Memory, Mission, and Identity: Orality and the Apostolic Miracle Tradition (Studia Traditionis Theologiae) 9782503555898, 2503555896

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STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology

Theology continually engages with its past: the people, experience, Scriptures, liturgy, learning and customs of Christians. The past is preserved, rejected, modified; but the legacy steadily evolves as Christians are never indifferent to history. Even when engaging the future, theology looks backwards: the next generation’s training includes inheriting a canon of Scripture, doctrine, and controversy; while adapting the past is central in every confrontation with a modernity. This is the dynamic realm of tradition, and this series’ focus. Whether examining people, texts, or periods, its volumes are concerned with how the past evolved in the past, and the interplay of theology, culture, and tradition.

STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology 20 Series Editor: Thomas O’Loughlin, Professor of Historical Theology in the University of Nottingham

EDITORIAL BOARD

Director Prof. Thomas O’Loughlin Board Members Dr Andreas Andreopoulos, Dr Augustine Casiday, Dr Mary B. Cunningham, Dr Juliette Day, Dr Johannes Hoff, Dr Paul Middleton, Dr Simon Oliver, Prof. Andrew Prescott, Dr Patricia Rumsey, Dr Jonathan Wooding, Dr. Holger Zellentin

MEMORY, MISSION, AND IDENTITY Orality and the Apostolic Miracle Tradition

Brandon Walker

H

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Cover illustration: Tabula Peutingeriana © ÖNB Vienna: Cod. 324, Segm. VIII + IX © 2015, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2015/0095/106 ISBN 978-2-503-55589-8 e-ISBN 978-2-503-56475-3 DOI 10.1484/M.STT-EB.5.107418 Printed on acid-free paper

To Janico, my faithful companion and love. May wonders never cease.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of contents

Acknowledgments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christian Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ancient Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xv xv xv xviii

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Early Christian Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Miracle and Identity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11 11 12 29 39

Chapter 2: The Transmission of a Tradition: Memory, Orality, and Discipleship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Form Criticism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Towards Oral Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Oral Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Transmission of Oral Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Memory and Orality in Antiquity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Texts and Orality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Rhetoric and Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Ancient Performances. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41 41 42 45 50 53 55 55 60 63

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Table of Contents

3 Discipleship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Rabbinic Discipleship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Discipleship in Greco-Roman Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Early Christian Discipleship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70 72 73 75 80

Chapter 3: Memory and Miracle in Discipleship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Miracles of Jesus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 The Meaning of the Miracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Witness of Disciples. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 The Twelve: Discipleship and Mimesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Insiders, Outsiders and would-be Disciples. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 The Calling of the Twelve. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Sending of the Twelve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

83 83 84 86 93 96 97 98 100 105

Chapter 4: Miracle Tradition in Luke’s Acts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 1.1 Purpose of Luke’s Acts: Apostolic Memories, Apostolic Tradition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 1.2 Date, Sources and Orality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 2 Miracles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 2.1 Healings and Exorcisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 2.2 Resuscitations (Acts 9.36‒42; Acts 20.7‒12) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 2.3 Miracles of Rescue (Acts 5.17‒19; 12.1‒12; Acts 16.16). . . . 151 2.4 Punitive Judgment Miracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 3 Following Jesus in Luke’s Acts: Community and Identity. . . 163 3.1 ‘In Deed and Word’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 3.2 Take up your cross (daily): Persecution and Martyrdom. 166 3.3 Miracle, Magic and Syncretism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 3.4 Rich, Poor and the Marginalized. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 3.5 Apostles as Interpreters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 3.6 Travel and Dependence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 3.7 Faith, Faithfulness and Salvation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 4 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 Chapter 5: The Miracle Tradition in the Acts of Paul. . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 The Text of the Acts of Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Date, Sources and Orality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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183 183 184 186

Table of contents

2 Miracle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Healings and Exorcisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Resuscitation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Miracles of Rescue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Nature Miracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Following Jesus in the Acts of Paul: Identity and Community. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Paul’s Ascetic Gospel?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Persecutions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Pneumatology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

201 202 206 208 215 217 218 220 223 225

Chapter 6: Miracle Tradition in the Acts of Peter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 The Text of the Acts of Peter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Date, Origin, Sources and Orality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Miracle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Healing and Exorcisms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Resuscitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Visions, Dreams and Epiphanies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Nature Miracles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Following Jesus in the Acts of Peter: Identity and Community. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Word and Deed: Miracles and the Imitatio Christi. . . . . 3.2 Competition and Propaganda. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Asceticism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Rich and Poor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

261 263 267 268 270 271

Chapter 7: Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Miracles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Continuity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Discontinuity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Following Jesus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Continuity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Discontinuity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

273 273 276 276 277 278 278 279

227 227 228 230 245 245 249 254 258

Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281

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Indices. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Scripture Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other Early Christian and Jewish Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Other Ancient Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Modern Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subject Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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311 313 331 335 339 345

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Though the second-century ce is generally considered relatively bleak with regard to early Christian sources, we know that it was not a theologically stagnant period. On the contrary, it is rife with theological movement and developments. The progress of certain doctrines and challenges posed to the nascent church make it an exciting period to study. Men and women encouraging death if not pursuing it under the idea of imitation of Jesus along with the stories of miracles and prophecies make for great stories. I first came to appreciate this particular epoch in church history under my M.A. advisor, Dr Edwin Yamauchi at Miami University in Ohio. It was under his guidance that I gained a great appreciation for groups on the fringe of orthodoxy, specifically the Gnostics and Montanists which both began during this time. A debt of appreciation goes to Dr Yamauchi, affectionaly known as ‘Dr Y.’ whose mentorship and support over many years has been a gift. This book originally was a thesis and I would like to extend my gratitude to the many people who helped me. First, I would like to thank my advisors, Tom O’Loughlin who spent many hours going through my writing and giving critical feedback as well as constantly encouraging me along the way. Roland Deines, whose wisdom and insight into the trans-empirical realities of early Christians provided me with a new perspective on these texts. The insightful feedback I received from my examiners, Mary Cunningham and Josef Lössl, was very helpful. I would also like to thank several other faculty members in the Theology department at Nottingham for their direction and insight: Holger Zellentin who suggested reading on rabbinic Judaism was fruitful; Richard Bell who suggested certain reading relating to exorcism and Alison Milbank who assisted me in interpreting the reception of fiction.

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Acknowledgments

The early Christian text seminars with Mary Cunningham were especially important to my understanding of Patristic thought. I extend gratitude to Graham Twelftree, whose wisdom and encouragement, both pastorally and academically, have kept me going. I would also like to thank Jeremy Barrier and Peter Dunn who provided me with some of their papers concerning the Acts of Paul. Thanks to Dennis MacDonald who spoke with me at St. Andrews about the dating of the Acts of Peter. I would like to thank William Shiell for providing me with some feedback regarding the performance of novels. The email correspondences with Craig Keener regarding miracle and missions were likewise helpful. Many thanks to Rolland and Heidi Baker for teaching and encouraging me to believe that all things are possible. I also thank my parents, Don and Laura Stone, who have encouraged and provided financial assistance when necessary. To Vincent and Betsy Landey who gave us holidays when we needed one. To our family and friends who visited us and gave me good reasons to take breaks and have fun. To Sue and Dave Carlson who continually pushed me to undertake doctoral studies. To Gary and Karen Theisen whose support and prayers sustained us throughout our time in Africa and Nottingham. To Nathan and Laura Norris whose friendship both in Africa and the UK has been of great encouragement. Finally, and most of all, a HUGE thanks goes to my wife Janico, son Joziah, and daughter Noelle who endured many hours without me. The sacrifices made on their part was monumental, but we made it! Through faith and patience we inherit the promises! (Heb. 6.12).

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PREFACE

There are several central experiences that helped shape my thinking in this book. First, my interest in the approach of memory came from my Historical Methods class at Miami University. While this approach seemed quite fascinating, this method was discussed in the context of modern history and at the time there was no one who could guide me in applying it to antiquity or church history. I had lingering questions about the use of memory and how it changes and the causes for those changes. It was not until my time at Nottingham that I was able to immerse myself in this area. Further background to this book came from my extended time working as a Bible school teacher in Mozambique. One particular memory stands out to me: after a presentation about Jesus at a village outreach a man pushed his way through crowd, took hold of the microphone and told that the crowd should listen to us. He went on to explain that he had walked a day with his sick son to the clinic at our main centre in Pemba. There was nothing the doctors or nurses could do but pray for the boy and after some time, the boy recovered. It was here that my interest in pursuing the topic of miracle from an academic perspective was further established along with orality and storytelling. It was clear to me that this was a significant event in this man’s life and was deeply imbedded in his memory. This event, along with many others like it, stood out to me in helping me develop my thesis for this book. It seems that my experiences and interest in miracle, memory, specifically social memory, and orality arose from my time in Mozambique. Generally speaking, Africa as a continent is illiterate. As such, many Africans depend predominantly on oral communication, especially stories and songs to communicate their theology. Moreover, they recount their

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Preface

experiences, especially religious experiences from memory and articulate it within their communities.1 But what about early Christianity? Is present day Africa analogous to the second century ce? Throughout this study I was able to draw some links to the ancient world and my understanding of the cultures in which I lived. While there was no direct one-to-one correlation in many instances, I was able to combine these experiences and apply them to my other interest, second-century Christianity in this book. The struggles that Christian communities faced in Africa were sometimes similar to those in the second century. For example, missionaries and missiologists have often wrestled with the issue of syncretism and finding the dividing lines between miracle and magic. Though their status as early Christian heroes was established much earlier than the second century, the memory of Peter and Paul as apostles gained prominence during this time and their memories were further established in oral and written form. As far as written sources concerning these two apostles, the most notable are the Acts of the Apostles, the Acts of Peter and the Acts of Paul, all of which I argue date to the second century ce. These texts are important because they provide us with evidence of the stature of these followers of Jesus and aside from Jesus himself, encouraged early Christian communities to faith and faithfulness. At its core then, this book is about what it meant to follow Jesus in the second century.

Bediako (2004).

1

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ABBREVIATIONS abbreviations

Christian Sources Acts of Paul Acts of Paul and Thecla Acts of Peter Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles Martyrdom of Ignatius Martyrdom of Justin Martyrdom of Polycarp

APl APTh APt AAA Mart. Ign. Mart. Just. Mart. Pol.

Ancient Sources Anon. Apuleius Aristotle

Athanasius Athenaeus Athenagoras

Joseph and Aseneth Florida Metamorphoses Nichomachian Ethics Poetics Rhetoric Epistula ad Virgines Deipnosophistae A Plea for Christians

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Jos. Asen. Flor. Metam. Eth. nic. Poet. Rhet. Ep. Virg. Deipn. Plea

Abbreviations

Corpus Hermeticum De officiis De oratore Orator ad M. Brutum Diodorus Siculus The Library of History Diogenes Laertius De clarorum philosophorum vitis Euripides Bacchae Hippolytus Eusebius Historia Ecclesiastica Gregory of Nyssa Vita Macrinae Herodotus Histories Hesiod Theogony Hippolytus Refutatio omnium haeresium Homer Iliad Odyssey Iamblichus On the Pythagorean Life Irenaeus Demonstration of Apostolic Preaching Against Heresies Josephus Antiquities of the Jews Jewish Wars Against Apion Justin First Apology Second Apology Dialogue with Trypho Juvenal Satirae Livy History of Rome Lucian Alexander the False Prophet Gallus Passing of Perigrinus Quomodo historia conscribenda sit Toxaris — Cicero

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Corp. herm. Off. De orat. Orat. Brut. Lib. hist. Vita Bacch. Hipp. Hist. eccl. Vit. Macr. Hist. Theog. Haer. Il. Od. Pyth. Life Epid. Adv. Haer. Ant. J.W. Ag. Ap. 1 Apol. 2 Apol. Dial. Sat. Hist. Alex. Gall. Peregr. Conscr. Tox.

abbreviations

Vera Historia Philopseudes Origen Contra Celsum Ovid Metamorphoses Philo On the Embassy to Gaius On the contemplative life Philostratus Vita Apollonii Polycarp Letter to the Philippians Plato Apology of Socrates Letters Laws Meno Phaedo Phaedrus Republic Timaeus Pliny the Elder Natural History Pliny the Younger Epistulae Plutarch De liberis educandis De defectu oraculorum Moralia Quaestiones convivales Quintilian Seneca Seneca the Elder Sophocles Strabo Suetonius Tacitus

Institutio oratoria Epistulae Morales De benificiis Controversiae Oedipus Tyrranus Geographica Historiae De rhetoribus Historiae

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Ver. Hist. Philops. Cels. Metam. Embassy Contempl. Vit. Apoll. Phil. Apol. Ep. Leg. Meno Phaed. Phaedr. Resp. Tim. Nat. Ep. Lib. ed. Def. orac. Mor. Quaest. Conv. Inst. Ep. Ben. Con. Oed. Tyr. Geog. Hist. Rhet. Hist.

Abbreviations

Tertullian

Vergil Xenophon

Annales Apology De anima De baptismo Adversus Marcionem Aeneid Memorabilia

Ann. Apol. An. Bapt. Adv. Marc. Aen. Mem.

Abbreviations AAA AA AB ABD ABRL ACCS ACW AJA AJT ANF ANRW AOT APOT ATJ BA BBR BR BTB CBQ CBR

Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles Acts of Andrew Anchor Bible Anchor Bible Dictionary Anchor Bible Reference Library Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture Ancient Christian Writers American Journal of Archaeology Asia Journal of Theology Ante-Nicean Fathers, Roberts and Donaldson, eds (1885‒1897), 10 vols. Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Apocryphal Old Testament The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the OT Ashland Theological Journal Biblical Archaeology Bulletin of Biblical Research Biblical Research Biblical Theology Bulletin Catholic Biblical Quarterly Currents in Biblical Research

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abbreviations

CCSA CPG CPL CTM CurTM ExpTim Int JAAR JAE JBL JECS JFP JHC JMJ JSHJ NEASB NPNF NTA NTS PE PG PIBA PSB SecCent SJT TPAPA USQR VC VE ZNW

Corpus Christianorum Series Apocryphorum Clavis patrum Graecorum Clavis patrum Latinorum Concordia Theological Monthly Currents in Theology and Mission Expository Times Interpretation Journal of the American Academy of Religion Journal of Aesthetic Education Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Early Christian Studies Journal of French Philosophy Journal of Higher Criticism The Japan Mission Journal Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus Near Eastern Archaeological Society Bulletin Nicean and Post Nicean Fathers New Testament Apocrypha New Testament Studies Pastoral Epistles (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy and Titus) Patrologia Graeca, J-P. Minge, ed. 217 vols (1844‒1964) Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association Princeton Seminary Bulletin The Second Century Scottish Journal of Theology Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Union Seminary Quarterly Review Vigiliae Christianae Vox Evangelica Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche

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INTRODUCTION introduction

This book examines the miracle tradition related to the apostles Peter and Paul in the second century. The memory of these two apostles, when examined through the lens of orality and narrative identity, provides a glimpse of what it then meant to follow Jesus. The increased interest in the oral/aural environment of the New Testament and early church has brought about significant studies with regard to specific books of the New Testament and understanding ancient rhetoric.1 This study utilizes these works and complements them by examining a specific form of story, miracles, and the development of the tradition of miracle stories in three specific Acta that relate the memories of communities who celebrated the memory of Peter and Paul. Specifically, this study combines a narrative identity approach with form critical method to examine the apostolic miracle tradition of Paul and Peter within the second century. Far from being of nominal importance,2 the miracle stories of these two figures weighed heavily in the minds of early Christians as exhibited in canonical Acts, the Acts of Paul (APl) and the Acts of Peter (APt). The use and understanding of memory, particularly collective/social memory theory as developed by Maurice Halbwachs, has shown that memories are not static recordings of ‘what really happened’, rather they are constructed by communities, told and retold.3 These memories are J. Dunn (2013); Witherington (2009). Stark (2003). 3 Halbwachs (1992). Halbwachs used the term ‘collective memory.’ Later theorists such as Barry Schwartz used the term ‘social memory.’ The use of various terminology regarding social or collective memory is usually discipline specific. Historians and social scientists generally use ‘social memory’ while philosophers prefer ‘cultural 1 2

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Introduction

efficacious for establishing identities, transmitting tradition, creating cultural norms and plausibility structures. In this study we will examine the place of miracle in the memory as exhibited in three primary texts, in an effort to ascertain elements of identity of these Christian groups as well as what they believed about following Jesus. The centrality of the memories of the apostles and surrounding them with regard to miracles is important as many early Christians gathered around the apostles and saw their teaching as central to what it meant to follow Jesus. Using the approach of memory and orality, the presence of miracle stands out as a frequent activity of both Jesus and his disciples. This continuation of activity plays a vital part of early Christian expansion and self-understanding. The continuity of the miracle tradition from Jesus to the disciples is expressed in the three synoptic Gospels and later in the book of Acts. Unsurprisingly, when other second-century Acta were written, memories of miracles stand at the heart of what the apostles do. Far from being negligible or unimportant, miracles, signs and wonders served a central part of the community’s faith and continued existence as they sought to follow Jesus. This presents us with the question: what role did these miracles play in the lives of the communities that created these texts? How were they understood in light of discipleship and what it meant to follow Jesus? An underlying assumption of this thesis is that the texts, both oral and written were transmitted for the edification, entertainment and spiritual enrichment of early Christian communities. In this respect, these early texts are what James Dunn calls ‘disciple-tradition.’4 Due to the fact that these texts were derived out of a disciple tradition it is not surprising that, like other Graeco-Roman texts, they called for an imitation of their central hero or figure. The imitation of that individual in turn produced other heroes and literature related to them. These texts were written and told in an effort to emulate and promote faith in the central character and are best termed ‘hagiography.’5 memory.’ While their meanings are particularly nuanced in some cases, the overall emphasis on the group rather than an individual is what matters for this study. See, Memory: Concepts and Theory. http://www.hum.leiden.edu/history/talesoftherevolt/approach/approach-1.html. Accessed 07/08/2014. 4 J. Dunn (2013), 315‒316. 5 Barnes (2010), viii–ix; Delehaye (1998), 1. By ‘hagiography’ I do not mean the term in a pejorative sense or deny any historicity behind what was said or done in the lives of the apostles. Rather, in an effort to promote faith to others, the authors of the early Christian oral and written texts intended them for edification, encouragement and exhortation to quote Paul (1 Cor 14.3). Barnes rightly defines hagiography as the

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introduction

I am aware of a variety of definitions for miracle.6 For our purposes miracle will be defined as any event attributed to a god or divine agency that causes wonder, awe or fear.7 Throughout this study I have chosen events that most often elicited this kind of response from the hearers of the stories, namely healings, exorcisms, resuscitations, miraculous rescues and nature miracles. Due to the prominence of dreams/visions in APt and healing associated with it in one particular account I have chosen to address the phenomenon in the related chapter, but not in the others. The neglect of attention concerning the relationship of miracle to the apostles is threefold. First, within the contemporary historical study daring to tread into the realm of miracle or what might be considered supernatural to us has seemed treacherous. Historians of the past were most comfortable with ‘facts’ and that which is depicted or perceived as miraculous can be pushed aside to the realm of fantasy or fiction. For early Christians however, the plausibility structures were different and what was considered ‘fact’ or ‘fiction’ would seem quite blurred in light of modern historiography.8 Moreover, such a pursuit does not ask the question or take seriously how the ancients perceived their world or the events related to their heroes. Second, many scholars have undertaken the pursuit of the study of the historical Jesus and some have examined his miracles with varying results.9 As the central figure of Christianity and the primary object of veneration it is not surprising that there are numerous studies regarding Jesus. However, a study of Christian origins without taking into account those who carried on the tradition and proclamation about Jesus results in a myopic perspective of early Christianity as the tradition and texts originated with his disciples. Within the field of historical Jesus scholarship, the proclamation of Jesus and his disciples was likewise of central importance. It was not so much what Jesus did as much as what he said which has occupied much

‘study of the evidence relating to saints and martyrs.’ I agree, however, I nuance this definition by accepting the fact that behind the production of these texts was a desire to emulate the virtues and lives of these saints. 6 Holland (1965); Larmer (2003); Swinburne (1970); Twelftree (1999). 7 Dwyer (1996); Swinburne (1970), 1‒2. 8 Bowersock (1994); Keener (2011). 9 Eve (2002); (2009); Kollmann (2011); Lüdemann (1989); Theissen (2005); (2007); Twelftree (1999).

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Introduction

of scholarship.10 This, however, has been changing as recognition of Jesus’ activities of healing, exorcising and other miracle-working would have made an impact on the memories of those around him and stood out as unusual. Third, many of the manuscripts concerning the apostles and their miracles, especially the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (AAA) are generally considered late, which often translates into being viewed as unhistorical. However, in this regard Schneemelcher rightly reminds us, ‘the age of a manuscript is no indication of the value of its tradition.’11 I would also add, that the age of a manuscript is also no indication of the age of its tradition. With respect to the AAA there has been a renewed interest in what these texts can tell us concerning popular faith among Christians in the second and third centuries ce12 While these texts are not historical per se in that they do not recount a direct one-to-one correspondence between eyewitness testimony of events and the writing of those events, they do reflect Christian beliefs and activities of their times. The AAA are primary witnesses to how the apostles were remembered, and how those memories were received.13 For this reason alone, studying these texts is important. A  central motif throughout Christian history is what early communities understood in imitating Jesus. Related with this imitation is the notion of a continuity of tradition that best represents the exemplar. Without having an idea of what was expected within the realm of following a leader, one could be left to their own devices and follow ‘cleverly devised myths’ which were thought to represent heterodox groups.14 With this in mind, we will evaluate the miracles represented in three Acta: Luke’s Acts of the Apostles, the Acts of Paul (APl) and the Acts of Peter (APt). Luke’s depiction of the apostles in Acts preaching, teaching and performing miracles coheres well with the activities of their leader. Later depictions such as the Acts of Peter and the Acts of Paul likewise correspond with their canonical forbearer.

10 Chilton & Evans (1999); Funk & Hoover (1993); Jeremias (1966); (2008); Kloppenborg (2000a); Manson (1971); Young (2011). 11 Schneemelcher (1991a), 77. 12 J. Perkins (1995). 13 Thus, the acta accord with one of Delehaye’s principal ‘roles’ for hagiography: a vita is primarily a witness to the time of its creation. 14 2 Pet. 1.16.

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introduction

With respect to imitation and discipleship in the second century much of the attention has centred on martyrdom.15 Jesus’ passion served as a template for others to follow and was at times eagerly pursued by Christians in the second and third centuries. This study attempts to fill in the rest of the story, namely that miracles were as equally important as martyrdom in depicting the lives of the key figures such as Peter and Paul in the second century. In attempting to present the ideal apostle to follow, the memories representative in canonical Acts of the Apostles, Acts of Paul and The Acts of Peter promote a commonly repeated activity, namely miracle working. The centrality of apostles to Christian communities is reflected early on in Paul’s letters to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 1.12). Paul reflects an understanding of Christians not only following Jesus, but also aligning themselves and their community’s identity under certain leaders or apostolic figures. Though he rebukes the communities for their disunity, Paul himself seems keen for some of the communities to imitate him.16 These commitments lead François Bovon to assert: ‘Tell me who your apostle is and I will tell you who you are.’17 Each of these texts dates to the second century and have their provenance from the Eastern Roman Empire, particularly Asia Minor and around the Aegean Sea. This time is significant as Lüdemann notes, ‘In the period from the first Christian generations to the end of the second century, more important decisions were made for the whole of Christianity than were made from the end of the second century to the present day.’18 Some of these decisions made regarded how the apostles were to be rightly remembered. These memories and the dialogue between various Christian groups were representative of their social identities as Christians. Proto-orthodox proponents laid claims to correct doctrine based on establishing apostolic tradition. In contrast to this, heterodox groups established their own claims of revelation based on what Jesus shared, often secretly, with his disciples.19 The argument, therefore, is not so much about the correct teaching received and passed on as much as it is over who holds the correct memories of the apostles.

17 18 19 15

16

Boyarin (1999); Castelli (2004); Moss (2010). 1 Cor. 4.16; 2 Thes. 3.9. Bovon (2003a). Lüdemann (1996), 12. Pagels (1975); (1979).

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Introduction

The geographic locations that these stories originate are significant as they were centres of Greco-Roman culture and were to become central to Christianity. As I will argue, the three texts are likely to come from roughly the same geographic location of Asia Minor. These commonalities not only show the continuity of tradition, but also that the memories of the apostles as miracle workers were quite prominent throughout the eastern Mediterranean. Luke’s familiarity with the coastal region of the Aegean with his little reference to Galilee indicate that he was from this area and possibly wrote from there.20 The memories of the apostles preaching and working miracles in this area carried on and established the cults of Thecla, Peter and Paul. I assume that generically these three texts are similar. Many scholars agree that these texts are best classified as ancient novels.21 Richard Pervo is more specific regarding the classification and argues that these texts are best considered historical novels because they are fictional accounts of famous historical figures.22 The topics each of these texts cover the missionary efforts of the apostles, their struggles, adventures, shipwrecks, rescues, heroic feats of faith and ultimately their martyrdoms. The central characters present similar teaching such as chastity and faithfulness unto death.23 The authors of the APl and APt borrowed from Acts many of the themes as well as the central characters of Peter and Paul. Not only is there dependence on each of the texts, but there is likewise a dependence on other historical characters and events which are meant to activate the audiences imaginations to their narrative time. Much of the discussion concerning the genre of Luke’s work and the AAA boils down to authorial intent. It is often thought that the distinction between Luke’s work and the AAA related to whether or not their authors thought they were writing history. On the one hand, the preface to Luke’s gospel and Acts indicate that he intended to present his work as history, on the other hand the authors of the AAA was to entertain and edify their readers.24 In contrast to this, Pervo has drawn attention to the elements in Luke’s work that would be entertaining.25 What has P. Perkins (2009), 211. Alexander (1998); Hägg (1991); Koester (1995); J.  Perkins (1995), 124‒125; C. M. Thomas (2003), 5‒6. 22 Pervo (1987), 121‒135; (1996), 689. 23 Hägg (1991), 159. 24 Aune (1988), 149‒152. This (false) dichotomy assumes that history cannot be entertaining or edifying. 25 Pervo (1987). 20 21

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introduction

not been specifically articulated is that whether or not the readers or hearers of these texts believed them to be historical, they were received and used in Christian formation and discipleship practice and thought of the apostles worthy of emulation. In this respect, they provide early evidences of Christian hagiography.26 This study is divided into two halves. The first half, comprised of three chapters, establishes the relationship between memory, orality and identity and the relationship between the memory of Christian miracles and their importance for early Christianity. This half of the study emphasizes the fact that the early Christians told stories for entertainment, but also for discipleship purposes that established their identities in apostolic memories. The relationship between memory and gospel studies is well underway, but the place of memory and orality needs to be extended into second-century Christianity and specifically related to the apostles that certain Christian groups memorialized. The first chapter establishes the parameters of narrative identity, namely story telling, memory, imagination and identity. The recounting and memory construction of specific miraculous events such as the Exodus or Passover would have established the identity of Jews and early Christians. Over time, the miracles of Jesus and the apostles would take precedence as Christianity distanced itself from Judaism. The second chapter narrows down the transmission of the miracle stories through oral tradition, performance of oral and written texts and the discipleship process in antiquity. I further establish the relationship between memory, oral tradition, gospel performance as being central to early Christian discipleship in attempt to present a model for the telling of the miracle stories of both Jesus and his disciples. This chapter also critiques form criticism in more detail for not placing the gospel tradition in the wider oral context. In the late nineteenth and twentieth-century biblical scholars began noticing that certain stories within biblical texts took on certain forms or cohered with a general pattern. These patterns or ‘forms’ were understood as containing layers of tradition and to get to the bedrock or historical kernel, one must strip away the layers of tradition to ascertain the core. Form criticism had a rather naïve understanding of memory and orality. To them, memory was seen in static terms like a tape recorder, rather than being constructed and solidified through narration within communities.

26

Schneemelcher (1991a), 76.

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Introduction

The third chapter looks at the establishment of the early Christian miracle tradition in the miracle stories of Jesus and the presentation of Jesus as a miracle worker. The disciples and others who were impacted by Jesus likely talked about it and some of the memories of his miracles ultimately made it into the written gospels. While anybody could have played a part in the transmission and thereby the shaping of the tradition, Jesus chose The Twelve specifically to be with him and to preach. In this regard they were seen as primary tradents of Jesus’ words and deeds. More than just tradents however, they were called to imitate Jesus in his mission that would entail miracle working. This extension of Jesus’ mission through the apostles was remembered in a few canonical gospels, but also in second-century Acta. In the second half of the study I take a form critical approach to evaluate the memories and traditions concerning Paul and Peter. While it has its limits, form criticism when combined with social memory theory can help discern elements of tradition and some of the ‘cognitive scripting’ that was present in the second-century miracle stories.27 By analyzing the miracle stories of these three texts in a form critical manner we gain insight in how the memory of the story was retained and how variations were introduced possibly from other tellings of the story. Far from being accidents, some of the shifts are indicative of the story telling and additions to the narrative that communities appreciated and valued. Though each of these texts dates to the second century and are from the same general geographic region, I begin each of the chapters establishing a more precise context both in date and location for each of these texts. Moreover, we can gain better insight into the ‘place of memory’ or the place in time when these memories solidify or ‘crystalizes’ as Nora states.28 Grounding these texts in a specific time and place we gain better insight into the communities’ identity and their particular understanding of following Jesus. Czachesz (2007); (2010). Nora (1989), 7. ‘Our interest in lieux de memoire where memory crystallizes and secretes itself has occurred at a particular historical moment, a turning point where consciousness of a break with the past is bound up with the sense that memory has been torn—but torn in such a way as to pose the problem of the embodiment of memory in certain sites where a sense of historical continuity persists. There are lieux de memoire, sites of memory, because there are no longer milieux de memoire, real environments of memory.’ With regard to this study the places of memory end up embodied in the apostles Peter and Paul, specifically in their activities of miracle working. The geographic locations provided likewise provide places of memory, but it is the people whose actions that make the locations important and worth remembering. 27

28

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introduction

The last three chapters of part two provide an analysis of the memories of the miracles in each of the specific texts and what following Jesus looks like across these texts to the communities that used them. Chapter four sets the foundation to the memories of Peter and Paul as miracle workers in canonical Acts. In order to continue, the early Christian movement required faithfulness in advancing the word of God through miracles and preaching from Jerusalem to the ends of the earth. As we shall see, Luke draws on memories of these two particular apostles and shapes them to fit the needs of his community at the time.29 A central activity that these two apostles engage in is miracle working, often in the pattern of Jesus. Chapter five shows that miracles in the Acts of Paul provide an extension of Paul’s ministry and mission in Asia Minor. Like Luke’s account, Paul plays both an apostolic and pastoral role in revisiting communities he established and gaining new converts. A  particular female convert named Thecla plays a central role in the first half of the work. Again, like in canonical Acts, miracles and the gospel proclaimed by Paul caused distress within certain cities requiring divine rescue. Finally, in chapter six we will see that the most prominent miracle in the Acts of Peter is resuscitation, both of animals and humans. This miracle, known in the second century as being the most difficult to perform,30 helps give insight into a community that is torn between two masters, both offering an element of spiritual power. The miracles in this text provide a social reorientation as those seeking to follow Christ acknowledge him as the true patron and the apostle as the mediator of his benefits. By the end of this study, I hope to have established the case that community memory, miracle working and apostolicity were strongly intertwined in their own search for identity. The communities that used these texts understood them in light of their own vocation and praxis of discipleship.

29

Pervo (2010), 150. Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 2.31.2.

30

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CHAPTER 1: MIRACLE, IDENTITY AND MEMORY

1 Introduction In this chapter we examine the function and role of the miraculous in relation to the memory of those involved in transmitting the miracle tradition of Jesus and the construction of early Christian identity. While some, such as Rodney Stark, might see the miracles as secondary or negligible to early Christian identity,1 I will show that it was a central component to the identity construction of the nascent group. The miracle tradition of Judaism was part of an inheritance that carried over into the early Christian narrative consciousness. The miracles of Jesus are best seen as a continuance of Jewish tradition or salvation history. Recent evaluations of memory and identity will help us gain insight into the development and understanding of the early Christian miracle tradition. Firstly, we inspect the elements that made up early Christian identity. In creating the early Christian narrative we must look at the elements of narrative consciousness, memory processes and the role of imagination. Second, because memory construction and transmission does not occur in a vacuum, we must elaborate on some of the social structures 1 To determine the essential features of any group certain questions must be asked, such as what are you doing and why are you doing it? These activities are rooted in the belief or as an expression of who the community is. Rodney Stark has suggested that miracles were not essential to the growth and spread of Christianity. Stark places a higher priority on charity and care for the poor as a primary means to the growth of the early Church. In contrast, Ramsay Macmullen has argued that miracles, especially exorcism and healings, were essential to early church practice and attributable to the church’s growth. We shall evaluate some of the essential elements of the early Christian identity. MacMullen (1984); Stark (1996); (2003).

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

and institutions that might affect this process. We will emphasize how memory and the social structures within the Greco-Roman context might place pressure on the memories of the miracle tradition of the early Church. Finally, with this foundation established, we will look at how memory relates with miracles and early Christian identity.

1.1  Early Christian Identity Recent studies regarding ancient identity have shown that identity is constructed by a variety of elements.2 Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann have argued that people and groups, through discourse and interactions, form mental representations and concepts of each other’s actions.3 These concepts and interactions develop into specific roles that are later institutionalized over time and meaning of the actions and roles is inscribed within society. From this, the concept of reality and what is or is not possible becomes part of the fabric of society. The social constructions of identity are fluid and change over time as new roles are created and old ones pass away. New experiences produce new roles as well as new personal and collective narratives. New cultural forms take the place of old ones and technology provides new means of communication and dialogue. And the cycle continues. With regard to followers of Jesus, elements of religious identity are to be found between the constructs of second Temple Judaism (515 bce70 ce), the life and work of Jesus of Nazareth, and the Greco-Roman environs.4 Because Judaism in its simplest form was seen as an ethnicity holding particular religious beliefs and customs,5 the categories of ethnic and cultural identity likewise apply to early Christianity. Cultural identity and ethnicity comprises of several key factors to which a group explicitly or tacitly agrees. Hutchinson and Smith have described the key components to ethnic identity as (1) a common name by which the group is identified and agrees to; (2) myth of common ancestry; (3) historical memories or shared memories of the past; (4) link with common homeland or territory; (5) a sense of solidarity or

K. Berger (2003); Gruen (2011); Holmberg (2008); Lieu (2006). These representations occur in the minds and imaginations of individuals as well as groups. We shall carry on to the role of imagination later in this chapter. 4 Vermes (2001). Vermes has rightly reminded us that Jesus was a Jew. When Vermes initially published the idea of Jesus as a Jew in 1973 it was quite novel. 5 Tacitus, Hist. 5. Boyarin (2004), 8. 2 3

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Introduction

cohesion with the group.6 While early Christianity was not seen as an ethnicity per se, these five categories are useful for understanding identity construction among the early followers of Jesus.7 Regarding the development of early Christian identity, the myth of common ancestry (2) and shared memories (3) are essential to the relationship of identity and miracle stories.8 These two components provide demarcations of ‘us’ and ‘them’ and help serve as signs or guideposts of identity. These demarcations also involve elements of creativity both positive and negative, as what often makes ‘the other’ is pejorative in nature. As Karen King states, ‘the other achieves its existence and identity only by contrast to itself.’9 Because each of these elements initially are told, remembering that the ancient Mediterranean was primarily an oral/aural environment, we must first examine the nature of narrative and the early Christian inheritance of Judaism and miracle. Second, as these tellings are recounted from memory, we must give analysis of social memory theory and how this might impact the miracle tradition of the early church.

1.1a Narrative Peter Berger has argued that the transmission of roles and objective meaning is essential to world-construction.10 The transmission and socialization that happens through this transmission occurs via word of mouth and is held at an individual and corporate level. The best term for this process is narrative. Narrative is commonly thought to be simple storytelling. While there is no common definition among psychologists or philosophers, narrative theory and psychology has determined that narrative is far more than simple story telling.11 Psychologist William Brewer states that ‘narrative discourse is discourse that attempts to embody in

Hutchinson & Smith (1996), 6. Christianity may have been considered an ethnicity early on when it was viewed as a Jewish sect. As time went on the division and distinctions in theology, practice and understanding between Judaism and Christianity became clearer. 8 Early on as a Jewish sect the connection with a homeland (4) would be significant, but this gradually changed, especially after the destruction of the Temple in 70 ce 9 King (2003), 3. 10 P. L. Berger (1973), 24‒25. 11 Rubin & Greenberg (2003), 61; Whitebrook (2001), 4. 6 7

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

linguistic form a series of events that occur in time.’12 The narrative mode of thought produces, according to Bruner, ‘good stories, gripping drama, believable (though not necessarily true) historical accounts […] places timeless miracles into the particulars of experience, and to locate the experience in time and space.’13 As McAdams states, ‘because of the nature of our minds we are impelled as adults to make sense of our lives in terms of narrative.’14 From these descriptions we can see that narrative is an ordering of events and experiences through which we derive meaning and construct our identities as individuals and groups. Narrative identity originates from experiences and then telling about these experiences in an ordered manner. Each narrative has a beginning and an end, although not necessarily a resolution along with tellers or orators, hearers or receivers.15 Narratives help, moreover, to dictate identity in a temporal location within a larger society and determine who we are within groups as well as designate boundaries in relation to other groups. ‘The stories’, says Gary Fireman, ‘we tell to ourselves and others, for ourselves and others, are a central means by which we come to know ourselves and others, thereby enriching our conscious awareness.’16 Likewise, ‘identity is, primarily, a matter of the stories we tell others about themselves, plus stories others tell about those persons, and/or other stories in which those persons are included.’17 The recollecting of these stories, narrating or giving their performance do not occur in isolation, but occur at times and locations, which also dictate identity. The time of the performance might commemorate a certain event in the group’s history or in honour of a time of year such as the harvest. The spatial location where the narrative is told relates to the identity of the group receiving the narrative. Some narratives occur in homes and within families, while others occur at tribal councils or in a stadium. Each location indicates to us something about the group and might dictate certain behaviour. Indicating the cultural norms of

Brewer (1980), 223. Bruner (1986), 13. 14 McAdams (1997), 134. We might also add the temporal nature of our own existence also impels us to make sense of our lives in terms of narratives. 15 Whitebrook (2001), 3. 16 Fireman, McVay, & Flanagan (2003), 3. 17 Whitebrook (2001), 4. 12 13

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Introduction

appropriate group behavior, the audience may be silent throughout the performance or they may be boisterous and interject corrections. In sum, personal consciousness and self-awareness are constructed through narrative tellings, performances and retellings.18 These performances and recounting of certain experiences produce the meanings of the experience and help articulate these meanings to ourselves, our communities and the wider world.19 At the core of these narratives, or prior to them, are the experiences of individuals or groups. Klaus Berger has identified eight fundamental categories of experience.20 Because identity is one of his categories with which this chapter deals, we will deal with it separately in section 2. They are: – Time: These tellings and recounting of time, often reflecting upon certain experiences produce the past, whether personal/ autobiographical or fictive meanings of the experience and help articulate these meanings to ourselves, our communities and the wider world.21 The beginning of the gospel of John, for example, borrows from Genesis and creates a new beginning to the Christian narrative by stating, ‘In the beginning was the Word […].’22 – Causality: Causality is created when there are linking elements to a narrative and it is told within a specific sequence. Causality provides a visual element to the narrative as the connections made are something that is seen either in performance or in the individual imagination.23 – Reality and sign: The narrative, whether personal, autobiographical or fictitious is thought of as reflecting some kind of reality or verisimilitudes.24 Reality itself is constructed by shared group Fireman et al. (2003), 4. Fireman et al. (2003), 4. 20 K.  Berger (2003), 11‒14. Each of these categories are useful; however, Berger seems to confuse identity (who am I?) with personhood (who or what are considered ‘persons?). Each of the other categories are necessary in understanding the social world of the New Testament and early church, but in developing an understanding of identity within and of the early church the narrative is the identity which is based upon the experience. Each of Berger’s categories are elements through which to examine experiences. 21 Cf. Rubin & Greenberg (2003), 4. 22 John 1.1. 23 Cf. Bruner (1986), 15. 24 Bruner (1986), 11, 16. 18 19

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

assumptions of what is possible and impossible.25 In the ancient Near East reality was conceived in terms of signs and symbols which reveal the ‘essence’ of a person which maybe hidden.26 It is also seen in terms of power and weakness.27 In the early churches, we see in the writings of what became the New Testament that reality was Jesus-centric. According to Paul, the crucifixion and resurrection created an ontological change in the believer. Paul believed that somehow, through grace by faith he/she was different.28 The concept of being ‘in Christ’ was a reality that dominates Paul’s thought and the ‘essence’ of the Christian.29 The metaphor for ‘putting on Christ’ or clothing metaphors did not only characterize an external change, but an internal change as internal and external identity or ‘essence’ was caught up with appearances.30 – Otherness: Narratives may display a sense of ‘otherness’ or elements of the numinous as Rudolf Otto has observed.31 Within this are the experiences of wonder, visions and the miraculous.32 – Tokens of reality: Tokens of reality are those physical elements that reflect the reality that one finds themselves. – Facticity: Facticity relates to the basic assumptions of truth and falsehood, possibility and impossibility. Berger states, ‘in the New Testament the features of facticity or historicity are strongly tied to reputations.’33 When a wondrous event is reported or told about a person of high repute, the reported event has ‘happened.’34 The issue of historicity, fact and fiction, especially in ancient historiography will be dealt with later in this chapter. For the early Christian authors facticity centered on the person of Christ, his work in the world as the historical Jesus as well as the risen Lord. 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 25

26

Berger & Luckmann (1991), 194‒196. K. Berger (2003), 11. Brueggemann (2009), 2. 2 Cor. 5.17. K. Berger (2003), 32‒35. K. Berger (2003), 40‒42; Talbert (2011a). Otto (1968). Kolenkow (1980). K. Berger (2003), 16. K. Berger (2003), 16.

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Introduction

Narratives contain all or some of these elements as different cultures will place a higher value on some of the elements than others. Similarly, each telling will be different according to the social situation it is recalled in and may emphasize different categories of experience. Each of these categories of experience is displayed through personal or collective narrative. The experience as well as its recounting occurs within a span of time, often reflecting the past or attempting to bring the past to life, especially in commemorative or ritual contexts. These categories of experience help us understand the basis of early Christian narrative and, thereby, identity. In order to successfully communicate one’s identity through narrative there must be common assumptions between speaker and hearer. They must share a common worldview or be able to clearly articulate themselves. This is best termed coherence. Literary theorist Peter Rabowitz has stated that an author ‘cannot write without making certain assumptions about his readers’ beliefs, knowledge, and familiarity with conventions.’35 Similarly, there cannot be oral coherence unless a teller is familiar with his hearer’s worldview (including language) or makes necessary accommodations to be understood. The myth of common ancestry36 and shared memories37 are communicated through narratives. These narratives serve as a sign, which, when transmitted and understood, operate to confer identity and boundary markers from other groups or ethnicities. The recollection of these signs are recalled and shared by group members in present circumstances and assigned new interpretation and meaning at later times.38 One example of this is the Passover narrative which serves as a sign of sacrifice and commemoration of deliverance for the Jews. For later Jewish Christians such as Paul, new meanings were assigned to the Passover in light of Jesus’ crucifixion.39 Jewish identity was founded on the common belief that God had created all peoples, but made a covenant with Israel, setting it apart as a chosen nation to bring glory to himself and revealed himself through

Rabinowitz (1977), 126. See above note 6. 37 See above note 6. 38 Assmann (2011a), 44, 46; Berger & Luckmann (1991), 110‒115; Halbwachs (1992). Berger and Luckmann call this process ‘legitimation.’ 39 1 Cor. 5.7. 35

36

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

the law and to certain individuals.40 The covenant sign of circumcision set the Jewish people apart from other nations and showed their election. The Hebrews’ flight out of Egypt also provided a sense of significance that set them apart. Adherence to dietary rules given through the Law of Moses provided another sanctifying feature of the Jews. The narratives of Creation and the Passover were two essential stories that were to be handed down generationally. The deliverance of the Hebrews from Pharaoh and the parting of the Red Sea were commemorated through a feast and the story was to be recounted annually.41 These stories, as well as the other ‘wonders’ that God performed on behalf of the Israelites, were to be remembered and passed on from generation to generation.42 As narratives and shared memories they provided both the Jews and early Christians a component of their identity. These Jewish narratives along with the words and works of the Prophets provided early Christianity with the narrative component as well as the shared memories necessary for their own identity creation. The ‘Scriptures’ in this regard is much more than just books. Rather, they served to establish a common heritage of memories and activities involving particular people acting out the salvation-history of God’s people. These narratives as well as their commemorations through actions, particularly feasts and circumcision provided the demarcation of ‘us’ vs. ‘them’ necessary for identity construction and cultic life.43 Indeed, the act of circumcision became a source of contention between Jewish Christians and the acceptance of Gentile converts.44 The myth of common ancestry and origin provided early Christianity with the necessary narrative to demarcate itself from paganism and help unify the group by giving them a common memory of the past and place of origin. For the Greeks and Romans the primary narratives came from a variety of literary sources, however, Hesiod and Homer were likely the most well known. The myth of the birth of the gods and human origins was based on the Theogony of Hesiod and later Ovid covered the topic in book 1 and 2 of Metamorphoses. The Iliad and Odyssey were taught to every school child and provided the religious framework and

42 43 44 40 41

Ps. 78.68; Isa 46.13. Exod. 12.27‒28; Deut. 4.10; Josh. 4.3‒6. Ps. 78, 79. Schäfer (1997). Acts 15; Rom. 2.25‒28; Gal. 5.2‒6, 11.

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Introduction

understanding.45 Plato discussed creation in the Timaeus but this story was different from Hesiod’s account as well as the Jewish account of Creation. The Romans’ myth of origin was the Aeneid of Vergil and the founding of Rome by Romulus and Remus.46 He also translated Homer’s work into Latin for Roman readers. These narratives taking place within the cultural matrix of Judaism and Greco-Roman culture provide the essential setting for the early Christian narrative. Narratives, however, must be recalled or remembered in order to have their intended effect, which is the issue to which we now turn.

1.1b Memory As already stated, shared memories of the past is one of the main element’s of group identity construction that is closely tied to narrative.47 Every society requires some form of continuity with the past which helps provide its identity. Memory as recollection and transmission of these events help provide the continuity between generations of the group as well as give the group cohesion it needs to endure through time. These memories are both individually held and corporately held entities that fluctuate according to differing social situations. Founder of social memory theory, Maurice Halbwachs, divided memory into two main types: historical and autobiographical memory. Historical memory is stored and interpreted through social institutions either in written accounts or commemorative events. Autobiographical memories are the personal memories of events that we personally have experienced which reinforce or reconstruct a past event and more importantly, reinforce bonds between people. Following Halbwachs’ notion of historical memory, in the field of biblical studies, form critics understood the development of stories or tradition to occur within community situations such as missionary preaching or catechesis. However, form criticism tended to emphasize memory as the individual’s ability to recall the past and viewed memory acting like a tape recorder or more recently like a computer hard drive.48 Their overly simplistic view of memory was based on their historical assumptions that one could objectively know or get down to the facts of On Greco-Roman Education see, Sandnes (2009); Too (2001). Livy, Hist. 1.4‒5 47 Hutchinson & Smith (1996), 6. 48 Duling (2011); Kirk & Thatcher (2005a). 45

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how an historical event occurred.49 However, more recent evaluations of history and memory indicate that memory is more of a constructive process than a reconstructive establishment of ‘the facts.’50 Every conscious person is capable of giving an account of past experiences. This account is generally termed recollection.51 The state of mind where one is consciously telling about an event of the past or recollection is termed autonoetic consciousness.52 Based off of the autonoetic consciousness is autobiographical memory that is generally thought to be about actual experiences or events that one can recall or recollect. These memories are also called episodic memories or memories of specific episodes in ones life.53 Psychologists of the 1960s developed a model of memory called the ‘basic systems model’ and used the analogy of the computer to compare with human memory. This model states that the mind and the brain are divided into separate systems for each of the senses, spatial imagery, language, emotion, narrative and motor output.54 Much like a computer which has a hard drive which stores data for long term processes, the RAM which temporarily holds data and their basic internal component systems, the human memory system is made up of different systems and different memories.55 Each system has its own functions, neural processing, and forms of memory. Like the computer, memories are encoded in the brain involving the interaction of a variety of basic systems.56 More recent evaluations of the basic systems model indicate that the proximity between the individual networks is closer than once thought.57 The divided or compartmentalized areas of cognition and memory are understood to be integrated when dealing with autobiographical or episodic memories. Episodic memory then ‘can be understood only if the properties of basic cognitive, behavioral, and neural systems are understood individually and in combination.’58 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 49

50

N. J. Wilson (2005), 24‒26. Rubin (2006); Schacter & Scarry (2000), 2‒8; Schwartz (1982). Rubin & Greenberg (2003), 53. Rubin & Greenberg (2003), 53. Rubin (1999); Schacter (1997), 17. Rubin (2006). J. Foster (2009), 18. Rubin (2006), 278. Rubin (2006), 278. Rubin (2006), 278.

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Introduction

While individual and autobiographical memory is important, these recollections do not occur in a vacuum. Halbwachs showed that memories are constructed by social organizations and influenced by social groups. Memories are related with places and images and are selective especially in reference to persons or events. When recounting memories the past is constructed in a narrative form with a past, present and a (hopefully) congenial ending.59 The recollections and ideas of the past often represent the consciousness of a society that it has of itself in the present.60 George Herbert Mead showed that memories are reconstructed through symbols and that during times of rapid change the meaning of the past symbols also change. In other words, the symbolically reconstructed pasts redefine the meaning of the past for present situations.61 In this way the historical events function as a symbol and can be used in legitimizing a group’s existence or in political power struggles within fragmenting groups.62 During periods of rapid social upheaval, the past is reconstructed or made new to fit in with the destabilizing events.63 ‘The past which we construct from the standpoint of the new problem of today’, Mead said, ‘is based upon continuities which we discover in that which has arisen, and it serves us until the rising novelty of tomorrow necessitates a new history which interprets the new future.’64 In this respect, not only are the memories of the past symbolic, but they are also utilitarian. That which is remembered meets the needs of a particular group in the present. Halbwachs and Mead had a similar understanding of social memory and history. Though they each have shown that ‘the past’ is mutable and changes over time and according to differentiating social conditions, their difference lies in their interpretation and utilization of the past for present concerns. Where Halbwachs seeks to show how our present situation affects the perception of the past, Mead shows how historical knowledge aids in interpreting the present.65

61 62 63 64 65 59

60

Whitebrook (2001), 4. Halbwachs (1992), 183. Mead (1929), 241. Gillis (1996). Schwartz, Zerubavel, & Barnett (1986), 151. Mead (1929). Schwartz et al. (1986), 149.

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

In order to preserve the memories of their past, every society commemorates parts of their narrative in an effort to transmit it to the next generation. Emile Durkheim was among the first to emphasize commemorative rituals within societies. These rituals serve to revive the past and attempt to make it live as it once did. These commemorations necessarily require an element of imagination and creativity as the past as a historical event is a one-off experience in time. The commemorative process helped transmit the content and meaning of events for new situations and to new members of the group. Following Halbwachs and Mead, Barry Schwartz argued that social problems and needs produce changes in the memory and interpretation of historical events.66 Memory recollections are socially conditioned and are presented to fit the present needs of a community.67 With regard to early Christianity, the memories and transformation of the miracle tradition occurred in a social situation that would have placed ‘pressure’ on the individuals remembering them and the particular social groups they were members. Much has been written on the social situation of ancient Palestine in the first century.68 John Dominic Crossan has evaluated the historical Jesus in light of archaeological and anthropological data from Galilee in an attempt to shed light on early Christian origins.69 Unfortunately, because of the historical nature of reconstructions of the social world and the impact it may have had on the social memory of the Jesus tradition or the apostles would be pure conjecture. Nonetheless, this is the challenge of the historian of early Christianity. Jesus’ deeds and words were remembered and transmitted orally, some of which ultimately ending up in the gospel narratives we now have.70 Of the deeds and words, it is probably more accurate that Jesus’ deeds, specifically his miracles, would have stood out as unusual. As Jan Assmann states, ‘Deeds become memorable not by merely exploiting human Schwartz (1982), 375. Schwartz (1982), 375.. 68 Crossan (1993); (1999); Freyne (2007); (2008); Theissen (1978); (1993). Social constructions and the impact on society on memory, especially in history can only be hypothetical. Studies on modern trauma and recollection, especially memories of war and violence, are not lacking. On memory and trauma see, Hunt (2010); Volf (2006). 69 Crossan (1993). 70 At the conclusion to the gospel of John the author claims that there was much more that Jesus said or did, but the all the books in the world could not contain it. John 21.25. 66 67

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Introduction

potential, but by exceeding it […]’ 71 The gospel of Mark provides us with an early representation of the memory of Jesus and gives high priority to him as a miracle worker and comparatively less space to his teaching than the other gospels. It seems fair enough to state that Jesus was initially remembered as a great miracle worker before a great teacher.72 In dealing with memory it is usually what is strange or odd that stands out and can be recalled rather than the everyday occurrences. For example, daily routines can be recounted because they fit a pattern. But strange occurrences or traumatic events that are out of the ordinary can make an imprint on one’s mind and recollection.73 This is one of the reasons, for example, that the miracles and exorcisms were so prominent in Mark. As the earliest gospel, the traditions may have been newer, more wonderful or stood out against everyday occurrences.74 The peculiarity of Jesus actions and the miracles surrounding his memory made the episodes worth telling. Within a predominantly oral culture, Jesus’ words and actions would have been transmitted mainly by word of mouth. This transmission would have begun in the memories of those around Jesus and his disciples as well as those who were impacted by Jesus’ ministry. Werner Kelber states, Teachers and prophets have long been suspected of having had a hand in the process of synoptic transmission  […] In addition to disciples, apostles, teachers and prophets, the ‘common folk’ cannot be ruled out from the telling of stories. Those who were healed or exorcised, impressed or offended by Jesus became the potential carriers of tradition.75

Assmann (2011a), 46. Mary Ann Beavis has argued against the general scholarly consensus that Mark was intended for ‘insiders’ and has shown that the form of Mark was like that of a five part Greco-Roman play. If she is correct, then the miraculous deeds performed by Jesus and the relatively little teaching in Mark show that the early Christian perception of Jesus was that of a miracle worker. The motif of wonder and fear, which occurs more in Mark than the other gospels, indicate the audiences understanding of Jesus’ spiritual authority over against that of his teaching. See Beavis (1989), 175; Dwyer (1996); Twelftree (1999), 101. 73 On memories see Bruner (1991); Duling (2011). On emotion and memory see, Gross (2006); Kensinger, Garoff-Eaton, & Schacter (2007); Rubin (2006); Schacter (1997), ch 7. 74 This is not to say that the accuracy of Mark’s memory was entirely accurate. Memories have been known to be ‘false’ or inaccurate. See Crossan (1999), 59‒68. 75 Kelber (1983), 21. 71

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Moreover, according to Gerd Theissen, the early Christian movement seems to have spread through the travels of itinerant missionaries who preached, taught or prophesied in the name of Jesus.76 The Didache is familiar with such itinerant prophets and it is generally assumed that they were familiar with elements of the gospel traditions.77 The Western tendency regarding memory and the Jesus tradition has been predominantly individualistic, regarding the gospels as specific memories of either the apostles or those who wrote down what the apostles said.78 As stated above, the form critics such as Rudolf Bultmann and Martin Dibelius were primarily concerned with individual memory as recording instruments that sometimes fail, rather than collective or social memory.79 However, memory and memory construction is rarely an individual matter.80 Moreover, the group cohesion and orientation of the ancient world would have facilitated the formation of memories within a social context and not in terms of modern Western individualism.81 By contrast, John Miles Foley argues that memory in oral transmission or performance is never a static recollection of facts. Foley analyzed three introductions to folk stories and showed how certain words serve as cues to an oral context. The four main observations that Foley made were:

76 Draper (1998); Theissen (1993), 38. Draper has challenged Theissen’s assessment of ‘wandering radicals’ and argued that the basis for his understanding is on Weber’s notion of charismatics. While this seems to be fair to state, it does seem that the early Christians believed themselves to be ‘people of the Spirit’ or pneumatically led. In this regard, it was not charismatic in the sense of a charismatic personality, but rather charismatic in the sense of possessing spiritual gifts. Moreover, Jesus’ own strict rules for discipleship does seem to indicate that participation in his Kingdom mission was radical or violating the status quo. The willful giving up of fishing careers, tax collection or farms, while not entirely lucrative, and depending on others further suggests the radical nature of early Jesus followers. 77 Theissen (1993), 38. 78 Eusebius, Hist. eccl.3.39.3‒5. Bauckham (2006); J. Dunn (2003); Kirk & Thatcher (2005b), 21; Richards (2011). 79 McIver (2011), 98‒101. McIver states that the form critics viewed the production of gospel traditions in community terms, and this is certainly the case. However, their own understanding of the process of memory was thought of in individual terms when dealing with the texts. 80 Halbwachs (1992), 38‒40. 81 This orientation and preference for groups or families over against individuals is still active within the Mediterranean culture as well as non-Western societies. See Baker (2011); Horsley (1999a), 15‒28; Richards (2011).

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Introduction

a. Memory in oral tradition is emphatically not a static retrieval mechanism for data;82 b. It is very often kinetic, emergent, creative activity; c. In many cases it is linked to performance, without which it has no meaning d. Memory typically entails an oral/aural communication requiring an auditor or audience.83  The corporate nature of modern and ancient stories provides a broader understanding of both the Jesus tradition as well as understanding shared memories of performance. Again, shared memories are a primary factor in developing identity; each of the gospels provides memories of the life, death and resurrection of Jesus. What stands out as unusual is commonly what is remembered unless one instructed to memorize or familiar with a specific pattern or routine.84 The deeds of power of Jesus would have stood out as unique, especially if the frequency is as often as the gospels, especially Mark, recount. These social memories of the miracles of Jesus would have provided a general basis of early Christian identity.

1.1c Imagination Central to most scholarship regarding the gospels has been the use of the historical critical method. However, when delving into a topic concerning Jesus’ miracles the question is usually asked, ‘did this really happen?’ While it is generally agreed that Jesus was an exorcist or miracle worker,85 from a historical theological perspective the question is irrelevant. A better question might be, what is the author trying to convey about his/her world? What are they telling us about their perception of God, mankind, and their life-world? What is going on in their imagination to envisage such possibilities? Having surveyed the territory of narrative and memory, something must be said about narrative reasoning and imagination. As narrative reasoning is primarily a mental activity, constructing stories in time and speaking them out, it is essential to understand that memories on which Bultmann (1968). Foley (2011), 83. 84 Learning by rote was not uncommon, especially in ancient education. See Robb (1994), 33. On the unusual holding a place or being ‘worthy’ of telling see J. Bruner (1991), 71. 85 Crossan (1993); (1999); Keener (2011); Twelftree (1999); (2007a). 82 83

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the narratives are based are mental constructions of imagination.86 Creating a narrative or a history itself is an imaginative process as the events occurring take place in the past and must be conjured up through images within the mind’s eye as the history is read or performed and are imagined causally.87 As Mead states, ‘A person has to bring up a certain portion of the past to determine what his present is.’88 This ‘bringing up’ and the connections made and the linking together of cause and effects is done in the imagination. Psychological studies have shown that creative thinking or imagination is close to, if not the same as, logical reasoning.89 Imagination is based upon an image, specifically within the mind’s eye or through perception and is related to veridical events or made up.90 However, imagination is not so easily described. There has been a long line of history and interpretation of imagination.91 The British empiricists such as Locke and Hume believed that imagination was related with recollective memory. Similarly, for Blaise Pascal imagination is sophistry and deception.92 Viewing imagination negatively or as something ‘made up’ they established the criteria for true memories based on the level of vividness. The more vivid and accurate the memory was, the less likely it was that it was from the imagination.93 On a more positive note, Paul Ricoeur argued that imagination is not marginal or negligible in thought as the empiricists and Pascal might posit, but rather something that permeates all thought and conceptualization.94 He states that there is no such thing as a brute impression and that imagination is ‘encapsulated within the framework of perception.’ As history is constructed through memory, constructing history involves imagination. As Byrskog states, ‘what people imagined happened may be as crucial to the history as what did happen.’ Byrskog (2000), 29. 87 Byrskog (2003). Byrskog states, ‘All these aspects are immediately fictionalized in the sense that they become part of a person’s framework of interpretation.’ Imagination is therefore related to ones reference and grid of perception and interpretation. 88 Mead (1938), 81. 89 Byrne (2005); Schacter, Gaesser, & Addis (2013). 90 The distinguishing between true and false memory has had a long history within philosophical and psychological circles. Issues of ‘false’ memories or memory distortions in memory are pertinent to discussion concerning imagination; however it is beyond this paper to discuss these issues. See Brewer (1999); Schacter (1997). 91 Brewer (1999). 92 Pascal, Pensees, 82. 93 Brewer (1999), 27. 94 Taylor (2006). 86

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Introduction

Ricoeur divides imagination into two types. The first type is the reproductive imagination which is based upon something else or a copy of something else. The second type is productive imagination which has no basis of origin other than the mind. Productive imagination can be exemplified in the areas of social and cultural imagination. The social and cultural imaginations are based upon utopia or literally, ‘nowhere’, which can point to a new kind of reality which also entails this new reality.95 Ricoeur believed that fiction was a means by which new realities were created.96 This fiction played a part in in the social and cultural imagination as well as the epistemological imagination in science. It is this creativity or imagination that helps create a theoretical model or create new language appropriate to the new realm of application.97 In antiquity, the dichotomy between fact and fiction was not as clearly defined as in contemporary times.98 ‘Despite devotion to “truth” as historiographical ideal’, asserts Loveday Alexander, ‘the genre of history in the Hellenistic and Roman periods laboured under a set of operating assumptions which effectively blurred the distinctions between fact and fiction.’99 If we accept Ricoeur’s thesis that fiction, as a means whereby new realities are created, then the miracles displayed through Jesus and the apostles then imagined and demonstrated some new reality, namely the Kingdom of God. For early Christians, this new reality was achieved through the life, death and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth; and was initially articulated in his message concerning the Kingdom. The miracles of Jesus, while in continuity with the actions of the God of Israel, were signs of the in-breaking of this new reality as well as the reality itself.100 Jesus describes a new reality where anything is possible101 and prior to his birth, Mary is told that nothing is impossible for God.102 Later, Paul would state that those ‘in Christ’ were a new creation and that the only thing that matter was this ontological reality as such.103

97 98 99 95

96

102 103 100 101

Taylor (2006), 96. Taylor (2006), 97. Taylor (2006), 97. Bowersock (1994). Alexander (1998). Matt. 12.28, Luke 11.20. Achtemeier (1975); Twelftree (1999), 276. Mark 9.23; Matt. 17.20. Luke 1.37. 2 Cor. 5.17; Gal. 6.15.

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In the development of oral tradition and the establishment of traditions, it becomes important as they are established through events, symbols, meanings and the creative imagination. Regarding oral tradition, Samuel Bysrkog states, ‘the credibility of oral sources is one that takes into account not only facts but also imagination and symbolism.’104 The events and recitation of the events and their meanings become established within a culture as rituals. Having usually started with a charismatic beginning, traditions and rituals become established through the creativity and significant experiences of individuals, priest-figures or authority figures.105 This is crucial to understanding the early Christian world as well as the broader Greco-Roman context in which the early Christians lived. Miracles give us an aspect of what the early Christians believed and existed in their imaginations. This is not to say that there was no historical basis or actual experience related with the miracles of Jesus or the apostles,106 rather it is to say that the miracle stories reflect what early Christians believed was possible. The commemoration of the miracles played out in liturgical settings or saints’ feast days bringing about a routinization of both the miracles and the miracle workers.107 This routinization still involves imagination as liturgies, homilies and art conjure up or appeal affectively to the audience.108 When delving into the early Christian imagination we must come to terms with the fact that the world in which early Christians lived was made up of signs and symbols. Indeed, as Jews and later Gentiles became Christians, they would have brought their symbolic worlds with them.109 As Robert Neville states, ‘Gentile Christians would not have the Jewish past to purify, rectify or extend in continuity […] very quickly they transformed their readings of those Jewish symbols from the strict history of Israel into new meanings that could apply to themselves.’110 These divergent symbolic worlds would need to be reoriented, recast or reinterpreted in order for inclusion to occur into the new Jesus sect. Byrskog (2003), 255; P. R. Thompson (2000), 161. Weber (1993). 106 Theissen (2007), 32‒33. 107 Augustine records miraculous healings occurring at the feast day of St. Stephen (City of God 8). He also has a book of healings which occurred either in his presence or by those he knew. See also, Delahaye (1910). 108 McCall (2007), 52‒53; Rose (2009). 109 J. W. Thompson (2011). 110 Neville (2001), xxii–xxiii. 104 105

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These signs and symbols would need to either be passed on to new members, reinterpreted or a combination of both. They would reorient the individual within this new life-world and combined with the particular ethical praxis would constitute a new identity, but this is never separate from the miracle of the resurrection as well as other miracles of Jesus. The miracles of Jesus served as signs of the Kingdom of God and indeed, were the Kingdom of God. These signs, especially the resurrection, were reinterpreted to indicate the victory of God over death and sin and used apologetically to prove the veracity of the Christian message.

2  Miracle and Identity Because memory is conditioned by social frames of attention and interpreted through social perceptions that dictate we must first establish the Greco-Roman matrix, which the early Christians found themselves.111 The primary social frames that existed throughout the Roman Empire were patronage, group and family networks, and economic social stratification. A brief sketch of these primary social systems is necessary to understand the creation of early Christian identity, memory and the miraculous as well as provide the social frameworks that put ‘pressure’ on the memories of the miracles. The patronage system permeated the Empire and established the social stratification of patron-client relationships.112 The patronage system revolved around the mutual benefits that each party provided the other. The patron provided goods and services to the client who would give back honor or votes for their patron. The relationship was a serious one and was not to be entered into lightly.113 In choosing a beneficiary and benefactor, Seneca (4 bce-56 ce) stated, From whom, then, shall we receive? To answer you briefly, from those to whom we could have given. Let us see, in fact, whether it does not require even greater discernment to find a man to whom we ought to owe, than one on whom we ought to bestow, a benefit.114 Assmann (2011a), 22. deSilva (2000), 95‒97; Heen (2006). 113 Whitlark (2011). 114 Seneca, Ben. 2.18.3 A quibus ergo accipiemus? Ut breviter tibi respondeam: ab his, quibus dedissemus. Videamus, num etiam maiore dilectu quaerendus est, cui debeamus, quam cui praestemus. 111

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He later states, ‘I must be far more careful in selecting my creditor for a benefit than a creditor for a loan.’115 Cicero stated how ‘in acts of kindness we should weigh with discrimination the worthiness of the object of our benevolence; we should take into consideration his moral character […] ’116 In a broader sense, the Roman Empire was a center of power which dominated other cultures and locations. Imperial imposition, taxation and exportation would have weighed on the minds of early Christians and would have placed pressure on the memories of the Jesus tradition.117 Jesus’ command to ‘render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s’ when he was questioned about taxation reflects a political statement and compliance of Jesus with the state.118 The Zealots were not so tolerant and wished to take back Israel by force. The reflection of Jesus’ disciples in the beginning of Acts about reclaiming Israel from the Romans depicts their understanding of the Kingdom of God as being a human or earthly kingdom.119 Jesus’ provision for the temple tax, or prophetic knowledge of a fish with a coin in its mouth also seems to indicate compliance with the religious laws of his time.120 Others, such as the generous widow, might not have been as fortunate.121 The benefaction on the human level also corresponded with the divine. Gratitude was essential in the patron-client relationship. The gods were thought to divulge benefits to the mortals and in exchange the recipient was to give honor, praise and glory to the deity. In GrecoRoman as well as ancient Israelite culture failure to honor the gods or provide gratitude for a benefit could be a cause of a curse or judgment from the gods. The pressure of repaying or giving proper honor back to the patron or lender would have created anxiety for the client or the one

115 Seneca, Ben. 2.18.5 et quidem diligentius quaerendus beneficii quam pecuniae creditor. 116 Cicero, Off. 1.45 ut in beneficentia dilectus esset dignitatis; in quo et mores eius erunt spectandi, in quem beneficium conferetur. 117 Crossan (1993); (1999), 60‒67. 118 Matt. 22.21; Mark 12.17; Luke 20.25. This statement could be understood as compliance with the Empire or at least an expression that Jesus was not trying to subvert the established order by natural means. Indeed, Jesus may have seen the Roman occupation as God’s judgment on Israel and not necessarily a party to rise up against. 119 Acts 1.6. 120 Exod. 30.13; Matt. 17.27. 121 Mark 12.44; Luke 21.4.

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indebted.122 This is made clear by the parable of the unforgiving servant123 and the dishonest manager.124 The Roman family would be larger and more complex than today’s Western nuclear family. Families and kinship networks were quite tight within Roman families and due to the honour/shame context one would not want to bring disgrace to their family.125 At the heart of the family is the identity, usually attributed to the father’s honour and status which in turn dictates the individuals place in their world. Each family would have certain modes of thinking, memories and teaching. Certain ethical norms would be established as taboo by the larger culture but also within the family structure.126 Occupational expectations were also dictated by family status. Jesus returning to Nazareth in Mark 6 indicates that he was operating outside of the normal familial expectation of carpentry by his teaching and healing.127 Associations and clubs (ἑταιρεία) were a central part of Roman religion and provided certain elements of religious identity.128 They were generally not as exclusive as was early Christianity, because one could be a member of several clubs or associations at the same time. They provided members and families with social outlets as well as certain provisions for funerary rites and rituals. Psychologically, initiation into the associations or clubs may have appeased any existential fears concerning death and ensured proper entrance into the afterlife. Within the larger Greco-Roman world the presence of miracles existed and Roman historians recount with either favor or skepticism certain wondrous events.129 Exorcisms, charms and magic were common fare within Greco-Roman culture. Belief in the gods, while waxing and waning throughout different times and regions of the Empire, was also common. 122 The Aelianus, Fragmenta, 101 states ‘Asclepius […] commands thank offerings for the restoration of his [sc., Aristarchus’] health.’ Many votives in shapes of different body parts which were healed by the god still exist in various Museums in Italy. Edelstein (1998), 294‒295. 123 Matt. 18.28. 124 Luke 16.5. 125 deSilva (2000), 158‒163; Sandnes (1994). 126 Halbwachs (1992), 58‒59. 127 deSilva (2000), 162; Kelber (1983), 102‒103. 128 Egelhaaf-Gaiser & Schäfer (2002); B. Walker (2008). 129 Lucian, Vera. Hist., 2.4, Philops. 13; Tacitus Hist. 4.81‒82; Pliny the Elder, Nat. 28.4.14‒16; See also Cotter (1999).

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The unpredictability of health and healing would have placed pressure on the construction of memories and served as a social pressure. The use of magic and divination sought to bring peace and protection to petitioners. While there were medical practitioners, the lines between medicine and magic were often blurred.130 The honor and worship of Asclepius for healing was a common practice throughout the ancient Mediterranean.131 The distinguishing factor of urban and agrarian and rich and poor was quite determining in the Empire.132 The wealthy elite lived in cities and constituted 1‒2 percent of the population who owned large rural areas that were manned by slaves. Those who were not slaves and lived outside the cities worked on land they either owned or rented. Poverty and provision would have also weighed heavy on the psyche of the ancients and possibly placed pressure on the memories that formed early Christianity. It is within this social milieu that the early Christians emerged. Within this context of patrons, clubs and miraculous benefaction from heaven we situate the memories of early Christians. Belief in the gods and supernatural intervention, while waning into skepticism at certain points in antiquity, was common. For Greco-Roman audiences of oral performances the paradigm and belief in the supernatural, miracles, dreams and visions was common.133 It is not surprising that the miracle stories of Jesus relate to each one of these social situations. Healing, raising the dead, multiplication of food as well as his proclamation of the Kingdom of God (against that of the Roman Empire) each relate to the social institutions that may have placed pressure on the memories of early Christianity. Some of Jesus’ miracles as well as later apostolic miracles relate to patronage.134 It is also not surprising to find that each of the gospels recount some of the same stories differently or using different words. Each of the early tellers and the later evangelists writing would be facing his/ her own social situations and would emphasize certain aspects of the narrative differently. Moreover, in presenting a gospel that was contextually appropriate or understandable to his/her audience, they would Cotter (1999), 201. Edelstein (1998), 294‒297. 132 Meeks (1983), 10‒11, 51‒53. 133 Bovon (2003b); Hanson (1980); Keener (2011); Kolenkow (1980); Meeks (1983). 134 The healing of the centurion’s servant and the issue of ‘authority’ in Matt. 8.8‒13 and Luke 7.6‒10 places the centurion in a position of debt for Jesus. However, the centurion had faith, which was enough of a payment for Jesus. Stoops (1986); (1991). 130 131

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Miracle and Identity

have reshaped and recounted the stories in a more relevant manner. As we shall see in the next chapter, there were also variations and mutations within individual written texts which were deliberate, but also modified due to the dependence on memory. The earliest followers of Jesus were probably seen as a Jewish sect. As such, they would have inherited all of the commemorative feasts and rituals related to Temple worship. Most of these commemorations were related to a miracle within Jewish memory. This significance of this cannot be overstated. Before or after each miraculous activity of God a commemorative event or ritual was instituted.135 The Passover meal was remembered as having been inaugurated prior to God’s slaughtering of the firstborn of the Egyptians.136 The Feast of Weeks was given as a remembrance of deliverance out of Egypt137 and the giving of Torah on Mount Sinai.138 The feast of Booths139 commemorated the Israelites forty years of wandering and the leading of God by fire at night and a cloud by day.140 These festivals and rituals were a way for Jews to realize meaning and ‘presentifies’ the Exodus or miracle that God performed.141 These memorializing or commemorating in themselves are an act of memory. Early Christians would have celebrated these festivals, but would have reinterpreted them through the lens of the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus.142 The apostle Paul stated that like the Passover lamb, Christ died for our sins.143 The author of 1 Peter concurs.144 John refers 135 Assmann states that through festivals and rituals the group receives its identity as communication and continuance of cultural knowledge is transmitted. Assmann (2011a), 42. 136 Exod. 12. 137 Deut. 16.12 138 Exod. 19‒20. 139 Also called the feast of Tabernacles or tents. 140 Exod. 13.21‒22. 141 Assmann (2011a), 73. 142 In conjuring up such sacrificial imagery, the reader or hearer at a Pauline or Johannine Eucharist service may have understood the variety of sacrificial meanings. Jesus as the Passover lamb would provide protection for the Christian just as the blood over the doorposts protected the Israelites from the angel of death (Exod. 12.7, 22‒23). They would have understood the idea of Jesus being the ‘scapegoat’ for their sins upon which God’s wrath was poured out separating him from the community. Finally, they would have understood his death as beginning the new covenant. Neville (2001), 62‒67. 143 1 Cor. 5.7, 15.3. 144 1 Pet. 2.24; 3.18.

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

to Jesus as the Lamb of God.145 Each of these examples show that the remembering of the Jewish symbols, rituals and commemorative festivals continued was carried into the early Jesus movement. The early Christian narrative is most obviously found in Paul’s preaching (κήρυγμα). While there are no formal doctrinal creeds spelled out by the apostle, there are elements from his letters that can be combined that formulate his message.146 Paul’s primary focus was on the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus.147 Paul’s gospel proclamation was an invitation into the shared memory of Jesus death and resurrection which constituted the early Christian identity. ‘We preach Christ crucified’, Paul wrote.148 Outside of these two events, there is little within Paul’s letters regarding the life of Jesus, his words or works.149 Presumably, this is due to the fact that Paul’s epistles are written to those he already preached to and explained what he had received.150 As a rabbi, Paul would have been aware of the miracles of Israel’s past. We know that he provided the early church with an interpretive framework for the death and resurrection of Jesus as his death was paralleled with the sacrificial lamb at Passover. The resurrection of Jesus provided the central event for early Christian preaching and community. His resurrection was the vindication of God over death.151 To the Thessalonians Paul wrote that ‘we believe that Jesus died and rose again.’152 Paul wrote to the Corinthians that if Christ was not really raised from the dead their faith was in vain.153 Without the belief in the miracle of the resurrection the early Christian communities would have no reason to gather. Unless there was some other chief mystery to be understood or interpreted, or another narrative that could have been shared, there could be no koinonia. While Paul adheres to the death and resurrection of Jesus as well as ethical concerns of his communities, the gospels and Acts provide a wider perspective regarding Jesus, the disciples and the early Christian 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 145

146

John 1.29, 36; Rev. 5.6, 7.17. Kelber (1983), 144, 167. 1 Cor. 1.23, 2.2; 2 Cor. 13.4. 1 Cor. 1.23. The exception being 1 Cor. 11.23‒25 and 1 Cor. 7.12. 1 Cor. 11.2, 15.3; 1 Thes. 4.1. 1 Cor. 15.54‒57. 1 Thes. 4.14. 1 Cor. 15.14‒15.

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Miracle and Identity

narrative. Acts identifies Jesus as in the line of David, and like Paul’s preaching, the speeches of Acts depict Jesus as crucified and risen and promised to return.154 We learn more of how Luke understands Jesus when he declares through Peter that ‘Jesus of Nazareth, a man attested to you by God with mighty signs and wonders’155 and ‘who went about doing good.’156 For Luke, Jesus is a man attested through the working of signs and wonders. The awareness of the presence of the Holy Spirit within the early congregations was also a distinguishing identity marker. Because of the crucifixion and resurrection the Spirit could come.157 We know that some of the early Christianity were pneumatic communities infused and led by the Holy Spirit.158 In each of Paul’s letters there is an indication of the presence of the Spirit or God’s work being done.159 In the book of Acts the Spirit is present or manifests itself primarily through glossolalia, healing, visions, exorcism or prophecy.160 The paradigm and interpretation for these miracles was founded in the person and work of Jesus.161 Paul’s lengthy explanation of glossolalia and prophecy to the Corinthian congregation indicates that there was some confusion over the presence and manifestations of the Holy Spirit.162 The pneumatic experiences of the Corinthian church may have been viewed in reference to pagan experiences and initiation into mystery cults. In order to bring about proper understanding Paul clarifies the boundaries of the early Christian community in relation to the former pagan’s interpretation of the Holy Spirit and mystery cults. Within Pauline churches the presence of miracles was related with apostolic preaching of the gospel. In 1 Thes. 1.5 there is evidence that

Cf. 1 Thes. 4.13; Acts 1.11. Acts 2.22. 156 Acts 10.38. 157 John 16.7; D. Brown (1999), 62‒67. 158 J. Dunn (2006); Fee (1994); (1996); Stanton, Longenecker, & Barton (2004). 159 Rom. 8; 1 Cor. 12, 14; 2 Cor. 6.6, 13.4; Gal. 3.2‒5, 5.16‒18; Phil. 1.19, 27, 2.1; 1 Thes. 1.5‒6. 160 On glossolalia see Acts 10.46; 19.6; On healing see Acts 4.22; 10.38; On visions see Acts 9.10, 12; 10.3, 17, 19; 11.5; 12.9; 16.9f; 18.9; 26.19; On exorcisms see, Acts 16.16‒17, 19.13; On prophecy and prophets see Acts 5.1‒5; 11.28; 21.10. 161 Acts 2.11‒21. 162 1 Cor. 12, 14. 154 155

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

miracles occurred in the course of Paul’s proclamation of the Gospel.163 Paul’s reference to the gospel and power (δυνάμει) and in fullness is probably in reference to miracles occurring during Paul’s preaching. Demonstrations of the Spirit and power were witnessed by the Corinthian church through Paul’s proclamation of the gospel.164 In 2 Corinthians, Paul chastises the church for receiving another gospel and implies that they received another spirit.165 Similarly, the Galatians community seems to have fallen under this ‘other spirit’ which promoted works of the law.166 In contrast, by faith the genuine Spirit worked miracles among the Galatian community.167 With other apostles preaching ‘another gospel’ exhortation on unity was necessary within early Christian circles. Jesus’ statement about eating his flesh and drinking his blood in the Fourth Gospel was a symbolic statement of unity and commitment to him.168 Later in the same gospel he emphasizes the abiding in the Father as a branch abides with a vine.169 1 John also reflects the idea of unity with Christ. Just as he (Christ) was in the world, so are we, John states.170 In his rebuke of the Corinthians, the apostle Paul states, ‘do you not know you are the temple of God?’171 Paul reorients the Corinthian’s symbolic world by defining the Temple as individual believers. Just as the presence of God dwelt in the Temple in Israel, the Holy Spirit dwells in the Christian. Paul’s transition of the place of worship as the Christian community rather than the Temple in Jerusalem reflects a similar enthusiastic understanding of his Greco-Roman audience. The GrecoRoman audiences would have a keen understanding of being indwelt by a deity as their prophets and prophetesses prophesied enthusiastically or by the indwelt divinity. There are eschatological ramifications of being the Temple of God and being indwelt by the Spirit or being ‘in Christ.’ Paul’s repeated references to the Christian being ‘in Christ’ indicate the individuals standing Twelftree (2013), 180‒187. 1 Cor. 2.4‒5. 165 2 Cor. 11.4. 166 Gal. 3.1. 167 Gal. 3.5. 168 John 6.53‒55. 169 John 14. 170 1 John 4.17. 171 1 Cor. 3.16. 163

164

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Miracle and Identity

in relation to God. For Paul, Christians have ‘Christ in you, the hope of glory.’172 Similarly, the Holy Spirit dwells in the believer and has further ontological and eschatological consequences.173 Paul states that anyone in Christ is a new creature (καινὴ κτίσις).174 This newness or being of a new creation involved a death to sin and alive to righteousness through baptism and the indwelling presence of the Holy Spirit. Because Christ is in the believer, they have a similar hope like that of the resurrected Jesus at the end of the age. According to the gospel of John, one function of the Spirit is to bring about remembrance of what Jesus taught.175 The remembrance and the connection of the Spirit with the communities recalling of Jesus’ teaching provides the link between memory, community and identity. The groups’ actions and ‘greater works’ are connected with the fact that Jesus announces his departure and the arrival of the Spirit.176 Memory for some early Christian communities is more than just a recalling of words or facts, for John it is a Spirit infused activity, brimming with the life of God himself.177 The inherited Jewish symbols of Passover and Exodus were reinterpreted in the gospels. The coming of Jesus initiated a ‘New Exodus.’178 Celebration of the Passover meal became a ‘new covenant’ which Jeremiah prophesied179 and a meal that Jesus ate with his disciples instituted the eucharist and the central celebratory meal for the rest of the church thereafter. The cross was a symbol of torture and punishment and later became a sign of redemption to the early Christians. Anchors were a common early Christian symbol related to the certainty and steadfastness of faith.180 The healing acts of Jesus served as ‘signs’ in John as well as the other gospels that the Kingdom of God had broken forth in the life and

Col. 1.27. Rom. 8.9. 174 2 Cor. 5.17. 175 John 14.26; Stuhlmacher (2004). 176 John 14.12. 177 The relationship between memory and the divine is also found in Homer where the bard calls upon the Muses to help him recall the story. 178 Martin (2011); Pao (2000); Watts (2000). 179 Jer. 31.31. 180 Kennedy (1975). 172 173

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Chapter 1: Miracle, Identity and Memory

ministry of Jesus.181 These signs directed people to Jesus as God’s agent. They also served as announcements as well as boundary markers for those who were ‘in’ and those who were ‘outside’ the early Christian community. Later dialogue with pagans used miracles as proof of the truth of Christianity or authenticity of the Christian message.182 The miraculous deeds of Jesus as well as the apostles called for a form of repentance or adherence to the new sect. Some followed him and some turned away. Those choosing not to follow usually did so as a result of the rigorous cost of discipleship.183 In this way the miracles of Jesus acted to create the new Kingdom communities or the Church. As stated above, shared memories help create identity. Another element of identity creation is shared narratives of origin as well as other stories. The gospel of John parallels the creation account in Genesis in an effort to establish a new narrative of origin for early Christians.184 This act of Creation is no longer just attributed to God, but to Jesus himself, the incarnate Word of God. By partaking of the creation narrative through the lens of the cross and resurrection, one could become a child of God.185 The crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus provided the interpretive grid into early Christian initiation. Through ritual acts of baptism and the eucharist a new identity was created. The mystery of Christ’s descent and raising up provided one meaning of early Christian baptism.186 Both Paul and Peter found the life of Christ, his death and resurrection related with the baptism of early believers.187 These community rituals along with the moral instruction and exclusiveness provided identity demarcation of early Christianity. These rituals were based upon memory and consequently created a new identity for the individual adding to the community. In joining with a way of life, new members would need instruction on the narrative world of the community. This would originate from the collective memory of the community and would be performed through ritual 181 Mark 3.21‒25; Luke 11.14‒17; John 2.11, 23; 3.2; 4.48; 6:2, 26; 7:31; 9:16; 11:47; 12:37; 20:30. Grech (2011), 73, 106. 182 Remus (1983). 183 Meier (1991b), 52‒56. 184 John 1.1. 185 John 1.13. 186 Ferguson (2009). 187 Rom. 6.3‒4; 1 Pet. 3.20‒22.

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Conclusion

acts based on memory. By engaging in these rituals and later performing them from memory, a new interpretation of the self, the community and the world was envisaged.188

3 Conclusion The common narrative of early Christianity inherited from Judaism and modified with the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth provided the essential components of early Christian identity. The collective memory and tradition of miracles wrought directly by God or through mediators such as prophets was taken up from Judaism by early Christianity. For the Pauline and Johannine circles, the presence of the Spirit provided the pneumatic element of these communities that manifested the presence and grace of God through miracles as well as bringing forth the remembrance of Jesus’ teachings. The memory of the narrative of God’s covenant faithfulness and previous deeds of power would be recounted from memory in ritual acts such as the eucharist and baptism. These acts were be a central activities of the community. The transmission of these miracles stories within the social and economic situations would have demarcated it from other clubs and associations. Later on, as the experiences became solidified and commemorated, these miracle stories could serve as propaganda which helped to bridge the gap between those outside and those inside the early Christian communities, and contribute to attracting new converts.

188

O’Loughlin (2010), 54‒55.

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CHAPTER 2: THE TRANSMISSION OF A TRADITION: MEMORY, ORALITY, AND DISCIPLESHIP

1 Introduction In the previous chapter we examined how the elements of identity are expressed through group memory, narrative consciousness and imagination. We examined how central the role of miracle was in the shaping and commemoration of the ancient Jewish identity as well as that of early Christians. In this chapter we will establish how the transmission of the miracle tradition for early Christians occurred through oral performances based on memory, verbal communication and discipleship. In antiquity there was no stand alone concept of ‘literature’ as the interplay between orality and written texts were bound together. This was prominently manifested in the art of rhetoric which was established in Hellenistic culture and influential on Roman society as well. With this in mind, this means that texts were written to be orally performed. It is the argument of this chapter that the transmission of the miracle tradition of both Jesus and the apostles was given through oral performances. First, the form critics, specifically Martin Dibelius (1883‒1947) and Rudolf Bultmann (1884‒1976),1 provided a methodology for analysing the stories of Jesus’ words and miracles. While their methodology has proved fruitful in many instances, recent explorations into the gospel tradition, memory and orality have augmented our understanding of the New Testament and early church through placing early Christian communities and scriptures in their aural/oral life-world. Though the form critics acknowledged an oral/aural background to the texts, they still treated them primarily as written texts. Through examining later assessments Bultmann (1968); Dibelius (1971).

1

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Chapter 2: The Transmission of a Tradition

of the form critics, particularly through Harald Riesenfeld and Birger Gerhardsson,2 we will seek to establish how transmission of traditions is established in oral/aural environments in pre-literate cultures.3 Second, having grounded the process of transmission, we will place the transmission of tradition in its appropriate ancient contexts and survey the role of memory, orality and textuality. Contrary to contemporary text-based assumptions, the location and transmission of the Jesus tradition took place in an oral environment with texts acting as surrogates to the spoken word. This will provide the broader context for the transmission of early Christian miracle tradition. As much emphasis was placed on the spoken word in education and the art of rhetoric, a brief examination of these two areas in the second century will be provided. Finally, we will examine the form of discipleship that existed, both Greco-Roman and rabbinic, before and around the time of Jesus. The texts, traditions and memories of philosophical and religious leaders were preserved and perpetuated through those who followed them. As the canonical gospels are evidence of the earliest memories we have concerning Jesus and the disciples, we shall examine the memories of Jesus’ expectations in discipleship and his message of the Kingdom of God in his teaching, particularly his parables. This will help set the stage for our analysis of the miracle stories in Acts of the Apostles as well as the Acts of Peter and the Acts of Paul.

1.1  Form Criticism During the late-nineteenth century New Testament scholarship engaged in a quest for what lay behind the gospel texts, how these texts were used and how they circulated. The work of Martin Dibelius and Rudolf Bultmann laid the groundwork for later generations of scholars to discover the Sitz im Leben or the ‘place in the life’ that the gospel stories took place. Historians writing in the wake of historical positivism, especially in Germany, were interested in seeking the truth and facts as it actually happened. Likewise, biblical studies sought after concrete evidence for the historical events of the Bible. Archaeologists took to excavating ancient Palestinian settlements with a trowel in one hand and a Bible in the other in an effort to prove validity of the Scriptures. Scholars such

Gerhardsson (1961); Riesenfeld (1957). By pre-literate I do not mean societies that have no writing, but those where reading and writing are specialist skills. 2 3



Introduction

as William M. Ramsay (1851‒1939) and William F. Albright (1891‒1971) sought to illuminate the scriptures by archaeological investigation. The form critics believed that the gospels were popular folk literature and not necessarily biographical or historical. They viewed the gospel stories not as memories of Jesus but as extensions of the kerygma of Jesus’ passion and resurrection.4 The stories of the gospels represented the post-Easter faith of these early Christian communities. Because they viewed the gospel traditions as originating in folk stories, authorship of the gospels does not play a major role in their analysis of the materials because the evangelists were not historians piecing together information in a modern sense, but rather receivers and transmitters of tradition.5 The evangelists would have pieced together the stories according to the ‘laws’ of the certain forms that existed at the time. So for example, a healing story would have the following elements: explanation of illness, how long the person suffered from it, previous ineffective cures, action of the healer and the effective cure.6 The sayings within the story would conform to ‘laws’ that dictated the form of the story. In the period between his ministry, death and reports of his resurrection and prior to the writing of the gospels, the people who knew Jesus or knew of him would have been discussing his life and death. These stories would have circulated as independent units before coming together in the particular ‘forms’ utilized by the particular churches as needed. The words and actions of Jesus would have circulated by pneumatically inspired preachers, teachers and apostles as occasion demanded.7 Form critics drew a distinction between the words of Jesus and the narrative elements as later additions provided by the early Church to give meaning or context to Jesus’ teachings. Early form critics understood the sayings of Jesus as transmitted orally by nameless people within the Palestinian or Hellenistic milieu before finally being placed in written form in the gospels.8 Form critics broke down certain sections of the text and analysed the forms of the pericopes to gain an understanding of how the Jesus tradition took shape in their divergent communities.9 Because of the 6 7 8 9 4 5

Robinson & Koester (1971), 162. Dibelius (1971), 3. Bultmann (1968), 221. Travis (1977), 154. Keller & Keller (1969), 124‒125; Travis (1977), 154. Bultmann (1968), 3.

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Chapter 2: The Transmission of a Tradition

analysis of the individual pericopes, it is impossible to construct a strict chronological reading of the gospels Those stories deemed earliest were thought to be of ‘Palestinian’ origin and those of a later tradition were considered ‘Hellenistic.’10 To highlight Jesus’ Messiahship, certain stories were added for emphasis or to build a climax such as the woman with the issue of blood inserted in Jesus’ approach to Jairus’ house.11 Bultmann states, ‘I have no doubt that we are here dealing with what was originally two miracle stories.’12 The motive for the combining of these two miracle stories is to emphasize the greatness of the miracle. By combining the two stories Mark creates a tension contrasting the timing and urgency of Jairus’ request with Jesus’ willingness to stop along the way.13 Given the fact that these are two separate stories that Mark has combined, it is hard to get any chronological sense of the life of Jesus; the one exception being the Passion narrative, which is relatively consistent across all four gospels. Through assigning categories or ‘forms’ to the different sayings and deeds of the Gospels, form critics thought they could place the stories in their respective life-worlds and find any additions to the initial tradition.14 The overall Sitz im Leben was the post-Easter church. As such the form critics did not start with Jesus, but rather the communities that utilized the Jesus tradition (i.e. the words that were handed down to them about Jesus). Form critics also tended to see the development of the tradition as organic and taking shape among nameless groups of people. These stories were transmitted because they were useful to the early church. Dibelius and Bultmann believed that the gospel stories originated in the churches and that the Jesus tradition was used in the teaching of converts in catechesis, worship and missionary proclamation. By determining what were primary and secondary accretions to the traditions, the form critics believed they could find the ‘pure’ gospel story and the true Jesus. Though Dibelius and Bultmann did not agree on the exact names of the forms, they agreed on their functions. The primary forms were Dibelius (1971), 3. Mark 5.22‒42. 12 Bultmann (1968), 214. 13 Gundry (1993), 268. 14 These life-world’s best correlate to what Halbwachs termed ‘localization’ or the context in which memories are dependent. See Halbwachs (1992), 52; Le Donne (2007), 167. 10 11



Introduction

paradigms or apophthegms, tales (miracle stories), legends, myths and exhortations or paraenesis.15 Early form critics generally assigned the miracles of Jesus as legendary or folk-stories and related them with the Greco-Roman stories, rather than through a Jewish lens.16 Throughout his evaluation of Jesus’ miracles, Bultmann repeatedly points to the third-century miracle worker Apollonius of Tyana as well as other Hellensitic parallels.17 He states, ‘But in any case the Hellenistic miracle stories offer such a wealth of parallels to the Synoptic, particularly in style, as to create a prejudice in favour of supposing that the synoptic miracle stories grew up on Hellenistic ground.’18 Because the miracle stories grew up on Hellenistic ground, they should be attributed as a later development in the Jesus tradition. While Dibelius does point to some corresponding rabbinic miracle workers, he does not go into any great detail regarding them.19 Understanding that the tradition of Jesus’ deeds was transmitted orally, Bultmann extends his reach to the narrative aspects of the gospels and argues that as secondary accretions to the sayings of Jesus, the evangelists created events out of the sayings of Jesus. He saw some miracles arising out of sayings of Jesus such as the miraculous draught of fish in Luke 5.1‒11 developing out of Jesus telling the disciples they would be ‘fishers of men.’20

1.2  Towards Oral Tradition Form criticism has been useful to determine the authenticity of strains of gospel tradition. As a sociological model, it can provide understanding the formation of tradition within the social contexts of the people involved. For the purposes of this study, I utilize form criticism in order to point to the various layers of the miracle traditions in question. However, I place the variant traditions within the oral framework and Bultmann (1968); Dibelius (1971). Regarding resurrections, Bultmann states, ‘There are much closer parallels in the Hellenstic tradition.’ Accordingly, ‘The O.T. used to be thought of very highly as a source of the gospel miracle stories […]. It is highly improbable that the feeding stories have arisen out of the story of the Manna in Exod. 16.’ Similarly, Bultmann states, ‘there are very few real miracle stories in the Rabbinic Tradition.’ Bultmann (1968), 221‒223, 229, 231, 239. 17 Bultmann (1968), 221‒223. 18 Bultmann (1968), 240. 19 Dibelius (1971), 149‒151. 20 Bultmann (1968), 230. 15

16

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Chapter 2: The Transmission of a Tradition

approach them from the perspective of different oral performances. While the form critics acknowledged the background of oral tradition, they did not develop the technical details or oral framework for the transmission of the Jesus tradition. Indeed, while acknowledging a background of oral tradition and emphasizing the words of Jesus against his deeds, the form critics did little for understanding the aural/oral environment of the New Testament. Furthermore, there have been some convincing arguments against form criticism.

1.2a  Criticisms of Form Criticism Harald Riesenfeld and Birger Gerhardsson have posed tenable challenges to form criticism. Riesenfeld argued that the process of gospel origins are not available to us through the form critical method and that mission preaching was not the source of the gospel tradition.21 Rather, the rabbinic transmission of oral Torah was more likely the means by which the Jesus tradition took place.22 Following Riesenfeld, in 1961 Birger Gerhardsson challenged the form critics on several points with his Memory and Manuscript. First, Gerhardsson questioned whether the Sitz im Leben for the preservation and transmission of the Jesus tradition was to be found in the lives of early church communities.23 He claimed that the work of form critics was not necessarily historical but rather sociological.24 In examining the Jesus tradition outside of the gospels, specifically Paul’s letters, one is hard pressed to find any exact formal correlation or verbatim recitation of the Jesus tradition.25 While it is clear that Paul knew some of the tradition, he does not show precise interest to quote particular sayings of Jesus verbatim.26 Christopher Tuckett states, ‘the “form” employed is not to cite Jesus traditions.’27 Second, rather than placing the Jesus tradition coming from the life of the early church, like Riesenfeld, Gerhardsson places it within the context of rabbinic Judaism.28 Gerhardsson’s overall argument was that 23 24 25 26 27 28 21

22

Riesenfeld (1957), 11‒12. Riesenfeld (1957), 18. Gerhardsson (1961), 12‒15; (2001), 23, 41; Kelber & Byrskog (2009), 23. Gerhardsson (2001), 2. This argument will also be used later against Gerhardsson. 1 Cor 11.23 Tuckett (2009), 23. Gerhardsson (1961), 15.



Introduction

the gospel tradition remained relatively unchanging from the words of Jesus to the disciples and finally to the text.29 Emphasizing Jesus’ Jewishness, Gerhardsson examined the educational system of Judaism and the handing down of Torah. Like the pupils of rabbis, Gerhardsson believed that the Twelve Apostles, as the primary tradents of the Jesus tradition, would have memorized his words accurately.30 The apostles, as those living and being with Jesus, were the primary preservers and transmitters of the words of Jesus and they took meticulous care to transmit his words and deeds.31 After Jesus’ death and resurrection The Twelve apostles remained in Jerusalem acting as a collegium and teaching Jesus’ sayings.32 More recently Samuel Byrskog also challenged form criticism for the overly simplistic division of the Jesus tradition into words and deeds. Due to their sharp division between what Jesus said and did as well as reductionism of the deeds of Jesus to his words, form criticism makes it impossible to create any episodic framework for the life of Jesus.33 Similarly, the form critics understood that what Jesus said and did was relayed through word of mouth. Form criticism reduces any narrative elements to secondary accretions given by the need of the moment of instruction and thereby a creation of the teacher, apostle, or evangelists’ imagination or inheritance of the tradition, rather than being based on eyewitnesses of the life of Jesus. The false division of words over deeds is further exposed by the Q material. While it is primarily thought of as a sayings source, there are actions of Jesus within it. The response to the disciples of John the Baptist is that they are to return and report what they ‘see and hear.’34 Byrskog notes that the emphasis in these passages and following is on seeing, not just hearing what Jesus said.35 Repeatedly Jesus asks the crowds ‘What did you come to see?’ implying that what he was doing bodily was as important, if not more important than just his words. Jesus declares Gerhardsson (1961); (2001). In Memory and Manuscript, Gerhardsson capitalizes the word Apostle when referring to the Twelve. There were certainly other ‘apostles’ that existed throughout the early Church as reflected in the Didache. Following in suit, I will be capitalizing Apostles when I am referring to the Twelve. 31 Gerhardsson (1961), 222‒225, 296. 32 Gerhardsson (1961), 222‒223. 33 Byrskog (2000), 101‒102. 34 Matt 11.4 // Luke 7.22 35 Byrskog (2000), 103. Matt 11.7 // Luke 7.24; Matt 11.8 // Luke 7.25; Matt 11.9 // Luke 7.26 29

30

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Chapter 2: The Transmission of a Tradition

the disciples’ eyes ‘blessed’ for what they have seen with the implication that seeing, as a comprehensive idiom would also include hearing.36 Because of the anonymity and organic development of the Jesus tradition, the form critics were concerned with what Jesus said with little care about who specifically recounted the Jesus tradition or the identity of the witnesses or what they may have seen.37 Rather than concern for the veracity of witnesses to Jesus’ deeds such as Peter, the women who followed Jesus and others, the form critics minimize their individual input in exchange for ‘communities.’ By taking the presence of characters in the gospel stories seriously as possible witnesses and transmitters of the tradition, the form critics, especially Bultmann, believed that the individual identity of the witnesses were consumed by the collective identity and the common hearing of a wider audience.38

1.2b  Criticisms of Gerhardsson Gerhardsson’s thesis has not been without critique. While he did raise serious concerns against form criticism, there are in turn several objections to his methodology. First, Morton Smith believed it is anachronistic to state that the early disciples would have memorized the words of Jesus like later rabbinic students.39 Much of our knowledge concerning rabbinic discipleship comes from the second and third centuries ce. Furthermore, there is considerable difficulty in dating some of the sayings of the rabbis with any degree of accuracy due to the oral tradition behind the sayings as well as the anonymity of the speakers.40

Byrskog (2000), 103. Matt 13.16‒17 // Luke 10.23‒24 This emphasis on anonymitiy and scepticism, especially regarding oral tradition is documented by Jan Vanisa. See Vansina (1965), 2‒16. 38 Byrskog (2000), 102‒103. 39 M. Smith (1963). Gerhardsson responded to Smith’s argument in Gerhardsson (1964). 40 Mournet (2005), 160‒164; (2009). Mournet argues that the charge of anachronism is unfounded because it is unlikely that the teaching method of the rabbis would have changed drastically due to the fall of Jerusalem in 70 ce. It also appears that one of Gerhardsson’s early critics, Jacob Neusner, changed his mind as evidenced in the 1998 forward to Memory and Manuscript. The fact that Jesus was referred to as ‘rabbi’ shows that the term was in existence during the first century. Given that pedagogical practices of memory and recitation were common across the ancient Mediterranean, as we shall see, it is unlikely that the method of instruction varied within Judaism or Palestine. 36 37

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Introduction

Second, while we know that Jerusalem served as a hub for the Apostles41 after Jesus’ crucifixion, there is little indication about what the Apostles taught. There is a slight indication in Acts 2.42 that those following the new Jesus movement were dedicated to their training or teaching (διδαχή).42 What this teaching was we cannot be entirely certain, however, it probably dealt with the events surrounding Jesus that they had witnessed43 and proclaiming Jesus as the Christ.44 Luke rarely uses any of the Jesus tradition in the speeches of Acts and when he does, he alludes to it in a summary.45 If the letters of Paul are of any indication, then the apostles presumably taught about the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus. Third, while Gerhardsson acknowledged the possible Greco-Roman context for orality, he failed to examine it in great detail.46 Had he engaged with the Greco-Roman educational system further, as well as the influence of Hellenism on first-century Palestinian Judaism, he might have avoided the problem of anachronism. Fortunately, this exclusion has allowed room for other scholars to examine this area and facilitated useful dialogue.47 Finally, the evidence we have concerning the Jesus tradition seems to be more fluid, rather than strictly memorized through the rote method that Gerhardsson suggests. As Tuckett’s quotation above states, it seems that there is a general lack of quoting Jesus’ words outside of the gospels. Similarly, that which is quoted is not consistent across the board. Helmut Koester has shown that the works which came to be known as the ‘Apostolic Fathers’ do not quote the gospels or Jesus sayings verbatim.48 If the apostles accurately maintained the words of Jesus, as Gerhardsson suggests, and the tradition was maintained so purely, then something Gerhardsson uses the term ‘Apostles’ for the Twelve throughout his work. While διδαχή itself generally means ‘teaching’ or ‘instruction’, it also means teaching through imitation such as a master carpenter training an apprentice. It also relates to military discipline or regulations. 43 Acts 4.2. 44 Acts 5.42. In the call for the replacement of Judas, the requirements were that he would have been present from the time of John the Baptist until the ascension (Acts 1.21, 22). These details reveal the vested interest in being with Jesus while he lived out his ministry. 45 Acts 10.38. 46 Gerhardsson (1961), 14‒15. 47 Alexander (2009). 48 Koester (1957). 41

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must account for the consistent absences and differences across the synoptic gospels and other early church documents.49 For example, why does Peter only walk on water in Matthew’s gospel and not in the others?50

2  Oral Tradition Recent studies in the area of oral tradition and memory have proved fruitful in our understanding of the Jesus tradition.51 The works of Milman Parry (1902‒1935) and Albert Lord (1912‒1991) have played a significant part of our understanding of orality in ancient times.52 Albert Lord studied the transmission of certain poems composed by Yugoslavian singers and determined that the core tradition of the songs remained the same with some slight variation of words. Applying this to the poets of antiquity, Parry related this to Homeric verse and the performance and composition of the Illiad and Odyssey. Jan Vansina has provided a survey of oral tradition based on a study of modern pre-literate societies in Africa.53 Vansina provided a cursory survey of the transmission process of oral tradition that provided the background to understanding orality. More recently, Paul Thompson has given a detailed examination of oral history and the reliability of oral tradition in The Voice of the Past.54 Drawing on the works of Albert Lord and Parry, Werner Kelber has applied understanding of orality to the gospel of Mark. He articulated the details of the shift from oral tradition to written gospel in Oral and Written Gospel, with others following this line of investigation.55 Rather than beginning with written texts like Bultmann and Gerhardsson, Kelber developed an oral hermeneutic that provided a sharp distinction between oral and written communication. Although he has recently softened his view regarding the division, he still emphasizes the oral

J. Dunn (2003), 222, 239. Matt. 14.28‒29. 51 Horsley, Draper, & Foley (2011); Kelber (1983); Kelber & Byrskog (2009); Kirk (2009); Kirk & Thatcher (2005b); Weissenrieder & Coote (2010). 52 Foley (1981); Lord (1991); (2000); Parry (1971). 53 Vansina (1965). 54 P. R. Thompson (2000). 55 Kelber & Byrskog (2009); Thatcher (2008). 49

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tradition over written texts.56 The gospel of Mark, Kelber argued, was composed as a reaction against the institutionalized preservers of oral tradition. Jesus’ family, prophets and the distancing of the apostles from Jesus throughout the narrative signified to Kelber the tension between oral and written communication.57 In a 1990 article, Paul Achtemeier argued that the sharp division between orality and literary culture was not as keenly defined as Kelber envisioned.58 Achtemeier showed that texts were often written or dictated to a scribe who wrote down the oral communication that was orally presented. Helmut Koester argued that the oral tradition and written tradition remained in existence after the gospels were written.59 As such, communities of believers could alter the texts according to their needs thereby maintaining a fluidity of tradition.60 The transmission of the traditions, given orally both prior to and after being established in written form was orally ‘performed.’ David Rhoads defines performance as any oral telling/retelling of a brief or lengthy tradition—from saying to gospel—in a formal or informal context of a gathered community by trained or untrained performers—on the assumption that every telling was a lively recounting of that tradition.61

Kenneth Bailey has argued anecdotally that the Jesus tradition may have been passed down orally in informal or formal or controlled environments such as practiced in contemporary Middle Eastern story telling events.62 Alongside Bailey, James Dunn has shown that the Jesus tradition was essentially stable and passed down correctly through oral recounting.63 The passing down of stories and oral tradition can be shaped and adapted for different audiences and as such each presentation is an Kelber & Thatcher (2008). Kelber (1983), 102‒103. 58 Achtemeier (1990). 59 Koester (1994). 60 Koester (1994), 297. 61 Rhoads (2006a), 119. 62 Bailey (1995a); (1995b). Bailey’s model has been challenged by Weeden whose article is not referenced in Mournet’s. See Weeden (2007). 63 J. Dunn (2003), 222. 56 57

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authentic speech act.64 Depending on the social circumstances of each ‘performance’ of a story or saying, the presenter may alter the story to fit their audience.65 Elements of a story might be changed, left out or forgotten if they seem irrelevant or too controversial.66 These alterations and amnesia prevent any non-linear development of a tradition and may provide what Kelber called ‘preventative censorship.’67 Because each performance is given from memory, specific performances for particular audiences in varying social circumstances there can be no ‘original’ saying, performance, text or ‘pure gospel’ as each performance is unique. The implications for the performative background of the gospel tradition have several repercussions. First, the transition from oral story to text was done not so much through copying of other texts, but through memory. Alan Kirk has argued that memory served as the primary means by which scribes write down texts.68 Even with the texts in front of them, the scribe would have to orient where he was to start or left off based off of oral memory.69 In an effort to both sustain and embody the tradition the scribes would commit texts to memory.70 As David Carr states, ‘Ancient authors could copy texts, but they did not require the texts before them. Instead, they had already ingested such texts in the process of their education-enculturation.’ 71 Second, one cannot write off divergent readings of the Synoptics as merely a ‘redaction.’ 72 The differences may represent a different ‘telling’ or performance that made its way into the gospel text. Based on the observations of Albert Lord’s work, the variation of performances, despite the purported exact verbatim renditions, exist.73 Variability, therefore, is a key indicator for orality.74 This goes against Koester’s assertion that 64 Kelber (1983), 30. On speech acts see Austin (1980); E.  Botha (2007); J.  E. Botha (1991), 63‒67. 65 Ong (1988), 59‒60. 66 Ong (1988), 59‒60. These alterations are not due simply to the ‘frailty’ of memory, but rather the intentional exemption of a piece of the story due to negative or lack of response by the audience. 67 Kelber (1983), 29. 68 Kirk (2008); (2009); (2011). 69 Small (1997), 170‒171. 70 Carr (2005), 75. 71 Carr (2005), 159. 72 J. Dunn (2003), 222. 73 Lord (2000), 27‒28; Ong (1988), 60‒61. 74 Kirk (2011).

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‘whenever one observes words or phrases that derive from the author or redactor of a gospel writing, the written source must be assumed.’ 75 Based on Bailey’s anecdotal example of Middle Eastern storytelling, one could imagine the insertion of an oral redaction not based primarily on a written text.76 If scribes were writing or copying through memory, possibly through oral recitation or diction from someone else, the difference or variant need not be based on writing but in the memory of the scribe.77 Finally, the variations of different New Testament manuscripts maybe intentional as Ehrman has argued,78 but they may also be due to a different ‘performance’ or memory recounting by a different scribe.79 In this regard there is no ‘pure’ story or ‘pure’ text to get back to because each performance or each recounting and writing from memory would be a one-time event.80

2.1  Transmission of Oral Tradition Oral tradition is the oral passing on of testimonies concerning the past that are transmitted from one person to another. The development of an oral tradition is comprised of several components. The first is what Jan Vansina calls a ‘referent’ or the event which is observed.81 These are witnessed by an individual or group and then spoken or sung about to another person or group.82 Based on what was important, individuals will recount what they witnessed in the initial or proto-testimony. This begins the chain of transmission which yields the secondary account or a link in the chain. At this point the ‘text’ of the story is being constructed. As time passes and the event is continually repeated then the tradition is established. Thus, the referent or witnessed event moves from a historical witnessed account to a tradition. At this stage the narrative or verbal elements must remain static and continuous. Those transmitting the message or ‘text’ must ensure that it 77 78 79 80 81 82 75 76

Koester (1994), 297. Bailey (1995a); (1995b). Small (1997), 170. Ehrman (1996). Kirk (2008); (2009); (2011). Draper (2008), 112‒113. Vansina (1965), 20‒22. This could be what Rhoads and others refer to as a ‘performance.’

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is capable of being remembered.83 These texts are not necessarily written words but speech as a ‘formalized utterance’, which can be a mnemonic marker that contains everyday elements of a message that is repeated, remembered and recovered or later referred to.84 To ensure this transmission professional or sanctioned memorizers, orators or rhetors used mnemonic utterances in an attempt to stabilize or ensure its transmission past its first pronouncement.85 Use of rhymes, alliteration, meter, melody and rhythm help to preserve the primary utterances of a tradition and help form the tradition as well as perpetuate its future existence. These testimonies can continue on for some time until they end up recorded in the earliest written record. Even though it can end up in a written record, this does not mean that the referent is still orally told or discussed. Referents or events, even in literate cultures are still told despite the account being written down. As such, writing does not necessarily completely solidify a tradition as we know it, but canonization does.86 As soon as the boundaries are set regarding a corpus or body of literature or sayings the tradition becomes fixed and impermeable. There is a level of flexibility in a written text prior to canonization as the one reading the text or performing it will have rehearsed it. They would have given it intonation and set it to a certain meter and accentuated certain parts of the story. Various groups will decide which texts should belong in a corpus, but prior to canonization the inclusion and exclusion of written texts can still remain variable. The nature of oral tradition allows for fluidity that is reflected both in ancient oral culture as well as the gospel writings. While the traditions maintained may transmit from speaker to hearer, if they become a fixed ‘canon’ of performance the transitions or changes might be relatively minor.87 Assmann (2011b), 73. Assmann (2011b), 75. 85 Assmann (2011b), 73; Vansina (1965), 33‒34. 86 Assmann (2011a), 78‒79, 87. Assmann defines canon as ‘the kind of tradition in which content and form are as fixed and binding as they can possibly be. Nothing may be added, nothing may be taken away, and nothing may be altered.’ For the gospels this happened relatively early as Mark was canonized by Matthew’s use of the gospel. But the later addition to Mark proves that the texts were fluid and contained pieces of tradition that were not entirely fixed. 87 Assmann (2011a), 78‒80. 83

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2.2  Memory and Orality in Antiquity Given the contemporary understanding of orality and literacy we must place it in the wider Greco-Roman context. As a print media culture, we quite underestimate the importance of memory, orality and visualization in antiquity. These characteristics, however, were quite common and even central to ancient life. The ancient Mediterranean world was primarily an oral culture as writing and literacy were quite rare in comparison to contemporary times.88 Those in positions of power or the elite were commonly those who were literate.89 William Harris estimates that the literacy rate reached between 10‒15% in the first two centuries   during the Roman Empire;90 first-century Palestine probably had a much lower literacy rate.91 As such, there was a preference for oral communication despite print media being available.92 With the strong emphasis on orality, the use of memory and memorization was emphasized throughout all aspects of ancient life.

2.3  Texts and Orality In the ancient Mediterranean writing was in the service of orality.93 Written texts were used as an aide to memory and recitation or performance.94 As such, the intersection between orality, memory and texts is worth exploring as memory was the basis for both scribal activities and oral performances. Indeed, they were both intertwined at various social locales. 88 Millard (2000), 154‒155; Wire (2011), 41‒42. Millard points out the variation of estimates concerning literacy. In contrast to Harris’ statistics, Kelber places the literacy rate much lower due to the presence of training in the elite scribes. Kelber (1983), 17. 89 Harris (1989), 327; Horsley (1999b). 90 Harris (1989), 22. 91 Bar-Ilan (1992). Bar-Ilan comes to the conclusion that the literacy rate in first century Palestine was about 3%. Whether or not one can be this precise, it is without a doubt that on the whole reading was for a small amount of people with specialized skills. 92 Contra Koester who states, ‘The Hellenistic and Roman culture during the period was to a large extent a literate culture.’ Koester (1982), 1. Displaying his form critical heritage, Koester believes that written materials were preferable in Greco-Roman society. This seems unusual given the vast amount of people who were unable to read. While there were vast amount of works written, there is little indication that they were accessible to majority of the people. Moreover, they were only readable by the literate elite who could afford education. 93 Byrskog states, ‘Writing was usually seen as supplementary to the oral discourse.’ Byrskog (2000), 116. 94 Plato, Phaedr. 274a-277c.

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In ancient Athens laws were both written and announced because many people would not be able to read.95 They also had professional ‘rememberers’ or mnemones working as clerks in the Hellenistic period that became more important even after writing began.96 These mnemones were responsible for handing down the traditions and cultural mores of their particular dynasties or communities. With this responsibility to bear, the memorizers were thought to transmit the traditions with great skill and accuracy. They played an important part in the judicial and legal matters of Greek courts and their memories were thought to be authoritative.97 In the Phaedrus Socrates tells a story about the Egyptian god Theuth who invented many crafts including letters.98 When presenting the crafts and letters to king Thamus, the king is less than impressed stating that writing will ‘introduce forgetfulness into the soul of those who learn to use it, because they will not practise their memory. Their trust in writing produced by external characters […] you invented not an elixir of memory, but of reminding.’99 In a possibly spurious second letter, Plato emphasizes the repetition and memorization of certain doctrines. He writes, ‘The best precaution is not to write them down, but commit them to memory.’100 The Cynic philosopher Diogenes (412‒323 bce) is recorded as teaching memory tricks to the boys he taught and making them recite poetry through memory.101 Ancient Roman society was similar. Roman imperial government depended more on writing than on ancient Greece and used it specifically for governing the people.102 However, the empire acknowledged the general illiteracy of the public through the use of criers that were used at every level of government.103 As Harris states, ‘the Roman Empire depended on writing […] the social limits of education and literacy remained quite narrow.’104 R. Thomas (1992), 68. R. Thomas (1992), 69. 97 R. Thomas (1992), 69. 98 Plato, Phaedr. 274c-277a. 99 Plato, Phaedr. 275a-b (Fowler, LCL). 100 Plato, Ep. 2.314c. 101 Diogenes Laertius, Vita. 6.30‒32. 102 P. J. Botha (1992), 208. 103 Harris (1989), 208. 104 Harris (1989), 206. 95

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Though he wrote many letters, the elder Seneca (54 bce-39 ce) expressed a preference for spoken words over written.105 He lamented how his memory was no longer what it used to be in his old age.106 He recalled that in his youth he was able to recite two thousand names in order and that he could recite lines of poetry in reverse order after his schoolmates had recited them.107 Pliny the elder stated that memory was quite fragile faculty, but many men had gained a reputation for it.108 The education of school children in antiquity, which will be further elaborated upon below, was dependent on memory, learning by oral recitation. Third century bce writer Athanaeus tells of a banquet discussion regarding children learning the alphabet through repetitive song.109 The Greek paideia or school was where boys learned their social customs and values. Through the recitation and singing of Hesiod and Homer the boys as well as their communities would absorb cultural values and mores.110 Roman teacher of rhetoric Quintilian (35‒100 ce) referred to memory as central to education as well as the rest of Roman culture. He states, For our whole education depends upon memory, and we shall receive instruction all in vain if all we hear slips from us, while it is the power of memory alone that brings before us the store of precedents, laws, rulings, sayings and facts which the orator must possess in abundance and which he must always hold ready for immediate use.111

Jewish boys were expected to know how to read, however, if the above statistics on illiteracy are accurate, they indicate that if they were literate, they probably did not read well.112 As stated above, their educational experiences were based on memory and recitation.113 The commandment in Joshua 1.8 to ‘not let the book of the law depart from your

Seneca, Ep. 6.5, 75.1. On memory and aging see Kensinger et  al.  (2007); Schacter, Kaszniak, Kihlstrom, & Valdiserri (1991). 107 Seneca, Con. 1 Pref. 2 108 Pliny the Elder, Nat. 7.24.88. 109 Athenaeus, Deip. 10.453d. 110 Carr (2005), 94‒100; Robb (1994), 33; Sandnes (2009), 222. 111 Quintilian, Inst. 11.2.1 (Butler, LCL). 112 Koester (1982), 1. 113 Josephus, Ant. 4.210; 16.43; Ag. Ap. 2.175, 178, 204; Horsley (1999b), 127. 105

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mouth, but meditate on it’ indicates that recitation and memory were the key to internalizing Torah. With the high degree of illiteracy as a given, some elements of writing would have appeared as mysterious or even magical to those who could not read. An element of awe and wonder would surround monuments with various inscriptions, not just for their sheer size, but also due to their mysterious inscriptions. Public curses written on lead tablets or stone in Classical Greece served to protect cities.114 Oracular locations like that of Dodona reveal that curses and divination were written on tablets and buried. Whether the person requesting the spell to be written could read it we do not know. What is known is that the process of inscribing what was written was meant to intensify the oral curse as well as make it permanent if the conditions were not met. In the realm of religion, writing played a significant role in judgements, blessings and cursing within antiquity. Recovery of magical writing on votive offerings or magic bowls has been recovered throughout the Ancient Near East. Like other writing, religious writing was in the service of orality and was usually meant to be spoken or sung.115 Magical scripts on papyri, Aramaic bowls, lead and stone tablets provided protection or curses in ancient societies.116 Within Judaism the giving of Torah by the finger of God provides a prime example of magical writing.117 Daniel was the only wise man able to interpret a judgment/curse on king Belshazzar when a mysterious hand inscribed a judgement/curse on a wall during a party.118 Specific social problems were resolved through magical ritual and writing. Judgments of innocence of guilt related to a suspected adulterous wife were determined through a written curse submerged in the waters of bitterness and given to the accused woman to drink.119 If she is guilty the words of the curse are suspected to mediate a judgement resulting in the swelling of her stomach and her thigh to fall away.120

Horsley (1999b), 128. See also, Eidinow (2007). Thomas (1992), 62. 116 Betz (1996); Horsley (1999b), 128; Yamauchi (1996). 117 Exod. 31.18; 32.16; 34.1; Deut. 10.2. Magical here refers to something that is numinous, mysterious or unknown. 118 Dan. 5.1‒26. 119 Num. 5.11‒31. 120 Num. 5.20‒22, 27. 114 115

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Later Jewish rabbis moved orality and memory from judgements and curses to the applicability of Torah for everyday life. The Mishnah was a record of oral Torah thought to have been passed on from God at Sinai to Moses and continuing in Scripture centred dialogue of sages.121 Jacob Neusner has shown that the ‘cognitive units’ or the smallest whole units of discourse served as mnemonic pieces which were formed by memory.122 Their logical, topical and rhetorical formats enabled memorization and oral recitation.123 This was a means by which the people could keep the commands of God in their heart.124 Even though they wrote down scriptures, early Christians preferred orality as well. A primary reason the gospels were written was due the fact that Christian believers in other locations wanted to know the stories about Jesus and had limited knowledge or access to an authorized teller.125 Richard Bauckham states, ‘The obvious function of writing was Neusner (1987), 30. Neusner (1987), 61. 123 Daube (1949). 124 Deut. 6.9. 125 Within some pre-literate communities there are generally two types of testimony or telling. The first is passive, whereby anyone in the group tells of a certain event within the communities past. An example might be an elderly person recounting the story when something major happened. The second is active, where an authorized person who is designated to keep the records and history of the group. This telling can be official such as the recounting of a tribes list of chiefs at the inauguration of a new chief. For early Christianity an authorized teller might mean those who were either with Jesus during his life and ministry or those who received the tradition from someone who was an eyewitness of the events they spoke of. Sorting out who was ‘authorized’ and who was not for early Christianity is difficult. Within the early church it seemed that the criteria was either 1) an apostle or 2) someone who was with Jesus throughout his ministry and a witness to his resurrection but not deemed an apostle by Jesus. See Acts 1.21‒22. Samuel Byrskog makes a convincing case for Peter, the women who followed Jesus including his mother and James, the brother of Jesus as being possible key witnesses and sources to the life and ministry of Jesus. These ‘authorized’ tellers might perform the gospel story or be a source for interview. As the number of disciples grew, there would have been more authorized tellers. Of course, those who could testify of a healing or miracle of Jesus might have remained local and not ‘followed’ him in the literal sense. These individuals might have only received part of the story of Jesus’ life and ministry while possibly hearing more of the story later. According to Luke’s introduction, there were those who were eyewitnesses of the events he wrote about and there were servants of the word (ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λόγου). John N. Collins has argued that the eyewitnesses need not be the same as the ‘servants’ of the word. Rather, the ‘servants’ might have been the ones designated in the Christian communities to keep the Christian documents and literature, teaching and authenticating tradition. These were probably the authorized tellers for these Christian communities. Byrskog (2000), 69‒91; J. N. Collins (2010). 121

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its capacity to communicate widely with readers unable to be present at its author’s oral teaching.’126 As such, early Christian communities might request letters in response to previous teachings they received from itinerate apostles such as Peter or Paul. The apostle Paul would have written his epistles in an open area either through dictation or by his own hand. As concepts of public and private space were different than our modern notions, people would be in and out of the room which Paul wrote or dictated his letters aloud.127 These letters would be written, carried and performed or read aloud by the lector or designated reader to a wide audience range in certain regions. The early church ‘Fathers’ had a preference for memory and orality as well. They often quote scripture, but paraphrase it or alter it slightly indicating they are recalling it from memory.128 Papias preferred the ‘living voice’ of the apostles rather than the written texts.129 Jerome was known to have read aloud and translated Christian scriptures for reading aloud and it is not until Ambrose of Milan (c.330‒397 ce) that we know of someone reading silently.130

2.4  Rhetoric and Education The fact that oral communication was so prominent in antiquity raises the issue of education and rhetoric within the Greco-Roman culture. Because we are particularly concerned with the relationship of orality, texts and performance in this study we will focus on the development of education and rhetoric in the Greco-Roman world. Due to the fact that Hellenism spread throughout Palestine in the third century bce, we can assume that the educational model of Greece played a part among the elite within Palestine.131 Following this line of argumentation, Gerald Downing rightly states that the Jewish model of education would not have differed greatly.132 By extension, it is unlikely that the education of

Bauckham (1998a), 29. Gaventa (2011), 70‒71. 128 Cf. 1 Clem. 46.7, 8; Matt. 18.6, Mark 9.42, and Luke 17.2. Koester (1957), 148. 129 Papias, 3.4. 130 Augustine, Conf. 6.3. 131 Hengel (2003a), 65‒67; Mack (1990), 29. 132 Alexander (1990), 223; Downing (2001), 37. 126 127

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Christians would have deviated emmensly from their Jewish and GrecoRoman counterparts.133 Education, especially higher education, was generally reserved for the wealthy elite. Though it was mostly men who were educated there were some women such as Pompey the Great’s daughter, Pompeia, who received education.134 Though education was not a lucrative enterprise, teachers and schools required money which generally meant that only the wealthy minority received a rhetorical education. It is commonly accepted that there were three levels of education within Hellenistic education. This three-tiered approach was carried into the Roman educational system.135 The first tier was primary education for children up to the age of 12‒14. The curriculum consisted of learning the basic alphabet, arithmetic, reading and writing. The teacher could be an educated household slave, a wandering teacher (kathegete) or the child could attend the local village school and be taught by a didaskalos. With respect to oral performance, at this stage the student would move on to learning simple poetry and likely used Homer after the alphabet and syllabification was learned. By the age of twelve students could advance to secondary or grammatical education. Here the teacher, known as the grammaticus, played an important role in instructing the students in reading from a printed page. The students generally learned poetry from Homer, Virgil as well as tragedy and comedy. At this point aspects of reading aloud were emphasized such as punctuation, accentuation and expression. Certain tones were emphasized according to the genre or situation of the literature. For example, Dionisus Thrax stated that ‘Tragedy [was] required to be read in heroic tones, comedy in those of everyday life, elegy in a high tone, clear and sweet, epic with manly vigour.’136 By the time of the late empire, the role of the grammaticus declined and in his place, the rhetor became more prominent. This was due to the increase in live poetry performances becoming commonplace by the end of the first century ce. Along with this came a shift in public perception

133 We do not hear of Christian ‘schools’ until the late second and early third century ce when Origen establishes his school. Philosophical and theological instruction was known to occur in Rome as expressed by Justin. On early Christianity and education see, Markschies (2002); (2009), 43‒121. 134 Plutarch, Quaest. Conv., 9.1.3; Bonner (1977), 27‒28, 136. 135 Bonner (1977), 52. 136 Bonner (1977), 223.

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of the grammatici as considered the forerunner for the rhetor.137 Despite this transition, the ‘art of reading aloud and reciting from memory was much prized in antuiqty, and the grammatici were recognized exponents of it.’138 The third and final stage of a Greco-Roman education focused exclusively on rhetoric. As already mentioned, by the late first century ce the role of the rhetor became important for training young men for their roles in legal professions. Students would work through a series of rhetorical exercises from the Progymnasmata of Theon or other rhetorical textbooks (techne). At this stage the students would work through reading and performing narratives, fables, short authoritative sayings (chreia), and legal discussions for mock legal arguments. Stock themes were given to the student and they were expected to form actual declamation of a speech. The students would practice giving speeches in character in an effort to appeal to the ethos and pathos of the audience. The more accomplished the student became, the less dependent he was to become on the textbooks.139 A word should be made concerning the three styles of rhetoric the students were to learn.140 The first was the plain style that was to instruct and was more conversational. The middle style was intended to charm and was smooth and pleasant. The grand style was striking, impressive and intended to stir and meant to sway.141 With respect to our three texts, it is likely that each of them were performed in the middle style, which was oriented more towards pleasure.142 It is worth mentioning that slaves were often educated or served as household teachers (paedagogi).143 When Rome conquered other people those who were educated could be enslaved and serve within households as teachers. Alternatively, slave boys were sometimes sent into apprenticeships or schools to be trained as chamberlains, secretaries or bookkeepers. It is possible that in some Greco-Roman households the slaves could be more literate than their masters. With regard to early Juvenal, Satirae 3.75‒3.78. Bonner (1977), 220. 139 Seutonius, Rhetoric 1; Quint. Inst. 1.9.2; Cicero, De Oratore 1.2.4‒6. 140 According to Cicero, the ideal student of rhetoric would master all three of these styles and know when to use them appropriately. Cicero, Orator ad M. Brutus 21.70‒71. 141 Cicero, Orat. Brut.21.69. 142 Shiell (2004), 170. 143 Forbes (1955). 137

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Christianity, Celsus’ comment regarding Christianity being a religion of women, children and slaves, he may not have been completely far off the mark.144 As literate members of ancient society, slaves may have served as lectors in early Christian communities.

2.5  Ancient Performances Oral tradition is a communal process based on communal face to face experiences and memory.145 As oral performances were enacted, the performers affectively engaged with the audiences. The performance hoped to bring about certain emotive responses as well as shape the audience in a form of paideia. The goal of these performances was to gain mastery over the audiences or to ‘enslave’ them.146 According to Quintilian, the imagery invoked by the performance was intended to ‘show what happened rather than to tell it’ and ‘this gives rise to the same emotions as if we were present at the event itself.’147 Later he states that ‘[T]he speaker stimulates us by animation of his delivery, and kindles the imagination, not by presenting us with an elaborate picture, but by bringing us into the actual touch with the things themselves.’148 In this way the performance was thought to bring the actual events into the presence of the audience.149 Poets and philosophers played a significant and central role within Greco-Roman society that provided entertainment and instigated dialogue. Those following certain performers of specific philosophical or religious groups in antiquity expected to be shaped by performance experiences. Communities of readers would gather around certain experts, philosophers or sages in expectation of learning from them. These literary clubs or amici would engage with the texts and performances in the editing and reading process. They would meet in homes, dinner parties or in an auditorium.150 In a society based on patronage, honour and shame, those attending would demonstrate allegiance to the reader or group leader, thereby giving him glory.151 In exchange, the reader or Origen, Contra Cels. 3.44. J. Dunn (2003), 240‒241; Horsley (1999b), 147. 146 Shiell (2011), 32. 147 Quintilian, Inst. 6.2.29‒32; 8.3.62, 67; cf. Aristotle, Rhetoric 3.11.141b.20. 148 Quintilian, Inst. 10.1.16. 149 Ward (1994). 150 Pliny, Ep. 3.1.9; 9.17.3‒4, 9.36.4; 9.40.2. 151 Shiell (2011), 32. 144 145

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leader would provide a moral or virtuous life those following him were to imitate. Plutarch likens this model to a father setting a virtuous example for his children.152 The dialogical nature of performances in antiquity required certain obligations from both the performer and the audience members. Audience participation was a standard and even essential element to ancient performances. From boos and cheers, awe and wonder, the audience would guide the performance through their approval or displeasure. Utilizing trained rhetorical techniques, the performer would engage the audience who, in turn, would respond in either correcting or directing the performance.

2.5a  Early Christian Performances Early Christian performances were essential for the transmission of the Jesus tradition. Somewhere along the line, the apostle Paul witnessed a Christian performance and was able to recount what he had received.153 He in turn was able to transmit what was ‘of first importance’ through his own performances.154 The variation in the synoptic gospels indicates the oral nature of the Jesus tradition as well as possible composition in performance.155 Like their Greco-Roman and Jewish counterparts, early Christians engaged in performances around a meal.156 The performers utilized various physical gestures, rhetorical devices and recitation to illicit a response from their audiences. These devices are what the audiences would expect coming from both pagan and Jewish backgrounds. We shall briefly examine some of these devices that indicate the performative background of the texts as well as the events that occurred within the texts. 1. Memory a. Each of the performances would have been performed by memory. As stated above, memory and oral performance went hand in hand. The seat of memory was the heart and the Plutarch, Lib. ed. 20. 1 Cor. 15.2‒3. Paul must have known something about Christianity in order to persecute the group. He may have learned about some of their beliefs in Jerusalem or in Damascus. 154 Keightley (2005). 155 J. Dunn (2003), 222; Kirk (2011); Wire (2011), 17‒18, 45. 156 1 Cor. 11.17, 33‒34. On meals in antiquity see D. E. Smith (2003). 152 153

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performance was to bring about a response in their hearts as well as remember what was said and done.157 Eusebius indicates that Irenaeus did not take physical notes of Polycarp’s teaching of the Jesus tradition, but rather took them ‘in my heart.’158 b. Early Christian literature reflects the cycle of memory in antiquity: listen, recall, (hopefully not) forget, practice, paraphrase, and remember.159 As with contemporary studies of memory, repetition is the key to deep retention. Memory plays a part in the encouragement of the audience of Hebrews.160 It is generally accepted that the book of Hebrews is a homily or sermon and as such,161 it contains rhetorical and mnemonic devices for both the lector and audience.162 In a form of last testament, the author of 2 Peter intends for memory to promote virtue after the speaker/author has died.163 The repeated use of remind (ὑπομιμνῄσκειν) and remember (μνήμην) indicate that memory and repetition were essential to early Christian paidea especially in departure contexts.164 The repetition of virtues, forming a sorites, in ancient literature was used to connect the performer’s life with their audience so that they remember to emulate the virtues exhibited in their lives. Referring to the attestation of John living in Asia, Clement of Alexandria referred to a tale ‘handed down and treasured up in memory.’165 2. Visualization a. Early Christians were called to visualize certain events. Paul calls to the Galatians attention Christ crucified.166 Because the Galatians clearly were not present at Jesus’ crucifixion, one can infer that Paul is referring to a performance of the gospel. Matt. 9.4; Luke 2.19, 51; Herm. Vis. 1.2.2; 3.7.6; Man.4.2.2, 6.2.8; T. Levi 6.2. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.23.5. 159 Shiell (2011), 45. 160 Heb. 10.32. 161 It is difficult at this early stage of Christian development to distinguish between a sermon or homily. 162 Aune (1988); Shiell (2011), 2, 45‒46; Witherington (2009), 196‒203. 163 2 Pet.1.12‒15. 164 Shiell (2011), 45. 165 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.23.6 166 Gal. 3.1. 157

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b. Visions occur throughout the New Testament literature and in Revelation seven main visions occur.167 The visions of Hermas provide a number of images for early Christian communities to visualize.168 c. Polycarp emphasizes the apostles, especially Paul, as exemplar in discipleship. After listing a number of imperatives, Polycarp urges the Philippians to set Ignatius, Rufus, Zosius, Paul and the rest of the apostles before their eyes.169 3. Characterization a. Impersonation and getting into character was also used in early Christian performances. According to Ben Witherington, Paul uses impersonation of Adam in his discussion of sin and the law in Romans.170 The author/performer of Hebrews impersonates the Holy Spirit in an account related to the wandering of the Israelites and entering into the Promised Land.171 b. In Acts several speeches are written and put in the mouths of certain characters and are known as prosopopoiia. According to Shiell and Ward, the lectors of these speeches would have taken on the persona of those giving the speech.172 Peter’s Pentecost speech173 and the speeches given at the Jerusalem conference are considered prosopopoiia.174 The reader of James’ speech would have imitated him.175 In this way the lectors would revive former speakers and attempt to recreate the actual events for their audiences. Rev. 2.1‒3.14. Herm. Vis. 1‒5. 169 Pol. Phil 9.1. εἴδατε κατ᾽ ὀφθαλμοὺς οὐ μόνον ἐν τοῖς μακαρίοις Ἰγνατίῳ καὶ Ζωσίμῳ καὶ Ῥούφῳ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις τοῖς ἐξ ὑμῶν καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ Παύλῳ καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς ἀποστόλοις 170 Rom. 7.7‒13. Witherington (2009), 132‒133. 171 This particular instance of ‘impersonation’ borders on inspired speech. In dealing with understanding the performative background of the New Testament and early Christian literature, it is sometimes difficult to discern what the performers or authors understood as ‘inspired.’ Here is case in point. By referring to ‘the Holy Spirit says’ it could be implied that the performer is giving a quotation of Scripture which could be seen as inspired, or they themselves acting prophetically and giving a prophetic word under divine unction. 172 Shiell (2004), 171; Shiell (2011), 44; Ward (1994), 101. 173 Acts 2.14‒40. 174 Acts 15. 175 Acts 15.13‒21. 167

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4. Voice a. Related with impersonation and characterization would come vocal inflection. A brief survey of both the Jewish and Christian scriptures reveals a variety of vocal inflections including shouting,176 whispering,177 crying,178 and wailing.179 Paul understood the limitations of written communication when he writes to the Galatians ‘I could wish to be present with you now and to change my tone, for I am perplexed about you.’180 Inanimate objects cry out such as Abel’s blood181 and stones.182 176 Num. 23:21; Jos. 6:5, 10, 16, 20; 1 Sam. 4:5‒6; Ezr. 3:11, 13; Job 3:7; 19:7; 30:5; Ps. 30:5; 32:11; 33:3; 35:27; 41:11; 47:1, 5; 60:8; 65:8, 13; 66:1; 71:23; 81:1; 89:12; 95:1‒2; 98:4,  6; 100:1; 105:43; 108:9; 126:6; 145:7; Isa. 12:6; 24:14; 26:19; 35:2,  6; 42:11,  13; 44:23; 49:13; 52:8‒9; 54:1; 61:7; 65:14; Jer. 20:16; 25:30; 31:7, 12; 50:46; 51:48; Zeph. 3:14; Zech. 9:9; Matt. 25:6; Gal. 4:27; 1 Thess. 4:16. 177 2 Sam. 12:19; Job 4:12; Ps. 41:7; Prov. 18:8; 26:20, 22; Isa. 8:19; 26:16; 29:4; Jer. 20:10; Lam. 3:62; Ezek. 36:3; Matt. 10:27; Luke 12:3. 178 Gen. 4:10; 21:17; 27:34; Exod. 2:6, 23; 3:7, 9; 5:8; 11:6; 12:30; 14:15; 22:23, 27; 32:18; Lev. 13:45; Deut. 15:9; 22:24; 24:15; Jdg. 7:21; 10:14; 1 Sam. 5:12; 7:8; 8:18; 9:16; 17:20; 2 Sam. 13:19; 22:7; 1 Kgs. 8:28; 22:36; 2 Chr. 6:19; 13:15; 20:9; Neh. 9:9; Job 3:24; 16:18; 19:7; 24:12; 27:9; 28:18; 30:7, 20, 24, 28; 31:38; 34:28; 35:9, 12‒13; 36:13; 38:41; 39:25; Ps. 3:4; 5:2; 9:12; 17:1; 18:6; 22:2; 27:7; 28:2; 34:15, 17; 39:12; 40:1; 57:2; 61:1; 69:3; 72:12; 77:1; 86:3; 88:2; 89:26; 102:1; 106:44; 119:147, 169; 142:1, 6; 145:19; 147:9; Prov. 1:21; 2:3; 8:3; 21:13; Isa. 5:7; 8:4; 10:30; 12:6; 14:31; 15:4‒5, 8; 16:10; 19:20; 22:5; 24:14; 26:17; 30:19; 33:7; 34:14; 42:2, 13; 46:7; 54:1, 12; 57:13; 58:1, 9; 65:14, 19; Jer. 4:5, 31; 7:16; 8:19; 11:11‒12, 14; 14:2, 12; 20:8; 22:20; 25:34, 36; 30:15; 46:12; 47:2; 48:4‒5, 20, 31; 49:3; 50:15; 51:14; Lam. 2:19; 3:8, 56; Ezek. 1:22; 8:18; 21:12, 22; 27:28, 30; Hos. 7:14; 8:2; 10:5; Joel 1:14, 19; Amos 1:14; 2:2; Jon. 1:2; Mic. 3:4‒5; 4:9; Hab. 1:2; 2:11; Zeph. 1:10, 14, 16; Matt. 3:3; 9:27; 12:19; 15:22; 21:9, 15; Mark 1:3; 3:11; 5:5, 7; 9:26; 10:47‒48; 11:9; 15:37; Luke 3:4; 4:41; 18:7, 39; 19:40; 23:46; John 1:23; 12:13; Acts 12:22; 14:14; 16:17; 19:28; 21:28, 36; 22:23; 23:6; Rom. 8:15; 9:27; Gal. 4:6; Heb. 5:7; Jas. 5:4; Rev. 4:6; 7:10; 14:15; 18:18‒19; 21:4, 11; 22:1 179 Gen. 23:2; 43:30; Num. 11:10,  13; 25:6; Deut. 34:8; Jdg. 11:37; 1 Sam. 1:8; 2:33; 11:5; 30:4; 2 Sam. 1:24; 3:16; 15:23,  30; 19:1; 2 Kgs. 8:12; Ezr. 3:13; 10:1; Neh. 8:9; Est. 4:1,  3; Job 16:16,  20; 27:15; 30:31; 31:38; Ps. 6:8; 30:5; 78:64; 102:9; 119:28; 126:6; Eccl. 3:4; Isa. 13:6; 14:31; 15:2‒3, 5, 8; 16:7, 9; 22:4, 12; 23:1, 6, 14; 30:19; 33:7; 65:14, 19; Jer. 3:21; 4:8; 9:1, 10, 17‒20; 13:17; 22:10; 25:34, 36; 31:9, 15‒16; 41:6; 47:2; 48:5,  20,  31‒32,  36,  39; 49:3; 50:4; 51:8; Lam. 1:2,  16; Ezek. 8:14; 21:12; 24:16,  23; 27:31‒32; 30:2; 32:18; Hos. 7:14; Joel 1:5, 8, 11, 13; 2:12, 17; Amos 5:16‒17; 8:3; Mic. 1:8, 10; Zeph. 1:10‒11; Zech. 7:3; 11:2‒3; 12:10; Mal. 2:13; Matt. 2:18; 8:12; 13:42, 50; 22:13; 24:51; 25:30; Mark 5:38‒39; 14:72; 16:10; Luke 6:21, 25; 7:13, 32, 38; 8:52; 13:28; 23:28; John 11:31, 33; 16:20; 20:11, 13, 15; Acts 9:39; 20:37; 21:13; Rom. 12:15; 1 Co. 7:30; Phil. 3:18; Jas. 4:9; 5:1; Rev. 5:4‒5; 18:9, 11, 15, 19. 180 Gal. 4:20. 181 Gen. 4.10. 182 Hab. 2.11; Luke 19.40.

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b. The variety of vocal inflections are given to different expressions ranging from praise to lament. Weeping over injustice or in repentance is common. The wonder and excitement over a miracle or God’s goodness would also be expressed. c. Certain accents would need to be practiced and utilized depending on the audience. d. The emotive responses triggered by the performers of these texts would need to be practiced and perfective in order to bring about the proper response in the audiences. 5. Body Gestures a. Due to the fact that a large percentage of communication is non-verbal, body gestures and facial expressions are paramount to performances.183 The combination of verbal language and facial expressions ideally would go hand in hand. Thus, Jesus’ stern warnings would have gone with appropriate facial expressions.184 b. Facial expressions would also play an important part of performances. Honesty and deceit could be seen on the face.185 Understanding of where another stood in a decision, especially in judiciary events, was understandable through facial expressions. Paul stared intently (ἀτενίσας) at the Council.186 c. The use of the performer’s body would also be used in his performance. In Acts the use of hand gestures before a judicial speech brings about a response.187 Stephen kneels in surrender to his accusers.188 Paul kneels in respect at his departure in Ephesus.189 A  town official quiets a crowd, possibly through a hand gesture, in Ephesus.190

Mehrabian (2007); J. Thompson (2011). Matt. 9.30; Mark 1.43. 185 Matt. 6.16‒17; Gleason (1995) ch, 3. 186 Acts 23.1. This form of gazing intently occurs more than in just judiciary settings. It also occurs in martyrdom account of Stephen and the ascension of Jesus in Acts 1. As we shall see in chapter 4, it is also seen as a sign of divine inspiration. See also Luke 4:20; 22:56; Acts 1:10; 3:4, 12; 6:15; 7:55; 10:4; 11:6; 13:9; 14:9; 23:1; 2 Cor. 3:7, 13. 187 Acts 12.17; 13.16; 19.33; 21.40; 24.10; 26.1. 188 Acts 7.60. 189 Acts 21.5; Euripides, Hipp. 322‒360; Sophocles, Oed. tyr. 758‒765. 190 Acts 19.35; cf. Plutarch, Mor. 207e; 3 Macc. 6.1; Josephus, J.W. 2.6.11 183

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d. Aristotle encourages poets and rhetoricians to incorporate their body gestures while they practice and visualize their material.191 These gestures of the body and inflection of the voice would make up integral parts of the gospel performances. In an effort to bring about a change in the people, the performers would try and play upon the affects of the audiences to bring about a response, specifically paideia or repentance.

2.5b Audiences While the performer had the primary task of remembering, recounting and shaping the story or text he was responsible for, the audiences had the responsibility to engage in the performance. Rather than being passive observers waiting to give their critique at the end of a performance, the audiences of ancient performances gave their opinions and played their roles throughout the performance at designated times and spaces. The performer longed for the approval of the audience which is why poets, orators and lectors would faithfully practice their act. When a performer had a particular turn of phrase or sentinae the audience might react with applause.192 In some ancient performances space was made for applause.193 There might also be applause for moral principles which the audience agreed. As with all performances, audiences were expected to listen to what was being said as well as observe what was being done with the performers body. This was not always easy as ancient audiences were known to interrupt performances. This was a common occurrence known to Christian performers as Acts depicts. Peter is interrupted during his Pentecost speech by the crowd asking, ‘What shall we do?’ In Acts 19 Demetrius gives an impassioned speech to which the crowd responds ‘Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!’ Paul confronts Peter ‘to his face’ in Antioch which might have entailed argumentation and interruption.194 Audiences were known to correct the performers if they made a mistake. The author/performer of 2 Timothy encourages his audience not to quarrel about godless words, which does no good, but ruins the Aristotle, Poet. 17.22‒31 1455a. Shiner (2003), 155. 193 Shiner (2003), 154‒155. 194 Gal. 2.11‒12. 191

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hearers […] avoid godless babble, for it will lead people into more and more ungodliness  […]’195 This passage indicates that members of the community are to correct and rebuke each other, which could be done individually or during a gospel performance.196 Within the context of performance early Christian communities would have been formed and transformed as they told and retold the gospel stories and recapitulated the memory of Jesus. This context would have transmitted the tradition of Jesus and the apostles as the gospel story was enacted and reacted to.

3 Discipleship The nexus of performance, orality and memory is discipleship. As already stated, performances in antiquity were meant to impact the affects and illicit a response from the audience. In religious and philosophical circles they were to bring about some sort of virtuous transformation through modelling the teacher, prophet or sage. This transmission and transformation is best termed discipleship. Discipleship is a means by which culturally privileged knowledge is transmitted by word of mouth as well as action from sender to receiver, from teacher to student in an effort to preserve and transmit a tradition or cultural text. It is meant to transmit inside information in an effort to create more insiders and depending on how tight the community is, expand to outsiders. Concomitantly with this transmission comes personal transformation into the image of the teacher. This knowledge can be individually or corporately transformative. The telos of discipleship is that the disciples or pupils properly inherit what is transmitted and thereby become like the teacher. In an effort to create the new identity new norms must be established, ethics instilled and ideology infused into the follower. Family ties or other social relationships need to be reoriented or cut off.197 Allegiances to the state or

2 Tim. 2.14, 16. 1 Tim. 5.20; 2 Tim. 3.16; 1 Clem. 35.5‒8. 197 Those who did not make the discipleship cut to Pythagorus apparently were cut off and treated as if dead. Iamblichus, Pyth. Life, 16‒17. Socrates on the other hand, believed that the duties of a person towards his family should be upheld. Xenophon, Memorabilia 1.2.55; 2.2‒3. 195

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to other social systems such as patronage, may be neglected or wilfully rejected.198 In antiquity, the idea of discipleship was through personal relationship. Ideally, the disciple was to be in the presence of the philosopher, rabbi or sage they meant to emulate. This presence was thought to ‘rub off’ or play a part in the personality development of the disciple. If personal presence was not enough or available, visualization or imagination was also a means to gain emulation of the sage the disciple wanted to emulate.199 The biblical texts were pragmatically useful to early disciples and curious onlookers. They were used to persuade people to behave in a certain way and to model Christlikeness. We have already established the notion that the primary means of communication was by word of mouth in the ancient world. If one was going to extend their message they might do so through a letter or another written medium and performed by an emissary. However, in situations where reading and writing was limited, a better way was through discipleship and enactment of the message. The discipleship process, as we shall see, was one that involved the eyes and ears, seeing and doing. Discipleship is the ‘matrix of double activity’ and a ‘way of learning that included hearing as well as seeing.’200 In an effort to live out the texts of their philosophy, the teachers ‘show their disciples how they themselves practise what they teach, and lead them on by argument.’201 This congruity of word and deed was prominent throughout Greco-Roman culture and was seen as the telos of philosophy.202 For the Jesus tradition, this matrix is the location where information was orally transmitted and later physically written down as Jesus’ disciples and other witnesses engaged with him and later told their stories. It seems appropriate to centre the rest of this chapter on the process of discipleship throughout Greco-Roman culture, Judaism as well as memories of Jesus’ discipleship in its cultural milieu. Within the setting of Palestinian Judaism, the calling of Jesus to his disciples to ‘follow him’ was unique, as rabbis did not generally make petitions for students. In fact, it was the exact opposite. Students generally asked rabbis 198 Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.5‒6 states that Socrates looked after himself rather than being in the patronizing position so he could remain free. Likewise, Paul provided for himself so that he might not be a burden to others. Walton (2011). 199 Talbert (2009); Talbert & Whitlark (2011). 200 Byrskog (2000), 105. 201 Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.17. 202 Robbins (1992), 63‒64.

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to study under them. In this regard Jesus’ call is more like the call of a Greco-Roman philosopher than a rabbi.203 Because of this we will examine the Greco-Roman philosophical background of discipleship and observe that the goals of both Hellenistic and Judaic discipleship were the same regardless of who was doing the calling. Discipleship in each cultural environment entailed a call to model what the master or sage said and did in an effort to become like the master, rabbi or sage.

3.1  Rabbinic Discipleship Above we discussed Gerhardsson’s ideal of oral transmission of Torah from Jewish teachers and rabbis as a possible model for the transmission of the Jesus tradition. Though charges of anachronism have been laid against Gerhardsson, it is unlikely that the educational practices of the Jews in the Second Temple period significantly changed after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 ce204 As long as people had mouths and cultural texts to transmit it is safe to assume they continued to perpetuate their traditions. With regard to rabbinic discipleship,205 the central component was the understanding, interpretation and embodiment of Torah. Men would seek out rabbis who ‘believed to image in their own being the Torah that, ontologically speaking, sustains the world.’206 Rabbinic sages were thought to be embodiments of Torah and their disciples pursued them to become like them or move beyond them. As Gerhardsson states, the most mature teachers thus incarnated the perfect tradition from the fathers, from Sinai and from God. That is why their words and deeds were of such interest.207 The Oral Torah was a means by which disciples orally inherited the tradition of their masters.208 At one level, the rabbi was the text and read by his disciples in order to be embodied.209 The disciples lived with the rabbi and experienced his way of life in an effort to imitate and become Downing (2001); Meier (1991a), 51‒52. See Mournet (2009). 205 I am aware of the problematic nature of dating rabbinic discipleship on par with Greco-Roman discipleship and early Christianity. While it might be anachronistic, the teaching methods of Judaism as well as Greco-Roman culture probably remained static. 206 Jaffee (1997). 207 Gerhardsson (1961), 182. 208 Jaffee (2011), 25. 209 Jaffee (1997), 528. 203

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like him. On another level, they received their instruction and formation from the scripture reading and recitation from memory. Here the process of visualization, memory and imitation intersect as they would not only read and recite Torah, but they would engage and observe the rabbinic sage to imitate him. Didactically, the rabbi or sage would encourage scriptural memorization through repetition. They would also give concrete teaching examples to capture their student’s attention and provide an explanation afterwards. The way of life of the rabbi was such that ideally there should be no clear distinction between the Torah lessons given through instruction and the everyday life of the rabbi.210

3.2  Discipleship in Greco-Roman Context Hellenistic philosophical schools believed that by engaging in philosophy one could attain the good life or happiness through virtue. In the Meno Plato discusses the transmission of virtue and argues that virtue (ἀρετή) is ultimately divinely inspired.211 He also believed that philosophical knowledge is not something that can be put into words like other sciences; but after long continued intercourse between teacher and pupil, in joint pursuit of the subject, suddenly, like a light flashing forth when a fire is kindled, it is born in the soul and straightaway nourishes itself.212

Aristotle took the idea of virtue and character and said it was manifested in actions and habit.213 Like Aristotle, Xenophon believed that prudence was a matter of training. Xenophon believed that Socrates was the embodiment of virtue. His words and his deeds correlated in such a way that he lived a virtuous life. He was a teacher and lover of wisdom who was in total control of his passions.214 He was able to instil these virtues in others ‘by putting into them a desire for goodness, and by giving them confidence that self-discipline would make them gentlemen.’215 Through ‘letting his T Ber. 1.1, T Dem. 5.24 Plato, Meno 92.6‒7; 99.1‒10. 212 Plato, Ep. 7.341c-d, (trans. Morrow). 213 Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1.3, 1094a, 2.1 1103a. 214 Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.1‒3. 215 Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.2. 210 211

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own light shine’ and imitation, the disciples of Socrates were led into excellence.216 Two of his followers, Critias and Alcibiades, found strength to conquer their evil passions.217 When these two men departed from Socrates their morals failed them as his influence was not enough to bring about lasting transformation. The Stoic philosopher Seneca believed that a good person was formed by philosophy through precepts (advice on how to live), exempla (patterns or virtues seen in the lives of others), and doctrines (presuppositions on which precepts are based and the paradigm by which they make sense).218 One could gain the stature of their philosophical leader through following precepts, however one could ‘arrive’ faster if they had an exempla to follow.219 This exempla could be physically present or in the imagination of the individual.220 Visions in the ancient world had a powerful effect and were held with relatively high epistemological value. Decisions of direction and battle were given through visionary experiences. These visions could be of a deity, God or another person. Pythagoras stated that the experience of the soul is changed when entering the temple and exposed to the image of the god face to face.221 Similarly, the Corpus Hermeticum states that the vision of the gods can bring about a transformation.222 Philo also believed seeing the ‘uncreated and divine Being’ could bring about virtue greater than envisioning other moral exempla.223 One could also envision a philosopher or another moral person such as Socrates and be changed. Xenophon upheld the exempla of Socrates and said that his companionship was more useful than being with others.224 Even in imagining or recollecting him brought about transformation. Seneca believed that learning about a philosopher through books or reading could offer an exempla to follow. Within the realm of memory or imagination, the thought was held to be equally as powerful as envisioning the gods.225 Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.3. (Marchant, LCL). Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.24‒28. 218 Talbert (2009), 54; (2011b), 63. 219 Seneca, Ep. 6.5‒6. 220 Seneca, Ep. 6.5‒6. 221 Seneca, Ep. 94.42. 222 Corp. Herm. 10.6; 13.3. 223 Philo, Embassy 1.5 (trans. Yonge). 224 Xenophon, Mem. 4.1. 225 Plato, Ep. 52.7; 25.7; Talbert (2009), 55. 216 217

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Early Christians held the same view regarding exempla and visualization. The most profound visionary experience in the Synoptic gospels is the Transfiguration.226 The apostle Paul utilizes vision language when he addresses the Corinthians and tells them when they behold the Lord they are being changed from glory to glory.227 The author of first Clement instructs the Corinthian church to ‘set before our eyes the illustrious apostles.’228 In a similar thought, he later says that submission to the examples allows one to attain their goal.229 Polycarp suggested beholding the apostles before their eyes (εἴδατε κατ᾽ ὀφθαλμοὺς) in an effort to attain or imitate (μιμηταὶ) similar faith and virtue.230

3.3  Early Christian Discipleship The earliest written documents we have of Jesus are of a wandering Jewish rabbi or teacher who acted, spoke and occasionally read. Because he never wrote an autobiography (or anything else), we are dependent on the memories that are reflected in the canonical gospels and vicariously through those who followed him. While it is not the case that the words of Jesus were strictly memorized and transmitted as Gerhardsson argued, the emphasis on oral culture and verbal communication has given rise to further understanding in the areas of orality and performance in the New Testament world.231 As we saw above, books can be a source of transformative knowledge as can oral performances of books. If we accept that the gospels were memoirs (apomnemoneumata) or biographies (bioi) about Jesus, then we can assume that they were written for Christians in an effort to promote discipleship, devotional practice, answer questions and provide spiritual and moral formation.232 Within the gospels, especially Matthew, there is evidence of what a disciple of Jesus should know and do.233 But the Matt. 17.2; Mark 9.2; Luke 9.28. 2 Cor. 3.18. 228 1 Clem. 5.3. 229 1 Clem. 63.1. 230 Polycarp, Phil. 8‒9; 10.1 231 J. Dunn (2003); Horsley (1999a); Horsley et al. (2011); Kelber (1983); Kelber & Byrskog (2009); Shiner (2003); Wire (2011). 232 On the genre of the gospels see Aune (1988); Burridge (2003); (2004); Stanton (2004); Talbert (1978). The primary argument against the gospel being biography comes from Bultmann who believed that the gospels are not biography. See Bultmann (1965), 86; (1968), 373‒374. On apomnemoneumata see Robbins (1992), 61‒69. 233 Matthew is generally considered a manual for discipleship. 226 227

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gospels themselves are probably not worth reading had there not been some experience of Jesus that corresponded with the documents. Heinz Schürmann argued that the disciples would be an ideal location for the origin of logia tradition as they were sent out to preach and necessarily must have had a message.234 As we saw above, Dunn has argued that Jesus must have made some kind of impact in order for his movement to continue.235 These experiences could come about through performances of the gospel experiences, explanation of the gospel story or catechesis. These oral performances and practices would have played a part in the affective and narrative consciousness of early believers. For the authors of the gospels as well as other Christian believers, Jesus is the ultimate exemplar. His life, death and resurrection provided the template for those who would ‘follow him.’ His words and deeds were looked at to be remembered and imitated.236 As Kelber states: Discipleship is explicable only in verbal form, for it does not represent an idea, but entails the activity of participating with Jesus on his way. His way embraces the mystery of the Kingdom. The way is the thing that matters.’237

This way would entail memories of Jesus as well as imitation of his message as well as his actions, including his miraculous deeds.

3.3a  Discipleship in the New Testament The Greco-Roman and rabbinic exempla provide both motivation and inspiration for transformation. The models chosen are proof that one can attain the virtuous or good life. They also provide the motivation or efficacy to bring about the transformation and hopefully surpass their exempla.238 This was not the case in the depiction of the disciples of Jesus. The disciples were remembered as slow to understand the meaning of Jesus’ teaching or his actions.239 They were often chided for having ‘little faith’ or not believing.240 The use of this lack of understanding is a 236 237 238 239 240 234 235

Schürmann (1968), 39‒65. Especially pg. 60 n. 88. J. Dunn (2003), 239; (2005), 15‒34. Larsson (1962), 38‒40; Manson (1971), 1. Kelber (1983), 70. Mayer (2008), 300. Matt. 16.9‒11; Mark 4.13, 7.18; Luke 2.50, 9.45. Matt. 6:30; 8:26; 14:31; 16:8; Mark 16.14; Luke 12:28.

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Discipleship

common motif that is used to show the revelatory nature of Jesus’ teaching.241 The continuity and reuse of the motif of ignorance or lack of faith also depicts the enigmatic nature of Jesus’ own identity and the genuine difficulty in understanding Jesus’ teaching. Because the apostles later became the heroes of the faith worthy of being emulated, it is unlikely that this depiction would have come from the post-Easter faith and is probably grounded in the earliest memories or traditions about the disciples. The depiction of the disciples changes from the ignorant followers of Jesus in the gospels to the empowered bearers of good news in the book of Acts. The transition point occurs after Pentecost.242 This change was thought of in terms of divine enablement through the presence of Jesus, the Holy Spirit or grace (χάρις).243 In John’s gospel Jesus states that it is to the advantage of the disciples that he leaves in order for the Helper (παράκλητος) to come.244 Jesus relates the Helper with the Holy Spirit. This pneumatic element might account for the transition in the disciples understanding and lifestyle as the Spirit was to guide the disciples as well as convict the world according to sin, righteousness and judgment.245 The apostle Paul, one of the personal witnesses to Christian conversion, also relates the presence of the Holy Spirit to discipleship and enablement. In Romans, Paul relates the presence of the Holy Spirit with the sanctification of the Gentiles.246 Sanctification, or the status and process of becoming holy, was considered by Paul to be part of discipleship.247 He prays that the Thessalonian community might be kept blameless and that the God of peace sanctify the church.248 The authors Aune (1988), 56. It could be argued then, that for the writers of the gospels, living and writing in a post-Pentecost time that they either did not experience the change, they wanted to emphasize the life, crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus or they wanted to highlight just how important the Pentecost event was. 243 Whitlark (2011). 244 John 16.7. 245 John 16.8. 246 Rom. 15.16. 247 1 Thes. 4.3; This process is facilitated by ‘behavioural memory’ or by imitation. See Aune (2009), 82. 248 1 Thes. 5.23; It is significant that in each of the Pauline epistles relating the Spirit with sanctification the voice of ἁγιάζω is passive, while the tense is either perfect or aorist indicating that the sanctification was something that was received by God or the Holy Spirit. It was something done to the believer rather than the believer actively pursuing or working for it. When the believer receives this sanctification is a different matter that is not going to be dealt with in this chapter. 241

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of 2 Thessalonians, Hebrews and 1 Peter also connect presence of the Holy Spirit to sanctification.249 Paul elaborates on discipleship by placing the believer ‘in Christ.’ While he uses the term in several ways, one of the main uses of the phrase indicates a unity of the believer with Christ. Though it is beyond the scope of this chapter to examine each of the references of being ‘in Christ’, the believer’s identity ‘in Christ’ has both individual and communal aspects as well as subjective and objective meaning. Regarding discipleship, this position provides an identity, hope and security.250 For author of Colossians, the fullness of deity or the godhead dwelt in Jesus and those who are ‘in him’ are filled (πεπληρωμένοι) or made complete.251 This Christological belief may have clarified both the sanctification process and the objective standing ‘in Christ’ they were also filled in him who is head of all authority. In this regard we can see that the Christian discipleship is intertwined with experiences of the Godhead. From each of these above examples, it is clear that imagining or being in the presence of a deity or virtuous figure can impart that same virtue to their disciples. In early Christian discipleship, being in the presence of Jesus brought about this transformation and imparted authority to cast out unclean spirits.252 However, this authority was never detached from the name or presence of Jesus.253 While the disciples did not always understand the teachings of Jesus, the fact that they were close to him by presence and shared in his life was enough to make an impact.254 By being near the historical Jesus, the disciples underwent the discipleship transformation process by ‘following’ him in both his manner of life and in their faithful witness to his life, death and resurrection.255 For second, third and later generations of Christians, this transformation process occurred through the witness of the apostles and church leaders, the reading and hearing of the gospels (visualization of scenes read/ heard) and the on-going presence of Jesus, the Holy Spirit. Through participation in baptism, what became the eucharist and liturgy, the 2 Thes. 2.13; Heb. 10.29; 1 Pet. 1.2 Rom. 5.12‒6.14, 8.1; 1 Cor. 15.18‒31; Parsons (1988). 251 Col. 2.9‒10. 252 Matt. 10.1; Mark 3.13‒15, 6.7; Luke 9.1‒2. 253 We shall see that in the book of Acts, the miracles of Jesus are always in connection with the presence of Jesus or the Holy Spirit. 254 J. Dunn (2003), 129, 239; (2005), 13, 24. 255 Best (1970). 249 250

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members of the church collectively engaged in the memory of Christ’s life, death and resurrection. Later additions in witnessing to this life such as the cult of martyrs and the cult of relics also bore witness of Jesus.

3.3b  Message of the Kingdom Jesus’ primary message was the Kingdom of God.256 Much has been said concerning the Kingdom, and for our purposes it is not necessary to reanalyse each of the arguments.257 Suffice it to say, that the Kingdom was thought of as being the rule and reign of God over His people.258 From the gospels we see that Jesus proclaimed, taught and demonstrated the Kingdom. It could be argued that Jesus even incarnated the Kingdom as Manson states, ‘Jesus is the Kingdom of God’ and ‘The Ministry of Jesus is the Kingdom of God spelt out in human terms.’259 The Kingdom of God, as the primary message of Jesus, made demands of its followers. Like every kingdom, certain rules of behaviour were established and seen as normative.260 In an effort to relate these rules and to perpetuate a certain life-style, Jesus told stories and parables to communicate expectations as well as portraying what life in the Kingdom was like. Through Jesus’ parables he instructed his followers about the Kingdom of God as well as other narrative techniques.261 These parables were pictorial representations or elaborations about what the Kingdom of God was like.262 While the scribes and other teachers at the time of Jesus also used parables, for Jesus they were the primary means of teaching.263 The purpose of the parables was to make an observation on human behavior and to make one aware or call to repentance for behavior that is not in alignment with God’s Kingdom.264 Pheme Perkins states that parables might ‘be described as a poetry that seeks to establish God’s Matt. 3.2; Mark 1.15; Luke 4.43. Beasley-Murray (1996); Bultmann (1965), 4; Chilton (1984); Dodd (1961); Epp (1987); Ladd (1990); (1993); Weiss (1971); Willis (1987). 258 Vermes (2003), 29. 259 Manson (1958), 19; Manson (1948), 18. 260 Matt 5‒7; Mark 10.13‒31; Luke 18.20‒31 P. Perkins (1981), 4. 261 Dodd (1961); Jeremias (1972); Kelber (1983). 262 Wenham (1989), 14. 263 Wenham (1989), 12. 264 P. Perkins (1981), 2. 256 257

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rule in our lives.’265 As poetry or stories, parables were sometimes misunderstood or not understood at all by Jesus’ disciples. This is not surprising as the enigmatic nature of the teaching about the Kingdom is given so those who truly want to know will seek and find.266 Indeed, the Kingdom of God is an ambiguous phrase and there is no continuity as to the arrival of the Kingdom.267 However, Jesus clarifies some of his teaching for his disciples, because, to them are given the secrets of the Kingdom.268 Outside of parables, there were direct ethical teachings of Jesus such as his teaching on divorce269 and hating one’s family.270 These discipleship demands, while strict, related to those who would follow after him in the presence of his Kingdom. The call to discipleship was one of sacrifice and following after him in his death.271

4 Conclusion The early form critics attempted to provide the Sitz im Leben for the earliest traditions about Jesus in catechesis and missionary proclamation. By locating Jesus within the Hellenistic missionary preaching they ended up seeing Jesus and his miracles in comparison with that of Hellenistic miracle workers. The works of Riesenfeld and Gerharsson clarified their assumptions and rightly placed the Jesus tradition within the Rabbinic tradition. While their claims concerning the words of Jesus are much too stringent, their starting point of memory and oral tradition did provide a better locale for the Jesus tradition. More recent scholars have started with the notion of orality, memory and the impact Jesus would have made on those around him. Rather than locating the beginning of the gospel tradition with the instruction P. Perkins (1981), 2. Matt. 7.7; Luke 11.9. 267 Beasley-Murray (1996); Lundström (1963); Perrin (1963); Sanders (1995), 169. 268 Mark 4.10‒12; Matt. 13.10‒17; Luke 8.9‒10. 269 Matt. 5.31‒32. 270 Luke 14.26. 271 Matt. 10.38; Luke 9.23, 14.27 Barrett (1970), 78. Luke’s addition of ‘daily’ to Mark and Matthew’s statement weakens the effect to a metaphor. This is probably due to the Luke’s understanding of the delay in the Parousia for in other areas Luke’s idea of discipleship is equally as stringent as Matthew. Cf. Matt. 10.39; Luke 9.24, 19.26. See also Best (1970). 265

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and missionary preaching of anonymous preachers and teachers, the foundation of the tradition should be founded first on Jesus and secondarily on those who were impacted by him. Because the preferred method of communication in antiquity was verbal, the story telling and recounting of the words and deeds of Jesus would have made an impact on the early auditors. Like Greco-Roman philosophers and rabbinic tradition, the words and deeds of Jesus were intended to be imitated. The example of Jesus’ life and ministry provided the motivation for his disciples, especially the Twelve. The call to discipleship within the gospels and the close linking of Jesus actions and seemingly expectation that his disciples would do likewise is found in the repeated instances of Jesus instructing them to take up their cross. While the original statement may have been more literal than metaphorical, the emphasis is clear — go and do likewise.

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CHAPTER 3: MEMORY AND MIRACLE IN DISCIPLESHIP

1 Introduction In the previous chapter we examined the role that memory played in the development of the Jesus tradition. Both form critics and those from the Scandanavian school such as Gerhardsson acknowledge the place of memory and orality in the transmission of the early Jesus tradition. Though the focus for both parties has primarily been on Jesus’ words and teaching rather than on his actions, more recently there has been realignment in emphasizing both.1 In an effort to establish a stable or controlled Jesus tradition, the Scandanavians placed the pedagogy of Jesus in a rabbinic context. We also saw that in the discipleship process, the pupil is to become like the teacher in word and deed. This occurs through visualization, reading about the figure or receiving direct teaching from the god or sage. Through these means of contact personal transformation was thought to occur. For the earliest followers of Jesus, the transformation was thought to be brought about through Jesus’ deeds and teaching,2 hearing the accounts that survived in the gospels or direct contact with God, Jesus, or the Holy Spirit.3 In this chapter we will examine the memory and role of miracle within discipleship. Focusing on the deeds of Jesus, we will ask the question, did miracle play a part in the memory and discipleship of his early followers? What is the place of memory (lieux de mémoire)4 of the Byrskog (2000). Luke 5.8; John 6.63. 3 Gal. 1.16; Acts 2, 10. 4 Nora (1989). See above, ch. 1n. 28 1 2

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Chapter 3: Memory and Miracle in Discipleship

miracles in the discipleship of the apostles? We will begin with examining the memory of Jesus’ miracles and how they were related with his message concerning the Kingdom of God. This will provide a plumb line to evaluate the miracle tradition of the apostles in the second century. We will examine these memories in light of Jesus’ identity as Jewish Messiah and the part miracle played in his ministry. First, miracles play a large part of Jesus’ activities in the Synoptic gospels and his disciples are privy to witness. The fact that Jesus’ miracles were often performed openly, and rarely in secret, may give an indication of their purpose, namely, to draw attention to Jesus’ identity as Messiah.5 Extending the search for the meaning of miracles, by understanding how the disciples may have viewed Jesus’ miracles may help indicate how they viewed their own miracle working. Through examining their ability or inability to work miracles we might establish an understanding of what the miracles meant in early Christian identity and discipleship. Second, we will examine the miracles of the disciples. In examining these memories, through modelling his message in word and deed, Jesus implicitly taught his disciples to work miracles through mimesis. Based on their calling and sending out, Jesus expected his disciples to perform miracles. Finally, I suggest that the role of miracles in the lives of the earliest disciples of Jesus were significant for their discipleship and identity formation and project how this knowledge may have been transmitted to other Christian miracle workers.

2  Miracles of Jesus Perceptions about Jesus’ works of power play a part in understanding his identity and interpretations of his mission from both his friends and his enemies. Jesus’ miracles in part played an important role of the early Christian identity and carried over to his disciples. As the various ‘Quests’ for the historical Jesus have taught us, one’s own perception of Jesus will impact their interpretation of his message and deeds. It is also contingent on their own culture, history and interpretive paradigm. Briefly surveying out the current understanding of Jesus’ miracles demonstrates this hermeneutical issue. In examining how Jesus saw his own miracles and the context in which they were performed we may glean an Bultmann (1965), 26; Cotter (2010).

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Miracles of Jesus

understanding of how the earliest disciples may have interpreted their own miracles and mission. In their close relationship to Jesus, it is likely that his own perception may have rubbed off on his earliest disciples. Along with Jesus’ teaching about the Kingdom of God, there were also memories of visual or tangible demonstrations about Jesus’ message. Jesus’ healings,6 exorcisms7 and resuscitations8 lent themselves to his great popularity. Indeed, Jesus’ miracles explain his popularity and why he was able to draw crowds for his teaching.9 Sanders states that Jesus’ ability to gather crowds was due to his ability to heal and exorcise.10 Because teaching was not strictly enough and ancient audiences ‘put more faith in their eyes than in their ears’,11 Jesus demonstrated the Kingdom of God through miracles, specifically exorcisms and healings. Thus, unless we take Jesus’ miracle working into account, we cannot account for the popularity of his teaching. Memories external to early Christian communities bear witness of Jesus’ miracle working.12 The Beelzebul controversy indicates that his opponents thought of him as demonized and a magician.13 Josephus is a great example of one who recalls Jesus as a wise man and teacher who did mighty deeds.14 Later, the Babylonian Talmud indicates that Jews of the second and third century thought of Jesus as a sorcerer.15 The pagan philosopher Celsus believed that Jesus gained his miraculous (magical) abilities from his visit to Egypt.16 For these non-Christian witnesses, it is the miracles of Jesus that stand out in their memory of him. 8 9

Eve (2009); Kee (1986). Twelftree (1993). Keener (2011). Allison (1991), 49. 10 Sanders (1985), 164. 11 Seneca, Ep. 6.5 (Gummere, LCL). 12 Schäfer (2009), 61‒62; Sheets (2008); Vermes (1983); (2001). 13 Matt. 12.24; Mark 3.22; Luke 11.15. Labahn (2011). 14 Josephus, Ant. 18.63 παραδόξων ἔργων On Jesus in Josephus see Meier (1990); Vermes (1987); Zeitlin (1931). 15 t. Sanhedrien 43a. Interestingly enough, references to Jesus as a miracle worker are always categorized as a miracle worker or magician within Judaic literature. He is never castigated for being a charlatan. This is significant because charlatans are frauds and being accused of sorcery acknowledges that some non-human power is at work. Keener (2011), 25; Schäfer (2009), 52‒62. 16 Origen, Cels.1.6, 28; Shab 104b. 6 7

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If these perceptions are correct, then there is good reason that the conflicts surrounding some of the miracles may have led to Jesus’ arrest. The upheaval around the healing of the paralytic,17 the healing of the man with the withered hand and the man born blind in John’s gospel all indicate that the healings upset the religious leaders at the time ultimately leading in Jesus’ arrest and execution. This upheaval leads Sanders to keenly observe, ‘One can move from miracles to crowds to teaching to tumult to death much more easily from teacher of law to a miracle worker to a prophet whose passion for sanctity irritated authorities in Jerusalem.’18

2.1  The Meaning of the Miracles There is no general consensus among scholars regarding the meaning of Jesus’ miracles. Delving into the memory of the miracles themselves provides further complication as the memories and their interpretation provide different facets to the ministry of Jesus most of which are contingent on how one views the historical Jesus.19 Vernon K. Robbins has shown the various rhetorolects20 related to and intertwining with the miracles of Jesus.21 In his analysis he shows that while many came to Jesus for healing, they offered a number of interpretations of who he was. For example, the bowing down and pleading for help, the leper reveals a priestly rhetorolect22 whereas, in the account of Jesus raising the widow of Nain’s son a prophetic rhetorolect is displayed on account of

Matt. 9.1‒8; Mark 2.1‒11; Luke 5.17‒26. Sanders (1985), 164. Italics in original. 19 Robbins (2012). In his chapter of Miracle Discourse in the New Testament, Robbins offers an interesting rhetorical analysis of the miracles of Jesus and shows that many rhetorical elements play a part in the stories. These elements provide different conclusions about the identity of Jesus or his ministry. 20 The term ‘rhetorolect’ comes from a combination of the words ‘rhetorical’ and dialect. Robbins defines rhetorolects as ‘a form of language variety or discourse identifiable on the basis of a distinctive configuration of themes, topics, reasonings, and argumentations. Six major rhetorolects appear in early Christian discourse: wisdom, miracle, apocalyptic, opposition, death-resurrection, and cosmic discourse. Each type of discourse is a rhetorolect which certain early Christians may or may not have spoken and intermingled with other discourses. Speakers or writers may work primarily in the context of one rhetorolect, or they may energetically intermingle various rhetorolects in their discourse.’ Robbins (1996), 356. See also, Watson (2012). 21 Robbins (2012). 22 Robbins (2012), 31. 17

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the display of fear by both the widow in 1 Kings and the understanding of Jesus as a prophet holding a special relationship with God.23 In the canonical gospels, as representations of early memories of Jesus’ ministry, we receive not only memories of early Jesus followers, we also have interpretations of what Jesus words and deeds mean. Mark senses the need to interpret Jesus’ Aramaic (‘Talitha cumi’ and ‘Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani’) for his audience and readers.24 John tells his audience the first of Jesus’ signs was his manifestation of glory that resulted in faith from his disciples.25 In other instances we are unable to discern the meaning of Jesus’ actions; indeed, they could be misunderstood by their audiences as magic as Harvey and others have indicated.26 In that culture the character of a person was held to be revealed in his/her actions and deeds. As such, the miraculous deeds of Jesus would have been indicative of his character and the God whom he represented. Prior to several of the healings or feedings of Jesus, the evangelists state that Jesus was moved with compassion (σπλαγχνίζομαι).27 These miraculous events were to be tangible representations of God’s concern for humanity.28 John Dominic Crossan sees Jesus as a Jewish Cynic peasant29 whose miracles are interpreted in political terms. Jesus’ table fellowship with prostitutes and sinners constituted a threat to the established religious order of the day.30 Crossan sees Jesus’ offering free healings and openness to eating with anyone with Jesus enacting the ‘brokerless kingdom.’31 Jesus’ miracles in Crossan’s view are ‘magic’ in a non-pejorative sense,32 that forced ‘individuals into unmediated physical and spiritual contact Robbins (2012), 28‒29. Mark 5.41; 15.34. 25 John 2.11. 26 Aune (1980); Harvey (1982); M. Smith (1981). 27 Matt. 14.14, 15.32, 20.34; Mark 1.41, 6.34; Luke 7.13. 28 Harvey (1982), 111. T. Abr. 12.13 testifies of God’s compassion for sinners. Pr. Man. 22.15 reflects the idea that in God’s mercy he sets captives free. 29 Downing (2001). 30 Crossan (1991), 421. 31 Crossan (1991), 422. 32 Crossan (1991), 305. ‘I propose now that magic is to religion as banditry is to politics. As banditry challenges the ultimate legitimacy of political power, so magic challenges that of spiritual power. Religion is official and approved magic; magic is unofficial and unapproved religion. More simply, ‘we’ practice religion, ‘they’ practice magic.’ 23

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with God and unmediated physical and spiritual contact with one another. He announced, in other words, the brokerless kingdom of God.’33 The kingdom, for Crossan, is not apocalyptic or eschatological, but one of the ethical and wise.34 Rather than placing the miracles in an apocalyptic setting, Crossan places them in a political setting of a colonized people under socio-political pressure. Whether or not one agrees with Crossan’s interpretation, he has shown the centrality of Jesus’ miracle working to his mission. Crossan points to some important anthropological and sociological factors in his evaluation of Jesus’ miracles. It is clear, as will be discussed below, that some believed Jesus to be a worker of magic. The fact that he offered his healings for free was probably significant in light of the possibility for healing for a fee by doctors or other miracle workers. However, the comparison with Cynics in regard to miracle is difficult to establish as there seems to be no known miracle tradition associated with the Cynics. On the other hand, N.T. Wright places the miracles of Jesus in the context of covenant renewal and inauguration of the kingdom of God.35 Emphasizing the restoration of those who were once ritually unclean, Wright argues the mighty works of Jesus related to his role as a prophet in line with Israel’s previous prophets. As the prophet of Israel’s god, Jesus’ miracles showed the inauguration of the kingdom and revealed the oppressors not to be Rome, but satan and the spiritual enemies as demonstrated in the destruction of the pigs in Mark 5.1‒20.36 Wright properly places Jesus within the eschatological paradigm of first-century Judaism and messianic expectation of the reconstruction of Israel. The fact that Jesus heals those who are considered to be outside of parameters of ritual cleanliness and effectively outcasts, is significant as it would indicate prophetic fulfilment. The prophet Isaiah looked forward to a day when the deaf would hear, the blind would see and the lame walk.37 Several objections can be made to Wright’s evaluation. First, Wright’s overemphasis on community and covenant renewal related to miracle is problematic. It is difficult to see how the multiplication of bread and the 35 36 37 33

34

Crossan (1991), 422. Crossan (1991), 291. N. T. Wright (1996), 191‒192. N. T. Wright (1996), 195‒196. Isa. 29.18, 35.5‒6.

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Miracles of Jesus

stilling of the storms relate with covenant renewal and it is uncertain that these miracles would conjure up images of the exodus to Jesus’ audience.38 In John’s gospel, Jesus needs to further explain what the provision of bread means, lending evidence to the fact that the people did not know the meaning of the miracle.39 The disciples did not interpret the feeding of the five or four thousand in terms of the exodus, nor did Jesus explain the miracle in covenant language.40 Furthermore, Wright does not delve too deeply into the fact that in some sectors of first-century Judaism, exorcism may not have played a part in their messianic expectation. Jews in the Diaspora may have had other messianic expectations or none at all. For example, while Solomon is related with exorcisms in Josephus41 and 11Q11, knowledge of this may have been restricted to Palestine.42 Even within the Gospels there is evidence of differing understandings of Messianic hope among the Pharisees, Sadducees and Zealots. Finally, if Wright equates covenant renewal with the Kingdom of God or the inauguration of the Kingdom, it needs to be spelled out precisely which covenant is being renewed. In the rereading of the law and covenant renewal in Joshua, 2 Kings and Nehemiah, there are no miracles present.43 However, along with Crossan, Wright draws attention to the significance of Jesus as a miracle worker. James Dunn has pointed to the Beelzebul controversy as evidence of the eschatological framework of Jesus’ ministry and messianic expectation of the time.44 This controversy over Jesus’ authority and source of power indicates that his message of the Kingdom of God and his miracles were intimately linked. Jesus’ miracles may have been interpreted as the arrival of the Kingdom of God. Building on Dunn’s perspective we can 38 N. T. Wright (1996), 193. These allusions might be a stretch. To have a covenant to renew, you first need a covenant. It is not until Exodus 24 that the covenant is enacted and both the crossing the Red Sea and the provision of manna occurred before the inauguration of the covenant. While there are reminders of God bringing the people out of Egypt, especially with the provision of manna, there is no announcement of the law as given in other instances of covenant renewal. Prior to this the covenant of circumcision is enacted in Genesis with Abraham and this is a covenant that cannot be renewed. 39 John 6.31‒41. 40 Mark 8.18‒21. 41 Josephus, Ant. 8.42‒47. 42 See also, Wis. 7.20. Penney & Wise (1994); A. T. Wright (2005), 181. 43 Josh. 8.34, 2 Kgs. 22.9, Neh. 8.3‒18, 9.3. 44 J. Dunn (1975), 44‒49; (1988).

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safely state that without miracles there would have been no proclamation of the Kingdom.45 Though he is critical about the saying of Jesus in Matthew 12.28,46 E. P. Sanders states that Jesus ‘probably saw his miracles as indication that the new age was at hand’,47 however, taking the connection one step further, for Jesus the miracles were probably the Kingdom.48 In the Beelzebul controversy, Jesus is accused by scribes or Pharisees of driving out demons by the power of Beelzebul and therefore, essentially being possessed by Beelzebul.49 According to messianic expectation of the time, the defeat of Satan and cosmic powers were part of the eschatological hope the Messiah would bring.50 The casting out of demons by Jesus served as an eschatological sign that the Kingdom of God had arrived or was present.51 Moreover, it proved his authority as God’s envoy as he used no human techniques for his exorcisms, but rather performing the exorcisms through spiritual means.52 Jesus response to the accusation in Matthew is, ‘if by the Spirit of God I cast out demons, then the kingdom of God has arrived upon you.’53 Jesus’ response is that through godly spiritual means (Spirit of God or finger of God), the demons flee rather than invoking a stronger or greater demonic means overpowering other demons.54 The memory of Jesus’ response in the Beezebul controversy55 also relates the presence of the Spirit of God as well as the in-breaking presence of the Kingdom.56 In this conflict Jesus ‘combines two conceptual worlds which had never been combined in this way before, the apocalyptic Twelftree (2011), 2524. Sanders (1985), 133, 135‒139. 47 Sanders (1995), 168. 48 Twelftree (1999), 276. Sanders (1995), 168. 49 Matt. 12.22; Mark 3.19‒22; Luke 11.14‒15. 50 T. Mos. 10.1‒10; 1 En. 45.3; 46.4‒6; 55.4. See also McKnight (2003); Schürer (1979), 526‒529. 51 Manson (1971); Sanders (1995), 168; Twelftree (1993). 52 Vermes (2001), 64. This has been challenged however. Some of the techniques of Jesus’ healing such as the use of spittle can be seen as ‘magical.’ See Harvey (1982), 107. 53 Debates have been held over whether Matthew or Luke is the original. This is not our concern. Author’s translation. cf. Barrett (1966), 159. 54 Hull (1974), 67 ff. 55 Matt. 12.28; Luke 11.20. 56 Schweizer, pneuma, TDNT 6.398. Contra Schweitzer and Bultmann who believed that the kingdom of God was near or dawning. The aorist use of ἔφθασεν indicates that the Kingdom was thought of as manifestly present or has arrived. See Bultmann (1965), 7; Schweitzer (2000), 345. 45

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expectation of universal salvation in the future and the episodic realization of salvation in the present through miracles.’57 The presence of the Spirit was also an eschatological indicator of a new age which was expected by the prophets.58 While the arrival of the Kingdom itself was not clearly linked with the coming of the Holy Spirit, Jesus’ correlation with the expulsion of demons through the presence of the Spirit59 indicates that the prophetic fulfilment of the expected Kingdom was present.60 So in the memory, it was his miracle working that made this visible. Through placing Jesus in this first-century Jewish eschatological context, it is easier to see that Jesus’ self-understanding might have been of a miracle worker over that of a teacher. In questioning if he is the one to come,61 the disciples of John the Baptist are told about miracles and given reference to Isaiah 61.62 Jesus’ response deals specifically with miracles without reference to teaching except the poor having the gospel preached to them.63 The reference to the poor having the gospel proclaimed to them combined with the preceding miracles seems to indicate that the good news of the Kingdom was manifested through the miracles performed.64 The fact that Jesus’ miracles were not ‘showy’ displays of power, but rather met the needs of the people indicates that Jesus’ identity was confirmed through the miracles as God’s representative. The political implications of Jesus’ miracles must also be noted. The social context of Galilee under Roman rule was that of poverty and heavy taxation.65 As a predominantly agrarian society, it is no wonder that Jesus’ miracles of healing and provision stood out among the people and drew a crowd. Thus, the memory of the feedings of the five 57

Theissen (2007), 278. Isa. 25.8, 26.19, 34‒35; Jer. 23.1‒8; 29.10‒1444.3‒4; Joel 2.23‒30; Sanders (1995),

58

168.

Matt.12.28. The coming of the Spirit is generally associated with the arrival of a new age or the day of judgement (Isa 44.3; Joel 2.26‒29). However, within the intertestamental period the development of the Messiah depicted one on whom the Spirit dwelt. See 1 En. 49.3, 62.2; T. Levi 18.7; T. Jud. 24.2; Pss Sol. 17.37, 18.7. Interestingly enough, there is relatively little regarding miracles in the intertestamental period. Jub. 23.26, 29 says that there will be healing ‘in those days’ and in some of the Qumran texts there is healing and resurrection of the dead expected in the eschaton. 4Q521 2.ii.8, 12. 61 Matt. 11.3; Luke 7.19, 22. 62 Matt. 11.3, Luke 7.19. 63 Matt. 11.5; Luke 4.18, 7.22. 64 Davies & Allison (1991), 243. 65 Crossan (2008); Horsley (2008). 59

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thousand and the four thousand indicate Jesus’ understanding of the serious circumstances of the people. Palestine and Israel had been under foreign domination since the Babylonian exile. The brief period of freedom under Cyrus brought about the establishment of Israel, but after the conquests of Alexander the Great in 325 bce, Palestine remained under Seleucid rule followed by Roman imperial forces. Allegiances were made between the Herods and Rome with the presence of Rome in Israel caused a variety of theopolitical groups to arise.66 This political backdrop provides insight into the miracles of Jesus and the Kingdom of God. In the Res gestae divi Augusti, Augustus declares his triumphs and bringing about of the Pax Romana. While many of his feats brought him renown from the people, there is no indication that he performed miracles or brought any relief to the peasant class outside of the Roman plebs.67 Later tradition, from Tacitus, indicates that the emperor Vespasian was known to perform miracles and healings through his spit, but this is likely imperial propaganda.68 Given this theopolitical backdrop, it seems that Jesus reference to the poor having the gospel proclaimed to them accompanied by miracles may have contributed to the understanding of Jesus as an insurrectionist. His audience may have understood the proclamation about the Kingdom of God and the demonstration of the Kingdom through deeds of power in subversive political terms. What the current earthly political establishment could not provide, Jesus gave away freely. Similarly, Jesus’ response with explicit claims of exorcisms and healings to the Pharisees encouragement to leave on account of Herod’s death threats depicts his self-understanding as a miracle worker. While the authenticity of this statement is dubious,69 the reflection, possibly of Luke’s initial understanding of Jesus was that of an exorcist and healer. Hacking has argued that the authority of Jesus is validated through the exorcisms and cures.70 Though this passage is not a reflection of Jesus’ self-understanding, it is reflective of the perception of Jesus as primarily a miracle worker above teacher of the law. Josephus, J.W. 1.343. Res Gestae divi Augustii, 15. 68 Tacitus, Hist. 4.81. Winn (2008), 184‒185. 69 Twelftree (1999), 274. Dunn does not mention this text in Jesus Remembered, probably due to the fact that it was not an authentic memory of Jesus. 70 Hacking (2006), 227. 66 67

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This does not mean that Jesus was not also thought of as a teacher. On several occasions his disciples and opponents refer to him as ‘rabbi’/‘teacher.’ 71 We saw in the last chapter that Jesus spoke about the Kingdom of God. If miracles were central to Jesus’ activity as a Messiah, teacher/rabbi, it seems likely that his followers would also engage in similar action. In fact, this is what we have in the memories recounted in the gospels as well as canonical Acts. The memories of the disciples performing miracles, though scant in the gospel material, indicate that they were to engage in healing and performing exorcisms.72 Moreover, because of the nature of identity creation during the discipleship process,73 the miracles of Jesus would have provided the disciples the confidence to go and do likewise. The closeness in identification with Jesus’ mission would have ‘rubbed off.’ To the disciples the memory of Jesus miracles while they walked with him would have created a testimonial link and justification for their own ministries. But this could only have happened if they were present with Jesus and not a post-Easter development.

2.2  Witness of Disciples Before setting off to examine discipleship and imitation (mimesis), we should clarify the groups commonly referred to in the gospels. John Meier has articulated the various groups that interacted with Jesus and I shall follow his pattern of concentric circles to indicate who was following Jesus (see fig. 1 below).74 These groups, though likely to be grounded in history, are best understood as literary constructions and given certain titles to make clear to the audiences the various groups that followed Jesus. First are the crowds. This group is relatively vague and at times overlaps with the disciples. Second, there are the disciples.75 As Meier notes, the boundaries are not entirely clear regarding those deemed ‘disciples’ and others. The fluidity of the boundaries would have changed on occasion as the gospel of John indicates.76 Their identity is not specifically articulated. This group is a relatively wider body than The Twelve and they seemed to have followed Jesus. Those in this 73 74 75 76 71

72

Matt. 26:25, 49; Mark 9:5; 11:21; 14:45; John 1:38, 49; 3:2, 26; 4:31; 6:25; 9:2; 11:8. Matt. 10.8; Mark 6.37, 9.22; Luke 9.13. See chapter 2.3. Meier (2001), 19‒39. Meier (2001), 40‒124. John 6.66.

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category seemed to have physically followed Jesus but remained in general localities and returned to residences. Then we know of The Twelve who were also called disciples but were also designated apostles.77 These individuals are named, although the listing of their names is not consistent throughout the gospels.78 Finally, we have the last three disciples who seem to be closest to Jesus: Peter, James and John.79 The focus for the rest of this chapter is the disciples and The Twelve. According to all four canonical gospels, the disciples were present at and occasionally participated in several of the miracles that Jesus performed. According to Mark, the disciples are explicitly mentioned at majority of Jesus’ miracles. They are present at the feeding of the 4000 and 5000, they are in the boat when Jesus walks on water, the healing of the woman with the issue of blood,80 they instigate the healing of the mute boy81 and are present at blind Bartimaeus’ healing.82 There is explicit mention of Peter, James and John at the healing of Peter’s mother in law, the healing of Jairus’ daughter83 and at Jesus’ transfiguration.84 Where there is no explicit mention of the disciples, there can only be inferential evidence that they were with Jesus when he performed his miraculous deeds.85 However, it is obvious in the narrative that someone was present to witness the events and to tell the story and that story was transmitted to the author of the gospels. Byrskog has argued that there was a pool of witnesses available for interview during the life of Jesus as well as after which may have been seen as authoritative tradents.86 Some of those selected, especially Peter, could have been the primary 77 Mark 3.14. I designate them as ‘The Twelve’ under the assumption that they were close to Jesus and consistently followed him except on the instances when he called the three aside with him. We know that there were more than just The Twelve who were considered apostles as Paul references others such as Andronicus and Junia who were also apostles. Rom. 16.7. 78 Cf. Matt. 10.1‒4; Mark 3.16‒19; Luke 6.13‒16. 79 Matt. 10.2; 17.1; Mark 5.37; 9.2; 13.3; 14.33; Luke 6.14; 8.51; 9.28; Acts 1.13. 80 Mark 5.31. 81 Mark 9.14. 82 Mark 10.46. 83 Mark 5.37. 84 Mark 9.2. 85 The inferential evidence seems to indicate that wherever Jesus went, the disciples went with him. The narrator of these events was not present at the events, but heard of those who may have been. 86 Byrskog (2000).

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oral sources of the miracle stories of Jesus.87 Again, due to the preponderance of miracles occurring in the gospels, we need not limit ourselves to just the disciples or Peter as sources. After calling The Twelve, Mark states that he went (εἰσερχομαι) into the synagogue.88 Because the emphasis is on Jesus as the primary character, Mark fails to mention the presence of the disciples, probably due to the hearers understanding of calling as accompaniment. Jesus called the disciples to ‘be’ with him.89 The gospels make explicit mention of when Jesus went off to be alone, not just to show that Jesus was human and needed some ‘down time’, but that it was probably a rare occasion when was by himself. Within the same verse Mark includes the disciples entering (εἰσπορεύονται) Capernaum. Similarly, in Mark 1.38 Jesus speaks to the disciples to accompany him throughout Galilee. The following healing story only mention Jesus healing a leper,90 but the prior verse intimates that disciples are with him as he heals. With the inclusion of the disciples prior to Jesus movement we can safely assume that the disciples were with Jesus and witnessed his healing ministry and followed in his footsteps. As Luz rightly states, ‘They [the disciples] are never absent, not even after they have been sent out.’91 As stated above, the miracles of Jesus would have attracted people to him as they sought healing and deliverance from oppressive forces. Some of these people as well as their friends and relatives probably remained around Jesus and became his followers. In his rejection of his biological family Jesus extends his family by stating, ‘whoever does the will of God, he is my brother and sister and mother.’92 Jesus’ table-fellowship with tax collectors, ‘sinners’ and those on the margins of society would have indicated the openness of those generally considered outside the covenant to be welcome.93 These individuals possibly made up the crowd at some stage in Jesus’ ministry.94

89 90 91 92 93 94 87 88

Bauckham (2006); Byrskog (2000). Mark 1.21. Mark 3.14. Mark 1.40‒41. Luz (1995), 104. Mark 3.35 // Matt. 12.50. Matt. 9.10‒13, 11.19; Mark 2.15‒17; Luke 5.30‒32. Mark 2:4, 13; Matt.4:25, 5:1.

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2.3  The Twelve: Discipleship and Mimesis According to each of the Synoptic Gospels as well as John, Jesus had twelve core disciples with whom he invested much of his time. This core group of Twelve is thought to be primarily responsible for the sayings tradition of Jesus,95 though it is probable that there were more than just the Twelve involved in the transmission.96 As Kelber states, ‘There is little justification for limiting the transmission of tradition to just the twelve apostles. While they were important traditionists, they were by no means the only ones.’97 That Jesus attracted a crowd goes without question. But some have found the historicity of The Twelve dubious. Robert Funk and the Jesus Seminar find the account of Jesus appointing The Twelve in Mark as fiction.98 Emphasizing the eschatological nature of The Twelve, Bultmann believed that they were not apostles, but rather end time regents that the Church created.99 Similarly, Beinert and others believe that The Twelve were a post-Easter creation.100 E. P. Sanders stated that the calling of The Twelve was ‘the weakest item on the list’ of his facts about Jesus.101 Contrary to these assertions, it seems that the memory of The Twelve was circulated relatively early indicating that they were probably seen as authoritative individuals around Jesus. The earliest Gospel traditions and Q attest to the existence of The Twelve.102 Though the names and continuity of who the Twelve were is slightly varied within the canonical gospels, each Synoptic gospel attests to their existence.103 Indeed, in comparing the names of the apostles in the Synoptics one finds very little discrepancies, and the variations may indicate an oral tradition.104 The discrepancies between the lists of names in the gospels 95 Manson states, ‘The largest part of the tradition must, however, be credited to the disciples.’ Gerhardsson (1961); Manson (1971), 12. 96 Crossan (1999), 49‒68; Kelber (1983), 21, 26. 97 Kelber (1983), 21. 98 Funk (1998), 71. 99 Bultmann (1968), 137. 100 Bienert (1992), 11; Crossan (1996), 75. 101 Sanders (1985), 101. 102 See Matt. 19.28 and Luke 22.30 for parallels of the importance of the Twelve in Q. McKnight (2001), 204. 103 Cf. Matt. 10.2‒4; Mark 3.16‒19; Luke 6.14‒16, 104 J. Dunn (2003), 507; McKnight (2001); Meier (2001), 128‒130.

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and Acts reveal that who the disciples were not as important as retaining the number twelve.105 The number itself held significance, as The Twelve were to sit on the thrones and judge The Twelve tribes of Israel.106 Thus, the number twelve held eschatological meaning to Jesus and his mission. The Twelve were around during Paul’s time (c.  50‒60 ce),107 but for reasons unknown, The Twelve fade from memory in the book of Acts.108 Because of their significance the Twelve were retained in memory belonging to the past, the present and the future.109

3  Insiders, Outsiders and would-be Disciples Within the Twelve there were others who were more intimately related to Jesus than the rest. We saw in the last chapter that discipleship involved the transmission of culturally privileged texts and inside information to those who were insiders. Jesus’ response when asked why he spoke in parables indicates this transmission of knowledge for a select few.110 This distinction is noticeable throughout the Synoptics as Jesus pulls aside the disciples from the crowds for special instruction.111 On other occasions Jesus calls Peter, James and John to witness a miracle, pray with him, or receive special instruction.112 105 The apostle Paul refers to the Twelve in 1 Cor. 15 which is criticized by some scholars as being anomalous because Judas Iscariot was no longer with the Twelve. A possible solution to this problem is that Paul knew of Mattias having been chosen to complete the Twelve as indicated by Acts. Caird (1994), 382; Conzelmann (1973), 56; Meier (2001), 147. 106 Matt. 19.28, Luke 22.30 Jervell (1996), 75. 107 1 Cor. 15.5. 108 Yael Zerubavel has shown that during times of rapid social, cultural and political change, ‘invented traditions’ attempt to develop a new historical legend when old traditions no longer seem to adequately answer the questions of the people. Zerubavel (1996), 107. Throughout the first and second centuries this is exactly what occurred and what can possibly account for the disappearance of the Twelve. This decline might be due to a perceived delay in the Parousia as the delay in Jesus’ return might also cause a decline in the use of specific eschatological symbols. However, this does not account for the seers interest in the Twelve apostles in Rev. 21.14. 109 Davies & Allison (1991), 159. 110 Matt. 13.10‒11; Luke 8.10. 111 Matt. 20.17; Mark 10.32; Luke 18.31. 112 Matt. 17.1; Mark 9.2, 13.3‒4; Luke 8.51, 9.28.

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There are some who are called by Jesus but who do not seem to ‘make the cut.’ In Matthew and Luke there are those who both come to Jesus and are directly called by him.113 They each give excuses as to why they cannot immediately follow him. Most of the excuses deal with familial obligations such as burying their dead family or needing to say goodbye. Those unwilling to leave their family or even ‘hate’ them were not worthy to be his disciples.114 It seems that the notion of Jesus calling those whom he approaches bears witness to their readiness and acceptance, whereas those who pursue Jesus to be taught by him are tested and given reasons why they should not follow. In beckoning and refusing Jesus provides the challenge of discipleship.

3.1  The Calling of the Twelve If the calling of the Twelve is the ‘weakest item’ on the list of facts about the historical Jesus,115 one is presented with the problem of how they came to follow Jesus. It is possible that they heard of his ministry and came around to witness what he said and did, in this case Jesus passively gathered disciples and The Twelve happen to stand out. However, the gospels provide no such evidence. In fact, Jesus’ call is distinct as most of the call narratives within antiquity provided motivation for the disciple to follow the teacher.116 Each of the Synoptics remembers a call presented to the original Twelve. This was uncommon for a rabbi or teacher at this time, as most students would choose their own rabbi to study under.117 In this regard, Jesus was more likely seen as a philosopher than a rabbi.118 The calling of the Twelve was not just to record what Jesus said and orally transmit, such as the disciples of the rabbis. Due to the eschatological urgency of his mission Jesus invited the Twelve to ‘be’ with him and to be instructed about the Kingdom of God as well as to be bound to his eschatological mission. This call was for instruction for the present and later served to perpetuate the memory of Jesus.119 Matt. 8.21; Luke 9.57. Luke 14.26. 115 Sanders (1985), 101. 116 Shiner (1995), 183‒185. None of the gospels provide a motivation for following Jesus except for Luke’s account of Peter’s calling. 117 Meier (2001), 46‒54; Schnabel (2004), 276‒277. 118 Meier (2001), 54. 119 Bauckham (2006). 113 114

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Whitney Shiner has articulated several rhetorical functions for call stories within ancient philosophical schools.120 First, the call stories are protreptic, meaning they exhort someone to follow a particular philosophical mode of life through a narrative.121 Second, they serve to show the superiority of a particular teacher or philosophical school. Thirdly, the call narratives serve to illustrate the relationship between the teacher and student, depicting what the mode of life is like through the relationship. Finally, they also serve as an occasion for a miracle to be displayed as well as the power of the teaching to bring about moral transformation. Within the aural/oral performative environment call narratives serve to characterize both the teacher and the students to their audiences. As an introduction to the other participants in the life of the teacher and as secondary characters in the story, certain expectations would have been placed on The Twelve. This supporting role would model the type of relationship they should or could have with a teacher. For example, with the immediacy of response in Matthew and Mark as well as the curiosity of John, Jesus is depicted as an authoritative person in his own right that summons those who will follow. The expectation is placed on the Twelve to literally follow Jesus wherever he goes, but also to follow his manner of life. For an audience of these gospel performances, the expectation would also be placed on them that they must likewise immediately follow Jesus just as Peter, James or Paul did.122 The use of this memory would have served in calling others to follow Jesus, even if they did not quite know what they were getting themselves into. The calling by Jesus itself is ambiguous and the hearers of the gospels are expected to know what the disciples are getting involved in. In Mark, the call to ‘follow’ Jesus immediately (εὐθὺς) as well as the response indicates a possible sense of unpreparedness and dependence on the Father that the disciples would come to know. It also indicates to the listeners that as they are called they must likewise face the crisis of decision.123 Given the eschatological urgency of Jesus’ mission to Israel, the immediacy probably reflects ‘the immediacy of [Jesus’] eschatological consciousness.’124 Shiner (1995), 176‒183. Diog. Laert. Vita. 2.48. 122 ‘The succinct narration of the stories — setting, call, and positive response — allows the listeners to experience the disciples’ call as their own call within the rhetoric of the narrative.’ Shiner (1995), 185. 123 Shiner (1995), 174. 124 Bultmann (1968), 126. 120 121

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Matthew follows Mark closely, while Luke loses the sense of immediacy in this regard, probably due to temporal distance. In contrast to the other gospels, Luke provides a further story concerning the calling of the first disciples by placing a miraculous catch of fish prior to the calling of Peter.125 Like other philosophical calls to discipleship such as Socrates to Xenophon, Luke gives a motivation for following Jesus.126 While faith is not mentioned, it seems that for Luke the establishment of faith through transformational encounter is essential to the call to discipleship.127 The call narratives in the Fourth Gospel are different and involve more dialogue and discussion over the identity of Jesus.128 The prologue of John establishes the identity of Jesus immediately as the Lamb of God giving the hearers of the gospel privileged insight into the identity and purpose of Jesus.129 However, this often raises questions by the disciples and other characters.130 Rather than the immediacy of quitting their work and following Jesus, the discussion over the geographic origin dominates the discussion between Philip and Nathanael.131 This conversation governs the rest of the gospel as questions are raised about Jesus’ origin as well as his authority.

3.2  Sending of the Twelve In the Poetics, Aristotle argues that there is no imitation (μίμησις) without action (ποίησις).132 In imitation there are choices to make by the imitator, the one re-presenting or performing the copy. The depictions of imitation require skill, planning and possible redaction. Imitation also involves recollection and memory to base words and actions upon. As it occurs in the minds and imaginations of the disciple, the duplication carries with it inherent imperfections as the initial performative actions are authentic speech acts. Despite these possible imperfections, discipleship involves and expects accurate observation, repetition and imitation of the teacher. ‘[…] imitation’, says Bovon, ‘nevertheless does Luke 5.8‒11. Diogenes Laertius, Vita. 2.48; A. Y. Collins (2007), 214‒215. 127 Robbins (2012), 45‒46. 128 John 1.40‒49. 129 John 1.29, 36. 130 John 1.38, 46. 131 John 1.43‒51. 132 Aristotle, Poet. 1, 2, 6. Ricœur (1991), 138. 125

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not imply a slavish copy, but the participation of one’s entire being.’133 All of these are present in the discipleship of the Twelve and the sending of the Twelve indicates this. The Twelve were called to be with, hear and observe Jesus’ ministry with the expectation of imitation.134 The Twelve were to perpetuate the teaching they received about the Kingdom of God and to imitate Jesus’ healing ministry. The eschatological nature and urgency of Jesus’ mission135 required that, in order to gather the twelve tribes of Israel, it would require more than just himself to reach the nation. As such, Jesus decided to send the Twelve out on a mission. T. W. Manson has stated that ‘the mission of the Twelve is one of the best attested facts in the life of Jesus.’136 On the other hand, Beare agrees with Bultmann that the mission material was created by the early church.137 Contrary to Bultmann, Heinz Schürmann has rightfully asked: ‘Sollte Jesus seine Jünger mit einer so “unglaubwürdigen” Botschaft ausgesandt haben, ohne ihnen die Argumente mitzugeben, die die Augen und ohren der Hörer zu öffnen imstande waren?’138 Having already established the historicity of The Twelves’ call by Jesus, it is unlikely that they were an invention of the early church. Moreover, to extend Schürmann’s argument further, I would add that it was not just the sending with an argument, but with a similar spiritual authority and the ability to heal and exorcise which was a primary reason that the memory was retained. A comparison of the three sending narratives reveal a common thematic core, common verbal structure and mutual attestation, which indicates either a common source for the material or common oral tradition.139 Utilizing a form critical method, Schürmann has argued that the preaching of the disciples in the gospels would necessarily require an experience of Jesus (Jesus-Geschichten) before Easter.140 Likewise, the preaching of the kingdom rather than ‘Jesus’ as in Acts shows that the material is more than likely earlier than Easter and therefore not a postEaster creation.141 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 133

134

Bovon (2002), 518. Fitzmyer (1981a), 752. Bultmann (1968), 126. Manson (1971), 74. Beare (1970), 13; Bultmann (1968), 145. Schürmann (1968), 60. Matt. 10.1‒14; Mark 6.7‒13; Luke 9.1‒6. Schürmann (1968), 60 n. 89. Twelftree (1993), 124.

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The earlier mission of the disciples was also a means to spread the news about Jesus as well as the inauguration of the Kingdom of God. In this memory, the apostles going out was not a ‘dry run’ of what the postEaster mission was to be like, but was probably seen as the beginning of the ingathering of the Twelve tribes of Israel for a final restoration.142 In Luke’s Acts, the promise of the Holy Spirit coming combined with the ambiguous answer from Jesus regarding the restoration of Israel, presumably from the Romans, indicates that the continuing mission of the Twelve should be thought of in terms of as the restoration.143 However, the understanding of mission is changed as The Twelve and Paul realize that the invitation of salvation is extended to the Gentiles, promoting universal salvation. The Twelve were responsible for carrying on the teaching about Jesus and the proclamation of the word.144 We saw in the last chapter that Gerhardsson believed that after Jesus’ death, resurrection and ascension the Twelve begin to act like a collegium in Jerusalem with Peter as its leader and Jerusalem being the central campus.145 As a college, The Twelve probably would have engaged in teaching, instruction and recounting the words and deeds of Jesus to each other as well as to others.146 While Jerusalem seems to have served as a central point for the beginning of the early Christian mission, we cannot neglect the memories and experiences that others had of Jesus throughout his ministry. If Q is of northern Palestinian provenance and possibly existed before Jesus’ death, then it seems that Jesus words and ministry were important enough to preserve and circulate north of Jerusalem.147 Rabbinic sources state that one’s agent (shaliach) is equivalent with the person himself.148 Though it may be anachronistic, these rabbinic sources provide a paradigm that Jesus used. In Matthew, Jesus states that whoever receives his disciples receives him.149 The equality of authority of the sender and those sent in Matthew has been called a ‘chain Horsley (2008), 48. Tiede (1986). 144 Acts 2.42, 6.4. 145 Gerhardsson (1961), 278‒279; Munck (1949); Rengstorf (1952), 27. 146 On the early Community depicted as a philosophic school see, Mason (2003). 147 J. Dunn (2003), 159; (2005), 26; Kloppenborg (2000b), ch 5; Reed (2000), 170‒196. 148 t. Ta`anit 3:2; m. Berakot 5:5 McKnight (1986), 278‒279. 149 Matt. 10.40. 142 143

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logion’ by Scot McKnight. Regarding this ‘chain logion’ McKnight states, ‘those sent are part of God’s salvation-historical plan and by accepting the disciples, they, too, are brought into line with Jesus.’150 Those who receive the apostles become part of the ‘chain’ and are in solidarity with Jesus and his message. This connects those who are sent by God as agents of God. Therefore, the connection between the sending of the apostles by Jesus is linked with the sending of Jesus by God. So we see that the same authority that was delegated to the Son from the Father was delegated to his apostles. The Synoptic gospels state that Jesus equipped the Twelve with power (δύναμις) and authority (ἐξουσία) over demons and sickness and then gave them instruction.151 The priority of authority given first followed by instruction informs us of Jesus selfunderstanding and probably the apostles’ later self-understanding.152 To summarize, God performs wonders and delegates his own representatives to do the same. As God’s chief representative, Jesus was able to give the authority to heal and exorcise to The Twelve to fulfil his mission and extends his message of the Kingdom through them. Those receiving the Twelve become part of the ‘chain’ of tradition and are brought in line with Jesus. There is evidence of the disciples using this authority just as Jesus directed them. The initial sending by Jesus is the inception of their mission and by extension the mission of the church.153 Mark reports that they obeyed Jesus’ instruction which seems to given notice of the movement to Herod.154 After witnessing Jesus’ Transfiguration, Jesus, Peter, James and John return to find the rest of the disciples arguing with the scribes over the healing of a mute boy.155 The implication being that the disciples were known to perform exorcisms and healings, possibly causing a discussion about their authority with the scribes.156 We McKnight (1986), 278. McKnight argues that the use of δέχομαι in Matthew 10.40 is important because it indicated reception of a traveller and symbolized solidarity among early Christians. 151 Matt 10.1; Mark 3.14 only has ἐξουσία over unclean spirits; Luke 9.1‒2. 152 As stated above, the combination of Jesus proclamation of the Kingdom of God with exorcism or summary statements of healing without teaching indicate that, aside from Matthew, he was thought of primarily as a healer or exorcist. 153 Marcus (2000), 390. 154 Mark 6.13‒14. Mark does not indicate that they proclaimed anything. This possibly indicates their understanding of Jesus as a healer and exorcist before that of a rabbi or teacher. 155 Mark 9.16‒27. 156 Twelftree (1999), 86. 150

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Chapter 3: Memory and Miracle in Discipleship

know from previous passages that they were given authority (ἐξουσία) over unclean spirits.157 But in this passage the disciples did not have the ability within themselves (ἰσχύω) to cast out the demon, whereas Jesus did. Having been able to perform exorcisms in the past, the disciples asked Jesus privately why they were unable to perform the exorcism. The answer was that, ‘This kind cannot be driven out by anything but prayer’,158 implying that their inability in their own strength was related to their lack of prayer. At the memory of the feeding of the five thousand, the disciples are given the instruction to give the people something to eat.159 They tell Jesus how little food they had. Following this Jesus blesses God, breaks the bread and gives it to the disciples who in turn give it to the people.160 Each of these feedings is later used as a teaching example by Jesus. For Mark it is used as an indicator of Jesus’ identity, whereas for Matthew it is used as both a rebuke for their lack of faith as well as a warning against the teaching of the Pharisees.161 In Matthew, Peter is remembered as stepping out of the boat and walking on water.162 While Mark and John relate Jesus’ walking on water miracle in Christological or theophanic terms,163 with the addition of Peter walking on water, Matthew extends the miracle into an invitation of faith and discipleship.164 Though he doubts at the beginning (‘Lord, if it is you’) and at the end (‘seeing the waves’), Peter initially does act in faith and response to Jesus’ summons to join him on the sea.165 Peter, after seeing the waves becomes afraid and begins to sink, crying out for help. As Jesus rescues him, he is asked why he doubts and has ‘little faith.’ The fear of the waves might have reminded the hearers of this story of Psalm 69.1‒3. Individual hearers of this story are meant to identify with Peter and be encouraged, but also know who they are to cry out to in times of turmoil and distress.166 As Luz states, ‘it is the story of 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 157

158

Mark 3.14‒15; 6.7. Mark 9.29 τοῦτο τὸ γένος ἐν οὐδενὶ δύναται ἐξελθεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐν προσευχῇ. Matt. 14.16 // Mark 6.37 // Luke 9.13. Matt. 14.19. Matt. 16.6‒12; Mark 8.20‒21 οὔπω συνίετε; Matt 14.22. Mark 6.45‒50 // John 6.16‒21. Keener (2009), 406. Luz (2001), 320. Luz (1995), 108.

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Conclusion

the individual’s own experiences in the boat, not those of the entire community.’167 Similarly, ‘important for Matthew is that this saving presence of God does not mean that no storms appear but that one experiences it in the storm.’168 John’s gospel holds off on the sending of the disciples169 and has a post-resurrection appearance in which Jesus tells the disciples, ‘Just as the Father has sent me, I now send you.’170 The author follows this statement with a pneumatological take on the authority that Jesus gave the apostles. By breathing on the disciples and telling them to receive the Holy Spirit, Jesus indicated that the authority that they were to go out in was not their own, but was to be spiritually charged. Despite their being given power and authority the disciples, more often than not, acted in unbelief. They are rebuked for having ‘little faith’, doubting or unbelief.171 In Mark, Jesus statement to them (the disciples) regarding a faithless generation seems to be directed at the disciples and not necessarily the father whose son was mute.172 The authority and power seemed to fail them when they attempted to act out of their own personal resources, rather than in faith they were to have in Jesus’ and his word.173 The call to believe in the impossible such as telling a mountain to move into the sea undoubtedly ran contrary to the disciples and audiences everyday experience.174

4 Conclusion The impact of Jesus on his disciples, as well as others, would have established the memory of Jesus relatively early, whereby his disciples remembered both his actions and words. These people would serve as sources for the transmission of the tradition.175 These stories and words would Luz (2001), 321. Luz (2001), 321. 169 ‘Apostle’ and ‘the Twelve’ are not mentioned in John, providing evidence of the waning importance of the Twelve by the time this gospel was written. 170 John 20.21 καθὼς ἀπέσταλκέν με ὁ πατήρ, κἀγὼ πέμπω ὑμᾶς. Author’s translation. 171 Matt. 6:30; 8:26; 14:31; 16:8; Luke 12:28. 172 Mark 9.19. 173 Luz (1995), 103. 174 Matt. 21.21; Mark 11.23. 175 J. Dunn (2003), 241; (2005), 25‒26. 167

168

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have been recounted from memory in the communities and would have perpetuated and embedded the stories of Jesus in the memories of the community as well as solidified the oral traditions about him.176 The eschatological nature of Jesus’ mission and proclamation was displayed through miracles. His healings, exorcisms, and other ‘signs’ validated his identity as Messiah and inaugurator of the Kingdom of God. Jesus himself probably saw himself as a miracle worker and related the miracles as the Kingdom of God breaking into the present age. Due to the urgency and nature of the mission Jesus called twelve central disciples to ‘be’ with him and to follow after his ministry. Through observing Jesus’ own ministry The Twelve gained the faith to likewise perform miracles and indeed, they were expected to. As we have already established the historicity of the sending of The Twelve we see that the expectation of similar demonstrations of the Kingdom was necessary for the ingathering of Israel. The miracles of Jesus as well as those performed by the disciples provided encouragement for early followers of Jesus. They recounted shared memories of his words and deeds within their communities which cultivated their individual and collective identities. Through the gospel performances the identity of the Christian community was developed and conferred. The collective memory that grounded the early Jesus followers would need to be retold and re-established due to the nature of memory. The performances would have also instilled faith in the Jesus who beckons them to have faith that moves mountains and to do the impossible. The performance of the miracle stories would have set the early communities apart as the sheer number of miracle occurrences in the life of Jesus would have made him distinct to other philosophers, rabbis or sages. For the disciples and early followers of Jesus, participation in miracle working shaped and established their individual identity as disciples as well as their later communities as exhibited in the gospels. The memories of Jesus’ miracles as well as the attempted miracles by the disciples provided a shared experience that served as the foundation for identity construction.177 Several concluding observations regarding these shared experiences can be made. First, the miracles of Jesus produced faith within the communities. One of the primary topoi that occurs throughout the Alexander (2009); J. Dunn (2003), 224, 239‒240. See chapter 1.

176

177

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Conclusion

Synoptics is that of faith (πίστις), especially in relation to miracle in Matthew. Faith, for Matthew, meant believing or trusting in the miraculous power of Jesus178 and the issue of having faith or not having faith is often raised in the context of miracle.179 The presence of the exalted Jesus was thought to be present within his community and still working miracles. Unlike the other gospels, where simply coming to Jesus indicates the faith of the recipient of the miracle, Matthew’s readers and hearers were challenged to have faith for miracles and not doubt.180 Second, the presence of miracles exist in Matthew’s community, although the criticisms of prophets and false miracle workers would draw a distinction in identity between ‘us’ and ‘them’ as the real Jesus followers. Jesus’ warning about knowing a false prophet by their fruit provides a parabolic metaphor for discerning their spiritual origin.181 Similarly, the rejection of miracle workers and prophets because they never knew (γινώσκω) him provides the criteria of relationship with Jesus as well as the community, further distinguishing the insiders from the outsiders.182 Third, the miracles provided the eschatological framework for the communities. Within the gospels, the miracles of Jesus are best understood in light of his eschatological mission and inauguration of the Kingdom of God. The relationship between the Kingdom and miracles is such that there is not one without another. The memory of Jesus’ miracles provides the people with clues to his messianic identity and bearer of the Kingdom of God. The earliest followers of Jesus probably saw themselves as participating in the Kingdom mission. Fourth, the meaning of the miracles for Jesus in relation to his own identity as eschatological Messiah may have played a part in the identification of the disciples own identity construction/reconstruction. As they partook of Jesus’ Kingdom mission and healed the sick and preached the Kingdom, they became more like their teacher. By engaging in the discipleship process and eschatological communities, they would have had to reorient their personal identities based upon his calling. Luz (1995), 104. The one exception being the sermon on the Mount and doubting God’s provision. Matt. 6.30. 180 Luz (1995). 181 Matt. 7.15. 182 Matt. 7.22‒23. 178

179

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Chapter 3: Memory and Miracle in Discipleship

Fifth, in the telling and performing of these gospels, the miracles of Jesus would have brought about awe, wonder and questions.183 Questions of Jesus’ identity naturally arose within the early communities of Jesus followers. The success and failure of the disciples’ miracle working attempts would have resonated with the audiences hearing the accounts as some of their own attempts may have resulted in similar results. Finally, the miracles of Jesus and the later performances of these gospel stories provide challenge and critique to their audiences. The performance of Jesus’ miracles provoked questions concerning his identity. After performing miracles these questions are directed at his disciples, such as, ‘Do you still not understand?’184 These questions of Jesus’ identity would have been turned around on the hearers and asked, ‘do we understand?’ Their understanding (or lack thereof) would have called for reorientation, realignment or repentance. Similarly, Jesus’ questions ‘why did you doubt?’ and the ‘little faith’ of the disciples in Matthew suggest to the community that they should have faith in the past memories of Jesus, especially his miracles, along with his continuing presence in their midst. The promise of Jesus to be with the disciples provided faith and encouragement that the community needed.185 The miracles would have provided faith and evidences of the continuing presence of Jesus with them.

183 Mark 9.14. Dwyer (1996). Sander’s assertion stated above (see pg. 89) regarding the miracles attracting crowds seems to have also occurred for the disciples. 184 Mark 8.21. 185 Matt. 18.20, 20.28.

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CONCLUSION

Crowds Disciples

Apostles The Twelve mes and Jo er, Ja hn Pet

Jesus

Disciple Diagram (fig. 1)186

While the Venn diagram is helpful for imagining how the groups were categorized, the reality was likely much more messy and confusing. 186

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1 Introduction In the last three chapters I outlined the significance of the stories and narratives that early Jesus followers told and eventually wrote down. These stories were important for the discipleship and identity development of the early Christian communities. Aside from the biographies of Jesus outlined in the four canonical gospels,1 one of the most important works in regard to the establishment of early Christian identity is the canonical book of Acts. In it, the author, whom I will call Luke, chronicles the movement of the early Jesus sect from Jerusalem to Rome, paying specific detail to the central heroes of the text: Peter and Paul. The use of these two characters establishes the continuity of tradition while setting the church’s identity within the apostolic tradition. As we shall see, the memory of the miracles of the apostles is often based upon the memory of Jesus, indicating a pattern of imitation to be followed.2 Narratively, Acts provides examples of what it means to follow Jesus. If, as I asserted in the previous two chapters, the gospels were used to present Jesus as the Son of God or Messiah, who was worthy of imitation, then it follows that in Acts Luke presents the apostles, specifically Peter and Paul, as prime examples of followers of Jesus.3 Luke presents the church in an ideal way depicting virtues of generosity, Burridge (1998); Burridge (2004). Like all written material in antiquity, when this book was read aloud the memories of Jesus’ own miracle working would have likely been evoked. 3 This coheres well with Paul’s encouragement for the Corinthians to imitate him. 1 Cor. 4.16; 1 Thes. 1.6. 1 2

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hospitality, endurance and faithfulness under persecution. More than exhibiting virtue (ἀρετή), however, the apostles were to be imitated, like Jesus, in word and deed. This likely meant the expectation of performing miracles. In this regard, Acts lays the foundation for Christian hagiography.4 First, in order to establish the context of Acts, I shall examine the date, sources and orality of Luke’s second volume. Though this is a complicated task it is necessary in order to establish a perspective on miracle in the time in which Luke wrote. Second, I shall analyse the memory of the miracles of Peter and Paul. This is not to say that the miracles related to others such as Philip are insignificant. They certainly serve to show the on-going action of God in history, however for our purposes and my argument, the focus will be on Peter and Paul. These two apostles serve a central role for Luke as exemplars of what it means to follow Jesus and in the establishment of early Christian identity. Finally, we will establish how, if at all, the miracles play a role in following Jesus for the readers and hearers of Luke’s Acts.

1.1  Purpose of Luke’s Acts: Apostolic Memories, Apostolic Tradition Before delving into issues concerning the date and sources of Acts, it is worth mentioning a purpose of Luke’s Acts. The complexity and wealth of postulations regarding establishing the purpose of Acts has produced numerous volumes.5 The relationship and understanding between the miracles of the apostles and the establishment of early Christian identity would have been wrapped up with the intention of Luke’s second volume. Given the relationship between discipleship, identity, orality and miracle I laid out in the last three chapters, I will explore some of the narrative themes running throughout Luke’s Acts that will help provide insight into the memories of the apostles as miracle workers and the impact they may have played in developing early Christian identity. Scholars have posed a wide range of reasons as to why Luke decided to write a second volume to his first work.6 Historically, the preface to Luke’s gospel provides us with further information concerning some of the uncertainty or insecurity Theophilus may have experienced. Luke By the term hagiography, I do not mean this in a necessarily pejorative sense, but in the standard sense used by historians. It is more the use of a text for Christian discipleship and spiritual or moral edification. 5 Maddox (1982); Tiede (1980); Unnik (1960); (1968). 6 For a list see, Bock (1996), 14; (2007), 23‒24. 4

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Introduction

writes in the prologue of the gospel as a receiver of the tradition (καθὼς παρέδοσαν ἡμῖν) and one not actually present during the life of Jesus.7 The presence of living voices who could serve as eyewitnesses was fading as the apostles and other first generation of Christians were dead and the second generation was either deceased or well on their way.8 Luke writes then as a ‘third-generation Christian’9 whose living sources were fading and questions of the received tradition were raised due to persecution or some other dramatic event.10 Luke’s further motivations for writing are pastoral and apologetic. Luke 1.3‒4 provides some evidence for these motivations: it seemed good to me also, having followed all things closely for some time past, to write an orderly (καθεξῆς) account for you, most excellent Theophilus, that you may have certainty concerning the things you have been taught. (ESV)11

The emphasis on having ‘certainty concerning the things you have been taught’ provides Luke’s pastoral concern for Theophilus and the church.12 The use of ἀσφάλειαν or ‘certainty’ concerns more than just general historical details, but means security or safety of the traditions he received.13 This provides insight into the context in which Luke was writing because it raises the question, why would Theophilus need certainty or security in what he received? The obvious answer is that what was handed on concerning Jesus and the apostles was at the risk of being tarnished, confused or mishandled. This gives rise to Luke’s apologetic or defensive purpose.14

Luke 1.2. Luke 1.1‒2. This assumes the average age for a male in the first century Mediterranean world was around 30‒40 years old. McIver (2011). 9 Cadbury (1920); Fitzmyer (1981b), 289. 10 One dramatic event, or failed expectation for Luke was the Parousia of Christ. Ernst Käsemann has noted that the delay in the Parousia impacted Luke’s eschatological understanding and writing. See, Käsemann (1969). Alexander (1999); Karris (1978). 11 Luke 1.3‒4 ἔδοξε κἀμοὶ παρηκολουθηκότι ἄνωθεν πᾶσιν ἀκριβῶς καθεξῆς σοι γράψαι, κράτιστε Θεόφιλε, ἵνα ἐπιγνῷς περὶ ὧν κατηχήθης λόγων τὴν ἀσφάλειαν. 12 I am assuming that Luke addressed his work to Theophilus, but intended his work to be circulated among the church. Bauckham (1998b); Sterling (1992), 378. 13 Fitzmyer (1981b), 9. 14 Alexander (1999); O’Loughlin (2014). 7 8

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1.1a  Acts as Apologetic Historiography Generally speaking, the apologetic purpose of Luke falls into two categories. The first sees Luke’s work as an external apologetic historiography to Roman outsiders arguing for a legitimate place at the religious table.15 In this view Christianity poses no threat to the Roman Empire and should be considered religio licita (permitted religion).16 This view of apologetic is not as strong as internal apologetic motif due to the fact that there was no formal means for the Roman state to recognized religion.17 Within the inner circle of the early church, the second apologetic motif of Acts is directed to Jewish-Christians in defence of acceptance of the entrance of the Gentiles. Out of discipleship and pastoral concerns, Acts was written to unify Jewish-Christians and Gentiles in an environment where both groups wondered about their place within the church. For Gentiles, specifically Romans Christians,18 Acts attempts to affirm and establish them in their faith as well as provides them an identity, and indeed an apostolic ancestry in relation to their Jewish-Christian family.19 Encapsulated in this apologetic is the establishment and continuity of tradition and the unity of Jesus followers. Through shaping the memory of Peter and Paul in his sources, Luke attempts to create a unity between these groups of Christians.20 The use of this memory and the parallelism that Luke uses, he forms the links in the chain of tradition that help provide one superordinate Christian identity.21 Thus, this apologetic purpose of Luke’s Acts is best seen in terms of continuity and unity of tradition.

Esler (1987), 205‒219. Cadbury (1927) ch, 10. 17 Esler (1987), 211. 18 Esler (1987), 217. 19 Apology in ancient times generally meant a defence but also could serve as propaganda to advance ones position. Concerning apologetics and propaganda, Fiorenza states, ‘Judaism, Hellenism and propaganda-apologetics and missionary propaganda functioned like two sides of the same coin.’ Schüssler-Fiorenza (1976), 3. Alexander (1999); Baker (2011). 20 Baker (2011), xv–xvi. 21 Baker (2011), xv. 15

16

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Introduction

1.1b Continuity In an effort to establish further confidence and assurance in what Theophilus received, Luke sees himself as writing a continuation of biblical history.22 A central motif of Luke’s two-part work is the continuity of Christianity with Judaism.23 Luke’s use of the Septuagint and the references to prophetic fulfillment of certain Hebrew prophecies confirm this detail.24 These prophetic fulfillments help provide links in the chain showing the continuation of salvation history from the Hebrew Scriptures into Luke’s perception of Christianity and thereby shaping the identity of early Christians.25 The centrality of Jerusalem and the Temple lend further evidence to the notion that Luke sees himself as continuing the biblical narrative. Luke begins his gospel in the Temple in Jerusalem (Luke 1) and ends in Jerusalem (Luke 24.48, 52). Though Jesus dwells and ministers in Galilee (Luke 1‒17), we are informed early on that he intends to head to Jerusalem.26 In Acts the movement begins in Jerusalem and goes out to the nations as Jesus instructed.27 Though some of the disciples are faithful to move out and bring the message of salvation to the nations, the narrative cycle of Acts often returns to Jerusalem.28 Luke provides the central location of Jesus’ death, resurrection and ascension in or near Jerusalem.29 The memory of this location provides the link between Judaism and the nascent church. This location of memory would help define the continuity of tradition and identity of Jewish Christians within the larger salvation-history narrative. Further establishment in faith and giving assurance of the received tradition based on the memories of the apostles became known as the ‘apostolic tradition.’ In chapters two and three, I suggested that what Jesus Gasque (1988), 120. Jervell (1972), 53. 24 Fitzmyer (1981b), 8. 25 Baker (2011); Lieu (2006), 18‒20; Sterling (1992), 360‒362. 26 Luke 9.51. 27 Acts 1.8; Isa 2.3b For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the LORD from Jerusalem. 28 Goulder (1964), 16; O’Loughlin (1998), 52, 54. Acts 1‒8, 11.2, 13.13, 15.2, 21.4. 29 Other gospel writers do not do this. Matthew has the disciples return to Galilee and Jesus appears to them there (Matt. 28.16). Mark ends in Jerusalem with the fear and wonder when the disciples realize the tomb is empty, but does not provide any mention of the ascension (Mark 16.8). The longer ending of Mark places the ascension of Jesus in Jerusalem, but this is likely dependent on Luke’s account. 22 23

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taught and did was expected to continue on with his disciples. In the prologue to Acts, Luke states that he wants to present ‘all that […] which Jesus began to do and to teach […]’30 The use of the present active infinitives (ποιεῖν and διδάσκειν) gives a process or progressive aspect implying that Jesus continued to do and teach after his resurrection.31 This doing and teaching was performed through the apostles, specifically Peter and Paul. In chapter three I discussed the importance of the call and the sending of The Twelve. To summarize briefly, though many people played a part as tradents of the Jesus tradition, the synoptic gospels pay particular attention to the importance of The Twelve among those called apostles. Luke has a special interest in these characters as their presence carries on from the life of Jesus in his gospel to Acts.32 It is The Twelve that serve as the living link from the time of Jesus into the next age of history and serve as central characters in the life of the early church. Luke establishes the primacy of this tradition in several ways. First, carrying on from his gospel, we know that Jesus chose The Twelve whom he designates as apostles.33 For Luke, The Twelve are clearly set apart among those called apostles and are central in teaching and demonstrating the gospel.34 At the outset of his second volume, after the death of Judas Iscariot, the eleven are reinstated to be The Twelve with the election of Matthias who was with them from the beginning of Jesus’ ministry until he was taken up.35 Symbolically, through reconstituting The Luke 1.1b ὧν ἤρξατο ὁ Ἰησοῦς ποιεῖν τε καὶ διδάσκειν, O’Toole (1984), 50‒55. 32 Luke 6:13; 8:1, 42‒43; 9:1, 12; 18:31; 22:3, 30, 47; Acts 6:2. 33 Luke 6.13. Statistically, Luke uses the term ‘apostle’ more than any other gospel writer. Cf. Matt. 10:2; Mark. 6:30; Luke. 6:13; 9:10; 11:49; 17:5; 22:14; 24:10; Acts 1:2,  26; 2:37,  43; 4:33,  36; 5:12,  18,  29,  40; 6:6; 8:1,  14; 9:27; 11:1; 14:4,  14; 15:2, 4, 6, 22‒23; 16:4. Luke also uses ‘the Twelve’ second only to Mark. Cf. Matt. 10:2; 19:28; 20:17; 26:14, 20, 47; Mark 4:10; 6:7; 9:35; 10:32; 11:11; 14:10, 17, 20, 43; Luke. 8:1; 9:1, 12; 18:31; 22:3, 30, 47; John 6:67, 70‒71; 20:24; Acts 6:2; 7:8 34 Luke 6.13; 9.1‒12. Though The Twelve are significant to Luke, as stated in chapter three, we know that there was a wider group called apostles. Paul recognizes this in the ending of Romans when he states that Adronicus and Junia are outstanding among the apostles. Neither of these names are recorded as those listed in the gospels as part of The Twelve. 35 The urgency of the re-establishment of The Twelve is such that they could not go out until they became Twelve again. Acts 1.24‒26. And they prayed and said, ‘Lord, who knowest the hearts of all men, show which one of these two thou hast chosen to take the place in this ministry and apostleship from which Judas turned aside, to go to his own place’. And they cast lots for them, and the lot fell on Matthias; and he was enrolled with the eleven apostles. 30 31

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Introduction

Twelve early in Acts, Luke demonstrates that the eschatological fulfillment and the establishment of the New Israel had occurred.36 Second, The Twelve serve an eschatological and immediate purpose for Luke. In the dispute over who will be the greatest in the Kingdom, The Twelve are told, You are those who have continued with me in my trials; 29 and I assign to you, as my Father assigned to me, a kingdom, that you may eat and drink at my table in my kingdom, and sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel.’37

The eschatological implications of this statement indicate that as The Twelve, Jesus intended them to play a part in judging the people of Israel. The immediacy displayed is different than a similar statement in Matthew 19.28 where the Twelve will judge at the regeneration of the earth.38 The eschatological age for Luke, has already begun with the coming of the Spirit and as endowed representatives of the risen Christ the Twelve participate in it.39 The memory of the Twelve in this eschatological capacity would further affirm the tradition Theophilus and others received in their present circumstances. Third, though the The Twelve quickly disappear in Acts,40 the memory of apostles and leadership in Jerusalem reappears on occasion linking the importance of the city with apostolic authority. Geographically, Jerusalem plays a central part of the mission of Jesus, the apostles and eschatological expectation.41 This not only helps link the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ and the initial seat of leadership of his followers, but also creates connections with the prophets and prophetic tradition of ‘the Scriptures.’42

J. Dunn (2009), 207; (2002), 89‒104; Conzelmann (1973), 56. Luke 22.28‒29 Ὑμεῖς δέ ἐστε οἱ διαμεμενηκότες μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐν τοῖς πειρασμοῖς μου· κἀγὼ διατίθεμαι ὑμῖν καθὼς διέθετό μοι ὁ πατήρ μου βασιλείαν, 38 Matt. 19:28 Jesus said to them, ‘Truly, I say to you, in the new world, when the Son of man shall sit on his glorious throne, you who have followed me will also sit on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel.’ 39 Ladd (1993), 344‒345. 40 J. Dunn (2009), 207; Wedderburn (2004), 23. 41 O’Loughlin (1998), 52. Isa. 52.7‒8; 60‒62; Ezek. 5.5; 38.12; Zech. 9.9; Mal. 3.1‒4; Luke 2.25, 38. 42 Luke, 13.34; Acts 1:4,  8,  12,  19; 2:5,  14; 4:5,  16; 5:16,  28; 6:7; 8:1,  14,  25‒27; 9:2, 13, 21, 26, 28; 10:39; 11:2, 22, 27; 12:25; 13:13, 27, 31; 15:2, 4; 16:4; 19:21; 20:16, 22; 21:4, 11‒13, 15, 17, 31; 22:5, 17‒18; 23:11; 24:11; 25:1, 3, 7, 9, 15, 20, 24; 26:4, 10, 20; 28:17. 36 37

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Fourth, those newly adhering to what Luke calls ‘the Way’ were devoted to the teaching of the apostles, breaking of the loaf and prayer.43 This dedication establishes the primacy of the apostles early on as those leading the new congregation. What this teaching or training (διδαχή) concerned is not mentioned in this verse, though it probably entailed proclamations and traditions about Jesus’ life, death and resurrection.44 As those present with Jesus from the beginning, the apostles were seen as central authorities on the early memories of Jesus and were entrusted to faithfully instruct others.45 Teaching or instruction (διδαχή) also carries with it a more technical aspect in that it is to encapsulate a mode or way of life along with oral instruction.46 As mentioned in chapter two the transmission of Christian tradition, like their Greco-Roman counterparts, would have centered on a meal.47 Luke often places the instruction or paideia at a meal or places the meals at symbolic locations.48 For example, Jesus’ instruction on love and forgiveness in Luke 7.36‒50 takes place at a meal in the home of Simon the Pharisee. Similarly, in Acts 20.7‒12 Paul gathers in a house on the first day of the week to break bread accompanied with a lengthy instruction. While prayer was associated with thanksgiving before a meal (b. Ber. 46b), it is likely that it is Luke’s way of portraying the followers of Jesus as faithful to Jewish custom of prayers set at specific times of the day. The fact that prayer is mentioned in association with the Temple provides continuity with the apostles’ teaching and Jewish custom.49 Acts 2.42. The establishment of the apostolic tradition assumes that there were alternate ‘Ways’ and necessarily required the writing of this work. As such, early Christianity was seen as a ‘hairesis’ or ‘the Way’ (ἡ ὁδὸς). In chapter two I elaborated on the idea that discipleship is best seen as an apprenticeship process in which traditions and a body of knowledge and lifestyle was presupposed and expected to transmit. Here ‘the Way’ along with the actions included are a means of the transmission of that knowledge. The presence of ‘breaking of the loaf ’ is likely a general reference to a meal, and not a Eucharist. 44 This teaching or instruction is not necessarily a list of prescribed doctrines, however certain ethical elements were likely to be passed on within the community as Paul’s letters indicate. However, the information and lifestyle of those teaching were to be emulated or aspired to by the new members. 45 Acts 1.21. 46 As we saw in chapter 3. Bock (2007), 150‒151; Pervo (2009), 93 n. 37. 47 D. E. Smith (1991); (2003). 48 Luke 11.37‒52; 14‒16. 49 Luke 2.37; Acts 3.1; Twelftree (2009), 131. 43

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Introduction

Finally, Luke establishes the continuity of tradition through depicting Peter and Paul as prophets and in line with the prophetic tradition of Jesus.50 Scholars since the early twentieth century have noticed the parallelisms between Jesus // Peter and Jesus // Paul throughout the book of Acts.51 As we shall examine in further detail, Peter and Paul are both remembered as doing similar works of Jesus and they are perceived as imitating Jesus. Both perform healings (Acts 3.1‒10; 9.32‒35), resuscitate the dead (Acts 9.36‒42; 20.7‒12), are imprisoned (Acts 12.5‒6; 16.16‒18) and perform judgment miracles (Acts 5.1‒12; 13.6‒12). This Jesus // Peter // Paul parallelism runs throughout Acts and demonstrates the continuity of tradition as well as the perceived continuity of the abiding presence of Jesus and the Holy Spirit in the mission of the early church.52 The memories of these two apostles are used to promote the teachings of Jesus as well as his activities. The assumption lying behind this depiction would indicate to readers that the Jesus who was crucified and raised again was present in the disciples’ teaching and actions, specifically miracles.53 As we shall see, many of the miracles are done ‘in the name of Jesus’ or when expounded on, raise the source of the miraculous event as coming from Jesus.54

1.1c Unity According to Sterling, Luke imposes a unity over the Christian communities and between Peter and Paul.55 This is certainly the case as Luke omits events from Paul’s ministry, specifically the tensions he had with Peter and James (Gal. 2.11‒12).56 Some of these omissions are made to provide an idyllic sense of the early Christian movement, but also to promote unity among the different churches.57

L. T. Johnson (1992), 12. Clark (2001); Moessner (1986); Mattill (1975); Mattill (1970); Rackham (1901); Baur (1875), 1. 52 L. T. Johnson (1992), 358; O’Toole (1984), 17. 53 Twelftree (2009), 21‒22. 54 O’Toole (1984), 51. 55 Esler (1987), 222; Sterling (1992). 56 A. Mattill (1970). These discrepancies have led some scholars to assume that Luke did not know Paul’s letters. As we shall see below, the letters of Paul are likely to have been known to Luke. 57 Koester (1995), 320. 50 51

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To foster this unity, Luke constructs a memory of Paul that helps promote ecclesiastical integrity.58 The mission to the Gentiles according to Luke and Paul was seen as divinely ordained,59 though for Luke in an effort to maintain continuity and unity with Jerusalem, Paul submits to the apostles in Jerusalem particularly James, Peter and John.60 The depiction of both Philip (Acts 8.27‒39)61 and Peter going to the Gentiles (Acts 10) establishes Paul’s efforts to go to the Gentiles as legitimate and displays the continuity of the Jerusalem church with Paul.62 According to Paul there were conflicts between himself and the Jerusalem community.63 Though he is presented by Luke in Acts as in accord with the Jerusalem community, Paul’s own testimony in Galatians provides indicators of tension. In Gal. 2.7 Paul discusses the same effectual working of grace in Peter as at work to the Jews as in his own ministry to the Gentiles. The distancing of Paul from the Jerusalem community through the words ‘seemed to be pillars’ (οἱ δοκοῦντες στῦλοι εἶναι) and those who ‘seemed to be influential’ (Gal. 2.6) indicates Paul’s perceived independence from the Jerusalem community. Moreover, some men came from James that represented the ‘circumcision’ party that led Peter to separate from table fellowship with the Gentiles.64 This caused Paul to oppose Peter to his face because he stood condemned of hypocrisy and nullifying their witness and acceptance of the Gentiles.65 This account and the disunity and immorality among the Corinthians provide a more nuanced version of the conflicts within early Christianity.66 In Acts 10‒11 and the Jerusalem council (Acts 15) Luke reworks the memory of the conflict between Peter and Paul by portraying Peter as the first missionary to the Gentiles.67 This depiction later helps validate Paul’s position in preaching to the Gentiles in the latter half of the book.68 It also provides legitimacy for Peter’s activities by placing him in Conzelmann (1987); Esler (1987); Koester (1995), 321; Pervo (2010). The use of visions in Acts 10 indicates divine approval.  60 A. Mattill (1970). Contra Gal. 2.7‒9. 61 The admittance of the eunuchs and Gentiles is prophetically declared Isa. 56.4‒7. 62 A. Mattill (1970), 110. 63 Gal. 2.12‒13. 64 Gal. 2.12. 65 Gal. 2.11‒14. 66 1 Cor. 1.12, 3.3‒7, 5‒7, 11‒12. 67 Cf. Gal. 2.11‒14. O’Loughlin (2013). 68 W. O. Walker (1985), 15. 58 59

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Introduction

continuity with the ideals of the historical Paul. The theological ideals running throughout Peter’s speech in Acts 10.34 concerning impartiality are Pauline.69 In this regard, Pervo is correct when he states, ‘Peter has become an apostle to the gentiles by borrowing from his colleague.’ 70 As one who was not privy to physically walking with Jesus from the beginning or witnessing his crucifixion and resurrection, Paul would not qualify for the apostolic title according to the standard laid out in Acts 1.21. In contrast to Luke’s depiction, Paul repeatedly states that he is an apostle,71 argues for ‘signs of an apostle’,72 and states he has seen the Lord in accordance with Acts 1.21.73 He emphasizes that he did not immediately go to Jerusalem to consult the apostles,74 claims that his gospel is not from human origin (Gal. 1.11, 2.2) and likely sees himself as the leader of the Gentile mission, if not the founder.75 Luke’s audience was likely composed of Jewish and Gentile Christians who had questions concerning their place in the Church.76 In an effort to bring unity to this mixed audience, Luke reworks the memories of Peter and Paul through parallelism to depict not only continuity of tradition, but unity of purpose and acceptance of the Gentiles into the covenant promises originally intended for Israel.77 The memories of Peter and Paul as miracle workers help provide both unity and identity to the early Christian communities. With this background established, I will outline the miracles performed by Peter and Paul in an effort to show that Luke attempted to unify both Jewish and Gentile Christian believers in an attempt to construct a unified superordinate identity.78 As stated in the introduction, I will exclude dreams and visions as they were not necessarily viewed as miraculous during the time of Luke’s writing.79 Fitzmyer (1998), 462‒463; Pervo (2009), 277‒278. Pervo (2009), 227. 71 Gal. 1.1; Rom, 1.1‒6; 1 Cor. 1.1; 9.1‒2. 72 2 Cor. 12.12. 73 1 Cor. 9.1. 74 Gal. 1.17. 75 W. O. Walker (1985), 15. 76 Sterling (1992), 377‒378. 77 Acts 11, 15. 78 Eph. 2.14; Baker (2011), xv. 79 While visions are discussed and used as proof for certain actions or behaviour, there is not the same sense of wonder or awe given to their descriptions. There are some cases where healing occurs such as at a shrine of Asclepius. Likewise, though it is a key 69 70

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1.2  Date, Sources and Orality 1.2a Date The general date range of composition of Luke’s Acts ranges from the 60s ce to the 120s ce.80 We can set a certain terminus ad quem for Acts towards the latter half of the second century. Irenaeus (c. 170) displays knowledge of Acts when he quotes Peter’s Pentecost speech and narrates other accounts from Acts in Adv. Haer. 3.12.1‒10. He also believes that Luke was a companion of Paul based on passages of Acts.81 This however, does not mean that Acts was not in use before Irenaeus. In his First Apology, Justin Martyr (c. 100‒165 ce) recounts: Accordingly, after he was crucified, even all his acquaintances forsook him, having denied him; and afterwards, when he had risen from the dead and appeared to them, and had taught them to read the prophecies in which all these things were foretold as coming to pass, and when they had seen him ascending into heaven, and had believed, and had received power sent thence by him upon them, and went to every race of men, they taught these things, and were called apostles.82

While Justin does not give specific mention to the ending of Luke’s gospel or the beginning of Acts, the narrative pattern coheres with the ending of the gospel and the beginning of the second volume. Out of the four canonical gospels, Jesus’ instruction on reading the prophets to the disciples is only found in Luke 24.27. 83 Assuming Justin knew element for Luke’s mission, the day of Pentecost is likely a Lucan creation. No other New Testament author wrote about this. What was important is the presence of the Holy Spirit as the driving force behind the early Christian mission and as an agent of salvation. See, J. Dunn (1970); Twelftree (2009). 80 Bock (2007), 25‒27; Hemer (1989), 367‒370. 81 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 3.14.1‒3 trans. Rousseau and Doutreleau, (1974) Quoniam autem hic Lucas inseparabilis fuit a Paulo et cooperarius eius in Euangelio, ipse facit manifestum, non glorians, sed ab ipsa productus ueritate. 82 Justin, 1 Apol. 50.12. trans. in Schaff (2001) μετὰ οὖν τὸ σταυρωθῆναι αὐτὸν καὶ οἱ γνώριμοι αὐτοῦ πάντες ἀπέστησαν, ἀρνησάμενοι αὐτόν· ὕστερον δέ, ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστάντος καὶ ὀφθέντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ταῖς προφητείαις ἐντυχεῖν, ἐν αἷς πάντα ταῦτα προείρητο γενησόμενα, διδάξαντος, καὶ εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀνερχόμενον ἰδόντες καὶ πιστεύσαντες καὶ δύναμιν ἐκεῖθεν αὐτοῖς πεμφθεῖσαν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβόντες καὶ εἰς πᾶν γένος ἀνθρώπων ἐλθόντες, ταῦτα ἐδίδαξαν καὶ ἀπόστολοι προσηγορεύθησαν. 83 Gregory is less certain about the allusion in Justin’s account when he states, ‘it seems impossible to demonstrate whether or not Justin knew and used Luke 24 and its account of the ascension of Jesus […] I have been unable to demonstrate whether or not Justin drew on Luke 24.’ Others have seen certain parallels which would indicate either

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Introduction

this passage and the references to the disciples receiving power and engaging in mission, it would place the terminius ad quem to around 150 ce. 84 The terminius a quo is more difficult to establish. The earlier date of the 60s is generally upheld on the basis that Paul awaits trial in Rome and has not been executed. This position is untenable for two reasons. First, from the prologue of Luke there are ‘many others who have undertaken to set down an orderly account of the events that have been fulfilled among us.’85 If there are ‘many others’ who composed narratives we can infer that the gospel of Mark (c. 60 ce) was one of them.86 Secondly, proponents of an earlier date for the composition of Acts argue that Paul is remains in prison at the end of the work.87 However, according to John Chrysostom, it was a common literary convention to leave off an ending of a historical work.88 Chrysostom states: (The writer) brings his narrative to this point, and leaves the hearer thirsty so that he fills up the lack by himself through reflection. The outsiders do the same; for, knowing everything wills the spirit to sleep and enfeebles it. But he does this, and does not tell what follows, deeming it superfluous for those who read the Scripture, and learn from it what it is appropriate to add to the account. In fact, you may consider what follows is absolutely identical with what precedes.89

If we reject the longer ending of Mark (16.8‒20), we can see that the earlier gospel writer did the same. With the ambiguity set as a literary convention, there is no reason to suppose that Luke did not have knowledge

specific knowledge of Luke and Acts by Justin or access to same traditions that Luke had access to. Gregory (2003), 290; Koester (1990), 37‒40; Skarsaune (1987), 265‒269; Stanton (2004), 99‒105; Wendel (2007). 84 Parvis (2008). 85 Luke 1.1 πολλοὶ ἐπεχείρησαν ἀνατάξασθαι διήγησιν περὶ τῶν πεπληροφορημένων ἐν ἡμῖν πραγμάτων 86 Luke 1.1. Mark is generally dated to the 60s which means that Luke would have to compose his gospel sometime after Mark’s account. This results in the writing of Luke sometime after 60 ce and presumably after the death of Paul. 87 Acts 28.30‒31. 88 Other examples of abbreviated or ambiguous endings come from Homer, Od. 11.119‒37 and Il. 22.405‒515. See also, Marguerat (2002), 210‒212. 89 John Chrysostom, Homily on Acts of the Apostles LV (NPNF, 11.1.326); Homily LV on Acts XXVIII: PG 60, 382.

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of Paul’s death.90 He may have simply chosen not to relate it for dramatic purposes. Evidence of a post 70 ce date lies in the additional material Luke adds to Mark’s apocalyptic saying concerning the destruction of the Temple.91 Mark 13.1‒16

Luke 21.5‒20

Then Jesus began to say to them, “Beware that no one leads you astray. 6 Many will come in my name and say, ‘I am he!’ and they will lead many astray.7 When you hear of wars and rumors of wars, do not be alarmed; this must take place, but the end is still to come. 8 For nation will rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom; there will be earthquakes in various places; there will be famines. This is but the beginning of the birth pangs. 9 As for yourselves, beware; for they will hand you over to councils; and you will be beaten in synagogues; and you will stand before governors and kings because of me, as a testimony to them. 10 And the good news must first be proclaimed to all nations. 11 When they bring you to trial and hand you over, do not worry beforehand about what you are to say; but say whatever is given you at that time, for it is not you who speak, but the Holy Spirit. 12 Brother will betray brother to death, and a father his child, and

When some were speaking about the temple, how it was adorned with beautiful stones and gifts dedicated to God, he said, 6 ‘As for these things that you see, the days will come when not one stone will be left upon another; all will be thrown down.’ 7 They asked him, ‘Teacher, when will this be, and what will be the sign that this is about to take place?’ 8 And he said, ‘Beware that you are not led astray; for many will come in my name and say, ‘I am he!’ and, ‘The time is near!’ Do not go after them.9 When you hear of wars and insurrections, do not be terrified; for these things must take place first, but the end will not follow immediately.’ 10 Then he said to them, ‘Nation will rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom; 11 there will be great earthquakes, and in various places famines and plagues; and there will be dreadful portents and great signs from heaven. 12 But before all this occurs, they will arrest you and persecute you; they will hand you over to synagogues and prisons, and you will be brought before kings and governors because of my name. 13 This will give you an opportunity to testify. 14 So make up your minds not to prepare your defense in advance;15 for I will give 5

Conzelmann (1968), 299. Conzelmann (1968); Filson (1970).

90 91

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Introduction

children will rise against parents and have them put to death; 13 and you will be hated by all because of my name. But the one who endures to the end will be saved.14 But when you see the desolating sacrilege set up where it ought not to be (let the reader understand), then those in Judea must flee to the mountains;15 the one on the housetop must not go down or enter the house to take anything away;16 the one in the field must not turn back to get a coat.

you words and a wisdom that none of your opponents will be able to withstand or contradict. 16 You will be betrayed even by parents and brothers, by relatives and friends; and they will put some of you to death.17 You will be hated by all because of my name.18 But not a hair of your head will perish.19 By your endurance you will gain your souls.20 When you see Jerusalem surrounded by armies, then know that its desolation has come near. 21 Then those in Judea must flee to the mountains, and those inside the city must leave it, and those out in the country must not enter it; 22 for these are days of vengeance, as a fulfillment of all that is written.’

Luke 21.20 adds armies surrounding Jerusalem that Mark does not depict. This fact betrays the author’s knowledge of the events having already happened. This further sets the terminus a quo after 70 ce. The prologue to Luke also addresses the fact that the tradition received was handed on by those who were from the beginning ‘eyewitnesses and servants of the word.’92 We can safely assume that the eyewitnesses were the apostles and the servants of the word were either other ministers of the gospel or those who stewarded the apostolic testimony.93 It is likely that both of these groups for Luke were dead and he places himself in the position of a third generation member of servants.94 Comparisons of Acts with some events depicted in Josephus’ works have produced some interesting observations and display Luke’s knowledge of the Jewish historian. While verbal agreements between the two authors are lacking along with chronological discrepancies, the similarities in the census of Quirinius, the rebels Judas, Theudas and the Egyptian betray Luke’s knowledge of Josephus.95 Due to the discrepancies concerning the Egyptian being a member of the sicarii as well as 92 Luke 1.2 καθὼς παρέδοσαν ἡμῖν οἱ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λόγου 93 J. N. Collins (2010); O’Loughlin (2014). 94 Conzelmann (1968), 305‒306; Pervo (2006), 314. 95 Burkitt (1911), 105‒108; Mason (2003), 273‒282.

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other chronological problems with the census of Quirinius, it is likely that Luke’s knowledge of Josephus originated from oral recitation of Josephus.96 If Luke had some form of knowledge of Josephus, and I am inclined to believe he did, then this would push the terminus a quo to around 95 ce.97 Another marker to establish a date for Acts is the knowledge of and use of Paul’s letters. It is commonly assumed that Luke did not know of Paul’s letters or if he did he did not use them for his writing.98 However, more recently, the tide maybe turning towards the possibility of Luke’s knowledge of his letters. William O. Walker Jr. has argued that Luke had knowledge of some of Paul’s writings either through hearing them or reading them himself.99 Most recently, Richard Pervo has forcefully reasoned for Luke’s knowledge of Paul’s letters through analysing verbal and thematic parallels and concluded that, ‘Luke possessed a goodly amount of information about Paul […]’ and ‘Luke had access to oral or written traditions about what Paul did or said, or that he acquired this material from his personal experience.’100 Due to the use of many of Paul’s letters by the ‘Apostolic Fathers’, specifically the first letter of Clement (c. 95 ce),101 we may accept that some form of the Pauline corpus was not established until 95‒100 ce and was available to Luke.102 Provided that Luke had access to Paul’s letters, we cannot escape the fact he provides different telling of Paul’s life for his present circumstances.103 Scholars generally agree that the discussion of Galatians 2.1‒10 is 96 These discrepancies are easily explained when given the backdrop of an oral culture where public works were read aloud and ideally memorized. Luke could have been present at a recitation of Josephus’ work and incorporated it into his work. Due to the reliance upon memory, the discrepancies may have not ‘blended’ well. Concerning cognitive blending see, Fauconnier & Turner (2002). 97 Josephus wrote the Antiquities c. 93 or 94 ce. When given time for the works to be copied and diffused, be read and absorbed within the culture this would push the date a bit closer to the late first century, c. 100 ce. 98 R. E. Brown (1997), 273; Bruce (1990), 44; Hengel (2003b), 36, 66; Kümmel (1975), 186. 99 W. O. Walker (1985), 14. 100 Pervo (2006), 145. 101 1 Clem. 47.1 Take up the epistle of the blessed Apostle Paul. 102 What was in this corpus is another matter. What do know is that Clement uses many of Paul’s letters except 2 Corinthians, which does not turn up until the time of Marcion (c. 140). Baker (2011), 205‒206; Finegan (1956); Pervo (2006), 366. 103 Pervo (2010).

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Introduction

the same event Luke describes to the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15.104 However, Luke’s depiction of the event is different than Paul’s recounting in Galatians. This might come down to possible different sources,105 or Luke wrote the account knowing of the tensions between Paul and the Jerusalem church, but chose to promote the Christian unity necessary for his time and for his audience’s needs. In summary, we know that Luke wrote sometime after 70 as he had access to the gospel of Mark (written c. 60 ce) and knew of the destruction of the Temple. Luke’s knowledge of specific people and events written about in Josephus provide a later date to around 90 ce. Provided that Luke knew of some of Paul’s letters that were not attested to until the late first to early second century, gives a terminus a quo of Acts around 100‒150 ce or more specifically around 125 ce.106

1.2b Sources The sources of Acts are anyone’s guess, nonetheless, having established a date range evaluating some of the proposed sources helps in knowing what was available regarding the early apostolic memories.107 The fact that we cannot discern some of Luke’s sources for Acts is to his credit. According to Lucian of Samasota, the writing of good history should occur in several stages. After collecting facts and data either through personal or eyewitness accounts of events, When he has collected all or most of the facts let him first make them into a series of notes, a body of material as yet with no beauty or continuity. Then, after arranging them into order, let him give it beauty and enhance it with the charms of expression, figure, and rhythm.108

This staged composition gives a reason for the difficulty in discerning the sources of Acts due to the fact that they likely were edited out.109 We know that Luke followed the same narrative as Mark for his gospel, but made his own adjustments. Like other Christian authors,

Fitzmyer (1998), 539‒540; Parker (1967). Fitzmyer (1998), 540. 106 O’Neill (1970). 107 Carson, Moo, & Morris (1992), 199‒200; Dupont (1964), 166. 108 Lucian, Conscr., 47‒48 (Kilburn, LCL). 109 Marguerat (2002), 16. 104 105

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Luke utilized the Septuagint when he quoted from ‘the Scriptures.’110 The heavy use of ‘Septuagintisms’, as Fitzmyer calls them, indicates that Luke was likely a God-fearer or a Jewish convert to Christianity.111 It has been proposed above that certain parallels between Luke and Josephus indicate dependence on the latter.112 While, it is beyond the scope of this chapter to evaluate every parallel, three are worth mentioning. First, the census enacted by Quirinius (c. 6 ce). Luke 2.1‒3

Jos. Ant. 18.1 (LCL, Feldman)

In those days a decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled. 2 This was the first enrollment, when Quirinius was governor of Syria. 3 And all went to be enrolled, each to his own city.

Quirinius, a Roman senator who had proceeded through all the magistracies to the consulship and a man who was extremely distinguished in other respects, arrived in Syria, dispatched by Caesar to be governor of the nation and to make an assessment of their property.

There is a notable problem in Luke’s account concerning the census. In no instance of Roman census taking was there a need for the person being counted to travel to their ancestral homeland to pay taxes or register property.113 However, the census is known by both Luke and Josephus to have caused a stir giving rise to a rebellion led by Judas the Galilean. Acts 5.37

Jos. Ant. 18.4 (LCL, Feldman)

After him Judas the Galilean arose in the days of the census and drew away some of the people after him; he also perished, and all who followed him were scattered.

But a certain Judas, a Gaulanite from a city named Gamala, who had enlisted the aid of Saddok, a Pharisee, threw himself into the cause of rebellion. They said that the assessment carried wit it a status amounting to downright slavery, no less, and appealed to the nation to make a bid for independence.

Fitzmyer (1981b), 113, 118. Fitzmyer (1981b), 113‒114; Muraoka (2012); Sterling (1992). The strong emphasis on prophetic fulfilment likewise indicates Luke’s heavy involvement in Judaism. 112 It is beyond the scope of this chapter to evaluate every parallel between Josephus and Luke-Acts. For further details see, Mason (2003), 251‒295; Pervo (2006), 149‒199. 113 Mason (2003), 276. 110 111

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Introduction

Quirinius gained control over Judea due to the mismanagement of the territory by Archelaus.114 The census was a sign of direct Roman involvement in Jewish affairs resulting in the rebellion led by Judas. The association of the census with the uprising led by Judas points to the idea that Luke made use of Josephus’ work. Finally, there is a similar mention of a rebel named Theudas by Luke and Josephus. Acts 5.36

Jos. Ant. 20.97 (LCL, Feldman)

For before these days Theudas arose, giving himself out to be somebody, and a number of men, about four hundred, joined him; but he was slain and all who followed him were dispersed and came to nothing.

During the period when Fadus was pro-curator of Judaea, a certain impostor named Theudas persuaded the majority of the masses to take to their possessions and to follow him to the Jordan River. He stated that he was a prophet and that at his command the river would be parted and would provide them an easy passage.

The sole historical reference to a Jewish insurrectionist named Theudas is in Josephus’ account who places him under the rule of Fadus (c. 44‒46 ce).115 Josephus repeatedly mentioned that there were numerous false prophets, deceivers and imposters rampant in Palestine during the first century ce.116 One must wonder, why did Luke mention these two specific criminals?117 Due to Luke’s mentioning of these three men and related events, there is a strong likelihood of Luke knowing some of Josephus’ work and used it as a source.118

Josephus, Ant. 17.354. Pervo (2006), 156. 116 Josephus, Ant. 20.160, 188; J.W. 2.259, 264. 117 The other commonality is mention of the ‘Egyptian.’ Space does not permit me to elaborate on the parallels between the Luke and Josephus on this. Cf. Acts 21.38; Josephus, J.W., 2.261‒63. 118 If Luke used one of these characters or made historical reference to just one of these characters, it might draw some notice, but this would only mean he would have knowledge of certain historical events. However, the probability rises with the mention of other names. The specific use of the same name for the ‘Egyptian’ rather than his true name further indicates commonality 114 115

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Overall we must agree with Jacques Dupont who stated, ‘that it has not been possible to define any of the sources used by the author of Acts in a way which will meet with widespread agreement among the critics.’119 While this is the case, we can be certain of Luke’s use of the Septuagint and the likelihood of some kind of knowledge of Josephus.

1.2c Orality Despite the difficulty in establishing the sources of Acts, we can safely accept that some of Luke’s sources were from oral tradition. Having already established the oral culture in antiquity, we can assume that some of Luke’s sources were oral and he intended his work to be orally performed.120 Once complete, Luke’s work would have circulated with an understanding that his work would be read aloud by a lector.121 As argued in chapter two, the reader or lector was to perform their text in an effort to present the characters as they really were.122 Shiell states, ‘In the events in Acts, the audience viewed the lectors as a means to revive dead figures who had served as examples of faith and to re-enact important scenes in the history of the burgeoning church.’123 Similarly, we must recognize that whatever Luke’s written sources, if he were drawing from written texts such as diaries, they were likely to have been read aloud to him.124 The use of the Septuagint in quoting scriptures in his narratives would either been drawn from memory or from an oral recitation.125 In this section we will first survey several means of determining orality in Luke through evaluating some of Luke’s redaction of Mark. Some of these alterations made from Mark were due to Luke’s oral/aural environment and made the narratives are easier to hear. Secondly, some instances of orality, related with the alterations, are the crowds’ acclamations and amazement.126 Finally, I point out other indicators of orality Dupont (1964), 166. Keener states, ‘many of his sources in Acts were probably oral, altering the character of the ‘editing’. Barrett (1994a), 175; Carson et al. (1992), 199; Keener (2011), 32; Kurz (1993), 178; Shiell (2004). 121 Kurz (1993), 178; Shiell (2004). 122 Shiell (2004), 170‒171. 123 Shiell (2011), 171. 124 Small (1997), 171. 125 Small (1997), 170‒171. 126 Theissen (2007). 119

120

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such as instances of repetition of themes, phrases and parallelism, both of which relate to performing Acts in an oral/aural environment. 1.2c.1  Luke’s redaction of Mark One method of attaining some of the oral tradition that Luke received is through examining his redaction of the miracle stories of Mark.127 The redactional changes that Luke makes to Mark’s gospel provide a means to detect Luke’s style and what is from his hand. With this knowledge we can further discern what was part of the original tradition. Williams has analysed the parallel miracle stories occurring in Mark and Luke and comes to the following observations:128 (1) Luke tends to create an ordered sense of Mark’s stories through polishing the style and developing motivational plot development; (2) in creating an ordered account (καθεξῆς) he often uses δὲ as a copulative; (3) Luke utilizes certain phrases such as ‘a certain man/woman/disciple named […]’ and ‘and it happened’129 to introduce a character or story; (4) he often separates the individual from their ailment or disease. Some examples are: Lucan Changes of Mark

Mark

Luke

‘A certain man’

And when He had come out of the boat, immediately a man from the tombs with an unclean spirit met Him, (Mark 5:2 NAS)

And when He had come out onto the land, He was met by a certain man from the city who was possessed with demons; and who had not put on any clothing for a long time, and was not living in a house, but in the tombs. (Luke 8:27 NAS)

Williams (2001) ch 3. Williams (2001) ch 3. 129 Luke 1:5, 8, 23, 41, 44, 59, 65; 2:1‒2, 6, 13, 15, 42, 46; 3:2, 21; 4:25, 36; 5:1, 12, 17; 6:1, 6, 12‒13, 16, 49; 7:11; 8:1, 22, 24; 9:18, 28‒29, 33‒35, 37, 51; 10:21; 11:1, 14, 27, 30; 13:19; 14:1; 15:14; 16:22; 17:11, 14, 26, 28; 18:35; 19:9, 15, 29; 20:1; 22:14, 24, 44, 66; 23:44; 24:4, 15, 19, 21, 30‒31, 51; Acts 1:19; 2:2; 4:5; 5:5, 7, 11; 6:1; 7:13, 29, 31, 40; 8:1, 8; 9:3, 19, 32, 37, 42‒43; 10:10, 13, 16, 25; 11:10, 26, 28; 12:18; 14:1, 5; 15:39; 16:16, 26; 19:1, 10, 17, 23, 34; 20:3, 37; 21:1, 5, 30, 35; 22:6, 17; 23:7, 9; 27:27, 39, 42, 44; 28:8, 17. 127

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‘And it happened […]’ or ‘it came about’

And a leper came to Him, beseeching Him and falling on his knees before Him, and saying to Him, ‘If You are willing, You can make me clean.’ (Mark 1:40 NAS)

And it came about that while He was in one of the cities, behold, there was a man full of leprosy; and when he saw Jesus, he fell on his face and implored Him, saying, ‘Lord, if You are willing, You can make me clean.’ (Luke 5:12 NAS)

Separation of person from disease

And immediately there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit; (Mark 1:23 RSV) And they came, bringing to him a paralytic carried by four men. (Mark 2:3 RSV)

And in the synagogue there was a man who had the spirit of an unclean demon; and he cried out with a loud voice (Luke 4:33 RSV) And behold, men were bringing on a bed a man who was paralyzed, and they sought to bring him in and lay him before Jesus; (Luke 5:18 RSV)

These examples provide us with a criterion to extract some of the core tradition of the miracle stories. By recognizing what was part of Luke’s hand we can better discern with some degree of accuracy what was likely part of the oral tradition. Along similar lines of establishing a criterion for recognizing Luke’s compiling and editing work, Williams has developed a checklist by which to evaluate some of the sources and redactions in Acts.130 These identifiable principles are: (1) Brevity — Luke generally abridges his sources and while he is at times repetitious he removes what he finds as overly redundant;131 (2) Clarity — each plot flows in a logical manner and is clearly motivated. If there is no motivation behind the story, Luke provides it (cf. Mark 5.40 // Luke 8.53); (3) Formal Precision — Luke adds textual signals such as ‘and it happened’ or affective verbs such as Williams (2001), 48. This is not to say that some events are not historically repeated, however some of the miracle stories Luke writes about are his own creation as we shall see. 130 131

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Introduction

‘seeing’ or ‘hearing’; and, finally, (4) Luke repeats key words within each story to tie its parts into an organic whole.132 These observations are likely due to the particular relation that Luke had with his oral/aural environment. 1.2c.2  Repetition and Redundancy One specific indicator of the orality is the repetition or ‘redundancy’ throughout Luke’s Acts. Tannehill has outlined several functions of repetition throughout Acts.133 They are (1) to aid memory and combat ‘noise’ or communication ‘disturbances’;134 (2) repetition emphasizes important points;135 (3) repetition has a persuasive impact;136 (4) repetition of similar qualities in characters take on a similar authority as their predecessor;137 (5) similar or related characters may be placed in a similar situation to present a change in the character (cf. Peter in Luke 22.54‒60; Acts 4‒5);138 (6) repetition encourages interaction among characters and events in the experience of the readers or hearers.139 Formulaic phrases that repeat throughout a work provide an indication of oral composition or a transition necessary for an oral/aural context. For Luke, the repetition of the phrase, ‘and it happened’ (καὶ ἐγένετο) provides an audible indication of a topic shift or new action being performed.140 Similarly, the use of the phrases ‘in the days of ’ in Luke 1.5 and 1.8 provide a narrative sense to Luke’s account.141 One example of repetition that provides a rhetorical impact is the story of the exorcism of the slave girl in Acts 16.6‒18. The repetition of Paul’s name in verses 17 and 18 along with first person plural verbs (‘we’) and pronouns (‘us’) places Paul within the activities with the narrator.142 This authenticates the performer to his audience as he presents himself Williams (2001), 48‒49. Tannehill (1994), 74‒77. 134 Tannehill states, ‘Redundancy combats the tendency to forget.’ Marguerat (2002), 55; Tannehill (1994), 74. 135 Tannehill (1994), 75. 136 Tannehill (1994), 75. 137 Tannehill (1994), 75. For example, through their suffering and persecution, Peter, Stephen and Paul take on a similar authority of Jesus. 138 Tannehill (1994), 76. 139 Tannehill (1994), 76. 140 Kurz (1993), 178. 141 Kurz (1993), 178. 142 Klutz (2004), 211. 132 133

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as an authority on Paul. The storyteller places Paul in the foreground through removing the plural pronouns in vs. 16, 17 and 18. This places Luke in Paul’s sphere and conversely gives place for the memory of Paul to dwell in the midst of the audience. Similarly, the repeated use of the verb ἐξελθεῖν and ἐξῆλθεν in vs. 18 provides rhetorical impact in the overall story.143 The repetition of some of the motifs (i.e. acceptance of the Gentiles, call to witness, the gift of the Spirit) would have played an integral part in recitation of the narrative and may have had a persuasive impact.144 Pertinent to the topic of miracles in Acts is their use The use of miracle stories or summaries at key moments throughout Acts indicates their importance. at key moments throughout the text.145 The repeated motif of acceptance of Gentiles beginning with Philip then extending to Peter and Paul is accompanied with descriptions or summaries of miracles.146 The repetition of this motif would have had a persuasive impact convincing the hearers that salvation had been extended to the Gentiles. 1.2c.3 Parallelism Due to the size of Luke’s work, it is no surprise that he parallels the lives of Jesus, Peter and Paul. The use of parallelism is a sign of oral communication that helps aid the memory of the storyteller and the audience.147 This parallelism would display the continuity of the salvation history of God148 and also enable the performer of Acts to remember the actions of Peter and Paul.149 The recycled actions, specifically the miracles, if similar, would have been easier to remember to perform than integrating new miracles to each performance.150 Those familiar with Luke’s previous work, or other gospels, would have remembered the miracles of Jesus and made the connections between the rabbi and disciple. Indeed, we can assume such an awareness of the miracles of Jesus — it is absurd to imagine anyone listening with intent to Acts as not being present at a meeting in 143 Tannehill (1994), 198. Tannehill observes, ‘When the spirit ‘went out’ of the slave girl, the owners’ hope of profit also ‘went out’ (v. 19).’ 144 Marguerat (2002), 55. 145 Acts 3.1‒10; 10; 12.1‒12; 14.8‒11; 16.16‒18. 146 Acts 5. 12.16; 5.15f, 6.8, 8.6‒7, 19.12 147 Achtemeier (1990). 148 Pervo (2009), 5. 149 Achtemeier (1990), 17‒18. 150 Tannehill (1984), 239.

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which a ‘gospel’ was performed. Audiences of Acts would have anticipated similar activities of Peter and Paul in performances of Acts. The inclusion of praise and acclamation from a crowd after a miracle are often Lucan creations.151 The Lucan inclusion of wonder and amazement at the healing of the cripple man in Acts 3.1‒10 is likely to be a reaction to the audience hearing the story. These inclusions are signs of the audience’s participation in the performance and serve as indicators of oral performance of the text.152

2 Miracles The memory of miracles throughout Luke’s Acts dominates much of the apostle’s activities. As the earliest known acta, Luke’s second volume sets the precedent for the apostle’s activities, namely preaching, teaching and miracle working. As stated in the introduction, I will examine the miracle stories in Acts from a form critical perspective. Despite some scholar’s insistence that the book of Acts cannot be analysed form critically,153 there are traditions that Luke utilized, especially with respect to the miracles of the apostles. In some instances the forms will overlap with each other or different traditions will blend to the extent that it is difficult to discern the actual tradition or memory. Despite this difficulty, the inclusion of these stories indicates the perceived needs of Luke’s ethnically diverse communities. The greatest need according to Luke’s gospel preface was to provide assurance or security of the tradition they received. With this in mind, the inclusion of miracle stories provide us with certain insight into the beliefs, expectations and theology of what it meant for Luke and his affiliate churches to follow Jesus.

2.1  Healings and Exorcisms The general form of a healing or exorcism story involves an introduction that provides the location of the event, an ailing individual sometimes with a description and how long they have suffered. The person or someone else petitions the healer on their behalf and there is often a conflict or delay in the healer arriving. Following the delay there is the healing action, such as words spoken, a physical touch or combination of both. Williams (2001), 110. Theissen (2007), 71, 166‒167. 153 Dibelius (1956a), 2 ff. 151

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There is confirmation of the healing followed by an overall reaction of the healed individual or those who witnessed the event. For exorcisms, there is usually evidence given that the demon has left such as the removal of a demon to a herd of pigs (Matt. 8.32‒33).

2.1a  Paralyzed men healed (Acts 3.1‒10; 9.32‒35;14.8‒11) 2.1a.1  Man at the temple (Acts 3.1‒10) Following the Pentecost account in Acts 2, strange and unusual spiritual phenomena occur around the apostles and the early Jerusalem church. Luke broadly indicates that signs and wonders were performed at the hands of the apostles.154 In Acts 3.1‒10 Luke provides an example of these miracles when Peter and John, as good observant Jews, are on their way to the Temple when a lame man was begging for alms outside the Beautiful Gate.155 His situation is dire as he was lame from birth and has to be carried to the gate to beg. The man asks for alms from the two and Peter demands his attention saying, ‘Look at us.’156 The lame man expects to receive some money, but Peter declares, ‘I have no silver and gold, but I give you what I have; in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, walk.’157 Peter extends his hand to lift him up and immediately (παραχρῆμα) his feet and ankles were strengthened to the point that he was able to walk, leap and praise God.158 He follows Peter and John into the Temple which he otherwise would not be able to do due to Levitical prohibition.159 When he is recognized as the man who was lame the people are filled with awe and wonder.160 This allows for Peter to explain that it was not in his own power that the man was healed, but through the name of Jesus.161

154 Acts 2.43 ἐγίνετο δὲ πάσῃ ψυχῇ φόβος, πολλά τε τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα διὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐγίνετο. 155 Barrett (1994a), 175. The likely location of this gate is the Nicanor gate. See Barrett (1994a), 179‒180; Williams (2001), 58‒60. 156 Acts 3:4 βλέψον εἰς ἡμᾶς. 157 Acts 3.6 ἀργύριον καὶ χρυσίον οὐχ ὑπάρχει μοι, ὃ δὲ ἔχω τοῦτό σοι δίδωμι· ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ Ναζωραίου [ἔγειρε καὶ] περιπάτει. 158 Acts 3.8 καὶ ἐξαλλόμενος ἔστη καὶ περιεπάτει καὶ εἰσῆλθεν σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν περιπατῶν καὶ ἁλλόμενος καὶ αἰνῶν τὸν θεόν. 159 Lev. 21.22 ff. 160 Acts 3:10 καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν θάμβους καὶ ἐκστάσεως ἐπὶ τῷ συμβεβηκότι αὐτῷ 161 Acts 3.9‒10. O’Toole (1984), 52‒23.

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The form fits the standard healing form pattern with slight variations. The petitioner asks for money, not for healing. Instead, he receives healing in ‘the name of Jesus.’ The use of touch by the healer is present, but it is through the verbal command to ‘Get up and walk in the name of Jesus!’ which predominates the story.162 As we will see the use of the name of Jesus evidences Luke’s Christocentric theme present throughout Acts.163 The phrase ‘a certain man’ is Lucan and is used to separate the person from their infirmity or handicap. The use of ‘from his mother’s womb’ provides a biblical tone to the narrative and is used to raise the pathos of the story, common for Luke.164 A similar pathos heightening impact is made by the visual interaction in vs. 3‒4 and stating that he had to be carried to the Temple which is also Lucan.165 The repetition of the man ‘leaping’ in Acts 3.8 is redundant, but indicates the complete healing. It also draws attention to Isaiah 35.6 which states, ‘then shall the lame man leap like a hart, and the tongue of the dumb sing for joy. For waters shall break forth in the wilderness, and streams in the desert.’166 Luke’s repetition also provides a cognitive cue or mnemonic aid to refer his audience back to Isaiah.167 The pre-Lucan tradition was a miracle story relating how Peter healed a lame man in Jerusalem. While the sources are not given, the possibility of a source recounting Peter’s miracles has been postulated.168 Williams indicates that the following elements would be original to the tradition: (1) location at the Beautiful Gate; (2) association with Peter; (3) the description of the man as a ‘cripple’ (χωλὸς); (4) the healing command in direct discourse, ‘in the name of Jesus of Nazareth, Walk!’ and (5) and the physical touch of Peter taking the man by the hand.169 Williams (2001), 60‒61. Barrett (1994a), 183. 164 See LXX Judg. 13.5, 16.17; Psa. 21.11. 165 Williams (2001), 58. 166 Isa. 35.6 (LXX) τότε ἁλεῖται ὡς ἔλαφος ὁ χωλός καὶ τρανὴ ἔσται γλῶσσα μογιλάλων ὅτι ἐρράγη ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ ὕδωρ καὶ φάραγξ ἐν γῇ διψώσῃ 167 Barrett (1994a), 184; Conzelmann (1987), 23; Pervo (2009), 101. Barrett (1994a), 1.184; Conzelmann (1987), 23. Alternatively, it could be redactional preparation for verse 11 or there may not have been a final stylistic revision, hence the repetition. As a good story teller working in a predominantly oral culture, it is more likely that the repetition is to drive home the connection between Isaiah and this particular healing. This would further solidify Luke’s purpose of security of the tradition and the continuity of the healing ministry of Jesus among his Jewish audience. 168 Barrett (1994a), 175. 169 Williams (2001), 59. 162 163

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Peter’s explanation of the miracle is related to the name of Jesus. Just as the cure is given to the man ‘in the name of Jesus of Nazareth’ the name (ὄνομα) is repeated twice in verse 16 to emphasize the Christocentric perception of the miracle. This repetition, like the ‘leaping’ above impacts memorization and structures the understanding of the audience.170 The connection between healing and ‘following them’ is indicative of discipleship. Here, Luke follows a similar discipleship pattern given in his first volume where Jesus heals a blind beggar outside of Jericho who then follows him.171 Before Peter’s speech the man clings (κρατέω) to him while the people in amazement go to Solomon’s portico.172 The ‘following’ and the ‘clinging’ no doubt indicate that the healed man sought to be a disciple as the use of miracles in Acts was often to make converts.173 2.1a.2  The Healing of Aeneas (Acts 9.32‒35) The second healing of a paralyzed man named Aeneas occurs in Lydda and is less spectacular than the earlier healing in Acts 3.2.174 The state of Aeneas’ condition is given — he is bedridden for eight years. Peter tells him ‘Aeneas, Jesus Christ heals you; rise and make your bed.’175 The declaration is effective and the man rises as told. The response by the crowd is a turning to the Lord.176 The form of the story is a healing miracle. According to Lüdemann, this story has been compressed, as there is no particular situation associated with it.177 The story begins with a typical Lucan ‘and it happened’ (Ἐγένετο δὲ). The state of the man as παραλελυμένος is the participle Luke prefers instead of the more widely used noun, παραλυτικός.178 The use of the name of Jesus and the resulting turning to the Lord indicate some form of conversion is a common Lucan motif.179 The mention Marguerat (2002), 55. Luke 18.35. 172 Acts 3.11. 173 Acts 2.41; 4.4. 174 Acts 9.32‒35. 175 Acts 9.34. 176 Acts 9.35. 177 Lüdemann (1989), 122. 178 This possibly reflects Luke’s understanding of providence and miracle as the individuals will be healed. Mark simply uses the noun referring to the paralytic, where Luke uses a participle describing the person. 179 J. Dunn (1996), 129; Fitzmyer (1998), 444. Contra Bruce who thinks that Aeneas was already a Christian. Bruce (1988), 197‒198. 170 171

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of Lydda as the location maybe grounded in the memory of the local church, however, Peter’s declaration is unparalleled and is likely not from tradition.180 The conclusion (vs. 35) ‘all those dwelling’ turning to the Lord is Lucan as well.181 The name Aeneas and his state of being bedridden are likely traditional. While the mention of ‘eight years’ might be traditional, it also serves to heighten the pathos of the miracle in a typically Lucan fashion. The use of κράβαττον shows that Luke likely drew directly from Mark for this episode. In Mark’s account of the healing of a paralytic being let down through the roof presence of κράβαττον and κατέκειτο both occur in Mark 2.4 but not in Luke’s similar gospel account.182 This implies that Mark’s gospel provided some vocabulary and motifs for this healing and the raising of Tabitha (section 2.3a below). Ultimately, this story provides us with the extension of the gospel from Jerusalem to other Jewish areas. This story prefaces the story of Tabitha and the spread of the faith in Jesus while placing Peter in close proximity to Joppa where Cornelius will be converted. 2.1a.3  Paul heals cripple man in Lystra (Acts 14.8‒11) In balancing his presentation of Peter with Paul, Luke has Paul heal a lame man from birth in the Gentile city of Lystra. After preaching, performing miracles and being persecuted in Iconium, Paul and Barnabas fled to Lyconia, Lystra and Derbe.183 In Lystra there was a lame man who was crippled from birth and never walked.184 Like in Peter’s account in Acts 3, Paul takes notice of the man and sees that he has faith to be healed.185 Paul gives the healing command to the man saying, ‘stand upright on your feet’186 at which the man began to walk. The cry of acclamation is different from others as the crowd believes Paul and Barnabas are the gods Zeus and Hermes who have come down in bodily form. Wanting to pay due honour to the gods, the priest of Zeus begins to sacrifice an ox. Lüdemann (1989), 121. πάντες οἱ κατοικοῦντες is a common Lucan phrase. See Acts 2:5, 9, 14; 9:35; 13:27. 182 Luke 5.17‒26. 183 Acts 14.6. 184 Acts 14.8 Καί τις ἀνὴρ ἀδύνατος ἐν Λύστροις τοῖς ποσὶν ἐκάθητο, χωλὸς ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ ὃς οὐδέποτε περιεπάτησεν. 185 Cf. Acts 3.4; Acts 14.9 οὗτος ἤκουσεν τοῦ Παύλου λαλοῦντος· ὃς ἀτενίσας αὐτῷ καὶ ἰδὼν ὅτι ἔχει πίστιν τοῦ σωθῆναι 186 Acts 14.10 ἀνάστηθι ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας σου ὀρθός 180 181

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Paul and Barnabas cannot tolerate this misunderstanding and express frustration through tearing their clothing and declaring that they are merely mortal men.187 They make an attempt to proclaim the gospel, but fail to get through to the people as Jews from Iconium thwart their efforts. They are stoned and thrown out of the city. The form follows a similar pattern as in Acts 3.1‒10 and both accounts share verbal similarities.188 The setting is when Paul and Barnabas are preaching while the crippled man is listening (ἤκουσεν) to them. Paul sees that the man has faith and gives the command. Noticeable differences from Peter’s account is the lack of physical touch and neglect of the name of Jesus, both of which are important for the interpretation of the healing event. The setting of Lystra is significant as the region was considered a ‘rustic’ or ‘backwoods’ region by some in antiquity.189 The acclamation and belief that Paul and Barnabas were gods is not surprising, as one would expect some cultural misunderstandings moving from a population that had some background of the Jewish narrative.190 The belief in this theophany has pagan roots as Ovid tells of Zeus and Hermes visiting Lystra but finding no one willing to be hospitable towards them except an elderly couple named Baucis and Philemon.191 In the story everyone in the neighbourhood, except for the couple, came under the judgment of the gods for not offering hospitality to the strangers. Not wanting to come under judgment again, Luke assumes that the response of the people is understandable in his account of the healing by Paul. After rending his garments, Paul provides the interpretation of the miracle based on nature and Creation, rather than on a Jewish history.192 Unlike the account in Acts 3.1‒10 where Peter invokes the name of Jesus, the direct command to the man to get up with no attribution to the Jesus could easily be misinterpreted as magic or one step further as a theophany. Paul’s stare and the command in a loud voice would

187 Acts 14:14 Ακούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἀπόστολοι Βαρναβᾶς καὶ Παῦλος διαρρήξαντες τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτῶν ἐξεπήδησαν εἰς τὸν ὄχλον κράζοντες 188 Acts 3.2; 14:8 Καί τις ἀνὴρ; Acts 3.2; 14:8 χωλὸς ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ; Acts 3.10; 14:8 κάθημαι 189 Bock (2007), 476. Strabo, Geog. 12.6.3. 190 Conzelmann (1987), 110. Conzelmann notes that inscriptions of Zeus and Hermes have been discovered in this region. 191 Ovid, Metam. 8.6111‒724. 192 See, m Sanhedrin 7.5.

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highlight the theophanic interpretation as both are used in Greco-Roman theophanies.193 The story could be an early story of Barnabas as he initially features more prominently.194 The attribution of him as Zeus and Paul as Hermes, the spokesperson for the god (14.12), indicates the prominence of Barnabas over Paul.195 However, the memory of Paul’s personality, zeal and apostolic importance may have predominated over Barnabas resulting in the attribution. The original tradition comprised of a story of Paul healing a cripple in Lystra. The direct command of Paul to the cripple, ‘Stand upright on your feet’ and the fulfilment of the command ‘he sprang up’ are original. The motif of faith and salvation, two of Luke’s primary concerns,196 are brought about through Paul’s preaching. Here salvation is manifested in the healing (both are σῴζω) which, due to the pagan context, needs to be interpreted by further explanation. Like Peter’s first healing miracle, Paul’s is the healing of a crippled man. The parallels between Peter’s healing of a crippled man (Acts 3.1‒9) and Paul’s (14) is confirmed by the verbal parallels between the two accounts. Acts 3.2a

Acts 14.8

καί τις ἀνὴρ χωλὸς ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ ὑπάρχων ἐβαστάζετο,

Καί τις ἀνὴρ ἀδύνατος ἐν Λύστροις τοῖς ποσὶν ἐκάθητο, χωλὸς ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ ὃς οὐδέποτε περιεπάτησεν.

Acts 3.4

Acts 14.9b-10a

ἀτενίσας δὲ Πέτρος εἰς αὐτὸν σὺν τῷ Ἰωάννῃ εἶπεν· βλέψον εἰς ἡμᾶς.

ὃς ἀτενίσας αὐτῷ καὶ ἰδὼν ὅτι ἔχει πίστιν τοῦ σωθῆναι, εἶπεν μεγάλῃ φωνῇ·

193 Strelan (2000). The speaking in a loud voice was thought to be a sign of divine inspiration. Kydd (1984). 194 Roloff (1981), 213; Williams (2001), 79. ‘Im Mittelpunkt des Traditionsstücks dürfte die Gestalt des Barnabas gestanden haben. Er ist die zentrale Gestalt, die vom Volk für den Göttervater Zeus gehalten wird, während Paulus ihm deutlich untergeordnet ist V.12; Vermutlich haben wir es hier mit einer in Antiochia beheimateten Barnabas-Legende zu tun.’ Barnabas was a prominent part of the early Christian memory as reflected in Acts 4.46f. As he is the one who instigates the selling of property and gifts to the apostles, we are dependent on him for the wider interpretation of the Ananias and Saphira incident. 195 Williams (2001), 79. 196 Twelftree (1999), 288.

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Both miracles follow major speeches (2.14‒36; 13.16‒41) and are the first healing miracles for each of the apostles. Theologically, the parallel healings indicates the offer of salvation first to the Jews and then to the Gentiles.197 Another parallel between Peter and Paul is their accompaniment by other individuals John and Barnabas respectively. Though they hardly play a role in the narrative, the accompaniment of other individuals such as John or Barnabas coheres with Olrik’s ‘law of twins’ which is common in folklore.198 This ‘law’ is simply when two individuals appear together in the same role to provide a balance between characters. Here Peter and John help balance out Paul and Barnabas. This pairing, along with the actions of healings and similar results, would reinforce the continuity and the memory of Jesus’ own healing miracles and evoke images and memories in the minds of the hearers from the gospels, specifically the sending out of the apostles in pairs.199

2.1b  Exorcism of the Slave girl in Philippi (Acts 16.16‒18) The only successful exorcism in Luke’s Acts is the deliverance of the fortune-telling slave girl in Phillipi. In the story Paul and Silas meet a girl who has a spirit of divination or Pythonic spirit (πνεῦμα πύθωνα),200 who brought her owners a sizable income from her abilities. She followed the apostles for several days saying, ‘These men are servants of the Most High God, who proclaim to you the way of salvation.’201 After some time Paul became annoyed and told the spirit, ‘I charge you in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her.’202 The owners of the girl became upset that their means of income was disrupted and dragged Paul and Silas to magistrates in the marketplace laying accusations of false religion against them. The crowds join in and accuse them; and the pair are flogged and thrown into prison. The story follows a normal exorcism form beginning with the manifestation of the demon, in this case a ‘Pythian spirit.’ The presence of the exorcist, Paul, who commands the demon to leave is present followed by Praeder likewise argues for this purpose of the parallelism. Praeder (1984), 35. Olrik (1965), 136. 199 Mark 6.7. 200 Acts 16:16. 201 Acts 16:17b οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι δοῦλοι τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου εἰσίν, οἵτινες καταγγέλλουσιν ὑμῖν ὁδὸν σωτηρίας. 202 Acts 16:18 παραγγέλλω σοι ἐν ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐξελθεῖν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς· 197 198

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evidence of the expulsion. In this instance the evidence of the expulsion is given in negative terms: the owners are interested in getting their profit from the demonically-inspired girl and drag Paul and Silas into court. The setting of the story is strategic as Phillipi was a Roman colony settled in 31/30 bce when Augustus granted it that status. Prior to this Mark Antony gave land to veterans in his army in 42 bce. As a Roman colony it was free from certain financial obligations and the Roman citizens, like elsewhere in the empire, were given privileges. The pride of Roman citizenship comes into play in this story and Luke is aware of the benefits of Roman citizenship as Paul pulls this ‘ace up his sleeve’ out when it is necessary at the end of the account. The traditional story was likely an independently circulating exorcism story, much of which is original.203 The location in Philippi and the slave girl’s statement about the apostles being ‘servants of the Most High God’ are traditional. Paul’s command of the demon to come out ‘in the name of Jesus’ is likewise traditional along with the demons departure, where the story ends. Luke creates an anti-acclamation where the owners of the slave girl respond in anger at the miracle, not in praise. The crowd’s reaction in vs. 22 was probably not original; however, we know that riots were common in antiquity.204 This response provides a critique of paganism and greed which Luke is keen to do.205 In contrast to the girl’s statement that the apostles are proclaiming the way of salvation, the owners state that ‘they advocate customs which it is not lawful for us Romans to accept or practice.’206 Behind the accusation however, is the slave owners’ concern over their financial loss and not a real concern for religious custom.207 The accusation against Paul and Silas by the masters is also ethnically oriented. They are recognized as Jews who are advocating customs that are unlawful for the pagans to practice. The Romans viewed the

Lüdemann (1989), 182. Stoops (1989). Josephus, J.W. 2.17.5‒8. 205 The rejection of God’s messengers at the cost of financial gain is raised elsewhere in Luke’s gospel. In the exorcism of the Gerasene demoniac (Luke 8.37), the people of the region ask Jesus to leave on account of fear, but also concern over their financial loss. L. T. Johnson (1977); Karris (1978); Klauck (2000); Talbert (2005), 151‒152. 206 Acts 16:21 καὶ καταγγέλλουσιν ἔθη ἃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν παραδέχεσθαι οὐδὲ ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὖσιν. 207 The Western text (D) recognizes this and inserts ‘financial gain’ in vs.19. See, Barrett (1994b), 788; Pervo (2009). 203

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Jews as a riotous group.208 In this instance, Luke depicts Christianity as Judaism, which is likely how the early movement was perceived. As a Roman colony, those in Philippi were proud of their status, possibly to the point of xenophobia. Archaeological inscriptions reveal far more Latin than Greek and we know of no Jewish synagogue within the city itself, which explains why Paul met Lydia outside the city at a place of prayer.209 Due to the factors of pride, the challenge to the locals way of earning an income would certainly be threatening.210 As Rowe states, ‘Harbingers of religious and economic disaster rarely elicit affection.’211 According to Greek mythology a serpent guarded the Delphic oracle at Mount Parnassus. The ‘spirit of python’ or ‘python spirit’ was associated to the spirit of divination or fortune telling resulting in the oracle’s name ‘Pythia.’212 According to Plutarch, attendance at the oracle at Delphi was in decline which may have been due to the presence of other fortunetellers, such as the slave girl in this account, establishing themselves in cities.213 At first glance Paul’s reaction to the girl seems strange. Hearers of the text might be confused with Paul’s frustration with the girl as her use of the phrase ‘servants of the Most High God’ seems to be an accurate title for Paul and Silas.214 However, the use of the phrase ‘Most High God’ (τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου)215 crossed all religious boundaries.216 The lack of an article in the girl’s statement usually translated as ‘who proclaim to you the way of salvation’ should read, ‘who proclaim to you a way of salvation.’217 The ambiguity of the statement may have caused irritation to Paul as he was not proclaiming equality among all gods or presenting a henotheistic interpretation with one high god above all

208 Stern (1974). Diodorus Siculus, Lib. Hist. 34‒35.1.1; Tacitus, Hist. 5.4.1; Josephus, Ag. Ap. 2.11. 209 Klauck (2000), 64. 210 Rowe (2009), 25‒26. 211 Rowe (2009), 27. 212 Strabo, Geogr. 9.3.12; Plutarch, Def. orac. 8. 213 Plutarch, Def. orac. 9 (441e). Klauck (2000), 66‒67. 214 Cf. Mark 5.7. 215 Acts 16:17. 216 T. Asher 5.5; Jos. Asen. 8.2; Philo Embassy 278. Luke uses this phrase quite often and may have done so to appeal to his ethnically mixed audience. Luke 1:32, 35, 76; 2:14; 6:35; 8:28; 19:38; Acts 7:48; 16:17. 217 Acts 16:17 οἵτινες καταγγέλλουσιν ὑμῖν ὁδὸν σωτηρίας

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others, but rather an exclusive God.218 The invocation of the name of Jesus clarifies the ambiguity with effective results.

2.1c  Sons of Sceva (Acts 19.13‒17) An interesting account of some Jewish itinerant exorcists using the name of Jesus ‘whom Paul proclaims’ was inserted into the story of Paul’s time in Ephesus. Seven itinerant Jewish exorcists were using the name of Jesus to exorcize demons. They confronted a man with a demon who repsonds to them, ‘Jesus I know, Paul I know, but who are you?’ After this question the demon prevails over the seven exorcists and has them run away beaten and naked. Leading from the summary in vs. 12 of the amazing signs, wonders and demonic expulsions, Luke interjects the failed exorcism in vs. 13‒16 which has a conclusion of awe and wonder in vs. 17 and repentance from magic by the Christian community in Ephesus in vs.18‒19. Luke has reordered the sequence of the story which is not unusual for him as we shall see below in the story of Ananias and Sapphira (2.4a). The location of the failed exorcism is not given, but the placement within the story of Paul in Ephesus may provide the original memory of the scene. The introduction of the seven sons of Sceva, are introduced generally as ‘certain itinerant Jewish exorcists’ along with ‘those who had evil spirits.’219 In vs. 14 the characters are narrowed down to the seven sons of a Jewish high priest named Sceva. It is likely that Luke moved from one generalization of the miracles of Paul in vs. 12 to the general introduction of characters in vs. 13 to give a better transition between the miracle summary and this narrative.220 The form of the story is a typical exorcism story when it is rearranged, but the conclusion is in a different location. The sons of Sceva would have been original. The statement about being sons of a high priest heightens the irony of their failure and may be a Lucan addition; however, as Williams notes, there is nothing odd about Jewish exorcists claiming priestly descent.221 The number seven, often thought of as a number of holiness or perfection, provides further irony to the story. Here, the seven exorcists are unable to triumph over a man with one Klauck (2000), 68; Trebilco (1989). Acts 19.13. 220 Williams (2001), 83. 221 Williams (2001), 83. There never was a high priest that bore the name Sceva. Klauck notes that this could also have been their ‘stage name.’ Klauck (2000), 100. 218 219

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demon, whereas in Luke 8.2 and 11.26, the exorcist is able to dominate seven demons.222 The situation of the demonized man would have been original and the exorcistic formula, ‘I adjure you by Jesus whom Paul preaches’ would likewise be original. The demons response, ‘Jesus I know, Paul I know, but who are you?’ bears a rhythmic pattern typical of folklore, but contains editing.223 The failure of the exorcism and the expulsion of the exorcists provide the original conclusion of the story and are not consistent with the general form of exorcism stories. The tradition Luke received was likely a joke or a humorous anecdote from Christians in Ephesus. The discipleship implications, which will be discussed below, relate to the using Jesus’ name as a name of power without truly being a disciple. Luke has provided two conclusions: the first involves awe and wonder of the people with praise for the name of Jesus;224 the second is the purging of the Christian community of their magical books (vs. 18‒19). Along with humour, this may have also been the response of the audience hearing the story.

2.1d  Healing of Publius’ father (Acts 28.7‒8) After being shipwrecked, Paul and others were safely brought to the island of Malta. Here Paul was esteemed as a god after suffering no illness from a snake bite.225 A chief man of the island named Publius hosted Paul for three days. The father of Publius was ill with a fever and dysentery.226 Paul prays, lays hands on him and the man recovers. The form follows a general healing story. The description of the patient is given and Paul prays, then lays hands on him resulting in the healing. The traditional elements of the name of the patient (Publius’ father) and the miracle worker (Paul) are given. The symptoms of the illness (fever and dysentery) and the encounter with the miracle worker are present. The healing gestures of prayer and laying on of hands as well as the indication of the efficacy of the prayer and touch are likewise provided.

Klauck (2000), 100; Williams (2001), 83. Williams (2001), 84. Acts 19:15 τὸν [μὲν] Ἰησοῦν γινώσκω καὶ τὸν Παῦλον ἐπίσταμαι, ὑμεῖς δὲ τίνες ἐστέ; 224 Williams (2001), 85. Acts 19:17 τοῦτο δὲ ἐγένετο γνωστὸν πᾶσιν 225 Acts 28.6. 226 Acts 28.8. 222 223

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Some of this story is likely to come from local tradition, although the historicity of this account is questionable. Luke utilizes the common motif of shipwrecked hero who ends up on shore who ends up getting bit by a snake.227 The absence of snakes on the island of Malta during this time has likewise raised objections by Twelftree.228 However, the description of Publius as ‘the first of the island’ is epigraphically attested in Malta and was likely known to Luke.229 Lucan redaction is evident with the phrase ‘ἐγένετο δὲ’ in 28.8.230 Noticeably absent is the description of the setting, preaching accompanied before the healing, mention of Jesus, or a doxological conclusion or acclamation. The use of similar vocabulary and order suggest that Luke seems to have depended on the gospel account of the raising of Peter’s mother-in-law (Luke 4.38‒40).231 Luke 4.38b

Acts 28.8a

πενθερὰ δὲ τοῦ Σίμωνος ἦν συνεχομένη πυρετῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ ἠρώτησαν αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῆς.

ἐγένετο δὲ τὸν πατέρα τοῦ Ποπλίου πυρετοῖς καὶ δυσεντερίῳ συνεχόμενον κατακεῖσθαι,

Luke 4.40a

Acts 28.9

Δύνοντος δὲ τοῦ ἡλίου ἅπαντες ὅσοι εἶχον ἀσθενοῦντας νόσοις ποικίλαις ἤγαγον αὐτοὺς πρὸς αὐτόν·

τούτου δὲ γενομένου καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἔχοντες ἀσθενείας προσήρχοντο καὶ ἐθεραπεύοντο,

After each of these healing accounts, a summary statement of many people coming to Jesus and Paul for healing is given.232 The placement of this healing story after the story of Paul’s snakebite and the people’s perception of Paul as a god helps clarify the situation. From a pagan perspective, Paul’s dependence on prayer indicates that he is not a god and is dependent on a power that is not his own. Rather, he is merely a mediator of divine power. The lack of impact of the snakebite provides confirmation of the divine plan for Paul to go to Rome.233 227 The Greek Anthology 153, 159; Conzelmann (1987), 223; Pervo (2009), 674; Twelftree (2013), 265‒266. 228 Twelftree (2013), 266. 229 Hemer (1989), 153 n152. 230 Acts 28:8 ἐγένετο δὲ 231 Lüdemann (1989), 261‒262. 232 Cf. Luke 4.40; Acts 28.9. 233 Williams (2001), 89.

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2.2  Resuscitations (Acts 9.36‒42; Acts 20.7‒12) 2.2a  Raising of Tabitha Acts 9.36‒42 There are two primary resuscitations in Acts that both parallel raisings in the Synoptic gospels. Following the healing of Aeneas (see above 2.1a.2), Peter moves to Joppa after being summoned by two disciples. He ascends to the upper room where a well-known disciple named Tabitha’s dead body lay (Acts 9.36‒42).234 Peter removes the mourning widows who are in the room and after praying Peter gives a word of command saying: ‘Tabitha, arise!’235 The raising story has clear parallels with the raising of the widows son in 1 Kings and in the raising of Jairus’ daughter in Luke 8.45.236 In the King’s account it is a boy who is deceased, but Elijah goes to raise the child the in an upper room.237 In the Synoptics the location is not mentioned, however Jesus drives out the hired mourners leaving only Peter, James and John (Mark 5.39 // Luke 8.54).238 The woman’s name, Tabitha, may have evoked reference to Mark 5.41 where Jesus uses the Aramaic, ‘Talitha cum.’239 The form is a typical resuscitation story and may have been an independent narrative and likely to be part of a larger tradition concerning Peter.240 The setting of Joppa is likely to be original and this story. The introduction of Tabitha as ‘a certain disciple […]’ and the episodic elements throughout the narrative ἐγένετο δὲ and the copulative δὲ are Lucan. The lengthy description of Tabitha’s good deeds, charity and the care for her body heighten the pathos of the story, raising the expectation of the miracle worker.241 The traditional story was much shorter. The close parallels to the account in Kings and the name Tabitha indicate a Palestinian origin. Her death and the laying of the body would have been in the pre-Lucan version. The original story likely ended with the demonstration of Tabitha’s resuscitation — the opening of her eyes and sitting up (vs. 40). Dibelius (1956b), 12. Cf. Luke 8.52‒53; Acts 9.40. Ταβιθά, ἀνάστηθι 236 1 Kgs. 17.19ff; 2 Kgs. 4.33‒35; Luke 8.41‒55. 237 1 Kgs. 17.19. 238 Cf. Luke 8.49‒56. 239 Conzelmann (1987), 77; Lüdemann (1989), 122. 240 Conzelmann (1987), 77. 241 Acts 9.36‒39. Haenchen (1971), 339; Lüdemann (1989), 121. 234 235

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Certain elements are missing such as the touch from the miracle worker. This is likely due to Luke’s attempt at depicting Peter as faithful to the Law as it was considered ‘unclean’ to touch a dead body.242 The lacking reference to Jesus in Peter’s command emphasizes the esteem of the apostle and the power working through him. This power, however, was not to be confused with another deity as the motifs used from the Scriptures and resuscitation of the girl in Luke’s gospel indicates.243 In this account Peter stands in line with both prophets and Jesus who gave the power to him.244 Like in the healing of Aeneas, there are no acclamations made by the people, only consequences, namely many believing in the Lord (vs. 42).245 The presence of other characters such as the mourners raises the pathos of the miracle is typically Lucan. The spread of belief in vs. 42 is also Lucan, though unlike other conversion stories, there is no mention of the ‘word of the Lord.’ Like the miracle of the healing of Aeneas in vs. 35, the raising of Tabitha is used to provide evidence of the evangelization of the area. The addition of ‘kneeling’ in vs. 40 along with the editorial reorganization is likely to be Lucan. ‘Kneeling’ emphasizes the significance of prayer and the effectual results. This move orients the means of healing to the word of command, versus a healing touch or a touch combined with a declaration. The ‘taking her by the hand’ which normally would be the gesture bringing about the cure or resuscitation has been placed at the conclusion of the story, rather than earlier.

2.2b  Raising of Eutychus Acts 20.7‒12 In Troas, due to Paul’s lengthy sermon lasting until midnight, a boy named Eutychus drifted off to sleep, fell out of a second story window, and died.246 Paul stops his sermon, goes downstairs and reports, ‘Do not be alarmed, for his life is in him.’247 Afterwards, Paul returns and finishes the service with breaking of the loaf. The boy is taken away alive and Paul and his companions depart for Assos (13). Num. 19.11, 13. Luke 8.54. 244 Luke 9.1. 245 Acts 9.42. 246 On lengthy speeches see, Pliny, Ep. 2.11; Ep 4.9. On midnight gatherings of Christians see, Pliny, Ep. 10.96. 247 Acts 20:10. 242 243

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This story does not have the typical form of a resuscitation narrative as Paul is already present on the scene and does not need to be fetched.248 While there are no verbal parallels, the actions of Paul are similar to Elijah (1 Kings 17.21) and Elisha (2 Kings 4.32). Like the two previous Hebrew prophets, Paul ‘fell on him’ (ἐπιπίπτω) and ‘took him in his arms’ (συμπεριλαμβάνω).249 Similar echoes of Paul’s command to the people ‘not be alarmed, for his life is within him’ are derived from Mark 5.39 where Jesus asks the mourners why they are weeping over the synagogue leader’s daughter and that she is not dead, but sleeping.250 According to Williams, this story was likely to be a local account from Troas that told of Eutychus’ protection from harm that developed into a resuscitation story.251 Paul and Eutychus are the primary characters and part of the original core of the story. Paul’s action of embracing the youth, his declaration to the audience ‘for his soul is in him’, and the confirmation of the resuscitation in vs. 12 are likewise original. There is some ambiguity with regard to whether or not Eutychus is truly dead. Paul’s action of taking the boy and stretching over him, and declaration that there is life in him (ἡ γὰρ ψυχὴ αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ ἐστιν) indicates the possible means by which Eutychus is resuscitated, however it is not entirely clear.252 It is not until the crowd’s reaction in vs. 12 that we learn that the boy went away alive. Noticeably lacking are declarations over Eutychus of the name of Jesus, instantaneous result of the resuscitation or acclamation of praise. These lacking elements downplay of the miraculousness of the story.253 The softening of the miraculous and ambiguity in this account is best explained by the cultural background of this story. In the ancient Mediterranean there are generally two forms of resuscitation stories. The first is the Hellenistic type in which the miracle worker recognizes

Williams (2001), 85. Cf.  1 Kgs. 17:21 Then he stretched himself upon the child three times, and cried to the LORD, ‘O LORD my God, let this child’s soul come into him again’. 2 Kgs. 4:34 Then he went up and lay upon the child putting his mouth upon his mouth, his eyes upon his eyes, and his hands upon his hands; and as he stretched himself upon him, the flesh of the child became warm. 250 Bruce (1990), 426. 251 Williams (2001), 86. 252 Barrett (1994b), 955; Bruce (1990), 426. 253 It is likely that Luke received this traditional story and while he redacted it, the appeal to both a Greco-Roman audience and a Jewish one could be found in this tale. 248 249

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the divine spark of life within the comatose or dead patient.254 The second, the Semitic type, is more clear in declaring the person dead and the miracle worker as raising the deceased. Here Paul acts in line with the Jewish prophets before him as well as a Hellenistic sage when he recognizes ‘for his life is in him.’255 Luke’s hand is present in the redaction of the account in presenting Eutychus as ‘a certain young man […]’ and the use of the copulative δέ. Following a logical narrative course, Luke relates the death of Eutychus to Paul’s lengthy sermon. The purpose of the story is simply that as an apostle, Paul has in his own right the same power as the other apostles, specifically Peter who also resuscitated Tabitha. The similar use of the resuscitation in 1 and 2 Kings in the raising of Tabitha, likewise establishes Paul in line with the Hebrew prophets and the apostles. Despite the lacking use of the name of Jesus in the resuscitation, the context of ‘on the first day of the week’, breaking of the loaf and being in an upper room refer the reader and hearers back to the beginning of Acts when the Spirit of God was given.256 This also places Paul in line with Jesus and the same Spirit that gives the power over death.

2.3  Miracles of Rescue (Acts 5.17‒19; 12.1‒12; Acts 16.16) 2.3a  The Apostles release from prison (Acts 5.17‒19) The first rescue miracle occurs at the start of the ministry of the Jerusalem church. Due to the popularity of the apostles and their teaching, the high priest and the Sadducees arrest them out of jealousy (ζῆλος)257 and throw them into the public jail. At night an angel releases them and instructs them to continue teaching. They begin teaching at daybreak. When the apostle’s trial convened they were not found and the guards reported that they found the jail empty with the doors locked. Establishing the tradition of this narrative is difficult. The escape miracle likely stood on its own at one time and is traditional.258 Luke placed the scene and added the speeches by Peter and Gamaliel to show that the Jerusalem leadership could stand up to pressure. The use of the copulative δέ which is common to Luke carries the narrative on and gives it logical 256 257 258 254 255

Williams (2001), 86. Acts 20.10. Acts 2. L. T. Johnson (1992), 358. Acts 5.17. Lüdemann (1989), 71.

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sequence. The release from prison was a common topos throughout the Greco-Roman world.259 It is likely that Luke included some of these stories in an effort to relate common motifs to his Gentile audiences. Luke’s ‘biblicizing’ of this account is prominent. In contrast to the arrest of Peter and John by the Sanhedrin in Acts 4, this time ‘the apostles’ or The Twelve, are arrested. Their release by the ‘angel of the Lord’ carries an exodus motif.260 The use of ἐξάγω, to lead out, is used in all three prison escape stories in Acts and is likewise used in in Exodus.261 Prison or a house of bondage is symbolic of death in both the Exodus narrative and in Acts.262 In this account as well as others, the ‘open doors’ is not only a trope for release but also for mission and symbolic of the resurrection.263 This story, as well as the next two rescue miracles, is indicative of the symbolic escape through the resurrection. It also shows the divine protection and support over the apostle’s message.

2.3b  Peter from Prison — Angelophany (Acts 12.1‒12) In an effort to gain Jewish favour, Peter is arrested by Herod Agrippa during the feast of Unleavened Bread and placed in prison in Jerusalem (Acts 12). To stifle the Jesus movement, the leadership is targeted resulting in the execution of James the son of Zebedee, followed by his brother John. Peter is imprisoned and kept under guard waiting to be presented to the people during the Passover. The parallels of time between this arrest and Jesus’ own are clear — both occur around the Passover and Luke uses the term ‘Jews’ in a negative sense in this passage in Acts (12.3).264 While Peter is imprisoned the church prays for him (12.5)265 and in the middle of the night he is awakened by an angel that hits him awake Jeremias (1977). Ovid, Metam. 3.699‒700; Euripides, Bacch. 447‒448. Exod. 3:2; 14:19; 23:20, 23; 32:34; 33:2. 261 Exod. 12.42, 29.46. 262 Exod. 13.3; 20.2; Psa.107.10‒14; Isa 24.22. Pervo (1990a), 44; Tannehill (1994), 152‒158; Weaver (2004), 102‒103. 263 See Acts 14.27; 1 Cor. 16.9; 2 Cor. 2.12. 264 ‘The meaning of v. 3 then is that there is a parallel between the arrest of Peter on the feast of the Passover and that of Jesus at the same time (Luke 22.7). So Peter’s fate is prefigured like that of Jesus. Conzelmann (1987), 93; Lüdemann (1989), 140. 265 A similar parallel in earnest prayer is made by Jesus in the garden of Gethsemane. Cf. Luke 22.44 καὶ γενόμενος ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ ἐκτενέστερον προσηύχετο· καὶ ἐγένετο ὁ ἱδρὼς αὐτοῦ ὡσεὶ θρόμβοι αἵματος καταβαίνοντες ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν. Acts 12:5 ὁ μὲν οὖν Πέτρος ἐτηρεῖτο ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ· προσευχὴ δὲ ἦν ἐκτενῶς γινομένη ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας πρὸς τὸν θεὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ. 259

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and tells him to get up. His chains immediately fall off.266 The prayer of the church is seen as on-going as the imperfect use of εἰμί indicates267 and we are to infer that the prayer is related with this miraculous opening of the gate and release of the apostle.268 The source of the story likely comes from a collection of stories about Peter from the Jerusalem community. Like the story of the healing of the crippled man in Acts 3, this particular story was likely an independent story that ends with Acts 12.17.269 The use of the phrases, ‘lay on hands’ is likely to be redactional.270 This particular story relates two separate events. The first is the execution of James (12.2) and the arrest of Peter (12.3). From a narrative perspective, the story offers a transition from the presence of The Twelve disappearing through death or going ‘to another place.’271 The noticeable lack of replacing James and maintaining The Twelve shifts the focus to the Gentile mission that begins to predominate as Paul and Barnabas have been introduced and the focus on Jerusalem community disappears. The pattern of the release of Peter has common motifs of rescue found in the Greco-Roman world.272 In Euripides Bacchae, the god is released from prison when ‘the fetters from their feet self-sundered fell; Doors, without mortal hand, unbarred themselves.’273 Similarly, Ovid’s Metamorphoses also has the doors of a prison opening on their own accord.274 Apollonius is able to loose his own chains according to Philostratus.275 While there is likely no direct intertextual correlation between Acts and these works, the motif was present in the time of Luke and an audience member from a Greco-Roman background would have some familiarity with it. 266 Acts 12.7 καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄγγελος κυρίου ἐπέστη καὶ φῶς ἔλαμψεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι· πατάξας δὲ τὴν πλευρὰν τοῦ Πέτρου ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν λέγων· ἀνάστα ἐν τάχει. καὶ ἐξέπεσαν αὐτοῦ αἱ ἁλύσεις ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν. 267 Acts 12:5 προσευχὴ δὲ ἦν ἐκτενῶς γινομένη 268 Bock (2007), 426. 269 Hengel (1997), 470‒471 n. 1316. 270 Acts 4.3; 5.18; 21.17. 271 Acts 12.17. 272 MacDonald (2003), 123‒130. 273 Euripides, Bacch. 447‒448 (Way, LCL). 274 Ovid, Metam. 3.699‒700. 275 Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 7.34, 38 and 8.30.

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The parallels between Jesus’ passion and the imprisonment along with resurrection and release should not be missed.276 Peter’s arrest and ‘passion’ in Acts 12.3 as he faces almost certain death parallels Jesus’ arrest.277 The arrest occurs during the days of ‘unleavened bread’ and Passover which is the same time Jesus was arrested (Luke 22.1,7). This timing is also significant for further ‘biblicizing’ events as they also relate to the Exodus narrative. The Passover is a commemoration of the Exodus event which for Luke is a motif related with Jesus’ departure (ἔξοδος) through his death and resurrection in Jerusalem.278 The angel’s words to Peter ‘Get up quickly’,279 (ἀνάστα ἐν τάχει) are the two standard words for Jesus’ resurrection in the New Testament.280 This ‘resurrection’ of Peter, like Jesus, results in joy and disbelief.281 Verbal parallels between the Exodus narrative in Acts 12 and the Septuagint are as follows: Acts 12.11

Exod. 3.8 (LXX)

Καὶ ὁ Πέτρος ἐν ἑαυτῷ γενόμενος εἶπεν· νῦν οἶδα ἀληθῶς ὅτι ἐξαπέστειλεν [ὁ] κύριος τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξείλατό με ἐκ χειρὸς Ἡρῴδου καὶ πάσης τῆς προσδοκίας τοῦ λαοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων.

καὶ κατέβην ἐξελέσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐκ χειρὸς Αἰγυπτίων καὶ ἐξαγαγεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐκείνης καὶ εἰσαγαγεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς γῆν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλήν εἰς γῆν ῥέουσαν γάλα καὶ μέλι εἰς τὸν τόπον τῶν Χαναναίων καὶ Χετταίων καὶ Αμορραίων καὶ Φερεζαίων καὶ Γεργεσαίων καὶ Ευαίων καὶ Ιεβουσαίων

Acts 12.17 κατασείσας δὲ αὐτοῖς τῇ χειρὶ σιγᾶν διηγήσατο [αὐτοῖς] πῶς ὁ κύριος αὐτὸν ἐξήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς φυλακῆς εἶπέν τε· ἀπαγγείλατε Ἰακώβῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ταῦτα. καὶ ἐξελθὼν ἐπορεύθη εἰς ἕτερον τόπον.

278 279 280 281 276

277

Pervo (1990a), 44. συλλαμβάνω is used here as well as Luke 22.55 Luke 9.31. Pervo (1990b), 44. Acts 12.7. Goulder (1964), 44. Luke 24.41; Acts 12.14.

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Acts 7:34

Exod. 3.7

ἰδὼν εἶδον τὴν κάκωσιν τοῦ λαοῦ μου τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ τοῦ στεναγμοῦ αὐτῶν ἤκουσα, καὶ κατέβην ἐξελέσθαι αὐτούς· καὶ νῦν δεῦρο ἀποστείλω σε εἰς Αἴγυπτον.

εἶπεν δὲ κύριος πρὸς Μωυσῆν ἰδὼν εἶδον τὴν κάκωσιν τοῦ λαοῦ μου τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ τῆς κραυγῆς αὐτῶν ἀκήκοα ἀπὸ τῶν ἐργοδιωκτῶν οἶδα γὰρ τὴν ὀδύνην αὐτῶν

Other parallels abound such as the ‘angel of the Lord’ bringing out Israel and Peter (cf. Exod. 13.3, 14; Acts 12.11, 17) and the angel’s command for Peter to gird himself and put on his sandals relates to the Passover commands.282

2.3c  Paul from Prison — Earthquake (Acts 16.16‒29) The exorcism of Acts 16.16‒18 brings about a social disruption as the slave owners bring Paul and Silas before the court. They are flogged and thrown into prison by the magistrates. The two apostles are placed in stocks and placed in the inner cell.283 Contrary to the expected moans and groans of being incarcerated, Paul and Silas offer prayers and songs drawing attention to them by the other prisoners.284 At about midnight there is an earthquake that opens the doors and releases everyone’s chains. The guard, awakened by the disruption, realizes that the prisoners might go free, draws his sword to commit suicide. Paul intervenes and tells him that they are all accounted for and not to kill himself. The jailer recognizes that the earthquake is somehow related with Paul and throws himself at his feet asking ‘what must I do to be saved?’285 The jailer is told, ‘Believe in the Lord Jesus, and you will be saved, you and your household.’286 The form of this rescue story is standard. The two apostles are locked up and due to their prayers and supplication they are released. The earthquake is a sign of theophany occurs that opens the prison doors and

Exod. 12.11; Acts 12.8. Lucian Tox. 29; Diodorus Siculus, Lib. hist. 31.9.2. 284 Plato, Phaedrus 60D, 61A, B; T. Joseph 8.5. 285 Acts 16.30 τί με δεῖ ποιεῖν ἵνα σωθῶ; 286 Acts 16:31 οἱ δὲ εἶπαν· πίστευσον ἐπὶ τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν καὶ σωθήσῃ σὺ καὶ ὁ οἶκός σου. Cf. Rom. 10.9‒10; Phil. 2.11. 282 283

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unlocks their chains.287 The theophany, taking the form of an earthquake is ‘suddenly’ and recognized by the jailer.288 It is a common motif that those being released often take others with them or offer them freedom.289 In this instance Paul and Silas, like in other rescue stories, figuratively take others with them.290 Having already saved the jailers physical life, the jailer implores them for salvation (σωθῶ).291 As a survivor of the earthquake and one who is able to freely come and go from the prison, the jailer recognizes the authority of the imprisoned apostles. The earthquake not only set the prisoners free, it also served as a divine sign of favour for Paul and his followers and possible judgment for their unjust imprisonment. This story is likely a Lucan creation, however the pre-Lucan story recounted the release of two Christians that were miraculously released from prison.292 However, what mistreatment this was specifically cannot be certain. It is possible that if Luke knew some of Paul’s letters he drew from this statement along with possible other sources. The use of the copulative δὲ runs throughout the narrative which is an indicator of Luke’s hand. The use of ‘Lord’ (κύριος) in connection with Jesus in vs. 31 is likely from tradition. The meaning of this would necessarily need to be explained to the Roman. Historically, we know from 1 Thes. 2.2 that Paul and Silas suffered mistreatment in Philippi. Like earlier accounts of the rescue of Peter, Luke utilizes a common topos of chains falling off and doors opening on their own.293 The doors opening due to an earthquake is likely, however, as Haenchen notes, Acts 4.31; Euripides, Bacch. 585‒593; Fisher (1992); MacDonald (2004). The jailers use of κύριοι in Acts 16.30 indicates his recognition of the apostles superiority. Theissen (2007), 103. 289 Theissen (2007), 102. 290 Theissen (2007), 102‒103. 291 Acts 16.30. Bock (2007), 541; L. T. Johnson (1992), 301. 292 Lüdemann (1989), 182; Twelftree (2013), 256. Lüdemann states, ‘It is impossible to decide whether Paul and Silas were already a pre-Lucan ingredient of the legend about the release […] I tend to attribute the insertion of the two missionaries to Luke, since they could be replaced by other figures without damaging the sense.’ It is difficult to imagine specifically what two apostles or other characters Luke might insert. Generally, the use of names in a story are considered traditional. In this instance Luke’s use and reuse of this escape motif warrants merit. Further evidence for the story being a Lucan creation lies in the fact that no one else outside of the prison mentioned it. When the apostles are released in 16.35‒38, there is no mention of the earthquake. In an effort to maintain continuity, one would expect that a dramatic event like an earthquake would have made an impact outside of the prison as well. Haenchen (1971), 497. 293 Jeremias (1977). 287 288

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the chains also falling off provide strength to the notion of a miracle.294 Whether or not the earthquake is the cause, the entire incident is viewed as miraculous. There is less ‘biblicizing’ of Paul’s escape when compared with Peter’s. This is likely due to the appeal to Luke’s Gentile audience or the pagan location of the memory which Luke received. Unlike Peter who escapes prison, Paul chooses to remain in prison until he is released. If prison is accepted as a metaphor for passion, then Paul’s behaviour parallels that of Jesus. This commitment to remain in prison echoes Jesus’ similar resilience in the face of mocking and persecution while on the cross.295 Similarly, the release from prison is brought about as an act of God. Echoes from Acts 3‒5 are reminiscent in the story of Paul and Silas’ imprisonment. The healing of the lame man (Acts 3.1‒10) parallels the exorcism of the slave girl (16.16‒18). Both are done ‘in the name of Jesus’ resulting in their arrests (cf. Acts 4.1‒3, 16.23). The jailer’s question concerning salvation (Acts 16.30) is reminiscent of the people’s response to the Pentecost sermon (Acts 2.37). Baptism and faith are both mentioned (Acts 2.41, 44; 16.31‒34). The result of salvation is exultation (ἀγαλλιάω) and a meal (Acts 2.46; 16.34). Peter and the church experience a shaking after prayer which is similar to Paul and Silas’ experience in prison (Acts 4.31; 16.26).296 Through these parallels the notion of salvation progresses beyond Jerusalem with similar experiences in Roman territory. Just as the Jerusalem believers ‘spoke the word of God with boldness’ and Paul and Silas ‘spoke the word of the Lord’ to the jailer in Philippi.297 Upon hearing the word of the Lord both parties share their possessions and express hospitality.298 John Weaver has argued convincingly that Luke utilizes a common mythological pattern of the establishment of a new cult in antiquity.299 In this respect, the prison rescue miracles serve as etiological narratives. Each of these rescues provides a larger narrative of the establishment of a new cult in an area. Luke tells of the establishment of the new Jesus movement in Jerusalem in his gospel and Acts. The persecutions the Haenchen (1971), 500‒501. Luke 23.35‒37. 296 The aorist passive of σαλεύω is used in 4.31 and 16.26. 297 Acts 4.31; 16.32. 298 Acts 4.32; 16.34. 299 Weaver (2004). 294 295

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apostles face in Jerusalem actually serve in expanding the spread of the gospel to new areas. Paul likewise is persecuted in his efforts to establish a new message and cult in an unfamiliar region. In each region, the prison escape miracles vindicate the messenger but also evoke fear of divine retribution should the apostles message not be accepted as Gamaliel states (Acts 5.34‒39). Those holding the apostles could be fighting against God. In the end, the scenarios recount the release of God’s emissary with the confirmation of the spread of Christianity.300

2.4  Punitive Judgment Miracles 2.4a  Ananias and Saphira (Acts 5.1‒10) The story of Ananias and Sapphira is remembered in the early years of the Christian community in Jerusalem. The couple sells a portion of their property and gave some of the proceeds to the early Christian community led by Peter. Peter, having supernatural insight, knows that Ananias withheld some of the proceeds asks him, ‘why has Satan filled your heart to lie to the Holy Spirit and to keep back part of the proceeds of the land?’301 Followed by the declaration, ‘You have not lied to men but to God.’302 At this point Ananias drops dead with the result that ‘great fear came upon all who heard of it.’303 After about three hours his wife Sapphira, came in and was confronted by Peter over the price that they sold the piece of land. She maintains the deceit and Peter pronounces a curse followed by her death. Just as there are two types of resuscitation miracles in the ancient Mediterranean, there are also two types of punitive judgment or rule miracles in antiquity. The first is the Semitic type that generally has a cross-examination between the prophet or authority figure and the individual who has violated the community rules or covenant.304 The impending judgment is permanent and is often death. The second type is Hellenistic and contains no cross-examination with less severe punishment that often matches the offense.305 Weaver (2004), 282. Acts 5:3 τί ἐπλήρωσεν ὁ σατανᾶς τὴν καρδίαν σου, ψεύσασθαί σε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον καὶ νοσφίσασθαι ἀπὸ τῆς τιμῆς τοῦ χωρίου; 302 Acts 5.4 οὐκ ἐψεύσω ἀνθρώποις ἀλλὰ τῷ θεῷ. 303 Acts 5.5. 304 Theissen (2007), 109‒110. 305 Theissen (2007), 110. 300 301

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The form of this specific account is a double judgment miracle where supernatural intervention enforces a normative standard of behavior.306 This judgment miracle is Semitic in style and has the elements of crossexamination by Peter with the resulting curse and permanent punishment of death.307 This anecdote has two elements of orality. First, both Ananias and Sapphira were part of the tradition and the pairing of the two coheres well with Olrik’s law of twins.308 In this instance, Ananias and Sapphira balance each other out and independtly provide a conflict that might tarnish the integrity of the early Christian community.309 Second, Luke added identical crowd reactions in vss. 5b and 11. The first reaction is not consistent within the context of the story and is more than likely to be the fear of the hearers of the story that was incorporated into Luke’s narrative.310 Williams states, ‘Luke describes the audience response not to a miracle itself, but to a miracle story, and likely had in mind less the reaction of the general public in the narrative than that of the listening, worshipping Christian community.’311 The thematic parallels drawn from the Scriptures also relate to withholding some items that were supposed to go to God provide another backdrop.312 The use of νοσφίζω in vss. 2‒3 may have recollected the account of judgment of Achan in Joshua 7 in the memories of the audience.313 Similarly, the story of Ahab the coveting of Naboth’s vineyard, and dishonesty of Jezebel in acquiring the land serve the memory of this account as well.314 The introduction of the story (vss. 1‒2) provides the willful deceit of the couple.315 Apparently the commitment of property that some people

Williams (2001), 61. Theissen (2007), 109‒112; Williams (2001), 28‒30; 61. 308 Olrik (1965), 136. 309 In this instance, the judgment of both Ananias and Sapphira provide a balance in that they both behave in the same way and receive the same result. See above 1.3c 310 Theissen (2007), 162‒165. 311 Williams (2001), 64. Italics in original. 312 Jos. 7.1. 313 Jos. 7.1a LXX καὶ ἐπλημμέλησαν οἱ υἱοὶ Ισραηλ πλημμέλειαν μεγάλην καὶ ἐνοσφίσαντο ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀναθέματος 314 1 Kgs. 21. 315 See also, Jos. 7.1‒26 where Achan keeps back some items that were to be devoted to God and 1 Kings 21 where Ahab and Jezebel conspire to take Naboth’s vineyard. 306 307

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brought forward to the apostles was seen as a form of vow.316 The fact that the couple conspired together in neglecting their vow brought judgment upon them according to Num. 30.2 and Deut. 23.22‒24. Though they thought they were lying to Peter, the obvious outcome indicates that they were lying to God. The judgment indicates a certain perception of holiness or sanctity that was violated through their actions. Furthermore, Luke sees this deception in terms of apocalyptic conflict between Satan and the Holy Spirit.317 Peter’s question, ‘why has Satan filled your heart to lie to the Holy Spirit and to keep back part of the proceeds of the land?’318 In Luke 22.3 Satan enters the heart of Judas to betray Jesus.319 With this in mind, the judgment of Ananias and Sapphira is not only on the human agents who willfully broke their vows and lied to God, but also upon Satan who led them astray.320 Talbert states that this story ‘is a narrative illustration of the Pauline warning found in 1 Cor. 3.16‒17.’321 The divine intervention shows how God protects the church from those who might taint its purity or integrity.322 This passage also further indicates Peter as the leader of the Jerusalem church in the early memory of the congregation. The idealized state of holding ‘all things in common’ and laying possessions at the feet of the apostles highlights the golden age of the beginning of the church. This form of leadership is prophetic as Peter is able to discern the intentions of the heart.323

2.4b  Bar-Jesus (Acts 13.6‒12) In Paphos on Cyprus, Paul and Barnabas confront a Jewish magician named Bar-Jesus who served in the court of Sergius Paulus. Sergius Paulus is characterized as intelligent and interested in Paul’s message and invites them to share the gospel. Bar-Jesus, whose name is changed to Elymas in vs. 13.8, sought to turn the proconsul away from the faith.324 Paul, being inspired by the Holy Spirit looked at Elymas and curses him Acts 4.34‒36. J. Dunn (1996), 64. 318 Acts 5:3. 319 Cf. Mart. Isa. 3.11. 320 M. Turner (1996), 406‒407. 321 Talbert (2005), 66. 322 Talbert (2005), 66; Williams (2001), 64. 323 Cf. Luke 5.22. 324 Acts 13.8. 316 317

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saying ‘behold, the hand of the Lord is upon you, and you shall be blind and unable to see the sun for a time.’325 The form of the story follows a Semitic punitive miracle story. The magician opposes the preaching of the gospel by Paul and Barnabas and is temporarily blinded. The speech and pronouncement upon are common in Semitic miracle stories. However, Luke has softened the judgment of blindness for a period of time326 where normally, the judgment would be permanent.327 The introduction was changed by the editor so that Paul’s opponent is introduced first (vs. 6) prior to their arrival (vs. 7) indicating the story existed in tradition.328 The Pre-Lucan narrative would have told of Paul’s encounter with a court diviner named ‘Bar-Jesus’ in Paphos. The surname ‘Bar-Jesus’ would have been original to the story.329 Paul’s exposure of Bar-Jesus as a magician, calling Bar-Jesus the ‘son of the devil’ and the pronouncement of judgment ‘become blind!’ would also have been original to the story.330 The Lucan style is present in the phrase ‘a certain magician.’331 Other elements such as the depiction of Bar-Jesus being a Jewish false prophet,332 ‘full of deceit’333 and ‘making crooked the straight paths of the Lord’334 are ‘biblicisms’ derived from the Septuagint.335 The immediacy of the miracle through the use of παραχρῆμά would have likely been Lucan.336 The usual audience reaction to the story such as fear or awe is absent except for the conversion of Sergius Paulus (vs.12). Conversion in this type of story is unusual and is probably a later addition, but was present Acts 13:6. Acts 13.11. 327 Williams (2001), 75‒76. 328 Dibelius (1956b), 16. 329 Haenchen (1971), 398 n. 2. 330 Acts 13.10‒11. 331 Acts 13.6 τινὰ μάγον 332 Acts 13:6 ψευδοπροφήτην Ἰουδαῖον 333 Sir. 1.30, 19.26. 334 Jer. 5.27; Sir. 39.24; Hos. 14.10; Barrett (1994a), 617. 335 Fitzmyer (1998), 113. 336 Of the 18 uses of παραχρῆμα, 16 of them are used by Luke. See, Matt. 21:19‒20; Luke 1:64; 4:39; 5:25; 8:44, 47, 55; 13:13; 18:43; 19:11; 22:60; Acts 3:7; 5:10; 12:23; 13:11; 16:26, 33. 325

326

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before Luke received the story.337 Similarly absent is a reference to the name of Jesus in the declaration of power or judgment clause.338 Like Jesus and Peter, Paul is likewise placed in line with the prophets of the Hebrew scriptures. After a period of fasting and prayer, Paul and Barnabas are commissioned through the laying on of hands and sent out by the Holy Spirit (13.3‒4). They are confronted by opposition by the ‘son of the devil’, Bar-Jesus. In a similar pattern of Jesus’ own commission through fasting, satanic opposition and moving forward in the power of the Holy Spirit (Luke 4.4, 14), the apostolic duo are sent out and likewise are confronted with the devil. Despite the lack of Christological title in the judgment declaration, there are some Lucan traces of divine intervention. The use of ‘looked intently’339 at Bar-Jesus (vs. 9) provides evidence of supernatural insight or wisdom.340 The preceding being ‘filled with the Holy Spirit’ provides further evidence of the divine prerogative and impending judgment on the magician. To curtail a possible misinterpretation of the judgement on Bar-Jesus and Paul’s proclamation, Luke links Sergius Paulus’ conversion with amazement at the miracle and ‘hearing’ the ‘Word of the Lord.’ This effectively balances out the dramatic miracle with the proclamation of the gospel. The priority, however, seems to point to what Sergius Paulus saw, namely the judgment miracle. This places Paul in line with earlier Jewish prophets, Jesus and Peter. With both Peter and Paul being involved in judgment miracles, it is clear that both of their the missions was seen in similar apocalyptic terms just as Jesus.’ The judgments imposed on Ananias, Sapphira, and Bar-Jesus are brought about due to their unrighteous acts that either threaten the integrity of the community or stand in the way of faith. Luke sees this clash not as a mere argument of words, but spiritually inspired. The divine mission of the apostles is authenticated through the presence of signs and wonders, even those that bring judgment. While the only example we have of Jesus casting physical judgment is on the fig tree, his message of the impending judgment on Jerusalem places Jesus in line with the other Hebrew prophets (Luke 21.20‒24; 23.28‒31).

339 340 337

338

Williams (2001), 74. Acts 13.11. Acts 13:9 ἀτενίσας εἰς αὐτὸν. ‘ἀτενίζειν is a Lucan word […]’ Barrett (1994a), 616. Strelan (2000).

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Following Jesus in Luke’s Acts: Community and Identity

Following Jesus, Peter and Paul are also in line through the execution of judgment on those who should know better.341

3  Following Jesus in Luke’s Acts: Community and Identity The miracles performed by the apostles were central to the discipleship of Luke’s audience.342 The memories of Peter and Paul give us insight into the social setting of these communities, their belief, practice, needs and interests. As such, the apostle’s activities, namely preaching and working miracles, are highly significant for Luke and serve his apologetic purpose of showing the continuity and unity of the early Christian mission. The paralleling of miracles of Jesus // Peter and Jesus // Paul displays the continuity of mission and Luke’s apologetic purpose through each of the apostles. Aside from the rescue miracles, the miracles that the apostles perform are similar to Jesus’ miracle working. The intentional paralleling of the miracles of Peter and Paul show Luke’s community that they performed similar miracles like Jesus.343 The apostles, like Jesus, are remembered as healing the sick, raising the dead and casting out demons.344 As stated above, intention behind this paralleling is to provide a unity among his audience who might question their place in the church as either Jewish or Gentile Christians. Through providing a narrative of these central figures, Luke utilizes various sources to shape the depiction of two of the churches heroes in an effort to unify the body of Christ. At times, Luke contributes his own interpretation of the miracles through modeling the apostles as prophets from the Jewish background. In other instances, some of the Gentile elements are retained such as the raising of Eutychus or through utilizing recongizable motifs from pagan stories in the rescue miracles. The constant pairing of miracles with preaching is a common Lucan tendency. In Mark, where miracles occur with no preaching

Presumably, Annanias and Sapphira were both Jewish converts to ‘the Way.’ Achtemeier (1975), 554‒555. 343 O’Reilly (1987), 132. 344 For Luke, all sickness is seen as demonic in origin. In a roundabout way, healing the sick could be seen as an exorcism or vice-versa. In an effort to include Paul into the apostolic fold, it is likely that Luke added the story of the exorcism of the slave girl to further liken him to Jesus. 341

342

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accompanied, Luke includes preaching or instruction.345 Similarly, in Acts the miracles on their own require interpretation or explanation which hemphasizes the fact that the apostle did not do this on their own ability (Acts 3.12‒14; 14.15‒16). This provides us with a context of a community that might be uncertain about miracles or the need for clarification of their source. The memory of form of the miracles provide insight into the community’s needs. Based on the preponderance of healings and exorcisms it is likely that Luke’s communities were in need of physical and spiritual healing.346 The frequent reference to lameness or paralysis is likely indicative some of the ailments within Luke’s community.347 The memory of the rescue miracles elaborate on the establishment of the communities as well as indicate the struggle with persecution the Christians faced. The miracles also indicate what the faithful disciple should look like. The apostles, like Jesus, have the ability to read the intentions of people’s hearts. They are virtuous and faithful in the midst of persecution. Ultimately, the ideal disciple for Luke was one ‘who was virtuous, faithful, and able to overcome persecution, just like the members of the ideal Jerusalem group.’348

3.1  ‘In Deed and Word’ Towards the end of Luke’s gospel two disciples describe Jesus as ‘Jesus of Nazareth, who was a prophet mighty in deed and word before God and all the people  […]’349 This combination of ‘deed and word’ best summarizes Jesus’ activities as a miracle worker and teacher. Given the priority of ‘deed’ before ‘word’, Jesus was likely known for his miracle Cf. Mark 1.16‒20; 3.1; 3.22‒30; Luke 5.1‒11; 6.6; 11.14‒26. Some of the miracles and instruction come specifically from Lucan material such as the sending of the seventy-two in Luke 10.1‒12. Luke doubles the healings on the Sabbath by adding Luke 14.1‒35. 346 Though there is only one explicit exorcism in Acts, physical healing was often seen as demonic in origin. Pao (1999), 266‒267. 347 Pilch (1999), 204‒205. Feet and hands are ‘zones’ related with purposeful action. In Lucan terms, it is likely that feet also relate with the spread of ‘the word’ as healing from lameness or paralysis would indicate a new found mobility and freedom. In the healing of the man outside the Temple gate the first place he goes is the Temple to worship God. 348 Moreland (2003), 305. 349 Luke 24:19 τὰ περὶ Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Ναζαρηνοῦ, ὃς ἐγένετο ἀνὴρ προφήτης δυνατὸς ἐν ἔργῳ καὶ λόγῳ ἐναντίον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ 345

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working before he was known as a great teacher.350 However, Luke has a strong concern for proclamation and teaching to accompany miracle working.351 Several comparisons of Luke’s editing of miracle stories in Mark exhibits his belief that miracles should accompany oral proclamation.352 At the end of the Beelzebul controversy (Luke 11.14‒28) Luke includes ‘Blessed rather are those who hear the word of God and keep it!’ where Mark does not.353 In the healing of the paralytic let down through the roof, Luke has Jesus teaching (διδάσκω) whereas Mark simply has him speaking (λαλέω) to them.354 On a larger narrative scale, Luke brackets the teaching on the Plain (Luke 6.20‒49) with healing at the beginning (6.17‒19) and at the end (7.1‒3). It should come as no surprise that for Luke, following Jesus included both teaching and preaching as well as miracle working in Acts. The summary statements in Acts 2.42‒43 states that there was teaching, fellowship, breaking of bread, prayer and ‘many wonders and signs were done through the apostles.’355 The accompaniment of teaching or preaching along with miracles is clearly seen in the conversion of Sergius Paulus. Luke has added that the proconsul was ‘astonished at the teaching of the Lord.’356 With few exceptions,357 the miracles often accompany teaching, proclamation or explanation of what or how the miracle occurred.358 This combination of ‘deed and word’ emphasizes the prophetic nature of the apostles and the understanding of early Christian ministry. Paralleling the prophets and Jesus who likewise performed ‘deeds’ such as prophetic actions, signs and wonders, the apostles engaged in similar activity.359 Luke views the words and speeches of the apostles as spiritual As I noted in chapter 3. Twelftree (1999), 178‒179. 352 Achtemeier (1975). 353 Cf. Mark 3.22‒29. 354 Cf. Mark 2.2; Luke 5.17. 355 Acts 2.43b πολλά τε τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα διὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐγίνετο. 356 Acts 13.12 τότε ἰδὼν ὁ ἀνθύπατος τὸ γεγονὸς ἐπίστευσεν ἐκπλησσόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ διδαχῇ τοῦ κυρίου. 357 Acts 5.12‒16. 358 In a situation where ambiguity over a miracle or wonder could be misconceived, Luke adds the ‘teaching of the Lord’ to clarify that teaching accompanied with miracle working was ideal and paralleled Jesus’ ministry. 359 O’Reilly (1987), 193. 350 351

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in nature and under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.360 The apostle’s words are often spiritualized by the addition of being filled with ‘the Holy Spirit’ and speaking ‘boldly.’361 The combined actions of staring with the verbal word of command in both healing of crippled men signify the words and deeds of the apostles are inspired, even when the name of Jesus is not mentioned. With this in mind, for Luke the combination of preaching with miracle working are ‘word events.’362

3.2  Take up your cross (daily): Persecution and Martyrdom As a new religious movement early Christian communities perceived themselves as being persecuted as Luke depicts.363 In the midst of these perceived circumstances, following Jesus could look like enduring faithfully through these trials with the expectation that God would vindicate his chosen servants in the present and in the future.364 The miracle working and expectation of divine vindication place Peter and Paul in line with the Hebrew prophets and Jesus.365 Thus, discipleship in LukeActs takes on suffering as part of God’s plan and is seen as providentially ordained.366 Miracles have a close relationship to persecution. From the outset of Acts, the Jerusalem community experiences gifts of divine grace as well as persecution.367 The healing of the man at the Temple gate draws the attention of the Council who arrest Peter and John and instruct them not to teach in the name of Jesus.368 In a similar pattern to Jesus, the miracle drew the attention of the people and served as a witness to the apostles preaching.

Acts 1:16; 4:31; 6:10; 10.44; 19:6; 21.11. The presence of the Holy Spirit often accompanies some form of speech, ranging from glossolalia, prophecy, sermons or apologetic responses under persecution or inquiry. 361 Acts 4.31; 14.3; 18.9. Another indication of inspiration is the stern gaze as stated above. 362 Williams (2001), 179. 363 Fitzmyer (1981b), 186. 364 Luke 4.28‒29; 9.52‒56, 12.11‒12; 21.12‒19. 365 Cunningham (1997), 206, 209. 366 Cunningham (1997), 287; Moessner (1986). The theme of suffering bridges the Peter and Paul tension as both of these individuals endure persecution in Acts. However, there are historical references to persecution in their epistles. 367 Acts 1‒7. 368 Acts 4.18. 360

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Stephen, who is noted for doing many signs and wonders, engaged in a debate with the synagogue of the Freedmen and was ultimately martyred.369 Luke shapes Stephen’s martyrdom in a similar manner to Jesus’ passion.370 In the exorcism of the slave girl in Phillipi, the owners angered over their financial loss drag Paul and Silas to the magistrates and they are beaten and imprisoned.371 The healing of the crippled man in Lystra initially brings out worship and high praise from the pagans, but the Jews stir up the people to stoning Paul and throwing him out of the city.372 Related with the persecutions are the rescue miracles. Though not every character is saved (i.e. Stephen), these miracles provide evidence of God’s protection over the apostles and providence over their mission. Luke also sees tribulations as a means for the church to grow. The death of Stephen and Saul’s persecution of the church results in producing followers of Jesus in Damascus and Antioch, where Saul will become instructed in the faith.373 The repeated statements that the church grew or the ‘word of God’ spread in spite of the persecutions indicate the futility of human effort in stopping the movement.374

3.3  Miracle, Magic and Syncretism The general ambiguity surrounding miracles in Acts draws attention to the fact that Luke understood that miracles require interpretation.375 The redaction that he adds to the speeches of Peter or Paul shows that some within his community may not have associated the miracles with Christocentric ideals. This redaction further indicates Luke’s pastoral and apologetic motives. In line with Luke’s Jewish and Gentile audience the apostles interpret the miracles in a way the audience can relate to, Acts 6.8 Στέφανος δὲ πλήρης χάριτος καὶ δυνάμεως ἐποίει τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα μεγάλα ἐν τῷ λαῷ. 370 Clark (2001), 264‒267. As the first protomartyr, Stephen receives due honors for his imitation and sets the precedent for others to follow. Candida Moss elaborates on the fact that the memory of Stephen’s death is shaped to imitate the death of Jesus. But what is also noteworthy is that he also performs many signs and wonders, which, like Jesus drew noticeable attention and threatened existing theopolitical leadership. Moss (2010), 33‒34. 371 Acts 16.16‒24. 372 Acts 14.8‒19. 373 Acts 8.1, 4. Barnett (2011), 105‒106; Käsemann (1969); Oden (2011), 124‒125. 374 Acts 4.4,5.38, 6.7, 19.20. Twelftree (2009), 105. 375 Marguerat (2003). 369

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either through association to a prophecy or to pagan philosophy leading towards monotheism. In contrast to this, others who are known to be magicians desire the power of the apostles. After Simon of Samaria saw the response of the people when the apostles laid hands on them, he wanted the same power (Acts 8.9‒20).376 However, he viewed the abilities as another form of magic, rather than the power of the sovereign God mediated through the followers of Jesus. In the situations such as in Lystra (Acts 14.8) the misunderstanding of the miracle led to the exaltation of the apostles and not their God. As stated above, the initial lack of the name of Jesus in the healing causes a misunderstanding by the Lystrians. This required the rejection of the pagan’s sacrificial response to the epiphany and clarification of the miracle.377 Likewise, in the memory of Paul on the island of Malta (Acts 28.6), he is considered as a god due to the fact that he did not die from the snakebite. In the same account there is prayer mentioned in the healing of Publius’ father, but there is no mention of teaching or ‘in the name of Jesus.’ Unless the healing through prayer and laying on of hands of Publius’ father would prove otherwise, one wonders why Luke left out any form of correction. In this respect, what is mentioned or not mentioned in a miracle story show that acts of discipleship, such as prayer can serve to interpret the miracle. In these instances, it seems that for Luke it is not what is said as much as what is done that relays the message to the audience. Acts 19.13‒17 provides the humorous story of the exorcistic band, the Sons of Sceva. They understand that the use of the name of Jesus is a name of power, but due to their lack of engagement with the risen Christ they prove that they are not true disciples. The abuse of the name of Jesus leads to their demise. As F. F. Bruce states, ‘like an unfamiliar weapon wrongly handled it exploded in their hands.’378 Here, there is also a discipleship lesson concerning the use and abuse of the name of Jesus. Reminiscent of Jesus’ statement in Matthew 7.22,379 the name of Jesus could be used for healing and exorcism; however, depending on 376 The implication is that the power the apostles displayed was greater than Simon knew. 377 Marguerat (2003). 378 Bruce (1988), 368. 379 Matt. 7:22 On that day many will say to me, ‘Lord, Lord, did we not prophesy in your name, and cast out demons in your name, and do many mighty works in your name?’

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where one stood in relation to being in the Jesus movement, the results could vary just as this story illustrates. The expulsion of the seven sons had further ramifications for the Christian community. Like the situation of Simon Magus whose understanding and Christian commitment was relatively incomplete, the Christian believers in Ephesus were convicted of their magical practices and burned their magical books.380 As Klauck notes, the perfect participle (πεπιστευκότων) indicates that those coming forward had been believers for some time.381 Hence, we can see that the problem of syncretism existed in Luke’s time and that the community of believers was not completely sanctified. They were still in need of further exemplars to imitate and the presence of the Spirit in greater measure. Despite the occasional ambiguity, the followers of Jesus were to know when to use the name of Jesus and when not to; when to engage with the demonic and when not to do so.382 The abuse of the name of Jesus by the sons of Sceva signifies that they should not be considered true disciples. The demons apparently knew who was of Christ and who was not. In some instances, going about the regular means of discipleship such as prayer indicate dependence on God and serve as an example as much as the use of the name. Those who were to be followers of Christ were not to engage in acts of power just for display or showmanship, but for the glory of God in the spread of the ‘word.’

3.4  Rich, Poor and the Marginalized While miracles are not always related with material goods throughout Acts, the issue of ownership plays a part throughout Luke’s understanding of discipleship.383 The presence of communal goods and sharing for Luke is evidence of conversion.384 After being asked by those wishing to be baptized what they must do,385 John the Baptist tells them they must share their goods such as food and clothing.386 In a similar manner, those who were cut to the heart in Acts 2 ask what they must do 382 383 384 385 386 380 381

Acts 19.18‒19. Klauck (2000), 101. This may account for Paul’s delay in dealing with the slave girl in Acts 16.16. L. T. Johnson (1977). L. T. Johnson (1977), 184. Luke 3.10 Καὶ ἐπηρώτων αὐτὸν οἱ ὄχλοι λέγοντες· τί οὖν ποιήσωμεν; Luke 3.11.

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to be saved.387 The placement of each of these questions is related with the descent of the Spirit (Luke 3.10, 16; Acts 2.37) which likely indicates that Luke thought of this kind of community as only possible within the confines or impetus of the Holy Spirit or new eschatological community. The early depiction of the church where all things were held in common (Acts 2.42) provides a seemingly nostalgic view of early Christian life.388 While it was not obligatory to share everything,389 the choice of this communal lifestyle was an early memory of what it meant to follow Jesus. This unity was short lived when the deception surrounding the plot of land ends up bringing about the judgment and deaths of Ananias and Sapphira.390 While deception is the main issues threatening the idyllic state of the Jerusalem community, the centrality of ones attitudes toward possessions also plays a key role. For Luke and for Paul, the network of churches that Paul and other apostles established were to be supportive of one another in prayer and in contributing to each other’s economic welfare. The memory of Paul’s commitment to return to Jerusalem, possibly to give the gift he spoke about in his own letters (1 Cor. 16.3; Acts 24.17) is indicative of the presence of charity and communal aspects of early Christianity.391 This also presents Paul in a prophetic light as it was expected that the fortunes of Jacob would be restored to Israel.392 Luke’s concern for the poor provides a lens for understanding his community context.393 Poverty for Luke was seen as a blessing while having great wealth made it difficult for one to enter the kingdom.394 The frequent depiction of the poor as blessed395 and the rich as scorned lends evidence to differences among the rich and the poor. Based on this attitude, Luke likely had both rich and poor individuals in his community. The question among them may have been, ‘Do the possessions of Acts 2.37b τί ποιήσωμεν, ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί; While it seems to be nostalgic, this does not mean it was unhistorical.  An event can be presented as idealistic or nostalgic and still have happened. Bartchy (1991); Conzelmann (1987), 24; L. T. Johnson (1977), 183. 389 J. Dunn (1996), 63. 390 Acts 5.1‒12. 391 Filson (1970), 74. 392 Psa. 14.7; 53.6; Jer. 30.18; Isa. 60.5, 11; 61.6; Zech. 14.14. 393 Karris (1978). 394 Luke 6.20, 24; 18.24. 395 Luke 1.53; 4.18; 6.20, 24; 16.20. 387 388

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the rich inhibit the rich from being or becoming Christians?’396 Luke makes it clear that one can easily slip away into materialism and covetousness, as the placement of the warning against temptation after the story of Lazarus in Abraham’s bosom shows.397 For Luke one should be on guard, then, against covetousness and a desire to obtain many possessions or wealth. This covetousness can likewise be seen in Luke’s critique of the pagan use of religion for financial gain. The owners of the exorcised slave-girl brought religious and ethnic charges against Paul and Silas, however, Luke makes it clear that their real motivation was their greed.398 For Jesus, some of The Twelve and Paul, miracles play a part in crossing ethnic and socio-economic boundaries, and reaching people on the margins. A key feature of the healing miracles is reinstituting those who were social outcasts such as cripples or lepers into society. ‘In each instance Jesus’ therapeutic activity’, John Pilch writes, ‘restores afflicted individuals to purity, to wholeness. The practical outcome is that such healed individuals are also restored to full and active membership in the holy community, the people of God.’399 While Jesus did not exclusively attend to the needs of the poor or marginalized, according to his mission statement in Luke 4 his concern for those who were on the outskirts of society was given a strong emphasis.400 The woman with the issue of blood would have been on the margins of society not only due to her gender, but also because of her ailment.401 Luke recounts the story of the ten lepers who were healed as they went to show themselves to the priests.402 Due to the location of the healing being between Galilee and Samaria, the one leper who returned was called a foreigner (ἀλλογενὴς) and a Samaritan.403 The apostles carry on this similar mission. The healing of the crippled man begging by the Beautiful gate in Acts 3 is a key example of this. Prior to his healing he Karris (1978), 30. Luke 12.23; 16.31‒17.1. 398 Acts 16.19. 399 Pilch (1999), 207. 400 Luke 4.18, 7.22. 401 Lev. 15.15; Luke 8.43. It is interesting to note that Luke does not retain Mark’s depiction of this woman as poor or having spent all she had on doctors. Cf. Mark 5.26. On the treatment of women m. Qidd 1:1 m. Ned. 11:10. 402 Luke 17.12. 403 Luke 17.16, 18. 396

397

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was unable to enter the temple precinct due to Levitical law. After his healing he is able to fully participate in worship with the people of God. The Jerusalem community also exhibits a concern for the poor and marginalized within their own community. In the neglect of the Hellenist widows in the daily distribution the apostles suggest the dedication of seven men to take over this problem.404 The description of Tabitha as being ‘full of good works and charity’ displays the character of an early Christian woman committed to assisting those in need within her community.405 In response to a prophetic prediction of a famine by Agabus, the followers of Jesus in Antioch determined to assist those believers in need.406 Despite the perceived preference for the poor, Luke attempts to answer the questions of the rich. Jesus engages in table fellowship with a variety of people including tax collectors,407 who would likely be wealthy and Simon the Pharisee.408 Likewise, in Acts Philip interprets Isaiah to the Ethiopian eunuch and tells him about the good news about Jesus.409 Peter accepts hospitality from a tanner whose work was considered ‘unclean’, but likely lucrative.410 Peter’s first Gentile convert, the Roman centurion Cornelius was likely wealthy or at least on the upper echelons of society.411 After an earthquake releases the prisoners, Paul and Silas cross ethnic and economic boundaries and receive hospitality from the Roman jailer, and stays in the house of Publius’ father.412 In following Jesus and Peter and Paul, one can safely conclude that Luke promotes an attitude towards wealth that did not exclude one from salvation, but the allure of wealth and riches could lead one away from a dependence on God which would be contrary to the divine mission.413 The generosity of the early Christian community was seen as a 404 Acts 6.1‒6. The neglect was a problem of rapid growth of the new community as well as existing biases. See L. T. Johnson (1992), 105. 405 Acts 9.36‒39. 406 Acts 11.27‒30. 407 Luke 19.1‒10. 408 Luke 14.1. 409 Acts 8.26‒39. 410 Lev. 11.39‒40. Talbert (2005), 104. 411 Acts 10; Tacitus Ann. 2.65; 13.9; 15.5; Hist. 2.58. 412 Acts 16.16-29; 28.7. 413 It is worth noting that this characterization of Peter and Paul in relationship to finances and economic status changes from Luke’s Acts to the later Christian Apocrypha. See, Phillips (2002).

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mark of salvation that carried on into later second-century works as we shall observe.

3.5  Apostles as Interpreters As stated above, the miracles of Acts often require interpretation or explanation of what happened. This distinguishes the miracle worker from the miracle and provides the source for the miracle, namely God. The interpretation of these miracles often takes on scriptural interpretation. Luke often depicts the miracles in light of prophetic fulfillment (Acts 2.17‒21; 3.12‒26). It has been observed that the speeches between Peter and Paul are quite similar and tell us about Luke’s theological perspective.414 With respect to the speeches related to miracles, both of the apostles are portrayed as interpreters of Scripture. Peter’s Pentecost sermon is an exposition on Joel 3 drawing attention to the eschatological presence of the Spirit as the cause of their glossolalia.415 In the healing of the crippled man outside the Temple the miracle serves to draw attention to the prophetic promises given to Abraham and attempts to produce faith in Jesus.416 In his defence of entering into Cornelius’ house, he evidences the fact that the Holy Spirit was given to them just as it was to the Jews at Pentecost.417 In further defense of their apostolic calling to the Gentiles, Barnabas and Paul tell of the miracles done among those they ministered. In response, James cites Amos, Jeremiah, Isaiah and Daniel.418 In a similar way, Paul likewise acts as an interpreter, however most of his speeches are apologetic, defending his case.419 In Lystra, Paul calls the people to belief in a monotheistic God who acts as Creator and sustainer of life.420 Paul uses a litany of prophetic verses in condemning BarJesus.421 As a result, Luke adds that Sergius Paulus was astounded ‘at the teaching of the Lord.’ 414 Goulder states, ‘the evidence of the  development of the sermons shows the plain mark of a single mind.’ Bayer (1998); Dibelius (1956a); Goulder (1964), 82; Holladay (1999), 182; L. T. Johnson (1992), 10; Tannehill (1994), 29‒42; Unnik (1968), 26. 415 Acts 2. 416 Acts 3‒4. 417 Acts 11. 418 Deut. 7.6; Amos 9.11‒12; Jer. 12.15; Isa. 43.7, 21; 45.21; 46.10; Dan 9.10. 419 Acts 22.1‒22; 24.10‒21; 25.8‒12. 420 Acts 14.15‒17. 421 Mic. 3.9; Hos. 14:9.

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The interpretation of Scripture for Peter and Paul in relation to miracles further emphasizes the prophetic nature of their mission. The relationship of the scriptural interpretation with the Holy Spirit shows that Luke ‘spontaneously entrusts the interpretation of the Scripture to the church and her main spokespersons.’422 The consistent Christocentric direction of this interpretation further emphasizes the continuity of mission, the depiction of the apostles as prophets, along with the presence of the Spirit among them.423

3.6  Travel and Dependence Heroes of the early church, such as Peter or Paul, were remembered as being able to travel and exhibit dependence on God. Before his ascension in Acts, Jesus tells his disciples that they will be his witnesses in Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria and to the ends of the earth (Acts 1.8). Luke then unfolds his missionary narrative addressing these respective geographic areas by Peter, Stephen, Philip and Paul.424 In Acts he extends Paul’s trip to Rome to emphasize the transition of the centre of Christianity from Jerusalem to Rome (the ends of the earth).425 In Luke a key motif of following Jesus is travel and dependence on God. In his gospel, Luke extends the travel narrative of Jesus from Galilee to Jerusalem more than the other Synoptic gospels.426 In the commissioning of The Twelve, Luke provides detailed instructions on where to go, what not to take, and who to stay with.427 The stress on not taking anything for their journey underscores the notion that they were to depend on God as well as others for hospitality. This situation was meant to develop faith in the disciples as they engaged in the extended mission and imitation of their leader, who likewise was dependent on God.428

Bovon (2006), 120. Bovon (2006), 120. 424 Peter, Acts 2‒3, 5, 8, 9, 12, 15; Stephen, Acts 6‒7; Philip, Acts 6, 8; Paul, Acts 7.58, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15‒28. Even though Stephen stays in Jerusalem, Luke makes it clear that the gospel spread on account of the persecution following his martyrdom. 425 Filson (1970). 426 Luke 9.51‒19.44; L. T. Johnson (1992), 357. 427 Luke 9.1‒5. 428 Luke 9.58. 422 423

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Luke extends this idea of dependence on God to the apostles in Acts.429 Peter and John are depicted as moneyless when they meet the crippled beggar outside the Temple.430 Peter’s statement, ‘silver and gold have I none’ emphasizes the fact that they were dependent on God for their provision and living out Jesus’ earlier command.431 The concession to this form of lifestyle apparently was not for everyone. According to Acts 13.13, John Mark decided to leave (ἀφίστημι) the dynamic duo while they were in Pamphylia to return to Jerusalem. Luke recounts the disagreement between Paul and Barnabas over taking John Mark with them due to his earlier abandonment. While miraculous occurrences occur in the Jerusalem community, majority of the miracles in Acts happen as the apostles enter new territory. Philip is the first to move out of Jerusalem and to Samaria and performs signs and wonders (Acts 8.5‒6). These miracles play a part in gathering and retaining the Samaritan crowd.432 Peter heals Aeneas and Tabitha in Lydda and Joppa, towns in Judea, before heading to Caesarea.433 In Acts 14 Paul and Barnabas remained in Iconium for a long time with the result that the Lord ‘bore witness to the word of his grace, granting signs and wonders to be done by their hands.’434 Later in Lystra, Paul’s first healing miracle occurs in a thoroughly pagan environment.435 Related with the dependence on God is the action of prayer. More than the other canonical gospel writers Luke highlights prayer in the life of Jesus and his disciples.436 It is not surprising therefore, to notice that prayer accompanies many of the healings, rescues and resuscitations. It was the hour of prayer, the ninth hour, when Peter and John encounter the crippled man at the Temple gate (Acts 3.1). Peter prays prior to the resuscitation of Tabitha (Acts 9.36‒42). Constant prayer was being 429 Luke 9.3 And he said to them, ‘Take nothing for your journey, no staff, nor bag, nor bread, nor money; and do not have two tunics.’ 430 Acts 3.1. 431 It is worth noting that this characterization of Peter and Paul in relationship to finances and economic status changes from Luke’s Acts to the later Christian Apocrypha. See, Phillips (2002). 432 Acts 8.6. 433 Acts 9.32‒42. 434 Acts 14.3b. 435 Acts 14.8. 436 Luke 1:10; 5:16; 6:12, 28; 9:28; 11:1‒2; 18:1, 10; 19:46; 22:32, 40‒41, 45‒46; Acts 1:14, 24; 2:42; 3:1; 4:31; 6:4; 8:15, 22, 24; 9:40; 10:2, 9, 31; 12:5; 13.3; 14.23; 16.13, 16; 20:36; 28:8.

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made for Peter when he was in prison (Acts 12.5). Paul was on his way to the place of prayer when he encountered the fortune telling slave girl (Acts 16.13). While it is not explicitly mentioned, prayer likely occurred between their first encounter with her and the later exorcism. Paul also prayed before laying hands on Publius’ father (Acts 28.8). This fairly consistent pattern indicates that the apostles were dependent on God for provision and the power behind the miracles. The exceptions such as the judgment miracles and the miracles excluding the name of Jesus heighten the esteem of the apostle, indicating their close relationship with God.437

3.7  Faith, Faithfulness and Salvation The correlation of healing and salvation throughout Luke-Acts occurs quite frequently.438 Departing from the idea that salvation in terms of a military victory or escaping danger, Luke sees salvation in spiritual and personal aspects.439 The healing of the crippled man at the Temple can be seen as salvation as he was able to walk and included back into the community. In relating the incident to the Council Peter states, ‘if we are being examined today concerning a good deed done to a cripple, by what means this man has been healed […]’440 Luke uses the word σῴζω regarding the man’s healing. In the parallel incident, Luke likewise uses σῴζω with regard to the crippled man in Lystra.441 Joy, praise and acclamation are common indicators of salvation for Luke.442 After his healing the crippled man at the Temple expresses joy through walking, leaping and praising God causing amazement and wonder among the crowds (vs. 3.9).443 The movement of praise, which began from the healed man, spread to those who heard of it, ultimately drawing attention from the Council. The Ethiopian eunuch, after being baptized, ‘went on his way rejoicing.’444 In Samaria, the healing of many paralyzed people and those suffering demonic oppression resulted in 439 440 441 442 443 444 437

438

Acts 9.36; 14; 20; 27.7. Luke 6.9; 7.50; 8.36; Acts 4.9, 12; 14.9; 16.30. Cf. LXX Gen. 19.20; Psa. 32.16; Twelftree (2009), 46‒47; Witherington (1998). Acts 4:9. Acts 14.9. Luke 17:18; 18:43; 19:37; Twelftree (2009), ch, 4. Acts 4.21. ‘all men praised God for what had happened.’ Acts 8.39.

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much joy in the city.445 The jailer in Acts 16 rejoiced with his household with the apostles after being baptized.446

3.7a  Miracles and Conversion: Word and Deed Related with the acclamations is the question of whether or not miracles for Luke can produce faith or bring about conversion. On the one hand, Williams has argued that it is not until the later apocryphal Acta that we find the emphasis on miracles followed by conversion or evidence of the truth of Christianity based on the proof of miracles.447 Rather, faith, for Luke seems to be a prerequisite for miracles to occur.448 On the other hand, Achtemeier and others have argued that miracles can serve in a form of propaganda to produce faith or reasons to believe in Jesus.449 For Luke, miracles could be ground for faith in Jesus as well as a prerequisite for them to occur.450 A brief survey of the miracles in Acts underscores the fact that the question should not be asked in terms of an ‘either-or’ situation but rather a ‘both-and.’ If, as I established in the previous chapter, Jesus was considered a great miracle worker and drew crowds to himself based upon his miracle working, it seems likely that the apostles did likewise. The healing of the paralyzed man in Acts 3‒4 gathered people to hear Peter’s speech with the result that many who heard believed (Acts 4.4). Luke’s summary statements regarding signs and wonders seem show the esteem of the apostles as miracle workers among the people.451 The renown of Peter caused the believers in Joppa to summon him resulting in the raising of Tabitha.452 When compared with Mark, the ordering of the call of the first disciples in Luke indicates that miracles can be a means to establish faith. In Mark the first disciples follow Jesus after he preaches the Kingdom of God.453 On the other hand, Luke refrains from calling the disciples Acts 8.7, 8. Acts 16.34. 447 ‘For Luke, miracles were not by themselves adequate grounds for faith.’ Williams (2001), 186, 188. 448 Williams (2001), 182‒187. 449 Achtemeier (1975); Theissen (2007), 259‒261; Twelftree (2009), 193. 450 Achtemeier (1975); Twelftree (1999), 183‒186. 451 Acts 5.12; 19.12. 452 Acts 9.36‒42. 453 Mark 1.16‒20. 445

446

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until Luke 5.1‒11 with the miraculous catch of fish. Peter’s reaction to the catch is one of awe and worship.454 The fact that individuals came to Jesus for healing seems to be an expression of faith. The man lowered down through the roof by his friends received forgiveness and healing.455 The return of the one leper to give thanks to Jesus was indicative of the faith he had that healed him.456 While this is not completely paradigmatic, throughout Luke-Acts the implication that faith and discipleship can be grounded in a miraculous event is evident.457 Along with faith being a proper response to a miracle, Luke also shows that it is sometimes a prerequisite for a miracle.458 The centurion who asks Jesus to heal his servant is acknowledged as having great faith.459 At the end of the healing of the ten lepers’ story, Jesus tells the one man who returned, ‘your faith has made you well.’460 In Lystra, Paul sees that the crippled man had faith before he was healed.461 In both of these accounts faith is a prerequisite for a healing.462 As a book written for Christian communities, the miracle stories in Acts would have attempted to persuade believers and to encourage the existing faith they already had. In this regard miracle stories can serve to deepen existing faith through the power of Jesus. Based on Luke’s need to explain the miracles through his speeches, he shows his pastoral and apologetic concerns. Moreover, the fact that he explains the miracles in the speeches of the apostles indicates that it is likely that some among his audiences may not have understood about the source of the miracles. Or like Simon of Samaria or the Christian communities that burned their magic scrolls,463 they were not fully persuaded of the power of the name of Jesus or they misunderstood its origin and purpose. In 454 Luke 5.8 ἰδὼν δὲ Σίμων Πέτρος προσέπεσεν τοῖς γόνασιν Ἰησοῦ λέγων· ἔξελθε ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ, ὅτι ἀνὴρ ἁμαρτωλός εἰμι, κύριε. 455 Luke 5.18‒20. 456 Luke 17.12‒17. 457 Twelftree (1999), 183. 458 Roloff (1981), 97. 459 Luke 7.9. 460 Luke 17:19; 18.42. 461 Acts 14.9. 462 Luke 8:48; 17:19; 18:42; Acts 14:9. The mere fact that people came to Jesus seems to be an implicitly expression of faith as shown in Luke 5.20, 7.1‒10. 463 Acts 8.9‒11; 19.19‒20.

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this respect, the converted were not fully convinced and the miracles accompanied with the explanations of the source serve to build faith.464 Some of the statements, which Williams defines as providing a geographical motif, are indicative of the mission-function of miracles.465 Luke’s addition of ‘And it became known throughout all Joppa, and many believed in the Lord’466 indicates that the story of the miracle was sufficient to encourage faith in Jesus.467 Luke’s editing and redaction indicate that for him miracles are spontaneous acts of God,468 but also are related to faith—either already existing faith or establishing faith in others. Williams seems to see conversion and faith as a ‘once and for all’, rather than a process.469 In this regard Luke would probably agree at least in part with the apt cliché, ‘it’s about the journey, not the destination.’ Acknowledging that some stories such as the story of Simon and Philip in Acts 8.5‒13 were passed on to show the superiority of Christianity over other religions, Williams states, ‘this does not necessarily imply a missionary intent.’470 This however, displays his relatively narrow view of ‘missionary intent.’ As a missionary, Paul took on numerous roles as his letters and Luke indicate,471 some of which were pastoral.472 This pastoral role does not exclude his overarching claim to be an apostle or missionary. On the contrary, his desire to revisit some of the communities that he and Barnabas established show that Luke’s perspective of ‘missionary intent’ was broader than Williams understanding.473 Luke clearly indicates that those in the community surrounding the sons of Sceva incident who destroyed their scrolls were believers.474 Along the same lines, Simon is accredited with believing, but clearly he misunderstood the nature of God’s gift.475 These stories with their propagandistic intent would 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475

464 465

Rom. 4.21, 14.5. Williams (2001), 186. Acts 9:42. Theissen (2007), 260. Contra Williams (2001), 186. Williams (2001), 172, 206‒208. Colijn (1990). Williams (2001), 165. Burke & Rosner (2011). J. W. Thompson (2011). Acts 15.36. Acts 19.18‒19. Acts 8.13.

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CHAPTER 4: MIRACLE TRADITION IN LUKE’S ACTS

have still encouraged Christians, especially those whose faith might be wavering or who doubted the power of the name of Jesus.476 Williams’s position seems untenable as he assumes that the early audiences of the gospels and Acts would be exclusively Christian, though it is likely that most of them would have been. As I established in chapter 3 the nature of writing in an oral context would present outsiders who were not Christians the opportunity to hear some of the stories. Provided that the Christian proclamation was made in the public square as depicted in Acts, it seems that miracle working would have been done publically as well as in early Christian house churches and synagogues. Moreover, even when miracles were performed in a private setting such as the house where Tabitha was raised, the story of her resuscitation spread as people would have known that she was dead and then made alive. With the spread of the story, the notoriety of the apostle would likewise go with it. Overall, we can conclude with Hardon that ‘at every point where the Gospel was first established among a certain people, the foundation was made in a miraculous context, with the manfest [sic] showing of signs and powers worked by the hands of the Apostles.’477 The missionary intent of these stories was to promote faith in Jesus for new converts or to further the confidence already present in the recipients of the gospel.

4 Conclusion The memory of the miracles in Luke’s Acts establishes the apostles as heroes for Luke’s church and other Christian communities. Using a number of sources and traditions Luke constructs a historical novel that unifies both Jews and Gentiles and the variety of churches around the memory of Peter and Paul. Some of these sources were written, but some were likely to be oral. Moreover, the telling of these stories in the Christian contexts would have deepened the faith of the communities while they faced external uncertainty. Thus, the apostles serve as representatives of the communities they either founded or supported pastorally. The depiction of Peter and Paul as miracle-working prophets follows from a recapitulation of the memories of other Jewish prophets such as 476 As Schüssler-Fiorenza notes, ‘apologetics and missionary propaganda functioned like two sides of the same coin.’ Schüssler Fiorenza (1976), 3. 477 Hardon (1954), 311.



Conclusion

Elijah, Elisha and ultimately Jesus. Through the interpretation of miraculous events as fulfillment of Hebrew prophecy Luke provides a continuity of the early Christian mission with Judaism. This would have appealed to the Jews in Luke’s communities. The retained elements of ambiguity, leaving out the name of Jesus and the motifs from GrecoRoman literature such as the Bacchae would have appealed to the Gentiles in his church. Through blending these many miracle motifs Luke attempted to create a sense of unity between the Gentile and Jewish Christians in his community. Acts sets the stage for further elaborations of the apostles that were written in the so-called apocryphal Acts. Some of the memories of the apostles, specifically their miracles are carried on into these Acta in new and insightful ways. It is to these texts that we now turn.

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CHAPTER 5: THE MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

1 Introduction In this chapter we will examine the Acts of Paul (APl) as it relates to Paul, his legacy and the community that produced the work. I will argue that in their creation of this legend, one of the primary themes that comes out, as it did in the Luke’s Acts and Acts of Peter (APt), is the imitation of Jesus. The memory of Jesus’ ministry supported the memory and creation of the legendary Paul and was in union with Paul’s own exhortation, ‘Be imitators of me, as I am of Christ.’1 In other words, with respect to the miracle tradition, there are commonalities between the depiction of Jesus in the gospels and the creation of an image of Paul in the memory of several second-century Christian communities. First, I will examine the date, sources and orality of the APl. By gathering the perceived temporal setting of the story in its specific lifeworld we can make further claims as to the character and identity of the Christian communities that created and used this story. Second, we will evaluate the miracle stories in the APl from a form-critical perspective. The telling and shape of the miracle stories provides insight into the second-century depiction of Paul as a miracle worker. The stories also provided the early audiences’ instruction on what they should expect from following Jesus. Finally, we will examine how the memory of Paul, his miracles and the related theological motifs tell us about the identity and character of Christianity that produced and used this work, paying particular attention to what the author and communities believed about following Jesus in this text. 1 Cor. 11.1.

1

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CHAPTER 5: THE MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

1.1  The Text of the Acts of Paul Before beginning, it is necessary to comment on the text of APl in its extant form as well as how I will be referencing it. The present text of APl consists of three main bodies of material that form one narrative. The Acts of Paul and Thecla (APTh), 3 Corinthians (3 Cor.) and the Martyrdom of Paul (MP) are the primary components that make up about two-thirds of the text we now have.2 I will reference the sections according to each of these constituent parts.3 The original text was probably written in Greek in the early secondcentury Asia Minor. The text was widely circulated as the various translated copies testify.4 The two most complete manuscripts of APl are the Greek Hamburg Papyrus located at the Hamburg Staats-und Universitäts-bibliothek (BHG 1451).5 This manuscript details a large part of the Ephesus account, Paul’s trip to Corinth, the journey from Corinth to Italy and part of the MP. The second manuscript is the sixth century Coptic manuscript located in Heidelberg (BHO 882).6 It contains extensive fragments of the entire APL.7 Thanks to a reconstruction of a Coptic manuscript by Carl Schmidt in 1904 it is currently accepted that the APl circulated as one text before being divided up and recirculated.8 Because this study is not primarily a text critical study, I will deal with APl in its entirety, noting where issues related to the manuscripts

According to the catalogue in Codex Claromontanus (c. 300‒500 ce), the line numbers of APl was 3560. See Schneemelcher (2006), 37, 41‒42. The major translated works to date are in Schneelmelcher’s New Testament Apocrypha (NTA), volume 2, J.K. Elliott’s The Apocryphal New Testament and a French translation by Willy Rordorf in the Pléiade edition and a forthcoming edition by the same scholar in the Corpus Christianorum Series Apocryphorum (CCSA). As Rordorf ’s text is the most recent edition that provides the most likely shape of this early Christian document, I will be using his numbering and overarching outline found in the Écrits Apo­cryphes Chrétiens (EAC) and quoting from Elliott’s translation when applicable. Some of the segments are quite lacunose and impact the narratives in the manuscripts. When this is the case, these sections will be mentioned. I will not be addressing the longer ending of APTh IV. 44, 45 also known as Codex G due the fact that the manuscript is much later. 3 Bovon & Geoltrain (1997). 4 Elliott (1993); Schneemelcher (2003). 5 This manuscript is referred to as PH in Schneemelcher and 𝔓¹ in more recent studies. 6 Schneemelcher (2003), 217. 7 This manuscript is referred to as PHeid or Cop¹ 8 Gregory (2011), 170. 2



Introduction

shed light on or complicate our understanding of the miracle tradition in APl.

1.1a Thecla Before delving into the issue of the date, sources and orality of APl, we should briefly mention the importance of Thecla within APl. The role of Thecla throughout the first half of this work, which I have called APTh (APl III-IV), provides a balance to the apostle Paul.9 However, this was not just a literary device for she is attributed as the first female martyr next to Stephen (Acts 7) as well as an apostle.10 The establishment of her cult at Hagia Thekla near Seleucia in Asia Minor was established quite early and we know that there were noteworthy miracles occurring at her martyrium.11 Early epigraphic attestation of Thecla occurs in northern Cyprus in the church of St. Menas dates from the late first century.12 In the fourth century (May, 384 ce) a woman named Egeria describes her journey to Hagia Thekla while she returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. She describes her experience at the martyrium and says that surrounding it were many cells for men and women living monastic lifestyles.13 The fifth-century anonymous work, Life and Miracles of Saint Thecla (hereafter, LM) also indicates the prominence of women serving at the site in roles of leadership. While we know of other women counted among the apostles such as Junia (Rom 16.7), the life and depiction of Thecla from APTh stands at the forefront of these women’s minds and ministries. Egeria mentions reading the Acts of holy Thecla at the martyrium, which commemorates the deeds of the saint. We have evidence in the fourth-century bishop Athanasius’ reference to APTh in his tract On Virginity.14 Gregory of Nyssa mentions someone in bright raiment appearing at his sister’s birth stating that the child’s name was Thecla. Gregory mentions that the name was used in secret, but he relates it with one who is famous among virgins.15 Davis (2008), 44. Dagron (1978), 168‒169. 11 Dagron (1978); S. F. Johnson (2006). 12 Bates (1915), 489. 13 Wilkinson (1999), 140‒141. 14 Athanasius, De Virg. See Brakke (1998). 15 Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Macrina 962B. 9

10

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CHAPTER 5: THE MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

The spread of the cult likely travelled with women devotees who told the story of Thecla. In the longer ending of APTh there is a tradition of Thecla being submerged into a subterranean tunnel to Rome.16 This etiological story provides a connection between Seleucia and Roman devotees, but the tradition, as this study has argued, was more likely due to word of mouth than a subterranean translation. Similar devotion to Thecla was also known in Egypt as archaeological and literary evidence suggest. We will examine some of the particular miracles related with Thecla in APTh in more detail, however, there are more specific miracles related with the cult of Thecla in Seleucia in LM. What is unique about this shrine is that according to APTh and the longer ending of the work, Thecla was not executed like some of the other apostles, but was swallowed into the earth though she is thought of as a martyr. In this respect Davis has noted that in LM there is an understanding of a ‘living-presence’ that is understood to exist at the shrine.17 Some of the miracles in LM testify to the belief that Thecla was present among her female followers there. For example, healing and protection was attributed to her in Mir. 11, 12, 18, 24 and 33. Thecla was thought to be a source of prophetic insight as women would sleep or incubate in her shrine.18 In Mir. 32 a man named Dexianos upset Thecla by removing some of the treasure from her shrine. As a result a great noise filled the temple awakening several of the sleeping virgins who gave the message of disapproval to Dexianos. These are just a few examples and at one point the author of LM stops recounting the miracles because of ‘all the other women whom I do not have time to cite.’19

1.2  Date, Sources and Orality 1.2a Date Based on Tertullian’s reference to the APl in De baptismo 17.5 we have evidence of the terminus ad quem around 200 ce when Tertullian wrote: Davis (2008), 60; Kraft, Lipsius, & Bonnet (1959a), 270. Dagron (1978), 280; Davis (2008), 42. 18 Incubation was a common practice in antiquity, especially in relation to the god Asclepius who appeared to individuals in dreams at his temples. The second-century ce orator Aelius Aristides discusses some of the results of his incubation in Heiroi Logoi 1.61‒63. 19 Dagron (1978), 406. 16 17

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Introduction

But if certain Acts of Paul, which are falsely so named, claim the example of Thecla for allowing women to teach and to baptize, let men know that in Asia the presbyter who compiled that document, thinking to add of his own to Paul’s reputation, was found out, and though he professed he had done it for love of Paul, was deposed from his position. How could we believe that Paul should give a female power to teach and to baptize, when he did not allow a woman even to learn by her own right? Let them keep silence, he says, and ask their husbands at home.20

From this we gather two key facts. First, the author was in church leadership in Asia. The fact that he was known as a presbyter shows that the establishment of a church order in Asia at the time of writing. This plays a part in locating the date as I will show below. Second, the motivation for the writing of APl was out of a deep admiration for the apostle. This signifies that ‘the Presbyter’, a title we shall use for this author, was living in a Pauline community and steeped in Pauline and pseudo-Pauline tradition.21 We will now move onto the problem of dating APl. There is a range of dates proposed by scholars dealing with APl. Based on the presence of itinerant missionaries that existed during the mid-second century, 22 the Presbyter’s lack of knowledge of Acts and possible dependence of the Quo Vadis scene in APt 35 and on Paul’s vision of Jesus on the water in APl, Willy Rordorf dates the work to 150 ce23 The Presbyter’s knowledge, or lack thereof, of Acts will be dealt with below. For now, I want to deal with the intertextuality of the Quo Vadis? scene in APt and APl as it provides insight into the priority of the two texts.24 In the so-called Quo Vadis? section of APl, Paul receives a vision of Jesus walking on the sea looking downcast. Paul asks him, ‘why are you

20 Tertullian, De baptismo 17.5, trans in Evans (1964) quod si quae Acta Pauli, quae perperam scripta sunt, exemplum Theclae ad licentiam mulierum docendi tinguendique defendant, sciant in Asia presbyterum qui eam scripturam construxit, quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans, convictum atque confessum id se amore Pauli fecisse loco decessisse. quam enim fidei proximum videtur ut is docendi et tinguendi daret feminae potestatem qui ne discere quidem constanter mulieri permisit? Taceant, inquit, et domi viros suos consulant. Cf. 1 Cor. 14.35 21 Baslez (2011). 22 P. Dunn (2006a), 9; Rordorf, Cherix, & Kasser (1997). 23 APl XIII. 2. 24 C. M. Thomas (2003), 37‒38.

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CHAPTER 5: THE MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

so gloomy and downcast, Lord?’ Jesus answers, ‘Paul, I am about to be crucified afresh.’25 APl X.1

APt 35

When they were on the open sea and it was quiet Paul fell asleep, fatigued by the fastings and the night watches with the brethren. And the Lord came to him, walking upon the sea, and he touched Paul and said, ‘Stand up and see!’ And he awoke and said, ‘You are my Lord Jesus Christ, the king […], but why are you so gloomy and downcast, Lord? And if you […] Lord, for I am not a little distressed that you are so.’ And the Lord said, ‘Paul, I am about to be crucified afresh.’ And Paul said, ‘God forbid, Lord, that I should see this!’ But the Lord said to Paul, ‘Paul, get up, go to Rome and admonish the brethren, that they abide in the calling to the Father.’

When he went out of the gate he saw the Lord come into Rome. And when he saw him he said, ‘Lord, where are you going?’ And the Lord said to him, ‘I go to Rome to be crucified.’ And Peter said to him, ‘Lord, are you being crucified again?’ And he said, ‘Yes, Peter, again I shall be crucified.’ And Peter came to himself; and he saw the Lord ascending to heaven. Then he returned to Rome, rejoicing and praising the Lord because he had said, ‘I am being crucified.’ This was to happen to Peter.

Comparison of the emotional responses of the apostles to Jesus provides insights into possible textual dependency. Dennis MacDonald has argued that the improvement of ‘apostolic intelligence’ in APt indicates the priority of APl. Paul’s reaction indicates he did not understand that he was meant to die, indicating that the martyrdom motif had not been completely developed.26 In contrast, Peter’s rejoicing and praising is only viable within a context that has a developed martyrdom ethos. These factors indicate that APt was dependent on APl, making APl the first of the AAA and dating to the early second century.27 Alternatively, Carl Schmidt and Wilhelm Schneemelcher date the document to the late second century, between 185‒195 ce28 This is based

27 28 25

26

APl X.1. MacDonald (1997), 17. MacDonald (1997), 17‒18. Schmidt & Schubart (1936), 127f; Schneemelcher (2003), 2.235.

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Introduction

on priority of APt and rejecting Rordorf ’s earlier date as unfounded.29 Schmidt originally held to the priority of APl but later changed his mind regarding the priority of APl to APt based on the Hamburg Papyrus and on Origen’s Commentary on St. John.30 He further went on to argue that the parallels between the ship’s captains and the martyrdoms in each of the works indicated the priority of APt and dated APl to 180‒190 ce31 Another aspect of dating the APl is based on the lack of ecclesiastical positions mentioned in the work. Scholars generally correlate the Pastoral Epistles (PE) and Ignatius’ use of ‘overseers/bishops’ (ἐπισκοποι), ‘presbyters’ (πρεσβυτέροι) and ‘deacons’ (διάκονοι).32 The presence of these positions in the PE indicates an earlier stage in the development of the church hierarchy than Ignatius who strongly emphasizes obedience to the bishop as unto Christ.33 These positions are usually presumed to have been established early, giving the establishment of a monarchic episcopacy c.  107‒110 ce34 However, Timothy Barnes has demolished this early dating of Ignatius.35 Barnes argues that the dating of Ignatius’ letters should be sometime after 140 ce based on a reference to the gnostic Ptolemaeus.36 This pushes the founding of the monarchic episcopacy Schmidt & Schubart (1936), 127f; Schneemelcher (2003), 2.235. Rordorf (1998). 31 Schmidt (1930); Schmidt & Schubart (1936), 127‒130. 32 Bishops: 1 Tim. 3:1‒2; Tit. 1:7; Ign. Eph. 1:3; 2:1‒2; 3:2; 4:1; 5:1‒3; 6:1; 20:2; Ign. Magn. 2:1; 3:1‒2; 4:1; 6:1‒2; 7:1; 13:1‒2; 15:1; Ign. Trall. 1:1; 2:1‒2; 3:1‒2; 7:1‒2; 12:2; 13:2; Ign. Rom. 2:2; Ign. Phld. 1:1; 3:2; 4:1, 6; 7:1‒2; 8:1; 10:1‒2; Ign. Smyrn. 8:1‒2; 9:1; 12:2; Ign. Pol. 1:1; 5:2; 6:1; Pap. 10:1; Mart. Pol. 16:2; Elders: 1 Tim. 4:14; 5:17, 19; Tit. 1:5; Ign. Magn. 3.1 Deacons: 1 Tim. 3:8, 10, 12‒13; 1 Clem. 1:3; 42:4‒5; 44:5; 47:6; 54:2; 57:1; 2 Clem. 17:3, 5; Ign. Eph. 1:3; 2:1‒2; 3:2; 4:1; 5:1‒3; 6:1; 20:2; Ign. Magn. 2:1; 3:1‒2; 4:1; 6:1‒2; 7:1; 13:1‒2; 15:1; Ign. Trall. 1:1; 2:1‒3; 3:1‒2; 7:1‒2; 12:2; 13:2; Ign. Rom. 2:2; Ign. Phld. 1:1; 3:2; 4:1; 5:1; 7:1‒2; 8:1; 10:1‒2; 11:1; Ign. Smyrn. 8:1‒2; 9:1; 12:2; Ign. Pol. l. 1:1; 5:2; 6:1. 33 Both PE and Ignatius come from Asia Minor and serve as representative witnesses of the church structure within the area. Campenhausen dates the PE to the first half of the second century. Campenhausen (1969), 106‒107. Ign. Magn. 3.2; Trall. 12.2; Smyrn. 9.1. 34 Campenhausen (1969), 107; Frend (1965), 184. 35 Barnes (2008). 36 Barnes (2008). The establishment of this date would push the idea of a monarchic episcopate later than previously thought. The development of the monarchical episcopate is generally attributed to Ignatius. See Campenhausen (1969), 97. Peter Lampe dates the establishment of the monarchic episcopate in Rome to the latter half of the second century. Lampe (2003), 397. Barnes is not alone in this later dating. Paul Foster has given a range of 125‒150 C.E while Allen Brent has argued that the Ignatian letters should be dated to the latter half of Hadrian’s reign (c. 125 ce). Brent (2006), 316; P. Foster (2007), 89. 29

30

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CHAPTER 5: THE MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

later than previously assumed for Asia Minor and corroborates Lampe’s dating of its establishment in Rome to the latter half of the second century.37 As stated above, the fact that Tertullian tells us that the author was a presbyter in Asia indicates that some form of church governance was established. Tertullian’s description of the Presbyter being deposed from his office ( fecisse loco decessisse) does not state who pressured the Presbyter to step down. In the same chapter, Tertullian knows of bishops presiding over baptisms as a ‘high priest.’38 His failure to mention them in the passage regarding the Presbyter is significant as it may indicate that the story comes from an earlier time, prior to the monarchic episcopate as depicted by Ignatius. The presence or absence of ecclesiastical titles is complicated by the genre of the APl. As stated in the introduction of this thesis, often in ancient novels the authors utilize an idealized or romanticized setting and characters from history. If the author of the APl knew history, which he did, then nailing down the date of the work is complicated by the author’s own imagination. As a Presybter, the author of APl would have known of the church structure. However, he set the tale in the past without a official organization. Paul and Thecla play the role of itinerant apostles visiting established Christian communities during a time when leaders did not have titles. In his creativity, the Presbyter utilizes historical figures such as Nero and Tryphanea as well as some limited geographical references showing that he knew certain facts of history and geography, but not others.39 Examining the sources in more detail provides other clues in nailing down a possible date.

1.2b Sources When searching for the date of the APl, the primary issues centre on intertextuality with the New Testament writings, specifically the genuine Pauline and pseudo-Pauline epistles, and oral tradition.40 Based on Lampe (2003), 397. Tertullian, De baptismo, 17.1 Superest ad concludendam materiolam de observatione quoque dandi et accipiendi baptismi commonefacere. Dandi quidem summum habet ius summus sacerdos, si qui est episcopus: dehinc presbyteri et diaconi, non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate, propter ecclesiae honorem quo salvo salva pax est. 39 P. Dunn (2006b); Ramsay (1893), 31‒33. 40 Rordorf (1988), 227. Rordorf states, ‘der Verfasser der Paulusakten die neutestamentlichen Schriften geplündert und für seine Zwecke nach Gutdünken verwendet hat.’ 37

38

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Introduction

the time, location and dissemination of the Pauline corpus a strong case can be made for all of these components serving as sources.41 Along with Pauline sources, the miracle stories throughout the APl are often based on the Synoptic gospels and Luke’s Acts. The primary sources for the APl are the genuine Pauline epistles, the PE and canonical Acts. Out of the genuine Pauline epistles, the Presbyter predominantly drew on 1 and 2 Corinthians.42 The Presbyter draws upon the experience described in 2 Cor. 1.8‒10 that mentions the hardships Paul faced in Asia.43 These difficulties help set the broader stage for Paul’s experiences in Ephesus and other locations in APl.44 1 Cor. 15.32 reads, ‘If with merely human hopes I fought with wild animals at Ephesus, what would I have gained by it? If the dead are not raised, “Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die.”’ In his narration of events in Ephesus (IX), the Presbyter expands on this verse creating an account where Paul faces off with the beasts in the stadium and reunites with a lion that he previously baptized (APl IX.7). Certain theological perspectives also cohere between Paul’s Corinthian letters and the APl. Self-control or encratism (ἐγκρατεύομαι) occurs in 1 Cor. 7.9 and 9.25. In 1 Cor. 9.25, Paul encourages the Corinthians to practice self-control (ἐγκρατεύομαι) as athletes for Christ. Unlike competitors in earthly games whose crowns are temporal, the crown received for the Christian is eternal.45 Similarly, those practicing selfcontrol in the APl will receive an eschatological reward. In APTh, Paul’s initial teaching in Iconium he states, ‘Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God; blessed are those who have kept the flesh chaste, for they shall become a temple of God.’46 In 1 Cor. 7.9, Paul encourages those without self-control (ἐγκρατεύομαι) to get married rather than burn (πυρόω) with passion. Later in the passage Paul recommends a woman to remain unmarried in order to remain devoted to Christ.47 Other influences from genuine Pauline epistles exist as well, but are beyond the scope of our purview.48 43 44 45 46 47 48 41

42

Barrett (1976); Knox (1942). P. Dunn (1996); (2006a). Bauckham (1993), 119. APl IX, X. 1 Cor. 9.25. APTh III. 5. 1 Cor. 7.40. P. Dunn (1996); (2000); (2006a).

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CHAPTER 5: THE MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

The most common intertextual source is the Pastoral Epistles (PE).49 Scholars have noticed commonality with locations mentioned in APl and specific characteristics of people.50 Aquila and Prisca, Demas and Hermogenes, Onesiphorus, Luke and Titus all appear in the PE as well as APl.51 In APl a debate concerning whether or not the resurrection has already occurred comes from 2 Timothy, and the Presbyter uses Demas, a character from the same letter, to bring forward the concern. 2 Tim. 4.10

APTh III. 14

For Demas, in love with this present world, has deserted me and gone to Thessalonica; Crescens has gone to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia.

And Demas and Hermogenes said, ‘Bring him before the Governor Castellius because he persuades the multitude to embrace the new teaching of the Christians, and he 2 Tim. 2:18 will destroy him and you shall have Thecla as your wife. And we shall who have swerved from the truth by holding that the resurrection is teach you about the resurrection past already. They are upsetting the which he says is to come, that it has already taken place in the chilfaith of some. dren whom we have and that we rise again, after having come to the knowledge of the true God.

The characterizations within APl, specifically of Demas and Hermogenes, indicate that the Presbyter knew 2 Timothy 4.10 as well as Col. 4.14. The use of these texts sets the terminus a quo to the early second century. In APl the Presbyter uses the memory of Paul’s abandonment in 2 Timothy and creates a situation where Demas and Hermogenes begin as disciples of Paul but end up opposing him.

The date ranges for the PE range from 64‒66 ce, if one holds they were genuinely Pauline, to late first to early or mid-second century (c. 125 ce). Majority of scholars accept a range of late first to mid second century based on linguistic variance with the genuine Pauline epistles, and mention of church governance. I  am aligned with these scholars in agreeing that the PE should date from late first to mid second century, probably around 110‒125 ce. 50 1 Tim. 1.3 (Macedonia); 2 Tim 1.17 (Rome), 18 (Ephesus); 3.11 (Lystra); 4.13 (Troas); 4.20 (Corinth and Miletus); Titus 1.5 (Crete) 3.12 (Nicopolis). Six of the eleven locations mentioned in these two epistles are mentioned in the APl. 51 Luke, 2 Tim. 4:11; Phlm. 1:24; Demas, 2 Tim. 4:10; Phlm. 1:24; Titus, 2 Tim. 4:10; Tit. 1:4; Onesiphorus, 2 Tim. 1:16; 4:19; Hermogenes, 2 Tim. 1:15. 49

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Introduction

2 Tim. 4.10

APTh III. 1

For Demas, in love with this present world, has deserted me and gone to Thessalonica; Crescens has gone to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia.

As Paul was going to Iconium after his flight from Antioch, his fellow travellers were Demas and Hermogenes, the coppersmith, who were full of hypocrisy and flattered Paul as if they loved him

Phlm. 1.24

APTh III. 4

and so do Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke, my fellow workers. Col. 4.14 Luke the beloved physician and Demas greet you. 2 Tim. 1.15 You are aware that all who are in Asia turned away from me, and among them Phygelus and Hermogenes.

And Demas and Hermogenes were jealous and showed greater hypocrisy, so that Demas said, ‘Are we not of the blessed God that you have not thus saluted us?’

Onesiphorus is mentioned in 2 Tim. 1.16 and 4.19. From these texts the author of APl knew that Paul stayed with Onesiphorus.52 2 Tim. 1.16

APTh III. 2

May the Lord grant mercy to the household of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me; he was not ashamed of my chains,

And a certain man, by name Onesiphorus, hearing that Paul was to come to Iconium, went out to meet him with his children Simmias and Zeno and his wife Lectra, in order that he might entertain him.

Though it is a standard greeting, the reference to ‘the household of Onesiphorus’ in both verses indicated to the author of APl with the idea that Onesiphorus was not a bachelor. In the APl he is married with children.53 Other corresponding characters are Luke and Titus who are waiting for Paul in Rome (MP, I). There is no tradition within the Pauline or pseudo-Pauline corpus that Luke was ever in Gaul, therefore, we can safely conclude that the Presbyter received another tradition or he 2 Tim. 1.16. APTh III. 2

52 53

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imagined it. In each case the Presbyter adds further specification to his sources and elaborates on the memories he has received. Prisca and Aquila, mentioned in Romans and 1 Corinthians, reveal the Presbyter’s knowledge of these characters and their activities with Paul.54 Rom. 16:3

APl IX. 1

Greet Prisca and Aquila, my fellow workers in Christ Jesus, 1 Cor. 16:19 The churches of Asia send greetings. Aquila and Prisca, together with the church in their house, send you hearty greetings in the Lord.

When Paul had said this, he departed from Smyrna to go to Ephesus. And he went into the house of Aquila and Priscilla, rejoicing to see the brethren whom he, Paul, loved.

2 Tim. 4.19 Greet Prisca and Aquila, and the household of Onesiphorus.

A point of contention among scholars is whether or not there is a relationship between canonical Acts and APl. At one end of the spectrum some such as Rordorf argue that the author did not know Luke’s account.55 A middle path is taken by Schneemelcher who argues that the author knew of Luke’s work, but was not literarily dependent upon it.56 At the other end of the spectrum Richard Bauckham argues that the Presbyter knew Luke’s account and added his own sequel.57 By dating APl to the middle of the second century and the Acts to the first half of the second century, Rordorf argues that the Presybter did not know Luke’s Acts due to the close proximity of time (Acts 100‒150 ce, APl c. 150 ce).58 However, the close proximity of time need not be a central factor in this matter. Early Christians utilized the sea and roads to send letters and communicate with each other, making the dissemination of texts a faster process than was previously thought.59 News of 54 Schneemelcher (2003), 263. This is an appendix from a Coptic Papyrus not yet published by R. Kasser. 55 P. Dunn (2006a), 10; Rordorf (1988); Schneemelcher (1974a), 221; (2003), 232. 56 Schneemelcher (2003), 232. 57 Bauckham (1993). 58 P. Dunn (2006a), 40; Rordorf (1988). 59 M. B. Thompson (1998); Willis (2008).

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Introduction

events could spread relatively quickly for ancient standards. Thompson states that it took about five weeks for news to travel from Rome to the legate in Jerusalem concerning the death of Tiberius in 37 ce60 Taking a water route, news could travel from Rome to Greece between five days to two weeks.61 Given the amount of time to produce and transmit a text, as well as the social networks created by Paul and other apostles’ ministries, Rordorf ’s dating based on knowledge of Acts holds little weight. While acknowledging the differences between Acts and APl, Bauckham argues that the author of the APl knew and used Acts to create a sequel.62 As a sequel, the depiction of Paul is no longer a pioneer, but a pastor to the communities that he established. Bauckham relates 1 Clement (c. 96 ce) and the total number of arrests that APl would imagine for Paul when combined with Acts. 1 Clement 5.5‒7 states: Because of jealousy and strife Paul showed the way to the prize for patient endurance. After he had been seven times in chains, had been driven into exile, had been stoned, and had preached in the east and in the west, he won the genuine glory for his faith, having taught righteousness to the whole world and having reached the farthest limits of the west. Finally, when he had given his testimony before the rulers, he thus departed from the world and went to the holy place, having become an outstanding example of patient endurance.63

Bauckham points out that Paul is only arrested three times in Luke’s account and not seven.64 The circular letter of Clement imagined other occasions of Paul’s arrests and that he preached in the West, which is not accounted for in Luke’s account. In APl Paul is arrested in Iconium (III), Corinth (XII), Ephesus (IX) and Rome (MP). Based on these other arrests, it seems likely that the Presbyter received a tradition of other imprisonments in addition to the three mentioned in Acts based on oral

M. B. Thompson (1998), 60‒64. M. B. Thompson (1998), 60‒61. 62 Bauckham (1993), 107‒116. 63 1 Clem. 5.5‒7 trans Holmes, διὰ ζῆλον καὶ ἔριν Παῦλος ὑπομονῆς βραβεῖον ὑπέδειξεν ἑπτάκις δεσμὰ φορέσας φυγαδευθείς λιθασθείς κήρυξ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν τῇ δύσει τὸ γενναῖον τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ κλέος ἔλαβεν δικαιοσύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν καὶ μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου καὶ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον ἀνελήμφθη ὑπομονῆς γενόμενος μέγιστος ὑπογραμμός. 64 Bauckham (1993), 114. 60 61

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tradition,65 employing his knowledge of 2 Corinthians or 1 Clement to supplement Luke’s account.66 In 2 Corinthians, Paul refers to being imprisoned on numerous occasions (ἐν φυλακαῖς περισσοτέρως) without specifying a number.67 Given the comparative context of Paul’s legitimacy over that of ‘super-apostles’, it was not important how many times he was arrested, but simply that his toils and labors for Christ exceeded those of the ‘super-apostles.’ Concerning geographical locations, Schneemelcher has traced out the correspondences between canonical Acts and APl.68 While the events occur in the same locations in Luke’s Acts, Schneemelcher argues that the differences are too great to be drawn from Luke. This leads him to conclude that the author of APl was not attempting to recreate the work of Paul in Acts, but an independent account.69 However, the fact that the Presbyter uses locations that are in Luke’s account indicates some knowledge of Acts or knowledge of the location of Pauline communities. While the order of Paul’s travels in APl differs from Acts, the fact that the Presbyter’s account centres on some of the major and minor locations indicates knowledge of Luke’s account. There are two pieces of evidence that tip the scale in favour of the Presbyter knowing Acts. The first piece of evidence is the neglected feature of the APl in relation to the use of Luke’s Acts is the location of Myra mentioned in both texts. Marguerat has noticed the use of this location and states that it is ‘as if the narrator of the Acts of Paul seized on a narrative gap present in the Lukan hypotext to slip in the tradition at his disposition.’ 70 While there are certain correlations between Luke’s Acts and APl, this location stands out as odd. The town of Myra was relatively insignificant, even for a port city.71 There is only one mention of this town within the New Testament and that is in Acts 27.5. The fact that Paul changed ships at Myra betrays the Presbyter’s knowledge of Paul’s brief presence there, which is only accounted for in Acts. The temporal details of how long Paul is arrested in Acts 16.16‒25; 19.23‒41; 21.15‒40; 27‒28. The total of 7 arrests is probably a construction based on seven as a holy or perfect number. 67 Cf. 2 Cor. 6.23, 11.23. 68 Rordorf (1988); Schneemelcher (1974a), 215; (2003), 218‒233. 69 P. Dunn (2006a), 38; Schneemelcher (2003), 229. 70 Marguerat (1997), 173. 71 Yamauchi (1992). 65

66

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Introduction

Paul dwelt in Myra are unknown as Luke briefly passes over it. Whether or not Paul set up a community there cannot be established from Acts. It seems unlikely that the Presbyter would imagine Paul going to such a relatively minor port city had he not somehow known about Luke’s account. The second piece of evidence is the resuscitation of a boy by Paul. The raising of Patroclus in the Martyrdom of Paul (MP I) has clear characteristics of the raising of Eutychus in Acts 20.7‒12. Acts 20.7‒12

MP I

On the first day of the week, when we were gathered together to break bread, Paul talked with them, intending to depart on the morrow; and he prolonged his speech until midnight. There were many lights in the upper chamber where we were gathered. 9 And a young man named Eutychus was sitting in the window. He sank into a deep sleep as Paul talked still longer; and being overcome by sleep, he fell down from the third story and was taken up dead. But Paul went down and bent over him, and embracing him said, ‘Do not be alarmed, for his life is in him.’ And when Paul had gone up and had broken bread and eaten, he conversed with them a long while, until daybreak, and so departed. And they took the lad away alive, and were not a little comforted.

A certain Patroclus, a cupbearer of the emperor, who had come too late to the barn and could not get near to Paul on account of the throng of the people sat on a high window, and listened as he taught the word of God. But Satan, being wicked, became jealous of the love of the brethren and Patroclus fell down from the window and died; speedily it was reported to Nero. Paul, however, having learned it by the Spirit said, ‘Brethren, the evil one has obtained a way to tempt you; go forth and you will find a boy who has fallen down and is dying. Lift him up and bring him here.’ This they did. When the people saw him they were frightened. Paul said to them, ‘Now, brethren, show your faith. Come, let us mourn to our Lord Jesus Christ, that the boy may live and we remain unharmed.’ When all began to lament, the boy took breath and, having put him on an animal, they sent him away alive with all those who were of the emperor’s house.

Schneemelcher and others have argued that the account bears little similarity to the account in Acts.72 While the locations are different (Troas/ Rome), the events bear some similarity. It is highly unlikely that the P. Dunn (2006a), 33‒34; MacDonald (1994); Schneemelcher (1974a), 220.

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Presbyter could have come up with the depiction of Paul raising a young boy from the dead without knowledge of Luke’s account. In both situations a young boy falls to his death, only to be raised back to life by the apostle in the name of Jesus. Here, the depiction of the Paul as a miracle worker who raises the dead parallels Luke’s depiction.73 This strengthens the case that the Presbyter knew Acts and the tradition of Paul as one who not only performs healings and exorcisms, but also raises the dead. Based on the given evidence, it is clear that the Presbyter knew and deliberately used the genuine Pauline and pseudo-Pauline letters. The presence of locations from Luke’s Acts as well as similar miracle-working motifs, the likelihood of the Presbyter knowing and using Luke’s Acts is strong. His knowledge of the specific location of Myra and the raising of Patroclus in APl provide strong correspondences to Acts. The fact that the author was a Presbyter and used the PE indicates a date later than the establishment of the presbyter system, setting the terminus a quo to the early second century. The lack of the established church structure in the APl indicates an idealized time, but also reflects the time before a monarchic episcopacy. If we date Ignatius’ letters after 140 ce, then the presence of a monarchic episcopate is later then generally supposed.74 Assuming the terminus a quo is Luke’s Acts (c. 100‒150 ce) and the Pastoral Epistles (c. 125), and that the terminus ad quem is the situation envisaged in the letters of Ignatius (after 140 ce), this would place the APl within the first half of the second century. If we reduce the date to the earliest possible date of 140 ce and with those scholars who argue that Acts and PE belong to 100 to 125 ce, this places APl within 125‒150 ce.

1.2c Orality Most of the discussion concerning oral tradition revolves around the sources and genre of APl.75 Since MacDonald’s thesis that the author of PE drew on oral traditions concerning Paul and Thecla, scholars have engaged in dialogue concerning orality and APl.76 MacDonald has been the strongest proponent of oral traditions as a source of the APl as well as the PE. He utilized Alex Olrik’s ‘Laws of Folklore’ to argue that the MacDonald (1997), 30‒31. Lampe (2003), 399‒406. 75 Bauckham (1993), 121‒123; P.  Dunn (2006a), 7‒8; Rordorf (1988); Schneemelcher (2003), 221‒222. 76 MacDonald (1983). 73 74

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Introduction

PE were written in response to the oral tellings of APl.77 Alongside MacDonald, Rordorf has also articulated that oral sources lay behind the Thecla tradition.78 François Bovon also believed that oral traditions lay behind the writing of APl based on the wide differences between it and Luke’s Acts.79 In contrast to this view, Barrier argues that the genre of APl is a novel which thereby negates the idea of oral tradition. He states, ‘the structure and genre of the APTh is that of an ancient romance or novel, a literary production.’80 Barrier does acknowledge that there could be oral stories behind the tradition, but correctly believes that proving them is difficult.81 Bauckham argues that the APl is a new genre related to ancient biography, but was intended as a sequel to canonical Acts. For him there is no reason to claim oral sources were used.82 The use of exegesis and elaboration of characters based in the PE, Acts, and Pauline tradition were enough to provide information for writing the APl.83 Several responses to Barrier and Bauckham are warranted. First, the fact that APl fits a specific genre does not get the work ‘off the hook’ from relying upon oral sources or being related to a background oral tradition. In antiquity, genre was not dictated by whether or not sources were oral. In this regard, whether or not the text was of a specific genre is irrelevant with regard to oral tradition. Second, as stated in chapter two, the construction of text was often from memory. Whatever sources the Presbyter had at his disposal, it is highly probable that some of them were oral. Moreover, the written sources he did have would have been orally recounted from memory. Finally, if we accept that APl is in fact a novel there is good reason to view the creation of the text in relation to its oral/aural environment. Tomas Hägg has argued, in examining parts of Chariton’s novel MacDonald (1983), 26‒33; Olrik (1965). Rordorf has likewise drawn on the notion of an oral tradition behind the APl. Concerning the parallels between the APl and APt he states that these similarities ‘can be easily explained by a common stock of oral traditions from which both authors have respectively drawn. This is quite likely. It could be that storytellers had knowledge of more than one story and in an effort to keep track of them they kept similar motifs and stock patterns. Rordorf (1986); (1998), 191. 79 Bovon (2011), 219. 80 Barrier (2009a), 34. 81 Barrier (2009a), 35. 82 Bauckham (1993). 83 Hilhorst (1988). 77 78

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Callirhoe, that it was performed orally but within a literate society.84 The possibilities of the text being recited from memory exist, but there is no hard evidence as such aside from what we know of how texts were written.85 In examining the internal evidence, Hägg has argued that the typical features of folklore exist in Callirhoe, namely repetition, summarizing, foreshadowing and stereotyped scenes, motifs and plots of the genre. Each of these elements ‘should be looked upon from the point of view of orality.’86 These elements exist in the APTh. Paul’s reluctance to baptize Thecla foreshadows the unique type of baptism Thecla would receive (IV. 9).87 Repeating the miraculous rescues would help solidify the tradition in the ears of the hearers and serves as a mnemonic aid. Thecla’s doxology in APTh 44 serves as a prime example of repetition and summary of miraculous rescues.88 Acclamations after a miracle may indicate elements of the oral response of the audience in hearing the story, rather than simple imagination.89 If there are similar crowd responses within the miracle stories, such as APTh III. 15 and IV. 7, then the crowd responses may have been audience response to the story. Moreover, if the text of APTh was written and circulated with her cult in mind, it would have been read or recited aloud for those celebrating her feast day.90 Tertullian’s description of the Presbyter reads: he ‘put together (construere) that book, amassing it (cumulare) from his own materials as if it were in the name of Paul.’91 This seems to indicate that he collected and edited the oral tradition of the tale rather than copying it from another text.92 Even if the Presbyter did have some written texts before him, he would most likely be recounting them from memory rather than directly copying them verbatim from a text. Upon completion of the text, it would have circulated orally, as texts were used in service of memory. Peter Dunn has posed some challenges to MacDonald’s use of Olrik’s laws. However, Dunn’s arguments against MacDonald’s thesis Hägg (2004a), 111. Carr (2005), 159; Small (1997), 169‒171. 86 Hägg (2004a), 133. 87 P. Dunn (2006a), 55. 88 APTh 44. 89 Theissen (2007), 161‒167. 90 MacDonald (1986); Rose (2009). 91 Tertullian, De baptismo 17.5. 92 Davis (2008), 14. 84 85

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Miracle

support the notion that the APl was written in a predominantly oral/ aural environment. MacDonald followed Albert Lord in stating that certain narrative inconsistencies exist in the story, a feature that is commonly associated with an orally-constructed work.93 Regarding MacDonald’s example of Thecla’s double baptism (XIV, 4) as evidence for orality, Dunn states that this event is not a narrative inconsistency but ‘awkward writing.’94 While it could be awkward writing, it also shows that the memory of the event or the imagination of the event was not settled in the mind of the author. Or, he possibly started to write the text and forgot where he left off. Both of these options seem to support the notion that the author was either making up the story, recounting it from memory or did not have a written copy of the text in front of him. Similarly, another possible ‘seam’ that indicates orality is Nero’s presence at Paul’s speech. After the speech Nero asks Parthenius and Pheretas if Paul was dead already (MP XIV, 4). One is left wondering if they have missed out on something, as it seems as if Paul is still in Nero’s presence. This account seems to indicate a problem in memory of the storyteller or editor.95 Another possibility is that two of the traditions did not ‘blend’ correctly creating a noticeable ‘seam’ in the telling or editing of the story.96

2 Miracle Within the memory and imagination of the author and his community, the perception of Paul as a miracle worker was central to the depiction of the apostle. In this regard, a point of contact exists between canonical Acts and APl which one does not find in PE, except for miracles of rescue.97 We have seen in Luke’s Acts that Paul was known to be an exorcist, healer, and bringer of divine judgment. This depiction is further illuminated in the APl. As in Lucan Acts and APt, the miracle stories vary in their forms. I shall analyze the stories according to categories of their form, noting MacDonald (1983), 32. P. Dunn (2006a), 50. 95 MacDonald (1983), 32. 96 Fauconnier & Turner (2002). 97 The exception being Paul’s rescue from the lion which the Presbyter took literally from 2 Tim. 4.17. 93

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that in some cases the forms will overlap especially in the instances of rescue and nature miracles. As stated in chapter four, the categories I have created are miracles of healings and exorcisms, resuscitations, rescue miracles and nature miracles. Through examining the types of miracles in APl we may gain an understanding of the theology and identity of these early Christians, even if we cannot precisely pin down what type or label of Christian they were (i.e., Montanist, Gnostic, etc.). The types of miracles also indicate to us the specific needs of the community that could not or would not be met without divine intervention. The miracles also reflect what was important enough to be retained in the memory of the community concerning Paul and his associates.

2.1  Healings and Exorcisms There are relatively few healing and exorcism miracles within APl. The first notable healing occurs in Myra (V), a city that Paul briefly visited in canonical Acts.98 In this city a man named Hermocrates who ‘had the dropsy’ (ὑδρωπικὸς) publicly petitions Paul to heal him.99 Restating Jesus’ words, ‘nothing is impossible’,100 Hermocrates gives himself and his family over to Paul to be further convinced of the gospel. Hermocrates has some knowledge of Jesus’ healing ministry when he tells Paul, ‘with whom you preach, when he came he healed many, he whose servant you are.’101 Paul responds that he will heal him publicly and without a charge.102 Due to the damage of the manuscript, there is no description of what happens next. The man is somehow healed, either through prayer, the laying on of hands or a combination of both. Because the issue is dropsy, he loses a great deal of water and the tension builds as if he Historically Myra was important due to its port and membership in the Lycian League, however within the biblical geography, the city was relatively unimportant. As stated above, it was at Myra, according to Acts 27.5‒6, Paul transferred ships to an Alexandrian grain ship bound for Italy. The primary deity, according to coins and inscriptions, was Artemis Eleuthera. According to Vermeule, ‘The Lycians were proud, independent, and poor in the Roman period, a fact which is reflected in their lack of major coins.’ If this was the case, it is probably why we have no real references to the city within early Christian documents. Vermeule (1968), 153; Yamauchi (1992). 99 Cadbury (1926), 205. 100 Cf. Mark 10.27. 101 APl V. NTA 2.247. It is worth noting that Hermocrates wants to imitate Paul’s faith. 102 One of the characteristics of Christian healing was that they did not charge for their prayers or healing rites. Matt. 10.8. 98

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Miracle

is dead. The crowd thinks he is dead — or wished that he was — rather than in pain. There is a description of Paul taking Hermocrates by the hand and raising him up.103 Paul encourages him to do something and he asks for something to eat.104 After eating, he becomes whole at that hour and received the grace of the seal in the Lord along with his wife. Hermocrates’ healing leads into a later healing of his son, Hermippus who was angry about his father’s healing because he wanted to take over his family estate. After rousing a crowd to attack Paul, Hermippus was struck blind when he pulled his sword against Paul.105 This judgment overlaps with a rescue miracle as the blindness protects Paul from being killed. Hermippus finds his parents and weeps with them, praying to be healed. Due to the damage to the text, it is uncertain how or when Paul enters the scene, but he and all those present pray for Hermippus’ sight to be restored, which occurs quickly. The fact that the prayer was not answered until Paul arrives is indicative of his status as the mediator of the divine. The curing of the blindness may have resulted in the conversion of Hermippus. Hermippus’ statement that ‘he saw all things clearly’ when Paul laid his hands on him could relate to a spiritual understanding as well as physical. This experience would be similar to Paul’s experienc in Damascus when Ananias laid hands on him.106 Like the motif of the liberated setting others free, Paul who once was blind is able to restore sight through the name of Jesus. The initial miracle story of the healing of Hermocrates follows a fairly standard form that has motifs found in the Synoptic gospels. Paul, the miracle worker, enters and is recognized by the suppliant who declares his need of healing. The condition is mentioned as dropsy but the length of time he had the condition is not. The specific setting is not indicated, but Hermocrates stands up in public requesting healing. The public display of the miracle invites those in the area to witness the deed. Like in Jesus’ ministry, the apostle Paul gained notoriety for healing, however, it is the acknowledgement that the God whom he represents brings about the healing and not the apostle himself.107 Cf. Mark 5.43. Cf. Mark 5.43. 105 APl V. 5. 106 Acts 9.17‒18. 107 This is in contrast to Jesus who seems to have the ability to heal outright with no petitioning. 103

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The healing of Hermocrates stands as an independent story with the following healing of Hermippus added later. There is no mention of the children’s names until after the healing of the father, in contrast to Onesiphorus’ whose family members names are mentioned early on.108 This story was probably an addition by another storyteller. The introduction of the subsequent two sections with ‘but’ also indicates additions to the narration. The addition of the healing of Hermippus and resuscitation of the other brother Dion shows that salvation was seen in corporate terms, not just individuals.109 It also indicates the belief that healings could be controversial within families, but the miracle worker was also the peacemaker, which itself was miraculous. The crowd’s statement regarding Hermocrates being dead echoes the healing of the boy with epilepsy in Mark 9.14.110 In Mark, the father brings the boy to the disciples who were unable to heal him when Jesus arrives. The healing is enacted through an exorcism as Jesus commands (ἐπιτάσσω) the demon to come out.111 After the exorcism, the boy falls to the ground convulsing and is presumed dead. Those around him state, ‘he is dead.’112 Likewise, the healing of Hermocrates brings about a response from those present who assume that he has died. Hermocrates statement to Paul, ‘Nothing is impossible with God’ parallels Jesus’ statement to the father in the healing of the boy, ‘Nothing is impossible for those who believe’,113 as well as the angel Gabriel’s statement in Luke 1.37. In each of the gospel statements, a representative of God encourages or admonishes those who are receiving the message, healing, or exorcism. In contrast to the gospel account, in APl it is the person in need of healing who makes a statement of faith, rather than the healer. Like the raising of the dead girl in Mark 5, the presumed dead Hermocrates wants to eat something. Following this, there is baptism, which does not occur after any of Jesus’ healing miracles.114 APTh III. 5. Acts 11.14, 16.5, 33. 110 On this pericope see Cotter (2010) ch, 6. 111 Mark 9.25. 112 Mark 9.26 ὥστε τοὺς πολλοὺς λέγειν ὅτι ἀπέθανεν. 113 Mark 9.23. 114 The fact that baptism occurs in the second century accounts following a miracle, provides evidence for an earlier provenance to the Synoptic gospels miracle accounts which do not. 108 109

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Miracle

A  second healing occurs after the rescue miracle in Ephesus (IX), Hieronymus’ ear was torn off during the hailstorm.115 Paul’s converts, Artemilla and Eubula, mourn and fast for him and received an angelic visitation. The text is fragmentary, but the angel comforts the women and informs them that Paul is safe. Hieronymus repents for his actions, prays to God and is healed.116 This story is a likely addition to the text, as it seems to have concluded with Paul leaving for Macedonia. A later storyteller, wanting to relate the redemptive work of Christ to Paul’s accuser and comfort to his converts added the story to give a more positive ending. There are no complete exorcism stories in the APl due to damage to the manuscripts; however, there is some fragmentary evidence available. In Tyre (VII), Paul arrives and encounters a crowd of Jews.117 The manuscript is badly damaged and the order of events is not fully known. Schneemelcher believes Paul probably preached and performed some exorcisms.118 The account seems like a summary statement of exorcisms followed by the crowd’s praise, ‘him who  […] to Paul.’119 Despite the fragmentation, the form seems to remain intact. Paul enters Tyre and is encountered by a group of Jews. The presence of exorcisms in the midst of Jews seems polemical as the Jews were often Paul’s opponents in canonical Acts.120 If we base our assumptions upon the fact that the author of APl knew of Luke’s Acts, then presumably there may have been some conflict. Unfortunately, we cannot say for sure. The means of the exorcisms is not present, but it is likely that Paul prayed or invoked the name of Jesus to drive out the demons.121

115 APl IX. 27; Luke 22.50‒51. Aside from the healing of the ear there is little to no parallel to this passage and Luke’s account of he healing of the high priest’s servant. In the APl an angel heals the ear. In Luke’s account Jesus himself heals the ear by touching it. Both of those who are injured are opponents of Jesus or Paul. Because of the fragmentary nature of the APl description we cannot say more than this. 116 Rordorf et al. (1997), 1160‒1161; Schneemelcher (2003), 254. For the Greek text see, Schmidt & Schubart (1936), Fragment V.20‒36.Schneemelcher lacks the section of text which provides the comfort to the women. Rordorf includes it along with the repentance of Hieronymos IX.28. On healing and angels see Kee (1986), 114. 117 APl VII. 118 Schneemelcher (2003), 250. 119 Schneemelcher (2003), 250. 120 Acts 13.42‒50; 17.1‒14; 19.8‒9. 121 Acts 16.16‒18; 19.13. See Twelftree (2007b), 38‒39; 71‒72.

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The resulting praise of God is a common response and echoes the reactions of the crowd in praise in the Synoptics.122 A possible parallel is when Jesus heals a paralytic in Matthew 9.8: ‘But when the crowds saw this, they were awestruck, and glorified God, who had given such authority to men.’ The setting of this particular healing of a paralytic is performed in front of the Jewish scribes who accuse him of blasphemy. The crowd responds to the authority of Jesus and may have likewise responded the same way to Paul. Again, the fragmentary nature of the text leaves much to the imagination.

2.2 Resuscitation There are three resuscitation accounts in APl. In Antioch (II), Paul raises a couple’s boy to life. Due to the damaged character of the text there is little to be said regarding the raising. In this instance, rather than the crowd responding with joy or amazement, the resuscitation draws accusations resulting in Paul’s expulsion from the city. In Philippi (XI) — a location already mentioned in Acts 16 where Paul visited — Paul raises a girl named Frontina. There is only one manuscript witness to this story which is corrupt,123 but it appears there was an accident resulting in the death of the girl. Relatively little can be understood except the raising of the girl whom Paul holds in his arms after ‘groaning to the Lord Jesus Christ.’124 Following this, the girl gets up and the crowd fearfully disperses. As in Antioch, the resuscitation takes on a different character than in Luke’s Acts. The crowd’s response to kicking Paul out of Antioch or fleeing in Philippi is a less than desirable result. Normally one would expect the resuscitation to bring about acclamation as it did in the gospels or an opportunity to preach. However, the ending of the resuscitation in Philippi seems to indicate some form of confession or conversion: ‘One is God, who has made the heaven and earth, who has given life to the daughter […]of Paul […]’125

Matt. 9.8, 15.31; Luke 18.43. Only the the Heidelberg Papyrus (Cop¹) contains this story and is quite lacunose. Photographs of the manuscript are available at: http://www.rzuser.uni-heidelberg.de/~gv0/Papyri/ActaPauli/ActaPauli.html. Accessed, 3/4/2014. 124 APl XI. 125 Cf. Luke 7.14. 122 123

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The final resuscitation is the raising of Patroclus, the cupbearer of Emperor Nero.126 In the Martyrdom of Paul (MP), Paul rents a barn in Rome and teaches the word of God to those around him. Patroclus is seated in a high window and Satan seems to push or encourage his death by having him fall. Paul encourages his followers to show their faith and retrieve the boy who has fallen down and is dying. In their lamentations the boy begins to breathe again and sends him back to the emperor’s house. The form of the resuscitation is relatively standard. The incident causing the death is followed by an immediate reaction of the miracle worker. The death is presented in apocalyptic terms — Satan is responsible for the death and Paul recruits the others to resuscitate the boy. The resuscitation is Semitic in type as Patroclus is certainly dead. As stated above, certain parallels have been observed with Luke’s account of the raising of Eutychus and as argued above, it is difficult to imagine the total creation of an account of a boy who falls out a window without having knowledge of Acts.127 Despite this, there are notable differences.128 For example, the locations (Troas/Rome) are different, the boys’ names are different, and the origin of the falls differs. APl originates the fall to Satan, whereas Luke states it was due to Paul’s preaching late into the night and Eutychus growing tired. The means of resuscitation are different as well. In APl, Paul recruits the others with him to help ‘mourn’ for the boy to Jesus Christ and in their lament he breathes again. In contrast to the Patroclus account, Paul raises Eutychus when he takes him in his arms and informs the others that there was still life in him. In this case, no prayer is made for Eutychus, whereas in the APl the lament seems to bring about life. The presence of other people assisting Paul in lamenting for Patroclus indicates a communal emphasis of prayer, rather than Luke’s individual emphasis by Paul alone. This story sets up Paul’s arrest by Nero, who was informed of Patroclus’ death. After replacing Patroclus as cupbearer, believing he was dead, Nero is surprised to see him. He asks Patroclus who was responsible for raising him, to which the boy answers, ‘Christ Jesus, the king MP 2. Acts 20.9. 128 P. Dunn (2006a), 33; Rordorf (1988), 235. Rather than finding a parallel with Acts, MacDonald sees the Oddysey and the raising of Elpenor as the source of the raising. MacDonald (1994). 126 127

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of the ages.’129 This response angers Nero and results in his sentencing Patroclus, Paul, and other Christians within his entourage to death.

2.3  Miracles of Rescue 2.3a  Iconium (APTh III. 1‒26) There are four instances of miracles of rescue in APl, two of which occur in APTh, while the other two occur in the main body of the APl. The first rescue miracle occurs in Iconium (III. 1‒26).130 According the PE, Paul experienced great persecution and difficulty here, but also experienced divine rescue.131 The narrative begins with the welcoming of Paul by Onesiphorus and the provocation of Paul’s travelling partners, Demas and Hermogenes.132 Paul preaches his gospel in Onesiphorus’ house, gathering an audience of many virgins as the topic of his preaching concerned ‘virginity.’133 Thecla, a young woman who was engaged to a man named Thamyris, heard Paul’s preaching from a distance.134 With so many women hearing and coming to faith in Paul’s gospel, the men of the city, along with widows such as Thecla’s mother, became hostile towards Paul.135 Paul’s companions Demas and Hermogenes ‘out’ Paul for being a Christian to the local government officials and he is arrested. Thecla visits Paul in prison and hears ‘the great deeds of God.’136 The story quickly changes upon learning that Thecla is seemingly lovesick for Paul and refuses to marry Thamyra. Paul and Thecla are Cf. 1 Tim. 1.17 Τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ τῶν αἰώνων. Iconium was located in Asia Minor and is one of the oldest inhabited locations in the world. W. Gasque (1992); M. Wilson (2012). A colony was established there in 25 bce by Augustus and the native population existed by the Roman colonists until 125 ce when the polis was consumed by the Roman colony. The city was a key crossroad in Asia Minor that connected the east with the west making a prime location for Paul’s first missionary journey in Acts. In the Mart. Just. 4, Hierax states he was ‘dragged away from Iconium in Phyrgia’ to Rome. 131 2 Tim. 3.11. 132 Each of these characters is mentioned in the Pastoral Epistles. APTh III.1 133 APTh III. 5 καὶ λόγος θεοῦ περὶ ἐγκρατείας καὶ ἀναστάσεως. III.7.5‒6a ἔτι δὲ καὶ βλέπουσα πολλὰς γυναῖκασ καὶ εἰσπορευομένας πρὸς τὸν Παῦλον. Concerning chastity and the AAA see Burrus (1987). 134 APTh III. 7. 135 MacDonald observes that widows were dependent on the social networks created through the marriage of their children. MacDonald (1983), 72‒73. 136 APTh III. 18 τὰ μεγαλει̑ α του̑ θεο̑ υ 129

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arrested and the crowd accuses Paul of witchcraft. The governor gladly listens to Paul speak about the ‘holy works of Christ.’137 Next, the governor asks Thecla why she refuses to marry Thamyris, while she silently gazes at Paul.138 Here the motif of silence is reminiscent of Jesus’ silence before the High Priest.139 Thecla’s gazing also seems to show the motif of love for Paul or his teaching.140 Thecla’s mother, Theoclia, calls for her daughter to be burned to set an example for all the women who follow Paul. Paul is scourged, kicked out of the city, and Thecla has a vision of the Lord who is in the likeness of Paul.141 As the fire was prepared, the governor wept at the great power (δύναμιν) that was in Thecla.142 The fire was lit and Thecla stepped inside of the fire, but was not burned. An underground rumbling and a hailstorm pummeled the crowd who fled in fear of death.143 Though this rescue miracle comes from the compassion (σπλάγχνον) of God, Thecla had a part to play as well.144 The notion that there was power or virtue in Thecla seems to provide a numinous element to the story, yet the rescue is attributed to God.145 The juxtaposition of the power that was in Thecla, which might relate to ‘inner strength’ or fortitude of character, and the rescue through a nature miracle from God provides the first example in APl of what an ideal Christian should look like. Though she has been a Christian for such a short period, the 137 APTh III. 20 Επὶ ο͑σ ίοις ἔργοις του Χριστου. The fact that the ‘works’ are plural probably indicates that the Paul’s telling was related with the miracles, as ‘deeds’ or ‘works’ are often related with miracle, though Paul does not use this language in his own epistles. The gospel of John often refers to Jesus’ miracles as τὰ ἔργα. John 9.3,4; 10.25; 14.11, 12. If the provenance of John and APl is from Asia Minor then this common understanding regarding miracles as ‘works’ provides us with insight into their interpretation. Like in canonical Acts, the pagan governing authorities are willing to listen to Paul. 138 APTh III. 20 ἡ δὲ εἱστήκει Παύλῳ ἀτενίζουσα. 139 Matt. 26.63. 140 Barrier (2009), 121. 141 APTh III. 21 καὶ ἐμβλέψασα εἰς τὸν ὄξλον εἶδεν τὸν κύριον καθήμενον ὡς Παῦλον καὶ εἶπεν Ὡς ἀνυπομονήτου μου οὔσης ἦλθεν Παῦλος θεάσασθαί με. Καὶ προσεῖχεν αὐτῷ ἀτενίζουσα· ὁ δὲ εἰς οὐρανοὺς ἀπίει. 142 APTh III. 22 ἐδάκρυσεν ὁ ἡγεμὼν καὶ ἐθαύμασεν τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ δύναμιν. 143 This section parallels both Daniel and the book of Hebrews 11.34 that states ἔσβεσαν δύναμιν πυρός. The fact that this follows the rescue from lions in vs. 33 indicates that the reference is to Daniel. However, Daniel and his friends are not burned in the fire. They do not put the fire out as this verse indicates. 144 APTh III. 22. 145 Theissen (2007), 101‒102.

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courage she exhibits in her character is enough to warrant favour from God and man. This fortitude could be seen as a spiritual power or miraculous ability; just as Jesus had virtue (δύναμιν) come out of him, Thecla also had a similar ability.146 Moreover, as a virgin dedicated to Paul’s teaching on continence and virginity, she received favour from God that resulted in the rescue.147 The names of the main characters are original. After the governor leaves for the theatre in III.21, Thecla’s vision of Paul/Jesus is likely a later addition as the story flows neatly from the governor leaving to the setting up of the fire in III.22. The description of the different elements related to the rescue such as the underground rumbling, the rain, and hail provide an epiphanic element to the story, common to rescue miracles.

2.3b  Antioch Pisidia (APTh IV. 1‒18) In Antioch Pisidia, Thecla rebuffs the advances of a Syrian named Alexander. As Thecla attempts to flee from him, she shames him by tearing his cloak and pulls off his crown. The presence and removal of the crown indicates some relationship of Alexander to the temple cult and possible divine status.148 If this is correct, then the act of knocking the crown off Alexander might indicate the inferiority of the ‘leading man’ to that of Christ.149 Dishonored by a woman, Alexander arranges for Thecla to face the wild beasts. She is arrested and is placed in the care of Tryphaena whose daughter was deceased.150 Thecla faces a fierce lioness that licks her feet resulting in the awe and wonder (ἐξίστημι) of the audience. The result of this miracle further implicated Thecla as she was given the charge of being ‘sacreligious’ (ἱερόσυλος) or being ‘guilty of sacrilege’ as Schneemelcher translates it.151 The women and children cry out, ‘Oh God, an impious judgment has taken place in this city!’ The exclamation of impious judgment (ἀνοσία Luke 8.46. APTh III. 4. 148 Barrier (2009a), 141. See also Grundmann (1977). 149 Barrier (2009a), 141. 150 APTh IV. 2. Being placed with a woman, especially a fairly wealthy one, Thecla escapes from being placed in a brothel, which was a common placement for women under custody. 151 Schneemelcher (2003), 244. The parallels of accusation should not be missed. The accusations against Jesus of being ‘king of the Jews’ and challenging the temple cult is the same accusation that Thecla is receiving in Antioch. See Barrier (2009a), 147‒148. 146 147

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κρίσις) is against the governor and Alexander who brought condemnation against a holy person.152 In a dream Tryphaena is told by her dead daughter, Falconilla, to accept Thecla as her own and have her pray for her to ‘come to the place of the just.’153 Through this dream Thecla is depicted as worthy and able to become a mediator of the divine whose prayers and petitions are heard by God in a favorable way. The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas (c. 207 ce) indicate a similar belief in the ability of saints praying for their deceased relatives.154 In the Martyrdom, Perpetua receives a vision of her seven year old brother who died and did not receive baptism. In the vision she saw her brother drinking from a goblet and then running off to play. She awoke and said, ‘I understood that he was translated from the place of punishment.’155 Perpetua, like Thecla, seemed to have the ability to intercede on behalf of those who were deceased. As a result of their prayers they were translated from where they were in the afterlife, either the place of punishment or the place of the unjust, to a better place. The next day Thecla faces the beasts again. Some in the city believed Thecla to be a nuisance and condemned her. Others believe that her death or the judgment placed upon her life might bring about judgment on the city.156 Like the day before, Thecla is rescued from a lioness who sits at her feet and protects her from another lion. Other beasts are released while Thecla prays.157 Seeing a pit of water Thecla baptizes herself not knowing there were some angry seals in the water.158 A flash of lightning kills the seals and Thecla is surrounded in a cloud of fire.159 More beasts are let out but are hypnotized by the perfumes and petals that the women of the city released. Finally, Alexander ties Thecla to some angry bulls and places hot irons on their genitals to rip her apart. However, a cloud of fire appears and burns the ropes, sparing her life. In all the excitement queen Tryphanea faints and Alexander repents to the Barrier (2009a), 147. APTh IV. 3 εἰς τὸν τῶν δικαίων τόπον. 154 Passio Perpet. et Felic. 2.3‒4. 155 Passio Perpet. et Felic. 2.4. 156 APTh IV. 7. 157 APTh III. 34. 158 APTh IV. 9. Barrier (2009a), 160‒162; (2009b). 159 See Exod. 14:20; Deut. 4:11; 5:22; Psa 97.2 for OT uses of this motif. Barrier (2009a), 173. 152 153

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governor, understanding that the death of righteous Thecla might bring about divine justice on the city or that the death of queen Tryphanea would bring about judgment from Caesar. Unlike in Iconium, the rescue miracle in Antioch provides Thecla the platform she needs to preach about the Son of God. By believing in this God and the Son of God in whom he is well pleased, Thecla had solace and shelter.160 The governor gives Thecla some clothes and Thecla provides an eschatological and soteriological response, saying, ‘He who clothed me when I was naked among the beasts will on the day of judgment clothe me with salvation.’161 Though hearing the kerygma that Thecla preached, the governor does not understand. The same God who clothed and protected Thecla in her naked trials against the beasts will clothe her on the day of judgment and she has no need of the governor’s clothes.162 Just as with Peter and other believers, Thecla understood that ‘another will clothe you.’163 Thecla’s rejection of the governor’s clothes in exchange for God-given attire reveals both her allegiance to God and her rejection of the established social hierarchies in Greco-Roman culture as clothing was an indicator of social class. After the pronouncement of innocence by the governor, Thecla becomes ‘pious Thecla the servant of God.’ The motif of prayer for release plays a significant part in this rescue miracle. Theissen notes that those who are released from their bonds often go and help others escape.164 Like the rescue miracle of Paul in Philippi in Acts 16.16‒29, Thecla is able to release others such Tryphaena’s daughter, who was released from the place where she was ‘to the place of the just.’ Though Thecla is not completely free at the time, the belief that Falconilla is released comes after Thecla’s release when Tryphaena gives an affirmation of faith, ‘Now I believe that the dead are raised!’165 She stays with Tryphaena for eight days and teaches her and the maidservants the word of God. APTh IV. 12. APTh IV. 13. The clothing motif may indicate that the governor was now a believer. In the judgment of the nations in Matt. 25.36 were activities that the righteous performed. 162 Barrier (2009a), 175. 163 John 21.18 ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω σοι, ὅτε ἦς νεώτερος, ἐζώννυες σεαυτὸν καὶ περιεπάτεις ὅπου ἤθελες· ὅταν δὲ γηράσῃς, ἐκτενεῖς τὰς χεῖράς σου, καὶ ἄλλος σε ζώσει καὶ οἴσει ὅπου οὐ θέλεις. The metaphor of clothing is indicative of social status. The clothing one wore in antiquity displayed who the person was and where they could be placed on the social hierarchy. 164 Theissen (2007), 102‒103. 165 APTh IV.14 Νῦν πιστεύω ὅτι νεκροὶ ἐγείρονται. 160 161

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Just as in Acts, these two imprisonments and rescue stories can be seen in a similar light to that of Jesus’ passion. On an inscription Thecla is labelled ‘sacreligious.’166 Verbal parallels between III.22 and the Transfiguration in Matt. 17.5 provide another motif foreshadowing the passion.167 Before getting on the pyre, Thecla makes the sign of the cross indicating that just like Jesus, she is entering into her own passion.168 MacDonald has argued that the Iconium and Antioch rescue stories stem from the same account possibly told at different locations.169 This merits consideration, as narratives generally can become more complicated or detailed over time, however this need not always be the case.170 While this is possible, the general form of the stories differ, possibly taking a new shape due to changes in transmission, changes in story tellers, or due to the fact that they are indeed two separate accounts. In the first story, the account of Paul’s preaching and Thecla’s refusal to marry instigates the conflict resulting in the arrest of Paul and Thecla. The disturbance of the oikos is the main reason for disruption. In the second account, Thecla’s resisting Alexander’s advances and the offensive acts of tearing his cloak and knocking off his crown provokes the arrest of Thecla.171 This matter was of grave disrespect as the crown was related within the cultic setting indicating that Alexander probably was a member of the imperial priesthood.172 The means of torture are quite different as well. The single account of being tied up to be burned in Seleucia differs from being thrown to the beasts in Iconium. The one similarity however, is the means of divine rescue. In each account there is rescue from above, through a hailstorm in Seleucia and from a lightning strike in Iconium. These differences seem to me to be too great to indicate the same account and are more likely to represent two different local memories.

Cf. Mark 12:16; 15:26; Luke 20:24; 23:38; John 19:19‒20; Barrier (2009a), 126. Matt. 17:5 ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ἰδοὺ νεφέλη φωτεινὴ ἐπεσκίασεν αὐτούς, καὶ ἰδοὺ φωνὴ ἐκ τῆς νεφέλης λέγουσα·APTh III. ό γὰρ θεὸς σπλαγχνισθεὶς ἦχον ὑπόγαιον ἐποίησεν, καὶ νεφέλη ἄνωθεν ἐπεσκίασεν ὕδατος πλήρης καὶ χαλάζης, καὶ ἐξεχύθη πᾶν τὸ κύτος 168 APTh III. 22 169 MacDonald (1986). 170 Bovon (1988); C. M. Thomas (1998). 171 Barrier (2009a), 142‒145. 172 Grundmann (1977). 166 167

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2.3c  Sidon (VI) and Ephesus (IX) In Sidon (VI), Paul was kept in the temple of Apollo. Given the extant lines and references to Sodom and Gomorrah, this rescue account seems to convey images of the rescue of Abraham and Lot who were kept in a house.173 There is indication that some food dedicated to idols was present in the temple.174 Due to lacunae in the manuscript, the cause for the imprisonment is unknown;175 however, Paul’s petition is followed by the resulting fallen temple which is indicative of divine judgment. In Ephesus (IX), Paul openly confronts the people for their idolatry.176 Like in Iconium, his preaching affects the women and upsets the men. In this memory, the governor gives the judgment to the people. The goldsmiths recommended sending him to the beasts and a wealthy man named Hieronymus, the primary accuser of Paul, agrees. Because of some missing lines, it seems that at some point Paul was already arrested or is at least in custody before facing the beasts. While he is in prison, Paul is visited by Artemilla, the wife of Hieronymus, and Eubula, the wife of Diophantes, a freedman. After praying to be released in order to baptize the women, Paul expereinces a vision and he is freed from his chains in prison by a smiling youth.177 The prayer accompanied by the release gave Paul great joy. This rescue miracle contains an epiphany or angelophany. While we do not know who the youth is, the fact that it was given in a ‘vision’ indicates that this rescue was providentially ordained. Despite being released, Paul did not escape the trial of the beasts. When faced with the fiercest lion, Paul realizes that it is a lion that he baptized earlier.178 Hieronymos sends more beasts to no avail and finally archers are called in to kill Paul and the lion. A sudden hailstorm appears, killing the other beasts and some spectators with Paul and the baptized lion present. Here the ‘seal’ encapsulates them in the providential protection they need. The hailstorm results in the people crying out ‘Save us, O God, save us, O God of the man who fought with the beasts!’ Paul escapes after this and boards a ship to Macedonia. 175 176 177 178 173 174

Gen. 19.5. Baslez (2011). As stated above, the Heidelberg Papyrus (Cop¹) is fragmentary. APl IX; Acts 19.1‒40. Hägg (2004b). APl IX. 7.

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The form of this rescue is fairly standard. It was probably told as a composite story and part of the original tradition and memory that the Presbyter received. Though the accusation is not clear, presumably the preaching against idolatry and consequent disruption is enough to render the arrest. The fact that Paul refuses to escape, even though he is able to, maintains his commitment to the cause of Christ and those who follow him. Though it is quite different, this rescue is reminiscent of Luke’s rescue account in Ephesus in Acts 19. Though in Luke’s account, it is a silversmith named Demetrius who causes the uproar. The Presbyter utilized the lion motif literally taken from 2 Tim. 4.17 and created the situation where Paul faced the lion. The divine rescue provided by the nature miracle of a hailstorm and the ‘seal’ single out Paul and the lion as those who are under the protective covering of God.

2.4  Nature Miracles Nature miracles are generally thought to bring about a change in weather or a transformation of the natural pattern or order of affairs, often through the mediation of a command or prayer.179 A common nature miracle in the AAA involves animals that exhibit human traits such as speech.180 In APl, there are two miracles related with lions: The first tells of a lioness that recognizes Thecla as a holy person and lies down and licks her (APTh IV. 3); the second relates to a lion that asks Paul to be baptized (APl IX). These stories draw on a wide tradition of biblical and Greco-Roman traditions relating animals with human characteristics.181 In the aforementioned nature miracle, the submission of the lioness to Thecla in the arena causes awe and wonder of the audience and also serves as a sign of the superiority of her virtue (APTh IV. 4).182 In this account, it is the ability of animals — in this case a lioness — to recognize those who are sent from God. Like in the later APt, which we will examine in the next chapter, the irony is apparent. The lioness understands who Thecla is and who she represents, while her human opponents throw her into the arena for execution. The second lion story is a Christian retelling of the story of the fable of Androcles.183 In this fable a runaway slave named Androcles comes 181 182 183 179

180

Grant (1952); Lopez (2012). Talking animals,; APl IX; APt 9. Matthews (1999); Spittler (2008). Spittler (2008), 188. Metzger (1945), 16 fn. 15.

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upon a lion that has a thorn in his paw. The slave removes the thorn and befriends the lion. The two are captured and thrown into the arena and when the lion approaches the slave he refuses to eat him. In Ephesus, at the house of Aquila and Priscilla (IX. 7‒9), Paul recounts how in his travels to Jericho he came upon a lion coming from the ‘valley of the burying-ground.’184 Paul was ‘filled with the Spirit (and) looked upon him’ and asks what the lion wants.185 The lion asks Paul to be baptized. Paul praises God ‘who had given speech to the beast’ and brings him to a river where he prays, takes the lion by his mane and baptizes him in the name of Jesus Christ, immersing him three times. After the baptism, the lion shakes off his coat and says, ‘Grace be with thee!’ to Paul, who returns the blessing. The lion runs off rejoicing.186 Later in Ephesus, Paul faces the same lion that he baptized in the arena and, as in the story of Androcles, the lion refuses to attack Paul. Like the lioness’ protection of Thecla, this lion recognizes Paul as someone significant and able to perform baptism. The exchange between Paul and the lion is an exchange of a life for a life.187 Paul, like Androcles, is able to give the lion life through baptism, which as Christ’s representative is not surprising. In exchange, Paul receives protection from a certain death when he realizes the lion is the same one which he baptizes. There are three possible interpretations of this account. The first involves the temporal setting of Paul’s narration of this story at the feast of Pentecost. Before Paul tells this story he speaks with an angel in tongues and then tells of his encounter with the talking lion.188 According to Acts 2 the Holy Spirit was given with the resulting glossolalia that was thought to be an eschatological sign or proof of the ‘last days.’189 It could be that the author associated the talking lion with Pentecost and extended human attributes to the lion as an extension of salvation into ‘all creation.’190 184 The Ephesian episode of this account is not available in Elliott’s translation, however Schneemelcher includes it in an appendix. Rordorf et al. (1997), 1152‒1154; Schneemelcher (2003), 264. 185 Schneemelcher (2003), 264. 186 Schneemelcher (2003), 264‒265. 187 According to Pliny, relates the stories of Mentor and Elpis who witness acts of mercy among animals towards humans. Pliny, Nat. 8.21. 188 Schneemelcher (2003), 263‒264. 189 Caird (1955), 58; Koester (1995), 319. 190 Mark 16.15. Schneemelcher (1974b).

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Second, the story likewise provides a picture of what ‘redeemed’ creation might look like.191 According to the Genesis narrative, the serpent was able to talk prior to Adam and Eve’s disobedience. Paul relates this disobedience with the entrance of sin into the world and concomitantly death entering as well (Rom. 5.12). Another reflection of this redemption in the baptism story is when Paul states, ‘I myself was in fear and wonderment, in that I was on the point of leading the lion like an ox and baptizing him in the water.’192 While the statement is clear in itself, the combined reference to lion and ox evokes Isaianic imagery where ‘the lion will eat straw like the ox.’193 It seems likely that the talking lion and participation in baptism was thought of in terms of redeemed creation. Third, symbolically, the lion could represent death or sexuality.194 Due to the fact that the lion was coming from the ‘valley of the buryingground’ provides a link to death.195 Within some ascetic communities, sexuality was viewed as unspiritual or base. After leaving the lion comes in contact with a lioness, but refuses to face her and passes by. With the emphasis on asceticism and chastity in APl, it is likely that the refusal of the lion to engage with the lioness represents the association of death with sexuality.196 After the baptism, the lion’s refusal of the lioness shows he is living the author’s ideal of the proper Christian life.197

3  Following Jesus in the Acts of Paul: Identity and Community An analysis of the events and miracle stories in APl reveal several indicators of what this second-century Christian group may have believed and Schneemelcher is cautious with regard to relating the story of redeemed creation with Rom. 8.19‒23. He does, however, believe the story shows the extension of the οἰκονομία of God to creation and understands the story to show part of God’s salvation of the world. Schneemelcher bases his argument on the notion that we do not know if the Presbyter knew the Pauline corpus. This is a rather restricted view as I have shown above, the likelihood of the author knowing the 1 Corinthians is beyond doubt. Kurfess (1939); Schneemelcher (1974b), 238. 192 Schneemelcher (2003), 264. 193 Isa. 11.7; 65.25. 194 Adamik (1996), 67. 195 Spittler (2008), 186. Cf. Ezek. 37.1 ff. 196 In his Natural History Pliny relates lions with sexuality. See, Pliny, Nat. 8.42. 197 Spittler (2008), 186‒187. 191

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practiced. Within this context, the memory of the miracles indicates what was significant to the communities who created and inherited the texts. Despite the damage to the text, we can safely state that the rescue miracles far outweigh the number of healings, resuscitations, and exorcisms.198 The form of the rescues follows the general pattern, however they are rarely in the typical setting of a prison or on board a ship. The rescues are often public and are performed before crowds of the cities in which they are set. We will now evaluate some of the primary discipleship motifs related to these miracles.

3.1  Paul’s Ascetic Gospel? In an effort to follow Jesus and live as he did, some early Christians may have renounced marriage, certain foods, and wine.199 The example of Christian discipleship in the APl depicts ascetic practices of the early church that were probably commonly practiced. The central ascetic teaching of Paul in this text is best found in the macarisms APl III, 5‒6. Paul shares the ‘word of God about abstinence and the resurrection.’200 Paralleling Matthew and Luke,201 Paul lists twelve macarisms that provide insight into the meaning of discipleship in second-century Christianity. At its core, the blessings relate to sexual continence, perseverance, experiences of God, and eschatological hope for the future. The author utilizes the form of the Matthean Beatitudes to present Pauline values to believers in the second century.202 Borrowing from his understanding of the Corinthian letters and the PE,203 the Presbyter relates holiness with spiritual experiences. The high value of chastity, virginity, and abstinence are related with the spiritual experiences and eschatological hope for the resurrection.204 The lack of exorcisms in the book of John show that this form of ministry, while not all together absent from late first and second century Christian experience, took on a new understanding. 199 Matt. 26.29; Mark 14.25. 200 APTh III. 5. 201 For a comparison of the Matthean Beattitudes 5.3‒12 with the APTh III. 5‒6 see Barrier (2009a), 54; P. Dunn (2006a) ch, 8. 202 P. Dunn (2006a), 270‒272. Dunn has shown that the dedication to chastity and virginity in the APl are Pauline. 203 P. Brown (2008), 65‒82; P. Dunn (1996). 204 APTh IV.18. Arbesmann (1949); P. Brown (1988) ch, 3; P. Dunn (2000). The understanding of continence and prophetic abilities are usually united within GrecoRoman culture. Diodorus Siculus states that initially the oracle at Delphi was a virgin. 198

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FOLLOWING JESUS IN THE ACTS OF PAUL: IDENTITY AND COMMUNITY

In 1 Cor. 6‒7, Paul does not directly connect the ideas of chastity and prophetic abilities; asceticism is never seen as a means to an end for gaining spiritual abilities.205 Paul’s reasoning for purity relates to one’s standing in Christ as well as the impending the eschatological judgment and the resurrection.206 However, there is mention of those who are considered virgins or ‘pure’ who are prophets or receive revelation. Outside of Paul’s letters, John the Baptist was to avoid wine and strong drink (Luke 1.15). The prophetess Anna who lived with her husband and worshipped in the temple (Luke 2.36‒38) and there is mention of Philip’s virgin daughters who prophecy (Acts 21.9).207 Among the works of the ‘Apostolic Fathers’, First Clement, Second Clement, and The Shepherd of Hermas all contain teaching concerning virginity.208 Justin Martyr states that many Christians were living in sexual continence between 90 to 150 ce209 Second-century apologist Athenagoras states that the motivation for sexual abstinence was closer communion with God.210 The continent and pure were thought to have a closer relationship with God which paralleled that of the angels with God.211 As angels were seen as bringing the prayers of the saints to God, those who were chaste were thought to have a more direct intimacy with God.212 In the Qumran community, sexual purity was maintained on account of the presence of angels.213 In APl the Presbyter takes Paul’s thinking one step further and encourages people to not marry. This ascetic tendency was further experienced in the meals in APl. When Paul enters the house of Onesephirus, there is great joy, bending of the knee, and breaking of bread (III. 5). This is most likely an This however changed after Echrates the Thessalian raped the girl causing the Athenians to change the prophetess to be a fifty-year-old woman dressed in the virgin’s attire. Diodorus Siculus, Lib. hist., 16.26. 205 The ascetic tendencies in first century Judaism were central to the life of the Essenes and Therapeutae. Josephus, J.W. 2.120; Philo, Contempl. 1.22‒33. 206 1 Cor. 6.13‒20. P. Dunn (2006a), 83‒86. 207 Luke 2:36c-37a ζήσασα μετὰ ἀνδρὸς ἔτη ἑπτὰ ἀπὸ τῆς παρθενίας αὐτῆς 37 καὶ αὐτὴ χήρα ἕως ἐτῶν ὀγδοήκοντα τεσσάρων. It is strange that Luke would use the term ‘ζήσασα’ rather than ‘γαμέω.’ The indication could be that they were married but abstaining from sexual relations. Seboldt (1959). 208 1 Clem. 35.1‒2; 2 Clem. 12.1‒6; Herm. 9.10.6‒11.8 209 Justin, 1 Apol. 15. 210 Athenagoras, Plea, 33. 211 Luke 20. 34‒36. 212 Tobit 12.15; Matt. 18.10. 213 1QM 7.6.

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agape feast of the Christians.214 In III. 25, an agape meal of bread, water and vegetables is consumed, and later in Ephesus, Artemilla’s first agape meal does not contain wine.215 The practice of the agape meal and later eucharistic meals utilizing something other than bread and wine was fairly widespread. Use of water, bread, honey, cheese, and salt was also used in early Christian ritual meals.216 Paul, the Didache, and Ignatius only make reference to ‘the cup’ or drink with no reference to the contents.217 The absence of drinking wine may also be due to the desire to follow after Jesus’ words that he would not drink of the fruit of the vine until he returned.218 Or it may also relate to the economic status of poor Christian communities that could not afford wine. The ascetic tendencies displayed varying degrees of expression within early Christianity. The use of only water in the early agape meal and later eucharistic practices caused suspicion among some members of the proto-orthodox church due to its use by Ebionites219 and Marcionites. However, rather than indicating heterodoxy, it seems that early Christian authors understood the ascetic lifestyles as ones that modeled after Jesus.

3.2 Persecutions If the number of rescue miracles is any indication of author’s time or the tradition he received, the likely Sitz im Leben is communities under persecution and in need of rescue. The form or category of the rescue miracles generally follows the pattern of crisis or conflict, usually before government officials, followed by a guilty verdict and condemnation to death of some sort and concludes with the rescue by divine intervention. Functionally, the rescue miracles provide vindication of the message and messenger within the APl.220 While not everyone in the story agrees with the judgment of the accuser, God acts as the final judge in sending hail, lightning, and taming the beasts. It is noteworthy that God is not Barrier (2009a), 79; Lampe (1994); D. E. Smith (1991); (2003). APl IX. 21. Schmidt & Schubart (1936). ὡς δὲ εἰσῆλθεν ἔσω τῶν θυλάκων κοιμωνένων, ἔκλασεν ἄρτον, ὔδωρ τε προσήνεγκεν, ἐπότισεν ῥήματι 216 McGowan (1999), 2‒3. 217 1 Cor. 10‒11; Did. 10.3; Ignatius, Rom. 7.3; Phil. 4.1. 218 Matt. 26.29. 219 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 5.1.3. 220 Theissen (2007), 99; Weaver (2004). 214 215

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often credited for the rescue until after it has occurred and the individual is before the governing official such as in IV.12‒13. The rescue may provide the platform for public proclamation of the gospel. The rescues also provide faith for individuals such as Tryphanaea and opportunities to testify to Jesus.221 The setting of the persecution of Christians under the emperor Nero (62‒64 ce) is corroborated by Tacitus, however, Nero’s persecution seems to be localized to Rome.222 In MP 2, Nero calls for the death of Christians based on his misunderstanding and fear of the invading eternal Kingdom of God.223 Through the memory of Paul’s martyrdom, this account presents the Christian hope of eternal life for those enduring persecution. While persecutions may have also existed in Asia Minor around the time of Domition (81‒96 ce), we are more certain of persecutions under Trajan (98‒117 ce)224 and later during the time of Marcus Aurelius (121‒180 ce). We know that Ignatius, Polycarp bishop of Smyrna, and Justin were from Asia Minor and were martyred.225 In these instances, the persecution related to the Christians’ atheism or failing to sacrifice to the genius of the emperor.226 Unlike Luke’s Acts, in these instances, it is not the Jews who are predominantly persecuting the Christians, but pagan individuals.227 The fact that the some of the persecutors in APl are family members, merchants, and ultimately the emperor indicate that the disruption of households was of primary concern.228 The first to condemn Thecla is her own mother and later Alexander, who was a priest of the Imperial cult, a first man of the city.229 In contrast, the governor seems willing to listen to Thecla or Paul on the ‘holy works of Christ.’230 APTh IV. 3, 12‒13. Tacitus, Ann. 15.44. 223 B. Walker (2014). 224 Pliny, Ep 10.96. 225 Mart. Ign., Mart. Pol., Mart. Just. 4. Baslez (2011), 96; Holmes (2007). Baslez notices the similar accusations and experiences in the APl and the Mart. Pol. This similarity confirms the origin of the APl as Asia Minor. 226 Croix (1963), 10. 227 This may correlate with the ‘parting of ways’ which occurred around the Bar Kochba revolt of 135 ce as the primary hostility towards Christians seems to come from pagans. 228 MacDonald (1983), 46‒53. 229 APTh III.20, 26. 230 APTh III.17; IV.12‒13. Cf. Acts 23.24‒26; 28.7‒8 221

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The crowd’s primary accusation against Paul is that he is a sorcerer or engaged in magic and that he has destroyed the wives of the men.231 In Iconium and Ephesus, Paul is called before the governor and the crowd cries that he is a magician (μάγος). 232 This turn of events has no bearing on the specific details of Christianity such as the crucifixion or resurrection of Jesus. It seems that the social implications and the attraction of the women to the preaching of Paul is seen as a form of erotic magic.233 This is understandable as the popularity of such ascetic preaching and sexual chastity would have upset the normal Greco-Roman social order.234 The disruption of the oikos and relationships between husbands and wives caused an uproar leading to Paul and Thecla’s arrest in Iconium. While the people’s perception of Paul was that of a magician, his preaching based on the theology of 1 Cor. 6‒7 was the crux of the problem. Thamyria, Thecla’s fiancé, brings charges against Paul for preaching his gospel of continence and the resurrection. Barrier states, ‘The criticism of Thamyris and the crowd with him is not directed toward Paul’s religious faith or ideology. They are attacking Paul on the grounds of his exceptional ability to upset the social order of Iconium, especially regarding marriage.’235 The rescue miracle of Thecla in Iconium would have provided hope and encouragement for the believers hearing the story. For holding fast to their confession of faith and purity — no matter how long they have been Christians — they have the promise and encouragement that God is with them through their ordeals.

231 APTh III.15 Καὶ πᾶς ὁ ὄχλος ἔλεγεν Ἀπάγαγε τὸν μάγον. διέφθειρεν γὰρ ἡμῶν πάσας τάς γυναῖκας. APTh III.20. On accusations of magic and witchcraft see, Betz (1976); Douglas (1970). 232 The etymology of μάγος derives from Persia where experts in astrology and dream interpretation were called μάγος. The word later became used in relation to false prophets, especially in Judeo-Christian contexts. It is interesting to note that in Luke’s Acts, the tables are turned and it is Paul accusing Simon Bar Jesus/Elmyas of being a magician. Cf. Acts 13.8‒10. 233 Ankarloo & Clark (1999), 35‒37; Betz (1996); Faraone (2009). We saw in chapter 3 that the goal of rhetoric and oral performance in antiquity was ‘to enslave’ your audience. In contrast to Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians, here it seems as if Paul is eloquent of speech and able to draw and keep an audience. 234 MacDonald (1983), 47‒49, 55. 235 Barrier (2009a), 107.

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Jesus told his disciples that they would be persecuted for his namesake.236 In this light, the endurance of persecution and suffering for Jesus was never seen as a surprise in APl, but was to be accepted as a consequence of following Jesus just as in Luke’s Acts. Paul’s reticence to giving Thecla the ‘seal’ was probably to ensure that her faith would stand in the midst of trials. Similarly, Paul’s reluctance to intervene in Thecla’s rejection of Alexander may be seen as a faith-building exercise for the heroine or a way to test her commitment to Christ.237

3.3 Pneumatology The pneumatological element throughout the work prior to MP indicates that the role of the Holy Spirit was thought to still be present and active among the community. Healings, prophecies, glossolalia, and epiphanies are all present throughout the work.238 In the Ephesians account, an angel speaks to Paul in tongues and he interprets it, understanding that it is a prophetic message concerning his future.239 In Corinth (XII, 2‒5) the community fasts and receives prophetic messages through Paul, Cleobius, and Myrta.240 In Acts 13.2‒3, there is a similar pattern of fasting and reception of spiritual input through a prophetic utterance. Using an analogous understanding of being ‘filled’ or ‘full of the Holy Spirit’, Paul gives prophetic utterances and tells others of what awaits him in Rome. Cleobius confirms Paul’s statement which results in Paul breaking his fast. This action is prophetically confirmed by Myrta through an inspired speech followed by an agape meal. 241 It is clear that the author of APl uses 1 Corinthians 12‒14 as a template. Not more than three prophets were to speak according to Paul.242 We know from Paul’s letter to the Corinthians that they were zealous for spiritual gifts, but their priorities were out of order necessitating the reprioritizing and reorienting their understanding of the function of

Matt. 5.11‒12. Barrier (2009a), 135‒136. 238 APl IX. 3. Currie (1965). 239 Cf. 1 Cor. 12‒14. 240 The connection between fasting (asceticism) and prophetic ability seems to be present here, even though it is not part of the general authentic Pauline tradition. 241 APl IX. 242 1 Cor. 14.26‒33. 236 237

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spiritual manifestations.243 The fact that there is no glossolalia present, as in Ephesus, shows that the Presbyter possibly understood Paul’s elevation of prophecy over glossolalia.244 The prophecy given by Myrta, a woman, seems to indicate that women in this community were allowed to speak. This seems to be in contrast to Paul’s statement in 1 Cor. 14.34‒35: the women should keep silence in the churches. For they are not permitted to speak, but should be subordinate, as even the law says. If there is anything they desire to know, let them ask their husbands at home. For it is shameful for a woman to speak in church.

Irenaeus seems to know that women prophesy in churches, as does Tertullian.245 If these verses are an interpolation, as some scholars have argued, the author of APl may not have had these verses in his text.246 There are several instances of spiritual discernment in the APl. Onesiphorus recognizes Paul based on a description by Titus, knowing him ‘but only in spirit.’247 When introduced to Demas and Hermogenes, Onesiphorus tells them he sees no ‘fruit of righteousness’ in them.248 This exercising of the ‘discerning of spirits’ was known both to Paul and John.249 A later introduction between Polycarp and Marcion has similar parallels to the meeting of Onesiphorus and Demas and Hermogenes: Marcion forces Polycarp to recognize him to which he responds, ‘I recognize you, I recognize the first born of Satan.’250 Like Luke’s Acts, the author of APl XII had a similar understanding of the role of the Spirit and saw it as central to inspired speech and miraculous abilities. Even though the presence of the Holy Spirit is notably absent from the healing, exorcism and punitive judgment miracles in APl, the presence of the Spirit is evident in APl through prophetic words and direction.

1 Cor. 12‒14. 1 Cor. 14.1‒5. 245 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer.3.11.9; Tertullian, Adv. Marc. 5.8; De anima 9.4. 246 Fee (1987), 701; (1994); MacDonald (1983); Payne (2009). 247 APTh III. 2 οὐ γὰρ εἶδεν αὐτὸν σαρκὶ ἀλλὰ μόνον πνεύματι. 248 APTh III. 4 249 1 Cor. 12.10; 1 John 4.12. 250 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 3.3.4. 243

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Conclusion

4 Conclusion The author of the APl drew on a number of early Christian texts, especially Pauline and pseudo-Pauline material to create the model apostle. The motivation behind writing the work ‘for the love of Paul’ provides an example of the integration of memory and imagination utilized within early Christianity. That the memory of Paul (and Thecla) as a miracle worker endured to the second century give evidence to the fact that some Christian communities valued this portrayal of the apostle. Along with the Pauline material, the miracles of Jesus as well as earlier depictions of the apostles in Luke’s Acts informed the depiction and experiences of Paul in APl. Given the oral background of anqituity, some of the sources for this story, including the scriptural references would have been orally derived. Once the written text of APl was completed it would have been performed orally as well in a rhetorical or liturgical context. We have evidence of this in the late fourth-century reference to APTh by Egeria. A form critical analysis reveals that the Sitz im Leben for the narrators of the earliest memories of Paul in this text were experiencing some form of persecution. Preaching the gospel and working miracles could be a source of distress. However, God was faithful, saving and rescuing the apostles regardless of how long they were involved in the faith. The ascetic tendency throughout the APl gives a normal ideal of early Christianity. The close relationship between intimacy with God and the ascetic lifestyle corresponds to the miracle tradition of Paul.251 The fasting and prayers of the righteous person — in this case Paul and Thecla — could be expected to be heard, sometimes even before asking. The prayers throughout this text all result in a type of miracle. Following Jesus for these communities meant expecting divine deliverance in the midst of trials and persecution. In exchange, however, one must be faithful to their baptism, to prayer, and to fasting. It also meant having faith in God and his representative for healing both physically and in social reconciliation (Myra). The resuscitation stories show that just as Christ was raised, so would they be raised; whereas death was seen as deriving from Satan. The communal nature of the raising of Patroclus shows that corporate faith is greater than that of an individual, even if he/she is an apostle.

Stowers (1990).

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In this chapter I have argued that the memories of Paul and Thecla provided an exemplum of Christ-like living for second-century Christians. At the beginning of this chapter I mentioned Tertullian’s warning against the use of the APTh in his tractate on baptism because of the example (exemplum) of Thecla’s self-baptism and teaching ministry. We should end, therefore, by noting the implicit affirmation of Tertullian’s warning, which would only make sense if this is not precisely how second-century Christians were receiving, and possibly imitating, the memories of Paul and Thecla.

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CHAPTER 6: MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PETER

1 Introduction In the last chapter we examined the miracle tradition in the Acts of Paul (APl). We saw that miracles of rescue predominate in the work and came from a setting of perceived persecution. For this community, following Jesus meant trusting in God to rescue them from difficult circumstances. Paul sees prayer for healing and resuscitations as a common means to preach the gospel, though his miracles are not always welcome. We now come to our final text, the Acts of Peter (APt). By evaluating the narrative in a similar manner as Luke’s Acts and APl we will likewise gain an understanding of what it meant to follow Jesus for its author, and for communities that used the text. We will also gain a better understanding of the second-century memory of Peter and how these memories played a role in the discipleship of the church. After Luke’s Acts (c. 125 ce) and before APt there is little evidence concerning Peter. As we shall see, there are brief mentions of him in relationship with Paul, but the development of a full-blown narrative in the second century shows that the memories surrounding the ministry and martyrdom of Peter were important. To assess these memories, we will first examine the text according to its date, origin, sources, and orality. Second, we will evaluate the miracle tradition from a form critical perspective. Although this topic was not addressed in the previous two chapters, due to the prominence of the topos of vision and sight, we will also examine visions and epiphanies. Finally, we will draw conclusions from the evaluation of these miracles and discover what memories of Peter meant to the communities that used this text. Like the previous two chapters we will pay particular

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attention to what these stories may have meant with respect to discipleship in the second century.

1.1  The Text of the Acts of Peter The text of APt is generally divided into three sections, however not all scholars agree on what should comprise the narrative as we shall see. The largest extant text is the sixth-or seventh-century Latin manuscript given the title Actus Vercellenses (hereafter, Act. Verc.), located in the Chapter Library of Vercelli.1 It begins with Paul’s departure from Rome to Spain and ends with the account of the Martyrdom of the holy apostle Peter (hereafter, MPt).2 An earlier Greek fragment of papyrus assigned the title P. Oxy.849 published in 1908 by Grenfell and Hunt, is only twenty-eight lines long and was written on vellum. It corresponds to a resuscitation scene in Act. Verc. 25‒26 and provides evidence of a possible Greek Vorlage of APt.3 There is a leaf missing in the Act. Verc. (c. 35‒36) which is filled by three Greek texts of MPt titled Cod. Patmiachus 48 dating to the ninth century, Cod. Athous Vatoped 79, dating to the tenth or eleventh century and Cod. Ochrid. Bibl. Mun. 44 from the eleventh century.4 A Coptic fragment titled Papyrus Berolinensis 8502 (P. Berol. 8502) contains four tractates, the last of which is the so-called Act of Peter. In 1903 Carl Schmidt analysed the text and came to the conclusion that this Coptic text was part of the larger narrative of APt and served as an introduction to the story.5 A few scholars have recently challenged this 1 The standard text of Act. Verc. is Kraft, Lipsius, & Bonnet (1959b), 45‒103. Throughout this chapter I will refer to this text by abbreviation, chapter number, the page, and line reference of Lipsius and Bonnet followed by the lines of the text. English translations, unless otherwise indicated are provided by Elliott. Other useful works concerning the text of the Acts of Peter are: Hilhorst (1998); Schneemelcher (1991b), 278‒279; C. H. Turner (1931). 2 Μαρτύριον τοῦ ἁγίου ἀποστόλου Πέτρου. The Greek text of MPt correlates with the Latin beginning at chapter 30 and ending at 41. For the purposes of this study I have distinguished between the Martyrdom of Paul (MP) and the Martyrdom of Peter (MPt). Poupon believes that the first section of most of the current English translations of APt, specifically the Coptic account of Peter’s daughter, the gardener’s daughter and the MPt are interpolations. See, Poupon (1988). 3 Act. Verc. 73.26‒26. 15‒27. Grenfell & Hunt (1898). 4 The manuscript details can be found in Schneemelcher (1991b), 277. MPt enjoyed a life on its own as evidenced by the individual translations of just that section of the text in Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, Arabic and Ethiopic. 5 Parrott & Brashler (2000), 528‒531; Schmidt (1903); Schneemelcher (1991b), 278.

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Introduction

correlation and for good reasons.6 First, the stronger ascetic tendency in the Coptic fragment does not cohere well with the rest of the narrative. One would suspect if this was a missing beginning as Schmidt argued, there would be more judgment miracles and more emphasis on asceticism in Act. Verc. In the section Peter temporarily heals his daughter who after an explanation returns to her paralyzed state for the sake of holiness. In a later section Peter prays a blessing on a gardener’s daughter who immediately dies. Her father begs to have her resuscitated, which Peter does, but she is later seduced and never heard from again. While this ascetic tendency is not uncommon within the second century, it does not cohere with the rest of the Act. Verc. or MPt. Second, the healings and resuscitations in P. Berol. do not follow a similar pattern or form of healing or resuscitation as the other healings or resuscitations throughout the work. Outside of the judgment pronounced on Simon Magus in Act. Verc. there are no accounts where the healed individual returns to their previous state throughout the rest of the story. In this case, the forms of healings do not follow a similar pattern. Third, Andrea Molinari points out that Schmidt and James presume that there was only one narrative about Peter that was collected or written in the second century.7 If the two daughter stories were an initial introduction to the larger Act. Verc. it is difficult to imagine how the two daughter narratives would have become separated from the larger text. Moreover, how would it have ended up as a shorter piece of literature in a so-called gnostic tractate? Since the discovery of the Nag Hammadi codices in 1945 we now know that the possibility of a number of stories circulating about Peter in the second century is more likely than the development of one cohesive narrative. Fourth, the aims of the two daughter narratives and the larger Act. Verc. are different. The primary purpose of Act. Verc. is to establish faith and conversion through demonstration of deeds of power. This narrative shows that God is said to ‘look after his own.’ The daughter narratives are primarily didactic and in a similar manner as those found in the book of Job in that they establish a theodicy that includes healing and restoration of the body, but leaves little room for the believer to question God. For these reasons above I exclude an examination of P. Berol.8502. Ficker (1903); Lapham (2004); Molinari (2000). Molinari (2000), 5‒116.

6 7

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Because the nature of this study is not a text critical evaluation, I will be utilizing the numbering system given in the Lipsius and Bonnet’s critical edition Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha and J. K. Elliott’s English translation, treating the two primary sections according to their specific manuscript titles (Act. Verc. and MPt) but using the Acts of Peter (APt) when referring to the collective whole of the text.

1.2  Date, Origin, Sources and Orality Most scholars date APt to the late second or early third century.8 Schneemelcher and Bockmeuhl find the task too difficult and avoid dating it while accepting the general consensus of a late second or early third century date.9 The establishment of a fixed date is difficult due to the oral and textual fluidity exemplified in the text. Despite this difficulty, there are several primary reasons for dating the APt to the late second century. First, the terminus ad quem for the APt is set by Eusebius (c. 290 ce) who lists the work as spurious. He states: On the other hand, of the Acts bearing his name, and the Gospel named according to him and Preaching called his and the so-called Revelation, we have no knowledge at all in Catholic tradition, for no orthodox writer of the ancient time or of our own has used their testimonies.10 Bockmuehl (2012); Lapham (2004), 67‒68; Schneemelcher (1991b), 283; J. Z. Smith (1993), 151; Stoops (1982). The one notable exception is Matthew Baldwin whose thesis places the date of Acta Vercellus to the fourth century based on linguistic comparison. In a review, J.K. Elliott notes that the argument is solid and merits consideration. In a personal conversation with Dennis MacDonald, he noted that there are good reasons to date the text to the second century, namely Origen’s knowledge of Peter’s crucifixion as well as the dependence on the Acts of Andrew which is likely to be dated to the early third century. J.K. Elliott, review of Whose Acts of Peter? by Matthew C. Baldwin, Review of Biblical Literature, December 3, 2006, http://www.bookreviews. org/rblSearch.asp. Accessed 04/09/2013. Personal conversation with Dennis MacDonald (2013). St. Andrews, Scotland. 9 Bockmuehl states, ‘Given the extreme textual fluidity of the material, there is little point in seeking to pin down the document’s date and setting with any degree of precision.’ In another monograph Bockmuehl argues for the general outline of APt coming from the late second century. Bockmuehl (2010), 199; (2012), 160; Schneemelcher (1991b), 283. 10 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.3.2 trans Lake, LCL. τό γε μὴν τῶν ἐπικεκλημένων αὐτοῦ Πράξεων καὶ τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ὠνομασμένον εὐαγγέλιον τό τε λεγόμενον αὐτοῦ Κήρυγμα καὶ τὴν καλουμένην Ἀποκάλυψιν οὐδ᾽ ὅλως ἐν καθολικοῖς ἴσμεν παραδεδομένα, ὅτι μήτε ἀρχαίων μήτε μὴν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τις ἐκκλησιαστικὸς συγγραφεὺς ταῖς ἐξ αὐτῶν συνεχρήσατο μαρτυρίαις. 8

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Introduction

Eusebius’ motivation in the passage regarding the APt is to establish the priority of bishopric of Rome and to relate it back to Peter.11 The terminus ad quem is moved closer to the early third century from a quotation concerning Peter’s crucifixion head downwards in Origen’s commentary on Genesis.12 This is depicted in the MPt. This places the knowledge of Peter’s demise back to the early third century (c. 210 ce). The tradition of martyrdom is also known from the late first and early second century. 1 Clement 5.4 states, ‘Peter, through unrighteous envy, endured not one or two, but numerous labours, and when he had at length suffered martyrdom, departed to the place of glory due to him.’13 The author of 1 Clement places the martyrdom of Peter within the common knowledge and living memory of the Corinthians by stating that the examples come from ‘our own generation.’14 While the letter is mostly silent about the fate of Peter, the fact that he numbers both Peter and Paul among the ‘pillars’15 seems to indicate that their martyrdoms are common knowledge among the church in Rome and Corinth.16 Compared to 1 Clement, Ignatius (c. 140 ce) is a bit more specific concerning Peter’s martyrdom when he addresses the Roman church: I do not, as Peter and Paul, issue commandments unto you. They were apostles of Jesus Christ, but I am the very least [of believers]: they were free, as the servants of God; while I am, even until now, a servant. But when I suffer, I shall be the freedman of Jesus Christ, and shall rise again emancipated in him. And now, being in bonds for him, I learn not to desire anything worldly or vain.17

Ignatius presupposes that the Romans received instruction from Peter and Paul. Bockmuehl notes that there is no indication that the Roman Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.3.2. Ibid, 3.1.2. 13 I am grateful to Josef Lössl for bringing to my attention to O.  Zwierlein’s Petrus in Rome and Petrus und Paulus in Jerusalem und Rom.1 Clem. 5.4‒5 Πέτρον ὃς διὰ ζῆλον ἄδικον οὐχ ἕνα οὐδὲ δύο ἀλλὰ πλείονας ὑπήνεγκεν πόνους καὶ οὕτω μαρτυρήσας ἐπορεύθη εἰς τὸν ὀφειλόμενον τόπον τῆς δόξης 14 Bockmuehl (2012), 110. 1 Clem 5.1 λάβωμεν τῆς γενεᾶς ἡμῶν τὰ γενναῖα ὑποδείγματα 15 1 Clem. 5.2; Gal. 2.9. 16 Bauckham (1992), 560. 17 Ignatius, Rom. 4.3. 11

12

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church received written instruction from Peter or Paul.18 Rather, it seems that they received it in person. The ability of Ignatius to appeal to the common memory of the apostles by the Roman churches provides evidence that the these Christian communities had absorbed the common memory of the martyrdoms of Peter and Paul in Rome. If Origen knows the motif of martyrdom around 210 ce and the tradition fits with 1 Clement and Ignatius, there is good reason to suppose the presence of APt in the second century. Second, further evidence for a second-century date of APt can be supplied by the lack of a highly institutionalized ecclesiastical structure imagined by the text. Within the text of Act. Verc. the mention of the ecclesiastical titles ‘deacon’, ‘presbyter’ and ‘bishops’ (27) indicate that the earliest possible date is the late first century to the early second century.19 Narcissus is mentioned as a presbyter (praesbyter) in the Act. Verc. 13.20 Peter prophesies over one of the young men he resuscitates stating that he will be a deacon and a bishop.21 The early second-century work Shepherd by Hermas shows that there are a plurality of bishops, deacons and teachers present in Rome.22 The description in Act. Verc. of Marcellus as a patron to the poor (8) seems to give the proper credentials of a bishop who, according to Peter Lampe, are presbyters who pay special attention to the poor.23 However, his position of power within the imperial ranks would preclude him from being given the title of ‘bishop.’24

Bockmuehl (2012), 48. The exception being Paul’s letter to the Romans, which Bockmuehl fails to mention regarding this text. 19 These titles are descriptive however, rather than proscriptive. They are general titles given to certain individuals serving the body of Christ and are not yet titles indicative of a particular function. 20 Act. Verc. 13. 61.8. 21 Act. Verc. 27.74.12 postea autem mihi uagauis altiis ministrans, diaconi ac episcopi te. 22 Hermas, Vis 3.5.1, Sim 9.27.2. 23 Lampe (2003), 401. Hermas, Man 8.10; Vis. 3.9.2, 5 24 Bremmer (1998). 18

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Introduction

Herm. Sim. 9.27.2

APt. 8

bishops given to hospitality, who always gladly received into their houses the servants of God, without dissimulation. And the bishops never failed to protect, by their service, the widows, and those who were in want, and always maintained a holy conversation.

‘Believe us, brother Peter’, they said, ‘none among men was so wise as this Marcellus. All the widows who hoped in Christ took their refuge in him; all the orphans were fed by him. Will you know more, brother? All the poor called Marcellus their patron; his house was called the house of the pilgrims and poor.

This hospitality is shown throughout the Act. Verc. when Marcellus accepts Simon, Peter and widows into his home. Though ecclesiastical positions are not frequently mentioned in the text, the mythical Rome of APt has similarities of the Rome that Hermas knew. This shows that the presence of ecclesiastical titles is enough of an indicator that the core setting of the story is likely coming from the later second century and the perception of the imagined temporal locale is later than APl, which never mentions these titles. In Act. Verc. 36 (MPt 7) Peter encourages the church by stating, ‘The Lord is able to strengthen you in his faith, and he will establish you in it and increase it in you whom he has planted, so that you may also plant others through him.’25 Drawing on Pauline allusions,26 Peter’s exhortation that the Lord will strengthen the church in Rome, rather than the bishop or a presbyter seems to indicate that this portion of the story is relatively early. There is no indication or instruction in being obedient to those put in place over the church as there is in Ignatius. Rather, it is God who strengthens and encourages.27 Hermas is likewise told that the Lord will ‘strengthen you’ and to put faith in the Lord.28 The direct appeal to God, rather than to a bishop or another church officer as a mediator indicates a second-century dating.29

MPt 7. 88.17‒20 ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ κύριος στηρίξαι δυνατός ἐστιν εἰς τὴν πίστιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ θεμελιώσει ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ πλατυνεῖ ἐν αὐτῷ, οὓς αὐτὸς ἐφύτευσεν, ἵνα καὶ ὑμεῖς ἄλλους φυτεύσητε δι᾽ αὐτοῦ. 26 1 Cor. 3:6‒8; 9:7. 27 1 Pet. 5.10. For the author of 1 Peter it is the God of all grace who strengthens, confirms and establishes. 28 Hermas, Vis. 4.1.3; Sim. 6.1.2. 29 Bockmuehl (2012); Stoops (1986), 99. 25

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As argued in the last chapter the lack of a monarchic episcopacy provides the first evidence of an early to middle second-century context. If we follow Barnes’ dating of Ignatius’ letters to after 140 ce,30 then there is a later establishment for a monarchic episcopacy from his letters than was earlier thought. The earliest explicit mention of a monarchic episcopacy in Rome would be evidenced by Irenaeus c.  180 ce.31 Irenaeus knows of Peter’s presence in Rome in his attempt to trace back the line of Roman bishops to Peter in an attempt to provide a genealogy of sound doctrine.32 While doctrine and correct faith is a concern in APt there is no evidence of an attempt to establish Peter as the primary bishop or leader of the Roman congregation. It is clear that the Roman church recognized his apostolic leadership and remembered him in Rome, but he is not establishing a hierarchical system.33 Rather, he is fulfilling his apostolic role of encouraging the faithful, persuading them back to Christ, making converts and imitating Christ through miracles and martyrdom. This would establish the monarchic episcopacy in Rome between 140‒180 ce, thereby pushing the imagined narrative of APt to before the establishment of this office. Third, the Christians in APt are meeting in homes, rather than churches.34 The fact that they are meeting in individual’s homes indicates a second, or early third-century context as the church did not begin gathering in specified buildings until the early third century. This could represent a socio-historical reality on part of the narrators or a memory of an idealized past. Either way, it most represents the understanding of the storytellers in the second century. Fourth, the social setting of APt involves a Christian community of rich and poor, senators and slaves, is best represented by the late second century. According to Celsus, who wrote in the latter half of the second century, Christianity was known as a religion of women and slaves.35 Eusebius stated that during Commodus’ reign (c.  180‒192 ce) many

Barnes (2008). Lampe (2003), 406. 32 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 3.3.3 Cullmann rightly notes that the apostles never established other apostles. In this instance the authors and narrators understand that the apostles are not necessarily trying to establish a continuity or genealogy of correct doctrine. Cullmann (1962), 220. 33 Cullmann (1962), 115. 34 Meeks (2003), 75‒77. 35 Origen, Cels. 44, 59. 30 31

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Introduction

people of high esteem had converted to Christianity in Rome.36 Concurring with Eusebius, Irenaeus writes that under Commodus there were imperial slaves or freedmen within the court who are Christians.37 Tertullian also notes that under Emperor Septimius Severus (c. 193‒211 ce) there were Christians within the court.38 With this historical background in place, the presence of particular characters and the theme of patronage represented in in APt is best situated in the latter half of the second century. Marcellus is a Christian senator who is led astray by Simon, but repents. He was called a patron to the poor.39 A noble and well-esteemed senator named Nicostratus is resuscitated by Peter and becomes a disciple (28).40 Both Nicostratus and his mother give generous donations to the church in support of the virgins and widows.41 To summarize, given what we know about the rise in prominence of some Christians within the Empire, the social setting of APt best reflects the second century. Likewise, the absence of a monarchical episcopacy and church meetings held in the homes locate the core of APt in the latter half of the second century, probably between 160‒190 ce. Due to the lack of interest in establishing Peter as chief bishop and the monarchic episcopacy, a date close to 160‒170 is more likely.

1.2a Origin Unlike the APl the authorship of APt is unknown.42 Due to redactional evidence and the external attestations mentioned above, we know that there were stories about Peter and Simon circulating within the second and third-century Church. The martyrdom of Peter was known to Christians of the late first century and the tradition of his crucifixion ‘head downwards’ is known from the early third century, but is probably from an earlier tradition.

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.21.1. Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 4.30.1. 38 Tertullian, Apol. 37.4. 39 Act. Verc. 8.55.3‒4 Marcellum omnes pauperi patronum uocabant 40 Act. Verc. 28.75.14‒15 Liberalis autem magis carissimus erat in senato Nicostratus qui mortuus erat. 41 Act. Verc. 29. 42 Though we do not have a name for APl the author was a presbyter in a church. 36 37

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The most likely locations for the origin of APt are Rome or Asia Minor.43 The mention of Puteoli (6) and the central location of the duel between Simon and Peter in the forum of Julius reveals some knowledge of Rome.44 Aricia, the town where Simon Magus lives prior to coming to Rome, is a small town outside of the city that was known for its worship of Diana/Artemis.45 However, other details regarding Rome are sketchy and there are good reasons for positing Asia Minor as the locale of origin.46 First, with respect to names,47 like APl, the APt bases some of their fictitious characters on historical people from the Eastern Empire. Though it was a common name, Agrippa appears in APt as a prefect. Luke’s Acts and Josephus state that Herod Agrippa was the last king of Judea (10 bc-44 ce) and James, the brother of Jesus was killed under him.48 Agrippa II was addressed by Paul in Acts 25‒26. A man named Narcissus occurs in Romans 16.11 and APt 3. The above-mentioned name of the senator Marcellus could relate to Granius Marcellus who was a proconsul in Bithynia under Augustus.49 According to Tacitus, Marcellus was guilty of desecrating an imperial statue.50 Based on this reference Ficker argued that that Bithynia is a likely location of origin.51 The name Balbus is referred to in APt 3 as ‘Roman knights and Schneemelcher (1991b), 283. Act. Verc. 4. 45 Act. Verc. 4; 32(3). Green (2007). 46 Bremmer (1998), 14. 47 The names of most of the wealthy individuals in the story are predominantly Greek. We have already noted that there were Christians among the court during the reigns of Commodus and Septimius Severus. Emperors Vespasian and Trajan opened the doors for the senatorial class to the east, but it was not until the rule of Marcus Aurelius, Commodus and Septimius Severus that there was an increase in the number of people from the east gaining senatorial class. These senators would have had homes in Italy as well as in their native lands due to the fact that Trajan required an investment in Italian property. Marcus Aurelius raised the required investment of a senator’s capital to one-fourth in Italy. This investment would have placed eastern senators in Italy at times. Though the exact number is difficult to establish, some of these eastern people would have been Christians participating in liturgical gatherings in Rome. This fact accounts for the Greek names of the characters and the Roman setting in APt. See, Pliny, Ep 6.19; Barbieri (1952), 441; Halfmann (1979), 77‒81; Lampe (2003), 118 n. 4, 7. 48 Josephus,. Ant. 20.200; Acts 12.1. Karasszon (1998). 49 Stein & Petersen (1952), 40 no. 211. 50 Tacitus, Ann. 1.74. 51 Ficker (1903), 38‒39, 43‒44. Further reference to Bithynia is made earlier in APt 4 where two women in the hospitality of Bithynians are mentioned. Act. Verc. 49.4.15‒16 mulieribus in hospitio Bytinorum 43

44

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Introduction

illustrious men.’52 It is possible that one of the narrators had in mind Q. Iulius Balbus who was proconsul of Asia around 100‒102 ce.53 Like the APl and other ancient novelistic works, the narrators utilized historical figures from the first-century ce who play an important roles in APt. These characters, while anachronistic, are typical of the novelistic feature of the Acta and in some instances are indispensible as will be discussed below. The fact that these historical characters are from the east provides further evidence for Asia Minor as the provenance of APt. Second, a comparison of the possible burial sites of Peter provides evidence against a Roman composition of APt. Following Matthew 27.60 where Joseph of Arimethea buries Jesus ‘in his own tomb’, Marcellus buries Peter ‘in his own tomb’ which would certainly not be the supposed location of Peter’s tomb today.54 A  tomb of a senator could scarcely be compared with the current location of Peter’s bones at the Vatican catacombs. Lampe states, ‘This story could hardly have been told to Roman readers at the end of the second century, since any child could see that Peter’s tomb was certainly not that of a senator.’55 Third, at the funeral of senator Nicostratus he is repeatedly referred to as ‘the boy’ (puer).56 The reference to the senator as puer is unusual as the minimum age requirement to be in the Senate was the age of 30 years old.57 This discrepancy can be explained by the fact that a narrator was probably ignorant of the age requirements to serve in the Senate, or over the course of time, several accounts were blended together, which I will elaborate on below. Jan Bremmer provides another solution stating that in the Roman east during the second century the sons of urban elite families became involved in the council (βουλή) and serve in numerous offices.58 This piece of information further locates the APt in Asia Minor. Fourth, the dependence of APt on APl whose origin is known to be from Asia Minor makes the likelihood of APt from that same region more concrete.59 The transmission of stories and texts can happen faster 54 55 56 57 58 59 52 53

Act. Verc. 3.48.2‒3 aequites Romani, spendidi uiri Stein & Petersen (1952), 152 no. 199. Lampe (2003), 122 n.16. Lampe (2003), 122 n.16. Act. Verc. 28.76.27; 28.77.21, 26. The Latin also uses the term iuvenes for the young man. See Act. Verc. 28.77.7. Bremmer (1998), 15. See previous chapter and Tertullian, De baptismo 17.5.

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than was once thought60 and the availability of the memories and motifs are more centralized once a story has been in circulation. In the case of APt, similar motifs and character types were borrowed from APl. For example, we have the presence of a boat captain who comes to faith occurs in both texts, as well as the Quo Vadis scene.61

1.2b  Sources: Scripture and Intertextuality Compared with APl there are fewer canonical and apocryphal intertextual references. This is probably due to the fact that while the narrators had some scriptural knowledge, the emphasis was not necessarily aimed at completing Luke’s Acts.62 Moreover, while there are Petrine themes throughout the work, much of the theological understanding seems to be derived from Paul’s letters, the gospel of John and Matthew. We will now examine them in this order. The direct quotation of 1 Thes. 5.15, ‘it is not good to repay evil for evil’ in Act. Verc. 10 and 28 are explicit Pauline references, though the author of 1 Peter takes it up in 3.9.63 Other Pauline allusions are: 1 Cor 2.9

APt 39

But, as it is written, ‘What no eye has seen, nor ear heard, nor the heart of man conceived, what God has prepared for those who love him,’

you shall then obtain that of which he said to you, ‘Eye has not seen, nor ear heard, neither has it entered into the heart of man.’

1 Cor 16.13

APt 6

Stand firm in your faith.

Brethren, stand firm in the faith.

Rom 12.1

APt 29

I appeal to you therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, which is your spiritual worship.

See, I also, who have been raised, offer the double gift and present myself from now on as a living sacrifice to God.

M. B. Thompson (1998). Cf. APl 10; APt 5. 62 Bauckham (1993). 63 The use of the present indicative participle of ἀποδίδωμι indicates that the author of 1 Peter used Paul’s reference in Romans rather than 1 Thes. 5.15. Cf. 1 Pet 3.9: μὴ ἀποδιδόντες κακὸν ἀντὶ κακοῦ; Rom 12.17: μηδενὶ κακὸν ἀντὶ κακοῦ ἀποδιδόντες 60 61

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Introduction

Johannine symbols and motifs are abundant throughout APt.64 The theme of vision, light, blindness and epiphany are primary Johannine symbols.65 In Peter’s sermon to the widows (20) there are specific references to some of the ‘I am’ statements found in John. In a sermon Peter refers to Jesus as ‘the light, the way, the bread, the water, the life, the resurrection.’66 More theological parallels are found in the Johannine letters. The restoration of the widow’s sight by the light/Jesus evokes praise from Peter who states, ‘God is greater than our thoughts.’ This is an indirect reference to 1 John 3.20.67 1 John 3.20b

APt 21

for God is greater than our hearts, and he knows everything.

God is greater than our thoughts.

When compared, 1 John and the larger Johannine literature (John 14‒17) the APt it seems that the theme of confidence before God and forgiveness of sin play a strong part. 1 John 1.9

APt 2

If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just, and will forgive our sins and cleanse us from all unrighteousness.

But if you repent of your deed, he is faithful to forgive your sins and can free you from this sin.

John 1.18 states that no one has seen God, but in APt the believers can see God, following Jesus’ teaching in Matthew. John 1.18

Matt 5.8

APt 7

No one has ever seen God; the only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, he has made him known.

Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God.

whom no man has ever seen nor can see, save him who has believed on him.

The use of these motifs may point to a location of Asia Minor. Lee (1994), 161. Light is one of the most common themes in John and is used by him more than any other gospel writer. ‘Light’ is used 16 times in John, 14 in Luke. 66 Act. Verc. 20.68.11‒12; John 10.7, 9; 3.19; 8.12; 6.35; 4.10; 7.38; 14.6. 67 Fauconnier & Turner (2002). 64 65

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Repentance and turning back to God is a central theme in APt and those who turn back receive visions and visitations of Christ. In APt the role of visions and seeing God was not viewed in an eschatological future, but rather in the present. Other Johannine allusions are: John 20.19b

APt 5

Jesus came and stood among them and said to them, ‘Peace be with you.’

A young man, radiant in splendour, appeared and said to them, ‘Peace be with you.’

John 10.38

APt 20

the Father is in me and I am in the Father.

For he is in the Father, and the Father in him.

In his sermon at Marcellus’ house, Peter recounts the Transfiguration from Matthew and the following healing of the widows (20) by the great light evokes similar images.68 While the Transfiguration has largely been neglected in Western Christianity, and remained a central focus in the Eastern Church.69 These affective characteristics may point to the East as the place of origin of APt. With these proto-scriptural70 attestations to Matthew and the Johannine writings, would fit more easily if APt came from Asia Minor rather than Rome. There has been some speculation concerning the relationship of APt and the Act of John (AJ). M. R. James stated that the author of the APt knew AJ and ‘followed it closely.’ 71 Similarities in the polymorphisms in AJ 87 ff. and APt 20 have been posited, however, these are more likely based on the Transfiguration in Matthew as will be argued below, rather than on each other. Further correspondences such as the catalogues for the Cross of Light in AJ 98 and APt 20 the mention of door, bread, gate, 68 Matt. 17.2‒4. In the same sermon on the Transfiguration, Peter mentions the ‘holy mountain’ that is also recounted in 2 Pet. 1.18. 69 Herrick & Mann (2002); Lee (2004); Ramsey (2009). 70 Scripture for the early church were the Jewish texts. As the corpus of Pauline and gospel literature grew the establishment of a fixed canon developed. However, between this period the use of the Jewish texts, the gospels and Paul’s letters were in use within early Christian communities. They did not, however develop into the status of Scripture until the third century. This does not mean that Christian communities did not value the texts, it means that it simply took time for them to be recognized into the established canon. 71 James (1924), 300.

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Introduction

word are similar, but as Schneemelcher notes these are derived from a common Christian tradition, namely the gospel of John.72 Ultimately, we must conclude, along with Elliott, that there is affinity between these two works but this is more likely due to their places of origin rather than literary dependence.73 The combined factors of (1) eastern senators present in Rome in the latter half of the second century, (2) the eastern names throughout the text of APt, (3) the differences in the type of burial locations of Peter (4) proto-scriptural references to John and Matthew which come from the east and (5) the dependence of APt on APl lead to a mid to late secondcentury provenance in Asia Minor.74

1.2c Orality While there are some intertextual correspondences with what became known as the New Testament and other apocryphal texts, there is little question that some of the sources of APt were oral. Compared to the APl there is no controversy regarding oral tradition with respect to APt. Christine Thomas has compared the APt with the fourth or fifthcentury Pseudo-Hegesippus75 and the fifth-century Acts of Nereus and Achilleus,76 drawing attention to the fluidity as well as homogeneity that is consistent with oral traditions.77 While she notes that some of the elements such as the talking dog story were probably drawn from texts, this does not exclude oral tradition throughout the texts.78 The ‘textual

72 Schneemelcher (1991b), 275. In his Harvard dissertation, Robert Stoops posited that there were certain aretalogical sources used in putting together APt. It is well documented both textually and archaeologically that promotion of a god or deity through praise of virtue or mighty deeds was common in antiquity. However, the notion of such a collection being related with Peter is not helpful due the fact that we have no such lists related to the apostle. What we do have are texts that retain the memory of the apostle and the communities that used them, which is a much more fruitful means of analysis. 73 Elliott (1993), 390. 74 Contra Baldwin (2005). 75 Schneemelcher (1991b), 437, 439. 76 Schneemelcher (1991b), 437. 77 C. M. Thomas (1998), 65; (2003). 78 With regard to this story it is probable that the author drew from a number of sources. In this instance it is likely to be Homer’s Odyssey and Plato’s Republic. Spittler (2008), 142‒144.

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fluidity’ gives indication of both literary and oral sources. We will now examine some of the signs of orality within APt.79 The presence of ‘multiforms’, similar to a ‘doublet’ or repeated phrase, is evident in APt. Multiforms are elements of repeated performances at the oral level that are not exact copies of each other, but retain similar narrative elements such as motifs, actions or phrases.80 There are five examples of multiforms can be seen within the APt: (1) The account of Agrippa and Albinus, who are both upset at Peter on account of his ascetic teaching on sexual abstinence, leads to the arrest of Peter (APt 33‒34); (2) Simon flies over Rome twice; (3) there are two sets of widows healed (20); (4) Peter resuscitates three young men. 81 These multiforms are indicative of the mnemonic element necessary for oral story telling. Regarding characters, one indicator of orality is the failure to mention names when introducing a character. For example, the prefect who organizes the dual between Simon and Peter (25‒26) is simply ‘the prefect’ in chapter 25 and at the end of chapter 26 he is ‘Agrippa.’82 The delay in mentioning this name indicates a separate telling of the story, one which the title was the only attribution to the prefect and another telling where he is named Agrippa. A similar instance of this occurs in APt 28 where the dead senator’s name is not mentioned until much later as ‘Nicostratus.’ As stated above, the use of the term puer to describe the senator could indicate an eastern origin of the story. It also belies the oral nature of the account. Based on changing audiences, another story teller or both, it is likely that over the course of telling the story another teller decided, for dramatic effect, to add the fact that it was not just any 79 I mentioned above that I will not be including an examination of ‘The Act of Peter’ (P. Berol. 8502). However, this text provides information concerning oral tradition as well. It contains the story of the healing of Peter’s daughter and the gardener’s daughter which bear a complexity indicative of an oral background. Suffice it to say that the complications that exist between the healing of two daughter stories that seem to indicate that a single author did not piece together each story from written sources. Rather, it is more likely that one or more stories were told about Peter healing a girl that changed over a period of time. The presence of similar characters (the virgin daughter, the father, Peter and a suitor) and common motifs (physical disability to preserve chastity, healing of the daughter) indicate a similar story that transitioned through oral telling. C. M. Thomas (1992), 152‒153. 80 C. M. Thomas (1999). 81 I have limited this study to exclude ‘The Act of Peter’ which provides a further example of doublets in that two virgins are paralyzed by Peter in order to preserve their chastity. C. M. Thomas (1999), 50. 82 Karasszon (1998).

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Introduction

youth, it was a senator.83 Eventually the name was added in another telling to make the story more specific.84 The random interjection, ‘Caesar’, in APt 28 indicates a scribal misplacement or an alternative telling where the orator confused Agrippa with Caesar. Due to the fact that there was no mention of Caesar entering the forum it could be posited that someone misspoke in the telling and this remnant of orality remains in the text.85 There are certain insertions in the text which seem liturgical or addressed to a listening audience. Brian McNeil has compared the Odes of Solomon with Peter’s last speech concerning crucifixion in APt 38 and argued for a common liturgical source.86 The spreading of the arms in the imitation of Christ and the mention of ‘upright’ in the Odes 27 and 42 parallels APt 38. Odes of Solomon 27 (trans Charlesworth)

APt 38

1. I extended my hands and hallowed my Lord, 2. For the expansion of my hands is His sign. 3. And my extension is the upright cross. Hallelujah. 4. Odes 42 5. I extended my hands and approached my Lord, for the expansion of my hands is his sign. 6. And my extension is the upright cross, that was lifted up on the way of the Righteous One. 7. And I became useless to those who knew me not, because I shall hide myself from those who possessed me not. 8. And I will be with those who love me.

For you ought to come to the cross of Christ, who is the extended Word, the one and only, concerning whom the Spirit says, ‘For what else is Christ than the Word, the sound of God?’ The Word is this upright tree on which I am crucified; the sound, however, is the crossbeam, namely the nature of man; and the nail which holds the crossbeam to the upright in the middle is the conversion and repentance of man.

McNeil argues that these sections of the Odes refer to the crucifixion of Christ and the author of this section of APt drew on the liturgical Stoops (1982), 61; C. M. Thomas (1999), 54. When and where the addition of the name occurred is unknown. However, the Greek name still indicates an eastern provenance. 85 Vouaux (1922), 388‒389 n. 7. 86 Charlesworth (1973), 106, 145; McNeil (1979). 83

84

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source.87 If this is the case, then we have further evidence for oral sources in the APt. Conflict and surprise are two marks of orality that are present in APt. Peter’s primary conflict with Simon is central to the story, however, this need not necessarily be oral. Conflicts and surprise occur in Greek tragedy as well as Greek novels. The awe and surprise of the crowds to the talking dog could parallel the early audiences acclamation to the tales (APt 9, 12). The acclamation at the first boy’s resuscitation (APt 26) is redactional and is likely to be the response of the crowd to the telling of the story.88 The memory of Simon’s death in APt and Hippolytus indicate oral tradition. In APt Simon falls to the ground after Peter prays, breaks his legs and dies several weeks later (32). Hippolytus states that Simon said he would rise again after being buried alive for three days.89 After that time Simon failed to rise and died. The differences are so great that it is difficult to posit any textual correlation. The author of the APt received a tradition of Simon spending time in Jerusalem and Rome. In Peter’s recounting how he expelled Simon out of Judea, he states that he was confronted by both Peter and Paul in Jerusalem (APt 23). However, there is no indication that Paul ever met Simon and in Acts 8 has the confrontation between Simon and Peter occurs in Samaria. This difference provides a different memory of this initial confrontation and different oral traditions.90 Discrepancies in locations indicate different ‘seams’ where different traditions intersected. A prime example of this is the internal and external locations of Marcellus’ house.91 In APt 8 we are told that Simon is inside Marcellus’ house with the senator. Peter goes to the house and sends in a dog to give Simon a message. APt 10 indicates that Marcellus left the house. Later Simon tells the dog to inform Peter that he is not in the house and we are specifically told that the dog answered Simon in the presence of Marcellus (12). This is either a reference to a conversation prior to Marcellus’ repentance or it is a noticeable ‘seam’ in the story indicative of two stories being combined.92 The latter option is more likely. McNeil (1979), 345. Stoops (1982), 62. 89 Hippolytus, Haer. 6. 90 It also provides evidence that this author did not have a copy of Acts. 91 C. M. Thomas (1992), 138‒141. 92 Thomas argues that the dog story was originally a single unit story derived from a written source. The redactor spliced the story placing an exorcism with a prophecy story in the middle to lead to the second half of the dog story. While I agree that 87 88

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2 Miracle The miracles within APt play a major role in the activities of both Simon and Peter. The miraculous deeds of the apostle must have weighed heavy on the imaginations and hearts of the narrators as well as the audiences that received these stories. In following the Johannine stream, it seems that the memory of Peter as a miracle worker shows that some disciples were remembered as performing ‘greater works than these.’93 As with its canonical predecessor and APl, the miracles in APt will be evaluated based on the form of the story. In several instances these forms will overlap, such as the instance of the resuscitation of the tunny fish or the healing of the blind widows in Marcellus’ house. Due to the prominence of vision and sight as a central theme in APt it is unavoidable to address visions and epiphanies. The miracle tradition in APt contains some similar motifs to the Synoptic Gospels, Luke’s Acts, APl, as well as new ones. Healings and visions feature prominently in the APt. Other types of miracles such as levitation and talking animals take on new importance. The primary function of these miracles is to provide faith to the audience, present the superiority of the Christian message against that of other faiths as well as to confirm Peter’s deeds of power are from God.94

2.1  Healing and Exorcisms The only exorcism in APt occurs when a young man laughs at Peter and prophesies that the dog sent to Simon will return, deliver a message and die (11). Peter understands his prophetic utterance as being accurate yet, expels the demon from the young man in the name of ‘our Lord Jesus Christ.’95 It is unclear why the exorcism is needed, however, laughing the seams are noticeable, it should be stated that the shorter dog story circulated orally prior to its written form and even after its written form. 93 John 14.12 ποιήσει καὶ μείζονα τούτων ποιήσει 94 Lapham (2004), 70. 95 Act. Verc. 11.58.25‒11.59.9 Haec dicente Petro et amplectentem Marcellum, conuertit se Petrus ad turbam quae illi adstabat, et uidit quondam in turba subridentem, in quo erat daemonium nequissimum. ad quem Petrus dixet: Quicumque es qui risisti, ostende te in palam omnibus adstantibus. hoc audito iuuenis inpetum fecit in atrio domus, et uoce magna clamans et inpingens se in parietem dixit: Petre, magna contio est inter Simonem et canem, quem misisti; qui dicit Simon cani: ‘Nega me hic esse.’ Ad quem plura dicit canis quam que mandastiei. Et postquam perfecerit mysterium quod illi pracepisti, ante pedes tuos morietur. Petrus autem dixit: Et tu itaque, quicumque es daemon, in nomine domini nostri Iesu Christi exi a iuuene, nihil nocens eum; ostende te omnibus

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could be considered to have a demonic source.96 As proof of the expulsion a statue of Caesar is knocked over, leading to the miracle of restoration of the statue by Marcellus.97 This demonstration turns into a discipleship lesson as Marcellus is worried about the repercussions of the smashed statue.98 Because the statue is restored to its original form, the miracle and discipleship lesson is taken up below under nature miracles. There are two accounts of healing of blind widows in APt 20. The accounts have double significance as they are called to see Jesus spiritually or in their imaginations, as well as receive their physical sight. The first blind widow is healed as she is led by her daughter to Marcellus’ house. Peter calls to her and says ‘from this day forward Jesus gives you his right hand, through him we have light unapproachable which darkness cannot hide.’99 Peter goes on to prophesy: ‘Open your eyes, see and walk on your own.’100 Immediately she saw Peter with his hand on her. This is likely to be an independent story that was later added into the narrative.101 While Peter agrees to meet widows at Marcellus’ house in APt 21, this particular story interrupts the natural flow of the narrative and can stand by itself as a self-contained unit. The story follows a traditional healing story pattern. The one difference is that Peter is not petitioned by the blind woman or her daughter. Rather Peter takes the initiative in healing the woman.102 Stoops points out that the proof of the healing occurs when she sees Peter’s hand on her and notes that a possible contradiction exists when Peter commands the woman to walk alone.103 Stoops assumes that Peter’s hand or touch is supporting the adstantibus. hoc audito iuuenis expulit se, et statuam magnam marmoream, quae in atrio domus posita erat adpraehendens, eam calcibus conminuit. 96 Cf. Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 4.20. 97 Josephus, Ant. 8.46‒48. Eleazar set up a cup or basin of water near the demonized individual and as evidence of the exorcism would command the demon to overturn the cup. 98 This lesson takes the place of the usual acclamation of praise that is common in exorcism stories. MacMullen (1997), 95‒96. 99 Act. Verc. 20.66.25‒26 Tibi ex hodierno die Iesus dexteram suam dans, per quem lumen inaccessibilim habemus quod non operiunt tenebrae. 100 Act. Verc. 20.66.27‒28 Aperi oculos et uide et sola ambula. 101 Stoops (1982), 56. 102 In following a Johannine theme, it is possible that Peter’s initiative in healing the blind woman is like that of Jesus healing the man born blind in John 9. In John’s account Jesus takes the initiative to heal the man born blind after rejecting the disciples theodicy. 103 Stoops (1982), 57.

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woman as she walks and therefore, she is not walking on her own, but with Peter’s assistance. However, such a contradiction need not be posited because the description where Peter was touching her is not given. There is no reason to think that Peter’s touch serves as a means of support to the woman, however, even if Peter’s touching the woman provides some support, it is still possible that she is walking on her own and not entirely dependent on the support of Peter. After this healing Peter enters Marcellus’ house where a liturgical gathering is taking place.104 He saw and heard that a gospel was being read and assumes presidency over the meeting (20). He rolls up the book/scroll105 and gives a sermon expounding upon what is read.106 At the ninth hour those in the meeting stand up except for other blind widows who beckon Peter to heal them. Peter gives another sermon about setting their minds on Christ and seeing him in their minds eye (21). After a prayer asking Jesus for healing the room is filled with an immense light107 which everyone witnesses and facilitates the healing of the widows.108 Peter’s request for a theophanic encounter was answered with a visible revelation to the widows who saw Jesus in a variety of ages.109 The narrator or author of this account utilized Peter’s presence at the Transfiguration (Mark 9.2; Matt. 17.2). In this particular instance the author drew on the Matthean narrative rather than on Mark. Matthew states that Jesus’ face ‘shone like the sun, and his garments became white as light’,110 whereas Mark only has his clothes turn bright white. After a voice speaks from the cloud the disciples present, Peter, James and John, B. T. Walker (2014b). It is interesting to note that Peter rolls or wraps up the gospel (inuolues eum). Perhaps the author wants to indicate that at that point and time the gospel was not in codex form. As we saw above this passage is an intersection of orality and written culture. What is explicit however, is that the author or narrator is imagining back to a time when Christian communities used scrolls. Bremmer (1998), 4. 106 Luke 4.20. 107 Act. Verc. 21.68.32‒69.1‒2 sed nec tale lumen, quod est interdie, inenarrabilem, inuisibilem, quod enarrare nemo hominum possit 108 1 Tim. 6.16. 109 Though it has not been included in the wider text, the Coptic Act of Peter (P. Berlon 8502) has this story with a reversal of the healing at the end. This is similar to the story of Peter’s daughter in the Coptic Act of Peter. See Parrott & Brashler (2000). The reference to seeing Jesus in a variety of ages is likely dependent on 2 Bar. 51.10 which states that after the resurrection those raised ‘shall be changed into every form they desire, From beauty into loveliness, and from light into the splendour of glory.’ 110 Matt. 17.2. 104 105

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fell on their faces full of awe.111 In Matthew Jesus touched (ἅπτω) them and told them not to be afraid. The use of ‘touch’ in Matthew is often related to healing and in this instance it relates to calming the fear of the disciples.112 In the healing of the blind widows, the healing comes through a young man touching their eyes.113 The combination of light and touch indicates that the narrator thought of Peter’s presence at the Transfiguration in terms of the healing that occurred when people encountered the light.114 A further correlation is the healing of the man born blind in John 9. As stated above, John draws on the dualistic images of light and darkness, sight and blindness to show that Jesus is the Son of God.115 Prior to this narrative Jesus stated, ‘I am the light of the world’ in John 8.12 and repeats it in 9.5.116 In John 9 and APt 21 the conjunction of sign (healing) and the image (light) bound in the person of Jesus result in the restoration of sight for the man as well as for the widows in Marcellus’ house. The healing by theophany following a speech is unique because most healing miracles involve a prayer for the sick with an exchange of power between the healer and infirm.117 Here, however, Peter’s request for the risen Lord himself to touch the widows (21) followed by a bright light does not fit the normal healing story pattern. This is in keeping with the theological motive of God’s sovereignty and willingness to help his people as well as the benefit of direct revelation or encounter throughout the APt. Due to the fact that magic and miracle was not readily distinguishable by the Christians in Rome, it is likely that the distinction between healing by the apostle either through touch or another physical means could have been interpreted as magic.118 In this instance, the narrator Matt. 17.6 οἱ μαθηταὶ ἔπεσαν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον αὐτῶν καὶ ἐφοβήθησαν σφόδρα. Lee (2004), 58. 113 Act. Verc. 21.69.12‒13 Puerum uidimus tangentem oculos nostros subtiliter: sic nobis aperti sund oculi 114 ‘The Light’ is a common motif of experience, especially within Western mystic and Eastern Orthodox traditions. In more recent times, some Western Christians have used this term within their own healing ministries. De Nie (2011); Sanford (1949). 115 Dumm (2001); Lee (1994). 116 John 9.5 Ὅταν ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ὦ, φῶς εἰμι τοῦ κόσμου. 117 Theissen (2005). 118 Bremmer (1998), 13; Harvey (1982), 107‒108; Klauck (2000), 98; Theissen (2007), 92‒93. 111

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wanted to make sure that any such interpretation was not available by placing the healing in theophanic terms. There are two summary statements where Peter is known for his healing (Act. Verc. 29, MPt 2).119 The first is towards the end of Act. Verc. that involves crowds gathering together on the Lord’s day and bringing the sick to be healed.120 There is an interesting remark that they treat Peter ‘as a god’ with no mention of a denial on his part.121 Peter’s designation as a ‘god’ shows the replacement of Simon, who claimed to be a god in APt 4, with the apostle as well as the immaturity of these disciples to make the distinction between Peter operating as an agent of Christ and Peter as a deity.122 The second summary statement (MPt 2) describes many people who come to Peter on the Sabbath. The healings result in conversions as ‘many were added every day to the grace of the Lord.’ These two accounts indicate the popularity of Peter as a healer, similar to that of Jesus.

2.2 Resuscitations There are more resuscitations in the AAA than in other early Christian literature.123 The APt contributes three resuscitations occurring in public at the forum of Julius.124 The first resuscitation takes place when the prefect creates a competitive situation by which Simon kills one of the Caesar’s favourite slaves with his magic, and Peter is given the task to raise him (25). The prefect, appearing impartial (patientia), gives the 119 Though it was excluded from the scope of this study, the account of Peter’s daughter being healed in the ‘Act of Peter’ (P. Berol 8502) begins with crowds gathering at Peter’s house to receive healing on the Lord’s day. Parrott & Brashler (2000), 479. 120 Provided that some apostles or itinerant evangelists were known for gifts of healing, this likely parallels the practice within the communities that used this text. This summary statement then parallels their own setting. 121 Vouaux writes that the treatment of Peter as a god is in contrast to the treatment of Simon as a god in APt 10. Vouaux (1922), 394 n.1. Act. Verc. 29.78.5‒7 Ex eadem hora adorabant eum tamquam deum pedibus eius deuoluti, et quos habebant in domo infirmos ut curare eos. 122 This is in contrast to Simon who is earlier referred to as ‘in Italia deus’ and ‘tu Romanorum salvator.’ Act. Verc. 4.48.29; Vouaux (1922), 394. Weg (1998), 98‒99. 123 Gallagher (1991). 124 Act. Verc. 23‒28. The forum of Julius was completed in 46 bce and was originally an expansion of the Forum Romanum. While much of the geography of the APt is ‘sketchy’ the knowledge of this forum indicates that some story teller at possibly an early date knew of this location as it was a central place for public business and Senate met in the in Caesar’s temple before he was assassinated.

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audience the deciding vote saying, ‘It is for you to decide which of these is accepted before God, he who kills, or he who revives.’125 Simon kills the boy by whispering something in his ear. Rather than giving an acclimation, the crowd gives a murmur which downplays the supposed display of power by the magician.126 The prefect overseeing the ordeal places pressure on Peter by emphasizing the fact that the dead boy was one of Caesar’s favourites. Peter confidently responds by stating that ‘God is neither tempted nor weighed in the balance. But he is to be worshipped with the whole heart by those whom he loves and he will hear those who are worthy.’127 Peter prays ‘In your power, revive now through my voice, O Lord, in the presence of all, him whom Simon killed by his touch!’128 He calls the prefect, whose name we now learn is Agrippa, to come and take the boy’s hand. Taking the boy’s hand, Agrippa witnesses the resuscitation up close as they begin to walk together. The crowds witnessing the miracle shouts, ‘there is only one God, the God of Peter!’129 The prefect moves from impartial judge to active participant in the resuscitation. As we shall see below, like Marcellus restoring the statue through ‘baptizing’ it, Agrippa plays a part in the resuscitation which is usually reserved for the miracle worker. As in the case of Marcellus, the call for outsiders to participate in miracle working envisages a church community that is open to ‘normal’ Christians working deeds of power.130 The presence and power of the transcendent Christ is available to all who believe, not just the apostle.131 The second resuscitation (25) occurs in the midst of this first resuscitation and was likely a separate story later added to the narrative.132 125 Act. Verc. 25.72.25‒26 Vestrum est nunc iudicare, qui ex illis acceptus sit deo, qui mortificat aut qui uiuificat. 126 The murmur of the crowd versus the wonder acclamation is indicative of a distinction between miracle and magic. When magic occurs there is generally no real surprise as this is what is expected. However, in instances of miracles, the lack of expectancy provides wonder and awe. Stoops (1982), 66. 127 Act. Verc. 26.73.25‒26 Non temptatur deus neque eximatur. Sed dilectissimus ex animo colendus exaudiet qui digni sunt. 128 Act. Verc. 26.73.30‒31 Et nunc in conspectus omnium, quem Simon tangens occidit tu, domine, per meam uocem tua uirtute suscita eum. 129 Act. Verc. 26.73.36 Vnus deus, unus deus Petri. 130 Kelhoffer (1999). 131 Another interpretation of Agrippa’s participation would be to minimize any perceived threat that Christianity poses to the empire. Stoops (1982), 66‒67. 132 The two stories are ‘sandwiched’ together and it is likely that they were two separate stories.

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After Simon kills the first young man, a woman comes forward and states that her son is dead. As it turns out the woman was one of the widows at Marcellus’ house. She states her case before Peter saying, ‘I had only one son; by the labour of his hands he provided for me; he lifted me up, he carried me. Now he is dead, who will give me a hand?’133 Peter asks for young men who will believe to assist her to bring the dead son to him so that ‘they may be able to see and believe that he was raised up by the power of God.’134 The widow collapses and the young men carry her off and ensure that the young man is truly dead, they examining the nostrils for breath. After the first resuscitation, the widow’s son is brought in on a stretcher by the young men (27). Peter prays and requests the presence of God to ‘shine round, O Lord, enlighten, appear, revive the son of the aged widow.’135 Peter commands the boy to arise with a command, ‘Young man, arise and walk’136 and prophesies that the man will be a deacon and bishop. The son gets up to the crowds amazement and acclamation: ‘You, God the Saviour, you, God of Peter, invisible God and Saviour!’137 These resuscitations generally follow the pattern of a healing or resuscitation. In the first account Agrippa creates the scene of competition between Simon and Peter. This allows for the audience to decide who wields the greater or ‘right’ power. The second resuscitation follows the standard form a bit more closely due to the fact that the widow petitions Peter to raise her son. A parallel to this resuscitation is found in Luke 7.12‒14 where Jesus raises a widow’s son. Luke 7:12

APt 25

As he drew near to the gate of the city, behold, a man who had died was being carried out, the only son of his mother, and she was a widow; and a large crowd from the city was with her.

One of the widows who rested at Marcellus’ house cried out from behind the crowd,

133 Act. Verc. 25.73.5‒7 Vnicum filium habemam; hic umeris suis alimentum mihi praestabat, ipse me leuabat, ipse me portabat. Hoc mortuo, qui mihi manum porriget? 134 Act. Verc. 25.73.8‒9 ut hii uidentes credere possint quoniam dei uirtute surrexit 135 Act. Verc. 27.74.7‒9 Circumsplende, domine, inlumina, appare, suscita uiduae senioris filium 136 Act. Verc. 27.74.10 Iuuenis, surge et ambula. Cf. Acts 3.6. 137 Act. Verc. 27.74.14 Tu, deus saluatur, tu Petri deus, deus inuisiuilis et saluatur

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Luke 7.14

APt 27

And he came and touched the bier, and the bearers stood still. And he said, ‘Young man, I say to you, arise.’

Meanwhile the widow’s son also was brought in on a stretcher by the young men […] ‘Now I take up the word of Christ my master, and say to thee, Young man, arise and walk […]’

The similarities between these two stories indicate a likely dependence on the memory of Luke’s resuscitation account.138 While Jesus’ compassion is readily available in Luke’s account, it is keeping with the static one-dimensional nature of an oral ‘text’ that leaves out any emotion from Peter.139 The parallels of the ‘only son of his mother’, the presence of a crowd, a stretcher or bier and bearers are all present.140 The imperative statement of Jesus and Peter correlate, however a more direct parallel comes from Acts 3.6 where Peter commands the invalid to ‘arise and walk’ (surge et ambula). The third and final resuscitation takes place in the same situational and geographic location (28). This time the mother of a senator approaches Peter after his reputation spread throughout the city for the earlier resuscitations. The woman requests her son be resuscitated and Peter clarifies that he is not performing these miracles in his own ‘L’auteur reprend ici, en l’imitant très largement, et le développant, le miracle de la résucurrection de Naïm, Luc, VII 11‒16.’ Vouaux (1922), 373. 139 Elliott (2006), 687; C. M. Thomas (1992), 148. 140 Vouaux also argues that the resuscitations come from Luke 8.41‒42 and Luke 9.38. Stoops notes that the resuscitations in APt 25 and 27 is not solely dependent on the New Testament but can also be found in Apuleius Flor. 19 and Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 4.45. While the resuscitations may appear similar there are similar differences. First, in Apuleius’ account Asclepiades found that there was life still in the body (etiam atque etiam perceverit corpus hominis et invenit in illo vitam latentem), despite the man’s preparation for burial. In the APt one of the bodies is specifically checked to ensure that the youth is indeed dead (25). Second, in the account of Apollonius’ resuscitating the young woman bears some similarities to the accounts in the APt, however, there are numerous differences such as the situational context of the deceased being an engaged woman. Apollonius spoke something secretly over the girl and she was revived. In the APt Peter declares openly what is said and done. Similarly, both Philostratus and Apuleius indicate that the individual was not really dead. The narrator of the APt seems to want to make sure that the audience knows that the individual is truly dead and Peter’s God can and does indeed give life to the deceased. Ultimately, we can agree with Thomas who states that ‘all three Petrine texts, however, indicate their debt to Luke.’ See Apuleius, Flor.; Philostratus, Vita Apoll. 4.45; Stoops (1982), 61; C.  M. Thomas (1998), 72; Vouaux (1922), 375 n. 7. 138

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power.141 He calls for the son to be brought to him and resumes the dual with Simon. Peter challenges Simon to resuscitate the senator. If he does he is to be accepted ‘as an angel of God’,142 if not the Romans should believe that he is a ‘sorcerer and deceiver.’143 The stakes are raised when Simon encourages the crowd to expel Peter from the city if he cannot raise the senator. The crowd states they will not expel him, but rather burn him alive. Simon makes the first attempt at raising the senator through kneeling down three times and standing up three times. He demonstrates that there was some life in the senator by raising his head, opening his eyes and bowing towards Simon. The crowd begins to gather wood to burn Peter but he quickly speaks up by ‘the strength of Christ’ and states that the senses of the Romans were darkened and the man could not really be considered alive because he had not fully stood up or spoken.144 After hearing Peter’s reasoning and demands for more proof, the prefect Agrippa calls for Simon to be burned if the senator does not stand up. Peter quotes Paul saying, ‘we have not learnt to repay evil with evil’145 requests that Simon not be burned. As a condition of the resuscitation Peter asks that the slaves who carried the body to him be set free by the senator’s mother but yet still depend on him.146 Peter says, ‘I know that the souls of some among them will be wounded when they see your risen son and serve again as slaves.’147 The mother agrees to free the young men and to give them the property that was laid out for the funeral. Peter rejoices and prays, ‘O Lord, who Acts 3.12. Act. Verc. 28.75.20 Credite illi quasi angelo dei 143 Act. Verc. 28.75.22 Credite quia hic magus est et seductor 144 Eph. 4.18; 2 Cor. 3.14 145 Act. Verc. 28.76.28 Malum enim pro malo non nouimus retribuere; cf.  Rom. 12.17; 1 Thes. 5.15; 1 Pet. 3.9 146 A  strange occurrence happens here when the woman tells the young men to cover their heads. Schneemelcher translates the passage as ‘she told her young men to put their caps on their heads and walk in front of the bier.’ Elliott more aptly translates it as ‘she told the young men to cover their heads.’ Should the young men be wearing caps, they would have been interpreted as being freedmen as it was customary in a Roman funeral for freedmen to carry the funeral bier. If they were freedmen, there would be no reason for Peter to ask for their manumission. Alternatively, in an effort to conceal her wealth, the woman may have wanted the young men to appear as freedmen. If this is the case then Peter is discerning enough and asks for their release. See, Bremmer (1998), 14‒15; Elliott (1993), 419; Marquardt (1886), 354‒355; Schneemelcher (1991b), 309. 147 Act. Verc. 28.77.8‒10 scio enim quorundam animum ledi, quod uiderint filium tuum surrexisse, quod iterum seruituri sunt illi. 141

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are merciful, Jesus Christ, manifest yourself to your servant Peter who calls upon you, as you always show mercy and goodness […]let Nicostratus now arise!’148 He touches the young man’s side and orders him to ‘Stand up.’149 The senator gets up and takes off his grave clothes and asks to ‘go to our Lord Jesus Christ whom I saw talking with you.’150 Peter declares that this is how the dead are raised and calls for the audience to repent from their idols with the result that they venerated him as a god and brought sick people to him for healing (29).151 The boy and his mother both bring offerings to Peter who in turn gives it to the widows and ‘virgins of Christ who serve him.’ The resuscitations span the social spectrum and escalate to raise the suspense. The final product of this story represents the ability of Christ to care for those of every class and type of people if they are willing to serve him. They also indicate the various audiences that would be interested in the story. First, the slave of Agrippa, a favourite of Caesar, was raised, followed by the son of a widow from Marcellus’ house, and finally the senator is raised with the agreed release of the slaves. The resuscitation of the slave would appeal to the slaves in the audience. Despite Agrippa’s nonchalant attitude towards his death because he had many other young men, his resuscitation shows the concern of God for the lowest class, especially slaves. The resuscitation of the widow’s son would appeal to those who had limited family networks, especially widows. While the resuscitation of the senator would be of interest to the upper class, the manumission of the slaves is likely a later insertion to the story and represents the interests of slaves.152

2.3  Visions, Dreams and Epiphanies Related with the restoration of sight, visions and epiphanies play an important part of both canonical Acts and the non-canonical Acta. The general characteristics of a vision or epiphany are: extraordinary visual or auditory experience, fear or terror of humans, word of revelation or message, Act. Verc. 28.7.17‒19, 20 Iesu Christe, appare Petro tuo inuocanti te, sicut semper fecisti misericordiam et bonitatem […] exurgat nunc Nicostratus. 149 Act. Verc. 28.77.21 Surge 150 Act. Verc. 28.77.24‒25 Eamus ad dominum Christum nostrum quem uiditecum loquentem 151 Act. Verc. 29.78.5‒7 Ex eadem hora adorabant eum tamquam deum pedibus eius deuoluti, et quos habebant in domo infirmos ut curare eos. 152 Lampe (2003), 123‒124. 148

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and the disappearance of the god or apparition.153 They often occur in conjunction with travel, especially sea narratives or in miracles of rescue. Compared with APl there are more visions in APt as vision/sight is a common theme of the work.154 These visions serve a variety of functions such as providing direction, information about the future and encouragement. In this respect they correlate with their proto-canonical predecessors.155 In the Act. Verc. 1 Paul fasts for three days and receives a vision after asking the Lord for direction. Jesus directs him to Spain and he makes haste to obey. Through this vision the author of the APt attempted to connect the memory of Paul in Rome and his desire to go to Spain from Romans 15.24, 28. The vision provides the necessary motivation for Paul to leave Rome, setting the stage for Simon’s deception and Peter’s refutation of the magician. As he leaves Rome a voice from heaven foretells his death saying, ‘Paul, the servant of God, is chosen for the ministry for the rest of his life; under the hands of Nero, the wicked and bad man, he will be perfected before your eyes.’156 The author places both Paul and Peter, the ‘pillars’ of the Roman church, in the same narrative by combining memories of Paul’s execution under Nero from the Martyrdom of Paul (MP 1‒7) and Peter’s move from Jerusalem to Rome. Through a vision Peter receives instruction to go to Rome due to the apostasy that was caused by Simon (Act. Verc. 5). Ariston, a Roman Christian, receives a vision of Peter’s arrival (Act. Verc. 6). Peter fasts and prays and receives a vision of a boy holding out bread encouraging him in his fast (Act. Verc. 17). In the Quo Vadis scene he receives a vision of Jesus who informs him of his impending crucifixion (Act. Verc. 35‒36). In Act. Verc. 16 Peter receives a vision in which Jesus confirms of his presence with him through miracles. Emphasis on miracles arises when Jesus tells him that many have returned to faith through his miracles and many more Jews and Gentiles will convert as a result of a future test of faith.157 The understanding of miracles is correlated with conversion Theissen (2007), 95. There are two visions in APl and nine visions in APt. Stoops calculates that allusions to dreams and visions are given about twenty times. Stoops (1982), 97. 155 Bovon (2003b). 156 Act. Verc. 1.46.6‒9 Et cum diu lacrimantes rogarent eum, sonus de caelis factus est, et uox maxima dicens: Paulus dei minister electus est in ministerium tempus uita suae; inter manus Neronis homis impii et iniqui sub oculis eustris consummabitur. On martyrdom related with being ‘perfected’ see Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.11.24, 7.22.4. 157 Act. Verc. 16.62.24‒26 habebis autem agonem fidei ueniente sabbato et conuertentur multo plures de gentibus et de Iudaeis in nomine meo in me contumeliatum, derisum, consputum. 153

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or a return to faith. He further states that he will ‘show myself to you’158 when Peter asks for signs and wonders.159 Here the equating of miracles is made with the presence of Jesus. In APt 22 Marcellus has a dream in which he is afraid to kill a ragged Ethiopian woman.160 In the dream a man appearing like Peter comes with a sword and chops off her head. The dream is symbolic as the man who looks like Peter is actually Jesus. Marcellus informs Peter of this dream and he interprets it as his impending victory against Simon. Each of these dreams and visions involves direction or encouragement that the apostles need. Though most of the visions are related with some form of travel and direction, the encouragement provided by the presence of a divine dream, vision or epiphany solidifies the apostles resolve to complete their mission. Moreover, it also proves the divine sanction of their efforts and involvement to the audiences listening to the story.

2.3a  Blinding Lights, Transfiguration and Polymorphism Along with specific mention of dreams and visions there are two other ‘numinous’ accounts in APt. Based on Peter’s retelling of his walking on water, denial of Christ three times, and presence at the Transfiguration it is clear that the authors and orators had access to the gospels, especially Matthew and John, and were familiar with Petrine tradition. This tradition partially served as the source for the memories of these numinous encounters, although they are quite distinct from the gospel accounts. From these traditions developed the theophanic encounters with blinding lights, voices from heaven and healing or judgment were incorporated into the APt. The first numinous event bears dependence to the Transfiguration, specifically in Matthew. In APt 20 Peter recounts the Transfiguration where, 158 Act. Verc. 16. 62.26‒27 Ego enim me tibi praestabo petenti te signa et prodigia (cf. John 4.48). 159 This manifestation is similar to Jesus’ words in John’s gospel where ‘he who loves me will be loved by my Father, and I will love him and manifest myself to him.’ John 14.21. A few verses earlier (12), Jesus gives states that the believer will do the works (ergon) that he does. These ergoi are often the signs or miracles that Jesus does. Here, the manifestation that Jesus promises one of personal presence, but also of miracles. 160 Bremmer makes the interesting observation that this dream was circulated and ended up among the Christians in Carthage. He argues that Perpetua’s dream was informed in some ways by this dream. Bremmer (1998), 9.

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Our Lord wished to let me see his majesty on the holy mountain; but when I with the sons of Zebedee saw his brightness I fell at his feet as dead, closed my eyes, and heard his voice in a manner which I cannot describe. I imagined I had been deprived of my eyesight by his splendour.161

The fact that the healing encounter in APt 21 has several of the key elements also found in Matthew (bright lights, radiance, attribution to Jesus) indicates that placing such a story after the sermon was no accident. The recollection of the Transfiguration is the means by which the encounter happens. The memory of Peter’s experience at the Transfiguration plays a central role in this text as it plays on the themes of seeing and knowing Christ, both internally and externally as one perceives ‘the light.’ As stated in chapter two, it was the speaker’s responsibility to evoke emotion and provide an affective experience and to present a situation as if the audience were really there. The preaching of Peter brings to mind his experience in a kind of affective mimesis, resulting in a theophany. The recounting of the Transfiguration is spiritually endowed and evokes a numinous experience to those present.162 It is worth commenting on the polymorphism and the fact that Jesus appears in a variety of ages to the widows in APt 21. In Peter’s sermon he states that, ‘the Lord was moved by compassion to show himself in another form and to appear in the image of man, by whom neither the Jews nor we are worthy to be enlightened.’163 He later says, ‘He ate and drank on our account though he was neither hungry nor thirsty; he suffered and bore reproaches for us, he died and rose for us.’164 Through this polymorphic experience, the author presents God as immutable and unchanging, but willing to accommodate Himself to be comprehended by revelation. In other AAA metamorphosis stories occur after the preaching of the apostles.165 In the Acts of Thomas (ATh) Jesus’ appearance occurs after Thomas’ creedal statement, ‘His greatness we received by faith, and Act. Verc. 20.67.11‒14 dominus noster uolens me maiestem suam uidere in monte sancto, uidens autem luminis splendorem eius cum filiis Zebedei, caecidi tamquam mortuus et oculos meos conclusi et uocem eius audiui talem qualem referre non possum, qui me putaui exorbatum ab splendore eius. 162 De Nie (2011), 133, 189, 201‒205. 163 Act. Verc. 20.67.7‒9 motus dominus misercordiam suam, in alia figura ostendere et effigie hominis uideri, quem neque Iudei neque nos digni inluminari possimus 164 Act. Verc. 20.67.26‒28 manducauit et uiuit propter nos, ipse neque esuriens neque sitiens, baiulauit et inproperia passus est propter nos, mortuus est et resurrexit nostril causa. 165 Cartlidge (1986), 60‒61. 161

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saw it in his works.’166 In the Acts of John (AJn 89‒93) descriptions of polymorphism occur after a recitation of Jesus’ acts and results in the confusion of the disciples. In the APt the polymorphic appearance of Jesus at different ages shows that ‘God is bigger than our thoughts.’167

2.4  Nature Miracles There are four nature miracles in the APt. While they are not nature miracles in the usual sense such as prayers for rain or protection, they still concern the change or modification to nature (φύσις) or the natural order of events for the glory of God.168 Two of the nature miracles involve animals. This probably has to do with one of the central themes of the sovereignty of God over his creation. As an apostle, Peter is able to reverse the apparent natural course of events such in order for people to come to faith. The first nature miracle occurs in in Act. Verc. 9 when Peter comes to Marcellus’ house and asks the guard to see Simon. The guard questions if he really is Peter and states that if he was, Simon told him not tell that he was in the house.169 Seeing a guard dog chained up, Peter frees it and announces to the crowd that they are about to see a miracle.170 The dog delivers the message to Simon and rebukes him, resulting in the amazement and repentance of the people, especially the senator Marcellus.171 Stories of talking animals are not unusual throughout antiquity. Within Hebrew texts there are two instances of talking animals: the snake in Genesis172 and Balaam’s ass.173 There is no real element of surprise in the Genesis account nor is there any indication that God endowed the animal with speech. In comparison to this, the talking ass of Balaam does evoke surprise. In the story, the seer Balaam is rebuked by his donkey that is able to see the angel before him. The irony is that

ATh 143. Act. Verc. 21.69.17‒18 maior constans deus cogitationibus nostris 168 Grant (1952). 169 This parallels the confusion over Peter’s identity after he is miraculously released from prison in Acts 12.13‒14. Pervo (2009), 307. 170 Act. Verc. 9.56.33‒34 Magnum et mirabilemnostrum uisuri estis. 171 Act. Verc. 10.57.1‒2 Marcellus autem hoc uiso exiuit ad ianuam poriciens se ad pedes Petri […] 172 Gen. 3.1‒4. 173 Num. 22.29. 166 167

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Balaam, a known seer or prophet is unable to see the angel, but the donkey is.174 Greco-Roman literature such as the Iliad recounts Achilles’ horse Xanthos defending itself when ‘Hera had put a voice in him.’175 Pliny notes that a talking dog was a prodigy indicating the fall of Tarquinius Superbus.176 Closer to the time of APt, Lucian tells a story of a talking rooster belonging to Micyllus.177 Apuleius’ Metamorphoses applies human categories such as speech to animals to provide entertainment or surprise.178 Janet Spittler has drawn attention to the dogs in Plato’s Republic and Homer’s Odyssey.179 In the Republic, Socrates suggests that the best model for a guardian of the republic is a dog. They have a vicious nature towards enemies and due to a learned familiarity they are tender towards those they know.180 In the Odyssey, Odysseus’ dog, Argos is also a model of loyalty. Despite his master’s lengthy time abroad, Argos recognizes Odysseus even when he is disguised as a beggar.181 Though the dog does not speak, he does die upon recognizing his master just as the dog dies upon returning to Peter in APt.182 The fact that these animals speak and display human emotion runs counter to our expectations and provides the narrative with counterintuitive experiences, which qualifies as a nature miracle. They also indicate the importance of the message. If a human neglects the prophetic word through another human, they most certainly will not forget if it is spoken through an animal! The second nature miracle is the talking infant who delivers a message to Simon (APt 15). While a talking toddler is not surprising, the child is a 174 The motif of a talking donkey crosses religious borders and is found in the Hindu stories Panchatantra. 175 Homer, Il., 19.418. 176 Pliny, Nat. 8.63 177 Lucian, Gall. 2 178 Czachesz (2008). 179 Spittler (2008), 142‒143. 180 Plato, Resp. 375e. 181 Homer, Od. 17.374‒488. 182 Splitter makes an interesting comparison between Jesus as the good shepherd in John and Jesus the good guard dog in APt. She calls this an urbanization of the sheep-shepherd metaphor. Just as the sheep know his voice (John 10.27), so the watch dog knows who to let in and who to keep out. Though the parallel is interesting, one does wonder if the dog was so perceptive how Simon got into the house in the first place.

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seven months old infans, well below the average age of speech. The infant curses Simon, drawing attention to the fact that even a dog spoke to him and he was not moved towards repentance (15). He further prophesies ‘Jesus Christ says to you “Be struck dumb by the power of my Name, and depart from Rome until the coming Sabbath.”’183 Though there is no indication of surprise by Simon, he is struck dumb and leaves Rome. While the talking dog and infant are remarkable, the third nature miracle involves the restoration of an inanimate object, a statue of Caesar (11). As a sign of the demons’ departure it knocked over and shattered a statue of Caesar. Repentant, but still weak in his faith, Marcellus raises concern of punishment for defacing the emperor.184 Marcellus had reason to be scared as defaming such a piece of art, even when privately owned could be punishable by death.185 Peter alleviates Marcellus’ fear and encourages him by telling him to pour water over the statue. He does so and the statute is restored to the amazement of the people (11).186 This miracle is significant for two reasons. First, it is noted as ‘the first miracle done at his (Marcellus) hands.’187 In the last two chapters I noted how those who have been rescued or set free often go on to rescue others such as the rescue of Thecla. In a similar manner, the apostle Peter, after offering mercy and restoration to Marcellus encourages him to perform similar deeds of power. Second, the placement of the story places emphasis on the fact that though he is repentant, he is not really ‘full of faith.’ The state of being ‘full of faith’ seems to be a distinguishing feature between those who follow Christ completely and those who might believe, but are easily swayed.188 This shows both the compassion of Peter in his discipleship of Marcellus as well as the perceived distinction between repentance and being full of faith. The final nature miracle follows after those of the talking dog and the restoration of the statue (10‒11). While the excitement over the statue restored was enough to gain the crowds wonder, it was not enough to 183 Act. Verc. 15.62.13‒15 Dicit tibi Iesus Christus: ‘Ommutesce coactus nominemeo et exi a Roma usque uenturo sabbato.’ 184 Price (1984), 119‒120, 192‒195. 185 During some imperial periods one could get in trouble for even hitting someone holding a coin with the emperors face on it. Suetonius, Tib. 58; Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 1.15 186 The pouring on of water over the statue might be symbolic of the restorative understanding of baptism. 187 Act. Verc. 11.59.29‒30 Quod tale signum primum inter manus eius factum fuisset. 188 Though they were few, not everyone fell under Simon’s deception.

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lead them into repentance. In APt 12 the crowd asks for another miracle because Simon also performed many miracles.189 Peter sees a dead fish in the window of a shop and asks the people if they would believe if the fish began to swim again. They agree in one accord.190 Peter throws the fish into a nearby pond in the name of ‘Jesus Christ in which they still fail to believe.’191 The fish came to life and remained alive for some time resulting in the faith of the people. The nature miracles provide the awe and wonder for people to repent and return to faith. While not always effective in the case of the talking dog and Simon or the dog and some of the observers, the miracles provide tangible signs that the God of the apostle is present. Other instances such as the restoration of the statue provide discipleship opportunities and the building of faith.

3  Following Jesus in the Acts of Peter: Identity and Community Discerning the Sitz im Leben for APt is no easy task given the various layers and the interplay of orality and textuality. Moreover, the interplay of actual historical characters placed in a fictitious context only adds to the difficulty. However, the memory of the miracles in the APt provides us insight into the identity and communities that developed and used this text. The memories of Peter, especially with his conflict with Simon, provide clues as to the importance of the place of memory of the miracles in the community’s social setting. These memories and related themes provide some indication of the communities’ needs and their interests. The primary characters and their actions give us indications of who was important to these communities. The combined pair of Paul and Peter in the text recognizes the two apostles as ‘pillars’ to the secondcentury Christians that heard and read these stories.192 The fact that Simon was able to encroach on the Christian community after Paul left provides further evidence to the high esteem of these two apostles. Their sheer presence within a city is enough to keep false teachers at bay. 189 Act. Verc. 12.60.23‒25 Alium signum nobis ostende ut credamus tibi tamquam ministro dei uiui: et Simon multa signa praesntiam nostril fecit, et ideo secuti sumus eum. 190 Act. Verc. 13.60.29‒30 illi autem unianimes dixerunt: Vere credimus tibi. 191 Act. Verc. 13.60.30‒31 Iesu Christe, quousque adhuc non creditur 192 1 Clem. 5.1‒2.

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In Peter’s speech before he is crucified (38), he asks that the miracles which he performed be remembered as well as the motivation behind them—the compassion of God. Peter tells the church: You men who are in the service of Christ, men who hope in Christ, remember the signs and wonders which you saw through me; think of the compassion of God, how he performed healings for your sakes. Wait for him, till he comes and rewards every man according to his works.’193

Peter’s exhortation to remember the miracles reminds the audience of the centrality of the place of miracles to these communities. Just as the resurrected Christ performed miracles through Peter, the church is to meditate on them and the compassion of God. This memory provides hope for the future and helps ground their faith until Christ returns to judge the world. The memory of Peter’s miracles as recounted from the gospels present us with a particular Petrine tradition. In APt 7 Peter gives his first sermon in Rome, urging the Christians there who were temporarily deceived by Simon to repent. He states how he walked on water194 and witnessed the signs and wonders that Jesus performed.195 In the same sermon he also recounts how he had denied Jesus three times and was deeply grieved by it, but was restored. He uses the example from his own life to call those who were lacking in their faith to repent and return to Christ. Here the memory of Jesus’ miracles and Peter’s own experience of walking on water shows that despite his failure, Jesus still had compassion and entrusted Peter with supernatural ability. This compassion and grace along with the supernatural experiences were available for the communities who may have been deceived into following other wonder workers. The inability of the congregations to remain faithful or to discern Simon’s magic from the works of Christ through the apostles indicates a real concern for these communities. The consistent theme of vision and sight as well as following the Lord with ‘all your heart’ indicates communities that were tempted into apostasy through deeds of power by 193 MPt 7.90.12‒14 ῎Ανδρες, οἱ εἰς Χριστὸν στρατευόμενοι· ἄνδρες, οἱ ἐπὶ Χριστὸν ἐλπίζοντες· μέμνησθε ὧν εἴδετε δι᾽ ἐμοῦ σημείων καὶ τεράτων, μέμνησθε της συμπαθείας τοῦ θεοῦ δι᾽ ὑμᾶς πόσας ἰασεις ἐποίησεν.; cf. Rom. 2.6 194 Act. Verc. 7.53.29 et super aquas amulaui 195 Act. Verc. 7.53.30‒54.7.1 cuius testis ipse ego permaneo, tunc saeculo operatum esse per signa et prodigia, quae omnia fecit.

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other religions.196 The encouragement to see Christ in the imagination as well as the encounter with Jesus as the ‘light’ presents the nearness and transcendence of God in every situation these Christians faced. Unlike APl, persecution was not a problem for the communities listening to and circulating this text. Persecutions were sporadic and localized within Asia Minor within the first two centuries and Christians seemed to go relatively unnoticed as the scant secular historical evidence shows. Were they under persecution, we would expect more testimonies concerning Peter’s miraculous escape from prison in Acts (if they had the book). While the presence of Nero’s persecution of Christians loomed in the communities’ memories, the lack of rescue miracles suggest a community that was more concerned with deception from outsiders than with persecution. The ability for Christ to take care of his own people provides encouragement and confidence in the protection they need even after the apostle is gone.

3.1  Word and Deed: Miracles and the Imitatio Christi Like Jesus, the memory of Peter is one who heals the sick, casts out demons and raises the dead.197 As an apostle Peter is depicted as acting in imitation of Christ not only in his martyrdom, but through his miracle working. Peter’s reputation of healing is such that people are well aware of the grace that God has bestowed on him, both Jerusalem and Rome.198 His preaching is laden with gospel references as he calls the lapsed faithful back to Christ and seeks to make new converts. The memory of Jesus’ miracles as well as of Peter in the gospels aids in the story telling, re-presenting Peter as Jesus to the communities using this text. In both the APl and APt Jesus appears in the form of the apostle.199 Just as in APl, the crowds and Christian communities look to the apostle as the authoritative representative of Christ. In this way the apostle both re-presents Christ afresh to the community and mediates his power to convince new converts. Further evidence of this is found in the dream Marcellus has about the Ethiopian (22). In the dream Marcellus receives a command to kill a ragged Ethiopian woman who represents the power of Simon or his god.200 Marcellus refuses to kill her 198 199 200 196

197

APt 11; 17; Matt. 10.8; Luke 10.9. P. Berlon. 8502; APt 29. In APl III.21 Thecla sees Jesus in the form of Paul in one of the trials. Act. Verc. 22.70.12‒13 Marcelle, omnes uiri Simoni et dei ipsius haec est

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but ‘immediately a man who looked like yourself, Peter, with a sword in hand cut her all to pieces […]’201 The man appearing like Peter was Jesus. For the apostle, the lines between representing Christ and being Christ are blurred.202 This blurring is intentional, as the connection between the representatives of the sender is equivalent with the one sent. Just as Christ sent Peter, he was Christ to those who received him.203 For these communities the image of Christ was in the words and deeds of Peter. This blurred image is best depicted by the two primary roles that Peter plays: Christ’s interpreter and mediator. These two roles are inextricable due to the context of the contest between miracles and magic. As the miracles brought recognition of Peter as the mediator of Christ’s divine power, like Luke’s Acts they necessarily required interpretation and accompanying proclamation in order to be rightly received. Without this, Peter would have been on par with Simon in this respect – one miracle worker among many.

3.1a  Peter as Interpreter A curious instance happens when Peter enters Marcellus’ house during the liturgical gathering (Act. Verc. 20‒21). Upon entering he finds the congregation listening to a reading from the gospels. Peter rolls up the scroll and begins a sermon expounding on the Transfiguration. Peter states, ‘now I will explain to you what has just been read to you’ and tells of the powerful Transfiguration event which he witnessed. The incident is unusual due to the fact that they were presented as reading from a scroll. We know from manuscript remains that much of the early Christian literature was written on a codex, which enabled the books to be carried and referenced more easily.204 The use of a scroll instead of a codex could be modelled after Luke 4.20‒21 where Jesus reads from the scroll then rolls it up the scroll and begins an interpretation. Like Jesus, Peter has the scroll rolled up and begins and exposition of the text, pointing to a greater witness of what was read, namely himself. This story displays the higher value of the apostle interpreting the events to the audience. Just as Jesus was portrayed as someone better 201 Act. Verc. 22.70.19‒20 et continuo tibi similis, Petri, tenens gladium totam tibi et illi qui conidebat illum daemonium 202 This is indicative of the meaning of ‘apostle’ or one who is sent. See chapter 3 above. 203 John 13.20. 204 Roberts (1979).

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than the Law in Matthew, the audience of APt would have understood that the central point was receiving an authoritative word from an apostle was better than having a reading from a work attributed to him. Similarly, just as Papias valued the ‘living voice’ over books,205 so the community who heard this story valued the presence of an apostle over reading about him.

3.1b  Peter as Christ’s Mediator: Miracle and Magic The distinction between miracle and magic are intimately related with the apostolic representation of Christ. The lines between being Christ and representing Christ are bound up as being mediators of Christ’s power. On the boat to Rome, Theon tells Peter, ‘Whoever you are, I hardly know you. You are either a God or a man. But as far as I can see, I think that you are a servant of God.’206 Theon treats Peter with special regard due to an epiphany that he experiences. The elusiveness of Peter’s identity is caused by the miracles or epiphanies with which he is associated. Theon’s statement is indicative of the understanding or misunderstanding that arose due to the apostolic task.207 Unlike Luke’s Acts which has some instances of miracles that can be perceived as magic,208 APt wants to make clear that the miracles performed are ‘in the name of Jesus’209 and not ultimately dependent on Peter. Before each healing or resuscitation Peter offers a prayer or sermon. At the resuscitation of the first young man Peter states, ‘In your power, revive now through my voice, O Lord, in the presence of all, him whom Simon killed by his touch.’210 The emphasis is on Jesus being the one

Papias 3.4 Act. Verc. 5.50.12‒14 O quisquis es, parum te noui, deus es aut homo. Sed ut intellego, dei ministrum te esse existimo 207 The similarities and parallels are not unlike that of John where Jesus is declared both a man and divine. 208 Acts 14.9‒10 where Paul heals the crippled man, but the name of Jesus is not mentioned. This is perceived as an act of magic or at least under the power of deities other than Christ. 209 Weg (1998), 100‒101. 210 Touch could be metaphorical as there is no indication that Simon touched the young man. However, in the resuscitations involving Jesus and the girls and the young man from Nain, the resuscitation involved both speaking and touching. Act. Verc. 26.73.30‒31 et nunc in conspectus omnium, quem Simon tangens occidit tu, domine, per meam uocem tua uirtute suscita eum. 205

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who is performing the resuscitation through his mediator, Peter. Similar instances of this type of mediation occur elsewhere in the text.211 Through couching the miracles with sermons or a prayer of thanksgiving, APt ultimately shows the superiority of the power of Christ against other belief systems that also make supernatural claims. The setting of the contest between Simon and Peter is indicative of this type of struggle. Simon may be able to raise a dead man’s head up and down through magic, but through the voice of Christ, Peter is able to completely resuscitate him. In other instances the superiority of power is displayed by a sovereign act of healing such as the healing light of Jesus bringing sight to the widows after a prayer or sermon (20). The relationship between miracles and teaching also provides instruction to the believers whose faith is wavering. Peter’s use of turning from Christ and receiving mercy and forgiveness provide encouragement to the audiences (7). The inclusion of Marcellus in the working of miracles after his repentance and apparent fear/lack of faith regarding the statue gives an example that restoration, forgiveness and empowerment can occur instantaneously. The gentle rebuke of Peter is like that of Jesus towards Peter at the end of John’s gospel.212 The deciding factor between what is magic or miracle is often socially constructed. It was not uncommon in antiquity to accuse another of witchcraft when one wanted to legitimate their power or message. The decision of who is operating in the ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ power is determined by group norms and interpretation.213 In APt the crowd is called upon to decide whether Simon or Peter is operating in the ‘right’ or the power of God (28). Peter, confident in his message and God, challenges the crowd and Simon saying, Let him revive the body which is before us, and believe in him as an angel of God. If he is not able I will call upon my God. I will restore the son alive to his mother and then you shall believe that he is a sorcerer and deceiver, this man who enjoys your hospitality.’ When they heard

211 Act. Verc. 20.66.27, ‘he says through me’ qui tibi per me dicit:; Act. Verc.75.27.9‒10 ‘Now I take up the word of Christ my master, and say to thee […]’; et uocem accipiens Christi domini mei, dico tibi: Act. Verc. 28.75.1‒3 ‘Do not imagine that what I do, I do in my own power; I do it in the power of my Lord Jesus Christ who is the judge of the living and the dead.’ Nolite ergo me intendere tamquam meae uirtuti faciam quae facio, sed domini mei Iesu Christi qui est iduex uiuorum atquae mutuorum. 212 John 21.15‒22. 213 Reimer (2002), 1‒46.

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this, it seemed right to them what Peter had said. They encouraged Simon saying, ‘Show yourself publicly what you can do; either you convince us or you shall be convicted.’214

The decision as to who is the magician is left to the crowd to decide based on the ability of each of the contestants. A significant indicator of the distinction between miracle and magic is the audience response. As stated above, the murmur (murmur) of the crowd at Simon’s killing the first young man is indicative of this in contrast to the high praise of acclamation which Peter receives. Similarly, Simon might be able to raise a dead man’s head up and down, but he cannot fully raise the dead. The crowd is amazed at the talking dog, though not altogether convinced since Simon also performed wondrous deeds. These distinctions provide the tension to the audience as to who will win.

3.2  Competition and Propaganda The conflict between Simon and Peter stand at the heart of APt. At the narrative level the showdown between Simon and Peter is an exciting display of powerful deeds. One is performed by a magician and the other by an apostle of Christ. The three resuscitations build on each other to show that the greater power is found in Christ, rather than in magical arts. The performance of these miracles before ‘crowds’ and Peter’s speeches indicates that an appeal to faith was being made to nonChristians. In this respect the memory of the miracles serve as religious propaganda. The redaction of APt 25 shows that some of the resuscitations were initially for believers and originally not part of a competition. At this resuscitation the widow from Marcellus’ house presses through the crowd and falls at Peter’s feet imploring him to raise her only son. There were some young men near Peter who were willing to believe and bringing the body to him.215 Thirty young men retrieve the body. After Peter’s first 214 Act. Verc. 28.75.19‒25 positum autem corpus suscitet hic et credite ille quasi angelo dei. Si autem non potuerit, ego deum meum inuocabo: reddam uiuum filium matri, et credite quia hic magus est et seductor qui hospitatur aput uos. Audientes autem haec uniuersi, iustum illis uisum est quod dixisset Petrus. Hortabantur Simonem dicentes: nunc si quid in te est, ostende palam: aut traduc aut traduceris. quid stas? 215 Act. Verc. 25.73.9‒11 Petrus autem ad iuuenes dixet: Iuuenes hic opus sunt, praeterea uolentium credere. Et continuo serrexerunt iuuenes triginta, parati qui illam baiularent siue filium eius mortuum adferrent.

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CHAPTER 6: MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PETER

speech and call for volunteers the woman collapses which seems rather unnecessary.216 If the lines about the widow’s collapse (25.4) and the call for volunteers are removed (25.9‒11) the story reads more smoothly as Stoops has noted.217 These modifications would make the young men present with Peter already believers, not those ‘willing to believe.’ This would also account for why they were encouraging the woman to believe at the end of APt 25.218 With these modifications in place, it is evident that this earlier story addresses people who are already in a Christian community.219 The later editorial additions concerning the widow collapsing and the ‘young men willing to believe’ are seen as another telling the narrative fits within a proselytization context thereby making the audience unbelievers. At the early stage in the development of the story, the resuscitation serves to show that the power of Christ is available to assist Christians in dire need.220 At a later stage another telling was added that included the crowds and made the distinction between believing and non-believing young men. This was surely within a context aimed at proving the superiority of the Christian message against that of other faiths. Here two different memories are recounted with additions to fit their audience’s main concerns. The first encourages believers to have faith in the power of the transcendent Christ who raises the dead. The second provides a display of power directed at unbelievers and calling them to repentance.

3.3 Asceticism Asceticism plays a relatively minor role in APt when compared to the other AAA. The ideal of sexual continence, purity and salvation is a common motif, but only comes into view when Peter is arrested in MPt.221 In APt 2 Paul celebrates the eucharist with bread and water rather than wine. This was also not uncommon within the early church in some Stoops (1982), 63. Stoops (1982), 63. 218 Act. Verc. 25.73.16‒19 uidentes autem quoniam mortuus est, consolabantur matrem ipsius dicentes: Si uere credis in deo Petri, tollentes eum perferimus ad Petrum, ut eum suscitans restituat tibi. 219 Stoops (1982), 64. 220 Stoops (1982), 64. 221 Tissot (1981). If we accept that these two sections are interpolations that circulated on their own and later added on to the larger story, then the ascetic tendency reflects not only a different memory, but possibly an entirely different community. 216 217

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FOLLOWING JESUS IN THE ACTS OF PETER: IDENTITY AND COMMUNITY

sectors as we have seen in the previous chapter.222 Peter sells the land given to him and gives the proceeds to the poor, and commits himself to simplicity and prayer (1). He receives money from the senator’s mother, Nicostratus and Chryse, which he contributes to the care of the virgins of Christ and widows.223 Simplicity of life as well as purity or holiness was seen as essential for some early Christians in order to engage with God as well as each other.224 This is not uncommon as we have seen in the APl. Jesus’ teaching at the Sermon on the Mount indicates that the pure in heart shall see God225 and the author of Hebrews echoed this teaching when he stated without holiness no one will see God.226 In his commentary on Matthew, John Chrysostom understood Matthew 5 in an ascetic way.227 Thus, purity and holiness were bound up with images of sexual chastity and simplicity of life, in turn, this led to spiritual experiences with God.228 This simplicity may be seen as a form of anti-materialism; however, this was part of the on-going Judeo-Christian tradition. This ascetic understanding need not be viewed as ‘gnostic’ as the dualism was a tension that existed throughout Christian history. While Jesus taught his disciples not to be concerned about worldly matters (Matt. 6.25) and Paul taught not to walk according to the flesh (Gal. 5.16; Rom. 8.4‒5, 12‒13). The continuity of tradition regarding affirmation of physicality is present throughout APt. Peter is known for his healing ministry, which affirms the value of the body (APt 1, 29, 31). The fact that Peter is willing to resuscitate the individuals indicates the value of physical life on earth, not just a spiritual life. Similar to APl widows and virgins of Christ are present. In contrast to the other Acta there is no specific teaching by Peter to renounce marriage; the renunciation of sexual relationships does not play a prominent role in the text until the Martyrdom. In MPt 33 Peter preaches to several of Agrippa’s concubines. They ‘heard preaching concerning chastity and

McGowan (1999). APt 29, 30. 224 P. Brown (2008); Meeks (1987), 49‒50, 105‒107; (1993). 225 Matt. 5.8. 226 Heb. 12.14. 227 Chrysostom, Homily on Matthew, 5.1, 2. 228 P. Brown (2008) ch, 2; Gundry-Volf (1994). 222 223

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CHAPTER 6: MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PETER

all the words of the Lord’229 which upsets Agrippa. The similar teaching upsets Albinus who brings a complaint to Agrippa that his wife Xanthippe has converted to Peter’s teaching. Due to the fact that the issue is not raised until much later and provides the reason for Peter’s arrest, it is likely that sexual continence was not as high a priority for the communities of APt as others such as APl.230

3.4  Rich and Poor Robert Stoops has argued that in APt there is a reorientation of patronclient roles that make Christ as the patron and his believers as clients.231 In the context of patron-client relationships, the miracle stories prove God’s ability to ‘take care of His own.’232 In this interpretation the apostle encourages this restructuring patron-client relationship by looking to Christ for their needs, physical and spiritual, rather than foreign cults.233 At Peter’s arrival in Rome the patronage relationship between the rich and poor is made evident. In the explanation of Simon’s activities Ariston gives a lengthy description of Marcellus and how even he had turned away from the faith (6). As mentioned above, Marcellus was known even by Caesar to be generous to the poor (8). Later, after cleansing his house of Simon’s presence, Marcellus hosts a liturgical gathering with widows present (20).234 The healing of the widows in this account would necessarily provide them with better social opportunities to work or serve the church. While their dependence on Marcellus existed early on in the story, their ability to see and their status as widows would place them in the care of the church and the service of God. This is indicated by the generous offerings given to Peter who in turn gives it to the widows and virgins of the church. These offerings place the Christian community and ultimately Christ as the primary ‘social network’ for those who had none to depend on. MPt 4.84.16‒17 ἀκούουσαι τὸν τῆς ἁγνείας λόγον καὶ πάντα τὰ τοῦ κυρίου λόγια Tissot notes that this may have just been a literary motif rather than an actual historical reality or the conviction of the author. However, I question whether or not the author could arrive at this motif on his own without some knowledge concerning Christian asceticism. Tissot (1981), 116. 231 Stoops (1986). 232 Stoops (1986), 91. 233 Stoops (1986). 234 According to Jewish tradition the prayers of widows were especially valued as it was thought that God took special pity on them. Bremmer (1998), 5. 229

230

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Conclusion

Along with wealthy men such as Marcellus, wealthy women (matrones) are also in Act. Verc. and are with Paul upon his departure to Spain (3). Lysimachus, Aristeus, Bernice and Philostrate were ‘from the house of Caesar.’235 The mother of the senator Nicostratus was wealthy and gives two thousand pieces of gold to Peter. Peter preached to many knights, senators and wealthy women in MPt. Matrones and concubines adhering to Peter’s preaching on continence cause his arrest as they refuse to have sex with their husbands/masters. This reorientation of the patronage system places each group, wealthy and poor, men and women, at the dependence of Jesus. As the ultimate Patron, Jesus is able to provide his clients with material goods as well as eternal life. The miracle stories encourage the faithful to remain faithful and to those who do not believe, provide convincing evidence for a greater power among them. The memory of these stories play an essential part in the re-establishment of faith for those who were once blind but know can see.

4 Conclusion The various oral and written levels represented in APt present a composite account of the life and death of Peter after the canonical Acts and exploit its narrative space.236 The interest in the character of Peter was revived in the late second century as a struggle for clarity regarding legitimate and illegitimate spiritual power took place. The use of the gospels, especially John and the memories of Peter’s betrayal of Jesus and subsequent restoration provide the chief model in addressing communities that are torn between two masters: the Christ who loved and called them, whose miracles are more powerful than others and the magic presented by other faiths. The memory of Christ’s Transfiguration not only displays his glory, but provides healing, evidence of his tangible presence among his people. The memory of Peter as a miracle worker carries on the tradition from Matthew and canonical Acts; and these provide evidence that some communities highly regarded this portrayal. From John’s gospel they received the evidence of Peter’s restoration; authors of APt drew upon that Act. Verc. 3.48.5‒6. The fact that Luke provides no information regarding Peter after Acts 15 leaves the door open for others to fill in the later narrative space. 235

236

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CHAPTER 6: MIRACLE TRADITION IN THE ACTS OF PETER

memory and those of the other gospels to create Peter as an apostle who performs ‘greater works’ than other miracle workers through faith in the transcendent Christ. Through a form critical evaluation of the miracles in APt we see that the memory of Peter’s miracles were both for edification of the communities as well as for conversion. The healings and exorcisms provided awe and wonder of the crowd, drawing attention to the real miracle worker, Jesus. The contest between Simon and Peter at the peak of the narrative displays that its central interest in the power of Christ to resuscitate those of both high and lower classes, unifying them in one body.

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CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION

1 Introduction By examining the miracle stories of Paul and Peter as memories that were transmitted through oral tradition, we gain some valuable insights into discipleship in the second century. There has been a perceived chasm from the gospels and later hagiography of the third century onwards. However, in terms of miracles, orality and exemplum of figures we can see that there is a steady progress. This progress began in Jesus’ sending of The Twelve in the gospels and is recalled and retold in the secondcentury Acta which we have examined. This tradition is then expounded upon as Christianity in the second century is interpreted by the third. Using a method focusing on orality and memory this study has examined second-century miracle stories in the in order to tell us what these Christians believed about following Jesus. By placing these stories in the oral context in which they would have circulated either before or after they were written we can gain an appreciation of what the early Christian communities experienced and saw themselves enduring. The miracle stories take on various forms and emphasize the specific needs of the communities who told the stories. Shared memories and the stories that communities transmit are indicative of their identity. These memories are socially constructed as they are told. For Judaism the shared memory of God’s acts in history such as the Exodus, the giving of the law and the return from exile were part of a tradition and this tradition was inherited by early Christianity. The telling and retelling of the events of the Passover, Exodus and the miracles of the prophets, specifically Elijah and Elisha, informed the memories of the miracles in Acts.

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Chapter 7: Conclusion

Activities of commemoration such as baptism and eucharist were essential to the establishment of early Christian identity. The memory and retelling of actions is often an indicator of priorities of certain communities, especially when the occurrence of these actions is frequent. It is significant therefore, that the memories of Jesus’ miracle working as well as the later memories of the apostles’ were retained. Early form critics understood that early Christian texts had oral antecedents and attempted to identify a kernel of historicity by peeling away levels of tradition. Rather than looking at these traditions as other tellings of stories or other memories, the form critics were so focused on getting to the ‘pure’ tradition, they failed to recognize the validity of these other tellings. This study has utilized form criticism in an effort to provide insight into the layers and elements of the construction of memories within communities. With a wider understanding of who could be a tradent, or a contributor to narrating, we are less confined to the parameters originally laid by the form critics such as catechetical instruction, missionary preaching or paraenesis. While much of the tradition would have been formed around meals and within liturgical gatherings, the wider possibility of people talking about Jesus and The Twelve in their homes, at work and elsewhere, is wider than the specific anonymous preaching of missionaries as the form critics posit. The transmission of tradition was done orally through performances of oral and written texts. Like the Graeco-Roman philosophers and rabbis, the words of Jesus as well as his actions were intended to be passed on, ultimately ending up in the gospels. However, it was not just Jesus’ words that were to be recalled, but also his actions, particularly his miracle working that made an impact and were remembered. These two elements, what was said and done, were retained for their significance and retention providing identity to the communities that heard these texts. Outside of the gospels, the deeds of some of the apostles ended up in Luke’s Acts and other early Christian literature. Like the Jesus tradition, what was said in the three Acta, while important to the narratives as a whole, needs to be paralleled by what was done by the characters. By locating the miracle tradition of Jesus within the context of firstcentury Jewish apocalyptic and proclamation of the Kingdom of God, the accompanying miracles validated his identity as the Son of God. Jesus’ extension of the message, both in word and deed (i.e. miracles), of the Kingdom was passed on to his disciples, particularly The Twelve. Stories

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Introduction

of the performance of these miracles were transmitted throughout early Christian communities, which in turn helped shape their identity. In Acts Luke establishes the ideal followers of Jesus in the characters of Peter and Paul through presenting them in line with Jesus in teaching, preaching and miracle working, Luke creates a unity of his early Christian communities through the continuity of tradition. Establishing Peter and Paul in the line of miracle working prophets confirms the mission and their activities, especially to those of his Jewish audience. Luke also retains some Hellenistic elements in his miracle stories in order to appeal to his Gentile audience. Luke’s Acts also creates the platform for later Acta such as the Acts of Peter and the Acts of Paul. The narrative gaps such as what happened to Peter and Paul are left wide open for elaboration. The characterizations of these two apostles established in Acts carry on throughout these socalled apocryphal texts. The authors of APl and APt present the apostles as faithful, generous and confident in the midst of trials and persecution. Each of these characteristics, which were initially exhibited in Acts, are what the authors wish their communities to emulate. The author of the Acts of Paul drew on a number of sources, both Pauline and pseudo-Pauline to present Paul as a paragon of discipleship. The persecution which Paul and Thecla faced provided an example of faithfulness under pressure and likely represented the communities own experiences. God’s faithfulness held firm however, as they were miraculously rescued on a number of occasions. The healings and resuscitations provide examples of enemies of the faithful being overcome. In the Acts of Peter, the narrators and authors have likewise drawn from a number of scriptures, particularly John and Matthew to present Peter in a powerful way. Through his public confrontation of Simon Magus we find a church that is challenged by the deeds of power of other miracle workers and faced with syncretism and apostasy. Through miracles of healing and resuscitation the superiority of the Christian faith is displayed leading to conversion and rededication to the faith. The miracles show the compassion of God and that he looks after his own. We have reached the conclusion of this study and are able to make several observations regarding the continuity in the miracle stories and what it meant to follow Jesus across these three texts. Similarly, through evaluating the discontinuity of the miracle tradition of Peter and Paul we gain perspective on the specific situations and values of these early Christians.

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Chapter 7: Conclusion

2 Miracles 2.1 Continuity Throughout this study there is continuity in the forms of miracles and the effort of the narrators and authors to ensure that they were presented in the framework of following Jesus. By rearranging what would have been the normal form of the story, narrators or editors such as Luke presented a more coherent story and representation of what they thought following Jesus meant for their communities. Within the oral context, the redaction may have represented a variant of the story which the author knew, preferred, or found more relevant to his context. A common experience that the apostles faced in Acts and APl is persecution as well as divine rescue. Apart from the martyrdom accounts, the miraculous rescues were seen as divinely ordained and ultimately led to the apostle rescuing others either metaphorically through conversion or literally. The rescues of the apostle vindicated their message and showed that those opposing them were also opposing God. Exorcisms also are present in each of these three texts. Sometimes the exorcisms cause uproar such as in the exorcism of the slave girl in Acts. Though the account is lacunose, the single exorcism account in APl VII and its association with fear and Jews provides echoes of the ministry of Jesus. In other accounts, exorcisms were depicted in positive terms such as drawing the attention of the crowds in APt 11. Related to exorcisms is the fact that Paul and Peter are remembered as healers. In each of these Acta the apostle plays a central role in healing those with physical ailments. Paul and Peter bring about healing of a variety of ailments such as paralysis and blindness. Like Jesus, and through his name, they have a similar reputation for their healing practices as people are often brought to them to receive healing. Stories of resuscitations in these texts are likewise frequent.1 This should come as no surprise as the resurrection of Jesus stood as the watershed event in the lives of those in the early Church. The same one who could raise the dead, was raised and was remembered as giving a command to do the same (Matt. 10.8). Punitive judgment miracles run throughout each of these Acta. In Acts the deaths of Ananias and Sapphira and the blinding of Bar Jesus provide paradigms for later judgment miracles. They also serve to project a model of proper Christian behavior. Hermippus goes blind when he Acts 9.36‒40; 20.9‒11; APl II, XI; XIV; APt 23‒28.

1

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Miracles

attempts to attack Paul.2 Hieronymus’ ear was torn off during the hailstorm that saved Paul.3 As a result of Peter’s prayer, Simon Magus was refuted as a magician and collapsed as he attempted to fly over Rome, breaking his legs in three places and ultimately dying.4 A notable continuity regarding the miracle tradition of the apostles is the method that is used in performing the miracles. They are performed in the name of Jesus or through prayer. The apostles, far from claiming themselves as the source of the miracle, state that the source is Jesus. In this respect, they are representatives of Jesus having been sent with his delegated authority. The similar use of words of commands, touch or a combination of both provide a similar method of healing or resuscitation, though they sometimes took on local distinctiveness as the resuscitation of Eutychus indicates (Acts 20.9). Like Jesus, the miracles of the apostles risk being misunderstood and require interpretation. The clarification draws attention to the gospel message and distances the miracle workers from being perceived as magicians. The miracles in Acts and APt are at risk of being interpreted as magic indicating that the communities that held these memories wrestled with issues of syncretism. The elaborations of Luke concerning the source of the miracles as well as the rebuke of Simon Magus and the humbling of the sons of Sceva indicate this. The persuasive impact of Paul’s preaching and the sexual ethics he promoted in APl were perceived as a form of erotic magic and leading to accusations of witchcraft and ultimately to his arrest.

2.2 Discontinuity An obvious deviation from the miracle tradition in Acts are the the talking animals in APl and APt. Though we have no miracles involving animals in the gospels or Acts, the fact that they appear in later Christian texts indicates a specific view and perspective of these communities. These talking animals depict the goodness of creation and seem to address problems with dualistic tendencies in the second century.5 The baptism of the lion and the talking dog play an essential part of each of the respective stories. For the readers of the APl the baptism of the lion probably stands as symbol of redeemed creation as animals were 4 5 2 3

APl IV, 5. APl IX, 27. APt 33. Spittler (2008), 231.

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Chapter 7: Conclusion

thought to speak before the period commonly referred to as the Fall (Gen 3). Based on other literature concerning animals circulating in the first-and second-century ce, the audience of these communities may have viewed these stories these stories as credible.6 While at the same time they could react to them symbolically and in metaphorical terms.7 Theologically, we can see that there was a reorientation of interpreting the miracles that were performed by Jesus and those of the apostles. Jesus’ miracles were ‘signs’ of the Kingdom of God, while there is little reference to the Kingdom in these later Acta. Due to a decline of eschatological fervour and the reality of dealing with other issues, the proclamation of the Kingdom of God seems to have waned or was reinterpreted from the time of the gospels to these second-century Acta. This fact presents us with the chief discontinuity and that is the relationship between exemplar, imitation and failure to imitate. Though the apostles and other early Christians sought to imitate Jesus, the uniqueness of Jesus was made evident, especially in the miracle working of the disciples. Despite the fact that they were given authority, they were still dependent on the grace of God to fulfill the tasks they were given.

3  Following Jesus 3.1 Continuity The memories of Peter and Paul as itinerants who are able and willing to travel play a central part throughout each of the texts. In Acts and APt, Peter extends the Christian mission from Jerusalem and ultimately to Rome. Likewise, Paul presents the gospel to the Gentiles and engages in pastoral support of various communities throughout Acts and APl. This comes as no surprise as the title of apostle is related to ‘being sent’ (ἀποστέλλω). The repetitive accounts of miracles, visions or guidance by the Spirit throughout these texts show that one cannot follow Jesus where he does not lead. Along with travel is the dependence on God for direction and on other church members for accommodation and support. The attitudes concerning money and property seem rather consistent across each of the texts.8 In Acts Peter and Paul are dependent on others for food and Spittler (2008), 227. Adamik (1996); Spittler (2008), 227. 8 Phillips (2002). 6 7

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Following Jesus

shelter, even when this means sleeping in a prison. Paul is depicted as not having money in APl and so must sell his cloak to feed himself and Onesiphorus’ family. Peter is dependent on the hospitality of others in Rome and quickly gives whatever money he receives to the widows and virgins. Both Peter and Paul are viewed as authoritative interpreters of events and scriptures. In an effort to clarify the miracles performed these Acta portray the apostle not only as a miracle worker, but also an interpreter of the miracle and of scripture. Luke has Peter and Paul use scripture, from the prophets and other texts, to elaborate on the miracles displayed. Paul’s beatitudes in APl promote a gospel of sexual continence related with the resurrection, both of which are derived from texts that later received canonical status, namely Matthew and the Pastoral Epistles. Some of the healings that Paul performs contain echoes of some of the healings of Jesus, especially from the gospel of Mark. Peter’s sermon in Marcellus’ house concerned his own experiences with Jesus, especially his walking on water and denial of Jesus. In this respect, the apostles are not just mediators of divine power; they are authoritative interpreters of the miraculous events and scripture. The miracles of the apostles were performed in order to draw the attention of crowds, to meet a legitimate need within the community, to validate their own authority, and, ultimately to bring about faith. Based on Luke’s reordering of the call of Peter in his gospel and some instances in Acts where he fails to present faith prior to the miracle, it is simply not the case that miracles could not produce faith for those hearing each of these texts.9 If the intention of the gospels, Acts, APl and APt was to promote faith, discipleship and imitation then it is likely that faith was produced on account of these miracle stories for both believers and unbelievers.10

3.2 Discontinuity An apparent discontinuity between these three texts is the emphasis on asceticism. While fasting occurs in each of them, the emphasis on sexual continence and fasting is more prominent throughout APl than Acts or APt. The association of eschatological expectation and purity for the resurrection plays an important factor in APl. In contrast to this, the Contra Williams (2001). Assuming that majority of the hearers of these stories were Christians, their faith may be encouraged. If they were not Christians, it may have provided a means of wonder or brought about faith. 9

10

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Chapter 7: Conclusion

fasting in which Peter engaged APt is related with his ability to overcome Simon Magus and not necessarily out of eschatological fervor or for purity. From these observations, we can assume that the development of Christian asceticism, while relatively constant from the beginning of early Christianity, took on different emphasis and purposes based on the needs of their respective communities. The apparent competition between Peter and Simon in APt is characteristic of the evangelical propaganda through miraculous deeds. The expansion of the resuscitation story of one young man, which added two others, presents the ongoing need for the kind of one-upmanship that existed after Christianity was recognized as a viable possibility within the ancient religious landscape.11 In the other two texts, this motif is not as strong; however, the apostles do attempt to win converts. Despite the continuity and discontinuity of the miracle tradition, placing a concrete label on the groups that produced these works is difficult. Later tradition held that the APl and APt were used by Manicheans and other heterodox groups.12 However, the memories reflected in each of the texts concerning the apostles do not necessarily reflect any major deviations from proto-orthodoxy. Rather, they reflect the memories and needs of Christian communities and their adherence to Jesus’ commands from the gospels to Acts carry on into the discipleship understanding reflected in APl and APt. In this respect, we may speculate whether these texts may have been considered canonical or considered acceptable Christian literature by some communities.

11

Gallagher (1991), 16. Photius, Bibliotheca 114.

12

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BIBLIOGRAPHY bibliography

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

INDICES

SCRIPTURE INDEX Scripture Index

Numbers 5.11-3158 5.20-2258 5.2758 11.1067 19.11149 22.29258 23.2167 30.2160

Genesis 3.1-4258 19.20176 Exodus 3.289 3.8154 12.733 12.11155 12.22-2333 12.4289 13.3 89, 155 13.21-2233 13.19-2033 14.1989 20.289 23.2089 23.2389 2489 29.4689 32.3489 33.2152

Deuteronomy 4.1018 4.11211 6.959 7.6173 10.258 15.967 16.1233 22.2467 23.22-24160 24.1567 34.867 Joshua 4.3-618 8.3489

Leviticus 11.39-40172 21.22136

Judges 13.5137



Scripture Index

1 Samuel 1.867 2.3367 11.567 4.5-667 5.1267 7.867 8.1867 9.1667 17.2067 30.467

Esther 4.167 4.367 Job

2 Samuel 1.2467 3.1667 12.1967 13.1967 15.2367 15.3067 19.167 22.767 1 Kings 8.2867 17.19148 17.21150 21159 22.3667 2 Kings 4.33-35148 4.34150 8.1267 22.989

3.767 3.2467 4.267 16.1667 16.1867 16.2067 19.767 24.1267 27.967 27.1567 28.1867 30.567 30.767 30.2067 30.2467 30.2867 30.3167 31.3867 34.2867 35.967 35.12-1367 36.1367 38.4167 39.2567

Psalms 3.467 5.267 6.867 9.1267 14.7170 17.167 18.667 21.11137 22.267 27.767 28.267 30.567 32.1167

Ezra 3.1167 3.1367 10.167 Nehemiah 8.967 8.3-1889 9.967



Scripture Index

32.16176 33.367 34.1567 35.2767 40.167 41.1167 47.167 47.567 53.6170 57.267 60.867 61.167 65.867 65.1367 66.167 69.1-3104 69.367 71.2367 72.1267 77.167 7818 78.6467 78.6818 7918 81.167 86.367 88.267 89.1267 89.2667 95.1-267 97.2211 98.467 98.667 100.167 102.167 102.967 105.4367 106.4467 107.10-14152 108.967 119.2867 126.667 142.167

142.667 145.767 145.1967 14767 147.967 16967 Proverbs 1.2167 2.367 8.367 18.867 21.1367 26.2067 26.2267 Ecclesiastes 3.467 Isaiah 2.3b115 5.767 8.467 10.3067 11.7217 12.667 13.667 14.3167 15.2-567 15.867 16.7-1067 19.2067 22.4-567 22.1267 23.167 23.667 23.1467 24.1467 24.22152 25.891 26.1767 26.1991 29.1888



Scripture Index

30.1967 33.767 3491 34.1467 3591 35.267 35.5-688 35.6 67, 137 42.267 42.1167 42.1367 43.7173 43.21173 44.391 44.2367 45.21173 46.767 46.10173 46.1318 46.4118 49.1367 52.7-8117 52.8-967 54.167 54.1267 56.4-7120 57.1367 58.167 58.967 60-62117 60.5170 60.11170 6191 61.6170 61.767 65.1467 65.1967 65.25217

4.3167 5.27161 7.1667 8.1967 9.167 9.1067 9.17-2067 11.11-1267 11.1467 12.15173 13.1767 14.267 14.1267 20.867 20.1067 20.1667 22.467 22.1267 22.1067 23.1-891 25.3067 25.3467 25.3667 29.10-1491 30.1567 30.18170 31.767 31.967 31.1267 31.15-1667 31.3137 41.667 44.3-491 46.1267 47.267 48.4-567 48.2067 48.31-3267 48.3667 48.3967 49.367 50.467 50.1567

Jeremiah 3.2167 4.567 4.867



Scripture Index

50.4667 51.867 51.1467 51.4867

1.867 1.1167 1.1367 1.1467 1.1967 2.1267 2.1767 2.23-3091 3173

Lamentations 1.267 1.1667 2.1967 3.867 3.5667 3.6267

Amos 1.1467 2.267 5.16-1767 8.367 9.11-12173

Ezekiel 1.2267 5.5117 8.1467 8.1867 21.1267 21.2267 24.1667 24.2367 27.2867 27.3067 27.31-3267 30.267 32.1867 36.367 37.1217 38.12117

Jonah 1.267 Micah 1.867 1.1067 3.4-567 3.9173 4.967 Habakkuk 1.267 2.1167

Daniel 5.1-2658

Zephaniah 1.10-1167 1.1467 1.1667 3.1467

Hosea 7.1467 8.267 10.567 14.9173 14.10161

Zechariah 7.367 9.9 67, 117 11.2-367 12.1067 14.14170

Joel 1.567



Scripture Index

Malachi 2.1367

12.1290 12.1967 12.2485 12.28 27, 90, 91 12.5095 13.10-1197 13.10-1780 13.4267 13.5067 14.1487 14.16104 14.19104 14.22104 14.28-2950 14.31 76, 105 15.2267 15.31206 15.3287 16.6-12104 16.8105 16.9-1176 16.1476 17.1 94, 97 17.2 75, 247 17.2-4240 17.5213 17.6248 17.2027 17.2730 18.660 18.10219 18.20108 18.2831 19.28 96, 97, 117 20.1797 20.28108 20.3487 21.967 21.1567 21.19-20161 21.21105 22.1367 24.5167

Matthew 2.1867 3.279 3.367 4.2595 5.195 5.8269 5.11-12223 5.31-3280 6.16-1768 6.25269 6.30 76, 105, 107 7.780 7.15107 7.22 107, 168 7.23107 8.9-1332 8.1267 8.2198 8.26 76, 105 8.32-33136 9.1-886 9.465 9.8206 9.10-1395 9.2767 9.3068 10.178 10.1-494 10.1-14101 10.2116 10.2-496 10.8 93, 202, 263, 276 10.2767 10.3880 10.3980 10.40102 11.391 11.591 11.1995



Scripture Index

25.667 25.3067 25.36212 26.2593 26.29 218, 220 26.4993 28.16115

5.567 5.7 67, 144 5.22-4244 5.26171 5.3194 5.3794 5.38-3967 5.39 148, 150 5.40132 5.41 87, 148 5.43203 631 6.7 78, 104, 116, 142 6.7-13101 6.13-14103 6.30116 6.3487 6.37 93, 104 6.45-50104 7.1876 8.18-2189 8.20-21104 8.21108 9.2 75, 94, 97, 247 9.593 9.14 94, 108 9.16-27103 9.19105 9.2293 9.23 27, 204 9.25204 9.26 67, 204 9.29104 9.35116 9.4260 10.13-3179 10.27202 10.32 97, 116 10.4694 10.47-4867 11.967 11.11116 11.2193

Mark 1.367 1.1579 1.16-20 164, 177 1.2195 1.23132 1.3895 1.40132 1.40-4195 1.4187 1.4368 2.1-1186 2.2165 2.3132 2.4 95, 139 2.1395 2.15-1795 3.1164 3.1167 3.13-1578 3.14 94, 95, 103 3.14-15104 3.16-19 94, 96 3.19-2290 3.21-2538 3.2285 3.22-29165 3.22-30164 3.3595 4.10116 4.10-1280 4.1376 5204 5.1-2088 5.2131



Scripture Index

11.23105 12.16213 12.1730 12.4430 13.1-16124 13.394 13.3-497 14.10116 14.17116 14.20116 14.25218 14.3394 14.43116 14.4593 14.7267 15.26213 15.3487 15.3767 16.8115 16.8-20123 16.1067 16.1476 16.15216

1.65131 1.76144 2.1-2131 2.1-3128 2.6131 2.13131 2.14144 2.1965 2.25117 2.36-38219 2.37118 2.38117 2.42131 2.46131 2.5076 2.5165 3.2131 3.467 3.10 169, 170 3.11169 3.16170 3.21131 4.4162 4.14162 4.18 91, 170, 171 4.20 68, 247 4.20-21264 4.25131 4.28-29166 4.33132 4.36131 4.38-40147 4.39161 4.4167 4.4379 5.1131 5.1-11 45, 164, 178 5.883 5.8-11100 5.12 131, 132 5.12-16165 5.16175 5.17 131, 165

Luke 1-17115 1.1 116, 123 1.2125 1.2-4113 1.3-4113 1.5 131, 133 1.8 131, 133 1.10175 1.15219 1.23131 1.32144 1.35144 1.37 27, 204 1.41131 1.44131 1.53170 1.59131 1.64161



Scripture Index

5.17-26 86, 139 5.18132 5.18-20178 5.22160 5.25161 5.30-3295 6131 6.1131 6.6164 6.9176 6.12175 6.12-13131 6.13116 6.13-1694 6.14-1696 6.16131 6.17-19165 6.20170 6.20-49165 6.2167 6.24170 6.2567 6.28175 6.35144 6.49131 7.1-3165 7.1-10178 7.6-1032 7.11131 7.12-14251 7.13 67, 87 7.14131 7.14 206, 252 7.1991 7.22 47, 91, 171 7.24-2647 7.26131 7.28131 7.3267 7.36-50118 7.3867 7.50176 8.1 116, 131

8.2146 8.9-1080 8.1097 8.22131 8.24131 8.27131 8.28144 8.36176 8.37143 8.41-42252 8.41-56148 8.42-43116 8.43171 8.44161 8.45148 8.46210 8.47161 8.48178 8.51 94, 97 8.5267 8.53132 8.54 148, 149 8.55161 9.1149 9.1-2 78, 103 9.1-5174 9.1-6101 9.1-12116 9.3175 9.13 93, 104 9.18131 9.2380 9.2480 9.28 75, 94, 97 9.28-29131 9.33-35131 9.37131 9.38252 9.42149 9.4576 9.51 115, 131 9.51-19.44174 9.52-56166



Scripture Index

9.5798 10.1-12164 10.9263 10.21131 10.23-2448 11.1131 11.1-2175 11.980 11.14131 11.14-1590 11.14-1738 11.14-26164 11.14-28165 11.1585 11.20 27, 90 11.26146 11.27131 11.30131 11.37-52118 12.367 12.11-12166 12.23171 12.28 76, 105 13.13161 13.19131 13.2867 13.34117 14.1 131, 172 14.1-35164 14.16118 14.26 80, 98 14.2780 15.14131 16.531 16.12171 16.16171 16.18171 16.20170 16.22131 16.31-17.1171 17.260 17.11131 17.12-17178

17.14131 17.18176 17.19178 17.26131 17.28131 18.1175 18.767 18.10175 18.20-3179 18.24170 18.31 97, 116 18.35 131, 138 18.3967 18.42178 18.43 161, 176, 206 19.1-10172 19.9131 19.11161 19.15131 19.2680 19.29131 19.37176 19.38144 19.4067 19.46175 20.1131 20.24213 20.2530 20.34-36219 21.430 21.5-20124 21.12-19166 21.20125 21.20-24162 22.1154 22.3 116, 160 22.7 152, 154 22.14131 22.24131 22.28-29117 22.30 96, 97, 116 22.32175 22.40-41175



Scripture Index

22.44 131, 152 22.45-46175 22.47116 22.50-51205 22.54-60133 22.55154 22.5668 22.60161 22.66131 23.2867 23.28-31162 23.35-37157 23.38213 23.44131 23.4667 24122 24.4131 24.15131 24.19 131, 164 24.21131 24.27122 24.30-31131 24.48115 24.51131 25.52115

4.48 38, 256 6.238 6.1436 6.16-21104 6.2593 6.2638 6.31-4189 6.35239 6.53-5536 6.6383 6.6693 6.67116 6.70-71116 7.3138 7.38239 8.12 239, 248 9246 9.293 9.3-4209 9.5248 9.1638 10.7239 10.9239 10.25209 10.27259 10.38240 11.893 11.3167 11.3367 11.4738 12.1367 12.3738 13.20264 14.6239 14.11209 14.12 37, 209, 245, 256 14.21256 14.2637 16.7 35, 77 16.777 16.877 16.2067 19.19-20213

John 1.1 15, 38 1.1338 1.18239 1.2367 1.29 34, 100 1.36 34, 100 1.38 93, 100 1.40-49100 1.4993 1.50-51100 2.11 38, 87 2.2338 3.2 38, 93 3.19239 3.2693 4.3193



Scripture Index

20.1167 20.1367 20.1567 20.19240 20.21105 20.24116 20.3038 21.15-22266 21.18212 21.2522

2.42-43165 2.43 116, 136 2.44157 2.46157 2-3174 3 139, 153, 171 3-5157 3.1 118, 175 3.1-9141 3.1-10 119, 134, 135,  136, 140, 157 3.2138 3.468 3.6 251, 252 3.7161 3.8137 3.9176 3.11138 3.12 68, 253 3.12-14164 3.12-26173 3-4173 4152 4.1-3157 4.249 4.3153 4.4 138, 167 4.5 117, 131 4.9176 4.12176 4.16117 4.18166 4.21176 4.2235 4.31 156, 157, 166, 175 4.32157 4.33116 4.34-36160 4.36116 4-5133 5174 5.1-535 5.1-10158

Acts 1.135 1.2116 1.4117 1.8117 1.630 1.8115 1-7166 1-8115 1.1068 1.12117 1.1394 1.14175 1.16166 1.19 117, 131 1.21 49, 118, 121 1.21-2259 1.2249 1.24-26116 1.24175 2 83, 136, 151, 169, 173 2.2131 2.5 117, 139 2.9139 2.11-2135 2.14 117, 139 2.14-4066 2.17-21173 2.2235 2.37 116, 157, 170 2.41 138, 157 2.42 49, 102, 118, 170, 175



Scripture Index

5.1-12 119, 170 5.3160 5.5131 5.7131 5.10161 5.11131 5.12116 5.12-16 134, 165 5.15f134 5.16117 5.17-19151 5.18 116, 153 5.28117 5.29116 5.34-39158 5.37128 5.38167 5.39129 5.40116 5.4249 6.1131 6.1-6172 6.2116 6.4 102, 175 6.6116 6.7 117, 167 6.7167 6.8 134, 167 6.10166 6.1568 6-7174 7185 7.8116 7.13131 7.29131 7.31131 7.34155 7.40131 7.48144 7.5568 7.58174 7.6068 8 174, 244

8.1 116, 117, 131, 167 8.4167 8.5-6175 8.5-13179 8.6-7134 8.8131 8.9-11178 8.9-20168 8.14 116, 117 8.15175 8.22175 8.24175 8.25-27117 8.26-39172 8.27-39120 8.39176 9174 9.2117 9.3131 9.1035 9.13117 9.1235 9.17-18203 9.19131 9.21117 9.26117 9.27116 9.28117 9.32131 9.32-35 119, 136, 138 9.35139 9.36176 9.36-42175 9.36-39172 9.36-40276 9.36-42 119, 148 9.37131 9.3967 9.42 149, 179 9.42-43131 10 83, 134, 172 10-11120 10.2175



Scripture Index

10.335 10.468 10.9175 10.10131 10.13131 10.16131 10.1735 10.1935 10.25131 10.31175 10.34121 10.38 35, 49 10.39117 10.44166 10.4635 11173 11.1116 11.2 115, 117 11.535 11.668 11.10131 11.14204 11.22117 11.26131 11.27117 11.27-30172 11.28 35, 131 12174 12.1236 12.1-12 134, 151, 152 12.2153 12.3153 12.5 153, 175, 176 12.5-6119 12.7 153, 154 12.8155 12.935 12.11155 12.13-14258 12.14154 12.17 68, 153, 154, 155 12.18131 12.2267

12.23161 12.25117 13205 13.2-3223 13.3175 13.3-4162 13.6161 13.6-12119 13.8160 13.8-10222 13.9 68, 162 13.10-11161 13.11162 13.12165 13.13 115, 117, 175 13.1668 13.27 117, 139 13.31117 13.42-50205 14 175, 176 14.1131 14.3 166, 175 14.4116 14.5131 14.6139 14.8 139, 140, 141, 175 14.8-11 134, 136, 139 14.8168 14.8-19167 14.9 68, 139, 176, 178 14.9-10 141, 265 14.10139 14.14 67, 116, 140 14.15-16164 14.15-17173 14.23175 14.27152 14.46141 15 18, 120, 127, 174, 271 15.2 115, 116, 117 15.4 116, 117 15.6116 15.13-2166



Scripture Index

15.22-23116 15.36179 15.39131 16177 16.4 116, 117 16.5204 16.6-12160 16.6-18133 16.9f35 16.13 175, 176 16.16 131, 151, 169, 175 16.16-18 119, 134, 142,  157, 205 16.16-24167 16.16-25196 16.16-29 155, 172, 212 16.17 67, 144 16.19171 16.2114 16.23157 16.26 131, 157, 161 16.30 155, 156, 157, 176 16.31155 16.31-34157 16.33 161, 204 16.33204 16.35-38156 17.1-14205 18.9 35, 166 19 68, 215 19.1131 19.1-40214 19.6 35, 166 19.8-9205 19.10131 19.12134 19.13-17 145, 168 19.15146 19.17131 19.18-19 169, 179 19.19-20178 19.20167 19.21117

19.23131 19.23-41196 19.2867 19.3368 19.34131 19.3568 20176 20.3131 20.7-12 118, 119, 148, 149, 197 20.9 207, 277 20.9-11276 20.10151 20.16117 20.22117 20.36175 20.37 67, 131 21.1131 21.4 115, 117 21.5 68, 131 21.9219 21.1035 21.11166 21.11-13117 21.1367 21.15117 21.15-40196 21.17 117, 153 21.2867 21.30131 21.31117 21.35131 21.3667 21.38129 21.4068 22.1-22173 22.5117 22.6131 22.17131 22.17-18117 22.2367 23.168 23.667 23.7131



Scripture Index

23.9131 23.11117 23.24-26221 24.1068 24.10-21173 24.11117 24.17170 25.1117 25.3117 25.7117 25.8-12173 25.9117 25.15117 25.20117 25.24117 25-26236 26.168 26.4117 26.10117 26.1935 26.20117 27.5196 27.5-6202 27.7176 27.27131 27.39131 27.42131 27.44131 27-28196 28.6 146, 168 28.7172 28.7-8 146, 221 28.8 131, 146, 147, 175, 176 28.9147 28.17 117, 131 28.30-31123

6.3-438 7.7-1366 8.1 35, 78 8.4-5269 8.937 8.12-13269 8.1567 8.19-23217 9.2767 10.9-10155 12.1567 12.17253 14.5179 15.1677 15.24255 15.28255 16.3194 16.794 16.11236 1 Corinthians 1.1121 1.12 5, 120 1.2334 2.234 2.4-536 3.3-7120 3.1636 3.16-17160 4.16 5, 111 5.7 17, 33 5-7120 6.13-20219 6-7 219, 222 7.9191 7.1234 7.40191 9.1-2121 9.25191 10-11220 11.1183 11.234 11.1764

Romans 2.6262 2.25-2818 4.21179 5.12217 5.12-6.1478



Scripture Index

11-12120 12.10224 12.1435 12-14 223, 224 14.1-5224 14.235 14.26-33223 14.34-35224 14.35187 15.2-364 15.3 33, 34 15.597 15.14-1534 15.18-3178 15.32191 15.33-3464 15.54-5734 16.4170 16.9152 16.19194

2.9231 2.11-12 69, 119 2.11-14120 3.136 3.2-535 3.536 3.165 4.667 4.1067 4.2067 4.2767 5.2-618 5.1118 5.16269 5.16-1835 6.1518 Ephesians 2.14121 4.18253

2 Corinthians 1.8-10191 2.12152 3.768 3.14253 3.1875 5.17 16, 27, 37 6.635 6.23196 11.436 11.23196 12.12121 13.434

Philippians 1.1935 1.2735 2.135 2.11155 3.1867 Colossians 1.2737 2.9-1078 4.14 192, 193 1 Thessalonians 1.525 1.6111 2.2156 4.134 4.377 4.1325 4.1434 5.15 238, 253 5.2377

Galatians 1.1121 1.11121 1.1683 1.17121 2.2121 2.1-10126 2.6120 2.7-9120



Scripture Index

2 Thessalonians 2.1378 3.95

Hebrews 5.767 10.2978 10:3265 12.14269

1 Timothy 1.3192 1.17208 3.1-2189 3.8189 3.10189 3.12-13189 4.14189 5.17189 5.19189 5.2070 6.16247

1 Peter 1.278 2.2433 3.9 238, 253 3.1833 3.20-2238 5.10233 2 Peter 1.12-1565 1.164 1.18240

2 Timothy 1.15193 1.16193 2.1470 2.1670 2.18193 3.11208 3.1670 4.10 192, 193 4.11192 4.17 201, 215 4.19 192, 194

1 John 1.9239 3.20239 4.12224 4.1736 Revelation 2.1-366 4.667 5.4-567 5.634 7.1067 7.1734 14.1567 18.967 18.1167 18.1567 18.18-1967 21.467 21.1497 22.167

Titus 1.4192 1.5 189, 192 1.7189 3.12192 Philemon 1.24

192, 193



OTHER EARLY JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN SOURCES Other Sources

1 Clement 1.3189 5.1, 2 231, 261 5.375 5.4231 5.4-5231 5.5-7195 17.3, 5 189 35.1-2219 35.5-870 42.4-5189 44.5189 46.7, 8 60 47.1126 47.6189 54.2189 57.1189 63.175

Jub. 23.26, 29

91

Mart. Ign. 

221

2 Clement 17.3, 5 189 12.1-6219

T. Asher 5.5144

Mart. Isa. 3.11160 Mart. Just. 4

208, 221

Mart. Pol. 16.2

189, 221

Pss. Sol. 17.3791 18.791

T. Judah 24.291

1 Enoch 49.391

T. Levi 6.265 18.791

Anon. Jos. Asen. 8.2144



Other Sources

Ag. Ap. 2.11144 2.175, 178 57 2.20457

Wis. 7.2089 Athenagoras Plea

219

Gregory of Nyssa Vit. Macr. 962B185

Athanasius Ep. Virg.185

Hermas Man. 8.10232

Dead Sea Scrolls 1QM 7.6 219 11Q1189 4Q521 2.ii.8, 12 91

Sim. 9.10.6-11.8219 9.27.2 232, 233

Eusebius Hist. eccl. 3.3.2 230, 231 3.23.565 3.39.3-524 5.21.1235 7.11.24255 7.22.4255

Vis. 3.5.1232 3.9.2, 5 232 Hippolytus Haer. 6244

F. Josephus 125, 126, 128, 130 Ant. 4.2.1057 8.42-4789 8.46-48246 16.4357 17.354129 18.1128 18.4128 18.6385 20.97129 20.160129 20.188129 20.200236

Ignatius 66, 190, 198, 220,  221, 232, 233 Eph. 1.3189 2.1-2189 3.2189 4.1189 5.1-3189 6.1189 20.2189 Magn. 2.1189 3.1-2189 3.2189 4.1189 6.1-2189 7.1189 13.1-2189 15.1189

J. W. 1.3.4392 2.6.1168 2.17.5-8143 2.120219 2.259, 264 129



Other Sources

Homily on Matthew 5.1.2269

Trall. 1.1189 2.1-2189 3.1-2189 7.1-2189 12.2189 13.2189

Justin 61, 123, 221 1 Apol. 5.12122 15219

Rom. 2.2189 4.3231 7.3220

Origen 61, 230, 231 Cels. 1.6, 28 85 3.4463 44, 59 234

Phil. 1.1189 3.2189 4.1 189, 220 4.6189 7.1-2189 8.1189 10.1-2189 11.1189

Papias60 3.4 60, 265 10.1189 Philo Embassy 1.574 278144

Smyrn. 8.1-2189 9.1189 12.2189

Contempl. 1.22-33219 Polycarp 65, 66, 221, 224 Phil. 8-975 9.166 10.175

Pol. 1.1189 5.2189 6.1189 Irenaeus65 Adv. Haer. 2.31.29 3.3.3234 3.11.9224 3.14.1-3122 4.30.1235 5.1.3220

Q. Septimius Florens Tertullianus Apol. 37.4235 Bapt. 17.1190 17.5 186, 187, 200, 237 Adv. Marc. 5.8224

John Chrysostom Homily on Acts of the Apostles 11.1.326123



OTHER ANCIENT SOURCES Other Sources

Euripides Bacch. 447-448 152, 153 585-593156

Anon. Corp. Herm. 10.674 13.374 Aristotle Poet. Rhet. Eth. nic.

Hipp. 322-36069

69, 100 63 73

G. Cornelius Tacitus Ann. 1.74236 2.65172 13.9172 15.5172 15.44221

Athenaeus Naucratita Deipn.57 D. Iunius Iuvenalis Sat. 3.75-3.7862

Hist. 2.58172 4.8192 4.81-8231 512 5.4.1144

Diodorus Siculus Lib. hist. 16.26218-219 31.9.2155 34-35.1.1144

G. Plinius Secundus Nat. 7.24.8857 8.21216 8.36259 8.42217 28.4.14-1631

Diogenes Laertius Vita 2.48100 6.30-3256



Other Sources

Philops. 1331

G. Plinius Caecilius Secundus Ep. 2.11149 3.1.963 4.9149 6.19236 9.17.3-463 9.36.463 9.40.263 10.96 149, 221

L. Annaeus Seneca Ep. 6.5 57, 85 6.5-674 75.157 94.4274 Ben. 2.18.329 2.18.530

G. Suetonius Tranquillus Rhet. 162

L. Apuleius Madaurensis Flor. Meta.

Tib. 58260 Hesiod

18, 19, 57

L. Flavius Philostratus Vit. Apoll. 1.15261 4.20246 4.45252 7.34, 38 153 8.30153

Homer 18, 37, 57, 61 Il. 50 22.405-515123 Od. 50, 241 11.119-137123 17.374-488259 Iamblicus Pyth. Life

252 259

L. Mestrius Plutarchus Lib. ed. 2064

70

Def. orac. 8, 9

Lucianus Samosatensis Gall. 2259

144

Mor. 207c68

Conscr. 47-48127

Quast. Conv. 9.1.361

Tox. 29155

M. Annaeus Seneca Con. 1 Pref. 2

Ver. Hist. 2.431



57

Other Sources

M. Fabius Quintilianus 62 Inst. 6.2.29-3263 8.3.62, 67 63 10.1.1663 11.2.157

P. Ovidius Naso Metam.18 3.699-700 152, 153 8.611-724140 P. Vergilius Maro Aen.

M. Tullius Cicero Off. 1.4530

Sophocles Oed. Tyr. 758-76568

De orat. 1.2.4-662

Strabo Geog. 9.3.12144 12.63140

Orat. Brut. 21.6962 Plato Ep. 2.314c56 25.774 52.774

T. Livius Patavinus Hist. 1.4-519 Xenophon Mem. 1.2.1-373 1.2.273 1.2.374 1.2.5-671 1.2.1771 1.2.24-2874 1.2.5570 2.2.2-370 4.174

Meno 92.6-773 99.1-1073 Phaedr. 60D155 61A, B 155 274a-277c55 275a-b56 Resp.241 375c259 Tim.

19

19



MODERN AUTHOR INDEX Modern Author Index

Beasley-Murray, G.R. 79, 80, 283 Beavis, M. 23, 283 Bediako, K. xiv, 283 Berger, K. 12, 15, 16, 283 Berger, P. 12, 13, 16, 17, 283 Best, E. 78, 80, 283 Betz, H.D. 58, 222, 283 Bienert, W.A. 96, 283 Bock, D. 112, 118, 122, 140, 153, 156, 283, 284 Bockmuehl, M. 230, 231, 232, 233, 284 Bonner, S. F. 61, 62, 284 Botha, E. 52 Botha, J.E. 52, Botha, P.J. 52, 56 Bovon, F. 5, 32, 100, 101, 174, 184, 199, 213, 255, 284 Bowersock, G.W. 3, 27, 284 Boyarin, D. 5, 12, 284 Brakke, D. 185, 284 Bremmer, J. 232, 236, 237, 247, 248, 253, 256, 270, 284-285 Brent, A. 189, 285 Brewer, W. 13, 14, 26, 285 Brown, D. 35, 285  Brown, P. 218, 269, 285 Brown, R. E. 126, 285 Bruce, F. F. 126, 138, 150, 168, 285

Achtemeier, P.J. 27, 51, 134, 163, 165, 177, 281 Adamik, T. 217, 278 Alexander, L. 6, 27, 49, 60, 106, 113, 114, 281 Allison, D.C. 85, 91, 97, 281 Ankarloo, B. 222, 281 Arbesmann, R. 218, 281 Assmann, J. 17, 22-23, 29, 33, 54, 281 Aune, D. 6, 65, 75, 77, 87, 281 Austin, J.L. 52, 282 Bailey, K. 51, 53, 282 Baker, C. 24, 114, 282 Baldwin, M. C. 230, 241, 282 Bar-Ilan, M. 55, 282 Barbieri, G. 236, 282 Barnes, T.D. 2, 189, 234, 282 Barrier, J. xii, 199, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 218, 220, 222, 223, 282 Baslez, M.-F. 187, 214, 221, 283 Bauckham, R. 24, 59, 60, 95, 98, 113, 191, 194, 195, 198, 199, 231, 238, 283 Baur, F. C. 119, 283  Bayer, H.F. 173, 283 Beare, F.W. 101, 283



Modern Author Index

Brueggemann, W. 16, 285 Bruner, J. 14, 15, 23, 25, 285 Bultmann, R. 24, 25, 41- 45, 48, 50, 75, 79, 84, 90, 96, 99, 101, 285 Burke, T. 179, 285 Burkitt, F. C. 125, 285 Burridge, R. A. 75, 111, 285 Burrus, V. 208, 286 Byrne, R. M. J. 26, 286 Byrskog, S. 26, 28, 46, 47, 48, 50, 55, 59, 71, 75, 83, 94, 95, 286

Dibelius, M. 24, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 135, 148, 161, 173, 288 Dodd, C. H. 79, 288 Le Donne, A. 44, 288 Douglas, M. 222, 288 Downing, F. G . 60, 72, 87, 288 Draper, J. 24, 50, 53, 288 Duling, D. C. 19, 23, 288 Dumm, D. 248, 288 Dunn, J.D.G. 1, 2, 24, 35, 50, 51, 52, 63, 64, 75, 76, 78, 89, 96, 102, 105, 106, 117, 122, 138, 160, 170, 288  Dunn, P. 187, 190, 191, 194, 196, 197, 198, 200, 201, 207, 218, 219, 289 Dupont, J. 127, 130, 289 Dwyer, T. 3, 23, 108, 289

Cadbury, H. J. 114, 115, 121, 126, 282 Caird, G. B. 97, 216, 286 Campenhausen, H. 189, 286 Carr, D. M. 52, 57, 200, 286 Carson, D. A. 127, 130, 286 Cartlidge, D. R. 257, 286 Castelli, E. A. 5, 286 Charlesworth, J. 243, 286 Chilton, B. 4, 79, 286 Clark, A. C. 119, 167, 286 Colijn, B. 179, 286, Collins, A. Y. 100, 286 Collins, J. N. 59, 125, 286 Conzelmann, H. 97, 117, 120, 124, 125, 137, 140, 147, 148, 152, 170, 287 Cotter, W. 31, 32, 84, 204, 287 Croix, G. 221, 287 Crossan, J.D. 22, 23, 25, 30, 87, 88, 89, 91, 96, 287 Cullmann, O. 234, 287 Cunningham, S. 166, 287 Currie, S. D. 223, 287 Czachesz, I. 8, 259, 287

Edelstein, E. J. L. 31, 32, 289 Egelhaaf-Gaiser, U. 31, 289 Ehrman, B. 53, 289 Eidindow, E. 58, 289 Elliott, J. K. 184, 216, 228, 230, 241, 252, 253, 289 Epp, E. J. 79, 289 Esler, P. 114, 119, 120, 289 Eve, E. 3, 85, 289 Faraone, C. A. 222, 289 Fauconnier, G. 126, 201, 239, 290 Fee, G.D. 35, 224, 290 Ferguson, E. 38, 290 Ficker, G. 229, 236, 290 Filson, F.V. 124, 170, 174, 290 Finegan, J. 126, 290 Fiorenza, E. 114, 180, 290 Fireman, G.D. 14, 15, 290  Fisher, R. K. 156, 290 Fitzmyer, J. A. 101, 113, 115, 121, 127, 128, 138, 161, 166, 290 Foley, J.M. 24, 25, 50, 290 Forbes, C. 62, 291

Dagron, G. 185, 186, 287 Davies, W. D. 91, 97, 287 Davis, S. J. 185, 186, 200, 287 Delehaye, H. 2, 4, 288 deSilva, D. A. 29, 31, 288



Modern Author Index

Foster, J. 20, 290 Foster, P. 189, 290 Frend, W. H. C. 189, 290 Freyne, S. 22, 290 Funk, R.W. 4, 96, 290

Holmberg, B. 12, 293  Holmes, M. 195, 221, 293 Horsley, R. 24, 50, 55, 57, 58, 63, 75, 91, 102, 293 Hull, J. 90, 293 Hunt, N. C. 22, 293 Hutchinson, J. 12, 13, 19, 293 

Gallagher, E. V. 249, 280, 290 Gasque, W. W. 115, 208, 291 Gaventa, B. 60, 291 Gerhardsson, B. 42, 46, 47-50, 72, 75, 83, 96, 102, 291 Gillis, J. 21, 291 Gleason, M. 68, 291  Goulder, M. D. 115, 154, 173, 291 Grant, R. M. 215, 258, 291 Grech, P. 38, 291 Green, C. M. C. 291, 236, 291 Gregory, A. 122, 123, 184, 291 Grenfell, B. 228, 291 Gross, D. 23, 291 Gruen, E. 12, 292 Grundmann, W. 210, 213, 292 Gundry, R. 44, 292 Gundry-Volf 269, 292

Jaffee, M. 72, 293 James, M. R. 229, 240, 293 Jeremias, J. 4, 79, 152, 156, 294 Jervell, J. 97, 115, 294 Johnson, L. T. 119, 143, 151, 156, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174, 294 Johnson, S. F. 185, 294 Karasszon, I. 236, 242, 294 Karris, R.J. 113, 143, 170, 171, 294 Käsemann, E. 113, 167, 294  Kee, H. C. 85, 205, 294 Keener, C. xii, 3, 25, 32, 85, 104, 130, 294 Keightley, G. 64, 294 Kelber, W. 23, 31, 34, 46, 50-52, 55, 75, 76, 79, 96, 294 Kelhoffer, J. 250, 294 Keller, E. 44, 295 Kennedy, C. 37, 295 Kensinger, E. A. 23, 57, 295 King, K. A. 13, 295 Kirk, A. 19, 24, 50, 52, 53, 62, 295 Klauck, H-J. 143, 144, 145, 146, 169, 248, 295 Kloppenborg, J. S. 4, 102, 295 Klutz, T. 133, 295 Knox, J. 191, 295 Koester, H. 6, 43, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 60, 119, 120, 123, 216, 295 Kolenkow, A. 16, 32, 295  Kollmann, B. 3, 295 Kraft, H. 186, 228, 296 Kümmel, W. G. 126, 296 Kurfess, A. 217, 296

Hacking, K. 92, 292 Haenchen, E. 148, 156, 157, 161, 292 Hägg, T. 6, 199, 200, 214, 292 Halbwachs, M. 1, 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 31, 44, 292 Halfmann, H. 236, 292 Hanson, J. S. 32, 292 Hardon, J. A. 180, 292 Harris, W. 55, 56, 292 Harvey, A. E. 87, 90, 248, 292 Heen, E. 29, 292 Hemer, C.J. 122, 147, 292 Hengel, M. 60, 126, 153, 292 Herrick, V. 240, 293 Hilhorst, A. 199, 228, 293 Holladay, C. R. 173, 293 Holland, R. F. 3, 293



Modern Author Index

Kurz, W. S. 130, 133, 296 Kydd, R. 141, 296

McKnight, S. 90, 96, 102, 103, 298 McNeil, B. 243, 244, 298 Mead, G. H. 21, 22, 26, 299 Meeks, W. 32, 234, 269, 299 Mehrabian, A. 68, 299 Meier, J. P. 38, 72, 85, 93, 96, 97, 98, 299 Metzger, B. M. 215, 299 Millard, A. R. 55, 299 Misset-van de Weg, M. 249, 265, 299 Moessner, D. 119, 166, 299 Molinari 229, 299 Moreland, M. 164, 299 Moss, C. 5, 167, 299 Mournet, T. 48, 51, 72, 299 Munck, J. 102, 299 Muraoka, T. 128, 299

Labahn, M. 85, 296 Ladd, G. E. 79, 117, 296 Lampe, P. 189, 190, 198, 220, 232, 234, 236, 237, 254, 296 Lapham, F. 229, 230, 245, 296 Larmer, R. 3, 296 Larsson, E. 76, 296 Lee, D. A. 239, 240, 248, 296 Lieu, J. 12, 115, 296 Longenecker, R. 35, 296  Lopez, D. 215, 296 Lord, A. 50, 52, 297 Lüdemann, G. 3, 5, 138, 139, 143, 147, 148, 151, 152, 156, 297 Lundström, G. 80, 297 Luz, U. 95, 104, 105, 107, 297

Neusner, J. 48, 59, 300 Neville, R. 28, 33, 300 De Nie, G. 248, 257, 300 Nora, P. 8, 83, 300

MacDonald, D. R. xii, 153, 156, 188, 197, 198, 199-201, 207, 208, 213, 221, 222, 224, 230, 297 MacMullen, R. 11, 246, 297 Mack, B. 60, 297 Maddox, R. 112, 297 Manson, T. W. 4, 76, 79, 90, 96, 101, 297 Markschies, C. 61, 297 Marcus, J. 103, 298 Marguerat, D. 123, 127, 133, 134, 138, 167, 168, 196, 298 Marquardt, J. 253, 298  Martin, M. W. 37, 298 Mason, S. 102, 125, 128, 298 Matthews, C. 215, 298 Mattill, A. 119, 120, 298 Mayer, R. 76, McAdams, D. P. 14, 298 McCall, R. 28, 298 McGowan, A. 220, 269, 298 McIver, R. 24, 113

O’Loughlin, T. xi, 39, 113, 115, 117, 120, 125, 300 O’Neill, J. C. 127, 300 O’Reilly, L. 163, 165, 300 O’Toole, R. F. 116, 119, 136, 300 Oden, T.C. 167, 300 Olrik, A. 142, 159, 198 199, 200, 300, Ong, W. J. 52, 300 Otto, R. 16, 300 Pagels, E. H. 5, 300 Pao, D. W. 37, 164, 300 Parker, P. 127, 300 Parrott, D. Parry, M. 50, 301 Parsons, M. 78, 301 Parvis, P. 123, 301 Payne, P. 224, 301 



Modern Author Index

Penney, D. 89, 301 Perkins, J. 4, 6, 301 Perkins, P. 6, 79, 80, 301 Perrin, N. 80, 301 Pervo, R. 6, 9, 118, 120, 121, 125, 126, 128, 129, 134, 137, 143, 147, 152, 154, 258, 301 Phillips, T. 172, 175, 278, 301 Pilch, J. 164, 171, 301 Poupon, G. 228, 301 Praeder, S. 142, 301 Price, S. R. F. 260, 301 Rabinowitz, P. 17, 302 Rackham, R. B. 119, 302 Ramsay, W. M. 11, 43, 190, 302 Reed, J. L. 102, 302 Reimer, A. 266, 302 Remus, H. 38, 302 Rengstorf, K. H. 102, 302 Rhoads, D. 51, 53, 302  Richards, E. R. 24, 302 Ricoeur, P. 26, 27, 100, 302 Riesenfeld, H. 42, 46, 80, 302 Robb, K. 25, 57, 302 Robbins, V. K. 71, 75, 86, 87, 100, 302 Roberts, C. H. 264, 302 Robinson, J. M. 43, 302 Roloff, J. 141, 178, 302 Rordorf, W. 184, 187, 189, 190, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 205, 207, 216, 303 Rose, E. 28, 200, 303 Rowe, C. 144, 303 Rubin, D. 13, 15, 20, 23, 303

Schmidt, C. 184, 188, 189, 205, 220, 228, 229, 304 Schnabel, E. 98, 304 Schneemelcher, W. 4, 7, 184, 188, 189, 194, 196, 197, 198, 205, 210, 216, 217, 228, 230, 236, 241, 253, 304 Schürer, E. 90, 304 Schürmann, H. 76, 101, 304 Schwartz, B. 1, 20, 21, 22, 304 Schweitzer, A. 90, 304 Seboldt, R. H. 219, 304 Sheets, D. 85, 304 Shiell, W. xii, 62, 63, 65, 66, 130, 305 Shiner, W. 69, 75, 98, 99, 305 Skarsaune, O. 123, 305 Small, J. P. 52, 53, 130, 200, 305 Smith, D. E. 64, 118, 220, 305 Smith, J. Z. 230, 305 Smith, M. 48, 87, 305 Spittler, J. 215, 217, 241, 259, 277, 278, 305  Stanton, G. 35, 75, 123, 305 Stark, R. 1, 11, 305 Stein, A. 236, 237, 305 Sterling, G. E. 113, 115, 119, 121, 128, 305 Stern, M. 144, 305 Stoops, R. 32, 143, 230, 233, 241, 243, 244, 246, 250, 252, 255, 268, 270, 305 Stowers, S. K. 225, 306 Strelan, R. 141, 162, 306 Stuhlmacher, P. 37, 306 Swinburne, R. 3, 306

Sanders, E. P. 80, 85, 86, 90, 91, 96, 98, 303 Sandnes, K. O. 19, 31, 57, 303 Sanford, A. 248, 303 Schäfer, P. 18, 31, 85, 303 Schacter, D. 20, 23, 26, 57, 303-304

Talbert, C. H. 16, 71, 74, 75, 143, 160, 172, 306 Tannehill, R. C. 133, 134, 152, 173, 306 Taylor, G. H. 26, 27, 306 Thatcher, T. 50, 51, 306



Modern Author Index

Theissen, G. 3, 22, 24, 28, 91, 130, 135, 156, 158, 159, 177, 179, 200, 209, 212, 220, 248, 255, 306 Thomas, C. M. 6, 187, 213, 241, 242, 243, 244, 252, 307 Thomas, R. 56, 58, 307 Thompson, J. W. 28, 179, 307 Thompson, J. 68, 307 Thompson, M. B. 194, 195, 307 Thompson, P. R. 28, 50, 307 Tiede, D. 102, 112, 307 Tissot, Y. 268, 270, 307 Too, Y. 19, 307  Travis, S. 43, 307 Trebilco, P. 145, 307 Tuckett, C. 46, 49, 307 Turner, C. 228, 307 Turner, M. 160, 307 Twelftree, G. xii, 3, 23, 25, 27, 36, 85, 90, 92, 101, 103, 118, 119, 122, 141, 147, 156, 165, 167, 176, 177, 178, 205, 307-308

Walton, S. 71, 308 Ward, R. 63, 66, 308 Watson, D. F. 86, 308-309 Watts, R. 37, 309  Weaver, J. B. 152, 157, 158, 220, 309 Weber, M. 24, 28, 309 Wedderburn, A. 117, 309 Weeden, T. 51, 309 Weiss, J. 79, 309 Weissenrieder, A. 50, 309 Wendel, S. 123, 309  Wenham, D. 79, 123, 309 Whitebrook, M. 13, 14, 21, 309 Whitlark, J. A. 29, 71, 77, 309 Williams, B. 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 141, 145, 146, 147, 150, 151, 159, 160, 161, 162, 166, 177, 179, 180, 279, Willis, W. 79, 194, 309 Wilson, M. 208, 309 Wilson, N. J. 20, 309 Winn, A. 92, 309 Winter, B. 309 Wire, A. C. 55, 64, 75, 309 Witherington, B. i, 65, 66, 176, 309 Wright, A. T. 89, 310 Wright, N. T. 88, 89, 310

Unnik, W. C. V. 112, 173, 308 Vansina, J. 48, 50, 53, 54, 308 Vermes, G. 12, 79, 85, 90, 308 Vermeule, C. C. 202, 308 Volf, M. 22, 308 Vouaux, L. 243, 249, 252, 308

Yamauchi, E. M. xi, 58, 196, 202, 310 Young, S. 4, 310 Zeitlin, S. 85, 310 Zerubavel, Y. 21, 97, 310

Walker, B. T. 31, 221, 247, 308 Walker, W. O. 120, 121, 126, 308



SUBJECT INDEX Subject Index

Acts authorship 111, 122 date 122-127 discipleship 163-176 magic 140, 145, 146, 160-162, 167-169 miracles 135-158 orality 130-135 purpose of writing 112-121 sources 127-130

Acts of Peter asceticism 268-270, 279 authorship 235 date 230-235 discipleship 261 orality 241-244 provenance 236 magic 262, 264, 265-267, 271 miracles 245-261, 265-267 text 228-230

Acts of Paul ascetic, asceticism 217-220, 222, 223, 225, 279 authorship 186, 196, 198 date 186-190 discipleship 217, 218 orality 198-201 persecution 220-223 magic 222, 248, 250 miracles 9, 201-210, 212-218, 220, 224-228 sources 190-198 text 184-185 Thecla 185-187, 190, 192, 198-201, 208-216, 221-223, 225-226

Apostles, see The Twelve Disciples, Discipleship 70-80 early Christian 75-80 Greco-Roman 73-75 rabbinic 72-73 Form Criticism 42-45 Bultmann 24, 25, 41- 45, 48, 50 Dibelius 41, 42, 43, 44, 45 Gerhardsson 42, 46, 47-50 memory 19-26, 42, 46-48, 55, 80, 83 orality 45-50



Subject Index

Memory Halbwachs, M. 19, 21, 22 individual 12-15, 19, 21-22, 24 orality 2, 7, 41, 42, 50, 52, 55, 58-60, 70, 80, 83, 112, 130, 133 performance 52, 64-65 Schwartz, B. 1, 20-22 social 9, 11, 13, 19-22, 24, 25, 29, 39, 52 tradition 13, 19, 22-25, 28, 39, 41, 42, 46, 47, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 63, 64-65, 70, 77, 80-81

Kingdom of God 27, 29, 32, 37, 38, 42, 84, 85, 87-92, 106, 107, 274, 278 nature 3, 140, 202, 209, 215, 246, 258-261 Orality Acts 42, 49, 59, 69, 83, 101, 112, 118, 122, 126, 130-135, 180 Acts of Paul 42, 183, 185, 190192, 195, 196, 198-201, 222, 225 Acts of Peter 42, 227, 230, 241244, 252, 261 antiquity 41, 50, 55, 58, 60, 70, 130 education 42, 49, 52, 55, 60-63 memory 2, 7, 41, 42, 50, 52, 55, 58-60, 70, 80, 83, 112, 130, 133, 159, 183, 200, 201, 227, 241, 244, 261, 273 texts 41, 42, 50-52, 55-60, 63, 130, 200, 241, tradition 2, 7, 41, 42, 49, 50-53, 55, 58-60, 70, 80, 83, 130, 159, 183, 185, 186, 198, 200, 201, 230, 241, 242, 244, 273

Miracles disciples 2, 3, 5, 7-9, 59, 83-86, 93-97 exorcisms 3, 11, 23, 31, 35, 85, 89, 90, 92, 93, 103, 104, 106, 133, 135, 136, 142, 143, 145, 146, 155, 157, 163, 164, 167, 168, 176, 198, 202, 204, 205, 218, 224, 244, 245, 246, 272, 276 healings 3, 11, 28, 31, 32, 35, 37, 43, 59, 85-88, 90-95, 101, 103, 106, 119, 121, 135-142, 146-149, 153, 157, 163-168, 171-173, 175-178, 186, 198, 202-206, 218, 223, 224, 225, 227, 229, 240, 242, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 251, 254, 256, 257, 262, 263, 265, 266, 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276, 277, 279 Jesus 25, 32, 45, 84-89, 91, 93, 94, 106, 107, 108, 163, 209, 262, 263, 274, 278

Twelve, The calling of 98-100 Kingdom of God 93, 98, 101103, 106, 117, 274 sending of 100-106, 273 tradition 8, 47, 49, 81, 96, 97, 103, 105, 106, 117, 273, 274

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