Heralds of Hope: The Three Advent Hymns of the Roman Office (Studia Traditionis Theologiae, 47) (Studia Traditionis Theologiae: Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology, 47) 9782503596426, 2503596428

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STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology Theology continually engages with its past: the people, experience, Scriptures, liturgy, learning and customs of Christians. The past is preserved, rejected, modified; but the legacy steadily evolves as Christians are never indifferent to history. Even when engaging the future, theology looks backwards: the next generation’s training includes inheriting a canon of Scripture, doctrine, and controversy; while adapting the past is central in every confrontation with a modernity. This is the dynamic realm of tradition, and this series’ focus. Whether examining people, texts, or periods, its volumes are concerned with how the past evolved in the past, and the interplay of theology, culture, and tradition.

STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology

47 Series Editor: Thomas O’Loughlin, Professor of Historical Theology in the University of Nottingham EDITORIAL BOARD Director Prof. Thomas O’Loughlin Board Members Dr Andreas Andreopoulos, Dr Nicholas Baker-Brian, Dr Augustine Casiday, Dr Mary B. Cunningham, Dr Juliette Day, Prof. Johannes Hoff, Prof. Paul Middleton, Prof. Simon Oliver, Prof. Andrew Prescott, Dr Patricia Rumsey, Prof. Jonathan Wooding, Dr Holger Zellentin

Heralds of Hope The Three Advent Hymns of the Roman Office

Jennifer R. O’Brien

F

Cover illustration: Tabula Peutingeriana © ÖNB Vienna Cod. 324, Segm. VIII + IX © 2021, Brepols Publishers n. v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2021/0095/262 ISBN 978-2-503-59642-6 eISBN 978-2-503-59643-3 DOI 10.1484/M.STT-EB.5.125395 ISSN 2294–3617 eISSN 2566–0160 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements

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Abbreviations

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Introduction

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17 Chapter 1: The Season of Advent Advent as a Christian term 17 The term adventus in late antiquity 18 Adventus in the Old Testament 19 Adventus in the New Testament 21 Adventus in the writings of the Church Fathers 24 Summary34 The liturgical development of Advent. 35 Celebrating the Birth of Christ in the East 35 Celebrating the Birth of Christ in the West 37 Emphasising the historical context of Christ’s birth. 41 Anticipating the feast of Christmas in Northern Italy and Gaul 50 Conclusion53 Advent in Rome 53 The Old Gelasian Sacramentary 54 The Capitulary of Würzburg 57 The Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican 63 Summary64 Chapter Two: Th  e Hymn as a Constitutive Element in the Roman Divine Office 67 Introduction67 The beginnings of hymnody within Christian worship 68 Defining what is meant by a hymn 68 The First and Second Centuries 68 The Third and Fourth centuries 70 Ambrose of Milan 73 The Latin hymn: its style, form and content 75 The emergence of a distinctive Christian poetry 75 The structure of the Ambrosian hymn 77

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The introduction of the hymn into the daily Office 87 Caesarius of Arles 88 The Council of Agde 89 The Monastic Rule for Women 90 Daily prayer in Rome and environs 91 The introduction of the Rule St Benedict 94 The daily Office in the Rule of Benedict 94 Hymns in the Office in the Rule of Benedict 96 Beyond Rome 97 Fluctuating Council opinions 97 The Rule of Benedict in the ascendency 98 Anglo-Saxon Christianity 99 The attraction of Roman practice 100 The earliest hymnaries 102 Research in this field 102 Helmut Gneuss 103 The provenance, contents and usage of Old and New Hymnaries 104 Summary112 Chapter Three: Analysis of the hymns Conditor alme siderum, 115 Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat Introduction115 Conditor alme siderum 115 Initial consideration of the text 115 An analysis of Conditor alme siderum according to the characteristics of Ambrosian hymnody 118 Verbum supernum prodiens 132 Initial consideration of the text 132 An analysis of Verbum supernum prodiens according to the characteristics of Ambrosian hymnody 133 Vox clara ecce intonat 139 Initial consideration of the text 139 Advent theologies in the three hymns 148 From Hymnary to Roman Breviary 150 The consequences of reforms on the hymns of the Breviary, for the three Advent hymns. 153 From Urban VIII to Paul VI 163 Conclusion165 Chapter Four: Th  e Hymns of the Roman Breviary Following the Second Vatican Council 167 Introduction167 Renewal called for by the Second Vatican Council 167 The Work of the Consilium 169 A foretaste of things to come 170 Completion of the task 172

tab le o f co nt e nt s

The hymn in the General Instruction of the Liturgy of the Hours 172 All Hours to begin with a hymn 172 The role and character of the hymn in the Liturgy of the Hours 173 The Advent hymns in the official text, Liturgia Horarum 174 Further alterations to the texts 174 Guidelines for translating Latin texts 176 Proposed revision of the Liturgia Horarum 176 Advent hymns in contemporary English-language collections 180 Gather III181 Catholic Book of Worship III 183 The Laudate Hymnal 184 Catholic Worship Book II 186 Summary187 Advent prayers and readings 188 The Advent Readings 189 The Advent Prefaces 189 The Advent Collects 191 Questions regarding current practice 194 The limited use of our three Advent hymns in parish repertoire 194 Secular pressures that influence the Christian celebration of Advent 195 The denial of death that pervades Western culture 196 The extensive range of liturgical music marketed by large publishing companies196 Theological formation of liturgical musicians 197 Scrutiny of new compositions 198 Musical formation of clergy 198 Liturgy of the Hours: A Prayer for all the faithful 199 A proposal submitted to Coetus IX 200 The nature of the Cathedral Office 202 Post-Conciliar versions of a ‘Cathedral Office’ 202 Hymnody in a revised Cathedral Office 203 Summary204 Conclusion

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Biblography 215 Sources215 Biblical Sources 215 Ancient and Medieval Authors 215 Liturgical and Magisterial Sources 220 Modern Authors 223 Downloaded from Websites 229 Indexes Scriptural Index Index of Names General Index

231 231 234 239

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Acknowledgements

It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge the numerous persons who have supported me in this work. First and foremost I am grateful for the scholarship, guidance and encouragement of Abbot Patrick Regan OSB, a wonderful friend who, sadly, died before this book was completed. In 2001, after twenty years as Abbot at St Joseph’s Abbey, Louisiana, Patrick accepted an appointment as faculty member of the Pontifical Liturgical Institute Rome that is part of the Sant’Anselmo Atheneum. It was here that I first encountered Patrick and quickly came to recognize the depth of his scholarship and his profound knowledge of the liturgical sources. My own knowledge of these sources was greatly facilitated by the extraordinary libraries compiled by the Benedictine monks at both Sant’Anselmo, Rome and Keizersburg (Mont César), Leuven, where library staff were always most helpful. I give thanks to Archbishop Emeritus Philip Wilson († 2021), who, as Archbishop of Adelaide, South Australia, granted me leave from my position as Diocesan Liturgy Coordinator to undertake further liturgical study in Rome, and offered continued interest and support as I undertook first the Licenciate program and some years later the Doctoral Program in liturgy at Sant’Anselmo. I acknowledge the ongoing encouragement of my colleagues in the Office for Worship, Adelaide, particularly Rev Fr Anthony Kain, Ilsa Neicineiks rsm and our administrative secretary, Alison Appleby, whose technical assistance was invaluable. I give thanks for Rev Dr Denis Edwards, friend and outstanding Australian theologian, who graciously gave time to read and comment on the manuscript. His untimely death in March 2019 was a loss for Australia and beyond. I owe a debt of gratitude to Rosemary Hocking, former manager of Adelaide Theological Library for her outstanding assistance in obtaining research material. I also thank Rev Dr Barry Craig, a fellow alumnus of Sant’Anselmo, and Sr Elizabeth Morris rsj, a co-worker in the field of adult faith education in the Adelaide archdiocese for their unwavering confidence that I would ‘complete the task.’ My heartfelt thanks go to Thomas O’Loughlin, Professor of Historical Theology at the University of Nottingham who has guided me in the journey to publication, promptly responding to all my editorial queries and providing necessary reassurance. Finally, I am deeply and continually grateful for the loving support of my husband, Terry, who has been so utterly generous in every way. He wholeheartedly encouraged my study at Sant’Anselmo, even though this involved my absence from the family for extended periods of time, and has continued to show the thoughtfulness and consideration during the time that I have been working on this volume that only comes from a deep-seated and ongoing love. It is to Terry and to Abbot Patrick that this book is dedicated.

Abbreviations

AAS ANCL ANF BEL.S CCCM CCSL CSEL DACL FC GILH GILM GIRM GNLYC ICEL HBS MD LQ Mansi MGH NPNF1 NPNF2 OCA PG PL PO

Acta Apostolicae Sedis, Commentarium officiale. Romæ 1, 1909–26 (= 2. Ser. 1) 1934–51 (= 3. Ser. 1) 1959–61 (= 3.11) 1962–69, 1970–. Ante-Nicene Christian Library, 25 vols, T. &T. Clark, Edinburgh 1867–97. The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 10 vols, T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh 1885–885; Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, MI 1989–92, reprint. Bibliotheca ‘Ephemerides Liturgicae’ ‘Subsidia,’ Roma 1975–. Corpus Christianorum-Continuatio Mediaevalis, Turnholti, 1966–. Corpus Christianorum. Series latina, Turnholti, 1953–. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiast icorum Latinorum, Vindobonae-Lipsiae, 1866–. Dictionnaire d’archélogie chrétienne et de liturgie, eds F. Cabrol-H. Leclercq, Paris 1907–53. The Fathers of the Church. A New Translation, Catholic University of America Press 1947–. General Introduction to the Liturgy of the Hours. General Introduction to the Lectionary for Mass. General Instruction of the Roman Missal General Norms for the Liturgical Year and Calendar. International Commission on English in the Liturgy. Henry Bradshaw Society. La Maison Dieu, Centre de Pastorale Liturgique, Paris 1945–. Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen, Aschendorff, Münster-Westfalen 1918–27. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 36 vols (1758–98), ed. J. D. Mansi, reprinted Paris 1901–13. Monumenta Germaniae Historica Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series 1, ed. P. Schaff, Christian Literature Publishing Co., Buffalo NY 1886–1900. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series 2, edd. P. Schaff-H. Wace, T&T Clark, Edinburgh 1890–99, reprinted W. M. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, MI 1991. Orientalia Christiana Analecta, Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, Roma, 1935–. Patrologiae cursus completus. Series graeca, 161 vols and 3 vols (Indices), ed. J. P. Migne, Paris, 1857–66. Patrologiae cursus completus. Series latina, 217 vols, ed. J. P. Migne, Paris, 1844–55, Paris 1862–1865 Patrologia Orientalis, Brepols, Turnholti, 1903–.

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a bbr e v i atio ns

RB RED SC SC SF

Revue Bénédictine, Abbaye de Maredsous and Brepols Publishers, 1884–. Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, Roma, Casa Editrice Herder, 1956–. Sacrosanctum Concilium Oecumenicum Vaticanum II, ‘Constitutio de Sacra Liturgia Sacrosanctum Concilium (4 December 1963),’ AAS 56 (1964) 97–138. Sources Chrétiens, Cerf, Paris 1941–. Spicilegium Friburgense, Universitätsverlag Fribourg, 1957–.

Introduction

The richness of the scriptural reading assigned to each of the days of the Advent season has always attracted me, and when, as an adult, I was introduced to the writings of the Fathers of the Church in the Office or Readings, that attraction continued to grow. Coupled with the music of the season and the general sense of anticipation as the feast of the Nativity of Christ approaches, Advent has been for me a time of great spiritual nourishment. A study of the Introits of Advent some years ago only added to my interest in the area and it seemed inevitable that some aspect of Advent would continue to be a topic for further research. As a parish musician I am well aware of the influence of music upon the quality of the liturgy and the depth that the prayer of the assembly can reach; as a liturgist I regret that the beauty and benefits of praying the Liturgy of the Hours on a daily basis has been unknown to so many members of that same assembly. The combination of a great love of good liturgical music and an appreciation of the immense rewards that come with praying the Liturgy of the Hours daily, strongly influenced my choice of the three Advent hymns from the Roman Office as a focus for research. For centuries, the three hymns, Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat, have stood as beacons at the beginning of the season of Advent in the Divine Office of the Roman Rite, as heralds of hope, anticipating the coming in judgment and glory of Christ, the Saviour of the entire creation, and commemorating his first coming in flesh among us as the revelatory Word of God made visible. Where did these particular hymns come from? What about their texts made them particularly suitable to suppport the rich theology of the Advent season? What led to the inclusion of hymns in the Divine Office in the first place? This present study focuses on these three hymns within the two-fold context of the nature of the season of Advent itself and the place of the hymn in Christian worship, particularly within the Roman Office. In unravelling the complicated journey that led to the Roman season of Advent I have drawn on the writings of the early Church Fathers of both East and West, the records of early Church Councils and surviving liturgical sources such as early Sacramentaries and homilies, together with the work of modern scholars including Pierre Dufraigne, Antoine Chavasse, Christine Mohrmann, Maxwell Johnson, Martin Connell, Milena Puerari and Franco Sottocornola. In tracing the history of the hymn as an element in Christian worship and its inclusion in the Divine Office I have drawn on a similarly wide range of scholarship. This has included the writings of the early Church Fathers and records of Church Councils, together with the research on the emergence of the Latin hymn by such scholars as Josef Szöverffy, the extensive information about the hymns of Ambrose

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of Milan provided by Jacques Fontaine and his colleagues, the texts of the monastic Offices prepared by Caesarius of Arles and Benedict of Norcia, the meticulous study of the Breviary by the Benedictine patrologist Suitbert Bäumer, the wide-ranging examination of the hymnaries of the Anglo-Saxon and Gallic Churches of the ninth and tenth centuries by the German scholar, Helmut Gneuss, and the invaluable lists of hymns provided by hymnologists like James Mearns, Arthur Walpole, Clemens Blume and Herman Daniel. After tracing the history of the hymn within the Divine Office to the point where the three Advent hymns were firmly established, this study explores the richness of Advent theologies contained within them, their current role in the Liturgy of the Hours and the influence they exert on contemporary Advent hymn composition. This study takes the following form. Chapter One provides a history of the development of Advent as a liturgical season in the Church in the West, with particular attention being paid to two aspects: the variety of local practices that directly or indirectly influenced what would eventually become the Roman practice and the theological imperatives that inspired that practice, namely the in-breaking of the divine into the human sphere with the coming of Christ in history and the final reconciliation of the whole of creation to God with the coming of Christ in majesty at the end of time. Chapter Two briefly follows the journey of the Christian hymn from its first traces in New Testament texts to its use in the Churches of the East before turning to a fuller study of its characteristics in the style and form established by St Ambrose in the West. Attention then turns to the introduction of the hymn into the Office by Caesarius of Arles and the continuation and extension of this practice by St Benedict that saw it become a constitutive element of the Office from the mid-sixth century onward. The second part of the chapter attempts to unravel the complicated development of the early medieval hymnaries in which our three Advent hymns first made their appearance and whose dispersion in both England and continental Europe facilitated the ever-expanding repertoire of Office hymns and their spread throughout the Western Church. The first part of Chapter Three provides a detailed exploration of each of the three Advent hymns, using the characteristic traits of the Ambrosian hymn as a means of highlighting the vocabulary, scriptural imagery and allusions they employ as well as their doctrinal and catechetical content. The second section of this chapter shifts focus from the hymns themselves to a consideration of the consolidation of the various books required for praying the Office in a monastic setting into the single volume, the Breviary, which enabled the practice of praying the Hours to be extended beyond the monasteries and introduced the hymns of the Office to the secular clergy. This necessarily includes a consideration of the reforms of the papal court and medieval liturgical life undertaken by Pope Innocent III and the subsequent adoption of the Friars Minor of the Office according to the Roman model which saw the spread of the Roman Breviary throughout Christendom. The final part of Chapter Three explores the impact of reforms of the Breviary on the hymns contained therein, using our three Advent hymns as exemplars. Of particular interest are the significant revisions of the Breviary hymns carried out in the mid-seventeenth century instigated by Pope

i nt ro d u ct i o n

Urban VIII. The resulting revisions would remain unchanged for three centuries, until the wide-ranging examination of the liturgy of the Roman Rite called for by the Second Vatican Council brought about a further reconsideration of the texts. The fourth and final chapter of this work will explore the effect on the hymns of the Roman Office – and thereby on our three Advent hymns – of the reforms carried out under the auspices of the Second Vatican Council. The work of Coetus VII and Coetus IX, two of the study groups of the Consilium set up by Pope Paul VI to implement the liturgical reforms, is of particular relevance since it was their recommendations that led to the current hymn texts in the Liturgy of the Hours. The middle section of this chapter will examine the texts of the Advent hymn repertoire in four collections of music for Catholic worship, representative of the English-speaking Church not only to discover whether or not our three Office hymns are included, but to ascertain whether the Advent theologies found in them are also to be found in more recent Advent hymn compositions. A brief sweep of the theological emphases of the current Advent Readings, Prefaces and Collects allows for a judgment to be made concerning the quality and appropriateness of the content of these modern compositions. The third section of Chapter Four considers a number of influences on current practice which may be responsible for the limited use of the three Office hymns in parish repertoire and an ‘Incarnational bias’ in modern Advent hymnody. These influences arise from extremely divergent sources to include the secular pressures impinging on our celebration of Advent and Christmas, the denial of death that pervades Western culture, the extensive range of liturgical music marketed by large publishing companies, the theological formation of liturgical musicians, the lack of appropriate scrutiny of new compositions and the need for the musical formation of clergy. The possibility of introducing a simplified form of the Liturgy of the Hours that includes the ‘official’ hymns for the liturgical seasons is then explored as one means of exposing the faithful to the rich theologies in our three Advent hymns – and indeed all the major hymns of the liturgical seasons as currently found in the Liturgy of the Hours. Chapter Four concludes with an overall summary of the work covered in this study and a plea that the voice of hope that our three traditional Advent hymns have provided over the centuries will not be silenced but will survive well into the future. This study concentrates on the three Advent hymns solely as liturgical texts within the Divine Office/Liturgy of the Hours as celebrated in the Roman Rite. The music which carries the texts is not a consideration, since it is the theological content of the hymns and their place within the worship of the Church that is the critical issue here. The investigation of the texts is limited to their Latin and English versions. This study aims to contribute to current liturgical knowledge in several distinct ways. First, an investigation of a number of the local pre-Christmas practices that existed in both East and West provides a valuable insight into the various elements that contributed to the gradual development of an Advent season – finally consolidated in Rome during the sixth century. Secondly, tracing the history of the Latin hymn and exploring its characteristics reveals the appropriateness of this form for Christian worship, and why it became a significant element in the cursus of the Divine Office, particularly as developed by St Benedict. Thirdly, investigating the rich theology that

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is contained in the three traditional Advent hymns of the Roman Office brings to light the scriptural imagery and allusions which encompass the adventus of Christ into human history and his future adventus at the end of time when he comes again in glory, reconciling the entire universe to God. An exploration of the theological and textual parallels between these three hymns and other liturgical texts of the period, namely the prayers and readings proper to the Advent season, reveals the significant role of the hymn in presenting to the faithful the riches of a number of theological lines of thought in a compact but accessible form. By sampling the Advent hymns in a representative selection of English-language collections of music for Catholic worship, this study enables the reader to compare and contrast the theological content of modern compositions with that contained in our three Advent hymns and to become aware of any shifts in focus they might display. It is hoped, moreover, that consideration of the contemporary status of hymns in the Liturgy of the Hours, using the three Advent hymns as an exemplar, will open the way to further discussion and research not only on the ongoing role of the hymn in the Office, but on the whole question of retaining a single form of Office for all the faithful, whether they be members of a monastic/religious order, secular clergy or lay faithful. In summary, this study of the three Advent hymns of the Roman Office will allow a reappraisal of the way that Advent is celebrated by exploring the historical foundations of the season, by demonstrating the integral role of the hymn in promoting essential theological, doctrinal and catechetical aspects of the liturgical season of Advent, and by considering a number of contemporary challenges that may be contributing to a diminution of certain aspects of traditional Advent theology.

Chapter 1

The Season of Advent

The development of a ‘season’ of Advent within the Church of Rome evolved gradually over several centuries. Chapter One will trace this development by first considering the influences that led to the Christian understanding and use of the term ‘Advent’ in the New Testament. Examination of pertinent writings of the Early Church Fathers will then demonstrate how this understanding of the term was consolidated and developed during the first five centuries of the Church. The second part of this chapter will deal with the liturgical development of Advent by considering a variety of liturgical practices that surrounded the celebration of the birth of Christ in both East and West arising both from the historical contextualisation of Christ’s birth and from the need to counter certain christological heresies. Two further liturgical practices, lacking a direct connection to the birth of Christ, but nevertheless exerting a significant influence on the development of the Roman Advent will then be considered: the Ember Days in Rome and preparation in a number of diverse geographical locations for the celebration of baptism on the feast of Epiphany. This section of the chapter will conclude by looking at practices that anticipated the feast of Christmas in Northern Italy and Gaul, since elements of such practices came to be integrated into the Roman Advent. The final section of Chapter One will explore Advent in Rome through a study of the early sacramentaries, lectionaries and homilies, whose prayers readings and sermons indicate clearly the way in which elements from numerous practices from Churches in a variety of geographical locations have been combined to form the specifically ‘Roman’ style of Advent that has characterised the Latin Rite of the Catholic Church over so many centuries.

Advent as a Christian term The term Advent (adventus) was part of Christian vocabulary long before it was used to designate a particular season within the Church’s liturgical year. The Latin word adventus was used in late antiquity in both private and public contexts, with few religious overtones. Its Hebrew and Greek equivalents could also be used in a secular context, but had stronger religious connotations. In order to better understand the way in which Christian writers appropriated and transformed the term, it is helpful to briefly consider its pre-Christian meanings. To this end, the first part of this section will note the use of adventus and its Greek equivalents, παρουσία and ἐπιφάνεια, as understood in late antiquity, and spend a little time on the use of

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adventus as a concept within the Old Testament. The second part of the section will then consider the use of adventus in the New Testament and the writings of the early Church Fathers. The term adventus in late antiquity

In his very interesting study, Adventus Augusti, Adventus Christi, on the use and significance of the Latin word adventus in late antiquity, Pierre Dufraigne points out that in its earlier usage adventus had a more private than public connotation, referring to the welcome given at the gates of the city to a superior or patron who merited particular honour, most often as a result of the protection he afforded those doing the welcoming.1 A marked characteristic of this welcome was that the people waited for the arrival of the important person.2 As Roman political life developed, the word adventus gradually came to mean the formal arrival of the ruler or important civil or military dignitary at the time of his first entry into the city or of his taking office. The people gathered at the gate of the city to greet, welcome and acclaim the ruler, then accompanied him through the decorated city to his place of residence, where speeches were given in his honour before organised games and entertainment took place. And while the adventus might be solemnised with religious sacrifices, it could also be marked by the striking of coins or the declaration of an annual commemoration3 and was essentially a political and civic event.4 Dufraigne lists the following features as characteristic of the Roman understanding of adventus: it implied the involvement of many people – a crowd, in fact – from all levels of the society, who actively participated in the ceremonial; within an atmosphere of spectacle and festivity,5 the chief response of the participants was joy and admiration; the religious element was, in contrast, very sober and not at all a dominating feature.6 Even though, especially from about a century before the birth of Christ, the Latin word adventus was used to translate the Greek words ἐπιδημία, ἐπιφάνεια and παρουσία – arrival, appearance or manifestation and presence – there were fundamental differences between the respective Latin and Greek usages. Each of the Greek words had its own particular nuance. The term ἐπιδημία signified the arrival of a person in the place where he intended to stay and could incorporate the time of the actual stay;7 ἐπιφάνεια denoted an appearance or manifestation, while παρουσία referred to the presence of the person as a result of their ‘arriving.’ When these terms were used in reference to a deity, they normally implied heavenly intervention; when used



1 Dufraigne (1994), 15. 2 Dufraigne (1994), 7. 3 See ‘Adventus’ in Forcellinus (1858–60), Vol. 1, 110, especially Nota I. 4 Dufraigne (1994), 7. 5 This point is also made in Forcellinus (1858–60), Vol. 1, 110: omnique festivitatis genere celebrati – ‘all kinds of festivities [were] celebrated.’ 6 Dufraigne (1994), 10. 7 This could also refer to the entire ‘earthly sojourn’ of the person. See Arndt and Gingrich eds, (1957), 292.

t he se aso n o f adve nt

in reference to a king or ruler it was generally in the context of emperor worship.8 Patrick Regan points to ‘a Roman calendar copied in 354 [that] refers to Constantine’s accession to the throne as Adventus Divi, Advent of God.’9 When the first Christian writings appeared in the second half of the first century, all of these understandings of adventus were current. Its incorporation into specifically Christian vocabulary is an interesting phenomenon. Christine Mohrmann, the pre-eminent twentieth-century scholar of Christian Latin, notes that ‘the message of salvation not only gave to the [Greek and Latin] languages new words and new meanings of words, but marked with its seal the entire linguistic system.’10 She also makes the point that technical terms from the pagan religions were rarely the starting point for the development of specifically Christian vocabulary, since early Christianity ‘scrupulously avoided all contact with pagan religious thought and carefully excluded words with pagan overtones.’ The word ἐπιφάνεια – and its related etymological or semantic terms φαίνομαι, ἐπιφαίνομαι, φανερόω, ἐπιφανής and θεοφάνεια, παρουσία – was a rare exception.11 Thus, when Pierre Jounel presents adventus as ‘a Christian word that had a pagan origin’12 it is actually to this word ἐπιφάνεια – and its related word παρουσία – rather than the specifically Latin word adventus to which he is referring. This epiphany referred to the miraculous intervention by a deity, whose presence was demonstrated more by marvellous acts of benevolence towards human beings than by his actual ‘physical’ appearance. These epiphanies were the motive for an annual act of veneration before the statue of the deity, who was considered to be present to his followers while the ceremony lasted.13 Perhaps this willingness of the first Christians to assume this pagan terminology into their Christian vocabulary sprang in no small measure from the fact that the Old Testament contains numerous examples not only of the ‘private’ adventus referred to above but also of the presence of God with the Chosen People through signs and wonders. Moreover, the anticipated arrival or ‘coming’ of a Messiah, the Anointed One, who would restore Israel to the divine ideal, is a thread running through the Hebrew Scriptures. Adventus in the Old Testament

In the Old Testament the most common use of the term adventus, or its cognates, is in referring to the arrival of a person in a particular location from another, or in

8 Dufraigne (1994), 8. 9 Regan (2012), 1. The Roman calendar in question is the famous Chronograph 354, also known as the Calendar of Filocalus in recognition of the scribe whose name appears on the title page. See the ascription for October 29, the date in 312 on which Constantine acceded to the emperorship in J. Strzygowski (1888). 10 Mohrmann (1961), 245: [L]e message de salut n’a pas seulement donné à ces langues beaucoup de mots et de sens nouveaux, il a marqué aussi de son sceau tout le système linguistique. 11 Mohrmann, (1961), 246. 12 Jounel (1986), 91. 13 See Mohrmann (1961), 249 and Jounel, (1986), 91.

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the phrase ‘the time came.’14 However, both the private and public forms of adventus that existed in late antiquity had their parallels in the world of the Old Testament. A type of the private form is recounted in Tobit 11:5–15, where the context for the adventus is the family. A much more formal adventus occurs in the cultic celebration of the God who intervenes through miraculous phenomena for the good of his people and who leads the people to victory in battle. The Israelites did not have kings in the same way as other nations: their true king was God. Thus, in the understanding of the chosen People of God, victory for the king equates to victory for God. Even when the term adventus is not used, the concept is evident. As Dufraigne points out, Psalm 18 (Vulgate, 17),15 is nothing more than a hymn of thanks by a king whose victory has been wrought by God.16 The adventus of God, in the sense of manifestation or epiphany to individuals or the Jewish people, is also a common theme. Two examples come readily to mind. God ‘appears’ to Abraham and Sarah in the guise of the three visitors at Mamre (Gen 18:1–3). In the scene of God’s descent upon Mt. Sinai amid peals of thunder and flashes of lightning (Ex. 19:16), it is actually the third day that ‘comes’ – iam advenerat tertius die, et mane inclaruerat – but it is God’s might and glory that appears and is present. This is truly an epiphany or advent. The adventus of God, in the sense of ‘presence with,’ is also a frequent Old Testament theme. The temple, in particular, is a place where the presence of God can be experienced. Psalm 24 (Vg 23) calls upon the gates of the temple to ‘lift up [their] heads and raise [their] ancient doors’ to let God, the king of glory, enter.17 Verses 7–10 are a veritable ritual of welcome to the victorious God who comes to dwell among them. Similarly, Psalm 47 (Vg 46) celebrates the enthronement of ‘the Lord, the Most High, the king over all the earth’ who brings victory to the Jewish people ‘subduing peoples under [them] and nations under [their] feet.’18 The Messiah, ‘the anointed king of the Davidic dynasty who would establish in the world the definitive reign of God’19 is the subject of both psalms and prophetic writings. John McKenzie names Psalm 72 as the clearest expression of the idea of the king saviour, whose coming will bring governance with justice and salvation for the poor and needy.20 The familiar passages of Isaiah 9:5–6, Jeremiah 23:5–6, Ezekiel 14 According to Pezzana (1754) the cognates of advenio and adventus occur 41 times in the Old Testament. Of these, only seven refer to the coming of a king or important personage; ten refer to the coming of the time or season. 15 Throughout this study, psalms will be denoted according to the Hebrew numbering. Biblical citations in Latin will be taken from the Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam Versionem (4e Stuttgart 1994), unless otherwise indicated. English citations/translations will be taken from the New Revised Standard Version Bible (1989), unless otherwise indicated. 16 Dufraigne (1994), 100. 17 Ps 24: ‘Levate, portae, capita vestra, et elevamini, portae aeternales, et introibit rex gloriae.’ 18 Ps 47:3–4: ‘quoniam Dominus altissimus, terribilis rex magnus super omnem terram congregavit populos subter nos et tribus sub pedibus nostris.’ 19 McKenzie (1990), 1310. 20 McKenzie (1990), 1311.

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34:23–24 and 37:25 present the divinely-appointed Messiah who will overcome the Gentile opponents and reign over all the nations as God’s representative. The celebrated passage of Zacharia 9:9–10 is particularly interesting, since it is conceived as an adventus scene and introduces the concept of a king who, while victorious and vindicated, is at the same time humble. He comes riding into Jerusalem on the foal of a donkey, and will proclaim peace to the nations. Dufraigne notes that this passage ‘marks an important stage in messianic thought, and opens new perspectives destined to find their full development in the New Testament.’21 All the scriptural texts referred to in this paragraph express adventus without actually using the term, focusing more particularly on the nature of the Messiah and his reign. When the term is used specifically, as in Malachi and Daniel, it is in reference to the end of time and the Last Judgement. Malachi 3:1–3; 4:2 describes the angelic precursor who comes to prepare the way for the Lord and the fiery day on which his judgment will take place. Et quis poterit cogitare diem adventus eius? ‘Who will be able to resist the day of his coming?’ This is not the pacific king of Zacharia 9:9–10; it is the king who brings the fire of purification and refinement. But for the righteous, for those who revere God’s name, ‘the sun of righteousness shall rise, with healing in its wings,’ et orietur vobis timentibus nomen meum sol iustitiae et sanitas in pinnis eius. Dan 7:13–14 depicts a heavenly adventus. The Son of Man ‘came to the Ancient One and was presented before him. To him was given dominion and glory and kingship that all peoples, nations, and languages should serve him. His dominion is an everlasting dominion that shall not pass away, and his kingship is one that shall never be destroyed.’22 Dufraigne points out that, significantly, the text begins in the past tense, but moves to the future tense, which is what enables it to be considered in the context of the end of time. ‘The future is already at work in the past and the present.’23 While the figure of the ‘Son of Man’ can be interpreted as nothing more than a human being in the Book of Daniel, by the time that the Parables of Enoch were written in the century before the birth of Christ, the term was taken to refer to the person of the Messiah.24 Adventus in the New Testament

It is against this very rich and complex background that we move to a consideration of the use of the term adventus in the New Testament. Those occasions where the

21 Dufraigne (1994), 116. 22 Dan 7:13–14: et ecce cum nubibus caeli quasi filius hominis veniebat et usque ad antiquum dierum pervenit, et in conspectu eius obtulerunt eum; et dedit ei potestatem et honorem et regnum; et omnes populi, tribus ac linguae ipsi servient; potestas eius potestas aeterna, quae non auferetur, et regnum eius quod non corrumpetur. 23 Dufraigne (1994), 117. 24 Charles (1913), 214–15. See particularly note 2 in reference to ‘Son of Man.’ It was this ‘Son of Man’ who would sit on the throne of glory in the final judgment. Some scholars consider that the use of the term in the Parables of Enoch may have played a role in the way that early Christians understood and used the title.

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word simply means the presence or arrival of an individual – such as Paul (Phil. 1:26) or Titus (2 Cor 7:6–7) – will not concern us; rather, we will concentrate on the twenty-seven occasions where the adventus refers to Christ. Of these, the overwhelming majority translate the Greek παρουσία; five times adventus translates ἐπιφάνεια, and just once each ἔλευσις (Acts 7:52) and εἴσοδος (Acts 13:24). On both occasions, the adventus referred to in the Acts of the Apostles is the coming of Christ in the flesh, which was foretold by the prophets (7:52) and heralded by John the Baptist (13:24). On all other occasions, as Regan so rightly points out, ‘in the Latin New Testament […] the term adventus, whether translating parousia or epiphaneia, always refers to the advent of the Lord in glory as judge at the end of the ages and never to his coming in the flesh.’25 This perhaps explains the interesting situation which arises in 2 Tim 1:10, where the Greek ἐπιφάνεια has not been translated by the Latin adventus but rather by illustratio: διὰ τῆς ἐπιφανείας τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ becomes [manifestata autem nunc] per illustrationem salvatoris nostri Iesu Christi, ‘[it has now been revealed] through the appearing of our Saviour Christ Jesus.’ Since this obviously refers to the coming of Christ into the world as Redeemer and not in glory at the end of time, the consistency of the use of adventus is maintained by using illustratio in its place although, as Mohrmann points out, the Latin translation ‘thereby presents a differentiation that does not exist in the original and which reflects a later usage.’26 There is one other occasion on which the Latin illustratio is used. In Paul’s second letter to the Christians at Thessalonica, he devotes the first two chapters to the second coming of Christ, contrasting the adventus domini of 2:1 with the adventus of the ‘lawless one,’ declaring (2 Thess 2:8) that evil and the lawless one will be destroyed ‘by the manifestation of Christ’s coming’ – τῇ ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῦ – illustratione adventus sui. Strictly speaking, both these words mean the same thing, but taking into consideration the nuances in the Greek terms considered earlier in this chapter, it may be that Paul is keen to emphasise not only the event of Christ’s coming in glory, but also the power of his presence. Both of Paul’s letters to the Thessalonians deal with the question of Christ’s coming in glory, and four times the actual phrase, adventus domini, is used in this regard.27 In 1 Thess 2:19, when Paul is proclaiming the community at Thessalonika to be his ‘crown of boasting before the Lord Jesus at his coming,’ corona gloriae […]

25 Regan (2012), 4. 26 Mohrmann (1961), 252: ‘La traduction latine présente donc ici une différentation qui n’existait pas encore dans le texte original et qui reflète un usage ultérieur.’ English tr. ours. 27 1 Thess 3:13: ad confirmanda corda vestra sine querella in sanctitate ante Deum et Patrem nostrum in adventu Domini nostri Iesu cum omnibus sanctis eis. ‘And may he so strengthen your hearts in holiness that you may be blameless before our God and Father at the coming of our Lord Jesus with all his saints.’ 1 Thess 4:15: [Q]ui vivimus, qui residui sumus in adventum Domini, non praeveniemus eos qui dormierunt; ‘we who are alive, who are left until the coming of the Lord, will by no means precede those who have fallen asleep.’ 1 Thess 5:23: et integer spiritus vester et anima et corpus sine querella in adventu Domini nostri Iesu Christi servetur; ‘May your spirit and soul and body be kept sound and blameless at the

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ante Dominum nostrum Iesum in adventu eius, the words are physically separated in the sentence, but the meaning remains clear. The letter of James exhorts the faithful to ‘be patient […] until the coming of the Lord’ and to ‘strengthen [their] hearts, for the coming of the Lord is near.’28 Similarly, chapter 3 of the second Letter of Peter calls the community to holiness as it waits for the adventus diei Dei, the coming of the Day of God, a day that is to be marked by extraordinary happenings: ‘the heavens will pass away with a loud noise, and the elements will be dissolved with fire and the earth and everything that is done on it will be disclosed.’29 This is not dissimilar to the portents Jesus describes in Mt 24:29, after the disciples have asked him about the signs of his coming (adventus) at the end of time: ‘the sun will be darkened, and the moon will not give its light; the stars will fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven will be shaken.’30 But both the evangelist Matthew and the writer of the Letter of Peter note that despite the tumult and turmoil in creation itself, Christ’s coming in glory is a time of hope for believers: at his final coming Christ will send the angels to ‘gather his elect from the four winds, from one end of heaven to the other’31 and it will not occur before the faithful have had time to ‘come to repentance’ and to ‘grow in the grace and knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.’32 The encouragement of 2 Peter is echoed in 1 Jn 2:28 where the writer exhorts the Christian community to ‘abide in [Christ] so that when he is revealed [they] may have confidence and not be put to shame before him at his coming.’33 Having dealt with all the instances in the New Testament where the Latin adventus corresponds to the Greek παρουσία, there remains just a small group of texts to consider in which adventus equates to the Greek ἐπιφάνεια. These texts all appear in the Pastoral Epistles, which scholars agree are post-Pauline documents, most probably written in the generation after the death of the apostle.34 The definition of ἐπιφάνεια as ‘coming into light, coming into full view, being made manifest or evident’35 gives a clue about the particular nuance that is taking priority here. In

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.’ 2 Thess 2:1, 2: Rogamus autem vos fratres per adventum Domini nostri Iesu Christi […] ut non cito moveamini a sensu neque terreamini. ‘As to the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ […] we beg you, brothers and sisters, not to be quickly shaken or alarmed.’ Jas 5:7, 8: Patientes igitur estote fratres usque ad adventum Domini […] confirmate corda vestra quoniam adventus Domini adpropinquavit. 2 Pet 3:10: Adveniet autem dies Domini ut fur in qua caeli magno impetu transient, elementa vero calore solventur, cum haec igitur omnia dissolvenda sint. Mt 24:29: Statim autem post tribulationem dierum illorum sol obscurabitur, et luna non dabit lumen suum, et stellae cadent de caelo, et virtutes caelorum commovebuntur. Mt 24:31: et mittet angelos suos […] et congregabunt electos eius a quattuor ventis, a summis caelorum usque ad terminos eorum. 2 Pet 3:9: Non tardat Dominus promissi sed patienter agit propter vos nolens aliquos perire sed omnes ad paenitentiam reverti. 2 Pet 3:18: crescite vero in gratia et in cognitione Domini nostri et salvatoris Iesu Christi. 1 Jn 2:20: Et nunc filioli manete in eo ut cum apparuerit habeamus fiduciam et non confundamur ab eo in adventu eius. Twomey (2009), 2. See Liddell and Scott (1940), 669.

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Titus 2:13 ἐπιφάνεια is coupled with δόξα – glory – revealing in all its splendour the divinity of Christ, and concentrating more on his role as the one who has brought redemption and salvation than on his role as Judge. It is the anticipation of the Kingdom of God being brought to full realisation that inspires the faithful to ‘live lives that are self-controlled, upright, and godly.’36 Mohrmann notes that this association of ἐπιφάνεια – manifestation, with βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ – the kingdom of God, was characteristic of the earliest Christian writings, but that the hellenistic understanding of epiphany as a manifestation of the power of the gods through signs and wonders was soon incorporated into Christian theology and applied anachronistically in the development of the feast of Epiphany.37 This insight into the use of the word ἐπιφάνεια sheds light on its use in 1 Tim 6:14 and 2 Tim 4:1, 8, the first of which includes a nearby reference to Christ as the ‘blessed and only Sovereign’ (1 Tim 6:15), while the second actually pairs the ‘appearing’ of Christ with ‘his kingdom’ – καὶ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ – per adventum ipsius et regnum eius. Thus, while the writer is indeed referring to the final coming of Christ, it is as the complete manifestation of what was previously only partially revealed, the making visible in blazing glory what was previously only hinted at. Overwhelmingly, then, is the word adventus used in the New Testament to refer to the coming of Christ in glory at the end of time, to sit in judgment and to welcome the righteous into the eternal kingdom. Only rarely does it refer to Christ’s coming in the flesh. But this would soon change, as the writings of the Church Fathers will demonstrate. Adventus in the writings of the Church Fathers Ignatius of Antioch († c. 138)

In the earliest Christian writings, the use of adventus to refer to the coming of Christ in the flesh is rare.38 An example occurs in one of the earliest extant Christian writings, the letter of Ignatius of Antioch to the Christians at Philadelphia, in which the term παρουσία is used: ἐξαίρετον δέ τι ἔχει τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ σωτῆρος κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, τὸ πάθος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀνάστασιν.

But the Gospel possesses something transcendent [above the former dispensation], viz. the appearance of the Savior, Our Lord Jesus Christ, His passion, His resurrection.39

36 Tit 2:12b–13: sobrie et iuste et pie vivamus in hoc saeculo expectantes beatam spem et adventum gloriae magni Dei et salvatoris nostri Iesu Christi. 37 See Mohrmann (1961), 253. 38 Mohrmann (1961), 253. 39 Ignatius of Antioch, To the Philadelphians, Greek text in Die Apostolischen Väter, Funk, Bihlmeyer and Whittaker eds, (1992), 222–24. English text from FC 1, 116–17.

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Origen of Alexandria († c. 254)

Origen twice uses the term ἐπιφάνεια in reference to the first coming of Christ in his treatise Contra Celsum: […] καὶ τῇ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐπιφανείᾳ,40

the mystery [of Christianity] […] is made manifest in the Scriptures of the prophets and by the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ.

and […] πρὸ τῶν χρόνων τῆς τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐπιφανείας.41

[surely none of us is so simple as to suppose that truth did not exist] before the time when Christ appeared;

Both Ignatius and Origen envision the adventus of Christ in the context of the fulfilment of the old covenant in the new and indicate a new trajectory for its understanding within Christian theology. Justin Martyr († c. 165)

The First Apology of Justin Martyr, written in Rome for the emperor Antoninus Pius towards the middle of the second century, is the earliest example of this type of defence of the Christian faith to have survived. By contrasting the anticipation of the Jewish people for the Messiah with the Christian anticipation of Christ’s final coming in glory Justin is able to speak of two advents of Christ. Both are foretold by the prophets of the Old Testament, the first having been fulfilled in the birth of Christ and his earthly mission, the second yet to occur at the end of time: δύο γὰρ αὐτοῦ παρουσίας προεκήρυξαν οἱ προφῆται∙ μίαν μέν, τὴν ἤδη γενομένην, ὡς ἀτίμου καὶ παθητοῦ ἀνθρώπου∙ τὴν δὲ δευτέραν, ὅταν μετὰ δόξης ἐξ οὐρανῶν μετὰ τῆς ἀγγελικῆς αὐτοῦ στρατιᾶς παραγενήσεσθαι κεκήρυκται.

The Prophets have foretold two comings [of Christ]: the one, which already took place, was that of a dishonored and suffering man; the other coming will take place, as it is predicted, when He shall gloriously come from Heaven with His angelic army.42

The contrast between the ‘disgrace, obscurity and mortality’ of Christ’s first coming (παρουσία) with his ‘appear[ance] from the clouds in glory’ at his second (παρουσία) recurs several times in the Dialogue with Trypho, each time nuanced in a slightly

40 Origen, Contra Celsum 2, 4, (SC 132, 288–90). English is from ANCL 10, 6. 41 Origen, Contra Celsum 8, 12, (SC 150, 200). English tr. is from ANCL 23, 500. 42 Justin Martyr, Apologia, 52, 3, Goodspeed (1914), 63. English tr. from FC 6, 89.

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different way.43 On one occasion the two advents of Christ are described in terms of the crucifixion: ‘in the first he was pierced by you and in the second you shall look up and recognise Him as the one whom you pierced.’44 On another the coming in glory is seen as the ‘great and terrible day’ when Christ will return as eternal judge.45 Here Elias is named as the forerunner of this momentous event; elsewhere he is identified as John the Baptist.46 Justin points out to Trypho that the first advent of Christ was foretold by the Old Testament prophets in terms of an eternal reign of the House of David, but that its realisation in fact signals the end of prophets and kings for the Jewish people and inaugurates a new era in which the criteria for inclusion in the everlasting kingdom is belief in Christ. The primacy of ethnicity is superseded by the primacy of faith: Τὸ δὲ εἰπεῖν τὸν λόγον διὰ τοῦ Ἰακώβ∙ Καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται προσδοκία ἐθνῶν, συμβολικῶς δύο παρουσίας αὐτοῦ ἐσήμανε καὶ τὰ ἔθνη μέλλειν αὐτῷ πιστεύειν, ὅπερ ὀψέ ποτε πάρεστιν ἰδεῖν ὑμῖν. οἱ γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἁπάντων διὰ τῆς πίστεως τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ θεοσεβεῖς καὶ δίκαιοι γενόμενοι, πάλιν παραγενησόμενον αὐτὸν προσδοκῶμεν.

Those words spoken by Jacob; ‘And He shall be the expectation of nations,’ signified figuratively His two Advents, and also that the Gentiles would believe in Him, which you can now certainly verify as a fact. For we Christians, made up of all nationalities, have become pious and just through our faith in Christ, and we look forward to His second Advent.47

One further contrast that Justin makes between the two comings of Christ uses the image of the sun. Christ’s ‘word of truth and wisdom is more blazing and bright than the sun, penetrating the very depths of the heart and mind.’ If, then, the first coming of Christ produces such brilliance that he becomes known in every nation – even though this coming is ‘without honor or comeliness’ – how much more awesome will be his second coming, when he will ‘completely destroy all who hated Him and maliciously turned their backs on him, while bestowing upon His faithful followers rest and every other blessing they expected?’48 Once again, both comings are designated by the term παρουσία.

43 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 14, 8; 32, 2; 40, 4; 49, 2; 52; (FC 6, 170, 195, 209, 226). Greek text is from Justin. Dialogue avec Tryphon 1, Archambault, (1909), 68, 138, 178, 180, 230–34. 44 Justin Martyr, Trypho 32, 2. 45 Justin Martyr, Trypho, 49, 2. 46 See Justin Martyr, Trypho 51, 3. 47 Justin Martyr, Trypho 52, 4. 48 Justin Martyr, Trypho 121, 2–3. Greek text in Dialogue avec Tryphon 2, G. Archambault ed. (1909), Vol. 2, 222–24: Πυρωδέστερος γὰρ αὐτοῦ ὁ τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ σοφίας λόγος καὶ φωτεινότερος μᾶλλον τῶν ἡλίου δυνάμεών ἐστι, καὶ εἰς τὰ βάθη τῆς καρδίας καὶ τοῦ νοῦ εἰσδύνων. […] Εἰ δὲ ἐν τῇ ἀτίμῳ καὶ ἀειδεῖ καὶ ἐξουθενημένῃ πρώτῃ παρουσίᾳ αὐτοῦ τοσοῦτον ἔλαμψε καὶ ἴσχυσεν, ὡς ἐν μηδενὶ γένει ἀγνοεῖσθαι αὐτὸν […] οὐκ ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου ἐν τῇ ἐνδόξῳ αὐτοῦ παρουσίᾳ καταλύσει πάντας τοὺς μισήσαντας αὐτὸν καὶ αὐτοῦ ἀδίκως ἀποστάντας, τοὺς δὲ ἰδίους ἀναπαύσει, ἀποδιδοὺς αὐτοῖς τὰ προσδοκώμενα πάντα;

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Eusebius († c. 340)

Eusebius shared Justin’s desire to show the nature of Christianity to those who were ignorant of its message and meaning. Early in the fourth century – soon after the Peace of Constantine in 313 – he wrote the treatise Demonstratio Evangelica for this purpose. In the introduction to Book 8, he uses both έπιφάνεια and παρουσία in successive sentences to refer to the coming of Christ on earth, in fulfillment of the Old Testament prophecies (emphases ours): ἀκολούθως μετὰ τὰ προδιεξωδευμένα, τοὺς χρόνους τῆς ἐπιφανείας αὐτοῦ πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν προφητικῶν προῤῥήσεων ἐπιμαρτυρώμεθα, ἐυθένδε ἀρξάμενοι. τῶν χρόνων τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ παρουσίας ἐκφανῆ σημεῖα τάδε ἔσεσθαι προκηρύττουσιν αἱ ἱεραὶ Γραφαί.

Sequitur ut post illa omnia quae superius explicata sunt, ejusdem adventus tempora ex ipsis rursus propheticis praedictionibus ac testimoniis demonstremus, indeque initium hujusce rei capiamus. Temporum enim quibus Christi adventus futurus esset, signa evidentia haec fore, sacrae litterae nuntiant.

I begin at this point, in continuance of the preceding proof, to give the evidence with reference to the period of his appearing drawn again from prophetic predictions. The Holy Scriptures foretell that there will be unmistakable signs of the coming of Christ.49

In Chapter 1 of this same book, Eusebius uses ἐπιφάνεια to refer to the coming in flesh of Christ, but in the context of the Kingdom of God, understood as being fulfilled with the coming of Christ in glory at the end of time. Thus both comings of Christ are incorporated in the single term, a fact that Christine Mohrmann describes as ‘remarkable’:50 Χριστοῦ δὲ ἀρχὴ καὶ βασιλεία, οὐ τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἁπάντων ἄρχουσα, κατὰ τὸ ‘καὶ αὐτὸς προσδοκία ἐθνῶν.’ Τίς δ’ οὐκ ἄν ὁμολογήσειεν ταῦτα οὕτως σαφῶς ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν ἐπιφανείᾳ πεπληρῶσθαι.

Christi imperium et regnum, non quod in Israel, sed quod in omnibus gentibus dominaretur, juxta illud: ‘Et ipse exspectatio gentium’ Sed quis non plane fateatur, omnia haec in Salvatoris nostri adventu completa esse?

the rule and kingdom of Christ, not over Israel but over all nations, according to the words, ‘This is the expectation of the nations.’ And who would not agree that all this has been definitely fulfilled in the coming of our Saviour?51

Cyril of Jerusalem († 386)

The early Church took great care in the education and preparation of candidates for baptism, whether they were Jews or Gentiles. The earliest surviving example of 49 Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica 8, Proemium, in Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, Vol. 23 (Heikel 1913), 349. Latin text from PG 22, 567B; English tr. Ferrar (1920), 362. 50 Mohrmann (1961), 253–54. 51 Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica 8, 1.

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a complete course of instruction for such catechumens is the series of Catecheses by Cyril of Jerusalem. Using the Jerusalem Creed as the basis for his teaching, Cyril expounds on each of its clauses in order. It is in Catechesis 15, dealing with the clause, ‘And he is to come with glory to judge the living and the dead, of whose kingdom there shall be no end,’ that Cyril reflects on the two advents or comings of Christ, the first of which ‘gave us a spectacle of [Christ’s] patience,’ while the second will ‘bring with it the crown of the Kingdom of God.’52 Overwhelmingly, the word used to designate both the first and second comings of Christ is παρουσία. Starting from the premise that ‘in general all things are twofold in our Lord Jesus Christ’53 Cyril makes a series of contrasts between the two advents: διπλῆ γέννησις, μία ἐκ Θεοῦ πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων, καὶ μία ἐκ Παρθένου ἐπὶ συντελείᾳ τῶν αἰώνων· διπλαῖ αἱ κάθοδοι, μία ἡ ἀσυμφανής, ἡ ὡς ἐπὶ πόκον, καὶ δευτέρα ἡ ἐπιφανής, ἡ μέλλουσα. Ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ παρουσίᾳ ἐσπαργανώθη ἐν τῇ φάτνῃ, ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ ἀναβάλλεται τὸ φῶς ὡς ἱμάτιον. Ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ ὑπέμεινε σταυρόν, αἰσχύνης καταφρονήσας· ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ ἔρχεται ὑπὸ στρατιᾶς ἀγγέλων δορυφορούμενος, δοξαζόμενος.

His birth is twofold, one of God before the ages, and one of a virgin in the consummation of the ages. His descent is twofold, one lowly, ‘like the rain upon the fleece’ (cf. Ps. 72:6), and a second, his manifest coming, which is yet to be. In his first coming he was wrapped in swaddling clothes in the manger; in his second he will be ‘robed in light as in a cloak’ (Ps. 104:2). In his first coming he ‘endured a cross, despising shame;’ in his second he will come in glory, attended by a host of angels.54

Most interestingly, Cyril interprets Mal. 3:1–2 as referring to both advents of Christ,55 and then moves on to link this prophecy to the words of Paul in the letter to Titus: ‘The grace of God our Savior has appeared to all men, instructing us, in order that, rejecting ungodliness and worldly lusts, we may live temperately and justly and piously in this world; looking for the blessed hope and glorious coming of our great God and Savior, Jesus Christ.’56 Here the ‘glorious coming’ is designated by ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς δόξης – the only time that παρουσία is not used, thus emphasising the final ‘manifestation’ or fulfilment of the comings of Christ. The next sentence is also worthy of note. For the first coming, says Cyril, he ‘gives thanks’ – εὐχαριστεῖ; the second we ‘expect’ – προσδοκῶμεν. Is it drawing too long a bow to suggest that Cyril is indicating that those who ‘give thanks,’ that is, celebrate

52 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 15, 1. (PG 33, 869A): Χριστοῦ παρουσίαν καταγγέλλομεν, οὐ μίαν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δευτέραν τῆς προτέρας πολὺ καλλίονα. Ἡ μὲν γὰρ ὑπομονῆς εἶχεν ἐπίδειξιν, ἡ δὲ θείας βασιλείας φέρει τὸ διάδημα. English tr. from FC 64, 53. 53 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 15, 1. 54 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 15, 1. 55 Malachi 3:1–2: See, I am sending my messenger to prepare the way before me, and the Lord whom you seek will suddenly come to his temple. The messenger of the covenant in whom you delight – indeed, he is coming, says the Lord of hosts. But who can endure the day of his coming, and who can stand when he appears? 56 Greek text from PG 33, 872B; English tr. FC 64, 54.

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Eucharist, do not merely ‘look forward’ to the final coming of Christ in glory but expect it as the fulfilment of the first? It is significant that the first three chapters of this catechesis of Cyril comprise the first of the patristic readings in the Liturgy of the Hours for the whole liturgical year, being set as the second reading – after Isaiah 1:1–8 – at the Office of Readings for the first Sunday of Advent.57 In this way the commemoration of the coming of the Word of God in the flesh and the anticipation of his coming in glory at the end of time are both highlighted as constituent elements of the season of Advent. Sarapion of Thmuis († c. 360)

The first in a collection of thirty prayers attributed to Sarapion, bishop of Thmuis in Lower Egypt from c. 339–60, is the ‘Prayer of Offering’ or ‘Anaphora.’ In the opening paragraph of what today would be called the Preface there is reference to the advent (ἐπιδημία) of Christ: φιλάνθρωπε καὶ φιλόπτωχε, ὁ πᾶσιν καταλλασσόμενος καὶ πάντας πρὸς ἑαυτὸν διὰ τῆς ἐπιδημίας τοῦ ἀγαπητοῦ σου υἱοῦ ἕλκων. ‘Lover of humanity and lover of the poor, you are reconciled to all and draw all to yourself through the coming of your beloved Son.’58 Although this is the least common of the three Greek terms for the Latin adventus, it is the term which signifies not only the arrival but the time of the entire stay of the person.59 Its use in reference to the first coming of Christ indicates that this understanding was incorporated quite early into the Christian vocabulary and theology. Tertullian († c. 225)

While Ignatius of Antioch is the first of the Greek Fathers to write about the advent of Christ, Tertullian is the earliest of the Latin Fathers. As with the Greek Fathers, he uses the term adventus to refer to both the coming of Christ in the flesh and his final coming in glory. In his treatise De Baptismo, probably written between 198 and 204,60 he names Pentecost as ‘a most auspicious period for arranging baptisms, for during it our Lord’s resurrection was several times made known among the disciples, the grace of the Holy Spirit first given, and the hope of our Lord’s coming made evident.’61 Clearly, this adventus domini is his final coming in glory. Similarly, in De Spectaculis, written around the same time, adventus refers to the coming in glory: Quale autem

57 Liturgia Horarum iuxta ritum romanum 1, Tempus Adventus, editio typica, 1971, 120–22. 58 Johnson (1995), OCA 249, 46–47. Text provided in both Greek and English. 59 See Arndt and Gingrich (1957), 292. 60 See the chronological table of Tertullian’s works in CCSL 2, 1627, based on Harnack (1904), 256–96. 61 Tertullian, De Baptismo, Evans (1964), 40. Latin text can be found in CSSL 1, 293: Exinde pentecoste ordinandis lauacris laetissimum spatium est quo et domini resurrectio inter discipulos frequentata est et gratia spiritus sancti dedicata et spes aduentus domini subostensa.

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spectaculum in proximo est adventus domini! – ‘What a spectacle is now at hand – the second coming of the Lord!’62 However, in his treatise Adversus Marcionem, written several years later, both comings of Christ are signified by the term adventus. The same contrast between the lowliness and indignity of the first coming and the gloriousness of the second, which was found in Justin Martyr is here present in Tertullian: Duos dicimus Christi habitus a prophetis demonstratos totidem adventus eius praenotasse; unum in humilitate […] sicut siblimitatis secundo […] De quo adventu idem prophetes: et ecce cum nubibus caeli tamquam filius hominis veniens […] tunc scilicet habiturus est speciem honorabilem et decorem indeficientem super filios hominum.

As there are two conditions demonstrated by the prophets to belong to Christ, so these presignified the same number of advents; one, and that the first, was to be in lowliness […] just as the second [was to be] in majesty […] Of this advent the same prophet [Daniel] says: “Behold, one like the Son of man came with the clouds of heaven.” […]Then indeed He shall have both a glorious form and an unsullied beauty above the sons of men.63

Ambrose of Milan († 379)

The illustrious bishop of Milan also speaks of two comings of Christ. In his reflection on Psalm 35 he sees Christ as the source of living water, who came to earth in order to water our arid hearts, fons vitae inriguus aeternae descendit in terras, ut ariditates nostri pectoris inrigaret.’ This is the Christ whose coming was foretold by the prophets, ‘prophetatur autem adventus domini salvatori, whose light will reveal the light of the Father, whose presence will make the Father ‘visible,’ since he and the Father are one.64 When in his Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam he reflects on the ‘day of the Lord’ that will be heralded by signs and wonders in the heavens, Ambrose contrasts the two comings. He explains that this terrible Day of the Lord will be shortened ‘on account of the elect, since, just as the first coming of the Lord, primus adventus domini, was for the forgiveness of sins, propter redimenda peccata, so the second coming is for the sake of limiting transgressions, secundus propter reprimenda delicta.’65 Interestingly, a little further on in the chapter he notes that ‘the powers of heaven will receive an increase of grace at the coming and return of the Lord of salvation’ – sic etiam virtutus caelorum adventu domini salutaris ac reditu – which, if return is understood to refer to the second adventus, could indicate that he viewed both comings as part of a single salvific and glorifying event.66

62 Tertullian, De Spectaculis, (CCSL 1, 252); English tr. from FC 40, 104. 63 Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem 3, 7, (CCSL 1, Pt 1, 516–17). English tr. from ANF 3, 326. 64 Ambrose, Explanatio Psalmorum XII, 22, (CSEL 64, 65). 65 Ambrose, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam 10, 17, (CCSL 14, 351). 66 Ambrose, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam 10, 39.

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Augustine of Hippo († 430)

Even a brief investigation into the term adventus in the writings of Augustine, bishop of Hippo, yields a rich harvest. Not only do we find the term used simply as a reference to either the coming of the Word of God to earth in the flesh or to his final coming as judge in glory, but as the subject of discussion around the time when the final coming is to occur, the manner in which Christians should prepare for this wondrous event and the rewards that the final coming will bring. Moreover, Augustine extends the understanding of adventus to include the coming of Christ to the Church, anticipating the ‘coming in mystery’ which would be developed many centuries later by St Bernard of Clairvaux. Augustine’s most extensive writing on the two advents of Christ occurs in his Epistula 199 which is devoted entirely to the question of the end of the world. The debate about the time of the final coming of Christ was obviously still lively at the time when Augustine was writing. In a previous letter Augustine had noted that he ‘did not venture to calculate the time [of the] coming of the Saviour at the end of the world,’ since ‘when the end of the world will come and when the Lord will appear […] no-one can know.’67 Regardless of when the end of the world is to be, whether the coming of the Lord is near at hand or far into the future, the advice of St Paul to the Thessalonians ought to be heeded: ‘Await the coming of the Lord fully prepared, with […] loins girt and lamps burning.’68 The Lord’s coming ought to be ‘loved and hoped for, [since] the happiness of those who live it is great,’ diligendus ergo est et expectandus domini adventus, magnam […] esse beatitudinem diligentibus eius adventum.69 The one who loves the coming of the Lord does not show it by asserting that the coming is near or far, but by being one who ‘waits for him […] with sincere faith, firm hope and ardent love,’ sinceritate fidei, firmitate spei, ardore caritatis expectat.70 The rewards for loving the coming of the Lord are named in the Scriptures: ‘The just shall shine as the sun in the kingdom of their Father’ (cf. Mt. 13:43) while ‘they that hope in the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall take wings as eagles, they shall run and not be weary, they shall walk and not faint’ (cf. Is. 40:31).71 Moreover, there are the words of St Paul: ‘There is laid up for me a crown of justice which the Lord, the just judge, will render to me in that day. And not only to me but to them also that love the Lord’s coming’ (cf. 2Tim. 4:8). For a description of what the coming in glory will look like, Augustine directs his readers to the Gospel of Matthew, beginning where it is written that ‘when the Son of man shall come in his majesty, and all the angels with him, then shall he sit upon the seat of his majesty; and all the nations shall be gathered together before 67 Augustine, Epistula 197, (CSEL 57, 231 and 233): nam de salvatoris adventu, qui expectatur in fine, tempora dinumerare non audeo […] quando sit finis huius saeculi vel adventus domini […] scire neminem posse. English tr. FC 30, 347. All English translations of Augustine’s letters will be taken from this source. 68 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 245). English tr. FC 30, 358. 69 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 254–55). English tr. FC 30, 366. 70 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 256). English tr. FC 30, 367. 71 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 255). English tr. FC 30, 366–67.

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him’ (Mt. 25:31), up to the point where it says, ‘and these shall go into everlasting punishment but the just into life everlasting’ (Mt 25:46). A very interesting aspect of Augustine’s treatment of adventus is his comment about Christ’s ‘coming in the Church in which he does not cease to come until the end,’ de adventu suo per ecclesiam, in qua usque ad finem venire non cessat.72 This, along with ‘His coming in his own Person as the head of the Church’ and the destruction of the city of Jerusalem, he names as one of the three signs of the final coming of Christ.73 This adventus is clearly not the coming of Christ to earth as a baby born in Bethlehem, nor is it the coming of Christ in glory to judge the living and the dead, but speaks to a deeper understanding of the coming and presence of Christ with and in the community of the faithful. Augustine expounds on this further towards the end of the letter, when he describes the time of waiting for the Lord’s final coming as ‘this last hour’ during which Christ is ‘coming in His members […] or in the whole Church itself, which is His Body, […] bringing forth much fruit and growing over the whole world.’74 He suggests that ‘if all the details of [Christ’s] coming which are mentioned by the Evangelists are carefully compared and discussed, we may find that they refer to His daily coming in His Body which is the Church;’ in fact, ‘Christ’s present coming […] is effected through the Church.’ eius adventum, qui nunc fit per ecclesiam.75 Although Epistula 199 provides by far Augustine’s most extensive writing on the comings of Christ, it is worth noting comments from two other works. In De catechizandis rudibus, ‘On the Catechising of the Uninstructed,’ he names the motivation of Christ’s coming to earth: Quae autem maior causa est adventus domini, nisi ut ostenderet deus dilectionem suam in nobis, commendans eam vehementer: quia cum adhuc inimici essemus, Christi pro nobis mortuus est. Hoc autem ideo […] ut et nos invicem diligamus, et […] nos pro fratribus animam ponamus […] et ipsum deum, quoniam prior dilexit nos, et filio suo unico non pepercit, sed pro bonis omnibus traditit eum, […] saltem nunc redamare.

What greater reason is apparent for the advent of the Lord than that God might show His love in us, commending it powerfully, inasmuch as ‘while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us?’ And furthermore, this is with the intent that […] we may also love one another and lay down our life for our brethren […] and to return [God’s] love seeing that ‘He first loved us’ and ‘spared not His own only Son, but delivered Him up for us all.’76

This complements and develops the more succinct reason given by Ambrose in his commentary on Luke’s Gospel (see above). The final excerpt from Augustine’s writing to which I would like to draw attention comes from his Contra Litteras Petiliani, ‘In Answer to Letters of Petilian’ in which

72 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 265). English tr. FC 30, 376. 73 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 265). English tr. FC 30, 376. 74 Augustine, Epistula 199. (CSEL 57, 282–83). English tr. FC 30, 392. 75 Augustine, Epistula 199, (CSEL 57, 284). English tr. FC 30, 393. 76 Augustine, De catechizandis rudibus, 4, 7, (CCSL 46, 126). English tr. from NPNF1 3, 286.

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Augustine emphasises the role of John the Baptist in foretelling Christ’s coming to earth. In the light of the important place assumed by the Baptist in the Church’s liturgy as a ‘season’ of Advent emerged, this seems pertinent: quia prioribus iustus praenuntiare tantum Christum concessum est, huic autem et praenuntiare absentem et videre praesentem, ut huic inveniatur patuisse quod illi cupierunt. […] et Johannes ergo […] tamen cum baptizaret venienti praeibat Christo. Propter hoc de illo dictum est: ecce mitto angelum meum ante faciem tuam, qui praeparabit viam tuam, et ipse praedicabat dicens: venit fortior me post me.

To the righteous men who went before him it was only granted to foretell the coming of Christ, but to John it was given both to foretell Him in His absence and to behold His presence, so that it should be found that to him was made manifest what the others had desired. […] And John, therefore, while he was still baptizing, went before the way of Christ who was still to come; for which reason it was said of him, ‘Behold, I send my messenger before Thy face, which shall prepare Thy way before Thee.’ And he himself preached, saying, ‘There cometh one mightier than I after me.’77

John Cassian († 435)

In the period between Ignatius of Antioch’s letter to the Philadelphians (c. 105–10) and Augustine’s response to the Letters of Petilian (c. 410–11) it is clear that there was a steady development in the use of the term adventus to refer to both the first and second comings of Christ, and that the first coming was increasingly understood to include not only Christ’s birth, but his entire life on earth. It is somewhat surprising, then, to find that St John Cassian’s final work, De Incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium – a defence of orthodox doctrine against the heretical position of Nestorius written in 430 – equates the adventus of the Lord with his nativitas. In attempting to prove that Mary was not only the mother of Christ but the mother of God, he refers to the announcement by the angel Gabriel of the coming of the Holy Spirit upon her, and asks: ‘If a mere man was to be born of a pure virgin, why should there be such careful mention of the Divine Advent?’78 For Cassian, it is the nativity of Christ that is accomplished by his advent, not the reverse: […] nativitatis autem agenda non erat nisi per adventum, quia et concipi ab homine deus nisi se donante et nasce nisi se inlabente non poterat.

[…] but the nativity was only accomplished by his coming, because God could not be conceived by man unless He allowed it, nor be born unless He himself entered in.79

77 Augustine, Contra litteras Petiliani, 2, 37, 87, (CSEL 52.2, 71, 72). English tr. from NPNF1 4, 553. 78 The Seven Books of John Cassian on the Incarnation of the Lord, against Nestorius, 2, 2, (NPNF2, Vol. 11, 556). Latin text is from CSEL 17, 248: si naciturus itaque de sancta virgine homo tantummodo solitarius erat, quid tanto agebatur sacri adventus nuntio? 79 John Cassian, De Incarnatione contra Nestorium, 2, 2, (CSEL 17, 248–49). English tr. NPNF2, Vol. 11, 557.

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A phrase from Paul’s letter to Titus – ‘The grace of God and our Saviour has appeared to all.’ Apparuit enim gratia Dei salutoris omnibus hominibus – is used to support this: bene congruo ad ostendendum novae gratiae et generationis adventum sermone usus est. Dicens enim apparuit ortum novae gratiae ac nativitatis expressit, quia exinde […] deus in mundo natus apparuit.

Admirably does he [Paul] use a word suited to show the coming of a new grace and birth; for by saying “there appeared” he indicated the approach of a new grace and birth […] from the moment when God appeared as born in the world.80

But it is not just the ‘comparatively recent witness of evangelists and apostles’ that Cassian is able to call upon; he has recourse to the prophet Jeremiah who speaks of ‘our Lord […] who found out all the way of knowledge and gave it to Jacob His servant and Israel His beloved [and] afterwards was Father who is seen upon earth conversing with men.’ Cassian argues that the prophet’s aim was to ensure that Christ ‘be known by all men to be the only begotten Son of God the Father.’ In fact, he sees this as a clear indicator of the ‘advent and nativity,’ adventus domini ac nativitas, of the Lord.81 Whether all the blame for the subsequent identification of the first adventus of Christ with his birth can be placed at the feet of Cassian is doubtful, however he certainly contributed to such a shift taking place. Summary

The adoption of the term adventus into the Christian vocabulary brought with it overtones from pre-Christian usage in both Greco-Roman and Judaic spheres, but its use in New Testament writings is overwhelmingly eschatological, signifying the coming of Christ in glory at the end of time. However, very early in the Church’s development the term is also applied to the coming of Christ ‘in history’ so that it becomes a much broader concept incorporating the mystery of the incarnation, with its revelatory and salvific dimensions, foretold by the prophets and anticipated for centuries. The term gains its significance from the person of Christ: the enfleshed Word of God provides the key for reconciliation with God and reveals – insofar as it is possible in a human context – the identity and nature of the Godhead. Christ’s birth and entire life are epiphanic, pointing towards the final great epiphany in which the full glory of God will be revealed and humanity will be drawn into eternal union with God following the final Judgment over which Christ will preside. As Patrick Regan so aptly summarises it, ‘the birth of the Lord on earth and his coming from heaven are both advents – are both parousias and epiphanies – the first inaugurating what the second will perfect, the second completing what the first began […] The mystery of the incarnation is already the paschal mystery, and Christmas is a feast of redemption.’82 80 John Cassian, De Incarnatione contra Nestorium, 2, 4, (CSEL 17, 254). English tr., NPNF2, Vol. 11, 559. 81 See The Seven Books of John Cassian, 4, 9, (NPNF2, Vol. 11, 578). Latin text, CSEL 17, 296. 82 Regan (2012), 8.

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The liturgical development of Advent. Any development of a liturgical season that could eventually assume the title ‘Advent’ is obviously contingent upon liturgical practices surrounding the celebration of the birth of Christ. Early twentieth-century scholars researching the origins of the feasts of Christmas and Epiphany pointed to the variations between East and West in both the date on which the celebration takes place and the emphasis placed on the feasts.83 They also drew attention to existing pagan feasts and practices in different geographical locations that may have influenced the way in which the local Christians approached their celebrations. Primary among these is the ‘history or religions’ hypothesis that maintains that the Christian feast was introduced to combat the pagan observance of Natalis solis invicti – the birth of the invincible sun – at the time of the winter solstice.84 More recent scholarship has questioned some of the claims in this regard, but certainly the cultural context in which each of the early Christian churches flourished necessarily made its mark.85 Celebrating the Birth of Christ in the East

Clement of Alexandria († 215) provides the first evidence of an attempt to affix the birth of Christ to a specific date. He estimated that Christ was born on May 20, but he noted that the gnostic Basilidians celebrated Christ’s birth and baptism on January 10.86 It is not until the end of the fourth century that we have confirmation of a celebration of Epiphany on January 6 by orthodox Christians in Egypt and this is actually provided by the westerner, John Cassian, who speaks of the ‘double’ celebration of Christ’s birth and baptism on the same day: In Egypt […] Epiphany is […] regarded as the time, both of our Lord’s baptism and also of His birth in the flesh, and so [they] celebrate the commemoration of either mystery not separately as in the Western provinces but on the single festival of this day.87

83 See in particular, Botte (1932), 1. 84 As Thomas Talley notes in his article ‘Liturgical Time in the Ancient Church: The State of Research,’ ‘[t]he history of religions hypothesis was to become the favoured explanation of the origin of Christmas throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, employed by H. Usener, K. Holl, H. Lietzman, B. Botte, H. Frank and many others.’ See Johnson (2000), 32. 85 Note in particular the excellent study by Roll (1995), especially 131–64. 86 Clement of Alexandria, Stromatum 1, 21, 24, (PG 8, 886D–888A): εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ περιεργότερον τῇ γενέσει τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν οὐ μόνον τὸ ἔτος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν προστιθέντες, ἥν φασιν ἔτους κηʹ Αὐγούστου ἐν πέμπτῃ Πάχων καὶ εἰκάδι. Οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ Βασιλείδου καὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἡμέραν ἑορτάζουσι προδιανυκτερεύοντες ἀναγνώσεσι [text of PG does not have ἐν]. ‘And there are those who have determined not only the year of our Lord’s birth, but also the day; and they say that it took place in the twenty-eighth year of Augustus, and in the twenty-fifth day of Pachon. And the followers of Basilides hold the day of his baptism as a festival, spending the night before in readings.’ (ANF 2, 334). 87 John Cassian, Conference 10, 2, (NPNF2, Vol. 11, 401). Latin text: Collatio Decima: De Oratione, (PL 49, 820A–821°): Intra Aegypti regionem […] ut peracto Epiphaniorum die […] vel Dominici baptismi, vel secundum carnem nativitatis esse definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacramenti solemnitatem non bifarie, ut in occiduis provinciis, sed sub una diei hujus festivitate concelebrant.

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The Travels of Egeria which have furnished so much helpful information about late fourth-century liturgies in Jerusalem unfortunately have a lacuna at the very point at which Christmas and Epiphany would be described. Botte, however, refers to a sermon by an unknown cleric of the Jerusalem church which he considers to bridge that gap.88 This sermon speaks of offering adoration to God in the holy place of Bethlehem and then proceeding to the Jordan, to the place where John baptised the one who was to take away the sins of the world and where the Father acknowledged Jesus as his Son. Botte interprets this as testimony that on a single day both the birth and baptism of Jesus were celebrated in the church of Jerusalem in the late fourth century. However, the ancient Armenian Lectionary, a document that preserves the liturgical practices of early fifth century Jerusalem, while confirming that Christ’s birth was celebrated on January 6, does not contain any evidence of a celebration of his baptism.89 Details of when the Church in Syria celebrated the birth of Christ can be found in the Panarion of St Epiphanius of Salamis († 403): Christ was born on the eighth before the Ides of January, thirteen days after the winter solstice and the increase of the light and the day […] ‘The Epiphany’ is a good name for the fleshly birth of the Saviour, who was born at the eighth hour and manifested by the angels’ testimony, to the shepherds and the world – but he was manifested to Mary and Joseph as well. And the star was manifested to the magi in the east at that hour.90 Verses 11–13 and verses 15 and 19 of the first Epiphany hymn of St Ephrem († 373) confirm that the Epiphany was a celebration of both the birth of Christ as the Lightgiver and of the adoration of the Magi. Verse 20, the final verse of the hymn, does make reference to Jesus’ baptism, but only in passing.91 The first Pentecost sermon of John Chrysostom († 407), preached at Antioch prior to 386, enumerates the different solemnities of the church year and names the Epiphany, when Christians celebrated the birth of Christ, as the first of these: ‘For us, the first feast is the Epiphany. And what is the object of this feast? It is that God appeared on the earth and lived with men; it is that the only Son of God was with us.’92 However, it is evident from another of Chrysostom’s homilies – on the baptism of Christ and on the Epiphany – that it was soon after this that December 25 was 88 Botte (1932), 14. For the Latin text of this sermon, included amongst homilies spuriously attributed to John Chrysostom, see PG 64, 44–45. 89 See Renoux (1969) and Renoux (1971). Renoux reconstructed the ancient Armenian Lectionary using Jerusalem 121 as the basis and collating it with Paris 44. He dates the original lectionary to between 417 and 439. See also Hainthaler, (2013) Vol. 2, 50, footnote 6. 90 Epiphanius, Panarion 51, 22 (3, 12 & 13), Williams (2012), 50–51. 91 Ephrem, Fifteen Hymns for the feast of Epiphany, (NPNF2, Vol. 13, 265–66). 92 John Chrysostom, De sancta Pentecoste I, (PG 50, 454A): ‘Τοίνυν παρ’ ἡμῖν ἑορτὴ πρώτη τὰ ἐπιφάνια. Τίς οὖν ἡ ὑπόθεσις τῆς ἑορτῆς; Ἐπειδὴ θεὸς ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ὥφθη, καὶ τοῖς ὰνθρώποις συνανεστράφη· ἐπειδὴ ὁ θεὸς ὁ μονογενὴς τοῦ θεοῦ παῖς μεθ’ ὐμῶν ἦν ἀλλὰ τοῦτο ἀεί ἐστινְ.’ ‘Itaque prima festivitas apud nos Epiphania: que porro festi est occasio? Quoniam Deus in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est (Baruch 3.38): quandoquidem unigenitus Dei Filius Deus nobiscum fuit.’ English tr. ours.

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adopted as the date for celebrating the birth of Christ and that January 6 was devoted exclusively to celebrating his baptism: Why is not that day, on which he [Christ] was born, called Epiphany and apparition, but rather this day on which he was baptised? For it is on this day that he was baptised and sanctified the nature of water. […] Why then is this day called Epiphany? Because certainly Christ was not made known to all when he was born, but when he was baptised: until this day the he was unknown to the people.93 The first evidence of Christmas or Epiphany in Constantinople appears in the second half of the fourth century. Homilies 38–40 of Gregory of Nazianzen († 390) – on the Nativity, the Epiphany and Baptism – delivered at Constantinople in either 379–80 or 380–81, indicate that the Nativity was by then celebrated on December 25, but that the Epiphany, celebrated on January 6, continued to celebrate Christ’s baptism and was a day on which baptisms may have taken place.94 Further corroborative evidence of the baptismal character of the Epiphany comes from Gregory of Nyssa, whose oration, In diem Luminem, († 384) focuses on the baptism of Christ.95 Celebrating the Birth of Christ in the West

From mid-fourth century Rome concrete evidence survives of a feast of the Nativity on December 25 to mark the beginning of the church year. The Philocalian Calendar, drawn up in ad 336, lists ‘viii. kal. jan. natus Christus in Betleem Judee’ as the start of the religious year.96 Taking the Christmas sermons of Pope Leo I († 461) as a guide, it is apparent that the focus of the feast of Christmas was on the reconciliation of human nature with God through the person of Jesus, who, while being truly human, remained fully divine.97 Moreover, great emphasis was placed on the fact that the sinless Christ was born of a Virgin, conceived with God himself as father.98 It is interesting 93 John Chrysostom, De baptismate Christi et de Epiphania,(PG 49, 365D–366A): Ἀλλὰ τίνος ἕνεκεν οὐχὶ ἡ ἡμέρα καθ’ ἣν ἐτέχθη, ἀλλ’ ἡ ἡμέρα καθ’ἣν ἐβαπτίσθη, ἐπιφάνεια λέγεται; Αὕτη γάρ ἐστιν ἡ ἡμέρα καθ’ ἣν ἐβαπτίσατο, καὶ τὴν τῶν ὑδατων ἡγίασε φύσιν. […] Τίνος οὖν ἕνεκεν αὕτη ἐπιφάνεια λέγεται; Ἐπειδὴ οὐχ ὅτε ἐτέχθη, τότε πᾶσιν ἐγένετο κατάδηλος, ἀλλ’ ὅτε ἐβαπτίσατο̇ μέχρι γὰρ ταύτης ἠγνοεῖτο τῆς ἡμέρας τοῖς πολλοῖς. - At enim qui fit, ut non ea dies, qua natus est, Epiphania et apparitio appelletur, sed ea qua baptizatus est? Haec enim dies est qua baptizatus est, et aquarum naturam sanctificavit. […] Quamnam igitur ob causam apparitio appellatur? Quia nimirum non omnibus manifestus est redditus, cum partu est editus, sed cum est baptizatus: nam ad hunc usque diem vulgo erat ignotus. English tr. ours. 94 See Mossay (1965), 9–10. For the texts of homilies 38–40 of Gregory Nazianzen see PG 36, 312–33; 336–60; 360–425. For English translations see NPNF2 Vol. 7, 345–78. 95 For the text of In Baptismum Christi see PG 46, 577–600. For English tr. see NPNF2, Vol. 5, 518–24. 96 See Mommsen (1892), Vol. 1, 71. 97 See, for example, Leo I, Sermo 21, (PL 54, 191A): Dei namquam Filius […] reconciliandum auctoris suo naturam generis assumpsit humani; ‘For the Son of God […] has taken on the nature of man, thereby to reconcile it to its author.’ English translation of this and following citations from the Sermons of Leo 1 in NPNF2, Vol. 12, 115–205. 98 See, for example, Leo I, Sermo 22, (PL 54, 195A): Nova autem nativitate genitus est, conceptus est a Virgine […] sine maternae integritatis injuria; […] Auctor enim Deo in carne nascenti Deus est, testante archangelo ad beatam Virginem Mariam; ‘And by a new nativity he was begotten, conceived by a

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to note that Leo I was careful to reject as a ‘wicked superstition and portentous lie’ the belief that the day derived its honour ‘more from the rising of the sun than the nativity of Christ.’99 In contrast to the situation in Rome, dating the celebration of Christmas and Epiphany in the Churches in northern Italy is decidedly more complex. The Diversarum hereseon liber of Filastrius, bishop of Brescia in the 380s to 390s, provides evidence that the birth of Christ was included among the ‘epiphanies of the Lord’ celebrated on January 6 rather than having a separate feast on December 25: ‘[T]here are certain heretics who entertain doubts about the day of the epiphanies of the Lord, a day that is celebrated on January 6. They say that they must celebrate only the birthday of the Lord on December 25, but not the day of the epiphanies.’100 From the fact that Bishop Filastrius speaks of epiphanies in the plural, it is clear that the feast on January 6 celebrated more than one manifestation of Christ, not just his revelation to the Magi. An indication that the birth of Christ was included in the epiphanies celebrated on January 6 in Milan during this same period can be found in the Epiphany hymn, Illuminans altissimus, attributed to St Ambrose, the venerable bishop of that city († 397). Verses 1 and 2 refer to Christ’s birth and the visit of the Magi, while verse 3 speaks of his baptism in the Jordan. Since verses 4 and 5 deal with the changing of water into wine at Cana and verses 6 and 7 refer to the multiplication of loaves to feed the five thousand, it can be argued that these manifestations of the divinity of Christ could also have been included in the feast of Epiphany.101 Martin Connell states that ‘soon the December 25 date for the Nativity would have been received by the church of Milan’102 but does not qualify this statement. A clue that December 25 was the day on which the birth of Christ was celebrated in at least some parts of northern Italy can be gleaned from the sermons of Maximus, bishop of Turin († between 408 and 423). Milena Puerari’s study on the major feasts and liturgical seasons in the Church of Turin at the time of Maximus103 suggests that his careful explanation of the term epiphania in Sermon 101 could indicate a change

virgin […] without injury to the mother’s chastity; […] When God was born in the flesh, God was the father, as the archangel testified to the blessed Virgin Mary.’ (NPNF2 Vol. 12, 130). 99 Leo I, Sermo 22, (PL 54, 198B): In fide […] permanate; ne […] ille tentator […] aliqibus vos iterum seducat insidiis […] illudens simplicioribus animis de quorumdam persuasione pestifera, quibus haec dies solemnitatis nostrae, non tam de nativitate Christi, quam de novi, ut dicunt, solis ortu honorabilis videatur. ‘Abide firm in the faith, […] lest that tempter […] win you back again with any of his wiles […] misleading simpler souls with the pestilential notion of some to whom this our solemn feast day seems to derive its honour, not so much from the nativity of Christ as, according to them, from the rising of the new sun.’ (NPNF2 Vol., 12, 131–32). 100 Filastrius of Brescia, Diversarum hereseon liber 140.1, (CCSL 9, 304): Sunt quidam dubitates heretici de die Epihaniorum domini salvatoris, qui celebratur octavo Idus Ianuarias dicentes solum natale debere eos celebrare domini VIII Kalends Ianuaris, non tamen diem Epifaniorum. English tr. Connell (2000), 354. 101 For the Latin and English texts of this hymn see Walsh and Husch, (2012), 20–22. 102 Connell (2000), 356. 103 Scholars now consider that Maximus was bishop of Turin from about 390 and died somewhere between 408 and 423. See The Sermons of St Maximus of Turin, tr. and annotated by Ramsey (1989), 3–4.

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in emphasis for this feast. Certain earlier sermons – 13, 13a, 13b and 100 – spoke only of the baptism of Christ, while sermons 102–03 referred only to the miracle at Cana. By comparison, sermons 64 and 65 included both Cana and the baptism of Christ.104 Puerari suggests that the ordering of the sermons in the critical edition is chronologically incorrect and hypothesises that initially, the ‘epiphany’ celebrated on January 6 was the miracle at Cana, only subsequently supplanted by the baptism of the Lord. At the same time, she notes that Maximus’ sermon on the Nativity included the angels’ witness to the shepherds and most probably the visit of the Magi. If indeed, the Magi were included in the Christmas celebration, the reluctance of the bishop to transpose it to the feast of January 6 would be understandable, as would his need to explain the meaning of the term ‘epiphany.’105 With regard to that other northern Italian centre, Ravenna, the earliest reliable information comes from the sermons of St Peter Chrysologus († 450). In his study of the liturgical year, based on these sermons, Franco Sottocornola argues that the feast of Christmas on December 25 was introduced at Ravenna prior to its introduction in the East and did not, as some scholars had previously proposed, find its way to the Italian city from Syria.106 When we turn to the Church of North Africa, we know from a Christmas sermon by Optatus, bishop of Milevis in Numidia and a contemporary of Pope Damasus I († 384),107 that by the second half of the fifth century the visit of the Magi and the manifestation of Christ to the Gentiles had been combined with the birth of Christ and the adoration of the shepherds into a single feast on December 25.108 This corresponds to the practice that existed in Rome from at least 336 and suggests that the feast of the Epiphany on January 6 was introduced into the liturgical calendar of the North African Church some time after 372. Augustine’s Sermon 190 confirms that he regarded December 25 as the historical date of Jesus’ birth, chosen by the Saviour himself because of the symbolism of light and darkness that occurs at the winter solstice.109 104 Puerari (1992), 381–406. See especially 381–85. For the critical edition of Maximus’ sermons from which Puerari worked, see CCSL 23, 44–52, 269–74, 398–410. 105 Puerari, (1992), 386. 106 Sottocornola (1973), 251–79. See especially 268–73. 107 On p. xxii of the preface to his translation of Optatus’ Against the Donatists, Vassall-Phillips (1917) deduces from evidence provided by St Jerome that the work was written between 372 and 376. Even though the date of Optatus’ death is not known, we can be certain that he was active during the second half of the fourth century. 108 See Wilmart (1922), 271–302, especially pp. 278–80. Wilmart suggests that this sermon was written during the reign of the emperor Julian (362–63). 109 Augustine, Sermo 190, (PL 38), 1007A): Dominus noster Jesus qui erat apud Patrem antequam natus esset ex matre, non solum virginem de qua nasceretur, sed et diem quo nasceretur, elegit […] Nam et dies nativitatis ejus, habet mysterium lucis ejus […] ideo die Natalis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et nox incipit perpeti detrimenta, et dies sumere augmenta. ‘Our Lord Jesus, who was with the Father before He was born of His Mother, chose not only the Virgin of whom He was born, but also the day on which His birth took place. […] The day of His nativity holds the mystery of His light, […] therefore, on the birthday of our Lord Jesus Christ, night began to suffer diminution and day began to increase.’ English tr. from FC 38, 23–24.

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In Spain, canon 4 the Council of Saragossa (380) is often used as evidence that the feasts of Christmas and Epiphany were already in existence,110 but Connell argues that ‘there is no confirmation anywhere of the celebration of Christmas on December 25 in Spain in 380 or before in any church or any text contemporary with this council.’111 Moreover, there is actually no mention at all of Christmas in this text, and if Christmas had indeed been celebrated on December 25, then surely it would not have been nominated as a fast day. For evidence of what was happening in Gaul, we must turn to the Roman History written in the late fourth century by the soldier Ammianus Marcellius which notes that the emperor Julian († 363) – known to history as Julian the Apostate – went into a Christian church in Vienne ‘on the day of the festival at the beginning of January, which the Christians call Epiphany and offered solemn public prayer to their God.112 Writing many centuries later, the twelfth-century monk John Zonaras records this event as having happened on the feast of the Nativity in the year 361.113 Despite the fact that Ammianus does not specifically name the festival as a celebration of the birth of Christ and that Zonaras does not give an exact date for the feast of the Nativity, we can conclude that in the year 361 the birth of Christ was probably celebrated in Gaul on January 6. From this brief exploration of the celebration of Christ’s birth in both East and West, it is clear that the content of the feast varied according to geography and theological context. And while Christ’s birth was definitely celebrated with a specific feast in both the East and the West from at least the fourth century, the establishment of any stable period of preparation for the feast did not emerge until much later. What did develop, however, were a number of practices sometimes linked with the celebration of the feast of the Nativity and sometimes quite independent from it which, over time, were either adopted or drawn upon and contributed to the eventual establishment of the liturgical period that now bears the name ‘Advent.’ In exploring these I will first consider the emphasis on the historical context of Christ’s birth. My attention will then turn to the emergence of the feast of Mary Theotokos as a corrective to heresy. The third of the practices to be considered will be the Ember days in Rome. Finally, the question of baptismal preparation and Epiphany baptisms will be considered.

110 Council of Saragossa, canon 4, (Mansi 3, 634): Viginti et uno die, a XVI Kal. Januarii usque in diem Epiphaniae, que est VIII Idus Januarii, continuis diebus nulli liceat de ecclesia se absentare nec latere in dominibus nec secedere ad villam nec montes petere nec nudis pedibus incedere, sed concurrere ad ecclesiam; ‘For twenty-one days, from the 16 Kalends of January [December 17] until the day of Epiphany, which is the 8 Ides of January [ January 6], for continuous days no one should be absent from church or stay hidden at home or go away to the country-house or to the mountains or run around barefoot, but all should come together in church.’ English tr. ours. 111 Connell (2000), 364. 112 See Book 21, 2 of Ammianus Marcellinus, The History of Rome, tr. Yonge, (1911) 246. 113 See Book 13, 11 of The History of Zonaras, Banchich and Lane, (2009) 170: ‘He himself [ Julian] when the day of our Savior’s birthday celebration had arrived, entered the church and, after he had knelt in order to seem to the soldiers to be of the same belief, departed.’

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Emphasising the historical context of Christ’s birth.

In the past scholars have contended that continuous reading of individual gospels and letters of the apostles within the liturgy was common practice in the earliest years of the Church. Even Thomas Talley suggests that the continuous reading was arranged in such a way as to ‘bring the liturgical community to the passion narrative at the following Passover.’114 However, Cyrille Vogel argues that ‘such a systematic way of reading the Bible for purposes of instruction and edification certainly existed in the early Church but not at the Eucharist.’115 Even if readings at the Eucharist were restricted to the New Testament letters and the Gospels, it is logical that readings, including those from the prophets, appropriate for major feasts would interrupt any system of continuous reading, at first for Easter and Pentecost and then, later, for Christmas and the Ascension.116 Thus, the passages from the writings of the prophets that foretold the birth of the Messiah and the chapters from the gospels of Matthew and Luke that spoke of the events leading up to Jesus’ birth were incorporated early into Christian worship. An examination of the earliest surviving lectionary material – the ancient Armenian lectionary already referred to in this work – reveals that in early fifth-century Jerusalem the celebration of Christ’s birth on January 6 was preceded by a vigil and extended across eight days.117 The vigil consisted of two gatherings, the first of which began ‘at the Place of the Shepherds, at the tenth hour’ and included Lk 2:8–20, the annunciation of Christ’s birth to the shepherds and their visit to the manger. The second gathering, following immediately after the first, took place ‘in the cave in Bethlehem’ concluding with Mt 2:1–12, the visit of the Magi to the infant Christ. At dawn on January 6 itself, the faithful gathered ‘at the Holy Martyrium in the City’ where Mt 1:18–25, the revelation to Joseph that the child Mary carried was conceived in her by the Holy Spirit, was the gospel reading. In the course of the next seven days, readings were taken from Mt 2:13–23, the story of the flight into Egypt, Lk 1:26–38, the annunciation to Mary that she was to be the mother of the Saviour, Lk 1:39–56, the visit by Mary to Elizabeth, Lk 2:1–7, the birth of Jesus, until on the eighth day ‘the canon of synaxes of the Holy Epiphany was finished’ with the reading of Lk 2:21, the circumcision of Jesus. The only two days which did not include a reading concerning the events surrounding the birth of Christ were day two, which celebrated the martyrdom of St Stephen and day six, when the death and raising to life of Lazarus was recounted. Thus it is clear that at Jerusalem the use of the infancy narratives from the gospels of Matthew and Luke were used to put the birth of Christ into historical context.

114 115 116 117

Talley (1986), 131. Vogel (1986), 300. Vogel (1986), 300. Renoux (1971). The information regarding the lections for the Epiphany occurs at the beginning of Renoux’s reconstruction of the Armenian lectionary. All citations in this section of the paper are taken from Renoux’s table.

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Where there is no extant document to indicate the particular readings, it is often possible to deduce what the readings were by reference to homilies preached at that time. In pointing to the strong emphasis on salvation history in the Eastern Churches, Thierry Maertens cites as evidence a number of homilies on the first two chapters of Luke’s gospel delivered immediately prior to the celebration of the Nativity.118 Specifically, he refers to a set of homilies by Antipater of Bostra († c. 458) on John the Baptist and Mary which, if they are to be taken as genuine, appear to have been delivered on consecutive Sundays before Christmas.119 The indication for this is in the introduction to the second homily: ‘On the previous Sunday an interpretation about the Precursor was given.’120 It seems reasonable to assume that the homilies preached by bishop Antipater would have followed the corresponding readings from the gospel of Luke. Maerten’s second reference is to the patriarch Severus, bishop of Antioch 512–18, who, according to the research carried out by Anton Baumstark, provided a commentary on the first chapter of Luke’s gospel on the two Sundays prior to the feast of the Nativity, known as ‘Sundays of the Annunciation.’121 In the West, the homilies of St Peter Chrysologus show a similar effort to place the birth of Christ in its historical context, with emphasis on the events leading up to and including the birth of Christ. Of the twenty-two homilies for Christmas, eleven deal solely with the ‘double annunciation’ of the birth of John the Baptist and the birth of Jesus to be found in the first chapter of Luke’s gospel.122 Sottocornola admits that it is not possible to say with any certainty whether or not the homilies were delivered on successive Sundays, but he favours the theory that the pericope on the annunciation to Zachary belonged to the second Sunday before Christmas while that on the annunciation to Mary fell on the Sunday immediately prior to the feast of Christmas.123 He also stresses the point that these homilies have as their focus the birth of Christ and cannot in any way be construed as indicating a separate feast in honour of John the Baptist or Mary immediately prior to Christmas.124 Whether such a feast existed in other churches is not the concern of Sottocornola; his point is that this was not the case in Ravenna.

118 Maertens (1961), 49. 119 O’Carroll claims that a section of the first of these, On John the Baptist, is probably genuine, but that there are doubts about the second, On the Annunciation of the most holy Mother of God. See O’Carroll (1982), 376. 120 Antipater Bostrensis, In Sanctissime Deiparae Annuntiationem, (PG 85, 1776D): Προέδραμεν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ Κυριακῇ ἡ ἑξήγησις ἡ περὶ τοῦ Προδρόμου – ‘Anteacta die Dominica interpretatio praecessit, quae circa Praecursor versatur.’ 121 As his source for these homilies Maertens cites Baumstark (1897) 31–66. While Severus lived almost a century later than Antipater, Baumstark’s work on the liturgy of the Syrian Jacobites supports the hypothesis that this practice was in place before the schism of 451, and therefore contemporary with the homilies of Antipater of Bostra. 122 The sermons in question are numbers 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 140, 141, 142, 143 and 144. See Sottocornola (1973), 256–57. 123 Sottocornola (1973), 258–59. 124 As had been done by Jugie (1923), 131.

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Countering heresy: the feast of Mary Theotokos prior to the Nativity of Christ in the East

While some churches included readings and preaching about Mary in the context of the celebration of the birth of Christ without having a specific feast day in her honour, others, particularly in the East, celebrated Mary under the title Theotokos, often in the week prior to Christmas. Although the term Theotokos is usually translated into English by the imprecise phrase ‘Mother of God,’ its true meaning is ‘the one who gave birth to the one who is God.’125 It is the link with the central truths of Christology that makes this title of Mary so important and the reason for its early appearance in both the euchology and theological writings of the Early Church. It is also the reason for its connection with the feast of Christmas. In fact, the earliest known prayer to Mary, using this term, was reputedly found in an Egyptian Christmas liturgy dating from around 250, although written in Greek:126 Ὑπὸ τὴν σὴν εὐσπλαγχνίαν καταφεύγομεν, Θεοτόκε.127

Sub tuum praesidium confugimus, Mater Dei genetrix.

Under your protection we take refuge, O Mother of God.

It seems reasonable to assume that this term would only have been used in the prayers of the liturgy if it already had currency in the vocabulary of the Christian faithful. Evidence of its use in the third and fourth centuries can be found beyond Alexandria: besides being used by Origen († 254) in his Commentary on St Paul’s Letter to the Romans,128 it was used in a discourse on the end of the world attributed to Hippolytus († c. 235),129 in a homily by St Gregory Thaumaturgus († c. 270) on the Annunciation,130 and in an oration of St Methodius († 311) on Simeon and

125 Pelikan (1996), 55. 126 This is based on the evidence of the John Rylands Papyrus 470. For discussion on the context and dating of this papyrus see Roberts (1938), Vol. 3, 46–47. 127 Greek text taken from de Villiers, ‘The Sub Tuum Praesidium,’ published on the website of the New Liturgical Movement. 128 Although the part of Origen’s work containing the term Theotokos is now lost, the historian Socrates, in his Historia Ecclesiastica 7, 32 affirms Origen’s use of this expression. See PG 67, 812B: Καὶ Ὠριγένης δὲ ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τόμῳ τῶν εἰς τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους τοῦ Ἀποστόλου ἐπιστολήν, ἑρμηνεύων πῶς Θεοτόκος λέγεται, πλατέως ἐξήτασε. Origen too, in the first volume of his Commentaries on the apostle’s epistle to the Romans, gives an ample exposition of the sense in which the term Theotokos is used. 129 Ps-Hippolytus, De consummatione mundi, de Antichristo et secondo adventu Jesu Christi, (PG 10, 903– 05): Διὸ δὴ καὶ τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ διὰ σαρκὸς ἐπιδημίαν τῷ κόσμῳ κηρύξαντες, τὴν ἐκ τῆς παναχράντου καὶ Θεοτόκου Μαρίας, γεννήσεώς τε καὶ αὐξήσεως, καὶ τῆς μετὰ ἀνθρώπων ἀναστροφῆς καὶ βιώσεως. ‘they preached of the advent of God in the flesh to the world, his advent by the spotless and God-bearing Mary in the way of birth and growth.’ English tr. from, ANF 5, 242. 130 Gregory Thaumaturgus, Homilia II, In Annuntiatione sanctae Virginis Mariae, (PG 10, 1156B): Ἑορτὰς μὲν ἁπάσας καὶ ὑμνῳδίας, δέον ἡμᾶς θυσιῶν δίκην προσφέρειν τῷ Θεῷ· πρώτην δέ πάντων, τὸν Εὐαγγελισμὸν τῆς ἁγίας Θεοτόκου. ‘It is our duty to present to God, like sacrifices, all the festivals and hymnal celebrations; and first of all, the Annunciation to the holy Mother of God.’ English tr. from ANF 6, 61.

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Anna,131 to name just a few examples. The debates around Mary as Mother of God were central to the christological controversies raging during the third and fourth centuries. The letter written around the year 370 to Epictetus, bishop of Corinth, by Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria († 373), states clearly the biblical basis (Lk 1:35) for his staunch advocacy of the title: Gabriel announced to [Mary] with caution and prudence, saying not merely, ‘what is born in you’ lest the body be considered to be introduced from outside, but ‘of you’ so that what was born would be believed to be derived from her.132 Notwithstanding the presence of the familiar Marian prayer Sub tuum in the Egyptian liturgy in the mid-third century, most scholars now agree that liturgical expression of devotion to Mary, Theotokos, did not begin in any significant way until the beginning of the fourth century.133 It was more than a century later that it came to a climax after the affirmation of Mary as Theotokos at the Council of Ephesus in 431. As the English scholar, Mary Cunningham, notes, it is around this time that ‘preachers such as Proclus of Constantinople, Cyril of Alexandria, Hesychius of Jerusalem and others began to produce ornate, laudatory sermons in her honour.’134 The fact that the extensive surviving homiletic corpus of John Chrysostom, bishop of Constantinople between 398 and 404, does not contain any sermon preached specifically on Mary, suggests that the Marian feast had not yet been established in the imperial city at that time.135 It is in the cathedral of Constantinople, however, that the most famous sermon on Mary as Theotokos was delivered by the bishop Proclus in the presence of the heretic Nestorius and his followers, whose teachings he was refuting. Significantly, it is not a liturgical text, but rather this homily, with its spirited defence of the term Theotokos, that provides the earliest indication of a Marian feast day in Constantinople in the early fifth century. Nicholas Constas’ definitive study on Proclus’ four homilies admits that while the ‘precise location [of the feast] within the liturgical calendar has proven to be somewhat […] elusive […] it was delivered within the cycle of celebrations surrounding the Nativity.’136 A study of sources close in time to the homily in question enables Constas to conclude that the most probable date of Proclus famous delivery was 26 December 430137 despite earlier studies having placed it on the Sunday before the feast of the Nativity.138 Regardless of these differences

131 See Methodius, De Simeone et Anna, quo die Dominio in templo occurrerunt; ac de sancta Deipara, (PG 18, 381B): Διὰ τοῦτο ἐκλιπαροῦμέν σε τὴν ἀμείνω πάντων […] παναγία Θεοτόκε. ‘Wherefore, we pray you, the most excellent among women […] O holy Mother of God.’ English tr. from ANF 6, 393. 132 Athanasius, Epistula ad Epictetum, 5, (PG 26, 1058C): Καὶ ὁ Γαβριὴλ δὲ ἀσφαλῶς εὐηγγελίζετο αὐτῇ, λέγων οὐχ ἁπλῶς, τὸ γεννώμενον ἐν σοί, ἵνα μὴ ἔξωθεν ἐπεισαγόμενον αὐτῇ σῶμα νομισθῇ. 133 Cunningham (2011), 163–64. 134 Cunningham (2011), 164. 135 Fassler (2001), 30. 136 Constas (2003) 57. 137 Constas (2003), 58. 138 For example, Jugie (1923), 131, concludes that the homily was delivered on the Sunday before Nativity in 428.

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of opinion concerning precise dates, the consensus of scholars is that the context of this homily is the feast of the Nativity of the Lord. That the homily was delivered on a feast day commemorating Mary, the Virgin Mother of God, is supported by the opening words: ‘The Virgin’s festival, my brethren, summons us today to words of praise.’139 A few lines further on, the particularity of the feast is made clear: ‘For the holy Mother of God, Mary, the untarnished vessel of virginity, has called us here together.’140 The underlying reason for this feast lies in the paradox of Mary being both mother and virgin, which, for Proclus, is ‘an extension of the greater paradox of [the unity and duality in] Christ […] [and] thus an important key to the mystery of the incarnate Word, who is both Son of God and the Son of the Virgin.’141 As noted earlier, this explains both the importance of the title Theotokos and the proximity of this Marian feast to the feast of the Nativity, in a period of the Church’s history when christological controversies abounded and the divinity of Christ was questioned. In a scholarly study comparing the earliest Marian feasts in Constantinople and Jerusalem, Margot Fassler draws the texts associated with the Jerusalem celebration from the Armenian Lectionary of the early fifth century142 and those associated with Constantinople from the typicon of Hagia Sophia.143 She points out that while this latter source dates from the eighth century, ‘several texts that figure prominently in the sermons of Proclus are found in this liturgical material also, and thus are candidates for liturgical use in the early fifth century.’144 For example, the readings used on the Marian feast that was celebrated during the Octave of Epiphany – which in Jerusalem also celebrated the birth of Jesus – included Luke 1:26–38, where the annunciation of the birth of the Lord by the archangel Gabriel is described, and Galatians 4:1–7, where reference is made to ‘the fullness of time [when] God sent his son, made of a woman, made under the Law.’ Four verses of this same text (Gal 4:4–7) were used in Constantinople for the feast of the Nativity itself. The two homilies ‘for a feast of the Holy Virgin’ by Hesychius of Jerusalem († c. 451) are also based on the Lukan text and extol Mary as ‘the one who willingly received in her womb the Word of God.’145 Texts that probably originated in the East to celebrate Mary as ‘the one who gave birth to the One who is God’ were transported to feasts like the Dormition of Mary (Assumption) and the Annunciation, celebrated in later centuries on August 15 and 139 Constas (2003), 59. For the Greek see Proclus, Oratio 1, (PG 65, 680): Παρθενικὴ πανήγυρις σήμερον τὴν γλῶτταν ἡμῶν, ἀδελφοί, πρὸς εὐφημίαν καλεῖ. 140 Constas (2003), 59 For the Greek see PG 65, 681: Συνεκάλεσε γὰρ ἡμᾶς νῦν ἐνταῦθα ἡ ἁγία θεοτόκος Μαρία. 141 Constas (2003), 60–61. 142 See Renoux (1971). As noted earlier, the ‘Lectionary’ is reconstructed from two main manuscripts: Paris Bibliotheque Nationale MS 44, dated between the eighth to tenth centuries, and Codex Jerusalem 121, of which folios 1–612 are a translation of the old lectionary of Jerusalem, while folios 613–98 are fragments of diverse lectionaries. 143 See Mateos (1962–3). 144 Fassler (2001), 42–43. 145 Hesychius, De Sancta Maria Deipara, (PG 93, 1453A): ὡς καὶ αὐτὸν Θεὸν λόγον ἐθέλοντα ὑποδέξασθαι χωρηθέντα παρ’ αὐτῆς ἀστενοχωρήτως.

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March 25 respectively. The meticulous exploration of early texts by recent scholars like Nicholas Constas and Margot Fassler have established that the feast of Mary, Theotokos was a feature of the complex of feasts that occurred in the early fifth century in Constantinople around the feast of the Nativity and perhaps also in Jerusalem. This situation existed long before the concept of an ‘Advent season’ developed but its early establishment and its importance in resolving the christological controversies that questioned either the divinity or the humanity of Christ saw it remain an important element when such a season did indeed develop. Ember days in Rome

While the precise origins of Ember Days are unknown, Joseph Jungmann speaks of them as being ‘among the most ancient institutions of the Roman liturgy,’146 noting that the earliest sources indicate that they originally numbered three, not four. The Liber Pontificalis supports this, and ascribes to Pope Callistus († 222) the rule of fasting from wheat, wine and oil on the first Saturday of the fourth, seventh and tenth months.147 Early scholarship on the origins of the liturgical year linked the Ember days with the ancient Roman practice of imploring the help of the gods at the beginning of the seeding, harvesting and vintage periods,148 but more recent scholarship has rejected this theory even though, as Thomas Talley acknowledges, ‘the atmosphere of thanksgiving that runs through the nine sermons we have from Leo I for the December fast […] is consistent with the celebration of agricultural bounty.’149 In these sermons, Leo I indicates that he regards the Ember Days as originating with the apostles themselves, citing Paul’s injunction to the Thessalonians to ‘rejoice always, pray without ceasing: in all things giving thanks’150 and concluding with the admonition to fast on the Wednesday and Friday and ‘on Saturday […] [to] keep vigil with the blessed apostle Peter.’151 He sets out clearly the reasons for fasting, prayer and almsgiving: Propitiation of God is sought by prayer, concupiscence of the flesh is extinguished by fasting, and sins are redeemed by almsgiving. Through all of them at the same time, the image of God is renewed in us – provided we are always ready to praise him, concerned about him without respite, and constantly intent upon supporting our neighbour. This threefold observance, dearly beloved, encompasses the 146 Jungmann (1960), 271. 147 Liber Pontificalis XVII notes that Pope Callistus ‘instituted a fast day thrice in the year, according to the word of the prophet, of the fourth, of the seventh, and of the tenth month.’ See Duchesne (1955), Vol. I, 62: Hic costituit ieiunium sabbati ter in anno fieri, frumenti, vini et olei secundum prophetiam quarti septimi et decimi mensis. 148 See, for example, Morin (1897), 337–46. 149 Talley (1986), 149. For the sermons of Leo I on the fast of the tenth month see PL 54, 168–90. 150 1Thessalonians 5:16. 151 Leo I, Sermo 12, (PL 54, 172A): Quarta igitur et sexta feria jejunemus; sabbato autem apud beatissimum apostoloum Petrum vigilias celebremus.

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effects of all virtues. It brings us to the image and likeness of God and makes us inseparable from the Holy Spirit. Prayer sustains a correct faith, fasting an innocent life, and almsgiving a kind disposition.152 And while these three activities are appropriate at any time in the life of the Christian, Leo I points out that they are especially appropriate at harvest time, when ‘each might remember so to use his abundance as to be more abstinent in himself and more open-handed towards the poor.’153 Nowhere in the nine sermons does Leo I refer to the soon-to-be-celebrated feast of the birth of Christ, but he does introduce an eschatological note in that he advocates abstinence here and now as an antidote to the ‘surfeiting and drunkenness, and cares of this life’154 in preparation for the final judgment, the day of which remains hidden. This reference to the second coming of Christ is taken up more directly in the following decades, as a period devoted specifically to preparation for the feast of Christmas develops in Rome, reaching its full form during the pontificate of Gregory I († 604). Prior to this time, however, the penitential and eschatological aspects characteristic of the Roman Ember Days existed in their own right as part of the regular focus of the Church on prayer, fasting and almsgiving throughout the year. It would have been a simple matter, nevertheless, to integrate them into an ‘Advent’ season. Baptismal preparation and Epiphany baptisms

From very early in the life of the Church, fasting was part of the weekly routine of the Christian, who was urged to fast on all Wednesdays and Fridays.155 The three days prior to Easter were fast days as well. But fasting was also part of the immediate preparation for baptism, as is evidenced by numerous documents from different geographical locations. The Didache156 instructs that ‘before the baptism let the baptiser and him who is to be baptised fast, and any others who are able,’ then adds: ‘And thou shalt bid him

152 Leo I, Sermo 12, English tr., (FC 93, 53). 153 Leo I, Sermo 16, (PL 54, 177A): […] ut omnium fructuum collectione conclusa, rationabilis Deo abstinentia, dicaretur, ut et circa se abstinentior, et circa pauperes esset effusior. 154 This reference from Luke 22:34 occurs in Sermo 19: Carete, inquit, ne forte graventur corda vestra in crapula, et ebrietate, et cogitationibus saecularibus. See PL 54, 185C. 155 Evidence of such a practice can be found in such early Christian sources as the Didache 8, 1: ‘Let not your fasts be with the hypocrites, for they fast on Mondays and Thursdays, but do you fast on Wednesdays and Fridays,’ (See Lake (1912), 321); in the Stromata 7, 12 of Clement of Alexandria: ‘He [the Gnostic labourer] knows also the enigmas of the fasting of those days – I mean the Fourth and the Preparation.’ (See ANF 2, 545). Note also Origen’s, Homilies on Leviticus, 10, 2: ‘We have forty days of holy fasting, and we have the fourth and sixth day of the week on which we solemnly fast.’ (See FC 83, 207); and Tertullian’s, De ieiunio 14, 2: ‘Why do we devote the fourth and sixth days of the week to Stations, and the preparation-day to fasts?’ (See ANF 4, 112); for Latin text see CSEL 20, 274–97. 156 The date and provenance of this document are still highly disputed among scholars. However, most agree that it presents a picture of the very earliest stages of the Church’s order and practice and probably originated in Syria or Palestine. See, for example, Crossan (1999), 372–73.

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who is to be baptised to fast one or two days beforehand.’157 Justin Martyr, writing in Rome in the mid-second century, notes that before being led ‘to a place where there is water and they are regenerated in the same manner in which we ourselves were regenerated,’ those seeking baptism ‘are taught in prayer and fasting to ask God to forgive their past sins, while we pray and fast with them.’158 Origen of Alexandria († 253) preached a homily, obviously addressed to catechumens, in the early third century, exhorting them to ‘do penance that you may receive in baptism the forgiveness of your sins.’159 The Apostolic Constitutions simply enjoin the one to be baptised to fast.160 Bradshaw and Johnson point out that since beyond Rome and North Africa fasting was generally prohibited on all Saturdays apart from the day before Easter, such an instruction would preclude baptisms on other Sundays of the year for most Churches.161 We know, however, that baptisms did indeed take place on Sundays other than Easter Sunday in a number of locations. In a homily delivered on the day after Epiphany in 381, Gregory Nazianzen admonished those seeking baptism to ‘receive the Enlightenment in due season’ and not to delay it on the grounds of preferring to be baptised at Epiphany, Easter or Pentecost.162 Clearly, baptisms were taking place in Cappadocia on all three feasts as well as other times of the year. Regarding the Church in Syria, Maxwell Johnson notes that ‘while early Syrian sources [do not indicate] a preferred day or season for the celebration of the rites of Christian initiation […] if any day was preferred it most likely would have been January 6, the Feast of the Epiphany.’163 He bases this conclusion on the evidence that the Feast of the Epiphany was, at least initially for the Eastern Churches, ‘the celebration of Jesus’ “beginnings,” that is, his birth in Bethlehem and his “birth” in the Jordan,’164 and that Syrian baptismal theology was based on the new birth theology of John 3 and images of baptismal adoption rather than on the theology of Romans 6.165 In the West, the letter of Pope Siricius to Bishop Himerius of Tarragona in 385166 makes it clear that in northern Spain, at least, baptisms were taking place not only at Easter, but at Christmas, Epiphany and on the feasts of the apostles and martyrs, 157 See the Didache 7, 4; πρὸ δὲ τοῦ βαπτίσματος προνηστευσάτω ὁ βαπτίζων καὶ ὁ βαπτιζόμενος καὶ εἴ τινες ἄλλοι δύνανται· κελεύεις δὲ νηστεῦσαι τὸν βαπτιζόμενον πρὸ μιᾶς ἢ δύο. Greek text and English translation taken from Lake (1912), Vol. 1, 321. 158 Justin Martyr, The First Apology 61, (FC 6, 99). 159 Origen, In Lucam Homilia 21 (tr. into Latin by Jerome) (PG 13, 1855): venite, catechumeni, agite poenitentiam, ut in remissionem peccatorum baptisma consequamini. English tr., (FC 94, 89). 160 See the Apostolic Constitutions 7, 22, English tr. (ANF 7, 469). The Apostolic Constitutions, a collection of early ecclesiastical laws and practices, are generally dated by scholars as being predominantly from the second and third centuries, with some additions from the fourth and fifth centuries and probably originating in Syria. 161 Bradshaw and Johnson (2011), 75. 162 Gregory of Nazianzen, Oratio 40, In sanctum baptisma, 24. Greek text, (PG 36, 392); English tr., (NPNF2 Vol. 7, 368). 163 Johnson (2007), 59. 164 Johnson (2007), 59. 165 Johnson (2007), 113. 166 Written in 384 in response to a letter written by Bishop Himerius to Pope Damasus. Since Damasus died before he could reply, his successor undertook to do so.

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despite the fact that Pope Siricius declares that the ‘the Lord’s Resurrection and Pentecost claim this privilege specially for themselves.’167 Sixty years later, Pope Leo I († 461) wrote to the bishops of Sicily expressing astonishment that baptism could be celebrated at Epiphany, ‘contrary to the tradition of the apostles.’168 The practice of fasting before baptism has already been noted above, but fasting was only one element in the context of pre-baptismal preparation, which also included catechesis and prayer. A number of scholars, in trying to determine the origins of Lent, have come to the conclusion that ‘in its origins […] “Lent” has nothing to do with Easter at all but everything to do with the final training of candidates for baptism.’169 One such scholar was Antoine Chavasse, whose patient and meticulous research on the early Roman lectionaries enabled him to reconstruct an original three-week Lenten period that included Holy Week.170 Similarly, Mario F. Lages has argued that a comparable pattern of a three-week preparation by catechumens, prior to a paschal baptism, existed in early Jerusalem practice, a conclusion drawn from his study of the Armenian and Georgian Lectionaries.171 If, then, we combine the evidence that baptisms took place at Epiphany with the evidence of a three-week period of pre-baptismal preparation that included fasting, it might be possible to link this and the three weeks of intensified prayer leading up to the feast of the Epiphany that existed in Spain towards the end of the fourth century – as evidenced by canon four of the Council of Saragossa (380)172 – especially since Epiphany baptisms occurred in regions of Spain at this time. Unfortunately, no documentary evidence exists to support the theory that the pre-Epiphany asceticism was linked to baptismal preparation, but such conjecture is not implausible. Each of the elements discussed above – emphasis on the historical context of Christ’s birth, the instigation of a feast of Mary, Theotokos, to counter heresies concerning the humanity and divinity of Christ, the custom of Ember days in Rome and the practice of a three-week period of preparation prior to baptisms not only at Easter but also Epiphany – arose because of particular local circumstances. None of them can be said to constitute a dedicated period of preparation for the feast of the Nativity of the Lord, even though traces of each will be found in the Roman Advent when it is finally established. It is not, however, in Rome that a period of preparation prior to the feast of Christmas, truly resembling the modern time of Advent first appears. For this we must turn to Northern Italy and Gaul and the evidence provided by homilies and liturgical books.

167 Letter of Pope Siricius to Bishop Himerius of Tarragona, 385, (PL 13, 1134–38). English translation is taken from Somerville and Brasington (1998), 36–39. 168 Leo I, Letter 16, 2: ‘[…] you depart from the practice of the Apostles’ constitution by administering the sacrament of baptism to greater numbers on the feast of the Epiphany than at Easter-tide.’ English tr., (NPNF2, Vol. 12, 27). For Latin, see PL 54, 696B: ab apostolicae instituionis consuetiduine discrepare, […] baptismi sacramentum numerosius in die Epiphaniae quam in paschali tempore celebretis. 169 Johnson (1995), 136. 170 See Chavasse (1948), 325–81 and (1952), 76–119. 171 See Lages (1969), 67–102. 172 Council of Saragossa, canon 4, (Mansi 3, 634).

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Anticipating the feast of Christmas in Northern Italy and Gaul Northern Italy

The sermons of Maximus of Turin referred to earlier in this chapter,173 in particular, Sermons 60 and 61, indicate an intentional liturgical preparation for the feast of the Nativity of the Lord in Turin in the mid-fourth century. The second of these two sermons urges the listeners to welcome the ‘upcoming festival’ while the first affirms that ‘the birth of the Lord is near.’174 Although the length of this preparatory period is not clear, Milena Puerari concludes that, since these sermons were delivered on successive Sundays, it must have comprised at least the two weeks leading up to Christmas, but hesitates to give to it the appellation ‘Advent,’ suggesting that such a move would be ‘an anachronistic interpretation […] according to the usage from the sixth to the eighth centuries, originating in Rome and denoting a precise liturgical time.’175 These sermons encourage a certain asceticism, a ‘cleansing of the faults of the soul’176 with tears and humility, vigils, fasting, chastity, mercy, meekness and almsgiving. Maximus frames the necessity for such activities in the context of making beautiful the ‘interior garment’ of the soul, so that it might resemble the glory of Christ at the moment of his transfiguration, and the purity and grace of the Virgin at the moment of Christ’s conception. Filastrius of Brescia, writing towards the end of the fourth century, provides evidence of a time of fasting before the feast of the Nativity of the Lord,177 but gives no indication of a time-frame. A decade later, however, eleven sermons of Peter Chrysologus, bishop of Ravenna, indicate a pre-Christmas period of preparation comparable to that of Turin. The study of these sermons by Franco Sottocornola178 reveals that this period of preparation was expressly liturgical, focusing on the historical facts of the annunciation of the births of John the Baptist and Jesus to Zachariah and Mary, as expressed in the first chapter of Luke’s gospel. Six of the sermons (86, 87, 88, 90, 91 and 92) are a commentary on Lk 1:5–25, while the remaining five deal with Lk 1:26–38. Sottocornola concludes that these sermons were not all preached within a single pre-Christmas period, but over at least two successive years, and suggests that those dealing with the annunciation to Zachariah were preached on the second Sunday before Christmas while those treating the annunciation to Mary were reserved to the Sunday immediately prior to the feast.179 He also stresses that these two Sundays

173 Maximus of Turin, Sermonum collectio antiqua, nonnullis sermonibus extravagantibus adiectis, (CCSL 23, 240–47); English tr., Ramsey, (1989), 144–49. 174 Puerari (1992), 387. 175 Puerari (1992), 388. 176 Maximus of Turin, Sermo 60, 3, (CCSL 23). 177 Filastrius of Brescia, Diversarum Haereseon Liber, 149, 3. Latin text, (CCSL 9, 312). English tr. Connell, (2007), 58. 178 Sottocornola (1973). 179 Sottocornola (1973), 259.

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are not ‘feasts’ of either John the Baptist or of Mary, but occasions for contemplating the events leading up to the birth of Christ, which will be celebrated at the feast of the Nativity.180 Sottocornola is at pains to stress that the character of the ‘Ravennese Advent’ was purely liturgical, with the aim of ‘reviving faith in the Incarnation and the divinity of Christ’ and that it was not linked to any ascetical observances.181 As Martin Connell points out elsewhere, the fact that the Bishop of Ravenna emphasised the meaning of the Incarnation – that Jesus is at the same time truly human and truly divine – comes as no surprise, since the decrees of two of the great ‘christological’ Councils, the Council of Ephesus (431) and the Council of Chalcedon (451) would have been fresh in his mind.182 The exact provenance and date of the famous Rotulus of Ravenna,183 with its forty ‘Advent’ prayers, has never been definitively determined, and so is an unreliable source when trying to establish a date for the development of an Advent season in Northern Italy. Possible evidence for a period of preparation for the feast of the Nativity in Northern Italy, however, comes from the gospel lists contained in the Codices Rehdigeranus and Forojuliensis, which originated from Aquileia, a city at the northern end of the Adriatic Sea.184 While these lists were compiled as late as the seventh century, the fact that the translation of Scriptures used in them is not the Vulgate of Jerome leads scholars to believe that they witness to an earlier period, perhaps the late fourth or early fifth centuries.185 These two codices provide readings for five Sundays prior to the feast of the Nativity. The reading provided by the Rehdigeranus for the First Sunday begins at Mt 24:15 – cum videretes aduminacionem, ‘When you see the coming abomination’ - reflecting the original eschatological aspect of the word adventus. The story of Jesus’ encounter with the Samaritan woman at the well of Sichar ( Jn 4:5ff) is listed in both manuscripts, although for different Sundays. The clear connection between this reading and the final preparation of catechumens for baptism might indicate that baptisms still occurred at Christmas at this time or simply suggest that this had been the practice at some time in the past. However, when only the final two Sundays are taken into account, we find that in both manuscripts the reading given for the Fourth Sunday – that is, the second Sunday before Christmas – begins at Lk 3:1 – while that for the final Sunday before Christmas begins as Lk 1:26. The similarity with the historical/scriptural approach taken at Ravenna is striking. The evidence gleaned from the homilies of Maximus of Turin and Peter Chrysologus of Ravenna indicates a period of preparation for the feast of Christmas in Northern

180 181 182 183

Sottocornola (1973), 259–61. Sottocornola (1973), 266–67. Connell (2000), 359. This parchment prayer scroll has been variously dated as being as early as the mid-fifth century (see Cabrol (1906), 489–520) or as late as the eighth (see Lowe (1938) n. 370). Suitbert Benz, the scholar who has worked most extensively on the Rotulus, dates it from the third quarter of the seventh century (see Benz (1967), Der Rotulus von Ravenna). 184 See Morin (1902), 1–12, and de Bruyne (1912), 208–18. 185 Connell (2000), 361.

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Italy in which emphasis is placed on the historical fact of the Incarnation. The only asceticism called for in the preparation of the individual to celebrate Christ’s birth is that of personal ‘cleansing of the soul’ and charity and almsgiving to the poor and needy. A similarly historical approach can be found in the Ambrose of Milan’s commentary on the gospel of Luke, the first two books of which treat the mystery of the incarnation through the annunciations of the births of both John the Baptist and Jesus, and, as Margot Fassler notes, came to play a significant role in medieval homiliaries at Advent, especially those days of the season where incarnational themes were emphasised.186 A quite different approach was taken in Gaul, as we shall now see. Gaul

In his History of the Franks, written c. 576–80, Gregory of Tours records his predecessor, Perpetuus, the sixth bishop of Tours († 490), as having instituted the fasts and feasts that were to be observed in the course of the year. One of these extended from ‘the deposition of St Martin of Tours until the nativity of the Lord,’ and comprised ‘three fasts per week.’187 This period between 11 November and 25 December almost exactly parallels the pre-paschal period of Lent and is obviously ascetic in character, whereas the practices in Northern Italy were, by contrast, clearly liturgical. Josef Jungmann considered that this fast developed from the earlier ‘St Martin’s Lent’ which extended from 11 November until the feast of the Epiphany,188 but Perpetuus’ instructions do not back up this hypothesis. The fast was extended beyond the region of Tours by the ninth canon of the Council of Macon (581): From the feast of Saint Martin until the Nativity of the Lord, there will be fasting on the second, fourth and sixth days, and the sacrifice will be celebrated as for Lent. We have decided that on those days the canons will be read with particular emphasis so that no-one can claim to have missed carrying this out from ignorance.189 Whether or not this pre-Christmas fast was supported liturgically by ‘Advent’ readings cannot be clearly determined. The earliest extant lectionary material from Gaul comes to us via the palimpsest codex Weissenburgensis 76 of Wolfenbüttel, which derives from the south of Gaul around the year 500, and has been published by

186 Fassler and Baltzer (2000), 19. 187 Gregory of Tours, Histoire des Francs, Liber X, cap. 31, par 7 = Les Classiques de L’Histoire de France au Moyen Âge 28 (1970), 318: De depositione domini Martini usque natale Domini terna in septimana ieiunia. 188 Jungmann (1937), 341–90. See especially 345–50. 189 Basdevant and Gaudemet, (1989) (= SC 354), 432: Ut a feria sancti Martini usque ad natale Domini secunda, quarta et sexta sabbati ieiunetur et sacrificia quadragesimali debeant ordine celebrari. In quibus diebus canones legendos esse speciali definitione sancimus, ut nullus se fateatur per ignorantiam deliquisse.

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Alban Dold.190 The Canadian scholar Gaston Fontaine argues that the four biblical references (Rm 15:9–13, Mt 20:29–21:2, Mk 11:2 and Mt 21:3) reflect a ‘climate of Advent’191 and were mistakenly ascribed by Dold to the feast of the Circumcision. The reading from Romans, for example was read in both Gaul and Rome from the sixth and seventh centuries onwards on a Sunday of Advent, while at least one of the gospel references – Mt 21:1–11 – which relates the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem, was also commonly used as an Advent gospel.192 However, it does not seem possible to make any explicit connection between the days of fasting ordered by either Perpetuus of Tours or the Council of Macon and the ‘Advent’ readings. Conclusion

It is clear that pre-Christmas practices existed in both Northern Italy and in Gaul in the fifth and sixth centuries. It is also clear that these practices were distinct and local, one being primarily liturgical in character, the other primarily ascetical. To ascribe to either the appellation ‘Advent’ would be anachronistic and not warranted by the evidence. However, it is likely that these practices influenced the character of the period of time that the Roman Church eventually set aside for the specific purpose of preparing for the coming of Christ in both history and majesty, and came to know as Advent. While the earliest sources provide information about the style and character of pre-Christmas practices, they do not give any clear indication of a time frame. However, we know from later sources that a six-week liturgical preparation will become characteristic of the Ambrosian Rite in Milan and the Mozarabic Rite of Spain, paralleling the 40-day St Martin’s Lent of Gaul. Evidence suggests that the earliest Roman Advent also covered a span of six Sundays. It is to the Roman Advent that we now turn.

Advent in Rome When it comes to research on the development of the liturgical year in Rome, the French scholar Antoine Chavasse holds a unique place, due to his study of the early liturgical sources and his ability to reconstruct archetypes of no longer extant manuscripts. Concentrating in particular on the readings and prayers prescribed for the weeks leading up to the feast of Christmas, he determined when Advent was established in Rome and its theological content.193 In the 1970s Gaston Fontaine surveyed the entire range of lections for Advent in the Roman lectionaries from 190 Dold (1936). 191 Fontaine, G., [Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 1979], 29. 192 Fontaine notes that the reference to Mk 11:2 would simply be an example of the practice of centonisation, that is to say, the addition of texts from elsewhere for the purpose of adding material not included in the original text. 193 See especially Chavasse (1953), 297–308; Chavasse (1958), 411–25; Chavasse (1955), 17–24.

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the earliest times to the present for his doctoral dissertation194 and was able to corroborate or refine the work already carried out by Chavasse. More recently Chavasse’s methodology of reconstruction of lost manuscripts which are then used as the basis for his theories has been called into question,195 however, until further scholarship indicates otherwise, his work continues to be regarded as the most dependable evidence available. Chavasse points to the second half of the sixth century as the time when Rome began to celebrate a recognisable time of Advent.196 By that time the practice of the fast of the tenth month – the Ember Days of December – was well-established, and the Church of Rome incorporated this into its Advent season. The chief sources for the prayer formularies and the scripture readings used during Advent are the Old Gelasian Sacramentary,197 and the Capitulary of Würzburg,198 in combination with the evangelary lists drawn up by Theodor Klauser,199 and the early Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican.200 The Old Gelasian Sacramentary

The Old Gelasian Sacramentary, a Frankish recension of Roman libelli used at Rome in the seventh century, was compiled between 628 and 715 and witnesses to pre-Gregorian liturgical practice.201 Items 80–84 of Book II provide five formularies ‘de Adventum Domini,’ for the Sundays of Advent, followed by ten orations focusing on Advent in general, while item 86 provides formularies for the Wednesday, Friday and Saturday of the tenth month, that is, for the Ember Days of December. This presumes a six-Sunday Advent, since the Vigil Mass of Ember Saturday replaces the Mass of Sunday, a practice denoted by the designation Dominica vacat. Examining the prayers contained within items 80–84, we find that frequently the references to the ‘coming’ of Christ could be interpreted as referring to either 194 195 196 197 198

Fontaine, G. (1979), [unpublished doctoral dissertation]. See, for example, Fassler and Baltzer (2000), ‘Sermons, 43 (footnote 37). Chavasse (1953), 297. Mohlberg ed. (1981). Comes Romanus Wirziburgensis (Codex M.p.th.F.62 der Universtätsbibliothek Würzburg). This document was compiled in the eighth century in England, where the Church in England adopted the Roman liturgy, but reflects Roman usage from the seventh century. For the epistle and gospel lists contained in this Capitulary see Morin (1910), 41–47, and Morin (1911), 296–330. 199 Klauser (1935). 200 The Sermonary of St Peter (Arch.Cap.S.Pietro.C.105 in the Vatican Archives) comes down to us via two direct witnesses: the Homilary of Alan of Farfa, compiled in the eighth century, and the Sermonary of Troyes (Troyes, Bibl. municip., MS 853) The first of these two documents faithfully reproduces the sixth century Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican, apart from six extra homilies added by the scribe himself. See Grégoire (1966), 8 and 17. 201 According to Cyrille Vogel, this dating is able to be ascertained since the Old Gelasian sacramentary contains two feasts celebrating the holy Cross, of which the one celebrated on September 14 was only introduced at Rome after Gregory I had died, and most probably after the True Cross had been recovered from the Persians by the Emperor Heraclius in 628. Moreover, it does not contain the Masses for the Thursdays of Lent that were instituted by Gregory II (715–31). See Vogel (1986), 69.

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or both his coming in the flesh and his coming in glory at the end of time, and only occasionally is the first or second coming clearly nominated. Anton Baumstark, the philologist and liturgist best known for his work Comparative Liturgy, once noted that ‘the great feasts of ancient Christianity are not, by nature, historical commemorations of a particular episode of sacred history, but were instituted to explain the great religious ideas.’202 The prayers composed for these feasts reflect this. The mystery of the Incarnation, by which the Son of God assumed human flesh and revealed God to humanity, has its culmination in the final coming of Christ in glory when the created world comes to an end and God again becomes all in all. As Fernand Nogues expressed so succinctly in reference to the Advent orations in the Gelasian Vetus: ‘the coming of Christ in the flesh and his coming in glory at the end of time are but two phases of the one redemptive Coming.’203 In the time between the first and second comings of Christ, we, his followers, reflect on the Incarnation and look forward to eternal glory. The way we live our lives is guided and directed by this. As precursor to Christ in his first coming, John the Baptist enjoined his followers to ‘Repent, for the kingdom of heaven has come near’ (Mt 3:2). This same call to turn away from sin and towards good is evident in the Advent prayers as Christians look forward to inevitable judgement that will come at the end of time: Prayer no. Latin 1125204

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English

Excita […] corda nostra ad praeparandas unigeniti tui vias: ut per ejus adventum purificatis tibi servire mentibus mereamur.

Rouse our hearts […] to make ready the paths of your only-begotten Son, that through his coming, we may merit to serve you with purified hearts. Consciencias nostras […] cotidie Purify our conscience […] by daily visitando purifica: ut veniente domino visitation, that at the coming of your filio tuo, paratam sibi in nobis inveniat Son, he may find in us a mansion mansionem. prepared for him. Praecinge […] lumbos mentis Gird the loins of our minds by the nostrae divina tua virtute potencium power of your divine strength, so ut venientem dominum nostrum that at the coming of the Lord Jesus Iesum Christum filium tuum digni Christ your Son, we may come to inveniamur aeternae vitae convivio the banquet of eternal life and may et vota caelestium dignitatum ab ipso be worthy to receive from him the percipere mereamur. promised celestial home.

202 Baumstark (1958), 157. 203 Nogues (1937), 240: L’avènement est quelque chose d’indivisible; l’apparition du Christ sur la terre et la parousie sont les deux phases d’un même avènement rédempteur qui n’est pas terminé: Celui qui est venu reviendra, et il nous a dit de veiller, d’attendre. 204 All prayers cited here are taken from Mohlberg ed. (1981), and numbered as they appear in this edition. Eng. tr. ours.

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The eschatological imagery from the parable of the wise virgins – Mt 25:1–13 – whose lamps were prepared for the coming of the bridegroom, whenever that should occur, is also taken up in the Advent prayers: 1128

Fac nos […] pervigiles atque sollicitos adventum expectare Christi filii tui domini nostri, ut dum venerit pulsans, non dormientis peccatis sed vigilantes et in suis inveniat laudibus exultantes.

1134

Animae nostrae […] hoc pocientur desiderio, ut a tuo spiritu inflammentur, ut sicut lampadas divino munere saciati ante conspectum venientis Christi filii tui velut clara lumina fulgeamus Concede […] hanc graciam plebi tuae adventum unigeniti tui cum summa vigilancia expectare, ut sicut ipse auctor noster salutis docuit, velut fulgentes lampadas in eius occursum nostras animas praeparemus.

1136

Make us watchful and alert to await the coming of Christ your Son our Lord, so that when he comes knocking, he may find us not asleep with sin but watching and exulting with praise. May our souls possess this desire that, inflamed by your spirit, and with lamps filled by divine favour, we may shine like bright torches before Christ your Son when he comes. Grant to your people the grace to await the coming of your onlybegotten Son with the greatest vigilance that, as the author of our salvation himself has taught us, we might prepare our souls as lighted lamps, as we hasten to meet him.

Just as this reference to the coming of the bridegroom would have been understood as referring to Christ’s coming at the end of time, so too, the reference to being gathered at the right hand of Christ, would have been understood in the light of Mt 21:31–45. 1139

Da […] cunctae familiae tuae hanc voluntatem in Christo filio tuo domino nostro venienti in operibus iustis aptos occurrere, et eius dexterae sociati regnum mereantur possidere caelesti.

Grant to all your servants […] the resolve to run forth to meet your Christ with righteous deeds at his coming, so that, gathered at his right hand, they may be worthy to possess the heavenly kingdom.

Among the specific references to Christ’s coming as judge or coming in glory are the following: 1145

Praeces populi tui […] clementer exaudi, ut qui de adventu unigeniti tui secundum carnem laetantur, in secundo cum venerit in maiestate sua, praemium aeternae vitae percipiat.

Kindly hear the prayers of your people […] that they who rejoice at the advent of your only begotten Son according to the flesh, may at the second [advent], when he will come in majesty, receive the reward of eternal life.

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1156

Deus, qui nos redempcionis nostrae annua expectacione laetificas, praesta, ut unigenitum filium tuum quem redemptorem laeti suscipimus, venientem quoque iudicem securi videamus.

O God, who gladdens us with the annual expectation of our redemption, grant that your only begotten Son whom we receive with joy as Redeemer, we may also see with confidence when he comes as Judge.

More indirect references to the end times include the pairing of glory and mercy, of judgment and help, and allusions to perpetual grace, eternal life and eternal reward: 1121

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1140

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Excita […] potenciam tuam et magna nobis virtute succurre, ut per auxilium gloriae tuae quod nostra peccata praepediunt indulgenciae tuae propiciacionis acceleret

Rouse your power and come […] and with your great strength succour us, so that with the help of your glory, whatever our sins may hinder, may be speedily accomplished through your mercy. Placare […] humilitatis nostrae Be appeased […] by the prayers and sacrifices of our lowliness, and praecibus et hostiis, et ubi nulla suppetunt suffragia meritorum tuae where no judgement of the merits nobis indulgenciae succerre praesidiis. is sufficient, assist us with the indulgence of your help. Adiuva […] fragilitatem plebis tuae, Help the weakness of your people, ut ad votivo magnae festivitatis effectu that they may hasten towards the et corporaliter gubernata percurrat promised outcome of this great et perpetuam graciam devota mente feast and with faithful heart attain perveniat. perpetual grace. Praesta […] ut redempcionis nostrae Grant […] that the coming solemnity ventura solemnitatis et praesentis nobis of our redemption may bring us both vitae subsidia conferat et aeternae vitae help for the present life and bestow beatitudinis praemis largiatur. the blessed rewards of eternal life. Praesta […] ut filii tui ventua Grant […] that the coming solemnity solemnitatis et praesentis nobis vitae of your Son may bring healing to our remedia conferat et praemia aeterna present life and lead to eternal reward. concedat.

From all these examples it is clear that the ‘coming’ of Christ for which Christians are to be alert and prepared is the second coming of Christ in glory. However, it is also clear that until this second coming Christians are to strive to live godly lives in their present, earthly situation, strengthened by the knowledge and grace of the first coming of Christ in the flesh and by Christ’s ongoing presence with the community of faith through the sacraments, especially the Eucharist. The Capitulary of Würzburg

The Capitulary of Würzburg is the oldest surviving lectionary of the Roman Church, dating from around the year 700, but reflecting Roman practice during the first half

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of the seventh century or even earlier.205 It is divided into three sections: a calendar for the Church of Rome, a list of epistles and a list of gospels, with the readings indicated by incipit and explicit. As with other early manuscripts, both Epistle and Gospel lists begin with readings for the feast of the Birth of Christ. We will deal first with the Epistolary, where the five readings for Advent appear at items 170–74:206 170. DE ADVENTU DNI lec epi bea pauli apo ad roman. FF scientes quia hora est iam nos de somno surgere usq. sed unduite dnm nostrum ihm xpm. (That is, Rom 13:11–14)

Besides this, you know what time it is, how it is now the moment for you to wake from sleep. For salvation is nearer to us now than when we became believers; the night is far gone, the day is near. Let us then lay aside the works of darkness and put on the armour of light; let us live honourably as in the day, not in revelling and drunkenness, not in debauchery and licentiousness, not in quarrelling and jealousy. Instead, put on the Lord Jesus Christ. 171. DE ADVENTU DNI The days are surely coming, says the Lord, when I will lec lib hieremi prof. Ecce dies raise up for David a righteous Branch, and he shall execute venient dicit dns suscitabo justice and righteousness in the land. In his days Judah will david germen iustum usq. et be saved and Israel will live in safety. And this is the name habitabunt in terra sua dicit by which he will be called: ‘The Lord is our righteousness.’ dns. (That is, Jer. 23:5–8) Therefore, the days are surely coming, says the Lord, when it shall no longer be said, ‘As the Lord lives who brought the people up out of the land of Egypt,’ but ‘As the Lord lives who brought out and led the offspring of the house of Israel out of the land of the north and out of the lands where he had driven them.’ Then they shall live in their own land. 172. DE ADVENTU DNI lec For whatever was written in former days was written epi be pauli apo ad roman for our instruction, so that by steadfastness and by the FF quaecumque scripta sunt encouragement of the scriptures we might have hope. ad nostrum doctrinam scripta May the God of steadfastness and encouragement grant sunt usq. ut ambuletis in spe et you to live in harmony with one another, in accordance virtute sps sci. (That is, Rom with Christ Jesus, so that together you may with one voice 15:4–13) glorify the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. Welcome one another, therefore, just as Christ welcomed you, for the glory of God. For I tell you that Christ has become a servant of the circumcised on behalf of the truth of God in order that he might confirm the promises given to the patriarchs, and in order that the Gentiles might glorify God for his mercy. As it is written, ‘Therefore I will confess you among the Gentiles and sing praises to your name;’ and again he says, ‘Rejoice, O Gentiles, with his people,’ and again, ‘Praise the Lord, all you Gentiles, and let all the peoples praise him;’ and again Isaiah says, ‘The root of Jesse shall come, the one who rises to rule the Gentiles; in him the Gentiles shall hope.’

205 Vogel (1986), 339. 206 Morin (1910). 41–74.

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173. DE ADVENTU DNI lec epi be apuli apo ad corin. FF sic nos existimet homo ut ministros xpi et dispensatores misteriorum dei usq. et manifestavit consilia cordium et tunc unicuique erit laus a deo. (That is, 1 Cor 4:1–5)

174. DE ADVENTU DNI lec epi be pauli apo ad pilipenses. FF gaudite dno semper et iterum gaudite usq. intellegentias vestras in xpo ihy dno nostro. (That is, Phil 4: 4–7)

May the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing, so that you may abound in hope by the power of the Holy Spirit. Think of us in this way, as servants of Christ and stewards of God’s mysteries. Moreover, it is required of stewards that they be found trustworthy. But with me it is a very small thing that I should be judged by you or by any human court. I do not even judge myself. I am not aware of anything against myself, but I am not thereby acquitted. It is the Lord who judges me. Therefore do not pronounce judgment before the time, before the Lord comes, who will bring to light the things now hidden in darkness and will disclose the purposes of the heart. Then each one will receive commendation from God. Rejoice in the Lord always; again I will say, Rejoice. Let your gentleness be known to everyone. The Lord is near. Do not worry about anything, but in everything by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving let your requests be made known to God. And the peace of God, which surpasses all understanding, will guard your hearts and your minds in Christ Jesus.

Clearly these readings focus on the second coming of Christ and the last judgment. But this judgment is being made by the one who was raised up as the righteous Branch of David, the one who became a servant of the circumcised on behalf of the truth of God in order that he might confirm the promises given to the patriarchs, and in order that the Gentiles might glorify God for his mercy. It is the goodness, mercy and steadfastness of God which brings hope to the faithful Christian and which gives the strength to overcome revelling, drunkenness, debauchery, licentiousness, quarrelling and jealousy. The coming judgment is therefore a cause for hope rather than an event to be feared. Those who have indeed ‘put on Christ’ have every reason to ‘abound in hope.’ As explained above, the five Sundays shown here represent an Advent of six weeks, since the Sunday following the Ember Days of December was dominica vacat and had no proper texts. When we turn to the Evangeliary for the Advent gospel listing, we find that that section of the document is missing. In fact, the 237 gospel entries in the Würzburg Evangeliary come from a different period than the epistles and do not correspond with each other.207 It is the immense work done by Theodor Klauser, who researched hundreds of manuscripts in his search for the oldest version of the Roman Lectionary tradition208 that provides the information we seek. Klauser recognised three types of Roman evangelary: Type Π, compiled around the middle

207 Vogel (1986), 339. 208 Klauser (1935).

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of the seventh century, Type Λ, compiled around 740, and Type Σ, compiled around 755.209 The four pericopes from Klauser’s Type Π list for the Sundays of Advent are as follows:210 238. Ebdomada IIII ante natale domini, scd. Matth. cap CCV, Cum adpropinquasset Iesus Hierusolymis usq. benedictus qui venit in nomine domini. (That is, Mt 21:1–9)

When they had come near Jerusalem and had reached Bethphage at the Mount of Olives, Jesus sent two disciples, saying to them, ‘Go into the village ahead of you, and immediately you will find a donkey tied, and a colt with her; untie them and bring them to me. If anyone says anything to you just say this, “the Lord needs them.” And he will send them immediately.’ This took place to fulfil what had been spoken through the prophet, saying, ‘Tell the daughter of Zion, Look, your king is coming to you, humble, and mounted on a donkey, and on a colt, the foal of a donkey.’ The disciples went and did as Jesus had directed them; they brought the donkey and the colt and put their cloaks on them and he sat on them. A very large crowd spread their cloaks on the road, and others cut branches from the trees and spread them on the road. The crowds that went ahead of him and that followed were shouting, ‘Hosanna to the Son of David! Blessed is the one who comes in the name of the Lord! Hosanna in the highest.’ There will be signs in the sun, the moon, and the stars, 239. Ebdomada III ante natale domini, scd. Luc. Cap. and on the earth distress among nations confused by the roaring of the sea and the waves. People will faint from CCLVII, Erunt signa et fear and foreboding of what is coming upon the world, for prodigia in sole usq. verba the powers of the heavens will be shaken. Then they will autem mea non transibunt. see ‘the Son of Man coming in a cloud’ with power and (That is, Lk 21:25–33) great glory. Now when these things begin to take place, stand up and raise your heads, because your redemption is drawing near. Then he told them a parable; ‘Look at the fig tree and all the trees; as soon as they sprout leaves you can see for yourselves and know that summer is already near. So also, when you see these things taking place, you know that the kingdom of God is near. Truly I tell you, this generation will not pass away until all things have taken place. Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words will not pass away.’

209 See Vogel (1986), 339–40 for a description of each type. 210 Klauser (1935), Vol. 1, 42–43.

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240. Ebdomada II ante natale domini, scd. Matth. cap. CII, cum audisset Iohannes in vinculis usq. qui praeparavit viam tuam ante te. (That is, Mt 11:2–10)

241. Ebdomada I ante natale domini, scd. Ioh. cap VIIII, Miserunt Iudaie ab Hierusolymis usq. ubi erat Iohannes baptizans. (That is, Jn 1:19–28)

When John heard in prison what the Messiah was doing, he sent word by his disciples and said to him, ‘Are you the one who is to come, or are we to wait for another?’ Jesus answered them. ‘Go and tell John what you hear and see: the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, and the poor have good news brought to them. And blessed is anyone who takes no offense at me.’ As they went away, Jesus began to speak to the crowds about John: ‘What did you go out into the wilderness to look at? A reed shaken by the wind? What then did you go out to see? Someone dressed in soft robes? Look, those who wear soft robes are in royal palaces. What then did you go out to see? A prophet? Yes, I tell you, and more than a prophet. This is the one about whom it is written, “See, I am sending my messenger ahead of you, who will prepare your way before you”.’ This is the testimony given by John when the Jews sent priests and Levites from Jerusalem to ask him. ‘Who are you?’ He confessed and did not deny it, but confessed, ‘I am not the Messiah.’ And they asked him, ‘What then? Are you Elijah?’ He said, ‘I am not.’ ‘Are you the prophet?’ He answered, ‘No.’ Then they said to him, ‘Who are you? Let us have an answer for those who sent us. What do you say about yourself?’ He said, ‘I am the voice of one crying out in the wilderness, “Make straight the way of the Lord,” as the prophet Isaiah said.’ Now they had been sent from the Pharisees. They asked him, ‘Why then are you baptizing if you are neither the Messiah nor Elijah, nor the prophet?’ John answered them, ‘I baptise with water. Among you stands one whom you do not know, the one who is coming after me; I am not worthy to untie the thong of his sandal.’ This took place in Bethany across the Jordan where John was baptising.

Confirmation of these pericopes comes from the homilies of Gregory I, who acknowledges that he uses the order of readings that were at that time – that is to say, the late sixth century – in use at the Lateran: ‘I have set out forty lessons on the holy gospels that are wont to be read in this church on particular days during the sacred solemnities of the Mass.’211

211 Gregory 1, XL Homiliarum in Evangelia, Libri duo, Praefatio, (PL 76, 1075): Inter sacra missarum solemnia, ex his quae diebus certis in hac ecclesia legi ex more solent, sancti evangelii quadraginta lectiones exposui. English tr. ours. This fact was pointed out by Germain Morin (1911), 320–21.

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The homilies that interest us are numbers 1, 6 and 7, which treat the first, third and fourth Sundays of Advent respectively. The gospel passages treated in these homilies – Lk 21:25–31, Mt 11:2–10 and Jn 1:19–28 – are the pericopes designated for the third, second and first Sundays ante natale domini in Klauser’s Type Π list. This four-Sunday list of gospels, however, still leaves one gospel pericope to be found, in order to fit with the six-Sunday pattern of the earliest Roman Advent. Chavasse suggests that, with the reduction of Advent to a period of four weeks by Gregory I, the ‘missing’ gospel pericope has been renamed as that of the last Sunday after Pentecost.212 Fontaine points out that this is already included in Klauser’s Type Π list, immediately after the feast of St Andrew.213 233 Ebdomada VII post s. cypriani (That is, Jn 6:5–14)

When he looked up and saw a large crowd coming toward him, Jesus said to Philip, ‘Where are we to buy bread for these people to eat?’ […] When the people saw the sign that Jesus had done, they began to say, ‘This is indeed the prophet who is to come into the world.’

Fassler warns that ‘the feast and reading may not be a true part of the season, called as it is “for the seventh week after St Cyprian”,’ but that the final verse of the passage, speaking as it does of the prophet who is to come into the world, ‘provides a festal duality.’214 The reading of the multiplication of the loaves and fishes, the sign of the prophet who is to come into the world, does function well in an Advent context, where the One who was promised as the Messiah is recognised in the person of Jesus. Looking at the Klauser Type Π list of gospels for the Sundays of Advent, what is immediately striking is that the Gospel reading for the First Sunday is the same as that which begins Holy Week. Jean Hild saw this as underlining the paschal mystery as the foundation on which every celebration and feast of the liturgical cycle is based.215 Moreover, readings from the first two chapters of Luke are notably absent. We have seen previously that these were a definite feature of the final two Sundays before the feast of the Nativity in both the Churches of the East and in Northern Italy. This lends support to the argument that the earliest form of Roman Advent gave precedence to an understanding of adventus as the coming of Christ in glory over his coming in the flesh and fitted most appropriately at the end of the annual liturgical cycle. For the Sundays of Advent, and up to the time of Pope Gregory I at least, this case can be argued. It has already been noted previously in this study that the sermons of Leo I for the Fast of the Tenth Month made no reference to the imminent feast of the birth of Christ. The conclusion to be drawn is that at the time of Leo’s reign (440–61) the Ember days were not seen as being connected with the feast of Christ’s birth, but to

212 213 214 215

Chavasse (1953),’ 301. Fontaine G. (1979), 63. Fassler and Baltzer (2000), 28. Hild (1959), 20.

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the other Fast times of the year and to the final coming of Christ at the end of time. However, by the time of his illustrious successor, Gregory I (reigned 590–604) a shift in emphasis is demonstrated by the readings set down for the days immediately prior to December 25. Fontaine notes that the epistles designated in the Würzburg Capitulary for use on the Wednesday, Friday and Saturday that comprised the Fast of the Tenth Month – items 161–68 – constitute ‘an excellent choice from among the most important messianic prophecies from the book of Isaiah on the subject of the King-Messiah and the restoration of Jerusalem.216 The gospel readings for those three days, according to Klauser’s Type Π list, are set down as Lk 1:26–38 for feria IIII ad sanctam mariam, Lk 1:39–46 for feria IV ad apostolos and Lk 3:1–6 for sabbato ad sanctum petrum.217 Since this list represents Roman practice right at the end of Gregory I’s pontificate, we might expect to find matching homilies in Gregory’s collected homilies. In fact, only the last-named reading appears – in the extended form of Lk 3:1–11 – as the subject matter for Homily 20, entitled Sabbato Quatuor temporum ante Natalem Christi.218 This passage focuses on John the Baptist’s preaching for repentance, being the Lucan version of the Johannine reading ascribed to the final Sunday before the Birth of Christ in Klauser’s Type Π list, and could be interpreted in either an incarnational or eschatological context. The two remaining gospel readings from Luke 1, describing the Annunciation and the Visitation however, are specifically related to the birth of Christ and indicate an intentional anticipation of the feast to be celebrated on December 25 and an intentional focus on the incarnational aspect of the adventus Domini. Evidence that this shift was consolidated in the following century can be found in the early Roman homilaries. The Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican

We know from the Rule of St Benedict that by the middle of the sixth century there was already in place a system of scripture readings and homilies for the celebration of the Divine Office.219 Fassler notes that the readings from sermons were of central importance, particularly to the elaborate night Office of Matins.220 The Office homilary of Alan of Farfa, compiled in the eighth century, is a reproduction of the earlier Roman homilary used at St Peter’s basilica in Rome, with minor modifications, including placing the ten sermons for Advent before the Common of Saints.221 Thus

216 Fontaine G. (1979), 43. 217 See Klauser (1935), 42–43, item numbers 242–44. 218 Since the homily incorporates commentary on verses 7–11 it must be assumed that the longer reading, Lk 3:1–11 was at some time the set reading. However, later lectionary lists reveal the shorter reading. 219 Rule of St Benedict, Chapter 9, 8: Codices autem legantur in vigilis divinae auctoritatis, tam veteris testimenti quam novi, sed et expositiones earum quae a nominatis et orthodoxis catholicis patribus factae sunt. (de Vogüé, SC 182, 512). 220 Fassler and Baltzer (2000), 33. 221 Grégoire (1966), 7, 17. These homilaries were usually divided into two sections, one for winter, beginning either with Advent or the Nativity, and the second for summer, beginning with Easter and concluding with the last Sunday after Pentecost, which was generally followed by the Common of Saints.

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reference to the Homilary of Alan of Farfa provides a reliable record of the homilies read during the night Office in Rome from as early as the sixth century. However, it should be noted that, since no specific gospel pericopes are listed, it is only by implication that particular gospel passages for the liturgy of the day can be claimed. The five items 83–87 in the Homilary of Alan of Farfa are described as Omeliae sancti Augustini legendae in Adventu Domini nostri Iesu Christi – Homilies of St Augustine to be read in the Advent of our Lord Jesus Christ.222 Clearly, a five-homily Advent corresponds with a five-Sunday Advent, with the final Sunday before Christmas being dominica vacat, indicating that this homilary was compiled before the final Sunday before Christmas had its own formulary and readings. Despite the nomenclature, none of the five homilies that follow are by Augustine,223 but all do deal with the coming of the Messiah. It is items 88, alius sermo de eadem incarnatione Domini Sancti Ambrosii, and 89, Incipit epistola Papae Leonis de incarnatione which interest us here. Described as a sermon of Ambrose on the Incarnation of the Lord, item 88 is actually comprised of four passages from his commentary on the Gospel of Luke.224 The focus of these four passages is Mary as virgin and mother, and the difference in the responses of Mary and Zachariah to the angelic words pronounced to each of them. Item 89, the famous Letter 28 of Leo I to Flavius, focuses on Christ as truly divine and truly human, drawing widely on scriptural texts as well as the creedal statements of the faithful, namely belief in ‘God the Father Almighty and in Jesus Christ his only Son, our Lord, who was born of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary.225 It would seem that in choosing these particular passages, the compiler of the homilary is seeking to emphasise both the historical context of the birth of Christ and the doctrinal elements of Jesus as both divine and human and Mary as both virgin and mother, and confirms the shift towards an Advent that includes consideration not only of Christ’s coming in glory but his historical coming in the flesh as God-with-us. Summary

By the middle of the seventh century, the Roman Advent has taken a clear shape: it incorporates not only purely Roman elements but shows the effect of influences from the East, from Northern Italy and from Gaul. It is interesting to note that while the Advent formularies of the Gelasian Sacramentary could be interpreted in terms of either

222 The numbering is taken from the Grégoire edition of the Homilary. See Grégoire (1966), 65–66. 223 Item 83 is a composite work, combining a letter written in 473 by the African Antonius Honoratus and a pseudo-Augustinian sermon Sancti hic: see Barré (1957) 10–33. Items 84 and 85 are excerpts of Advent sermons 187 and 188 of Caesarius of Arles, (CCSL 104, 763–66 and 767–70). Item 86 is an Advent sermon by Maximus of Turin, (CCSL 23, 244–45). Item 87 is an Advent sermon by Ps-Maximus, (PL 57, 845–48). 224 For the entire sermon see Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundam Lucam, (CCSL 14, 30–43). Grégoire lists the passages taken from the sermon: a) Latent quidem divina mysteria – habere suspectum; b) Bene autem sibi diviserunt – dimittere gestiebat; c) Ergo ubique in Ioseph – augentur gratia; d) Videtur hic non credidisse – dies impiorum. 225 Leo I, Epistula 28, (PL 54, 755–81). For English tr. see NPNF2 Vol. 12, 39.

t he se aso n o f adve nt

Christ’s coming in the flesh or his coming in glory – or both – those of the ‘Gregorian’ Sacramentary produced in the course of the seventh century for use by the pope both at the Lateran Basilica and the stational liturgies, and subsequent sacramentaries of this type,226 reflect almost universally an understanding of the adventus of Christ as his coming in history. Nevertheless, the eschatological emphases remained in the readings and homilies, which cover the whole incarnational-eschatological gamut. The readings from the prophets pointed to the Messiah who was to come; those from the New Testament presented the last of the prophets, John the Baptist, who both called the people to repentance and heralded the Messianic arrival. The signs and wonders performed by Jesus during his ministry confirmed this fact, culminating with his entry into Jerusalem. Finally, Christ’s coming in glory was to be predicted by signs and wonders of a cosmic nature. It is worth noting that the strictly penitential character of the Gallic St Martin’s Lent is not incorporated into the Roman Advent at this time; the Baptist’s call for repentance and the encouragement to ascetic living of the Roman Ember days are sufficient. Thus it is that many strands are gathered from near and far to be woven into the fabric of the Roman Advent. We began this chapter by exploring the various uses of the term adventus in antiquity, its use in both Hebrew and Christian biblical texts and its subsequent incorporation into the Christian theological vocabulary of the Church Fathers. Primarily, it was understood as pointing to the eschaton, when the risen Christ would return in glory and reconcile the entire cosmos to the Father following the final judgment over which Christ would preside. However, this final adventus found its roots in the historical adventus, when the Son of God took on human flesh, providing the key for reconciliation with God and for revealing in an unsurpassable way the nature and identity of the Godhead. The second part of the chapter focused on the liturgical development of Advent as it emerged from the complexities of the celebrations surrounding the birth of Christ on either December 25 or January 6 depending on geographical location and theological interpretation. Four particular aspects were given particular scrutiny: emphasis of the historical context of Christ’s birth, the use of the feast of Mary Theotokos to counter christological heresies, the celebration of Ember Days in Rome and the practice of baptising on the feast of the Epiphany. The final part of the chapter briefly explored the pre-Christmas practices of Northern Italy and Gaul before dealing with the establishment of a recognisable ‘season of Advent’ in Rome in the second half of the sixth century as evidenced in the early liturgical books. Having thus explored its origins of Advent and exposed the themes that would characterise it for the next millennium it is time to turn to the next element of this study: hymnody as a constitutive element in the Roman liturgy, in particular, the Roman Divine Office, since it is the Advent hymns of the Divine Office that are the central subject of this research.

226 By the ninth century there were at least 35 sacramentaries of the ‘Gregorian’ type. See Deshusses, SF 16 (1971).

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The Hymn as a Constitutive Element in the Roman Divine Office

Introduction The previous chapter explored the concept of the term adventus and traced how the celebration of the coming of Christ in the flesh and his anticipated coming in glory at the end of time eventually developed into what can properly be called an ‘Advent season,’ particularly in relation to the Church of Rome. This current chapter will study the hymn in the Roman liturgy, especially its place in the Liturgy of the Hours, that form of liturgical prayer previously known as the Divine Office. This is a necessary preliminary to any specific investigation of the three traditional Latin hymns used in the Offices of Advent – Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat.1 Since the sixth century hymns have been a stable element of the monastic forms the Divine Office, but how and when did Latin hymns arise in the first place? What made them so suitable for inclusion in the daily cursus of Christian prayer? When were the three traditional Advent hymns of the Office first included in the Office, and where did they originate? In seeking answers to these questions we will make a broad sweep of the history of the Roman Office to determine how the hymn became a constitutive element of this daily prayer of the Church. Specific texts and theological content have been considered only for the purpose of revealing the characteristic structure and style of Latin hymns. In the case of the three Advent hymns, theological content is not taken into account at all in this particular section of the study; that will be taken up in the next chapter. This chapter comprises three sections. The first deals with the beginnings of hymnody within Christian worship and the emergence of the Latin hymn as exemplified by the hymns of Ambrose. The middle section focuses on the introduction of the hymn into the daily Office and the influence exerted by the Rule of Benedict on establishing its permanent place in each of the Hours. The final section begins by exploring the use of hymnody in the Divine Office beyond Rome, with particular focus on the content of the Old and New Hymnaries, and concludes by dealing briefly with the expansion of hymns in the monastic Office and the adoption of hymns in the secular Office.

1 See Breviarium Romanum, Pars Hiemalis, Antwerp, 1579, 16 ff.

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The beginnings of hymnody within Christian worship Defining what is meant by a hymn

The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary definition of a hymn as a song in praise of God, arising spontaneously from the faith of the community, generally intended to be sung in a religious service2 has long been accepted in the Church of both East and West. Often based on Scripture the hymn does not necessarily include the scriptural text itself, while its literary form is variable, ranging from rhythmic prose to metric verse. However, it is always in a musical style accessible to the ordinary person and is often monosyllabic, that is, having one syllable per note of music. St Augustine, in his inimitable style, provides his own definition: Si laudas Deum et non cantas, non dicis hymnum; si cantas et non laudas Deum, non dicis hymnum; si laudis aliud quod non pertinet ad laudem Dei, etsi cantando laudes, non dicis hymnum. Hymnus ergo tria ista habet: et cantum et laudem et Dei. Laus ergo Dei in cantico, hymnus dicitur. If you praise God and do not sing, you are not ‘hymning;’ if you sing and do not praise God you are not ‘hymning;’ if you praise anything that is not related to the praise of God, although you are praising in song, you are not ‘hymning.’ A hymn therefore has three elements: singing and praising and God. Thus praise to God in song is called a hymn3 The First and Second Centuries

The word ‘hymn’ (ὕμνοϛ – hymnus) occurs just four times in the New Testament. Jesus and the disciples are said to have sung a hymn at the conclusion of the Paschal Supper: Et hymno dicto, exierunt in montem Oliveti.4 Paul exhorts the Christians at Colossae to ‘Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly; teach and admonish one another in all wisdom; and with gratitude in your hearts sing psalms, hymns (hymnis), and spiritual songs to God (Col. 3:16).’ The writer of the letter to the Ephesians likewise encourages the Christians there to ‘imitate God […] as you sing psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, in psalmis et hymnis et canticis spiritalibus, among yourselves, singing and making melody to the Lord in your hearts’ (Eph. 5:19). Although this last text implies a difference between psalms, hymns and songs the eminent American historian of medieval hymns Ruth Ellis Messenger notes that the earliest Christian hymns ‘were largely of the psalm type, to be chanted in rhythmic periods without rhyme’ and that ‘the futile attempt to differentiate among psalms,

2 See Stevenson (2007). 3 Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum 148, 17, (CCSL 40, 2176–77). A very similar passage can be found in Enarratio in Psalmum 72, 1, (CCSL 39), 986. 4 When they had sung the hymn, they went out to the Mount of Olives (Mt. 26:30; Mk. 14:26).

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hymns and canticles should be avoided.’5 Apart from the gospel canticles – the Benedictus (Lk 1:68–79), the Magnificat (Lk 1:46–55) and the Nunc dimittis (Lk 2:29–32) – and the marvellous hymn of Philippians 2:6–11, hymn fragments can be found in various places in the New Testament. Messenger points to Rev 4:8, Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus Dominus Deus omnipotens, qui erat, et qui est, et qui venturus est, as an example of a phrase which was later subsumed into the Tersanctus, and to the doctrinal formula of 1Tim 3:16 as an example of a text displaying hymnic qualities.6 Writing half a century earlier than Messenger, the liturgiologist Frederick E. Warren also considered that there were good grounds for supposing that some actual fragments of the earliest Christian hymns were embedded in the text of the New Testament, citing Romans 13:11–12 as an example of an early Advent hymn, where the Greek text displays an obvious metrical ring:7 Ὥρα ἡμᾶϛ ἤδη ἐξ ὕπνου ἐγερθῆναι· νῦν γαρ ἐγγύτερον ἡμῶν ἡ σωτηρία ἢ ὅτε ἐπιστεύσαμεν ἡ νὺξ προέκοψεν, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα ἥγγικεν.

This is the hour already to waken out of sleep for nearer now is our salvation than the night is far spent, when we believed; the day is near at hand;

More recently, the German scripture scholar, Heinrich Schlier has drawn attention to this same passage, but suggests that it is a baptismal hymn, whose words and ideas Paul uses to support his eschatological statements, linking it to Eph. 5:14, ‘Sleeper, awake! Rise from the dead, and Christ will shine on you.’8 The German liturgical scholar, Ferdinand Probst, notes that the term hymn appears rarely in early Christian writings, since the preferred words for Christian songs were ‘carmen’ or ‘ode,’ and that it is only in the fourth and fifth centuries that hymn became the designated term.9 In fact, since the terms ‘hymn’ and ‘psalm’ were often used interchangeably, freely-composed Christian song texts came to be known by the term psalmi idiotici in order to differentiate them from the inspired psalms of the Scriptures. William O’Shea notes that while some of these psalmi idiotici were similar in style to the Old Testament canticles, the term ‘was comprehensive enough to embrace anything that was sung and thus would include such diverse productions as the Benedictus of Zachary and the Gloria in excelsis.’10 It is these freely-composed songs that can be categorised as hymns and their inclusion in the Divine Office in the West, or more particularly in Roman practice, which is of interest to us in this study. For this reason, after the briefest of glances at the emergence of hymns in the 5 6 7 8 9 10

Messenger (1942), 3. Messenger (1942), 6. Warren (1912), 29–30. Schlier (1977), 395–96. Probst (1871), 263. O’Shea (1960), 560.

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East, most of the rich history of hymnody in the East will be by-passed and the story taken up in the West as the Peace of Constantine early in the fourth century allows for Christian worship to take on a more public face. The Third and Fourth centuries The Church in the East

While there is no way of knowing the exact time and manner of the introduction of hymns into Christian worship, it is certain that by the third century they had been adopted by a number of churches. Sometimes evidence comes in the form of a condemnation of the misuse of the hymn genre by heretics, and this is the case with the Church at Antioch. Eusebius (263–339) tells of a group of third-century writers who, in countering the heretical teaching of Artemon that Christ was merely human, wrote: Are the books of Irenaeus and Melitus and the others to be ignored? All proclaim Christ to be God and man. And what of the many psalms and hymns, written by our brothers in the faith, which sing the Word of God, the Christ, calling him God?11 It is also thanks to Eusebius that we know of the synodal letter which the bishops wrote to Pope Dionysius following the Council of Antioch (269–70), advising him that not only has the heretic, Paul of Samosata been ‘supressed with utter contempt,’ but so too have the ‘recently composed hymns with foolish and wretched melodies’ that he has put in the place of the ‘psalms and hymns which we are accustomed to singing in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ.’12 With the Peace of Constantine in 313 Christians were free to hold daily prayer publicly. Eusebius himself vouched that hymnody formed part of the morning and evening services, although his claim that his happened ‘throughout the whole world’ may have been a little presumptuous: It is not a small sign of the goodness of God that throughout the whole world in the churches of God in the morning at sunrise and in the evening hymns and praises and truly divine pleasures are established to God. The pleasures of God are the hymns which everywhere in the world are offered in his Church at morning and evening time.13

11 Eusebius, Histoire Ecclésiastique, 5, 28, (SC, 41, 75–76): τὰ γὰρ Εἰρηναίου τε καὶ Μελίτωνοϛ καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τίϛ ἀγνοεῖ Βιβλία, θεὸν καὶ ἄνθρωπον καταγγέλλοντα τὸν Χριστόν, ψαλμοὶ δὲ ὅσοι καὶ ᾠδαὶ ἀδελφῶν ἀπ,’ ἀρχῆϛ ὑπὸ πιστῶν γραφεῖσαι τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν Χριστόν ὑμνοῦσιν θεολογοῦντες. 12 Eusebius, Histoire Ecclésiastique, 7, 30, (SC, 41, 216–17). 13 Eusebius, Commentarius in psalmos 64:10–11, (PG 23, 639): Τὸ γὰρ καθ’ ὅλης τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τοῦ Θεοῦ κατὰ τὰς πρωϊνὰς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐξόδους, κατά τε τὰς ἑσπερινὰς ὥρας ὑμνολογίας καὶ αἰνοποιήσεις, καὶ θείας ἀληθῶς τέρψεις τῷ Θεῷ συστήσασθαι, οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ἦν Θεοῦ ἀρετῆς σημεῖον. Θεοῦ δὲ τέρψεις οἱ πανταχοῦ τῆς γῆς ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ αὐτοῦ ἀναπεμπόμενοι κατὰ τοὺς ὀρθρινοὺς καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἑσπερινοὺς καιροὺς ὕμνοι τυγχάνουσι. English tr. Bradshaw (1981), 72.

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St Basil the Great († 379) also attests to the widespread singing of hymns in the East in a letter to the Church at Neocaesarea in which he offers a spirited defence of the singing of psalms by two choirs: [D]ivided into two parts, the choirs sing alternately, at the same time gaining strength from meditation on the Scriptures, and keeping the heart and mind from being distracted […] And in a word, those prayers and common psalms of the vigils are valued by all.14 St Basil also reveals that in his time a ritual of lamp-lighting was an established feature of evening prayer and that the hymn accompanying it was already so old that the author was unknown: It seemed good to our fathers not to receive the evening lamp in silence, but to give thanks as soon as it glowed. Who is the author of these words for the ritual of lamp-lighting cannot be said; the people, however, pronounce the ancient formula and no-one has ever thought to accuse of ungodliness those who say, ‘We praise the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit of God.’15 The hymn to which he refers is none other than Phos hilaron (Φῶς ἱλαρόν), which to this day continues as part of the Office in the Byzantine rites: O joyous light of the holy glory of the immortal Father, heavenly, holy, blessed Jesus Christ! As we come to the setting of the sun and behold the evening light, we praise you Father, Son and Holy Spirit, God! It is fitting at all times that you be praised with auspicious voices, O Son of God, giver of life. That is why the whole world glorifies you.16 The jewel in the hymn-writing crown of the Eastern Church is, of course, Ephrem of Syria. After his baptism and ordination as deacon he put his talents to use against the proselytising of the heretics, particularly the Gnostic poet Bardesanes, and from his prolific output as many as four hundred hymns have survived. A characteristic of Ephrem’s hymns is that they are metrical, in that they have lines with a fixed number

14 Basil, Epistula 207, Ad clericos Neocaesarienses, (PG 32, 763): Καὶ νῦν μέν, διχῆ διανεμηθέντες, ἀντιψάλλουσιν ἀλλήλοις, ὁμοῦ μὲν τὴν μελέτην τῶν λογίων ἐντεῦθεν κρατύνοντες, ὁμοῦ δὲ καὶ τὴν προσοχὴν καὶ τὸ ἀμετεώριστον τῶν καρδιῶν ἑαυτοῖϛ διοικούμενοι. […] καὶ πάνταϛ ἁπαξαπλῶϛ, παρ’ οἷϛ ἀγρυπνίαι καὶ προσευχαί, καὶ αἱ κοιναὶ ψαλμῳδίαι τετίμηνται. 15 Basil, De Spiritu Sancto, 29, 73, (SC 17b, 508–10): Ἔδοξε τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν μὴ σιωπῇ τὴν χάριν τοῦ ἑσπερινοῦ φωτὸς δέχεσθαι. ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς φανέντος εὐχαριστεῖν. Καὶ ὅστις μὲν ὁ πατὴρ τῶν ῥημάτων ἐκείνων τῆς ἐπιλυχνίου εὐχαριστίας, εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἔχομεν. ὁ μέντοι λαὸς ἀρχαίαν ἀφίησι τὴν φωνήν, καὶ οὐδενὶ πώποτε ἀσεϐεῖν ἐνομίσθησαν οἱ λέγοντες· ‘Αἰνοῦμεν Πατέρα καὶ Ὑἱὸν καὶ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα Θεοῦ.’ [apparently this text isn’t yet available on SC Online but somehow this needs to be checked. It seems almost certain that Basil must have written at the end ἅγιον Πνεῦμα Θεόν, thus making his argument that the holy spirit is an equal member of the trinity] 16 See Taft (1986), 286.

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of syllables and strophic divisions.17 By the time of his death in Edessa in 373 he had earned the title ‘Harp of the Spirit.’18 Despite all the evidence that by the second half of the fourth century popular hymns had burgeoned, the Council of Laodicea, held some time between 360 and 380, nevertheless decreed that psalmi idiotici be banned. The famous canon 59 actually led to a deal of confusion, as it was unclear whether the Council was banning all hymns and psalms that were not taken directly from the Scriptures or whether it was simply referring to hymns which had not received approval from anyone other than the authors themselves.19 Nevertheless, as history makes clear, the proscription was unsuccessful in stemming the tide of hymns that were being incorporated into public Christian worship. The Church in the West

It was also during the fourth century that the phenomenon of the hymn appeared in the Church’s public worship in the West. Seven years before his death in 368, St Hilary of Poitiers returned to his home city after a period of exile centred in Phrygia and composed a book of hymns. Suitbert Bäumer, whose monumental Geschichte des Breviers appeared in 1895 and has been a foundational reference ever since, speculates that the eminent bishop did this as a result of his experience of successful hymn-singing in the East where the poetry of St Ephrem exerted such influence.20 He suggests that Hilary translated the most beautiful of Ephrem’s pieces into Latin and added some of his own. How widely these hymns of Hilary were used is not known, but St Jerome († 420)21 and St Isidore of Seville († 636)22 both make reference to his Liber Hymnorum, while canon 13 of the Fourth Council of Toledo (633) attests that several of his hymns were sung in the Divine Office in the seventh century.23 One reason that Hilary’s poetry failed to make any widespread impact may have been due simply to its erudition and complexity.24 17 Messenger (1942), 20. 18 See K. McVey (1994, FC 91), 3. 19 See Pimont (1874), viii. In the opinion of Pimont, one of a small cluster of late-nineteenth century scholars investigating Latin hymnody, it was due to a false interpretation of the Laodicean Council’s canon that the small Council of Braga (565) would order that, outside the psalms and hymns of the Old and New Testament, no piece of poetry could be sung in the church. 20 See Bäumer-Biron (1967), Vol. 1, 188–89. 21 Jerome, De viris illustribus, 100, (PL 23, 699B–701A): Hilarius, urbis Pictavorum aquitaniae episcopus […] fecit libros[…] et liber Hymnorum. 22 Isidore, De ecclesiasticus officiis, (CCSL 113, 7): Sunt autem divini hymni, sunt et ingenio humano conpositi. Hilarius autem Gallus espiscopus, Pactavis genitus, eloquentia conspicuus, hymnorum carmine floruit primus. 23 Fourth Council of Toledo, can. 13, (Mansi 10, 622): Et quia nonnulli hymni humano studio in laudem Dei atque apostolorum et martyrum triumphos compositi esse noscuntur, sicut hi quos beatissimi doctores Hilarius atque Ambrosius ediderunt. 24 See Simonetti (1988), 19. Simonetti levels this accusation not only against Hilary but also against a number of poets of the time, ‘whose taste for erudite and bookish elaboration and refinement were synonyms of artifice and obscurity.’

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Ambrose of Milan

It is with St Ambrose, bishop of Milan († 397), however, that we finally arrive on firm ground in our quest for evidence of hymnody in worship in the West and in the Divine Office in particular. The circumstances under which Ambrose introduced the singing of hymns cannot be definitively determined despite the dramatic account by Ambrose’s biographer, Paulinus.25 In Holy Week of 386 the heretical empress Justina, whose promise of gifts and honours had seduced the ‘weak of spirit’ to join with her against Ambrose, launched an attack on him while he was gathered in the church with his faithful community and sought to enter the basilica by force. It was at this point, writes Paulinus, that ‘they began to sing in the church of Milan psalms with refrains and hymns and to celebrate the vigils […] And this practice has persisted right up to the present, not only in this church, but also in almost all the provinces of the West.26 Both Walpole27 and Lazzatti28 question whether the Milanese bishop would have had time or inclination to be writing hymns when under such fierce political attack. However, no less a witness than St Augustine not only lends credence to Paulinus’ account, but attests to how greatly he personally was moved by the sound of the hymns:29 Quantum flevi in hymnis et canticis tuis, suave sonantis ecclesiae tuae vocibus commotus acriter! voces illae influebant auribus meis, et eliquabatur veritas in cor meum, et exaestuabat inde affectus pietatis, et currebant lacrimae, et bene mihi erat cum eis. Non longe coeperat Mediolanensis ecclesia genus hoc consolationis et exhortationis celebrare magno studio fratrum concinentium vocibus et cordibus. nimirum annus erat aut non multo amplius, cum Iustina, Valentiniani regis pueri mater, hominem tuum Ambrosium persequeretur haeresis suae causa, qua fuerat seducta ab arrianis. excubabat pia plebs in ecclesia, mori parata cum episcopo suo, servo tuo. … tunc hymni et psalmi ut canerentur secundum morem orientalium partium … institutum est, ex illo in hodiernum retentum multis iam ac paene omnibus gregibus tuis et per cetera orbis imitantibus.

How I wept, so deeply moved by the hymns and canticles sung so sweetly by the voices of your church! The voices streamed into my ears and the truth flowed into my heart, and so feelings of devotion welled up within me and tears ran down, and I was blessed with this. It was not long since the church of Milan had begun to celebrate this type of consolation and exhortation, the people joining their minds and hearts with great zeal. Truly, it was a year ago, or not much more, when Justina, mother to the boy-emperor Valentinian, persecuted your servant Ambrose because of the heresy to which she had been seduced by the Arians. The good people kept vigil in the church, prepared to die with the bishop, your servant. […] It was at that time instituted that hymns and psalms be sung according to the custom of the Eastern parts, … and from then until now this practice has been retained in many if not all of your congregations and imitated in other places in the world.

25 Paulinus, who is sometimes referred to as ‘Paulinus the Deacon’ was secretary to Ambrose. After the death of the bishop, Augustine asked Paulinus to write some memoirs. 26 Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii, 13, (A. A. R. Bastiaensen, 1975, Milan, 69). 27 Walpole (1922), 16 (note 1). 28 Lazzatti (1950), Milan, 310. 29 Augustine, Confessiones, 9, 6.14–7.15, (CCSL 27, 141). Tr. ours.

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The combined testimony of Paulinus and Augustine encouraged conjecture among scholars of the late nineteenth century. Pimont surmised that the hymns were to be sung before or after what he names as ‘the Office;’30 Bäumer suggested that they were interpolated between psalms, their syllabic melodies making them easy for the people to learn.31 A hymn attributed to Ambrose, but which is most unlikely to be his, supports this theory:32 Nos ergo nunc confamuli, prophetae dicti memores Solvamus ora in canticis Prece mixta Davidicis, Ut septies diem vere Orantes cum psalterio Laudesque cantantes Deo Laeti solvamus debitum.

Now therefore, we who serve together, once the memories of the prophets have been read, complete the hour in songs combined with prayers of David, thus truly seven times a day praying with the psalter and singing praises to God we have performed our duty of praise.

Batiffol considered that the daily Vigils held in Milan from this time were part of a move towards developing a full cursus of liturgical Hours beyond the monasteries.33 More recent scholars like Jacques Fontaine, who directed the production of a critical text, translation and commentary on the hymns of Ambrose,34 are more circumspect. Examining the texts closely, Fontaine allows that five facts can be extracted. First, it is at Milan, during the episcopacy of Ambrose, that this particular genre of liturgical singing is institutionalised. Fontaine notes that the word institutum carries with it the implication of being carried out by someone in authority. Secondly, in time of attack from their spiritual enemies, the people were consoled and encouraged by hymn-singing. Thirdly, the specifically new characteristic of this type of liturgical song was that it was executed by the entire people – fratrum concientium – as opposed to the responsorial style, where the people joined in only at the refrain or with an Amen. Fourthly, the origin of hymns in the Church of the East is affirmed. Finally, since Augustine wrote Book Nine of his Confessions in Africa towards the end of the fourth century, he is clearly attesting to an extraordinary diffusion of the innovation that took place in Milan around ten years earlier, even if he is not claiming use of Ambrosian hymnody everywhere in the Western Church.35 30 Pimont (1874), x. 31 Bäumer-Biron (1967) Vol, 1, 192. 32 Cassiodorus, Expositio in psalmum 118, 164, (CCSL 98, 1132), attributes this hymn to Ambrose: Si ad litteram hunc numerum velimus advertere, septem illas significat vices quibus se monachorum pia devotio consolatur, id est matutinis, tertia, sexta, nona, lucernaria, completoriis, nocturnis. Hoc et sancti Ambrosii hymus in sextae horae decantatione testatur. The Latin text of this hymn was taken from Leclercq (1910, DACL 2/1, 1279). Tr. ours. 33 Batiffol, (1911), 22. 34 Fontaine, J. (1992). The Latin texts of Ambrosian hymns that appear in this paper are all taken from this work. The English translations are ours and are literal, without any attempt to shape them into poetic form. 35 Fontaine, J. (1992), 17–19.

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Ambrose’s own writing shows him to be more concerned with the impact of the hymns on the faith and life of his flock, and he justifies their use in this light when he responds to an accusation by the Arianist court of Valentinian II that he has beguiled the people with his songs:36 Hymnorum quoque meorum carminibus deceptum populum ferunt. Plane nec hoc abnuo. Grande carmen istud est, quo nihil potentius. Quid enim potentius quam confessio Trinitatis quae quotidie totius populi ore celebratur. Certatim omnes student fidem fateri, Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanctum norunt versibus praedicare. Facti sunt igitur omnes magistri qui vix poterant esse discipuli.

They are saying that the people have been beguiled by my songs and hymns. Clearly I do not deny this. This song is sublime, nothing is more powerful. For what could be more powerful than the daily acknowledgement of the Trinity being celebrated on the lips of all the people. Eagerly all strive to confess their faith, and by the verses that they know, to preach the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. Thus those who were scarcely disciples have all become teachers.

Clearly, a primary function of these hymns is to reinforce the orthodox teachings of the Church by using the same vehicle with which the heretics in the East promoted their heresies. In the words of Augustine cited above, they contained both consolation and exhortation, and stirred the emotions of the faithful with their combination of appealing melody and theologically inspiring text. Ambrose could not have known when he penned his first hymns that he was beginning a tradition that would endure well over a thousand years, nor that he would be given the title ‘Father of Latin Hymnody,’37 even though the first hymns in the West are probably attributable to Hilary of Poitiers. The deep and lasting impact of Ambrose’s hymns is undoubtedly due to his genius not only as a poet but as a theologian imbued with knowledge of both the Scriptures and the writings of the early Church Fathers.

The Latin hymn: its style, form and content Our next step is to consider briefly the nature and style of Christian poetry, and then in more detail to explore the distinctive structure and content of the Ambrosian hymn which, despite the inevitable diversity displayed by particular authors, remained basically unchanged for the next millennium. The emergence of a distinctive Christian poetry

Christian poetry had its roots in the religious and secular poetry that preceded it: Jewish, Syrian, Greek and Latin. As we explore the form of the Latin hymn we will

36 Ambrose, Epistula 75a (21a), 34, (CSEL 82/3, 105). 37 One of the earliest to describe Ambrose in this way was Guido Maria Dreves, whose 1893 study on Ambrose was entitled Aurelius Ambrose, Vater der Kirchengesanges.

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be aware of these influences, but in fact, we will discover that something quite new emerges with Christian poetry. Josef Szövérffy expresses it this way: One could imagine this poetry as a mighty tree that has tiny, hidden roots at the bottom of the mountain, but many branches and twigs rising into the sky; the thin and invisible roots feed on the floor of the ancient world, the branches, flowers and leaves float in the air of medieval culture.38 Fontaine notes the strong continuity in both meter and language between the psalmody of the Jewish Scriptures and the hymnody of early Latin poets like Hilary, Ambrose and Paulinus of Nola († 431).39 Christ’s own declaration that ‘everything written about me in the law of Moses, the prophets and the psalms must be fulfilled’ (Lk 24:44) strongly influenced Ambrose’s christological reading of the psalms and frequent citations and allusions to verses in the psalms occur throughout his works. We have already noted the influence of Ephrem on Hilary and it is clear from the testimony of Augustine that the Eastern practice of antiphonal singing had reached Milan. But the influences on the Latin poets came as much from external, secular influences as they did from what might be termed ‘internal’ Christian influences. The Christian Latin poets stand firmly in the tradition of classical poetry. It is how they used it that is important from our perspective. Pimont, very aware of the strong grounding that classical Latin poetry provides for the emerging Christian art form, nevertheless wants to clearly differentiate between the two and feels obliged to remind his readers not to fall into the error of believing ‘that the Latin of Augustus is the only type of perfection, as if the Gospel, on which the new civilisation rests, had not modified in any way the old ideas, of which the idiom of Virgil and Horace was the most brilliant expression.’40 In his opinion, there were three qualities in the Latin language that made it defective with regard to Christian poetry: it did not lend itself easily to the creation of words, it did not deal well in describing the ‘sentiments of the heart’ and it preferred concrete expressions to abstract ones,41 These problems were not present in the Greek language, which ‘made flexible all these inflexibilities and communicated to the old language of Rome the power of expansion.’42 However, the classical poetry of Greece was no more able to express the radical change in humanity which the life, death and resurrection of Christ had brought about than was its Latin counterpart; this could only be expressed through the development of an entirely new idiom. Pimont sees Jerome’s Vulgate translation of the Scriptures as a first step in achieving this goal, since it brings into currency the very vocabulary that will become so important in Latin hymnody.

38 Szövérffy (1964), Vol. 1, 48: Man könnte sich diese Dichtung wie einen mächtigen Baum vorstellen, der winzige, im Boden der Bergangenheit versteckte Wurzeln hat und zahlreiche äste und Zweige gegen den Himmel emporhebt; die dunnen und unsichtbaren Wurzeln nähren such aus dem Boden der Antike, die Zweige, Blumen und Blätter treiben in der Luft der mittelalterlichen Kultur. 39 Fontaine, J. (1992), 28–29. 40 Pimont (1874), xxxi. 41 Pimont (1874), xxxxix. 42 Pimont (1874), xxxxix.

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It is clearly the opinion of a number of scholars that it was precisely through the emergence of Latin hymnody that this ‘new idiom’ was brought to birth and that the leading midwife, so to speak, was Ambrose. Dag Norberg acknowledges that the Milanese bishop did borrow from the literary tradition of the past but notes that he ‘followed a more independent and original line and succeeded in giving his hymns the mark of a new literary genre.’43 Suitbert Bäumer praises Ambrose’s transformation of pre-existing forms: St Ambrose did not renounce the classical forms, but the new way of looking at the world, even while dressed in the old forms, broke through the old boundaries, creating a new language for new ideas, new images and new expressions.44 Max Manitius considers the iambic dimeter so beloved by Ambrose to have been borrowed from the Greeks, even though it was the meter used for epic tales and other poems which had enjoyed great popularity with the Romans in earlier times.45 Jacques Fontaine notes that some of the poems of Horace follow the model of four lines in a fixed form, some even being limited to eight verses, as were Ambrose’s hymns, while the ‘imprint’ of Virgil is marked not only by the language, imagery and meter, but by the narrative elements present in Ambrose’s hymns which can be compared to the epic tradition.46 Nevertheless, it was the ability to incorporate the best qualities from the classical traditions with the hymnic influences from the Churches of the East and the vocabulary of the Christian Scriptures which led to the creation of the Latin hymn as espoused particularly by Ambrose. It is to a closer look at this form that we now turn. The structure of the Ambrosian hymn

Perhaps the most extraordinary feature of Ambrose’s hymns is that every one is in iambic dimeter, comprising 256 syllables divided among eight equal verses of four lines, each of which has eight syllables. While, in the words of Fontaine, ‘this fixed form imposed on the architecture of the hymns a sort of perfect equilibrium’47 it means that internal elements and the dynamism of the melody are called upon to prevent monotony – something obviously achieved by Ambrose as the popularity of his hymnody attests. Iambic dimeter

In music and poetry rhythm is the result of a succession of sounds or syllables linked together in a regular order, in a proportion that is based on their length or intensity.

43 44 45 46 47

D. Norberg (1953), 7. Cited in Szöverffy (1964), 62. Bäumer-Biron (1967) Vol. 1, 193. Manitius (1891), 13. Fontaine, J. (1992), 25–26. Fontaine (1992), 67.

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Sounds or syllables can be long or short, stressed or unstressed. In poetry, the smallest unit of stressed and unstressed syllables is a ‘foot.’ Such ‘feet’ combine in a recurring pattern to make up lines of a set length or a ‘meter.’ The possibilities for combinations are almost endless. The foot known as the iamb consists of just two syllables, one unstressed, one stressed. When two such feet occur in every line, the result is iambic dimeter. This very simple meter is what Ambrose employed: ae-tér-ne ré-rum cón-dit-ór noc-tém di-ém-que quí re-gís. This most basic of all the hymnic meters is eminently suitable for congregational singing since it allows for easy memorisation. We have the witness of Augustine that his mother, at the end of her life, was able to summon up the words of one of Ambrose’s hymns without any difficulty.48 This simple meter also adapts very well to antiphonal singing, where the congregation is divided into two, each singing two lines at a time. In fact it is Augustine again who provides contemporary confirmation of this practice, as we saw earlier in the quotation from his Confessions,49 but this is also supported by scholars of the modern era such as Clemens Blume: ‘[Ambrose chose] the popular iambic dimeter [for his hymns] which were destined for antiphonal manner of performance with the alternate singing of two choirs or sections of the people.’50 Jacques Fontaine points out that by maintaining a completely fixed form Ambrose has the advantage of being able to use a variety of simple melodies for his hymns, which frees the singers to concentrate on the words they are singing rather than on the music itself.51 This also suggests that the words are meant to be sung with one syllable for each note of music. Of course, there are many examples of a slight variation in the meter within Ambrose’s poetry, but it was generally a matter of adding in an extra, unaccented syllable or using the very occasional elision,52 both of which are easily incorporated into the melodic expression of the text and do not upset the basic meter. It is worth noting that Ambrose’s hymns do not have a refrain which the people sing and verses which are sung by a special choir or particular group. Szövérffy sees in this the psychological impact of unifying the people as an ecclesial community as well as providing an antidote to the harmful heretical influences from without.53 Ambrose himself saw hymns as something in which all the people, not just some, participated. His commentary on Psalm 1 includes what Fontaine describes as ‘a veritable theology of psalmody [which is] in fact, a religious meditation on the

48 Augustine, De beata vita 4, 35, (CCSL 29, 85): Hic mater recognitis verbis, quae suae memoriae penitus inhaerebant, et quasi evigilans in fidem suam versum illum sacerdotis nostri: fove precantes, trinitas. 49 Augustine, Confessiones, Bk. 9, 7, 15, (CCSL 27, 141–42). 50 Blume (1932), 45: […] den volkstümlichen jambischen Dimeter gewählt […] für Strophen von je vier Versen, die für antiphonicshe Vortragsweise, d.h. für wechsel weisen Gesang zweier Chöre oder Abteilungen des Volkes, bestimmet waren. 51 See Fontaine, J. (1992), 67. 52 See Bonato (1992), 79–80. 53 Szövérffy (1964), 49.

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choral song in the Christian liturgy,’54 during which he refers to the people singing as ‘a harp on which the Spirit plays’ and the Spirit as an ‘artist who never plays falsely.’55 For Ambrose, the hymn was a powerful vehicle for uniting people in faith by strengthening them in the truths of their faith. Simple and compact presentation of ideas

Another significant factor contributing to easy memorisation was that most lines of a hymn consisted of three or four words together that generally formed a complete ‘sense unit.’ The second last verse of Splendor paternae gloriae provides an excellent example: Laetus dies hic transeat! Pudor sit ut diluculum, fides velut meridies, crepusculum mens nesciat!

25

Let the day pass thus in joy! Let our modesty be as the dawn, our faith as the middle of the day, that our spirit may not know the twilight!

With each line a new idea is introduced that builds on the previous one, so that by the end of the verse the image of the complete day carries within it the prayer for modesty, faith and upraised minds and hearts. The whole hymn has been constructed around the theme of light so that the final verse, in referring to the coming dawn, recognises and acclaims Christ the true Dawn:56 Aurora cursus provehit: aurora totus prodeat in Patre totus Filius, et totus in Verbo Pater.

30

The dawn advances in its course: let the true dawn appear the Son completely in the Father, and the Father completely in the Word.

While this particular example presents an image of light in a fairly straight-forward way, many much more complex thoughts and ideas are also able to be expressed with an economy of words. Take, for example, this verse from Aeterne rerum conditor: Surgamus ergo strenue; gallus iacentes excitat et somnolentos increpat; gallus negantes arguit.

20

Let us then rise promptly; the rooster rouses those who are cast down, and calls out to those who are sleeping; the rooster brings to the light those who deny.

The first line refers to the people and can mean the simple act of rising from bed, but the verb used, surgo, is the same as occurs in the Vulgate to refer to the resurrection

54 Fontaine, J. (1992), 31. 55 Ambrose, Explanatio Psalmi 1, 9, (CSEL 64, 8): in unum chorum totius numerum plebis coire. Dispares citharae nervi sunt, sed una symphonia. In paucissimus chordis saepe errant digiti artificis, sed in populo spiritus artifex nescit errare. 56 All Latin texts of Ambrose’s hymns cited in this paper are taken from Fontaine, J. (1992). English trs. ours.

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of Christ, the raising of the widow of Naim’s son and the cure of the paralytic,57 thereby linking the daily act of rising with resurrection and new life. The rooster of the second line rouses those who are iacentes – translatable as both ‘cast down’ or ‘lying down.’ Thus once again there are two layers of meaning: the rooster wakes those who are lying in bed, or the rooster – the messenger of God – rouses to activity those who are downcast or ill. Similarly the third line can be taken to refer to those simply slumbering or to those who are morally asleep since the verb increpo also carries the sense of ‘chiding’ or ‘accusing.’ And the inference to those who deny in the fourth line could not but be a reminder of Peter’s denial of Christ before the cock crew ( Jn. 18:27). Fontaine also points out that the three verbs in the verse move from a physical level (excitat) to a moral level (increpat) and finally to a spiritual level (arguit).58 Even this brief exploration of the verse does not exhaust the imagery and symbolism contained within it, but it is sufficient to make the point that, when used by a master craftsman like Ambrose, the humble iambic dimeter is a more than adequate vehicle for presenting complex ideas simply. Doctrinal and catechetical content

In view of the fact that a strong impetus for the development of hymnody was to counteract heresy, and particularly the Arian heresy, it is understandable that Ambrose’s hymns have an orthodox, trinitarian focus. The concluding doxology that would become a characteristic of later Latin hymnody emerges with Ambrose, this final verse from Deus creator omnium being a good example: Christum rogamus et Patrem Christi Patrisque Spiritum, unum potens per omnia; fove precantes, Trinitas.

30

We entreat you, Christ and Father, and Spirit of Christ and the Father, one power over all; foster those who pray to you, O Trinity.

That the Spirit is ‘the Spirit of the Father and the Son’ is clearly stated. An equally transparent example of doctrine being expounded is found in the Christmas hymn Intende, qui regis Israel, in which the divinity of Christ is affirmed, together with his equality with the Father and his divine and human natures within the one person: Non ex virili semine, sed mystico spriamine verbum Dei factum est caro fructusque ventris floruit.

10

Not from the seed of man, but from the breath of mystery the word of God was made flesh and flowered as fruit of the womb.

57 See Romans 6:4: ut quomodo surrexit Christus a mortuis per gloriam Patris […]; Lk 7:14: Et ait adulescens, tibi dico surge’ Mt 9:6: tunc ait paralytico surge, tolle lectum tuum et vade in domum tuam. 58 Fontaine, J. (1992), 166.

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The hymn Iam surgit hora tertia opens with the image of Christ dying on the cross and closes with a reminder that ‘we believe in a God who was born as a child to the holy virgin, who bore the sins of the world and sits at the right hand of the Father:’ Nos credimus natum Deum partumque virginis sacrae, peccata qui mundi tulit ad dexteram sedens Patris. Death and birth are of the essence of being human, but within this context of humanness, Christ is still the Word, the eternal Son, who has power over death and sin. Verses three and four make this clear: Haec hora, quae finem dedit diri veterno criminis, mortisque regnum diruit culpamque ab aevo sustulit. Hinc iam beata tempora Christi coepere gratia: fide replevit veritas totum per orbem ecclesias.

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This is the hour which put an end to the lethargy of the horrible crime and destroyed the reign of death and took away the fault from the ages. Henceforth, by the grace of Christ the blessed time is already begun; the truth by faith has filled the churches throughout all the world.

Just as much as Ambrose wants to impart orthodox doctrine, so does he want to encourage good and pious living. The second verse of this same hymn, Iam surgit hora tertia, expounds the benefits of prayer: Qui corde Christum suscipit, innoxium sensum gerit, votisque praestat sedulis Sanctum mereri Spiritum.

5

Whoever receives Christ in his heart, conducts himself with innocence and whoever presents himself with earnest desire merits the Holy Spirit.

The fourth and fifth verses of Splendor paternae gloriae take the form of a prayer of petition – that Christ, the ‘splendour of the Father’s glory,’ will enable the person to live the life of faith: [Splendor paternae gloriae] Informet actus strenuos, dentem retundat invidi, casus secundet asperos, donet gerendi gratiam. Mentem gubernat et rega casto fideli corpore, fides calore ferveat, fraudis venena nesciat.

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[May the splendour of the Father’s glory inspire to prompt action make blunt the teeth of envy, assist in times of adversity, give the grace of acting well. May [it] govern and rule the mind in a chaste and faithful body, may it stir up the warmth of faith and not let it know the poison of deceit.

At the most basic level, this can be regarded as a prayer for the grace to receive strength in times of adversity and the grace to act well with uprightness of mind and purity

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of body, to remain in the truth and not succumb to deception or error. The words, however, are replete with scriptural and classical references, as Fontaine’s analysis of this hymn shows.59 Informet is a word employed by both Vergil and Cicero and has the sense of both ‘fashioning,’ as the Cyclops fashioned the shield of Aeneas, and ‘educating,’ as the orator was instructed in his art. And while it is not found in the Vulgate, it is used by Ambrose himself when speaking about forming a sense of morality.60 Christ then, takes on the role of formator and educator and it is he who provides the prompt/vigorous action that leads to righteous living. ‘In the teeth of envy’ is both an image from Horace61 and an allusion to the bite of the serpent in Genesis 3:15 and that quality of the devil that ‘brought death into the world’ (Wisdom 2:24).62 It also brings to mind the extraordinarily strong language of Psalm 58 (57) in describing the unjust as ‘poisonous as any snake’ and calling on God to ‘break the teeth in their mouths.’63 The combination of words into the phrase ‘teeth of envy’ allows Ambrose to refer at the same time to the vice which brings about death and the source of that vice, the devil. In line 27 of the hymn Deus creator omnium he again employs the word invidus to refer to the devil: nec hostis invidi dolo […] lest the fraud of the envious enemy […]. While it would have been the scriptural allusions which carried most weight for those singing these hymns, this particular hymn shows how Ambrose was able to use both scriptural and classical texts side by side in order to add an extra dimension to the texts as he expounded a particular doctrine or encouraged a certain behaviour or attitude. Reference was made earlier to the enriched vocabulary that the Vulgate presented to Latin hymn writers. The use of scriptural language is a particular characteristic of Latin hymnody and calls for further exploration. Scriptural language

The success of every hymn depends on the hymnographer’s choice of words. In the case of Ambrose it is clear that the Scriptures were his chief lexical source. His familiarity with the word of God was such that he understood the different contexts in which a particular word had been used while his facility as a poet was such that he could present this word with the simplicity and transparency that pastoral exegesis required without destroying its multivalent character. The phrase which Fontaine uses to describe this quality in Ambrose’s hymns is ‘limpid density.’64 We have already

59 See Fontaine, J. (1992), 194–95. 60 Ambrose, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam 4, 50, (CCSL 14, 123): Sed quamvis simplex expositio moralem informet adfectum, gratia tamen non est occulta mysterii. 61 Horace, Carmen 4, 3, 16, (Conington, 1872, London, 108): et iam dente minus mordeor invido. ‘And faint and fainter envy’s growls assail me.’ 62 Wisdom 2:24: invidia autem diaboli mors introivit in orbem terrarum. 63 Psalm 58 (57):5, 7: furor eorum sicut furor serpentis […] Deus, excute dentes eorum ex ore eorum […]. 64 Fontaine, J, (1992), 73.

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seen this in the use of the verb surgo in the hymn Aeterne rerum conditor. The opening verses of Splendor paternae gloriae provide further examples: Splendor paternae gloriae, de luce lucem proferens, lux lucis et fons luminis dies dierum illuminans, verusque sol, inlabere, micans nitore perpeti; iubarque Sancti Spiritus infunde nostris sensibus.

5

Splendour of the glory of the Father, revealing light from light light of light and Source of splendour, day illuminating the day, and true sun, penetrate, shining with perpetual brightness; and radiance of the Holy Spirit fill our minds.

Christ is described in these two strophes as ‘Splendour of the glory of the Father,’ ‘Light of Light,’ ‘Source of splendour,’ ‘Day,’ ‘True sun’ and ‘Radiance of the Holy Spirit.’ All are images of light but they cover a multitude of scriptural sources and theological nuances. The first title, ‘Splendour of the glory of the Father’ comes from the Letter to the Hebrews: He is the splendour of God’s glory, to which the author adds the complementary phrase, ‘and the exact imprint of God’s very being.’65 ‘Splendour’ and ‘light’ have already been associated in the words of the prophet Habacuc: ‘And his splendour will be as the light, rays from his hands,’66 while the plea for ‘the splendour of the Lord God to be upon us’ is part of Psalm 90.67 What this ‘splendour of the glory of the Father’ reveals, is light. In phraseology, this second line echoes exactly the Nicene Creed, but it also cannot fail to bring to mind the beginning of the book of Genesis and the beginning of John’s Gospel: He was the true light that, coming into the world, illumines all people. This light is ‘proffered,’ that is, brought forth, displayed or revealed, an allusion, perhaps, to the words of Simeon as he received the infant Jesus in the temple and acclaimed him ‘light for revelation to the gentiles.’68 However, proferre is also the verb most commonly used in the language of Christian theology to express the ‘prolation’ of Christ, that is to say, his origin as Logos. For example, Tertullian, in his Apology states: ‘This, as we have been taught, has been uttered by God and begotten by this utterance, and is, therefore, called the Son of God and God on account of the unity of nature; for God, too, is spirit.’69 This nuance continues into the third line of the hymn, with the phrase fons luminis, which is also used by Tertullian to describe the prolation of Christ. But the important point here is that it is Christ who is the ‘source of light,’ an appellation usually reserved for the Father. What Ambrose is doing, is highlighting the function of Christ as mediator: whoever sees Christ sees the Father (cf. John 14:9). However, this is a ‘theological digression’ in our consideration of Ambrose’s use of scriptural

65 Hebrews 1:3: qui, cum sit splendor gloriae et figura substantiae eius. 66 Habacuc 3:4: splendor eius ut lux erit, cornua in manibus eius. 67 Psalm 90 (89):17: et sit splendor Domini Dei nostri super nos. 68 Luke 2:32: lumen ad revelationem gentium […]. 69 Tertullian, Apologeticum, 21, 11, (CSEL 69, 55). Eng. tr. (FC 10, 63).

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language. Without being a direct citation, this line calls to mind Psalm 36:10: Quoniam apud te est fons vitae, et in lumine tuo videbimus tuo, ‘For with you is the source of life; in your light we see light,’ and binds together the images from lines 1 and 2. The verse ends with yet another title for Christ: ‘Day,’ with further allusions to the Book of Genesis: Appelavitque Deus lucem Diem; ‘And God called the light “Day”.’70 Fontaine notes that Ambrose frequently uses the metaphor of Christ as ‘day,’ but that here the originality of the line rests in placing the words in such a way that there are two possible ways of considering them.71 In the first dies dierum is understood to mean ‘the day par excellence,’ in the same way that ‘king of kings’ means ‘king above all other kings.’ In the second, dierum is considered as a genitive complement to illuminans and could be rendered in English as ‘illuminator of the day.’ The ambiguity of the word-order only goes to emphasise the fact that it is Christ, the ‘light’ and the ‘day’ who brings light to the world. While cognates of the word illuminare abound in the scriptures – one thinks immediately of the opening line of Psalm 2772 – there are also baptismal overtones here, since in the early Church another word for ‘baptism’ was ‘enlightenment.’ Reference in line 5 to the ‘true Sun’ immediately brings to mind the ‘Sun of justice’ from the prophet Malachi: et orietur vobis timentibus nomen meum sol iustitiae et sanitas in pinnis eius, ‘but for you who revere my name, the sun of justice shall rise, with healing in its wings.’73 On the other hand, Ambrose may have been echoing the beautiful words of St Cyprian’s reflection on the Lord’s Prayer, which incorporated the quotation from Malachi:74 For since Christ is the true Sun and the true Day, as the sun and the day of the world recede, when we pray and petition that the light come upon us again, we pray for the coming of Christ to provide us with the grace of eternal light […] If in holy scripture Christ is the true Sun and the true Day, no hour is excepted for Christians, in which God should be adored frequently and always, so that we who are in Christ, that is, in the true Sun and in the true Day, should be insistent throughout the whole day in our petitions and should pray … for when is he without light who has light in his heart? Or when does he not have sun and day, to whom Christ is Sun and Day?75

70 71 72 73 74

Genesis 1:5. See Fontaine, J. (1992), 189–90. Psalm 27:1: Dominus illuminatio mea et salus mea. ‘The Lord is my light and my salvation.’ Malachi 3:20, (Vg. 4:2). The Life of Cyprian, written by Pontius just months after the bishop’s martyrdom in 258, was the first Christian biography to attain wide popularity. Ambrose would certainly have been familiar with his writings. See Pellegrino (1955), 88–187. 75 Cyprian, De Dominica Oratione, 35, (CCSL 3A, 112–13): Nam quia Christus sol verus est et dies verus, sole ac die saeculi recedente quando oramus et petimus ut super nos lux denuo veniat, Christ precamur, adventum lucis aeternae gratiam praebiturum. […] Quodsi in scripturis sanctis sol verus et dies verus est Christus, nulla hora excipitur christianis quominus frequenter ac semper Deus debeat adorari, ut qui in Christo, hoc est in sole et in die vero, sumus instemus per totum diem precibus et oremus; […] Quando enim sine lumine est cui lumen in corde est? Aut quando sol ei et dies non est cui sol et dies Christus est? English tr. (FC 36, 158–59).

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It could also conjure up the image of the transfigured Christ of Matthew 17, whose face ‘was resplendent as the sun,’ et resplenduit facies eius sicut sol.76 The final title which these first two verses bestow upon Christ is ‘Radiance of the holy Spirit’ which, when combined with the verb infundere, to pour out or impart, surely recalls the Pentecost event of Acts 2, when the Holy Spirit was poured out upon the apostles. Iubar is a synonym for splendor, so that Christ is both the ‘splendour of the glory of the Father’ and the ‘splendour of the holy Spirit,’ which neatly brings into play the trinitarian aspect of dogma which was so dear to Ambrose’s heart as he fought against the Arian heresy. Parallelism, contrast, repetition

Among the literary devices employed by Ambrose were parallelism, contrast and repetition. The first and fifth verses from Deus creator omnium will serve to illustrate these. Deus creator omnium polique rector, vestiens diem decoro lumine, noctem soporis gratia.

1

O God, creator of all [things] and ruler of the heavens, you clothe the day with gracious light, the night with the grace of sleep.

God is both ‘creator’ and ‘ruler,’ parallel attributes which recognise the all-encompassing sphere of God’s influence. Lines 3 and 4 provide the contrast of ‘day’ and ‘night’ but also a delightful comparison in which God clothes the day with ‘gracious’ light (decoro lumine) and the night with the ‘grace’ of sleep (gratia soporis). Light and sleep are both gifts of God’s graciousness and reveal something about the One who is both creator and ruler. Verse 5 again deals with the contrast of night and day, but this time in the context of the faith community: Ut, cum profunda clauserit diem caligo noctium fides tenebras nesciat, et nox fide reluceat.

20

That, when with thick gloom the night has covered the day, faith may not know darkness, but night may be illuminated by faith.

Profunda, ‘deep,’ and caligo, ‘thick darkness,’ sit in the central position of each of the first two lines, with diem, ‘day,’ and noctium, ‘night,’ on either side of the darkness. The darkness may be physical or spiritual or both, but lines 19 and 20 tell us that it is chased away by faith. Fides/fide and tenebras/nox are pitted against each other and in a clever contrast of verbs – faith ‘does not know’ and night ‘shines out’ – the light of faith overcomes the darkness. Such contrasts, parallels and repetitions are characteristic of Ambrose’s hymns and would become a marked feature of Latin hymnody.

76 Matthew 17:2.

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Written for particular liturgical ceremonies

The hymns which Ambrose composed were written for specific liturgical ceremonies with the intention that they would be repeated many times over. Clearly, Aeterne rerum conditor and Splendor paternae gloriae are hymns to be sung in the morning, Iam surgit hora tertia at the third hour (9am) and Deus creator omnium in the evening. These are the four hymns which scholars accept as being genuinely his, and we have already referred to the written evidence of such witnesses as Augustine to confirm this. While there has been vigorous scholarly debate over which other hymns are truly ‘Ambrosian’ there is general agreement that another ten are ‘probably’ by the Milanese bishop while a further four are ‘doubtful.’77 The fourteen hymns whose authenticity has been given scholarly credence are the following: Aeterne rerum conditor Splendor paternae gloria Iam surgit hora tertia Deus creator omnium Intende, qui regis Israel78 Amore Christi nobilis Illuminans altissimus Agnes beatae virginis Hic est dies verus Victor, Nabor, Felix pii Grates tibi, Jesus, novas Apostolorum passio Apostolorum supparem Aeterna Christi munera.

Morning Morning Midday Evening Christmas John the Evangelist Epiphany St Agnes Easter Martyrs Victor, Nabor and Felix Martyrs Protaise and Gervaise Sts Peter and Paul St Laurence Martyrs

It is evident from this list that Ambrose wrote according to the needs of the people. The prayer of each day is covered, as are the major feasts of Easter and Christmas/ Epiphany, with the remainder of hymns being dedicated to feasts of saints and martyrs. The function of the hymn

Ambrose was above all the pastor of his people and he saw in the hymn an opportunity not only to give praise to God, but also to impart orthodox dogma which, through regular repetition, would be thoroughly absorbed at a personal level and constantly attested at the community level. There were other benefits at personal and community

77 See Szöverffy (1964), esp. 49–50. 78 This hymn is known and often referred to by the title Veni, Redemptor gentium, which is in fact the first line of the second verse. It is in this form that most English translations exist, with hymn titles such as O come, Redeemer of the earth or Come, thou Saviour of our race. Martin Luther provided a full and faithful translation in 1524 under the title Nun komm der Heidenheiland.

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levels too: concord and unity was developed and the words and images of scripture were the daily companions of the faithful. In his commentary on Psalm 118 Ambrose includes the following: For even when we do not have the written text in hand, just as animals […] when they are not actually grazing are accustomed to ruminating, drawing on the reserves of food which they have stored, so do we bring forth from the treasure of our memory and our interior spiritual nourishment [on which we can ruminate].79 It was Ambrose’s aim that the hymn would play a significant role in the ongoing faith life of the community, and history would seem to have vindicated that desire.

The introduction of the hymn into the daily Office That Ambrosian hymns reached as far as Rome can be assumed from a comment by Pope Celestine in a discourse against the heresy of Nestorius at the Synod of Rome in 430. He relates how he was caused to remember St Ambrose ‘on the day of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ, when the people with one voice sing to God: O come, redeemer of the nations, and reveal your virgin birth, let every age be in wonderment that such a birth befits God.’80 He is, in fact, citing the words of the second verse of Ambrose’s hymn Intende, qui regis Israel: Veni, Redemptor gentium, ostende partum Virginis: miretur omne saeculum, talis decet partis Deum. ‘Come, Redeemer of the nations; show forth the offspring of the Virgin; let every age marvel: such a birth befits God.’ That they spread much further is apparent from a letter from bishop Faustus of Rhegiensis (Aquitaine) († c. 490) to the deacon Gratus, referring to this same hymn of ‘the confessor Ambrose […] which on the day of the Lord’s birth ranges throughout the whole of Italy and the regions of Gaul.’81 That they were widely imitated is beyond question. The Liber Pontificalis records Pope Gelasius (492–96) as having composed hymns in the Ambrosian style.82 The evidence that hymns – as distinct from psalms, canticles or other forms of sung prayer – became a feature of the Divine Office in the West comes from a number of sources, but most lead back to two outstanding and contemporary individuals: St Caesarius of Arles († 542) and St Benedict of Norcia († 543). We will consider the contribution of each in turn.

79 Ambrose, Expositio psalmi 118, 7, 25, (CSEL 62, 142): Etiam cum abest codex manibus, tamquam animantia […] etiam quando non pascuntur ruminare consuerunt, ex semet ipsis alimenta sibi recondita proferentia, ita et nos de memoriae nostrae thesauro, de interioribus nostris pabulum spiritale promamus. 80 Celestine, Fragmentum sermonis adversus haeresim Nestorii, (PL 50, 457B). 81 Faustus Rhegiensis, Epistola VI, contra Nestorium, (PL 58, 854C): Accipe etiam in hymno S. antistitis et confessoris Ambrosii, quem in natali dominco catholica per omnes Italiae et Galliae regiones persultat Ecclesia: Procede de thalamo tuo geminae gigas substantiae. 82 Duchesne (1955), 255.

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Caesarius of Arles

As a young man of eighteen, Caesarius was accepted into the ranks of the clergy by the bishop of his home town, Chalon. After ‘serving with zeal for around two years he decided, under the impulse of divine grace which enflamed him, to consecrate himself more strictly to the service of God in a way that conformed more with the gospels’.83 To whit, he joined the prestigious island monastery of Lérins, where he began his monastic formation, which included becoming familiar with the Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers of the Church. It was here also that he developed a great love of the liturgy.84 Illness caused him to be sent to Arles for recuperation and it was in this way that he came to the notice of Eonus, bishop of Arles and to study with Pomère, a master of rhetoric. This latter experience was to be a turning point in Caesarius’ life, since it became obvious to him that the way to reach ordinary people was not through fine words, but with words that they could readily understand. Later, as bishop he would write: ‘It is not appropriate that a bishop should preach in a language that scarcely anyone is capable of understanding.’85 With the permission of the Abbot of Lérins, Eonus ordained Caesarius first deacon then priest, but Caesarius never renounced the rhythm of the monastic life, nor the customs of Lérins; ‘priest by ordination and function, he remained a monk in humility, charity, obedience and mortification. First to arrive at the church for matins and the other offices, he was the last to leave.’86 Not too long after his ordination he was sent by the bishop to take charge of a monastery on an outlying island. In his three years as abbot, Caesarius wrote a new Rule for the community, thereby bringing new life to it, especially with regard to the celebration of the Divine Office. Four months after the death of bishop Eonus in 502, Caesarius was elected bishop of Arles. ‘A solicitous pastor, he decided quite soon in his solicitude, that the clergy would join in each day with the singing of the offices of Terce, Sext and None in the basilica of St-Étienne, so that if, perchance, some lay-person or penitent wanted to follow the holy office, nothing would impede him from doing so each day.’87 Once again we see that Caesarius is concerned to make the Divine Office a strong focus of the daily lives of his priests and people. He also began the work, in 506, of establishing

83 Morin (2010, SC 536, 152): Cumque inibi biennis seu amplius sub hac inchoatione deservisset, divinae gratiae instgatione succensus deliberat artius semet ipsim expeditiusque iuxta Evangelium divino mancipare servitio […]. 84 Delage (SC 536, 39). 85 Cesarius of Arles, Sermons au Peuple, 1, 12, (SC 175, 242): (si sit aliquo eloquentia saecularis), non oporteat pontificem tali eloquio praedicare, quod vix ad pauvorum potest intelligentiam pervenire. 86 Morin (SC 536, 162): numquam tamen canonicam modulationem monachi, numquam instituta Lirenensium vel modicum subrelinquens, ordine et officio clericus, himiltate, caritate, obsequio, cruce monachus permanet. Ad ecclesiam vero matutinis aliisque conciliis primus de intrantibus, ultimus de egredientibus aderat. 87 Morin (SC 536, 166): De profectibus itaque cunctorum sollicitus et providus pastor statim instituit, ut cotidie tertiae sextaeque et nonae opus in sancti Stephani basilica clerici cum hymnis canterent: ut si quis forte saecularium vel penitentum sanctum opus exsequi ambiret, absque excusatione aliqua cotidiano inesse possit officio.

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a monastery for women, setting the seal on this venture with the promulgation of their Rule in 534.88 The Council of Agde

It would not seem to be mere coincidence, then, that when Caesaurius presided over the Council of Agde in southern Gaul in 506, a canon dealing with the Office should be included. It is particularly pertinent for the purposes of this study that canon 30 speaks specifically of hymns within the Office: And because it is fitting that the order of the Church should be kept equally by all, care must be taken that, just as is the case everywhere, after the antiphons the collects should be recited in order by bishops or priests; that the morning or evening hymns should be sung every day; that at the end of the morning or evening services (missarum), after the hymns the capitella de psalmis should be said; and that after the concluding prayer the people should be dismissed at vespers with a blessing from the bishop.89 It might appear that this is a clear case of insisting that hymns be sung in the Office. It would be if we could be certain that hymni referred to metrical hymns. However, it must be remembered that this term can also refer to psalms, and we have the example of Cassian calling Psalms 148–50 the ‘morning hymns’ and indicating that they were sung not only throughout Italy but also in Gaul.90 So to what does this term refer? While Paul Bradshaw is doubtful that metrical hymns were intended,91 other scholars such as Henry Beck consider this was indeed the case.92 A clue that ‘hymns’ referred to ‘metrical hymns’ and not merely to psalms may lie in Caesarius’ whole approach to the promotion of the Divine Office and to his ‘conversion’ from the complexities of rhetoric to words that could be understood by all. The very thing which had so appealed to Ambrose’s community of faith and was undoubtedly a significant reason for the rapid and far-reaching expansion of the use of metric hymns, was the simple structure of the hymns, their musical appeal and their rich theological content. Although it can only be conjecture, I would support Beck’s position and agree with him that canon 30 does indeed refer to metrical hymns.

88 See paragraph 73 of the Regula virginum, (SC 345, 272–73). 89 This English translation is taken from Bradshaw (1981), 117. For Latin text see Council of Agde, can. 30, (Mansi 8, 330): Et quia convenit ordinem ecclesiae ab omnibus aequaliter custodiri, studendum est, ut sicut ubique sit, et post antiphonas collectiones per ordinem ab episcopis vel presbyteris dicantur, et hymni matutini vel vespertim diebos omnibus decantentur, et in conclusione matutinarum vel vespertinarum missarum, post hymnos capitella de psalmis dicantur, et plebs collecta oratione ad vesperam ab episcopo cum beneditione dimittatur. 90 John Cassian, De institutis coenobiorum, 3, 6, (CSEL 17, 41): denique per Italiam hodieque consummatis matutinis hymnis quinquagensimus psalmus in universis ecclesiis canitur, quod non aliunde quam exinde tractum esse non dubito. 91 Bradshaw (1981), 118. 92 Beck (1950), 115.

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The Monastic Rule for Women

Whatever quibbles scholars might have over the meaning of hymni in the canon from the Council of Agde, there can be no such argument when it comes to the Rule which Caesarius wrote for a monastic community of women in Arles. The Regula Monachorum, referred to in the brief biographical sketch above, and written for the male monastic community around 503, before Caesarius was bishop, has very little to say about the Office. The Rule, Ad Virgines, which Caesarius wrote around 535, provides extensive detail including the actual incipits of psalms and hymns to be sung.93 Even a cursory study of this Rule shows that a hymn was included with virtually every Hour of the Office. The following hymns are actually named: Iam surgit hora tertia Iam sexta sensim voluitur Ter hora trina voluitur Hic est dies verus Dei Christe qui lux es et dies    and Rex aeterne Domine Mediae noctis tempus est    and Aeterne rerum conditor Fulgentis auctor aetheris Deus qui certis legibus Deus creator omnium

Sundays, Terce Sundays, Sext Sundays, None Sundays, Lucernarium were sung on alternate days During additions to nocturns between Kalends of October until Easter Prime Leaving the oratory after Vespers Alternate days

Apart from these metrical hymns, three prose hymns are mentioned: Magna et mirabilia Te Deum laudamus Gloria in excelsis Deo

During additions to nocturns between Kalends of October and Easter At the conclusion of Matins on Saturdays and Feasts Leaving the oratory after Matins on Saturdays and Feasts

No specific hymn is set down for the Nocturns of Easter, or for Terce, Sext and None on ferial days, although it is likely that this is the same hymn as given for Sunday. It is significant that of the hymns named in this Rule, three that are considered to be genuine compositions of St Ambrose94 – Iam surgit hora tertia, Aeterne rerum conditor and Deus creator omnium – are included. Clearly, hymnody is an integral part of this Office cursus, and since Caesarius states that this rule is based on practice in the monastery of Lérins, it may be reasonable to

93 Caesarius of Arles, Ad Virgines, (SC 345, 170–273). 94 See Szöverffy (1964), esp. 49–50.

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assume that hymnody was a regular feature of the Office there as well. It may even be fair to assume that just as Caesarius transplanted the Lérins practice to Arles, so those other notable bishops and abbots who emanated from Lérins may have instituted hymnody in the Office in the dioceses and monasteries that they governed. On the other hand, the precision with which Caesarius indicates the name of each hymn could indicate that this was an innovation on his part. Nor did Caesarius restrict the practice of hymn-singing to the monastic cursus. We have already mentioned that he extended to the secular clergy the obligation of joining in the daily praying of the Little Hours of Terce, Sext and None in the basilica of St-Étienne, where these Hours were celebrated by the lay faithful. With wry humour Bäumer notes that Caesarius ‘obliged the laity to sing the psalms and hymns to prevent them from gossiping during the Office.’95 An interesting aside is that apparently the hymns were sung in both Latin and Greek, ‘to accommodate strangers, merchants, and the families of workers from Byzantium who inhabited the Greek colonies.’96 The practice instigated by Caesarius was carried on by his second successor, Aurelian (bishop of Arles from 546–51), who also wrote two Rules, one for monks, one for nuns.97 From the point of view of hymns sung within the Office they are very similar to the Rule Ad Virgines, but Aurelian does include two hymns not mentioned by Caesarius: Splendor paternae gloriae and Aeterne lucis conditor, the hymns set down for weekday Matins. Clemens Blume suggests that this omission was simply an oversight on Caesarius’ part, or an indication that these two hymns were already well-established for this Hour.98 It would seem, then, that by the middle of the sixth century, the practice of including a hymn at each Hour of the Office was flourishing in southern Gaul in both monastic and cathedral contexts. The situation in Rome at that time, however, was rather different. Before considering the Rule of St Benedict, which would have wide-reaching and lasting influence on the Office in the West, we will turn to Rome at the time that Benedict composed his Rule. Daily prayer in Rome and environs The Rule of the Master

The precise date at which the Rule of St Benedict was composed is not known, but it is accepted as being around the middle of the sixth century (530–60). At that time,

95 Bäumer-Biron (1967), Vol. 1, 219. He is actually citing Jean Mabillon who, in the Annales ordinis S. Benedicti 1, 4, 23, wrote: Tertiae, Sextae et Nonae officia in maiori sancti Stephani basilica institutuit, curavitque ut laici in ecclesia prosas et antiphonas latine et graece canerent, ut fabulis vacandi spatium non haberent. See Mabillon (1734), 89. 96 Bäumer-Biron (1967), Vol. 1, 219. 97 For those parts of the Rules which deal with the Divine Office see Aurelian of Arles, Regula ad Monachos, (PL 68, 393–96) and Regula ad Virgines (PL 68, 403–06). 98 Blume (1908), 46: Das sind zwei Morgenhymnen, die meines Erachtens nur aufällig bei Caesarius übergangen sind; denn aus Abschnitt a seines Cursus wissen wir, dass der Matutin ein Hymnus zukommt.

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the most influential Latin Rule governing the monastic Office in Italy was the Rule of the Master, which predates Benedict’s rule by several decades.99 It acquired this name because it is set out in the form of questions posed by a disciple with responses by the master. While the Rule of the Master as a whole is a complex and extensive document, the Office horarium is markedly simple and straight forward. The Hours are always observed at the appointed time, regardless of the season – the only exception in this regard being the slightly earlier celebration of Vespers during the summer.100 The year is divided into two: winter extends from the winter equinox until Easter; summer begins at Easter and concludes at the equinox on September 24. The great paschal feast thus governs the liturgical year. The details of the Divine Office are presented in chapters 33–48. Every Hour is set down with the same elements – psalms plus antiphons without alleluia followed by psalms plus antiphons with alleluia, response, reading of Epistle and Gospel, versicle, prayers of intercession. For the most part these elements are in the same order, apart from the versicle which serves to ‘close the mouth’ of the monk at Compline and to ‘open it’ in the Nocturns.101 Although specific psalms are not applied to each Hour, the Rule of the Master calls for currente semper psalterio – that is to say, a continuous recitation of the psalms, presumably taking up in any one Hour from where the previous Hour had left off.102 The preponderance of antiphony is in contrast to the model of Office set down by Caesarius and Aurelian in Arles. The other notable difference is the complete absence of hymnody, which the bishops of Arles were at such pains to include. Offices and Vigils in the basilica churches of Rome

We know that ‘monastic’ institutions attached to the principal Roman basilica churches had as their primary function the performance of the Office Hours.103 This included the Vigils, which were later known as Nocturns. However, the term ‘vigil’ was used in other contexts as well. In his 1986 study on the Liturgy of the Hours, Taft drew attention to the difficulties of defining exactly what is meant by this term ‘vigil.’104 He himself identifies nine different meanings: a) the private night prayer of Christians during the first three centuries; b) semi-private vigils at the tombs of martyrs during that same period; c) wakes; d) the private watches of virgins and ascetics such as Jerome’s Roman devotees; e) a Sunday resurrection vigil of psalms or canticles, an incensation and proclamation of the paschal gospel; 99 The critical edition of the Rule of the Master, together with extensive commentary, is provided in La Règle du Maître, 3 vols, (de Vogüé, SC 105–07). 100 La Règle du Maître, 34, 12–13, (SC 106), 191. 101 La Règle du Maître, (SC 105), 58. 102 See, for example, ch. 33:27, 36; ch. 25:2; ch. 36:1 in La Règle du Maître, (SC 106), 182, 184, 190, 192. 103 Salmon (1951), 116. For further information about the early Roman basilicas see Ferrari (1957). 104 Taft (1986), 165.

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f) monastic nocturns, either at cockcrow as in Cassian and the later Western tradition, or at midnight as in the Cappadocian sources; g) a form of daily service in cathedral usage, based on monastic nocturns; h) the baptismal vigil, originally just at Easter but later celebrated also on the eve of Christmas, Epiphany and Pentecost; i) all-night vigils – most often a Saturday night – which consisted in extending vespers with antiphons and responsories, lections, prostrations and prayers, culminating in Eucharist at the following dawn.105 There is evidence of vigils in Rome, but it is sparse and often unclear. St Jerome, who lived in Rome between 382 and 385 makes several references in his letters to solemn and all-night vigils and to public vigils for Easter, Pentecost and the feasts of Sts. Peter and Paul.106 The sermons of Pope Leo 1 for these feasts as well as for Christmas, Epiphany and for the fasts of the seventh and tenth month would suggest that vigils were a part of all these feasts.107 Batiffol points to a number of inscriptions on the epitaphs of deacons that indicate it was the responsibility of the deacon to lead the psalms, which he did solo, but there were responses for the people similar to a litany.108 No mention is made of the antiphonal singing or hymnody by the whole congregation that marked the Milanese Vigils and which so attracted St Augustine. It would seem that, by comparison, the Roman vigils were quite sober. According to the Liber pontificalis it was Pope Celestine (422–32) who instituted the practice of singing the one hundred and fifty psalms of David, in antiphonal style, before the sacrifice of the Mass,109 but whether this came to constitute a solemn vigil in the manner of those recorded in the Churches of Constantinople and Milan is not clear.110 There is no specific mention of hymody. Daily vigils in Rome

The practice of daily vigils did not become a regular feature of Roman liturgical life until some time during the fifth century, even though it may have begun in the late fourth century. De Blaauw maintains that an office consisting of at least Lauds and Vespers was celebrated at this time in most of the urban churches, adding that the Lateran 105 Taft (1986), 188–90. 106 Jerome, Epistula 107, 9 (PL 22, 875A): vigilarum dies et sollemnes pernoctationes sic virguncula nostra celebret […] ‘Thus our young maiden ought to keep solemn eves and all-night vigils’ […]; Epistula 109, 3 (PL 22, 909A): nam quod dicis eum [Vigilantius] vigilias execrari […]; ‘for you tell me that he [Vigilantius] curses vigils’ […]; Contra Vigiliantium 1, 9, (PL 23, 362–63): De vigilis et pernoctationibus in basilicis martyrum saepe celebrandis […]; ‘concerning the solemn eves and all-night vigils often celebrated in the basilicas of the martyrs.’ English tr. ours. 107 For the Latin texts of these sermons see Leo Magnus, Tractatus septem et nonaginta, (CCSL 138); for English translations, see St Leo the Great. Sermons (FC.93). 108 Batiffol (1911), 51–53. 109 Caelestinus […] constituit ut psalmi David CL ante sacrificium psalli antephanatim ex omnibus, quod ante non fiebat […] in Duchesne (1955), 230. 110 See Marcora (1954), 201–06 for a careful consideration of the Sunday Vigil in these Churches.

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basilica had its own clergy appointed to this task.111 The ‘evidence’ offered by the entry in the Liber Pontificalis declaring that Pope Damasus (366–84) ‘instituted the practice of singing psalms each night in all the churches’ is considered by Duchesne to be a later interpolation,112 although the care shown by this pope for the cemeteries and tombs of the martyrs makes more credible the argument that he instituted a daily office as part of the cult of the martyrs.113 For firmer evidence of daily vigils in Rome at the time that Benedict was establishing his Rule, Taft relies on the Cautio episcopi of the Liber Diurnus Romanorum Pontificum 74, which can be dated at no later than 559, which commits new bishops to celebrating daily vigils in the church ‘with the whole order of [his] clergy.’114 The fact that most Latin sources use vigiliae indiscriminately for both daily monastic-type nocturns and the occasional ‘Great Vigil’ adds to the difficulty that exists in trying to clarify the situation. Moreover, when small monastic communities grew up around the basilicas of Rome in the fifth century, the monks assumed the practice of celebrating together what had previously been considered to be Hours of private prayer, thereby creating the public offices of Terce, Sext, None and Compline115 and expanding the monastic cursus beyond its previous emphasis on psalmody. This urban monastic office impacted on the popular Christian tradition of daily prayer and in turn influenced the purely monastic tradition, so that what will eventually emerge as the ‘Roman Office’ is a synthesis of traditions. Whether or not hymns were included at any point is impossible to tell, since the earliest extant documents – such as the Ordines Romani XVIII and XIX – were compiled at a time when the monastic Office had already incorporated elements of Benedict’s cursus.116 Thus, when Benedict came to compose his Rule, he was in a position to draw on the varied liturgical practices represented by the Rule of the Master and the ‘synthesised’ liturgical practice of the urban monastic monks in Rome as well as elements from practices further afield.

The introduction of the Rule St Benedict The daily Office in the Rule of Benedict

Details of the Divine Office appear in Chapters 8–18 of the Rule of Benedict. In comparing the Rule of Benedict with the Rule of the Master, de Vogüé points to

111 112 113 114

de Blaauw (1994), 185. Duchesne (1955), 213. See also 214–15 for Duchesne’s comment in note 17. De Rossi (1879), 529–30, cited in Marcora (1954), 213. Taft (1986), 186–87. See also Liber Diurnus Romanorum Pontificum 3, Titulus 7: Cautio episcopi, (PL 105, 71A): Illud etiam prae omnibus spondeo atque promitto, me omni tempore, persingulos dies, a primo gallo usque mane, cum omni ordine Clericorum meorum, vigilias in Ecclesia celebrare […]. The reason that this Cautio can be dated so precisely is that Pope Pelagius I (556–61) refers to it in Letter 44, 1–2. See Pelagii I Papae Epistulae que supersunt, (P. M. Gasso (1956), 122). 115 Mateos (1967), 484. See also van Dijk and Hazelden Walker (1960), 17. 116 See Andrieu (1961), 197–208; 211–27.

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two elements introduced into the daily Night Office/Vigil by Benedict – Psalm 3 (prior to Psalm 94) and a hymn – both of which, he suggests, were inspired by the Arlesian Offices of Caesarius and Aurelian.117 Benedict’s inclusion of a hymn in each of the Hours also mirrors the Arlesian Offices, and it is de Vogüé’s opinion that the great care with which Caesarius, and subsequently Aurelian, named each of the hymns seems to indicate that this was an innovation on their part. Moreover, both Psalm 3 and the hymn underline the time of day at which the Office is being prayed, something that is not apparent from either the initial versicle or the Invitatory.118 In the following outline of the Hours, as set down by Benedict, the instruction for the hymn in each Hour is as indicated.119 IX. QUANTI PSALMI DICENDI SUNT NOCTURNIS HORIS […] Inde sequatur ambrosianum XI. QUALITER DIEBUS DOMINICIS VIGILIAE AGANTUR […] Post quartum autem responsorium incipit abbas hymnum TeDeum laudamus […] et subsequentur mox abbas hymnum Te decet laus XII. QUOMODO MATUTINORUM SOLLEMNITAS AGATUR […] et responsorium, ambrosianum, XIII. PRIVATIS DIEBUS QUALITER AGANTUR MATUTINI […] Post haec sequantur laudes […] ambrosianum XVII. QUOT PSALMI PER EASDEM HORAS CANENDI SUNT […] Prima hora dicantur psalmi tres singillatim et non sub una gloria, hymnum eiusdem horae. Tertia vero, sexta et nona […] hymnos earundem horarum Verspertina […] ambrosianum Completorios autem […] hymnum eiusdem horae At this point it is worth noting that when Benedict uses the term laudes he is not referring to an Hour of the Office, but to Psalms 148–50, which followed the Gospel canticle in the first daytime Office that was prayed at dawn. The name given to this Hour is Matins 117 La Règle de S. Benoît 5, (SC 185, 435, note 4; also 437–38, especially note 7). 118 La Règle de S. Benoît 5, (SC 185, 435). 119 For clarity of layout, the outline of the Hours has been taken from Fry (1981), 203–13.

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(Matutinum), while the Hours of the Night Office were known Vigils, divided into two or three Nocturns. In later centuries the Office of Matins came to be known as Lauds. In this study, the term Matins will refer to the dawn Office unless otherwise specified. Hymns in the Office in the Rule of Benedict

While Benedict is clearly calling for a hymn to be included in each of the Hours of the Office, the fact that he gave little further detail has been a frustration to scholars. The only hymns specifically named are the Te deum and Te decet laus of the Sunday Third Nocturn. However, these are not ‘hymns’ in the same sense as the ambrosianum but are what are known as ‘prose-hymns.’ That is to say, the lines of the hymn are in rhythmic prose rather than in a classical meter. Moreover, even the designations that he did give – ambrosianum for the Vigils, Matins and Vespers, hymnus earundem horarum for Terce, Sext, None and hymnum eiusdem horae for Compline – have raised questions as to his exact intent with regard to the hymns. Vogüé goes so far as to suggest that the inclusion of hymns in Prime, Terce, Sext and None is a later addition, since the hymn is not at all present in the Rule of the Master and is not found in any other Roman source until the twelfth century,120 but this is simply speculation on de Vogüé’s part. Hymns in the Office are definitely an innovation for Rome. In fact, it is only due to Benedict that hymns entered the Roman sphere at all, even if they were in use in Gaul and Spain. If Benedict had not introduced this element into the Office, it would have been lost to the Latin Church, since it was the Rule of Benedict that came to dominate in the West, to the exclusion of most other usages. If hymns were not inserted as a result of inspired genius on the part of Benedict, then it would seem that Benedict has drawn on a source beyond Rome, such as the monastic rules composed by Caesarius and Aurelian, or the practices introduced by Ambrose in Milan. And since no ‘Benedictine hymnary’ has survived from the period, exactly which hymns Benedict had in mind for the Vigils, Lauds and Vespers is uncertain; ambrosianum could refer to one of the hymns actually composed by Ambrose or to one of the many imitations which his hymns inspired. When the English hymnologist Arthur S. Walpole expressed regret that Benedict did not include the first lines of the hymns, he was echoing the sentiments of other scholars of the time, who had sought in vain for a ‘Benedictine hymnary’ that would offer some assistance. Those who searched for clues in the Bangor Antiphonary, a collection dating from around 690, which includes the earliest surviving hymnary, did so in vain, since this has its origins in Ireland and is of little value for determining usage in Italy and Gaul.121 However, Walpole was encouraged by an essay of Clemens Blume which seemed to him to present a plausible answer to the conundrum.122 120 La Règle de S. Benoît 5, (SC 185, 535–37). 121 Clerigh (1913), notes that the Bangor Antiphonary codex (Antiphonarium Benchorense) was brought to Milan from Bobbio by Cardinal Federigo Borromeo when he founded the Ambrosian Library in 1609. The codex includes a list of fifteen abbots, beginning with Comgal and ending with Cronanus who died in 691; the date of the collection, therefore, is considered to be between 680 and 691. 122 Walpole (1922), xii.

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Bypassing the Bangor Antiphonary, Blume made a careful comparison of the Arlesian Rules of Caesarius and Aurelian with four other codices that have survived from the eighth and ninth centuries, but which contain earlier material.123 He concluded that there did indeed exist a consistent body of hymns, a ‘hymnary’ so to speak, of ambrosiani on which Benedict would have been able to draw. The significance of these particular codices is precisely that they are quite separate from the family of continental hymnaries that do have links with the Bangor antiphonary. Instead, they come from Corbie, Murbach – or perhaps Reichenau – and the abbey of Rheinau. Thus Blume distinguished two separate families of hymnary, one Gallic in origin, which represents the ‘Benedictine hymnary’ from which Benedict drew for his Rule, the other Irish in origin. Blume concluded that the hymns from the Continental source were sufficiently widely known for the indication ambrosianum, as included in Benedict’s Rule, to have provided all the information necessary for the proper execution of the hymns in the daily Offices. Indeed it is his claim that the hymns so carefully indicated by Caesarius and Aurelian are precisely those intended by Benedict. The fact that the hymns for Terce, Sext, None and Compline are designated as hymnus eiusdem horarum – the hymn for this hour – may simply indicate that for these Hours the hymns were fixed, while for the other Hours there was a choice as to which hymn was sung.

Beyond Rome Fluctuating Council opinions

We have already noted above that no Roman evidence exists of hymns in the Office as prayed in non-Benedictine contexts for at least another five centuries, but this clearly was the practice in other locations, where the ecclesiastical authorities held varied opinions as to the appropriateness of such hymnody. The Second Council of Tours (567) was definitely in favour of hymns, as canon 23 attests: While we are permitted to have ambrosian hymns in the canon[ical hours], nevertheless there are others that remain that are worthy of being sung, that we wish henceforth to be freely accepted, on condition that the names of the authors are at the top […].124 Not only are the hymns of Ambrose welcome, but so too those of other authors, as long as they are worthy compositions, whose authorship is acknowledged at the head 123 The four codices with which Blume worked were Codex Regin. II (Vatican), Cod. Paris Lat. 14088, Cod. Junius 25 (Bodleian) and Codex XXXIV (Zurich), all of which date from the eighth or ninth century. An excellent summary of Blume’s research is provided by Berlière (1908), 367–74. For the original essay by Clemens Blume see Blume (1908). 124 Second Council of Tours, canon 23, (Mansi 9, 803): Licet hymnos ambrosianos habeamus in canone, tamen, quoniam reliquorum sunt aliqui qui digni sunt forma cantari, volumus libenter amplecti eos praeterea, quorum auctorum nomina fuerint in limine praenotata […].

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of the hymn. On the other hand, the Council of Braga, held just four years earlier, claims to be upholding liturgical tradition when it resolves that ‘no poetic composition shall be sung in the church beyond the psalms or the canonical scriptures of the new and old testaments.’125 Less than a century later the bishops at the Fourth Council of Toledo (633) vigorously oppose this position on behalf of all of Spain and Gaul, challenging those who would ban hymns to consider the witness of Christ himself who sang hymns (cf. Mt 26:30) and St Paul (sic) who encouraged the Ephesians to sing hymns and spiritual songs (cf. Eph 5:9). Moreover, they argue, the hymns of Hilary and Ambrose have been composed for the praise of God, the apostles and the martyrs. The contention that liturgical texts should come only from the scriptures is spurious, they protest, as is evident from the use of the Gloria Patri and the Gloria in excelsis, not to mention the lessons and prayers in the Office. Their conclusion is that anyone who rejects the use of hymns and prayers composed in praise of God is to be excommunicated!126 It is clear, then, that hymns are a part of the Office as prayed by the secular clergy in Spain and Gaul, even if this is not the case in Rome. The Rule of Benedict in the ascendency

While hymns in public worship are becoming more accepted and acceptable, hymns in the monastic offices are clearly associated with the spread of the Rule of Benedict. Any detailed investigation of the dispersion of the Rule of Benedict in the West would require much more time and space than can be afforded here; suffice it to say that it was by both direct and indirect means the Rule of Benedict gradually assumed wider use. For example, from Gaul there is evidence that the founder of the monastery of Altaripa, near Toulouse, sought, around the year 620, to have it imposed on the abbot and monks there.127 More frequently, however, it was its combination with the much 125 Council of Braga, can. 12, (Mansi 9, 778): Placuit ut extra psalmos vel canonicarum scripturarum novi et veteris testamenti, nihil poetice compositum in ecclesia psallatur, sicut et sancti praecipiunt canones. 126 Fourth Council of Toledo, can. 13, (Mansi 10, 622–23) (emphases mine): De hymnis etiam anendis et salvatoris et apostolorum habemus exemplum: nam et ipse dominus hymnum dixisse perhibetur, Matthaeo evangelista testante: Et hymno dicto, exierunt in montem Oliveti. Et Paulus apostolus ad Ephesios scripsit, dicens: Implemini spiritu, loquentes vos in psalmis, et hymnis, et canticis spiritalibus. E quia nonnulli hymni humano studio in laudem Dei atque apostolorum et martyrum triumphos compositi esse noscuntur, sicut hi quos et beatissimi doctores Hilarius atque Ambrosius ediderunt, quoa tamen quidam specialiter reprobant, pro eo quod de scripturis sanctorum canonum, vel apostolica traditione non existunt; respuant ergo et illum hymnum ab hominibus compositum, qem quotidie publico privatoque officio in fine omnium psalmorum dicimus: Gloria et honor Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui sancto in saecula saeculorm. Amen. Nam et ille hymnus, quem nato in carne Christo angeli cecinerunt: Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis; reliqua quae ibi sequuntur ecclesiastici doctores composuerunt. Ergo nec idem in ecclesiis canendus est, quia in scripturarum sanetarum libris non invenitur. Componuntur ergo hymni, sicut componuntur missae, sive preces, vel orationes, sive commendationes, seu manus impositiones: ex quibus si nulla dicantur in ecclesia, vacant offica omnia ecclesistica […] Sicut igitur orationes, ita et hymnos in laudem Dei compositos, nullus vestrum ulterius imporbet, sed pari modo Gallia, Hispaniaque celebret: excommunicatione plectendi, qui hymnos rejicere fuerint ausi. 127 See Traube (1910), 87–88.

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harsher Regula monachorum of St Columban that saw it propagated throughout Gaul in the remainder of the seventh century.128 The surge of missionary activity in the Low Countries and Germany on the part of the Benedictine Anglo-Saxon monks like Willibrord and Boniface saw the spread of the Rule of Benedict throughout these lands during the eighth century at the same time as it was gaining ascendency in those monasteries that had previously enjoyed the regime of the regula mixta and were now moving away from the severe Columban model. Without doubt, Benedict’s more common-sense approach to organisation, life-style, regime of work, prayer and study, contributed significantly to the attraction of the Rule of Benedict.129

Anglo-Saxon Christianity Meanwhile, Christianity had been established in the Anglo-Saxon lands through the missionary efforts of Augustine of Canterbury and the forty monks sent there in 596 by Pope Gregory I. Gregory’s aim was not to set up monasteries in England, but to convert the people and the baptism of ten thousand persons on Christmas Day 597 would suggest spectacular success in this regard.130 Gregory’s fondness for the Rule of Benedict was made plain in his Dialogues,131 and it is certain that Benedictine monasticism came to England at this time, even though Gregory gave Augustine the freedom to incorporate any practices from beyond Rome if they served the newly-formed English Church better.132 However, by the end of the seventh century 128 Traube (1910), 117. 129 This sentiment is eloquently expressed by Ethelred Taunton in Taunton (1897), 6, note 1: ‘The code of discipline [of the rule of St Columbanus] is marked by much sternness and severity, forming in this a complete contrast to the moderation of St Benedict. Lashes, even to two hundred in number, were frequently bestowed for very trivial faults. Fastings, excommunications, and lengthened periods of enforced silence were also ordinary punishments. This rigidity was bound to give way in time to the more human, and therefore more natural, spirit which came from Monte Cassino.’ Although Taunton is speaking of the situation in England, it can be assumed that similar situations held on the Continent. 130 Gregory I, Epistula 29, (CCSL 140A, 551): In sollemnitate autem Dominicae nativitatis, quae hac prima indictione transacta est, plus quam decem milia Angli ab eodem nuntiati sunt fratre et coepiscopo nostro baptizati. 131 See Grégoire le Grand. Dialogues II, 2, 36, (SC 260, 242): Hoc autem nolo te lateat, quod vir Dei inter tot miracula, quibus in mundo claruit, doctrinae quoque verbo non mediocriter fulsit. Nam scriptsit monachorum regulam discretione praecipuam, sermone luculentam. Uius si quis velit subtilius mores vitamque congnoscere, potest in eadem institutione regulae omnes magisterii illius actus invenire, quia sanctus vir nullo modo potuit aliter docere quam vixit. ‘I would not want you to ignore the man of God, for he is known as much by the brilliant manner of his doctrinal preaching as by the miracles which have astonished the world. For he has written a rule for monks notable for its discretion, in very clear language. Anyone wanting to know more about his life can find it in the lessons of this rule, since the saintly man can in no way teach what he does not live.’ Tr. ours. 132 See the Venerable Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969), 80–83: Sed mihi placet ut, sive in Romana sive in Galliarum seu in qualibet ecclesia aliquid invenisti, quod plus omnipotenti Deo possit placere, sollicite eligas, et in Anglorum ecclesia, quae adhuc ad fidem nova est, institutione praecipua, quae de multis ecclesiis coligere potuisti, infundas. ‘But it is my wish that if you have

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the Rule of Benedict had spread to both north and south of the country, probably through the combined efforts of Abbot Benedict Biscop (628–90) who founded the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow, and his friend and fellow Benedictine, Wilfrid of York (634–710) who is attributed with the introduction of the Rule into his monasteries at Ripon and Hexham in Northumbria as well as that of Salsey in Sussex in the mid- to late-seventh century.133 The attraction of Roman practice

It is inevitable that local influences exert pressure on the way in which ritual and practice is carried out. An interesting phenomenon, however, linked as much with political expediency as liturgical preference, is that in all regions in the West, there were calls for the adoption of Roman practice in the local Churches. For example, despite the freedom given to Augustine in setting up the English Church at the end of the seventh century, canon 13 of the Council of Cloveshoe in 743 decreed that Offices were to be celebrated according to the usage of the Roman Church.134 In 754, Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, established a community of clerics at the cathedral of Metz, after the style of the monastic communities attached to the Roman basilicas, and imposed on them the Roman usage: He gathered together clergy to act as a community within the bounds of the cloister. […] He himself ordered the clergy to be well instructed in divine law and Roman song, and for the customs and offices of the Roman Church to be observed, which up to that time had not been done in the Church of Metz.135 Almost a decade later, a letter from Pope Paul I to Pepin the Short relates how Remedius the bishop of Rouen, took steps to ensure that his clergy were properly instructed in the Roman manner of liturgical singing, by bringing one of the leading members of the Roman schola cantorum to Rouen. When the singer had to return to Rome, Remedius sent his monks after him, to continue their formation.136

found any customs in the Roman or the Gaulish church or any other church which may be more pleasing to Almighty God, you should make a careful selection of them and sedulously teach the Church of the English, which is still new in the faith, what you have been able to gather from other churches.’ 133 Fry, (1981), 119. 134 Council of Cloveshoe, can. 13, (Mansi 12, 399): id est in baptismi officio, in massarum celebratione, in cantilenae modo celebrentur, juxta exemplar videlicet quod scriptum de Romana habemus ecclesia; ‘that is, the office of baptism, the celebration of Masses, the manner of singing, are to be celebrated according to the written example which we have from the Church of Rome.’ 135 Paul the Deacon, De ordine episcoporum qui sibi ab ipso praedicationis exordio in Mettensi civitate successerunt, (PL 95, 709C): Hic clerum adunavit, et ad instar coenobii intra claustrorum septa conversari fecit, […] Ipsumque clerum abundanter lege divina romanaque imbutum cantilena, morem atque ordinem romanae Ecclesiae servare praecepti, quod usque ad id tempus in metensi Ecclesia factum minime fuit. Tr. ours. 136 Paul I, Epistola ad Domnum Pippinum regem directa de Simeone vel monacho Remedii episcopi (PL 98, 200B): in eis siquidem comperimus exaratum quod praesentes Deo amabilis ‘Remedius,’ germani vestri, monachos, Simeonis scholae cantorum priori contradere deberemus, ad instruendum eos in psalmodiae modulatione, quam ab eo apprehendere […].

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That Pepin himself ordered the suppression of the Gallican liturgy in favour of that of Rome is made clear in an order promulgated by his son Charlemagne in 789: [Concerning] all the clergy. That they learn completely the Roman singing, so that that step by step the nocturnal office is carried out, as our father of blessed memory, King Pepin, fought to bring about.137 The missing decree of Pepin could have been issued in 754, the year that Pope Stephen II visited France in order to consecrate Pepin as King of the Franks. Certainly liturgical books were sent from Rome to both Pepin and Charlemagne: an Antiphonale and Responsoriale by Paul I to Pepin (758/63)138 and a Gregorian Sacramentary by Hadrian I to Charlemagne (784/91).139 Both kings supported the use of Roman liturgical forms. We have previously adverted to the spread of Rule of Benedict in Germany and the Low Countries through the missionary efforts of Boniface and his companions. Cyrille Vogel makes the point that ‘the desire for Roman authenticity, so marked in St Boniface and his Anglo-Saxon assistants […] now took the form of an official, royal request for an authentic model [of Sacramentary], the Gregorian – which could be used without argument as the basis for all future reforms.’140 By the end of the eighth century, then, the monastic celebration of the Hours according to Roman usage is dominant in much of the West. In other words, the point has been reached where a more or less universal ‘Roman Office’ obtains, even though a closer investigation would reveal countless variety in local usages. The ‘cross fertilization’ between the Office as prayed by the monks and that prayed by the secular clergy has resulted in forms with more similarities than differences. One distinct difference is that of hymns within the Office. Certainly manuscript evidence indicates that hymns only became a part of the ‘secular’ Roman Office in the eleventh or twelfth century, although Bäumer points to a number of references that suggest that by the middle of the ninth century hymns are being included in the Office prayed by the secular clergy.141 In particular he refers to the supplement to Amalarius’(† c. 850) De ecclesiae officii, 4, 48, which includes the following: ‘As is the custom with the monks who are in our provinces […] so we solemnly imitate them in the ambrosian hymns’142 and to Walafrid Strabo († 849) who seems to provide complementary confirmation in chapter 25 of his De ecclesiasticarum rerum oxordiis et incrementa.143 The other point which Bäumer makes is that just because hymns 137 Charlemagne, Capitulare Ecclesiasticum, 79, (G. H. Pertz, 1835, MGH Leges 1, 66): Omni clero. Ut cantum romanum pleniter discant, et ordinabiliter per nocturnale vel gradale officium peragatur, secundum quod beatae memoriae genitor noster Pippinus rex decertavit ut fieret. 138 See Vogel (1986), 358. 139 Vogel (1986), 80–81. 140 Vogel (1986), 80–81. 141 Bäumer-Biron (1967), Vol. 1, 368. 142 See Supplementum ad librum IV Amalarii de Officiis Divinis in Mabillon (1723), 99: Sicut vero monachis, qui in nostris provinciis sunt […] sic nos solemnus eos imitari in ambrosianis hymnis. 143 Walafrid Strabo, De ecclesiasticarum rerum exordiis et incrementa, 25 (PL 114, 954A): Notandum hymnos dici non tantum qui metris vel rhythmis decurrent, quales composuerunt Ambrosius, Hilarius et Beda Anglorum Pater, et Prudentius Hispaniarum scholasticus, et alii multi, verum etiam caeteras laudationes,

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are not mentioned in the Roman Offices is no proof that they were not included, since they were often either sung separately or were included in particular books not considered essential to the Office. Regardless of whether or not hymns were part of the Office of the secular clergy of Rome, the question that now has to be dealt with concerns which hymns. We have already noted that the hymns in the Gallic monastic Rules of Caesarius and Aurelian were clearly indicated by their incipits while those in the Rule of Benedict were not specified by name but by the indications ambrosianum or hymnum eiusdem horae. It was this choice of Benedict to make them part of his Rule that would ensure their presence in Roman practice and ultimately their place in the Roman Breviary, since the practice of singing a hymn at each Hour of the day was retained in all the places that the Rule of Benedict was established. We have already ascertained that many of these hymns were drawn either from the authentic compositions of Ambrose himself or from imitations of his works, the so-called ambrosiana, but nowhere in this collection do we find any of the three Advent hymns that are the particular interest for this paper. Where did these hymns originate and when were they first included in the Office? In order to find some answers to these questions we need to return to the exploration of the early hymn collections or ‘hymnaries.’ It will be quite some time before our Advent hymns make their appearance.

The earliest hymnaries Research in this field

A great deal of interest in this subject was shown in the second half of the nineteenth century, possibly initiated by the publication in 1851 of J. Stevenson’s The Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church and J. M. Neale’s Hymni ecclesiae e breviariis quibusdum et missalibus Gallicanis, Germanis, Hispanis, Lusitanis desumpti. French and German scholars were quick to respond, particularly Franz Joseph Mone, with Hymni latini medii aevi in 1853. But it was probably the arrival of the monumental fifty-five volume series, Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi (1886–1922) whose first editor, Guido Maria Dreves was joined in 1896 by Clemens Blume, that provided the greatest impetus in this area of research. Since the earliest surviving hymnary is a section of the so-called Bangor Antiphonary, which dates from around 690 and is of Irish provenance, we cannot depend on manuscript evidence for an answer to the hymn repertoires of a century before this. And while no actual document exists – or may ever have existed – some quae verbis convenientibus et sonis dulcibus proferentur […] Et quamvis in quibusdam ecclesiis hymni metrici non cantentur, tamen in omnibus generales hymni, id est laudes, dicuntur. ‘It should be noted that not only metric hymns such as were composed by Ambrosius, Hilarius, Bede the Father of the English and Prudentius scholar of the Spanish, and many others, are sung, but indeed also praises are offered with suitable words and sweet sounds […] And although in some churches metric hymns are not sung, nevertheless in general hymns, that is praises, are sung by all.’ Tr. ours.

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scholars have used the term ‘Benedictine hymnary’ to cover the repertoire of hymns referred to in the Rule of Benedict, in the same way that the repertoire of Milan and environs has been referred to as the ‘Ambrosian hymnary.’ A lively debate as to the development of early hymnaries took place between the Jesuit, Clemens Blume, and the Benedictine, André Wilmart,144 with the former arguing that Benedict would have made use of hymns already in currency, and that a ‘Benedictine hymnary’ could be reconstructed by recourse to a number of later, Gallic manuscripts, while the latter firmly rejected this hypothesis and suggested that what is to be found in later English/ Irish manuscripts was, to all intents and purposes, the original ‘Benedictine hymnary.’ For around the next forty years, scholars tended to fall into either the ‘Blume’ camp or the ‘Wilmart’ camp. One dissenting voice was that of Philip Becker, who in 1932 suggested that there were in fact five versions of the so-called ‘old Benedictine’ hymnary and that the so-called ‘Irish’ hymnary was none other than the hymnary imposed by St Benedict of Aniane at the Synod of Aachen in 816–17.145 Helmut Gneuss

It was only as recently as 1968 that Helmut Gneuss published his Hymnar und Hymnen im englischen Mittelalter, a work that is now accepted by current scholars in the field as being the definitive study on the development of the early hymnals. In this very detailed and comprehensive study, Gneuss rejects the theories of Blume, Wilmart and Becker alike. He commends the work of Blume, but is able to show conclusively that Blume’s theories were correct only to a limited degree.146 Earlier in this chapter, Blume’s opinion about the correspondence between the hymns named in the Rules of Caesarius and Aurelian of Arles and the un-named hymns in the Rule of Benedict was noted. Even though Gneuss would never use the term ‘Benedictine Hymnary’ in this regard, he shares Blume’s conclusions on this point, while rejecting Blume’s supposition that there was a single ‘Old Hymnary’ which was then replaced by a ‘New Hymnary.’ What he strongly disagrees with is Blume’s conclusion that the New Hymnary was put together by Pope Gregory the Great for use in the Church in Ireland and that it was in use in the British Isles generally between the seventh and ninth centuries, from whence it came to the continent in the ninth century, to be adopted by the secular clergy in Rome and eventually disseminated throughout the whole of Western Europe.147 Wilmart’s position Gneuss rejects as mere assertions without any proof, and does not feel the need to go into any further detail. Becker is treated more kindly,

144 Blume’s reasoning and conclusions are to be found in his Der Cursus (Blume, 1908) while much of Wilmart’s argument appears in his article ‘Le Psautier de la Reine no. XI – Sa provenance et sa date,’ RB 28 (1911), 341–76 (see especially 362–63). 145 Becker, (1932), 1–39, 145–77. 146 In rejecting Blume’s conclusions, Gneuss is also rejecting the conclusions of those scholars, such as W. H. Frere, Peter Wagner, A. S. Walpole, Max Manitius and Mario Righetti, whose works depend on and derive from Bloom. 147 See Gneuss (1968), 11, 25–40.

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but with only two manuscripts to support his theory of five ‘Benedictine hymnary’ types, Gneuss considers that there are too many gaps in the evidence and too many flaws in the details. He claims that what neither Blume, Wilmart nor Becker took into sufficient consideration – and which Gneuss deems vital evidence – is the significance of the early English records and uses. The provenance, contents and usage of Old and New Hymnaries The Old Hymnary

Gneuss organises the Old Hymnary sources into five groups: the Rule of Benedict, the ‘Ambrosian hymnary,’ the Rules of Caesarius and Aurelian of Arles, the English tradition and the Gallo-Frankish manuscripts. The Gallo-Frankish manuscripts examined were the following: Manuscript

Place of origin

Date

Vatican. Reg. lat. 11

Paris-Corbie-Soissons

Paris, B.N. lat. 14088 Paris, B.N. lat. 528 Oxford, Bldl. Junius 25 (S.C. 5137) Zurich, Zentralbibliothek Hs. Rheinau 34 Paris, B.N. lat. 13159

Corbie St Denis Murbach

Second half of eighth century Eighth-ninth century Beginning of ninth century Beginning of ninth century

Rheinau, or perhaps Beginning of ninth century St Gallen-Reichenau Somewhere on the Rhine/ 795–800 East Belgium/France

It is from a thorough examination and comparison of these documents and by deducing the contents of the old Mozarabic hymnal that Gneuss arrives at his conclusions. However, he admits that what the old Spanish (Mozarabic) hymnal looked like can only be determined from remnants which appear in some tenth-century manuscripts and the much later Breviarium secundum regulam sancti Isidori of 1502. In presenting Gneuss’ conclusions it is necessary to sometimes include details of the manuscripts with which he was working, for the sake of clarity. His conclusions are the following: a) In the Rule of Benedict the term ambrosian is likely to mean a hymn actually written by Ambrose as opposed to any other hymn, while the phrases hymnum eiusdem horae, uniuscuisque horae and hymnos earundem horae indicate that Prime, Terce, Sext, None and Compline have only one particular hymn proper to each Hour.148 b) The ‘hymnary’ of the Milanese Church was used through the whole of the Middle Ages in the monasteries and by the secular clergy of the diocese of Milan. Although

148 Gneuss does not state whether or not this ‘particular’ hymn is of Ambrosian authorship.

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manuscript records have come down only from the tenth century, and therefore do not show the hymnary in its original state, they show close connections with the manuscripts of the Old Hymnary, especially when those hymns of known later origin are extracted. c) The contents of the ‘Arlesian’ hymnary are clear from the Rules of both Caesarius and Aurelian and were in use at the time that Benedict composed his Rule. d) Two psalters, of which one is now lost but the second is the much-discussed Vespasian Psalter,149 supposedly dating from the time of Augustine of Canterbury, provide essential evidence in determining the contents of the Old Hymnary. The lost Psalter was described by Thomas of Elmham, a monk of St Augustine’s Canterbury, in his Historia Monasterii S. Augustini Cantariensis, written at the beginning of the fifteenth century: ‘There is still held in that bookcase Augustine’s Psalter which was sent to him by Gregory himself […] on the sixth leaf begins the psalter. At the end of the Psalter are the hymns for the night as well as for day.’150 Then follows a list of the hymn incipits and their rubrics: Mediae noctis tempus est Aeterne rerum conditor Splendor paternae gloriae Venite fratres ocius Iam surgit hora tertia Bis ternas horas explicans Ter hora trina volvitur Deus creator omnium Te deprecamur domine Christe qui lux es et dies Rex aeterne domine Intende qui regis Israel Hic est dies verus dei Apostolorum passio Amore Christi nobilis

pro media noctis ad gallicantum ad matutinas ad primam ad tertiam ad sextam ad nonam ad vesperas ad completorium in quadragesima pro die dominico de natali domini in Pascha in festo apostolorum Petrii et Paulii de S. Iohanne Evangelista

The second manuscript, the Vespasian Psalter, contains but three liturgical hymns with rubrics on the final three folios of the psalter. The texts pre-date any known manuscript evidence of the New Hymnary, and all have Old English glosses from the ninth century. Gneuss surmises that if Canterbury was the place of origin of the Vespasian Psalter, then it is not impossible that the hymn texts in this manuscript were copied from the lost Canterbury Psalter.

149 London, Brit. Mus. Cotton Vespasian A. I. 150 Thomas of Elmham, (Hardwick, 1858), 97: Habetur etiam in eodem librario Psalterium Augustini quod sibi misit idem Gregorius; […] in sexto folio incipit psalterium. In fine vero eiusdem psalterii sunt ympni tam nocturnales quam diurnales.

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e) The six Gallo-Frankish manuscripts examined are distinguished from each other by minor differences but as a group are distinctly different from the ‘Ambrosian hymnary,’ the Gallic monastic Rules of the sixth century and the early English hymn manuscripts. In other words, there was not one type of Old Hymnary but two. The most important differences between the two groups are: i) Group 2 offers a separate hymn for the Morning Office151 for each day of the week, as opposed to none at all or only one or two hymns for this Office in Group 1. ii) There are completely different hymn settings for Prime, Terce, Sext and None for each of the groups. iii) There are additional hymns for Lenten and Easter times in Group 2. Of the two groups, Old Hymnary 2 is much more uniform than Old Hymnary 1, but Old Hymnary 1 hymnaries are of the oldest type. Eight hymns are present in all Old Hymnary 1 manuscripts: Aeterne rerum conditor, Splendor paternae gloriae, Deus creator omnium, Iam surgit hora tertia, Bis ternas horas explicans, Ter for trina volvitur, Christe qui lux es et dies Hic est dies verus dei. In fact, these hymns produce an almost complete cycle for the Hours of the day, the only lack being a hymn for Prime. That the first three hymns from this list can definitely be attributed to Ambrose – and the fourth most probably also written by him – could well indicate that they were the core of the oldest ‘Ambrosian’ hymnary, which St Benedict then assumed into his Rule. In fact, this list of eight hymns, present in all Old Hymnary 1 manuscripts, corresponds exactly to the hymnody that the Rule of Benedict requires, even down to the point that the first three hymns in this list, hymns for Nocturns, Matins and Vespers, precisely match those instances when the Rule calls for ambrosianum – that is, a hymn written by Ambrose – while that term is not used for the hymns for the other Hours. f) In the light of the evidence of two types of Old Hymnary, further comments are able to be made about the English sources. The hymn list of the lost Canterbury manuscript as given by Thomas of Elmham shows commonalities with the Ambrosian hymnary, while the rubrical details correspond almost completely with the other Old Hymnary 1 manuscripts. Although the Vespasian Psalter contains only three hymns, these three hymns indicate that it has no correlation

151 Earlier in this paper it was stated that the dawn Office would be referred to as ‘Matins.’ Since Gneuss refers to this Office as ‘Lauds’ I have chosen to refer to it here as the ‘Morning Office’ rather than confuse the terminology.

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with Old Hymnary 2, but it could be that it has copied several pieces from the lost manuscript. The fact that six of the hymns in the Canterbury hymns list are used as examples by Bede in his De Arte Metrica,152 would indicate that Old Hymnary 1 was used in places other than Canterbury, since Bede would surely use hymns with which his readers would have been familiar through regular use. g) Whether or not Old Hymnary 2 was known in England remains uncertain, since there are no extant witnesses to confirm this. However, neither are there witnesses to the use of Old Hymnary 1 in England during the ninth century, which is the precise time at which the New Hymnary was flourishing on the continent. While it could be supposed that Old Hymnary 1 was superseded directly by the New Hymnary in England in the tenth century, that would be simply conjecture. h) While it makes sense that the repertoire of hymns in the Canterbury-type hymnaries corresponds with that of the ‘Ambrosian’ repertoire which was almost certainly part of the Rule of Benedict and would have come to England with Augustine and his missionary companions, the question of how a Night Office that corresponds to Arles came to Canterbury is less clear. It may have come about through Augustine’s connection with the Gallic Church: he was ordained by Archbishop Vergilius of Arles in 597 and would have been familiar with monastic practice there. However, Gneuss sees the reply by Gregory the Great to Augustine concerning practices in the ‘missionary church’ as holding the key to this question: My brother, you know the customs of the Roman Church in which, of course, you were brought up. But it is my wish that if you have found any customs in the Roman or the Gaulish church or any other church which may be more pleasing to Almighty God, you should make a careful selection of them and sedulously teach the Church of the English, which is still new in the faith, what you have been able to gather from other churches. For things are not to be loved for the sake of a place, but places are to be loved for the sake of their good things. Therefore choose from every individual Church whatever things are devout, religious, and right. And when you have collected these as it were into one bundle, see that the minds of the English grow accustomed to it.153

152 Bede the Venerable, De Arte Metrica, 21, (CCSL 123A, 135–37). 153 Bede the Venerable, (Colgrave and Mynors, 1969), 80–82: Novit fraternitas tua Romanae ecclesiae consuetudinem, in qua se meminit nutritam. Sed mihi placet ut, sive in Romana, sive in Galliarum, seu in qualibet ecclesia aliquid invenisti, quod plus omnipotenti Deo possit placere, sollicite eligas, et in Anglorum ecclesia, que adhuc ad fidem nova est, institutione praecipua, quae de multis ecclesiis colligere potuisti, infundas; non enim pro locis res, sed pro bonis rebus loca amanda sunt. Ex singulis ergo quibusque ecclesiis, quae pia, quae religiosa, quae recta sunt, elige; et haec quasi in fasciculum collecta apud Anglorum mentes in consuetudienem depone. English translation provided by the editors who note that the Latin of the final sentence has been altered so as to spoil the sense. As the earliest manuscripts of the Libellus prove, it should read: et haec quasi in vasculo collecta, apud Anglorum mensam in consuetudine depone. ‘When you have collected them as it were into one pot, put them on the English table for their use.’ This is a much more vivid and intelligible remark.

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If, indeed, the hymnary was put together by Augustine himself, it is conceivable that he included the Arlesian practice for Nocturns. Moreover, if it was put together by Augustine its circulation throughout England would have been guaranteed. While this final conclusion reached by Gneuss is no more than an educated guess, it would account for the presence of Old Hymnal 1 and the absence of Old Hymnal 2. However, his other conclusions stand on much firmer ground, since they are based on the hymn contents, the liturgical usages and the dating and provenance of the various manuscripts and clearly supersede the theories of Blume, Wilmart and Becker. The research by more recent scholars, such as Marie-Hélène Jullien,154 whose focus is on the works of Ambrose, and Inge B. Milful,155 who has concentrated on Anglo-Saxon hymnody, corroborates that of Gneuss. The New Hymnary replaces the Old

While scholars agree that a new hymnary took over the whole of Christian Europe in the course of the ninth and tenth centuries, there is little contemporary evidence to show how this actually came about. Gneuss presents his argument in the form of a rebuttal of the theories of Blume, but for this study it is sufficient simply to present Gneuss’ conclusions and how these were reached. One of the most significant differences between the Old Hymnary and the New is the latter’s much more extensive hymn repertoire. While the Canterbury-type Old Hymnary includes only sixteen hymns, the earliest type of New Hymnary preserved from the ninth century contains thirty-eight hymns and the fully developed New Hymnary in England preserved from the tenth century includes one hundred and five.156 Many of these added hymns are by unknown authors and do not appear in any manuscripts that have survived from the ninth century. The obvious question concerns the origin of these anonymous hymns, since many are clearly very old. Were they already in liturgical use, either singly or in groups, in various locations? They apparently made up for the lack of hymns for a great number of feasts and holy days for which the Old Hymnary did not provide. As well as a large list of hymns for feast days and saints’ days, the New Hymnary supplies specific hymns for Vespers, Nocturns and Matins for every day of the week – although the repertoire for Matins is not that included in Old Hymnary 2. The New Hymnary on the Continent

Gneuss examines a number of continental manuscripts from the ninth century, including the Reichenau manuscript on which Blume based much of his theory.157 154 155 156 157

Jullien (1992), 171–82. Milfull (1996), The Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church. See Gneuss (1968), 41–42. This hymnary, from the middle of the ninth century, now exists in two parts: part 1 is in the manuscript St Paul in Lavanttal, Stiftsbibliothek, Hs. 25.2.31b, while part 2 is in Karlsruhe, Landesbibliothek, Augiensis CXCV.

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The weekday and Sunday hymns of the Reichenau manuscript identify it as an early version of the New Hymnary. Gneuss also refers to a mid-ninth-century manuscript from Corbie – B.N. lat. 13388 – which has an essentially smaller repertoire of hymns for weekdays than the Reichenau hymnary, providing just one hymn per week for each Hour, but has a much more extensive list of hymns for feast days.158 Gneuss acknowledges that while a continental origin for the New Hymnary cannot be proven conclusively, the evidence suggests that this is likely. Moreover, from the scant evidence that is available, it would seem that the New Hymnary developed gradually. A brief digression from the work of Gneuss is necessary at this point, since more recent research carried out by the French scholar, Marie-Hélène Jullien,159 on hymn collections in two previously unexamined manuscripts – an anthology compiled by Alcuin and a booklet of prayers that originated in Tours160 – reveals a remarkable similarity in hymn repertoire between these manuscripts and that of the Reichenau hymnary. Such manuscript evidence gives even more credence to the theory that New Hymnary developed on the Continent. Gneuss turns to one of the English manuscripts, the so-called Bosworth Psalter161 to support this theory. This manuscript of 135 folios dates from the tenth century and contains a hymnary, known as the Canterbury Hymnal, of one hundred and five hymns on folios 105r–128r. It is the oldest example of the complete cycle of the New Hymnary in England.162 Gneuss compares this repertoire with the description of the Office given in the codicil to the Aachen Capitulary of Louis the Pious from the year 817, following the Aachen Synod, which made the Rule of Benedict binding for all monasteries.163 What is most interesting is that the Aachen Capitulary, in listing those feast days on which a plenarium officium was called for, names only four saints apart from the Apostles and John the Baptist – Sts. Stephen, Laurence, Martin and Benedict – and for these four, particular hymns are set down in the hymn list. Precisely these four saints – and only these four – are detailed in the same way in the Bosworth Psalter. The significance of this particular detail is that it reveals the interesting situation of a fully developed form of New Hymnary in England that nevertheless corresponds exactly with Frankish monastic regulations from at least a century earlier.

158 The list of hymns can be constructed from Mearns (1913). See xv–xvi for manuscript codes and then 1–107 for the hymns. 159 Jullien (1966). 160 The anthology is to be found in two manuscripts: Bamberg, Staatsbibl., Misc. Patr. 17 (B.II.10) from the eleventh century, probably originating in the north of France, and Escorial, Real bibl. de San Lorenzo b.IV,17; the booklet of prayers is in Paris, Bibl. nat. lat. 13388. 161 Brit.Mus. Add.37517. See Bishop and Gasquet (1908). 162 See Milfull (1996), 43. 163 Regularia decreta a sancta synodo in Francia, 3, (Aachen Synod, Mansi 14, 349): […] ut omnes officium S. Benedicti faciant. […] id est, ut omnes horae canonica tam ad nocturnas vigilias, quam ad diurnas horas, excepto completorio, Antiphonis terminentur.

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This correspondence may, however, confirm a strong relationship between the Benedictine reform instigated by Benedict of Aniane under the auspices of Louis the Pious on the Continent in the ninth century and the Benedictine reform initiated by Dunstan, Aethelwold and Oswald under instruction from King Edgar in England in the tenth. The English historian Michael Lapidge makes the point that these three chief proponents of the English reform movement had each had close links with the Continent: Dunstan spent some time at St Peter’s monastery in Ghent, while Oswald studied at Fleury, and Aethelwold would have gone to Fleury except that this was prevented by his appointment as Abbot.164 The Benedictine Thomas Symons notes that Fleury had been reformed by Odo of Cluny c. 930 and Ghent by Gerard of Brogne c. 937,165 so that when the Regularis Concordia – the code that prescribes the pattern of monastic life to be adhered to in England – was drawn up c. 973 with the assistance of monks from both Fleury and Ghent it was under the direct influence of the Continental reform movement.166 The New Hymnary in England

The first question that Gneuss asks about the New Hymnary in England is the obvious one: whether it was in use in England before the Benedictine reform of the late tenth century or whether it made its appearance only at that time. Because of the lack of manuscripts from the late ninth and tenth centuries – the Viking incursions of the ninth century left many monasteries in a state of near-destruction – this must remain in the realm of conjecture. The concerted efforts of Dunstan, Aethelwold and Oswald, however, beginning around 954, the year in which Dunstan was elected abbot of Abingdon, and peaking in the period between 960 and 975, saw many important monasteries founded or reformed along the lines of the continental reforms that had taken place in Cluny, Brogne and Gorze. Dunstan became archbishop of Canterbury in 959, Aethelwold was made bishop of Winchester in 963 and Oswald was first bishop of Worcester in 962 and then archbishop of York from 972. Thus all were in a position to ensure the full implementation of the Regularis Concordia which was drawn up after the Synod of Whitby called by King Edgar around 970. Gneuss suggests that it is most likely during this period that the New Hymnary came to England, but since the earliest available manuscripts date from the tenth century, this cannot be declared with complete certainty. Gneuss takes ten English manuscripts for his exploration of the New Hymnary in England: 164 Lapidge (2003), 27. 165 Symons (1975), 45. 166 Indeed, the proemium of the Regularis Concordia says that the English bishops, abbots and abbesses drew up this Rule accitis Florensis beati Benedicti necon praecipui coenobii quod celebri Gent nuncupatur vocabulo monachis, quaeque ex dignis eorum moribus honesta colligentes; ‘having summoned from Fleury holy Benedictines, gathering as well the principal cenobites from celebrated Ghent that go by the name of monks, each worthy of their honourable customs.’ See Symons (1975), 3. Tr. ours.

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Manuscript

Code

Date

Aelfric’s Letter to the Monks of Eynsham MS Brit. Mus. Add. 37517 MS CCCC 391, Hymnary MS CCCC 391, Collectar MS Durham Cathedral B III. 32 MS Durham Cathedral A. IV. 19 MS Brit. Mus. Harley 2961, Hymnary MS Brit. Mus. Harley 2961, Collectar MS Brit. Mus. Cotton Julius A. VI MS Brit. Mus. Cotton Vespasian D. XII

Ae B C C* D E H H* J V

1005 End of tenth century c. 1065 c. 1065 First half of eleventh century c. 970 Mid-eleventh century Mid-eleventh century Mid-eleventh century Mid-eleventh century

He provides a complete list of the repertoire found in the manuscripts and by means of an exhaustive table indicates where the individual manuscripts correspond or differ. Six of the manuscripts preserve the New Hymnary – Ae, B, C, D, J and V. As with the Old Hymnary Gneuss finds that there are two distinct types, with Ae, C, and J belonging to Group 1 – which he names the ‘Winchester-Worcester Group’ and B, D and V to Group 2 – which he names the ‘Canterbury Group’ – the chief difference being the hymn repertoire and the way in which certain hymns are ordered for feast days and saints’ days. Since the oldest manuscripts in each group – Ae in Group 1 and B in Group 2 – date from almost the same period, Gneuss concludes that both types of New Hymnary were evidently in use at the same time. From manuscript evidence it is definite that both types of New Hymnary were in use for at least a century after the drafting of the Regularis Concordia. Its preservation in six manuscripts proves that it was a very important form of the hymnary and the provenance of these manuscripts shows that its use was widespread. Even though it is not possible to prove exactly where each type of hymnary was used, it is certain that both types were used in Benedictine monasteries throughout England and were not limited to the areas around Winchester, Worcester and Canterbury. Since no hymnaries from Ghent or Fleury from the tenth century have survived, it was not possible for Gneuss to make a direct comparison between the hymnary usages in England and those of the continental monasteries that exercised most influence in the English Benedictine reforms. However, a comparison with other continental manuscripts leads him to propose cautiously that the New Hymnary was introduced from the Continent during the English Benedictine reform of the tenth century, with the Canterbury-type hymnary originating from Fleury and the Winchester-type hymnary originating from Ghent. This very simple statement in fact covers a multitude of complex relationships between repertoires in use in England and those in monasteries located in Belgium – particularly Ghent, in France and in Italy – particularly Farfa, and perhaps Narni and Naples.167

167 See Gneuss (1968), 72–74.

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A brief excursus that bears directly on the hymns of Advent is appropriate here. Two of these manuscripts are the Hymnary from the Abbey of Mossiac in the south of France168 and the Hymnary from the Abbey of St Severin in Naples.169 While Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum and Vox clara ecce intonat appear in the Moissac hymnary, they must be ‘presumed’ in that of St Severin, since the first two folios are missing. However, there is enough correspondence between other hymns to do this. For example, the hymn on folio 3v, Sol astra, terra, aequora, designated In Adventu DN in the Severin manuscript, also appears in the Moissac manuscript in a slightly abbreviated form under the heading De nativitate Domini. We return now to Gneuss’study of the manuscripts. Gneuss concludes that in all likelihood the Winchester-type hymnary was more widespread since it was backed up by the authority of the Concordia Regularis and also appeared in a special teaching version, an example of which is included in manuscript H. The New Hymnary will flourish in England for the next hundred years, only to be replaced at the end of the eleventh century by a new type of hymnary which Gneuss calls the ‘revised New Hymnary.’ This reflects modifications due to local custom, but shows remarkable consistency across both monastic and secular clergy uses, particularly the Sarum and York usages. From the perspective of this study, however, the New Hymnary is the pivotal hymnary since it is here that our Advent hymns first make their appearance. Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat are included in the repertoire of all six English manuscripts that contribute to the New Hymnary. All of these manuscripts, however, are examples of Benedictine monastic usage. In the next hundred years in both England and on the Continent the hymnary of the Benedictines will stand alongside the hymnaries of the secular clergy and the new monastic and preaching orders. However, with the development of the Roman Breviary, a certain stability and consistency of repertoire emerges and the seasonal hymns, including our Advent hymns, become ‘institutionalised.’ From this point onwards, the fate of our hymns will be sealed by the developments of the Breviary. Just how this plays out will be the subject of exploration later on in this study.

Summary This chapter began by addressing the meaning of the term ‘hymn’ which, readily understood in modern times to refer to a freely-composed song in praise of God intended to be sung by a religious assembly, was not, in New Testament texts

168 This is the subject of Vol. 2 of Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, the 55-volume series published between 1889 and 1922 by Guido Maria Dreves, with later collaboration from Clemens Blume and Henry Bannister. This series provides the most extensive collection and history of medieval Latin hymns of the Catholic Church from the sixth to the fifteenth century. 169 This is the subject of Vol. 14 of Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi.

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always clearly differentiated from ‘psalms’ and ‘canticles,’ which were sung versions of specific scriptural texts. That the Churches of both East and West experienced a blossoming of such freely-composed texts is evident from the writings both secular and religious writers. Known as psalmi idiotici, these ‘hymns’ were not always looked upon favourably due to the risk they posed of transmitting unorthodox doctrine but, ironically, it was this very literary form that became a strong weapon in countering heresy and embedding orthodox theology in the hearts and minds of believers. With the compositions of St Ambrose of Milan the Latin Christian hymn became firmly established and with its incorporation into the daily monastic cursus of prayer by Caesarius of Arles and Benedict of Norcia its institutionalisation was complete. The simple structure of the Ambrosian hymn was the key to its success. The uncomplicated iambic dimeter and melodic line allowed congregations to easily commit them to memory but did not limit the scope of their scriptural imagery or doctrinal content. Indeed the genius of the Ambrosian hymn was its ability to encompass complex thoughts and ideas with the greatest economy of words. Ambrose’s aim of providing a vehicle by which the people could at the same time praise God and imbibe orthodox dogma was certainly achieved, evidenced by the rapid spread of this element of worship to regions far beyond Milan. The second section of this chapter then concentrated on the incorporation of these hymns into the individual Hours of the Divine Office in the West, considering first the practice of Caesarius of Arles and then the developments that took place in Rome and its environs. Wherever in Italy the monastic Office in the early sixth century was governed by the Rule of the Master, no hymnody was included; however, when Benedict composed his Rule in the mid-sixth century he certainly included a hymn with each Hour. The spread of Benedictine communities throughout Italy, Spain, the Low Countries, Germany and Anglo-Saxon England ensured the spread of the Latin hymn. The third section of this chapter deals with the development of the monastic hymnaries and the work of Helmut Gneuss in trying to trace their spread across Europe and their introduction to Anglo-Saxon England by Augustine of Canterbury. By studying a number of Gallo-Frankish manuscripts dating from the eighth and ninth centuries and comparing them with the contents of hymnaries in use in England in the ninth and tenth centuries, Gneuss concludes that there was not just one type of monastic hymnary in use, but two, each quite distinct from the other. He named the earlier of the two hymnaries Old Hymnary 1 and the later version Old Hymnary 2. What he found most interesting was that the repertoire of the Canterbury-type hymnaries corresponded much more directly with the Old Hymnary 1 than Old Hymnary 2, and suggests that any discrepancies in repertoire can be attributed to Pope Gregory 1’s encouragement of Augustine of Canterbury to ‘choose from every individual Church whatever things are devout, religious and right’ as he went about collecting material that would be used in the English Church. This section of the chapter concludes with consideration of the New Hymnary that subsequently developed on the continent during the Benedictine reforms of the ninth century instigated by Benedict of Aniane and its transferral to England via the Benedictine Abbots Dunstan and Oswald who spent time in the monasteries of Corbie and Fleury and oversaw

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a Benedictine reform in England in the tenth century. Gneuss’ study of ten English manuscripts reveal that once again, there were two distinct types, the first linked to Winchester-Worcester and the second to Canterbury, and concludes that although the Winchester-Worcester hymnary was more widespread, both types were used throughout England. It is in the New Hymnary that the three Advent hymns that are the focus of this study make their appearance and over the following centuries become a fixed element of the Advent Office as presented in the Roman Breviary. It is only now that the Advent hymns have become institutionalised within the Roman Breviary that we can finally turn to consider each of our three Advent hymns in detail, showing how they follow the model of the Ambrosian hymn and how they reveal the theologies underpinning the season of Advent. This will be the subject matter of Chapter three.

Chapter T hree

Analysis of the hymns Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat

Introduction In this chapter I propose to present the Latin texts of our three hymns, together with a literal translation, since, for the most part, the English translations available are based on the Urban VIII Latin versions. This will allow the content of each of the original texts to be interpreted ‘at face value’ as it were. In order then to discover the riches within, a helpful means of analysing our three Advent hymns will be to consider them in the light of the characteristics of the hymns of Ambrose that were noted in the previous chapter, namely: consistent structure, the compact presentation of ideas, presentation of doctrinal and catechetical content, use of scriptural language and allusions, and use of parallelism, contrast and repetition. Subsequently, I will consider all the theologies of Advent contained in the three hymns, before returning to the history of these hymns as they became firmly established in the developing Roman Breviary. Finally, I will examine the significant alterations made to these hymns under the auspices of Pope Urban VIII.

Conditor alme siderum Initial consideration of the text

This hymn is designated in the pre-Tridentine monastic Office as the hymn for Sunday Vespers during Advent – beginning with First Vespers on the Saturday evening before the First Sunday of Advent – and for weekdays of Advent when no feast occurs. As such, it is the first official hymn of the Church’s liturgical year. As with many hymns, slight variations of text occur in different manuscripts, but the one given below is the most widespread.1 The first volume of the monumental Thesaurus Hymnologicus,2 compiled by Hermann Daniel in the mid-nineteenth century, includes a bracketed extra verse between the fourth and fifth verses which, although absent from many of the manuscripts he used in the compilation of his

1 Breviarium Romanum, Pars Hiemalis, Pretridentine Monastic Office. 2 Daniel (1855), Vol. 1, 74.

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work, is present in some. Since it also appears in Heinrich Bebel’s Liber hymnorum published at the turn of the fifteenth century3 and George Cassander’s Hymni ecclesiastici of 15564 it would seem to warrant consideration. Significant variations to verses two, four and five can be found in the fourteenth-century Cistercian breviaries, as Franz Joseph Mone points out in the first volume of his Hymni Latini Medii Aevi.5 Mone considers this to be the authentic version of the hymn, but Daniel refutes this.6 For ease of reading, the extra verse provided by Daniel is included in the following example, while the variant verses two, four and five provided by Mone are shown separately: Conditor alme siderum aeterna lux credentium, Christe redemptor omnium exaudi preces supplicum, Qui condolens interitu mortis perire saeculum salvasti mundum languidum, donans reis remedium. Vergente mundi vespere, uti sponsus de thalamo, egressus honestissima Virginis matris clausula. Cuius forti potentiae genu curvantur omnia, caelestia, terrestria nutu fatentur subdita. [Occasum sol custodiens, luna pallorem retinens, Candor in astris relucens certos observat limites.] Te deprecamur Agie, venture iudex saeculi, conserva nos in tempore hostis a telo perfidi. Sit, Christe, rex piisime, tibi Patrique gloria cum Spiritu Paraclito, in sempiterna saecula. Amen.



Loving creator of the constellations, eternal light of believers, Christ, Redeemer of all, hear the prayers of the supplicants [you] who, sympathising that the world was perishing by death’s destruction saved a languishing world, giving healing to the guilty. The evening of the world approaching, you, as a bridegroom of the wedding chamber, departed from the most pure enclosure of the virgin mother. to whose strength of power every knee is bent, things of heaven, things of earth, having been subjected, confess with a bow. [The sun, keeping watch as it sets, the moon retaining its pale light, the brightness in the constellations gleaming back, observe fixed limits.] We beseech you, O Holy One, the judge of the ages, about to come, defend us in time from the weapon of the treacherous foe. To Christ, most gentle king, and to you the Father, be glory with the Spirit, the Paraclete for ever and ever. Amen.

3 Bebel (1501), folio 1. 4 Cassander (1556), 91. 5 Mone (1853) Vol. 1, 50. The particular manuscript that he cites originated in the Cistercian Nunnery of Lichtenthal. 6 Daniel (1855) Vol. 4, 118 and 368.

Analysi s o f t he hy mns

Verses two, four and five of the ‘Cistercian’ version as shown by Mone read as follows: Qui condolens hominibus mortis subjectis legibus factus homo restituis vitam in tuo sanguine; […] Cuius forti potentiae genu flectatur omnium coelestium, terrestrium nec non et infernalium. Te deprecamur hagie, venture iudex saeculi, conserva nos in tempore, quamdiu sumus advenae.

[You] who, sympathising with men subjected to the laws of death, having become man restore life through your blood. […] to whose strength of power every knee is bent, in the heavens, in the earth and even in the underworld. We beseech you, O Holy One, the judge of the ages, about to come, defend us in time for as long as we are pilgrims.

Looking at the first version presented here we see that it is a prayer addressed to Christ, named not only as Redeemer, but as creator of the constellations and eternal light of all believers. The request made to Christ is that he might hear the prayers made by those humbly entreating him; the confidence that this request will be heard being based on the past actions of Christ, which the following two verses describe. Having had pity on a world perishing due to the destructive powers of death, Christ provided a remedy for this languishing world. As the evening of the world drew nearer, he emerged from the virgin mother’s pure womb (literally ‘the purest space’) just as a bridegroom comes forth from his bridal chamber. In the face of this strength and power to which the whole of creation – that is, all things heavenly as well as all things of earth – has been subjected, every knee bends. Finally, in verse five, the prayer of supplication to which the first verse refers, is voiced: may Christ, the Holy One, the judge who is about to come to the world, defend us here and now against the forces of evil (literally ‘the weapons of the treacherous foe’). A doxology, which here praises Christ as King and the Spirit as Paraclete, concludes the hymn.7 In terms of the ‘comings’ of Christ, this hymn deals with his coming in the flesh and his coming as judge at the end of time. The interpolated verse describes the light of the sun, moon and stars as operating within fixed limits. The relevance of this verse will become clearer when a fuller analysis of the hymn is made. The ‘Cistercian’ version of the hymn has Christ taking pity on a humanity that is subject to the laws of death, rather than on a ‘world perishing because of death’s destruction,’ and spells out that it is through Christ’s blood that life is restored to humankind. Verse four conforms more closely to the text of Philippians 2:10 by having heaven, earth and the underworld bend the knee in the face of Christ’s power. The final line of this version calls for the Holy One to defend us for as long as we are



7 Whether or not the doxology was part of the original hymn is not of concern here. It was customary for hymns in the Ambrosian style to conclude with a doxology.

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strangers/foreigners/pilgrims. Once again, the significance of these textual variations will be dealt with when the hymn is analysed more fully. An analysis of Conditor alme siderum according to the characteristics of Ambrosian hymnody Structure of the hymn

Despite the fact that it comprises only four verses rather than the traditional eight, this hymn is nevertheless Ambrosian in style.8 It is a prayer addressed directly to Christ under the title of conditor – creator – coming from the root word, condo, meaning to create, found, make or shape into being. The short-long stress of the iambic dimeter causes the stress to fall on the second syllable of conditor rather than the first, rendering it open to confusion with a rather rare homonym, condítor – derived from condio to make savoury – which means ‘one who seasons or makes savoury.’ However, those likely to have been singing this hymn would scarcely have misunderstood the intended meaning. Simple and compact presentation of ideas

The opening verse addresses Christ as both light and Redeemer and provides conjointly a cosmic and a human context for his almus, loving-kindness. The one who provides physical light for the entire universe also provides the immaterial, unfailing light of faith that guides believers. As Redeemer, Christ is not merely a far-distant creator and illuminator, but is the one who enters human history in order to heal and save. This concept is expanded in the second verse, where we see the consequence of Christ’s loving-kindness. He cannot stand by at the sight of a world heading towards destruction at its own hand, but chooses to provide a healing remedy. What this remedy is becomes apparent in the third verse: just as the world was ‘declining’ towards its end, Christ emerged into that world, born of the virgin mother. Clearly outside human capability, this act can only be the result of divine action; it is an action of grace, a gratuitous intervention of God into the life of humankind. This divine power is the subject of the fourth verse. Nothing can resist it. Rather, the whole of creation is subject to it, and bows before it on bended knee. Having progressed in the course of the hymn from the creation of the universe to the Incarnation of Christ by which it is healed and saved – both actions revealing the omnipotence and the loving purpose of God – this final verse combines the image of Christ as Judge at the end of time with the earnest petition for help against the temptations of the devil in the historical present. Here Christ is addressed as ‘the Holy One,’ the one against whom the devil is powerless, and whose inherent holiness makes him suitable to be Judge.



8 Note that reference has already been made to a sixth verse, appearing between verses 4 and 5 in some manuscripts.

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Doctrinal and catechetical content

Five main doctrines are encountered in Conditor alme siderum: the unity of Christ with the Father; Christ as Saviour of the whole of creation; the universality of sin; the extraordinary reality of Mary being both mother and virgin, and the final judgment by Christ at the end of time. In addressing Christ as conditor/creator and aeterna lux/eternal light the tenet of the Nicene Creed is upheld: God from God, light from light, true God from true God, begotten, not made, one in being with the Father; through him all things were made.9 The Son shares with the Father the very act of creating. The elements named here are the constellations, but implicit is the creation of the entire universe. The use of the image of the Christ as eternal light strengthens the understanding of and the Father being united, since it was not uncommon for the Father to be referred to as ‘eternal light’ and the Son as the brightness of that light. This was the image used by Pope Dionysius to demonstrate the co-eternality of Father and Son, as a letter by Athanasius reveals: […] being the brightness of light eternal, certainly [Christ] himself is eternal; for as the light exists always, it is evident that the brightness must exist always as well […] God is light eternal, never beginning nor ceasing. The brightness then lies before him eternally, and is with him without beginning and ever-begotten, shining in his presence.10 To use the same title for both Father and Son is a clear way to indicate their one-ness. The prologue of John’s gospel states this unity between Father and Son unequivocally: In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things came into being through him, and without him not one thing came into being.11 This truth is echoed by Paul in his first letter to the Christians of Corinth: ‘Yet for us there is one God, the Father, from whom are all things, and for whom we exist, and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom are all things and through whom we exist.’12 And in the letter to the Colossians we read again of the intimate union between Father and Son: He is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation; for in him all things in heaven and on earth were created, […] all things have been created

9 Council of Nicea, Expositio fidei Nicenae, (Mansi 2, 668A): γεννηθέντα οὐ ποιηθέντα, ὁμοούσιον τῷ Πατρί, δι’ οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο. 10 Athanasius, De Sententia Dionysii, 15, (PG 25, 501–02): Ἀπαύγασμα δὲ ὢν φωτὸς ἀϊδίου, πάντως καὶ αὐτὸς ἀΐδιός ἐστιν· ὄντος γὰρ ἀεὶ τοῦ φωτός, δῆλον ὡς ἔστιν ἀεὶ τὸ ἀπαύγασμα […] Ὁ δέ γε θεὸς αἰώνιόν ἐστι φῶς, οὔτε ἀρξάμενον, οὔτε λῆξον ποτέ· οὐκοῦν αἰώνιον πρόκειται, καὶ σύνεστιν αὐτῷ τὸ ἀπαύγασμα, ἄναρχον καὶ ἀειγενὲς προφαινόμενον αὐτοῦ. English tr. (NPNF2, Vol. 4, 182). 11 Jn 1:1–3. 12 1 Cor 8:6.

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through him and for him. He himself is before all things, and in him all things hold together.13 Addressing Christ as redemptor omnium acknowledges him as the redeemer not only of all humanity but of all things. This fact was expressed implicitly in chapter 6 of John’s gospel as the words of Jesus were recounted: ‘This is the will of him who sent me, that I should lose nothing of all that he has given me, but raise it up on the last day.’14 Paul’s letter to the Romans, was even more specific: ‘creation will be set free from its bondage to decay and will obtain the freedom of the glory of the children of God.’15 That ‘bondage to decay’ initiated by the moral death incurred through by Adam’s sin and repeated countless times by God’s chosen people in the centuries leading up to the coming of Christ is referred to in the second verse of our hymn as ‘death’s destruction.’ The image of the withering, languishing world is painted in detail by the prophet Isaiah:16 luxit et defluxit terra et infirmata est defluxit orbis infirmata est altitude populi terrae et terra interfecta est ab habitatoribus wuis quia transgressi sunt leges mutaverunt ius dissipaverunt foedus sempiternum

The earth dries up and withers, the world languishes and withers; the heavens languish together with the earth. The earth lies polluted under its inhabitants; for they have transgressed laws, violated the statutes, broken the everlasting covenant.

The use of the verbs luo and defluo provide an interesting auditory connection to the noun lux, light. The world that is languishing in the darkness of sin is in need of healing light. Those singing this hymn would be mindful of their share in the guilt of sin and understand that freedom from sin comes only through the grace of redemption. But, in virtue of having just referred to Christ as eternal light, they may well have remembered the words of Isaiah 60:2–3: For darkness shall cover the earth, and thick darkness the people; but the Lord will arise upon you, and his glory will appear over you. Nations shall come to your light and kings to the brightness of your dawn. The third verse focuses on the status of Mary as virgin and mother in the mystery of the Incarnation. As previously noted in Chapter One, the acknowledgment of Mary as Mother of God was central to the christological debates that raged in the third and fourth centuries. Cyril of Alexandria († 444) fiercely opposed Nestorius on the grounds that his belief that Christ comprised two persons – the divine Logos

13 Col. 1:15–17. 14 Jn 6:39. 15 Rm 8:17. 16 Is 24:4–5.

Analysi s o f t he hy mns

and the human Jesus – denied the unity of Christ’s divine and human natures at the Incarnation. An excerpt from his homily De incarnatione Dei Verbi summarises Cyril’s orthodox teaching:17 Corpore nimirum sumpto de sancta Virgine: corpore, inquam, non ut nonnullis haereticis visum est, inanimi, sed anima rationali informato. Sic homo perfectus processit de muliere, absque peccat; vere, non apparenter ac phantasice; haud sane omittens divinitatem, neque if abjiciens quod semper fuerat, et est, eritque, Deus. Atque hoc pacto Deiparam dicimus esse sanctam Virginem.

Namely, having taken a body from the holy Virgin; a body, I say, not without soul as some heretics claim, but formed with a rational mind. Thus from the maiden came a perfect man, without sin; a true man and not merely an illusion; and definitely not in the sense of laying aside his divinity, nor of casting away what he had always been and is and will be: God. It is for this reason that we call the holy Virgin Mother of God.

Cyril lived to see the doctrine of Mary, Mother of God (Theotokos) affirmed at the Council of Ephesus in 431, which was called to counter the heretical teachings of Nestorius.18 This was then confirmed at the Council of Chalcedon in 451,19 although in both instances there was no exclusive or independent statement made in this regard. Thus the fact of Mary being the Mother of God is embedded in texts defining the person and nature of Christ, as this anathema accepted by the Council of Ephesus shows: ‘If anyone does not confess that Emmanuel is truly God, and therefore that

17 Cyril of Alexandria, De incarnatione Dei Verbi, 3, (PG 77, 1091C). 18 Third Council of Ephesus, (Mansi 4, 891–92): hos sanctos patres sensisse reperiemus: ita non dubitarunt sacram virginem deiparum appellare; non quod Verbum natura, ipsiusque divinitas ortus fui principium ex sancta virgine sumpserit; sed quod sacrum illud corpus anime intelligente perfectum ex ea traxerit, cui et Dei Verbum secundum hypostasim unitum, secundum carnem natum dicitur; ‘the holy fathers […] dared to call the holy virgin, mother of God, not as though the nature of the Word or his godhead received the origin of their being from the holy virgin, but because there was born from her his holy body rationally ensouled, with which the Word was hypostatically united and is said to have been begotten in the flesh.’ 19 Council of Chalcedon, (Mansi 6, 670): Confitemus igitur Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum filium Dei unigenitum, Deum perfectum et hominem perfectum ex anima rationali et corpore ante saecula quidem ex patre natum secumdum deitatem, in novissimi vero temporibus eundem ipsum propter nos et propter nostram salutem de Maria virgine secundum humanitatem; consubstantialem patri secundum deitatem, et consubstantialem nobis secundum humnitatem. […] Secundum hanc incomparabilis unitatis fidem, confitemur sanctam virginem Dei genitricem, propter hoc quod Deus Verbum incarnatus est, et humnitatem assumpsit, et ex ipso conceptu univit sibi templum, quod ex ipsa suscepit; ‘We confess, therefore, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Only Begotten Son of God, perfect God, and perfect Man consisting of a rational soul and flesh; begotten before the ages of the Father according to his divinity, and in the last days, for us and for our salvation, of Mary the Virgin according to his humanity, of the same substance with his Father according to his divinity, and of the same substance with us according to his humanity; for there became a union of two natures. Wherefore we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord. According to [our] belief in this incomparable union, we confess the holy Virgin to be Mother of God; because God the Word was incarnate and became Man, and from this conception he united the temple taken from her with himself.’ (Emphasis ours).

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the holy virgin is Mother of God (for she bore in the flesh the Word of God become flesh) let him be anathema.’20 Two doctrinal elements are contained in the final verse of this hymn, the first explicit, the second implicit. The first is that of the Last Judgement, a doctrine that has been part of the Church’s teaching and creeds since the earliest days. Jesus himself announced that ‘the Son of Man, when he comes in his glory […] will sit on the throne of his glory […]. All the nations will be gathered before him, and he will separate the peoples as a shepherd separates the sheep from the goats […] and the [accursed] will go away into eternal punishment, but the righteous into eternal life’ (Mt 25:31–46). In the post-Ascension teaching of the apostles, Peter testified at Caesarea that Christ ‘is the one ordained by God as judge of the living and the dead’ (Acts 10:42) and the second letter of Paul to Timothy refers to Jesus ‘who is to judge the living and the dead’ (2 Tim 4:1), a phrase taken up by the Old Roman Creed, a shorter form of the Apostles Creed dating back at least to the middle of the second century,21 and subsequently the Apostles Creed22 and the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed.23 While the prospect of the final judgment was an incentive for all Christians to live good and faithful lives – an incentive that would have been reinforced every time this hymn was sung – the hymn does not present Christ the Judge in terms of accusation or condemnation. He is the ‘Holy One,’ to whom the prayer of this final verse is addressed. He is the Holy One whose defence against the power of the devil is sought here and now, and surely that would have been for those singing it a reason for great hope. The second doctrine implied in the final verse of Conditor alme siderum is that of the constant presence and action of the risen Christ with the Church until the end of time. The plea to ‘defend us in time from the weapon of the treacherous foe’ acknowledges that Christ is indeed present to the Church and able to act within it as a protective and defensive influence. The manner of his presence would have been understood as having varying dimensions. He himself assured his followers, ‘Where two or three are gathered in my name, I am there among them,’24 and later comforted

20 Third Council of Ephesus, (Mansi 4, 1082): Si quis non confitetur, Emmanuelem verum Deum esse, et ob id sanctam virginem deiparum; (genuit enim illa incarnatum Dei Verbum secundum carnem), anathema sit. 21 The earliest extant example of this appears in Greek in a letter of Marcellus of Ancyra († 374) written to Pope Julius c. 341. For an English translation see Williams (2013), 435. The earliest Latin version of this Creed is to be found in Tyrannius Rufinus’ Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolorum (see PL 21, 335–86). It can be read with accompanying commentary in Schaff (1877), Vol. II, 45–47: Credo in Deum Patrem omnipotentem, et in Jesum Christum, filium eius unicum, Dominum nostrum; qui natus est de Spiritu Sancto et Maria vergine; sub Pontio Pilato crucifixust, et sepultus; tertia die resurrexit a mortuis; ascendit in caelum, sedet ad dexteram Patris; inde venturus judicare vivos et mortuos. Et in Spiritum Sanctum; sanctam Ecclesiam; remissionem peccatorum; carnis resurrectionem. 22 For a comparison of the Old Roman Creed and the received Apostles creed see Schaff, (1877) Vol. 1, 36. The additions include ‘Maker of heaven and earth,’ ‘conceived [by the Holy Spirit],’ ‘he descended into hell,’ [the holy] ‘catholic’ [Church], and ‘the communion of saints.’ 23 See Council of Constantinople, (Mansi 3, 565–66), for the Greek and Latin versions of this creed. 24 Mt 18:20.

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them with the words, ‘Remember, I am with you, even to the end of the age.’25 The longer ending of Mark’s gospel26 states that the Eleven ‘went out and proclaimed the good news everywhere while the Lord worked with them and confirmed the message by the signs that accompanied it.’27 However, it was the concept of the Body of Christ, where Christ is head and the faithful are the members of the Church, which provided the strongest assurance of Christ’s continuing presence on earth throughout the course of time. Augustine directly linked the doctrine of the incarnation of the Word of God with the doctrine of the Church as the Body of Christ. In his Enarratio in Psalmum 148, he wrote:28 Verbum caro factum est (Jn 1:14) ut fieret caput Ecclesiae. Verbum enim ipsum non est pars Ecclesiae; sed ut est caput Ecclesiae, carnem assumpsit.

The Word was made flesh and so became the head of the Church. The Word himself is not part of the Church, but assumed flesh that he might be head of the Church

And in his Sermo 341, 1, 1, he described one of the ways that Christ can be understood no longer as an individual, but ‘somehow the whole Christ in the fullness of the Church, that is, as head and body, according to the completeness of a certain perfect man, the man in whom we are each of us members.’29 That the One who was to be judge was the One who was constantly present to them, indeed their very head, would have been an unceasing source of encouragement and consolation to those who sang this hymn. Scriptural language and allusions

It is when we consider the scriptural language and allusions in this hymn that we discover the theological depths that it plumbs. Virtually every line is charged with references that complement or enrich the bare text. The opening two words, Conditor alme, translate as ‘loving Creator,’ but by choosing to use conditor rather than creator, the author has introduced the quality of shaping and forming, rather than simply ‘bringing into being.’ Ambrose, who used this term of address in his pre-dawn hymn Aeterne Rerum Conditor, showed in a letter to Irenaeus that he too was aware of this subtle difference.30 The use of conditor in the Letter to the 25 Mt 28:20. 26 Verses 9–20 are included in the Vulgate but recognised by scholars as a later addition to the original Markan text. 27 Mk 16:20. 28 Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum 148, 8, (PL 27, 1942). Tr. ours. 29 Augustine, Sermo 341, (PL 39, 1493): Tertius modus est quodam modo totus Christus, in plenitudine Ecclesiae, id est caput et corpus, secundum plenitudinem perfecti cuiusdam viri, in quo viro singuli membra sumus. Tr. ours. 30 Ambrose, Epistula 63, 5, (CSEL 82.2, 144): Solvit hanc legem Adam, qui voluit sibi arrogare quod non acceperat, ut esset sicut creator et conditor suus, sic ut divinum honorem affectaret; ‘Adam broke this law, seeking to assume for himself that which he had not received, that thus he might become as it were his own maker and creator, and arrogate to himself divine honour.’

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Hebrews similarly displays this characteristic: Expectabat enim fundamenta habentem civitatem, cuius artifex et conditor Deus – ‘For he [Abraham] looked forward to a city having foundation whose architect and builder is God’ (Heb 11:10). The word sidus strikes a multi-faceted chord: it not only refers to the heavenly bodies that are the sun, moon and stars, but also to the eternal light that will be Christ himself and the portents shown in the heavens prior to the coming of the Son of Man (cf. Lk 21:25). Since Lk 21:25–33 was commonly read on the fourth Sunday before Christmas wherever the Roman liturgical books were used,31 the connection between this text and that of the Office Hymn Conditor alme siderum, would surely have been made by those singing it. The expression aeterna lux immediately brings to mind such phrases as ‘Let there be light’ (Gen 1:3), or ‘the light shines in the darkness and the darkness did not overcome it’ ( Jn 1:5) or ‘Light from light’ in the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed. The imagery of light is such a powerful one within the context of Christianity that much of the light referred to in the Old Testament is interpreted in christological terms. For example, when Augustine is commenting on Ps 43:3, ‘Send out your light and your truth, let them lead me,’ he writes: that very Light and Truth are indeed two in name; the reality expressed is but One. For what else is the Light of God, except the Truth of God? Or what else is the Truth of God, except the Light of God? And the Person of Christ is both of these.32 Similarly, Tertullian uses Is 9:2, ‘the people who walked in darkness have seen a great light,’ to counter the heretic Marcion: ‘Since both the place and work of illumination according to the prophecy are compatible with Christ, we begin to discern that He is the subject of the prophecy.’33 References to Christ as light are frequent in the New Testament. When the child Jesus is presented in the temple, Simeon recognises him as the ‘salvation [God] has prepared’ and acclaims him ‘a light of revelation for the Gentiles and for the glory of your people, Israel’ (Lk 2:32). Clearly, his words are linked to those of the prophet Isaiah: ‘I have given you as a covenant to the people, a light to the nations’ (Is 42:6) and ‘I will give you as a light to the nations, that my salvation may reach to the end of the earth’ (Is 49:6b). And while these prophecies look to Christ as the saviour of all nations, the Isaian prophecies concerning the Jewish people in particular would have been in the minds of his listeners when Jesus claimed for himself the title ‘light of the world,’ assuring his listeners that ‘whoever follows me will never walk in darkness but will have the light of life’ ( Jn 8:12). The faithful of the tenth century, singing of the aeterna lux credentium, would have appropriated all these scriptural allusions and recognised in Christ the ‘everlasting 31 For an excellent exposition of the gospel readings found in the early Roman sources, see G. Fontaine (1979), Vol. 1, 47–48, 51–53, 58–59, 61–63. 32 Augustine, Exposition on Psalm 43, (NPNF1, Vol. 8, 139). For Latin text see Ennerationes in Psalmos I–L, (CCSL 38, 476): Quia ipsa lux tua et veritas tua: haec nomina duo, res una. Quid enim aliud lux Dei, nisi veritas Dei? aut quid veritas Dei, nisi lux Dei? Et hoc utrumque unus Christus. 33 Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem, 4, 7, (CCSL 1, 554). English tr. (ANF 3, 352).

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light’ that would render redundant the sun’s light in the day and the moon’s light in the night (cf. Is 60:19), and be for them ‘the stronghold of [their] life’ (Ps 27:1). The fact that the Epistle set down for the First Sunday of Advent according to the Comes of Würzburg and the Lectionary of Alcuin34 is Romans 13:11–14, in which Paul urges the faithful to ‘cast off the works of darkness and put on the armour of light,’ would promote this appropriation. Three words in particular lead the singers of this hymn to the scriptural underpinning of the second verse: condolens/suffering with, languidum/sick and remedium/healing. As individual words they are not especially scriptural or significant, but together they strongly recall the sentiment of Isaiah 53:4: Vere languores nostros ipse tulit, et dolores nostros ipse portavit: et nos putavimus eum quasi leprosum, et percussum a Deo et humiliatum. Ipse autem vulneratus est propter iniquitates nostras, adtritus est propter scelera nostra: disciplina pacis nostrae super eum, et livore eius sanati sumus.

Truly he has born our infirmities, and carried our bodily pains; and we accounted him as one stricken, struck down by God and brought low. For he was wounded on account of our sins, and weakened on account of our wickedness; on him the punishment of our peace, and by his bruises we are healed.

Condolens, from the Latin doleo – to suffer pain and the prefix con – with, is a particularly emotive word, being close in meaning to compatior – to suffer or undergo on account of an intense empathy with and sympathy for. In the Suffering Servant of Isaiah the early Christians recognised Jesus, the Redeemer, who took upon himself the sin and suffering of all humanity in order to restore it to its original relationship with God. This Redeemer is not some far-distant deity, but so loving and empathetic that he takes on human flesh, becomes one of us, assumes our infirmities and suffers terribly on account of our sinfulness. He is someone who wants our healing. This compassion and empathy is shown clearly in numerous places in the gospels. In Matthew 14:14 we read: Et exiens vidit turbam multam, et misertus est eis, et curavit languidos eorum – ‘When he went ashore, he saw a great crowd; and he had compassion for them and cured their sick.’ Mark 1:41 recounts Jesus’ reaction to the request of a leper for healing: Jesus autem misertus ejus, extendit manum suam: et tangens eum, ait illi, volo, mundare – ‘Jesus, moved with pity, stretched out his hand and touching him said, “I do want to; be made clean.”’ In both these instances it is physical healing that is sought, but, as Jesus himself made plain, his desire was to heal from sin as well. Included among the many examples of this in the gospels are his treatment of the

34 The Comes of Würzburg is the oldest surviving lectionary of the Roman Church, dating from around the year 700, but probably reflecting Roman practice during the first half of the seventh century. The Lectionary of Alcuin is a ninth century document commissioned by Charlemagne in order to provide an authentically ‘Roman’ lectionary for the Carolingian empire. A copy of Alcuin’s revision of the Roman lectionary, originally in the possession of Chartres cathedral, is located in Paris at the Biblioteque Nationale, MS lat. 9452. See Das kirchliche Pericopensystem aus den ältesten Urkunden der römischen Liturgie dargelegt und erläutet, Ranke (1847), See also Codices liturgici Latini antiquiores, Gamber, (1968), 438.

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sinful woman who bathed his feet with her tears (Lk 7:36–50) and his healing of the paralytic (Mt 9:2–7). Returning to the text of our hymn, we find the loving compassion of Christ, Redeemer of all, contrasted with the ‘world perishing by death’s destruction.’ The correspondence of sin with death is evident in the Old Testament. We see, for example, the exhortation of Deuteronomy 30 to choose the way of life – that is to say to love God, walk in his ways and obey his commandments – over the way of death – where one turns away from God, does not listen to him and bows down and serves other gods. The choice of life or death is freely made. As we read in Ecclesiasticus 15:17(18): Ante hominem vita et mors, bonum et malum, quod placuerit et dabitur illi – ‘Before each person are life and death, good and evil; whichever one chooses will be given.’ Jesus himself does not present the choice in precisely this way, but there are numerous gospel examples of him appealing to his followers to choose life, the chief difference being that now the ‘life’ to be chosen is eternal life.35 The correlation of sin and death is developed most fully in the New Testament by St Paul, who speaks not of physical death but spiritual death: ‘[t]he law of the spirit of life in Christ Jesus has set you free from the law of sin and of death […] to set the mind on the flesh is death, but to set the mind on the spirit is life and peace’ (Rm 8:2, 6). And again: ‘But now that you have been freed from sin and enslaved to God, the advantage you get is sanctification. The end is eternal life. For the wages of sin is death, but the free gift of God is eternal life in Christ Jesus our Lord’ (Rm 6:20–23). Christ’s death on the cross overcame the moral death brought about by the sin of Adam, releasing humankind to the possibility of eternal life in Christ. Our hymn complements a number of Advent formularies whose subject is the release from sin brought about by the advent of Christ the Saviour. Two typical examples are found in the Gelasian Sacramentary:36 Quaesumus, omnipotens deus, praeces nostras respice et tuae super nos viscera pietatis inpende, ut qui ex nostra culpa adfligimur, salvatore nostra adveniente respiremur: per.37

Consider our prayers, we beseech you, almighty God, and let the core of your kindness hover over us, that we who are afflicted by our guilt, may be refreshed by the coming of our Saviour.

Concede, quaesumus, omnipotens deus, ut qui sub peccati iugo ex debito depraemimur, expectata unigeniti tui nova nativitate liberemur: per.

Grant, we beseech you, almighty God, that we who are weighed down by the yoke of sin, may be freed by the awaited new birth of your only begotten Son.

35 See, for example, Luke 10:25–28, where Jesus affirms that following the Law – loving the Lord God with all your heart, with all your soul, with all your strength and with all your mind; and your neighbour as yourself – results in life. 36 The Gelasian Sacramentary, compiled between 628 and 715 is a complex composition largely made up of libelli – collections of presidential prayers for a particular feast or season – used in Rome in the seventh century. See Vogel (1986), 68–69. 37 See Mohlberg (1981), Gelasian Sacramentary Item LXXXIIII, Orationes de adventum Domini, nos 1147 and 1148.

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The alternative text for verse two of Conditor alme siderum, found in the Cistercian breviaries of the fourteenth century, presents the move from the way of death to the way of life brought about by the loving-kindness of a sympathetic Saviour in a less poetic, more direct, manner, speaking of ‘mankind subjected to the law of death’ being ‘restored to life’ through the blood of Christ. The phrase vergente mundi vespere – the approaching evening of the world-in all probability holds within it the words of Hebrews 9:26: nunc autem semel in consummatione saeculorum, et destitutionem peccati, per hostiam suam apparuit; ‘he has appeared once for all at the end of the age to remove sin by the sacrifice of himself.’ This reflects an understanding of the history of humankind comprising various ‘ages,’ with Christ’s coming being the sign that the final ‘age’ has arrived. St Augustine presents a clear exposition of the ‘six ages’ in chapter 22 of his treatise, De catechizandis rudibus – On the catechising of the uninstructed: The first age is from the beginning of the human race, that is, from Adam, who was the first man to be made, down to Noah, who built the ark at the time of the flood; the second is from Abraham who is called the father of all the nations […] and the third is from Abraham until king David; the fourth is from David until that captivity by which the people of God migrated to Babylon; the fifth is from the migration until the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ; with his coming the sixth age was begun […] that in this sixth age the human mind might be renewed to the image of God, just as on the sixth day man was made in the image of God.38 Since the six ‘ages’ parallel the six days of creation, it is clear that the coming of Christ represented the dawning of the ‘new creation’ to be ushered in by the Messianic age. Thus, as this hymn is sung in the evening hours of the day, the ‘evening age’ of the world is recalled – the time when humanity is to be ‘renewed in the image of God,’ or, taking up the words of verse two, ‘healed from death’s destruction.’ The remainder of verse four describes Christ as the one who emerges from his virgin mother as a bridegroom emerges from his bridal chamber. Since those singing this hymn would be very familiar with the psalms, verse 5 of Psalm 19 (18) would immediately spring to mind, as would St Ambrose’s use of this phrase in the hymn Intende qui regis Israel, commonly used for both Advent and Christmas: procedat e thalamo suo, […] geminae gigas substantiae alacris ut currat viam; ‘he came forth from his bridal chamber, the giant of twin nature, that speedily he might run his course.’39

38 Augustine, De catechizandis rudibus, 22, (CCSL 46, 163): prima est ab initio generis humani, id est, ab Adam, qui primus homo factus est, usque ad Noe, qui fecit arcam in diluvio; inde secunda est usque ad Abraham, qui pater dictus est omnium quidem gentium […] Nam tertia est ab Abraham usque David regem; quarta a David usque ad illam captifitatem qua populus Dei in Babyloniam transmigravit; quinta ab illa transmigratione usque ad adventum Domini nostri Jesu Christi; ex cujus adventu sexta aetas agitur […] ut hac sexta eatate mens humane renovetur ad imaginem Dei, sicut sexta die homo factus est ad imaginem Dei. English tr., (NPNF1, Vol. 3, 307). 39 See Fontaine, J. (1992), 275.

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In his treatise De incarnationis dominicae sacramento, Ambrose used this very image to affirm the divine and human natures of Christ existing within the one person: Christ is the Son of God, both eternal from the Father and born of the Virgin Mary. The holy prophet David describes him as a giant for the reason that He, one, is of double form and of twin nature, a sharer in divinity and body, who ‘as a bridegroom coming out of his bride-chamber has rejoiced as a giant to run his course’ […] He assumed the sacrament of the Incarnation, not divided, but one, because he, one, is both, and one in both, that is, as regards both body and divinity. For one is not from the Father and the other from the Virgin, but the same is of the Father in the one way and from the Virgin in the other.40 The link between the bridegroom emerging from his bridal chamber and Christ emerging from the womb of Mary is heightened by the use of this image in the Magnificat antiphon for Vespers on Christmas Eve: Cum ortis fuerit sol de caelo, videbitis Regem regum procendentem a Patre, tamquam sponsum de thalamo suo; ‘When the sun shall have risen from the heaven, you will see the King of kings coming forth from the Father, as a bridegroom from his bridal chamber,’ and in the second antiphon for the First Nocturn of Matins on Christmas morning: Tamquam sponsus Dominus procedens de thalamo suo – ‘The Lord is as a bridegroom coming forth from his bridal chamber.’41 Along with belief in the two natures of Christ stood belief in the continuing virginity of Mary after parturition. The word clausula – closed cell, claimed by Peter G. Walsh to be a unique use of this word in the sense of ‘womb,’42 points to Mary’s virginity. Both St Ambrose and St Jerome interpret the image of the closed door portrayed in Ezekiel 40:2 as proof of Mary’s perpetual virginity: ‘What is this gate, unless it is Mary, why closed, if not because a virgin? The gate is therefore Mary, by whom Christ entered into this world, when the virginal flesh was born and did not break the barriers of virginity.’43 Within the space of four lines, then, our hymn asserts two profound truths of faith: that Christ was truly God and truly human and that Mary was both virgin and mother. Verse 4 is almost a direct citation of Philippians 2:10: ut in nomine Jesu omne genu flectat caelestium, terrestrium et infernorum; ‘so that at the name of Jesus every knee 40 Ambrose, De incarnationis dominicae sacramento, (FC 44, 231–32). For the Latin text, see De incarnationis dominicae sacramento, (CSEL 79, 240–41). 41 Breviarum Romanum, Pars Hiemalis, Pretridentine Monastic Office. 42 Walsh (2012), 445. 43 See Ambrose, De institutione virginis 1. 8. 52, 54 and 1. 9. 58, 62 (PL 16, 320): Quae est haec porta, nisi Maria; ideo clausa, quia virgo? Porta igitur Maria, quam Christus intravit in hunc mundum, quando virginali fusus est partu, et genitalia virginitatis claustra non solvit. English tr. ours. See also Jerome, Epistula 48 Ad Pammachium, (PL 22, 510B): Christus virgo, Mater virginis nostri Virgo perpetua, mater, et virgo […] Haec est porta orientalis, ut ait Ezechiel, semper clausa, et lucida, et operiens in se, vel ex se proferens Sancta sanctorum; per quam sol justitiae […] ingreditur, et egreditur; ‘Christ is a virgin, and the mother of our Virgin is both perpetual mother and virgin […] She is the east gate spoken of by the prophet Ezekiel, always shut and always shining, and either concealing or revealing the Holy of Holies; through whom the Sun of Righteousness […] goes in and out.’ Eng.tr. ours.

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should bend, in heaven and on earth and under the earth,’ with strong links also to Romans 14:11, which itself refers back to Isaiah 45:23–24: In memet ipso iuravi, egredietur de ore meo justitiae verbum et non revertetur: quia mihi curvabunt omnia genu, et iurabit omnis lingua; ‘By myself I have sworn, from my mouth has gone forth the word of justice and it shall not return; to me every knee shall bow, every tongue shall swear.’ It is not just humanity but the entire universe that is subject to the power and might of God revealed in Christ and, experiencing it, the entire universe genuflects in awe.44 This verse stands in stark contrast to verse two, which presents the ‘perishing’ and ‘languishing’ world. Implicit within the word subdita – having been subjected – is the victory of Christ over darkness, death and sin. The might and power of this ‘eternal light of believers,’ this One ‘sympathising with the age’ and ‘giving healing to the guilty one,’ being from above, is so far superior to anything that might exist in the created world, that it causes the entire creation to bow in its presence. When Paul cites the words of Isaiah in Romans 14:11 it is in the context of the judgement seat of God; within our hymn, the context is the present – or at least the ‘age’ inaugurated by the birth of Christ. We know from the gospels and from personal experience that the power exhibited by Christ is the power of love, by which all things are drawn to him (cf. Jn 12:32). It is at this point in our hymn that some versions included an extra verse: Occasum sol custodiens, luna pallorem retinens, Candor in astris relucens certos observat limites.

The sun, keeping watch as it sets, the moon retaining its pale light, the brightness in the constellations gleaming back, observe fixed slimits.

Arthur Sumner Walpole suggests that where this verse is omitted, it is ‘perhaps because the copyists did not see its connection with the preceding one’ and notes that sol, luna and candor are in apposition to caelestia in line 15.45 These celestial bodies ‘rule’ over the day and the night, but only, as Psalm 136 states, because God in his steadfast love has ‘made the great lights, the sun to rule over the day, and the moon and stars to rule over the night.’ Nor, as St Ambrose reminds us in his Exposition on Psalm 118, does the sun ‘show dereliction of duty’ in keeping its daily course, or the moon ‘abandon the mission entrusted to it.’ Neither sun, moon nor stars ‘overstep the law’ but keep their different courses at the appointed times.46 The aim of this verse, then,

44 Origen, De Principiis 1. 6. 2, (PG 11, 166B): omnes scilicet hi qui in nomine Jesu genu flectentes, per hoc ipsum subjectionis suae insignia declararunt; qui sunt caelestium, terrestrium et infernorum; in quibus tribus significationibus omnis universitas indicator; ‘all those […] who, bending the knee at the name of Jesus, make known by so doing their subjection to him; and these are they who are in heaven, on earth and under the earth; by which three classes the whole universe of things is pointed out.’ English tr. (ANCL 10, 55). 45 Walpole (1922), 301. 46 Ambrose, Expositio psalmi CXVIII, 12, (CSEL 62, 256).

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would seem to be confirmation of the manner in which the entire universe happily bows to the divine will. The hymn has led us from the creation to the Incarnation and victory of Christ over sin and death and now turns our minds forward to the second coming of Christ, when he will judge the world. There is no set time frame for the ‘coming’ of this judge, except that it is in the future. In the medieval monastic office the Capitulary for Lauds, Terce and Vespers on the First Sunday of Advent picked up this theme: Fratres, hora est iam nos de somno surgere: nunc enim propior est nostra salus, quam cum credimus; ‘It is now the hour for us to rise from sleep: for now is our salvation nearer than when we believed.’ It is interesting to note that here Christ is addressed with the Latinised version of the Greek ἅγιος – Holy One. Those singing this hymn would have been familiar with this address from the Liturgy of Good Friday, when the Hagios ho theos was sung during the veneration of the cross: Ἅγιος, ὁ Θεός, Ἅγιος ἰσχυρός, Ἅγιος ἀθάνατος, ἐλέησον ἡμᾶς; ‘Holy God, holy Mighty, holy Eternal, have mercy on us.’ In the Latin form of Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus’ this acclamation of the heavenly hosts was sung at every Eucharist. In this final verse we also find the petition of the hymn: conserva nos in tempore hostis a telo perfidi; ‘defend us in time from the weapon of the treacherous foe.’ In light of the fact that the holy name of God has just been invoked, the words of Psalm 44 might well come to mind: Through you we push down our foes; through your name we tread down our assailants […] you have saved us from our foes, and have put to confusion those who hate us.47 The call for defence against the wily enemy also echoes the prayer of Psalm 27: ‘[L]ead me on a level path because of my enemies. Do not give me up to the will of my adversaries.’48 And it may recall the promise of Exodus 23:22: ‘If you […] do all that I say, then I will be an enemy to your enemies and a foe to your foes.’49 This request is made with urgency, but, in the light of all that has preceded it, with confidence too. This Holy One, this Judge who is to come, is also loving creator, sympathetic physician, and eager bridegroom. The One who has set the sun, moon and stars in place, has as his loving purpose to be with us to heal and save us. Surely, then, our request for aid in our struggle against the wiles and temptations of the Devil will not go unanswered. The fourteenth-century Cistercian breviaries omit the reference to the devil, having as their final line not hostia a telo perfidi; ‘from the weapon of the treacherous foe,’ but quamdiu sumus advena; ‘while we are strangers/pilgrims.’ This alters significantly

47 Vg Ps 43:6, 8: in te inimicos nostros ventilabimus cornu et in nomine tuo spernemus insurgentes in nobis […] salvasti enim nos de adfligentibus nos et odientes nos confudisti. 48 Vg Ps 26:11: [D]educ me in semita recta propter insidiatores meos ne tradas me Domine animae tribulantium me. 49 quod si […] feceris omnia que loquor inimicus ero inimicis tuis et adfligam adfligentes te.

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the context in which the petition of the hymn is made, putting the emphasis on the yet-to-be-completed journey from this age to our final and eternal destiny with God. The use of the word advenae provides a subtle link with the word adventus, making a connection between the coming of Christ in glory with our own reciprocal ‘coming’ to him as judge of all. Parallelism, contrast, repetition

Since a good number of the parallels and contrasts within this hymn have already been referred to above, a brief exploration of these elements will suffice here. Verse 1 contrasts the actions of Christ as Creator and Redeemer, the first of which brings about the material universe and all it contains while the second instigates the ‘new creation’ that will bring about the restoration of all that has become damaged and death-dealing and usher in the eternal Reign of God. A second contrast in this verse is between the natural light that comes from the constellations and the light of faith that comes from Christ. The contrast within verse 2 is between the destruction wrought by sin and the healing given through Christ. But there is also a parallel between the healing power of Christ in this verse and his all-encompassing omnipotence, to which the whole universe confesses, proclaimed in verse 4. Three different periods of time are set against each other in the course of this hymn: the time prior to Christ’s coming in the flesh, when the ‘languishing world’ was ‘perishing by death’s destruction,’ the present time in which we, the faithful, need to be defended against ‘the weapon of the treacherous foe’ and the future time when the Holy One will come to sit in judgment. The terms ‘Holy One’ and ‘judge’ complement one another, since it is the holiness of Christ that earns him the right to be judge, as Luke points out in Acts 17:31: [God] has fixed a day on which he will have the world judged in righteousness by a man whom he has appointed, and of this he has given assurance to all by raising him from the dead, while in his Letter to the Romans, Paul equates resurrection with perfect holiness (Rm 1:4). Only he who is without sin (cf. Heb 4:15) is worthy of judging others. An extraordinary richness of scriptural allusions is contained within this hymn. Moreover, as we have seen, words and phrases find their echo in the readings, prayers, and responses set down for the First Sunday of Advent in particular and the Advent season in general. Contextually, the hymn spans time in its entirety, from the moment of creation to the end of the world. Theologically, the focus is more on the coming of Christ in the flesh as Redeemer – the direct subject of the second and third verses – than on his coming as Judge in glory – which features only in the fifth verse. The quality of ‘sympathising with’ – condolens – named in verse two, that leads Christ to save and heal is the very quality that gives us, ‘the supplicants,’ the courage to ask that he ‘defend us’ in our time on earth from the wiles of the devil.

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Verbum supernum prodiens Initial consideration of the text

In the monastic breviary that makes up Codex Sangallensis 413 in the St Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, this hymn is sung after the Matins Invitatory on the First Sunday of Advent.50 In his Thesaurus Hymnologicus, Daniel claims it as a Rheinau manuscript of the eleventh century,51 while Guido-Maria Dreves lists it among the items in the tenth-century Hymnal of the Moissac Abbey,52 to which reference was made in the previous chapter of this book. Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre olim exiens qui natus orbi subvenis, cursu declivi temporis. Inlumina nunc pectora, tuoque amore concrema, audito ut praeconio sint pulsa tandem lubrica. Iudexque cum post aderis, rimari facta pectoris, reddens vicem pro abditis, iustisque regnum pro bonis. Non demum arctemur malis, pro qualitate criminis, sed cum Beatis compotes simus perennes caelibes. Patri, simulque Filio, tibique, Sancte Spiritus sicut fuit, sit jugiter saeclum per omne gloria.

Heavenly Word proceeding forth, coming out from the Father at one time, who, once born, came to the aid of the world in the course of declining time. 5

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Enlighten now hearts with your consuming love, so that, the proclamation having been heard, uncertainties may finally be driven away. Afterwards, when you will come as Judge, to examine the deeds of the heart paying in turn for hidden things and the kingdom to the just for good things. Let us not in the end be straitened by evils in keeping with the nature of sin, but as sharers with the Blessed, let us be eternal people of heaven. To the Father and to the Son, and to you, O Holy Spirit be glory, as it was, so may it be through all eternity. Amen.

This prayer, addressed to Christ as Word, invokes him firstly as the one who, coming forth from the Father, was born in the flesh in order to come to the aid of the world. The second verse takes the present as its context, asking that Christ enlighten our hearts with his own consuming love, so that, having heard the herald, ‘uncertainties’ may be repelled. The third verse looks to the future, when Christ will return as Judge and call to account those who have committed ‘hidden things’ and reward

50 Codex Sangallensis 413, St Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, 24. 51 Daniel (1855) Vol. 4, 144. This claim is supported by the list of hymns and sources in Mearns (1913), 89. 52 Dreves (1888), 35.

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with the kingdom those just who have done good things. Thus all three ‘comings’ of Christ are addressed: in history, mystery and majesty. The fourth verse returns to the present, to ask that we not be constrained by the evils that come as a result of sin, but be sharers with the saints as people of the heavenly kingdom. A doxology brings the hymn to a close. An analysis of Verbum supernum prodiens according to the characteristics of Ambrosian hymnody Structure of the hymn

Consistent with all hymns written in the ‘Ambrosian’ style, this hymn of four verses plus doxology is written in iambic dimeter, but also has the distinction of consisting of precisely rhyming couplets. As with Conditor alme siderum it is obvious that the natural accent of the first word, Verbum, has been subjugated to the meter so that the accent falls on the second syllable rather than the first. Simple and compact presentation of ideas

The author begins with the powerful invocation to Christ as the ‘heavenly Word’ – a title pregnant with scriptural and doctrinal overtones – proceeding from the Father at the beginning of time53 and then born into the world ‘in the course of declining time.’ This ‘declining time’ can be understood in terms of the six ‘ages’ of human history, as was the case with Conditor alme siderum. The reason for Christ’s coming into the world is to ‘aid’ the world, or as could be said another way, to redeem it. An interesting linguistic point is that the author uses the present participle in both the first and second lines – prodiens, exiens – when speaking of the generation of the Word from the Father, thus poetically hinting at eternal generation as well as the constancy of the divine presence in the course of cosmic history. The second verse calls on Christ to enlighten the hearts of those singing this hymn with his own consuming love, so that they will be open to receiving the word of God – the ‘proclamation’ – and any uncertainties they harbour may be driven away. Inclusion of the word ‘enlighten’ – especially in conjunction with the word ‘proclamation’ would have immediately raised to consciousness the whole concept of baptism, since ‘enlightenment’ and ‘illumination’ were frequently used as synomyms for baptism in the early Church of both West and East. For example, in his first Apology Justin Martyr described the washing of baptism as ‘illumination’ (φωτισμὸς) because ‘they who learn these things are illuminated in their understandings.’54 Similarly, Clement of Alexandria

53 The word olim – from ollus the Old Latin for ille – does not indicate a particular time, but can mean ‘in times past’ or ‘formerly’ but would also be used in the sense that modern writers use ‘once upon a time.’ In the opening verse of the letter to the Hebrews it is generally translated as ‘long ago;’ here it appropriately understood as the earliest time, the beginning of time. 54 Justin Martyr, Apologia prima pro Christianis, 61, 12, (PG 6, 421B).

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observed in his Paedagogus that ‘on our regeneration […] we were illuminated, which is to know God’55 and that ‘since knowledge arises from illumination, shedding its light around the mind, the moment we hear, we who were untaught and ignorant are called disciples.’56 Gregory of Nazianzen spoke of baptism or enlightenment as ‘the greatest and most magnificent gifts of God […] being more holy than any other illumination we possess’ and including, among other things, the perfecting of the mind.57 The pairing of enlightenment with the ‘consuming love’ of the Heavenly Word recalls a similar pairing by Justin Martyr in his Dialogue with Trypho, when he spoke of a fire being kindled in the Jordan when Jesus stepped into the water to be baptised by John.58 A. S. Walpole suggests that line 5 might also be translated as ‘in your love burn them up’ which fits better with the usual meaning of concrema – to burn completely.59 The implication is that the heart becomes the burnt victim, totally handed over to the heavenly Word. Such an interpretation would complement the links with baptism and the commitment it elicits. In line 6, the ‘uncertainties’ might infer the lack of knowledge and belief that precede baptism and enlightenment, or they might refer to the doubts that arise in every Christian life from time to time. A similar ambiguity resides in the word ‘finally’ which can be understood either as ‘in the end times’ or ‘as the result of;’ both meanings would be appropriate in this instance. The third and fourth verses deal with the coming of Christ as Judge at the end of time, when those hearts that have listened to the proclamation will be examined and rewarded either with the heavenly kingdom for their good deeds or required to render recompense for things done in secret. Every recitation of the Creed brought before the mind of the Christian the prospect of the final judgement, while the reality of good befalling those who lived evil lives and misery being the lot of clearly virtuous people would have confronted Christians of the ninth and tenth centuries as much as it has in every age. In his City of God Augustine spoke about the final judgment, when Christ would come to judge the living and the dead: For that day is properly called the day of judgement, because in it there shall be no room left for the ignorant to question why this wicked person is happy and that righteous person unhappy. In that day true and full happiness shall be the lot of none but the good, while deserved and supreme misery shall be the portion of the wicked and of them only.60

55 Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 1, 6, 1, (PG 8, 247B): Fuimus enim illuminati, id autem est Deum agnoscere. 56 Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, 1, 6, 1, (PG 8, 286C): Quoniam autem cognitio una oritu cum illuminatione, circa mentem refulgens, et qui rudes et ignari eramus, protinus vocamur discipuli. 57 Gregory of Nazianzen, Oratio 40, In sanctum baptisma, 3, (PG 36, 362B): Baptismus, omnium Dei beneficiorum praeclarissimum est et praestantissimum […] quod omens alias illuminationes sanctitate superet. 58 Justin Martyr, Dialogus cum Tryphone 88, 3 (PG 6, 685B). 59 Walpole (1922), 303. 60 Augustine, De civitate Dei, 20, 1 (CSEL 40.2, 426): Iste quippe dies iudicii proprie iam vocatur, eo quod nullus ibi erit inperitae querellae locus, quur iniustus ille sit felix et quur ille iustus infelix. Omnium namque tunc nonnisi bonorum vera et plena felicitas et omnium nonnisi malorum digna et summa infelicitas apparebit.

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This threat of eternal damnation as the consequence of sin featured prominently in writings on the final times by the early Church Fathers. Tertullian’s Apology describes it in the following terms: When the end and boundary [between this age and the next] is reached […] then the whole human race will be restored, to receive its due reward for good or evil done in this age, and to have this payment for all the immeasurable eternity of everlasting ages. Therefore from then on there is not death nor repeated resurrection, but we shall be the same and remain unchanged; the worshippers of God will be with God forever, clothed with the proper substance of eternity, but the profane and all who are not devoted to God, in the punishment of fire which is just as eternal.61 When the singers appeal to the mercy of Christ, they ask that, rather than suffering the evils that are the consequence of sin, they might share in those things that the blessed enjoy and be ‘caelibes/unmarried’ for ever. The word caelibes in this context may at first seem out of place, but when considered in the light of Mt 22:30 – in resurrectione enim neque nubent neque nubentur; sed erunt sicut angeli Dei in coelo; ‘in the resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are like angels in heaven’ – it is more easily understood. On the other hand, Albert Blaise makes specific reference to this hymn when treating the word caeles – heavenly/heaven-dweller, describing caelibes as a rare use of the word to mean ‘those who dwell in heaven.62 Doctrinal and catechetical content

Daniel suggests that the first verse was written with the aim of countering the Arian heresy,63 and indeed it parallels a paragraph in Hilary of Poitier’s treatise De synodis, written in 359, in which he recorded the anathemas of the Council of Sirmium (357) and affirms the new creed approved by the Council of Antioch in 341: We believe […] in one Lord Jesus Christ, […] who always was in the beginning with God, the Word of God, […] who in the last days came down from above, and was born of a virgin according to the Scriptures.64 (Emphases ours) This interpretation is supported by the second verse of our hymn which asks that ‘uncertainties’ be driven away. This being the case, the tandem/finally, referred to above, is more likely to mean ‘as a result of ’ than ‘in the end times.’

61 Tertullian, Apologeticus adversus gentes pro christianis, 48, (PL 1,  526–7): Cum ergo finis et limes medius […] adfuerit, […] tunc restituetur omne humanum genus, ad expungendum quod in isto aevo boni seu mali meruit, et exin dependendum in immensam aeternitas perpetuitatem. Idoque nec mores jam, nec rursus ac rursus resurrectio, sed erimis iidem qui nunc, nec alii post: Dei quidem cultores apud Deum semper, suerinduti substantia propria aeternitatis; profani vero et qui non integri ad Deum, in poena aeque jugis ignis. 62 Blaise (1966), 440–41. 63 Daniel (1885), Vol. 1, 77. 64 Hilary of Poiters, De synodis, 29, (PL 10, 502B–503A). English tr. (NPNF2, Vol. 9, 12).

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The other doctrinal element of this hymn, located in the third verse, concerns the return of Christ as Judge at the end of time. Among the Creeds that refer to this doctrine is the Nicene Creed, with the phrase, ‘He will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead.’ Such a belief is based on numerous scriptural texts, prominent among which are Mt 25:31–46 which describes Christ’s coming in glory when the people of all nations will be gathered before him and designated as blessed or accursed according to whether or not they have shown care and compassion for those in need, and Rev 20:11–12 which describes the dead standing before the ‘great white throne and the one who sat on it,’ when the book of life was opened and the dead were judged according to their works. While these texts describe the nature of the judgment, Jn 5:22, 27 and Acts 10:42 confirm Christ as Judge. The Johanine verses occur in the context of an acknowledgement of Christ’s authority to give life and to judge, an authority deriving from his relationship with the Father. Acts 10:42 brings to a conclusion Peter’s sermon in the house of Cornelius, which proclaims Christ as anointed by God ‘with the Holy Spirit and with power,’ announces the apostles as witnesses to the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, and testifies that he is ‘the one ordained by God as judge of the living and the dead.’ We have already considered some of the writings of the early Church Fathers on the nature of the Last Judgement. The two catechetical aspects of this hymn occur in the second and fourth verses, almost as complements to the two ‘doctrinal’ verses. The obverse of the entreaty that hearts be enlightened with Christ’s consuming love so that they might hear the proclamation of the Good News is that this is indeed what will happen, and that open-hearted reception of God’s word will prevent uncertainty and heresy. Similarly, in verse four, the request to be future sharers with the blessed in heaven is at the same time a reminder of the need to pray for mercy while still living in this present world. Scriptural language and allusions

Any reference to ‘Word’ naturally recalls the beginning of John’s gospel: In principio erat Verbum, et Verbum erat apud Deum, et Deus erat Verbum; ‘In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God and the Word was God.’ The use of exiens ‘carries the thought a step nearer to the Incarnation’65 since it recalls the phrase exivi a Patre et veni in mundum – ‘I came forth from the Father and am come into the world’ ( Jn 16:28). However, the first two lines of the hymn also closely resemble a verse from Ecclesiasticus: Ego ex ore Altissimi prodivi, primogenita ante omnem creaturam – ‘I came forth from the mouth of the Most High, the first born before all created things’ (Eccles 24:3; Vg = 24:5). The subject here is Wisdom, but even in the New Testament writings Jesus was identified with the Wisdom of God. This is especially true in Colossians 1:15–17 where the characteristics attributed to Christ by Paul are identical to those attributed to Wisdom and in 1 Corinthians 1:24 where Paul directly names 65 Byrnes (1943), 46.

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Christ as ‘the power of God and the wisdom of God.’ This identity of Christ as the Wisdom of God is taken up by the Early Church Fathers. Origen, for example, in his treatise De Principiis writes: If, then, it is once rightly understood that the only-begotten Son of God is his wisdom, hypostatically existing, […] who, that is capable of entertaining reverential thoughts or feelings regarding God, can suppose or believe that God the Father ever existed, even for a moment of time, without having generated this Wisdom?66 Not only does this image of Christ as the Wisdom of God support the argument that Christ in his divinity existed from all time, but it also forms a link with the first word of the second verse, ‘illumina.’ We know from Eccles 8:1 that ‘wisdom makes one’s face shine, and the hardness of one’s countenance changed.’ This is the very quality that is being sought in our hymn, so that the hearts of the singers might be open to hearing the proclamation of God’s word. The first two verses also allude to the eternal nature of the Word, which proceeds from the Father ‘in a former time,’ comes to the aid of the world in the ‘declining time’ and enlightens hearts so that ‘finally’ uncertainties may be driven away. The world is transient, but the Word is beyond time, as Lk 24:35 makes clear: ‘Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words will not pass away.’ Another scriptural text that is brought to mind by the opening lines of verse two is Lk 24:32, which records the conversation of the two disciples who encountered Jesus on the road to Emmaus: ‘Were not our hearts burning within us while he was talking to us on the road, while he was opening the scriptures to us?’ It was only when the disciples had ‘heard the proclamation’ and understood its meaning that their hearts were enlightened, and they were able to recognise the Lord in the breaking of the bread. While praeconio may be understood as the proclamation of the entire ‘good news’ of Christ’s preaching, it can also be understood in terms the message proclaimed by a town crier, alluding in this case to John the Baptist, Christ’s precursor or herald, whose call was to ‘prepare the way of the Lord, make straight his paths.’ Support for this interpretation comes from the fact that the Church repeats this call regularly throughout the season of Advent. The call of the author of this hymn for the sought enlightenment to occur nunc/now, can also be understood to refer to Advent, the ‘acceptable time’ of 2 Cor 6:2: ecce nunc tempus acceptabile, ecce nunc dies salutis; ‘now is the acceptable time, now is the day of salvation.’ The Hours of Lauds, Terce and Vespers for the First Sunday of Advent all use as the Captitulum the following verse: ‘Now is the

66 Origen, De Principiis 1, 2, 2, (PG 11, 130C–131): Si ergo semel recte receptum est, unigenitum Filium Dei, sapientiam ejus esse substantialiter subsistentem […] Quomodo autem extra huius sapientiae generationem fuisse aliquando Deum Patrem, vel ad punctum momentum alicujus, quis potest sentire vel credere, qui tamen pium aliquid de Deo, intelligere noverit, vel sentire? English tr. (ANF 4, 246).

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hour for us to rise from sleep. For our salvation is nearer than when we believed.’ (Rom 13:11). The heart continues to occupy the author in the third verse, for it is the ‘deeds of the heart’ that will be examined at the final judgment. This is reminiscent of Jer 17:10, ‘I the Lord test the mind and search the heart, to give to all according to their ways, according to the fruit of their doings,’ Rm 2:6, ‘he will repay according to each one’s deeds,’ and Rev 2:23, ‘I am the one who searches minds and hearts, and I will give to each of you as your works deserve.’ But it is 1 Cor 4:5 that connects the first two lines of this verse with the second two: ‘Do not pronounce judgment before the time, before the Lord comes, who will bring to light the things now hidden in darkness and will disclose the purposes of the heart.’ The contrast, in lines three and four of this verse, between the reward of the just and the recompense of things done ‘in secret’ immediately recalls Jesus’ warning regarding the religious leaders of his day, ‘Have no fear of them; for nothing is covered up that will not be uncovered, and nothing secret that will not become known’ (Mt 10: 26, Lk 12:2). To the singers and hearers of our hymn these lines would have served as a reminder that God sees beyond external appearances to the heart and to discourage them from engaging in anything ‘secret’ whose later revelation would result in their condemnation. A number of the Advent formularies make complementary references to the heart, such as these orations for the Second and Third Sundays of Advent, or close variants of them, that appear in sacramentaries in use during the eighth and/or ninth centuries:67 Excita, domine, quaesumus, corda nostra ad praeparandas unigeniti tui vias, ut per eius adventum purificatis tibi servire mentibus mereamur.

Stir up, O Lord, we beseech you, our heart to make ready the paths of your onlybegotten (Son), that through his coming we may merit to serve you with purified hearts.

Voci nostrae, quaesumus, domine, aures tuae pietatis accomoda et cordis nostri tenebras lumine tuae visitacionis inlustra.

Accommodate the ears of your goodness to our voices, we beseech you, O Lord, and let the light of your visitation light up the darkness of our heart.

The first of these orations is clearly in line with the sentiments of verse two, while the second aligns with those of verse three. In verse four, the poet puts onto the lips of the singers the petition that they might be ‘sharers with the Blessed.’ Undoubtedly the allusion here is to Mt 25:34: Venite benedicti Patris mei, possidete paratum vobis regnum a constitutione mundi – ‘Come, you blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.’ The connection between the word caelibes and Mt 22:30, already been

67 These prayers, or a close variant of them, appear in the following: the Gelasian Sacramentary, items 1125 and1137; The Sacramentary of St Gall, items 1416 and 1424; the Sacramentary of Padua, items 784 and 790; the Sacramentary of Gellone, items 1711and 1720; and The Sacramentary of Cambrai, items 186, 1 and 188, 1.

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dealt with earlier in this chapter, reinforces this supposition. Aquinas Byrnes points out that writings from as early as the late first century indicate that celibates were thought to be named as such because they lived a sort of celestial life.68 He himself, however, thinks it more probable that the word caelibes in the context of our hymn is used to emphasize the blessed freedom of heaven in contrast with the tormenting imprisonment of hell alluded to in the first two lines of this verse. Clearly, in this Advent hymn, the poet wants all three ‘comings’ of Christ to receive due emphasis – his coming in history, his coming to those currently living through the proclamation of the word, and his coming at the end of time as judge of all – and weaves the various scriptural allusions into his text to ensure this. It is very much of a piece with the Gospel pericopes that would have been read on the last Sunday after Pentecost (Mt 24:25–35) and the first Sunday of Advent (Lk 21:25–33), both of which exhort the reader to be alert and watchful for the signs of the end-times that will anticipate the final judgment. Parallelism, contrast, repetition

A number of the parallels and contrasts contained within this hymn have already been noted in the discussion above: the beginning of time ‘olim’ with the declining time ‘declivi temporis;’ the truth and certainty of the Good News ‘praeconio’ with the doubt and uncertainty of heresy ‘lubrica;’ the gift of the kingdom of God to those who act justly from their heart ‘regnum pro bonis’ with the recompense/punishment to those who carry out ‘hidden deeds’ ‘reddens pro abditis.’ Each verse has its own particular adverb: for verse 1 it is olim – at the beginning of time; for verse 2 it is nunc – now; for verse 3 it is post – later, and for verse 4 it is demum – finally. The ‘now’ and ‘later’ of historical time mark the advents of Christ as Saviour and Judge and are cradled in the endless past and endless future of eternity. As with Conditor alme siderum, the seemingly simple four verses of this hymn contain a mine of theological richness that reveals not only the fundamental themes of Advent, but indirectly exhorts those singing it to be people of good heart, living just lives in order to be welcomed into the eternal kingdom when Christ does indeed return as Judge of the whole world.

Vox clara ecce intonat Initial consideration of the text

Set for Lauds on every day of Advent, this hymn also appears in the eleventh century Codex Sangallensis 413 referred to earlier, suggesting that it was in use by the tenth century. However, its inclusion in the New Hymnary of the Anglo-Saxon Church of the tenth century, which showed remarkable similarities with continental hymnaries 68 Byrnes (1943), 48.

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of a century earlier, indicates that it may have come into existence as early as the ninth century. Vox clara ecce intonat, obscura quaeque increpat; pellantur eminus somnia; ab aethre Christus promicat.

Behold, the clear voice rings out, it reproaches all dark things; let dreams be driven away; Christ gleams forth from the heavens.

Mens jam resurgat torpida5 quae sorde exstat saucia; sidus refulgent jam novum, ut tollat omne noxium

Let now arise the slothful soul which exists, wounded by dirt for a new constellation is already shining, to carry away every harmful thing.

E sursum Agnus mittitur laxare gratis debitum,10 Omnes pro indulgentia vocem demus cum lacrimis.

From on high the Lamb is sent to loose freely the debt; let us all give voice, with tears, because of [this] pardon.

Secundo ut cum fulseritv mundumque horror cinxerit, non pro reatu puniat,15 sed pius nos tunc protegat.

So that when he has shone the second time and dread has encircled the world, he may not punish on account of our guilt, but in pity, protect us.

Virtus, honor, laus, Gloria Deo Patri cum Filio Sancto simul Paraclito, in saeculorum saecula. Amen

Virtue, honour, praise and glory be to God the Father, with the Son and the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever. Amen.

Unlike the previous two hymns, Vox clara ecce intonat is not a prayer, but a proclamation and exhortation. The ‘clear voice’ that rings out to reproach the things of darkness is not named, but is contrasted with Christ who gleams forth from the heavens. The lazy soul, wounded by sin, is urged to arise, for the new constellation that is now shining is there to take away all harmful things. It is the Lamb who is sent from heaven to free humankind from its debt and we are exhorted to weep for pardon. The purpose of this tearful entreaty becomes clear in the final verse: that when the Lamb returns at the end of time he will not punish us for our sins but be, instead, our protection. In terms of Christ’s ‘comings,’ this hymn addresses both his coming in the flesh and his coming as judge at the end of time. Analysis of Vox clara ecce intonat according to the characteristics of Ambrosian hymnody. Structure of the hymn

As with the previous two hymns, this hymn of four verses plus doxology follows the pattern of all ‘Ambrosian’ hymns, and is in iambic dimeter, although there are two words

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in the first verse that call for a syncope to bring this about: eminus is sung as em’nus and aethere as aeth’re. We have previously noted that it is not a prayer addressed to either Christ or God the Father, but a combination of proclamation and exhortation. Simple and compact presentation of ideas

This is unmistakeably a song for the morning. Verse 1 speaks of the clear voice that rings out and ‘reproaches all dark things,’ calls for all dreams to be driven away, and announces that Christ gleams forth from heaven – all images conjuring up the dawning light and its consequences. However they are also reminiscent of the words of the great first-century exhortation to Christian living attributed to Clement 1, the Letter to the Corinthians, which states: Through [Christ] we fix our gaze on the heights of heaven, through him we see the lofty countenance, through him our eyes of our heart were opened, through him our foolish and darkened understanding blossoms towards the light.69 The aspect of light presented here is that of Christ ‘gleaming forth’ from the heavens, a gentler image than that of the full sun, perhaps similar to the ‘sweet’ light referred to in Ecclesiastes 11:7. However, in commenting on this sweet light ‘without which the world lacks beauty and indeed life itself ’ Gregory of Agrigentum linked this light to the ‘great light’ of Isaiah 9:2 in which the prophet saw the prefiguration of Christ who ‘as God-in-man said, “I am the light of the world. Whoever follows me will not be walking in the shadows but will have the light of life.”’70 The opening line of the second verse which calls for the ‘slothful soul’ to arise consolidates the sense that this is indeed a hymn for the morning hours. It is no surprise, then, that this hymn is designated for Lauds; other elements of the hymn, which will be considered below, account for it being set for each morning during Advent. The second verse describes the soul as ‘wounded by dirt’ – an unusual phrase but understood as referring to sinfulness. The very early writing known as The Epistle of Barnabas paired sin and dirt together when speaking about baptism: ‘We go down into the water full of sins and foulness, and we come up bearing the fruit of fear in our hearts, and having hope on Jesus in the Spirit.’71 It is this hope named as a consequence of baptism that is found in the words of our Advent hymn for, notwithstanding this wounded condition, there is hope in a ‘new constellation,’ that is to say, Christ, the Light of the world, that now sheds a light that will take away everything that is harmful.

69 The First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, 36, 2, (G. P. Gould, tr. K. Lake, The Apostolic Fathers I, 1912, Cambridge, MA, 70–71). 70 Gregory of Agrigentum, Explanatio super Ecclesiasten, 10, 2, (PG 98, 1138C and 1139B: Luce enim sublate, sine specie mundus esset, vitaque sine vita. […] Dulce appellavit lumen […] qui divinae inhumanationis tempore ait: Ego sum lux mundi; qui sequitur me, non ambulaverit in tentbris, sed habebit lumen vitae. 71 The Epistle of Barnabas, 11, 11, (E. H. Warmington, tr. K. Lake, (1970), 382/83: τοῦτο λέγει ὅτι ἡμεῖς μὲν καταβαίνομεν εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ γέμοντες ἁμαρτιῶν καὶ ἀναβαίνομεν καρποφοροῦντες ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ τὸν φόβον καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐν τῷ πνεύματι ἔχοντες.

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While the imagery of light in this second verse could be interpreted purely in terms of the natural progression from night to day, the third verse situates it clearly in the context of salvation since it speaks of the Lamb from on high who is sent to release souls from their debt of sin. The image of the lamb as a symbol of salvation carried through from Old Testament times and was used powerfully in early Christian writings to represent Christ. In his Homily 17 on the Gospel of John John Chrysostom described the impact of the Baptist’s words on the banks of the Jordan river, ‘Behold, the Lamb of God’: This is the Lamb. He calls him Lamb to remind the Jews of the prophecy of Isaiah, as well as its semblance at the time of Moses, that he may the better lead them from the type to the reality. The lamb of Moses took away no sin from anyone; but this [Lamb] took away the sin of all the world.72 The gratuitous nature of the release by the Lamb of God of the debt of sin is one of the extraordinary mysteries of the love of God revealed in Christ. Irenaeus, writing to counter prevailing heresies, noted that the mighty Word and true Man redeeming us in a reasonable way by his blood, gave himself as ransom for those who had been led into captivity. […] The Lord has thus redeemed us through his own blood, giving his soul for our souls and his flesh for our flesh.’73 Nor is there any limit to this freely-given redemption. Augustine eloquently reminds us: The Redeemer came and gave the price. He poured out his blood and bought the whole world. […] See what he gave and find what he bought. The blood of Christ is the price. How much is it worth? What, if not the whole world? What, if not every nation?74 In the face of such undeserved and absolute pardon, the faithful singing our Advent hymn are urged to ‘give voice with tears.’ The tears of this present time are the impetus for further mercy in the future, that time when ‘dread will have encircled the world’ and the Lamb, resplendent, will have come for the second time. Clearly this refers to the end of time when Christ will come again in glory. And looking forward to that time, the prayer of

72 John Chrysostom, Homilia 17 in sanctum Joannem Apostolum et Evangelistam, (PG 59, 109): Hic est agnus. Agnum autem vocat, in mentem Judaeorum revocans prophetiam Isaiae, necnon umbram illam Moysis tempore, ut per figuram illos magis ad veritatem adduceret. Ille quidem agnus nullius peccatum acceptit; hic autem totius orbis terrarium peccata. Tr. ours. 73 Irenaeus, Adversus haereses, 5, 1, (PG 7, 2, 1121B): quoniam Verbum potens, et homo verus, sanguine suo rationabiliter redimens nos, redemptionem semetipsum dedit pro his, qui in captivitatem ducti sunt. […] Suo igitur sanguine redimente nos Domino, et dante animam suam pro nostra anima, et carnem suam pro nostris carnibus. Tr. ours. 74 Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum 95, 5 (CCSL 39, 1346–7): Venit redemptor et dedit pretium; fudit sanguinem suum, emit orbem terrarium. […] Videte quid dederit, et invenite quid emerit. Sanguis Christi, pretium est. Tanti quid valet? Quid, nisi totus orbis? Quid, nisi omnes gentes? Tr. ours.

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the souls is that Christ’s attitude will be one not of punishment for guilt but of pity and protection. Doctrinal and catechetical content

The first verse of this hymn sets forth the two dramatic images of ‘the clear voice [that] rings out’ and of Christ who ‘gleams forth from heaven.’ Placed alongside each other they form a spiritual son et lumiere, a heightened presentation of the intimate connection between Christ the Word and Christ the Light. It is the clear call that opens the ear of the believer to the knowledge Christ, the Light, the one who is at the centre of our faith and who brings definition and reassurance, just as the day brings freedom from the incertitude of dark shadows and dreams. The second verse provides the catechetical instruction for the slothful soul: ‘Have the courage to arise since Christ, the new constellation, is present to take away all harmful things.’ The implication is that morning prayer is the antidote to the terrors of the night, placing us again in the safety of the Christ-light and countering the ‘wound’ on the soul that draws it to sinfulness. The terms ‘dark things,’ ‘dreams,’ ‘dirt’ and ‘harmful things’ would have readily been understood to represent sin and evil without the need for stating this directly. For an age much more attuned to a world of spirits, goblins and evil spectres than our modern era, catechesis on trust in Christ as Word and Light would have provided a measure of comfort and reassurance. The second half of the hymn deals with the two comings of Christ: as paschal Lamb, when Christ sacrificed himself, thereby freeing us from the bonds of sin, and as Judge at the end of time Christ when reward or punishment will be ascribed. However, in both instances, these doctrines are presented as a source of solace and encouragement. The appropriate response to the sacrifice of the Lamb is to weep – whether as an expression of sorrow for sin or as a sign of gratitude in the face of such gratuitous love is not made clear, but either would be a valid interpretation of the text. The graciousness of God that is revealed in the sending of the Lamb to earth will also be evident at the time of the final judgment when Christ will protect from punishment those who have voiced their sorrow/gratitude through tears. Scriptural language and allusions

While the vox clara of the opening line is never identified, it immediately conjures up thoughts of John the Baptist, described by both Mark and Luke as Isaiah’s vox clamantis in deserto parate viam Domini, rectas facite in solitudine semitas Dei nostri; ‘the voice of one crying out in the wilderness: “Prepare the way of the Lord, make his paths straight.”’ (Mk 1:3; Lk 3:4, cf. Is 40:3). John’s call to a baptism of repentance could be seen to parallel the ‘dark things’ that the vox clara reproaches and the ‘dreams’ that must be driven away in the face of the approaching Christ. It must be noted, however, that a number of scholars equate this vox with the cockcrow, since every hymn set down for the Hour of Lauds in the pre-Tridentine

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Breviary refers to the dawn, symbolic of the resurrection,75 with the hymns of Sunday and Tuesday making specific note of the cockcrow: Sunday: Tuesday:

Praeco diei iam sonat – ‘already the herald of the day resounds.’ Ales diei nuntius lucem propinquam præcinit – ‘the bird that heralds the day is crowing his warning that dawn is near.’

This last-mentioned hymn is a selection of verses from a much longer hymn – Hymnus ad Galli Cantum – by the renowned fifth-century poet Prudentius. The author of our hymn may well have had this in mind, since the first two verses of Vox clara ecce intonat could be regarded as a kind of précis of the earlier hymn, as the following, rather extended, citation, beginning at line 27, shows: Peccata, ceu nox horrida,27 cogunt iacere ac stertere,

Our sins, like foul night make us lie snoring;

sed vox ab alto mulmine Christi docentis praemonet30 adesse iam lumen prope, e mens sopori serviat,

But the voice of Christ from the height of heaven teaches and forewarns us that daylight is near, lest our soul be in bondage to slumber;

ne somnus usque ad terminus vitae socordis opprimat pectus sepultum crimine35 et lucus oblitum suae.

and to the very end of a slothful life lie heavy on a heart that is buried in sin and has forgotten its natural light.

Ferunt vagantes Daemonas laetas tenebras noctium gallo canente exterritos sparsim timere et cedere40 Invisa nam vicinitas lucis, salutis, numinis rupto tenebrarum situ noctis fugat satellites. […] inde est quod omnes credimus65 illo quietus tempore quo gallus exultans canit Christum redisse ex inferis. […] tu, Christe, somnum dissice,97 tu rompe noctis vincula, tu solve peccatum vetus, novumque lumen ingere.76

They say that evil spirits who roam happily in the darkness of night are terrified when the cock crows and scatter and flee in fear; For the hated approach of light, salvation, Godhead, bursts through the foul darkness and routs the ministers of night. […] Hence it is that we all believe it was at this hour of rest, when the cock crows in its pride, that Christ returned from the dead. […] Do you, O Christ, scatter our slumbers? Do you burst the bonds of night? Do you undo our long-established sin, and pour upon us the light of the new day?

75 All four gospels note that is was around dawn when the women went to the tomb to discover that Jesus had already been raised from the dead. See Mt 28:1, Mk16:2, Lk 24:1 and Jn 20:1. 76 Prudentius, with an English translation by H. J. Thompson (1949), 6–13.

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To add yet another dimension to the question of the cock crow, a study on Ambrose’s use of scriptural texts in hymnody by M. J. Mans points out that the crowing of the cock is regarded in eschatological terms, in the light of Mk 13:35–36: Vigilate ergo, nescitis enim quando dominus domus veniat: sero an media nocte, an galli cantu, an mane ne cum venerit repente, inveniat vos dormientes; ‘Be watchful, then, because you do not know when the master of the house is coming – it might be in the evening or at midnight or at cock crow or at sunrise. If he comes suddenly, he must not find you asleep.’ Thus, ‘the cock, by crowing, announces daylight, i.e. the dawn of Life Everlasting […] and is a symbol of Christ who calls [us] to everlasting life.’77 This interpretation is clearly evident in Ambrose’s Aeterne rerum Conditor, whose sixth verses notes that the crowing of the cock ‘awakens hope, returns health to the sick, returns the sword of the robber to its sheath and restores faith to the fallen.’78 It is quite feasible that if the anonymous author of Vox clara ecce intonat was so obviously aware of the works of Prudentius he would also be well acquainted with the corpus of Ambrosian hymns, so that his use of the term vox clara would serve the double function of recalling the voice of the Baptiser – who heralded the coming of the kingdom of heaven and the One who was to baptise ‘with the Holy Spirit and fire’ (Mt 3:2, 11) – and the crowing of the cock that alerted the faithful to the parousia, both of which fit well with the season of Advent since they draw attention to the coming of Christ in the flesh as well as his coming in glory. The simple proclamation of the final line of the first verse – ab aethre Christus promicat / Christ gleams forth from heaven – contains all the theological richness described above in the hymn Conditor alme siderum. Christ, the light of the world and representative of heaven, is contrasted with the ‘dark things’ and ‘dreams’ which the clear voice reproaches. It also parallels the fifth of the ‘O’ Antiphons, sung as the Antiphon to the Magnificat on December 21: O Oriens, splendor lucis aeternae, et sol justitiae: veni, et illumina sedentes in tenebris, et umbra mortis; ‘O Rising Dawn, radiance of light eternal, wisdom and Sun of Justice, come and enlighten those who sit in darkness and the shadow of death,’ with its own scriptural references to the light: Hab 3:4 – ‘The brightness was like the sun; rays came forth from his hand, where his power lay hidden;’ Wis 7:26 – ‘For [Wisdom] is like a reflection of eternal light, a spotless mirror of the working God, and an image of his goodness;’ Heb 1:3 – ‘He is the reflection of God’s glory;’ and Mal 3:20 (Vg = 4:2) – ‘the Sun of Justice will shine out with healing in its rays.’ St Ambrose picks up this theme in his treatise on the Gospel of Luke, where he refers to Christ as the ‘bright morning star’ who ‘expresses himself as light’ – ipse enim est stella splendida et matutina, sua igitur ipse luce se signat.79 Verse 2 calls on the slothful soul to arise. Here the mind immediately recalls St Paul’s exhortation ‘to wake from sleep [because] salvation is nearer to us than when we became believers’ (Rom 13:11), a text already noted above as being used as the Capitulary for the Hours of Lauds, Terce and Vespers for the First Sunday of

77 Mans (1993), 93. 78 Gallo canente, spes redit, aegris salus refunditur, mucro latronis conditur, lapsis fides revertitur – Latin text from J. Fontaine (1992), 151. 79 Ambrose, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam 2, 45, (CCSL 14, 51).

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Advent.80 ‘Now,’ Paul continues, ‘is the time to lay aside the works of darkness and put on the armour of light.’ As observed previously, this text was the Epistle set down for the First Sunday of Advent according to the Comes of Würzburg and the Lectionary of Alcuin.81 The Capitulary for the Hour of None on the First Sunday of Advent continues this text: ‘Let us walk honestly as in the day.’82 The Prayer for the Second Sunday of Advent also taps into this theme, by asking God the Father to ‘Stir up our hearts to make ready the way of your only-begotten Son, so that by his coming, our minds being purified, we may the more worthily serve you with purified minds.’83 It is from the ‘dirt’ that wounds the soul that we must be purified. The ‘new constellation’ that is shining is, of course, Christ. The scriptural reference may be to the prophecy of Num 24:17 – orietur stella ex Iacob, et consurget virga de Israhel – ‘a star shall come out of Jacob and a sceptre shall rise from Israel,’ or to the ‘Morning Star’ of Rev 22:16 – Ego sum radix et genus David, stella splendida et matutina; ‘I am the root and descendant of David, I am the bright morning star.’ The text of Mal 3:20 however, which we have already noted as a source of the fifth of the ‘O’ Antiphons, speaks of the sun of righteousness rising ‘with healing in its wings,’ which neatly parallels the eighth line of our hymn, ‘that it [the new constellation] may carry away every harmful thing.’ The final word of verse two, noxium, can be translated as ‘harmful thing,’ ‘crime,’ ‘fault’ or ‘offence.’ Combined with ‘tollat’ it brings to mind the declaration of John the Baptist as he saw Jesus approaching, Ecce, Agnus Dei qui tollit peccatum mundi; ‘Behold the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world’ ( Jn 1:29). And it is to the image of the Lamb that our hymn now moves. The writers of the New Testament regarded the lamb as a symbol of Christ, the Messiah. During John’s vision of heaven, described in chapter five of the Book of Revelation, one of the elders depicts the Lamb as ‘Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Root of David,’ both Messianic titles (1 Rev 5:5). 1 Pet 1:19 reminds the Christians of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia that they have been ransomed ‘with the precious blood of Christ, like that of a lamb without defect or blemish.’ As Messiah, Christ was the new Paschal Lamb, offering himself ‘once for all’ (Heb 7:27) in place of the annual Passover sacrifice instituted by the Lord on the eve of the Israelites’ departure from Egypt, recounted in the twelfth chapter of the book of Exodus. In writing to the Corinthians, Paul reminds his listeners, ‘For our paschal lamb, Christ, has been sacrificed’ (1 Cor 5:7). The Suffering Servant of Isaiah 53 who ‘has borne our infirmities’ and ‘was wounded for our transgressions’ is also described in terms of the sacrificial lamb: Oblatus est quia ipse voluit, et non aperuit os suum: sicut ovis ad occisionem ducetur, et quasi agnus coram tondente se obmutescet, et non aperiet os suum; ‘He was oppressed and he was afflicted, yet he did not open his mouth, like a lamb that is led to the slaughter, and like

80 81 82 83

Pretridentine Monastic Office, Ad Laudes. See footnote 34 of this chapter. Pretridentine Monastic Office, Ad Nonam. See the Gelasian Sacramentary, Item 1125: Excita, domine, quaesumus, corda nostra ad praeparandas unigeniti tui vias, ut per eius adventum purificatis tibi servire mentibus mereamur.

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a sheep that is silent before its shearers’ (Is 53:7). The second Antiphon of Nocturn II of Matins on the First Sunday of Advent has as its subject Christ the Lamb: Rex noster adveniet Christus, quem Joannes praedicavit Agnum esse venturum; ‘Christ our King is coming, whom John preached, saying “Behold the Lamb that should come”,’ while the versicle after the psalmody proclaims, Emitte Agnum, Domine, Dominatorem terrae; ‘Send forth the Lamb, O Lord, ruler of the land.’84 These texts complement the opening phrase of this third verse of our hymn which is replete with scriptural allusions that evoke a theology of sacrifice and redemption. The ‘debt’ incurred by sin is released through the death of the Lamb who has come down from heaven. As St Paul says, ‘All have sinned and fall short of the glory of God; they are now justified by his grace as a gift through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus’ (Rom 3:23–24). The response that our hymn calls for in the face of this freely-given mercy is to ‘give voice with tears for [this] pardon.’ These two lines closely resemble Jdt 8:14 – in hoc ipso poeniteamur, et indulgentiam eius lacrimis postulemus; ‘Let us be penitent for this same thing, and with many tears let us beg his pardon.’ They also recall the tears that Peter wept after denying Jesus three times: Priusquam gallus cantet, ter me negabis. et egressus foras, ploravit amare; ‘“Before the cock crows you will have denied me three times.” And he went out and wept bitterly’ (Mt 26:75). But it is in the story of the sinful woman who bathed Jesus’ feet with her tears and dried them with her hair that we see the consequence of such tears of repentance. Of her, Jesus says, ‘I tell you, her sins, which were many, have been forgiven’ (Lk 7:47). The final verse of our hymn draws attention to the end of the world and the coming of Christ as Judge. The first two lines recall Mt 24:27: Sicut enim fulgur exit ab oriente, et paret usque in occidente ita erit et adventus Filii hominis; ‘for as the brightness comes from the east and appears even to the west, so shall be the coming of the Son of Man’ and Mt 24:21: Erit enim tunc tribulatio magna, qualis non fuit ab initio mundi usque modo, neque fiet; ‘For then there shall be great tribulation, such as has not been from the beginning of the world until now, and neither shall be.’ The comparable passage in Luke’s gospel that describes the portents in the heavens prior to the coming of the Son of Man (Lk 21:25–28) was, as we have noted previously, commonly read on the third Sunday before Christmas wherever the Roman liturgical books were used at the time that our hymn was incorporated into the Liturgy of the Hours.85 The sentiments of the final two lines of verse four parallel those of the oration from the First Sunday of Advent that appears in a number of 8–9th-century sacramentaries: Excita, quaesumus Domine, potentiam tuam, et veni: ut ab imminentibus peccatorum nostrorum periculis, te mereamus protegente eripi, te liberante salvari.86

Stir up, O Lord, we pray, your power, and come, that from the threatening dangers of our sins we may merit to be freed through your protection, and to be saved by your delivery.

84 Pretridentine monastic office, Ad Matutinum. 85 See Klauser (1935), 43, 89, 127, 168. See also Wilmart (1913), 52. 86 This formula appears in the following Sacramentaries: The Gelasian Sacramentary of Angoulême, item 1539 (see Saint-Roch (1987)); the Sacramentary of St Gall, item 1379 (see Mohlberg (1918)); and the Sacramentary of Cambrai, item 185, 1 (see Lietzmann, 1921).

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A very similar prayer appears in the weekday formularies for Advent in the Old Gelasian Sacramentary,87 The Gelasian Sacramentary of Angoulême,88 the Gellone Sacramentary89 and the St Gall Sacramentary:90 Subveniat nobis domine misericordia tua et ab inminentibus peccatorum nostrorum periculis te mereamur veniente salvari.

Let your mercy come to our aid, O Lord, that by your coming we may merit to be saved from the threatening dangers of our sins.

Any believer familiar with the person of Christ as presented in the Gospel stories would have seen these qualities of pity and protection in action on numerous occasions – the encounter of the woman caught in adultery related in Jn 6 immediately comes to mind. In his prayer to the Father following the discourse after the Last Supper Jesus implores the Father to protect those who believe in him and says of himself that he has protected in the Father’s name all those given to him ( Jn 17:11–12). Interestingly, it is these very qualities that Paul attributed to the Father in his second letter to the Christians of Corinth: ‘Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies and the God of all consolation’ (2 Cor 1:3). The petition for pity and protection arising from the lips of those singing our Advent hymn would not have emerged from an attitude of desperation but one of confident hope. This hymn is shot through with scriptural references and allusions to Christ as Light, as paschal Lamb and as eternal Judge on the one hand, and with exhortations for the soul to rouse itself, be rid of all harmful things, and to seek pardon through tears on the other. As we have noted above, the term vox clara is ambiguous and could refer either to John the Baptist or to the cockcrow that heralds the dawn. However, it can be argued that the eschatological significance of the crowing of the cock, when combined with the clear link between the exhortations of this hymn with Paul’s call for Christians to ‘wake from sleep’ and ‘put on the armour of light’ (Rom 13:11, 12) which also focus on the final judgment, indicates that the allusion to the Baptist ought to be regarded as secondary and that to the cock-crow as primary. Advent theologies in the three hymns

All three hymns celebrate the mystery of the Incarnation by referring to Christ as Redeemer, either directly as in the case of Conditor alme siderum, or indirectly, as in the case of Verbum supernum (‘heavenly Word […] who. came to aid the world’) and Vox clara ecce intonat (‘From on high the Lamb is sent’). Each in its own way also acknowledges Christ’s role in creation: Conditor alme siderum names him directly as ‘creator of the constellations,’ Verbum supernum addresses him as the ‘heavenly Word […] coming from the Father at the beginning of time,’ while Vox clara ecce

87 See Gelasian Sacramentary, item 1158 (Mohlberg (1981)). 88 Gelasian Sacramentary of Angoulême, item 1546. 89 Sacramentory of Gellone, item 1681 (Dumas (1981)). 90 The St Gall Sacramentary, item 1385.

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intonat – by referring to Christ as the ‘new constellation,’ that is to say the one who is instigating the ‘new creation’ – acknowledges it indirectly. All three hymns give reasons as to why the world needs redemption: Conditor alme siderum notes that the world was ‘perishing by death’s destruction’ and was ‘languishing’ and ‘declining;’ this same worldly decline is named in Verbum supernum, while Vox clara ecce intonat sings of the constellation that must ‘carry away every harmful thing’ and the task of the Lamb to ‘loose freely the debt’ [of sin]. But in the case of all three hymns, the coming of Christ in the flesh is seen as the necessary prelude to his coming in glory, since it is when Christ comes as Judge at the end of time that the purpose of humanity’s original creation – to be ‘eternal people of heaven,’ which is to say, be eternally incorporated into the life of the Trinity – will be realised. Thus, while both Christ’s coming in the flesh and his coming in glory feature in each of the hymns, it is the final coming of Christ that is the primary focus. The contrast between light and darkness is featured in all three hymns. Christ is the ‘eternal light of believers,’ the one that ‘enlightens hearts’ so that uncertainties or dangerous things might be driven away, the one who ‘gleams forth from heaven’ and is the ‘new constellation’ carrying away every harmful thing. While the daily sunrise is a constant reminder to the believer of Christ’s resurrection, the symbolism of Christ the light is a particularly appropriate symbol for Advent, which encompasses the final days before the winter solstice, when the hours of daylight lengthen and the birth of the Sun of Justice anticipates his victory over darkness and death. The celebration of Mary as Mother of God – or more precisely as ‘the one who gave birth to the one who was God’ – which developed to counter the christological heresies of the third and fourth centuries – finds a place only in Conditor alme siderum, when it speaks of Christ as coming forth from ‘the most pure enclosure of the virgin mother.’ Clearly, the question of Christ as truly God and truly human was not exercising the minds of tenth-century believers. The historical context of Christ’s birth which was so much the focus of the pre-Nativity sermons of Maximus of Turin (fourth century) and Peter Chrosologus in Ravenna (fifth century) highlighted the figures of John the Baptist and Mary. Reference to John the Baptist is made obliquely in Vox clara ecce intonat, where the vox could be the Baptist or the crowing cock at dawn. Both Conditor alme siderum and Verbum supernum place less emphasis on the event of Christ’s birth than the fact that it occurred when the world was in decline/perishing. While the fourth- and fifth-century sermons encouraged the faithful to prepare for the Nativity of Christ by purifying their souls through tears and humility, vigils, fasting, chastity, mercy, meekness and almsgiving,91 our three hymns call for ‘enlightenment of heart’ and for the ‘slothful soul to arise,’ not as a preparation for the imminent celebration of the birth of Christ, but as a preparation for the coming of Christ as Judge, the time of which is totally unknown. We noted in Chapter One that the establishment of Advent in Rome in the sixth century did not see the demise of the Ember days of the tenth month, which simply 91 See, for example, Maximus of Turin, Sermo 60, 3, (CCSL 23, 241).

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continued to be celebrated as previously. We also observed that none of Leo I’s nine sermons for the Fast of the Tenth Month referred directly to the imminent celebration of the birth of Christ, but they could be seen to be complementary to the spirit of our three Advent hymns insofar as their advocacy of abstinence in the present life – as an antidote to the ‘surfeiting and drunkenness and cares of this life’92 – is an encouragement to the faithful to be suitably prepared for the final judgement. The hymns themselves, however, make no reference to fasting or penitential practices. Clearly, by the time out three Advent hymns were written some time in the ninth century, the need for the doctrinal and catechetical elements that were so firmly a part of the pre-Advent practices of northern Italy, Gaul and Rome had been superseded and only traces of them remain. However, the focus on the complementary ‘advents’ of Christ celebrated in the great mystery of the Incarnation and anticipated in his coming again in glory remain.

From Hymnary to Roman Breviary At the end of Chapter Two it was noted that evidence of the incorporation of our three Advent hymns into the liturgical repertoire came via the New Hymnal that flourished in England during the eleventh century, having been introduced from the Continent – particularly the monasteries of Fleury and Ghent – during the English Benedictine reforms of the tenth century. But it was only with the development of the Roman Breviary that the integration of hymns into each of the Hours of the Office and the stability and consistency of repertoire would be finally established. The transformation of the various books required for the celebration of the Divine Office into a single book – the Breviary – came about gradually. The final section of this chapter will trace the journey of Office hymns from their place in collections of hymns, particularly the revised New Hymnary, to their place in each Hour of the Office in the Roman Breviary as the praying of the Office extended beyond monasteries to all secular clergy. Pierre Salmon, in his L’Office divin au Moyen Âge, notes that the Roman Office ‘was fixed in structure and composition by the beginning of the ninth century’ with the only new elements tolerated being ‘hymns, the officium capituli after Prime [and] the prayers at the beginning of Compline.’93 This reference to the addition of hymns applies, however, not so much to the Church of Rome as to those churches in Gaul which adopted the Roman Office. At this time each of the elements of the daily prayer cursus was contained in its own book: the psalms in the Psalter, antiphons in the Antiphonary, responses in the Responsory, readings from Scripture in the Bible or an Epistolary and Evangelary, homilies from the Fathers of the Church in a Homilary, hagiographical details of

92 Leo I, Sermo 19: Carete, inquit, ne forte graventur corda vestra in crapula, et ebrietate, et cogitationibus saecularibus. (PL 54, 186A). 93 Salmon (1967), 43.

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saints – especially the martyrs – in a Passionary, collections of prayers in a Collectar and hymns in a Hymnary. For monks in monasteries this diversity of books caused little problem. However, for secular clergy it was a different matter and over time some of these different elements were gathered together in various ways for practical purposes. For example, it made sense to group together the psalter, canticles and litanies,94 or the psalter, versicles, readings and responses, canticles and litanies,95 or the orations, antiphons and hymns,96 or readings and responses, capitulae, collects and hymns,97 or even selected, complete Offices.98 A significant impetus for such collections was the imposition on secular clergy by Pope Nicolas II in 1059 to celebrate the full cursus of daily public prayer in a fitting manner.99 The burden of celebrating the full cursus, however, proved to be intolerable and ways were sought to shorten the requirements of the Office. This was true not only for secular clergy but also for the papal household, where, certainly by the middle of the twelfth century, a shortened form of the Office was celebrated by the Pope and clergy from the curial offices at the Lateran.100 It is from this abbreviation of the Office that the term ‘Breviary’ would develop. Immediately after becoming pontiff in January 1198, Pope Innocent III began a reform of both the papal court and medieval liturgical life.101 Under his leadership the fourth Lateran Council in 1215 insisted, among other things, on studious and devout performance of the Divine Office (Canon 17), since ‘the beauty of a church and its treasures depends upon the persons who serve them and intone the Lord’s praises at the appointed hours.’102 After the Council, Innocent III ordered that an Ordinal for the daily Office for the papal chapel be prepared. This Ordinal survives in a single copy, the manuscript lat. 4162A, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. It is from this Ordinal that the Roman Breviary with rubrics developed.103 The fact that groups of clerics could celebrate this re-styled Office with a minimum

94 Such a grouping is found in the so-called Psalter of Montpellier, Montpellier, Faculté de Médecine 409, dating from the late eighth century. See Leroquais (1940–41), Vol. 1. 95 Such a grouping is found in the Psalter of Charles the Bald, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale 1152, dating from the second half of the ninth century. See Leroquais (1940–41), Vol. 2, 67–69. 96 This grouping is found in the Collectar-Antiphonary-Hymnary of London, British Museum Harley 2961, dating from the late tenth century. See Dewick and Frere (1914, 1921), HBS 45 and 46. 97 Such a grouping is found in the Breviary of St Martial de Limoges, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale 743, dating from the eleventh century. See Leroquais (1940–41) Vol. 2, 418–19. 98 This is the form of Paris Bibliothèque Nationale 1253, dating from the eleventh century. See Leroquais (1934), Vol. 3, 76–77. 99 See Decreta Nicolai II, Papae, (Mansi 19, 875–76). 100 The letter of Peter Abelard to St Bernard, written around 1140, describes the Lateran practice as being the ‘old Roman office’ (See Peter Abelard, Epistola 10, PL 178, 340B), but Salmon considers this to be less than accurate, since the old Roman Office, having been adopted in Gaul and Germany had been the subject of numerous transformations [and it was] this liturgy that returned to Rome in the tenth and eleventh centuries to become the ‘Roman liturgy.’ See Salmon (1967), 127. 101 Van Dijk and Hazelden Walker (1960), 91–92. 102 Van Dijk and Hazelden Walker (1960), 92. For canon 17 see Fourth Lateran Council, (Mansi 22, 1778, 1006). 103 Van Dijk and Hazelden Walker (1960), 100.

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of ceremonial and without the need of a schola meant that it was quickly adopted by several churches. The hymns were not included in a separate hymnary, but were included in the appropriate places in the proper and common Offices. The third Rule (1223) of newly-formed order of Friars Minor prescribed the Office according to the holy Roman Church, apart from the Psalter, which was to be according to the ‘Gallican’ text – this being in use everywhere except Rome: Clerici faciant divinum Officium secundum ordinem Sanctae Romane Ecclesiae, excepto Psalterio, ex quo habere poterunt Breviaria.104 When Haymon of Faversham, general of the Franciscans from 1240 until his death in 1244 revised the liturgy of the Friars Minor, he composed a complete Order for the Breviary, with concisely and clearly written rubrics. Van Dijk and Hazelden Walker note that this presentation of the Roman Office ‘allowed the Order to fulfil its vocation with more profit; it made its liturgy admired by the many who, in one way or another, shared its activities, and thus, ultimately, it changed the course of western public worship.’105 This had lasting consequences for the uptake and spread of the Roman Breviary. The Franciscan Breviary was adopted by the Roman Curia somewhere between the pontificates of Gregory IX (1227–41) and Nicholas III (1277–80). Radulph of Rivo confirms that ‘Nicholas III suppressed in the Churches of Rome all the antiphonaries and other books of the ancient Office, and ordered that henceforth the churches of Rome would use the books and breviaries of the Friars Minor.’106 He concludes with the telling remark: Unde hodie in Roma omnes libri sunt novi et francescani; ‘from today in Rome all books are new and Franciscan.’ Under Innocent III the Breviary of the Curia had become that of the Friars Minor; under Nicholas III the Breviary of the Friars Minor became that of the Roman Curia and thereby that of the Roman Church. Because the Breviaries of the Friars Minor and the Roman Curia became one and the same, it is possible to show the place of hymns in the Office by having recourse to the Ordinal of the Papal Court from Innocent III to Boniface VIII (1244–1303) as constructed by Stephen van Dijk.107 Vespers for the first Saturday in Advent – that is, First Vespers for the First Sunday of Advent – prescribes Conditor alme siderum as the hymn; Second Vespers prescribes Verbum supernum; for Lauds,108 the hymn is Vox clara ecce [intonat]. This rather extended excursus into the development of the Roman Breviary has brought us to the point where the hymns are an integral part of the Roman Breviary, a 104 Van Dijk and Hazelden Walker (1960), 218. 105 Van Dijk and Hazelden Walker (1960), 312. 106 Radulph of Rivo, De canonum observatia liber, propositio 22, Mohlberg (1915), Vol. 2, 128: Nicolaus papa tertius […] qui coepit anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo septuagesimo septimo et palatium apud sanctum Petrum construxit, fecit in ecclesiis Urbis amoveri antiphonarios, gradualia, missalia et alios libros officii antiquos quinquaginta et mandavit, ut de cetero ecclesiae Urbis uterentur libris etbreviariis Fratrim Minorum, quorum regulam etiam confirmavit. 107 Van Dijk, completed by Hazelden Walker (1975), 90–478. For details of the hymns prescribed during Advent see 90–93. 108 Since by this time the official name in the Roman Office for the Hour of the Morning Office is ‘Lauds,’ this terminology is used here. It would seem that in the monastic breviaries the term varied between ad matutinas laudes – at Morning Praise, and in Laudibus – at Lauds. Examples of each of the

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‘secular’ Breviary, whose hymns correspond to what is found in the New Hymnary, a basically monastic repertoire. From now on the hymns to be sung in both forms of the Office during Advent will remain fixed. It is interesting to note that a Customary from the Church of Marseille in Gaul, dated around 1264, includes our three hymns, adding weight to the notion that, by this time, they were an established part of the Office repertoire.109 The consequences of reforms on the hymns of the Breviary, for the three Advent hymns. From the fourteenth century to the Council of Trent

The transfer of the papal court to Avignon for a good part of the fourteenth century – 1308–78 – and the scandal of the Great Western Schism, with two and even three popes at the same time, caused instability and confusion in the Church. While there was no change in the basic structure of the Divine Office, there was uncertainty as to which set of rules was to be followed in carrying it out. At the same time, an augmentation of the sanctorale through the inclusion of local saints, and a ‘minimalist’ approach to the temporale saw an influx of new hymns and prayers to accommodate the local saints, while the importance and impact of the Sunday-weekday cycle and the liturgical seasons diminished.110 Throughout, however, the place of the three Advent hymns remained secure and unchallenged. As the fifteenth century progressed, the rise of humanism led to an increasing interest in secular art and poetry, and a call for the ‘vulgar’ Latin of the Breviary to be replaced with something more refined and elegant.111 On the other hand, men firmly attached to the liturgical tradition of the Church believed that the main need for reform lay in reducing the excessive number of feasts, excising the legends and apocryphal material contained in the readings and above all reducing the supplementary Offices which had grown to such proportions that they rendered the burden of the daily Office almost unbearable for those who had pastoral duties.112 Both camps agreed that reform was necessary and urgent, but their motives and aims varied greatly. The Ferreri Hymnal

The first attempt at reform was instigated by Pope Leo X (1513–21), who commissioned Zachary Ferreri, bishop of Guardia in the kingdom of Naples, to compose new hymns, as a first step to reforming the whole Breviary. Leo X died before the project was

109 110 111 112

terms in the order given here can be found in i) The Ordinal of Montecassino and Benevento Breviarium sive ordo officiorum which dates from the eleventh century (See Kelly (2008) 276; ii) The Hereford Breviary, which dates from before the thirteenth century (See, Frere and Brown (1904), 6). See Chevalier (1894), xxxi. See Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 94–95. In this camp Bäumer places Pietro Bembo, Zachary Ferreri, Marsile Ficin, Pierre Pomponace, Basilius Bessarion, Paul Cortèse and Pope Leo X. See Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 114. Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 115–16.

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completed, but in 1523, his nephew Clement VII, was happy to accept the finished work. Ferreri’s aim was for reform and devotional efficacy, since he considered that incorrect or inelegant Latin would have a deleterious effect on educated priests. Indeed, when the hymnal was finally published in 1525, he notes in the preface that ‘priests who are acquainted with good latinity, when they are compelled to praise God in such barbarous language, are moved to laughter, and frequently led to despise the sacred rites altogether.’113 Thus the title of his hymnal reads: Hymni novi ecclesiastici iuxta veram metri et latinitas mormam […] Sanctum ac necessarium opus; ‘New ecclesiastical hymns according to the correct rule of metre and latinity […] a holy and necessary work.’ Batiffol acknowledges the classical Latin style in the hymns and the beauty of the printing and layout, but considers that they lack the zest of the ‘rougher Christian originals,’114 while Bäumer regards them as ‘an insipid imitation of the powerful and original verses of a better era.’115 Three examples will suffice to show the ‘humanistic exuberance’ of Ferreri’s work: the Holy Trinity is referred to as triforme numen Olympi – ‘triform majesty of Olympus;’ Mary is nympha candidissima – ‘dazzling white bride;’ while God is deorum maximus rector – ‘most exalted ruler of the gods.’116 Since all compositions were new, with nothing of the ancient hymns preserved, our three Advent hymns made no appearance in Ferreri’s project. From the Introduction to the 1525 edition of his hymnal we know that he planned to prepare a ‘short, ecclesiastical breviary, convenient and purged of all errors.’117 In fact this did not eventuate since Ferreri died in 1524 and the sack of Rome by the Bourbons under Charles V (1527) left the brilliant papal court in disarray, contending with matters more immediately pressing than the revision of the Breviary. The Breviary of Quiñones

When the political situation had again stabilised, Clement VII turned once more to the reform of the Breviary. Unsure as to whether it should be a shortened, simple version such as Ferreri had envisioned or a revision of more traditional form, he appointed proponents of both schools of thought to prepare a new breviary. The ‘traditionalists’ were represented by John Peter Carafa, leader of the Theatines, while the ‘revisionists’ were represented by Francesco Quiñones, leader of the Franciscans, the Spanish-born cardinal whose diplomatic skills had secured peace between Charles V and the papacy. For reasons known only to himself, Clement later withdrew his mandate to Carafa, leaving the task to Quiñones and his assistants.

113 Qui bona latinitate praediti sunt sacerdotes, dum barbaris vocibus Deum laudare coguntur, in risum provaciati sacra saepenumero contemnunt. See Batiffol (1911), 273. English tr. Baylay, cited in Calvillo (2007), 137. 114 Batiffol (1911), 272. 115 Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 118. 116 Catholic University of America (1967), (New Catholic Encyclopedia 5), 895. 117 Breviarium ecclesiastium. brevius et facilius redditum, et ab omni errore purgatum. See Bäumer and Biron (1967) 2, 117.

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The work was begun in 1529 and not completed until 1535, by which time Clement VII had died. Paul II, however, was happy to support the work begun under his predecessor, with the result that the breviary was published in the first year of his pontificate. Incredibly, this first text appeared in as many as ten or eleven editions between February 1535 and July 1536,118 although it was roundly criticised by the Sorbonne university on the grounds that it ‘is unlike any other Breviary; it contains no Office of our Lady, no anthems, responds, little chapters or homilies; the distribution of Scripture and of the Psalter is new.’119 An emended, second edition of the Quiñones Breviary appeared in July 1536, proving even more popular than the first, with more than a hundred editions appearing in the next thirty years.120 With regard to hymnody in the Quiñonian Breviary, it must be said that no change is made to the choice of hymns for Prime, Terce, Sext, None, Vespers on Sunday, or Compline, although sometimes a verse or two is omitted. Quiñones did not assign a hymn to Lauds because he considered that Hour to be a continuation of Matins and therefore deemed another hymn unnecessary. For that reason only two of our three Advent hymns appear in the Quiñones Breviary: Vox clara ecce intonat – all four verses plus doxology – is part of Matins,121 while Conditor alme siderum – five verses plus doxology – is sung at Vespers. Despite its wide popularity, the Quiñones Breviary also had severe critics. Complaints were made to the bishops when they gathered for the Council of Trent, with the harsh and detailed criticism by the Spanish theologian, John of Arze being particularly damning, but no Tridentine document condemns the Breviary outright. When John Peter Carafa became Pope Paul IV in 1555 he discontinued issuing licences for the Quiñones Breviary and in 1558 finally forbade its use entirely, on the grounds that it was contra la orma antica, contrary to the ancient form.122 During the final sitting of the Council of Trent in 1563 it was agreed that a reform of all the liturgical books should be entrusted to the Holy See.123 118 Legg (1912), 16. 119 Legg (1912), 18. The Latin text of the Sorbonne condemnation appears on p. 108 of this volume: In primus advertendum est, quod dictum Breviarium discrepat et dissonum est aliis omnibus Breviariis quarumcumque Dioeceseon, etiam Romanae Ecclesiae; cum alia omnia Breviaria pleraque sancta et salutaria ad pietatem et devotionem Fideles inducentia contineant que istud Breviarium non habet; cujus generis sunt Horae Beatae Mariae, Antiphonae, Responsoria, Capitula, Homiliae, sive Expositiones Catholicorum Doctorum super Evangeliis et aliis Scripturis, ordo et numerus Psalmorum, et modus legendi illos in Ecclesia, necnon et ordo legendi Sacras Scripturas in matutinis, juxta varietatem temporum ab Ecclesia hactenus observatus. 120 Legg (1912), 20. 121 See Legg (1888), 20, 24 and Legg, (1908), 42. 122 Legg (1912), 26. cites as the source for this information, a manuscript of the life of Paul IV by Caracciolus, included in Arevalus (1786), 409. 123 See Tanner (1990), 797: praecipit ut, quid quid ab illis praestitum est sanctissimo Romano pontifici exhineatur, ut eius iudicio atque auctoritate terminetur et evulgetur. Idemque de catechismo a partribus, quibus illud mandatum fuerat, et de missali et breviario fieri mandat […]; ‘[the council] orders that all the material that has been prepared should be presented to the most holy Roman pontiff and so by his judgment and authority be completed and published. It gives similar orders in the matter of the catechism prepared by those commissioned, and of the missal and breviary.’ Tr. Tanner, with minor alterations of ours.

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The Breviarium Romanum

The reform following the Council of Trent took a very traditional approach, with the aim of restoring as far as possible the old Breviary; Bäumer describes it as being ‘diametrically opposed to the method followed by Cardinal Quiñonez.’124 The revised Breviary, under the authority of Paul V, appeared in Rome in the summer of 1568.125 The papal bull, Quod a nobis, that accompanied the publication, forbade the use of any other breviary unless expressly approved by the Holy See or having been in existence for at least two hundred years. As far as the hymns were concerned, they remained virtually as they had in the old Breviary of the Roman Curia and in the monastic breviaries incorporating the New Hymnary. Thus during Advent, the hymn for Vespers is Conditor alme siderum, for Matins, Verbum supernum prodiens, and for Lauds, Vox clara ecce intonat.126 Further reform of the Roman Breviary under Clement VIII (1592–1605) meant that in the course of the sixteenth century no fewer than five revisions had taken place, although none of them had any significant effect on the repertoire of hymns employed. It would be during the pontificate of Urban VIII (1623–44) that a far-reaching and substantial revision of the hymns of the Roman Breviary would take place. The revision of Breviary hymns under Urban VIII (1623–44)

This highly educated pope, himself a poet of some renown, charged four classically trained Jesuits with the task of revising the Breviary hymns. In this he was responding to ongoing calls to correct the ‘prosody’ of the ecclesiastical hymns, in order to produce more fitting and elegant verse. While such calls were no doubt made with good intentions, later hymnologists and liturgists are more in agreement with the Benedictine Jules Baudot who, in 1909, wrote: It seems to be exceedingly rash to regard as barbarous the hymns of men like Prudentius, Sedulius, Sidonius Apollinaris, Venatius Fortunatus, St Ambrose, St Paulinus of Aquileia, and Rhabanus Maurus, and to desire to remodel them after the pattern of Horace’s Odes. It is difficult to suppress a feeling of astonishment when one hears these reformers call the Te Deum and the Ave maris stella ‘hymns in prose,’ and the hymns of St Thomas Aquinas (Pange lingua, Sacris solemniis, Verbum supernum) composed in an Etruscan meter, Etrusco rhythmo compositi.127 Urban VIII accepted the fruits of the Jesuits’ labours in March 1629 and had the hymns published in a slim volume, at the same time authorising all priests and clerics to recite them in place of the old texts. He then set up a separate commission to work

124 Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 175. 125 Its title was Breviarium romanum, ex decreto sacrosancti concilii Tridentini restitutum Pii V. Pont. Max. iussu editum. Romae, MDLXVIII. Cum privilegio Pii V. Pontificis Maxim. 126 See Sodi and Triacca (1999), 143, 146. 127 Baudot (1904), 184.

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on an overall revision of the Breviary.128 When the work of the commission finished in December 1631, these hymns were incorporated into the revised Breviary that was promulgated in January 1632.129 The accompanying bull, Divinam psalmodiam, explains that, on his order, the revision to the hymns was carried out with serious care by certain wise and scholarly men according to the laws of Latin verse. When it was not possible to do this by emending the text, then the hymn was re-worked, but keeping as far as possible the original sense.130 Use of the revised hymns became obligatory for all who prayed the Roman Breviary in the Church of Rome and environs in April 1643, through the bull Cum alias.131 Of course, religious and monastic orders that had had their own rites for at least two hundred years were free to continue to use them, and so were not affected by the revision of the hymns unless they deliberately chose to adopt them.132 Of the one thousand, seven hundred and fourteen lines of verse making up the hymns of the Breviary, changes were made to nine hundred and fifty-two words.133 Very few hymns – seventeen out of eighty-one – were left intact. The breakdown of the ‘corrections’ was as follows: fifty-eight in the twenty-three hymns of the Psalterium feriatum per hebdomadam; three hundred and fifty-nine in the seventeen hymns in the Proprium de Tempore, two hundred and eighty-three in the thirty-nine hymns of the Proprium Sanctorum, and two hundred and fifty-two in the Commune Sanctorum. It is to be expected, then, that our three Advent hymns did not survive the revision process unscathed. Indeed, Conditor alme siderum was so severely ‘corrected’ that only twelve words of the original hymn remained.134 In providing a comparison of the text from the Roman Breviary of Pius V with the revised text of Urban VIII, changes to the original words have been typed in bold

128 See Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 285–94. The commission for the revision of the Breviary, under the leadership of Cardinal Luigi Cajetan, met between forty-five and fifty times between July 1629 and December 1631. The four Jesuits, Mathias Sarbiewski, a Pole, and his three Italian confreres, Famiano Strada, Tarquinio Galluzzi and Hieronymo Petrucci, worked at the same time but separately from the commission. 129 While the text of the accompanying papal bull states that the Breviary was promulgated on January 25, 1631, Bäumer points out that this must be a typographical error, since the commission did not finish its work until December of that year. See Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 285–86. 130 Urban VIII (1632), Divinam Psalmodiam: Iussu nostro aliquot eruditii et sapientes viri suam serio curam contulernunt, quorum diligentia studioque perfectum opus est. […] In eo Hymni (paucis exceptis) qui non metro, sed soluta oratione aut etiam thytmo constanto, vel emendatioribus codicibus adhiitis, vel aliqua facta mutatione ad carminis et latinitatis leges, ubi fieri potuit revocati; ubi vero non potuit, de integto conditi sunt: eadem tamen, quoad licuit, servata sententia. 131 For the text of the bull see Cocquelines (1760), 380–81. 132 Religious orders with their own rites of sufficient long-standing as to be excluded from the papal decree included the Benedictines, Cistercians, Carthusians, Dominicans, Premonstratensians and Carmelites. 133 The details of the number and nature of the changes made to the hymns have, in the main, been taken from Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 291; Chevalier (1894), 37–46; Batiffol (1911), 336–38. Patri (2009), 71 also cites the number of alterations made to the hymns, but unfortunately states that 1714 verses of hymnody were replaced, misinterpreting the word vers which in the context of Latin poetry refers to a line of verse, not an entire verse. 134 See Britt (1922), 95.

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italics; where the position of the word(s) in the line/verse have been changed, the words are in regular bold type: Revised text Creator alme siderum, Aeterna lux credentium, Jesu, Redemptor omnium, Intende votis supplicum.

Ancient text Conditor alme siderum aeterna lux credentium Christe, redemptor, omnium, exaudi preces supplicum Qui condolens interitu mortis perire saeculum, salvasti mundum languidum, donans reis remedium, Vergente mundi vespere, uti sponsus de thalamo, egressus honestissima Virginis matris clausula. Cuius forti potentiae genu curvatur omnia, caelestia, terrestria nutu fatentur subdita. Te deprecamur agie, venture iudex saeculi, conserva nos in tempore hostis a telo perfidi.

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Qui daemonis ne fraudibus Periret orbis, impetu Amoris actus, languidi Mundi medela factus es. Commune qui mundi nefas Ut expiares, ad Crucem, E Virginis sacrario, Intacta prodis victima. Cujus potestas gloriae Nomenque cum primum sonat, Et coelites et inferi Tremente curvantur genu. Te deprecamur, ultimae Magnum diei Judicem, Armis supernae gratiae Defende nos ab hostibus.

Verbum superbum fared little better, with wholesale changes being made: Revised text Verbum supernum prodiens E Patris aeterni sinu, Qui natus orbi subvenis Labente cursu temporis.

Ancient text Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre olim exiens, qui natus orbi subvenis, cursu declivi temporis. Inlumina nunc pectora, tuoque amore concrema, audito ut praeconio sint pulsa tandem lubrica. Iudexque cum post aderis, rimari facta pectoris, reddens vicem pro abditis, iustisque regnum pro bonis. Non demum arctemur malis, pro qualitate criminis; sed cum Beatis compotes, simus prennes caelibes.

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Illumina nunc pectora, Tuoque amore concrema, Ut cor, caduca deserens, Coeli voluptas impleat; Ut cum tribunal judicis, Damnabit igni noxios, Et vox amica debitum Vocabit ad coelum pios, Non, esca flammarum, nigros Volvamur inter turbines, Vultu Dei sed compotes Coeli fruamur gaudiis.

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The third of the Advent hymns, Vox clara ecce intonat, was more fortunate, with a little more than half the text remaining untouched: Revised text En clara vox redarguit, Obscura quaeque personans; Procul fugentur somnia, Ab alto Jesus promicat.

Ancient text Vox clara ecce intonat, obscura quaeque increpat; pellantur eminus somnia; ab aethre Christus promicat. Mens jam resurgat torpida quae sorde exstat saucia sidus refulgent iam novum, ut tollat omne noxium. Et sursum Agnus mittitur laxare gratis debitum; omnes pro indulgentia vocem demus cum lacrimis, Secundo ut cum fulserit mundumque horror cinxerit, non pro reatu puniat, sed pius nos tunc protegat.

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Mens jam resurgat torpida Non amplius jacens humi; Sidus refulget jam novum Ut tollat omne noxium. En Agnus ad nos mittitur Laxare gratis debitum; Omnes simul cum lacrymis Precemur indulgentiam; Ut cum secundo fulserit Metuque mundum cinxerit, Non pro reatu puniat, Sed nos pius tunc protegat.

Speaking not just about our three Advent hymns, but of the entire corpus of Breviary hymns, Gabriel Diez Patri notes: The complete corrections range from small alterations – for example a word that changes case – arte (ablative) for ars (nominative) – to lines and even entire stanzas that are practically rewritten (the second verse of Aeterne rerum Conditor). On more than thirty occasions where the first line of the hymn is rearranged, the ‘incipit,’ that is, the name of the hymn, changes. Thus Plasmator hominis Deus becomes Hominis supernae Conditor, with an uncomfortable substitution of the first long vowel by two short syllables, […] mak[ing] the singing of this line rather difficult. […] In two cases, hymns originally written in one meter […] were directly transformed into another.135 We shall now consider the effect of the ‘corrections’ on each of our three Advent hymns. An alteration to the first word of the hymn from Conditor to Creator strikes the eye immediately. However, since the accent of Creator falls on the second syllable, it is more in keeping with the classical form of the iamb. Similarly, the change from Christe to Jesu in line 3 puts the accent on the second syllable. The change from exaudi preces to intende votis is less a matter of metrical correction than ‘the perfect example of the exchange of a Christian Latin expression for a Ciceronian one.’136 Nor do the revisions of verse two alter the underlying notion that Christ, taking 135 Patri (2009), 72–73. 136 di Pippo (2009, Part 4).

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pity on a world being destroyed by sin (‘the deceptions of the demon’) came to give healing to sinners (‘be physician to the languishing world’). However, in his famous work, Hymns of the Roman Liturgy, Joseph Connelly ruefully notes that ‘the revisers have ruined [Conditor alme siderum] as a hymn. At [lines] 5–6 and 10–11, if the words are phrased properly, the music is ruined; if the music is given first place, the sense has gone.’137 Changes to the text remove a number of theological or devotional elements. By discarding the phrase vergente mundi vespere any reference to Vespers or evening, however oblique, is excluded. Also, in lines 9–12 the revisers have replaced the image of sponsus with that of victima, thereby eliminating the connection with Psalm 19 (18):5 which links to the motif of heavenly bodies. And by rejecting the word matris, the emphasis on Mary Theotokos is lessened. An interesting claim is made by Lambert Beauduin with regard to the revisions of this verse. He contends that ‘the translators have here sacrificed the sweetest and, at the same time, the most theological image in the ancient hymn [which] represented Mary as the spouse of the Word, a title, according to the best authors, is particularly apt for Mary.’138 Beauduin goes on to explain that the basis for this title is provided by St Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Theologiae (3a, Art 1, 30a) which notes that the union between the Divine Word and human nature has analogies with the conjugal union: it is the hypostatic union between the two natures of the heavenly Bridegroom: et erunt duo in carne una. Mary, on behalf of all humanity gave her consent to this mystical marriage. Thus, in the mind of the Fathers, she is the Bride of Christ.139 The revised hymn simply states that Christ ‘proceeded from a Virgin’s womb,’ bypassing any reference to the relationship between the Word made flesh and the one who ‘gave birth to the one who was God.’ It is understandable that the revisers would have replaced ’agie at the end of line 17, since it is a Greek term, but to have replaced it with the phrase magnum judicem/ great judge relinquishes the focus on the holiness of God present in the original. Turning to Verbum supernum, we find that the revisions to the second line transform the meaning significantly. While the original text spoke of the Word proceeding from the Father ‘olim – at one time,’ indicating the presence of the Word with the Father from all time, the revised text removes this concept of eternal generation, to state simply that the Word comes forth ‘from the bosom of the eternal Father.’140 The substitution of labente – falling/sinking, which implies a teetering or wavering, for

137 138 139 140

Connelly (1954), 51. Beauduin (1919), 103. Tr. ours. See Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, 3a, 1, 30a, in McDermott (1989), 516. It is interesting to note that when, in the thirteenth century, Thomas Aquinas used the opening phrase of our Advent hymn for his hymn for the feast of Corpus Christi, he too gave it a different meaning from that of the original author. While the Advent hymn was concerned with the eternal generation of the Word, Aquinas begins with the temporal generation of the Incarnation and reaches in the next two lines the end of Christ’s earthly life: Verbum supernum prodiens nec Patris linquens dexteram, ad opus suum exiens venit ad vitae vesperam. See Connelly (1954), 122.

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declivi – declining/bent downwards, does perhaps emphasise slightly more the fact that the Incarnation occurred at the evening of the world’s history. Lines 5 and 6 of both versions are identical, but the alteration to lines 7 and 8 in the revised text fails to make that allusion to the shadows of night – the symbol of evil and sin – that surround the soul, and which are driven away by the cockcrow and the dawning day – the symbol of Christ the Saviour. Lambert Beauduin comments: This symbolism of the darkness and the light is essentially biblical: the psalms and the Gospels in particular make constant use of it. All these details, with so penetrating an ancient flavour, were overlooked by the classical correctors of the seventeenth century.141 The revised third verse is perhaps somewhat more biblical than the original in that the phrase Et vox amica debitum vocabit ad caelum pios – ‘the welcoming voice calls the saints to the heaven promised them’ – clearly refers to Mt 25:34ff where Christ welcomes those who have cared for the needy to their heavenly reward. However, the original hymn makes no reference to sentencing sinners to [hell]-fire but is couched in more hopeful terms, noting that the heart will ‘pay for hidden things,’ without assigning any particular form of punishment. The fourth verse was entirely re-written by the revisers, transforming the plea non demum arctemur malis – not to be ‘straitened by evils’ into a plea not to be ‘cast into the black whirlpool as food for the flames’ – non esca flammarum nigros volvamur inter turbines, a rather ‘gothic’ image from the hands of scholars chosen for their proficiency in classical Latin. The third of our Advent hymns, Vox clara ecce intonat, suffered more modest alterations in the revisions made under Urban VIII, although it was one of the hymns whose incipit was changed. Rather than being a clear voice that ‘rings out,’ it became a clear voice that ‘contradicts,’ complementing increpat/reproaches that occurs in the following line. However, if the ‘clear voice’ is indeed intended to refer to John the Baptist, then the alteration dims this imagery somewhat, since it weakens the connection to the voice that ‘cries out’ in the wilderness. Similarly, if the ‘clear voice’ was a reference to the dawn cock-crow, this image is also weakened since the role of the rooster was not to contradict but to remind. While the call of line 5 for the ‘slothful soul to arise’ remains unchanged, the following line was completely rewritten by the revisers, exhorting the soul not to be bound any longer ‘to the earth.’ While this is obviously intended to be interpreted as being bound to worldly values and so to sin, it lacks the confronting directness of the original quae sorde exstat saucia /which exists, wounded by filth. The revisions of the fourth and fifth verses did not substantially alter the meaning of the original text, and so do not merit further comment here.

141 Beauduin (1919), 109: Ce symbolisme des ténèbres et de la lumière est essentiellement biblique: les psaumes et les Évangiles en particulier, en font un usage constant. Tous ces détails, d’un parfum antique si pénétrant, ont échappé aux correcteurs classiques du xviie siècle. Tr. ours.

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Reception of the revision

The new version of the hymns was not universally welcomed. Indeed, there was widespread criticism of the arbitrary manner in which the alterations were made, and the canons at St Peter’s Basilica, as at the Lateran Basilica, rejected it outright.142 Bäumer describes the four Jesuits as ‘more familiar with the pagan muse than with Christian music’ and cites the familiar adage: Accessit latinitas et recessit pietas – ‘as the latinity increased, so the piety decreased.’143 This certainly was not the intention of the revisionists. The problem lay in their inability to see beyond the ‘purity’ of the poetry of the classical era and to recognise the value of Christian Latin poetry, with its bold imagery and flexible language, its characteristic grammar and expression. The opinion of later generations of hymnologists and liturgists is probably well summed up in these impassioned words of Edward J. Quigley: Some of the [Renaissance purists] accuse St Ambrose, Prudentius and Gregory the Great of gross ignorance of the rules of Latin verse and, what to [them] was worse, ignorance of the ways of pagan classical models. But was the rhymed, tonic accented lyric, which was to be sung by all sorts and conditions of men, in public, such an outrageous literary sin? Was it ignorance or prudence that guided the early hymn writers in their adoption of popular poetic form? It is not certain by any means that the early hymn writers wished to copy or adopt the classic forms of the Augustinian age. Nor is it clear that such men of genius as St Ambrose, Prudentius, St Gregory the Great, were ignorant of the rules and models of the best Latin poets. It seems that they did not wish to follow them. They wilfully and designedly adopted the popular lyric forms, so that they might give to their flocks in popular and easily remembered forms, prayers and formulas of faith.144 It is in the final sentence of Quigley’s words that the nub of the problem becomes clear: in the name of ‘latinity’ the popular appeal of the hymns was lost. The point made by Joseph Connelly in the Introduction to his study of the hymns of the Roman liturgy in this regard is pertinent: ‘Ambrose and Prudentius took something classical and made it Christian; the revisers and their imitators took something Christian and tried to make it classical.’145 The renowned scholar, Christine Mohrmann, who perhaps more than anyone else in the modern era has studied the qualities and characteristics of Christian Latin, notes that the very thing that made Christian Latin poetry so powerful was ‘its ability to unite elements that originated in the East […] and interpret the deepest sentiments of the Christian faith’146 in language accessible to the common person.

142 143 144 145 146

Chevalier (1894), 39. Bäumer and Biron (1967) Vol. 2, 292. Quigley (1920), 265. Connelly (1954), xxiii. Mohrmann (1961), Vol. 1, 153.

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From Urban VIII to Paul VI

As previously noted, the obligation to use the revised version of the hymns was not binding on the larger religious and monastic orders, who continued to sing the Divine Office in choir according to their own particular usages, incorporating the hymns of the Office that were established with the New Hymnary. Thus, until the reforms of the Breviary enacted by the Second Vatican Council in the second half of the twentieth century, the Church had two officially sanctioned versions of the Office hymns. The early twentieth century

A significant reform of the Breviary was carried out under the auspices of Pope Pius X, but since the hymns remained unaltered, this very interesting chapter in the history of the Church’s liturgical books must be passed over with a mere acknowledgement, without further detail. Mention must also be made of the many attempts during the mid-twentieth century to provide a workable, abbreviated from of the Roman Office. In his masterly work, From Breviary to Liturgy of the Hours, Stanislaus Campbell names several among these:147 the Officii Divini Parvi Secoviensis which first appeared in Germany in 1933 but was subsequently revised several times, and is probably best known in the form of the Officium Divinum Parvum, prepared by Hildebrand Fleischmann,148 the Short Breviary for Religious and Laity published in 1941 by the monks of St John’s Abbey, Collegeville, Minnesota,149 the Dutch Klein Brevier of 1950 which within a decade had been translated into French, English, Italian, Spanish, German and Portuguese editions,,150 the Brevario Romano dei Fideli that was published in Italy in 1954,151 and the Livre d’Heures, in both Latin and French, by the monks of the Abbaye d’En-Calcat, which appeared two years earlier in 1952.152 These short breviaries employed a number of strategies to reduce the length of the Office: combining Hours, using fewer psalms or shortening those to be used, and reducing the number of verses in the hymns. With regard to our three Advent hymns it is worth noting that, of the editions mentioned above, the Short Breviary for Religious and the Laity retained all verses, while Officium Divinum Parvum provided only two verses for each hymn, with a corresponding reduction in their theological impact.

147 Campbell (1995), 20–22. 148 Fleischmann, (1951). Due to its popularity an English version was subsequently published by Herder, New York in 1959. 149 Heidt 1941). 150 Stallaert (1950). 151 Mistrorigo (1954). 152 L’Abbaye d’En-Calcat (1952).

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Official Reform leading up to the Second Vatican Council

There is no doubt that the devastation wrought by two World Wars in a period of barely more than thirty years placed an increased pastoral burden on priests. Despite the improvements to the Office carried out under Pius X, there was increasing awareness of the need for a reform of the Breviary that would take into account not only its liturgical dimensions but also its theological and practical dimensions.153 In 1946 Pius XII instructed the Sacred Congregation of Rites to develop concrete proposals for a general reform of the liturgy, which would then be undertaken by a special commission. Preparation of the proposals included sending a questionnaire on the Breviary to three hundred metropolitans and the bishops directly under them. After two years the position paper, Memoria sulla riforma liturgica, was ready for wider consideration, with two matters standing out from the rest: the liturgical year and the Divine Office.154 It is worth citing in full the paragraph dealing with hymns: In general, the hopes for the current hymns are these: to return in principle to the authentic, early versions of the texts, which are more evocative, more simple and full of feeling; that the number of hymns for the propers of certain feasts be halved; for example, for the feasts of saints Venanzio, Martina, Elisabeth [of Hungary], John Cantius (by Urban VIII), Mary Magdalene, Juliana Falconieri, the Seven Founders, Cyril and Methodius (Leo XIII); there is no reason why a distinction should be made for these feasts, while others of greater importance have common hymns; that certain recent hymns – that are not poetry but dry metrical words – be reviewed or replaced; that rare and unknown words be avoided; that the hymns not be too long or too excessive, as frequently happens in the propers that seem to want to have at all costs a proper hymn for every feast or saint, and rarely succeed in satisfying liturgical piety.155 153 Bugnini (1949), 412, writes: Alcuni indizi […] davano buone speranze per una ripresa del lavoro, che avrebbe dovuto avere una tendenza più spiccatamente pastorale […] in vista d’un alleggerimento dell’apparato liturgico e d’un adeguamento più realistico alle esigenze conrete del clero e dei fideli nelle mutate condizioni d’oggi – ‘Some indications […] give hope for a resumption of the task [viz. of reform begun by Pius X], that would have a clearly more pastoral bent […] with a view to lightening the liturgical load and making a more realistic adjustment to the actual demands on the clergy and the faithful in the changed conditions of today.’ Tr. ours. A little further on in the article he makes it clear that the first step is the reform of the Breviary. Responding to Bugnini’s article, Salmon (1949), 412–18, distinguishes between private recitation and recitation in choir, adding succingly, Il fatto è, bisogno riconoscerlo francamente, che le Ore canoniche non sono state regolate per un clero ch fa la vita pastorale di oggi; ‘the fact is, it needs to be recognised that the canonical hours have not been adapted for a cleric engaged in the pastoral life of today.’ 154 Bugnini (1990), 7. The entire document, with introductory commentary can be found in Braga (2003). 155 Braga (2003), 269–70: In generale i desideri circa gli inni attuali sono questi: che si torni in linea di principio, alla recensione dei testi autentici primitivi, più suggestivi più semplici e pieni di sentimento; che si tolgano di mezzo certi inni propri per alcune feste, come per i Ss. Venanzio, Martina, Elisabetta regina, Giovanni Canzio (di Urbano VIII); Maria Maddalena, Giuliana Falconieri, Sette Fondatori, Cirillo e Metodio (Leone XIII); no si vede infatti la ragione di una tale distinzione per quelle feste, mentre altre di maggiore importanza hanno inni comuni; che si revedano o sostituiscano certi inni recenti che non sono

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These matters would be taken up by the commission for liturgical reform. This commission, the so-called Commissione Piana, was established in May 1948. The results of its work were first evident in the reforms to the Easter Vigil Liturgy (1951), followed by those for the entire Holy Week (1955). The commission then worked on a thorough revision of the rubrics for the Breviary and the Roman Missal, but its work took longer than anticipated, with the result that it had not been completed before the death of Pius XII in October 1958. Thus it fell to his successor, John XXIII, to ratify the work of the Commissione Piana and, even though he announced in January 1959 his intention of calling an ecumenical council, he nevertheless promulgated a new Codex Rubricarum for both the Roman Missal and the Roman Breviary in July 1960, with the motu proprio Rubicarum instructum.156 The eight paragraphs on hymns included in the previous Rubricae generale Breviarii (1900), with additions and alterations as per the Apostolic Constitution Divino afflatu (1911),157 are reduced to a concise five.158 But the hymns of this Roman Breviary remained those of the previous one, using the texts prepared by the scholarly Jesuits during the pontificate of Urban VIII.159 Meanwhile, in June 1960, the preparatory commission for the Second Vatican Council was set up. Its one hundred and twenty members were divided into thirteen sub-commissions, one of which – Number Four, chaired by J. Pascher – dealt specifically with the Breviary. Bugnini describes the work of the Commission and sub-commissions as ‘astonishingly intense,’ adding that ‘the men who took part in those study meetings will never forget the effort to find solutions that would find a balance between past and future, between the call of tradition and pastoral needs.’160 By February 1, 1962, after an extraordinary amount of work, the eight-chapter draft schema for a Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, bearing the title De Sacra Liturgia, was finally approved by the central commission and so was ready for presentation to the forthcoming Council. It is with the reforms that were to follow the Second Vatican Council that the hymns of the Roman Breviary would reach their current form.

Conclusion The analysis of the three Advent hymns which comprised the greater part of this Chapter showed them to be exemplary examples of the Ambrosian-style hymn, combining simplicity of structure and meter with a rich theological and doctrinal content supported by a marvellous complexity of scriptural imagery and allusions.

156 157 158 159 160

poesie, ma aride parole metriche; che si evitino parole troppo rare e sconosciute; che gli inni non siano troppo lunghi e che non si ecceda nel numero degli inni, come avviene di frequente nei propri, volendo avere ad ogni costo per ogni festa o santo anche degli inni propri, che poi rarament riescono a soddisfare la pietà liturgica. Tr. ours. John XXIII, ‘Motu proprio Rubricarum instructum (15 augusti 1960),’ AAS 52 (1960), 593–740. Pius X, ‘Constitutio Apostolica Divino afflatu (20 dicembris 1911),’ AAS 17 (1911) 633–51. See paragraphs 185–89, AAS 52 (1960), 631. See Sodi and Toniolo (2009). Bugnini (1990), 17–18.

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Each of our three Advent hymns reminds those singing it of the redemptive acts of Christ and it is this memory of gratuitous love that fosters confidence to appeal to Christ for protection against the wiles of the devil (‘defend us in time from the weapon of the treacherous foe,’ ‘let us not be straitened by evils’), for enlightenment of heart in this present life and for pity and protection at the final judgment. Taken together, they reflect the basic themes of the Advent season: a world in need of redemption, the incarnation of the Son of God – with particular emphasis on Mary as virginal mother – and the anticipation of the final coming of Christ. They are, in fact, hymns of great hope, inspiring the singers to remedy any ‘slothfulness of soul’ in readiness for Christ’s final advent, when he will reward those who have lived ‘subjected to his mighty power’ with the ultimate prize of being ‘eternal people of heaven.’ The second part of the Chapter dealt with the development of the single book, the Roman Breviary, and the concomitant incorporation of hymns into each Hour of the Office for both monks and secular clergy. The adoption of the Breviary of the Roman Curia by the Friars Minor played a significant role in the spread of the Roman Breviary to the entire Western Church. Subsequent reforms of the Breviary prior to the Council of Trent saw hymnody within the Office fall in and out of favour, but with the Breviarum Romanum of 1568 they were reinstated in the form in which they had existed in the Breviary of the Roman Curia. The major re-translation undertaken at the instigation of Pope Urban VIII was the subject of the next section of this chapter. Under the guise of replacing the prosaic Latin of the original texts with a more elegant and ‘fitting’ style of language, the Jesuits undertaking the papal mandate produced a result that saw the majority of Breviary hymns, including our three Advent hymns, substantially altered. As the analysis of these alterations showed, not only the vocabulary but also the theology of the hymns was subjected to ‘classicalisation.’ The whole point of the Ambrosian hymn – reinforcement of theology and doctrine through a simple style of song, with language accessible to the common faithful – was lost. While the Urbanian reforms were binding on the secular clergy, many religious and monastic orders were able to continue to sing the Divine Office in choir according to their own particular usages. The final section of this chapter dealt with the reforms carried out in the twentieth century. Revisions under Pope Pius X saw no alteration to the hymnody and mid-century attempts to provide an abbreviated form of the Divine Office, whether for members of religious orders or for lay people, saw virtually no changes to the hymns. It would be with the reforms following the Second Vatican Council that the hymns of the Roman Breviary would arrive at their current form. Thus it is the Conciliar and post-Conciliar developments that will be the subject of our final chapter, together with a consideration of the place that the Advent theologies contained in these three hymns continue to enjoy in modern Advent hymnody within the Catholic Church.

Chapter Four

The Hymns of the Roman Breviary Following the Second Vatican Council

Introduction Having traced the development of the Roman season of Advent, the place of the hymn in the Liturgy of the Hours, and the history of the Breviary hymns with the three Advent hymns foremost in our minds, the first part of the final chapter of this study will focus on the role that the Second Vatican Council (1962–65) played in restoring the Breviary hymns to their original form as well as the current situation with regard to the official texts of our three Advent hymns. The second part of the chapter will examine a representative sample of Englishlanguage hymn collections in order to discover not only whether accurate translations of Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat appear therein, but also to note the extent to which the theologies expounded in the Advent hymns selected for inclusion in these collections match the balanced incarnational and eschatological dimensions displayed in the three Office hymns. Particular attention will be paid to those hymns composed since the Second Vatican Council. Any theological bias found in these modern compositions would raise the question of a similar bias being present in the other Advent texts provided in the Roman Missal and the Lectionary for Mass. A brief survey of the current Advent Readings, Prefaces and Collects will seek to confirm whether or not the traditional theological emphases have been retained. The third part of Chapter Four will deal with a number of questions raised by the findings of the second part – namely, the current widespread practice of using Advent hymn texts that focus on the historical birth of Christ to the exclusion of any eschatological dimensions and how this imbalance has come about. Rounding out this section of the study is a brief exploration of a proposal to counter this imbalance with the development of a simplified model of the Liturgy of the Hours for the lay faithful. The chapter concludes with an overview of the entire study.

Renewal called for by the Second Vatican Council On 22 October 1962, Council debate began on the schema Constitutionis de Sacra Liturgia.1 To say simply that on December 4, 1963, Sacrosanctum Concilium, the 1 Campbell (1995), 34.

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Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy became the first document to be approved, would fail to acknowledge adequately the enormous amount of discussion, revision and rewriting that this entailed. Bugnini’s inimitable phrase bears repetition: ‘After a lengthy journey in which love, sweat and suffering played their part, the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy emerged from the Council to serve as a guide in the renewal of the liturgy of God’s people.’2 Paragraph 21 of Sacrosanctum concilium (hereafter SC) announces the wish of the Church to ‘undertake with great care a general restoration of the liturgy itself, in order that the Christian people may more certainly derive an abundance of graces from the sacred liturgy.’3 The general parameters for carrying out this reform are stated clearly in paragraph 23. It is worth citing the entire paragraph: In order that sound tradition can be retained, and yet the way remain open to legitimate progress, a careful investigation – theological, historical and pastoral – should always be made into each part of the liturgy which is to be revised. Furthermore, the general laws governing the structure and meaning of the liturgy must be studied in conjunction with the experience derived from recent liturgical reforms and from the indults granted to various places. Finally, there must be no innovations unless the good of the Church genuinely and certainly requires them, and care must be taken that any new forms adopted should in some way grow organically from forms already existing. As far as possible notable differences between the rites used in adjacent regions should be avoided.4 It is paragraph 93 that deals specifically with the hymns of the Office: Hymns are to be restored to their original form, as far as may be desirable. They are to be purged of whatever smacks of mythology or accords ill with Christian piety. Also, as occasion may warrant, other selections are to be made from the treasury of hymns.5 Clearly, a return to the traditional language of Latin Christian poetry was being proposed in favour of the ‘classical revision’ undertaken by Urban VIII. 2 Bugnini (1990), 39. 3 Sacrosanctum concilium #21, AAS 56 (1964), 105: Pia Mater Ecclesia, ut populus christianus in sacra Liturgia abundantiam gratiarum securius assequatur, ipsius Liturgiae generalem instaurationem sedulo curare cupit. English text, Flannery (1984), 9. 4 SC 23: Ut sana traditio retineatur et tamen via legitimae progressioni aperiatur, de singulis Liturgiae partibus recognoscendis accurata investigatio theologica, historica, pastoralis semper praecedat. Insuper considerentur cum leges generales structurae et mentis Liturgiae, tum experientia ex recentiore instauratione liturgica et ex indultis passim concessis promanans. Innovationes, demum, ne fiant nisi vera et certa utilitas Ecclesiae id exigat, et adhibita cautela ut novae formae ex formis iam exstantibus organice quodammodo crescant., English text, Flannery (1984), 10. 5 SC 93: Hymni, quantum expedire videtur, ad pristinam formam restituantur, iis demptis vel mutatis quae mythologiam sapiunt aut christianae pietati minus congruunt. Recipiantur quoque, pro opportunitate, alii qui in hymnorum thesauro inveniuntur., English text, Flannery (1984), 26.

the hymns of the roman breviary following the second vatican council

The Work of the Consilium

Recognizing that the task of renewing the entire corpus of the Roman Liturgy would be a huge enterprise, Pope Paul VI set up the Consilium ad Exsequendam Constitutionem de Sacra Liturgia (hereafter Consilium) to implement Sacrosanctum Concilium. The formal announcement of the Consilium was through the motu proprio Sacram Liturgiam on 25 January, 1964. Once the members of the Consilium were known they were divided into thirty-nine study groups, or ‘coetus,’ to work on particular elements of the Liturgy. Nine groups were to deal with the reform of the Roman Office or Breviary. Coetus IX, chaired by Canon Aimé Georges Martimort was to work on the general structure of the Divine Office, while Coetus VII, led by the Benedictine expert in Latin hymnology, Anselmo Lentini, concentrated on hymns. For the next five years, extraordinary efforts were made to ensure that the reform of the liturgy took place according to the principles and guidelines set out by the Council. An interim report from Coetus IX in November 1966 is particularly telling with regard to the difficulties confronting this group: The basic problem which we face today and which the present report attempts to deal with and resolve is this: How is the Divine Office, while continuing to be the prayer chiefly of the clergy and religious, to be also accessible to the faithful so that they may find in it, not something that is, as it were, a concession to them, but rather the exercise of a function that truly belongs to them as members of the praying ecclesial community?6 This same report, when speaking of the ‘choral elements’ of the Office, recommended that hymns from the traditional repertoire, the content of which continued to have application in the present, be retained.7 It is interesting to note in passing that no less a person than Klaus Gamber had, as far back as 1949, suggested that hymns be omitted from the Office, but that if they were to be retained, they ought to be the original texts.8 Obviously, hymns were considered by the Consilium to be an integral part of the Office, worth retaining. While Coetus IX had been struggling with the issues involved with the structural reform of the Office, Coetus VII had produced a collection of one hundred and eight hymns for all the Hours of the entire Liturgical Year – Ordinary Time as well as the seasons of Advent, Christmas, Lent and Easter – in both Latin and vernacular translations.9 It was the opinion of Coetus IX that hymns ‘helped to relieve the severity of a purely scriptural Office’ and that ‘some of the Latin hymns could be pleasant in vernacular translation.’10 They therefore recommended that hymns should be retained in the Office, that the best of the traditional hymns should be chosen through 6 7 8 9 10

Bugnini (1990), 501. Bugnini (1990), 504. See Klauser (1949), 411. Campbell (1995), 177–78. Campbell (1995), 178.

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a carefully selective process, and that where the Office was to be celebrated in the vernacular, episcopal conferences ought to allow both adaptations of the traditional hymns as well as the creation of new hymns.11 The place of the hymns within the structure of each Hour was also a matter of some debate. While it was customary for the Hours of Terce, Sext and None to begin with a hymn after the initial Pater noster, Ave Maria and Deus, in adjutorium, for the Hours of Lauds and Vespers it was positioned after the psalms and short reading (Capitulum). Canon Martimort proposed that all Hours, including Lauds and Vespers, begin with a hymn, arguing that his would ‘give “colour” to the Hours at their outset and […] provide an effective way to begin them, especially when celebrated with the people.’12 Monsignor Balthasar Fischer thought that there were disadvantages to this move, including the fact that the striking beginning of Sunday Vespers – Psalm 109, with its vision of the Messiah – would be obscured.13 Professor Emil Lengeling, on the other hand, suggested that the hymn in the Office could be compared to the Introit in the Mass, which announced the ‘theme’ of the day. After vigorous debate, all the members of Coetus IX agreed to Canon Martimort’s proposal. A foretaste of things to come

In 1968 the Consilium published a collection of two hundred and ninety-six hymns prepared by Coetus VII.14 Our three Advent hymns appear in the section entitled In Officiis de Tempore et in ceteris festis Domini, in the Offices of the season and other feasts of the Lord. Immediately it is clear that the texts revised under Pope Urban VIII have been put aside completely for a return to the traditional Latin texts. However, there are some subtle changes. In Conditor alme siderum it is merely a matter of changing ’agie to hagie in line 17 to ensure correct pronunciation: Traditional Latin Text Te deprecamus agie, venture iudex saeculi, conserva nos in tempore hostis a telo perfidi.

1968 Restored Text Te deprecamus, hagie Venture iudex saeculi, Conserva nos in tempore Hostis a telo perfidi.

Verbum supernum has four adjustments to the traditional text, and two alternative spellings. In line 2, summo has replaced olim, because the revisers, certain of the reference in this line to Jn 16:28, felt that the original word was ‘theologically

11 12 13 14

Campbell (1995), 178. Campbell (1995), 179. Campbell (1995), 179. Consilium for Implementing the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, Hymni instaurandi Breviarii Romani, 1968.

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incongruous.’15 Audito ut in line 7 has been changed to audita per in keeping with a number of early manuscripts and the version adopted by Mone in his Hymni Latini Medii Aevi,16 and has no effect on the sense or the meter. Remari in line 10 has been altered to rimare, a change again resulting from the certainty of the revisers that this was the original word. In the final line of the text, caelibes has been replaced with caelites to make the meaning clearer, since in medieval Latin the word caelibes meant not only ‘celibate’ or ‘unmarried’ but had the alternative meaning of ‘living the heavenly life.’17 Traditional Latin Text Verbum supernum prodiens a Patre olim exiens, qui natus orbi subvenis cursu declivi temporis.

1968 Restored Text Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre summo exiens qui natus orbi subvenis cursu declivi temporis.

Inlumina nunc pectora, tuoque amore concrema, audito ut praeconio sint pulsa tandem lubrica.

Illumina nunc pectora tuoque amore concrema; audita per praeconia sint pulsa tandem lubrica.

Iudexque cum post aderis, rimari fact pectoris, reddens vicem por abditis, iustisque regnum pro bonis.

Iudexque cum post aderis rimare facta pectoris, reddens vicem pro abditis iustisque regnum pro bonis.

Non demum arctemur malis, pro qualitate criminis; sed cum Beatis compotes, simus perennes caelibes.

Non demum artemur malis pro qualitate criminis, sed cum beatis compotes simus perennes caelites.

Vox clara ecce intonat, the Advent hymn least altered in the revisions under Urban VIII, is once again left almost unchanged. Apart from the inversion of the words pius nos in line 16, the only alteration is the adoption of the phrase procul fugentur – the phrase used, incidentally in the Urbanian revision – in place of pellantur eminus, at line 3, with the purpose of reducing the number of syllables and thereby regularising the meter. The sense remains intact. An interesting inclusion in this publication by the Consilium was a collection of fifteen common doxologies, Doxologiae communiores, which could be selected according to the appropriate meter to fit any given hymn.

15 Consilium for Implementing the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy (1968), 62. 16 Mone (1853), 48. 17 See Blaise (1954), 121; also Blaise (1966), 439.

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Completion of the task

The final text for the proposed General Instruction of the Liturgy of the Hours was ready for presentation to the Holy Father and the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in March of 1970 and was found acceptable. The title of the document is itself instructive: no longer is the book of the Roman Office to be known as the Breviary but as the Liturgy of the Hours. In other words, the emphasis is on the sanctification of the day rather than on fulfilling an obligation of prayer which, strictly speaking, is what the term officium implies. The role of the hymn in this new context, and the fate of our three Advent hymns in particular, we will now explore.

The hymn in the General Instruction of the Liturgy of the Hours All Hours to begin with a hymn

This very important document of five chapters, which Bugnini rightly describes as ‘a truly theological, pastoral, ascetical and liturgical treatise on the prayer of the Hours, on the importance of this liturgy, and on its component parts,’18 was published in February 1971, several months before the first volume of the Liturgia Horarum, the official Latin version of the Roman Office.19 First mention of the hymn within the Office is in paragraph 33, which concludes the opening chapter, The Importance of the Liturgy of the Hours or the Divine Office in the Life of the Church. In observing that the Liturgy of the Hours combines elements that are in other Christian celebrations, it notes that its own particular structure is that of an opening hymn, psalmody, a shorter or longer reading of sacred scripture and prayers. The hymn thus assumes a prominent place for all the Hours. Campbell comments that ‘the reformers showed themselves more innovative than traditional in repositioning the hymn at Lauds and Vespers’ and that by this action ‘they deprived themselves of a traditional basis in the Roman Rite itself for re-establishing, as was desired in some quarters, at least two forms of Vespers to meet the differing conditions of life for contemplative religious on the one hand and pastoral clergy and laity on the other.’20

18 Bugnini (1990), 522. 19 Officium Divinum ex decreto Sacrosancti oecumenici concilii Vaticani II instauratum auctoritate Pauli PP. Vi promulgatum, Liturgica Horarum iuxta ritum Romanum, Editio Typica (1971). 20 Campbell (1995), 261. Campbell also refers to Professor Gabriela Winkler, whose article, ‘Über die Kathedralvesper in den verschiedenen Riten des Ostens und Westens’ points out that, with the structure of Roman Vespers now identical to that of all the other Hours, the basic difference between the monastic and cathedral forms previously reflected in the two parts of that Hour has now been obscured […] continuing the hybridization begun by the urban monks of Rome before St Benedict’s time. See Winkler (1974), 53–102.

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The role and character of the hymn in the Liturgy of the Hours

It is paragraphs 173–78 in Chapter three, The Various Parts of the Liturgy of the Hours that contain most of the material concerning hymns. The first paragraph summarises the character and role of hymns: Hymns have had a place in the Office from very early times, a position they continue to retain. Not only does their lyrical nature make them particularly suited to the praise of God, but they constitute a popular part, since nearly always they point more immediately than other parts of the Office to the individual characteristics of the Hours or of each feast. They help to move the people taking part and draw them into the celebration. Their literary beauty often increases their effectiveness. In the Office, the hymns are the principal poetic part composed by the Church.21 Variety in the hymnody is then described as being achieved in several ways. Two series of hymns are provided for each Hour, to be used on alternative weeks in the periods of Ordinary Time; similarly, two series of hymns are provided for the Office of Readings, depending on whether this Office is recited at night or during the day. In the case of celebrations in the vernacular, Episcopal Conferences may adapt the Latin hymns to their own language or may introduce new compositions, provided that they suit the spirit of the Hour, season or feast.22 This final point needs to be read in conjunction with paragraphs 42, 61, 79 and 87 in Chapter 2, The Sanctification of the Day – The Various Liturgical Hours, dealing with the content of each Hour. For Lauds and Vespers the simple instruction given is that, after the introductory verse, ‘a suitable hymn is sung;’ for Compline this same instruction applies after the suggested examination of conscience. For Terce, Sext, None and the Office of Readings, the hymn is to ‘correspond to the Hour.’ In practice, what this means is that the hymns specified in the official text of the Liturgia Horarum need no longer automatically be part of the particular Hour, but may be substituted by another ‘suitable’ text. Certainly, paragraph 178 includes a warning to ‘beware of permitting those popular songs which are of no artistic value and completely unworthy of the liturgy,’23 but William Jurgens, in his commentary on GILH just four years after its promulgation, notes with regret that ‘such admonitions [as those] of paragraph 178 have been given repeatedly and have been repeatedly ignored’ and blames this for the ‘abuses which are so prevalent in our churches today.’24 Whether this regret was due to the inevitable conflicts that arise because of varying musical tastes or to the use of music that is patently inappropriate for use in the Liturgy of the Hours is not clarified.

21 This translation – and all subsequent English translations – of the General Instruction of the Liturgy of the Hours (GILH) is taken from Roguet (1971). 22 GILH pars. 175–78. 23 GILH par. 178. 24 Jurgens (1975), 178.

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Chapter 5, The Rites to be Observed in Communal Celebration, explains that ‘in the rubrics and norms of this Instruction, the words “say” and “recite” should be understood as referring to singing or saying.’ It affirms that many parts of the Office, ‘especially the psalms, canticles, hymns and responsories are of a lyrical nature and are given their full expression only when sung.’25 The benefit of singing the hymns is re-emphasised a few paragraphs later, with the rider that ‘the hymns, provided they have doctrinal and artistic value, can also be of benefit to the person reciting the Hours’ and that ‘as far as possible, hymns should be sung in community celebration as their nature demands.’26

The Advent hymns in the official text, Liturgia Horarum Further alterations to the texts

When the first volume of Liturgia Horarum, for the seasons of Advent and Christmas, was published in 1971, our three Advent hymns comprised the first three texts of the Proprium de Tempore, the Proper of the Seasons. A comparison with the versions that appeared in the 1968 compendium of hymns published by the Consilium reveals that several further modifications were made. Line 17 of Conditor alme siderum has been rewritten so as to avoid the Greek term hagie, described by Anselmo Lentini as ‘frequent in the middle ages but considered exotic nowadays.’27 Thus Te deprecamur agie becomes Te, Sancte, fide quaesumus. A single alteration distinguishes the 1968 version of Verbum supernum from the final version that appeared in the 1971 Liturgia Horarum. In line 2 a Patre summo exiens becomes a Patre lumen exiens. Lentini makes no reference to the ‘interim’ 1968 version which substituted summo for olim and merely notes that as a word to express ‘generated from all eternity’ olim was too theologically inexact, and that it had been replaced with lumen, which ‘suggests the credal phrase “light from light”.’28 Vox clara ecce intonat remains unchanged from the 1968 versions, apart from the fact that a different doxology has been used: Summo Parenti gloria / atoque sit victoria, / et Flamini laus debitat / per saeculorum saecula. Amen. Lentini notes that it has been taken from a hymn by Alfano, chosen because it preserves the assonances present in the Advent hymn.29 The doxology is as follows:

25 26 27 28 29

GILH par. 267 and par. 269. GILH pars. 279–80. Lentini (1984), 73. Lentini (1984), 74. Lentini (1984), 75. English tr: ‘To the eternal Procreator be glory [to you] and victory, and let praise of the [divine] Flame be given for ever and ever. Amen.’ The text of the Alfano hymn, Adesto, sancte Spiritus can be found in PL 147, 1226. A little further searching reveals that Alfano, the eleventhcentury Benedictine abbot of Monte Cassino who in 1058 became bishop of Salerno, was the author of hymns and songs with theological and medical themes. See Pizzardo (1948–54), (Enciclopedia Cattolica I), 838–40.

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Summo parenti Gloria atoque sit victoria, et Flamina laus debitat per saeculorum saecula. Amen

To the eternal Procreator be glory [to you] and victory, and let praise of the [divine] Flame be given for ever and ever. Amen.

It is interesting to note that this doxology is not included in the English version of The Divine Office based on the Liturgia Horarum published in 1974 for the Church in England, Ireland and Australia.30 Here the hymn is listed only in the Appendix and consists of an ‘updated’ version of the translation by Edward Caswall (1814–78) of three verses of En clara vox redarguit as promulgated by Urban VIII, thereby entirely ignoring the revised text that was produced after the Second Vatican Council: Original Caswall Translation31 Hark, an awful voice is sounding; ‘Christ is nigh’ it seems to say; ‘Cast away the dreams of darkness, O ye children of the day.

1974 Adapted Translation Hear the herald voice resounding; ‘Christ is near,’ it seems to say, Cast away the dreams of darkness, welcome Christ, the light of day!

Startled at the solemn warning, let the earth-bound soul arise; Christ, her Sun, all sloth dispelling, shines upon the morning skies.

Wakened by this solemn warning, let the earth-bound soul arise; Christ her sun, all sloth dispelling, shines upon the morning skies.

Lo, the Lamb so long expected comes with pardon down from heaven; Let us haste with tears of sorrow, one and all to be forgiven, So when next he comes with glory wrapping all the earth in fear, May he then as our defender on the clouds of heaven appear.

So when next he comes with glory, shrouding all the earth in fear, May he then as our defender on the clouds of heav’n appear.

By omitting the third verse, the entire rich theology of the Lamb is removed. As an aside, I note that the Italian Liturgia delle Ore, first published by the Italian Conference of Bishops in 1975, includes an Italian translation of all four verses of the ancient text – but not the Alfano doxology – as well as the full Latin text – including the Alfano doxology – not in an Appendix, but in the body of the text for the Hour.32

30 The Divine Office. The Liturgy of the Hours according to the Roman Rite as renewed by decree of the Second Vatican Council and promulgated by the authority of Pope Paul VI, (1974), 547*. 31 This Caswall translation is taken from Shipley (1884), 15. 32 Conferenza Episcopale Italiana (1988), Ufficio Divino rinnovato a norma dei decreti del Concilio Ecumenico Vaticano II e promulgato da Paolo Vi, Liturgia Delle Ore secondo il Rito Romano, 130–31.

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Guidelines for translating Latin texts

Since 2001 all translations of liturgical texts have been governed by principles of translation set down in the document Liturgiam authenticam, promulgated that year by the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments.33 This replaced guidelines set out in 1969 by the Consilium for Implementing the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy in Comme le prevoit,34 which espoused the theory of ‘dynamic equivalence’ whereby a liturgical text ‘must faithfully communicate to a given people, and in their own language, that which the Church by means of this given text originally intended to communicate to another people in another time.’35 With Liturgiam authenticam the primary requirement was that ‘the original text, insofar as possible, must be translated integrally and in the most exact manner, without omissions or additions in terms of their content, and without paraphrases or glosses.’36 As recently as September 2017, Pope Francis issued a motu proprio dealing with the norms by which liturgical texts are translated into modern languages.37 In this Apostolic letter, Magnum principium, he appears to chart a middle course that ensures fidelity to the Latin text while acknowledging the integrity and character of each particular vernacular language: ‘Episcopal Conferences […] must ensure and establish that, while the character of each language is safeguarded, the sense of the original text is fully and faithfully rendered.’38 The Conferences of Bishops from English speaking countries set up the International Commission on English in the Liturgy (hereafter ICEL) in 1963 for the explicit purpose of providing accurate translations of the Roman liturgical books into English. From 1969 until 2001 they worked according to the directions of Comme le prevoit and since that time have been guided by Liturgiam authenticam. Proposed revision of the Liturgia Horarum

In 2015 ICEL forwarded to the English-speaking Conferences of Bishops the Gray Book version of the texts of the Hymns, Antiphons and Intercessions for Advent and Christmas as part of their current preparation of the second edition of the Liturgy of

33 Congregation of Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments (2001), De Usu Linguarum Popularium in Libris Liturgiae Romanae Edendis, AAS 93, 685–726. 34 Consilium for Implementing the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, Comme le prevoit, in Notitiae 5 (1969), 3–12. 35 Comme le prevoit, par. 6. 36 Liturgiam authenticam, par. 20: textus vero originalis seu primigenius oportet ut, quantum fieri potest, integerrime et peraccurate transferatur, nullis scilicet interpositis omissionibus vel additamentis, quoad argumentum rerum, nec paraphrasibus aut glossis inductis. English text from Vatican website. 37 Pope Francis., motu proprio, Magnum Principium quibus nonnulla in can. 838 Codicis Iuris Canonici immutantur, 03.09.2017. The text appears on the Vatican website: www.vatican.va/content/francesco/ la/motu_proprio/documents/papa-francesco-motu-proprio_20170903_magnum-principium.html 38 Magnum principium, par. 9.

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the Hours in English.39 The Latin texts of our three Advent hymns remain unchanged from the 1971 versions considered above, but fresh English translations are provided. There are several points of interest to observe in each of the hymns. Conditor alme siderum has been translated in the following manner: Conditor alme siderum aeterna lux credentium, Christe, redemptor omnium exaudi preces supplicum.

O loving Maker of the stars, believers’ everlasting light, O Christ, Redeemer of us all, with kindness hear our humble prayer.

Qui condolens interitu mortis perire saeculum salvasti mundum languidum, donans reis remedium,

With pity, you beheld the fate that death imposed on ages past; you gave the guilty healing grace and saved a weak and fallen race

Vergente mundi vespere, uti sponsus de thalamo egressus honestissima Virginis matris clausula.

As evening fell upon the earth, as bridegroom from the bridal room, from honored cloister forth you came, born from the Virgin Mother pure.

Cuius forti potentiae genu curvantur omnia; caelestia, terrestria nutu fatentur subdita.

Before your strong and steadfast might on earth and in the heavens above all knees bend low, all hearts confess submission to the One they bless.

Te, Sancte, fide quaesumus, venture iudex saeculi, conserva nos in tempore hostis a telo perfidi.

With faith we beg you, Holy Lord, the Judge of ages, still to come, that in our time you keep us safe from snares of our deceitful foe

Sit, Christe, rex piissime, tibi Patrique Gloria cum Spiritu Paraclito, in sempiterna saecula. Amen.

To you, O Christ, most loving King, and to the Father, glory be, one with the Spirit Paraclete for endless ages evermore. Amen.

In line 4, the phrase ‘with kindness’ has been included to emphasise the subtlety of exaudi which means not merely ‘to hear’ but ‘to hear or listen favourably.’ In line 5, the phrase ‘with pity’ aptly captures the sentiment of condolens, and while the remaining lines of this verse are rather freely translated, the sense of Christ coming to save a world perishing under the weight of sin and death is clear. The choice of the word ‘cloister’ to translate ‘clausula’ presents some problems in that it more immediately conjures up an image of a monastery than a virginal womb, however it does allow for the rhythm to be correctly maintained even though the adjective ‘pure’ is now

39 ICEL (2015), ‘The English translation of texts for Advent and Christmas. (Hymns, Antiphons, and Intercessions)’ from The Liturgy of the Hours.

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attributed to the Virgin Mother rather than to the ‘space’ which bore Christ. Verses 4 and 5 capture extremely well the Latin text. Verbum supernum prodiens is the hymn for the Office of Readings until December 16: Verbum supernum prodiens a Patre lumen exiens, qui natus orbi subvenis cursu declivi temporis

O Word proceeding from on high, light coming from the Father’s light, by birth you came to save the world when time’s appointed course had run.

Illumina nunc pectora tuoque amore concrema; audita per praeconia sint pulsa tandem lubrica.

Now come and fill our hearts with light, consume them in your love’s bright heat, and through the herald’s cry at last, may sin and peril be cast out.

Iudexque cum post aderis rimari facta pectoris, reddens vicem pro abditis iustisque regnum pro bonis,

And when at length you come as Judge to probe our hearts in thought and deed, to weigh the guilt for hidden sin and crown the just for deeds well done;

Non demum artemur malis pro qualitate criminis, sed cum beatis compotes simus perennes caelites.

Let not the nature of our sins detain us in the evil throng, but let us with the blessed share the life of heaven evermore.

Sit, Christe, rex piissime, tibi Patrique gloria cum Spiritu Paraclito, in sempiterna saecula. Amen

To you, O Christ, most loving King, and to the Father, glory be, one with the Spirit Paraclete for endless ages evermore. Amen.

When in 1971 olim was replaced by lumen, the reason given by Anselmo Lentini was that ‘it suggested the credal phrase “light from light”.’40 The ICEL translators have confirmed this connection, translating the second line of the hymn as ‘light coming from the Father’s light’ even though the Latin text does not actually say this. The original appeal to illuminate our hearts has been altered to the more specific request to ‘fill our hearts with light,’ making the phrase somewhat less theologically expansive. It would be possible to revert to the original phrase and retain the iambic meter by translating it as ‘now come, illuminate our hearts.’ It is clearly for reasons of rhythm that the single Latin word amore in line 6 has been expanded to ‘love’s bright heat.’ Similarly, at line 8, lubrica has been expanded to ‘sin and peril.’ The translation of line 11 as ‘weigh the guilt for hidden sin’ adds a somewhat sterner tone than is necessarily contained in the Latin original, which refrains from any reference to guilt. The fourth verse aptly captures the sentiment of the original text even though, once again, it is not a literal translation.

40 Lentini (1984), 74.

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Turning to Vox clara ecce intonat we find an excellent translation, extremely close in both word and sense to the original Latin: Vox clara ecce intonat, obscura quaeque increpat; procul fugentur somnia; ab aethre Christus promicat.

Behold! a voice resounding, clear, rebuking hidden fears and deeds: Let dreams be driven far away, for Christ shines forth from heaven’s height.

Mens iam resurgat torpida que sorde exstat saucia Sidus refulget iam novum, ut tollat omne noxium

Now let the weary soul arise, infirm and wounded by her sin; a new star now sends forth its light to rid the world of ev’ry harm.

E sursum Agnus mittitur laxare gratis debitum; omnes pro indulgentia vocem demus cum lacrimis,

The Lamb is sent from realms on high to free us from our mortal debt. Let ev’ry voice give thankful praise and weep for tender mercy shown.

Secundo ut cum fulserit mundumque horror cinxerit, non pro reatu puniat sed nos pius tunc protegat.

That when he comes with lightning flash and terror grips the world in dread, he need not punish us for guilt but with compassion shield us then.

Summo Parenti gloria Natoque sit victoria, et Flamini laus debita per saeculorum saecula. Amen.

To most high Father, glory be, and to his Son, all victory, to Spirit blest, all praise is due through endless ages evermore. Amen.

The minor expansions in the English text, such as ‘hidden fears and deeds’ to translate obscura in line 2, or the addition of ‘realms’ at line 9 are both for the purpose of retaining the rhythm and do not alter the sense of the text. To translate secundo ut cum fulserit as ‘that when he comes like lightning flash’ is somewhat more creative and unfortunately loses the sense of a second coming. Nevertheless, the translation of this third of our Advent hymns, set down for Morning Prayer from the beginning of Advent until December 16 is probably the most successful of the three translations. The March 2015 edition of the Newsletter published by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops’ Committee on Divine Worship contains the following pertinent comment: One noteworthy inclusion on which ICEL has expended great effort in their proposed revisions [of the Liturgy of the Hours] is the careful translation of the 291 proper hymns present in the Latin breviary. Largely neglected in the current English editions in favor of hymn texts from other sources, the Latin hymns are being faithfully and methodically translated with an eye toward maintaining the same rhythmic meters as the original Latin hymns. This would give future assemblies the option of singing the hymns either using the original chant melody,

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or, as is the case in the present edition, using a more familiar hymn tune which corresponds to the meter of the translated hymn text.41 Obviously, the Episcopal Conference is encouraging the use of the traditional hymn, whether in Latin or English, sung in chant or metrical form. The reason for this is to be found in ICEL’s own exposition of the first of the four principles42 that have guided the work on the preparation of the translation of the Latin hymns: The hymns truly come to life, as one begins to understand that they are vehicles for the unveiling of the liturgical mystery. Expressed through rich and poetic imagery in a simple, yet elevated style, the hymns draw us into the flow of the unified thought that reveals the feast or the liturgical hour. Often, the Latin hymn will move with ever increasing richness and depth from a presentation of an historical event or an image from nature to the spiritual reality that stands behind the event or image to conclude with our participation in this spiritual reality.43 It is the richness of the Latin hymn that the translators wish to ensure is passed on to the Church of today, but unfortunately the permission for Episcopal Conferences to ‘introduce new compositions, provided they suit the spirit of the Hour, season or feast’44 has meant that they must now compete for their place against a wide variety of hymns, many of which lack the theological depth of our three traditional hymns, which all include amongst their rich array of scriptural allusions and symbolic images both reference to the coming of Christ in the flesh while looking forward to the ‘culminating adventus’ when he comes as Judge in glory. At the same time, our three hymns exhort those singing them – either explicitly or implicitly – to live a virtuous life until that time.

Advent hymns in contemporary English-language collections Hymns to replace the traditional Advent hymns of the Liturgy of the Hours may be chosen from a wide variety of sources, but more often than not they are taken from hymnals or collections of liturgical music produced and marked by a small number of influential publishing houses. It has already been noted above that the permission granted by GILH 178 was that ‘Episcopal Conferences […] may also introduce new compositions, provided they suit the spirit of the Hour, season or feast,’ but the reality is that choices are regularly made without any reference to the Episcopal Conferences and without any guidelines as to what would comprise a suitable repertoire.

41 Newsletter of the Committee on Divine Worship of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, Vol. 51, March 2015, 9. 42 The four principles named are: Fidelity to the Latin text, Nobility of Expression, Rhyme, and Adaptability of the Hymn Texts to Various Uses. 43 ICEL (2015), ‘The English translation of texts for Advent and Christmas (Hymns, Antiphons, and Intercessions)’ from The Liturgy of the Hours, 1. 44 GILH 178.

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Anecdotal evidence suggests that the emphasis in Advent hymns composed in more recent years is primarily on the coming of Christ in the flesh, with the ‘waiting’ that is so characteristic of the Advent season regarded as waiting for him to be born in the stable in Bethlehem rather than awaiting his return in glory. Although the amount of Advent hymnody available to the contemporary Catholic is indeed vast, an exploration of the hymnody provided for the season of Advent in four recently-published collections of music for use within the Roman Catholic liturgy in the major English-speaking countries of the world gives an indication of the material on offer and will help to confirm or refute this evidence. To this end, I propose to examine the texts of the Advent repertoire in Gather III, (United States, 2011), Catholic Book of Worship III, (Canada, 1994), Laudate, (United Kingdom, 1999, 2004) and Catholic Worship Book II, (Australia, 2015). After noting whether or not any or all of our three Advent hymns are included, I will investigate whether those texts written since the Second Vatican Council speak of the final coming of Christ as Judge in glory as well as attending to the Incarnational aspect of Advent by focusing on his coming to earth in human form. The quality of the music to which the texts are set, although extremely important in the context of the celebration of good liturgy, is not under consideration here. Gather III

Gather III, published in 2011 by GIA Publications Inc. and intended primarily for use in the United States of America, provides the following twenty-nine Advent items:45 No.

Title

Author of text

Date of Composition

95 96 97 98 99

O come, O come, Emmanuel Comfort, my People Maranatha, Lord Messiah Prepare! Prepare! Awake to the Day

Probably 9thc. 2006 1999 2007 2003

100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108

Prepare the Way of the Lord O come, Divine Messiah! Like a Shepherd Come, O Long-Expected Jesus When the King shall Come Again Advent Gathering Song Wait for the Lord People of the Night Like a Bird

Unknown Ian Callanan Kathy Powell Stephen Pishner Ed Bolduc and John Barker Luke 3:4, 6 Simon-Joseph Pellegrin Robert Dufford Charles Wesley Christopher Idle James Chepponis Taizé Community David Haas Delores Dufner

1984 17thc. 1976 18thc. 1982 1995 1984 1983 2011

45 GIA Publications Inc., (2011). In this and the following tables of hymn lists, our three Advent hymns are identified in bold print while those composed after the Second Vatican Council are shown in shaded boxes.

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No.

Title

Author of text

Date of Composition

109 110 111 112 113 114

People, Look East Maranatha, Come Advent Alleluia God of All People Comfort, Comfort, O My People The King shall Come when Morning Dawns My Soul in Stillness Waits A Voice Cries Out Warm the Time of Winter On Jordan’s Bank Each Winter as the Year Grows Older Creator of the Stars of Night Saviour of the Nations, Come Gift of God Awake! Awake and Greet the New Morn

Eleanor Farjeon Francis Patrick O’Brien Lectionary for Mass David Haas Johann Olearius John Brownlie

Early 20thc. 1996 1988 1988 17thc. 1907

Marty Haugen Michael Joncas Ruth Duck Charles Coffin William Gay

1982 1981 1992 18thc. 1971

Unknown St Ambrose Marty Haugen Marty Haugen

Probably 9thc. 4thc. 2000 1983

115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123

Conditor alme siderum appears as Creator of the stars of night, an English translation derived from that of John Mason Neale (1818–66) which appeared in The Hymnary Noted of 1852 edited by Neale himself,46 Of the twenty texts composed after the Second Vatican Council only three have an explicit focus on the coming of Christ in glory: Awake to the Day, When the King shall come again, and Like a Bird. The first of these relates only to the final coming of Christ without any reference to the Incarnation or of a world in need of redemption. The second acknowledges that the world did indeed need redemption by speaking of the reign of God as a time when ‘earth [is] no longer in decay’ and provides hope for current earth-dwellers by painting a picture of prophecies fulfilled and a totally reborn creation whose ‘ransomed people, homeward bound […] see [their] Lord with glory crowned [and] share in his rejoicing.’ Like a Bird deals solely with the anticipation of the eternal banquet to which God’s sons and daughters will be welcomed as they are gathered into the eternal kingdom. A further five hymns could be interpreted in an eschatological sense either because the text is ambiguous or because there is brief reference to an aspect of the end-times or the heavenly kingdom: Comfort, my People, Prepare the way of the Lord, Wait for the Lord, Maranatha come, and Awake, awake and greet the new morn. In those cases where the text is ambiguous, the problem of dubious theology arises. For the Church, the Messiah has already come and so his birth on earth is commemorated and celebrated but not awaited. The waiting of Advent is, rather, 46 Neale and Helmore (1852), ‘Creator of the stars of Night,’ is hymn No 10.

the hymns of the roman breviary following the second vatican council

associated with the second coming of Christ as judge and eternal king. Thus texts which obscure this fact are not helpful. The call to ‘prepare the way of the Lord’ ought not refer to preparation for the birth of Christ, but as Jean Hild wrote so beautifully in his 1959 article on Advent, is an invitation ‘to hear the voice of the one who is in the midst of us and whom we do not recognise.47 It would seem, then, that these more recently-composed texts lack the theological acuity of our three Advent Office hymns and tend to limit themselves to one or other aspect of the liturgical season rather than presenting the rich amalgam of the ninth-century compositions. Catholic Book of Worship III

Catholic Book of Worship III, published in 1994 by the Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops48 provides seventeen different texts for Advent hymns. In one instance (Nos. 303 and 306) the same text is presented with a different tune; in another two instances (310/11 and 312/13) the same text is presented in both English and French, while the tune remains the same. No.

Title

Author of text

Date of Composition

303/ 306 301

Come, O long-expected Jesus

Charles Wesley

18thc.

Advent Antiphon

James Murphy & Dan Smith Ruth C. Duck Marty Haugen

1976

John R. Peacey David Haas Unknown Bob Dufford Paul-André Durocher Simon-Joseph Pellegrin Unknown David Haas Charles Coffin Sabine Baring-Gould

Mid-20thc. 1985 Probably 9thc. 1970 1980s (?) Early 18thc. Probably 9thc. 1988 19thc. 19thc.

Taizé Community John Brownlie Taizé Community

1984 1907 1984

302 303 304 305 307 308 309 310/11 312/13 314 315 316 317 318 319

Arise, your Light is Come! Awake! Awake, and Greet the New Morn Awake, awake: Fling off the Night Be Light for our Eyes Creator of the Stars of Night Every Valley Listen, My People O Come, Divine Messiah O Come, O Come, Emmanuel God of All People The Advent of our God The Angel Gabriel from Heaven Came Prepare the Way The King Shall Come Wait for the Lord

47 Hild (1959), 24. 48 Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops (1994).

1974 1983

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Once again, the only one of our three Advent hymns from the Divine Office to find a place in this collection is Conditor alme siderum in the adapted John Mason Neale translation also used in Gather III. Of the nine texts written after the Second Vatican Council only one – God of all People – explicitly describes the waiting of the Church on earth for the final coming of Christ, but does not make any reference to his role as Judge. The two texts from the Taizé community could be interpreted eschatologically since the particular ‘advent’ of Christ to which they refer is not explicitly spelt out, while Awake, awake and greet the new morn makes only the briefest of references to the parousia. The remaining five hymns focus on the Incarnation. The Laudate Hymnal

The Laudate Hymnal, subtitled ‘A Hymn Book for the Liturgy’ was first published by Decani Music in England in 2000.49 Of the four collections, this offers the widest selection of Advent hymns: No.

Title

81 82 83 84 85 86 87

Come to set us free Lord Emmanuel, Come The Benedictus Like a sea without a shore Before the earth God is working his purpose out Creator of the stars of night

88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96

Author of text

Bernadette Farrell Peter McGrail Owen Alstott Estelle White Herbert O’Driscoll Arthur C. Ainger Paraphrase by Irwin Udulutsch of Conditor alme siderum Wait for the Lord Taizé Community The Day of the Lord John L. Bell and Graham Maule When the King shall come again Christopher Idle Wake, awake Philipp Nicolai, tr. Catherine Winkworth Hark! a herald voice Translation by E. Caswall of Vox clara ecce intonat Christmas is coming John L. Bell On Jordan’s bank Charles Coffin Rorate caeli / Come, Saviour, Translation by Luke come. Connaughton of 10thc. text. A voice cries out Michael Joncas

49 Decani Music (2000).

Date of Composition 1982 1990 1993 1976 1986 19thc. Probably 9thc. /1959. 1984 1987 1982 16thc. Probably 9thc. 1992 19thc. 10thc. 1981

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No.

Title

97

Comfort, comfort now my people

98 99 100 101 102 103

104 105

Translation by Catherine Winkworth of a text by Johann Olearius Behold the Lamb of God Stephen Dean O comfort my people Chrysogonus Waddell Come, thou long-expected Jesus Charles Wesley Now watch for God’s coming Willard F. Jabusch Hail to the Lord’s anointed James Montgomery Promised Lord and Christ is he Roger Ruston

110 111 112

Fling wide the gates Lift up your heads, you mighty gates The King shall come when morning dawns The King of glory comes The Voice of God Lo, he comes with clouds descending The coming of our God My soul in stillness waits O Come, O Come Emmanuel

113 114 115 116 117

The Angel Gabriel When the Angel came to Mary Praise we the Lord this day Long ago, prophets knew O come, divine Messiah

106 107 108 109

Author of text

Michael Perry George Weisel, tr. Catherine Winkworth John Brownlie

Date of Composition 17thc. 1983 1999 18thc. 1973 19thc. Date unknown, but probably post Vatican II, since © is 2005 1986 17thc. 1907

Willard F. Jabusch Luke Connaughton Charles Wesley

1966 1972 18thc.

Charles Coffin Marty Haugen Tr. John Mason Neale of 12–13thc. text Sabine Baring-Gould Michael Perry Unknown F. Pratt Green Simon-Joseph Pellegrin

18thc. 1982 12–13thc 19thc. 1986 19thc. 1971 18thc.

Of our three Advent hymns, Vox clara ecce intonat appears as a slightly altered version of Hark! a herald voice, the eighteenth-century translation by Edward Caswall. Conditor alme siderum appears as Creator of the stars of night, but, rather than the translation adapted from John Mason Neale found in both Gather III and Catholic Book of Worship III, this version is a text by Irwin Udulutsch that paraphrases the content of the original Latin hymn, condensing it to three verses plus doxology and consequently significantly compromising the rich theology of the parent text. Twenty of the thirty-seven Advent hymns in this collection were written post-Vatican II. Only three clearly focus on Christ’s coming in glory. The day of the Lord combines a number of New Testament references to the unpredictability of Christ’s coming again with those, such as Mt 25:31–46, that provide the criteria by

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which the final judgement will be made. When the King shall come again has already been dealt with in considering the material in Catholic Book of Worship III, above. The refrain of Promised Lord and Christ is he calls on Christ to ‘come in glory, speedily’ while the two-lined verses pass quickly through the fact of his promise, life, death and resurrection. As noted previously, the Taizé text Wait for the Lord could refer to either the coming of Christ in history or his coming in glory, an ambiguity repeated in Willard Jabusch’s Now watch for God’s coming, which calls for patience, hope, trust and a life given over to the Lord. Catholic Worship Book II

Catholic Worship Book II, published in 2015 under the auspices of the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference,50 presents twenty-three hymns for Advent: No.

Title

232 233 234 235 236a & 236b 237 238

Come, O long expected Jesus Come to set us free Come, Lord Jesus, come Sing out earth and skies Eternal God who made the stars/Conditor alme siderum My Soul in Stillness Waits Comfort, comfort now my people Hark! a herald voice is calling

239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251

Author of text

Charles Wesley Bernadette Farrell Michael Mangan Marty Haugen Unknown, tr. Mount St Bernard Abbey Marty Haugen Johann Olearius, tr. Catherine Winkworth Unknown, tr. Edward Caswall O come, divine Messiah Simon-Joseph Pellegrin O Emmanuel Michael Mangan O come, O come, Emmanuel Unknown, tr. John Mason Neale Open the heavens, Lord Brian Boniwell O Jordan’s bank the Baptist’s cry Charles Coffin Prepare the way, O Zion Mikael Franzén Saviour of the nations, come Veni, Redemptor gentium, tr. Martin Luther The angel Gabriel Sabine Baring-Gould The coming of our Lord Charles Coffin When the King shall come again Christopher Idle Prepare the way Brian Boniwell Wait for the Lord Taizé Community

50 Australian Catholic Bishops Conference (2105).

Date of Composition 18thc. 1982 1995 1985 Probably 9thc. 1982 17thc. Probably 9thc. 18thc. 1995 12th–13thc. 1986 18thc. 19thc. 4thc. 19thc. 18thc. 1982 1981 1984

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No.

Title

Author of text

Date of Composition

252

Wake, O wake! The night is dying

16thc/2001

253 254

Advent Litany You heavens, sprinkle dew from above/Rorate caeli desuper

Philipp Nicolai, paraphrased by Harry Hagen Bernadette Farrell Medieval Latin Advent prose adapt. Percy Jones

1987 12th–13thc.

Two of our three Advent hymns find a place in this collection. Conditor alme siderum appears in both Latin and English, although the translation here is not based on that of John Mason Neale but is by the monks of Mount Saint Bernard Abbey, Leicester, under the title Eternal God who made the stars. The translation of Vox clara ecce intonat by Edward Caswell is the basis for Hark! a herald voice is calling, with amendments such as the replacement of ‘nigh’ with ‘near’ and ‘Lo’ with ‘See’ being made for better comprehension by modern singers. Only ten hymns, fewer than half the items in the ‘Advent’ section, were composed since the close of the Second Vatican Council in 1965. When the King shall come again, a hymn included in three of the four collections under consideration, focuses entirely, as has already been noted, on the second coming of Christ. There is, however, no reference to Christ as Judge; instead the prophecies of Isaiah 35 are used to build an image of the eternal Jerusalem. Also eschatological in focus, Open the heavens, Lord exhorts Christ to come again at the same time as it encourages the faithful to be attentive to the signs of his return. Come, Lord Jesus, come could be understood as an exhortation to good living in anticipation of the coming of Christ as Judge, but the phrase ‘promised Saviour soon to come’ in the fourth verse places this text in a more incarnational than eschatological context. O Emmanuel, a song written for children, presents in very basic language the anticipation of Christ’s first coming in verse one, his presence with us now in verse two and his final coming in glory in verse three. As with the previous hymnals, this collection contains the Taizé Wait for the Lord, allowing for both an incarnational and an eschatological interpretation. Summary

All four hymn collections contain a version of Conditor alme siderum and two include an amended version of Caswall’s translation of Vox clara ecce intonat, but none includes a version of Verbum supernum. It is primarily hymns written prior to the Second Vatican Council that make direct reference to Christ’s role as Judge in his coming in majesty. In fact, only one of all the post-Vatican II compositions presented in these four publications makes reference to the day of judgement: The Day of the Lord in the Laudate collection. However, even when the focus is on the second coming of Christ, the emphasis of the text is more on the glory of the Reign of God than on the Final Judgment.

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It would seem that the eschatological aspect of Advent has almost completely escaped the consciousness of modern hymn-writers. A tension between the first and final comings of Christ would be understandable and even expected, but to find no mention at all of Christ the Judge is curious, to say the least. Compared with the liturgical texts proper to Advent provided by the Church itself, the Advent hymn texts of many contemporary composers would seem to limit the theological horizons to which our original Advent hymns extended. The brief overview of these texts below demonstrates that the Church has no wish to restrict the focus of Advent to the Incarnation but includes a wealth of material referring not only to Christ’s coming in history and majesty but also to his presence with us in this current age.

Advent prayers and readings An examination of the directions that the Church herself gives through documents promulgated since the Second Vatican Council and the prayers and readings set down for Advent in the Lectionary for Mass (1975, 1981) and The Roman Missal (third typical edition, 2002) clearly shows that the theology – or theologies – of Advent have not been truncated, despite the fact that neither the General Norms for the Liturgical Year and the Calendar51 (hereafter GNLYC) and the General Introduction to the Lectionary for Mass52 (henceforth GILM) make reference to judgment when speaking of Advent. GNLYC makes the following note: Advent has a twofold character: as a season to prepare for Christmas when Christ’s first coming to us is remembered; as a season when that remembrance directs the mind and heart to await Christ’s second coming at the end of time. Advent is thus a period for devout and joyful expectation.53 (However, the fact that Christ’s first coming is being remembered and not awaited is crystal clear). Similarly, when the readings for the four Sundays of Advent are described in the GILM, any reference to a final judgment is missing: The [Sunday] gospels have their own themes: they refer to the Lord’s coming at the end of time (first Sunday), to John the Baptist (second and third Sundays), to the events which immediately preceded our Lord’s birth (fourth Sunday). The Old Testament readings are prophecies of the Messiah and Messianic times, especially from the book of Isaiah. The apostolic readings provide exhortations and proclamations in keeping with the different Advent themes.54

51 52 53 54

Congregation of Sacred Rites (1969). Sacred Congregation of the Sacraments and Divine Worship (1981). See Flannery (1985), 119–52. GNLYC, par. 39. GILM, par. 143.

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Despite this, an exploration of the texts for the readings of Advent reveal a somewhat more inclusive picture. The Advent Readings

The gospels read on the first Sunday of Advent in each year of the three-year cycle are exhortations to stay awake and alert, since the time of the Lord’s coming is not known (Mt 24:37–44, Mk 13:33–37 and Lk 2125–28, 34–36), with the only reference to the final judgment being made indirectly in the Lukan admonition, ‘Stay awake, praying at all times for the strength […] to stand with confidence before the Son of Man.’ The apostolic letters, however, raise the matter of the final judgment directly. On the third Sunday of Advent Year A the letter from James warns against making complaints against one another, since ‘the Judge is already to be seen waiting at the gates’ ( Js 5:9). The reading from St Paul on the first Sunday of Advent Year B (1Cor 1:3–9) and that from St Peter on the second Sunday of Advent Year B (2Pet 3:8–14) both speak of the ‘Day of the Lord,’ with the implication that it is a day of judgement since Paul acknowledges that Christ will keep the faithful of Corinth ‘steady and without blame until the last day’ and Peter encourages his readers to live ‘holy and saintly lives while [they] wait and long for the Day of God to come.’ On the first Sunday of Advent in Year C St Paul urges the Christians of Thessalonia to ‘confirm [their] hearts in holiness that [they] may be blameless in the sight of our God and Father when our Lord Jesus Christ comes with all his saints’ (1Thess 3:12–4:2) while on the second Sunday of that same year, Paul affirms his certainty that ‘the One who began this good work in [the Christians at Philippi] will see that it is finished when the Day of Christ Jesus comes’ (Phil 1:3–6, 8–11). Thus, even though the statement in the GILM seems to reserve the apocalyptic theology of Advent with its awaiting of the divine Judge at the end of time to the first Sunday of Advent, this aspect clearly pervades the Advent readings right up to the third Sunday of the season. That this theme is not present in the readings for the final week of Advent is not unexpected, since these final days of Advent have traditionally been devoted to immediate preparation for the feast of the Nativity of the Lord. As the GNLYC states: In the last week before Christmas, the Gospels of Matthew (chapter 1) and Luke (chapter 2) describe the events immediately preceding the birth of our Lord. The first readings are chosen, in view of the gospels, form several books of the Old Testament and contain important Messianic prophecies.55 The Advent Prefaces

Turning to the Advent prefaces, we find that the Advent preface that had been added to the Roman Missal on the eve of the Second Vatican Council was replaced by two newly-composed prefaces in the reform that followed it, in order to highlight more

55 GNLYC, par. 39.

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clearly the two-fold character of the season. Naturally, it is the first of these that exhibits a more eschatological character: For he assumed at his first coming the lowliness of human flesh, and so fulfilled the design you formed long ago, and opened for us the way to eternal salvation, that, when he comes again in glory and majesty and all is at last made manifest, we who watch for that day may inherit the great promise in which now we dare to hope.56 While this preface proclaims directly the glory and majesty of Christ’s second coming, it refers only obliquely to his role as Judge through the phrase ‘and all is at last made manifest.’ Comparing this phrase to the texts of our three Advent hymns it could be deemed to parallel verse 3 of Verbum supernum: ‘rimari facta pectoris, reddens vicem pro abditis, iustisque regnum pro bonis / to examine the deeds of the heart, paying in turn for hidden things and the kingdom to the just for good things.’ The other phrase that picks up one of the theological elements in our Advent hymns is ‘in humilitate carnis assumptae, dispositionis antiquae munis implevit, / for he assumed at his first coming the lowliness of human flesh, and so fulfilled the design you formed long ago,’ which could be regarded as the parallel to verse 3 of Vox clara ecce intonat which speaks of the Lamb being sent from on high. The second of the Advent prefaces recalls the oracles of the prophets that were fulfilled when Mary brought Christ to birth and John the Baptist proclaimed him as Messiah: For all the oracles of the prophets foretold him, the Virgin Mother longed for him with love beyond all telling, John the Baptist sang of his coming and proclaimed his presence when he came. It is by his gift that already we rejoice at the mystery of his Nativity, so that he may find us watchful in prayer and exultant in his praise.57 The second half of this prayer, however, does include the phrase ‘in oratione pervigiles et in suis inveniat laudibus exsultantes / so that he may find us watchful in prayer and exultant in his praise,’ the first half of which recalls the admonition of Vox clara ecce intonat for ‘the slothful soul [to] arise’ while the second half corresponds to verse 4 of Conditor alme siderum in which all things on heaven and all things on earth confess the mighty power of Christ.

56 Missale Romanum, Editio Typica Tertia (2008): Qui, primo adventu in humilitate carnis assumptae, dispositionis antiquae munis implevit, nobisque salutis perpetuae tramitem reseravit: ut, cum secundo venerit in suae gloria maiestatis, manifesto demum múnere capiámus, quod vigilantes nunc audemus exspectare promissum. English tr. from The Roman Missal 2010, 568. 57 Missale Romanum, Editio Typica Tertia (2008), 570: Quem praedixerunt cuntorum praeconia prophetarum, Virgo Mater ineffabili dilectione sustinuit, Ioannes cecinit affuturum et adesse monstravit. Qui suae nativitais mysterium tribuit nos praevenire gaudentes, ut et in oratione pervigiles, et in uis inveniat laudibus exsultantes.

the hymns of the roman breviary following the second vatican council

The Advent Collects

The Collects prescribed for Advent following the revisions carried out after the Second Vatican Council are to be found in the Missale Romanum (1970, 1975, 2002, 2008) and the Liturgy of the Hours (1974). They number twenty-nine, one for each of the weekdays of Advent as well as those for the four Sundays of Advent. Thirteen of these prayers were adapted from the Gelasianum Vetus, the Old Gelasian Sacramentary,58 while another eleven have their source in the Rotulus of Ravenna.59 Three were taken from the Hadrianum,60 while the remaining two came from the Sacramentarium Bergomense.61 The call of the Collect for the first Sunday of Advent to ‘run forth to meet your Christ with righteous deeds at his coming [so as to] be worthy to possess the heavenly kingdom’ echoes the reminder of Verbum supernum that Christ the Judge will ‘examine the deeds of the heart’ and give ‘the kingdom to the just for good deeds’:62 Da quaesumus, omnipotens Deus, hanc tuis fidelibus voluntatem, ut, Christo tuo venienti iustis operibus occurrentes, eius dexterae sociati, regnum mereantur possidere caeleste.

Grant your faithful, we pray almighty God, the resolve to run forth to meet your Christ with righteous deeds at his coming, so that, gathered at his right hand, they may be worthy to possess the heavenly Kingdom.

58 Mohberg (1981). For the current Collect for the first Sunday in Advent, see item 1139, for Monday of Advent Week 1 see item 1128, for Wednesday of Advent Week 1 see item 1131, for Thursday of Advent Week 1 see item 1121, for the second Sunday of Advent see item 1153, for Thursday of Advent Week 2 see item 1125, for Friday of Advent Week 2 see item 1136, for Monday of Advent Week 3 see item 1137, for Wednesday of Advent Week 3 see item 1154, for Thursday of Advent Week 3 see item 1146, for Friday of Advent Week 3 see item 1126, for December 18 see item 1148, for December 21 see item 1145. 59 Reference to the Rotulus of Ravenna was made earlier in this work. See Chapter 1, footnote 183. An extensive study of the Rotulus was made by Suitbert Benz – see Benz (1967) – while a critical edition of the Rotulus is to be found in the Sacramentarium Veronense – Mohlberg, Eizenhöfer and Siffrin (1994), 173–78 and 202–03. For the current Collect for Tuesday of Advent Week 1 see Rotulus prayer 3, for Saturday of Advent Week 1 see Rotulus prayer 7, for Monday of Advent Week 2 see Rotulus prayer 13, for Tuesday of Advent Week 2 see Rotulus prayer 14, for Wednesday of Advent Week 2 see Rotulus prayer 6, for Saturday of Advent Week 2 see Rotulus prayer 19, for the third Sunday of Advent see Rotulus prayer 25, for December 17 see Rotulus prayer 31, for December 19 see Rotulus prayer 2, for December 20 see Rotulus prayer 30 and for December 23 see Rotulus prayer 24. 60 As noted by in Vogel (1986), 80, this is one of the so-called ‘Gregorian Type I’ sacramentaries, sent by Pope Hadrian I to Charlemagne towards the end of the eighth century, corrected and expanded by Benedict of Aniane in the early ninth century. For the texts of the prayers from Le sacramentaire grégorien see Deshusses (1971). For the current Collect for Friday of Advent Week 1 see item 778, for the fourth Sunday of Advent see item 143, for December 24 see item 791. 61 This Ambrosian/Milanese Sacramentary dates from the tenth to eleventh centuries. See Paredi (1962). For the current Collect for Tuesday of Advent Week 3 see item 52 and for December 22 see item 73. 62 All citations of the current Advent Collects in Latin are taken from the Missale Romanum (2008), while those in English are from The Roman Missal, English Translation According to the Third Typical Edition (2010).

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It is also with Verbum supernum that the Collect of the second Sunday of Advent finds some correspondence when it prays that ‘our learning of heavenly wisdom [may] gain us admittance to [Christ’s] company,’ neatly paralleling the last two lines of the hymn: ‘[as] sharers with the Blessed, let us be eternal people of heaven’: Omnipotens et misericors Deus, in tui occursum Filii festinates nulla opera terreni actus impediant, sed sapientiae caeliestis eruditio nos faciat eius esse consortes.

Almighty and merciful God, may no earthly undertaking hinder those who set out in haste to meet your Son, but may our learning of heavenly wisdom gain us admittance to his company.

The Collect of the third Sunday of Advent makes no direct connection with any of our three Advent hymns, focusing instead on the rejoicing called for in the Introit and the First Reading which are both taken from the fourth chapter of Paul’s letter to the Philippians: ‘Gaudete in Domino semper / rejoice in the Lord always.’ The Collect for the fourth Sunday of Advent is the well-known prayer previously used as the Post-Communion Prayer for the feast of the Annunciation and provides a marvellous summary of the Paschal Mystery as the commemoration of Christ’s birth is imminent, but again there is no direct link with the texts of our Advent hymns. Textual correlations between the Sunday Collects of Advent and our three Advent hymns may thus seem rather meagre. However, when we consider the weekday Collects, we find at least fifteen occasions when the text of the Collect matches the text or the sentiment of at least one of the hymns. The petition of the Collect for Tuesday of the first week of Advent to ‘grant us […] compassionate help in our trials,’ mirrors the prayer of the final verse of Conditor alme siderum to ‘defend us in time from the weapon of the treacherous foe.’63 Similarly, the call of the Collect for Thursday of the first week of Advent for God’s mercy to ‘speedily bring about what our sins impede’64 and the acknowledgement in the Collect for Friday of that same week that ‘with you to protect us we may find rescue from the pressing dangers of our sins’65 both echo the prayer in the final verse of Vox clara ecce intonat that Christ ‘may not punish for our guilt but in pity, may protect us.’ The Friday Collect also has a clear parallel with the third verse of Vox clara ecce

63 Propitiare, Domine Deus, supplicationius nostris, et tribulantibus, quaesumus, tuae concede pietatis auxilium ut, de Filii tui nevientis praesentia consolati, nullis iam polluamur contagiis vetustatis. ‘Look with favour, Lord God, on our petitions, and in our trials grant us your compassionate help, that, consoled by the presence of your Son, whose coming we now await, we may be tainted no longer by the corruption of former ways.’ 64 Excita, Domine, potentia tuam, et magna nobis virtute succurre, ut, quod nostra peccata praepediunt, gratia tuae propitiationis acceleret. ‘Stir up your power, O Lord, and come to our hep with mighty strength, that what our sins impede the grace of your mercy may hasten.’ 65 Excita, quaesumus, Domine, potentiam tuam, et veni, ut, ab imminentibus peccatorum nostrorum periculis, te mereamur protegente eripi, te liberante salvari. ‘Stir up your power, we pray, O Lord, and come, that with you to protect us, we may find rescue from the pressing dangers of our sins, and with you to set us free, we may be found worthy of salvation.’

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intonat which speaks of the ‘Lamb […] sent to loose freely the debt’ when it prays that ‘with [the Lord] to set us free, we may be found worthy of salvation.’ Of the weekday Collects for the second week of Advent it is that of Saturday that has the clearest link with our Advent hymns when it asks that the ‘shadows of night […] be scattered,’66 reflecting the same sentiments as the second and third lines of the opening verse of Vox clara ecce intonat, where the clear voice ‘reproaches all dark things’ and the writer asks that ‘dreams be driven away.’ The Collect for Monday of the third week of Advent calls on God to ‘cast light on the darkness of our hearts,’67 the same request made in the second verse of Verbum supernum: ‘Enlighten now the hearts.’ Three of the remaining Collects for this week all ask for present help: to ‘cleanse us from every stain of the old way of life’ (Tuesday),68 to ‘bestow healing upon us in this present life’ (Wednesday)69 and to ‘receive help both now and in the life to come’ (Friday).70 These are the same elements present respectively in the second verse of Vox clara ecce intonat, the fourth verse of Verbum supernum and the fifth verse of Conditor alme siderum. It is no surprise that references to the virginal womb of Mary, so beautifully referred to in Conditor alme siderum, find a place in the Collects of the final week of Advent. The Collect for December 17 addresses God as the one ‘who willed that your Word should take flesh in an ever-virgin womb;’71 that of December 20 refers to the immaculate Virgin as ‘the dwelling-place of divinity,’72 while the Collect for

66 Oriatur, quaesumus, omnipotens Deus, in cordibus nostris splendor gloriae tuae, ut, omni noctis obscuritate sublata, filios nos esse lucis Unigeniti tui manifestet adventus. ‘May the splendour of your glory dawn in our hearts, we pray, almighty God, that all shadows of the night may be scattered and we may be shown to be children of the light by the advent of your Only Begotten Son.’ 67 Voci nostrae, quaesumus, Domine, aures tuae pietatis accommoda, et cordis nostri tenebras gratia Filii tui nos visitantis illustra. ‘Incline a merciful ear to our cry, we pray, O Lord, and, casting light on the darkness of our hearts, visit us with the grace of your Son.’ 68 Deus, qi novam creaturam per Unigenitum tuum nos esse fecisti, in opera misericordiae tuae propitius intuere, et in adventu Filii tui ab omnibus nos maculis vetustatis emunda. ‘O God, who through your Only Begotten Son have made us a new creation, look kindly, we pray, on the handiwork of your mercy, and at your Son’s coming cleanse us from every stain of the old way of life.’ 69 Praesta, quaesumus, omnipotens Deus, ut Filii tui ventura sollemnitas et praesentis nobis vitae remedia largiatur, et praemia aeterna concedat. ‘Grant, we pray, almighty God, that the coming solemnity of your Son may bestow healing upon us in this present life and bring us the rewards of life eternal.’ 70 Praeveniat nos, omnipotens Deus, tua gratia semper atque subsequatur, ut, qui adventum Unigeniti tui summo cordis desiderio sustinemus, et praesentis vitae subsidia et futurae pariter consequamur. ‘May your grace, almighty God, always go before us and follow after, so that we, who await with heartfelt desire the coming of your Only Begotten Son, may receive your help both now and in the life to come.’ 71 Deus, humanae conditor et redemptor naturae, qui Verbus tuum in utero perpetuae virginitatis carnem assumer voluisti, respice propitius ad preces nostras, ut Unigenitus tuus, nostra humanitate suscepta, nos divino suo consortio sociare dignetur. ‘O God, Creator and Redeemer of human nature, who willed that your Word should take flesh in an ever-virgin womb, look with favour on our prayers, that your Only Begotten Son, having taken to himself our humanity, may be pleased to grant us a share in his divinity.’ 72 Deus, aeterna maiestas, cuius ineffabile Verbum, Angelo nuntiante, Virgo immaculata suscepit, et, domus divinitatis effecta, Sancti Spiritus luce repletur, quaesumus, ut nos, eius exemplo, voluntati tuae humiliter adhaerere valeamus. ‘O God, eternal majesty, whose ineffable Word the immaculate Virgin received

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December 19 notes that it is ‘through the child-bearing of the holy Virgin’ that the radiance of God’s glory is revealed to the world.73 Thus, when the whole corpus of Advent Collects are taken into consideration, it is clear that the theology espoused in them sits comfortably with the contents of our three Advent hymns and that the ‘adventus’ of the prayers is not limited to the coming of Christ in the flesh, but refers equally to his coming in glory. Moreover, in the same way that the hymns advert to the present day and its trials and call on Christ to bring light and strength against evil, so the current Advent prayers and readings encourage the faithful to be awake and alert, ‘cast[ing] off the works of darkness and put[ting] on the armour of light’ (Rom 13:12) in order to merit the rewards of eternal life. While no direct reference is made to Christ as Judge, phrases such as ‘run forth to meet your Christ with righteous deeds at his coming’ (Collect, first Sunday of Advent) and ‘that […] we may be found worthy of salvation’ (Friday, first week of Advent) point to the Final Judgment in a more oblique manner.

Questions regarding current practice The limited use of our three Advent hymns in parish repertoire

In the face of such a rich source of theological reflection and pastoral encouragement, the question arises as to why our three Advent hymns are not more widely known and sung both in religious – non-monastic – communities where the Liturgy of the Hours is still sung in choir, and in ordinary parish communities where, although the Hours are rarely celebrated, hymns are used in other liturgical settings, particularly that of Sunday Eucharist. Certainly, the instruction in GILH 42, 79 and 87 to ‘sing a suitable hymn’ for the Hours of Lauds, Vespers, the daytime Hours and Compline gives freedom to choose material beyond what is supplied in the official liturgical editions of the Liturgy of the Hours, but it cannot be assumed that such choices would inevitably lean towards poor texts. However, anecdotal evidence – in line with the comments of William Jurgens noted earlier in this chapter – points to the widespread use of hymns whose texts are less theologically complex and focus predominantly on the historical birth of Christ, or on scriptural texts that relate to his coming as Messiah. Hymns are such a powerful vehicle for instilling both doctrinal matter and theological understanding in those who sing them, that the importance of having available to the faithful hymns that display excellence in both dimensions is obvious. In the following section I will attempt to shed light on what may have led to a situation in through the message of an Angel and so became the dwelling-place of divinity, filled with the light of the Holy Spirit, grant, we pray that by her example we may in humility hold fast to your will.’ 73 Deus, qui splendorem gloriae tuae per sacrae Virginis partum mundo dignatus es revelare, tribue, quaesumus, ut tantae incarnationis mysterium et fidei integritate colamus, et devoto semper obsequio frequentemus. ‘O God, who through the child-bearing of the holy Virgin graciously revealed the radiance of your glory to the world, grant, we pray, that we may venerate with integrity of faith the mystery of so wondrous and Incarnation and always celebrate it with due reverence.’

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which our contemporary Advent hymns are ‘theologically one-sided’ by considering the following elements: the secular and commercial influences that exert significant pressure during Advent, the culture of ‘death denial’ that pervades the West, the extensive range of hymnody produced and promoted by publishing houses and its easy availability in electronic form, and the lack of theological formation and education for those upon whom the responsibility for choosing the music for the liturgy falls. Secular pressures that influence the Christian celebration of Advent

As early as the 1920s Pius Parsch noted that [i]n modern times…the dominant event of the whole [Christmas] season is Christ’s first coming in the flesh. Modern Christians have all but ignored the eschatological approach in stressing the historical fact. Each year our people await the birth of Christ as if it had not yet happened.74 This attitude is discernible even in the traditional practice of bringing out the nativity scene at the beginning of December, especially when the figure of the Christ-child is withheld from its place in the manger until Christmas morning. Such an approach supports the misapprehension that the waiting of Advent is predominantly a time of waiting for the birth of Jesus, even though the historical birth of Christ took place twenty centuries ago and we cannot ‘await’ an event that has already passed. Perhaps the focus on the birth of Christ in the flesh results from an attempt to counter the secular environment in which ‘first world’ Christians live. Here one finds little place for the realities that are the subject of the prayers and readings prescribed by the Church for Advent. The crass commercialism that pervades the month of December – and quite often a good deal of November – would have us focus on overusing our credit cards on expensive presents for many people, attending and hosting parties, sending Christmas cards and buying as much food for Christmas day as could feed an entire village in many parts of our world. Rather than being a preparation to commemorate the birth of Christ or prepare ourselves spiritually to be in a fit state to stand before Christ, our merciful and loving Judge, the weeks leading up to Christmas can often appear more like an anticipation of a great secular festival with the emphasis being primarily on food, material goods and conviviality. With a call to moderation unlikely to prove attractive to a hedonistic and materialistic world, those who wish to ‘bring Christ back into Christmas’ may see the natural attraction of people to infants as their entry point, encouraging them to emphasise the historical birth of the Christ-child at the expense of a call to conversion or a proclamation of Advent’s eschatological dimension. Unfortunately, the image of Christ as baby in the manger, while powerful when viewed through the eyes of faith, can merely feed natural human sentimentality when that faith element is missing, and rather than counter secularism may contribute to a diminishment in understanding the full import of Advent by those Christians who prefer not to 74 Parsch (1960), 19. Originally published 1923 in three volumes as Das Jahr des Heiles.

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have their lifestyles questioned by the confronting apocalypticism of the coming of a divine, albeit merciful, Judge. In an environment awash with commercialism and sentimentality, the call for the Christian to celebrate Advent in all its facets and to stand firm against the temptations exerted by the dominant, secular culture remains a veritable challenge. A perfect infant at the beginning of life is far more palatable than the prospect of death and judgement. Hence the choice of hymns that speak of awaiting the birth of a child whose coming was foretold by prophets and whose arrival was welcomed by shepherds and sages allows the modern Christian to avoid facing the reality of the present and its implications for the future. The denial of death that pervades Western culture

Alongside the promotion of materialism and self-indulgence, Western cultures place great store on beauty and the prolongation of youthfulness. Whether this stance followed in the wake of the development of the cosmetics and pharmaceutical industries and the emergence of cosmetic surgery in the past century or whether it gave rise to these developments is debatable. Complementing this glorification of youth and beauty is the desire to delay signs of ageing and to remove as far as possible any discussion or visibility of death. Death and dying are not ‘polite’ topics of conversation, although abortion and euthanasia continue to be fiercely debated, more perhaps because those arguing for their legalisation are defending the ‘rights’ of the individual than considering the value of life itself. Hospitals have taken the place of the home as the location of the dying. In fact, for a person to die at home nowadays is so rare that any unexpected death at home demands a coroner’s enquiry, and the thought of the family preparing and laying out the body of a deceased parent or relative is virtually unheard of. The funeral industry ‘takes care of everything,’ hiding from society the normal processes of death and burial, at the same time ameliorating and delaying any need to confront one’s own mortality. In such an environment, the eschatological aspect of Advent, which reminds us of our own mortality and encourages us to prepare for judgement to be passed on our lives, does not sit easily. The extensive range of liturgical music marketed by large publishing companies

A limited number of publishing houses dominate the global English-language market for Catholic liturgical music. In the United States three stand out: Oregon Catholic Press (OCP), the Gregorian Institute of America (GIA) and World Library Publications (WLP). In the United Kingdom it is Decani and Kevin Mayhew. In Australia Willow Publishing holds the greatest share of the market, although this is far smaller than that held by the ‘big three’ from the United States. In Canada, the Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops, rather than a commercial publishing house has produced the various editions of the widely-used Catholic Book of Worship. The size of the chief market shareholders gives them the ability to produce materials more cheaply than smaller publishers and their extensive marketing programs ensure maximum coverage on a global scale. Because parishes are for

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the most part working on a limited budget, cost becomes an important, if not overriding, factor when considering the purchase of their liturgical music resources. This is especially so when parishes opt to provide resources for their congregations in hard copy. With the increased use of data projection within churches, however, the possibility of using digitally reproduced material arises. While the leading publishing houses are well represented in this field, the internet broadens the range of publishers from whom material may be sought. It also makes available single compositions from any person with the capacity to upload their material onto the internet. While it is certainly possible to find works with both high quality texts and music, the opposite is also true. This puts great responsibility onto the shoulders of the person choosing the music for use in the parish, often with very little guidance or supervision. The human tendency to take the easiest option can lead to the choice of poor texts, poor music, or both. And while the GIRM notes that ‘another song that is suited to the sacred action, the day or the season’ may be substituted for the traditional Entrance, Offertory and Communion chants, it clearly seeks to ensure that such music will be appropriate by adding the rider that it must have ‘a text approved by the Conference of Bishops.’75 There is no discernible evidence that in any of the English-speaking Conferences of Bishops has approval of texts been demanded by the Bishops or sought by dioceses, parishes or individuals before being used in the liturgy. Theological formation of liturgical musicians

In considering the repertoire of Advent hymns contained in four contemporary liturgical music collections earlier in this chapter, it was noted that compositions since the Second Vatican Council have shown little inclination for including verses on the final judgement or Christ as Judge. Also noted was that those hymns composed prior to the Council that did exhibit an eschatological character were predominantly translations from earlier Latin hymns. Even if these translations were made by lay scholars, the original texts originated for the most part in monasteries and religious houses. Modern hymn writers, on the other hand, are predominantly lay faithful writing in their own vernacular languages. This is not to say that the lay faithful are not capable of writing excellent texts and music, but it might provide a clue as to why the emphasis of modern Advent hymnody focuses more explicitly on the Incarnation than the Second Coming of Christ. Whereas the monk or religious is shaped each day by the Church’s liturgy, the lay person is less likely to have the advantage of this daily formation, and is more likely to be subjected to the secular media and the world of commerce with its aggressive marketing strategies. Even when rampant secularism is resisted, there remains the question of the theological education and formation for the hymn writer and a process of approval by Conferences of Bishops for works that are to be used into the liturgy.

75 See GIRM, pars. 48, 74 and 87.

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Scrutiny of new compositions

The enormity of the problem at both the parish and national level is immediately obvious. How is it possible for Conferences of Bishops to oversee the hundreds of compositions produced not only by highly qualified musicians – who may or may not have even a modicum of theological training – but also by individual parish musicians with only basic skills and virtually no theological expertise, who take it upon themselves to write hymns, Responsorial Psalm settings and Mass settings for use in their local churches? In Australia, for example, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ACBC) has an advisory body, the National Liturgical Musicians Board, but as yet there is no process in place for the scrutiny of new compositions before they are used in parishes. A list of ‘recommended’ hymns appeared on the website of the ACBC in 2009 during the preparation of Catholic Worship Book II, but this was provided only as a model and did not preclude the use of other ‘similarly appropriate’ material. The subsequent publication of CWB II saw the original 2009 list expanded but since this new worship resource is only highly recommended rather than mandated by the ACBC for use in Australian parishes, the standard of hymnody in Australian parish churches continues to range from excellent to extremely poor. As well as lacking any substantial process for vetting new music, the problem of suitable liturgical and musical formation of parish musicians remains a significant one. In Australia, the situation is made worse by the fact that parish musicians are generally volunteers who not only receive no financial recompense for their labours but also often outlay their own money to buy musical resources. Consequently, parishes are loathe to put too many demands on them for fear of losing them altogether and often do not put a high priority on providing further training – either musical, liturgical or theological – for the musicians. Often those volunteer musicians who ‘trawl’ the internet in search of ‘new music’ do so with only their personal knowledge and musical taste to guide them. While there are indeed numerous reputable websites that suggest appropriate music for Sunday liturgies, musicians do not always know or have access to the repertoire suggested and tend to keep using material that is known to them even when better choices are available. Musical formation of clergy

Alongside this lack of formation for parish musicians stands the lack of musical formation in clergy, particularly parish priests who ultimately have the responsibility for the oversight of liturgy within the parish. Paragraph 115 of the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy clearly states that ‘great importance is to be attached to the teaching and practice of music in seminaries, in the novitiates and houses of studies of religious of both sexes, and also in other Catholic institutions and schools.’76 The subsequent Instruction on Liturgical Formation in Seminaries promulgated by the

76 SC 115, See Flannery (1984), 32.

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Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education in 1979 deals more specifically with the musical training of seminarians: Given the importance of sacred music in liturgical celebrations the students should be trained in music by experts, including a practical training for them in their future roles as presidents and moderators of liturgical celebrations […] Above all, care must be taken that the students […] are given a true and authentic formation of their minds and feelings, molding them to know and appreciate the better musical works of the past and also to know how to choose soundly and correctly from among present-day experiments.77 The small number of Australian clergy who sing the dialogues in the Mass, together with the generally poor level of liturgical music at parish level, would indicate that, in Australia at least, diocesan seminaries need to put more effort into achieving the ends that this directive seeks. The reality is that the parish priest is seldom in a position to provide the formation necessary to produce parish musicians who can confidently source, learn and teach good liturgical music that will truly enhance the prayer and worship of the faithful. Consequently, the situation with regard to the three Advent hymns that began life in the Divine Office but subsequently found a place in broader liturgical contexts is that there is every possibility that they could disappear from the ‘popular’ repertoire and that even their limited place in the Liturgy of the Hours could be under threat if the option to replace them with ‘another suitable hymn’ were to be too frequently adopted. A possible solution may be found in looking again at the feasibility of providing an authorised, modern form of the ancient ‘cathedral’ office as an alternative option to the complete cursus as it currently stands. Of course, it is not only the hymns of Advent that would be saved, but also the hymns proper to the other liturgical seasons. Liturgy of the Hours: A Prayer for all the faithful

The Fathers of the Second Vatican Council noted that the Church, by its very nature is a praying Church, for Christ ‘attaches to himself the entire community of humankind and has them join him in singing his divine song of praise.’78 While celebration of the Divine Office by the lay faithful was not a major concern for the Council Fathers, nevertheless, paragraph 100 of SC does note that ‘the laity, too, are encouraged to recite the divine office, either with the priests, or among themselves, or even individually.’79 The Instruction on Music in the Liturgy – Musicam sacram – published in just three years later in 1967, gave increased emphasis to this option. Having affirmed in paragraph 37 that the ‘the sung celebration of the Divine Office is the form which best accords with the nature of this prayer’ its strong recommendation was that the

77 Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education (1979), par. 56. 78 SC 83. 79 SC 100, See Flannery (1984), 28.

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Hours be sung whenever celebrated ‘in choir or in common.’80 Clearly, monastic communities were intended by the phrase ‘in choir’ but the phrase ‘in common’ has a much wider application and could easily refer to groups of the faithful gathered in a parish or even domestic setting. That this was the thought of the Sacred Congregation of Rites is corroborated by paragraph 39 of MS, which, expanding on paragraph 100 of SC, recommends that ‘the faithful, particularly the more educated, should be led by suitable teaching to understand the psalms in a Christian sense and use them in their own prayers, so that they may gradually acquire a stronger taste for the use of the public prayer of the Church.’ In his 1971 Apostolic Constitution Laudis canticum, promulgating the revised book of the Liturgy of the Hours, Paul VI reminded us that in the early Church ‘the liturgy of the hours gradually developed into the prayer of the local Church.’81 In that same Apostolic Constitution Paul VI observed that ‘The office has been drawn up and arranged in such a way that not only clergy but also religious and indeed laity may participate in it, since it is the prayer of the whole people of God,’ going on to point out that ‘a variety of ways of celebrating the office has been provided by means of which the prayer can be adapted to suit the way of life and vocation of different groups dedicated to the liturgy of the hours.’82 And while the invitation to adapt has been taken up by many religious congregations the concrete reality is that by and large the Liturgy of the Hours remains almost exclusively the preserve of the ordained and members of religious congregations, with a small percentage of the lay faithful praying it individually and an even smaller number of local parishes offering this form of the Church’s prayer in any regular fashion. Perhaps the situation would have been different had Coetus IX taken up a proposal submitted to them in 1965. A proposal submitted to Coetus IX

At the beginning of this chapter, the work of Coetus IX – whose task was to study the general structure of the Divine Office – was considered with regard to the continuing inclusion of the hymn in the Divine Office and its placement within each particular Hour. The recommendation not only to retain the hymn, but to locate it at the beginning of each Hour, indicates that the members of Coetus IX were just as aware of the power of the hymn to shape the faith of those who sang them as was St Ambrose when he introduced the Christian hymn into his Church in Milan all those centuries ago. We have already recognised, earlier in this paper, how serious would be the loss of such rich texts. At this point, however, I would like to consider a different segment of the work of Coetus IX of the Consilium, in particular their reception of a proposal submitted by Fr Juan Mateos, S. J. who, although not a member of the study group, was, nevertheless, a consultor to the Consilium. For the history of this proposal I am indebted to the

80 Sacred Congregation of Rites (1967), see Flannery (1984), 89. Latin text in AAS 59 (1967), 300–20. 81 Paul VI, Laudis canticum, AAS 63 (1971) 527–35. English tr. in ICEL (1982), 1086. 82 Paul VI, Laudis canticum, AAS 63 (1971) 527–35. English tr. in ICEL (1982), 1087.

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comprehensive details contained in Stanislaus Cambell’s study From Breviary to Liturgy of the Hours.83 Mateos was calling for a restoration of the office that had developed in East in the fourth century and because it was celebrated by the lay faithful and clergy in the local bishop’s church bore the title of ‘cathedral office.’ He saw such a restoration as a means of enabling the lay faithful to take up the call of the Council to participate in the Liturgy of the Hours and to make it again the prayer of the entire Church and not just the prerogative of clergy and religious. He suggested that ‘the ecclesiastical Offices destined for the laity ought to be highlighted by clearly distinguishing them from the monastic Offices. They ought to have a structure for celebration with the laity and fit for nourishing Christian life among them.’84 Such an Office could be celebrated twice daily, in the morning and evening, thus adding affirming the weight the Council gave to Lauds and Vespers (Morning and Evening Prayer) by describing them as the ‘two hinges’ of the Church’s daily prayer.85 In an interview in 1983, Mateos confided to Stanislaus Campbell that, in his opinion, too many of the consultors charged with preparing the reform of the Office laboured under a traditionalist mentality that prevented them from seeing the Office as anything but a ‘priestly’ prayer, and that without an awareness of liturgical practice and developments in the East, the consultors of the various study groups of the Consilium could not bring about authentic pastoral reform in the Roman liturgy. His claim was that what was needed was not the preservation of liturgical details as these appear in the sources of one portion of the Church, but the capturing of a spirit evident in the ancient common tradition of the liturgies of the Church in both East and West and an attempt to revive that spirit in rites appropriate to the needs of people today.86 Indeed, despite lively discussion on the matter, Coetus IX rejected Mateos’ proposal, considering it to be too far removed from the task set down in SC 89 to revise the established cursus of the Hours, not to alter it. This, despite their acknowledgement in the interim Report of November 1966 that one of their major challenges was how to make the Divine Office accessible to the lay faithful, while it continued to be the prayer chiefly of clergy and religious.87 Undeterred by this rejection, Mateos subsequently provided the group of consultors with a further five-page summary of the history of the cathedral Vigil of the Resurrection – as witnessed in Egeria’s diary and in the Chaldean, Armenian, Byzantine and Ambrosian Rites – and concluded with a recommendation which I cite in part: It is not to be denied that the cathedral Vigil was an Office of great pastoral value due to its simple and profound signification. […] Its brevity and variety of elements

83 See Campbell (1995), 79–84. 84 Campbell (1995), 81. 85 SC 89. 86 Campbell (1995), 82. 87 See footnote 6 earlier in this chapter.

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also commend it. […] The restoration of the cathedral Vigil would not be the introduction of some novelty in the Roman Office, but a true restoration of an ancient Office still in existence by giving it again the scope that it formerly had.88 The nature of the Cathedral Office

The precise composition of the cathedral office varied from place to place, but the research on the Office in both East and West carried out by the Jesuit, Robert Taft, provides sufficient evidence for him to name with some confidence the elements of the cathedral office. He notes that it comprised popular services characterized by symbol and ceremony (light, incense, processions, etc.), by chant (responsories, antiphons, hymns), by diversity of ministries (bishop, presbyter, deacon, reader, psalmist, etc.), and by psalmody that was limited and select, rather than current and complete.89 His appraisal of such services is characteristically straight-forward and direct: What could be simpler than these popular devotions? The whole local community is there, bishop, clergy, people. Skilled cantors intone the various verses, while popular participation is assured through a limited repertory of fixed refrains and hymns. The service opens with a fixed invitatory psalm, chosen to set the tone. Two or three other select hymns, psalms or biblical canticles follow. Then the deacon proclaims the litanies for the people’s intentions. The brief service ends with a collect and final blessing of the bishop, then off to work or home to supper and bed.90 Post-Conciliar versions of a ‘Cathedral Office’

Notwithstanding the rejection of the proposal to provide an official ‘cathedral office’ by Coetus IX, and the claim by Paul VI that the version of the Office provided by the Holy See in 1972 was arranged in such a way that clergy, religious and laity could all participate in it, the need for an Office that would be accessible to all the Church faithful both in content and length resulted in the development of a myriad of versions in the decades following the Second Vatican Council. The paper delivered by Benedictine Olivier-Marie Sarr during the tenth Congresso Internazionale di Liturgia held at the Pontifical Liturgical Institute in Rome in May, 2015 provides an excellent exposition of the new forms of the Liturgy of the Hours that have emerged from a number of ecclesial movements and certain styles of monastic communities in recent decades.91 He takes as his starting point an Office actually brought to birth just prior to the Second Vatican Council, namely, the 1961 ‘Office de 88 89 90 91

Campbell (1995), 83–84. Taft (1986), 264. Taft (1986), 267. Sarr (2016), 377–95.

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Taizé,’ developed in the ecumenical monastic community founded after the Second World War in the French village near Lyon. This has as its four primary elements psalmody, proclamation of the scriptures, hymnody that allows meditation on the word of God and intercessory prayer for the Church and the world.92 The second Office considered by Sarr is the Evening Prayer of the Sant’Egidio community in Rome. This has been strongly supported by young people and professional workers who find the time of celebration particularly suitable for their lifestyles. Inspired by the Easter tradition of the Church, this office is based on the scriptures and the writings of the early Church Fathers and incorporates hymns, responses and antiphons either from these sources or newly-composed. Each day has a particular thematic focus and one interesting aspect of this office is its restricted use of psalmody. The Ofício Divino das comunidades of Brazil emerged in the early 1970s from an attempt to combine the religious and cultural traditions of the people with the prayer tradition of the Church. This Office begins with a welcome and preparation for prayer that disposes the participants towards what is to follow. The elements of the Office ‘proper’ include scriptural antiphons, a review of the events of community and family life since the last gathering, a hymn appropriate to the day, feast or season, and psalmody adapted and rewritten in a popular, poetic style, a reading from the scriptures followed by a time for reflection (assisted by silence, a brief homily and a sung antiphon), prayers of praise/intercession/supplication, the Lord’s Prayer and a final blessing. A fourth popular Office, the Bréviaire du chrétien developed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the 1980s comprises an Introduction, psalmody – no more than two psalms per Hour – a reasonably long scriptural reading with Response, a canticle, intercessions, the Our Father, a final prayer and a blessing. Hymnody does not have a place in this version of the Office. Hymnody in a revised Cathedral Office

Despite the lack of hymnody in the Bréviaire du chrétien, the brief description of the Offices of Taizé, Sant’Egidio and the Brazilian communities affirms the importance of the hymn in the context of any version of the Liturgy of the Hours adapted for popular use. Our concern in the context of this study has been the three Advent hymns. However, it seems to me that these modern forms of the ‘cathedral office’ would be the ideal vehicle for retaining the traditional office hymns, at the same time providing the lay faithful with the opportunity to participate in the Church’s daily prayer in a manner consistent with the time constraints of modern living and be truly nourishing for their Christian life. It is a pity that the members of the Consilium, despite the numerous compromises reached in the restructuring within particular Hours were not able to contemplate

92 Communauté de Taizé (1961), Introduction, xi.

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any solution that did not retain the traditional ‘monastic’ pattern of prayer. In fact, in evaluating the reform of the Breviary, Campbell remarks: [T]he great disadvantage of the compromising process insofar as structural reform was concerned was the establishment of one arrangement of the Hours and one arrangement of elements within each of the Hours for all individuals and groups using the Roman Office and […] very limited provision for adaptability.93 If our three Advent hymns were to be part of a ‘non-monastic’ form of the Liturgy of the Hours that focused primarily on Morning and Evening Prayer then it would provide another avenue for the eschatological emphasis – which was the only emphasis given to the word adventus by the writers of the New Testament – to be retained, or in some cases retrieved, by the faithful of the third millennium. Rather than allowing the focus of Advent to be a remembrance of the beginning of God’s salvation for us and for our world, it would become an anticipation of the future time when salvation will be brought to completion. A daily reminder of this would surely offer to the faithful the opportunity to enter more fully into the spiritual richness of the weeks of Advent and prepare their hearts not only for the celebration of the Lord’s birth at Christmas but also to look forward to Christ’s coming in glory.

Summary Living between the time of Christ’s resurrection and his return in glory, the Church is essentially an eschatological community and can only be true to the gospel insofar as the faithful hold to their eschatological hope. In the first adventus of Christ his final adventus is anticipated and just as John the Baptist recalled the words of Isaiah in describing his ministry of Precursor to the Messiah, so we recall them to describe our own task of preparing the way for that day when Christ returns as Lord and Judge and the world as we know it is finally fully incorporated into the Reign of God. The three Advent hymns encapsulate this mystery and are a rich depository of the diverse aspects incorporated in the concept of adventus Domini. They remain for all the faithful heralds of hope as we live in the ‘time between’ that spans the first and second comings of Christ. In order to fully understand these three hymns the course of this study has traversed much ground. The first chapter examines the way that the significance and use of word adventus in writings of both late antiquity and the Old Testament was incorporated gradually into the Christian vocabulary of the New Testament with specific reference to the coming of Christ the Lord in glory at the end of the ages. It is in the writings of the Church Fathers that the term is extended to include the coming of Christ in the flesh, and by the time of Justin Martyr it is common for the one term to refer to the two advents of Christ, a practice evident in the writings

93 Campbell (1995), 249.

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of such illustrious writers as Cyril of Jerusalem, Tertullian, Ambrose of Milan and Augustine of Hippo. The second part of Chapter One explores the liturgical development of Advent, reflecting on the way in which the birth of Christ was celebrated in both East and West and how practices associated with this celebration contributed to the content of what was to become an Advent ‘season’ in sixth-century Rome. Particularly significant elements included emphasis on the historical context of Christ’s birth, the acclamation of Mary as Mother of God in order to counteract numerous christological heresies, the practice of Ember Days in Rome and the customs associated with preparation for baptism when that sacrament was celebrated on the feast of Epiphany. Intentional liturgical preparation for the feast of the Nativity of the Lord prior to the sixth century was also apparent in Northern Italy and Gaul, as evidenced in the sermons of Maximus of Turin, the writings of Filastrius of Brescia and the sermons of Peter Chrysologus when he was bishop of Ravenna. In these writings emphasis is placed on the historical fact of the Incarnation, with the only asceticism called for being a personal cleansing of the soul together with charity and almsgiving to the poor and needy. In contemporary Gaul, on the other hand, the fasts prescribed in the period leading up to the feast of the Nativity demonstrate a clearly ascetic character and evidence of a specifically liturgical emphasis during those weeks is less apparent. The final section of Chapter One refers to the ancient liturgical books – the Old Gelasian Sacramentary, the Capitulary of Würzburg, the Evangeliaries as reconstructed by Theodor Klauser and the Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican – for direct evidence of the prayers and scripture readings that were utilised in Rome during the weeks of Advent in Rome once it had been established there in the sixth century. The Advent euchology is replete with eschatological imagery and encouragement for the Christian faithful to strive to live godly lives throughout their earthly existence, sustained by the knowledge of Christ’s first coming and the sacraments, especially the Eucharist. The Advent Epistles focus on the second coming of Christ, but it is with hope that the Christian can look forward to its attendant judgment, since the goodness, mercy and steadfastness of God give strength to overcome the evils of the present world. The Gospels for Advent reveal a strong emphasis on Christ as the Messiah while the Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican, accenting the historical context of the birth of Christ, also considers such doctrinal elements as Jesus as both divine and human and Mary as both virgin and mother. Thus, by the middle of the seventh century, the Roman Advent has crystalised into a comprehensive entity, having incorporated, adopted and adapted elements from near and far. It is a clearly recognisable liturgical ‘season.’ With Chapter One having established the place and character of Advent within the Church of the West, Chapter Two turns to the nature and role of the Latin hymn within Christian worship in order to provide a basis from which a more detailed study of the three Advent hymns of the Roman Office can be made. The first part of the Chapter deals with the hymn as an element of Christian worship and briefly traces its evolution from the texts of the New Testament, through its widespread use in the East to its transference to the West in the fourth century by St Hilary of Poitiers, where it came to full flowering in the hymns of St Ambrose of Milan. A good

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part of the chapter examines the characteristic structure and style of the ‘ambrosian’ hymn, since it was this model of hymnody that was adopted for use within the Divine Office, first by St Caesarius of Arles and then, most significantly by St Benedict. The domination of the Rule of Benedict to the exclusion of most other monastic Rules is the primary reason that the Latin hymn survived as an element in the Office, since the Rule of the Master, the most influential Latin Rule governing the monastic Office in Italy prior to Benedict contained no hymnody at all. By the end of the seventh century Benedictine monasticism had extended as far as the Anglo-Saxon lands where the liturgical preference was to follow Roman practice. And indeed it was this factor, and the development of a ‘Benedictine Hymnary’ in the British Isles that would allow scholars of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to construct the most likely repertoire of Office hymnody that obtained at that time and to suggest its probable path from the continent to the Anglo-Saxon monasteries. The bulk of Chapter Two deals with the theories put forward by scholars such as Clement Blume and André Wilmart and the detailed and comprehensive work by Helmut Gneuss that was able to refine and clarify the research of his predecessors. Rejecting Blume’s theory that there was a single ‘Old Hymnary,’ Gneuss organised the sources of the time into five groups, encompassing the Rule of Benedict, the Ambrosian ‘hymnary,’ the rules of Caesarius and Aurelian of Arles, the English tradition and the Gallo-Frankish manuscripts. It is from his detailed study and comparison of these groups of manuscripts that he is able to conclude that a ‘New Hymnary,’ with its more extensive repertoire, and the place in which our three Advent hymns make their appearance, has roots in both Gallic and English practice and replaced the ‘Old Hymnary’ in the course of the ninth and tenth centuries. It was subsequently adopted throughout the whole of Christian Europe. Chapter Three provides a detailed analysis of the three Advent hymns, beginning with a literal translation into English from the original Latin, before exploring each one more fully according to the characteristics of Ambrosian hymnody. In this way the rich theological and catechetical content, supported and enlivened by the use of scriptural language and allusion, is able to be revealed. All three hymns celebrate the mystery of the Incarnation and either directly or indirectly acknowledge Christ’s role in creation. All three hymns acknowledge a world whose need for redemption was met initially through Christ’s coming in the flesh and will be brought to fulfilment when he comes again as merciful Judge at the end of time and completes the reconciliation of humanity and indeed the whole of creation with the triune God. To this end, the three hymns encourage the faithful, either directly or indirectly, to take advantage of the power of Christ to resist the evil of the world and pass through the final judgment to the joy of eternal heaven. The second part of Chapter Three traces the journey of the hymns from their place in the various hymnaries to their incorporation into the Hours of Vespers, Matins and Lauds in the Propium de tempore of the Roman Breviary. The role played by Pope Innocent III following the fourth Lateran Council in ensuring the preparation of an Ordinal for celebration of the Daily Office in the papal chapel proved to be significant, since the Franciscans would adopt this model for their own usage. Thus, when their general, Haymon of Faversham established in the early 1240s a clear and

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concise Order for the Breviary based on the Roman model, it was this Order that was spread throughout Europe as the Franciscans traversed the countryside. Within decades it was the model adopted by the Roman Curia and came to be prescribed for all secular clergy of the Latin Rite, so that hymns, including our three Advent hymns, became a feature of the Office both inside and outside monastery walls. The final part of Chapter Three explores the impact on the hymns of the Breviary of a number of subsequent reforms to the Roman Breviary. The Ferreri hymnal of 1522 threatened to replace all the Breviary hymns with texts in classical Latin and a style more appropriate for educated priests, but the sack of Rome by the Bourbons just five years later put paid to the project. In the Quiñones Breviary, commissioned by Clement VII and completed in 1535 under Paul II, hymns were sometimes left untouched, sometimes shortened and in the case of the Hour of Lauds, omitted. This certainly affected our three Advent hymns. Despite its enormous popularity, the Quiñones Breviary was short-lived and by 1588 had been banned. It was in 1568, following the revision of the Office approved in the final gathering of the Council of Trent, that the Breviarium Romanum appeared. From this point forward any other form of the Office, apart from usages that extended back at least two hundred years, was proscribed. Since the ‘new’ Breviary was virtually a restoration of the earlier Breviary of the Roman Curia, the hymnody of that version was similarly restored, with our Advent hymns resuming their customary place. The extensive and far-reaching reforms under Urban VIII became binding in 1643 on all except those traditional monastic and religious orders with their own rites. The middle section of Chapter Three is taken up with examples of the Urbanian revisions made to our three Advent hymns and consideration of the implications for the very theology of the original hymns. While the ‘latinity’ of the texts may well have been improved, the popular poetic form that so endeared them to the faithful of earlier centuries was virtually destroyed, and their role as easily remembered formulas of faith and catechetical encouragement was mightily diminished. Chapter Three draws to a close with a brief overview of reforms carried out in the twentieth century, prior to the Second Vatican Council, none of which significantly impacted on the Office hymnody. Chapter Four begins with one of the watershed moments in liturgical history: the promulgation by the Second Vatican Council of Sacrosanctum Concilium, the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, whose chapter on the Divine Office called for a restoration of the hymns to their original form wherever possible. It then traces this work of restoration undertaken by Coetus VII and Coetus IX within the Consilium set up by Pope Paul VI in 1964 to implement the liturgical reforms initiated by the Council. In the body of two hundred and ninety-six hymns published by Coetus VII in 1968, our three Advent hymns appear in their original Latin apart from minor, subtle changes. With the publication of the General Instruction of the Liturgy of the Hours in 1971, the decision to begin each Hour, including Morning and Evening Prayer, with a hymn gives the hymn a place of prominence that acknowledges the power of its literary beauty to capture the essential character of each particular hour and feast in a way that moves the hearts of those praying the Hour. However, the GILH also provided for variety in the hymnody for the Hours by offering two series of hymns

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for each Hour and even more importantly, handed to each Episcopal Conference the right to adapt the Latin hymns to their own vernacular languages or to introduce new compositions provided they were suited to the spirit of the Hour, season or feast. To a significant degree these ‘new compositions’ would be sourced from hymn collections available in the vernacular. The first part of this chapter concludes with some comments on the effect of the 2001 document, Liturgiam authenticam, the Vatican guide to vernacular translation, on current revisions of hymns of the Liturgy of the Hours being undertaken by ICEL, as it applies to our three Advent hymns. The second part of Chapter Four picks up the question of Advent repertoire for the Liturgy of the Hours beyond the traditional three hymns. To this end, the items assigned to the Advent section of four prominent Catholic, English-language collections are considered in order to ascertain whether they include any of the traditions Advent hymns, and to judge whether or not those hymns that they do include provide the same rich theological tapestry that an analysis of Conditor alme siderum, Verbum supernum prodiens and Vox clara ecce intonat revealed. The study of Gather III, published in the United States of America, the Catholic Book of Worship III, published in Canada, the English hymnal, Laudate, and the Australian Catholic Worship Book II shows that while all four collections included a translation of Conditor alme siderum, only one included a translation of the original Latin. The translation of Vox clara ecce intonat that was provided by two of the collections was in both cases based on the Urban VIII Latin. None of the collections included a translation of Verbum supernum prodiens. In hymns composed since the Second Vatican Council the eschatological aspect of Advent is scarcely visible and by far the greatest emphasis is on the historical coming of Christ in the flesh. To affirm that this theological lack derives from the hymn composers and not from any Church teaching or directive, the middle section of Chapter Four examines the Advent readings set down in the Lectionary for Mass and the Advent Prefaces and Collects in the third edition of the Roman Missal. Such an examination reveals ample reference to the rich theological diversity encompassed by our three Advent hymns and an equal prominence afforded Christ’s adventus in history and in majesty. The final section of Chapter Four questions why, in the face of their theological depth and richness, our three traditional Advent hymns are not more widely used in both religious communities and parishes. Six reasons are suggested: the secular pressures that influence the Christian celebration of Advent; the denial of death that pervades Western culture; the extensive range of liturgical music marketed by large publishing companies; the lack of adequate theological formation of liturgical musicians; the absence of a vehicle for the scrutiny of new compositions; and finally, the insufficient musical formation of clergy. A possible solution that might go part of the way to correcting this situation was hinted at in paragraph 100 of SC which urged such education of the faithful as would lead them to ‘acquire a stronger taste for the use of the public prayer of the Church,’94 and suggested explicitly in a proposal submitted to Coetus IX as it carried out its work 94 See Flannery (1984), 28.

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following the Council. The retrieval of the ancient ‘Cathedral Office,’ with its variety of ministries, its affective appeal through strong visual and tactile elements, its use of a fixed repertory of fixed hymns and refrains and a limited selection of psalms and canticles, could provide the faithful with a realistic opportunity to participate in the Church’s daily prayer and so have their Christian life nourished in a deeply meaningful way. Using our three Advent hymns for the Cathedral Office during Advent would not only enable continued use of traditional texts, but would provide a means of combatting many of the antithetical elements that have led to the current diminished understanding of what the season of Advent encompasses and appreciation of the blessings already bestowed and yet to come through the adventus of Christ.

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Conclusion

And so we come to the end of the marvellous and multi-faceted journey that has resulted from the study of our three Advent hymns. The exploration of the term adventus revealed how secular concepts can be adopted and transformed for inclusion in the Christian vocabulary. By the end of the third century adventus had expanded to include not only the anticipated return of Christ as Judge at the end of time, when all humanity and indeed all creation would be reconciled with and returned to complete harmony with the triune God but also the coming of the Son of God to earth as a human like us. We also saw how the variety of feasts and practices throughout both East and West that existed in relation to the nativity of Christ continued to evolve as the understanding of adventus Domini developed and how, whether by historical happenstance or by deliberate choice, their influence extended to geographical areas beyond their place of origin. That traces of them could be discerned in the make-up of the liturgical season that, for the West, came to full blossom in sixth-century Rome, and has since that time been known as Advent, is a clear reminder that the Church’s liturgy is always open to include new elements that will support the faith life and growth of its members and that features from one location can be successfully transported to another. The second stage of our journey found us tracing the history of the Christian hymn that came to birth in the East and was carried to the West by Hilary of Poitiers before being developed into a doctrinal and catechetical ‘tour de force’ by Ambrose in his diocese of Milan and incorporated into the monastic cursus of prayer by Caesarius of Arles and Benedict of Norcia. The lesson to be learnt here was to recognise how the popular appeal of the stylistically simple Ambrosian hymn, with its elementary meter and easily-remembered melodies, made it the ideal medium for inclusion in both the monastic cursus of the daily Office and in the ‘cathedral’ prayer of diocesan clergy. This lesson holds good even to the present day and needs to be understood by composers when writing material intended to be sung by the congregation. It was in Anglo-Saxon and Gallic manuscripts of the ninth century that the three Advent hymns which were the target of our research made their appearance. We discovered them to be rich in scriptural allusions and doctrinal content as they encouraged the faithful to live as people aware of the great gift of the first coming of Christ and anticipating his final coming in glory as merciful Judge. Christ, the Redeemer and Light of the world enlightens our hearts, loosens us freely from the debt of sin, defends us against the wiles of the devil and wants us to share for all eternity the life of the Blessed. They model beautifully the criteria set down in paragraph 121 of Sacrosanctum concilium: ‘The texts intended to be sung must always

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be in conformity with Catholic doctrine. Indeed, they should be drawn chiefly from the sacred scripture and from liturgical souces.’1 The next stage of our journey led us through the difficult terrain of reform over several centuries, where both changes to the Roman Breviary and retranslations of the original Latin texts saw our three hymns assailed on many sides. In particular, the reforms carried out under Pope Urban VIII saw a wholesale transformation of the hymns transformed in an attempt to replace the ‘lowly Latin’ of the typical Latin hymn to polished classical poetry. This episode of liturgical ‘reform’ is a stark reminder that good intentions do not always assure a positive outcome. Unfortunately, it was in this form that the hymns were translated into English during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with the result that the distorted theology of the revisions prevailed in many editions of the Roman Office. It was not without good reason, then that the Second Vatican Council called for the restoration of the original texts. In restoring the original texts, the experts appointed after the Council made several alterations of little consequence so that when the revised Liturgia Horarum appeared in 1971 our three Advent hymns were virtually the same as they had been when first written in the ninth century. However, the relaxation of rules concerning the choice of hymns within the Liturgy of the Hours meant that their traditional status as the pre-eminent hymns prescribed for the Advent Hours was no longer secure. With the enormous proliferation of hymnody available due to modern printing and marketing capabilities in the decades that followed the Council, local musicians had a vast array of Advent hymns to choose from, and since not all musicians have adequate liturgical training the status of our three Advent hymns declined even further. Indeed, an investigation of the Advent repertoire of four representative, English-language hymnals/worship books revealed that hymns written since the Second Vatican Council overwhelmingly focus on the anticipation of Christ’s historical birth and rarely display any awareness of the eschatological aspects of Advent. Thus, the theological concept of adventus Domini that prevailed in the early centuries of the Church has been diminished so as to give primary emphasis to the historical coming of Christ and underplay the original eschatological dimension of his second coming at the end of time. The inevitable conclusion to be drawn here is that there needs to be a careful assessment of the Advent repertoire so that all aspects of the season can be adequately celebrated in song. The final steps of our journey found us faced with a number of questions begging for answers. Was there any way in which our three Advent hymns might survive as the heralds of hope that they had been for previous generations of Christians? Or would they fall victims to changed circumstances within the Church itself and within the wider society with its global character? What could be done to provide adequate theological formation of liturgical musicians so that they would make appropriate choices when selecting music for their congregations? How can we redress the common situation of an insufficient musical formation of our seminarians and ordained clergy? Is there any way to establish a vehicle for the scrutiny of new compositions before 1 SC 121.

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they are incorporated into liturgical worship? Is it even possible to resist a world in which the pressures of secularism, commercial interests and marketing impact upon both Christian understanding and practice? The training and formation of both clergy and liturgical musicians is a key element in ensuring that the true spirit of Advent is understood and transmitted faithfully as music is chosen in the case of both the Liturgy of the Hours and Sunday Eucharist. Perhaps Conferences of Bishops need to be challenged to set up a structure whereby new compositions are only accepted into a country after they have been judged by musical and theological experts to be truly worthy of the Church’s liturgy. Since the Second Vatican Council, it could be argued that the spectrum of modes of prayer encountered by Catholics has diminished, to the extent that the Eucharist is not only their primary experience of liturgy but virtually their only experience. Could the retrieval and reconstituting of an ancient form of prayer within the Church, the ‘cathedral office,’ perhaps provide a means whereby the great riches of these hymns might not be lost but would again be found on the lips of the faithful, calling us to live lives worthy of the great gifts of redemption and reconciliation bestowed upon us by the Son of God who came to us in history, who remains present with us throughout our lives in mystery, and will come again in majesty to draw us completely into that experience of love that is the Trinity. Such an office would not be limited to celebration within the cathedral church, but would be a feature of the liturgical life of each parish and extend the experience of communal prayer beyond the gathering for Sunday Eucharist. This is a realistic possibility, but would require commitment and enthusiasm on the part of parish clergy, musicians and faithful alike. This journey alongside the three hymns of the Advent Office has been a marvellous one, a journey of many twists and turns, but a journey that has, I hope, added in some small way to contemporary scholarship in the field of liturgy and provided fresh knowledge and inspiration to those ministering at the parish level. Not only has it revealed much about the theological breadth of the season of Advent and how this is received and understood within the Church, but it has shown that the need and desire to adapt and revise in order to meet the needs of the contemporary faithful community will be most successful if coupled with fidelity to what has been handed on to us from previous generations. The New Testament spoke of the adventus of Christ in the context of his coming in glory. The Church Fathers soon added the dimension of his historical coming, and Bernard of Clairvaux preached a threefold coming of Christ in history, mystery and majesty. In a sense, there is only one coming of Christ, that began in the stillness of the Virgin’s womb, that continues on his ongoing presence in the Church on earth, and will come to fulfillment when the entire universe is transformed and drawn into the eternal love and mercy of God. The Jesuit theologian, Karl Rahner, wrote: ‘Behold, you come. And your coming is neither past nor future, but the present, which has only to reach its fulfilment. Now it is still the one single hour of your Advent, at the end of which we too shall have found out that you have really come.’2

2 Rahner (1966), 87.

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Our three Advent hymns place before us the three comings of Christ that are one. May these heralds of hope continue to encourage, inspire and comfort many generations of Catholics to come as we continue our pilgrimage towards the eternal Reign of God.

Biblography

Sources Biblical Sources Biblia sacra iuxta Vulatam Versionem, Fischer B., J. Gribomont, H. D. F. Sparks, W. Theile, R. Weber and R. Gryson (eds), (4e Stuttgart 1994). Biblia Sacra Vulgatae Editionis, Sixti V. Pontificis Maximi iussu recognita et Clementis VIII auctoritate edita. Nova edition accuratissime emendate. Henricum Plon, Parisiis 1859. New Revised Standard Version Bible, (New York 1989). Ancient and Medieval Authors Ambrose, De incarnationis dominicae sacramento, (O. Faller, 1964, CSEL 79, 223–81). ———, De institutione virginis, ( J. P. Migne, 1843, PL 16, 305–34). ———, Epistula 63, Ambrosius Irenaeo, (M. Zelzer, 1990, CSEL 82.2, 142–48). ———, Epistula 75a, Contra Auxentium de basilicis tradendis, (M. Zelzer, 1982, CSEL 82.3, 82–107). ———, Explanatio Psalmorum XII, (M. Petschenig, 1919, CSEL 64). ———, Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam, (M. Adriaen, 1957, CCSL 14). ———, Expositio psalmi CXVIII, (M. Petschenig, 1913, CSEL 62). ———, The Sacrament of the Incarnation of Our Lord, (R. J. Deferrari, 1963, FC 44, 219–62). Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, (C. D. Yonge ed., The History of Rome, 1911, London). Antipater Bostrensis, In Sanctissime Deiparae Annuntiationem, ( J. P. Migne, 1864, PG 85, 1775–92). Apostolic Constitutions, ( J. Donaldson tr, 1886, Buffalo, NY, ANF 7, 391–505). Athanasius, De Sententia Dionysii, ( J. P. Migne, 1857, PG 25, 477–522). ———, Epistula ad Epictetum, 5, ( J. P. Migne, 1857, PG 26, 1049–70). ———, On the Opinion of Dionysius, (A. Robertson tr, 1892, NPNF2, Vol. 4, Buffalo, NY, 176–87). Augustine, Confessiones, (L. Verheijen, 1981, CCSL 27). ———, Contra litteras Petiliani, (M. Petschenig, 1909, CSEL 52.2, 1–227). ———, De beata vita (W. M. Green, 1970, CCSL 29, 65–85). ———, De catechizandis rudibus, (I. B. Bauer, 1969, CCSL 46. 121–78). ———, De civitate Dei, (E. Hoffman, 1900, CSEL 40.2, 424–512). ———, Enarratio in psalmum 43, (E. Dekkers and J. Fraipont, 1956, CCSL 38, 481–93). ———, Enarratio in psalmum 72, (E. Dekkers and J. Fraipont, 1956, CCSL 39, 985–1004). ———, Enarratio in psalmum 95, (E. Dekkers and J. Fraipont, 1956, CCSL 39, 1342–53).

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Mearns, J., ed., Early Latin Hymns. An Index of Hymns in Hymnaries before 1100, Cambridge, 1913. Messenger, R. E., ‘Christian Hymns of the First Three Centuries,’ in Papers of the Hymn Society, No. IX, C. F. Price, ed., 1942, 2–31. Milfull, I. B., The Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church, Cambridge, 1996. Mistrorigo, A., ed., Breviario Romano dei Fideli, Vicenza, 1954. Mohrmann, C., Études sur le Latin des Chrétiens 1, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Rome, 21961. Mone, F. J., ed., Hymni Latini Medii Aevi 1, Friborg, 1853. Morin, G., ‘L’origine des quatre-temps,’ in RB 14 (1897), 337–46. ———, ‘L’Année liturgique à Aquilée antérieurement à l’époque carolingienne d’après le Codex Evangeliorum Rehdigeranus,’ in RB 19 (1902), 1–12. ———, ‘Liturgie et basiliques de Rome au milieu du VII siècle d’après les listes d’évangiles de Wurzbourg,’ in RB 28 (1911), 296–330. ———, Vie de Césaire d’Arles, (SC 536), Paris, 2010. Mossay, J., Les Fetes de Noël et d’Épiphanie d’après les Sources littéraires Cappadociennes du IVe Siècle, Textes et Études Liturgiques sous la Direction de D. B. Botte 3, Louvain, 1965. Neale, J. and T.Helmore, The Hymnal Noted, London-New York, 1852. Nogues, F. ‘Avent et avènement d’après les anciens sacramentaries,’ in Les Questions Liturgiques et Paroissiales 22 (1937), 233–344. Norberg, D., ‘L’hymne ambrosien,’ Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Uppsala Ǻrsbok, Uppsala, 1953, 5–20. O’Carroll, M., Theotokos: A Theological Encyclopedia of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Eugene OR, 1982. O’Shea, W., The Worship of the Church. A Companion to Liturgical Studies, London, 1960. Parsch, P., Das Jahr des Heiles, Klosterneuburg, 1923. ———, Year of Grace, tr. W. G. Heidt, OSB, Bombay, 1960. Patri, G. D., ‘Poetry in the Latin Liturgy,’ in The Genius of the Roman Rite, U. M. Lang ed., Chicago, 2009, 45–82. Pelikan, J., Mary through the Centuries: Her Place in the History of Culture, London, 1996. Pellegrino, M., Vita e Martirio di San Cipriano, Introduzione, testo critico, versione e note, Alba, 1955. Pezzana, N., ed., Sacrorum Bibliorum Vulgatae Editionis Concordantiae, Venice, 1754. Pimont, S. G, Les Hymnes du Bréviaire Romain, Paris, 1874. Pizzardo, G. et al., eds, Enciclopedia Cattolica, 15 vols, Florence, 1948–54. Probst, F., Lehre und Gebet in den drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten, Tübingen, 1871. Puerari, M. M., ‘La Fisionomia delle Feste e dei Tempi Liturgici Maggiori nella Chiesa Torinese durante l’Episcopato di San Massimo (IV–V Secolo),’ in EL 106 (1992), 381–406. Quigley, E. J., The Divine Office. A Study of the Roman Breviary, Dublin, 1920. Rahner, K., Encounters with Silence, tr. J. M. Demske, Westminster MA, 1966. Regan, P., Advent to Pentecost. Comparing the seasons in the Ordinary and Extraordinary Forms of the Roman Rite, Collegeville MN, 2012. Renoux, A., ‘Le Codex arménien Jérusalem 121, I. Introduction: Aux origines de la liturgie hiéroslymitaine: Lumières nouvelles,’ in PO 35 (1969) and 36.2 (1971).

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Indexes

Scriptural Index Genesis 1:3124 1:584 3:1582 18:1-320 Exodus 19:1620 23:22130 Numbers 24:17146 Deuteronomy 30:19126 Psalms 395 1820 19:5127 2420 27:1 84, 125 27:11130 3530 36:10,84 43:3124 44:6, 8 130 58:5-782 7220 90:1783 136:7-9129 148-15095 Ecclesiastes 8:1137 11:17141 Isaiah 1:1-829 9:2 124, 141 9:5-620

24:4-5120 35187 40:3143 40:3131 42:6124 45:23-24129 49:6b124 53:4 125, 146 53:7147 60:2-3120 60:19125 Jeremiah 17:10138 23:5-6 20, 58 Ezekiel 34:23-2420 37:2521 Daniel 7:13-1421 Habacuk 3:4 83, 145 Zechariah 9:9-1021 Malachi 3:1-228 3:20 84, 145, 146 Tobit 11:5-1520 Judith 8:14147 Wisdom of Solomon 2:2482 7:26145 Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 15:17126

23 2

in d e xe s

23:3136 Matthew 1:18-2541 2:1-1241 2:13-2341 3:2, 5 5, 145 9:2-7126 10:26138 11:2-10 61, 62 13:35-36145 13:4331 14:14125 17:285 20:29-21:253 21:1-960 21:353 21:31-4556 22:30 135. 138 24:21147 24:27147 24:2923 24:3123 24:25-35139 24:37-44189 25:1-1356 25:3132 25:34 138, 161 25:4632 25:31-46 122, 136, 185 26:30 68, 98 26:75147 28:1144 28:30123 13:4331 Mark 1:3143 1:41125 11:253 13:33-37189 14:2668 16:2144 Luke 1:5-2550 1:26-38, 41, 45, 50, 51, 63

1:3544 1:39-56 41, 63 1:46-5569 1:68-7969 2:1-741 2:8-2041 2:2141 2:23,83 2:29-3269 2:32124 3:151 3:1-663 3:4 143, 181 7:1480 7:36-50126 7:47147 10:25-28126 12: 2 138 21:25-28147 21:25-33 60, 62, 124, 139, 189 24:1144 24:32, 35 137 24:4476 John 1:1-3 119, 136 1:5,124 1:19-28 61, 62 1:29146 4:5ff51 5:22, 27 136 6:5-1462 6:39120 8:12124 9:5141 12:32129 14:883 16:28 136, 170 17:11-12148 18:2780 20:1144 Acts of the Apostles 2:1-385 10:42 122, 136 17:31131

i nd e xe s

Romans 1:4131 2:6138 3:23-24147 6:480 6:20-23126 8:2, 6 126 8:17120 13:11-14 58, 125 13:11-12 69, 138, 145 14:11129 15:9-1353 15:4-1358 1 Corinthians 1:3-9189 1:24136 4:1-559 4:5138 5:7146 8:6,119 13:11, 12 148 2 Corinthians 1:3148 6:2137 7:6-722 Galatians 4:1-745 Ephesians 5:998 5:1469 5:1968 Philippians 1:3-6, 8-11 189 1:2622 2:6-1169 2:10128 4:4192 4:4-759 Colossians 3:1668 1:15-17 120, 136

1 Thessalonians 2:1922 3:12-4:2,189 5:1646 2 Thessalonians 2:822 1 Timothy 3:1669 6:1424 2 Timothy 1:1022 4:1122 4:1, 8 24 4:831 6:15, 2 4 Titus 2:1324 Hebrews 1:3 83, 145 4:15131 7:27146 9:26127 11:10124 James 5:7, 8 23 5:9, 1 189 1 Peter 1:19146 2 Peter 3:923 3:8-14189 3:1023 1 John 2:2822 Revelation 2:23138 4:869 5:5146 20:11-12136 22:16146

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Index of Names Abraham and Sarah  20 Aelthelwold of Winchester  110 Ainger, A.C.  184 Alan of Farfa  62, 63, 64 Alfano of Salerno  174 Alcuin 109 Amalarius 101 Alstott, O.  184 Ambrose of Milan  13, 14, 30, 38, 52, 64, 67, 73-87, 89, 90, 96, 98, 102, 106, 108, 113, 114, 123, 127, 128, 129, 145, 156, 161, 182, 200, 205, 211 Ammianus Marcellius  39 Andrieu, M.  94 Anna 44 Antipater of Bostra  42 Antoninus Honoratus  64 Antoninus Pius, emperor  25 Archambault, G.  26 Arevalus, F.  155 Arndt, W.F.  18, 29 Artemon 70 Athanasius  44, 119 Augustine of Canterbury  99, 100, 105, 107, 113 Augustine of Hippo  31, 32, 33, 39, 64, 68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 86, 93, 123, 124, 127, 134, 142, 205 Aurelian of Arles  91, 92, 95, 96, 97, 102, 103, 206 Balzer, R.  52, 54 Banchich, T.N.  39 Bannister, H.  112 Bardesanes 71 Baring-Gould, S.  183, 185, 186 Barker, J.  181 Basdevant, B  52 Basil of Caesarea  71 Batiffol, P.  74, 93, 154, 157 Baudot, J.  156 Bäumer, S.  14, 72, 74, 77, 91, 101, 153, 154,156, 157, 162

Baumstark, A.  42, 55 Beauduin, L.  160, 161 Bebel, H.  116 Beck, H.G.  89 Becker, P.A., Becker  103, 104, 108 Bede, the Venerable  99, 102, 107 Bell, J.L.  184 Bembo, P.  153 Benedict of Aniane  103, 110, 113, 191 Benedict of Norcia  14, 15, 87, 91, 94, 95-97, 103, 106, 113, 206, 211 Benedict Biscop  100 Benz, S.  191 Bernard of Clairvaux  31, 151, 213 Bessarion, B.  153 Bihlmeyer, K  24 Bishop, E.  109 Blaise, A.  135, 171 Blume, C.  14, 78, 91, 96, 97, 102, 103, 104, 108, 112, 206 Bolduc, E.  181 Bonato, A.  78 Boniface, saint  99, 101 Boniface VIII, pope  152 Boniwell, B.  186 Borromeo, F.  96 Botte, B.  35, 36 Bradshaw, P.F.  48, 89 Braga, C.  164 Britt, M.  157 Brownlie, J.  182, 183, 185 Bugnini, A.  164, 164, 168, 172, 172 Byrnes, A.  136, 139 Cabrol, F.  51 Caesarius of Arles  14, 64, 87, 88-91, 92, 95, 96, 97, 102, 103, 113, 206, 211 Cajetan, L.  157 Callanan, I.  181 Callistus, pope  46 Campbell, S.  163, 167, 169, 170, 201, 204 Carafa, J.P.  154, 155 Cassander, G.  116

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Cassiodorus 74 Caswall, E.  175, 184, 185, 186, 187 Celestine, pope  87, 93 Charlemagne  101, 191 Charles, R.H.  21 Chavasse, A.  13, 49, 53, 54, 62 Chepponis, J.  181 Chevalier, U.  153, 157, 162 Chrodegang of Metz  100 Cicero 82 Clement I, pope  140 Clement VII, pope  154, 155, 207 Clement VIII, pope  156 Clement of Alexandria  35, 133 Clerigh, A.U.  96 Cocquelines, C.  157 Coffin, C.  182, 183, 184, 185, 186 Colgrave, B.  99, 107 Columban, saint  99 Conington, J.  82 Connaughton, L.  184, 185 Connell, M.  13, 38, 40, 51 Connolly, J.  160, 162 Constantine, emperor  19 Constas, N.  44, 45, 46 Cortèse, P.  153 Crossan, J.D.  47 Cunningham, M.  44 Cyprian of Carthage  84 Cyril of Alexandria  44, 120, 121 Cyril of Jerusalem  27, 28, 29, 205 Damasus I, pope  39, 48, 94 Daniel, H.  115, 116, 132, 135 de Blaauw, S.  93 De Rossi, G.B.  94 de Villiers, H.  43 de Vogüé, A.  64, 92, 94, 95, 96 Delage, M.-J.  88 Deshusses, J.  65, 191 Dewick, S.  151 di Pippo, G.  159 Dionysius, pope  70, 119 Dold, A.  53 Dreves, G.M.  75, 102, 112, 132 Duchesne, L.  87, 93, 94

Duck, R.  182, 183 Dufford, R.  181, 183 Dufner, D.  181 Dufraigne, P.  13, 18, 19, 20, 21 Dumas, A.  148 Dunstan of Canterbury  110, 113 Durocher, P.-A.  183 Edgar, king of England  110 Egeria  36, 201 Eizenhöfer, L.  191 Elias 26 Eonus of Lérins  88 Ephrem of Syria  36, 71, 72, 76 Epictetus 44 Epiphanius of Salamis  36 Eusebius  27, 70 Evans, E.  29 Farjeon, E.  182 Farrell, B.  184, 186, 187 Fassler, M.E.  44, 45, 46, 52, 54, 62, 63 Faustus of Rhegiensis  87 Ferrar, W.J.  27 Ferrari, G.  92 Ferreri, Z  153, 154 Ficin, M.  153 Filastrius of Brescia  38, 50, 205 Fischer, B.  170 Flannery, A.  168, 188, 198, 199, 200 Flavius of Constantinople  64 Fleischmann, H.  163 Fontaine, G.  53, 62, 124 Fontaine, J.  14, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 84, 127 Forcellinus 18 Francis, pope  176 Frank, H.  35 Franzen, M.  186 Frere, W.H.  103, 151 Fry, T.  95, 100 Funk, F.X.  24 Gabriel, archangel  33, 44 Galluzzi, T.  157 Gamber, K.  125, 169 Gasquet, F.  109 Gasso, P.M.  94

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Gaudement, G.  52 Gay, W.  182 Gelasius, pope  87 Gerard of Brogne  110 Gingrich, W.G.  18, 29 Gneuss, H.  14, 103-112, 113, 114, 206 Goodspeed, E.J.  25 Grégoire, R.  54, 63, 64 Gratus, the deacon  87 Gregory I, pope  47, 54, 61, 62, 63, 99, 103, 105, 107, 113, 161 Gregory II, pope  54 Gregory IX, pope  152 Gregory of Agrigentum  141 Gregory of Nazianzen  37, 48, 134 Gregory of Nyssa  37 Gregory of Tours  52 Gregory Thaumaturgus  43 Haas, D.  181, 182, 183 Hadrian I, pope  101, 191 Hagan, H.  187 Hardwick, C.  105 Harnack,A. 29 Haugen, M.  182, 183, 185, 186 Haymon of Faversham  152, 206 Hazelden Walker, J.  93, 151, 152 Heidt, W.G.  163 Heikel, I.A.  27 Heraclius 54 Hesychius of Jerusalem  44, 45 Hilary of Poitiers  72, 76, 98, 102, 135, 205, 211 Hild, J.  62, 183 Himerius 48 Hippolytus 43 Holl, K  35 Horace  76, 77, 82, 156 Husch, C.  38 Ignatius of Antioch  24, 25, 29,33 Idle, C.  181, 184, 186 Innocent III, pope  14, 151, 206 Irenaeus  70, 123, 142 Isidore of Seville  72 Jabusch, W.  185, 186 Jeremiah 34

Jerome  39, 48, 72, 76, 93, 128 John XXIII, pope  165 John of Arze  155 John the Baptist  22, 26, 33, 36, 42, 50, 51, 55, 63, 65, 137, 143, 145, 146, 149, 161, 188, 190, 204 John Cassian  33, 34, 35, 89, 93 John Chrysostom  36, 37, 44, 42 John Zonaras  39 Johnson, M.E.  13, 29, 35, 48 Joncas, M.  182, 184 Jones, P.  187 Joseph, spouse of Mary  36, 41 Jounel, P.  19 Jugie, M.  42, 44 Julian the Apostate  39 Jullien, M.-H  108, 109 Jungmann, J.A.  46, 52 Jurgens, W.  173, 194 Justin Martyr  25, 26, 27, 30, 48, 133, 134, 204 Justina, empress  73 Klauser, T.  54, 59, 60, 62, 63, 147, 205 Lages, M.F.  49 Lane, E.N.  39 Lapidge, M.  110 Lazarus 41 Lazzatti, G.  73 Legg, J.W.  155 Lengeling, E.  170 Lentini, A.  169, 174, 178 Leo 1, pope  37, 38, 46, 47, 49, 62, 64, 93, 150 Leo X, pope  153 Leroquais, V.  151 Liddell, H.D.  22 Lietzman, H.  35, 147 Louis the Pious  110 Luther, Martin  86 Mary, mother of God  33, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 51, 64, 119, 120, 128, 149, 160, 190, 193, 205 McGrail, P.  184 McKenzie, J.  20 McVey, K.  72

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Mabillon, J.  91, 101 Maertens, T  42 Mangan, M.  186 Manitius, M.  77, 103 Mans, M.J.m 145 Marcion 124 Marcora, C.  93 Martimort, A.G.  169, 170 Martin of Tours  52 Mateos, J.  45, 94, 200, 201 Maule, G.  184 Maximus of Turin  38, 39, 50, 51, 64, 149, 205 Mayhew, K.  196 Mearns, J.  14, 109, 132 Melitus 70 Messenger, R.E.  68, 69, 72 Methodius 43 Milful, I.B.  108 Mistrorigo, A.  163 Mohlberg, L.  54, 126, 147, 148, 191 Mohrmann, C.  13, 19, 22, 24, 27, 162 Mommsen, T.  37 Mone, F.J.  102, 116, 117, 171 Montgomery, J.  185 Morin, G.  51, 54, 58, 61, 88 Moses 76 Mossay, J.  37 Murphy, J.  183 Mynors, R.A.B.  99, 107, 108 Neale, J.M.  102, 182, 184, 185, 187 Nestorius  33, 44, 120, 121 Nicholas II, pope  151 Nicholas III, pope  152 Nicolai, P.  184, 187 Nogues, F.  55 Norberg, D.  77 O’Brien, F.P.  182 O’Carrol, M  42 O’Driscoll, H.  184 O’Shea, W.  69 Odo of Cluny  110 Olearius, J.  182, 185, 186 Optatus of Milevis  39 Origen  25, 43, 47, 48, 129, 137

Oswald of Worcester/York  110, 113 Paredi, A.  191 Parsch, P.  195 Pascher, J.  165 Patri, G.D.  157, 159 Paul I, pope  100, 101 Paul II, pope  155, 207 Paul IV, pope  155 Paul V, pope  156 Paul VI, pope  15, 163, 168, 200, 202, 207 Paul, apostle  22, 46, 68, 125, 145, 189 Paul of Samosata  70 Paulinus of Aquileia  156 Paulinus of Nola  76 Paulinus the Deacon  73, 74, 100 Peacey, J.R.  183 Pelikan, J.  43 Pellegrin, S.-J.  181, 183, 185, 186 Pellegrino, M.  84 Pepin the Short  100, 101 Perpetuus of Tours  52, 53 Perry., M.  185 Pertz, G.H.  101 Peter Abelard  151 Peter Chrysologyus  39, 42, 50, 51, 149, 205 Petrucci, H.  157 Pezzana, N.  20 Pimont, S.G.  72 Probst, F.  69, 76 Pishner, S.  181 Pius X, pope  163 Pomponace, P.  153, 164, 166 Pius XII, pope  164, 165 Pizzardo, G.  174 Powell, K.  181 Pratt Green, F.  185 Proclus of Constantinople  44, 45 Prudentius  102, 144, 145, 156, 161 Ps-Maximus 64 Puerari, M.  13, 38, 39, 50 Quigley, E.J.  162 Quiñones, F.  154, 155, 156, 207 Radulph of Rivo  152 Rahner, K.  213

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Ramsay, B.  38 Regan, P.  18, 22, 34 Remedius of Rouen  100 Renoux, A.  36, 41, 45 Rhabanus Maurus  156 Righetti, M.  103 Roberts, C.H.  43 Roguet, A.-M.  173 Roll, S.  35 Ruston, R.  185 Salmon, P.  92, 150, 151, 164 Sarbiewski, M.  157 Sarr, O.-M.  202, 203 Schlier, H.  69 Scott, R.  22 Sedulius 156 Serapion of Thmuis  29 Severus of Antioch  42 Shipley, O.  175 Sidonius Apollinaris  156 Siffrin, P.  191. Simeon  43, 124 Simonetti, M.  73 Siricius  48, 49 Smith, D.  183 Sodi, M.  156, 165 Socrates of Constantinople  43 Sottocornola, F.  13, 39, 42, 50, 51 Stallaert, T.  163 Stephen, martyr  41 Stephen II, pope  101 Stevenson, A.  68 Stevenson, J.  102 Strada, F.  157 Strzygowski, J.  19 Symons, T.  110 Szöverffy, J.  13, 76, 78, 86, 90 Taft, R  71, 92, 93, 94, 202 Talley, T.  35, 41, 46

Tanner, N.  155 Taunton, E.  99 Tertullian  29, 30, 47, 83, 124, 135, 205 Thomas Aquinas  156, 160 Thomas of Elmham  105, 106 Titus 22 Toniolo, A.  165 Traube, L.  98, 99 Triacca, A.M.  156 Trypho 26 Twomey, J.  22 Udultsch, I.  184, 185 Urban VIII, pope  14, 115, 156, 157, 161, 163, 165, 166, 168, 170, 171, 175, 207, 212 Usener, H.  35 Valentinian II  75 van Dijk, S.J.P.  94, 151, 152 Vassall-Phillips, O.R.  39 Venatius Fortunatus  156 Vergilius of Arles  107 Virgil  76, 82 Vogel, C.  41, 54, 59, 60, 101, 191 Waddell, C.  185 Wagner, P.  103 Walpole, A.  14, 73, 96, 103, 129, 134 Walsh, P.G.  38, 128 Warren, F.E.  69 Weisel, G.  185 Wesley, C.  181, 183, 185, 186 White, E.  184 Whittaker, M.  24 Wilafrid Strabo  101 Wilfrid of York  100 Williams, F.  36 Willibrord, saint  99 Wilmart, A.  39, 103, 104, 108, 147, 206 Winkler, G.  172 Winkworth, C.  184, 185, 186 Zachary  42, 50, 64, 69

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General Index Aachen Capitulary  109 abortion 196 Ad virgines  90, 91 Advent Collects  15, 191-4, 208 Advent formularies  54, 64, 126, 138, 148, 167 Advent prefaces  15, 167, 189-90, 208 Advent orations  54, 55-57, 138, 147 Advent readings  15, 16, 58-59, 167, 188, 189, 192, 194, 195, 208 Advent (season)  13, 14, 15, 16, 67, 114, 131, 137, 145, 166, 167, 169, 174, 181, 183, 188, 190, 205, 209, 211, 213 Adventus of Christ  16, 131, 147, 194, 204, 209, 211, 212 as used in late antiquity  18 in the Old Testament  19-21, 65, 204, 213 in the New Testament  21, 51, 62, 65, 204, 213 in the writings of the Church Fathers  211, 204, 213 Alexandria  43, 44, 48 ‘Ambrosian hymnary’  97, 103, 206 Ambrosian Rite  53, 201 annunciation to Mary/feast of Annunciation  41, 42, 43, 45, 52, 63, 192 antiphonal singing  76, 78, 92, 93 Antiphonary  150, 152 Apostle’s Creed  122 Apostolic Constitutions 48 Aquileia 51 Armenian lectionary  36, 41, 45 Ascension  41, 122 Australian Catholic Bishops Conference  186, 198 Bangor Antiphonary  96, 97, 102 baptism  27, 29, 40, 48, 49, 51, 65, 84, 93, 133-4, 141, 143 baptismal preparation  27, 47, 48, 49, 205

baptism of Jesus  35, 36, 37, 38, 39 basilica churches  92, 94, 100 ‘Benedictine Hymnary’  96, 97, 103, 104, 206 Bethlehem  36, 181 birth of Christ  25, 28, 30, 33, 34, 35, 42, 49, 58, 62, 64, 65, 149. 150, 167, 183, 194, 195, 205, 212 Bosworth Psalter  109 Breviary of Quiñones  154-5, 207 Bréviare du chrétien 203 Calendar of Filocalus 18 Cana  38, 39 Canadian Conference of Bishops  183, 196 Canterbury hymnal 109 Canterbury Psalter  105, 107 Capitulary of Würzburg  54, 55-63, 205 catechumens  28, 48, 49, 51 ‘cathedral office’  201, 202-4, 209, 213 Catholic Book of Worship III  181, 183-4, 185, 186, 196, 208 Catholic Worship Book II  181, 186-7, 198, 208 Christ as Anointed One  19, 20, 136, 185 Creator  116, 117, 118, 119, 130, 131, 148, 183, 185 Judge  22, 24, 26, 56, 116, 117, 118, 122, 123, 130, 131, 132, 134, 136, 139, 147, 148, 149, 177, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 195, 196, 197, 204, 206, 211 Lamb (of God)  140, 142, 143, 146-7, 148, 149, 175, 179, 185, 190, 193 Light  71, 83-4, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 124, 129, 141, 143, 145, 148, 149, 175, 211 Mediator 83 Messiah  19, 20, 21, 62, 63, 64, 146, 170, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188, 190, 194, 204, 205

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Redeemer  22, 86, 87, 116, 117, 118, 120, 125, 126, 131, 142, 148, 177, 211 Saviour  13, 20, 86, 119, 124, 126, 139, 161, 182, 184, 186, 187 Son of God  24, 36, 45, 65, 71, 128, 137, 166, 211, 213 Son of the Virgin  45, 81, 87 Sun/Day  83, 84, 145, 149, 175 Wisdom of God  136-137 Word of God  13, 34, 70, 79, 80, 81, 119, 122, 123, 132, 135, 136, 143 Christian poetry  72, 75, 76, 162, 168 Christmas  15, 41, 86, 93, 127, 169, 174, 176, 188, 189, 195, 204 date of feast  36, 37, 39, 40, 65 celebration of feast  38, 41 homilies 42 christological controversies  44, 45, 120, 149, 205 cockcrow  143-5, 148, 161 codex Forojuliensis 51 codex Rehdigeranus 51 codex Weissenburgensis 76 52 Coetus VII  15, 169, 170, 207 Coetus IX  15, 169, 170, 200-201, 202, 207, 208 Collectar 151 Comes of Würzburg 146 coming in glory  13, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 55, 56, 64, 65, 67, 136, 145, 149, 185, 186, 187, 194, 204, 211, 213 Comme le prevoit  176 Commissione Piana 165 Conditor alme siderum  13, 67, 112, 115119, 122, 124, 127, 133, 139-148, 149, 152, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 167, 170, 174, 177, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 192, 193, 208 congregational singing  78 Congresso Internazionale di Liturgia (tenth) 202 Consilium ad Exsequendam Constitutionem de Sacra Liturgia/ Consilium  169, 170, 171, 174, 176, 200, 201, 203, 207 Constantinople  37, 44, 45, 46, 93

Constitutio de Sacra Liturgia/ Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy  167, 168, 176, 198, 199, 200, 201, 207, 208, 211 continuous reading  41 Corbie  97, 104, 109, 113 Council of Agde  89, 90 Council of Antioch  70, 135 Council of Braga  72, 98 Council of Chalcedon  51, 121 Council of Cloveshoe  100 Council of Constantinople  122 Council of Ephesus  44, 51, 121 Council of Laodicea  72 Council of Macon  52, 53 Council of Saragossa  40, 49 Council of Sirmium  135 Council of Trent  153, 155, 156, 166, 207 darkness/night  39, 58, 59, 85, 120, 124, 125, 129, 138, 140, 144, 145, 146, 149, 161, 192, 194 De arte metrica 107 Decani 196 Didache  47, 48 Divinam psalmodiam  157 Divine Office  13, 14, 15, 63, 65, 67, 69, 72, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 113, 94, 150, 151, 153, 163, 164, 166, 169, 172, 175, 184, 199, 200, 201, 206 doctrine/dogma  33, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 113, 119, 122, 123, 135, 136, 143, 166, 194, 211, 212 doxology  80, 117, 133, 140, 155, 171, 174-5 Easter  41, 47, 48, 49, 63, 86, 90, 93, 106, 169 Egypt  35, 43, 44, 146 Ember days  17, 40, 46-7, 49, 54, 59, 62, 65, 149, 205 En clara vox redarguit  159, 175 England  14, 54, 99, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 150, 175, 184 Epiphany, feast  17, 24, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 48, 52, 86, 93, 205 celebration of feast  35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 45, 47, 48, 65

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date of feast  35, 36, 37, 40, 48 hymn(s)  36, 38 epiphany/epiphania  18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 27, 34. 36, 38, 39 Episcopal conferences  170, 173, 176, 179, 180,197, 198, 208 eschatology  34, 47, 51, 56, 63, 65, 69, 145, 148, 167, 182, 184, 187, 188, 190, 195, 196, 197, 204, 205, 208, 212 evening prayer  70, 71, 86, 89, 201, 204, 207 Evening Prayer of Sant’Egidio  203 Eucharist  29, 41, 57, 93, 130, 194, 205, 213 euthanasia 196 fasting  40, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 62, 63, 93, 149, 150, 205 Ferreri hymnal  153-4, 207 final/last judgement  21, 30-31, 34, 47, 55, 59, 65, 119, 122, 134, 138, 139, 143, 148, 150, 166, 186, 187, 188, 189, 194, 206 Fleury  110, 111, 113, 150 Fourth Council of Toledo  72, 98 Fourth Lateran Council  151, 206 Franciscan Breviary  152 Friars Minor  14, 152, 166, 207 Gather III  181-3, 184, 185, 208 Gaul  17, 40, 49, 52-3, 64, 65, 81, 87, 89, 91, 96, 98. 99, 107, 150, 153, 205 General Instruction of the Liturgy of the Hours (GILH)  172-4, 180, 194, 207 General Instruction of the Roman Missal (GIRM) 197 Ghent  110, 111, 150 gospel canticles  69 gospel lists  51 Gregorian Institute of America (GIA) 196 heresy/heretics  40, 43, 70, 71, 73, 75, 78, 80, 85, 87, 113, 135, 136, 139, 142, 149 History of the Franks 52 Homilary of Alan of Farfa  54, 63-4 homilies/sermons  13, 17, 36, 42, 49, 63, 65, 150, 155 Ambrose 64

Antipater of Bostra  42 Augustine  39, 64 Cyril of Alexandria  44 Gregory I  61-2, 63 Gregory of Nazianzen  37, 48 Gregory Thaumaturgus  43 Hesychius of Jerusalem  44, 45 John Chrysostom  36, 37, 44 Leo 1  37, 38, 46, 47, 62. 93, 150 Optatus of Milevis  39 Origen 48 Maximus of Turin  38-39, 50, 51, 205 Peter Chrysologus  39, 42, 50, 51, 205 prior to feast of Nativity  42 Proclus of Constantinople  44-45 hope  13, 23, 28, 29, 31, 58, 59, 122, 141, 145, 148, 166, 182, 186, 190, 204, 212, 214 hymn(s)  13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 65, 67-76, 89, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 103, 108, 109, 112, 115, 132, 150-7, 159, 162, 164-5, 168, 169-171, 172-3, 174-5, 177-180, 180-7, 194-5, 197, 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 211, 212, 213 in New Testament  69, 98, 113 in the East  71, 72 of Ambrose  14, 38, 74, 75, 77-86, 87. 90, 91, 97, 102, 106, 107, 115, 117, 123, 127, 145, 206, 211 of Ephrem  36 hymnaries  14, 67, 102-3, 104, 111, 112, 132, 139, 151, 152 Hymni ecclesiastici 116 Hymni Latini Medii Aevi 116 iambic dimeter  77, 78, 80, 113, 118, 133, 140 ICEL  176, 178, 179, 180, 208 Incarnation  15, 34, 51, 52, 55, 63, 64, 65, 118, 121, 123, 128, 130, 136, 148, 150, 161, 167, 181, 182, 184, 187, 188, 197, 205, 206 Instruction on Liturgical Formation in Seminaries 198 internet  197, 198 ‘Irish’ hymnary  103 Jerusalem  32, 36, 41, 45, 46, 49, 53, 60, 61, 63, 65

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Jerusalem Creed  28 Jordan river  36, 38, 48, 61, 134, 142 kingdom (of God)  24, 26, 27, 28, 31, 55, 60, 132, 133, 134, 138, 139, 145, 182, 190, 191 Latin poetry  76, 77, 212 Laudate  181, 184-6, 187, 208 Laudis canticum 200 Lectionary of Alcuin  125, 146 Lent  52, 53, 168 Lérins monastery  88, 90, 91 Liber hymnorum of Heinrich Bebel  116 Liber hymnorum of Hilary of Poitiers 72 Liber pontificalis  87, 93, 94 light  23, 28, 30, 36, 39, 58, 59, 71, 79, 83-5, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 124-5, 129, 131, 138, 141, 142, 145, 148, 149, 161, 174, 178, 179, 193, 194 Liturgia horarum  172, 173, 174, 212 Liturgiam authenticam  176, 208 liturgical year  168, 188 Liturgy of the Hours  13, 14, 15, 29, 167, 172, 173, 176-7, 179, 180, 191, 194, 199200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 208, 212, 213 Magi  36, 38, 39, 41 Mary as Theotokos/Mother of God  33, 40, 43-6, 49, 65, 120, 121, 128, 149, 160, 166, 205 Memoria sulla riforma liturgica 164 Milan  30, 38, 53, 73, 74, 76, 93, 96, 103, 104, 113 morning prayer  70, 86, 89, 143, 139, 179, 201, 204, 207 Mozarabic Rite  53, 104 Murbach  97, 104 musical formation  15, 198, 199, 208, 212, 213 Musica sacra  199, 200 New Hymnary  103, 105, 107, 108-112, 113, 114, 150, 153, 156, 163, 206 Nicene creed  83, 119, 136 Nicene-Constantinopolitan creed  122, 124 North Africa  39, 48

Northern Italy  17, 38, 49, 50-52, 53, 62, 64, 65, 150, 205 ‘O’ Antiphons  145, 146 Office de Taizé  202-3 Office of Readings  13, 29, 173, 178 Ofício Divino das comunidades 203 Old Hymnary  103, 104-8, 113, 206 Old Roman creed  122 Ordinal of the Papal court  152 Oregon Catholic Press (OCP)  196 origin of Christmas, ‘History of religions’ hypothesis  35 Panarion of St Epiphanius of Salamus 36 Parables of Enoch  21 parish musicians  13, 197, 198. 199, 213 parousia  18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 34 paschal mystery  34, 62 Peace of Constantine  70 Penitence/repentance  23, 47, 63, 65, 143, 147, 150 Pentecost  29, 36, 41, 48, 49. 62, 63, 85, 93, 139 Philocalian Calendar/Chronograph 354  19, 37 Phos hilaron 71 Preface  29, 167 preparatory Commission for Second Vatican Council  165 prose-hymns 96 psalm(s)  20, 30, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 78, 82, 83, 84, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 113, 127, 129, 130, 160, 161, 170, 174, 198, 200, 202, 203, 209 psalmi idiotici  69, 72, 113 publishing houses  15, 180, 195, 196-7, 208 Ravenna  39, 42, 50, 51, 149 Regula monachorum of Caesarius of Arles 90 Regula monachorum of Columba  99 Regularis Concordia  110 Reichenau  97, 104, 108, 109 Rheinau  97, 104, 132

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Roman Breviary  115, 150, 151, 152, 156, 157, 165, 166, 167, 206, 207, 212 Rome  15, 17, 25, 37, 38, 39, 40, 46, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 58, 63, 64, 65, 67, 87, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 113, 126, 149, 150, 152, 154, 156, 157, 202, 203, 205, 207, 211 Rooster/cock  79, 80, 144-145, 148, 161 Rotulus of Ravenna  51, 191 Rule of Benedict  63, 67, 91, 94-6, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 109, 206 Rules of Caesarius and Aurelian of Arles  90-1, 92, 95, 96, 97, 102, 104 Rule of the Master  91-2, 94, 96, 113, 206 Sacramentaries  13, 17, 65 Ambrosian/Milanese 191 Angoulême 148 Bergomese 191 Cambrai 138 Gellone  138, 148 Gregorian  65, 101, 191 Hadrianum 191 Old Gelasian/ Gelasian vetus  54, 55, 64, 126, 148, 191, 205 Padua 138 St Gall  138, 148 sanctorale 153 second coming of Christ  22, 25, 26, 28, 30, 33, 34, 47, 55, 56, 57, 59, 65, 130, 139, 166, 179, 183, 187, 188, 190, 197, 204, 205, 212 Second Council of Tours  97 Second Vatican Council  15, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 175, 181, 182, 184, 187, 188. 189, 191, 197, 199, 202, 207, 208, 212, 213 (secular) clergy  15, 88, 91, 94, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 112, 150, 151, 169, 172, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 207, 208, 211, 212, 213

Sermonary of St Peter of the Vatican 54, 63-64, 205 Sin/sinfulness  30, 36, 46, 48, 55, 56, 57, 119, 120, 125-7, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 160, 161, 177, 178, 192, 211 Spain  40, 48, 49, 53, 96, 98, 113 Sub tuum praesidium  43, 44 Synod of Aachen  103, 109 Synod of Rome  87 Synod of Whitby  110 Syria  36, 39, 48 temporale 153 theological formation  15, 195, 197, 208, 212, 213 Thesaurus Hymnologicus  115, 132 Travels of Egeria  36, 201 Turin  38, 50, 51, 149 typicon of Hagia Sophia  45 United States Conference of Catholic Bishops 179-180 Urban VIII revisions  156-161 Verbum supernum prodiens  13, 67, 112, 132-9, 148, 149, 152, 156, 158, 160, 167, 170, 171, 174, 178, 187, 190, 191, 192, 193, 208 vernacular 168-9 Vespasian Psalter  105, 106 vigils  71, 73, 74, 92-4 virginity of Mary  128, 135, 166, 178, 193, 205 Vox clara ecce intonat  13, 67, 112, 139148, 149, 152, 155, 156, 159, 161, 167, 171, 174, 179, 184, 185, 187, 190, 192, 193, 208 Vulgate  51, 76, 79 World Library Publications (WLP) 196

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