n. 25) p. 183. 38 Evans (n. 36). 39 PM I. p. 282, fig. 214, for a table with all the hieroglyphic signs in seals and tablets. 40 Tsipopoulou, M. «Πετράς Σητείας». Α∆ 1996. Χρονικά Β1. pp. 649-651, esp. p. 649; id. «The hieroglyphic archive from the palatial building at Petras». AJA 102, 1998. p. 391.

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41 Hallager, E. «New evidence for seal use in the Pre- and Protopalatial periods». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 100-101. 42 Weingarten (n. 25) p. 304 with a list of the most popular combinations of ideograms and two-sign formulae. 43 Younger, J. G. «New observations in hieroglyphic seals». SMEA 28, 1990. pp. 90-92; Yule, P. «Two seals of the «Hieroglyphic Deposit Group» from Gournia». TUAS 4. 1979. pp. 51-56.

Ch. 6: Deposits and Iconography of Protopalatial MM IB-MM IIIA Seals and representations of the submarine world.44 The particular naturalistic scenes with a more advanced style can be regarded as an evidence for the date of the Hieroglyphic Deposit even in MM III, in concordance with the discovery of MM III pottery sherds in the immediate vicinity of the west wing of the Knossos Palace.45 The initial hypothesis of Evans concerning a MM II date was not influenced by considerations of stratigraphy but by his belief that the appearance of the Linear A script at deposits belonging to the MM III totally replaced the hieroglyphic script. The particular hypothesis initially appeared very tempting since the hieroglyphic script seemed to have disappeared completely around that time. Evans suggested that the Hieroglyphic Deposit included the final expression of the hieroglyphic script at Knossos and proposed a date for the deposit near the end of the MM II period.46 Recent research proved that both scripts actually existed side by side although they may have probably served different purposes. The archaeological research does not give evidence for a cultural break between MM II and MM III which may have signalled the abandonment of the hieroglyphic script and the introduction of Linear A. The theory of Evans was further weakened by the discovery of both scripts at a Mallia deposit which included complete Linear A inscriptions and clay «labels», bars and tablets inscribed with a hieroglyphic script which was clearly related to that of Knossos.47 The use of the hieroglyphic script is further attested beyond the MM II boundaries and particularly in a fine chalcedony signet seal found at a MM III tomb III at Mochlos which carries a central hieroglyphic sign including the «throne», «ship» and «arrow» signs.48 The survival of hieroglyphic signs is attested even at the LM IB Zakros deposit which included three sealings bearing hieroglyphic signs inscribed with exactly the same manner as found in earlier seals and sealings.49 The fact that the appearance of the hieroglyphic script continued even in the LM period in few pieces should be considered rather as an isolated case and an «archaistic» attempt with a possible decorative or symbolic character and not as an uninterrupted practice of the script which may have served completely different purposes in its earlier phase. The development of the representation of the human figure in the Hieroglyphic Deposit is characteristically represented in two impressions with two distinct human heads of a mature man and a young boy with aquiline noses which obviously depict members of a distinguished or a «royal» family (Picture 76).50 The new tendency towards realism is evident in the representation of the particular figures which

44

Agrimia: PM I. p. 272, fig. 202d; Marine scenes in rocky settings: p. 273, fig. 202a, b, c; Wild boars: p. 274, fig. 204b; Dog seizing a hunt: p. 274, fig. 203; Dog seizing a wild boar: p. 274, fig. 204c. 45 CS. pp. 37-41. 46 PM I. p. 272. 47 Reich, J. J. «The date of the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos». AJA 74, 1970. pp. 407-408. 48 Seager, R. B. Explorations in the Island of Mochlos. 1912. p. 39. 49 See Chapter 8.3, 8.3.1; Hogarth, D. G. «The Zakros Sealings». JHS 22, 1902. pp. 76, nos. 136, 137, 140; CMS II 7. 50 GGFR. pls. 14, 15; PM I. p. 272, fig. 201a, b and p. 276, fig. 206. The impressions are parts of a single sealing.

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are completely differentiated from the «bird-like» appearance of humans in the seals of the preceding period from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 153; Picture 75.4). The impressions show early and competent «portraits» of individuals with better rendering of the nose and chin, a more naturalistic eye located in the right position, and a rather big and circular skull probably engraved on purpose by the artist in order to show a physical individuality or a characteristic genetic feature of the persons. In conclusion, the variety of the motifs which appears in the seal impressions possibly suggests the use of some discshaped seals with convex faces and seals of the signet type. The seals which impressed the sealings from Knossos probably belong to different chronological phases ranging from MM II to the end of the MM III and they do not represent a homogeneous group of seals which may belong to the same chronological period.

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings clustered around the North-east wing of the Palace at Knossos (Pictures 21, 22.1).

CHAPTER SEVEN THE NEOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS AND FINGER RINGS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IIIB-LATE MINOAN IB (ca. 1640/1630-1600 to 1480-1425 BC): SHAPES, MATERIALS, TECHNICAL ASPECTS AND ICONOGRAPHIC ELEMENTS. THE FIRST METAL SIGNET RINGS IN THE AEGEAN 7.1. General remarks The final destruction of the first palaces was followed by the building of the new palaces, probably the most representative manifestation of the most prolific and creative phase of the Minoan civilisation (Pictures 20, 23, 24). New palatial buildings were erected on the site of the older structures after the areas had been levelled. New palaces such as Zakros (Picture 23.1) and provincial palatial villas at Agia Triada (Picture 24), Nirou-Chani, Pyrgos, Sklavokampos (Picture 25.1), Tylissos, Vathypetro and Zou were built or expanded in considerable numbers, a process which is often interpreted as the «palatialisation» of the countryside.1 In their later phase during the LM IB period, access to these buildings became increasingly restricted and some defence works appear to have taken place. Food and industrial production became concentrated within their territories where specially adapted constructions were designed in order to accommodate these new functions. This process can be explained by the fact that regional centres took over some functions of the main palatial administrative complexes and gradually emerged as independent and autonomous polities. The new regional centres located in the fertile valleys of Crete, practised complex administration and localised record keeping according to the wide use of inter-site sealing exchange systems and Linear A records.2 It is practically certain that the MM IIIB-LM IB period reflects a move towards centralisation and concentration of the religious and administrative activities within the palatial precincts of Crete. The economic and artistic activities were directly connected with the palatial control as evidenced by the numerous rooms intended for large scale storage activities within the palaces, and in the area of seal-engraving by the various workshops of stone-cutting and seal-engraving

1 Driessen, I. and MacDonald, C. The Troubled Island. Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini eruption. Aegaeum 17, 1997. pp. 35-83 for a detailed account of the period; For the Minoan villas, see the articles in Hägg, R. (ed.) The Function of the Minoan Villa. 1997, especially the articles by Betancourt, P. P. and Marinatos, N. «The Minoan villa», pp. 91-98, and Hood, S. «The magicoreligious background of the Minoan villa», pp. 105116. 2 Cherry, J. «Polities and Palaces: Some problems in Minoan state formation». In Cherry, J. and Renfrew, C. (eds.) Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-political Change. New Directions in Archaeology. 1986. pp. 25-26; for the practice of sealing systems, see Betts, J. H. «New light on Minoan bureaucracy». Kadmos 6, 1967. pp. 15-40; Weingarten, J. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of the palace at Knossos. Part I: The evidence until the LM IB destruction». OJA 5, 1986. pp. 293-294; Palaima, T. G. «Preliminary comparative textual evidence for palatial control of economic activity in Minoan and Mycenaean Crete». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 301-306.

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After another destruction probably due to a second major earthquake during the mature LM IA period, the majority of the most important structures were rebuilt within a general atmosphere of progress and prosperity in almost every aspect before they finally collapsed in the general destruction horizon in Crete in about 1450 BC. Extensive connections with the kingdoms of Egypt and Near East provided all kinds of riches to the Minoan palaces. The palaces were further enhanced by water supply, sewage systems and perfected architectural elements like polythyra, throne and reception rooms, pillar crypts and light wells. In spite of the extensive building activity, attempts to maintain the sense of the former pre-LM IA destruction grandeur were not successful in every case. The new LM IB repairs were mainly functional and mostly related to the storage and production activities. In the area of cult, the Neopalatial cult practices seem to have centred on a theocratic religious system with a priest-king in charge of a strict hierarchy which was responsible for the multifarious ceremonies and rituals. By the LM IB period, the cult activities appear to have been concentrated within settlements with the establishing of community and domestic shrines. Peak sanctuaries suffered a steep decline and the very few remaining ones were directly linked to the palatial centres mainly serving the dissemination of the religious propaganda (Picture 26.1). The spirit of progress and the impressive achievements of the Neopalatial period did not necessarily suggest unity in the island. The practice of sealing and Linear A administration systems at many sites during the LM IB suggest political fragmentation and the absence of a single integrated system. In most cases, Knossos appears to have been the potential political capital. This is further suggested by the increase in local storage and production units and the concentration of ritual equipment and elite objects in regional centres. The series of continuous abandonments and destruction which followed, led to the gradual decline of many Minoan sites while the remaining and more powerful sites were unable to restore their former glory. The Minoan large-scale maritime communications were disrupted and the Mycenaean presence in the Aegean islands became increasingly powerful suggesting the beginning of the end for the omnipotent Minoan thalassocracy and the dawn of a new era. The final destruction in LM IB and the beginning of the Final Palatial period or «Mycenaean» period in Crete, led to the inevitable collapse of the Minoan political system. Central administrative organisations ceased to exist together with the disintegration of the central storage facilities. Religious centres in settlement areas entered a steep decline and most of the palaces were eventually abandoned. Provincial centres and rich villas were deserted suggesting the gradual or sudden disappearance of the ruling elite classes. The general economy collapsed together with the large-scale redistribution systems, the external trade, the production of art objects and specialist items. With the final shift in the settlement pattern and the population decline in

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings LM IB, the illustrious Minoan civilisation had finally become a relic of its own glorious past. 7.2. Materials and techniques The appearance of new shapes obviously influenced positively the productivity of the seal engravers of the MM III period. The new shapes consisted of the «cushion» seal (Pictures 6.6, 7, 8.2, 8.4) which was known since the Protopalatial period (CMS II 2, no. 70; XII, no. 124) and probably evolved from rectangular seals with convex faces and longer edges coming together to form the «cushion» shape. «Flattened» cylinders (Picture 8.2) and discoids with convex faces which formed the «lentoid» shape (Pictures 6.8, 7, 8.10, 9), replaced the older discs with flat faces (Pictures 7, 8.7) and belong to the collection of the new Neopalatial seal shapes. The amygdaloid shape (Pictures 6.9, 7, 8.9, 9) also developed in MM III as a vehicle for talismanic devices (Pictures 6.7, 12.8-10), «human mask» motifs, the conventional agrimia which belong to Younger’s «Kamilari Agrimi Group», the standardised dolphins of the «Marine School» and the narrative scenes with stylistically modelled agrimia of his «Koukounara Agrimi Hunt Group».3 The amygdaloid shape possibly developed from ellipsoidal or barrel-shaped seals which gradually became thinner and their faces became smaller. The problem on the hypotheses about the development of the amygdaloids lies in the fact that each of these shapes was actually rare, so their development into a very popular shape in MM III is difficult to demonstrate. Younger supports the hypothesis that the amygdaloid shape actually evolved as a biconvex version of the three-sided prism seals with amygdaloid faces, a shape which was also dedicated exclusively for talismanic use.4 In addition to the new perfected seal shapes, the rings with convex and oval bezels (Picture 6.10, 7) made their first appearance by replacing the older signet seals (Pictures 6.5, 11.6-10) which gradually came out of use. The basic characteristic of the new shapes is that they all share a common factor which is basically the convex face. This particular convexity was more appropriate for the rendering of more accurate compositions on the seal faces with more pointed ends, and allowed the bow-lathe and the rest of the contemporary tools to glide more easily on the surface causing less damage and breakage to the harder materials.5 The new shapes were biconvex in section whether circular (lentoid) (Pictures 6.8, 7, 8.10, 9), rectangular (cushion) (Pictures 6.6, 7, 8.2, 8.4) or elliptical (amygdaloid) (Pictures 6.9, 7, 8.9, 9). The particular shapes offered a clear point of contact between the edge of the drill and the surface of the seal. As a rule in glyptic, the amygdaloid and cushion seals carry horizontal string-holes which were ideal for suspension, while lentoids and discs carry vertical string-

3

Younger, J. G. Bronze Age Seals in their Middle Phase (ca. 1700-1550 BC). SIMA CII, 1993. p. 181. For details on individual seal groups, see pp. 152-153 («Human Masks»), 166-167 («Kamilari Agrimi Group»), 168-170 («Marine School») and 176 («Koukounara Agrimi Hunt Group»). 4 op. cit., p. 181. 5 Betts, J. H. «Seals of the MM III: Chronology and technical revolution». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 13-14.

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holes which were best displayed in bracelets positioned at right angles to the wrist. With all the developments in the area of seal-engraving, it is evident that the new seals were characterised by the full command of the engraving technique and the sense of pattern which is parallel with the developments in other areas of the arts such as frescoes, the manufacture of stone relief vases, and exquisite pottery of the palatial style with floral motifs and the later Marine style of the LM IB period (Picture 32.2). 7.3. Metal signet rings of the Neopalatial period. 7.3.1. General remarks Metal seals and signet rings constitute an inseparable part of the present study. The largest piece of evidence for the reconstruction of ritual practices and the representation of cultic architecture derives from scenes which decorate the bezels of the Late Minoan metal rings. There is a tendency in contemporary Aegean archaeology to assign the appearance of decorated metal rings to the Late Bronze Age or to the final phases of the Middle Bronze Age. This can be acceptable if we consider that the practice of decorating metal seals and signet rings with ornamental motifs and representational scenes became more frequent during the Late Minoan period. The relative absence of microglyptic art in metals from earlier deposits before the Late Bronze Age may not necessary indicate that metal seals and rings were not made in considerable quantities during the preceding periods. The fact that the seals which impressed the EH II sealings from Lerna (Chapter 2.2; Picture 90.2-15) are actually perished and virtually unknown to the archaeological research, cannot exclude the possibility that some of them may have been made of metal and could have consisted some of the most representative examples of the artistic excellence in the Early Bronze Age period. In general terms, the existence and surviving of intact metal seals and rings is directly related to the topic and the rules of preservation. 7.3.2. Materials and techniques The beginning of any discussion concerning the appearance of metal finger rings in the Aegean area would be incomplete without a short reference to a few points regarding the process of manufacturing these exquisite objects. Although the present study does not examine the Late Helladic glyptic, the reference to some Mycenaean pieces was inevitable in order to present a clearer picture for the manufacturing of metal rings. In almost all the cases there is an unbreakable bond between the Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic as far as techniques are concerned. In this section the Minoan and Mycenaean metal seals and rings are often regarded as a single entity although the necessary chronological differences and the provenance of the pieces are always indicated. The rendering of the iconographical representations in the ellipsoidal bezel of the rings seems to have been the result of the use of matrices which were usually made of soft steatite. The preference for steatite can be easily justified since the material is easy to engrave and is durable when exposed to high temperature. A dark red steatite matrix which carries a

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings cult scene in negative relief is known from the West Cemetery at Eleusis (CMS V 2, no. 422; Picture 91.7).6 Matrices made of other materials were also manufactured in the Aegean and a clay piece for the production of a ring bezel has been attested from Knossos. The matrix was found in the Room of the Clay Signet in the South Front of the palace (Picture 20.1). It carries the motif in intaglio of the «goddess» approached by a priestess with a rhyton offering (Picture 20.2-3).7 Although Evans suggested a LM I date for the matrix, recent excavations locate it in a LM II context or later.8 Several sealings from the matrix were found in various places of the Domestic Quarters of the palace9 and the LM IB sealing CMS II 7, no. 8 from Zakros (Picture 87.4) carries an almost identical but smaller motif. The existence of several identical scenes from rings may indicate the continuous use of «look-alike» rings of a LM I style either as «heirlooms» or as replicas fabricated in later periods and well through the LM IIIA1-2 period at Knossos.10 Matrices for the production of jewellery in the Aegean have survived in several contexts including the LM IIIA greenblack steatite matrix from Poros-Herakleion which carries thirteen different designs on its surface for the production of a variety of jewels.11 Surprisingly, surviving ring and bezel matrixes are unfortunately less in numbers. There is a suggestion for the use of soft cuttlebone moulds which were very convenient since they allowed the re-working and slight altering of the image. This practice was opposed to the continuous and exhausting use of metal moulds which eventually eroded and caused the distortion and coarsening of the glyptic image in the finished ring.12 It is possible that each matrix which was responsible for the production of a single motif on rings was destroyed shortly afterwards on purpose in order to maintain the unique character of the new piece which was possibly associated with the sense of property of specific individuals. Rings were regarded as personalised items belonging to the moveable private

6

Mylonas, G. E. Το ∆υτικόν Νεκροταφείον της Ελευσίνος. Vol. A, 1978. Tomb Ηπ 3, p. 306; vol. C, pl. 64; ΠΑΕ 1953. p. 80, fig. 5. 7 PM II. p. 767, fig. 498; PM IV. p. 395, fig. 331 and 597, fig. 591. 8 LM I date: PM II. p. 768; LM II context and later: Momigliano, N. and Hood, S. «Excavations of 1987 on the South Front of the Palace at Knossos». BSA 89, 1994. p. 131. 9 Gill, M. A. V. «The Knossos sealings: Provenance and identification». BSA 60, 1965. p. 78. For impressions from the matrix, see p. 79, no. R1 from the Upper East-West Corridor, p. 80, no. R51 from the Lower East-West Corridor and p. 81, no. R54 from the corridor leading to South from Hall of Colonnades. 10 Earlier rings or replicas of earlier rings also appear to have been used in the LM IIIB sealings (CMS I, no. 307; I Suppl., no. 173) from Archive Rooms 7 and 8 in Pylos (Picture 29.1); See more extensive discussion on the subject in Weingarten, J. «Seal use and administration in the South-West Basement area at Knossos». BSA 89, 1994. pp. 152-153 and id. «Sealings and sealed documents at Bronze Age Knossos». In Evely, D., HughesBrock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds.) Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. 1994. p. 186. 11 Papaefthimiou-Papanthimou, A. «Μινωική µήτρα από τον Πόρο Ηρακλείου». Κρητικά Χρονικά 25, 1973. pp. 375-396. 12 Weingarten, J. «The metamorphosis of a grain stalk into a goddess: Some thoughts on how palatial glyptic art changed in the early Neopalatial period». SMEA 28, 1990. p. 102.

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property of each individual who kept the ring as an evidence for their own high status. The initial part of the procedure may have been the engraving of the ellipsoidal ring bezel together with the iconographic theme which was obviously tested before in the form of preliminary sketches. The engraving was either in the form of a negative or a positive relief depending on the issue if the bezel was going to be manufactured at a later stage from solid gold or by a sheet of gold which would cover a core made of a less expensive material. In the case of a solid gold casting, the melted metal was cast inside the matrix which carried the desired motif in a positive relief. After the gold had coagulated, it acquired the form of the bezel but with the motif in a negative relief just like in sealstones. The secondary parts of the rings including the reverse of the bezel and the hoop were probably moulded in different matrixes which were adjusted with the help of small pegs and nails to the original matrix carrying the iconographical motif.13 The finished rings carried small hoops ranging from 1.5-1.7 cm for the smallest rings which were probably intended for women or children (CMS I, nos. 126-128 [Pictures 58.1, 54.1-2],189; Sellopoulo ring [Picture 79.3]) to 1.8-2.0 cm for men’s rings (CMS I, nos. 15, 16 [Pictures 49.2, 48.2], 253, 390, 391). CMS I, nos. 155 (Picture 104.2) and 218 carry larger hoops with a diameter of 2.3 and 2.7 cm respectively, while CMS I, nos. 129, 204 and the gold ring from the Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1) carry exceptionally small hoops with a diameter of only 1.3-1.4 cm. It is possible that rings could have been worn in more than one finger, a fact which could explain the variable sizes of the hoops, but rings with exceptionally small hoops were more likely to have been intended for suspension on pendants or bracelets. In the case of rings with a core made of base metals or other less expensive materials, these were manufactured by using the repousée technique on which the figured scene on the matrix was embossed on a sheet of gold by multiple and repeated punches with a wooden hammer. In order to make a clearer impression and to avoid any damage on the surface by the repeated use of the hammer, the Minoan and Mycenaean metal engravers added a thin layer of lead on the surface of the gold sheet. The whole procedure did not end after the casting of the ring in the matrix. Some additional details required some extra careful engraving proving that the final touches in the motifs were actually an important and inseparable part of the manufacturing process of metal rings. Any technical mistakes in the rendering of the details in the gold rings could be easily rectified since rings could be reheated or even remelted. Some rings owe their distinctive characteristics to such minor decorative details which are

13 Sakellarakis, J. «Matrizen zur Herstellung kretisch-mykenischer Siegelringe». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 167ff; Sakellariou-Xenaki, A. «Το δαχτυλίδι-σφραγίδα στην Κρητοµυκηναϊκή σφραγιδογλυφία». Κρητική Εστία 5, 1989. pp. 11-16.

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings often indicative of the variable artistic skills and abilities of different artists. Apart from the examples in gold, rings were also made from other materials. Published rings include the chalcedony ring from the Ramp House at Mycenae with two pairs of cows and calves (CMS I, no. 20); the red jasper ring from chamber tomb 58 at Mycenae with the representation of a bearded male deity («Posios Theron») holding two lions (CMS I, no. 89; Picture 49.2); the ring with a steatite bezel and bronze hoop from the LH IIA Vapheio tholos tomb with the motif of a lion versus a bull (CMS I, no. 253); the agate ring from a chamber tomb at Spata, Attica, with a griffin motif (CMS I, no. 383; Picture 61.1); the ivory ring from Phylakopi with a cult scene involving a female approaching an altar (CMS I, no. 410; Picture 61.2). Rings with a core made of different materials and a bezel coated with gold layering, include the ring with an iron core from chamber tomb 58 at Mycenae carrying the motif of two couchant bulls (CMS I, no. 91; Picture 49.3), the silver cored ring from Mycenae chamber tomb 71 carrying a religious motif with three saluting women in procession before a shrine (CMS I, no. 108; Picture 50.2) and two rings with a copper core and scenes of bull-leaping from chamber tomb 1 at Asine (CMS I, nos. 200-201). In later periods and particularly during the 15th and 14th century, Mycenaean gold jewellery developed and perfected earlier Minoan sophisticated techniques such as granulation and cloisonné. Granulation consisted of the precise placement of gold droplets in order to decorate beads, ring bezels and three-dimensional decorative objects in metal. Cloisonné involved the soldering of a pattern of fine wire on to a base plate such as a ring bezel and setting it with inlays of stone or glass.14 The techniques were known since the Early Minoan period and were employed for the production of such superfine pieces like a gold bead shaped like a frog from Koumasa decorated with granulation (Picture 42.1)15 and a small gold bead from the Kalathiana tholos tomb decorated with the filigree technique (Picture 42.2).16 In the Middle Minoan period, granulation and cloisonné were also employed for the production of fine pieces of jewellery including two gold beads from a necklace shaped like a lion (Picture 42.4) and duck (Picture 42.5) respectively,17 and the spectacular gold pendant from the Chrysolakkos cemetery at Mallia (Picture 42.3).18 In Mycenaean Greece, these techniques were initially applied on relief, concave or convex beads and amulets which were usually decorated with Minoan-influenced iconography consisting of schematic floral or marine subjects, spirals and meanders. Beads were manufactured by thin gold sheets

14

Wardle, K. A. and Wardle, D. Cities of Legend: The Mycenaean World. 1997. pp. 37-38. 15 Christopoulos, G. A. and Bastias, I. K. (eds.) Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους. Vol. I: Προϊστορία και Πρωτοϊστορία: Η Αυγή του Πολιτισµού (µέχρι του 1100 π.Χ.). 1971. p. 121. 16 op. cit. 17 op. cit., p. 204. 18 op. cit., p. 204.

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which were shaped in special matrixes with the repousée technique. Enamelling and metal inlays were sometimes added to the finished products. Gold could be successfully inlaid into the concavities of the designs while the black enamelling, a compound of copper or copper with silver sulphides which is frequently referred to as niello, was inlaid into the background providing the appropriate base which exquisitely set off the design. The gold rings CMS V Suppl. 1B, nos. 113 (Picture 98.1) and 115 (Picture 98.3) are decorated with the filigree technique both on the circumference of the bezels and on the hoops. Double and triple lines of granulation are successfully applied on the hoop of the gold ring CMS V Suppl.1B, no. 114 (Picture 98.2) and on the impressive ring BE 1996/11.2 from the Aidonia cemetery near Nemea (Picture 99.2).19 The gold rings CMS I, nos. 86 (Picture 49.1), 87, 127 (Picture 52.1) and 155 (Picture 104.2) have their hoops decorated with relief elements and oblique lines. Granulation (Picture 43.4) and inlays of blue glass on the bezel were applied on the Nemea Museum gold ring NM 551 from Aidonia20 and on a gold ring from tholos tomb IV at Pylos (Picture 43.2).21 A gold ring from the Vapheio tholos tomb (Picture 43.1) is a perfect example of the cloisonné technique which is smoothly applied on the circumference of the bezel and on the hoop in a combination of plaited wire decoration in the middle section of the hoop and twisted wire which encloses either side of the hoop.22 After the 13th century, blue glass and faience were introduced as additional materials in jewellery which served as cheap substitute of materials for the production of beads by steatite matrixes. These techniques were also successfully applied on rings. Their bezels were often inlaid with coloured semiprecious stones or blue glass and they were often decorated with the granulation and cloisonné techniques or both. It is even possible that a number of rings with bezels made of perishable materials like wood could have also been made during the Minoan and Mycenaean times and offered a cheaper alternative to metal rings which were not readily available to a mass clientele and required more effort and skills for their manufacture. This observation remains only a hypothesis since objects made of perishable materials do not often survive in excavations and it is difficult to prove if the custom of making wooden rings was actually practised in Greek prehistoric times. Secondary decorative techniques were not only restricted to metal rings. They were also successfully applied to some

19 Demakopoulou, K. et al. (eds.) Ο Θησαυρός των Αηδονιών. Σφραγίδες και Κοσµήµατα της Ύστερης Εποχής του Χαλκού στο Αιγαίο. 1998. p. 71, no. 2; Betts, J. H. Gold of the Mycenaeans: Important finger rings, sealstones and ornaments of the 15th century BC. 1993. pp. 18-21, no. 2. 20 Demakopoulou, op. cit., p. 50, no. 19; Krystalli-Votsi, K. «Τα δαχτυλίδια από τα Αηδόνια Κορινθίας». In Φίλια Έπη εις Γ. Ε. Μυλωνάν δια τα 60 έτη του ανασκαφικού του έργου. Vol. 3. 1989. pp. 34-43. 21 Blegen, C. W., Rawson, M., Taylour, W. D. and Donovan, W. P. The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia. III. Acropolis and Lower Town, Tholoi, Grave Circle and Chamber Tombs. Discoveries outside the Citadel. 1973. p. 113, figs. 190:7 and 191:2. 22 Original publication in Tsountas, C. «Έρευναι εν τη Λακωνική και ο τάφος του Βαφειού». ΑΕ 1889. p. 151, pl. 7:8.

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings Late Bronze Age seals and express the full command of the craft by the Aegean seal engravers and artists.23 The techniques consisted of the fitting of gold bands, caps or mounts on the string-holes and were initially applied for purely aesthetic purposes. Bands were added over the rim of sealstones (CMS V 2, no. 654) and caps were applied over the ends of the rim at the string-holes (CMS V 2, no. 583). Mounts consisted of a ring around the string-hole opening and were usually affixed to a cap or band or to a small stemmed platform of gold whose stem is set on the stringhole. Mounts could be added in the form of single or double wire ring (CMS I, no. 238; V 2, nos. 430, 434, 673, 688), or as a single or double ring of gold granules (CMS V 2, no. 312). Although the above techniques apparently served decorative purposes, they were also applied for practical purposes, too, in order to protect the seal from wear (CMS I, no. 256; V 2, no. 434), to conceal minor cracks or breaks along the edge of the seal (CMS I, no. 152) and even to prevent any possible damage to the exposed angles of the seal. The seal CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 116 from the Mycenaean cemetery at Aidonia, Nemea (Picture 43.5), should be mentioned as a truly exceptional example: the extensive breakage on the surface of the sard seal is elaborately fastened with a sheet of gold which surrounds the edges and the back convex side of the seal while the stringholes are secured with pairs of banded caps. The seal is also important for its unique subject representing a supposed «Πότνια Ιχθύων» («Mistress of the Fish») which is analogous to the more frequent subject of the «Mistress of Animals» in glyptic. 7.4. The earliest metal signet rings in the Minoan period The type of the metal signet ring does not seem to have any predecessors from elsewhere, a fact that supports its alleged origin and subsequent development in the island of Crete. The two rings from Middle Bronze Age Troy IIg, found in Rooms 200 and 206 of Square E6 respectively, do not have any links with the Middle Minoan examples. The first ring consists of a thin flat band of copper bent into the shape of a ring with the ends overlapping to form a sort of bezel. The second ring is a short piece of bent copper wire with its ends overlapping to form the shape of a ring.24 Their simplistic approach does not carry any strong resemblance to the much more exquisite pieces from Crete. In the case of rings indigenous to Crete before the appearance of gold signets, there are nine known pieces from EM I-III and ten pieces of a MM III-LM I date. These early metal rings were simple in form consisting of an annular ornament whose ends were joined together and their internal radius was greater than their height. This type of simple and «archaic» looking rings gradually tended to disappear in favour of other more original shapes and signalled the end of a process which

23 See Younger, J. G. «Non-sphragistic uses of Minoan-Mycenaean sealstones and rings». Kadmos 16, 1977. pp. 157-158 with a more detailed account and examples of the decorative techniques on seals. 24 Blegen, C. W. Troy I. General Introduction: The First and Second Settlement. 1950. p. 336, no. 35/550, fig. 358 and p. 351, no. 36/432, fig. 358.

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developed within Cretan territories and resulted in the introduction of the signet rings with bezels.25 Metal signet rings originally appeared carrying a circular or oval bezel. One early ring belonging to this type is a bronze ring from a Middle Helladic cist grave burial in Area A at Agios Stephanos. The ring is slightly corroded and consists of a plain bronze band with its ends overlapping to form the ring and an oval bezel continuous with the band.26 In the Late Minoan period, the bezel became elliptical and aligned horizontally to a vertical hoop. This particular ring type may have possibly developed from earlier rings made of bone with an oval bezel positioned at right angles to the particularly smallish hoop and usually carried hatched motifs, spirals, swastikas and chevroned crosses. These types are represented in the Messara region including the ivory signet ring from tholos tomb B at Koumasa (CMS II 1, no. 159).27 Rings made of steatite with spiraliform motifs, swastikas and chevroned crosses are also known from the same region in the Prepalatial period. Xanthoudides at his memorable account of the Messara tholoi reported a bronze ring from the tholos tomb at Agia Irini and considered it as the earliest signet ring with an oval bezel carrying the design of a quadruped.28 This hypothesis seems very uncertain because there is no clear evidence if the motif is actually a representation of a quadruped and the assigned date is doubtful since the EM II-MM II deposits of the Agia Irini tholos tomb were mixed with some Late Minoan material. Plain rings made from gold wire or sheet are known from Early Minoan Mochlos, Sphoungaras, Amnissos, Platanos and Porti.29 Sakellarakis suggested that the oldest piece in metal in Crete is actually a bronze ring from the lowest stratum of tholos tomb E at Archanes.30 It consists of an ellipsoidal bezel made from the same metal sheet which was employed for the manufacture of the hoop. The motif which consists of a double line of dots in cross-hatch was probably intended for exclusively decorative use and not for stamping purposes. In the case of metal signet rings intended for stamping or sphragistic purposes, Sakellarakis further suggested that the oldest piece should be sought again at Archanes and specifically on a ring from the MM II upper stratum of tholos tomb E.31 The bezel was manufactured in right angles to the hoop establishing the manufacturing tradition which was going to be followed almost throughout the Late Bronze Age

25

De Pierpont, G. «Aegean jewellery: A new approach to a typology. Application on gold and silver Minoan jewellery». OpAth 18, 1990. pp. 160, 162. 26 Taylour, W. D. «Excavations at Ayios Stephanos». BSA 67, 1972. pp. 214215, 217 and id. Α∆ 19, B1, 1964. p. 146, pl. 148a. 27 PM IV. P. 510, fig. 454; Younger, J. G. Bronze Age Aegean Seals in their Middle Phase (ca. 1700-1550 BC). SIMA CII, 1993. p. 181. 28 VTM. p. 52. 29 Mochlos: Seager, R. B. Explorations in the Island of Mochlos. 1912. figs. 39, 62, 65, 79; Sphoungaras: Hall, E. Excavations in Eastern Crete: Sphoungaras. 1912. p. 52, fig. 24; Amnissos: Marinatos, S. «Ανασκαφαί εν Κρήτη, 1930». ΠΑΕ 1930. p. 98, fig. 9; Platanos: VTM. pl. LVII; Porti: VTM. p. 67, pl. XXXIX. 30 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 649-650. 31 op. cit., p. 650.

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings in Minoan-Mycenaean metal rings. Simple linear motifs, parallel lines, outlined angles and net patterns in five parallel sections comprise its decoration which is reminiscent of the MM IIB «architectural» motifs from the Phaistos Deposit (CMS II 5, nos. 29, 33, 237, 242-244).32 The MM II-III bronze rings CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 45 and 46 from the Gerontomouri Cave at Lasithi should be placed among the earliest signet rings (Picture 95.4-5).33 The ring CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 45 carries an ellipsoidal, almost circular, bezel with the representation of four pairs of parallel lines forming a central lattice motif. The large hoop of the ring may suggest that it could have been passed on the fingers in contrast to the smallish hoops of the later engraved metal rings of the Late Bronze Age which were probably designed for suspension on the neck. Younger suggested that the silver ring CMS XI, no. 189 carrying the motif of a caprid in a flying gallop pose which is similar to motif CMS II 5, no. 259 from Phaistos and VII, no. 68, should be considered as an additional possible prototype for the Late Bronze Age ring type with an elliptical bezel. His criteria were based on iconographical observations which were correlated to the contemporary MM IIB motifs from the Phaistos Deposit and from other representational groups of seals.34 Rings were probably responsible for the impressions in some of the Phaistos sealings and particularly the designs CMS II 5, nos. 201, 202, 224, 270, 304 (Picture 82.4) and 322 (Picture 82.6), although no extant examples have survived. These particular rings may have been among the earliest engraved rings which were solid cast with the bezel and hoop together and their additional designs made by the horizontal bow-lathe. Branigan suggested a MM I-II date for a silver signet ring from Mochlos found in a MM I tomb mixed with some MM III material.35 The design on the piece is a symmetrical representation of an eight-petal flower or rosette and is closely related to a specific decorative pattern of a very similar type found in the Phaistos sealings (CMS II 5, nos. 82, 135, 136, 138, 140; Picture 81.5). I suggest that the design in the Mochlos ring was rather directly influenced by the pioneering decoration of the Phaistos sealings instead of vice versa, and since the Mochlos tomb contained some additional material dated in the MM III period, the particular silver seal ring may be dated accordingly in this period. The design may have initially appeared and further developed at Phaistos as different versions of the same motif in the deposit indicate, and was subsequently transferred to glyptic products from other areas of Crete. The consolidation of the new decorative patterns and designs especially after the appearance of the revolutionary motifs of the Phaistos Deposit, opened new territories for the engraving of small metal objects. The same hypothesis can be applied to a gold seal ring in the form of a

32

ECS. pp. 77, 145, 220. Davaras, C. «Πρώιµες Μινωικές σφραγίδες και σφραγιστικοί δακτύλιοι από το σπήλαιο Γεροντοµουρί Λασιθίου». ΑΕ 1986. pp. 33-34, no. 13, fig. 9 and pl. 6α−δ. 34 Younger (n. 3) p. 182. 35 Branigan, K. «Early Aegean metal seals and signets». SMEA 17, 1976. p. 160.

twisted signet from an unknown context at Mallia. The seal ring was hammered into shape from a thin ingot of gold and carries the decorative motif of two «commas» with their tails to the centre and heads to the side of the seal face. The «comma» motif which is also encountered in the MM IIB Phaistos Deposit, may lead us again to the same hypothesis that the date of the Phaistos sealings can possibly provide a terminus post quem for the dating of the Mallia ring. The four metal rings found at Avgo near Kavousi in the South-west corner of the Mirabello bay in eastern Crete, are usually regarded as some of the earliest finger rings found in a context dated in the MM I-MM III periods. The importance of the deposit is attested by the existence of a ring which carries a figured scene with a possible ritual character (Picture 80.3). The rings appear to have small prongs which project outwards and may have been fixed into the back of the bezel in order to provide fastenings for the now missing bezels which may have been made of bronze. This is supported by a feature in the third ring where a part of the surviving metal bezel is held in place by two rivets which are inserted through it. The fourth signet from Avgo/Kavousi (CMS II 3, no. 305; Picture 80.3) carries a hoop made of a flat string of bronze and the bezel is secured by means of two rivets which break into the design of the ring. This particular practice of securing the bezel on the ring was rather unusual and it seems more appropriate to the manufacture of rings of non-metallic character than to all-bronze or all-gold signet rings. The whole ring was probably covered with a thin casting of gold which was hammered into the intaglio of the bezel.36 The scene on the ring consists of a tree growing from a rocky terrain in the centre with two poorly preserved female figures on either side flanking the tree. The figure on the left part of the intaglio wearing a flounced skirt is seated facing the tree and she is raising her left hand to a position in the same level to her head. A slight incision above the head may be the remains of a flower according to the interpretation of Hastings who first published the rings. The right part of her torso is unfortunately missing, so the position of her right hand and the representation of the breasts are difficult to define as well as the lower part of her dress. The figure on the right part of the intaglio scene is also very problematic. She is standing facing the tree with her left arm bent in the elbow in a way that appears to be touching the breasts. The figure is either wearing a long, flounced skirt which is validated by the speculation that the other figure on the left is actually wearing the same type of dress, or a banded mantle. The present condition of the ring allows us to believe that the figure on the right seems to be hovering above the ground and may be the representation of an epiphanic divinity.37 The heads of the figures appear to be obliterated. Between the two women, the ground is indicated by a few irregular lines. The tree separates the adorant from the divinity and seems to be the focal point of the cultic activity. The scene is similar

33

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36 Hastings, H. R. «A Bronze Age «pocket» from Avgo (Crete)». AJA 9, 1905. p. 278. 37 For a discussion on epiphany scenes, see Chapter 12.2.

Ch. 7: Typology of Neopalatial MM IIIB-LM IB Seals. Minoan Signet Rings to a sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 5; Picture 84.2)38 but I believe that the latter represents a female adorant on the left and a seated female divinity on the right flanking a tree and not the combination of an adorant and a possible hovering epiphanic divinity like in the Avgo/Kavousi ring. Nevertheless, the sharing of a common theme involving the adorant, the «sacred» tree and the divinity on both designs may be very helpful for the dating of the Avgo/Kavousi signet. In general terms, the overall conception of the scene is similar to the Late Bronze Age signets with the series of ritual scenes involving cult in connection with trees. The deposit where the rings were found, included a MM I three-sided prism carrying designs in all its three sides. The first side carries a rudimentary representation of a goat, the second side a round boring with eight straight rays projecting from the centre at the end of which are bored deep knobs, and the third side is decorated with six rays with their endings alternatively three-pronged and bored. This particular prism may have been one of isolated examples of three-sided prisms which appeared in Crete during the opening phase of the Middle Minoan period and soon became the favourite and commonest shape of the period (Chapter 3.2.4). The rest of the deposit included a rock crystal lentoid gem with a complicated architectural motif resembling a «palace facade». The latter seal was thought to have provided some useful information regarding the date of the Avgo/Kavousi signet. The so-called «architectural» motifs with their decorative horizontal and vertical panels and a latticed central panel, are all usually dated in the MM II period and are well represented in the MM IIB Phaistos Deposit (CMS II 5, nos. 29, 33, 237, 242-244). This particular observation led Hastings to suggest a date ranging from the end of the MM II to the beginning of the MM III period for the Avgo/Kavousi signet ring. The context where the ring was found appears equally problematic. It is very possible that the Avgo/Kavousi signet may be one of the earliest recognised pieces of the figured signet type of metal rings which flourished during later periods and especially in the Late Bronze I-II periods. The two reported accompanying seals of the deposit belonging to the three-sided prism type and the disc shaped «architectural» type although they initially appeared in the MM period, they were equally favoured in later periods either as «heirloom» and amuletic pieces or as a specific type of seals which continued to imitate earlier designs. In fact, prism seals and «architectural» types have survived in many LM contexts as well. I suggest that the Avgo/Kavousi signet belongs to the first generation of metal rings with figured and purely religious scenes which appeared in the end of the MM III towards the beginning of the LM I period and cleared the path for the series of metal signet rings of later periods in Crete and the mainland. The seated female figures in the ring with their

38

Levi, D. «Le Cretule di Haghia Triada». ASAtene 8/9, 1925/1926. p. 139, fig. 153.

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flounced dress consisting of horizontal strokes is reminiscent of the figures belonging to the «Cretan Popular Group» which flourished in Crete during the LM IB period. Even its resemblance to the aforementioned representation in the LM IB sealing CMS II 6, no. 5 from Agia Triada (Picture 84.2) can also justify its suggested dating since both representations are sharing the same iconographical schema. The «sacred» tree is positioned in the centre of the scene acting as the visual focus. It is flanked by two figures, an adorant on the left side and probably a divinity on the right side. Although the scene in the Agia Triada sealing seems more refined in terms of artistry and the rendering of details, it is beyond doubt that the original concept concerning the layout of the scene remained the same in both examples. Although the abstract style and the summary treatment of the scene in the Avgo/Kavousi ring lacks the detail and monumentality of the rings from Vapheio (CMS I, no. 219; Picture 57.1) and Isopata (CMS II 3, no. 51; Picture 78.1), the whole conception of the scene with its religious significance and the similarity of the female figures in terms of posture and general style of dress, may validate a late MM III-LM I date for the Avgo/Kavousi bronze signet. The gold ring CMS II 3, no. 38 which carries nineteen engraved signs of Linear A arranged in a spiral,39 the ring CMS VII, no. 68 and the spectacular gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb B with a female figure riding a griffin (Picture 105.2),40 all with entirely engraved circular bezels and hemicylindrical hoops, should be also placed in the same chronological context of early metal signets. They may belong to the final phase of the Middle Minoan or to the earliest phase of the Late Minoan period, a time when the metal rings acquired all of their basic characteristics including entirely engraved bezels, parts of the designs cast along with the bezels, and details or finishing touches added after the casting. The general type of the metal ring apparently had its variations including the ringstone which consisted of a semiprecious stone set in a metal cup and attached to a metal hoop. The type had convex ellipsoidal faces, flat reverses and sides and string-holes through the short axis.41 The pierced type was obviously a variation of the ringstones without string-holes. The latter type includes the rock-crystal ringstone CMS II 3, no. 240 from Sphoungaras carrying a talismanic motif and the rock crystal CMS IV, no. 58D from Tourtouli with the representation of a griffin in front of a structure.

39 Younger, J. G. The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. 1988. p. 222. 40 Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1967. p. 153, pl. 137a; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 651-653, figs. 718, 719. 41 CS. pp. 157, 224.

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals CHAPTER EIGHT THE NEOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IIIB-LATE MINOAN IB (ca. 1640/1630-1600 to 1480-1425 BC): DEPOSITS AND ICONOGRAPHY WITH REFERENCE TO THE MOST REPRESENTATIVE DEPOSITS 8.1. General remarks In the Neopalatial period, art is divided into two major categories. The first category includes the palace dominated art, produced in the palaces and consisting of the small or large-scale frescoes, relief stone vases, rhyta, ivory relieves and sculpture, metal vases, weaponry, jewellery, the most exquisite seals, gold signet rings and the best LM IB «Palatial» Pottery of the Marine, Alternating, Abstract or Geometric styles (Picture 32.2).1 The second category includes the mainstream art probably influenced by the palatially dominated art in a way and consisting of the decorated non-palatial pottery (Picture 32.1), the cheaper jewellery and seals or stone vases of lesser materials. In general terms, the differentiation between the two categories is basically a matter of the differences in quality and the higher or lower artistic level of manufacture and execution of the objects. In the area of seal-engraving, three deposits provide the clearest picture for the advanced changes in glyptic art. These include the Temple Repositories Deposit from the Knossos palace (Pictures 20, 79.2), the Zakros Deposit from the town of Kato Zakros located in eastern Crete (Pictures 25.2, 89-91) and the Sklavokampos Deposit found within the settlement at Sklavokampos near Knossos (Pictures 27.1, 88.1-6). Some of the information for the most representative groups of seals derives from pieces found within the premises of the palaces (Temple Repositories Deposit) or in countryside villas and rich farmhouses which probably functioned as provincial centres of authority and administration for the agricultural populace of Crete (Sklavokampos Deposit). The villas in question may have functioned under the control of the main palatial centres of the island and their rulers may have been appointed according to the jurisdiction of the supreme Minoan authority. The important assemblage of Neopalatial sealings from the Palace of Knossos was discovered in the area of the Temple Repositories, situated in the west wing of the palace and very close to the central court. The deposit was probably of an extremely religious significance according to the rest of the finds which included the two well-known MM IIIB faience figures of «Snake Goddesses» (Picture 34).2 The thematic material in the deposit consists basically of architectural motifs and studies of nature. Human figures appear more

1

Betancourt, P. P. The History of Minoan Pottery. 1985. p. 140. Sapouna-Sakellarakis, E. «Μινωική Τέχνη». In Christopoulos, G. A. and Bastias, I. K. (eds.) Ελληνική Τέχνη. Vol. I: Η Αυγή της Ελληνικής Τέχνης. 1994. pp. 188-189 for excellent illustrations. 2

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frequently in the Neopalatial period as parts of compositional and clearly representational scenes including palatial activities such as boxing and taurokathapsia (bull leaping) set in palatial architectural contexts. An attempt is made to correlate to some extent the works in the sealings from Knossos to the contemporary scenes in frescoes which adorned the walls of the palaces (Pictures 38-41). Some of the new developments included the representation of the background in narrative scenes depicting specific activities which seem to have taken place in a definite setting and the accurate rendering of the details of the human body and especially of clothing. Other interesting examples of seal-engraving derived from the deposit at Zakros in eastern Crete (Pictures 89-91). The representations show their close connection with their counterparts from the Temple Repositories Deposit, but most of the unique studies of monstrous forms and demonic types of hybrid creatures are unparalleled and appear to have been the work of a single artist located at Zakros (Pictures 90. 1-12, 91.1-7). This assumption is based on the grounds of common artistic features and characteristics found in most of the particular sealings from Zakros. The third assemblage of sealings from the Sklavokampos villa (Picture 86) is briefly examined for the excellent scenes involving studies of bulls and for some examples of taurokathapsia games. Some of the most detailed scenes include very early representations of chariots and horses (Picture 86.3) and the studies of monstrous forms (Picture 86.5-6) are closely correlated to the originals from the Zakros Deposit. 8.2. The Temple Repositories Deposit at Knossos 8.2.1. The date and function of the Temple Repositories Deposit The most representative assemblage of seals of the latest part of the MM III period is probably the East Temple Repository Deposit (Pictures 20, 79.2Α-∆) originally dated in the end of MM IIIB according to the dark-on-light pottery which is usually dated between the late MM IIIB and early LM IA period.3 The storage jars found within the two larger Temple Repository cists may also support a LM IA date.4 In the case of the style of the seals which stamped the clay sealings, their majority consists of LM I shapes like lentoids, amygdaloids and cushions with convex, round and oval faces although earlier and probably MM II seals with flat faces

3 MM III date of the deposit: PM I. pp. 464-466, 557; Evans, A. «The Palace of Knossos: Provisional report for the year 1903». BSA 9, 1902-1903. p. 44; Cadogan, G. Palaces of Minoan Crete. 1976. p. 69; Mc Gillivray, J. A. «Cycladic jars from MM III contexts at Knossos». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. 1984. pp. 153-158. 4 The following scholars suggested a LM IA date for the deposit: Younger, J. G. «Bronze Age seals in their middle phase» in Transition. p. 59; Pini, I. «The Hieroglyphic Deposit and the Temple Repositories at Knossos». In Palaima, T. G. (ed.) Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration. Aegaeum 5, 1990. pp. 33-60; Walberg, G. Middle Minoan III: A Time of Transition. SIMA 97, 1992. pp. 12-13; Warren, P. M. and Hankey, V. Aegean Bronze Age Chronology. 1989. p. 73, no. 30; Driessen, J. and MacDonald, C. The Troubled Island. Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini eruption. Aegaeum 17, 1997. pp. 141-142.

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals were still used for stamping sealings in the deposit.5 Associations with MM III pottery from the nearby three cists beneath the Stepped Porch, led to the assumption that they were contemporary with the Temple Repositories cists or comprised parts of different units which were constructed at a slightly earlier date than the Temple Repositories themselves. Although the areas need further examination, the differences of the contents between the Temple Repositories cists and the three cists beneath the Stepped Porch may suggest that they were filled for different reasons at different times. It is possible that the Temple Repositories were filled at a later stage and probably during a mature stage of LM IA.6 The Temple Repositories consist of two large cists and two smaller ones built into them, sunk in the floor of the west wing of the palace of Knossos. They contained pieces of magnificent religious equipment which probably belonged originally to a shrine. The contents may indicate secondary deposition probably due to safety precautions or a sudden change in religious practices. The cists contained a variety of important finds including a number of imported Cycladic vessels, beads, small stone vases, pieces of gold and bronze, fragments of limestone hammers, marble and faience crosses and a single Linear A tablet. It appeared that the objects had been arranged carefully according to their materials. The area has been considered of utmost importance to the archaeological research since Evans’s preliminary account of his earliest excavation in the beginning of the first decade of the 20th century.7 In his notebooks, Evans gives a description of the internal stratigraphy of the Repositories according to the progress of the excavation. It appears that the East Repository was opened first with the West Repository to follow. A full account of the area including the deposit of sealings still awaits a detailed publication. Incised double axe signs and masses of animal bones below the floor of the East Pillar Room near the Temple Repositories further attested the religious significance of the area.8 The Tripartite Shrine which was the most important feature of the area has been connected with religious ceremonies and cult activities since its identification on art objects as the form of the appropriate architectural setting for religious ceremonies. Representations of tripartite shrines are represented in a prominent position in the Knossos Grand Stand fresco, the gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1) and the Zakros steatite rhyton.9

5 Weingarten, J. «Old and new elements in the seals and sealings of the Temple Repositories, Knossos» in Transition. 1989. pp. 40-47; Pini (n. 4) pp. 46-53. 6 Driessen and MacDonald (n. 4) p. 142. 7 Evans, A. «Knossos: Summary report of the excavations in 1900». BSA 6, 1899-1900. pp. 32-34; id. «The Palace of Knossos: Provisional report for the year 1903». BSA 9, 1902-1903. pp. 38-94. 8 Platon, N. «Discoveries made during work of cleaning and conservation in the Palace in 1945». Κρητικά Χρονικά 1947. p. 635. 9 PM II. pp. 803-808; For the Grand Stand fresco, see PM III. pp. 46-65; for the gold ring from tholos tomb A at Archanes, see Sakellarakis, J. «Minoan Cemeteries at Archanes». Archaeology 20, 1967. p. 280, fig. 13; For the Zakros rhyton, see Platon, N. Zakros.1985. pp. 163-169; for the architectural type of the tripartite shrine in general, see Shaw, J. «Evidence for the Minoan tripartite shrine». AJA 82, 1978. pp. 432-441.

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It is beyond doubt that the deposit functioned as a treasury. The cists were permanently sealed after the deposition of the objects with the addition of a protective gypsum floor and the building of the smaller upper cists over the closed repositories. The presence of a broken part of a Snake Goddess in the West Temple Repository (initially considered a part of the East Temple Repository Deposit by Evans) was thought to have been the result of an alleged disturbance in Minoan times. This seems highly unlikely due to the fact that the Temple Repositories were permanently sealed after their construction and it is very possible that some of the objects including the broken Snake Goddess had already been damaged before their secondary placement in the Temple Repositories.10 It may seem impossible to define the reason of the earlier damage but a sudden change or a reassessment of ritual practices may have required the destruction and secondary placement of some pieces of the earlier cultic equipment. Even the damage could have been the result of an accidental breakage of the pieces which were hidden away immediately for safe-keeping purposes. 8.2.2. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the East Temple Repository Deposit A major part of the East Temple Repository Deposit consisted of 160 seal impressions with approximately 52 different designs. Evans grouped the sealings in his notebooks but his forty-four drawings of different designs appear highly problematic in terms of the attribution of his sketches to the actual number of designs on the sealings themselves. The deposit consisted of 39 nodules, 22 recumbent flat-based nodules from two seals, 5 recumbent flat-based nodules from a single seal, 4 single-hole hanging nodules, 4 direct sealings, 4 unclassified sealing fragments and a single Linear A tablet (Picture 7). Six of the fourteen roundels found in the surrounding areas can be also ascribed to the deposit with certainty.11 Sealings which may have sealed objects directly as they were evidenced in the MM IIB Phaistos sealings (Pictures 83, 84) were not very common in East Temple Repository and in fact they are present, as mentioned, in only four cases. Instead, the clay nodules showed the remains of carbonised strings or threads originally attached to boxes made of perishable materials like wood which possibly contained documents.12 The presence of «architectural» motifs (Picture II.5-6) in some of the sealings representing panelled exteriors -if not elaborate versions of hatching- with a central doorway and a gable above serving as a pediment, are reminiscent of those in the earlier MM II discs from the Phaistos Deposit (Table

10 Panagiotaki, M. «The Temple Repositories of Knossos: Evans’s notes». BSA 88, 1993. pp. 85-86. 11 These include the roundel KSPI p. 69, La 71, the four roundels KSPI p. 70, L18-19 and the roundel in Evans, 1902-1903 (n. 7) p. 59, fig. 38. For more detailed information, see Hallager, E. The Minoan Roundel and other Sealed Documents in the Neopalatial Linear A Administration. Aegaeum 14, 1996. p. 55. 12 Weingarten, J. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of the palace of Knossos. Part III: The evidence from Knossos until the destruction of the palace». OJA 7, 1988. p. 3.

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals 5.3.). Some combinations of hieroglyphic signs and formulae still occur but in a very limited scale.13 The survival of these few examples should be considered as «archaising» efforts with a possible talismanic value since the massive production of three-sided and especially four-sided hieroglyphic prisms abruptly ended in the latest phase of MM II. The particular hieroglyphic signs and formulae are mainly compositions of a decorative character and combinations of signs which remain undeciphered. The imposition of new levels of social stratification with the building of the Second Palaces and the emergence of a new class of officials, led to the decline of the hieroglyphic system of writing which was by then restricted only to few seals from the Temple Repositories and even the slightly later LM IB Zakros sealings (Pictures 89-91).14 This particular tendency towards the stylisation of the hieroglyphic script can be explained in a way by the appearance of the Linear A or Proto-Linear script which was coming into use during that period.15 The form of the ProtoLinear script probably developed in MM IIA according to texts found in the ruins of the first palace at Phaistos and soon developed in the form of the pure Linear A which became the major writing system throughout the Neopalatial period. It is probable that it developed from the earlier hieroglyphic script since both scripts share a fair number of signs and appears to have existed side by side for a short period of time in sites such as Phaistos, Knossos, Mallia and Petras. In MM II-IIIA, Knossos was apparently using both scripts simultaneously.16 The script offered a graphical simplification which enabled the scribes to produce more texts with condensed syntax. It is basically a phonetic system with a syllabary consisting of 85 different signs and includes an extensive use of ligatures in terms of combined or compound signs. The wide distribution of Linear A may suggest that there were local variations of the script. The signs consist of syllabograms and ideograms depicting objects (animals, vessels, plants) accompanied by whole and fractional numbers. Texts occur more frequently on clay tablets. The majority of the texts are probably of an accounting nature. The script also appears on clay for the stamping of goods, on ritual vessels and offering tables, and on metal objects like fibulae and rings. Engraved isolated signs appear on cups, storage jars and sarcophagi. The major Linear A archives have been found at Agia Triada (Chapter 9.1) and Chania17

13 Hallager, E. «The Knossos Roundels». BSA 82, 1987. pp. 55-70, fig. 2, nos. Rg, Rn, Rh, Ri. 14 Weingarten, J. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of the Palace at Knossos. Part I: The evidence until the LM IB destruction». OJA 5, 1986. p. 279. 15 For an extensive analysis of the script and its problems, see Zebisch, H. Linear A: The Decipherment of an Ancient European Language. 1988. 16 Rehak, P. and Younger, J. G. «Review of Aegean Prehistory VII: Neopalatial, Final Palatial, and Postpalatial Crete». AJA 102: 1, 1998. p. 130; Hooker, J. T. «The varieties of Minoan writing». Cretan Studies 1, 1988. pp. 169-189. 17 Hallager, E. and Vlasaki, M. «New evidence of Linear A archives from Chania». Kadmos 25, 1986. pp. 108-118; Hallager, E. «Linear A and Linear

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both dated in the LM I period as well as at Phaistos, Knossos, Palaikastro, Tylissos18 and Archanes. In spite of the extensive use of the new script, sealstones and sealings with Linear A inscriptions are fairly limited from the MM III period although Linear A signs appear on stone and steatite libation tables from Psychro Cave, Dictaean Cave, Knossos and Palaikastro, on a miniature votive gold axe from Archalochori, on silver and gold pins, on bronze ingots and on a clay human figurine from the LM I West Building at Tylissos.19 There are only three existing seals with Linear A signs including a black steatite discoid seal from Knossos (CMS II 2, no. 213b), the Mavrospelio gold ring with a spiral Linear A inscription (CMS II 3, no. 38) and a black-green serpentine reel-shaped lentoid seal of unknown provenance (CMS XII, no. 96). Apart from a number of old «heirloom» seals with simple geometric motifs, the majority of the East Temple Repository seals show simple studies of the fauna which are reminiscent of the earlier MM IIB motifs from the Phaistos Deposit. Although the studies are finely executed, they are not true to life and do not suggest pure naturalism.20 (Table 6). The human figures consist parts of representational scenes which are the most representative aspect of the whole deposit and were probably influenced by mural art and especially by frescoes which began to be executed on the walls of the palaces.21 Rings, possibly made of gold and in considerable quantities outnumbering those used in the Phaistos sealings, were also used to stamp these finely executed naturalistic scenes on nodules.22 These rings may have constituted a new medium for sphragistic purposes and they are often associated with specific bureaucratic classes and administrative leaders at Knossos. The appearance of smaller figures in the scene’s background with three-quarter views and with their torso, spine and legs represented in profile views which seem to be positioned at a longer distance from the eye of the viewer, is a new development in the art of seal engraving. The heads are foreshortened and the overlapping limbs are cleverly rendered providing an elementary illusion of depth in the designs. The scenes are also placed in a definite setting and became part of the early attempts to present a clearly representational art.23

B inscriptions from the excavations at Kastelli, Chania, 1964-1972. OpAth 11, 1975. pp. 53-86. 18 Chatzidakis, J. «Τύλισσος Μινωική». ΑΕ 1912. pp. 197-233. 19 Brice, W. C. Inscriptions in the Minoan Linear Script of Class A. 1961. Libation tables from Psychro Cave: p. 11, pl. XVI; from Dictaean Cave: p. 12, pl. XVII; from Palaikastro: p. 12-13, pls. XVII, XVIII, XIX; from Knossos: p. 13, pl. XIX. Double axe heads from Archalochori: p. 24, no. iii, pl. XXXI; Clay figurine from Tyilssos: p. 22, no. V2, pl. XXIX. 20 Weingarten , J. «The metamorphosis of a grain stalk into a goddess: Some thoughts on how palatial glyptic art changed in the early Neopalatial period». SMEA 28, 1990. pp. 96, 98; id. «Old and new elements in the seals and sealings of the Temple Repositories, Knossos». In Transition. pls. VI, VII c, d, VIII a, b. 21 PM I. figs. 363a, b, 509, 514, 518, 520; KSPI. pl. 6 Lb. 22 KSPI. nos. L 15 (PM I. fig. 519), L 38 (PM I. fig. 518f), L 46 (PM I. fig. 363a), L 49 (PM I. fig. 520), L 50 (PM I. fig. 509), HM 347, HM 359. 23 Walberg, G. Middle Minoan III: A time of transition. SIMA XCVII, 1992. p. 105.

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals Some of the most competent scenes include a «taurokathapsia» scene with a youth performing back somersault over a bull with a figure behind which is holding out his arm, and a fragment of a boxing scene with a part of a fallen champion and a pillar indicating the architectural setting (Picture 77.2Β). The same type of pillar is also represented in the Agia Triada «Boxer’s rhyton» which is dated in LM IA (Picture 33.1). The appearance of the scene’s background and the architectural setting are probably reminiscent of the architectural features found within the palaces and especially in frescoes which show some kind of a definite background in their scenes. The beginning of the indication of the scene’s background is best represented in frescoes. The «Saffron Gatherer» fresco for example, may well be one of the earliest surviving frescoes dated in MM IIIA or slightly later.24 The deep red background is enriched by the representation of a mountainous landscape with full-blown flowers which seem to embrace the main scene in the middle of the fresco. This conventional application probably implied the intention of the Minoan artist to present the action in a three-dimensional view with the central action appearing as if it is viewed from above following the rules of a non-naturalistic linear perspective in the sense of the so-called «vogelperspektive» or bird’s eye view. The indication of the natural scenery was also one of the main intentions of the artist who painted the LM IA «Blue Birds» fresco from the House of Frescoes at Knossos, one of the earliest and most alluring frescoes of Minoan Crete which probably consisted part of a now perished larger composition. The surviving fragment of the fresco represents a bird drawn in blue colour (Picture 37.1).25 The missing part of the fresco might have represented a royal garden filled with exotic birds. This particular deceptive naturalism which characterises most of the early frescoes becomes more apparent with the combination of different species of animals and plants which do not belong to the same habitat and with the tendency to draw the landscape as if it is embracing the figures which carry the main activity.26 Such an advanced naturalism is also evident in the fresco from the LM IA House of Lilies at Amnissos (Picture 36), located around the Palaiochora hill near Herakleion and which may have served as one of the harbours of Knossos in the Neopalatial period.27 The fresco which was found in the large room on the west side of the villa, represents an idyllic landscape behind an enclosure wall which is defined by red colouring. Three white lilies with long stems are blossoming over a white coloured background and irises and other flowers are modelled in soft colouring, extreme detail and sensitivity. In connection with

24 Platon, N. «Συµβολήν εις την σπουδήν της Μινωικής τοιχογραφίας: ο κροκοσυλλέκτης πίθηκος». Κρητικά Χρονικά I.III, 1947. pp. 505-524; Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978. pp. 48-49. 25 PM II. p. 431-467; Andronikos, M. in Christopoulos, G. A. and Bastias, I. K. (eds.) The Greek Museums: Herakleion Museum and the Archaeological Sites of Crete. 1979. p. 50, fig. 50. 26 Dickinson, O. T. P. K. The Aegean Bronze Age. 1994. p. 165. 27 Cadogan, G. Palaces of Minoan Crete. 1976. p. 135; SapounaSakellarakis (n. 2) p. 208, fig. 91.

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the most of the other frescoes, it shows the Minoan awareness of the natural world and the tendency to the beautification of things. Although the fresco represents a common and natural subject, it is painted in a way that excludes realism. The whole conception of the particular landscape filled with lilies and similar flowers seems to be a rather idealised version of what was probably intended to be a divine garden situated within a sacred enclosure (temenos) and not just a simple representation of a common natural landscape. Frescoes provided the artists with a broader area for experimentation with the scenic background and sometimes the pictorial program itself required at least a vague indication of the architectural setting or natural landscape. The restricted space on sealstones and rings did not allow the engraving of further details concerning the representation of the complete background of the scene but it is important to add that even the slightest indication can be considered an advance point since it becomes apparent that some representations in glyptic art were actually intended to depict narrative scenes. This is the key point in the close parallelism of frescoes and seals. Whenever indication of the background occurs, it is possible that both mediums represent narrative scenes of imaginary or even actual events which could have been easily recognised by the people of the time but still remain unknown to the contemporary research. Although it is surprising that the majority of the human figures from the East Temple Repository are represented with a complete disregard of anatomy and consist of exaggerated muscles, thin limbs and wasp-waists, this artistic convention is rather peculiar since the figures which appear in frescoes show a very visible regard for the human anatomy, organic unity and the artistic effort to represent some details of the human body. The result was apparently a rendition of quite naturalistic works in frescoes with advanced representations of the human eye, the ornaments and decoration of clothing, and even the indication of different types of haircuts. A fragment of a fresco from the west wing of the palace at Knossos probably dated in MM IIIB, shows a naturalistic head of a bull with a perfectly rendered eye.28 There is no indication for the disintegration of the body parts in the representations of the frescoes which is opposed to the evidence from some of the seals. A fragment of a fresco from LM IB Phylakopi represents part of a seated female figure holding an object which appears to be a fishing net and wearing a dress decorated with swallows and probably griffins combined with linear ornaments (Picture 37.2). A relief fragment from the LM IB settlement of Pseira represents a similar female figure dressed in an overly decorative manner (Picture 37.3).29 This advanced naturalism is much more evident in the LM IA frescoes from the settlement of Akrotiri in Thera (Picture 25.2).30 The

28

PM I. pp. 422-427, 527-528, figs. 319, 321, 384, 385. PM I. pp. 544-547; Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1972. p. 63, fig. 35a-b. 30 Marinatos, N. Art and Religion in Thera. 1984; Doumas, C. The Wall Paintings of Thera. 1992. 29

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals particular competent scenes with women from the House of the Ladies dressed in the Cretan manner with long flounced skirts and open transparent bodices with short sleeves, the priestess from the West House with a shaven head and a long cloak, and the narrative complex from Xeste 3 which includes female figures of various ages wearing overly decorated dresses, show the attempt of the artists for accurate representations of the human body and movement with a hint of exaggeration and mannerism. This observation can be also applied to the male figures taking part in an initiation ritual from Xeste 3, the fishermen from the West House and the «Young Boxers». The naturalistic slender bodies and the sense of motion manifested in these representations, are completely differentiated from the summary treatment and the disregard for anatomy which characterises some of the seals from the Second Palace period. Table 6. The main naturalistic motifs from the Temple Repositories deposit.31 1. Floral motifs. Foliate sprays and flowers: KSPI, L22 (PM I. p. 697, fig. 519) KSPI, L25 (HMs 348i-ii; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518a) 2. Animal motifs. Horned sheep: KSPI, L26 (HMs 333; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518b) KSPI, L27 (HMs 399/345; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518c) Owl: KSPI, L35 (HMs 394; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518c) Dog: KSPI, L38 (HMs 391; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518f) 3. Marine types. Crab: KSPI, L40 (HMs388i-ix; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518g) Conch-shell: KSPI, L43 (HMs340; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518h) Shell: KSPI, L20 (HMs 385; PM I. p. 696, fig. 518l)

Of the total number of sealings, 360 pieces belonging to the so-called «Zakros Master» appear to have been impressed by two or three different seal faces (Multiple Seal System) while 165 seals belonging to Younger’s «Cretan Popular Group» were impressed several times by a single seal (Single Seal System).33 The Single Seal System probably involved a single person who was responsible for the impression of a document and probably owned the seal. The Multiple Seal System required two or more people in order to authenticate and administer a document together. The combination of the two systems was vital for the administration and inventory of the incoming goods and the internal management and movement of the already registered goods.34 The existence of both systems at Zakros probably reflects the management of an estate exclusive to the area of Zakros and not the general management of a broader political entity.35 Weingarten discussed the nature of the property secured in the Zakros Deposit according to traces of the material on clay against which the sealings had been pressed while wet.36 The materials appear to have been rectangular objects, possibly pegs, wrapped around by strips of leather or hide of varying thickness and bound horizontally by cords to ensure security. She also suggested that the materials were parchment documents tied by strips which left their marks on clay leaving the actual documents secured and intact.37 Table 7. Types of sealings from the Zakros deposit (after Weingarten, 1983, with additions).38

8.3. The Zakros sealings The deposit was found in Room VII of House A, located in the lower part of the modern town of Kato Zakros in Eastern Crete (Picture 23.2).32 It consisted of 490 flat-based nodules, 59 hanging nodules (mainly two-hole), five noduli, one roundel and a single Linear A tablet (Table 7; Pictures 8991). The deposit in Room VIII also included a large bronze knife or sword, a calcined steatite lamp, numerous vases, bronze tools and four bronze round points. The sealings appear to have been kept together with these valuable objects in a restricted area of the room, possibly in a specifically designed niche or receptacle. The area (including the Palace) was destroyed by conflagration in LM IB according to the accompanying vases of the LM IB Marine Style.

31

The sealing numbers, their concordance with the Herakleion Museum numbers and their publication in PM I, belong to KSPI. p. 70. Hogarth, D. G. «The Zakros Sealings». JHS 22, 1902. pp. 76ff ; Levi, D. «Le Cretule di Zakro». ASAtene 8-9, 1925-1926. pp. 157-201; CMS II 7. 32

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1. Sealings with flat bases: i) Coin-shaped «noduli» ii) Discoid «noduli» and roundels iii) Conoid «noduli» with triangular profiles iv) Pyramidal-shaped «noduli» with three sides for seal impressions v) Rectangular discoid sealings with one side pinched vi) Gable-shaped sealings with one side pinched vii) Simple flat «noduli» of circular, discoid or triangular profiles 2. Sealings formed like prisms: Triangular prisms with string-holes running through the centre with space for two or three seal impressions

33 Weingarten, J. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of the palace at Knossos. Part II: The evidence from Knossos until the destruction of the palace». OJA 7, 1988. pp. 1-25; Rehak and Younger (n. 16) 133; For the Multiple Sealing System, see Weingarten, J. «The Multiple Sealing System of Minoan Crete and its possible antecedents in Anatolia». OJA 11, 1992. pp. 25-37. 34 Rehak and Younger (n. 16) p. 133. 35 Weingarten 1988 (n. 33) p. 16. 36 Weingarten, J. «The use of the Zakro sealings». Kadmos 22, 1983. pp. 813. 37 op. cit., p. 12; The same observation was also pointed out by Pini, I. in «Neue Beobachtungen zu den Töneren Siegelabdrüken von Zakros». AA 1983. pp. 561-562. 38 See also CMS II 7. pp. 271-279 and 274-277 (Tables 1-4) with a detailed discussion of the types.

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals 8.3.1. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Zakros Deposit with reference to the Zakros Master Some of the 440 nodules comprise pieces with groups of hieroglyphic signs belonging to Evans’s Class B and decorative geometrical patterns close to the Hieroglyphic Deposit and the Temple Repositories Deposit at Knossos implying some earlier associations. Only one unique clay roundel includes an inscription in Linear A. A large percentage of the sealings presents a succession of fantastic and monstrous forms of composite character executed initially in lentoid seal types before they impressed the noduli. The compositions show endless variations and intentional transformations of a limited number of types (Table 8; Pictures 90.1-12, 91.1-7). Table 8. The typology of the monster and demonic types from the Zakros deposit with their variations. 1. Winged types: i) winged monster with lion’s hind legs: 39 CMS II 7, nos. 83 (Picture 88.2), 84 (Picture 88.3); ii) winged woman with helmet: II 7, nos. 129a, 129b (Picture 88.12), 134; iii) winged man: II 7, nos. 138b, 139b; iv) winged goat: II 7, no. 144; v) monster with boar’s tusks, wings and heads of beasts with attached horns: II 7, nos. 157-158, 159 (Picture 89.3) 2. Bat-winged types: Bat-winged type combined with demonic head: II 7, no. 122 (Picture 88.8) 3. Bird-winged types: i) hawk-headed griffin with bird’s wings: II 7, nos. 126 (Picture 88.10), 127 (Picture 88.11); ii) bird-winged creature: II 7, nos. 149, 150 (Picture 89.2) 4. Sphinx types: II 7, nos. 88, 117 (Picture 88.5), 118 (Picture 88.6) 5. Hybrid types: i) hawk-headed woman: II 7, nos. 132-133; ii) winged creature with woman’s breast: II 7, nos. 137 (Picture 89.1), 138; iii) goat-man: II 7, no. 140; iv) goatwoman: II 7, no. 141; v) «Minotaur»: II 7, nos. 176 (Picture 89.4), 177 (Picture 89.5); vi) combination of lion and waterbird: II 7, nos. 196-197 6. Miscellaneous types: two confronting lions standing on either side of an incurved altar: II 7, no. 73 (Picture 88.1) Some of the seals appear to have been the work of a single artisan who is most commonly known as the Zakros Master. The artist is thought to have been responsible for the rendering of most of the Eagle-Lady, Goat-headed demons, the Gorgon and the Winged Goat series of seals. The seals which consist part of the work of the Zakros Master basically share some common characteristics. These include: i) the convex-faced lentoid shape of the gems; ii) the circular composition following the contour of the seal-shape; iii) the deep cutting of the designs in the seal surface; iv) the feeling

39

See Aruz, J. «Artistic change and cultural exchange-the glyptic evidence». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 8-9. Aruz suggested an Eastern origin for the motif (with bibliographical references). This monster type is paralleled with the «LionHead Eagle» or Imdugud bird of Mesopotamia, also known as the thunder bird, Anzu, in Akkadian. It is possibly an early form of the storm god Ninurta. The parallelisms and the eastern origin of the monster type in question seem to be very accurate. This type was probably transmitted from East to West but the monster types of Zakros and their variations should be regarded as the creation of Minoan artists.

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of symmetry in the compositions; v) the impression that the creatures seem to be «floating» on the surface without any lining or rendering of the background; vi) the linear treatment and the lack of «Torsion»; vii) the rendering of the wings of the creatures without feathers; viii) the preference of the artist for female creatures and ix) the tendency of supplying them with many additional accessories and decorative elements such as jewellery.40 The preoccupation of the Zakros Master and the rest of the artists of the Zakros sealings with the depiction of mythological and apotropaic creatures seems to have been a decisive factor although the Minoans appear to have had a long tradition as far as the depiction of demonic types is concerned. This observation becomes more apparent when we compare them to the griffins, sphinxes and the «Minoan Genii» which had already appeared since MM I in glyptic in the scarab seal CMS II 1, no. 283, as well as to the series of the «Lion Mask» designs with an apotropaic or talismanic character.41 In the case of the series with the hawk-headed griffins with wings (CMS II 7, nos. 126-128 [Picture 88.10-11]; XII, no. 174a-b), there is some resemblance to the anthropomorphic designs in some of the prism seals from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 127), the hawk-headed creatures belonging to the same deposit at Mallia (CMS II 2, no. 243a; Picture 75.7) and the hawk-headed griffins with wings from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, nos. 106-108; Picture 85.8).42 The latter resemblance may be explained as an exchange of influences since the Zakros Master was aware of the «naturalism» and the exploration of perspective practised in the Agia Triada workshop (Chapter 9.1, 9.2, 9.2.1) and in fact two of his seals reached this site.43 It is important to add that both deposits basically share the same LM IB date. Weingarten suggested that a seal from a large LM IA deposit beneath the steps of the East-west staircase in the Domestic Quarter at Knossos may have actually been a work of the Zakros Master.44 The chronological discrepancies between the LM IA Domestic Quarter deposit in question and the suggested LM IB date for the Zakros deposit, may appear problematic. If we unquestionably accept the date for the Knossos deposit, it is easier to assume that a master seal engraver or a major group of seal engravers existed at Knossos in LM IA whose predominant artistic style was still in use and was even elaborated further in LM IB by the Zakros Master and probably influenced the works of other engravers in later periods. In fact, the style of the Zakros

40 Weingarten, J. The Zakros Master and his place in Prehistory. SIMA Pocket Books 26, 1983. p. 59. For a more detailed reference to the works of the Zakros Master and a discussion concerning the seals attributed to him, see p. 60-80. The author suggests that the artist was responsible for the engraving of 68 different designs although more than half of them are problematic; See also id. «Aspects of tradition and innovation in the work of the Zakro Master». In Darque, P. and Poursat, J. C. (eds.) L’Iconographie minoénne. BCH Supplement XI, 1985. pp. 167-180. 41 PM I. pp. 673-674, fig. 492. 42 Levi, D. «Le cretule di Agia Triada». ASAtene 1925/1926. p. 118, no. 102. 43 op. cit., p. 117, nos. 100, 101; Gill, M. A. V. «The human element in LH and LM glyptic art». CMS Beiheft 1. p. 85, footnote 19, and p. 86. 44 Weingarten (n. 40).

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals Master is imitated on seals from later periods as well. Demonic types appear in later periods in seals from the Late Bronze Age mainland representing lion or bull-headed beasts with frontal faces (CMS I, no. 77; II 3, no. 332; VII, no. 123), lion-men (CMS I, no. 77; II 3, no. 10), deer-men (CMS VII, no. 138), studies of animals with human legs (CMS XI, no. 336), «Minoan Genii» as complex monsters (CMS VII, no. 126) and combinations of goat and lion (CMS VII, no. 124). The exact aspiration and the prototypes for these specific representations should be sought in the work of the Zakros Master. The predominant association between bird and woman in the general sense of a «bird-goddess»45 with the emphasis on sexual characteristics in seals of later periods and especially in LM IIIB,46 may have had its origins in the similar treatment of the subject in the Zakros sealings. Although it is quite difficult to locate the exact source of inspiration of the Zakros Master for most of his freakish designs, he proved himself to have been a very prolific artist who was often influenced by preceding Minoan artistic forms and probably regarded his seals as items which possessed special talismanic and magical properties. His designs can be characterised by a sense of naturalism in their movement and the rendering of small details, but most of his work obviously belongs to the sphere of surrealism and the fantasy world. The works of the Zakros Master represent the spirit of the period shortly before the LM IB destruction in Crete when every local artistic spirit and tradition began to fade in the light of the Knossian cultural imperialism of the following periods. The individual touch of the Zakros Master in his designs obviously proved his tendency towards experimentation, a fresh approach and change of the overall style in a period when the majority of his contemporaries began to orient towards the artistic spirit of Knossos. His inimitable style which had been developed in the provincial centre of Zakros and was obviously very popular in the beginning, found very few followers and obviously represented the last attempt of resistance against the artistic monopoly of Knossos which gradually emerged as the single most important cultural centre in the island of Crete. 8.4. The Sklavokampos sealings 8.4.1. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Sklavokampos Deposit The small mansion at Sklavokampos situated at the route leading from Tylissos to the peak sanctuary at Gonies (Picture 25.1), was destroyed by fire in LM IB as part of the general destruction horizon in Crete. The construction date of the building is unknown but the mansion seems to have formed part of a larger settlement situated nearby.47 The excavation revealed a limited assemblage of 39 clay sealings in a heap above the floor of the entrance hall (Room 1). The sealings consisted of 37 flat-based noduli with multiple impressions (CMS II 6, nos. 255-272; Picture 86.1-6) and

only two dome noduli.48 Some of the sealings were also impressed by replica rings, perhaps of gold, which possibly originated at Knossos and were later sent to the country house at Sklavokampos. The dissemination of these prestige objects from Knossos suggests a system of exchange by which the particular area of Sklavokampos was tied into a palatial prestige system and may also provide evidence for political ties to Knossos. The clay impressions were found in the entrance passage located in the west of the villa. The particular sealings are important for their variety of representational motifs and especially for the studies of bulls which are the most popular motif in the deposit. The bulls are represented in the galloping (CMS II 6, nos. 255-256 [Picture 86.1-2], 258-259) or reclining position (CMS II 6, no. 266). The sealings CMS II 6, nos. 255-259 (Picture 86.1-2) with the «taurokathapsia» scenes are reminiscent of the works in the sealings CMS II 7, nos. 36-38 from Zakros House A (Picture 87.5-7), the sealing CMS II 7, no. 39 from the central archive of the Zakros palace (Picture 87.8), the sealings CMS II 6, nos. 43, 44 from Agia Triada (Picture 85.6-7) and the sealings CMS II 6, nos.161, 162 from Gournia. The scene also appears in the bezel of the LH I-II gold ring CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 135, reportedly from Anthia and now in the Olympia Museum (Picture 100.3), as well as on representations of the bullleaping theme executed in larger media and particularly in frescoes. The clay-impression CMS II 6, no. 255 (Picture 86.1) which certainly comes from a metal signet ring shows a bull leaper in the supine position above a raging bull. The bull is engraved above a triple line indicating architectonic setting. The impression in CMS II 6, no. 256 (Picture 86.2) which is impressed again by a metal ring carries a similar scene. In this particular representation, the hands of the bull leaper are positioned between the bull’s horns and a continuous spiral below indicates the existence of an architectonic setting. Religious or amuletic significance may explain the recurrence of the bull leaping motif in the Sklavokampos sealings. This motif may have signified the presence of an individual ruler or a class of officials who chose the motif as their personal emblem. The clay-impression in CMS II 6, no. 260 (Picture 86.3) is a perfect example of a rather pioneering scene which includes the representation of charioteers and chariots driven by horses. A similar scene is also depicted in the sealing CMS II 6, no. 19 from Agia Triada (Picture 85.3).49 Although the whole representation and the type of the chariot is not completely preserved in the sealings, it may possibly belong to Evans’s chariot type C, the type with an horizontal joint in the frontal side of the pole that joined the pole with the upper frontal part of the chariot.50 These representations are probably two of the earliest depictions of horses in Crete. Horse-drawn chariots are also represented in a number of

48

45

CMS I, no. 476; VII, no. 199; VIII, no. 83; GGFR. p. 106. 46 CMS II 3, no. 4; IV, no. 290; VII, nos. 141, 142, 143, 144, 199; VIII, no. 83; XII, no. 281. 47 Driessen and MacDonald (n. 6) pp. 127-128.

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Marinatos, S. «Το Μινωικόν µέγαρον Σκλαβόκαµπου». ΑΕ 1939-1940. 1948. pp. 69-96. 49 Levi, D. «Le Cretule di Agia Triada». ASAtene 8-9, 1925-1926. pp. 125126, no. 117, figs. 133a, b. 50 PM IV. p. 828, fig. 808.

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals other glyptic pieces but of a mainly mainland provenance. Three gold rings from the mainland provide the best Mycenaean examples. The first, a particularly large gold ring from the collection of the «Aidonia Treasure» (NM BE 1996/11.1; Picture 99.2) of an unknown date, carries on its ellipsoidal bezel an engraved representation of a chariot similar to the iconographical standards of the earlier impressions from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 19; Picture 85.3) and Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 260; Picture 86.3).51 The chariot is drawn by two horses and carries a single charioteer. The whole conception of the scene although unique for the choice of its subject, is reminiscent in many ways of the hunting scenes which appear on the gold ring CMS I, no. 15 from Shaft Grave IV (Picture 47.2) and on the stone grave stelai from Grave Circle A at Mycenae (Picture 40.1-2). The third ring reportedly from Anthia and now in the Olympia Museum (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 137; Picture 100.4), carries a detailed scene consisting of two people on a chariot drawn by a pair of griffins. The date of the ring has been assigned to the LH II-IIIA1 period. A similar scene representing two females on a chariot drawn by a griffin, is depicted on a side panel of the Postpalatial LM III Agia Triada sarcophagus. Other representations of chariots include the horse-drawn chariots in the seals CMS I, nos. 129, 130 and 230 (Picture 58.4) from the Vapheio tholos tomb, CMS IV, no. 37D from Lastros, and CMS VII, no. 87 from Knossos. A more complete and competent work of a chariot in glyptic art is represented in the imaginative and symbolic representation in the LH I-II cylinder seal CMS V 2, no. 585 from the Kazarma tholos tomb where the chariot is drawn by lions (Picture 95.1). Variations of the theme include the agrimidrawn chariot in a seal from a rock-cut tomb at Avdou in Crete52 and the two chariots in the cylinder seal CMS II 3, no. 199 from Astrakoi, the one in the upper register drawn by a griffin and the other in the lower register drawn by a horse. In the case of the gold ring from tholos tomb B at Archanes (Picture 105.2), it is very possible, as Sakellarakis suggested, that the pose of the female figure with the extended right hand and her relation to the galloping griffin may imply a summary depiction of a chariot which is drawn by the griffin and driven by the female figure.53 In the case of the ring from the «Aidonia Treasure» and the seal impressions from Crete which have been already discussed, there is no indication of the «flying gallop» theme in the representation of horses in contrast to the repetition of the subject in mainland Greece. Such scenes with chariots drawn by horses in a «flying gallop» and located within a battle context are represented in the stone stelai 1427 and 1428 from Shaft Grave V (Picture 40.1-2) and in the gold ring CMS I, no. 15 from Shaft Grave IV of Grave Circle A at

51 Demakopoulou. K. (ed.) Ο Θησαυρός των Αηδονιών. Σφραγίδες και Κοσµήµατα της Ύστερης Εποχής του Χαλκού στο Αιγαίο. 1998. p. 70, no. 1; Betts, J. H. Gold of the Mycenaeans. Important finger rings, sealstones and ornaments of the 15th century BC. 1993. pp. 14-17, no. 1. 52 CS. no. 308; GGFR. pls. 9, 110. 53 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1994. pp. 652-653, pls. 718-719.

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Mycenae in which the chariot is represented carrying not only one but two charioteers (Picture 47.2). The scenes have been interpreted as representations of chariot races which constituted part of funerary rites in honour of a deceased chieftain54 or battle scenes depicting the warrior in a horsedrawn chariot riding over his defeated enemies. The latter interpretation can be obviously applied to the stele 1427 (Picture 40.2).55 The choice of the subject was probably connected to the militaristic identity of the shaft grave deceased who probably consolidated their authority after a series of combats. The «flying gallop» theme in Crete applies only to the taurokathapsia scenes with the bulls represented in relation to one or more bull leapers (Picture 39). The representation of the human figures is also an integral part of the range of motifs in the Sklavokampos sealings. In the case of the impression in CMS II 6, no. 261 (Picture 86.4), it represents two peculiar standing male figures dressed in cuirasses with vertical decorative bands which end in semicircular petals. The impression is probably evidence for the kind of garments which were worn by officials or by the ruling classes of the Minoan administrative centres. Although the attire of the two males on the impression may seem militaristic, it may have consisted the formal dress of the Minoan elite. The impressions in CMS II 6, nos. 267-268 (Picture 86.5-6), 269, 271 represent studies of monstrous forms with a sphinx-like appearance and «dropsical» humans with their midriff consisting of a series of concentric semicircles which probably imply some type of a physical deformation due to medical reasons. The demonic forms of Sklavokampos are reminiscent in some ways of their counterparts in the Zakros sealings and their comparison suggests the sharing of common motifs and the validation of the proposed dating of both deposits in the LM IB period.56 The Neopalatial deposits suggest that seal-engraving in the period between MM IIIB and LM IB, reached its apex of artistic excellence, sophistication, choice of subjects and experimentation of new motifs which include the monstrous types of the Zakros Deposit, the bull-leaping studies in the Sklavokampos sealings, the attempts for narrative complex scenes from the Temple Repositories Deposit and the religious imagery of the Agia Triada Deposit which is examined in the following chapter. These would be the final deposits and assemblages of glyptic products from certain sites located within palace contexts in Crete. They constitute the climax of a linear process starting in the Prepalatial period with the seal assemblages from the Archanes cemetery and the Platanos tholos tombs, continued through the first clearly palatial deposits of the Protopalatial period and finally cleared the way for the perfected pieces of the Neopalatial deposits. In the next periods of the Aegean Bronze Age, the gradual emergence of mainland Mycenaean regions as the new centres of seal production provides the

54

Mylonas, G. E. «The figured Mycenaean stelai». AJA 55, 1951. p. 143. Marinatos, N. «Celebrations of death and the symbolism of lion hunt». In Hägg, R. and Nordquist, G. C. (eds.) Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid. 1990. p. 143. References are made to seals of Mycenaean style. 56 Marinatos (n. 48) pp. 87-91. 55

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals evidence for the change of political and artistic dynamics in the Aegean area. Crete and especially Knossos, will remain a relatively important source for the supply of sealstones and seal engravers will be able to perfect their skills as immigrant artists from Crete in foreign territories who would finally contribute to the artistic excellence of the Mycenaean world. 8.5. The evidence for cultural interaction between Near Eastern and Minoan seal motifs in Neopalatial Crete Near Eastern seals appear to have been present in the Aegean since the Early Bronze Age. Two impressions of an Anatolian metal stalk-handled seal were reported on the rim of an Early Helladic pithos from Euboea.57 Near Eastern and especially Syrian seals appear to have been imported extensively to Crete in considerable numbers during the Late Minoan period. The interconnection between the Minoan designs and the motifs in Near Eastern seals became more evident in the Neopalatial period.58 In terms of style, the impact of the Minoan style on the Levantine tradition becomes more apparent in the «eclectic» works of Syrian glyptic combining Aegean and Levantine features.59 The appearance of Near Eastern seals in Minoan contexts should be related only to their high artistic value and their foreign «exotic» character since there was not a general and constant requirement for cylinder seals in the Aegean and the restricted impact of the Near Eastern compositions did not eventually result in a change in the Aegean sealing practices from the stamp seal to the cylinder seal. Crete remained faithful to the earlier stamp seal and the Cretan version of the cylinder seal as seen in the Platanos deposits (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1), except for a LM IB-LM II interval when cylinder seals appeared in Crete which were probably of local manufacture (CMS I, no. 206; CMS VII, no. 94).60 The beginning of the long tradition of Syrian imports to Crete which reached its peak in the MM III-LM I period should be probably placed in the EM Mochlos cemetery. An 19th-18th century north Syrian style hematite cylinder was reported from a disturbed EM-MM IB tomb in Mochlos (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 332)61 and a silver Syrian cylinder seal was found in an EM II-III context in a room of the three-chambered Tomb 1 at Mochlos.62 The seal is badly corroded and is probably carrying on its surface what appears to be an engraved motif of a human figure pursued by three animals. The piece is conventionally dated in the

57 Aruz, J. «The Aegean and the Orient: The evidence of stamp and cylinder seals». In Cline, E. H. and Harris-Cline, D. (eds.) The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium. Aegeaum 18, 1998. p. 302. 58 op. cit., pp. 1-13, esp. pp. 7-11. 59 Aruz, J. «Syrian seals and the evidence of cultural interaction between the Levant and Crete». CMS Beiheft 5. p. 1; GGFR 1970. p. 64. 60 See Kenna, V. E. G. «Ancient Crete and the use of the cylinder seal». AJA 72, 1968. pp. 330-333, pls. 107, fig. 12-16, 108, figs. 18-25 for a complete list of LM I-III Cretan cylinder seals and seal impressions. 61 Aruz (n. 57). 62 Seager, R. B. Explorations in the Island of Mochlos. 1912. pp. 17, 22, 111, pl. III, fig. 361n; Pini, I. «Zu dem Silberen Rollsiegel aus Mochlos». AA 1982, p. 599; Kenna, V. E. G. «Three cylinder seals found in Crete». Κρητικά Χρονικά 21, 1969. p. 354; Aruz, J. «The silver cylinder seal from Mochlos». Kadmos 23, 1984. pp. 186-188.

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Early Akkad IB period (ca. 2370/2340-2230/2180 BC) and is the sole survivor of a class of silver seals which had not survived in Mesopotamia.63 The arrival of eastern imports continued through the Middle and the beginning of the Late Minoan period with specific findings of Syrian seals at Mochlos and Tylissos (CMS II 3, no.128; Picture 80.1) in unstratified and disturbed deposits. The seals belong to the wider glyptic tradition which seems to have originated in northern Syria (Alalakh, Ras Shamra-Ugarit) and central Anatolia (Bogazköy). A Levantine workshop was probably responsible for the green jasper cylinder seal found in a MM IIIB-LM I context in a rich chamber tomb at HerakleionPoros.64 The seal is unfinished with a cracked surface and carries the common Near Eastern theme of the purification of the king by lustrator gods. The Poros piece was probably regarded as a marker of status and an appropriate grave good accompanying a rich burial. Although it appears to have been the product of a workshop located at Byblos in coastal Syria, it is probably a part of the 17th century BC group of seals which appeared in Middle Bronze Age Alalakh VII and Byblos in Syria, and Tell Beit Mirsim and Tell el ‘Ajul in Palestine.65 A high quality Syrian seal is also known from MM III Knossos (CMS II 2, no. 29). The lapis-lazuli material of the latter seal was probably collected and regarded as precious in the prehistoric Aegean and Near East. In contrast to the Syrian pieces found in Minoan sites, there are not any known imported Minoan seals in Syria. The only example of the Minoan influence in Near Eastern artistic forms are the so-called «eclectic» seals which combine a Minoan and a Syrian/Mesopotamian imagery and share common designs and motifs. The Minoan motif of the «couchant» agrimi and goat appears in a seal of the 18th-17th century BC from Ras Shamra-Ugarit.66 The motif is best represented in the Phaistos sealing CMS II 5, no. 258 (Picture 82.1). In a Syrian style hematite seal, two young striding warriors with long hair, broad shoulders, waspwaists, loincloths, daggers and spears approach an enthroned male figure which has his feet resting on a lion head. Behind him, a rampant griffin of Minoan prototypes like that in CMS II 3, no. 328, rests its hind legs on the back of the throne and its forelegs on a goat.67 The «offering/processional schema» consisting of an enthroned deity receiving offerings by adorants and flanked by mythical creatures has its strongest parallels in Minoan iconography. The two young warriors are dressed in the Minoan attire and the seated deity is represented with a Minoan hairstyle consisting of long strands of hair over the shoulder.

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Kenna (n. 60) pp. 322-323, pl. 105, fig. 1. Lembessi, A. «Ανασκαφή σπηλαιώδους τάφου εις Πόρον Ηρακλείου». ΠΑΕ 1967. pp. 195, 201, 208, pl. 192α-γ. 65 For the sites mentioned in the text, see individual references in Stern, E. et al. (eds.) The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land (EAEHL). Vols. 1-4, 1993. 66 Weiss, H. Ebla to Damascus. Art and Archaeology of Ancient Syria. 1985. p. 279, no. 120; Aruz (n. 57) p. 306, pl. XXXIIIc. 67 Aruz (n. 57) p. 306, pl. XXXIIIa; id. (n. 61) p. 14; A similar processional scene for example appears on a Late Bronze Age ivory plaque from Megiddo in Loud, G. The Megiddo Ivories. 1939. pl. 4:2b. 64

Ch. 8: Deposits and Iconography of Neopalatial Seals The Minoan style painted floors at Tell Kabri and the LM IB miniature paintings from the Hyksos capital Tell el Dab’a with scenes of sports involving bulls may further prove the value of Minoan art in the Egyptian Delta and the employment of Minoan fresco painters in Egypt. A scene of sports involving bulls appears in a part of a seal impression on the left side of a tablet envelope fragment from Room II of Alalakh palace (18th-17th century BC) which combines Mesopotamian, Egyptian and Minoan elements.68 Two acrobats are shown with their hands in the bull’s back and their legs in the air. Although the representation can be regarded as a «taurokathapsia» scene, it lacks the vividness, the freedom of movement and the freshness of similar Minoan scenes (Pictures 41, 87.6-7, 88.1-2, 89.5-8). A 17th century BC cylinder seal impression belonging to a tripartite impression on a tablet envelope from Sippar in Mesopotamia, carries the representation of two small bearded wrestlers with long hair and loincloths attacking a rampant goat above a charging or fallen goat which is being attacked by a lion.69 The rampant goat and the theme of the «attacking animal» are both common in the Minoan small scale iconography. Similar «attacking animal» scenes in a cylinder seal of the 18th-16th century BC reportedly from Membij in Syria, were connected to the presence of Minoan seal engravers in Syria.70 The modelling and dynamism of the animal figures, the variety of postures, the «flying gallop» scheme are all characteristics of the Minoan style of iconography. These scenes should not be regarded as imitations of Minoan images by native artists since their artistic modelling and manner of execution is somehow close but not exactly similar to genuine Minoan artists. Although the presence of Syrian filling motifs in seals proves the Syrian intervention, the particular scenes are evidence for the work of Minoan artists abroad, the awareness of foreign types of art and the simultaneous fusion of multiple different Minoan and Near Eastern artistic techniques and motifs.

68

Aruz (n. 59) p. 16. op. cit., p. 19. op. cit., p. 20; Buchanan, B. Catalogue of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in the Ashmolean Museum. Cylinder Seals. 1966. pp. 167, 175, no. 897.

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Chapter 9: The Agia Triada Deposit and Minoan Religious Iconography associated with and accordingly dated by the LM IB pottery context:4

CHAPTER NINE THE NEOPALATIAL PERIOD: SEALS OF THE MIDDLE MINOAN IIIB-LATE MINOAN IB (ca. 1640/1630-1600 to 1480-1425 BC): THE AGIA TRIADA DEPOSIT AND ITS RELATION TO MINOAN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY 9.1. General remarks The Minoan site of Agia Triada lies three kilometres west of Phaistos near the banks of the Geropotamos river. The site was originally excavated by the Italian School of Archaeology during the 1902, 1903-1905, 1910-1914 and 1939 seasons. The area had been inhabited since the Subneolithic period although the evidence for that period is restricted only to the relatively scarce pottery. In the Prepalatial period, the settlement pattern is not very clear apart from the two EM tholos tombs A and B.1 Tholos tomb B appears to have been in use from the EM II till the MM II period, while tholos tomb A continued well through the MM III period. A consistent burial pattern is again encountered only much later in the LM III period in the form of rectangular built house tombs. Among them, the Tomb of the Painted Sarcophagus which contained the famous Agia Triada sarcophagus is the most extensively studied.2 During the beginning of the Neopalatial period in MM III, an extensive settlement in the west side of the area which included a Minoan villa/palace in the north was erected. The villa/palace provided rich evidence for local administrative functions with a unique archive containing clay sealings and Linear A tablets. The villa and the settlement were abandoned in LM IB as part of the extensive destruction horizon in Crete. Parts of the Minoan villa/palace were rebuilt again in the LM III period with the addition of a tripartite structure and a portico in the west side of the north wing. A second similar structure and a portico were also added to the east side of the north wing. The structure also included a rectangular building which probably functioned as a shrine until the end of LM III. Additional magazines and storerooms were also erected in the adjacent settlement which mostly followed the same architectural principles and planning of the earlier LM I Minoan settlement. 9.2. The Agia Triada Deposit 9.2.1. The sealings and the function of the archive The Agia Triada villa/palace provided the richest archive of the Minoan civilisation.3 Three areas were associated with sealing deposits. Although it was not possible to assign specific findspots for all the clay sealings, they were all

1 Banti, L. «Le grande tomba a tholos di Haghia Triada». ASAtene 13-14, 1930/1931. pp. 155-250. 2 Long, C. The Agia Triada Sarcophagus: A Study of the Late Minoan and Mycenaean funerary practices and beliefs. 1974; Nauert, J. P. The Agia Triada Sarcophagus: An Iconographical Study. AK 2.8, 1965. 3 Hallager, E. The Minoan Roundel and Other Sealed Documents in the Neopalatial Linear A Administration. Vols. I, II. Aegaeum 14, 1996. pp. 4144 for more detailed information regarding the findspots of the sealings and Linear A tablets.

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i) An isolated deposit from the southernmost part of the villa/palace (south end of Corridor 9 and Room 27) which contained 45 dome nodules, all stamped by the same seal. ii) A deposit from the Northwest Quarter of the villa which included 11 tablets, 20 roundels and 947 hanging nodules. Several hundreds of sealings were concentrated in Rooms 11, 12, 13 and perhaps further South and East (Rooms 4-49-12). The objects on which the sealings were impressed are unknown. All documents appear to have been found at high levels which support the view that they were originally stored in one or more rooms of the upper floor. iii) A deposit from the Northern Magazines area (Magazine 59) which included tablet fragments, one roundel and two nodules. Miscellaneous deposits which contained only tablets: i) A small deposit of tablets from the «Ladies’ Quarter» (Magazine 72) in the eastern part of the villa/palace. ii) A deposit of 33 tablets from Room 7 of the «Casa del Lebete» in the nearby settlement. iii) A deposit of 13 tablets from Room 9 of the «Casa del Lebete». The Agia Triada sealings and their administrative functions have been extensively examined in some very important articles and detailed studies.5 It will only suffice to summarise in this section that the 45 nodules from the southernmost part of the villa/palace mainly functioned as «dockets», each one representing one unit of the object ascribed to each person who brought in the nodule in the first place. Roundels may have concealed an additional function as «receipts», too. A specific number of units from different people were received, and the relevant number of nodules were produced in advance to be given as receipts. In both cases, the whole transactions were then recorded to tablets for accounting purposes.6 The astonishing number of 957 hanging nodules were scattered over a large part of the Northwest Quarter of the villa/palace with other administrative documents. Hanging nodules were used to seal small sized high value goods kept in small bags and chests. Their huge number excludes the possibility that they

4 Vandenabeele, F. «La Chronologie des documents en liñeaire A». BCH 109, 1985. pp. 3-20. 5 Levi, D. «Le Cretule di Haghia Triada». ASAtene 8-9, 1925/1926. pp. 71156; Halbherr, F., Stefani, E. and Banti, L. «Haghia Triada nel periodo tardo palaziale». ASAtene 55, 1977; Watrous, V. «Agia Triada: A new perspective of the Minoan villa». AJA 88, 1984. pp. 123-134; Weingarten, J. «The sealing structures of Minoan Crete: MM II Phaistos to the destruction of the palace at Knossos. Part I: The evidence until the LM IB destruction». OJA 5, 1986. pp. 279-298; id. «Seal-use at Late Minoan IB Ayia Triada: A Minoan elite in action. I. Administrative considerations». Kadmos 26, 1987. pp. 143; id. «Seal-use at Late Minoan IB Ayia Triada: A Minoan elite in action. II. Aesthetic considerations». Kadmos 27, 1988. pp. 89-114; Perna, M. «The roundels of Haghia Triada». Kadmos 33, 1994. pp. 93-141; Hallager (n. 3) Vol. I. Aegaeum 14, 1996, pp. 41-44 and Vol. II. Catalogue, Lists, Concordances, pp. 13-34 (roundels), 211-214 («noduli»/nodules), 219-221 (flat-based nodules), 243 (two-hole hanging nodules), 247-288 (single-hole hanging nodules), 291 (direct sealings); CMS II 6. pp. 3-159, nos. 1-148. 6 Hallager (n. 3) p. 132.

Chapter 9: The Agia Triada Deposit and Minoan Religious Iconography all sealed valuables during a certain period of time and especially in a very restricted area of the building. It is possible that they had once sealed valuable objects then removed from the sealed objects and brought in a specific spot which functioned as an archive.7 In that case they had been collected over periods of time representing past transactions. The much fewer two-hole hanging nodules of the deposit were associated with the sealing of written documents (papyrus and soft leather documents) and a limited number of Linear A tablets. The documents were probably rolled up and bound by a string at the loose ends of which the nodules were placed. A different procedure by the making of two small holes at the lower part of the documents through which the string was drawn and the nodules were again positioned over the loose string ends, guaranteed a safer keeping of the documents. 9.2.2. Designs and motifs of the sealings from the Agia Triada Deposit The iconography of the Agia Triada sealings has been studied in detail in CMS II 6.8 As seems to be the case with the other Neopalatial deposits which were examined in the previous chapter, the variety of pictorial forms are perfected and rendered with extreme sophistication and sensitivity. The deposit presents an unrivalled gallery of representational motifs and decorative designs and they are all tabulated in Tables 9 and 10. The human figure either as part of narrative compositions in the field (CMS II 6, nos. 1-13, 15-17, 20, 29-33, 36-37, 39-44) or as an individual motif (CMS II 6, nos. 21-25, 28) is excellently represented. In a number of cases, the anatomical details and the facial characteristics are competently indicated (CMS II 6, nos. 21 [Picture 84.10], 29). There is preference over scenes with animals in a variety of postures and activities, and a collection of decorative motifs where vegetation is the main iconographic element (Table 9). Although style and iconography are perfected in the Agia Triada sealings, a number of sealings preserve a rather schematic and abstract style with scenes of highly stylised animals (CMS II 6, nos. 59-69, 71, 73-99) and birds (CMS II 6, nos. 100-103, 118-120, 124, 125). These scenes contrast to some very naturalistic studies of animals which are softly and beautifully rendered (CMS II 6, nos. 45-54, 56-58, 70). The stylised scenes are problematic and imply a peculiar drawback in the excellence of the engraving skills as presented in the rest of the sealings from the deposit. I consider them as products of different engravers who were responsible for the rendering of less competent scenes with a hint of mannerism and stylistic abstraction, but their overall existence is not easily justified. Probably they belong to a group of seals which were hastily manufactured by less competent engravers or they were the result of a separate style with a tendency towards «archaism» and imitation of

7 Hallager (n. 3) pp. 197-198; Weingarten, J. «Late Bronze Age trade within Crete: The evidence of seals and sealings». In Gale, N. H. (ed.) Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean. SIMA 90, 1991. p. 304. 8 CMS II 6. pp. 3-159, nos. 1-148.

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older styles in seal iconography which did not survive long in the deposit. In any case, it appears that two different iconographic styles were used simultaneously in the deposit: a) a «naturalistic» style with soft rendering and detailed iconography in competent narrative scenes with humans and in some studies of animals and b) a sketchy, schematic style with harsh modelling and a sense of abstraction which is more connected with some scenes depicting isolated animals and birds of non-narrative character. Interrelations with other Neopalatial deposits are evident. As it has been examined in the previous chapter (Chapter 8.3.1, 8.4.1), the hybrid types and monstrous forms from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, nos.106-108; Picture 85.8) are very close in style and concept to the almost identical motifs from the Zakros Deposit (CMS II 7, nos. 126-128; Picture 88.10-11). The «taurokathapsia» scenes (CMS II 6, nos. 43, 44; Picture 85.6-7) and chariot scenes (CMS II 6, no. 19; Picture 85.3) receive a very similar treatment in the Sklavokampos seals CMS II 6, nos. 255-256 (Picture 86.1-2) and CMS II 6, no. 260 (Picture 86.3) respectively. The sharing of motifs was not accidental. The period and the stylistic trends probably required certain subjects in iconography and they all appear in locations where ruling elites seem to have been in charge (Zakros palace, Agia Triada villa/palace, Sklavokampos villa). The choice of subjects is quite understandable. If this specific type of iconography was directly associated with ruling classes of the Minoan society, then it enabled them to expose a very dynamic and versatile image connected with athletic activities (bull leaping), warlike associations (combat and chariot scenes) and multiple variations of representations of rituals (see following section). The rich iconography and the degree of artistic expertise and excellence among the Agia Triada sealings provided the background where all the elements of palatial and elite iconography were perfected and acquired their symbolic importance during the peak of the Neopalatial period. Table 9. The typology of the designs in the Agia Triada deposit. 1. Human figures. Female figures isolated in the field: CMS II 6, nos. 22-24, 25 (part of a larger composition?), 27 (schematic), 28; Male figures: II 6, no. 21 (Picture 84.10) 2. Animals. Scenes with animals: II 6, nos. 45-54, 56-71, 73, 74 (Picture 84.14), 75-99; Scenes of animal sacrifice: II 6, nos. 37-38; Birds: II 6, nos. 100-103, 118-120, 124125; Insects (butterfly): II 6, nos. 126-127 3. Species of the submarine world. Argonaut: II 6, no. 128; Fish: II 6, no. 132; Shells: II 6, nos. 140-141 4. Mythical Creatures. «Minoan Dragons»: II 6, no. 34 5. Hybrid types. «Winged lion»: II 6, no. 104 6. Decorative motifs. Boucrania: II 6, no. 55; Plants/Vegetation: II 6, nos. 137-139; Hieroglyphics: II 6, no. 143; «Talismanic»: II 6, nos. 110-116, 129-131, 133-135 7. Miscellaneous. Eastern cylinder seal motif: II 6, no. 144.

Chapter 9: The Agia Triada Deposit and Minoan Religious Iconography Table 10. Ritual and monumental scenes in the Agia Triada sealings. 1. Scenes of cultic nature. Epiphany scenes:9 CMS II 6, nos. 5 (Picture 84.2), 8 (Picture 84.4); Baetyl/Omphalos hugging:10 II 6, nos. 2 (Picture 83.2), 4 (Picture 83.3); «Goddess» flanked or approached by female adorants/ «Offering Schema»: II 6, no. 1(Picture 83.1); Ceremonial carrying of sacred robe/garments: II 6, nos. 11 (Picture 84.7), 26 (Picture 84.11); Processions: II 6, nos. 9 (Picture 84.5), 10 (Picture 84.6), 12, 13 (Picture 84.8) 2. Male divinities/ «Gods».11 Master of Animals («Posios Theron»): i) with lion: II 6, no. 36(?) (Picture 85.5); ii) with agrimia: II 6, no. 29 3. Female divinities/ «Goddesses».12 i) with male deity/ «Sacred Conversation schema»: II 6, no. 6 (Picture 84.3); ii) feeding animals: II 6, nos. 30 (Picture 85.4), 31; iii) riding an animal: II 6, no. 33 (Picture 84.12); iv) Hybrid types/ «Bird Goddess»/ «Eagle Woman»: II 6, nos. 105(?), 106 (Picture 85.8), 107 (Picture 84.14), 108, 109 4. Scenes of mythological nature. «Goddess on a ship»/Transportation of the «Goddess»: II 6, no. 20 (Picture 84.9) 5. Animal Sacrifice.13 Man associated with animals: II 6, no. 36 (Picture 85.5) 6. Athletic/Acrobatic scenes. Bull leaping:14 II 6, nos. 3943, 44 (Picture 85.7) 7. Hunting scenes. Bull hunt: II 6, no. 37 8. Warrior scenes. i) Warriors in procession: II 6, no. 11 (Picture 84.7); ii) Warriors in combat: II 6, nos. 15 (Picture 85.1), 16 (Picture 84.8), 17 (Picture 85.2); iii) Chariot scenes: II 6, no. 19 (Picture 85.3) 9. Figure-of-eight shields. Men (warriors?) with figure-ofeight shields: II 6, no. 18. 9.3. Interpretation of the iconography in the Agia Triada Deposit In this section the iconography of the deposit is examined in a different context. So far in the text all the Neopalatial sealing deposits have been examined for their own special reasons. The iconography of the Knossos Temple Repositories Deposit was examined in connection with the larger-scale works in wall paintings (Chapter 8.2.2); the iconography of the Zakros Deposit was examined in connection with its explicit thematic material and the existence of a single artist, the «Zakros Master» (Chapter 8.3.1). The Agia Triada sealings are unique because they represent the only extensive Neopalatial deposit which provides extensive information about Minoan religion. In

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See Chapter 12.2 with bibliographical references. See Chapter 12.4; Warren, P. M. «Of Baetyls». OpAth 18, 1990. pp. 193206. 11 See discussion and catalogue in Chapter 11.4 with additional bibliography. 12 See discussion and catalogue in Chapter 11.3.1, 11.3.2, 11.3.3 with additional bibliography. 13 For an extensive discussion, see Marinatos, N. Minoan Sacrificial Ritual: Cult Practice and Symbolism. 1986. 14 Younger, J. G. «Bronze Age representations of Aegean Bull-Leaping». AJA 80, 1976. pp. 125-136, pls. 20-22.

fact, the iconography of the sealings is so great that I would like to stress its importance as represented in the deposit. The complex iconography of the Agia Triada sealings suggests the existence of a ruling Minoan elite which appears to have been in action during the LM IB period. The multiplicity and variety of religious subjects where all the characteristics and principles of the Minoan religious iconography are met, are evidence for the extensive function of the archive as the administrative tool for the dissemination of a religious propaganda which established a Minoan elite on the top of the hierarchical social organisation in the Agia Triada villa/palace and its immediate vicinity. Minoan elites required palatial style iconography and it is probable that only the best seal engravers were employed for the manufacture of the Agia Triada seals and rings. The sealings present a consistent pattern for the choice of thematic material.15 Athletic events (bull leaping) are dynamically represented as they were associated with activities that have taken place in palatial contexts and surroundings. People represented in the processional schema without any indication of a specific activity, may be justified only if they are related to the simple portrayal of ruling elites. The scenes portraying people clad in ceremonial dress and engaged in warrior activities may be linked to specific Minoan classes where combats, processions of warriors and competent charioteers, were the aftermath of a series of initiation ceremonies and procedures dedicated to the younger members of an elite society located in the Agia Triada settlement and the wider context of the Messara region. Minoan elites required participation in rituals. Female figures insist on the wearing of the Minoan formal attire consisting of the tight bodice and the flounced skirt.16 In male iconography, the display of weaponry is an important factor (CMS II 6, no. 9 [Picture 84.5], 10 [Picture 84.6] and 11 [Picture 84.7]). In these scenes the representation of an exquisite dress consisting of Ottoman-style knickerbockers and a formal decorated garment enveloping the upper part of the body like a pashmina is not accidental (CMS II 6, no. 11; Picture 84.7). It may signified the place of individuals in Minoan society and established their social and ritual identity conveying information about ritual dress and personal accessories. The notion of an unbreakable bond between the ruling classes and their intermittent practice of rituals remained unchanged throughout the Neopalatial period. In the Agia Triada Deposit, the scenes of cultic nature clearly represent the fusion of the religious world with the social apparatus (Table 10). Participation in rituals where a specific behavioural pattern was required, is evident in scenes of baetyl/omphalos hugging, offering schema, formal processions and associations of important individuals with ceremonial or «sacred» garments.

10

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15 See Table 10 for the sealings discussed in this section with their CMS and Picture numbers. 16 See Chapter 11.1 for the examination of the female dress in Minoan glyptic and its association with social identity and the performance of rituals.

Chapter 9: The Agia Triada Deposit and Minoan Religious Iconography Religious scenes in the Agia Triada Deposit appear more problematic. They represent different categories where the ritual behaviour of the Minoans and the information concerning the possible existence of divinities and specific rituals, are analysed and categorised. There is a collection of religious imagery where all the characteristics of the Minoan ritual are excellently represented (Table 10). Epiphany scenes, kneeling over and hugging an «omphalos» stone, architectural elements associated with the existence of cult structures, possible representations of male divinities in the «Master of Animals» schema, females often characterised as «Goddesses» and associated with animals or engaged in extraordinary activities, they are all awaiting examination and adequate interpretation. The problem is initially concentrated in the question of who is actually represented in these ritual scenes. The iconography of the Agia Triada Deposit suggests that if divinities are represented, they belong to the same context and cultic apparatus with the other scenes discussed above which represent more safely important individuals. In the case where no divinities are represented, they are more probable to represent a unique collection of elite iconography where only the ruling classes are portrayed as divinities and as the primary foci of ritual activities and ceremonies. The iconography of the Agia Triada sealings suggests the existence of a complete religious imagery where different types of rituals are represented. In Table 10, I proceeded to the division between scenes of cultic nature and scenes where possible male and female divinities are represented. The rich iconography of the deposit provided further subdivisions of the types discussed and categorised. Largescale rituals involving the baetyl/omphalos hugging where the invocation of the divinity is the crucial moment (CMS II 6, nos. 2, 4; Picture 83.3), may required the participation and representation of both humans and divinities. Complex scenes where the offering schema is represented, are more ambiguous. The scene in CMS II 6, no. 1 (Picture 83.1) may represent a divine figure flanked by female adorants or attendants, a Minoan «high priestess» or an important individual flanked by younger associates before or after an initiation process, or an important female divinity accompanied by two lesser divinities located in the context of tree ritual and sacred enclosures/temenoi. The epiphany scenes CMS II 6, no. 5 (Picture 84.2) present a similar notional complexity. It is associated with the «sacred tree» motif but the pair of female figures is more problematic. Who is actually a divinity and if one is definitely involved, depends more on the eye of the beholder instead of an established range of criteria for the interpretation of religious scenes in glyptic. Scenes with excellent rendition of figures and where a single male or female individual is involved, may be interpreted more securely.17 They are characteristic of the Neopalatial glyptic and they are usually regarded as representations of male and female figures in various types and activities.

17

See Table 10 with the categories «Male divinities/Gods» and «Female divinities/Goddesses».

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The unique collection of the Agia Triada sealings as examined in the present chapter either as bureaucratic tools in the hands of a Minoan ruling elite for the dissemination of a religious propaganda under the form of palatial style iconography, or as evidence for the multifarious ritual behaviour of the Minoans, opens new territories as far as the reconstruction and configuration of the Minoan religion is concerned. Certain subjects require further research and the iconographic material needs to be categorised and analysed. The following chapters of this study are dedicated to the examination of the human figure in religious scenes (Chapter 11.1, 11.2) and the possible existence of male and female divine figures in Minoan glyptic, their typology and iconographical details (Chapter 11.3, 11.3.1, 11.3.2, 11.3.3, 11.4). The evidence for rituals is analysed and discussed in order to comprehend and reconstruct the pattern in which Minoan religion is represented in glyptic (Chapter 12). Specific subjects mentioned above and in earlier chapters, receive a more detailed examination. They include the subject of architectural elements in glyptic scenes (Chapter 12.1) including the iconography and possible existence of sacred enclosures or temenoi (Chapter 12.3), the epiphany of the divinity (Chapter 12.2) and the rituals connected with the presence of baetyls/omphaloi (Chapter 12.4) and the importance of the «sacred» trees in the ritual action of the Minoans (Chapter 12.5). An attempt is also made for the establishment of a suitable methodology for the interpretation of religious iconography (Chapter 10.2) in connection with the archaeological evidence for the ritual action of the Minoans during the Palatial periods (Chapter 10.1.1, 10.1.2). The variety of religious representations in the Agia Triada sealings, the importance of the deposit in terms of ritual expressionism and as evidence for the Minoan religious phenomenon as represented in the Neopalatial glyptic, provided the impetus for the extensive discussion concerning the fascinating subject of Minoan religion and the establishment of glyptic as a specialist craft with a prominent position in the prehistoric Aegean world.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic the social status of the deceased and recognise certain rituals together with their social function.

CHAPTER TEN READING IMAGES IN MINOAN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY. ASPECTS OF MINOAN RITUAL IN THE PREPALATIAL AND PALATIAL TIMES AND THE QUESTION OF METHODOLOGY 10.1. The dynamics of Minoan cult and ritual from the Prepalatial towards the Palatial times 10.1.1. Notes on the Prepalatial Minoan ritual action Ritual can be described as a formulaic, stylised action which involves the repetition of acts which faithfully follow the traditional forms. Ritual can be a collective institution which expresses the social organisation of a cultural group and through the use of a symbolic system provides communal meaning to the fundamental transitions in the life of individuals.1 Ritual action was employed whenever a significant event required social participation. Such events included birth, marriage, initiation, childbirth and death. They are commonly known as rites of passage which defined a person’s position in the society and marked the transition from one state to the other.2 Rituals were mostly preoccupied with the supernatural, the definition of death, the thin line separating the living world from the dead, the mortal from the immortal and their impact in social life and prosperity. The ritual action in the Minoan period is difficult to discern without the examination of architectural remains, cult objects, pictorial representations of varying scales and without the aid of written sources.3 In Aegean prehistory, rituals appear to have been restricted initially to the primary centres and the most important settlements. In the Early Minoan period, they are mostly evident in funerary practices. In the funerary record, the selection of the tomb type was the major way of displaying the social status and the power or prestige of the deceased. Votives and offerings could also provide additional information to the subject. They usually signified the image of the dead and his intimate possessions but when the offerings are placed in the broader context of society, they can provide evidence for the prosperity of a specific area. Gold jewellery, elaborate textiles, exotic objects and precious «heirloom» seals characterised the social image and the role of the deceased.4 By establishing the different categories of votives and offerings we are able to use them as evidence for specific information regarding

1 Renfrew, C. «The archaeology of religion». In Renfrew, C. and Zubrow, E. B. W. (eds.) The Ancient Mind. Elements of Cognitive Archaeology. 1994. pp. 47-54. 2 Koehl, R. B. «The Chieftain Cup and a Minoan rite of passage». JHS 106, 1986. pp. 99-110. 3 Linear A and Linear B are present in Crete but the latter refers only to the Final Palatial period at Knossos which is represented by the Mycenaean occupation who seems to have been established in Crete at the time. The information about any religious beliefs presented in the Knossos tablets should be handled with care since they were written in the LM III period (ca. 1430-1200 BC) and should not be regarded as evidence for earlier Minoan systems. Not everything which is recorded in the period after LM II should reflect what may have happened before. 4 Cavanagh, W. G. and Mee, C. B. A Private Place: Death in Prehistoric Greece. SIMA CXXV, 1998. pp. 103, 110.

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Rituals followed predetermined patterns and models for the expression of each activity. Symbolism was extremely important. This may have involved the adoption of a specific dress code, attitude, gestures and positioning of the body.5 The representation of participating groups, the dancing movements and the iconographic schema of procession, may all have carried the essence of symbolism. In the context of funerary rituals, symbolism was also expressed through the practice of funerary meals and feasting, the destruction of offerings, the breakage of cups and the occasional visiting of the tombs as early versions of the contemporary memorial services. The practice of sacrifice should not be excluded and libations poured over specific constructions may have signified the liminal rite, the final separation of the dead from the living community. In the earlier stages of the Minoan culture, the practice of rituals is recognised only in the funerary record. The Prepalatial cult practices appear to have been concentrated around the Messara tholos tombs which probably comprised the ritual foci of the period. The cult appears to have taken place within a number of nuclear or extended families, or on a kinship level located in the general background of single communities.6 These communities possibly worshipped the spirits of dead ancestors and not individual «chthonic» deities. The process was probably a simple one. The dead were initially buried individually, accompanied by the appropriate funerary rites. During the transitional period of the decomposition of the body which is often termed as the «liminal» period, the transition from the living world to the world of the dead which belonged to the deified ancestors, it was believed that the identity of the deceased was separated from the physical body. The «liminal» period culminated with the complete decomposition of the flesh and the belief that the deceased was by then incorporated into the realm of the ancestors. With the continuous use of the tombs after their periodical cleaning and fumigation (as observed at Koumasa tholos B and Platanos tholos B) due to the constraints of space and the increase of mortality which resulted from the increase in the population of the time, the Minoans managed to retain the skulls and bones over the period of centuries in a way which assured their respect to the overwhelming presence of the ancestors and the stability and continuation of cult. The subsequent disturbance of the tomb may have signalled the occasion for an additional communal gathering or a feast. The appearance of animal bones and the remains of inverted cups and kernoi in the paved areas outside the tombs, probably imply the practice of ritual meals, sacrifices and other post-mortem rites. This

5 Turner, V. The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. 1967. p. 50; id. From Ritual to Theater: The Human Seriousness of Play. 1982. 6 Blackman, D. and Branigan, K. «An archaeological survey of the lower catchment of the Ayiopharango valley». BSA 72, 1977. pp. 13-84; Whitelaw, T. M. «The settlement at Fournou Korifi Myrtos and aspects of Early Minoan social organisation». In Krzyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983. pp. 323-345.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic gathering may have functioned as the impetus for the reuniting of all the surviving members of the group.7 Tombs themselves were conspicuous displays and equipped in later periods with architectural arrangements like paved areas (Platanos, Krasi, Koumasa, Odigitria, Apesokari I and II), rectangular chambers which may have served as anterooms or annexes (Vorou, Apesokari I and II) and even ossuaries for past burials (Porti, Agia Triada A) and manmade constructions such as altars (Lenda-Lebena, Agia Kyriaki, Kamilari I and II). These architectural arrangements further emphasised the communal element and proved that the funerary rituals of the Prepalatial Cretan populations revolved around the cult of the dead and the repetition of funerary practices. The groups of finds from the Messara tholos tombs are probably of equal importance and may provide some valuable evidence for the emergence of the pure religious symbolism in Minoan art. Objects may have been given for their own intrinsic value (gold jewellery, sealstones, metal rings, toilet articles) or given for what they may have conventionally implied in the first place as indicative of the general religious beliefs and ideas of the time (pottery, rhyta, libation tables, figurines, double axes, horns of consecration). They usually emphasised the identity and status of the deceased but they could have also been chosen as gifts. Offerings are often polysemic. It is difficult to discern whether they were directly linked to the deceased or they were attributes and characteristics of religious beliefs placed in the tombs as parts of symbolic rituals. Pottery, weapons, tools, figurines, jewellery and seals may be directly informative about their use and their relation to the deceased or their close relatives. More complex terracotta models like the MM III-LM I Kamilari models,8 double axes like the assemblage from tholos tomb II at Apesokari,9 birds and animal figurines, may be more problematic. It is possible that the motivation surrounding this type of offerings was more related to a supposed amuletic use and their links to the cultic apparatus. Offerings may have been deposited for different reasons but their main patterns are usually observable. They often constitute the intimate possessions of

7 The practice of secondary funeral and the re-opening of the tombs was known since the Neolithic period at sites such as Ayioyeoryitika, Agia Sophia, Prodromos and Alepotrypa Cave (Diros prehistoric cave no. 923 in Laconia). It continued through the Early Bronze Age period in Crete and the mainland in Agios Kosmas (see Mylonas, G. E. Aghios Kosmas. An Early Bronze Age Cemetery in Attica. 1959 with Appendix by Angel, J. L. Early Helladic Skulls from Aghios Kosmas) and Manika (see Sackett, L. H. et. al. «Prehistoric Euboea: Contributions toward a survey». BSA 61, 1966. pp. 33112 and Sampson, A. Μάνικα 2. Ο Πρωτοελλαδικός οικισµός και το νεκροταφείο. 1988). Ιt was still practised in Marathon (Tsepi) through the Early Bronze Age (in dozens of shaft graves in regular rows) and Middle Bronze Age (in tumulus burials, see Marinatos, S. «Ανασκαφή Μαραθώνος». ΠΑΕ 1970. pp. 5-28) and well into the Mycenaean period in tholoi and chamber tombs from mainland sites. For more comprehensive information on the subject and bibliography, see Cavanagh and Mee (n. 4) p. 116. 8 Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978. p. 105, fig. 88; MR. p. 20, fig. 21. 9 Branigan, K. The Tombs of Messara. A study of funerary architecture and ritual in Southern Crete. 1970. p. 100.

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the deceased which are placed carefully in the tomb, but it is obvious that specific objects were mainly offered due to their symbolic value and their significance in the general context of ritual practice and religion.10 With the establishing of the First Palaces and the emergence of an official and centralised authority who was able to control the cult activities, the concept of a communal and universal religion at a wider level than within small and scattered communities gradually evolved in Minoan society. It is very probable that the change in the general attitude towards the subsequent use of tombs may indicate shifts in the ritual as the result of the growing presence of elite groups and urban upper classes in the final phases of the Prepalatial period that preferred to practise the cult at tombs in order to legitimise their power. New monumental funerary structures at Archanes (tholoi Β and Γ) and Chrysolakkos at Mallia, added to the expansion of the earlier Messara tholoi. The expansion of earlier tombs after the MM I period, was accompanied by the increase of prestige goods and elaborate symbols of status like seals, gold objects and daggers. The presence of burials at the tholos tombs at Platanos, Agia Triada A, Porti and Lenda -Lebena II and IIa, all furnished with elaborate grave goods, should be located in the context of stratified and ranked societies where leaders used religion and rituals associated with an ancestor cult to legitimise their control over the rest of the population.11 The newly established social ideology with new religious and political institutions, supported and protected the newly formed state and territory. With the process of time, it created the broader political canvas where the later general hegemonies in the island could further establish autonomous centres and local sanctuaries.12 It has been proved that the communal element which characterises the early expression of Minoan cult activity in the Prepalatial period was rather reinforced by certain beliefs and religious symbolism. The appearance of specific symbolic objects found in the Messara tombs and in domestic contexts of Early Minoan sites in Crete, shows the emergence of an individual Minoan religious ideology which was in the beginning of its formation process. With the establishment of the First Palaces in Minoan Crete, the cultic activities expanded, developed and gradually became more complex.13 The fact that access for the public was possible, indeed normal, it probably meant a social, not private function, and the practice of public ceremonies in areas such as town sanctuaries, open-air peak sanctuaries, sacred

10 See Watrous, L. V. The Cave Sanctuary of Zeus at Psychro: A Study of Extra-Urban Sanctuaries in Minoan and Early Iron Age Crete. Aegaeum 15, 1996. pp. 81-91 for an extensive discussion concerning the nature and significance of the offerings in tombs, caves and peak sanctuaries. 11 Murphy, J. M. «Ideologies, rites and rituals: A view of Prepalatial Minoan tholoi». In Branigan, K. (ed.) Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. 1998. pp. 36-39. 12 Renfrew, C. The Emergence of Civilisation. The Cyclades and the Aegean in the Third Millennium BC. 1972. pp. 3-44. 13 Gessel, G. C. «The place of the goddess in Minoan society». In Krzyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983. pp. 93-99; Branigan, K. «The genesis of the Minoan Household Goddess». SMEA 8, 1969. p. 34.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic enclosures (Juktas [Picture 26.1], Atsipades, Kato Syme) and caves (Psychro, Kamares), can be traced back as early as the MM IA period.14 10.1.2. Notes on the Palatial Minoan ritual action The Minoan cult in the Neopalatial period seems to have been a community activity. This is evident by the west and central courts of the palaces which may have been the foci of ritual actions within the palace territories. Extra-palatial ritual activities seem to have taken place at the so-called peak sanctuaries. They were probably destined for popular religion, at least during their earlier phases, but they were gradually absorbed by the proximate palatial centres as vehicles for the dissemination of the official palatial cult. The peak sanctuaries at Juktas (Picture 26.1), Petsophas and Kophinas received impressive architectural additions during MM III and LM IA, while other important Protopalatial peak sanctuaries at remote areas went gradually out of use.15 It seems that by the end of the LM IB period with the general abandonment and destruction of Minoan settlements, almost all of the peak sanctuaries were eventually deserted. Caves then provided the immediate and appropriate locations for ritual activities. The caves at Phaneromeni, Archalochori, Skoteino, Trapeza and Psychro remained in use throughout the Late Bronze Age.16 LM I deposits at the Archalochori and Psychro caves yielded impressive collections of votive objects including gold and silver double axes, swords, daggers and bronze figurines. Urban community shrines or town shrines are also a feature of Minoan cult especially during its later stages (Picture 26.2.1-3). They were usually small buildings or parts of larger complexes with special entrances which served community rituals. The best known examples include the shrine at Gournia (Picture 26.2.3), built as part of the extensive Neopalatial town plan, a number of rooms designed for cultic purposes in Building 5 at Palaikastro, and the so-called shrine at Pseira.17 Still, the most important palatial centres appear to have been the primary foci of the Minoan cult. «Treasuries» and religious deposits containing extensive collections of religious equipment from the West Wing of the Knossos (Picture 18) and Zakros (Picture 23.1) palaces, the palatial structure at Gournia and the Agia Triada villa/palace (Picture 24), may suggest that the palatial centres were officially appointed as responsible for ritual activities and the safe-keeping of major display symbols such as rhyta, double axes and exquisite «Palatial Style» pottery (Picture 32.2).

14 Watrous, L. V. «Review of Aegean Prehistory. III: Crete from earliest Prehistory through the Protopalatial period». AJA 98, 1994. pp. 731-734. 15 Peatfield, A. A. «The topography of Minoan peak sanctuaries». BSA 78, 1983. pp. 273-179; id. «Palace and peak: The political and religious relationship between palaces and peak sanctuaries». In Hägg, R, and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 89-93; id. «Minoan peak sanctuaries: History and society». OpAth 18, 1990. pp. 117-131. 16 Rutkowski, B. The Cult Places of the Aegean World. 1986. pp. 68-71. 17 Driessen, I. and MacDonald, C. The Troubled Island. Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini eruption. Aegaeum 17, 1997. pp. 56-58.

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After the official establishment of the palatial centres in Crete, Minoan ritual action became an amalgamation of magico-religious, political and social co-ordinates, elaborately organised in order to represent a mythological or a social reality. Tradition, experience and knowledge of the past obviously contributed to this complex scheme of ideas. This process signifies the ideological awareness of people within a historically defined social organisation.18 Ritual action can be a complete social practice which can be infiltrated into everyday social and public life. In Minoan Crete, ritual action served important needs of the indigenous complex society and it was probably expressed in specific everyday activities or in temporary defined manifestations which involved the use of symbolic objects and repetitive ritualistic behaviours. Even as far back as the EM period, the development of the ritual activity was the result of a society in the process of reproduction and transformation which culminated in the EM III-MM IB period, when specific social units established their own strategic power and the institution of central authority. During the Neopalatial period in Crete, ritual action was sanctioned by the central authority in a wider urban and palatial context by a specific class of people functioning as vehicles for religious propaganda or by a supposed single leading figure.19 This social discrimination may have been the result of unequal distribution of wealth and strategic positions among the priesthood circles. The central figures of authority eventually became more empowered by the control of religious ideology and ritual activities. This provided the clear message of affirmation of power and authority. It is not known if the claim for those social roles was a matter of rivalry or conflict between specific members of the Minoan priesthood or upper class circles. In any case, the preservation of a conservative religious authority and the legitimisation of the ritual activities through time and tradition provided the continuation of the social cohesion and the establishing of a common religious ideology.20 Tradition and mythology may have been a vital part in the process of preserving the religious identity. It is not certain if a type of mythology in the modern sense may have actually existed, especially in a written form, but some iconographic types in glyptic art appear to have been the vehicles of similar mythical events. Scenes of boat journeys may have had a ritual significance and may have represented actual journeys of important meaning in the past. In the replica of the now lost gold ring from Mochlos (CMS II 3, no. 252; Picture 96.1)21 and in a seal from Makrygialos (CMS V

18 Shanks, M. and Tilley, C. «Ideology, symbolic power and ritual communication: A reinterpretation of Neolithic mortuary practices». In Hodder, I. (ed.) The Present Past. An Introduction to Anthropology for Archaeologists. 1982. pp. 129-154. 19 Renfrew, C. «Towards a cognitive archaeology». In Renfrew, C. and Zubrow, E. B. W. (eds.) The Ancient Mind. Elements of Cognitive Archaeology. 1994. pp. 3-12. 20 Bradley, R. «Ritual, Time and History». World Archaeology 23, 1991. pp. 209-219, esp. pp. 211, 217. 21 MMR p. 269; Sourvinou-Inwood, C. «On the lost «boat» ring from Mochlos». Kadmos XII.2, 1973. pp. 149-158.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic Suppl. 1A, no. 55; Picture 96.2),22 the association between the «goddess» or priestess with a shrine and a tree may suggest strong religious connotations and the existence of «sacred» boats. Literal narrative scenes may be represented in a spectacular gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 180; Picture 54.2) and in the ring AM 1938.1129, reputedly from Amnissos.23 Probably the whole conception of the boat journey or marine expedition either as a reality of the past or as a mythological tradition, found its best expression in the thematic units of the Ship Fresco from the West House at Akrotiri.24 The imposing ceremonial character of the scene may have contributed towards the increasing significance of such «exploitation» scenes which maintained the religious power of the period and the formalisation of rituals through the existence of a shared tradition and mythology among the general populations. Ritual action required social participation since it was an event which had been temporally planned. It becomes clearer in the cult scenes in sealstones and gold rings that these events involved conspicuous public display within specific architectural formations like shrines, temenoi and terraces enriched with attention focusing devices such as altars or in spots with special associations with nature like caves, trees and mountaintops. The worship is evidenced by emotional loading demonstrated by prayer, dramatic gestures of adoration (Chapter 11.2), frenetic dance, use of religious symbol, symbolic language and dramatisation. Psychological stimuli inducing religious experience could have been further enhanced by the use of incense, drugs and ritual dress.25 Sacrificial rituals may have also been practised around altars or they were implied by the presence of ritual objects like double axes. In spite of its phenomenically stereotypical structure, the meaning of ritual action cannot be easily discernible due to the absence of surviving additional elements such as ritual speech and codification of symbols which cannot be traced archaeologically.26 The social element was the vital part of the whole procedure because it contributed to the development of religious consciousness, the adoption and sharing of the same principles and experiences, and ultimately to the cohesion among the population.

22

Davaras, C. Α∆ 28 (Χρονικά), 1973. p. 590. MMR fig. 7; Persson, A. The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times. 1942. p. 82; In connection with the ring from the Tiryns Treasure, S. Karouzou referred to the scene on the ring as «an unusual picture of an abduction scene in front of a ship» in National Museum. Illustrated Guide to the Museum. 1999. p. 41. The interpretation of the scene is complex and can provide the impetus for an extensive discussion. The ring undoubtedly represents a specific and important event but it seems more appropriate in this case to adopt a more generic interpretation for the scene as an arrival or departure event connected with a ship. 24 Morgan, L. The Miniature Wall Paintings of Thera. A Study in Aegean Culture and Iconography. 1988. pp. 155-165, pls. 120-145, 159-161, 168179, 189. 25 Leach, C. Culture and Communication. The logic by which symbols are connected. An introduction to the use of structuralist analysis in social anthropology. 1971. pp. 41-43. 26 Turner, V. The Forest of Symbols. Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. 1967. pp. 29-30, 45. 23

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It has now become evident that the Minoan ritual action was capable of carrying multiple and deliberately ambiguous messages. It is not a script or a code which once deciphered, it would reveal all the information in a traditional chainreaction method. Meanings seem to be very close to symbols or to a symbolic language which has been long lost. The dynamics of the Minoan ritual activities and the interaction between people, deities, symbolic objects, predetermined locations and elements of nature, may all be parts of the broad canvas portrayal of ritual behaviour where the divinity received the primary position according to the special relationships between the several elements of each iconographical representation. 10.2. Reading images in glyptic iconography and the identification of ritual action: The question of methodology Ever since the initial appearance of glyptic in Neolithic Greece and its subsequent development and perfection in the Minoan times, glyptic products formulated a set of conventions and artistic schemata in order to construct images. These images gradually became more schematic and consequently more ambiguous. During the final floruit of the Aegean glyptic towards the end of the Late Bronze Age, images had become synonyms of symbols or codes, and manneristic and summary representations of simplistic forms and artistic conventions.27 The detailed analysis of conventions may provide the essence for the interpretation of these small-scale images. In modern studies of prehistoric and ancient iconography, the danger lies within the grounds of attempting to comprehend the artistic conventions and formulations adopted by prehistoric artists. Attempts of contemporary viewers not familiar with the subject of prehistoric art and attempting an explanation according to modern criteria, may result only in dangerous comparisons. Reading of images may require perceptual filters constituted by culturally determined presuppositions, assumptions and expectations because sense perception is culturally determined.28 It is almost an impossible task to evaluate and securely identify the cultic behaviour of the Minoans. It is certain that a developed religious system and specific rituals actually existed and flourished. Some of them are probably represented in the large number of ambivalent and complex scenes which are known to us from surviving seals and finger rings. Although these scenes are usually regarded with the generic term «religious», there is a limited range of criteria related to the question of what can be actually termed religious in prehistoric periods. One of the accepted characteristics in such scenes from the Minoan times is repetition. They seem to follow a predetermined pattern where meaningful forms and objects are invariably repeated and often represented in the same combinations.

27 The seal groups after the LM IB destruction in Crete are not examined in the present study. See Introduction. 28 Sourvinou-Inwood, C. «Space in Late Minoan religious scenes in glyptic: Some remarks». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 241-242.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic In order to identify the ritual actions in Minoan scenes, the adopted methodology of reading images in Minoan glyptic requires a specific discipline and detailed examination. In the case of more complex scenes where all the iconographic elements are strongly accentuated and appear to be of a superlative significance for understanding the genre, they have been included under the collective term «ritual iconography». The evidence from glyptic iconography still remains elusive. Every activity has been interpreted as ritual activity although it is not immediately obvious which is the ritual activity of the divine and which of the human element. Are the rituals portrayed in glyptic necessarily religious? It is almost certain that they do not represent mundane activities, but the overall behavioural patterns of the figures involved may imply the repetitive practice of ceremonial rules and formalities among specific social groups which do not reflect the actual religious beliefs of the times or the presence of individual deities. The presence of a religious figure and the rituals revolving around it, are only implied and they are never securely represented. Therefore, the identification and the associations between specific symbols and iconographic elements which consistently appear in scenes, can be the only means of recognising possible ritual activities in glyptic. The number of the Minoan iconographic elements and symbols in connection to small scale iconography, is limited. Symbols and objects are often associated with specific activities and they are usually identified by actual examples found in Crete and the mainland in several «cult» contexts. These objects may have composed a code which conveyed important information concerning rituals and cult practices in the Aegean, and they comprise symbols with an identity completely differentiated from that of simple iconographic devices and plain filling ornaments of a scene.29 The study of all these iconographic elements in glyptic would be appropriate but it is not possible due to the space constraints of the present study. A more detailed analysis of the most important elements will provide a clearer picture regarding their significance in iconography (Appendix II, Charts 4 and 5). In any case, either in their three-dimensional form or in their representation in glyptic, they are not always indicative of their use and exact meaning. A double axe may be represented in a complex scene a number of times but it may be repeatedly presented only as a decorative symbol floating in the iconographic space (CMS I, no. 17; Picture 48). It is never indicative of its use, for instance as a symbol of authority associated with the representation of a specific group of people (CMS II 6, no. 10 [Picture 84.6]; II 7, no. 7 [Picture 96.3]) or as an instrument used in sacrificial rituals. The most important symbols that appear on seals and finger rings with a possible religious identity consist of the following:30

29

Marinatos, N. Minoan Sacrificial Ritual. Cult Practice and Symbolism. 1986. p. 51. 30 The examination of all the listed symbols has not been possible considering the restricted length of the present study. Therefore, only the most important symbols are discussed such as Baetyls/Omphaloi (Chapter

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i) Altars (incurved, stepped, rectangular) ii) Columns (free standing or in connection with architectural parts) iii) Baetyls/Omphaloi iv) «Sacred» trees (free-standing or in connection with architectural structures) v) Horns of consecration vi) Double axes vii) Sacral dress/robe viii) Sacral knot ix) Snake frame x) Floating motifs (insects, impaled triangle, «sacred heart», eye/ear motif, figure of eight shield, «palladion») xi) Ritual stone vessels (rhyta) xii) Sacrificial tables/boucrania xiii) Heavenly Bodies (sun, moon, comet, shooting star, skyline) Every image, representation or scene appears to be the result of the syntactic relationship between the above different elements. A central element, a «signifying element», may invariably occur in almost every image. Its variable relationships with the other surrounding iconographic elements may support a valid explanation for the scene.31 There is an interaction between the «signifying element», the main individual element under consideration, with its own semantic field of properties, functions, associations and connotations. This «signifying element» may relate to other secondary or supporting signifying elements in the representation, and their overall significance may provide a logical interpretation of the scene.32 For example, the simple representation of a free standing tree (the «signifying element») in a seal of the LM period, may indicate an openair scene. The presence of a bird in the same representation may also indicate the imminent arrival of the divinity, a socalled «epiphany» scene (first «signified element»). The choice of the bird motif may not have been accidental and an underlying connection with the tree is implied (Sellopoulo ring; Picture 79.333). If we consider that the tree can be directly connected with cultic structures (second «signified element») and the presence of one or more people (third «signified element»), it becomes probable -but still not beyond doubt- that the scene is a representation of an epiphanic ritual in a sacred enclosure with more semantic fields and connotations than that of a simple representation of a tree and a number of other secondary filling or decorative elements. An important feature of Aegean glyptic is the repetitive representation of images, symbols and units. A limited range of activities involving epiphanic and vegetation rituals, «emblematic» scenes, processions, offering schemata, the «Master» or «Mistress of the Animals» iconographic types

12.4) and «sacred» trees (Chapter 12.5). The iconography of the rest of the symbols is listed in Appendix II, Charts 4 and 5. 31 Morgan, L. «Idea, Idiom and Iconography». BCH Suppl. XI, 1985. pp. 89. 32 Sourvinou-Inwood (n. 28) p. 243. 33 Popham, M. R. in Popham, M. R., Catling, H. W. and Catling, E. A. «Sellopoulo Tombs 3 and 4: Two Late Minoan graves near Knossos». BSA 69, 1974. fig. 14d.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic and specific iconographic conventions involving types of human figures, trees, cultic structures and baetyls, invariably appear in the Late Minoan glyptic. One of the most significant factors in the study of these small-scale representations is the importance of the details. The relation of these units to each other and to other «signifying elements» in the representations, may illuminate different scenes and probably different practices. Iconographic units may have variable meanings and combinations according to their relation to other units, and their interpretation may vary according to the number of different interpretations for each unit or motif in a complex scene. For example, a freestanding tree in the field of a LM seal may prompt a different interpretation than the combination of a tree and a cultic structure. The complexity of the scenes can be also explained by the limited range of communicative gestures of humans which may have been combined with specific cultic activities (Chapter 11.2). The aspect of «mourning» could have been easily associated with the presence of baetyls or omphaloi (Archanes gold ring; Picture 105.134), and circular dances could have been practised only within sacred enclosures (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 178; Picture 100.1). With the systematic investigation of the series of related glyptic scenes, it is possible to reconstruct the range of the most important activities illustrated in glyptic. For the sake of argument in the following chapters, any glyptic scene which contains two or more of the iconographic elements and symbols classified above is termed «religious» although the whole essence and the actual meaning of the scene could have been differentiated and therefore should be approached with caution. Scenes with three and more elements can be securely identified as «religious» and may securely represent ritual activities. I have illustrated the most important examples to show these categories: Gold rings with «sacred» tree + double axe + altar + palladion (CMS I, no. 17; Picture 48); «sacred» tree + impaled triangle + «sacred» robe + figure of eight shield (CMS I, no. 219; Picture 57.1); architectural parts + omphalos/squills + free-standing column + altar/shrine + «sacred» tree (CMS II 3, no. 252; Picture 96.1); floating «epiphanic» figure + free-standing column + «sacred» tree + architectural elements (Oxford «Epiphany» ring from Knossos; Picture 102.1); architectural elements + bird + baetyl/omphalos + «sacred» tree (Sellopoulo gold ring; Picture 79.3); baetyl/omphalos + free-standing column + butterfly + eye motif + «sacred» tree + architectural elements (Archanes gold ring; Picture 105.1). All these combinations may present complex cult activities and ritual behaviours. In most of these cases, a central female figure either a divinity or a high priestess impersonating the divinity, appears to be the «signifying element» and her central position in the composition immediately transforms her as the focus of all

34

Original publication in Sakellarakis, Y. «Minoan cemeteries at Archanes». Archaeology 20, 1967. p. 280, fig. 13; For a detailed analysis of the technical and iconographical aspects of the ring, see Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II, 1997. pp. 655, fig. 722.

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the action which is presented in the iconographic field and probably revolves around her. Scenes which present a more or less imaginary world may belong to the sphere of religion. Anthropomorphic figures attended by monsters (CMS I, nos. 128 [Picture 52.2], 179 [Picture 54.1]; «Mother of the Mountains» sealing [Picture 44.2]) are more likely to present divine figures although they may have been associated with preferred iconographic schemata of artists in order to present important individuals or rulers with supernatural attributes. Charts 4 and 5 in Appendix II provide lists with the number of architectural and decorative elements which are usually regarded as religious and the frequency of each element in the iconography of Late Bronze Age glyptic. The more detailed examination of the iconography of more complex scenes shows that the overall scene is the result of the different combinations of specific units, schemata and conventions, the total of «idioms» which are present in every representation. The interpretative stage is definite only when the analysis of all the different units and artistic conventions of the «idioms» applied in glyptic is successful. Breaking down the structure of images into their smallest definable units and then rebuilding the structure by observing the ways in which these units correlate («signifying element» versus «signified elements» and their combinations), may explain the application of the mass of conventions which comprise the unique expression of Minoan culture.35 It is undeniable that the Minoan and Mycenaean seal-engravers shared a unique vocabulary for the representation of different artistic elements and motifs which became the constituents of glyptic iconography and gradually evolved as the expression of the Aegean cultural history. If viewed properly, the significance of some of the activities represented in glyptic, may illuminate the cultic and social behaviour of humans. The study of Minoan glyptic requires thorough investigation and detailed analysis of almost every ambivalent iconographical form. In Chapter 12, these become «case studies» which are examined separately as repetitive but extremely important examples of glyptic iconography. Mystic elements like epiphanies (Chapter 12.2), sacred enclosures or temenoi (Chapter 12.3), baetyls and omphaloi (Chapter 12.4), «sacred» trees (Chapter 12.5) and strange iconographic schemata like processions, offerings and «sacred conversations», required individual reference and interpretation. They comprise the repertoire of elements where all the extreme variations of only a few selected subjects in glyptic iconography were constructed. These elements relate to each other in an interchangeable manner and provide the essence of every possible ritual scene. After examining the component elements, the composition is subsequently restructured in its initial form and identification becomes more possible. Rituals can be identified and the cultic behaviour of the Minoans is re-evaluated. Assumptions always remain speculative. Is it possible that glyptic provides an illustration and an insight into the real

35

Morgan (n. 31) pp. 10-11.

Ch. 10: Methodology for Reading Ritual Images in Glyptic world, the actual places and structures? Is the represented action a reflection of events which really characterised the religious identity of the Minoans? Alternatively, is it possible that it was only the portrayal of a «constructed», imagined or mythological world or the result of the vivid artistic imagination, the thin line that separates the real «experienced» world and the quest or comprehension of the «unknown» which characterises the majority of the Prehistoric art? Although a definite interpretation can never be attainable since iconography may be explained in many different ways, it is necessary to describe the dynamics of Minoan glyptic iconography and the amount of information which underlie between the limited representational types of possible ritual activities in the Bronze Age Aegean.

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Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation CHAPTER ELEVEN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY I: «IMAGES OF A DIVINITY»: THE CONFIGURATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE DIVINE FIGURE AND THE EVIDENCE FOR RITUAL ACTION IN RELIGIOUS GLYPTIC SCENES Foreword In the following two chapters, the reference to some seals and finger rings dated after the LM IB period, is easily discernible. In the subject of religious iconography, the Minoan and Mycenaean iconographic styles appear to have merged by this time and they are examined as a single entity but only on stylistic grounds and only as far as religious iconography is concerned. It is important to add that glyptic retained its Minoan character and it may be even assumed that some of the Mycenaean seals and rings were actually Minoan or manufactured by Minoan artists who immigrated to the mainland. Seals and finger rings of later periods found in post-LM IB strata, could have actually functioned as «heirlooms» and may be earlier in date and in fact even products of the Neopalatial period. References to seals and finger rings of later than LM IB are mentioned whenever necessary, but a complete study of the post-LM IB glyptic remains beyond the scope of this study (see Introduction). In the following chapters I found it necessary to include and illustrate some of the later Minoan and Mycenaean pieces which belong to the same ritual context in order to provide a more detailed examination of the Minoan-Mycenaean religious imagery. 11.1. The representation of the human figure in Minoan glyptic: General remarks Despite the considerable number of representations of humans in Minoan glyptic, the variety of pictorial forms is fairly limited. There are certain artistic schemata and conventions in which male or female figure types are repeatedly represented as far as their dress and posture are concerned, and the artists appear to follow more or less the same pattern in their variety of ritual activities. In general, there is the tendency to omit most of the details of the human anatomy in favour of the representation of the overall ritual activity. The artist was restricted by the limited space of the seal or the ring bezel which allowed him to give emphasis only to the general action in terms of movement, gestures or architectural settings, and further led him to avoid any detailed studies of the human figure which may have been unnecessary. A careful examination of the scenes involved shows that the crucial information regarding the practice of rituals and religion in Minoan seals and rings is only evident from the gestures and the architectural or decorative elements which appear in the field of the scenes, and not from the forms or the generic appearance of the figures themselves. It is evident that the advanced ritual practices of the Neopalatial period obviously provided the impetus for

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massive production of rings and seals depicting ritual scenes. Although the pattern of the scenes often appears repetitive, it is the representation of figures which appears to be of most interest. Female figures are almost predominant and they are usually rendered with an extremely small, aniconic face without any indication of facial features. In a single case, in the gold ring from Isopata (CMS II 3, no. 51; Picture 78.1), the faces appear to be completely obliterated or concealed by a kind of a masking device which gives the effect of an insect-like appearance with bulging eyes and raised antennas. This device has been interpreted as evidence for the existence of ritual masks as conveyors of supernatural divine powers which were transmitted to the adorants.1 The female adorants in the Isopata ring could be wearing a type of mask shaped in the form of insect heads but this arrangement is more likely to have been the result of the summary treatment of the face and the general omission of any facial features.2 In any case, the existence of insect-like masks is probably doubtful since they are not attested in any other Minoan representational types and their form or use may have been inexplicable in connection with our present knowledge for Minoan rituals and ceremonies. The hypothesis that some of the representations of human figures in Minoan glyptic are actually represented wearing ritual masks -other than insect-like masks- may be possible and it was further suggested by other scholars in connection with Mycenaean frescoes and seals depicting « Minoan Genii» in procession (CMS I, no. 179; Picture 54.1).3 The summary treatment style also resulted in some very simplified and stylised versions especially in the final groups of the Late Minoan seals where the head became a mere dot and the rest of the body consisted of an array of banded and curved lines (CMS II 3, no. 139; II 4, no. 55). The glyptic products of the Aegean Bronze Age and particularly the rings, present a more diverse approach to the definition and development of the Minoan style. The facial features are more competently indicated but still in a summary treatment consisting of two projections which stand for the nose and chin4 and a dot indicating the eye5 which can be almond-shaped in a number of cases.6 The rendering of the hairline can be extremely informative if we consider the haircut as an artistic and social convention indicating specific stages from youth to maturity and old age. Shaved heads probably indicate children, young boys and

1 Gimbutas, M. The Gods and Goddesses of Old Europe. 1974. p. 66; for an extensive discussion about the use of masks in Prehistoric Aegean, see Papaefthimiou-Papanthimou, A. Τελετουργικός Καλλωπισµός στο Προϊστορικό Αιγαίο. 1997. pp. 95-101. 2 Hooker, J. «Early Balkan «Scripts» and the ancestry of Linear A». Kadmos 31.2, 1992. p. 101. 3 Mylonas, G. E. Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age. 1966. p. 126. 4 CMS I, nos. 17 (Picture 48), 86 (Picture 49.1), 101 (Picture 50.2), 126 (Picture 56.1), 127 (Picture 52.1), 132, 134, 144 (Picture 53.1), 159, 179 (Picture 54.1), 191 (Picture 56.2), 226, 233 (Picture 58.6), 279 (Picture 59.4), 379 (Picture 60.5). 5 CMS I, nos. 17 (Picture 48), 86 (Picture 49.1), 101 (Picture 50.2), 126 (Picture 56.1), 127 (Picture 52.1), 132, 144 (Picture 53.1), 159, 179 (Picture 54.1), 191 (Picture 56.2), 233 (Picture 58.6), 279 (Picture 59.4), 377 (Picture 60.4), 379 (Picture 60.5); V 2, no. 728. 6 CMS I, nos. 108 (Picture 50.2), 127 (Picture 52.1), 220 (Picture 57.2), 221, 226.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation girls but they do not appear except for the seal impression from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos with the rare representation of a child (Picture 76).7 There is a preference in seals for mature, adult, nubile women with full hair. The artists appear to have followed a consistent pattern. The haircut consists of individual long locks probably growing from shaved heads. The existence of ornaments in hair like thin fillets, jewels, pins and strings of beads seems very possible.8 While in Aegean frescoes we are able to discern six stages of maturity among the female figures, there is only a single type of a female figure which consistently appears in glyptic.9 Young males are represented in frescoes (Temple fresco and Grandstand fresco from Knossos) with long hair gathered up in a topknot and this specific haircut appears only in the combat scene of a gold ring from Shaft Grave IV from Mycenae (CMS I, no. 16; Picture 46.2). There are some cases where the wavy hair locks of females appear more naturalistic,10 and examples where the artists show some preference for shorter hairstyles.11 In ritual scenes, the treatment of the hair of females is almost identical in most of the cases. It consists of the usual row of dots12 or long wavy lines falling freely to the shoulders.13 It is very peculiar that although the Minoan (and later the Mycenaean) artist was not interested in the engraving of «portraits» in the sense which is common to the art of the Classical and Hellenistic times, he never omitted the detailed portrayal of the female dress. Probably variations among women were not indicated by facial characteristics or «portraits» but by differences in the clothing style. This consisted of the full length flounced skirt (except for the knee-length skirt in CMS VII, no. 134) which is familiar from representations in frescoes and figurines. The skirt is decorated by simpler or more elaborate linear patterns either all over14 or in its lower part.15 The rest of the clothing on the upper part of the body is not usually represented but we may

7

GGFR. pls. 14, 15. Rehak suggested in «The Isopata ring and the question of narrative in Neopalatial glyptic» CMS Beiheft 6, p. 173, that the lines of dots over the foreheads of the figures in the ring were an attempt to render hair ornaments and especially hairpins. It seems very possible but the small scale iconography of the ring does not allow us to be very specific on what is actually represented. I prefer to regard the dots as a summary treatment of the hairstyle. 9 For example, the variety in the manner of the representation of the female figures in the frescoes from Xeste 3 and the House of the Ladies from Thera. For detailed discussion concerning the six stages of maturity in the Theran frescoes see Davis, E. «Youth and Age in the Thera frescoes». AJA 90, 1986. pp. 399-406. 10 CMS I, no. 108 (Picture 50.2); V Suppl. 1A, no. 75 (Picture 95.6); V Suppl. 1B, nos. 113 (Picture 98.1), 115 (Picture 98.3). 11 CMS I, nos. 86 (Picture 49.1), 191 (Picture 56.2), 514 (Picture 62.1). 12 CMS I, nos. 126 (Picture 56.1), 219 (Picture 57.1), 514 (Picture 62.1); II 3, nos. 3, 326 (Picture 80.4). 13 CMS I, no. 127 (Picture 52.1); II 3, no. 8 (Picture 77.3); X, no. 261. 14 CMS I, nos. 180 (Picture 54.2), 191 (Picture 56.2), 219 (Picture 57.1); II 3, nos. 7, 16, 51 (Picture 78.1), 103 (Picture 79.1), 169, 170 (Picture 80.2), 171, 198, 213, 252 (Picture 96.1), 276, 287, 304, 305 (Picture 80.3), 326 (Picture 80.4); gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1). 15 CMS II 3, nos. 2, 15 (Picture 102.2), 18, 86, 117, 139, 236, 327; V 1, no. 173 (Picture 91.1). For a detailed examination of the female dress in Neopalatial and Postpalatial clay figurines, see Rethemiotakis, G. Ανθρωπόµορφη Πηλοπλαστική στην Κρήτη. Από τη Νεοανακτορική έως την Υποµινωική περίοδο. 1998. pp. 107-117. 8

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assume that it consisted of the typical Minoan tight décolleté bodice which may have left the breasts uncovered in most cases. A distinctive type of dress which consists of a kind of trousers, may be associated with separate and specific cult activities such as the carrying of the sacral knot and the sacred robe or garment (CMS II 3, nos. 8 [Picture 77.3], 145).16 I suggest that the choice of the particular attire for the representation of females in glyptic was not accidental. Ritual dress, jewellery and elaborate hairstyles probably belong to the wider context of religious hierarchy in Crete providing messages associated with the social structure of the society in general. It is very probable that all these elements associated with the iconography of females in Minoan art manifest the higher social status of some «selected» social groups which were probably assigned with multifarious religious duties.17 Detailed studies of Minoan clay anthropomorphic figurines belonging to the MM period led to the assumption that the homogeneity in the appearance of the female figurines implies the symbolic manifestation of their social identity which can be traced back even in the beginning of the Protopalatial period when the establishment of the palatial system and the official palatial cult required the adoption of a formal attire for the females.18 The formal Minoan dress functioned as a symbol of communication which contributed to the whole process for the formation of a ritual and social identity and signified the social links and the place of individuals in the Minoan social structure. It is very probable that the Minoan style of dress conveyed information about a social function which shaped the cultural and social identity of some of the female individuals and denoted their place into the Minoan palatial system. In spite of the occasional variations in the depiction of personal accessories and decorative elements on the dress which may indicate further divisions among the upper social levels of the Minoan society, there is an inviolate rule for the representation of females in glyptic. This is associated with the formal dress consisting of the decorated flounced skirt and the open bodice. The Minoan artists and particularly the seal engravers, were probably completely aware of this fact since the repetition of clothing styles may be associated with the imposition of specific fashions in every aspect of palatial iconography.

16 Tamvaki, A. «The human figure in the Aegean glyptic of the Late Bronze Age: Some remarks». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 264. 17 Sapouna-Sakellarakis, E. Μινωικόν Ζώµα. 1971. pp. 97, 119-123. 18 Pilali-Papasteriou, A. «Social evidence from the interpretation of Middle Minoan figurines». In Hodder, I. (ed.) The Meanings of Things. Material Culture and Symbolic Expression. 1989. pp. 97-117; id. Μινωικά Πήλινα Ανθρωπόµορφα Ειδώλια της Συλλογής Μεταξά. 1992. pp. 174-178.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation 11.2. Gestures Human ritual behaviour is often extraordinary and appears to have been dictated and elaborately organised in order to represent a mythological or a social reality. Ritual action as an amalgamation of magicoreligious, political and social coordinates pervaded public life by serving important needs of the indigenous societies. Rituals were probably sanctioned by the central authorities in a wider urban and palatial context by a specific class of people functioning as the vehicles for religious propaganda. The glyptic products representing ritual scenes may lead to the assumption that ritual action had already been established and legitimised, and provided the message of affirmation and power of the authority. Tradition and continuous practice probably transformed the ritual expression within a strict and repetitive action. Figures are often engaged in specific extrahuman activities (visionary or enacted epiphanies, processions, offering rituals, circular dances, sacrificial rituals) which are often combined with the presence of peculiar objects and symbols. Human figures can be also engaged in a series of formal activities within specific locations or architectural settings and often display a number of gestures with a ritual significance. These gestures of figures engaged in formal rites can provide some valuable information regarding the ritual practices of the times. Although the definition of the gestures can be quite difficult since we are unable to discern them in other contexts apart from the two-dimensional glyptic scenes, they usually follow a predetermined pattern which includes a limited range of specific conventional movements. They consist of the following five basic types:19 i) Saluting gesture: This gesture consists of a raised bent arm which is held in front of the face with the palm facing outward.20 Both arms can be outstretched and raised21 or one arm can be stretched towards a building, a tree or a divinity.22 It is usually associated with architectural elements and buildings and probably implies reverence and prayer. This gesture is usually described as the official gesture of worship in the Minoan religious iconography.

19 Comparisons can be made to the gestures of Neopalatial clay figurines. It is peculiar that certain gestures of the clay idols do not appear in glyptic. These include: i) hands touching the abdominal area (see Rethemiotakis 1998, p. 126), ii) hands touching the breasts (p. 126) and iii) hands touching the area under the breasts (p. 127); for a detailed examination with examples and illustrations, see pp. 126-127 and catalogue numbers. 20 CMS I, nos. 86 (Picture 49.1), 108 (Picture 50.2), 127 (Picture 52.1), 191 (Picture 56.2), 199, 292 (Picture 60.1), 313, 321, 369, 514 (Picture 62.1); II 3, nos. 18, 169, 252 (Picture 96.1), 304, 305 (Picture 80.3), 326 (Picture 80.4); V 2, no. 728. 21 CMS I, no. 162; II 3, no. 51 (Picture 78.1); the gestures of the female figures in the «Sacred Grove and Dance» fresco in PM III. pp. 135-142 are very similar; see also the articles of Marinatos, N. and Davis, E. in Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 135-142 and pp. 157-161 respectively. 22 CMS I, no. 119 (Picture 51.3); II 3, no. 15 (Picture 102.2); V Suppl. 1A, no. 178 (Picture 100.1); V Suppl. 1B, nos. 113 (Picture 98.1), 115 (Picture 98.3); IX, no. 163; Lentoid seal from Galatas (Picture 106.2).

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ii) Votive gesture: This is also known from Minoan bronze votive figurines from Tylissos, Agia Triada23 and clay figurines from Syme, Kophinas, Gortys and Agia Triada.24 It is basically similar to the saluting gesture but is slightly differentiated in terms that the hand or hands are actually touching the forehead.25 iii) Adoration gesture: This gesture is a second variation of the saluting gesture and involves the hand touching the neck or the shoulder while the other arm is elegantly extended along the side of the body. It is generally used only by female figures in formal dress. The overall posture of the body may indicate an ecstatic moment or an adoration pose.26 iv) Commanding gesture: It consists of one arm held outstretched at shoulder height with the hand usually holding a long staff. It is usually associated with representations of figures displaying authority27 and with male figures in epiphany scenes.28 v) Dancing gesture: It involves the arms akimbo and the hands on hips. It is usually associated with architectural parts.29 Although it appears to be the least distinctive gesture and the most ordinary compared to the previous gestures, the flying strands of hair may suggest rapid movement or ritual, frenetic dance.30 It is also important that the gesture is displayed only by female figures in long, flounced skirts which are typical of the Minoan formal ritual dress.31

23

KMS. pp. 169-171. Rethemiotakis (n. 15) p. 43, no. 164 and p. 125 (Syme), Table 13γ-ς (Kophinas), p. 41, no. 149 (Gortys), p. 35, nos. 106 and 110 and Table 5, 12, 13a (Agia Triada). 25 CMS II 6, no. 13; V Suppl. 1A, nos. 55 (Picture 96.2), 75 (Picture 95.6); the male figure in the «Mother of the Mountain» sealing (KSPI M1-5; Picture 44.2); For the same gesture, see the votary bronze figurine in Verlinden, C. Les statuettes anthropomorphes crétoises en bronze et en plomb, du IIe millènaire au VIIe siècle av. J.C. 1984. pp. 81-82, no. 33, pl. 16. 26 CMS II 3, no. 15 (Picture 102.2); II 6, nos. 2, 3, 6 (Picture 84.4); V Suppl. 1A, no. 176 (Picture 100.2); gold ring Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1); gold ring NM BE 1996/11.2 from Aidonia in Demakopoulou, K. (ed.) Ο Θησαυρός των Αηδονιών. Σφραγίδες και Κοσµήµατα της Ύστερης Εποχής του Χαλκού στο Αιγαίο. 1998. pp. 68-69, 71, pl. 2 (Picture 99.1). 27 CMS V 2, no. 608; V Suppl. 1A, no. 142 (the «Master Impression»; Picture 44.1); KSPI M1-5 (the «Mother of the Mountain» sealing; Picture 44.2); a sealing from the «Room of Seal Impressions» at Knossos in KSPI. p. 75; central male figure in the Poros ring (Picture 106.1). 28 CMS XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3); the Knossos «Epiphany» ring in Oxford AM 1938.1127 (Picture 102.1). 29 CMS I, nos. 126 (Picture 56.1), 219 (Picture 57.1), 513; II 4, no. 112; II 6, no. 1; II 7, no. 1 (Picture 87.1). 30 CMS I, nos. 126 (Picture 56.1), 219 (Picture 57.1). 31 It has been suggested that the thick floral garlands worn round the neck of some of the figures are reminiscent of the terracotta female statues found in Rooms 1 and 2 of the temple at Agia Irini in Keos. See Krattenmaker, K. «Architecture in glyptic cult scenes: The Minoan examples». CMS Beiheft 5. p. 124; For the Agia Irini statues, see Caskey, M. Keos. Vol. II, Part 1. The Temple of Agia Irini. The Statues. 1986. pp. 41-42, pls. 8, 9, 10, 23, 41, 69. The same ornament is worn by a clay figurine from Gortys in Rethemiotakis (n. 15) p. 41, no. 150 and p. 128, Table 2γ-δ, fig. 3. 24

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation 11.3. Representations of divine figures in Aegean glyptic and in three-dimensional forms 11.3.1. The foundations of religious iconography: Early representations of cult activities and religious symbolism in Minoan glyptic. Early Minoan Prepalatial female deities/ «Goddesses» Speculation that Prepalatial seals especially after the EM III period may have carried designs of religious importance cannot be easily justified since our knowledge for the existence of ritual scenes and symbols in microglyptic art is only connected with some pieces dated from the MM II period onwards. The appearance of scenes of a possible cultic nature coincided only with the appearance of clearly narrative scenes in the sealings from the Phaistos Deposit (Chapter 6.3, 6.3.1). It is difficult to find any cultic meaning or at least any religious connotations in the cross-hatching, the simple linear and geometric motifs and the extremely schematic representations of flowers and animals in the Prepalatial EM III-MM IA seals. In contrast, the ivory seals of the theriomorphic type (Chapters 3.2.2, 4.1, 4.3.2) appear to be excellent works of art with successful treatment of the forms and bodies of the animals which were carefully carved out of small blocks of ivory or related materials. These particular seals may have been of some importance to specific Minoan populations and show the early preoccupation of Minoan art with the natural environment and the world of the animal kingdom. It is possible that they may have carried some exceptional significance due to the peculiarity of the designs, the posture of the represented animals and the choice of the species. If a certain degree of religious symbolism is implied by the motifs of the Prepalatial seals, it is obviously deeply hidden within the somehow awkward treatment of the designs and the restricted artistic and technical expertise among the early seal engravers. The early schematic representations of humans who were mainly indicated by profile views, a characteristic «birdlike» appearance and a triangular, geometrically constructed torso,32 did not constitute parts of narrative scenes or attempts to incorporate the figures into a spectrum of specific activities with a special meaning and a possible religious character. The series of «potter’s scenes» is also a peculiar feature of the Prepalatial period.33 Most of them are represented in prisms from the Mallia Workshop.34 The absence of a specific object of reverence in these scenes -if not the disproportional pots themselves- is also enigmatic but the representation of a single ritual gesture and the ritual context which is indicated by the presence of severed heads of animals and double axes (CMS II 5, no. 239), may imply the practice of sacrifice and may belong to the sphere of ritual action.35 The relative nakedness of some of the male

32

CMS II 1, no. 145 (Picture 67.2); II 2, no. 153 (Picture 75.4). PM I. p. 124, fig. 93A b2; CS p. 39; Branigan, K. The Tholos Tombs of Messara. 1970. p. 75, figs. 16 A, B, C, D; CMS II 2, nos. 118, 235, 241, XII, no. 28; Goodison, L. Death, Women and the Sun. BICS Supplement 53, 1989. pp. 39-42. 34 CMS II 2, nos. 157, 178, 179, 190; for the examination of the seals from the Mallia Workshop, see Chapter 6.2, 6.2.1. 35 CS pp. 51, 71 (CMS IX, no. 22); GGFR. pls. 9, 12 and XVIII, no. 78c. 33

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potters may indicate ritual activity (CMS XI, nos. 140, 218) and the representation of a possible female potter in CMS XIII, no. 79 dressed in a flounced skirt and a bodice with a high collar, is probably a demonstration of a ritual attire. Elements of the natural world like animals and plants and heavenly bodies like the sun may consist a series of additional foci of attention. If we actually regard these elements as parts of religious scenes, the rituals may have included dance, disguise (with animal or bird masks), sacrifice (implied by the representation of parts of dead animals and bones) and possibly worship of the nature or the sun.36 Although the information from the glyptic iconography of the EM III-MM I period can be very scanty, the threedimensional objects of art present a more diverse picture. The beginnings of the representations of apparently important female figures in three-dimensional forms can be seen as early as EM II in the well-known clay vessels shaped in the form of females holding jugs and with perforated breasts (Picture 35.1-2).37 Examples are known from various parts of Crete including the EM II vessel from Giophyrakia,38 the four specimens from Koumasa,39 a similar EM III but larger piece from Mochlos with openings in the breasts and the head (Picture 35.2),40 two EM III vessels from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes,41 the anthropomorphic vessel from the Mallia necropolis in a fragmentary state which is topped by a peculiar type of headdress like a turban,42 and the cylindrical vessel with a long neck from Trapeza Cave covered with linear decoration in white paint.43 The most famous and probably the most significant example of an anthropomorphic vessel is probably the so-called «Goddess of Myrtos», found in Room 92 of the independent sanctuary complex at the settlement at Myrtos, PhournouKoryfi (Picture 35.1).44 The vessel was found face-down below a low bench or structure against the wall, and originally may have stood on the bench which probably served as a type of altar. The original placement of the vessel in such a prominent position may suggest that it comprised a

36

CMS I, no. 414; II 2, no. 131; IX, no. 24; for an extensive discussion on this subject in Prepalatial imagery, see Goodison (n. 33). pp. 16-56. 37 Zervos, C. L’art del la Créte, néolithique et minoénne. 1956. pls. 116, 186-187, 222. 38 Marinatos, S. «Ενάτη και ∆εκάτη Αρχαιολογική Περιφέρεια Κρήτης». Α∆ 15, Supplement 49.83, 1933-1935. p. 50, pl. 3.3. 39 VTM. pp. 12, 39, pls. 2, 19/4137-9, 4993. 40 Seager, R. B. Explorations in the Island of Mochlos. 1912. p. 64, figs. 32, 34; Warren, P. M. «The beginnings of Minoan religion». In Antichitá Cretesi: Studi in Onore di D. Levi. I. Chronache di Archeologia 12, 1973. pp. 138-139, pl. 19; Marinatos, S. and Hirmer, M. Kreta, Thera und das mykenische Hellas. 1959. pl. 10. 41 Sakellarakis Y, and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 540-541. 42 Demargne, P. Fouilles exécutées à Mallia: Exploration des Nécropoles 1921-1933. Études Crétoises 7, 1945. p. 14, no. 8665, pls. 31, 32. 43 Pendlebury, H. W., Pendlebury, J. D. S. and Money-Coutts, B. «Excavations in the plain of Lasithi. I. The Cave of Trapeza». BSA 36, 1935/1936. pp. 94-95, pl. 13; VTM. pp. 12-13, pls. 2, 19; Warren (n. 38) pp. 138-139, pls. 18, 21. 44 Warren, P. M. Myrtos: An Early Bronze Age settlement in Crete. BSA Supplement 7, 1972. pp. 69-70, 86-87, figs. 91, 92, pl. 28B.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation cultic focus and probably represented a female divinity. The vessel consists of a bell shaped hollow body with a long solid neck and it is decorated with red paint indicating facial features and jewellery. A number of panels in the body with vertical and horizontal hatching probably represent a specific type of clothing covering the whole body except for the area of the pubic triangle which emphasises the regenerative and fertility nature of the «goddess». The model represents a female holding a jug as though it were an infant. It is probably a divinity concerned with the notion of nurturing and the provision of liquids and water supply. The whole concept of the figure is reminiscent of the later Minoan «household goddess» which were the most characteristic objects in the Minoan household shrines (Picture 26.2).45 In the case of the Myrtos shrine complex, if the evidence is correct, the particular structure may consist the earliest household shrine in Crete and may consequently prove the continuity of Minoan religion from the EM period and onwards.46 In general terms, the models probably imply the established concept of a nurturing female associated with fertility and the notion of regeneration since the EM period.47 This particular ideology revolving around the cycle of life and death and periodic renewal placed within the context of the funerary cult in the Prepalatial period became prevalent during the Minoan presence in the Aegean. 11.3.2. The divine figure in the Middle and Late Minoan glyptic: Female deities/ «Goddesses» of the Protopalatial and Neopalatial period The pictorial evidence from the Middle and Late Minoan glyptic art suggests the existence of an important female figure or figures which are usually accepted as a major female divinity or divinities. Various attributes in the representation of these figures involve some problems regarding their identification as «goddesses». In the event that such characterisation seems plausible, then it is related with the problem regarding the existence of a number of different divinities or a single chief divinity with different aspects.48 It is unquestionable that females predominate in epiphanic rituals, ecstatic dances, processions and offering scenes. The central role of the females is accentuated throughout the LM glyptic although it is not possible to determine beyond doubt if the figures were actually representations of divinities or of high priestesses impersonating the «goddesses» in seasonal rituals. If the multiple and often similar portrayals of the female figures suggest the existence of different divinities and not a single one represented in various forms and postures, then the iconographic evidence from the LM period points towards

45

Branigan, K. «The genesis of the Minoan Household Goddess». SMEA 8, 1969. pp. 33-34. 46 Warren (n. 44) pp. 78-87, 209-210. 47 Gessel, G. C. «The place of the goddess in Minoan society». In Krzyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983. pp. 93-94; Gessel, G. C. Town, Palace and House Cult in Minoan Crete. SIMA 67, 1985. pp. 7, 36, 65. 48 PM II. p. 277; PM III. p. 457; MMR. p. 392.

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the idea of polytheism and the existence of a multiplicity of divinities in the religious representations.49 With the establishment of the palatial system in Crete, the religious background must have been altered after the imposing appearance of the «Snake Goddess» (Picture 34) which was probably a chthonic divinity preoccupied with nature in the general sense of the Minoan «Earth Goddess».50 The older EM emphasis on the basis of nurturing and birth was no longer the prominent attribute of these figures. It is not known if the «Snake Goddess» could incorporate several different aspects and forms, but her presence in iconography may be placed in the general background of the «Great Mother» or «Earth Goddess» notion. It has been suggested by Branigan that the origin of the «Snake Goddess» should be placed even back in EM II, on a clay «goddess» vessel from funerary area ∆ at Koumasa which carries painted plastic rope-like attachments which circle the neck and they may be explained as snakes -if not a necklace or the arms embracing the jug.51 As far as the Protopalatial period is concerned, there is no strong evidence among the finds and, surprisingly, representations are actually scarce or abstract and do not strongly suggest the existence of a specific female divinity in iconography. A female figure represented on a Kamares ware bowl from the Lower West Sanctuary at Phaistos can provide some valuable information. The form of the vessel implies a special non-secular use according to its exquisite decoration and shape. The central hovering figure stands in the middle in an all-encompassing robe with no indication of her feet or arms. The head of the figure seems to have a «bird-like» face which is reminiscent of other representations and especially those in the Prepalatial seals from the Mallia Workshop (Picture 75.4). I tried to explain this particular feature in Chapter 4.1 in connection with the motifs in Prepalatial seals as an unsuccessful artistic device, but it may also indicate a mask or some other type of headgear used for ritual purposes. The central figure is flanked by «floating» dancers who symbolically gesture towards her and probably suggest the performance of a ritual. If the overall activity implies a ritual action, it is more probable that it is associated with the epiphany of the divinity. In the likely event that the central figure is actually an epiphanic female divinity, the loops down her robe -although regular with no tails or headssuggest snakes which immediately transform her into a «Snake Goddess».52 Although the general spirit of the representation remains enigmatic, the central figure seems to be non-human. It would be very tempting to describe the scene as one of the earliest representations of epiphanic rituals or alternatively, a

49

Renfrew, C. The Archaeology of Cult. The Sanctuary at Phylakopi. BSA Supplement 18, 1985. pp. 432-433. 50 PM IV. pp. 152-160; MMR. pp. 77-116; Rutkowski, B. The Cult Places of the Aegean World. 1986. p. 94. 51 Branigan (n. 45) p. 34; VTM. p. 39, pl. XIX. 52 Levi, D. Festòs e la Civilta’ Minoica. Vol. I. 1976. p. 96; Branigan, K. The Tombs of Messara. A study of funerary architecture and ritual in Southern Crete. 1970. fig. 29.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation seasonal festival where the presence of lilies in the scene provides the seasonal determinative and the announcement of spring. The central figure is more reminiscent of an anthropomorphic image which may be associated with the transition from the symbolic and apocryphal imagery of the divinities in the Prepalatial period to the complete representation of religious characters in the later Minoan art and the increasing recurrence of anthropomorphic deities in the period just after the building of the First Palaces. The Neopalatial versions of the Minoan «Snake Goddess» (Picture 34) were found in the Temple Repositories Deposit behind the facade of the Tripartite Shrine at Knossos palace in a context which mainly included offerings with a rather votive character.53 The «Snake Goddesses» seem to have acquired all the human characteristics and their commanding gesture of benevolence and blessing is actually suitable to their general dynamic image. The bared breasts probably indicate the Neopalatial fashions and the emphasis on a ritual attire and not necessarily the aspect of nurturing and fertility. The figures may have been associated with palatial and public cult activities which are further attested by the fact that similar images of «Snake Goddess» are absent in true domestic contexts like the Domestic Quarter of Knossos palace. The «Snake Goddesses» are often considered to have been representations of a single deity.54 Their gestures of benevolence and asserting power are often associated with images of deities in iconography and not with worship gestures by votives. The gestures of the latter are often indicated by one arm pressed on the chest and the fist of the other hand pressed to the forehead. This type of gesture is known from two bronze figurines in the British Museum and the male adorant in the «Mother of the Mountains» sealing (Picture 44.2).55 Surprisingly, the «Snake Goddess» type is absent in glyptic iconography. It is possible that it may have represented a specific female divinity which was not equally favoured in small scale iconography and may have been associated with official priesthood circles. The «Snake Goddess» figure in its three-dimensional form stands on its own without any additional elements or symbols, and by simply representing a unique female type. In glyptic iconography, female figures seem to belong to a cultic apparatus consisting of specific architectural types, activities, gestures and symbols. All the individual components are related to each other in a way which suggests a significant activity. It is possible that the «Snake Goddess» remained popular only as an iconographical type in a threedimensional form which was inconsistent with the cultic

53 PM I. pp. 500-504; For the date, function and the iconography of the sealings from the East Temple Repository deposit, see Chapter 8.2, 8.2.1, 8.2.2. 54 PM I. p. 506, fig. 364 and p. 435, fig. 312a; MMR. pp. 86, 311; Rutkowski, B. Cult Places in the Aegean World. 1986. p. 293; Schachermeyer, F. Die Minoische Kultur des Alten kreta. 1964. p. 143, fig. 68. 55 For the bronze figurines of unknown provenance in the British Museum, see Higgins, R. A. Minoan and Mycenaean Art. 1997. p. 137, figs. 167-168; For the «Mother of the Mountains» sealing, see KSPI. M1-5; Hood, S. The Arts in Prehistoric Greece. 1978. p. 278, fig. 234.

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apparatus as presented in Minoan glyptic. It seems more possible that the females which may be misleadingly characterised as «Snake Goddesses» in the faience figures from the Temple Repositories, may have actually been representations of high priestesses impersonating a deity or different deities with similar characteristics under special circumstances and events. The whole imagery of the figures resembles more than an attempt towards the overdecoration and celebration of the famous Minoan fashions consisting of the flounced skirt and bare breasts which may recall a reference to nurturing. Still, the whole idea of these particular art objects is the continuing obsession with the notion of the chthonic world. The elaborately decorated costumes are very important for their own sake due to the fact that they were associated with a different type of ritual performances usually termed as «robing rituals», which imply the act of offering a robe or robing a divinity.56 Therefore, the costume itself becomes the focus of the ritual action and not the actual persons involved in the ceremonies. It is probable that in these particular images, the costumes present some additional problems. Were the costumes worn by the «goddesses» themselves or by the high priestesses who were privileged in order to wear a sacred costume with a ritual power as a part of religious ceremonies? Since our knowledge of complete and genuine representations which are securely identified as female divinities in Minoan art is extremely rare, we can consequently assume that the general spirit of the «Snake Goddess» image could have been more suitable to real persons with a high social status and not to a secure representation of a divinity which is absent from almost every other expression of Minoan iconography. The cultural explosion of the Neopalatial representational art involving scenes with female figures is unparalleled. Female figures often referred to as «goddesses», are represented standing or seated on shrines or man-made tripartite platforms, receiving offerings and usually associated with symbols of vegetation.57 In glyptic iconography, the gallery is exceptionally rich. The following categories are only an indication of the variations of the types where a single female figure is presented as the main focus of cult activities. Although the term «goddess» may be generic and overworked, I find it appropriate to use it for the following representations where the type of a seemingly important female figure appears to be the focus of the general action. Table 11. The typology of female divine figures in the glyptic of the Neopalatial period. 1. The «Goddess with symbols of vegetation: CMS I, no. 279 (Picture 59.4)

56 Warren, P. M. Minoan Religion as Ritual Action. 1986. pp. 20-23; See also a list of seals with representations of sacred robes and «robing rituals» in Appendix II, Chart 5. 57 In larger media, the theme is represented in a fresco from Akrotiri, Thera, with the «goddess» receiving crocus gatherings in Marinatos, N. Art and Religion in Thera. 1984. pp. 61-84.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation 2. The «Goddess» feeding animals: CMS II 6, nos. 30 (Picture 85.4), 31; VII, no. 118; X, no. 160; XIII, no. 135; KSPI R32 (HMs 158/662; KSPI R91, p. 58; AM 1971.113958 3. The «Goddess» riding an animal: CMS I, nos. 128 (Picture 52.2), 159, 167; II 6, no. 33; V 2, no. 584; Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb B (HMm 1017) (Picture 105.2)59 4. «Bird Goddess»/ «Eagle Woman» (the merging of the divinity and her attribute): CMS I, no. 476; I Suppl., no. 98; II 3, nos. 4, 77; II 4, nos. 28, 104, 112, 137; II 6, nos. 106 (Picture 85.8), 107-109; II 7, nos. 132-133, 137 (Picture 89.1), 13860 ; V 1, nos. 274, 290, 35D; VII, no. 143; IX, no. 165; XII, nos. 174a-b, 276-277; XIII, nos. 3, 16Da; CMCG 365 (HM G 3115), 376 (HM G 3088), 377 (HM G 3437), 422 (HM G 3113), 424 (HM G 3556) 5. The «Goddess» approached by worshippers/ «Offering Schema»: CMS I, nos. 17 (Picture 48), 361; I Suppl., no. 114 (Picture 62.2); II 3, no. 103 (Picture 79.1); KSPI K2/11 (HMs 114) 6. The «Goddess» on man-made constructions in an elevated position: CMS I, no. 101 (Picture 50.2); II 6, no. 8 (Picture 84.3); V 1, no. 199 (Picture 97.1); X, nos. 262, 270; «Mother of the Mountains» sealing (KSPI M1-5) (Picture 44.2)61; KSPI Q22/R1/R51/R54 (HMs 277-283); KSPI U2 (HMs 421); Lentoid seal from Galatas (Picture 106.2)62 7. The «Goddess» as Mistress of Animals (Potnia Theron): i) with birds: CMS I, no. 233a; VII, no. 134; IX, no. 154; X, no. 242; ii) with dolphins:63 I, no. 344; II 3, nos. 170 (Picture 80.2), 327; V Suppl., no. 116; iii) with snake frame:64 X, no. 242; iv) with double snake frame and lions: I, nos. 144 (Picture 53.1), 145; IV, no. 295; v) with triple snake frame and griffins: II 3, nos. 63 (Picture 77.4), 276; V 2, no. 654; CS 351 (AM AE 689); vi) with triple snake frame and «Minoan Genii»: I, no. 379 (Picture 60.5) 8. The «Goddess» carrying an animal:65 CMS I, nos. 220 (Picture 57.2), 221-222; II 3, nos. 86, 117, 213; II 4, nos. 111, 204; VIII, no. 144; XII, nos. 239, 276a; CS 283 (AM 1941.120) 9. The «Goddess from Beyond»/Transportation of the «Goddess»: CMS II 3, no. 252 (Picture 96.1); II 6, no. 20; V Suppl., 1A, no. 55 (Picture 96.2); PM IV. p. 956, fig. 925.

58 Boardman, J. «The De Jong gems» in Antichitá Cretesi. Studi in onore di D. Levi. Chronache di Archeologia 12, 1973. no. 6. 59 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II, 1997. pp. 651-653; Sakellarakis, Y. «Ανασκαφή Αρχανών». ΠΑΕ 1967. p. 153, pl. 137a. 60 Weingarten, J. The Zakros Master and his place in Prehistory. SIMA Pocket Books 26, 1983. pp. 60-64, 77. 61 PM I. p. 159; PM III. p. 463; MMR pp. 352-353. 62 Dimopoulou, N. and Rethemiotakis, G. «The «Sacred Conversation» ring from Poros». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 44-45, fig. 5. 63 Boardman (n. 58) no. 5. 64 Hägg, R. and Lindau, Y. «The minoan «snake frame» reconsidered». OpAth 16, 1984. pp. 69; See also Appendix II, Chart 5. 65 Sakellarakis, Y. «Το θέµα της φερούσης ζώον γυναικός εις την Κρητοµυκηναϊκή σφραγιδογλυφίαν». ΑΕ 1972. pp. 245-258.

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11.3.3. The divine figure towards the end of the Minoan period: Female deities/ «Goddesses» of the Postpalatial period The introduction of the «goddess with upraised arms» in the Postpalatial period (Picture 35.3) characterised by a schematic shape, a cylindrical skirt, various tiaras and a gesture of blessing, seems very intriguing since the represented female figures appear to have acquired several characteristics and different aspects of both their previous forms.66 Seven of the LM IIIB clay «goddesses» from Gournia, Kannia, Prinias and the single lead «goddess» from the Southwest Pillar Crypt of the Little Palace at Knossos,67 carry snakes in their arms, necks or tiaras establishing in a way a link with the earlier «Snake Goddesses» of the Neopalatial period. In terms of religious imagery, the snake became the symbol of the chthonic world and fertility especially after its subsequent association with domestic cult in Postpalatial Crete68 and in the LH IIIB levels of the Temple Complex in the Cult Centre at Mycenae (Picture 28.1).69 Snakes appear to have been associated with a female figure in Crete, 70 but this association does not appear to have been prevalent in the Mycenaean mainland. The clay snake figures from the Temple Complex at the Mycenae Cult Centre probably belong to a different context with a different significance, although a certain degree of Minoan influence could have been reflected in the Mycenaean symbolism. In the mainland, only isolated examples present a possible association between a female figure and a snake. The wavy band on a the forehead of a clay female figure and the coil of clay resting on top of the wrist of a fragmentary hand of a figure holding a kylix from the LH IIIB-C deposit at Amyklaion in Laconia, have both been interpreted as snakes.71 Although the matter of the Minoan influence cannot be disregarded, there are no sufficient grounds for suggesting that the snakes from the Cult Centre may have been associated with a female figure as in Crete. Their

66 Alexiou, S. «Η Μινωική θεά µεθ’ υψωµένων χειρών». Κρητικά Χρονικά 12, 1958. pp. 220-237; Rethemiotakis (n. 15) pp. 69-86. For general information and the social background of the settlement pattern in the Postpalatial period, see Nowicki, K. «Topography of refuge settlement in Crete». JDRGZM 34:1, 1987. pp. 213-234. 67 See Alexiou (n. 66) pp. 185-187 (Gournia), 195-202 (Kannia), 181-185 (Prinias), 204-205 (Little Palace, Knossos). 68 MMR. p. 323-325; Branigan, K. «The genesis of the Minoan Household Goddess». SMEA 8, 1969. pp. 34-35. 69 Taylour, W. D. «New light on Mycenaean religion». Antiquity XLIV, 1970. p. 270; id. «New aspects on Mycenaean religion». In Acta of the 2nd International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory. 1972. p. 76; Mylonas, G. E. Το Θρησκευτικό Κέντρο των Μυκηνών. 1972; id. «The Cult Centre of Mycenae». Proceedings of the British Academy 67, 1981. pp. 307-320; French, E. B. «Cult Places at Mycenae». SCABA. pp. 173-178; Rutkowski, B. The Cult Places of the Aegean World. 1986. pp. 179-198; Taylour, W. D. and Moore, A. D. Well Built Mycenae. The Temple Complex. In Taylour, W. D., French, E. B. and Wardle, K. A. (eds.) Well Built Mycenae. The HellenoBritish Excavations within the Citadel at Mycenae, 1959-1969. Fascicule 10, 1999. pp. 63-66, 103-107, pls. 23-25. 70 Gessel, G. C. Town, Palace and House Cult in Minoan Crete. SIMA 67, 1985. pp. 62-63. 71 Demakopoulou, K. Το Μυκηναϊκό Ιερό στο Αµυκλαίο και η Υστεροελλαδική ΙΙΙ κατοίκηση στη Λακωνία. 1982. pp. 55-56.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation function appears to have been mainly symbolic in terms of their representation as objects with a possible apotropaic nature.72 The rest of the LM IIIB-C clay female figures from Gazi (Picture 35.3), Kannia, Karphi, and the Shrine of the Double Axes at Knossos,73 are more associated with the bird symbol which appears on their tiaras or necks. One of the five clay female figures from Gazi is particularly interesting because of the poppy heads which decorate her tiara and provide some interesting evidence for the use of drugs in Postpalatial Crete. The capsules of the plant («Papaver Somniferum») are represented with a vertical slit which indicates that their opium juice had been extracted or it is still within the flowers but about to be extracted. Opium poppy seeds are known from Tiryns and Kastanas levels dating around 1300 BC. Opium either dried or in its liquid form is known for its visionary, soporific and even medical properties due to its 20% content of anhydrous morphine. It is very probable that it may have been used as analgesic, hypnotic or primitive anaesthetic.74 Although a hasty judgement would lead to the assumption that two different types of probable «goddesses» are represented, the fact is that the conception of the female figures with upraised arms was apparently associated with both elements, their chthonic nature (snakes) and their epiphanic or heavenly nature (birds). A single idol from Kannia (HM 15116), is the only evidence for the fusion of both elements.75 These clay figures were mainly worshipped in the so-called bench sanctuaries accompanied by cult equipment like snake tubes and offering vessels. An evolution of the particular representational types with upraised arms is probably their presence within the LM IIIB so-called «hut urns» which are basically terracotta objects shaped in the form of a round hut with a front door and a knob which stands for the smoke hole on the roof. The presence of a similar type of female figure in a model from the Spring Chamber at Knossos76 possibly means that the whole model may have been a cult object by itself. A later model of an anthropomorphic figure with upraised arms in a hut model from Archanes dated in the Subminoan/Protogeometric II period (Picture 35.4),77 should be regarded as a Postminoan survival of the cult which was by then located in a quite different ideological and religious spectrum under its process of formation.

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Taylour and Moore (n. 69) pp. 106-107. Alexiou (n. 66) pp. 188-192 (Gazi), 195-202 (Kannia), 192-195 (Karphi), 202-204 (Shrine of the Double Axes, Knossos); for the Gazi figurine, see Rethemiotakis (n. 15) p. 23, no. 23, Table 37α−β, 38, 39 and fig. 52. 74 Kritikos, P. G. and Papadaki, S. N. «The history of poppy and of opium and their expansions in antiquity in the Eastern Mediterranean area». Bulletin of Narcotics 19:3, 1967. pp. 17-38 and 19(4), 1967. pp. 5-10; Arnott, R. in Tzedakis, Y. and Martlew, H. (eds.) Minoans and Mycenaeans: Flavours of their time. 1999. p. 268. 75 Rethemiotakis (n. 15) p. 40, no. 141 and fig. 43. 76 Alexiou (n. 66) p. 205-206. 77 Alexiou, S. «Πρωτογεωµετρικός ναΐσκος της Συλλογής Γιαµαλάκη». Κρητικά Χρονικά 4, 1950. pp. 441-462; id (n. 65) pp. 277-281. 73

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11.4. The male figure in Minoan glyptic: Male deities/ «Gods» Males certainly participated in Minoan rituals and the glyptic iconography shows the recurrent images of male figures engaged in improbable everyday activities. This fact in combination with the repetition of individual iconographic types may suggest the growing importance of a male figure or figures that might be characterised as a male deity or deities. The recurring image of an important male figure appears sometime after the beginning of the Neopalatial period and is more evident in glyptic scenes. It has been widely accepted that a single type of an important male figure is discernible in glyptic iconography and is usually associated with a «hunting god» or the «Master of Animals»/«Posios Theron» schema. The latter iconographical type emphasises the bodily strength of a young hero or even «god» who holds two wild animals in a position of submission and subjugation. The figures are usually short, beardless (except CMS I, no. 89 [Picture 49.2] and II 6, no. 29) with a broad chest in frontal position, extended arms, and wear only a codpiece with a prominent belt. 1. The «God» as «Master of Animals»/«Posios Theron»: i) as «Master of lions»: CMS I, no. 89 (Picture 49); I Suppl., no. 27; II 6, no. 36? (Picture 85.5); V 2, no. 675; XI, nos. 177, 257, 302; CS 9P (AM 1938.1054); KSPI Ca (HMs 382); KSPI R43 (HMs 219); KSPI R44 (HMs 218) ii) as «Master of agrimia»: CMS I, no. 163 (Picture 53.2); IV, no. 38D; V 2, no. 594 iii) as «Master of monsters»: iv) in association with griffins: CMS I, no. 324 (Picture 60.3); II 6, no. 29; V 2, no. 699 (Picture 93.6) v) in association with combination of lion and griffin: CMS II 3, no. 167. 2. The «God» as «Master of Animals»/«Posios Theron» in a frontal position with a votive gesture and worshipped by animals: i) by monkey: CMS I, no. 377 (Picture 60.4) ii) by lions: CMS II 3, no. 193 iii) by «Minoan Genii»: CMS V 1, no. 201 (Picture 93.2). 3. The «God» with a hunter persona: This category is highly problematic and the following hunting scenes should be regarded as only indicative examples. They were possibly related to the association of an important young male figure with hunting of wild animals, but it is not clear if the figures are actually «gods», mortals or heroes. The scenes may also represent hunting contests or even rites of passage for young persons of a high social status.78 The following scenes involve only a single figure adopting the identity of a

78 For extensive discussions on the subject, see the articles of Marinatos, N. «Celebrations of death and the symbolism of the lion-hunt» and Morris, C. «In pursuit of the white-tusked boar: Aspects of hunting in the Mycenaean society» in Hägg, R. and Nordquist, G. C. (eds.) Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid. 1990. pp. 143-147 and pp. 149-155 respectively.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation hunter. Scenes with more than one hunter79 probably represent mortal hunters although some of the scenes appear to be monumental (the Danicourt ring in CMS XI, no. 272; Picture 104.3). It would be more appropriate to represent the «god» alone in the field and as the main feature of the hunting scene. Variations of the type include: i) The «God» hunting lions: CMS I, nos. 9 (Picture 46.1), 112 (Picture 51.1), 165, 290, 302; II 3, no. 14; IV, no. 233; IX, nos. 114, 152. ii) The «God» hunting agrimia: CMS V 2, no. 656; VII, no. 131; CS 226 (AM 1938.962); CS 285 (AM 1938.1023); CS 320 (AM 1938.1022). iii) The «God» hunting boars: CMS I, nos. 227 (Picture 58.3), 294. 4. The «God» as the consort of the female divinity/The «sacred marriage» theme: The symbolic representation of a seemingly important male figure is usually associated with the presence of a female figure in a variety of scenes including the offering schema which emphasises the relationship between the female figure and her male attendant or escort.80 The holding of hands, the moving of the male figure towards the female with his arms stretched out, could be interpreted as signs of courtship. The subject appeared as early as the Neolithic period in the art of the East Balkan Karanovo culture and particularly on a terracotta statue of a ca. 5000-4750 BC date, representing a male and a female figure embracing each other from Gumelnita Tell in lower Danube, Southern Romania.81 In Minoan glyptic, the subject appeared in the MM IIB Phaistos Deposit (CMS II 5, no. 324; Picture 82.7) and remained popular during the Mycenaean period with variations which promoted the notion of the «sacred marriage» («ιερός γάµος»). In the spectacular gold ring CMS I, no. 180 (Picture 54.2) from the Tiryns Treasure, the scene has been interpreted as the arrival of the young «god» as a bridegroom in a ship with a cabin, and the encounter of the divine couple at the entrance of the sanctuary belonging to the «goddess»/bride. The arrival of the young male from overseas is the key element of the dramatised «sacred marriage» scene.82 In Mycenaean times, the aspect of the relationship between the young hero or «god» and an important female figure developed in the representations of the «sacra conversazione» theme.83 The motif is Mycenaean in concept and basically emphasises the importance of a special relationship between the male and the female figure. The male figures are obviously important because they are presented in front of the seated goddess without

79 CMS I, nos. 224 (Picture 58.2), 307, 331; I Suppl., no. 173; IX, no. 7D; the Danicourt ring XI, no. 272 (Picture 104.3). 80 First observed by Evans, PM I. p. 159, PM II. pp. 277-279 and PM III. p. 468 and further developed by Persson, A. The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times. 1942. pp. 105-124. The theory was partly accepted by Nilsson in MMR. pp. 400-405. 81 Gimbutas, M. The Living Goddesses. 1996. pp. 18-19, fig. 10. 82 op. cit., p. 118. For a different interpretation of the scene, see Chapter 10, footnote 23. 83 CMS I, no. 101 (Picture 50.2); CMS V 1, no. 199 (Picture 97.1); IX, no. 115; X, no. 262.

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offerings, as is normally the custom for the adorant figures in the offering schema, but that does not bestow to them a divine status. I am reluctant to suggest that the male figure is actually a deity due to the fact that the spirit of the whole representation is emphasised with the overwhelming presence of the female figure. It is possible that the latter represents a female divinity due to the fact that she is portrayed in a more prominent position, in a larger size, and gives the impression that she is being worshipped by the male figure. 5. The «God» in «emblematic» scenes with a staff asserting his power and status as protector or as part of epiphanic scenes (CMS V 2, no. 608): i) The «Master Impression» clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no.142; Picture 6.1). The unique Chania sealing has been widely accepted as a representation of a god with a rather prominent role according to the iconography and his attributes. The sealing has been exhaustively studied so the whole analysis of the material should be sought in the original and extensive publication of the clay impression.84. ii) In scenes of epiphanies:85 CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1); XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3); the Knossos «Epiphany ring» in Oxford (Picture 102.1): On the Knossos ring, the small hovering figure represented in a distance perspective immediately draws the attention with his commanding gesture and his place in a prominent position associated with the shrine and the peculiar columnar formation.86 In the Berlin ring CMS XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3), the position of the male figure which has either descended from the sky or emerged from the shrine, makes it clear that he is the central element of the cult activity and therefore his characterisation as a «god» seems plausible.87 On the Pylos ring CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1), the hovering male figure is presented on the top of a mountain peak in front of a male votary. 6. Miscellaneous scenes: i) Poros ring (Picture 106.1):88 The central figure in the Poros ring is male with a commanding gesture in an elevated position on a Π-shaped platform which probably indicates authority or high rank. The iconography follows the usual pattern as observed in the «Master Impression» and the Berlin ring with the figure wearing a conical hat and with prominent facial characteristics. The figure although is placed in the centre of the scene, it is nevertheless not the main focus. It appears to be taking

84 Hallager, E. The Master Impression. A Clay Sealing from the Excavations at Kastelli-Chania. SIMA LXIX, 1985; See also a shorter report of the sealing in Tzedakis, Y. and Hallager, E. «A clay sealing from the GreekSwedish excavations at Chania». In Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.) The Function of the Minoan Palaces. 1987. pp. 117-120; for a discussion of the iconographical type, see Kopcke, G. «Male iconography on some Late Minoan signets» in Polemos Vol. II. pp. 341-346. 85 See Chapter 12. 2. for an extensive discussion on epiphanies in glyptic iconography. 86 Marinatos, N. «The tree as a focus of ritual action in Minoan glyptic art». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 134. 87 op. cit. 88 Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis (n. 62) pp. 39-56, esp. pp. 45-47.

Ch. 11: Divine Figures in Glyptic: Typology, Problems and Interpretation part of the general activity represented on the ring, probably an epiphanic ritual (Section 11.2). ii) CMS V 1, no. 201 (Picture 91.2); Villa Julia gem:89 The male figure in CMS V 1, no. 201 (Picture 91.2)90 may represent a deity due to his central position, his rising between horns of consecration and the fact that he is being worshipped by two attending demonic creatures which stress «the Master of Animals»/«Posios Theron» persona of the male figure. The same arrangement involving a possibly divine male figure worshipped by two attendants, also appears in the lentoid seal of unknown provenance in Villa Julia in Rome. It is not known if a type of polytheism involving a number of different male deities with their own attributes existed in Minoan Palatial Crete. The iconographic types suggest their existence but none of the figures can be securely identified as deities. The iconographic evidence should not be compared to the later evidence from the Knossos Linear B tablets about polytheism in Crete which was at the time under Mycenaean occupation. It is possible that if male deities actually existed in the Protopalatial and particularly in the Neopalatial period, they may have belonged to a different domain. Whereas the female figures that are usually accepted as divinities appear as the receiving ends in offering schemata, in scenes where they tend or feed animals and as parts of epiphanic and mythological scenes, the male deities appear to be in the «Master» position who are usually in control of nature. Their robust body, their gesture of assertiveness and sometimes the undercurrent of energy which characterises some of the scenes,91 transforms them into competent protagonists in the Minoan-Mycenaean religious iconography.

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PM IV. p. 465, fig. 389a. PM I. p. 708, fig. 532; MMR. p. 148, fig. 56; KMS. p. 86; SapounaSakellarakis, E. Μινωικόν Ζώµα. 1971. pp. 67-68; Papapostolou, I. A. Τα Σφραγίσµατα των Χανίων. Συµβολή στη µελέτη της Μινωικής Σφραγιδογλυφίας. 1977. pp. 71-72. 91 CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1); V Suppl. 1A, no. 142 (the «Master Impression»; Picture 44.1); XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3). 90

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Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation CHAPTER TWELVE RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY II: THE «SECRET WORLD» OF THE MINOAN-MYCENAEAN RELIGIOUS IMAGERY. THE EVIDENCE FOR RITUALS AND THE TYPOLOGY OF RITUAL ACTION IN GLYPTIC ICONOGRAPHY 12.1. General remarks: The subject of architecture in Minoan-Mycenaean glyptic of the Late Bronze Age1 The Minoans and Mycenaeans certainly participated in rituals. In the more complex scenes, the interrelation between the «signifying elements» and the other iconographic symbols (the «signified elements») is usually associated with the representation of a specific background where the overall action occurs. This background is often identified by a consistent type of architectural features where the emphasis is placed upon the tripartite division of a structure. The engraving technique does not allow any further assumptions as to whether a solid structure or only a decorative facade of unknown proportions is presented. In spite of the difficulties regarding the exact nature of structures and their treatment in glyptic, a specific pattern for the representation of architectural types is discernible in small scale iconography. In a number of cases, architecture appears to have been a dominant feature of the majority of complex glyptic scenes. Therefore, the representation of architectural elements and formations in Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic obviously deserves a brief discussion since it often comprises the subject for separate and detailed studies.2 Chart 4 in Appendix II provides a list of the seals and finger rings with representations of architectural elements and their frequency in glyptic iconography. In the present section, it is appropriate -if not necessary- to make the following brief distinctions concerning the architectural types represented in glyptic: i) Tripartite structures in the form of simple facades of buildings with the absence of interior partitions. Earlier representations of the type have been associated with the MM IIB «architectural» motifs in some sealings from the Phaistos Deposit.3 The motif also appeared on a number of MM III hieroglyphic seals in a different context associated with the specific use of the hieroglyphic seals and in connection with other symbols as components of individual inscriptions (CMS XII, no. 113; Picture 94.4).4 Architectural elements are also associated with the «doorway» motifs of several «talismanic» sealstones (CMS IV, nos. 164, 170). The latter motifs are usually interpreted as architectural elements or «rustic shrines»,

1

Galanakis, K. Represenations of Cult Structures in Late Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic. Information concerning religious practices. 1996 (unpublished MA dissertation) with additional bibliography on the subject. 2 For more general information on the subject, see Krattenmaker, K. «Architecture in glyptic cult scenes: The Minoan examples». CMS Beiheft 5. pp. 117-133. 3 CMS II 5, nos. 29, 33, 237, 242-244; See also Picture 12.5-6. 4 PM I. p. 277, fig. 207b.

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but they should be regarded as summary representations of vessels.5 ii) Solid buildings with beam-ends upon structures in order to indicate that the abbreviated structures stood for the representations of shrines and palaces.6 The structures are depicted on the ideal direct axis from just outside to just inside, the side most frequently viewed, and often as summary versions of a ceremonial entrance. iii) Two-level structures as representations of palatial structures and not just simple tripartite shrines. iv) Sacred enclosures/Temenoi, represented as enclosed courtyards surrounded by masonry walls. 12.2. Case Study I: The epiphany of the divinity: An examination of the most securely identified Minoan ritual in glyptic7 If we accept the fact that Minoan cult was aniconic according to the representations in Aegean art which provide no evidence for the existence of anthropomorphic cult images, predetermined locations or massive architectural structures for the practice of religion like temples, it is almost certain that the central element of Minoan cult was the epiphany of the divinity or divinities.8 This category may include scenes with a very strong cultic significance. The moment of the epiphany action is usually depicted by the presence of a bird. It is generally regarded as the companion to a divinity,9 a visionary type of a zoomorphic epiphany which is the result of a ritual invocation of the divinity in open air sanctuaries10 or a manifestation of the character of the divinity.11 In the case of scenes where they are performed by humans, epiphanies are usually divided into enacted or visionary epiphanies.12 Enacted epiphany is presented when worshippers carrying offerings approach a seated deity whose role may have been acted by a high priestess impersonating the divinity.13 Visionary epiphany can be interpreted as a state of mind or an illusion and is usually manifested by a small hovering image descending from the sky which appears to the participants during the

5

GGFR. pls. 73, 76. Krattenmaker (n. 2). pp. 128-129. Classic works on epiphanies: Matz, F. «Gottererscheinung und Kultbild im minoischen kreta». AbhMainz 7, 1958; Hägg, R. «Epiphany in Minoan ritual». BICS 30, 1983. pp. 184-185 (summary of Mycenaean Seminar paper); id. «Die göttliche Epiphanie im minoischen Ritual». AM 101, 1986. p. 41-62. 8 For a complete discussion about the possible existence of cult images in Minoan Crete, see Marinatos, N. and Hägg, R. «Anthropomorphic cult images in Minoan Crete?». In Krzyszkowska, O. and Nixon, L. (eds.) Minoan Society. 1983. pp. 185-201 with bibliography. 9 Platon, N. Κρητοµυκηναϊκή Θρησκεία. 1970. p. 30. 10 MMR. p. 330-340; Mylonas, G. E. Μυκηναϊκή Θρησκεία: Ναοί, Βωµοί και Τεµένη. 1977. pp. 64-67; MR. 1993. pp. 175-188. 11 PM IV. p. 447; Pendlebury, J. The Archaeology of Crete. 1939. p. 274; Hutchinson, R. Prehistoric Crete. 1962. p. 210; Alexiou, S. Μινωικός Πολιτισµός. 1964. p. 85. 12 Hägg, R. «Die göttliche Epiphanie im minoischen Ritual». AthMitt 101, 1986. pp. 41-62. 13 In the electrum ring from Mycenae; CMS V1, no. 199 (Picture 97.1); XI, no. 30 (Picture 101.2). 6 7

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation process of the ritual.14 The supernatural aspect of the action was probably induced by ecstatic tension, sacred dance and use of specific drugs. I consider the scenes of visionary epiphanies as the only secure representations of rituals which reflect actual religious beliefs. It is improbable that these scenes represent a simple encounter between two mortal human figures. The iconographic evidence is inconsistent with this idea because the epiphanic figure is almost always represented floating in the air which suggests its imminent arrival and the extrahuman nature of the figure. Its gesture usually belongs to the «commanding» type which emphasises the authority over the worshipper. The gesture of the female worshipper15 belongs to the «adoration» type (Knossos «Epiphany» ring in Oxford; Picture 102.1). Even the position of the worshipper’s body and hands may suggest momentary awe (CMS II 7, no. 1; Picture 87.1), bewilderment (CMS II 3, no. 15 [Picture 102.2]; Knossos «Epiphany» ring [Picture 102.1]) or expectation (CMS II 3, no. 51 [Picture 78.1]; Sellopoulo ring [Picture 79.316]). We may assume that in the mind of the Minoan worshipper the spirit of the divinity may have existed everywhere in nature and it could have revealed itself at any given place and time after the performance of various rites in the open air or in the immediate vicinity of the palaces. In seals, the background setting of the ritual practices may consist of movable equipment like altars and a number of symbolic objects (double axes, horns of consecration, ritual vessels, baetyls, pillars, omphaloi, trees) or permanent settings like shrines and sacred enclosures. In contrast, there are no variations in the representation of the image of the epiphanic divinity. The latter invariably appears in full frontal view before the worshippers in its human form, always in the open and never within buildings which could have been considered as the possible dwellings of the divinity. The epiphany of the divinity remained a common and probably a favourite subject in the official iconography of Neopalatial Crete. The most important scenes of epiphany in Minoan-Mycenaean art consist of the following: i) On the electrum ring from Mycenae.17 ii) On the gold ring from tholos tomb ∆ at Pylos (CMS I, no. 292; Picture 60.1). iii) On the gold ring from Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 15; Picture 102.2). iv) On the gold ring from Isopata (CMS II 3, no. 51; Picture 78.1). v) On the Poros ring (Picture 106.1).18

14 CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1); II 7, no. 1 (Picture 87.1); XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3); Knossos «Epiphany ring» in Oxford (Picture 102.1). 15 Except for the worshippers in CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1) and II 7, no. 1 (Picture 87.1) who appear to be male. 16 Popham, M. R. in Popham, M. R., Catling, H. W. and Catling, E. A. «Sellopoulo Tombs 3 and 4: Two Late Minoan graves near Knossos». BSA 69, 1974. fig. 14d. 17 MMR. p. 351, fig. 161. 18 Dimopoulou, N. and Rethemiotakis, G. «The «Sacred Conversation» ring from Poros». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 39-56.

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vi) In connection with tree worship on the Kalyvia ring (CMS II 3, no.114; Picture 79.2).19 vii) In connection with the bird on the Sellopoulo gold ring (Picture 79.3).20 viii) On a gold ring from Thebes (CMS V1, no. 199; Picture 97.1). ix) On the gold ring CMS XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3). x) On the ring CMS XI, no. 30 (Picture 101.2). xi) On the «Epiphany» gold ring from Knossos in Oxford, AM no. 1938.1127 (Picture 102.1). xii) On the sealing CMS II 6, no. 6 from Agia Triada (Picture 84.4). xiii) On the sealing CMS II 7, no. 1 from Zakros (Picture 87.1).21 xiv) On the clay idols of the «goddesses with upraised arms» from Gazi and Karphi (in connection with the bird symbol as the attribute of the figure).22 xv) In connection with the double axes and the presence of the bird on the Agia Triada sarcophagus.23 The gold ring from Isopata (CMS II 3, no. 51; Picture 78.1)24 is probably the quintessential representation of a visionary epiphany. There has been a recent attempt to recognise the uppermost larger female figure as the latest stage of the epiphany process (the actual manifestation of the divinity who is almost touching the ground) or as an effort of a synoptic image viewed in perspective.25 There is also the suggestion that the scene although narrative and certainly a religious one, is not an epiphany of the goddess but a rite exclusive to young adult females.26 I believe that the ring represents a complete epiphanic ritual. The scene can be interpreted as four priestesses and the small hovering image as the epiphanic divinity probably portrayed from a distance which may explain her small size and her imminent arrival. It is important to add at this point, that scenes of epiphanies involving a divinity and a worshipper always portray the hovering and descending divinity in a rather small scale. This type is actually presented by the male epiphanic divinity

19 Niemeier, W. D. «Zur Ikonographie von Gottheiten und Adoranten in den Kultszenen auf minoischen und mykenischen Siegeln». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 169, Abb. 2,1. 20 Popham (n. 16) 21 For a detailed description of the representation, see Hogarth, J. «The Zakros sealings». JHS 22, 1902. pp. 76-77. 22 Marinatos, S. «Αι Μινωικαί θεαί του Γάζι». ΑΕ 1937. p. 281, fig. 2; Pendlebury, H. W. and J. D. S. «Excavations in the plain of Lasithi. III. Karphi: A city of refuge of the Early Iron Age in Crete». BSA 39, 1939. p. 76, pl. XXXI; Rethemiotakis, G. Ανθρωπόµορφη Πηλοπλαστική στην Κρήτη. Από τη Νεοανακτορική έως την Υποµινωική περίοδο. 1998. p. 23, no. 24, Table 40α-β and 41α (Gazi) and p. 29, no. 18, Table 59-63, fig. 57. 23 Long, C. The Agia Triada Sarcophagus: A study of the Late Minoan and Mycenaean funerary practices and beliefs. 1974. p. 36. 24 For an account of the Isopata necropolis, see Evans, A. «The prehistoric tombs of Knossos: The cemetery of Zapher Papoura: The royal tombs of Isopata». Archaeologia 59, 1906. pp. 391-562. 25 Niemeier, W. G. «Cult scenes on gold rings from the Argolid». In Hägg, R. and Nordquist, G. C. (eds.) Celebrations of Death and Divinity in Bronze Age Argolid. 1990. p. 168. 26 Rehak, P. «The Isopata ring and the question of narrative in Neopalatial glyptic». CMS Beiheft 6. p. 276 where he compared the scene to the composition on the «Crocus-gatherers» fresco from Xeste 3 in Akrotiri, Thera.

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation in the scene of the gold «Epiphany ring» from Knossos in Oxford (Picture 102.1).27 It is even possible to recognise different phases of a single epiphanic ritual on rings. In the Oxford ring (Picture 102.1), the hovering image of the «god» is small indicating in a way his imminent arrival in front of the female worshipper. His streaming hair is an indication of rapid movement in Minoan art. In the ring CMS XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3), the «god» has actually touched the ground and appears himself in front of the worshipper in his complete human form. It is also important to add that in both cases the divinity appears to a member of the opposite sex and the action takes place in front of a shrine topped by a tree (except CMS I, no. 292; Picture 60.1). If the representations on the two rings actually indicate epiphany, it is almost certain that they indicate two different phases of the same ritual.28 In the LM IB Poros ring (Picture 106.1), the combination of the ritual elements is striking. They all blend smoothly into what appears to be an epiphanic ritual. The birds as portrayed in the Sellopoulo ring (Picture 79.3), prepare for the goddess’s advent. The goddess as a small hovering image in the scene descending from the sky (similarly portrayed in the Isopata ring [Picture 78.1]) shows the intermediary action, marginal to the main scene, which recalls a previous episode happened before the main action scene on the ring. This multilevel narration process is finally dramatised by the arrival and landing of the goddess seated on a shrine which is not positioned on ground level. The combination with the birds bestows a more emblematic element to the scene. The visualised epiphany as represented in the Poros ring, is also accompanied by a series of events following the advent of the goddess which include the tree ritual and the shaking of the «sacred tree». In the case of the Poros ring, the association between tree cult and visualised epiphany in glyptic iconography could not have been more evident.29 The significance of the Oxford ring (Picture 102.1) is further attested by the appearance of two problematic architectural elements which consist of a tall column or a flagpole standing on a double ground line, and a baetylic object with horizontal projections located inside the door or niche of the masonry structure on the right of the bezel. I am not in a position to find a satisfactory explanation for the flagpole except for the fact that it may have formed part of the cultic nexus connected to the overall epiphanic activity involved in the representation. This particular architectural element does not appear in any other known glyptic scenes, so it may be interpreted as an isolated example associated

with a single representation of a visionary epiphany. In the contrary, the baetylic object located inside the masonry structure appears more interesting due to the fact that it has a limited occurrence in a single specific type of representations. It seems to be related to divinities and it is further shown in the Mochlos ring (CMS II 3, no. 252; Picture 96.1),30 in the gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1) 31 and in the Kalyvia ring (CMS II 3, no.103; Picture 79.1)32 as a floating object and a possible cultic symbol. In the Archanes gold ring (Picture 105.1), the motif appears in a scene which shows a type of ecstatic behaviour which was probably meant to invoke the divinity. Under these circumstances the columnar or baetylic motif appears only in these suggestive combinations and it constitutes a strong indication of ritual activity. In any case, either as a floating, non-functional symbol or as a pillar with a probable structural and decorative use, it may represent the free standing Minoan column33 which is associated with the cultic apparatus in scenes where the presence or the epiphany of a divinity is involved. 12.3. Case Study II: Glyptic image and archaeological reality: The case of the sacred enclosures/Temenoi The representation of free standing cult structures located within predetermined boundaries are generally termed in religious iconography as sacred enclosures or «temenoi». These constructions were probably non-existent and hypothetical. Sacred enclosures are absent from the archaeological and excavational reality in contrast to the indisputable existence of the peak and cave sanctuaries (Picture 26.1). Sacred enclosures or temenoi have only survived in the form of iconographic representations in glyptic art.34 Temenoi must have been open air sanctuaries located outside towns or near densely populated settlements, sometimes near forest clearings or rocky spots occupying small areas of irregular proportions and separated from the surrounding areas with rectangular or ellipsoidal masonry walls which functioned as the borders of the enclosure.35 Temenoi may have been marked by natural formations such as rocks, groves of trees, baetyls or springs. The importance of temenoi may be reflected in the presence of architectural parts which may have consisted of small or large two-level shrines, processional paths and terraces. The structures could have also employed a number of attentionfocusing devices like altars and elaborate entrances, or special facilities for the practice of rituals like portable altars, libation tables, benches, hearths, libation pits and baetyls/omphaloi. The presence of pottery (cups, bowls, rhyta, kylikes, cooking pots, storage pithoi) may have

27

MMR. p. 256, fig. 123. Marinatos, N. «The tree as a focus of ritual action in Minoan glyptic art». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 134. 29 Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis in their article (n. 18, p. 54) compared the iconography of the Poros ring to that on the lost «Minos ring»: they suggested that the similar iconographic details prove the authenticity of the latter ring. This may be true considering the limitations of their criteria. Since the «Minos ring» still remains a concept and not an iconographic reality, it may not be safe to make any definite assumptions or comparisons with other Minoan pieces of art. 28

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30

Seager, R. B. Explorations in the Island of Mochlos. 1912. p. 91. Sakellarakis, Y. «Minoan cemeteries at Archanes». Archaeology 20, 1967. p. 280, fig. 13. 32 Niemeier (n. 25) p. 241. 33 Sourvinou-Inwood, C. «On the lost «boat» ring from Mochlos». Kadmos 12, 1973. pp. 154-155. 34 Faure, P. «Nouvelles recherches sur les trois sortes de sanctuaires crétoises». BCH 91, 1967. pp. 114-150. 35 Rutkowski, B. The Cult Places of the Aegean World. 1986. pp. 99-118. 31

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation implied the consumption of food and ritual feasting while scattered and broken objects like weapons and figurines may have signified the offering of objects in situ which could be practised repeatedly on several occasions (redundancy).36 The iconography of temenoi usually consists of a number of architectural elements. A possible type of entrance or gate is usually indicated (CMS I, no. 108 [Picture 50.2]; V 2, no. 422 [Picture 91.7]), a perivolos wall is located right under the main scene where the ritual activities take place, and signs of vegetation are indicated on top of cult structures which are represented as parts of the temenos complex (CMS I, no. 127; Picture 52.1). In the case of the most important sacred enclosures, the areas could have been encircled by more solidly constructed walls which could have probably served defending purposes as well. In the gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1), the ritual action is taking place within a temenos which is constructed by a solid isodomic wall topped by a double cornice. The elaborate architecture is indicated by cult structures on either side of the bezel which accentuates the significance and structural complexity of the sacred enclosure in question. Sacred enclosures or temenoi were probably spaces designated for communal worship related to secular settlements and may have been under the control of elite votaries and members of the priesthood. Worship at a temenos may have required mass participation, at least under special circumstances. It is not known if a single divinity or a number of different divinities were worshipped as representatives or protectors of each temenos in Crete and the mainland. I suppose that the main function of these particular structures was the promotion of coherence between a number of communities which shared a single cult space for the practice of specific rituals.37 In general terms, temenoi are a problematic category in Aegean archaeology. The fact that they may have been isolated in extra-urban territories, may locate them out of the social and political context which invented them in the first place. Although the topographical survey of temenoi may be focused on their structural aspects and the presence of cultic material, this does not always explain the identity of the divinities which had been worshipped there. Whenever references to divinities appear in the Linear B tablets, at least for the final stages of the Late Bronze Age, the evidence still remains elusive and not explanatory. Names appear to be only descriptive and not literal, while references regarding the identity and the social status of the participants in rituals or the nature of the offerings which could have been deposited at temenoi, are simply non-existent.

36

Renfrew, C. The Archaeology of Cult. The Sanctuary at Phylakopi. BSA Supplement 18, 1985. pp. 18-20 for a complete discussion concerning the principles and the definition of a sanctuary or a sacred space in archaeological contexts; Watrous, L. V. The Cave Sanctuary of Zeus at Psychro: A Study of Extra-Urban Sanctuaries in Minoan and Early Iron Age Crete. Aegaeum 15, 1996. pp. 20-22. 37 Van Leuven, J. C. «Problems and methods of prehellenic naology». SCABA. p. 13.

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The first major building program at the peak sanctuary at Juktas in MM II-III (Picture 26.1) when megalithic open terraced areas, a series of small subsidiary rooms against the slope on the east and a stepped altar were established adjacent to a natural cleft may be considered an example of an open air area dedicated to ritual practices.38 The reorganising of the sanctuary after a MM III destruction with the subdivision of the subsidiary rooms, the addition of a formal approach ramp and a megalithic circular wall enclosing the peak in MM III/LM I (or as late as LM III),39 in concordance with the Neopalatial finds including stone offering tables, stone vessels, kernoi, bronze votive tools, scraps of gold foil, sealstones and anthropomorphic figurines may further validate the overall conception of the site as a formal enclosure. The mountainside sanctuary at Kato Syme Viannou can be easily compared to Juktas as a sacred enclosure formation. It seems that the sanctuary served more than one geographic sections and it was not organised under the authority of a single palatial centre.40 Impressive architectural elements including paved areas and small subsidiary rooms, open areas filled with libation tables and a perivolos wall erected in Neopalatial times, stressed the importance of the site and the notion of public participation in formal cult.41 The public element is attested by the absence of «palatial» dedications in contrast to Juktas and the abundance of pottery consisting of cooking pots, jars and drinking vessels like conical cups and chalices. I refer to the sanctuaries of Juktas and Kato Syme only as an attempt to stress the importance of specific open areas in the practice of Minoan cult, but I am reluctant to use the label of «temenos» or «sacred enclosures» to them. It is preferable to regard them as peak or mountainside sanctuaries which altered some of their basic structural and decorative elements according to the needs of the times. It is not known when the initial and most important Minoan peak sanctuaries actually acquired the form of open air sacred enclosures. This may have happened in Neopalatial times as the result of the centralisation of cult under the palatial authorities and later under the Mycenaean rule in the island which may have imitated certain beliefs which existed in the mainland and particularly the notion of the «temenos». In Mycenaean times, the term is indicated in the LH IIIB Linear B documents from Pylos as a piece of land which is under the jurisdiction of the «wanax» or the «lawagetas».42 The places cannot be traced archaeologically according to topographical factors or finds due to the lack of architectural remains, the inability to recognise the boundaries of a hypothetical sacred enclosure, and the inconsistent groups of

38 Karetsou, A. «Ιερόν κορυφής Γιούχτα». ΠΑΕ 1974. pp. 228-239, esp. pp. 230-233; id. «Το ιερό κορυφής του Γιούχτα». ΠΑΕ 1975. pp. 330-342, esp. pp. 330-334; for general information about the site, see id. «The peak sanctuary at Mt. Juktas». SCABA. pp. 137-153. 39 Karetsou, A. «Το ιερό κορυφής του Γιούχτα». ΠΑΕ 1985. p. 609. 40 Lembessi, A. «Το ιερό του Ερµή και της Αφροδίτης στη Σύµη Βιάννου». ΠΑΕ 1992. pp. 211-230; AR 37, 1991. p. 68; AR 38, 1992. p. 59. 41 Lembessi, A. «Το ιερό του Ερµή και της Αφροδίτης στη Σύµη Βιάννου». ΠΑΕ 1988. pp. 262-263. 42 Ventris, M. and Chadwick, J. Documents in Mycenaean Greek. 1956. p. 152, Tablet Er 312.

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation finds which could represent a certain pattern of groups of sites. In several instances, the finds may suggest some kind of ritual activity on the site but not necessarily the existence of a sacred enclosure.43 Rutkowski recognised twenty-two locations in the mainland as «temenoi»,44 and further excavational reports insist on the application of the same term for specific locations where the existence of ash layers, wall foundations, scattered potsherds and figurines of the Mycenaean Phi (Φ) and Psi (Ψ) types are abundant and may present a general picture of what a temenos might have looked like. Certain sites of the end of the Late Bronze Age in the mainland are often referred to as «temenos». These have been associated with the LH IIIB-C Mycenaean finds under at the Classical temple of Apollo Maleatas on the north slope of the Kynortion hill at Epidauros,45 at the site of Agia Triada/Agios Vasileios near Corinth,46 at Marmaria near Delphi,47 at Amyklaion in Laconia48 and in the Bronze Age levels of the sanctuary of Aphaia in Aegina.49 Since the information from a number of similar sites is extremely restricted, there is always the danger to attribute the term «temenos» or sacred enclosure easily to every open air site which is located near settlements and usually yields an abundance of pottery, figurines and remains of small scale structures. The topography of the Greek mainland presents a number of isolated or semi-isolated sites where all the characteristics of a sacred enclosure may be met, but it is not possible to suggest the existence of a considerable number of temenoi especially in every part of the Minoan-Mycenaean world. I prefer to regard them as an iconographical device in glyptic and especially in the representations on gold rings which may have stood for real cult structures and open air sanctuaries located within towns or settlements. It is certainly not a category which can be easily traced in the same sense with the much earlier Middle Minoan peak sanctuaries in Crete. The possibility that the representation of temenoi in glyptic may have presented idealised versions of cult structures and sanctuaries or even imaginary architectural parts which depended on the engraver’s skilfulness, cannot be excluded under the light of the general research for the myth and reality of the sacred enclosures in the Aegean.

43 Brown, A. A. and Peatfield, A. A. «Stous Anthropolithous: A Minoan site near Epano Zakro, Siteias». BSA 82, 1987. p. 32. 44 Rutkowski, B. The Cult Places of the Aegean World. 1986. pp. 115-116, Category III. 45 Lambrinoudakis, V. «Remains of the Mycenaean period in the Sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas». SCABA. p. 62. 46 Hägg, R. «Official and popular cults in Mycenaean Greece». SCABA. p. 39. 47 Demangel, R. Fouilles des Delphes. Vol. II. Le Sanctuaire d’ Athéna Pronaia (Marmaria). Topographie du Sanctuaire. 1926. p. 13. 48 Demakopoulou, K. Το Μυκηναϊκό Ιερό στο Αµυκλαίο και η Υστεροελλαδική ΙΙΙ κατοίκηση στη Λακωνία. 1982. pp. 79-81, 83-85. 49 Pilafidis-Williams, K. The Sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina in the Bronze Age. 1998.

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12.4. Case Study III: A re-evaluation of the possible meaning of baetyls/omphaloi in glyptic The term «baetyls» includes the pillars, columns and some natural formations like stalagmites in caves. In glyptic iconography, they are associated with oval, rounded or roughly rounded (omphaloi) and even columnar stones which are represented in connection with a female and a naked or semi-naked male figure in close proximity who clasps or leans on them. Such representations are often regarded as parts of ecstatic rituals where the power of the divinity is believed to have resided in the stone, and the ecstatic community between the person and the stone implied the chthonic aspect of the action. These stones and their related natural rocky formations are distinguished from the double oval objects with a bushy top between them in some glyptic representations. These particular objects are small rounded stones in pairs with long, strap-like leaves which are often termed «squills» («Urginea Maritima»), rising up between or from the objects comprising the pair. They are usually smaller than the omphalos stones, they are never touched, and they appear to be just present in the scenes.50 In glyptic, the iconographical subject of the human figure embracing or leaning on an omphalos stone and the representation of pairs of oval stones with squills appear in the following gems and rings: 1) Baetyls/Omphaloi: i) Males in connection with baetyls/omphaloi: Gold ring CMS II 3, no. 114 from Kalyvia (Picture 79.2). Gold ring from Sellopoulo Tomb 3 (Picture 79.3).51 Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1).52 ii) Females in connection with baetyls/omphaloi: Berlin ring (CMS XI, no. 29; Picture 101.1).53 «Ring of Minos» (Picture 103.1).54 Lentoid serpentine seal from the Stratigraphical Museum Excavations, Knossos.55 Lentoid serpentine seal from the Stratigraphical Museum Excavations, Knossos.56 Agia Triada sealing CMS II 6, no. 4 (Picture 83.3).57 Zakros sealing CMS II 7, no. 6 (Picture 87.2).58

50 Warren. P. M. «Of Baetyls». OpAth 18, 1990. pp. 194, 201; SourvinouInwood, C. «On the authenticity of the Ashmolean ring 1919.56». Kadmos 10, 1971. pp. 67-68; id. «On the lost boat ring from Mochlos». Kadmos 12, 1973. p. 156. 51 Popham, M. R. in Popham, M. R., Catling, H. W. and Catling, E. A. «Sellopoulo Tombs 3 and 4: Two Late Minoan graves near Knossos». BSA 69, 1974. p. 223, no. J8, fig. 14D, pl. 37a-c. 52 Sakellarakis, Y. and Sapouna-Salellarakis, E. «Drama and death in a Minoan temple». National Geographic 159:2, February 1981. p. 216; id. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. 1997. Vol. II, pp. 655-660. 53 Pini, I. «Echt oder falsch? Einige Fälle». CMS Beiheft 1. pp. 145-149. Pini regards the ring genuine but Warren in «Of Baetyls». OpAth 18, 1990, p. 198 suggests that it is a forgery. 54 PM IV. pp. 947-956, fig. 917. It has to be mentioned that the female figure is not directly connected with the eight oval and rounded boulders. 55 Warren, P. M. «Knossos: Stratigraphical Museum Excavations, 19781980, Part II». AR 29, 1982-1983. p. 69, no. StrEX/79/680, fig. 32f. 56 op. cit., p. 198, no. StrEX/80/1129. 57 Levi, D. «Le cretule di Hagia Triada». ASAtene 8-9, 1925-1926. p. 143, no. 143, fig. 159, pl. 6.

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation 2) Small oval stones/Squills: Ashmolean ring (AM 1919.56).59 CMs no. 31.60 Agia Triada sealing CMS II 6, no. 1 (Picture 83.1).61 The act of hugging and kneeling over an oval stone and boulder appears to be the most peculiar in the thematic range of the Minoan and Mycenaean cultic apparatus. Still, it seems that it may have carried a unique importance. Together with the act of tree pulling, it belongs to the ecstatic type of rituals and eliminates the possibility that a mundane activity is probably represented. If we consider the oval stones as the focal points where the adorant could communicate with the spirit of a non-materialised divinity, then the objects are immediately transferred to the Aegean cultic apparatus.62 The exaggerated gestures of the male and female adorants touching the stones have been interpreted as scenes of mourning, the absolute sadness for the death of the chthonic «vegetation god» who is about to be reborn in the annual vegetation cycle.63 The cycle of gestures seems to be overly theatrical and may indicate the representation of a specific moment located in the general background of rituals where the overall behaviour, the movements and the gestures required a certain amount of mannerisms. It is more probable that the action indicates the devotion and expectation, the agony of the adorant to successfully summon and contact the divinity as an early form of an animistic religion where the communication with the divine is achieved through a lifeless medium, supporting the belief that not only humans but lifeless things as well can possess soul. Spirits may inhabit in every part of the actual world and the phenomena of nature and life (rain, wind, seasonal cycle, illness, death) may consist demonstrations of activities with hidden spiritual energy. Baetyls were used as the media for summoning the divinity who was about to resurrect and bring back fertility to nature as this is indicated by trees which burst into bloom in representations on gems and finger rings. In glyptic iconography, the baetylic cult consists of three separate activities: a) the adorant approaching the baetyl (lentoid seal no. StrEX/79/680 from Stratigraphical Museum, Knossos), b) the kneeling and touching of the baetyl as an effort to summon the divinity by using dramatic gestures64 and c) the kissing and embracing of the boulder which indicated the final communion with the divine (gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A; Picture 105.1). In each case, iconographical

58

Platon, N. Ζάκρος: Το νέον Μινωικόν ανάκτορον. 1974. p. 145; Weingarten, J. «Some unusual Minoan clay nodules». Kadmos 25, 1986. p. 6, no. 12. 59 Sourvinou-Inwood, C. «On the authenticity of the Ashmolean ring 1919.56». Kadmos 10, 1971. pp. 60-169. 60 Papapostolou, I. Τα Σφραγίσµατα των Χανίων. Συµβολή στη µελέτη της Μινωικής σφραγιδογλυφίας. 1977. pp. 81-83, no. 31, pls. 44a, 45a-b. 61 Levi (n. 57) p. 141, no.140, fig. 156. 62 Marinatos, N. «The tree, the stone and the pithos: Glimpses into a Minoan ritual». In Palaima, T. G. (ed.) Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration. Aegaeum 5, 1990. pp. 81-82. 63 PM III. pp. 140-143; MMR. pp. 247, 543-572; Persson, A. The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times. 1942. pp. 34-39. 64 Kalyvia ring (CMS II 3, no. 114; Picture 79.2); Sellopoulo ring (Picture 79.3); CMS II 6, no. 4 (Picture 83.3); II 7, no. 6 (Picture 87.2).

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symbols may function as elements of a symbolic language. The epiphanic birds in the Kalyvia (CMS II 3, no. 114; Picture 79.2) and Sellopoulo (Picture 79.3) gold rings may imply the imminent arrival of the divinity and may even indicate that the spirit of the divinity is already present. This can also apply to the functional role of other species like insects, dragonflies, butterflies and chrysalis65 which may have been actually summoned through the touching of the baetyls. Additional symbols may suggest the sanctity of the baetyls. The stylised column with two cross pieces in the Archanes gold ring (Picture 105.1) deserves a separate reference. It is also visible in the Mochlos gold ring (CMS II 3, no. 252; Picture 96.1) and in the gold ring from the Athenian Agora (CMS V1, no. 173; Picture 91.1). In each case -as in the representations of the epiphany of the divinity- it may represent the Minoan free standing column and a summary form for the representation of a columnar altar belonging to the type of Minoan-Mycenaean stone objects, as seen in the gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 179; Picture 54.1). Actual oval or rounded baetyls in situ are reported from Area R, South of the main buildings at the EM III settlement of Vasiliki, from the central court of the palace at Mallia (Picture 22), from the Southwest angle of the palatial building at Gournia and from the West Shrine at Phylakopi (Picture 28.2).66 These stones are quite low with a height ranging from knee to waist, and fall within the same range as the baetyls represented in engraved cult scenes. Their existence both in situ and in Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic iconography is suggestive of baetylic prehellenic cults with relevant mythological associations. The elements of mourning, the resurrection of the vegetation god and the return of fertility in nature, are all present in the cult of Hyacinth (Υάκινθος), the dying young god of vegetation, a combination of the elements of earth and water (or in other words the attributes of Zeus and Poseidon) who is about to be reborn in nature after a series of festivities. The celebration of «Υακίνθια» in honour of the young god is reported in the famous inscription from Argos where the names of Juktas and Archanes are also mentioned.67 The celebration of «Υακίνθια» is present only at Sparta during the periods after the end of the Bronze Age, where the cult was considered to have been of a prehellenic, possibly preCretan, ancestry. The mourning part of the three-day festival was associated with the death of the young god followed by the subsequent withering of nature. In the end, the god was gloriously reborn bringing with him the regeneration of nature.68 There are even associations of the beatyls with the

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Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1); CMS II 6, no. 4 (Picture 83.3); II 7, no. 6 (Picture 87.2). 66 Warren (n. 50) pp. 202-205 for further discussion and bibliography on the subject. 67 Bengtson, H. Die Staatsverträge des Altertums II. Die Vertrage der griechisch-römischen Welt von 700 bis 338 v. Chr. 1975. pp. 53-57, no. 148. 68 For more information on the nature of the festival, see Papachatzis, N. Η Θρησκεία στην Αρχαία Ελλάδα. 1996. pp. 164-167.

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation Cybelean aniconic stones rendered in honour of the goddess Kybele, Kubela or Kubaba during the Bronze Age in the Levant and Anatolia. Although the cult of Kybele seems to have been introduced to the Greek world in a later stage and with the goddess in an apparently human form,69 it is possible that the cult had been adapted during an initial stage as part of the fertility cult in Crete serving the local demands and individualities, and combining both Eastern influences and indigenous elements. 12.5. Case Study IV: Implications and considerations of the «sacred» tree motif in glyptic This subject in its variety of representations preoccupied the early researchers of Minoan religion as an important Minoan religious phenomenon. Both Evans70 and Nilsson71 regarded the tree as actually sacred per se or as the embodiment of the divinity. The tree is an important feature because it constitutes part of the cultic apparatus, it is an inseparable part of the environment where the divinities seem to appear or reside, and it is usually present at scenes of ritual activity.72 Behavioural patterns and relations to animism, as well as elements of the general vegetation cult sphere are again predominant. The problem is obvious: if the trees are actually sacred by themselves why are not there any representations in glyptic involving trees only? The answers are equally obvious: The human agent providing the overall ritual activity involved in the scene in connection with the presence of cultic architecture which denotes the sacred space, makes the trees important elements of the cultic nexus. In my previous reference to the function of baetyls, the latter were regarded as the medium through which the communication with the divinity was achieved. Trees may function in more or less the same way by providing a direct relationship between both elements, the baetyls and the trees. In glyptic, the iconography of the trees is more complex: i) The ritual action can take place in a sacred space where the tree is represented in connection with an isodomic construction of ashlar masonry which is commonly regarded as a shrine or a temenos.73 Males and females

69 A considerably later example but one of the earliest representations indicative of the human form of the goddess Kybele is shown as part of the «Gigantomachy» complex in the north frieze of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi (ca. 525 BC). The goddess is represented fighting the giants in a chariot drawn by a pair of lions. For a detailed description of the frieze and mythological references about the subject, see Knell, H. Mythos und Polis. Bildprogramme griechischer Bauskulptur. 1990, Lullies, R. Griechische Plastik. Von den Anfangen bis zum Beginn der romischen Kaiserzeit. 1979. p. 58, pls. 44, 46, and Brinkmann, V. Beobachtungen zum formalen Aufbau und zum Sinngehalt der Friese des Siphnierschatzhauses. 1994. p. 158. 70 Evans, A. The Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean Relations». JHS 21, 1901. pp. 99-204. 71 MMR. pp. 262-264. 72 For detailed information regarding the importance of the trees in Minoan religion, see Marinatos, N. «The tree as a focus of ritual action in Minoan glyptic art». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 127-143 and id. «The tree, the stone and the pithos: Glimpses into a Minoan ritual». In Palaima, T. G. (ed.) Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration. Aegaeum 5, 1990. pp. 79-92. 73 CMS I, nos. 119 (Picture 51.3), 126 (Picture 56.1), 514 (Picture 62.1); II 3, nos. 15 (Picture 102.2), 114 (Picture 79.2); II 6, nos. 1 (Picture 83.1), 2 (Picture 83.2); V Suppl. 1A, no. 176 (Picture 100.2); V Suppl. 1B, no. 114

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appear next to a shrine topped by the tree. Whereas females always stand or sit in front of the tree, the males are associated only with the act of shaking the tree.74 ii) The tree is represented in connection with epiphanic rituals before constructed tree shrines with portals. The larger size of the shrines may imply their accentuated importance. The epiphanic divinities in this case are always males practising the commanding gesture.75 The epiphanic divinity in CMS II 7, no. 1 (Picture 87.1) appears to be female and obviously constitutes an exception. iii) The ritual action can take place in a sacred space where the tree is represented in connection with a sacred stone/omphalos or a baetyl without any indication of religious architecture.76 In this case, the direct relationship between the two elements becomes clearer and it is possible that rituals involving the two of them could have actually coexisted and did not necessarily mean different approaches to ritual practice but rather variations of the rituals involved. iv) The tree can grow in the open as a free standing feature where its significance is emphasised by the presence of a seated divinity under the tree in scenes representing the offering schema (CMS I, no. 17; Picture 48), or by its presence in the centre of the scene.77 v) The tree can be represented in scenes where animals are involved.78 These scenes appear to be more problematic because ritual activity is usually absent and trees may be only an iconographic device or a decorating filling in order to avoid «horror vacui». In many cases, the tree, usually a palm, can be regarded as the marker of the place of sacrifice.79 The scene in CMS I Suppl., no. 114 (Picture 62.2) is an exception since the clear representation of the offering schema denotes the cultic nature of the scene. vi) Miscellaneous scenes. The tree can be represented in connection with a Minoan divinity in imaginary, mythological and symbolically exaggerated scenes80 or in scenes of emblematic nature (CMS V2, no. 608). It has become quite evident that the presence of trees in glyptic iconography is not coincidental. The representation of trees is emphasised by their positioning on top of ashlar shrines where it is possible that they functioned as markers

(Picture 98.2); IX, no. 163; XII, no. 264; gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb (Picture 105.1); Poros ring (Picture 106.1). 74 CMS I, nos. 219 (Picture 57.1), 514 (Picture 62.1); XII, no. 264; gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1); Poros ring (Picture 106.1). 75 CMS XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3); Knossos «Epiphany» ring (Picture 102.1); for different explanations concerning the elements of the Knossos ring, see Sourvinou-Inwood, C. «On the lost boat ring from Mochlos». Kadmos 12, 1973. pp. 154-155, and Kardara, C. «Υπαίθριοι στύλοι και δένδρα ως µέσα επιφανείας του θεού του κεραυνού». ΑΕ 1966. p. 180. 76 CMS I, no. 219 (Picture 57.1); XI, no. 29 (Picture 101.1). 77 CMS II 3, no. 305 (Picture 80.3); II 6, no. 5 (Picture 84.2); V Suppl. 1A, no. 178 (Picture 100.1). 78 CMS I, nos. 23, 45, 58, 59, 76, 87, 119 (Picture 51.3), 155 (Picture 104.2), 242, 281, 404, 495; V 1, no. 198. 79 CMS I, nos. 58, 155, 375; XI, no. 52; Marinatos, N. Minoan Sacrificial Ritual: Cult Practice and Symbolism. 1986. 80 CMS II 3, no. 252 (Picture 96.1); V Suppl. 1A, no. 55 (Picture 96.2). In connection with the Transportation of the «Goddess» subject, see Chapter 11, Table 11.

Ch. 12: The Iconography of Rituals in Glyptic: Typology and Interpretation of sanctuaries or sacred enclosures. It is also very probable that they demonstrated the element of seasonal variation, the annual fertility season and the subsequent withering of nature. Trees are subject to seasonal changes, they live and die and they are a perfect example of the contradiction between life and death. One can imagine the festivities involving the shaking of trees and the collecting of fruits in the multiple representations of the subject. From their simple association with the fertility and prosperity of nature, the trees eventually became the focus of ritual activities located in the domain of «gods» and «goddesses». The suggestion that the trees themselves could have been actually sacred or worshipped may be misleading and out of context in the possible presence of groups of multifarious male and female divinities in the Minoan and Mycenaean world. It is certain that trees were undoubtedly a religious phenomenon of the Bronze Age period and an extremely important element in the representation of the cultic behaviour and ritual activity of the Minoans and the Mycenaeans.

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Conclusions CONCLUSIONS Seals and sealings were known in Prehistoric Greece since the Neolithic period. They were used in the beginning as «pintaderas» intended for body decoration and stamping of textiles (Chapter 2.1). They usually come from deposits in Macedonia and Thessaly or as isolated finds throughout Neolithic mainland Greece. The absence of securely dated contexts makes their dating problematic. The assemblage of clay sealings from EH II Lerna was apparently the first evidence for the use of seals as administrative tools associated with economic purposes and the administration and securing of goods at the site. The seals were probably the products of a local workshop (Chapter 2.2). The sudden economic ascent of Early Bronze Age Lerna was probably an isolated phenomenon followed by the economic and artistic stability of the Middle Helladic period. In general terms, the Early Bronze Age was a very prolific period in terms of artistic progress and excellence according to the practice of sealing systems, the manufacture of metal seals (lead seals from EH Tsoungiza in Peloponnese and Aplomata in Naxos) and unique collections of jewellery. Their decoration pattern employing simple cross motifs, seem to follow the principles of a «koine» (common) artistic tradition encountered in southeast Mediterranean from the Neolithic period and onwards (Chapter 2.3). Sealings attached to a variety of objects were widely used for the purpose of securing and identifying objects in Minoan times (Chapter 1.1). They are usually indicative only of the exact time at which the sealings were used or discarded. Sealings survive in many contexts and their long term use and the constant repetition of styles and motifs may conceal the evidence for their manufacture, initial use and the dating of several deposits from Minoan Crete. They are not only extremely informative for the style and iconography but they also provide rich evidence for the practice of administration and economic control in complex societies. Sealings were necessary tools for the bureaucratic control practised in the rich archives of Neopalatial Crete including those from Knossos, Agia Triada, Zakros, Sklavokampos and Chania. These sites present a pattern of independent, subsistent economies, each practising a developed sealing system. In these deposits, the practice of sealing administration is associated with the use of the Linear A script and the massive presence of inscribed clay tablets, disc shaped independent «roundels», and impressed or inscribed nodules/«noduli». After the LM IB destruction horizon which signalled the end of the Minoan palatial centres in Crete, only Knossos remained the principal socio-political and redistributing centre. «Noduli» sealings with identical scenes stamped by a single ring which originated from a single centre which was probably Knossos, circulated within the secondary and provincial centres of the island establishing the identity to the local authorities of provincial centres of people coming from a central administrative centre (Chapter 1.3). Before their systematic use in the Neopalatial period, sealing systems appeared in MM Crete following initially the Near

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Eastern principles. They were gradually developed independently with the emergence of central authorities and the first palatial structures. Past transactions are evidenced from many sites in Crete where specific types of sealing archives can be recognised. Removed, discarded and unused sealings formed «final» archives. The presence of sealings in destruction levels and abandoned settlements like MM Phaistos, formed «abandoned» or «discard» archives. In the case of sealings found in their original position after an accidental fire or destruction of the archive, they are commonly termed as «living» archives. Such archives are known from Tylissos and Knossos (Chapter 1.2). The Early Bronze Age coincides with the Prepalatial period in Crete (Chapters 3 and 4). The importance of the EM period in Crete lies on the fact that it signalled the development of the purely Minoan artistic identity. The period is characterised by the collective «family» tholos tombs of the Messara plain which yielded the most important assemblages of seals (Chapter 3.1; Table 1; Appendix I, Chart 1). The early seals from the Messara burial deposits can be interpreted as indicators of social status but their distribution during the long periods of use of the tholos tombs makes their interpretation problematic. It is possible that they may have accompanied only the richer burials either in the form of prestige goods or as «heirloom» seals which survived in later contexts. The Messara seals are usually dated according to stylistic criteria since the superimposed levels, the long term use and the subsequent looting of the tholos tombs provide no secure data for their dating. Ivory and substitutes of the material like cattle bone, boar’s tusk, hippopotamus dentine and soft materials like the variously coloured steatites and serpentines, were responsible for the manufacture of the first Minoan seal groups (Chapter 3.2, 3.2.2). A specific group of seals consists of some «white» pieces which were probably the results of experimentation with artificial substances. The typology and shapes of EM II-EM III/MM IA Prepalatial seals fall within four distinctive categories (Chapter 3.2, 3.2.2): i) Groups of pyramidal, button, cushion, conoid, disc, bottle shaped seals, cylinder and hemicylinder stamp seals. ii) Ivory signet seal rings with an oval bezel. iii) Three-sided prisms: This shape is regarded and discussed as the most dominant shape of the period towards the end of the EM III and the beginning of the MM IA period (Chapter 3.3). Three-sided prisms were often inscribed with hieroglyphic signs and they represent a variety of motifs including linear motifs, animals and human figures. Their technique remained relatively elementary and underdeveloped. In the Messara region, the shape was also used for sphragistic purposes together with the ivory seals and soon fused with them in what is commonly termed as the First Transitional period in Aegean glyptic. The three-sided prism seals finally declined in the Neopalatial period after the introduction of the «talismanic» stones (Chapter 1.5). They survived

Conclusions in several later contexts in the form of «charms», amulets or «heirloom» seals. iv) Theriomorphic and anthropomorphic seals. The iconography of Prepalatial seals is discussed in connection with the EM III/MM IA deposits of seals from the Platanos tholos tombs A and B (Chapter 4.2, 4.2.1), and the seals from Phourni cemetery at Archanes (EM II, EM III, MM IA: Chapter 4.3, 4.3.1, 4.3.2). Four categories were recognised and examined in detail: i) Decorative motifs: Linear motifs (variations: straight, diagonal, rectilinear, curvilinear motifs); Cross-hatching (with or without floral elements); Cross motifs; Star motif; Meander; Rosettes; Leaf patterns; Net pattern; Spiral motifs (single, multiple, isolated, running, Cspiral); Labyrinthoid motifs; Chaotic motifs. ii) Representational motifs (animal friezes, lions, agrimia, spiders, scorpions, ships). iii) Humans (bird-like individuals, «potter’s scenes»). iv) Hieroglyphics. v) «Archanes Script Group». The urbanisation of Crete in the Protopalatial period (Chapters 5 and 6) is demonstrated by the appearance of clearly stratified societies, the reorganisation of the social and religious life, the intensive building of the first palaces, the establishment of the peak sanctuaries for the practice of cult and the exquisite objects of art. The pictographic hieroglyphic script which was introduced to the island probably in MM IA, primarily functioned as an administrative tool in the Protopalatial period with regional variations according to specific needs. Hieroglyphics also appear in sealstones of the MM IA-MM IIB periods and the script occasionally survived in later LM contexts and in fact alongside the Linear A script. The Protopalatial seal shapes (Chapter 5.1) followed the tradition of the Prepalatial period but the forerunners of the later lentoid, amygdaloid and cushion seals soon made their first appearance. The materials were examined (Chapter 5.2): i) Steatites, serpentines. ii) Silica group of minerals/Coloured crystalline quartzes: Macrocrystalline group of quartzes (rock crystal, amethyst). iii) Silica group of minerals/Coloured crystalline quartzes: Microcrystalline/Cryptocrystalline group of quartzes (chalcedony, carnelian, agate, sard, onyx, sardonyx, jasper). iv) Imported luxury materials: hematite, lapis-lazuli/lazurite. v) Artificial substances: faience, glass paste. The seal production of this period is mainly represented by three deposits: i) The MM IIB Mallia Workshop, including the rest of the buildings at Quartier Mu (Chapter 6.2, 6.2.1): The deposit yielded a unique collection of tools and finished or unfinished three-sided prisms and conoid seals. The motifs are identified and classified (Chapter 6.2.1; Table 2). They are mainly represented by hieroglyphic signs, balanced geometric patterns, the application of «Rapport» and «Torsion», animal and insect motifs and

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rudimentary representations of gesturing «bird-like» humans in a variety of scenes associated with the production of pottery. The latter iconographical type may have had some ritual connotations. ii) The MM IIB Phaistos Deposit (Chapter 6.3, 6.3.1; Table 3): The sealings provide evidence for the perfection of motifs (Chapter 6.3.1) consisting of complex linear and geometric designs and representational motifs with animals and humans engaged in a variety of activities with a tendency towards naturalism. Some of the motifs are associated with the floral and radiating motifs of the contemporary Kamares style pottery. What makes the Phaistos Deposit even more important is the fact that it provides information about an active archive and the securing of the properties of individuals during a specific period of time. Certain sealings and motifs may have been related to specific objects or groups of objects, and the whole system functioned as an early but effective bureaucratic tool documenting the transactions of goods. iii) The Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos (Chapter 6.4, 6.4.1): A late MM IIB-early MM III date is now suggested. Numerous hieroglyphic inscriptions and advanced complex geometric designs prevail among the motifs (Chapter 6.4.1), but the few scenes with naturalistic humans as parts of narrative scenes with the indication of the scene’s background, demonstrate the new skills acquired by the artisans and the introduction of a whole new range of motifs in small scale iconography. The Neopalatial period in Crete (Chapters 7 and 8) is characterised by the building of the second palaces and the «palatialisation» of the countryside which is demonstrated by the presence of many villas/palaces in several regions of Crete which functioned as provincial centres. Complex political organisation and the practice of sealing systems became consistent throughout the island. The hieroglyphic script of the earlier periods was replaced by the Linear A script, a developed phonetic syllabary writing system applied in text form in clay tablets, offering tables, metal objects but very rarely in seals. The major Linear A archives were found at Agia Triada, Chania, Phaistos and Archanes. There had been an extensive rebuilding program of the palaces in LM IA Crete after a major destruction, but the final destruction horizon in LM IB Crete signalled the political fragmentation, the abandonment of many settlements, the inactivity of the palaces and the increasing Mycenaean presence which introduced the Final Palatial period. New and elegant shapes were introduced in the area of seal engraving consisting of the lentoid, cushion, flattened cylinder and amygdaloid shapes (Chapter 7.1, 7.2). The new shapes shared a common denominator which was the convex face which allowed more competent use of tools and engraving of motifs. Three deposits characterise the seal use and production of the period: i) The LM IA Temple Repositories Deposit at Knossos (Chapter 8.2, 8.2.1, 8.2.2): The sealings formed part of a complex palatial «treasury» which included a number of exquisite and mainly cult objects. The sealings show earlier «architectural» subjects and hieroglyphic formulae of «heirloom» seals, floral, marine and animal motifs,

Conclusions and competent scenes with humans, sometimes with a compete disregard of the anatomy and partly influenced by the frescoes in the palaces (Chapter 8.2.2). The scenes are often naturalistic with indication of the scene’s background which is demonstrated by their comparison to a number of frescoes from Knossos, Amnissos, Phylakopi and Pseira. ii) The LM IB Zakros sealings (Chapter 8.3, 8.3.1): The sealings provided evidence for the practice of the Single and Multiple Seal Systems for administrative purposes. The sealings consisted of various types including sealings with flat bases and sealings formed like prisms. A single artisan appropriately named «the Zakros Master», appears to have been responsible for the numerous monstrous human types in the sealings based on the identification of some common characteristics (Chapter 8.3.1). Variations of these iconographic types also appeared earlier at Mallia and Knossos. They are also characteristic for their originality and their individual style. iii) The LM IB sealings from the Sklavokampos villa (Chapter 8.4, 8.4.1): The deposit yielded a limited number of sealings with excellent studies of bulls, pioneering scenes with chariots and charioteers, human figures with formal attires and monstrous human types reminiscent of those from Zakros. The occurrence of almost identical taurokathapsia scenes in the deposits of Sklavokampos, Agia Triada (Chapter 9) and Gournia, are considered to have been impressed by a single ring or rings which circulated within specific territories of Minoan Crete. iv) The LM IB rich deposit of sealings from the Agia Triada villa/palace (Chapter 9.1, 9.2, 9.2.1): The multiplicity and variety of its excellent designs and motifs (Chapter 9.2.2) which further perfected the craftsmanship of figural representations and complex scenes, many with strong references to cultic behaviour, implied the apex of the Minoan glyptic just before the LM IB final destruction of the palaces. An attempt to interpret the iconography of the sealings (Chapter 9.3) provides the impetus for the extensive discussion on religious scenes in Minoan glyptic which are all examined categorically in the following chapters. The circulation of Near Eastern art objects in the Aegean is also a major phenomenon of the Neopalatial period (Chapter 8.5). As far as the subject of the influence of Near Eastern glyptic in the Aegean is concerned, there was a limited number of Syrian cylinder seals in Crete from Levantine workshops since EM II-III which increased in MM III-LM I as burial goods and collectibles. It is demonstrated that Syria in particular did not follow the Minoan artistic trends in glyptic but there are a number of Syrian cylinders combining Near Eastern and Minoan motifs. The Minoan presence is also evident in Egypt and Near East, and manifests the impact of the Aegean culture on the neighbouring cultures. The production of metal finger rings (Chapter 7.3, 7.3.1, 7.3.2) increased considerably in the Neopalatial period. These rings were manufactured by the use of steatite matrices with positive relief of which only a few have

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survived. These include the steatite and clay pieces from Eleusis and Knossos respectively. Rings were usually made of solid gold or sheets of gold covering a less expensive metal core. The metal was cast in the matrices and produced rings with negative relief like in sealstones. The ring bezels and hoops were probably cast in different matrices and secondary details were engraved at later stages. Rings were also made of steatite, jasper, agate and ivory. The Minoans developed advanced and sophisticated techniques for the decoration and ornamentation of the rings apart from the engraved scenes. These techniques were later practised by the Mycenaeans as well. They include the repousée, granulation, filigree, cloisonné and enamelling (niello) techniques. These techniques accentuated the decoration patterns and added a «jewellery» effect on the pieces. The earliest metal rings (Chapter 7.4 and Appendix I, Chart 2) originated in the tholos tombs of Messara, in the early burial strata of tholos tomb E at Archanes, in the MM levels of Gerontomouri Cave at Lasithi and from MM Mochlos. Metal rings are believed to have stamped the sealings from the MM IIB Phaistos Deposit. A bronze ring from Avgo/Kavousi in Crete with the representation of a ritual scene is separately discussed and it is also considered as one of the earliest figured signet rings although its context appears to be problematic. The analysis of the style and its associations with related scenes from the Agia Triada Deposit demonstrates that it may belong to the first group of figured signet rings of an early LM I date from Crete. Seals from mainland Greece seem to have followed the artistic traditions of Crete and the earliest seals from Grave Circle B at Mycenae were actually of Cretan origin. Cretan immigrant artists are also believed to have been working in the mainland. It is demonstrated by a closer examination of the iconographic style that a purely Mycenaean glyptic style gradually emerged in the mainland based on the following criteria: i) The appearance of metal rings with scenes made by Mycenaean artists which were designed to be appreciated from the original seals, only as items of jewellery and not intended for secular use or sealing purposes. ii) Technical weaknesses which result from the unsuccessful treatment of space and disposition of the images in Mycenaean gold working. iii) The emergence and subsequent development of an indigenous Mycenaean epic ideology and a specific type of religious imagery in small scale iconography which are reflected on the battle scenes and specific cult scenes in Mycenaean glyptic. iv) The appearance of a new gallery of motifs which are mainly associated with the Mycenaean idea of celebration of death in the form of hunting and militaristic scenes with emphasis on pieces of military equipment. v) The emergence of a distinctive Mycenaean female militaristic anthropomorphic figure which is usually characterised as a divinity («warrior goddess») and represented in association with the figure-of-eight shield and other pieces of armour.

Conclusions The information based on the images in Minoan small scale iconography can provide rich evidence for the reconstruction of Minoan religion. A short introduction to cult practices in Minoan times referred to the sealings with complex religious scenes from the Agia Triada deposit (Chapter 9) but the subject needs a more detailed and extensive research. Religious iconography and symbolism in the Prepalatial EM II-MM IA glyptic (Chapter 10.1) is obscure and presents only restricted information about EM cult practices. It is very possible that the group of theriomorphic seals may have carried a certain amount of ritual significance and the series of the peculiar «potters’ scenes» may actually belong to a ritual context. Minoan ritual involved the communal element even in the Prepalatial period (Chapter 10.1.1) and revolved around significant events of life and the preoccupation with the supernatural. Rituals were predetermined and followed specific patterns and behaviours. The Messara tholos tombs formed the ritual foci of the period for the practice of funerary rites in specially designated areas within the territories of each tomb. The tombs were intermittently reopened in order to receive subsequent secondary burials and remained active over long periods. The addition of rectangular annex rooms attached to the tombs probably indicates various rituals of different nature practised at different times. Burial offerings were deposited for their intrinsic value but they may be characteristic of specific religious beliefs and symbolism. With the appearance of more stratified complex societies after the MM I-II period (Chapter 10.1.2), there was a change in the cult practices which resulted in the appearance of the peak sanctuaries, the gradual decline of the earlier cult at tombs and the emergence of the first palaces as the official cult centres. In the palatial period, ruling elites and a central priesthood appear to have manipulated rituals and cult practices as a way of legitimising their presence and as the vehicle for the dissemination of a religious propaganda. Palace sanctuaries, peak sanctuaries and caves at later phases comprised the ritual foci of the period. Ritual was elaborately organised and practised within a social context. Tradition, repetition and symbolism remained important factors. In the area of glyptic, there are many representations of cultic structures, ritual behaviour and gestures, cultic equipment, formal attire, and a large collection of ritual symbols. Some specific glyptic scenes also suggest the glorification of past events and the possible existence of mythology. Minoan religion was apparently a multifaceted phenomenon with ambiguous messages and obscure symbolism but its practice obviously resulted in the cohesion of the population, the sharing of common beliefs and the formation of an individual identity which is unparalleled in the Bronze Age period. Glyptic soon developed a set of conventions and artistic schemata in order to construct images which gradually became very schematic and ambiguous. These iconographic schemata are often determined by the cultures which actually invented them. The methodology adopted in Chapter 10.2 for identifying rituals in glyptic iconography requires a range of

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specified criteria in order to interpret the glyptic scenes which are usually collected under the now overworked term «religious». Repetition and similar combinations of iconographic forms and symbols are very important criteria. There is no secure evidence that the rituals represented are actually the ritual activities of the divine or of the human element. Identification of rituals is possible only after the analysis of the limited number of symbols and individual elements which appear in the scenes with a possible ritual identity. Although they are not always indicative of their use, it seems that they may have carried a specific meaning beyond their function as simply decorative symbols in glyptic. Images are constructed after the examination of the syntactic relationship between these elements. A central element placed in a prominent position in the scene is always the «signifying element». It is usually associated with other symbols (“signified elements”) and iconographic forms in the field. Interactions between the «signifying element» and the other secondary «signified elements», may provide a logical interpretation of the scene. Symbols in action: 1. Architectural elements (shrines [CMS I, 126], two-level structures [I, 127]) 2. Temenoi (I, 127; V S1B, 115; Archanes ring) 3. Altars (incurved, stepped, rectangular [I, 17]) 4. Columns (free standing [II 3, 252] or in connection with architectural elements [I, 126]) 5. Baetyls/Omphaloi (I, 219; Archanes ring) 6. Sacred trees (free standing or in connection with architectural elements (I, 126; I, 219; Archanes ring) 7. Horns of consecration (I, 108; V S 1B, 114) 8. Double axes (I, 17) 9. Sacral dress/robe (I, 217) 10. Sacral knot 11. Snake frame (I, 144) 12. Floating motifs (insects [Archanes ring], impaled triangles, eye/ear motifs [II 3, 51; Archanes ring]) 13. Figure of eight shield (I, 17) 14. “Palladion” (I, 17) 15. Ritual stone vessels (rhyta) 16. Sacrificial tables/boucrania (I, 17). 17. Heavenly bodies (I, 17; I, 179). Glyptic scenes involving humans are usually interpreted as epiphanic rituals, rituals involving trees and baetyls, «emblematic» scenes, processions, offering schemata and representations of possible female and male deities. They are often the result of different combinations between the “signifying” and the “signified elements”. The complexity of these scenes and the advanced symbolism may result in different interpretations after systematic analysis. Scenes with two or more symbols are termed «religious» although they should be approached with caution. In the case of scenes with three and more symbols, they probably represent securely ritual activities. As it has been demonstrated, the glyptic scenes appear to be collections of «idioms», recognisable only by the Minoan people. Breaking down the complete images to their individual iconographic units in order to recognise their function and subsequent reconstruction of images, may allow a logical interpretation.

Conclusions Specific groups of scenes with combinations of individual symbols and elements have been examined as «case studies» allowing their identification as «religious» scenes. Contemporary research in glyptic can only provide speculative assumptions due to the unresolved problems related to the nature of the figures participating in these scenes and the inability to securely identify any actual or imaginary events. The human figure in the Late Bronze Aegean glyptic (Chapter 11.1) presents a figurative symbolism and a variety of conventions without any evidence for detailed studies. The female figure appears to be predominant in ritual scenes with a rather abstract treatment and the obliteration of facial features. Human figures usually received a summary treatment and a consistent pattern was followed regarding the rendering of their face, eyes and hairstyles. Although the variety of hairstyles in Minoan iconography has been considered as an evidence for the representation of different social groups, the examples from glyptic are not very informative. «Portraits» of individuals are completely absent but the artists were capable of representing the elaborate and overly decorated female dress with extreme detail. This may have comprised the ritual dress of social groups with higher status and distinguished the identity of individuals representing the palatial religious circles. A limited range of gestures are identified and classified (Chapter 11.2), and suggest formal ritual activities which are often associated with cultic architecture, adoration, prayer, the display of authority and dancing rituals: i) Saluting gesture: raised bent arm held in front of face, palm facing outward (both hands raised: II 3, 51; hand stretched towards a building: I, 86, I, 108; V S 1B, 113). ii) Votive gesture: similar to the saluting (also in the bronze votive figurines from Tylissos and Agia Triada). iii) Adoration gesture: variation of the saluting; hand touching neck or shoulder, one arm stretched elegantly along the side of the body (II 3, 15; V S1A, 176). iv) Commanding gesture: arm outstretched at shoulder height holding a staff (Master impression; Mother of the Mountains sealing). v) Dancing gesture: arms akimbo, hands on hips, in architectural background; flying hair (I, 126; I, 219); circular dances (V S 1A, 176). The representations in glyptic iconography point towards the existence of important figures who are usually accepted as divinities and are related to a possible existence of polytheism in the Aegean. Female figures commonly accepted as divinities (Chapter 11.3) were represented since the EM II-III period (Chapter 11.3, 11.3.1) through the establishment of the palaces in Crete («Snake Goddess») (Chapter 11.3, 11.3.2; Table 11), and finally until the LM III period (Chapter 11.3, 11.3.3) when the «goddess with upraised arms» became the dominant iconographic type. Although the identification of divinities in iconography is problematic, they are represented in various types associated with animals, symbols of vegetation and hybrid types in the type of the «Mistress of Animals», or in connection with elevated platforms, offering or presentation scenes and

99

mythological scenes. An important male figure or figures which are usually accepted as male deities (Chapter 11.4) are believed to have existed in the Minoan period. It is associated with the representation of a young «hunter god» or hero. As demonstrated, in most cases the role of the male figure appears secondary and problematic and may be consequently regarded as the representation of an important individual instead of a divine figure. In small scale iconography (Appendix I, Chart 3) this important male figure is represented in four types: i) «Master of Animals». ii) As a hunter in lion hunting scenes where a seemingly divine figure always subdues the animal. iii) In epiphany and «emblematic» scenes. iv) As the consort or escort of the female deity which is associated with the offering schema, the symbolism of the «sacred marriage» and the emphasis on their relationship. Specific criteria and a number of iconographic symbols or motifs are examined regarding the configuration of the Minoan religious identity. Four types are identified: i) The Minoan cult may have been aniconic, although the divinity or the spirit of the divinity could have revealed itself under specific occasions. In glyptic iconography, this is represented by the epiphany of the divinity (Chapter 12.2) which is regarded as the most securely identified ritual in glyptic. The subject is common and involves two separate types, the visionary epiphany and the enacted epiphany. A closer examination of the scenes may suggest different iconographic versions and the representation of different phases of an epiphany ritual. A number of symbols and motifs including birds, columns and baetyls are also closely associated with epiphanies. ii) The representation of sacred enclosures or temenoi in glyptic iconography (Chapter 12.3) is very possible although three-dimensional constructions of the type are absent from the archaeological record. They may have consisted of extra-urban open air sanctuaries, architectural parts intended for worship and enclosure walls or borders. Movable cultic equipment was probably used in connection with rituals in sacred enclosures. They may have been intended for communal worship and gatherings which resulted in the cohesion among the population of neighbouring settlements. iii) Baetyls and omphaloi (Chapter 12.4) consist a problematic category in glyptic iconography. They were either oval, rounded stones or natural rocky formations. They are often associated with ecstatic rituals involving the kneeling over the stones and a specific psychological condition which is often interpreted as mourning. They may have consisted parts of a chthonic cultic apparatus and functioned as mediums through which the contact with the divinity could be achieved. In all cases, they belong to an animistic context. As demonstrated, the scenes in glyptic show ecstatic behaviour, deliberate performance of mourning and related psychological conditions, mannerisms and the expectation for the summoning of the divinity. Several symbols and motifs are also associated with baetylic rituals.

Conclusions iv) Scenes involving the representation of sacred trees (Chapter 12.5) suggest the prominent position of the tree in Minoan times. They are often regarded as the residence of the divinity and as elements of extensive and complex rituals. It is possible that they were associated with the prosperity and withering of nature and even regarded as the focus or the domain of a major divinity. Trees can be represented in connection with: i) cultic architecture; ii) epiphanic rituals; iii) baetyls and omphaloi; iv) the offering schema involving the divinity and approaching adorants; v) in association with animals (more problematic category); vi) in association with symbolic or mythological scenes. Trees may have formed parts of fertility and vegetation rituals. The research of the Minoan glyptic from its first appearance in the Early Bronze Age till the LM IB destruction in Crete and the fall of the Minoan palatial system, demonstrates that glyptic certainly comprised a major form of art in the Minoan culture. With the examination of several deposits, it is demonstrated that seals and sealings incorporate a number of different aspects: i) Social and economic significance as possible indicators of status and as evidence for the prosperity of specific areas. ii) Importance as bureaucratic tools and as evidence for the practice of advanced administrative systems in Crete. iii) Evidence for the evolution and perfection of the lapidary art according to the gradual acquisition of new techniques, the variety of materials and the technical expertise as demonstrated especially in LM glyptic. iv) The existence of a spectacular gallery of iconographic styles ranging from simple linear motifs to detailed studies of animals and multi-figured, representational scenes and scenes of a narrative nature. v) Complete and unparalleled studies of the human figure with information regarding different activities, attire and social status. vi) Evidence for the long history of Minoan glyptic, its adoption by the Mycenaeans and the evolution of a distinctive «mainland style» in glyptic with individual style of iconography and different function. vii) The existence of several styles in glyptic which are usually indicative of specific periods, areas and individual artists. viii) The existence of a possible iconography of male and female deities, their attributes, their behaviour and their association with the adorants. ix) Evidence for the identification of different types of rituals, the ritual behaviour of humans and the performance of rites especially in the more complex representations in metal rings. x) The use of glyptic as evidence for the several aspects of Minoan religion, their interpretation and their importance towards the configuration of the unique Minoan identity in the prehistoric Aegean world.

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Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic APPENDIX I Chart 1. SEALS FROM SITES OF THE EARLY MINOAN III-LATE MINOAN IB PERIOD. CHRONOLOGY OF SEALSTONES AND SEALINGS DATED BY A POTTERY CONTEXT Agia Triada

Tholos Tomb (Chamber F: CMS II 1, nos. 25, 30, 37, 62) (Chamber L: CMS II 1, no. 52)

Porti

Tholos Tomb (CMS II 1, nos. 350-367) (Picture 70.1-2)

Trapeza

Cave (CMS II 1, nos. 427, 431)

Archanes

Cemetery Area (Room I: CMS II 1, nos. 379-385, 387, 389, 390, 392) (Picture 70.4) (Room II: CMS II 1, nos. 386, 388, 391, 393, 394) (Pictures 75, 76)

Lenda-Lebena

Tholos Tomb I (CMS II 1, no. 180)

Lenda-Lebena

Tholos Tomb IIa (CMS II 1, nos. 204-209) (Picture 67.4)

Koumasa

Tholos Tomb B (CMS II 2, no. 26)

Mochlos

Grave III (CMS II 2, no. 249)

Mochlos

Grave XVI (CMS II 2, no. 253)

Vorou

Tholos Tomb (CMS II 1, nos. 377-388) (Picture 70.4)

Gournia

House Tomb I (CMS V Suppl. 1A, nos. 51-52)

Palaikastro

Ossuary Area (CMS II 2, nos. 257-258)

Lenda-Lebena

Tholos Tomb III (CMS II 1, no. 220)

Gournes Pediados

Grave Area (CMS II 1, nos. 396-405)

Platanos

Tholos Tomb B (latest deposit) (CMS II 2, no. 25)

Mallia

Chrysolakkos (CMS II 1, nos. 418-420)

Phaistos

Area NE of the Palace (CMS II 2, no. 20)

Phaistos

West Court (CMS II 2, no. 22)

Phaistos

Under Room 25 (CMS II 2, nos. 23-24)

Knossos

Palace (Initiatory Area) (CMS II 2, no. 29)

Knossos

Palace (West Entrance) (CMS II 1, no. 28) (Picture 64.2)

Knossos

Royal Road (CMS II 2, no. 34)

Mallia

Quartier Γ

EARLY MINOAN IIIMIDDLE MINOAN IA

MIDDLE MINOAN IA

MIDDLE MINOAN I

MIDDLE MINOAN IB

MIDDLE MINOAN IAMIDDLE MINOAN IB MIDDLE MINOAN IAMIDDLE MINOAN II MIDDLE MINOAN IBMIDDLE MINOAN II MIDDLE MINOAN IBMIDDLE MINOAN IIA

MIDDLE MINOAN IBMIDDLE MINOAN IIB

101

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic (CMS II 2, nos. 77-78)

MIDDLE MINOAN IIB

Mallia

House ∆α (CMS II 2, no. 79)

Mallia

House ∆β (Entrance A) (CMS II 2, no. 80)

Mallia

House Ε (CMS II 2, nos. 81-82)

Mallia

House Ζβ (Magazine I) (CMS II 2, no. 83)

Mallia

House Θ (CMS II 2, no. 84)

Knossos

Mavrospelio (Grave XVII, Chamber B) (CMS II 2, nos. 35-40)

Mallia

Workshops α, γ, δ, ε, η (Workshop α: CMS II 2, nos. 90-125) (Picture 75.3) (Workshop γ: CMS II 2, nos. 126-146) (Picture 75.3) (Workshop δ: CMS II 2, nos. 147-160) (Picture 75.4-5) (Workshop ε: CMS II 2, nos. 161-174) (Workshop η: CMS II 2, nos. 175-186) (Picture 75.6)

Phaistos

Room 25 (see Chapter 6.3, 6.3.1) (CMS II 5, nos. 1-326) (Pictures 83.1-12, 84.1-7)

Mallia

Quartier Mu (CMS V Suppl. 1A, nos. 56-57)

Knossos

Palace (Magazines Area)/Hieroglyphic Deposit KSPI (see Chapter 6.4, 6.4.1)

Petras

House 1 (Room F) (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 329)

Kamilari

Tholos Tomb (CMS II 2, nos. 15-19)

Profitis Elias

Graves V, VI, VII, VIII, IX (Grave V: CMS II 2, nos. 45-50) (Grave VI: CMS II 2, nos. 51-54) (Grave VII: CMS II 2, nos. 55-61) (Grave VIII: CMS II 2, nos. 62-65) (Grave IX: CMS II 2, nos. 66-67)

Knossos

Temple Tomb (CMS II 2, no. 69)

Knossos

Zapher Papoura (Grave 84) (CMS II 2, no. 71)

Monastiraki

Magazine (CMS V 1, nos. 286-296)

Knossos

Mavrospelio (Grave VII, chamber A) (CMS II 2, no. 42)

Zakros

Above Pit A? (CMS II 2, no. 263)

Zakros

House C? (CMS II 2, no. 264)

Mochlos

Grave I (CMS II 3, no. 251)

Mochlos

Grave XII (CMS II 3, no. 254)

Anopolis

Pithos Burial (CMS II 4, no. 20)

MIDDLE MINOAN II

MIDDLE MINOAN IIBMIDDLE MINOAN IIIA

MIDDLE MINOAN III

102

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Knossos

Mavrospelio (Grave VI) (CMS II 4, no. 124)

Knossos

Mavrospelio (Grave XVII B) (CMS II 4, nos. 127-128)

Knossos

Necropolis Epano Gypsades (Grave XVIII) (CMS II 3, no. 50)

Mochlos

Grave X (CMS II 2, nos. 250-251)

Knossos

Little Palace (CMS II 3, no. 13)

Agia Triada

Middle Minoan House (CMS II 2, no. 116?)

Mallia

House ∆α (CMS II 3, nos. 145-146; II 4, nos.163-164; V Suppl. 1A, no. 58)

Gournia

House Tomb (CMS II 3, no. 238)

Sphoungaras

Necropolis (Pithos Burial) (CMS II 3, nos. 239-249; II 4, no. 20

Mochlos

Grave XII (CMS II 3, no. 254)

Chania

Kastelli (CMS V Suppl. 1A, nos. 151-184) (Pictures 97.7, 99.2, 102.1-2)

Nerokourou

Minoan Villa (CMS V Suppl. 1A, nos. 186-187)

Knossos

Palace (West Wing/Temple Repositories) (see Chapter 8.2, 8.2.1, 8.2.2)

Knossos

Katsambas (CMS II 3, no. 130)

Gournia

Grave area (CMS II 3, nos. 233, 235-236)

Gournia

House Hb (CMS II 3, no. 234)

Mochlos

Grave IX (CMS II 3, nos. 252-253) (Picture 96.1)

Mochlos

East of House C1 (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 333)

Mochlos

House C2 (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 334)

Palaikastro

Rousolakkos (CMS V Suppl. 1B, nos. 337-338, 341-343)

Knossos

SW of South House (CMS II 3, no. 16)

Knossos

House of the Frescoes (CMS II 3, nos. 17-21; II 4, nos. 111-114)

Vathypetro

Minoan Villa (Rooms 5, 6) (CMS II 3, nos. 141-143)

Mallia

Palace (Central Court) (CMS II 3, no. 144)

MIDDLE MINOAN IIIA

MIDDLE MINOAN IIILATE MINOAN I

MIDDLE MINOAN IIBLATE MINOAN IA

LATE MINOAN I

LATE MINOAN I

103

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Mallia

House ∆β (CMS II 3, nos. 147-148)

Knossos

Kephala tholos Tomb (CMS II 4, no. 121)

Thera

Room ∆16 (CMS V 2, no. 690)

Zakros

House A (Room VII) (CMS II 7) (see Chapter 8.3, 8.3.1)

Sklavokampos

Minoan Villa (Room I) (CMS II 6, nos. 255-272) (see Chapter 8.4, 8.4.1)

Agia Triada

Minoan Villa/Palace (see Chapter 9.2.1) (CMS II 6, nos. 1-148)

LATE MINOAN IB

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Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 2. METAL SEALS AND SIGNET RINGS FROM THE EARLY AND MIDDDLE BRONZE AGE Seals Lead stamp seal (Kontoleon, N. «Ανασκαφή Νάξου». ΠΑΕ 1970. p. 151, pls. 195β, γ).

Provenance Aplomata (Naxos)

Design/motif Close-set «clover» motif

Date (context) EB II

Bronze seal ring (Brea, L. B. Poliochni: Citta Preistorica nell’ Isola di Lemnos. 1964. p. 663, pls. CLXX.4, CLXXV.5).

Insula XIV

Multiple superimposed cross motif

EB II (Red Phase)

Bronze stamp (Lamb, W. Excavations at Thermi in Lesbos. 1936. p. 173, pl. XXV, fig. 50, no. 30.26).

Thermi

Cross with irregular hole in each quadrant

Unstratified (EB II?)

Gold seal in the form of a twisted signet (CMS II 2, no. 226).

Mallia

Two «comma» motifs, tails to the centre and slightly entwined

MM I-MM II

Silver signet seal CMS II 2, no. 252 (Seager, R. B. Excavations on the Island of Mochlos. 1912. p. 66, fig. 35, XVh).

Mochlos (Tomb XV)

Eight-petal flower

MM IA-MM III

Signet rings Bronze ring (VTM 1924. p. 52, HM 1439).

Provenance Tholos tomb, Agia Irini (reported)

Design/Motif Oval bezel. A quadruped?

Date (context) EM II-MM II

Silver ring (Marinatos, S. Α∆ 12, 1929. p. 120-121, fig. 14).

Krasi

Circular bezel. No decoration

EM II-MM I

Bronze ring

Platanos

Oval bezel. No decoration

EM II-MM I

Bronze ring (Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 649-650).

Tholos tomb E (lower burial stratum) Phourni Cemetery, Archanes

Ellipsoidal bezel. Double line of dots in cross-hatching

MM IA

Bronze ring

Tholos tomb A, Vorou

Circular bezel. No decoration

MM I

Bronze ring (Seager, R. B. Excavations on the Island of Mochlos. 1912. P. 65, no. 1, fig. 36, XIVq).

Tomb III, Mochlos

Circular bezel. No decoration

MM IAMM III (Soles, J. Hesperia Suppl. XXIV, 1992. p. 50)

Bronze ring (Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. p. 650, no. 21).

Tholos tomb E (upper burial stratum), Phourni Cemetery, Archanes

Elliptical bezel. Linear motif divided into five zones

MM II

Bronze rings (2) CMS V Suppl. 1A, nos. 45, 46 (Picture 95.4-5) (Davaras, C. «Πρώιµες Μινωικές σφραγίδες και σφραγιστικοί δακτύλιοι από το σπήλαιο Γεροντοµουρί Λασιθίου». ΑΕ 1986. pp. 33-34, no. 13, fig. 9 and pls. 6α−δ).

Gerontomouri Cave, Lasithi

i) Ellipsoidal, circular bezel. Four parallel lines forming a lattice motif

MM II-MM III

Bronze ring (Levi, D. «La tomba a tholos di Kamilari presso a Festòs». ASAtene 39-40, 1962. Pp. 108-110, fig. 158).

Tholos Tomb II, Kamilari

Oval bezel. No decoration

MM II-MM III

Bronze ring (Α∆ 19, Β1, 1964. p. 146, pl. 148a).

Agios Stephanos, Laconia

Oval bezel. No decoration

MH II-MH III

ii) Ellipsoidal, circular bezel. Floral motif.

105

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 2. METAL SEALS AND SIGNET RINGS FROM THE EARLY AND MIDDDLE BRONZE AGE Bronze ring (Blegen, C. W. et al. Corinth XIII. The North Cemetery. Results of the excavations conducted by the American School of Classical Studies. p. 8, pl.3).

North cemetery, Corinth

No decoration

MH II-MH III

Gold ring. CMS II 3, no. 38 (Younger, J. G. The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. 1988. p. 222).

Mavrospelio (Tomb IX)

Circular bezel. 19 Linear A signs arranged in a spiral

MM III

Gold ring (Picture 105.2) (Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 651-653).

Archanes, Tholos Tomb B

Circular bezel. Female figure riding a griffin (religious?)

MM III

Bronze ring CMS II 3, no. 305 (Picture 80.3) (Hastings, H. R. «A Bronze Age «pocket» from Avgo (Crete)». AJA 9, 1905. pp. 279282, pl. X.16).

Avgo/Kavousi

Oval bezel. Two females flanking a tree (religious?)

MM III-LM IB

106

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Vegetation ritual/Tree cult1

Scenes of cultic nature CMS I, no. 119 (Picture 51.3) I, no. 126 (Picture 56.1) I, no. 127 (Picture 52.1) I, no. 219 (Picture 57.1) I, no. 514 (Picture 62.1). II 3, no. 114 (Picture 79.2) II 3, no. 305 (Picture 80.3) II 3, no. 326 (Picture 80.4). II 4, no. 22. V 1, no. 244. V Suppl. 1A, no. 176 (Picture 100.2) V Suppl. 1A, no. 178 (Picture 100.1). XI, no. 29 (Picture 101.1). XII, no. 264. Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1).2

Epiphany scenes

CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1). II 3, no. 15 (Picture 102.2) II 3, no. 51 (Picture 78.1). II 6, no. 6 (Picture 84.4). II 7, no. 1 (Picture 87.1). XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3). Knossos «Epiphany ring» (AM 1938.1127) (Picture 102.1). Sellopoulo ring (Picture 79.3).3 Poros ring (Picture 106.1).4

Procession scenes.5

CMS I, no. 17 (Picture 48) I, no. 86 (Picture 49.1) I, no. 108 (Picture 50.2) I, no. 179 (Picture 54.1) I, no. 191 (Picture 56.2) I, no. 313. II 6, no. 9 (Picture 84.5) II 6, no. 10 (Picture 84.6) II 6, no. 13. II 7, no. 7 (Picture 87.3). V 2, nos. 422, 728. V Suppl. 1B, no. 113 (Picture 98.1) V Suppl. 1B, no. 114 (Picture 98.2) V Suppl. 1B, no. 115 (Picture 98.3).

Ritual Dance

CMS I, no. 126 (Picture 56.1) I, no. 219 (Picture 57.1) I, no. 514 (Picture 62.1). II 3, no. 56 (Picture 78.2). V Suppl. 1A, no. 178 (Picture 100.1).

1 Evans, A. The Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean relations. JHS 21, 1901. pp. 99-204; Marinatos, N. «The Date Palm in Minoan iconography and religion». OpAth 15, 1984. pp. 115-122; id. «The tree as a focus of ritual action in Minoan glyptic art». CMS Beiheft 3. p. 127-142. 2 Sakellarakis, Y. «Minoan cemeteries at Archanes». Archaeology 20, 1967. p. 280, fig. 13. 3 Popham, M. R. in Popham, M. R., Catling, H. W. and Catling , E. A. «Sellopoulo Tombs 3 and 4. Two Late Minoan graves near Knossos». BSA 69, 1974. fig. 14d. 4 Dimopoulou, N. and Rethemiotakis, G. «The «Sacred Conversation» ring from Poros». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 39-56. 5 It is not clear in the representations whether the artist used the iconographical schema of procession as a type of a ritual format which was always related to a shrine or another type of religious structure, or that the procession was an important religious practice per se. It is probable that the austere form of the procession itself may have carried some religious significance. In glyptic iconography, they are mainly performed by females although there are examples where males can be associated with this practice (CMS I, no. 170). In larger media, and especially on frescoes, males are prominently shown as participants in a procession. The «Cup-Bearer» fresco (Picture 38) as a part of a now lost larger composition depicting a major procession, may be the clearest example. The importance of the procession is also evident by its association with the supernatural element and the realm of myth and fantasy. The demonic creatures in procession in the gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 179; Picture 54.1) and the «Minoan Genii» carrying a palanquin on a fresco fragment from Tsountas House at Mycenae (Picture 41.2), may actually prove that processions were actually an inseparable element of rituals instead of a plain iconographic device in glyptic.

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Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Baetyl/Omphalos hugging6

CMS I, no. 219 (Picture 57.1). II 3, no. 114 (Picture 79.2). II 6, no. 4 (Picture 83.3). II 7, no. 6 (Picture 87.2). XI, no. 29 (Picture 101.1). Sellopoulo ring (Picture 79.3).7

Male or female votaries in front of a shrine or altar

CMS I, no. 86 (Picture 49.1) I, no. 108 (Picture 50.2) I, no. 119 (Picture 51.3) I, no. 191 (Picture 56.2) I, no. 279 (Picture 59.4) I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1) I, no. 410 (Picture 61.2). II 3, nos. 7 II 3, no. 114 (Picture 79.2). II 4, no. 112. V 2, no. 608. V Suppl. 1A, no. 75 (Picture 95.6) V Suppl. 1A, no. 176 (Picture 100.2). V Suppl. 1B, no. 114 (Picture 98.2). IX, no. 163. X, no. 270. XI, no. 239.

Scenes of libations to a seated goddess

CMS I, no. 179 (Picture 54.1). IX, no. 115. XI, no. 30 (Picture 101.2).

Goddess flanked or approached by female attendants/Offering schema

CMS I, no. 17 (Picture 48) I, no. 361. I Suppl., no. 114 (Picture 79.2). II 3, no. 103 (Picture 79.1). II 6, no. 8 (Picture 84.3). II 7, no. 8 (Picture 87.4). V 1, no. 199 (Picture 97.1). Lentoid seal from Galatas.8

Ceremonial carrying of sacred garments

CMS II 3, no. 8 (Picture 77.3) II 3, no. 145. II 6, no. 11 (Picture 84.7) II 6, no. 26. II 7, no.7 (Picture 87.3). PM I. 435, fig. 312a.

Male or female figures displaying authority

CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 142 («Master impression» sealing.) (Picture 44.1)9 KSPI. p. 71, M1-5 («Mother of the Mountains» sealing) (Picture 44.2).10

Male or female votaries among columns

CMS I, nos. 107, 513. V 1, no. 173 (Picture 91.1).

6

See also previous discussion in Chapter 12.4; Warren, P. M. «Of Baetyls». OpAth 18, 1990. pp. 193-206. Popham (n. 3). 8 Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis (n. 4) pp. 44-45, fig. 5. 9 Hallager, E. The Master Impression. A Clay Sealing from the Greek-Swedish Excavations at Kastelli, Chania. SIMA LXIX, 1985. 10 PM IV 608, fig. 597 Ae; Popham, M. R. and Gill, M. A. V. The Latest Sealings from the Palace and Houses at Knossos. BSA Studies 1, 1995. p. 12, pls. 5, 27, 36. 7

108

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Male deities/ «Gods»11 12

Master of Animals («Posios Theron») i) «God» with lion

CMS I, no. 89 (Picture 49.2). I Suppl., no. 27. II 6, no. 36? (Picture 85.5). II 7, no. 27. V 2, no. 675. XI, nos. 177, 257, 302.

ii) God» with agrimia

CMS I, no. 163 (Picture 53.2). IV, no. 38D. V 2, no. 494.

iii) «God» with monsters: with griffins

CMS I, no. 324 (Picture 60.3). II 6, no. 29. V 2, no. 699 (Picture 93.6).

lions and griffins

CMS II 3, no. 167.

with monkey

CMS I, no. 377 (Picture 60.4).

with lions

CMS II 3, no. 193.

with Minoan «Genii»

CMS V 1, no. 201 (Picture 91.2).

The «Hunter god» i) hunting lions

CMS I, no. 9 (Picture 46.1) I, no. 112 (Picture 51.1) I, nos. 165, 290, 302. II 3, no. 14. IV, no. 233. IX, nos. 114, 152.

ii) hunting agrimia

CMS V 2, no. 656. VII, no. 131.

iii) hunting boars

CMS I, no. 227 (Picture 58.3) I, no. 294.

As «consort» of the female deity

CMS I, no. 101 (Picture 50.1). II 5, no. 324 (Picture 82.7). V 1, no. 199 (Picture 97.1). IX, no. 115. X, no. 262.

In emblematic scenes

CMS V 2, no. 608. V Suppl. 1A, no. 142 («Master Impression») (Picture 44.1).

In epiphany scenes

CMS I, no. 292 (Picture 60.1). XI, no. 28 (Picture 102.3). Knossos «Epiphany ring» (Picture 102.1).

Miscellaneous

CMS V 1, no. 201 (Picture 91.2).

«Goddess» approached by worshippers/offering schema

Female deities/ «Goddesses»13 CMS I, no. 17 (Picture 48) I, no. 361. I Suppl., no. 114 (Picture 62.2). II 3, no. 103 (Picture 79.1).

11

See also discussion and catalogue in Chapter 10.4 with additional bibliography. Tamvaki, A. «The seals and sealings from the Citadel House Area: A study in Mycenaean glyptic and iconography». BSA 69, 1974. pp. 282-286. 13 See also discussion and catalogue in Chapter 11.3.1, 11.3.2, 11.3.3 with additional bibliography. 12

109

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC «Goddess» in elevated position/platforms

CMS I, no. 101 (Picture 50.1). V 1, no. 199 (Picture 97.1). II 6, no. 8 (Picture 84.3). X, nos. 262, 270. KSPI M1-5 («Mother of the Mountains» sealing) (Picture 44.2).

Mistress of Animals («Potnia Theron»)14 i) «Goddess» with lion

CMS V 1, no. 253. CMS I, no. 233a. VII, no. 134. IX, no. 154. X, no. 242.

ii) with birds

iii) with dolphins («Πότνια Ιχθύων»)

CMS I, no. 344. II 3, no. 170 (Picture 80.2) II 3, no. 327. V Suppl.1B, no. 116.

iv) with snake frame

CMS X, no. 242.

v) with double snake frame and lions

CMS I, no. 144 (Picture 53.1) I, no. 145. IV, no. 295.

vi) with triple snake frame and griffins

CMS II 3, nos. 63 (Picture 77.4) II 3, no. 276. V 2, no. 654.

vii) with triple snake frame and «Genii»

CMS I, no. 379 (Picture 60.5).

«Goddess» riding an animal

CMS I, no. 128 (Picture 52.2) I, nos. 159, 167. II 6, no. 33. V 2, no. 584.

«Goddess» with griffin

Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb B (HMm 1017) (Picture 105.2).15

«Goddess» carrying the animal

CMS I, no. 220 (Picture 57.2) I, nos. 221, 222. II 3, nos. 86, 117, 213. II 4, nos. 111, 204. VIII, no. 144. XII, nos. 239, 276a.

«Goddess» feeding animals

CMS II 6, no. 30 (Picture 85.4) II 6, no. 31.16 VII, no. 118. X, no. 160. XIII, no. 135.

With symbols of vegetation

CMS I, no. 279 (Picture 59.4).

14

Tamvaki (n. 12) pp. 287-288. Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 652-653, pls. 718-719. 16 Tamvaki (n. 12) p. 287-288; Papapostolou, I. Τα Σφραγίσµατα των Χανίων. Συµβολή στη µελέτη της Μινωικής σφραγιδογλυφίας. 1977. pp. 85-87. 15

110

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Hybrid types (Bird «Goddess»/Eagle Woman)

CMS I, no. 476. I Suppl., no. 98. II 3, nos. 4, 77. II 4, nos. 28, 104, 112, 137. II 6, no. 106 (Picture 85.8) II 6, nos. 107, 108, 109. II 7, nos. 132, 133 II 7, no. 137 (Picture 89.1) II 7, no. 138. IV, nos. 290, 35D. V 1, no. 274. VII, no. 143. IX, no. 165. XII, nos. 174a-b, 176, 277. XIII, nos. 3, 16Da. Scenes of mythological nature?

«Mythical» scenes i) Monumental combat scenes

CMS I, no. 16 (Picture 46.2) I, no. 263. VII, no. 130.

ii) Arrival or departure on a ship

CMS I, no. 180 (Picture 54.2).17 AM 1938.1129 (Ring from Amnissos?).

iii) Goddess on a ship

CMS II 3, no. 252 (Picture 96.1). II 6, no.20. V Suppl. 1A, no. 55 (Picture 96.2).

iv) Men on boats

CMS I Suppl., no. 167. V 1, no. 184. The Priesthood

Long-robed priests and priestesses

CMS I, no. 128 (Picture 52.2) I, no. 179 (Picture 54.1) I, no. 223 (Picture 58.1) I, nos. 225, 374. II 3, nos. 147, 198. VIII, nos. 95, 146. Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb A (Picture 105.1).18

Long-robed priests and priestesses: i) in association with a griffin

CMS I, nos. 285, 314.

ii) in association with a lion

CMS I, no. 274. Animal Sacrifice

Carrying of the sacrificial animal19

See bibliographical references

Scenes of animal sacrifice20

CMS I, nos. 80, 203. II 3, nos. 33?, 115, 338. II 6, no. 173. V Suppl. 1A, no. 59. V Suppl. 1B, no. 230. IX, no. 20D. XI, nos. 52, 258.

17

Karouzou, S. National Museum. Illustrated Guide to the Museum. 1999. p. 41; See also Chapter 10, footnote 23. Sakellarakis (n. 15). 19 Sakellarakis, Y. «Το θέµα της φερούσης ζώον γυναικός εις την Κρητοµυκηναϊκήν σφραγιδογλυφίαν». ΑΕ 1972. pp. 245-256, pls. 94-95. 20 For an extensive discussion, see Marinatos, N. Minoan Sacrificial Ritual: Cult Practice and Symbolism. 1986. 18

111

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Humans with sphinx21

Humans with animals CMS I, no. 377 (Picture 60.4).

Humans with «Minoan Genii»

See bibliographical references22

Man with lion

CMS I, nos. 133, 512. II 3, nos. 24, 27. XII, no. 207.

Man associated with animals

CMS II 6, no. 36 (Picture 85.5). II 7, no. 30.

Male or female figures in association with heavenly bodies or symbols

Scenes of a possible symbolic character CMS I, nos. 42, 195. II 4, nos. 55, 70. Athletic/ Acrobatic scenes

Bull Leaping23

CMS II 6, nos. 39-43 II 6, no. 44 (Picture 85.7) II 6, nos. 161-162 II 6, no. 255 (Picture 86.1) II 6, no. 256 (Picture 86.2) II 6, no. 259. II 7, nos. 34-35 II 7, nos. 36-39 (Pictures 89.5-8).

Boxing scenes

CMS I, no. 306.

Acrobatics

CMS I, no. 131; Hunting scenes24

Lion hunt: i) lion attacked by a single man

CMS I, no. 9 (Picture 46.1) I, no. 112 (Picture 51.1) I, nos. 152, 165, 228, 290, 302. IV, no. 233. IX, no. 114.

ii) lion attacked by two men

CMS I, no. 333. IX, no. 7D.

iii) the lion tied up by two men

CMS I, no. 224 (Picture 58.2). II 7, no. 33.

iv) groups of man and lion/ two men vs. two lions duels

CMS I, no. 307. I Suppl., 173; XI, no. 272 (Picture 104.3).

v) lion attacking a man/slaughtered lions

CMS V1, no. 256, XI, nos. 37, 301

21

Gill, M. A. V. «The Knossos sealings: Provenance and identification». BSA 60, 1965. p. 80, pl. 14. Rehak, P. «The «Genius» in Late Bronze Age glyptic: The later evolution of an Aegean cult figure» in CMS Beiheft 5. pp. 215-231 with catalogue; see also detailed description of representations and good illustrations of the subject in sealings from the Phaistos Deposit, the Knossos Hieroglyphic Deposit, the Mallia Hieroglyphic Deposit and other LM seals, in Karetsou, A. and Vlasaki-Andreadaki, M. (eds.) Κρήτη-Αίγυπτος: Πολιτιστικοί ∆εσµοί Τριών Χιλιετιών. 2000. pp. 155-163. 23 Younger, J. G. «Bronze Age representations of Aegean Bull-Leaping». AJA 80, 1976. pp. 125-136, pls. 20-22; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. (n. 15) p. 654, fig. 720. 24 Marinatos, N. «Celebrations of death and the symbolism of the lion-hunt» and Morris, C. «In pursuit of the white-tusked boar: Aspects of hunting in the Mycenaean society». In Hägg, R. and Nordquist, G. C. (eds.) Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid. 1990. pp. 143-147 and pp. 149-155 respectively. 22

112

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Ibex hunt i) ibex attacked by a single man

CMS I, no. 199. V 2, no. 656. VII, no. 131.

ii) attacked by two hunters

CMS II 3, no. 66.

iii) attacked by men on a chariot

CMS I, no. 15 (Picture 47.2).

Boar hunt25

CMS I, no. 227 (Picture 58.3) I, no. 294. II 7, nos. 28, 32.

Boar attacked by «Minoan Genius»

CMS II 7, no. 31.

Bull hunt

CMS I, nos. 95, 137, 274. II 6, no. 37.

Lion as predator attacking bovines

CMS I, no. 381. VII, no. 159. XI, no. 170. XIII, nos. 20, 25. Scenes from everyday life

Everyday activities: Man leading oxen

CMS II 7, no. 30. VII, no. 100. PM III 188, fig. 132.

Rowers

CMS II 6, no. 20.

Men on boat

CMS V 1, no. 184.

Fishermen

CMS VII, no. 88.

Women fishing

CMS VIII, no. 128. Warrior scenes

25 26

Warriors in figure-of-eight shields

CMS V 1, no. 239. XIII, no. 137.

Warriors in procession

CMS II 3, no. 32. II 6, no. 11 (Picture 84.7).

Warriors in combat

CMS II 6, nos. 15 (Picture 85.1) II 6, no. 16 II 6, no. 17 (Picture 85.2) II 7, no. 20.

Chariot scenes

CMS I, no. 15 (Picture 47.2) I, no. 229 I, no. 230 (Picture 58.4). II 6, no. 19 (Picture 85.3) II 6, no. 260 (Picture 86.3). VIII, no. 87. Gold ring from Archanes tholos tomb B (Picture 105.2).26

Papapostolou (n. 16) pp. 68-69, no. 26, pl. 36. Sakellarakis and Sakellarakis (n. 15).

113

Appendix I: Chronology and the Thematic Material of Bronze Age Aegean Glyptic Chart 3. THE THEMATIC MATERIAL OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE HUMAN FIGURE IN LATE BRONZE AGE AEGEAN GLYPTIC Miscellaneous scenes Frontal faces/«Masks»27

CMS II 2, no. 251. V 2, no. 431. XIII, no. 94.

Portraits?

CMS I, no. 5 (Picture 45.1)28

27 For the significance of the frontal face of humans and animals in the Aegean glyptic and its allusions to death and sacrifice, see Morgan, L. «Frontal face and the symbolism of death in Aegean glyptic». CMS Beiheft 3. pp. 135-147, esp. pp. 137-138. 28 Betts, J. H. «The seal from Grave Gamma: A Mycenaean Chieftain?». TUAS 6, 1981. pp. 2-6.

114

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic APPENDIX II Chart 4. THE RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS number I. 17 Mycenae (Picture 48) I. 19 Mycenae I. 46 Mycenae (Picture 55.1) I. 73 Mycenae I. 86 Mycenae (Picture 49.1) I. 98 Mycenae I. 99 Mycenae I. 107 Mycenae I. 108 Mycenae (Picture 50.2) I. 119 Mycenae (Picture 51.3) I. 123 Mycenae I. 126 Mycenae (Picture 56.1) I. 127 Mycenae (Picture 52.1) I. 171 Mycenae (Picture 53.3) I. 179 Tiryns (Picture 54.1) I. 180 Tiryns (Picture 54.2) I. 191 Midea (Picture 56.2) I. 218 Prosymna I. 219 Vapheio (Picture 57.1) I. 231 Vapheio (Picture 58.5) I. 265 Pylos-Tragana I. 279 Myrsinochori-Routsi (Picture 59.4) I. 292 Pylos (Picture 60.1) I. 313 Pylos

ALTAR

COLUMN

SHRINE

TWOTIERED SHRINE

SHRINE+ HORNS OF CONSECRATION

SHRINE+ SACRED TREE

TEMENOS

n n n n n n

n

n

n n n n n n

n n

n n

n n n (town?) n

n

n

n n

n

n n n n n

115

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 4. THE RELIGIOUS DECORATIVE ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS number I. 319 Pylos I. 410 Melos (Picture 61.2) I. 487 Crete I. 513 Crete I. 51 Crete (Picture 62.1) I. 515 Crete I Suppl. 167 Thebes? II 3. 7 Idaean Cave II 3. 15 Knossos (Picture 102.2) II 3. 40 Zapher Papoura II 3. 51 Isopata (Picture 78.1) II 3. 56 Isopata (Picture 78.2) II 3. 103 Kalyvia (Picture 79.1) II 3. 114 Kalyvia (Picture 79.2) II 3. 165 Agios Myron II 3. 182 Knossos II 3. 203 Geraki II 3. 252 Mochlos (Picture 96.1) II 3. 306 Chandras? II 3. 326 UP (Picture 80.4) II 4. 64 Palaikastro II 4. 112 Knossos II 4. 118 Isopata II 4. 203 Dictaean Cave II 6. 1 Agia Triada (Picture 83.1) II 6. 3 Agia Triada (Picture 84.1) II 6. 11 Agia Triada

ALTAR

COLUMN

SHRINE

TWOTIERED SHRINE

SHRINE+ HORNS OF CONSECRATION

SHRINE+ SACRED TREE

TEMENOS

n n n n n n n n n

n

n n n n n n n n n

n

n

n n n n? n n n n n?

116

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 4. THE RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS number II 6. 17 Agia Triada (Picture 85.2) II 7. 1 Zakros (Picture 87.1) II 7. 5 Zakros II 7. 23 Zakros II 7. 73 Zakros (Picture 88.1) IV. 164 Siteia IV. 170 Messara IV. 267 Assimi IV. 293 Vonni IV. 304 Knossos IV. 40D Elounda IV. 58D Tourtouli V 1. 173 Athens (Picture 91.1) V 1. 186 UP V 1. 199 Thebes? (Picture 97.1) V 1. 201 Pyrgos-Psilonero (Picture 91.2) V 1. 367 Medeon V 2. 422 Eleusis (Picture 91.7) V 2. 440 Karpophora V 2. 728 Mega Monastiri V Suppl. 1A. 55 Makrygialos (Picture 96.2) V Suppl. 1A. 75 Knossos (Picture 95.6) V Suppl. 1A. 142 Chania-Kastelli (Picture 44.1) V Suppl. 1A. 176 Chania-Kastelli (Picture 100.2) V Suppl. 1A. 178 Chania-Kastelli (Picture 100.1) V Suppl. 1B. 73 Mycenae

ALTAR

COLUMN

SHRINE

TWOTIERED SHRINE

SHRINE+ HORNS OF CONSECRATION

SHRINE+ SACRED TREE

TEMENOS

n n n n n

n n n n n n

n n n n n

n

n

n n? n

n

n

n n

n

n

n n n

(town)

n n n

117

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 4. THE RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS number V Suppl. 1B. 113 Aidonia (Picture 98.1) V Suppl. 1B. 114 Aidonia (Picture 98.2) V Suppl. 1B. 115 Aidonia (Picture 98.5) V Suppl. 1B. 140 Anthia V Suppl. 1B. 187 Varkiza VII. 155 Melos VII. 157 UP VII. 187 UP VIII. 65 UP VIII. 90 UP VIII. 124 UP IX. 48 UP IX. 49 UP IX. 163 Ligotyrno X. 270 UP XI. 28 UP (Picture 102.3) XI. 30 UP (Picture 101.2) XI. 47 Crete XI. 176 Crete XI. 196 Crete XI. 239 Crete XI. 257 UP XII. 174c Zakros XII. 242 Knossos XII. 264 UP XII. 273 UP XII. 301 UP XII. 302 UP XIII. 39 UP XIII. 17D UP

ALTAR

COLUMN

SHRINE

TWOTIERED SHRINE

SHRINE+ HORNS OF CONSECRATION

SHRINE+ SACRED TREE

TEMENOS

n n n n n n n n n n n n n n n

n n n

n n n n n n n? n n n n n n

118

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 4. THE RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS number

ALTAR

HM 907 HM 989 (Archanes ring, TT A)1 (Picture 105.1) Poros ring2

n

COLUMN

SHRINE

TWOTIERED SHRINE

n? n

1

TEMENOS

CONSECRATION

SHRINE+ SACRED TREE

n

n

n

n

n?

SHRINE+ HORNS OF

Sakellarakis, Y «Minoan cemeteries at Archanes». Archaeology 20, 1967. pp. 276-281, fig. 13; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 654-660, figs. 722-724 and pp. 661-662 for bibliographical references. Dimopoulou, N. and Rethemiotakis, G. «The «Sacred Conversation» ring from Poros». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 39-56.

2

119

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 5. THE RELIGIOUS DECORATIVE ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS number

OMPHALOI

DOUBLE AXE

SACRED ROBE/ KNOT

SACRED HEART

SNAKE FRAME

IMPALED TRIANGLE

I. 17 Mycenae (Picture 48) I. 54 Mycenae I. 73 Mycenae I. 106 Mycenae I. 126 Mycenae (Picture 56.1) I. 127 Mycenae (Picture 52.1) I. 137 Mycenae I. 144 Mycenae (Picture 53.1) I. 145 Mycenae I. 179 Tiryns (Picture 54.1) I. 180 Tiryns (Picture 54.2) I. 189 Midea I. 205 Argos I. 219 Vapheio (Picture 57.1) I. 223 Vapheio (Picture 58.1) I. 379 Pylos (Picture 60.5) I. 425d Crete I. 484 Crete II 3. 3 Kalyves II 3. 5 Axos II 3. 7 Idaean Cave II 3. 8 Knossos (Picture 77.3) II 3. 11 Knossos II 3. 17 Knossos II 3. 51 Isopata (Picture 78.1) II 3. 63 Knossos

HEAVENLY

BODIES sun, moon, heaven line or rainbow

n n n heaven line or rainbow

n n n n

n

n

n sun, moon, heaven line or rainbow

n n n n

n

n

n

n n

n

n n two suns

n sun

n

n

n sun heaven line or rainbow

n n

n

120

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 5. THE RELIGIOUS DECORATIVE ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS Number II 3. 67 Sellopoulo II 3. 70 Knossos-Temple Tomb II 3. 114 Kalyvia (Picture 79.2) II 3. 118 Agia Triada II 3. 145 Mallia II 3. 147 Mallia II 3. 149 Mallia II 3. 171 Knossos? II 3. 245 Sphoungaras II 3. 252 Mochlos (Picture 96.1) II 3. 276 Sphakia II 3. 304 Isthmus-Ierapetra II 3. 330a UP II 3. 338 UP II 3. 375 UP II 4. 76 UP II 4. 170 Anogeia II 4. 237 UP II 5. 109 Phaistos II 5. 231 Phaistos II 5. 232 Phaistos II 5. 233 Phaistos II 5. 235 Phaistos II 5. 236 Phaistos II 5. 237 Phaistos II 6. 2 Agia Triada (Picture 83.2) II 6. 4 Agia Triada (Picture 83.3) II 6. 10 Agia Triada (Picture 84.6) II 6. 26 Agia Triada

OMPHALOI

DOUBLE AXE

SACRED ROBE/ KNOT

SACRED HEART

SNAKE FRAME

IMPALED TRIANGLE

HEAVENLY

BODIES

n sun

n sun

n n? sun sun sun

n

n n sun

n? n sun sun

n sun

n n n n n n n n n

n n n

121

heaven line or rainbow

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 5. THE RELIGIOUS DECORATIVE ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS Number II 7. 7 Zakros (Picture 87.3) II 7. 9 Zakros II 7. 182 Zakros II 7. 183 Zakros II 7. 184 Zakros II 7. 185 Zakros II 7. 186 Zakros II 7. 189 Zakros II 7. 199 Zakros II 7. 201 Zakros II 7. 202 Zakros II 7. 203 Zakros II 7. 204 Zakros IV. 42D Messara IV. 257 Mallia IV. 295 Knossos V 1. 199 Thebes? (Picture 97.1) V 1. 258 Armenoi V 2. 654 Ialyssos V 2. 664 Thebes VII. 42 UP VII. 54 UP VII. 100 Crete VII. 125 Crete VII. 138 UP VII. 251 UP VII. 252 UP VIII. 107 UP VIII. 108 UP VIII. 145 UP IX. 47 UP

OMPHALOI

DOUBLE AXE

SACRED ROBE/ KNOT

n

n

SACRED HEART

SNAKE FRAME

IMPALED TRIANGLE

HEAVENLY

BODIES

n n n n n n n n n n n n sun sun

n sun, heaven line or rainbow sun

n

n sun sun

n n

n n n sun

n n n n n

122

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 5. THE RELIGIOUS DECORATIVE ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS Number IX. 128 Crete IX. 148 UP X. 58 UP X. 68 UP X. 142 UP X. 242 UP X. 291 UP XI. 28 UP (Picture 102.3) XI. 251 UP XI. 259 UP XI. 336 UP XII. 97 UP XII. 237 UP XII. 244 UP XII. 250 UP XII. 268 UP XII. 301 UP XIII. 32 UP XIII. 33 UP XIII. 51 UP XIII. 70 UP XIII. 94 UP XIII. 117 UP XIII. 20D UP AM 1919.561 AM 1938.1130 (Ring of Nestor) (Picture 103.2) HM 989 (Archanes ring, TT A)2 Archanes (Picture 105.1)

1 2

OMPHALOI

DOUBLE AXE

SACRED ROBE/ KNOT

SACRED HEART

SNAKE FRAME

IMPALED TRIANGLE

HEAVENLY

BODIES sun sun sun sun

n n n sun

n n

n n

n n sun

n n sun

n n n n n? sun sun

n

n

n

n

Sourvinou-Inwood, C. «On the authenticity of the Ashmolean ring 1919.56». Kadmos 10, 1971. pp. 60-69. Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. 1997. pp. 652-653, pls. 718-719.

123

Appendix II: The Religious and Decorative Elements of LBA Glyptic Chart 5. THE RELIGIOUS DECORATIVE ELEMENTS OF LATE BRONZE AGE SEALSTONES AND FINGER RINGS CMS Number

OMPHALOI

HM 1034 (Sellopoulo ring)3 Sellopoulo (Picture 79.3) Poros ring4

n

PM IV 947 («Ring of Minos») Knossos (Picture 103.1) AM ring from Archanes. Sakellarakis. 1997.5 4 rings from Archanes, TT A.6

n

DOUBLE AXE

SACRED ROBE/ KNOT

SACRED HEART

n

n

SNAKE FRAME

IMPALED TRIANGLE

HEAVENLY

BODIES shooting star or comet heaven line, shooting star or comet

n n n

3 Popham, M. R. in Popham, M. R., Catling, H. W. and Catling, E. A. «Sellopoulo tombs 3 and 4: Two Late Minoan graves near Knossos». BSA 69, 1974. p. 223, no. J8, fig. 14D, pl. 37a-c. 4 Dimopoulou, N. and Rethemiotakis, G. «The «Sacred Conversation» ring from Poros». CMS Beiheft 6. pp. 39-56. 5 Evans, A. «The «ring of Nestor»: A glimpse into the Minoan afterworld». JHS 45, 1925. p. 6, pl. 5; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sakellarakis, E. Αρχάνες. Μια νέα µατιά στη Μινωική Κρήτη. Vol. II. pp. 654, fig. 720. 6 Sakellarakis and Sakellarakis (n. 5) pp. 660-661, figs. 725-728.

124

Appendix III: Concordance

APPENDIX III CONCORDANCE CMS number I, no. 5 I, no. 6 I, no. 7 I, no. 8 I, no. 9 I, no. 11 I, no. 15 I, no. 16 I, no. 17 I, no. 46 I, no. 85 I, no. 86 I, no. 89 I, no. 91 I, no. 101 I, no. 108 I, no. 112 I, no. 116 I, no. 119 I, no. 126 I, no. 127 I, no. 128 I, no. 144 I, no. 155 I, no. 163 I, no. 171 I, no. 179 I, no. 180 I, no. 185 I, no. 191 I, no. 193 I, no. 219 I, no. 220 I, no. 223 I, no. 224 I, no. 227 I, no. 230 I, no. 231 I, no. 233b I, no. 275 I, no. 276

Picture number 47.1 47.2 47.3 47.4 48.1 49.1 49.2 48.2 50 57.1 57.2 51.1 51.2 51.3 52.1 52.2 53.1 53.2 53.3 58.1 54.1 54.2 55.1 106.2 55.2 55.3 56.1 56.2 57.3 58.2 57.4 59.1 59.2 60.1 60.2 60.3 60.4 60.5 60.6 61.1 61.2

CMS number Picture number I, no. 278 61.3 I, no. 279 61.4 I, no. 292 62.1 I, no. 293 62.2 I, no. 324 62.3 I, no. 377 62.4 I, no. 379 62.5 I, no. 383 63.1 I, no. 410 63.2 I, no. 514 64.1 I, Suppl., no. 114 64.2 I, Suppl., no. 170 64.3 II 1, no. 20 65.1 II 1, no. 21 65.2 II 1, no. 23 65.3 II 1, no. 27 66.1 II 1, no. 28 66.2 II 1, no. 29 66.3 II 1, no. 32 67.1 II 1, no. 41 67.2 II 1, no. 55 67.3 II 1, no. 96 68.1 II 1, no. 105 68.2 II 1, no. 119 68.3 II 1, no. 126 68.4 II 1, no. 133 69.1 II 1, no. 145 69.2 II 1, no. 196 69. 3 II 1, no. 206 69.4 II 1, no. 216 69.5 II 1, no. 222 70.1 II 1, no. 248 70.2 II 1, no. 249 70.3 II 1, no. 251 71.1 II 1, no. 253 71.2 II 1, no. 283 71.3 II 1, no. 287 71.4 II 1, no. 300 71.5 II 1, no. 311 71.6 II 1, no. 355 72.1 II 1, no. 365 72.2.

125

Appendix III: Concordance

CMS number II 1, no. 367 II 1, no. 382 II 1, no. 391 II 2, no. 6 II 2, no. 70 II 2, no. 76 II 2, no. 127 II 2, no. 153 II 2, no. 159 II 2, no. 182 II 2, no. 243 II 3, no. 8 II 3, no. 15 II 3, no. 51 II 3, no. 56 II 3, no. 63 II 3, no. 103 II 3, no. 114 II 3, no. 128 II 3, no. 170 II 3, no. 252 II 3, no. 305 II 3, no. 326 II 5, no. 59 II 5, no. 60 II 5, no. 132 II 5, no. 133 II 5, no. 140 II 5, no. 171 II 5, no. 191 II 5, no. 192 II 5, no. 209 II 5, no. 218 II 5, no. 254 II 5, no. 255 II 5, no. 258 II 5, no. 270 II 5, no. 272 II 5, no. 304 II 5, no. 311 II 5, no. 322 II 5, no. 324 II 6, no. 1 II 6, no. 2 II 6, no. 3 II 6, no. 4

Picture number 72.3 72.4 75, 76 72.5 77.1 77.2 77.3 77.4 77.5 77.6 77.7 79.3 104.2 80.1 80.2 79.4 81.1 81.2 82.1 82.2 98.1 82.3 82.4 83.1 83.2 83.3 83.4 83.5 83.6 83.7 83.8 83.9 83.10 83.11 83.12 84.1 84.2 84.3 84.4 84.5 84.6 84.7 85.1 85.2 86.1 85.3

CMS number Picture number II 6, no. 5 86.2 II 6, no. 6 86.4 II 6, no. 8 86.3 II 6, no. 9 86.5 II 6, no. 10 86.6 II 6, no. 11 86.7 II 6, no. 15 87.1 II 6, no. 17 87.2 II 6, no. 19 87.3 II 6, no. 30 87.4 II 6, no. 36 87.5 II 6, no. 43 87.6 II 6, no. 44 87.7 II 6, no. 106 87.8 II 6, no. 255 88.1 II 6, no. 256 88.2 II 6, no. 260 88.3 II 6, no. 261 88.4 II 6, no. 267 88.5 II 6, no. 268 88.6 II 7, no. 1 89.1 II 7, no. 6 89.2 II 7, no. 7 89.3 II 7, no. 8 89.4 II 7, no. 36 89.5 II 7, no. 37 89.6 II 7, no. 38 89.7 II 7, no. 39 89.8 II 7, no. 73 90.1 II 7, no. 83 90.2 II 7, no. 84 90.3 II 7, no. 104b 90.4 II 7, no. 108 91.6 II 7, no. 117 90.5 II 7, no. 118 90.6 II 7, no. 121 90.7 II 7, no. 122 90.8 II 7, no. 123 90.9 II 7, no. 126 90.10 II 7, no. 127 90.11 II 7, no. 129b 90.12 II 7, no. 137 91.1 II 7, no. 150 91.2 II 7, no. 159 91.3 II 7, no. 176 91.4 II 7, no. 177 91.5

126

Appendix III: Concordance

CMS number II 7, no. 217 II 7, no. 218 V 1, no. 20 V 1, no. 48 V 1, no. 49 V 1, no. 50 V 1, no. 52 V 1, no. 53 V 1, no. 54 V 1, no. 59 V 1, no. 78 V 1, no. 79 V 1, no. 81 V 1, no. 93 V 1, no. 95 V 1, no. 97 V 1, no. 100 V 1, no. 173 V 1, no. 199 V 1, no. 201 V 1, no. 336 V 1, no. 337 V 1, no. 348 V 1, no. 349 V 2, no. 422 V 2, no. 449 V 2, no. 464 V 2, no. 475 V 2, no. 500 V 2, no. 503 V 2, no. 518 V 2, no. 520 V 2, no. 521 V 2, no. 522 V 2, no. 585 V 2, no. 603 V 2, no. 668 V 2, no. 681 V 2, no. 693 V 2, no. 694 V 2, no. 699 V 2, no. 700 V 2, no. 707 V 2, no. 708 V 2, no. 712

Picture number 91.8 91.9 92.1 92.2 92.3 92.4 92.5 92.6 92.7 92.8 92.9 92.10 92.11 92.12 92.13 92.14 92.15 93.1 99.1 93.2 93.3 93.4 93.5 93.6 93.7 94.1 94.2 94.3 94.4 94.5 94.6 94.7 94.8 94.9 97.1 95.1 95.2 95.3 95.4 95.5 95.6 95.7 95.8 95.9 95.10

127

CMS number Picture number V 2, no. 713 95.11 V 2, no. 717 95.12 V Suppl. 1A, no. 45 97.4 V Suppl. 1A, no. 46 97.5 V Suppl. 1A, no. 55 98.2 V Suppl. 1A, no. 75 97.6 V Suppl. 1A, no. 142 46.1 V Suppl. 1A, no. 176 102.2 V Suppl. 1A, no. 177 97.7 V Suppl. 1A, no. 178 102.1 V Suppl. 1A, no. 180 99.2 V Suppl. 1B, no. 113 100.1 V Suppl. 1B, no. 114 100.2 V Suppl. 1B, no. 115 100.3 V Suppl. 1B, no. 135 102.3 V Suppl. 1B, no. 137 102.4 V Suppl. 1B, no. 349 97.4 XI, no. 28 104.3 XI, no. 29 103.1 XI, no. 30 103.2 XI, no. 272 106.3 XII, no. 113 96.4

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150

PICTURE 1

The tripartite system of classification for the chronology of the Minoan, Cycladic and Mycenaean periods and subperiods

151

PICTURE 2

Chronological table with suggested dates for the Minoan, Cycladic and Mycenaean civilisations

152

PICTURE 3

Suggested outline for absolute chronology (Warren and Hankey, 1989).

153

PICTURE 4

Map of Crete with the main sites mentioned in the text

154

PICTURE 5

Map of southern and central Greece with the main sites mentioned in the text

155

PICTURE 6

Diagram of seal types: 1. Neolithic stamp, Sesklo. 2. Lerna sealings, House of the Tiles. 3, 4. Early ivory seals, Koumasa. 5, 6. MM “Petschaft” and cushion. 7. Late MM –LM I “talismanic” amygdaloid. 8, 9. Early LM lentoid and amygdaloid. 10. Gold seal-ring, Mycenae T. 84. Scale 3:2 (Dickinson, 1994. p. 190, fig. 5.42).

156

PICTURE 7

Diagram of seals, sealings and documents (Rehak and Younger, 1998. p. 113).

157

PICTURE 8

Shapes of seals: 1. Early three-sided prism. 2. Flattened cylinder or cushion shape seal. 3. Later three sided prism. 4. Later cushion shape seal. 5. Foliate-back seal. 6. Theriomorphic. 7. Discoid. 8. Gradular shape. 9. Amygdaloid. 10. Lentoid.

158

PICTURE 9

Diagram of seal profiles (not to scale)

159

PICTURE 12

1. Detail of the fresco from the tomb of Tiy at Saqarra (Collon (ed.), 1997. p. 46, fig. 2/20). 2. Detail of the fresco from the tomb of Rekhmere (Rekh-mi-re) at Thebes (Davies, 1973. p. 49, pl. LIV).

162

PICTURE 13

Map with the distribution of seals and seal impressions in Early Bronze Age Greece (Kosmopoulos, 1991. p. 103, fig. 9.1).

163

PICTURE 14

1. Plan of EH II Lerna III and the «House of Tiles» (Dickinson, 1994. p. 59, fig. 4.8). 2. Plan of the Platanos cemetery at Messara (Dickinson, 1994. p. 213, fig. 6.3).

164

PICTURE 15

Plan of the Phourni cemetery at Archanes (Dickinson, 1994. p. 216, fig. 6.5).

165

PICTURE 16

Plan of Quartier Mu, Mallia (the darkened areas show the findspots of sealings) (CMS II 6. p. 193, fig. 4).

166

PICTURE 17

Plan of the MM II seal engraver’s workshop at Quartier Mu, Mallia (Poursat et al, 1996. p. 9, fig. 2).

167

PICTURE 18

Plan of the Palace at Knossos showing distribution of latest sealings (Popham and Gill, 1995. pl. 1).

168

PICTURE 19

Plan of the Palace at Knossos showing the distribution of lapidary’s workshops (Polinger-Foster in Hägg and Marinatos (eds.), 1987. p. 289, fig. 1).

169

PICTURE 20

1. Plan of area of South Front Basements at the Palace at Knossos (Momigliano and Hood, 1994. P. 104, fig. 1). 2, 3. Two seal impressions of the scene in the clay matrix from the Room of the Clay Signet (Popham and Gill, 1995. pl. 28, nos. R1, R51, R54).

170

PICTURE 21

Plan of the Palace at Phaistos (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. p. 127, fig. 12).

171

PICTURE 22

Plan of the second Palace at Mallia (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. p. 132, fig. 14).

172

PICTURE 23

1. Plan of the Palace at Kato Zakros (the dots indicate the findspots of sealings) (Myers and Cadogan, 1992. p. 294, fig. 44.3). 2. Plan of House A, Kato Zakros (CMS II 7. p. xvi).

173

PICTURE 24

Plan of the Palace at Agia Triada (the darkened area shows findspot of sealings) (Myers and Cadogan, 1992. p. 72, fig. 7.1).

174

PICTURE 25

1. Plan of the villa at Sklavokampos (the darkened area shows the findspot of sealings) (Marinatos, 1939-1941. p. 71). 2. Plan of LC I Akroriri, Thera (Dickinson, 1994. p. 66, fig. 4.16).

175

PICTURE 26

1. Plan of the peak sanctuary at Mt Juktas (Dickinson, 1994. p. 271, fig. 8.4). 2. Plans of Minoan built shrines (Dickinson, 1994. p. 277, fig. 8.7).

176

PICTURE 27

Plan of the Greek-Swedish excavations at Plateia Agias Aikaterinis, Chania (Hallager, 1985. p. 41, fig. 1).

177

PICTURE 28

1. Plan of the Cult Centre at Mycenae (Dickinson, 1994. p. 289, fig. 8.12). 2. Plan of Late Bronze Age Phylakopi, Melos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 61, fig. 4.11).

178

PICTURE 29

1. Plan of the Palace at Pylos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 156, fig. 5.31). 2. Plan of the excavations at the Kadmeion in Thebes (Tzedakis and Martlew, 1999. p. 119).

179

PICTURE 30

1. EM II Vasiliki Ware spouted jug from Vasiliki (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. III). 2. MM II Kamares Ware jugs from Phaistos (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. VIII).

180

PICTURE 31

181

PICTURE 32

1. MM IIIB-LM IA pottery types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 116, fig. 5.10). 2. «Palatial» LM IB and LH IIA pottery types (Dickinson, 1994. p. 119, fig. 5.13).

182

PICTURE 33

1. The LM I «Boxer’s Rhyton» from Agia Triada (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. 106). 2. The LM I «Chieftain’s Cup» from Agia Triada (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. 100).

183

PICTURE 34

Snake Goddess from the Temple Repositories at the Knossos Palace, MM III (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig, XXIV).

184

PICTURE 35

1. The EM II «Lady of Myrtos» clay vessel goddess from Myrtos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 280, fig. 8.9.1). 2. EM III/MM IA anthropomorphic clay vessel from Mochlos (Dickinson, 1994. p. 280, fig. 8.9.2). 3. LM III clay goddess statue from Gazi (Andronikos, 1979. p. 55, fig. 55). 4. Subminoan/Early Geometric clay model from Archanes (Andronikos, 1979. p. 54, fig. 54).

185

PICTURE 36

The MM III «Lilies» fresco from the Amnissos villa (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. XXII).

186

PICTURE 37

1. Detail of the «Blue Bird» fresco from Knossos (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204). 2. Fresco with a seated female figure from Phylakopi (Hood, 1978. p. 63, fig. 35A). 3. Relief fresco with seated female figure from Pseira (Hood, 1978. p. 63, fig. 35B).

187

PICTURE 38

The «Cup-Bearer» fresco fragment from the Palace of Knossos, LM I (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. XV).

188

PICTURE 39

Fresco with «taurokathapsia» (bull leaping) scene from the Palace of Knossos, LM I (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959. fig. XVII).

189

PICTURE 40

1. LH I grave stele from Grave V, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (Hood, 1978. p. 119, fig. 78). 2. The latest relief grave stele from Grave Circle A, Mycenae (Hood, 1978. p. 122, fig. 81).

190

PICTURE 41

1. Detail of the «Siege Rhyton» from Mycenae (Hallager, 1985. p. 66, fig. 25e). 2. Fresco fragment with «Minoan Genii» carrying a pallanquin from Tsountas House, Mycenae (Marinatos and Hirmer, 1959)

191

PICTURE 42

Some examples of the granulation and filigree techniques: 1. Gold bead shaped like a frog from Koumasa decorated with granulation (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 121). 2. Gold bead from the Kalathiana tholos tomb decorated with the filigree technique (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 121). 3. Gold pendant from the Chrysolakkos Cemetery, Mallia (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204). 4. Gold bead shaped like a couchant lion (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204). 5. Gold bead of a necklace shaped like a duck (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 204).

192

PICTURE 43

Some examples of the granulation technique and the use of gold caps: 1. Gold ring from the Vapheio tholos tomb decorated with the filigree technique (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 108, no. 43). 2. Gold ring from the Pylos tholos tomb IV decorated with granulation (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 108, no. 44). 3. Gold bead from the Vapheio tholos tomb decorated with granulation (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 108, no. 42). 4. Gold beads from the Spata tholos tomb decorated with granulation (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 109, nos. 46-48). 5. Frontal and back view of a sard lentoid seal from Aidonia chamber tomb 8 (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 116), decorated with gold caps (Demakopoulou, 1998. p. 60, no. 39).

193

PICTURE 44

1. The «Master Impression» clay sealing from Kastelli, Chania (Hallager, 1985. p. 52, fig. 11). 2. The «Mother of the Mountain» clay sealing from Knossos (Hood, 1978. p. 278, fig. 234).

194

PICTURE 45

The four seals from Grave Circle B at Mycenae: 1. Amethyst lentoid seal from Grave G, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 5) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 253). 2. Carnelian amygdaloid seal from Grave M, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 6). 3. Sard amygdaloid seal from Grave O, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 7). 4. Sard lentoid seal from Grave R, Grave Circle B, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 8).

195

PICTURE 46

1. Gold seal from Grave III, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 9) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 244). 2. Gold seal from Grave III, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 16) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 255).

196

PICTURE 47

1. Gold ring from Shaft Grave IV, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 11) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 286). 2 Gold ring from Grave IV, Grave Circle A, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 15) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 245).

197

PICTURE 48

Gold ring from the Mycenae acropolis (CMS I, no. 17) (Tzedakis and Martlew (eds.), 1999. p. 267).

198

PICTURE 49

1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 55, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 86) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 94, fig. 16). 2. Red jasper ring from chamber tomb 58, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 89). 3. Gold ring from chamber tomb 58, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 91).

199

PICTURE 50

1. Gold/silver ring from chamber tomb 66, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 101) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 250). 2. Gold/silver ring from chamber tomb 71, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 108) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 93, fig. 14).

200

PICTURE 51

1. Rock crystal amugdaloid seal from chamber tomb 79, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 112). 2. Agate lentoid seal from chamber tomb 83, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 116). 3. Gold ring from chamber tomb 84, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 119).

201

PICTURE 52

1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 91, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 127) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 92, fig. 13). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 91, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 128).

202

PICTURE 53

1. Sard lentoid seal from chamber tomb 515, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 144) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 95, fig. 18). 2. Clay sealing from Mycenae (CMS I, no. 163). 3. Clay sealing from Mycenae (CMS I, no. 171). 4. Bronze ring from chamber tomb 1, Asine (CMS I, no. 200).

203

PICTURE 54

1. Gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 179) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 299). 2. Gold ring from the Tiryns Treasure (CMS I, no. 180) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 277).

204

PICTURE 55

1. Sardonyx lentoid seal from chamber tomb 8, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 46) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 97, fig. 21). 2. Amethyst amygdaloid seal from chamber tomb 52, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 85) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 97, fig. 22). 3. Onyx lentoid seal from the Dendra tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 185) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 97, fig. 23). 4. The three sides of an agate prismatic seal from the Dendra chamber tomb 10 (CMS I, no. 193) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 98, fig. 24).

205

PICTURE 56

1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 91, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 126). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 10, Midea (CMS I, no. 191).

206

PICTURE 57

1. Gold ring from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 219). 2. Chalcedony lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 220) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 99, fig. 25).

207

PICTURE 58

1. Red jasper lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 223) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 99, fig. 26). 2. Jasper lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 224). 3. Chalcedony lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 227). 4. Sard amygdaloid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 230) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 99, fig. 27). 5. Agate lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 231). 6. Amethyst three-sided prism from the Vapheio tholos tomb (CMS I, no. 233b).

208

PICTURE 59

1. Sardonyx lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 275). 2. Agate lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 276) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 101, fig. 30). 3. Agate lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 278) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 101, fig. 31). 4. Sard lentoid seal from the Myrsinochori-Routsi tholos tomb II (CMS I, no. 279) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 101, fig, 29).

209

PICTURE 60

1. Gold ring from the Pylos tholos tomb D (CMS I, no. 292). 2. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace (CMS I, no. 293). 3. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace, Room 98 (CMS I, no. 324). 4. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace (CMS I, no. 377). 5. Clay sealing from the Pylos Palace (CMS I, no. 379).

210

PICTURE 61

1. Agate ring from the Spata tholos tomb, Athens (CMS I, no. 383). 2. Ivory ring from Phylakopi, Melos (CMS I, no. 410).

211

PICTURE 62

1. Gold ring from Crete (CMS I, no. 514). 2. Gold ring in the Athens National Museum (CMS I Suppl., no. 114). 3. Clay sealing from Polochni (CMS I Suppl., no. 170).

212

PICTURE 63

A selection of seals from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A: 1. Ivory theriomorphic seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 20). 2. Ivory theriomorphic seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 21). 3. Ivory seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 23).

213

PICTURE 64

A selection of seals from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A: 1. Ivory seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 27). 2. Ivory flask-shaped seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 28). 3. Ivory seal from the Agia Triada Tholos Tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 29).

214

PICTURE 65

A selection of seals from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A: 1. Ivory ring-seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 32). 2. Ivory conoid seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 41). 3. Ivory three-sided prism seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 55).

215

PICTURE 66

1. Ivory semi-globular seal from the Agia Triada tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 96). 2. Ivory cylinder seal from the Agios Onouphrios tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 105). 3. White steatite scaraboid seal from the Agios Onouphrios tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 119). 4. Ivory seal from Kalathiana tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 126).

216

PICTURE 67

1. Ivory theriomorphic seal from Koumasa tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 133) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 119). 2. Olive-green/black steatite three-sided prism seal from Koumasa tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 145). 3. Chlorite flattened cylinder seal from Lenda-Lebena tholos tomb II (CMS II 1, no. 196). 4. Chlorite conoid seal from Lenda-Lebena tholos tomb IIa (CMS II 1, no. 206). 5. Bone theriomorphic seal from Lenda-Lebena tholos tomb IIa (CMS II 1, no. 216).

217

PICTURE 68

1. Ivory cylinder seal from Marathokephalo tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 222) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 115). 2. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 248). 3. Ivory theriomorphic seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 249) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 119).

218

PICTURE 69

A selection of seals from the Platanos tholos tombs A and B: 1. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 251). 2. Ivory cushion seal from Platanos tholos tomb A (CMS II 1, no. 253). 3. Ivory Egyptian scarab from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 283). 4. Ivory seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 287). 5. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 300). 6. Ivory cylinder seal from Platanos tholos tomb B (CMS II 1, no. 311).

219

PICTURE 70

1. Ivory disc seal from Porti tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 355). 2. Olive-green steatite stamp-seal from Porti tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 365). 3. Green-black steatite disc seal from Porti tholos tomb (CMS II 1, no. 367). 4. Ivory cylinder seal from Archanes (CMS II 1, no. 382). 5. Red jasper button seal from Kamilari (CMS II 2, no. 6).

220

PICTURE 71

EM II, EM III and EM III-MM IIA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes: 1. EM II seals from Tholos Tomb E, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 672, fig. 742). 2. EM III seals from Tholos Tomb G, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 673, fig. 743). 3. EM III-MM IIA seals from Tholos Tomb E, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 684, fig. 778).

221

PICTURE 72

EM III-MM IIA and MM IA seals from the Phourni cemetery at Archanes: 1, 2, 3. EM III-MM IIA ivory seals from Funerary Building 6, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 678, fig. 758). 4. EM III-MM IIA ivory seal from Funerary Building 3, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 678, fig. 755). 5. EM III-MM IIA ivory seals from Funerary Building 18, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (SakellarakisSakellarakis, 1997. p. 682, fig. 771). 6. MM IA ivory seal shaped in the form of a couchant dog from Funerary Building 7, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p.688, fig. 783). 7. MM IA ivory seal shaped in the form of a female figure with folded arms from Funerary Building 7, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (SakellarakisSakellarakis, 1997. p. 687, fig. 781). 8. MM IA ivory seal shaped in the form of a fly from Funerary Building 6, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 689, fig. 787).

222

PICTURE 73

1. Ivory seal from Archanes with fourteen shpragistic surfaces (CMS II 1, no. 391) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 118). 2. Sphragistic surfaces of CMS II 1, no. 391 from Archanes.

223

PICTURE 74

Sphragistic surfaces of CMS II 1, no. 391 from Archanes.

224

PICTURE 75

1. Ivory cushion seal from Knossos (CMS II 2, no. 70). 2. Black-green steatite disc seal from Mallia Palace (CMS II 2, no. 76). 3. Green steatite conoid seal from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 127). 4. Gray-black steatite four-sided prism seal from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 153). 5. Gray-green steatite three-sided prism seal from the Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 159). 6. Gray-black steatite three-sided prism seal from Mallia Workshop (CMS II 2, no. 182). 7. Olive-green steatite three-sided prism seal from Mallia (CMS II 2, no. 243).

225

PICTURE 76

Clay sealings from the Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 147).

226

PICTURE 77

1. Clay sealings from the hieroglyphic Deposit, Knossos. 2. Clay sealings from the Temple Repositories Deposit, Knossos. 3. Lentoid seal from Knossos Palace (CMS II 3, no. 8). 4. Lentoid seal from Tomb at Sanatorium, Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 63).

227

PICTURE 78

1. Gold ring from the Isopata Necropolis (CMS II 3, no. 51) (Christopoulos and Bastias (eds.), 1971. p. 224). 2. Gold ring from the Isopata Necropolis, Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 56).

228

PICTURE 79

1. Gold ring from the Kalyvia Necropolis (CMS II 3, no. 103). 2. Gold ring from the Kalyvia Necropolis (CMS II 3, no. 114). 3. Gold ring from Sellopoulo Tomb 3 (Warren, 1990. p. 194).

229

PICTURE 80

1. Black hematite Syrian Stamp cylinder seal from Tylissos (CMS II 3, no. 128). 2. Black limestone lentoid seal from Knossos(?) (CMS II 3, no. 170). 3. Gold ring from Avgo/Kavousi (CMS II 3, no. 305). 4. Gold ring from Crete (CMS II 3, no. 326).

230

PICTURE 81

Clay sealings from the Phaistos Deposit: 1. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 59). 2. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 60). 3. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 132). 4. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 133). 5. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 140). 6. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 171). 7. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 191). 8. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 192). 9. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 209). 10. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 218). 11. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 254). 12. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 255).

231

PICTURE 82

Clay sealings from the Phaistos Deposit: 1. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 258). 2. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 270). 3. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 272). 4. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 304). 5. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 311). 6. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 322). 7. Clay sealing from Phaistos (CMS II 5, no. 324).

232

PICTURE 83

Clay sealings from Agia Triada: 1. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 1). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 2). 3. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 4).

233

PICTURE 84a

Clay sealings from Agia Triada: 1. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 3). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 5). 3. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 6). 4. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 8). 5. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 9). 6. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 10). 7. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 11).

234

PICTURE 84b

Clay sealings from Agia Triada: 8. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 13). 9. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 16). 10. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 20). 11. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 21). 12 Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 26). 13. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 33). 14. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 74). 15. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 107).

235

PICTURE 85

Clay sealings from Agia Triada: 1. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 15). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 17). 3. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 19). 4. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 30). 5. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 36). 6. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 43). 7. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 44). 8. Clay sealing from Agia Triada (CMS II 6, no. 106).

236

PICTURE 86

Clay sealings from Sklavokampos: 1. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 255). 2. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 256). 3. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 260). 4. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 261). 5. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 267). 6. Clay sealing from Sklavokampos (CMS II 6, no. 268).

237

PICTURE 87

Clay sealings from Kato Zakros: 1. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 1). 2. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 6). 3. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 7). 4. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 8). 5. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 36). 6. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 37). 7. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 38). 8. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 39).

238

PICTURE 88

Clay sealings from Kato Zakros: 1. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 73). 2. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 83). 3. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 84). 4. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 104b). 5. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 117). 6. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 118). 7. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 121). 8. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 122). 9. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 123). 10. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 126). 11. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 127).12. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 129b).

239

PICTURE 89

Clay sealings from Kato Zakros: 1. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 137). 2. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 150). 3. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no.. 159). 4. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 176).5. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 177). 6. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 108). 7. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 196). 8. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 217). 9. Clay sealing from Kato Zakros (CMS II 7, no. 218).

240

PICTURE 90

EH II sealings from mainland Greece: 1. Clay sealing from Myrtos (CMS V 1, no. 20). 2. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 48). 3. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 49). 4. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 50). 5. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no 52). 6. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 53). 7. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 54). 8. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 59). 9. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 78). 10. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 79). 11. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 81). 12. Clay Sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 93). 13. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 95). 14. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 97). 15. Clay sealing from Lerna (CMS V 1, no. 100).

241

PICTURE 91

1. Gold ring from the Athens Agora (CMS V 1, no. 173). 2. Lapis lacedaemonius lentoid seal from Pyrgos Psilonero (CMS V 1, no. 201). 3. Gold ring from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 336). 4. Black steatite lentoid seal from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 337). 5. Glass paste lentoid seal from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 348). 6. Glass paste lentoid seal from the Medeon cemetery (CMS V 1, no. 349). 7. Dark red steatite matrix form Eleusis (CMS V 2, no. 422).

242

PICTURE 92

Seals and seal impressions from Neolithic Greece: 1. Clay pintadera from Dikili-Tash (CMS V 2, no. 449). 2. Clay sealing from Agia Irini (CMS V 2, no. 464). 3. Stamped pottery design from Agia Irini (CMS V 2, no. 475). 4. Gray limestone lentoid seal from Agia Irini (CMS V 2, no. 500). 5. Stamped pottery design from Zygouries (CMS V 2, no. 503). 6. Clay conoid seal from Poliochni (CMS V 2, no. 518). 7. Clay sealing from Asine (CMS V 2, no. 520). 8. Clay sealing from Asine (CMS V 2, no. 521). 9. Clay sealing from Asine (CMS V 2, no. 522).

243

PICTURE 93

Seals and seal impressions from Neolithic Greece: 1. Clay conoid seal from Grotta, Naxos (CMS V 2, no. 603). 2. Olive green steatite conoid seal from Thebes (CMS V 2, no. 668). 3. Clay pintadera from Eutresis (CMS V 2, no. 681). 4. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 693). 5. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 694). 6. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 699). 7. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 700). 8. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 707). 9. Clay pintadera from Nea Nikomedeia (CMS V 2, no. 708). 10. Clay pintadera from Sesklo (CMS V 2, no. 712). 11. Clay pintadera from Sesklo (CMS V 2, no. 713). 12. Clay pintadera from Sesklo B-Almyros (CMS V 2, no. 717).

244

PICTURE 94

1. Shape of a clay seal from Neolithic Sesklo. 2. Gray/green limestone cylinder seal from Grave D at Kapros in Amorgos (Hood, 1978. p. 258., fig. 211G). 3. Lead oblong seal from Skoteini Cave, Tharrounia (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 349). 4. Green jasper four-sided prism bead seal in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (CMS XII, no. 113).

245

PICTURE 95

1. Amethyst cylinder seal from Kazarma tholos tomb (CMS V 2, no. 585). 2. 3. 4. Bronze ring from Agios Charalambos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 45). 5. Silver ring from Agios Charalambos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 46). 6. Brown-gray agate lentoid seal from Knossos(?) (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 75). 7. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 177).

246

PICTURE 96

«The Goddess from Beyond» in mythological scenes: 1. Gold ring from Mochlos (CMS II 3, no. 252). 2. Anthracitecoloured steatite amygdaloid seal from Makrygialos (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 55).

247

PICTURE 97

1. Gold ring from Thebes (CMS V 1, no. 199). 2. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 180).

248

PICTURE 98

Gold rings from the Aidonia Treasure: 1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 7, Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 113) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 49, fig. 16). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 7, Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 114) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 49, fig. 17). 3. Gold ring from chamber tomb 7, Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (CMS V Suppl. 1B, no. 115) (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 50, fig. 18).

249

PICTURE 99

Gold rings from the Aidonia Treasure: 1. Gold ring from the Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 70, fig. 1). 2. Gold ring from the Aidonia cemetery, Nemea (Demakopoulou (ed.), 1998. p. 71, fig. 2).

250

PICTURE 100

1. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 178). 2. Clay sealing from Chania (CMS V Suppl. 1A, no. 176). 3. Gold ring from Anthia (CMS V suppl. 1B, no. 135). 4. Gold ring from Anthia (CMS V Suppl. 1B no. 137).

251

PICTURE 101

1. Gold ring in the Berlin Museum (CMS XI, no. 29). 2. Gold ring from Thebes (CMS XI, no. 30).

252

PICTURE 102

Epiphany scenes: 1. The «Epiphany ring» from Knossos in Oxford. 2. Gold ring from Knossos (CMS II 3, no. 15). 3. Gold ring in the Berlin Museum (CMS XI, no. 28).

253

PICTURE 103

1. The gold «ring of Minos» (Platon in Hägg and Marinatos (eds.), 1984. p. 66). 2. The gold «ring of Nestor» (Evans, 1925. p. 65, fig. 55).

254

PICTURE 104

1. Gold ring from chamber tomb 55, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 87). 2. Gold ring from chamber tomb 520, Mycenae (CMS I, no. 155). 3. «The Danicourt ring» (CMS XI, no. 272).

255

PICTURE 105

1. Gold ring from Tholos Tomb A, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 655, fig. 722). 2. Gold ring from Tholos Tomb B, Phourni cemetery, Archanes (Sakellarakis-Sakellarakis, 1997. p. 653, fig. 719).

256

PICTURE 106

1. Ring from Poros (Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis, 2000. p. 43, fig. 4c). 2. Seal from Galatas (Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis, 2000. p. 45, fig. 5).

257

258

PICTURE I

1

2

6

3

7

5

8

9

11

4

10

12

13

14

Materials (Boardman, 1970, p. 29): 1. Green steatite prism (CS 41). 2. Green steatite prism (CS 98). 3. White agate prism (CS 109). 4. Green jasper prism (CS 170). 5. Carnelian prism (CS 174). 6. Chalcedony loop signet (CS 121). 7. Yellow jasper loop signet (CS 117). 8. Green jasper loop signet (CS 139). 9. Green jasper loop signet (CS 118). 10. Carnelian loop signet (CS 142). 11. Agate stamp seal shaped like a sea shell (CS 136). 12. Carnelian stamp seal with an S relief back (CS 131). 13. Carnelian stamp seal shaped like a human hand (CS 127). 14. Carnelian stamp seal shaped like a duck (CS 128).

259

260

PICTURE II

1

5

2

6

3

7

8

11

4

9

10

12

Materials (Boardman, 1970, p. 39): 1. Chalcedony stamp seal shaped like two joined animal foreparts (CS 132). 2. Blue chalcedony theriomorphic seal shaped like a crouching cat (CS 139). 3. Agate stamp seal shaped like a duck (CS 125). 4. Sardonyx theriomorphic seal shaped like a sitting monkey (CS 134). 5. Oval hematite seal with an «architectural» motif (CS 157). 6. Red jasper lentoid seal with an «architectural» motif (CS 153). 7. Hematite amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CS 276). 8. Carnelian amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CMS VIII, no. 58). 9. Carnelian amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CMS VIII, no. 62). 10. Carnelian amygdaloid seal with a «talismanic» motif (CS 179). 11. Carnelian flattened cylinder seal with the representation of a horned sheep (CS 200). 12. Steatite flattened cylinder seal covered in gold leaf (CS 203).

261

262

Index INDEX

A abandoned archives, 8, 9, 43, 46, 49, 67, 96 abrasives, 12, 22, 25, 26, 36, 39 Abydos, 2 Achaemenid period, 37 Achalochori, 35 acrobatics, 112 Aegean, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 30, 35, 37, 38, 41, 43, 45, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 65, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 98, 100, 101, 112, 114, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150 Aegina, 45, 92, 136, 142 Aegina Treasure, 45, 136 Afghanistan, 38 agate, 36, 37, 41, 43, 52, 97, 98 Agia Irini, 13, 17, 19, 22, 53, 80, 105, 130 Agia Kyriaki, 72 Agia Triada, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 22, 29, 33, 46, 49, 55, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 80, 89, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, 116, 117, 121, 132, 138, 139, 141, 142, 148 Agia Triada sarcophagus, 64, 67 Agia Varvara, 20 Agios Myron, 116 Agios Onouphrios, 19, 20, 28, 29 Agios Onouphrios ware, 28 Agios Stephanos., 53 Agios Vasileios, 92 agrimia, 29, 36, 43, 48, 50, 69, 85, 86, 97, 109 Aidonia, 52, 53, 64, 80, 118 Aidonia Treasure, 64 Akkad, 62, 65 Akrotiri, 61, 74, 83, 89 Alalakh, 65, 66 alkali, 38 alkaline, 38 Almond-Eyes Group, 4 altars, 52, 62, 72, 74, 75, 76, 82, 89, 91, 93, 99, 108, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 aluminium, 26, 38 amethyst, 29, 36, 37, 38, 97 Amnissos, 11, 53, 60, 74, 98, 111 Amorgos, 17 amphorae, 9, 14, 42 amygdaloids, 12, 14, 35, 43, 50, 57, 97, 98 Amyklaion, 85, 92 animal figures, 26, 28, 30, 66 animal friezes, 23, 30, 97 animals, 3, 5, 22, 24, 26, 27, 32, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 45, 47, 48, 59, 60, 63, 65, 68, 69, 70, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 95, 96, 97, 100, 101, 110, 112, 114 ankh, 47 Anogeia, 121 Anopolis, 103 Anthia, 63, 64, 118 anthropomorphic figures, 4, 85, 99 apes, 44, 72 Apesokari, 72 Aplomata cemetery, 19 Apollo Maleatas, 92, 138 apotropaic, 62, 85 Aravissos, 18 Archalochori, 59, 73 Archanes, 2, 3, 9, 18, 20, 23, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 51, 53, 54, 55, 58, 59, 64, 65, 72, 76, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 90, 91, 92, 93,

94, 97, 98, 99, 102, 105, 106, 107, 110, 111, 113, 119, 123, 124, 135, 137, 145; Archanes gold ring, 84, 92, 93, 107, 110, 111, 113 Archanes Script Group, 34 Architectonic Class, 44 architectural elements, 115, 117, 118, 119 architecture, 1, 5, 41, 50, 72, 82, 88, 91, 94, 100, 101 archives, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 41, 43, 46, 47, 59, 63, 67, 68, 69, 96, 97, 130, 133, 136, 143 Argolid, 4, 8, 15, 16, 18, 64, 86, 89, 112, 128, 136, 139, 140, 141, 149 Argonaut, 69 Argos, 94, 120 Armenoi, 19, 122 armour, 4, 35, 99 Artisans’ Quarter, 13 artists, 4, 5, 16, 26, 28, 31, 37, 41, 42, 52, 53, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 74, 76, 78, 79, 98, 100, 101 Asia Minor, 26 Asine, 18, 19, 52, 134 Aspri Petra, 22 Assimi, 117 Astrakoi, 64 athletes, 11 athletic scenes, 5 Atsipades, 73 Attica, 28, 52, 141 Avdou, 64 Avgo/Kavousi, 54, 55, 98, 106 Axos, 120

B baetyls, 45, 70, 75, 76, 77, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99, 100, 101 baetyl/omphalos, 69, 108 banded stones, 37, 38 battle scenes, 4, 64, 98 beads, 12, 13, 18, 37, 38, 39, 52, 58, 79 beasts, 31, 62 Berlin ring, 86, 87, 92 bezels, 25, 33, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 63, 64, 78, 90, 91, 96, 98, 105, 106 birds, 22, 24, 29, 36, 42, 43, 44, 48, 60, 62, 63, 68, 72, 75, 76, 81, 82, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 93, 97, 100, 110 bird-goddess, 63 bird-like appearance, 22, 29, 42, 48, 81, 82, 97 blades, 12, 25, 26, 29, 41 Blue Birds fresco, 60 boars, 4, 9, 23, 48, 62, 86, 96, 109, 112, 138, 140 boats, 42 Bogazköy, 65 bone, 7, 15, 23, 25, 27, 29, 32, 34, 39, 51, 53, 58, 71, 81, 96, 138 Border/Leaf Group, 24 boucrania, 33, 75, 99 boulders, 93 (see also baetyls) bovines, 113 bow-drill, 25, 38, 40; vertical bow drill, 25 bowls, 16, 17, 91 Boxer’s rhyton, 60 boxing, 57, 60, 112 bracelets, 38, 50, 51 bronze ingots, 59 Bulgaria, 18 bull hunt, 69, 113 bull-Leaping, 69, 112 bulls, 44 Bull-Wrestler, 45

Index cryptocrystalline, 37 Cult Centre, 84 culture, 1, 2, 3, 98 cups, 43, 59, 71, 91 cushions, 24, 35, 50, 58, 96, 97, 98 cutting wheel, 16, 36, 39, 43, 47 Cyclades, 16, 17, 28, 72, 144 Cycladic idols, 32 cylinders, 13, 20, 21, 24, 25, 38, 41, 50, 98 Cyprus, 18, 130

burials, 2, 3, 12, 20, 21, 22, 24, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 53, 65, 67, 72, 96, 98, 99, 105 burins, 12, 15, 29, 41 buttons, 20, 24, 35 Byblos, 65

C calcite, 32 Cambay region, 37 Cape Tainaron, 37 cap wheel, 39 carnelian, 14, 26, 29, 33, 36, 37, 39, 97 Casa del Lebete, 67 Caskey, 16, 80 Çatal Hüyük, 15, 140 cave sanctuaries, 90 chalcedony, 25, 37, 38, 41, 48, 52, 97 Chamaizi, 9 Chandras, 116 Chania, 7, 9, 10, 11, 57, 59, 64, 86, 96, 97, 103, 108, 117, 136, 138, 147 chariots, 4, 11, 57, 64, 68, 69, 94, 98, 113 charms, 14, 26, 97 Chip Cut/Small Picture Signet Group, 20 chlorite, 23 Chrysolakkos, 20, 45, 52, 72, 102 circles, 9, 13, 15, 17, 29, 33, 38, 39, 42, 44, 45, 65, 73, 83 Citadel House, 13, 109, 146 Class B hieroglyphs, 35, 62 clay bars, 47 clay tubes, 43 cloisoneé, 52, 98 CMS, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 119, 120, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150 collar Medicis, 31, 33 columns, 12, 13, 15, 75, 76, 86, 90, 92, 93, 99, 100, 108, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 combats, 5, 11, 64, 68, 69, 79, 111, 113 comma motif, 50, 53, 54, 83, 86, 87, 89, 94, 105 conch-shell, 61 conglomerate, 41 conoids, 24 copper, 18, 22, 25, 38, 52, 53, 135 Corinth, 17, 92, 106, 129, 139 corundum, 26, 36 crab, 61 crescent, 10, 42, 47, 48 Cretan Popular Group, 3, 55, 61 Crete, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 41, 42, 43, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 79, 81, 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 106, 116, 118, 120, 122, 123, 128, 129, 130, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150 Croceae, 37 cross, 9, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 39, 40, 43, 44, 53, 58, 81, 93, 96, 105 cross-hatching, 13, 28, 30, 43, 81

D Danicourt ring, 4, 86 Delphi, 92, 94 demonic types, 57, 62, 65, 87, 107 Dépôt hiéroglyphique, 41 designs, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 68, 73, 81, 91, 97, 98, 99 Dictaean Cave, 59, 116 Dikili-Tash, 15 Dimini, 18 direct impressions, 10 discard archives, 9, 96 discs, 24, 32, 35, 45, 50, 59 divinities, 69, 70, 82, 83, 87, 88, 90, 91, 94, 95, 100 dockets, 7, 46, 67 dog, 48, 61 dolphins, 14, 50, 84, 110 Domestic Quarter, 51, 63, 83 double axes, 14, 34, 35, 44, 47, 58, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81, 89, 99, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 Drakones, 22 dress, 31, 32, 33, 42, 55, 61, 64, 66, 69, 71, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 99, 100 drills, 12, 15, 25, 26, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 47, 50, 135 drugs, 74, 85, 89 duels, 112

E Eagle Woman, 69, 84 Early Bronze Age, 1, 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 28, 32, 34, 50, 65, 72, 81, 96, 101, 129, 139, 141, 144, 147, 149 Early Cycladic pottery, 16 Early Dynastic, 2 Early Minoan, 1, 8, 9, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 30, 32, 52, 53, 65, 67, 71, 72, 81, 82, 96, 99, 137, 146, 147, 149 Early Neolithic, 15 Earth Goddess, 82 East Pillar Basement, 26 East Pillar Room, 58 East Temple Repository, 57, 58, 59, 60, 83 Early Cycladic II, 17, 19 Egypt, 2, 4, 9, 12, 20, 21, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39, 42, 46, 47, 49, 66, 98, 132, 134, 137, 148 Egyptian seals, 2 Early Helladic II, 1, 8, 16, 17, 18, 19, 28, 31, 96 Eleusis, 51, 98, 117 Ellinika, 28 Elounda, 117 Early Minoan II, 3, 9, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 53, 65, 67, 73, 81, 82, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105

264

Index glyptic, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 13, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 43, 46, 50, 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 107, 109, 112, 114, 128, 138, 139, 140, 144, 146, 148, 150 goats, 14, 32, 33, 36 goddesses, 4, 29, 31, 42, 51, 58, 59, 63, 70, 72, 74, 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 94, 95, 99, 100, 108, 134, 135, 148 gold, 1, 4, 8, 11, 12, 13, 18, 35, 36, 38, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78, 79, 80, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 98, 107, 132, 141, 143 Gonies, 63 Gortys, 80 Gournes, 20, 29, 102 Gournia, 7, 10, 11, 12, 19, 27, 28, 48, 63, 73, 84, 93, 98, 102, 103, 104, 129, 132, 134, 138, 146, 150 Grand Stand fresco, 58 granulation, 52, 98 Grave Circle A, 3, 31, 64 Great Mother, 82, 135 Greco-Persian, 37 Greece, 1, 4, 8, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 37, 38, 42, 52, 60, 61, 64, 71, 72, 74, 83, 86, 92, 93, 96, 98, 128, 130, 135, 136, 137, 142, 143, 146, 147, 150 griffins, 44 Grotta, 19 Gumelnita Tell, 86

Early Minoan III, 9, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 81, 96, 97 emblematic, 76, 86, 90, 95, 99, 100, 109 emery, 25, 26, 36, 39 enamelling, 52, 98 Epidauros, 92 epiphany, 55, 69, 70, 75, 76, 80, 82, 86, 88, 89, 90, 93, 94, 100, 107, 109, 135; enacted epiphany, 88; visionary epiphanies, 88, 89 Epiphany ring, 86, 89, 90, 107, 109 Euboea, 15, 65 Europe, 15, 18, 59, 78, 135, 139, 150 Eutresis, 15 Evans, 26, 35, 42, 45, 46, 47, 48, 51, 57, 58, 62, 64, 86, 89, 94, 107, 124, 142 everyday life, 5, 113

F facades, 14, 55, 83, 88 faience, 12, 24, 29, 38, 52, 57, 58, 83, 97, 143 family tombs, 20, 21 feldspars, 36 Female deities, 82, 84, 109 female divine figures, 70, 84 ferric oxide, 37 fertility, 82, 83, 84, 93, 94, 95, 101 figure of eight shield, 75, 76 figures, 4, 5, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 42, 45, 48, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 100, 108, 112 figurines, 1, 23, 31, 32, 35, 72, 73, 79, 80, 83, 91, 92, 100, 133, 142, 143 filigree, 52, 98 final archives, 9 First Transitional period, 27, 96 fish, 14, 32, 34, 35, 60, 113 fishermen, 113 flat-based nodules, 10, 11, 47, 58, 61, 67 flattened» cylinders, 50 Floating Figures Group, 20 flowers, 29, 45, 60, 61, 81, 85 flying gallop, 54, 64, 66 foliate sprays, 61 four-sided prisms, 42 frescoes, 1, 39, 45, 50, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 66, 78, 79, 80, 83, 89, 98, 107, 130, 132, 139 friezes, 23, 29, 30, 94, 97 frogs, 33, 52 Funerary Buildings, 32, 33, 34

H hairstyles, 79, 100 hanging nodules, 7, 10, 11, 58, 61, 67, 68 hardness, 23, 24, 25, 26, 36, 37, 38 Hastings, 54, 55, 106 hawks, 62 hearth rims, 17 Heavenly Bodies, 75, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 heirlooms, 3, 44, 51, 78 hematite, 30, 37, 38, 65, 66, 97 hemi-cylindesr, 23, 30 Herakleion, 7, 12, 19, 47, 51, 60, 61, 65, 128, 130, 137, 138, 142, 143, 146 Hieroglyphic Deposit, 39, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 48, 57, 62, 79, 97, 102, 112, 143, 144, 148, 150 hieroglyphic script, 10, 34, 35, 47, 48, 59, 97 hieroglyphics, 10, 26, 34, 35, 42 high priestesses, 70, 76, 82, 83, 88 hippopotamus tusk, 23, 32, 138 Hittite, 26 hoops, 18, 25, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 98 horizontal bow lathe, 26, 39, 40, 42, 43, 54 horns of consecration, 5, 72, 75, 87, 89, 99 horses, 11, 57, 64 House A, Zakros, 9, 10, 61, 63, 104 House A, Tylissos, 9 House BG, Lerna, 17 House of Frescoes, 60 House of Lilies, 60 House of the Columns, 13 House of the Ladies, 61, 79 House of Tiles, 8, 15, 16, 17, 19, 28, 149 house tombs, 20, 31, 67, 146 household goddess, 82 human figures, 5, 22, 29, 30, 31, 33, 36, 42, 45, 48, 59, 60, 64, 65, 68, 70, 76, 78, 79, 89, 92, 96, 98, 100, 101, 146 Human Masks, 44, 50

G garments, 64, 69, 70, 108 Gazi, 85, 89 gems, 4, 12, 14, 22, 36, 62, 84, 92, 93, 129, 149 geometric motifs, 9, 16, 17, 18, 24, 25, 27, 30, 32, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 47, 59, 62, 81, 85, 97 Geraki, 17, 116, 148 Gerontomouri Cave, 54, 98, 105 Geropotamos river, 67 gestures, 42, 71, 74, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 93, 94, 99, 100 Giophyrakia, 81 glass, 25, 26, 29, 36, 38, 52, 97 glass paste, 38, 97

265

Index kernoi, 71, 91 Khamaleuri, 9 knives, 12, 15 Knossos, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 22, 25, 26, 29, 31, 35, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 69, 71, 73, 75, 76, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 112, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 124, 128, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150 Knossos «Epiphany» ring, 89 knots, 44 Kophinas, 73, 80 Koukounara Agrimi Hunt Group, 50 Koumasa, 12, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 31, 32, 52, 53, 71, 72, 81, 82, 102 Krasi, 21, 22, 72, 105 Kybele, 94 Kydonia, 11 kylix, 85 Kynortion hill, 92 Kythera, 35, 37, 145

hunter god, 109 Hunting scenes, 112 Hyacinth, 93 hybrid types, 62, 69, 111 hydroxides, 37 Hyksos, 66

I Ialyssos, 122 ibex, 113 Idaean Cave, 116, 120 ideograms, 35, 47, 59 impaled triangles, 75, 76, 99, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 incense, 74 India, 37 inscriptions, 10, 11, 26, 35, 42, 46, 47, 48, 59, 88, 97, 133, 136 insects, 23, 26, 42, 75, 93, 99 intaglios, 7, 37, 51, 54 interlocking motifs, 16, 30 Iraq, 26 iron pyrites, 38 Island Sanctuaries Group, 13, 149 Isopata, 25, 55, 78, 79, 89, 90, 116, 120, 133, 144 Isthmus-Ierapetra, 121 Italian School of Archaeology, 67 ivory, 7, 12, 13, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 52, 53, 57, 81, 96, 98, 138 ivory seals, 27, 30

L labels, 47, 48, 91 labyrinth, 15, 25, 28, 33 labyrinthoid, 15, 25, Laconia, 12, 18, 37, 85, 92, 105, 148 Ladies’ Quarter, 67 lapidary’s workshop, 12, 25, 149 lapis-lacedaemonius, 37 lapis-lazuli, 32, 38, 39, 66, 97 Late Bronze Age, 1, 3, 7, 13, 19, 38, 40, 41, 50, 53, 54, 55, 63, 68, 73, 74, 76, 79, 88, 91, 92, 112, 129, 134, 144, 146, 148, 149 Late Helladic, 8, 13, 19, 35, 50 Late Helladic I, 3, 4, 8, 12, 13, 19, 24, 25, 31, 37, 38, 43, 52, 63, 64, 84, 92 Late Helladic IIA, 3, 4, 12, 43, 52 Late Helladic IIIA2, 12 Late Helladic IIIB, 8, 12, 13, 19, 24, 84, 92 Late Helladic IIIB-C, 85, 92 Late Minoan, 1, 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 19, 21, 35, 50, 53, 55, 65, 67, 74, 75, 76, 78, 82, 86, 89, 92, 101, 106, 107, 124, 128, 133, 137, 138, 139, 143, 146, 148, 150 Late Minoan I, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 19, 22, 25, 26, 27, 29, 31, 35, 36, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 84, 85, 90, 91, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 106, 133, 148, 149 Late Minoan IA, 10, 12, 49, 57, 61, 63 Late Minoan IB, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 29, 36, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69, 73, 74, 78, 90, 96, 97, 98, 101, 106, 148 Late Minoan IB destruction, 3 Late Minoan II, 1, 10, 11, 19, 22, 25, 26, 31, 36, 51, 63, 64, 65, 67, 71, 84, 85, 91, 100, 149 Late Minoan IIIA, 1, 10, 11, 22, 31, 36, 51, 149 Late Minoan IIIB, 11 Late Neolithic, 15, 18, 20, 21 lava, 26 lawagetas, 92 lazurite, 38, 97 lead seals, 18 Leaf/Ivory Group, 29 Lemnos, 18, 19, 105, 130 Lenda-Lebena, 20, 21, 22, 32, 33, 72, 102

J jars, 8, 10, 16, 17, 28, 43, 57, 59, 91, 139 jaspers, 14, 26, 36, 37, 41, 52, 65, 97, 98 jewellery, 1, 3, 4, 5, 12, 18, 33, 34, 37, 38, 45, 51, 52, 53, 57, 62, 71, 72, 79, 82, 96, 98, 132 juglets, 43 jugs, 16, 43, 81 Juktas, 35, 73, 91, 94, 137

K Kadmeion, 12 Kakovatos, 38 Kalathiana, 21, 52 Kalo Chorio, 29 Kalyves, 120 Kalyvia, 45, 89, 90, 92, 93, 116, 121 Kamares, 14, 36, 43, 44, 73, 82, 97, 147 Kamares pottery, 43, 44 Kamilari, 50, 72, 103, 105, 134, 139 Kannia, 84, 85 Kapros, 17 Karanovo, 86 Karphi, 85, 89, 142 Karpophora, 117 Kastanas, 85 Kastelli-Chania, 9, 86 Kastri, 28, 37 Kato Syme, 73, 91 Kato Zakros, see Zakros Katre Street, 10 Kazarma, 64 Kenna, 1, 8, 13, 14, 22, 30, 43, 65, 128 Keos, 13, 17, 80, 130, 149

266

Index Messara, 1, 2, 3, 10, 12, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 30, 33, 53, 69, 71, 72, 81, 82, 96, 98, 99, 117, 122, 129, 130, 149 metal rings, 4, 25, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 72, 98, 101 microcrystalline, 37 Middle Cycladic, 19 Middle Minoan, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 22, 26, 28, 29, 30, 33, 36, 38, 41, 44, 45, 52, 53, 55, 57, 60, 79, 92, 96, 103, 128, 133, 134, 142, 147 Middle Minoan IA, 3, 9, 16, 20, 22, 23, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 73, 81, 96, 97, 99, 105 Middle Minoan IB, 22, 35, 43, 44, 65, 73 Middle Minoan IIB, 1, 8, 10, 11, 14, 16, 35, 39, 41, 43, 46, 47, 48, 54, 55, 58, 59, 86, 88, 97, 98 Middle Minoan III, 1, 10, 14, 22, 27, 29, 33, 35, 36, 39, 41, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 65, 67, 72, 73, 88, 91, 97, 98, 105, 106, 128, 133, 139 Middle Minoan IIIB, 57, 65 Middle Neolithic, 15, 19 Midea, 4, 115, 120, 142 minerals, 23, 36, 38, 97 Minoan Genii, 5, 29, 43, 62, 63, 85, 107, 113, 134, 135, 148 109, 112 Minoan cult, 1, 2, 3, 33, 71, 72, 73, 76, 88, 91, 100, 101 Minoan Dragons, 69 Minoan palaces, 8, 20, 35, 41, 49, 142, 147 Minoan religion, 4, 5, 6, 45, 69, 70, 81, 82, 94, 99, 101, 129, 147 Minoan rituals, 70, 71, 73, 74, 78, 85, 88, 93, 94, 99, 135 Minotaur, 62 Mirabello bay, 54 Mistress of the Fish, 53 Mochlos, 12, 20, 28, 48, 53, 54, 65, 73, 74, 81, 90, 92, 93, 94, 98, 102, 103, 104, 105, 116, 121, 128, 143, 146 Mohs scale, 23, 25, 134 Monastiraki, 8, 103, 138 monkey, 33, 85, 109 monsters, 5, 43, 63, 76, 85, 109 monstrous types, 57, 62, 64, 65, 68, 98 Mother of the Mountains, 76, 83, 84, 100, 108, 110 motifs, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 75, 76, 81, 82, 86, 88, 90, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 105 moulds, 12, 51 Mt Juktas, 35, 137 Multiple Seal System, 61, 98 Mycenae, 1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 17, 25, 31, 37, 38, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 64, 65, 67, 71, 72, 76, 78, 79, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 101, 106, 107, 109, 112, 114, 115, 117, 120, 128, 129, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 146, 147, 149, 150 Mycenae-Vapheio Lion Group, 3 Myrtos, 8, 9, 19, 20, 21, 32, 71, 81, 147, 149 Myrtos shrine, 82 mythical creatures, 69 mythological scenes, 62, 69, 73, 74, 77, 80, 87, 93, 94, 95, 100, 101, 111

lentoids, 3, 12, 25, 35, 37, 39, 41, 50, 55, 57, 59, 62, 87, 93, 97, 98 Lerna, 1, 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 28, 50, 96, 130, 149 Lerna IIIC, 16, 17 Lerna IIID, 15, 17 Lerna sealings, 16, 17 Levant, 18, 33, 65, 94, 98, 128 libations, 47, 59, 71, 72, 9, 108 Ligortyno, 118 limestone, 26, 38, 58 linear motifs, 5, 9, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 47, 54, 60, 61, 62, 65, 79, 81, 96, 97, 101, 133 Linear A, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 35, 48, 49, 55, 58, 59, 61, 62, 67, 68, 71, 78, 96, 97, 106, 136, 137, 150 Linear B, 3, 10, 11, 59, 71, 87, 91, 92, 128, 134, 136, 141, 143 lions, 3, 4, 11, 14, 24, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 43, 44, 45, 47, 52, 62, 63, 64, 66, 69, 84, 85, 86, 94, 97, 100, 109, 110, 111, 112, 131, 139, 142, 143 Lion Mask, 62 Lions/Spiral Group, 29 Little Palace, 84, 103 living archives, 9 Long Gallery, 47 loom weights, 7, 9 loop signets, 24 loops, 16, 82 Lower West Sanctuary, 82 lozenges, 15 lubricants, 26, 39

M Macedonia, 15, 18, 96 macrocrystalline, 36 Magazines, 43, 47, 67, 102 magnesium silicate, 23, 24 Makronisos, 17, 146 Makrygialos, 74, 117 Male deities, 85, 109 Mallia, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 20, 26, 29, 32, 35, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 52, 54, 59, 62, 72, 81, 82, 93, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 105, 112, 121, 122, 129, 130, 132, 133, 138, 142, 143, 144, 147, 148 Marathokephalo, 22, 31 Marine School, 50 Marine Style, 61 Marmaria, 92, 132 masks, 44, 50, 114 Master Impression, 80, 86, 87, 108, 109, 136 Master of Animals, 45, 69, 70, 85, 87, 100, 109 materials, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 12, 14, 15, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 32, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58, 61, 81, 96, 97, 101, 137 matrix, 43, 51, 52, 98 Mavrospelio, 59, 102, 103, 106 meanders, 15, 16, 18, 25, 33, 52 Medeon, 4, 117 Mediterranean, 7, 20, 68, 85, 94, 96, 107, 133, 134, 136, 138, 144, 147, 148 meerschaum, 24 Mega Monastiri, 117 Melos, 52, 116, 118 Membij, Syria, 66 Memphis, 2, 28 Mesopotamia, 17, 18, 25, 29, 30, 31, 33, 43, 62, 65, 66, 135

N narrative scenes, 30 naturalism, 21, 30, 43, 45, 48, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 97 Naxos, 19, 26, 96, 105, 139 Nea Nikomedeia, 15, 18 Near East, 9, 13, 20, 23, 30, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39, 49, 65, 66, 96, 98, 130, 135, 136, 147

267

Index pillars, 89, 92 pintaderas, 15, 96 pithoi, 9, 17, 45, 91 Platanos, 3, 12, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 43, 53, 65, 71, 72, 97, 102, 105, 144 Platyvola Cave, 9 Poliochni, 18, 19, 105, 130 polishing, 26, 39, 47 polythyra, 49 Poros, 12, 51, 65, 80, 84, 87, 89, 90, 94, 107, 119, 124, 133 Porti, 9, 12, 22, 25, 53, 72, 102 portraits, 48, 79, 100, 114, 129 Poseidon, 94 Posios Theron, 52, 69, 85, 87, 109 (see also Master of Animals) Postminoan, 85 Postpalatial period, 84 Πότνια Ιχθύων, 53, 110 potters, 34, 42, 81, 99 potters’ scenes, 99 pottery, 1, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 28, 34, 36, 41, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 50, 57, 67, 72, 73, 91, 92, 97, 128 prehellenic, 91, 93, 94 prehellenic cults, 93 Prepalatial period, 2, 20, 21, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 41, 53, 65, 67, 72, 81, 82, 83, 96, 97, 99, 137 prestige goods, 2, 3, 72, 96 priests, 111, 133 Prinias, 84 prisms, 12, 23, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 41, 42, 47, 55, 59, 62, 81, 96, 97, 98 procession scenes, 107 processions, 69, 70, 76, 77, 80, 82, 99, 107 Profitis Elias, 33, 103 propaganda, 49, 69, 70, 73, 80, 99 Prosymna, 115 Protogeometric, 85 Proto-Linear script, 59 Protopalatial period, 9, 35, 36, 43, 47, 50, 65, 73, 79, 82, 97, 136, 148 Provatsa, 17, 146 Psathi, 9 Pseira, 20, 32, 61, 73, 98 Psychro, 29, 59, 72, 73, 91, 148 pumice, 12, 25, 26, 39 Pylos, 3, 8, 11, 51, 52, 87, 89, 92, 115, 116, 120, 129, 139, 143, 146, 147 pyramidals, 24 Pyrgos, 9, 20, 49, 117

necklaces, 37, 38 Nemea, 18, 52, 53, 144 Neo-Babylonian period, 37 Neolithic period, 1, 15, 18, 20, 21, 43, 72, 73, 74, 86, 96, 128, 133, 142, 146 Neopalatial period, 1, 2, 13, 29, 38, 39, 49, 50, 51, 57, 59, 60, 65, 67, 68, 70, 73, 78, 82, 84, 85, 87, 96, 97, 98 Nerokourou, 103 niello, 52, 98 Nirou-Chani, 49 nodules, 7, 8, 10, 11, 35, 47, 58, 59, 61, 62, 67, 68, 93, 96, 148 noduli, 7, 9, 10, 11, 35, 46, 58, 61, 62, 63, 67, 96 Northern Balkan, 15

O obsidian, 12, 15, 22, 25, 26, 30, 41 octopus, 14 Odigitria, 29, 72 offering schema, 34, 66, 69, 70, 76, 84, 86, 87, 94, 95, 99, 100, 101, 109 offering tables, 59, 91, 97 offerings, 13, 66, 71, 72, 77, 83, 86, 88, 91, 99 Old Kingdom, 2, 28 Olympia, 19, 63, 64 Olympic Circles, 44 omphaloi, 5, 70, 76, 77, 89, 91, 92, 94, 99, 101, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 (see also baetyls) onyx, 13, 37, 97 owl, 61 oxen, 113 Oxford ring, 90 oxides, 26, 36, 37

P paisleys, 44 palaces, 1, 2, 3, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 20, 22, 25, 35, 41, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 73, 83, 88, 89, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 133, 134, 137, 141, 142, 143, 147, 148 Palaikastro, 9, 20, 26, 28, 31, 45, 59, 73, 102, 104, 116, 133, 141 Palaikastro Cat Group, 44 palatial pottery, 57 palatialisation, 49, 97 Palestine, 65 palladion, 4, 75, 76 Papaver Somniferum, 85 papyrus, 14, 42, 68 pax Minoica, 41 peak sanctuaries, 23, 31, 35, 49, 63, 91, 137 Peloponnese, 19, 37, 96 pendants, 2, 18, 29, 33, 45, 52, 129 Petras, 41, 47, 59, 103, 146 petschaft, 35 Petsophas, 23, 31, 73, 144 Phaistos, 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 16, 35, 36, 39, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54, 55, 58, 59, 61, 66, 67, 81, 82, 86, 88, 96, 97, 98, 102, 112, 121, 131, 132, 133, 134, 138, 142, 147, 148 Phaistos disc, 35 Phaneromeni, 73 Phourni cemetery, 2, 23, 31, 32, 33, 34, 81, 97 Phylakopi, 13, 52, 60, 82, 91, 93, 98, 144 phyllosilicates, 24 pigments, 31 pillar crypts, 33, 49

Q quadrants, 15, 16, 18, 44, 105 quadruped, 14, 53, 105 Quartier Mu, 2, 12, 35, 41, 97, 102, 133, 143, 144 Quartier Theta, 41 quartzes, 26, 36, 37, 97

R Ramp House, 52 Rapport, 22, 28, 42, 97 Ras Shamra-Ugarit, 38, 65, 66, 128 raw materials, 12, 32, 41 realism, 4, 14, 29, 48, 60, 63 Rekhmere, 39

268

Index serpentine, 3, 12, 15, 23, 24, 25, 26, 36, 38, 41, 59, 93, 96, 97 serpentinite, 24 Sesklo, 15, 19 Shaft Graves, 3, 4, 64, 79, 128, 149 sheeps, 61 shell, 61, 69 Ship Fresco, 74 ships, 14, 26, 74, 75, 97 shrines, 14, 35, 49, 52, 58, 67, 73, 74, 76, 82, 83, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 99, 107, 108, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 Shrine of the Double Axes, 85 signets, 4, 19, 24, 35, 53, 54, 55, 86, 129, 138 signified elements, 75, 76, 88 signifying elements, 75, 76, 88, 99 silica group, 97 silicon dioxide, 36 silver, 4, 18, 23, 38, 52, 53, 54, 59, 65, 73, 128, 132 Single Seal System, 61 Sitagroi, 18 Siteia, 92, 117, 130 Siva, 20, 22 Sklavokampos, 2, 9, 10, 11, 49, 57, 63, 64, 65, 68, 96, 98 Skoteini Cave, 15 Skoteino, 73 snake frame, 5, 75, 84, 99, 110, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 135 Snake Goddess, 58, 82, 83 snake tubes, 85 soapstone, 23, 24 Soles, 2, 12, 22, 105, 146 solid drills, 38, 39 Southwest Basement, 12 South-West House, 35 Sparta, 17, 94 Spata, 52 species of the marine world, 43 Species of the underwater world, 44, 69 Spedos, Dokathismata types, 32 Sphakia, 121 sphinxes, 44 Sphoungaras, 9, 14, 32, 53, 56, 103, 121, 136 spiders, 42 spindle whorls, 7, 9 Spiral Group, 29 spirals, 15, 16, 17, 18, 28, 29, 32, 33, 44, 45, 52, 53 splinters, 25 Spring Chamber, 85 squills, 76, 92 stamp seals, 17, 24, 37, 96 σταµπωτά, 15 stars, 3, 12, 29, 39, 44, 65, 75, 124 status, 2, 3, 25, 33, 34, 51, 65, 71, 72, 79, 83, 86, 91, 96, 100, 101, 137; social status, 2, 3, 34, 71, 79, 83, 86, 91, 96, 101, 137 steatite, 12, 13, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 36, 38, 41, 51, 52, 53, 58, 59, 61, 96, 98, 128 stelai, 4, 31, 64, 141 Stepped Porch, 58 Stratigraphical Museum, 93, 147, 150 string holes, 9, 25, 26, 50, 53, 56, 62 Subminoan, 85 Submycenaean, 19 Subneolithic, 67 sun motifs, 17 swallows, 61 swastika, 9, 16, 17, 25, 53 syllabograms, 35, 59

religion, 4, 5, 6, 45, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 78, 81, 82, 84, 88, 93, 94, 99, 101, 107, 129, 133, 139, 144, 146, 147 replica rings, 11, 51, 63, 73 repousée, 51, 52, 98 rhyta, 57, 72, 73, 75, 91, 99 Ring of Nestor, 123 Ring of Minos, 92, 124, 134 rituals, 1, 3, 4, 5, 28, 30, 35, 42, 49, 50, 54, 55, 58, 59, 61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 107, 133, 135, 139, 141, 146 rock crystal, 12, 13, 36, 55, 56, 97 Romania, 86 Room DG, Lerna, 16 Room of the Clay Signet, 51 Room of the Cupboard, 47 rosettes, 12, 16, 29, 33, 44, 54 roundels, 7, 9, 10, 11, 19, 46, 58, 61, 62, 67, 96, 136, 142 Routsi, 4, 115 rowers, 113 rustic shrines, 14, 88

S Sacral dress/robe, 75, 99 Sacral knot, 75, 99 sacred conversations/sacra conversazione, 77, 86 sacred enclosures, 88, 90, 91(see also temenoi) sacred heart, 5, 75, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 sacred marriage, 86, 100 sacred robe, 76, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 sacred tree, 45, 55, 70, 75, 76, 77, 90, 94, 101 sacrifice, 68, 69, 71, 72, 81, 95, 111, 114 Sacrificial tables, 75, 99 Saffron Gatherer fresco, 60 Samos, 18, 140 sanctuary of Aphaia, 92 saphirines, 37 Saqqara, 2, 39 sard, 37, 53, 97 Sardonyx, 37 sauceboats, 16 saws, 25, 26, 41 scarabs, 12, 21, 29, 30, 35, 37, 40, 42, 62, 133, 144 schist, 20, 23, 26 Scorpions, 42 seal fragments., 17 seal impressions, 7, 9, 10, 15, 17, 18, 26, 35, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 58, 62, 64, 65, 66 sealings, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 26, 28, 39, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 80, 81, 83, 88, 89, 96, 97, 98, 101, 109, 112, 128, 133, 134, 135, 136, 144, 146, 148, 149 seals, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 88, 89, 91, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 109, 112, 128, 129, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150 sediments, 36 Sellopoulo, 51, 75, 76, 89, 90, 92, 93, 107, 108, 121, 124, 143 Sellopoulo gold ring, 76, 89 semi-precious stones, 12, 25, 38, 52, 56 sepiolite, 24

269

Index symbolic character, 48, 112 symbolism, 1, 4, 15, 33, 34, 64, 71, 72, 81, 84, 86, 99, 100, 112, 114, 139, 140 Syria, 18, 19, 21, 30, 32, 33, 38, 65, 66, 98, 128, 149

U Urfirnis ware, 16 Urginea Maritima, 92 Uruk, 30

T

V

tablets, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 30, 35, 42, 46, 47, 48, 59, 67, 71, 87, 91, 96, 97, 133, 136, 147 talc, 15, 23, 24 talismanic seals, 13, 14, 29, 88 taurokathapsia, 57, 60, 63, 64, 66, 68, 98 (see also bull leaping) Ta-Urt/Thueris, 29 tectosilicates, 36, 38 Tell Beit Mirsim, 65 Tell el ‘Ajul, 65 Tell Kabri, 66 Tell el Dab’a, 66 Tell Kabri, 66 temenoi, 60, 70, 74, 77, 90, 91, 92, 94, 100, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 Temple Complex, 13, 84, 140 Temple fresco, 79 Temple Repositories, 2, 46, 47, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 65, 69, 83, 98, 103, 142, 143, 148 Temple Repositories cists, 58 Tepe-Gawra, 26 textiles, 15, 71, 96 Tharrounia, 15 Thebes, 8, 12, 13, 19, 39, 89, 116, 117, 122, 132, 143, 146 Thera, 61, 74, 79, 81, 83, 89, 104, 132, 133, 139, 140 theriomorphic, 5, 21, 22, 24, 26, 32, 33, 34, 36, 81, 99 Thermi, 105, 138 Thessaly, 15, 18, 96 tholos tombs, 1, 2, 3, 12, 20, 21, 22, 23, 30, 31, 33, 65, 67, 71, 72, 96, 97, 98, 99 three-sided prisms, 12, 14, 23, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 41, 42, 50, 55, 97 Thyreatis treasure, 18 Tiryns, 17, 74, 85, 86, 93, 107, 115, 120, 128, 138 Tiy, 39 tools, 5, 10, 12, 15, 22, 23, 25, 26, 30, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 50, 61, 70, 72, 91, 96, 97, 98, 101 Torsion, 16, 22, 28, 30, 32, 42, 62, 97 tortoise ripple ware pottery, 12 Tourkogeitonia, 33 Tourtouli, 56, 117 town shrines, 73 Tragana, 115 Trapeza, 19, 29, 73, 81, 102, 142 treasury, 10, 18, 58, 98 trees, 10, 11, 16, 45, 54, 55, 70, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 86, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95, 99, 101, 106, 107, 139 trefoil, 16, 24, 44 tremolite, 23 triangles, 15, 32, 33, 75, 99 Tripartite Shrine, 58, 83, 146 triskeles motif, 16 Troy, 18, 53, 128, 129 Tsoungiza, 15, 18, 96, 144 tubular drills, 12, 25, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43 Tuthmoses III, 39 Tylissos, 9, 49, 59, 63, 65, 80, 96, 100

Vapheio, 3, 4, 12, 25, 43, 52, 55, 64, 115, 120, 138, 149 Varkiza, 118 Varna, 18 vases, 2, 3, 7, 8, 17, 23, 25, 50, 57, 58, 61, 128, 147 Vasiliki, 10, 20, 27, 28, 93, 129 Vathypetro, 49, 104 vegetation cult, 94 vessels, 7, 8, 14, 16, 18, 26, 27, 28, 34, 35, 36, 38, 43, 44, 45, 47, 58, 59, 75, 81, 85, 88, 89, 91, 99 villas (Minoan), 2, 10, 17, 49, 57, 60, 63, 67, 68, 69, 73, 97, 98, 128, 136, 148 Villa Julia gem, 87 Volos, 15, 18 Vonni, 117 Vorou, 22, 72, 102, 105 votaries, 91, 108 votives, 35, 59, 71, 73, 80, 83, 85, 91, 100

W wanax, 92 warriors, 4, 69, 113, 144 Wave/Meander Group, 29 weapons, 3, 72, 91 weaves, 44 Weingarten, 7, 9, 10, 11, 17, 29, 35, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 67, 68, 84, 93 West Court House at Knossos, 9 West House, 61, 74 West Shrine, 93 white pieces, 24, 96 white-on-dark pottery, 28 Wiencke, 16, 17, 20, 22, 28 workshops, 1, 11, 12, 13, 35, 38, 41, 49, 98, 142, 143, 149 worship, 71, 74, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 95, 100, 109

X Xanthoudides, 53 Xeste 3, 61, 79, 89

Y Υακίνθια, 94 Yannitsa, 18 Young Boxers, 61

Z Zakros, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 20, 29, 46, 48, 49, 51, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 65, 68, 69, 73, 84, 89, 93, 96, 98, 103, 104, 117, 118, 122, 131, 132, 136, 138, 142, 143, 148 (see also Kato Zakros) Zakros Master, 62, 63, 69, 98 Zapher Papoura, 89, 103, 116, 133 Zeus, 72, 91, 94, 148 Zou, 49

270

Index Zygouries, 17, 129

271

Index

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