Iron Age and Middle Saxon Settlements at West Fen Road, Ely, Cambridgeshire: The Consortium Site 9781407308258, 9781407322100

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BAR 538 2011 MUDD & WEBSTER IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY

B A R

Northamptonshire Archaeology Monograph 2

Iron Age and Middle Saxon Settlements at West Fen Road, Ely, Cambridgeshire: The Consortium Site Andrew Mudd Michael Webster

BAR British Series 538 2011

Northamptonshire Archaeology Monograph 2

Iron Age and Middle Saxon Settlements at West Fen Road, Ely, Cambridgeshire: The Consortium Site Andrew Mudd Michael Webster With contributions from Michael J Allen, Philip L Armitage, Paul Blinkhorn, Wendy J Carruthers, Sharon Clough, Mark Curteis, Val Fryer, Lorrain Higbee, Tora Hylton, Ivan Mack, Gerry McDonnell, Gwladys Monteil, Sarah Percival, Phil Piper and Alex Thompson Illustrations by Jacqueline Harding

BAR British Series 538 2011

ISBN 9781407308258 paperback ISBN 9781407322100 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407308258 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Contents Page v

List of Figures List of Plates

viii

List of Tables

ix

Contributors

1

Acknowledgements

1

Summary

1

Chapter 1: Introduction

1

Background

1

Methodology

4

Structure of the report and archive

6

Chapter 2: Earlier prehistoric activity and Iron Age settlement

7



Earlier prehistoric activity

7

Iron Age settlement

7 28

Chapter 3: Roman activity

28

Description

31

Chapter 4: Middle Saxon settlement

Description

31

Land use after c AD 850

56 61

Chapter 5: Finds and dating Worked flint by Alex Thompson

61

Earlier prehistoric and Iron Age pottery by Sarah Percival

61

Other Iron Age finds by Tora Hylton

65

Roman pottery by Gwladys Monteil

65

Other Roman finds by Tora Hylton

67

Saxon, medieval and later pottery by Paul Blinkhorn

67

Other Middle Saxon finds by Tora Hylton

74

Medieval and later finds by Tora Hylton

77

Iron slag by Ivan Mack and Gerry McDonnell

78

Radiocarbon dating by Andrew Mudd

80 82

Chapter 6: Human and faunal remains Human bones by Lorrain Higbee and Sharon Clough

82

Animal bones by Lorrain Higbee

83

Fish bones by Philip L Armitage

99

The environmental evidence of the micro-fauna by Phil Piper

102

Environmental evidence from land and freshwater snails by Michael J Allen

106

iii

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Chapter 7: The charred, mineralised and waterlogged plant remains by Wendy J Carruthers

110



Methods

110



Results

110



Discussion

110



Additional sample from Bronze Age pit 6/8 by Val Fryer

116



Additional sample from Roman cremation pit 18/22 by Val Fryer

116

Chapter 8: Discussion

117



Neolithic and Bronze Age activity

117



Iron Age settlement

117



Roman settlement

124



Middle Saxon settlement

124 133

Bibliography

iv

Figures

Page

Site location

2

1.2

General overall site plan showing locations of all trenches.

3

1.3

Geophysical survey plot north of CAU pipeline trench (Gibson 1995)

4

1.4

Site plan of southern area showing main excavation areas and all features. (HN trenches courtesy of Heritage Network 2004)

5

2.1

Neolithic pit and Iron Age features; Consortium site north of West Fen Road and Ashwell site (Mortimer et al 2005) south of West Fen Road

8

2.2

Neolithic pit 782, Section 416

9

2.3

Main Iron Age features, Trench 29

10

2.4

Iron Age Phase 1, Trench 29

11

2.5

Iron Age ditch 262 and associated features

12

2.6

Iron Age ditch 262, Sections 800, 841

12

2.7

Iron Age ditch 1623

13

2.8

Iron Age ditch 1623, Section 844

13

2.9

Iron Age Phase 2, Trench 29

14

2.10

Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391, Sections 782, 756, 808

15

2.11

Iron Age Outer Enclosure, ditch 1005, Sections 666, 622, 763

18

2.12

Iron Age Outer Enclosure, ditch 1005, Sections 64, 63, 249

19

2.13

Iron Age Enclosure, ditch 358, Sections 307, 292

20

2.14

Iron Age Phase 3, Trench 29

22

2.15

Iron Age unphased

23

2.16

Iron Age gully 250 and nearby features

24

2.17

Iron Age horse burial 375

25

2.18

Iron Age features, all phases, Trench 28

26

3.1

Roman features

29

4.1

Middle Saxon features

32

4.2

Middle Saxon Phase 1

33

4.3

Middle Saxon plots, 1 and 3

35

4.4

Middle Saxon pits 17 and 1327, Sections 408 and 711

36

4.5

Middle Saxon Structures 8 and 9

37

4.6

Trench 28, Middle Saxon Phase 1

38

4.7

Middle Saxon Phase 2

40

4.8

Layer 999, Section 549

41

4.9

Pit 786 (with Neolithic pit 782)

41

4.10

Pit 786, Sections 420, 421

42

4.11

Well 173, Section 520

43

4.12

Pit 1021, Section 563

44

4.13

Pit 210, Section 732

45

4.14

Pit 652, Section 330

48 

1.1

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Page 4.15

Trench 28, Middle Saxon Phase 2

48

4.16

Locations of possible Middle Saxon structures

50

4.17

Middle Saxon Structure 1

51

4.18

Middle Saxon Structure 2

52

4.19

Middle Saxon Structure 3

53

4.20

Middle Saxon Structure 4

54

4.21

Middle Saxon Structure 5

55

4.22

Middle Saxon Structure 6

56

4.23

Middle Saxon Structure 7

56

4.24

Middle Saxon Structure 10

57

4.25

Middle Saxon Structure 11

57

4.26

Middle Saxon Structure 12

58

4.27

Medieval features

59

5.1

Ipswich Ware jar rim diameter occurrence, expressed in EVE, 20 mm intervals

70

5.2

Ipswich Ware, 1-14

72

5.3

Ipswich Ware, 15-19

73

5.4

Middle Saxon finds, 1-11 and 13

75

5.5

Middle Saxon finds, 12, 14 and 15

78

5.6

Radiocarbon dates: context 714 (gully 263) and context 1392 (ditch 1391)

80

6.1

Relative frequency of common domestic species by number of identified specimens per species (NISP)

86

6.2

Relative frequency of common domestic species by minimum number of individuals (MNI)

86

6.3

Cattle: percentage of fused and fusing diaphysis (epiphysis excluded)

90

6.4

Cattle: number of mandibles by age category (following O’Connor 1989)

90

6.5

Sheep/goat: percentage of fused and fusing diaphysis (epiphysis excluded)

92

6.6

Sheep/goat kill-off pattern suggested by mandibles from the Iron Age assemblage (n=12)

92

6.7

Sheep/goat kill-off pattern for Middle Saxon assemblage (n=56)

94

6.8

Pig: percentage of fused and fusing diaphysis (epiphysis excluded)

94

6.9

Cattle withers height, plotted against data from other sites

96

6.10

Sheep/goat withers height, plotted against data from other sites

96

8.1

Distribution of Iron Age pottery

118

8.2

Iron Age sites in the region

120

8.3

Distribution of ironworking residues

122

8.4

Topography of Ely

125

8.5

Distribution of Middle Saxon pottery

127

8.6

Middle Saxon pits

130

vi

Plates

Page

1

Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391 (cut 1391, Section 756)

16

2

Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391 (cut 1455, Section 782)

16

3

Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391 (cut 1489, Section 808)

17

4

Iron Age Outer Enclosure, ditch 1005 (cut 1005, Section 622)

17

5

Iron Age horse burial in pit 375

25

6

Middle Saxon pit 282 (Trench 28), cut by ditch 27 of enclosure phase 2

39

7

Middle Saxon east-west boundary ditch 127

41

8

Middle Saxon well 173

43

9

Middle Saxon pit 52

45

10

Trench 29, pit 1816 cutting ditch 81, looking west (Spoil stored on previously excavated trenches)

46

Tables 5.1

Total quantity and weight of prehistoric pottery by ceramic period including number and weight of rim and base sherds

61

5.2

Quantification of later Iron Age fabric types

62

5.3

Quantity and weight of pottery by fabric

63

5.4

Rim diameters of later Iron Age vessels

63

5.5

Quantification of Roman pottery fabrics

65

5.6

Quantification of Roman pottery forms

66

5.7

Pottery occurrence by ceramic phase, all Saxon, medieval and later fabrics (context-specific sherds only)

68

5.8

Mean sherd weight, Ipswich ware, all Saxon and medieval ceramic phases

71

5.9

Categories of Middle Saxon finds

74

5.10

Iron slags by weight (g), type and context

79

5.11

Radiocarbon dates (weighted mean of three measurements)

80

6.1

Summary of human skeletal body regions by weight

82

6.2

Summary of results of analysis of cremation deposit 18/22

83

6.3

Colour of cremated bone with pyre temperature achieved

83

6.4

Animal bones: Frequency of taphonomic evidence expressed as a percentage of the total number of fragments by period

83

6.5

Animal bones: Number of identified specimens per species (NISP) by period for hand recovered material only

84

6.6

Cattle: minimum number of individuals (or MNI) by anatomical element

85

6.7

Sheep/Goat: minimum number of individuals (or MNI) by anatomical element.

87

6.8

Pig: minimum number of individuals (or MNI) by anatomical element

87

6.9

Horse: NISP by anatomical element

88

6.10

Cattle: fused and fusing versus unfused diaphysis

89

6.11

Cattle: wear stages of individual teeth (following Grant 1982)

89

6.12

Sheep/Goat: fused and fusing versus unfused diaphysis.

91

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IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Page 6.13

Sheep/Goat: wear stages of individual teeth (following Payne 1973; 1987)

91

6.14

Sheep/Goat: kill-off pattern deduced from teeth (dp4/p4 and m3) both single and in mandibles

93

6.15

Pig: fused and fusing versus unfused diaphysis

93

6.16

Pig: wear stages of individual teeth (following Grant 1982)

95

6.17

Cattle: summary descriptive statistics for the most common measurements

95

6.18

Sheep: summary descriptive statistics for the most common measurements

97

6.19

Pig: summary descriptive statistics for the most common measurements

97

6.20

Horse: withers height for Iron Age

97

6.21

The number of indeterminate larger vertebrate and fish bones recovered from each context, Number of Individual Specimens (NISP)

100

6.22

Identifiable fish bone assemblage by context

101

6.23

Total lengths (TL) in the eels from Middle Saxon contexts

102

6.24

Numbers and types of micro-fauna, Iron Age

103

6.25

Small vertebrate remains, Middle Saxon

104

6.26

Taxa and their relative frequency within sampled Saxon deposits from the Ashwell site

106

6.27

Snail data, Iron Age (samples with five or more shells only)

107

6.28

Snail data, Romano-British and Middle Saxon (samples with five or more shells only)

108

7.1

Identification and quantification of plant remains

111

7.2

Additional assessed samples with few plant remains

114

7.3

Relative importance of different cereals from Middle Saxon deposits

115

viii

Contributors Dr Michael J Allen BSc PhD MIfA FLS FSA AEA: Allen Environmental Archaeology, Redroof, Green Road, Codford, Wilts, BA12 0NW Dr Philip L Armitage MSc PhD Brixham Heritage Museum, Bolton Cross, Brixham, Devon, TQ5 8LZ Paul Blinkhorn BTech 60 Turner Street, Northampton NN1 4JL Wendy J Carruthers BSc MSc Sawmills House, Castellau, Llantrisant, Mid Glamorgan, CF72 8LQ Sharon Clough BA MSc Heritage Burial Services, Oxford Archaeology, Janus House, Osney Mead, Oxford OX2 0ES Dr Mark Curteis PhD 2 Smallbridge Cottages, Smallbridge, Bures, Suffolk CO8 5BJ Val Fryer BA MIfA Church Farm, Sisland, Loddon, Norfolk NR14 6EF Lorrain Higbee BSc MSc 2 Knight’s Cottages, Knight’s Farm, Fitzhead, Somerset, TA4 3JX Tora Hylton Finds Manager, Northamptonshire Archaeology, 2 Bolton House, Wootton Hall Park, Northampton NN4 8BE Dr G McDonnell BTech PhD Formerly Senior Lecturer in Archaeological Sciences, University of Bradford, Bradford BD7 1DP Ivan Mack Formerly Department of Archaeological Sciences, University of Bradford Dr Gwladys Monteil MA MPhil PhD Cambridge Archaeological Unit, Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3DZ Andrew Mudd BA MIfA Formerly Senior Project Officer, Northamptonshire Archaeology Sarah Percival BA MA MIfA Finds Specialist, NPS Property Consultants, NAU Archaeology, Scandic House, 85 Mountergate, Norwich NR1 1PY Dr Phil Piper BA PhD McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3ER Alex Thompson (née Thorne) BSc Formerly Project Officer, Northamptonshire Archaeology

ix

Acknowledgements The archaeological excavations, analyses and publication were funded by Bloor Homes, Westbury Homes, Barratt Homes and McLean Homes. For the purposes of the archaeological works, these groups formed a consortium, headed by Bloor Homes, whose Land Manager, Mr Trevor Minett, deserves particular gratitude. The work was monitored on behalf of Cambridgeshire County Council by Mr Simon Kaner, then Senior Archaeologist, Development Control, who helped enable the successful integration of the archaeology with the building programme. The archaeological site work was undertaken under the management of Michael (Tam) Webster, then Senior Supervisor with Northamptonshire Archaeology. He was assisted by Elizabeth Jones for most of the duration and at other times by Supervisors Erlend Hindmarch and Gary Edmondson. Chris Jones, Senior Supervisor, undertook the surveying. The excavations were undertaken by a team whose dedication, often in adverse weather and ground conditions, deserves praise. They included, at various times, Simon Carlyle, Chris Clay, Tim Hallam, Sarah Haston, Steve Hayward, Tom Jamieson, Anne Komar, Sinclair Manson, Jason Marchant, Lisa Marlow, Ian McGregor, Chris O’Connor, Michael Parker, Rob Smith, Robert Tannahill, Steve Thorpe and Steve Williams. The

project was managed for Northamptonshire Archaeology by Ian Meadows and Andrew Mudd. Helen Keeley advised on the palaeo-environmental aspects of the site. Metal detecting was undertaken by Steve Critchley. Dr J D Hill undertook the assessment of the Iron Age pottery. Richard Mortimer, then of CAU, frequently offered information regarding the Ashwell site ahead of publication. Chris Evans, Director of CAU, kindly allowed publication of site plans of the Ashwell site, reproduced in this report in Figures 2.1, 3.1, 4.1, 4.27 and 8.4. The publication drawings were undertaken principally by Jacqueline Harding of Northamptonshire Archaeology, with the assistance of Pat Walsh. I am grateful to Paul Blinkhorn for commenting on a draft of this report. Proof reading and preparation for publication has been undertaken by Andy Chapman and Pat Chapman of Northamptonshire Archaeology. Typesetting is by Past Historic. Dr Philip Armitage would like to thank Dr Alison Locker for her kind assistance in identifying the pike vertebrae from the Iron Age ditch.

Summary A programme of archaeological excavation was undertaken by Northamptonshire Archaeology in 1999-2000 on land to the north of West Fen Road, Ely, in response to conditions upon planning permission for housing development. The excavation, conducted in several stages, examined substantial parts of later Iron Age and Middle Saxon settlements. Both settlements formed part of wider complexes lying to the south of West Fen Road (The Ashwell Site) which have been published elsewhere.

palaeo-environmental and economic material, including some waterlogged and mineralised plant remains for the Middle Saxon period. Comparisons between the periods show a greater emphasis on sheep rearing in the Middle Saxon period than in the Iron Age, and a more varied diet for the inhabitants, including fish and hedgerow fruits. Both periods of occupation are in many respects typical of broader trends. The Iron Age enclosures formed part of an extensive permanent occupation of the Isle of Ely from 400-300 BC, with reorganisation in the 1st century AD. The beginning of Middle Saxon settlement around AD 700 and its contraction around AD 850 can be attributed to the wider fortunes of the monastic centre on the island.

The Iron Age and Middle Saxon sites are described and discussed in detail. Both sites consisted mainly of ditched enclosures with sparser numbers of pits and other features. They yielded significant artefactual assemblages and

xi

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Chapter 1: Introduction Background

proven productive due to the clay subsoil (Palmer, in Gibson 1995). There was no means of judging the extent of the site, although a group of enclosures were conjectured and their later extrapolation has proved to be reasonable. Roman sherds were recorded immediately south of West Fen Road during the Fenland Survey (Hall 1996, 36, site 11). This site later formed part of the extensive and longlived Ashwell site excavated by CAU (Mortimer et al 2005). The fields north and south of West Fen Road were not examined by fieldwalking in the Fenland Survey, presumably because they were under pasture, as they were at the time of the present excavations.

Excavations were undertaken by Northamptonshire Archaeology at West Fen Road, Ely, Cambridgeshire 19992000. The site lies towards the north-western margin of the Isle of Ely, about 1km from the cathedral (Fig 1.1; NGR TL 531 809). The land is at about 6m above Ordnance Datum, falling away gradually towards the Fen edge to the west. The underlying geology is Kimmeridge Clay. The overall project comprised a desk-based assessment, limited geophysical survey, trial trench evaluation and area excavation over 37.5 acres (c15.2ha) of land between West Fen Road and Downham Road on the western margin of the city (Fig 1.2; NA 1998). The main focus of the excavations lay at the southern end of the development area where later Iron Age and Middle Saxon occupation, which form the subject of this report, was identified in an area covering c2.1ha. Excavations by Cambridge Archaeology Unit (CAU) immediately to the south of West Fen Road, called the Ashwell site, found extensive and dense remains dating from the Iron Age to medieval periods (Mortimer et al 2005). This may be considered part of the same site, being part of a continuous spread of settlement present in the Iron Age and Middle Saxon periods, although the two excavation areas were not physically joined. The current site was partly excavated in an easement trench by CAU in advance of pipeline construction (Gibson 1995, Evans 2003). Two small trenches were later excavated by The Heritage Network (HN 2004) near the south-east corner of Trench 29.

A magnetometer survey was undertaken over some 5600sqm to establish the extent of the Iron Age site (Fig 1.3; NA 1998). This was successful to an extent, although the Iron Age ditches were considerably confused by the strong indications of remnant medieval ridge and furrow field cultivation. A further seven 40m by 40m grids were surveyed over the rest of the site, targeted on scanning anomalies. These showed nothing except ridge and furrow and probable ploughing headlands. The results seemed to indicate a low potential for archaeological remains other than the Iron Age settlement already identified. Trial trench evaluation 1999 The development area was examined with thiry-five trial trenches, with a total trench area of 3400sqm (Fig 1.2). The site was largely devoid of archaeological features, with the exception of the southern end (Fig 1.4, Trenches ET27-35). There, features comprising mainly ditches and gullies were identified as late Iron Age to early Roman, relating to the 1995 excavations. The Middle Saxon occupation was not identified at this stage. Lacking any obvious alternative, the undated features were assumed to be Iron Age or Roman and, although about a dozen Ipswich Ware sherds were recovered, they were misidentified as Roman greyware.

The excavations were undertaken ahead of housing development on behalf of a consortium headed by J S Bloor Holdings. The other members of the consortium were Barratt Homes, Westbury Homes and McLean Homes. The work took place within the context of PPG16 to a series of specifications prepared by Northamptonshire Archaeology and approved by Mr Simon Kaner of the Cambridgeshire County Council Archaeology Office. The extensive nature of the site and the construction requirements of the development meant that several stages of pre-emptive excavation were undertaken, the scope of each stage being contingent upon the results of the previous work. The following is a brief summary of the results of the evaluations which culminated in the main area excavations.

Area excavations 1999-2000 The first area to be examined by excavation was the access road from West Fen Road through Fields 1 and 2 (Fig 1.2, Trench 50). This identified Iron Age, Roman and potentially Middle Saxon features. In response to this, the planning decision was taken requiring open area excavations where housing was to be built in Fields 1, 2 and 4. Field 3 was retained as open space, as was a strip along the western perimeter. The areas of open area excavation comprised c1.5ha in the southern area (Trench 29) and c0.5ha in the northern area (Trench 28). The remaining areas of Fields 2 and 4 were examined in a regular series of 5m wide trenches, the aim of which was to examine and obtain a plan of any outlying patterns of field boundaries. Few significant features were found to the west of Trench 50 although these included an

Desk-based assessment 1998 There was little archaeological information relating to the site prior to the current work, except for a group of Iron Age ditches discovered and excavated by CAU. This work took place within the easement of an Anglian Water pipeline located toward the southern end of the site (Gibson 1995). Aerial photographic survey has never 

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

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INTRODUCTION

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© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

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Fig 1.2: General overall site plan showing locations of all trenches

200m

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

We st

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Fig 1.3: Geophysical survey plot north of CAU pipeline trench (Gibson 1995) Iron Age ditch, later traced with smaller trenches and positioned between the larger ones (Fig 1.4, Trenches 30-34). Following this stage of work, the area between Trenches 29 and 50, as far as the northern edge of Field 1, was subsumed within Trench 29, completing the plan of the Middle Saxon ditches (Fig 1.4).

relationships and to establish the character of the features. All discrete features were half-sectioned and the excavation sampling level was to be 25% by length where associated with settlement, in practice covering the core area of Trench 29. Peripheral areas were less intensively sampled.

Methodology

The sediments filling these features were almost all uniform grey or grey-brown clays. These are not described further in this report. In several cases this uniformity made relationships between features difficult to determine and in a few instances the ambiguity remains unresolved.

The site was stripped of topsoil and subsoil, under archaeological supervision, using a large tracked mechanical excavator equipped with a toothless ditching bucket. The spoil was stockpiled adjacent to the excavation areas using dump trucks. Other than the high moisture content of the soil, one of the main practical problems of this stage of work was the ubiquitous presence of plough furrows which tended to obscure archaeological features. Their depth in certain areas made them difficult to remove by machine without truncating the intervening clay ridges, and associated features. The adopted compromise meant that furrows were removed mechanically to some extent but still remained a dominant feature of the site (Fig 4.27). They were removed by hand-excavation in areas of complex archaeology.

In addition to the uniformity of fills, one of the principal difficulties of site analysis and phasing was the shortage of finds. This relates principally to the Middle Saxon occupation, where a total of c400 sherds of Ipswich Ware, while large in comparative terms, meant that many features were without datable finds at all. This was less of a problem with the Iron Age features (c2000 sherds). The Roman pottery (c300 sherds) included a group of c100 sherds that have been described as ‘Romanising’ and were associated with the Iron Age assemblage. The remainder comprised a small group found in the limited number of 2nd-century and later features which showed that the Roman occupation was not extensive and represented a residual component, mainly from Middle Saxon features. The degree of Roman activity was perhaps the most

The site was scanned by metal detector after soil stripping, planned at 1:50, and excavated using standard methods. Sections were excavated to examine all stratigraphic 

INTRODUCTION

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Fig 1.4: Site plan of southern area showing main excavation areas and all features (HN trenches courtesy of Heritage Network 2004)

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IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

problematic aspect of the site phasing. Initial spot-dating suggested that activity was quite intensive, although later analysis suggested that several ‘Roman’ features were in fact more likely to be Middle Saxon.

in this period adding to the review presented in the publication of the Wardy Hill ringwork (Evans 2003). The much more limited evidence for Roman activity is presented in Chapter 3, and the extensive Middle Saxon features are described in Chapter 4. The brief but clearly defined explosion of Middle Saxon occupation is an important amplification of the findings from the Ashwell site, which on their own might be interpreted in terms of a linear progression or gradual expansion of settlement from the 8th through to the 12th centuries.

Structure of the report and archive This report presents a description of the results of the excavations undertaken by Northamptonshire Archaeology, and a discussion of the site in relation to the wider area. The extensive Ashwell site, excavated by CAU to the south of West Fen Road (Mortimer et al 2005), and the small adjacent Dunstan Street site to the east (Ashworth 2005) are essentially part of the same archaeological complex and they are included in the overall feature plans and interpretation.

Chapter 5 is devoted to detailed reports on the finds, of which the Iron Age and Middle Saxon pottery assemblages are particularly important. The faunal assemblages in Chapter 6 are dominated by animal bones from both Iron Age and Middle Saxon features, but the fish bones, small vertebrates and molluscs provide additional dietary and environmental information. Archaeo-botanical remains are analysed and discussed in Chapter 7, and provide comparisons between the Iron Age and Middle Saxon settlements that are informative. The concluding discussion in Chapter 8 puts the prehistoric and Middle Saxon findings into the regional context.

The historical and archaeological background of the Isle of Ely has been presented and assessed in the recent Ashwell site report and need not be repeated here (Mortimer et al 2005, 1-6). It is worth reiterating that recent work on the island has substantially altered the picture of prehistoric and early historical settlement presented in the Fenland Survey (Hall 1996). The fieldwork undertaken in the 1980s was itself a substantial re-evaluation of the region’s archaeology.

The site archive has been compiled in accordance with Cambridgeshire Historic Environment guidelines, and deposited with Cambridgeshire County Council. A microfilm copy of the paper archive will be deposited with the National Archaeological Record. The site codes are EWF98 (evaluation) and EWF99 (excavation).

Chapter 2 describes the late Iron Age settlement which, while not examined in its entirety, is a considerable addition to the fragmentary evidence for this period at the Ashwell site. This is further evidence for settlement



Chapter 2: Earlier prehistoric activity and Iron Age settlement Earlier prehistoric activity

further east. The site is characterised as a small enclosed settlement, but its complete plan was not exposed and it is difficult to be sure of its overall form.

There is slight evidence of some form of activity on the site in the Neolithic and Bronze Age periods. The Neolithic material is very sparse consisting of two small sherds identified as a plain bowl from pit 782, in the southeastern corner of Trench 29 (Figs 2.1, 4.10; Percival, Chapter 5). The pit was oval in shape, 0.3m deep, with steep sides and a flat base (Fig 2.2, S416). There were no associated finds, but at face value the feature appeared to be Neolithic, although the pottery may be redeposited in an Iron Age feature.

To the south of West Fen Road, Iron Age enclosures on the Ashwell site show settlement at a short distance which was probably associated (Mortimer et al 2005), and there are possible Iron Age ditches in Trench 28 to the north, although their date is not secure. The Iron Age settlement was therefore extensive with its limits not clearly defined (Fig 2.1). While there is no great complexity to the site layout, relationships between intercutting features indicate several episodes of activity. In the description below three broad phases have been identified which receive some support from the dating evidence. The settlement is mainly dated to the later Iron Age or middle and late Iron Age depending upon the terminology used. Dates were allocated on the basis of the associated pottery and radiocarbon dates, and the site was probably abandoned in the 1st century AD. There is some pottery with earlier Iron Age characteristics, and so settlement may have been preceded by undefined activity in the century or so before 300BC, so that the general date range lies within 400BC to AD100.

In Trench 6 in the northern part of the site a large pit (6/8) contained 25g of grog-tempered, possibly Bronze Age, pottery along with a small quantity of fragmented animal bone and two flint flakes (Fig 1.4). The pit was circular, 0.6m in diameter and 0.3m deep, with steep sides and a flat base. Charred plant remains from this feature were unremarkable and poorly preserved (Fryer, Chapter 6). Bronze Age pottery, perhaps fragments of a collared urn, was recovered from the subsoil in Trench 15. There were twenty-five fragments (133g) suggesting that they derived from a nearby feature lost to the plough. The only other evidence of Neolithic or Bronze Age activity was a small collection of flint artefacts recovered from later features in Trenches 19, 28 and 29 (Thompson, Chapter 5). Of the fifty-one pieces, thirteen are tools, some intrinsically interesting but which do not give a clear indication of the activities they performed.

Phase 1: Middle Iron Age Settlement Beginnings A few features were ascribed to Phase 1 on the basis of stratigraphy, but contained pottery with earlier Iron Age characteristics (Fig 2.4). The evidence was fragmentary and it is not clear whether any of the enclosures were present at this time, so this material may be residual resulting in a tighter chronology of settlement than would otherwise seem practicable. Features largely removed by ditches 358 and 1005 may have been early versions of these enclosures.

Low level activity may have continued intermittently from the Bronze Age into the earlier Iron Age, prior to settlement. The eighty-nine sherds of pottery with earlier Iron Age characteristics indicated some small scale, or perhaps seasonal, activity of a type difficult to tie into the secure contexts of excavated features.

Trench 29 south

Iron Age settlement

Ditch 558

The Iron Age features comprised, for the most part, substantial enclosure ditches and fragments of probable eaves drainage gullies (Fig 2.1). There were few other features. An outer ditch, 1005, encircled inner enclosure 1391, which in turn surrounded probable house gully 262, cut by 263. Another enclosure ditch, 358, was attached to the south (Fig 2.3). There were several other gullies and small features within these enclosures, and two lengths of ditch to the west which appear to be more peripheral boundary features. Features found in the CAU pipeline trench confirm the pattern of Iron Age ditches found to the north and south. The Heritage Network trench to the east confirmed the continuation of this side of the outer enclosure, but discovered another linking ditch

This ditch lay on the outer (west) side of the later enclosure ditch 358 and was largely truncated by it. It was traced for about 10m from a northern terminal, 607, which contained a dump of burnt material. The ditch was about 0.5m deep but its original width no longer survived (Fig 2.13, S292). Ditch 592



Another ditch terminal, located to the east of terminal 607, was traced south for 2m before being truncated by enclosure ditch 1005. The ditch was 1.5m wide and 0.4m deep, it did not reappear on the southern side of 1005 and

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

100m

Iron Age Features

Fig 2.1: Neolithic pit and Iron Age features; Consortium site north of West Fen Road and Ashwell site (Mortimer et al 2005) south of West Fen Road 

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

Neolithic Pit - Section 416 N

Clay

S

Charcoal 785

Pottery 784 783

0

782

0.5m

Fig 2.2: Neolithic pit 782, Section 416 perhaps turned south-east to form an early and almost entirely truncated version of this outer enclosure ditch.

position of an entrance on the south-east side, although there could also have been one on the opposite side. A shallow pit or ditch terminal, 1508, lay on the edge of the excavation about 1m south of ditch 262 and this may have continued the circuit, cut by a later undated eastwest gully, 1510.

Ditch 629 On the west side of the trench was a curving section of ditch pre-dating enclosure 358, possibly running outside the excavation area. The ditch was 2.5m wide and 0.8m deep with a broad composite profile. The upper fill, 633, occupied a weathered hollow and may have substantially post-dated the original use of the feature. Pottery from this fill was undiagnostic and lower fills were without finds.

Nine sections were excavated through ditch 262 and its recut, 263. Ditch 262 was filled with a series of silty layers and lenses that suggested natural silting interspersed with limited episodes of anthropogenic deposition (Fig 2.6, S800, S841). There was a reasonably large assemblage of pottery from the fills, but none of it was diagnostically early and was assigned to Phase 1 on two counts; firstly because recut 263 is almost certainly contemporary with ditch 1391 (Ph2) for reasons described below; and secondly because, had the terminal of ditch 262 defined an entranceway, its close proximity to ditch 1391 made it appear unlikely that the two were in use at the same time.

Ditch 390 This ditch curved westward from a terminal, a little over 2m, before being truncated by Middle Saxon ditch 392. The ditch was about 0.5m wide and 0.18m deep, its function was unclear but it yielded a substantial portion of a jar with slashed decoration on the rim and shoulder, which is considered to be an early trait (Percival, Chapter 5).

The area enclosed by ditch 262 contained several small pits and possible postholes, but these formed no clear pattern (Fig 2.5). Only pit 1357 yielded pottery, ten Iron Age sherds (102g) and one sherd of Ipswich Ware (8g) from its fills 1354 and 1355. The pit was considered likely to be Iron Age and the Saxon sherd intrusive.

Trench 29 north and CAU trench Ditch 262

Penannular ditch 1623

This ditch lay within the inner enclosure, north of the CAU trench, and was aligned west-east on a gentle curve that turned sharply south to a terminal (Figs 2.5-2.6, S841). A later recut had removed the earlier ditch for a distance of 10m on the northern side but did not curve south like its predecessor. Ditch 262 would have been less than 0.45m deep along the northern side, but southward it widened to 1.4m and deepened to 0.68m, terminating close to the edge of the excavation. There was no clear continuation of it into the CAU trench, although ditch F3 in that trench, which was 0.65m wide and 0.20m deep, more or less continued the curving alignment. Other curving ditches F24 and F22 were, like F3, interpreted as fragments of eaves drainage gullies.

Ditch 1623 lay towards the centre of the outer enclosure on the northern side of ditch 1391. The enclosure formed by the ditch had an internal diameter of c11m with a south facing entrance (Fig 2.7). Two complete sections were excavated through the ditch and further sections partially excavated to establish its course (Fig 2.8, S844). The ditch had a V-shaped profile which narrowed from 1.3m wide at the surface to a base 0.8m deep. The western terminal curved inwards where it was cut by ditch 1391. The eastern terminal had been completely removed but it can be estimated that the entranceway would have been about 8m wide between the ditch terminals. There were possible traces of earlier shallow ditches, 1627 and 1629, which had been almost completely removed along its course, but these may also have been ledges on the inside of the ditch arc.



These ditches enclosed an area about 10m in diameter. Although it seemed probable that they were for eaves drainage around a structure, they were not precisely circular. The terminal of ditch 262 may have marked the

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

15/7 16/25

18/8 17/6 1005

F.16

18/31 1623 F.13

1391 250 263

375 Horse burial

358

294 629

We st

Fen

292

Roa

d

0

338

50m

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Iron Age Features

Fig 2.3: Main Iron Age features, Trench 29

10

Fig. 2.3

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

1623

558

262

592

F.3

S.292

1508 F.22

F.24

390

629

0

25m

Iron Age Phase 1 © Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Iron Age Features

11

Fig 2.4: Iron Age Phase 1, Trench 29

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

1391

262 1391 263

S.800

1562

S.841

1357

1508

F24

F2

F3

F6

F15 F230

0

10m

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019334. Published 2006.

Fig 2.5: Iron Age ditch 262 and associated features

Section 800 - Ditch 262

Section 841 - Ditch 262

W

E

W

1513

1495

1496

E

1514

262

1515 1m

0

1516 1517

1512

Fig 2.6: Iron Age ditch 262, Sections 800, 841

Phase 2: Middle to Late Iron Age Enclosed Settlement

Above primary clay fill 1626 was dark grey-brown silt 1625, containing pottery and animal bone and a similar but pale upper fill 1624 with few finds. A Roman pottery sherd (4g) from fill 1625 was intrusive, perhaps from one of the Middle Saxon ditches, as there was much more Iron Age pottery (276g).

Trench 29 north and CAU trench Ditch 263 This recut lay along the northern side of ditch 262. It was under 1.0m wide with a relatively deep, 0.5m, eastern 12

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

170 Middle Saxon

1623

1629 1391 Iron Age Phase 2

S.844

S.845 0

1608

5m

Middle Saxon

254 Middle Saxon

Fig. 2.7

Fig 2.7: Iron Age ditch 1623

Section 844 SW

N

ES

N

Modern Disturbance 1628 1627

1447

1624

1448

1625

1623

1628

1626 1m

0

Fig 2.8: Iron Age ditch 1623, Section 844

13

1446

1449

Ditch 1391

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

1005 S.763

S.64

S.666

S.622

1391 S.768 S.782

S.808

F.8 F.37

263 F.6 S.756

S.293 S.292

F.2

358

S.63

S.307

0

50m

Iron Age Phase 2 S.249

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 2.9: Iron Age Phase 2, Trench 29

14

S.248

Iron Age Features

Fig. 2.9

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

Section 782 - Ditch 1391 1466

1465

NW

SE

1464 1463 1461 1459 1458

1457

1456

1455

Section 756 - Ditch 1391 W

E 1392

Drain

1393

Daub Lens Dumping

1394 1395

1391

Section 808 - Ditch 1391 N

S

1532 1531

Drain

1491 1528 1490

1492 1529

0

1m

1489

Fig 2.10: Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391, Sections 782, 756, 808 Inner enclosure ditch 1391

terminal that was shallower to the west (Figs 2.5, 2.9). The generally light greyish-brown clayey lower fills were overlain by conspicuously dark loamy clay silt 714 with abundant pottery and other occupation debris. This was indicative of occupation in the immediate vicinity of the ditch. Soil sample 33 from this deposit yielded cereal grains (Chapter 7). Replica AMS radiocarbon dates from a complete cattle acetabulum gave a result of 361-92 cal BC (95% confidence, 2160±38 BP, NZA15624, Fig 5.6, Table 5.11). The pottery and dating sequence from the site, including ‘Romanising’ pottery from Phase 3 (Monteil, Chapter 5), suggests that the occupation is likely to lie in the 2nd-1st centuries BC rather than earlier. Two small Roman sherds from 714 were probably intrusive.

Ditch 1391 formed an approximately oval enclosure about 35m long by 15m across (Fig 2.9). In the CAU trench, ditch F2 continues the alignment of the east side of the enclosure, while ditch F6 mirrored the ditch to the north, suggesting that there was a funnel entrance on the western side about 4m wide. Nine complete sections were excavated through ditch 1391 and four others partially excavated to confirm its course. The ditch was about 2m wide and between 0.8m and 1.3m deep. It generally displayed a steep sided U-shaped profile suggesting that it had not been exposed to prolonged weathering (Fig 2.10, S756, S808, S782, Plates 1-3). The fill sequences were similar in all the excavated sections, with some variation in the number of deposits 15

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Plate 1: Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391 (cut 1391, Section 756)

Plate 2: Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391 (cut 1455, Section 782)

recorded. Most sections showed gleyed greyish-yellow lower fill and darker yellowish-brown and greyishbrown middle fills, possibly accounted for by natural silting. The upper fills everywhere, except in cut 1446, had dark grey clay loam silt with abundant occupation debris, including an almost complete vessel from ditch F2. As with ditch 263, there was the suggestion that this represented deliberate infill. Replica AMS radiocarbon dates from an articulated cattle humerus and tibia from fill 1392 gave a date virtually identical to that from fill 714, although with slightly greater precision. It dated 358-278 cal BC and 260-110 cal BC (95% confidence, 2166±31 BP, NZA15625, Fig 5.6, Table 5.11).

The form of the western entrance to the enclosure was difficult to determine since it fell within the CAU trench and in the margin between those excavations and the present ones in a complex area of intercutting features (Fig 2.9). The south arm of the enclosure ditch F6 was 1.5m wide and 0.9m deep with evidence of recutting. There was a terminal here, although a narrower ditch, F37, later joined ditch F6 to the terminal of outer ditch F8 (equivalent to ditch 1005 or 358). A similar situation appeared likely on the north side leaving a 3m wide entrance between the terminals that later became blocked by ditch F32 (Fig 2.14).

16

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

Plate 3: Iron Age Inner Enclosure, ditch 1391 (cut 1489, Section 808)

Plate 4: Iron Age Outer Enclosure, ditch 1005 (cut 1005, Section 622)

Outer enclosure ditch 1005

entrance to the inner enclosure, although at some stage this was blocked by a slightly smaller ditch, F32.

About three quarters of the circuit of this ditch was traced in Trenches 29 and 50. It formed a roughly oval enclosure about 100m north-south by 50m east-west (Fig 2.9). The south-eastern part of the enclosure lay outside the excavations and its exact shape remains unknown. The southern ditch did not curve to complete the enclosure but continued south-east suggesting a wide funnel entrance. There was a gap, c10m wide in this section of ditch. Whether the eastern ditch formed the opposed side to the entranceway was unresolved. The ditch was not encountered in the CAU trench and it probably terminated or turned sharply east. On the western side there may have been a narrow gap in the ditch circuit, leaving an

Eight complete sections were excavated through the ditch and a series of partial excavations undertaken to establish its course. The ditch was broad with a surface width of 2.5-3.0m and a depth of 1.0m-1.3m. There was considerable variation in the cross-profile, although in general terms its upper sides were moderately sloped, tending to become steeper toward the base (Plate 4). The ditch showed broad shallow ledges on both sides (Fig 2.11, S763, S666, S622). While it was possible that this represented the truncated remains of a very broad shallow ditch on the same alignment or a later recut, its form seemed improbable, and was considered likely to be 17

18

E 1144

S

1145

247

1588

1589

1146

1147

1520

1519

1518

1126

1246

1247

1251

218

1127

1143 1142

1005

1125

1245

1253

1250

Fig 2.11: Iron Age Outer Enclosure, ditch 1005, Sections 666, 622, 763

1140

1141

Section 622 - Ditch 1005

1244

Section 763 - Ditch 1005

1243

NE

Section 666 - Ditch 1005

0

N

1149

1148

1252

W

1m

SW

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

S 178

19

S

484

485

481

175

170

168

0

479

483

169

338

492

478

457

N

181

1m

481

180

Roman gully

Fig 2.12: Iron Age Outer Enclosure, ditch 1005, Sections 64, 63, 249

Section 249 - Ditch 1005

176

177

Section 63 - Ditch 1005

W

Section 64 - Ditch 1005

659

186

185

182

501

184

500

Middle Saxon ditch

183

Drain

N

E

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

the result of later erosion on the upper edges of the ditch. The overall effect was to create a ditch with a surface width of over 4m.

section. The base fill was generally bluish-grey clay with some orange-brown mottling, which was overlain by greyish-brown silty clay with more cultural material incorporated. In ditch 218 a charcoal-rich lens, 1519, yielded remains of charred cereals, including breadwheat (Fig 2.11, S763; Chapter 7, Table 7.1, sample 40).

Elsewhere, possible recuts were identified (eg Fig 2.12, 176, S63), but in most cases it appeared that the composite ditch profile resulted from prolonged weathering on the ditch edges. This suggested that the upper fills resulted largely from natural infill and were substantially later in date than the ditch cut or the lower fills. There was some support for this amongst the pottery (Monteil, Chapter 5), and for this reason the upper fills are assigned to Phase 3. Recuts were identified in the extreme southern part of the enclosure (eg Fig 2.12, 338, S249) and dated to Phase 3 partly in view of the large quantity of 1st-century pottery from lower fills 492 and 483.

Ditch 358 This ditch curved in a semi-circle to form an annex to the outer enclosure (Fig 2.9). It did not appear in road corridor Trench 50 and it is assumed to have terminated between the two areas of excavation. The ditch was generally broad, 3.3m wide at the top, but with steep sides and a narrow base reaching up to 1.5m deep. Like ditch 1005, the upper ditch profile tended to be shallower and the upper fills were considered likely to belong to Phase 3. A recut of this ditch was identified in several

The sequence of ditch fills was broadly similar in each

Section 307 - Ditch 358 SW

Continued below

Roman ditch 374 357

357

528

527

526

525

602

601

NE

Continued above

357 357 Drain

547

358

529

543

605 606

554

Section 292 - Ditch 358 608

NW

540

562

608 Drain

540

SE

559 560

558

561

603

373

0

Fig 2.13: Iron Age Enclosure, ditch 358, Sections 307, 292 20

1m

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

sections (Fig 2.13, S292, S307), like ditch 1005 an upper shelf was identified, more particularly on the outer (west) side.

Unphased Features

The basal fills tended to be bluish-grey clay with iron mottling and little occupation debris. The middle fills were greyish-brown silty clay with more finds, but probably also largely the result of natural silting, truncated by later recuts.

A group of shallow gullies, including curving gully 250 and a complex of intercutting gullies to the east, were thought to be Iron Age in date on the basis of the pottery, although their phase and interpretation remain uncertain (Figs 2.15-2.16). They may have been minor drainage features and the pottery suggested occupation in one or more phases.

Gullies on the east side of Trench 29

Phase 3: Late Iron Age Changes in Settlement Character

Gully 250

The late Iron Age occupation was marked by the recutting and the continued use of ditches 1005 and 358, combined with the abandonment of ditches 1391 and 263 (Fig 2.14). These changes were suggested by the character of their upper profiles and the fills in ditches 1005 and 358, which appeared to exhibit prolonged weathering and erosion. Frequent diagnostic 1st-century AD pottery in the fills supported this view and contrasted with the radiocarbon dates from the upper fills of 1391 and 263 (Ph2). The contrast indicated that the main occupation associated with these earlier ditches, if not their outright abandonment, fell within the 2nd century BC.

The gully was c0.5m wide by 0.15m deep and curved from an eastern terminal. It was cut by a later ditch at its western end and did not reappear on the other side. Dating was provided by its stratigraphic position and a single sherd of handmade pottery. The projection of its alignment suggested that it may have marked the site of a roundhouse c11-12m in diameter. Gully 972 One of the stratigraphically earlier features in this complex, the gully was aligned north to south for 7m and turned west. The gully probably continued in this direction as gully 252 after a short gap and reached a depth of 0.25m, although its terminals were shallow and the northern one very indistinct. Four sherds of Iron Age pottery came from gully 972 and two came from gully 252.

Ditch 358 This ditch was recut to a shallower depth than the original. It had a U-shaped profile, c2.2m wide by 0.8m deep, and was offset slightly to the north-east (Fig 2.13, S307). Traditional handmade pottery was found alongside two sherds from a 1st-century jar. Shallower recuts to a depth of 0.9m were also identified (Fig 2.13, S292, S293 not illustrated), although it was not altogether clear that the upper profile was not the result of erosion rather than redigging. Handmade pottery was found throughout the fill of these sections, with two 1st-century Roman pottery sherds near the surface. At its greatest depth the recut may have extended to 1.2m. A deposit of burnt material near the top of the ditch may have filled a discrete pit, or represented a late dump of waste.

Gully 272 This gully continued the alignment of gully 972 southward for a distance of c11m before gradually ending. The northern terminal was truncated by gully 249 and its relationship with gully 972 was unknown. Five sherds of Iron Age pottery were recovered. Gully 249 A gully extended south-west for c13m from a terminal that lay 1.5m from the edge of ditch 1005. A narrow south-western terminal contrasted with its generally broad shallow profile, c1.3m wide and up to 0.2m deep. It cut gullies 972 and 272, yielding eight sherds of Iron Age pottery, including one of transitional late Iron Age to early Roman date.

Ditch 1005 At the extreme southern edge of the site ditch 1005 appeared to have been recut by ditch 338 to a depth of about 1.0m (Fig 2.12, S249). This recut was not particularly evident to the north, probably because it reached its original depth or that the southern length of ditch was an entirely late Iron Age addition and was open to considerable depth in the 1st century AD. There were twelve sherds from fill 483, which included a cordoned necked vessel, whilst fill 492 contained twenty-five sherds of 1st-century pottery described as ‘Romanising’ (Monteil, Chapter 5).

Gully 1504 A small section of gully, 2.5m long by 0.35m wide by 0.15m deep, cut gully 249 and was without finds. Gully 353

Elsewhere, the upper fills of ditch 1005 contained small quantities of 1st-century pottery as well as local handmade wares. It was unclear how actively the ditches were maintained. The upper fills mostly consisted of midbrown or orange-brown silt with a greyish hue in some sections. Roman 1st-century pottery, including South Gaulish Samian, was recovered from fills 1125 (Fig 2.11, S622), 1356 (Fig 2.11, S763), 1786, 1536, and 50/56, the latter possibly intrusive from a later feature.

A very minor feature, located within the arc of gully 250, was less than 0.1m deep, but nonetheless containing seven Iron Age sherds. Pits and postholes A small shallow pit contained an Iron Age pottery sherd. Two other small pits or postholes, 708 and 709, lay 1

2

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

S.763

S.64

S.666

S.622

S.293 S.292

S.307

0

50m

Iron Age Phase 3 S.249

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 2.14: Iron Age Phase 3, Trench 29

22

S.248

Iron Age Features

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

15/16 15/7 16/25

18/8

17/6 F.16

18/31

F.13

250 Horse Burial 376 375

50/150

292

294

50/111

0

50m

Iron Age Unphased © Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Iron Age Features

Fig 2.15: Iron Age unphased

23

F

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

972

250

353 249

972 254 Middle Saxon ditch

1504 252

709 708 249

272 251

0

5m

Fig 2.16: Iron Age gully 250 and nearby features nearby that were without finds and it is unclear whether they were associated with the Iron Age occupation.

the west. It was closely aligned with a small north-south gully, 50/150. Sixteen sherds of Iron Age pottery came from gully 50/111, with another four from gully 50/150. The features were interpreted as eaves gullies defining the site of a circular structure c10 m in diameter (Fig 2.15).

Features in the southern part of Trenches 29 and 50 Gully 50/111

Ditch 294

A curving gully that was 0.45m wide and 0.45m deep extended from a clear eastern terminal, cut by a later to

Fig. 2.16

An east-west ditch lay on the eastern side of the site, 0.9m 24

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

Gully 376

wide and 0.45m deep. It was cut by the later features in this area and produced four Iron Age sherds from its upper fill. The west terminal was slightly deeper and may have acted as a sump.

A shallow gully, less than 0.1m deep, was cut by horse burial 375. A section of the gully over 2m in length was exposed within the trench and twelve sherds of Iron Age pottery were recovered.

Ditch 292 This ditch ended at the same point as ditch 294 but was slightly deeper. It was probably of the same general phase as ditch 294, although the latter appeared to cut it. The ditch was without finds and its course was traced south under a plough furrow, appearing to terminate before reaching ditch 1005.

Horse burial 375 The complete skeleton of a horse was discovered in a sub-rectangular grave at the extreme west side of the site, beyond ditch 358 (Fig 2.17, Plate 5). Four Iron Age pottery sherds came from the pit fill, 676, perhaps dating

Plate 5: Iron Age horse burial in pit 375

375

0

1m

Fig 2.17: Iron Age horse burial 375 25

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

the burial, but the north end of the grave cut gully 376, which was certainly Iron Age and it is possible that the pottery in the grave is residual. The condition of the bone is similar to that from other archaeological contexts and there is no reason to suppose the burial to have been more recent, particularly as its size was within the normal range for Iron Age horses (Higbee, Chapter 6). As a point of contrast there were twenty-seven pig burials in this part of the site, which from their condition were obviously recent.

3.2m wide, but was only examined to a depth of 0.5m. There was no indication of its course to the north and it was clearly the same feature as ditch F13 in the CAU excavation, where it was 3.0m wide and 1.05m deep, with a stepped profile and a broad rounded base. The ditch was interpreted as a boundary to the settlement where it was curving to the south-west. Eight sherds of Iron Age pottery came from the basal and middle fills, 17/12 and 17/13, and there is no reason to suspect its date. Its broad, irregular base suggested that it had been cleaned out from time to time, although there was no clear evidence of recutting.

The animal was buried on its right side in a semi-flexed position. The individual was mature but fairly small, even for Iron Age breeds (Higbee, Chapter 6). There was no indication of the cause of death nor any distinctive characteristics relating to the animal’s treatment before or after death.

Pit 15/16 This small pit, 0.5m in diameter and 0.23m deep, was cut by ditch 15/7. It yielded a few small Iron Age sherds.

Features to the west of Trench 29

Ditch 15/7

Ditch 17/6

This westernmost ditch was traced in Trenches 15-18 and 30-34 (Figs 1.4, 2.15). Its presence was not clear in Trench 17 where constant flooding made it difficult to define features. The ditch was not found in any of the

A substantial ditch, 3.8m wide and 0.8m deep, lay at the south-east end of Trench 17 (Fig 2.15). The ditch was traced to the south in Trench 18 (18/31), where it was

222 242

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

20m

Fig 2.18: Iron Age features, all phases, Trench 28 26

Iron Age Features

EARLY PREHISTORIC ACTIVITY AND IRON AGE SETTLEMENT

trenches to the north-east of Trench 15, and it was assumed to have terminated before reaching Trench 14. It was unclear whether the ditch was strictly contemporary with those to the south-east, although its curving alignment was similar to that of the outer enclosure in Trench 29.

2.18). Several small sherds of possible Iron Age pottery came from ditch 242 and other sherds were also residual within the Roman ditches that cut it.

Eight sections were excavated through the ditch. It was shown to be 1.6-3.0m wide and 0.45-0.80m deep, deepening toward the south, with a broad flattish base. Sherds of Iron Age pottery were recovered from the base and upper fills of the ditch in Trenches 18 and 30-33. One sherd of Ipswich ware from the upper fill in Trench 34 is almost certainly intrusive. The ditch appeared to correspond to similar features in evaluation Trenches ET31-32 (Fig 1.4), where it produced fifteen sherds of Iron Age pottery.

This was a large ditch that lay north-south and was cut by Roman ditches 29 and 205. It was investigated with two sections. The ditch was about 2.5m wide and the northern section showed it to be c0.4m deep, while the southern section was 0.70m deep. A single sherd of possible handmade pottery was recovered along with a medieval sherd which was undoubtedly intrusive.

Ditch 242

Gully 222 This very shallow sinuous gully was aligned north-west to south-east for about 8m. It had a clear south-east terminal and a probably also had one at the north-west end. It was without finds and was cut by Roman ditch 214.

A ditch and gully in Trench 28 A large ditch and a small gully in the eastern part of Trench 28 were potentially Iron Age in date (Figs 2.1,

27

Chapter 3: Roman activity Description

the northern limit of excavation towards ‘pond’ 659. Its southern end was truncated by a furrow. It was 0.65m wide and 0.32m deep with a slightly asymmetrical Vshaped profile. Its stratigraphic position was clear where it cut Iron Age ditch 294 and was cut by Middle Saxon ditch 476. There were two sherds of Iron Age pottery recovered from it, but a Roman date for the feature is most probable.

The Iron Age ditches were filled in the 1st century AD and the site took on a different character in the Roman period (Fig 3.1). There was a diffuse scatter of 2nd to 4th-century material across the site, much of it residual in later features, and there appear to have been few features of specifically Roman date. The Roman features included a number of shallow gullies running north-south and a large pit, 659, possibly a pond, to the south. Roman ditches were also found in Trench 28 and a small pit in Trench 18 containing cremated human bone was probably Roman but carried no clear dating evidence.

Ditch 359

Roman settlement was clearly present to the south, with successive layouts of enclosures on the Ashwell site (Fig 3.1).

About 40m west of ditch 276, ditch 359 was traced in Trenches 29 and 50. Its length appeared to have been interrupted by a 2m wide gap. The ditch averaged 1.0m wide by 0.3m deep and may have been recut. It cut Iron Age enclosure ditch 1005 and its fill contained two sherds of 3rd to 4th-century pottery.

Pond 659

Ditch 374

This hollow lay on the southern edge of Trench 29 extending outside the excavation area. It was about 18m across in an east-west direction, although its edge on the eastern side was unclear due to later ditches. It had gradually sloping sides and reached a maximum recorded depth of 0.63m with a lower fill of mottled clay and an upper fill of darker silty clay.

About 20m to the west of ditch 359, the alignment of ditch 374 was traced from the southern edge of excavation for a distance of c200m through Trenches 29 and 50, cutting the Iron Age enclosure ditches. It was generally 0.6–0.8m wide and 0.2–0.3m deep. A small Roman sherd was the only identifiable pottery recovered. It was probably the same feature as ditch F21 in the CAU trench, which was undated but assigned to Phase III in that sequence.

The feature was securely Roman in date, but its interpretation was uncertain. The lower fill, 814, contained 25 sherds of 3rd-century pottery, and a further eight sherds of Roman pottery, as well as a sherd of Ipswich ware from the upper fill 457. It cut Iron Age enclosure ditch 358 whose upper fill contained 1st-century pottery. The ‘pond’ probably started to fill in the 3rd century, with the upper hollow still filling in the Middle Saxon period.

Ditch 510 On the east side of Trench 29 was a shallow gully cut by Middle Saxon ditch 720. It yielded six sherds of Roman pottery with no discernable residual source and for this reason was considered likely to be Roman rather than Middle Saxon.

The feature was cut into channel deposits, and it is possible that it was dug to aid drainage, rather than for extracting clay. The succession of Iron Age, Middle Saxon and post-medieval ditches extending southward in this corner of the site suggested that drainage was a perennial concern.

Trench 28 A number of features were likely to be of Roman date on the basis of finds and stratigraphic position (Fig 3.1). In the eastern part of the excavation three linear features were cut by Middle Saxon enclosure ditch 27, while to the west, isolated ditch 93 contained a single Roman sherd.

Ditches in the southern part of Trench 29

Ditch 29

A group of three north-south ditches in the southern part of Trench 29 were judged to be Roman in date on the basis of stratigraphy and finds. The ditches were not precisely parallel, but their general orientation and approximately regular spacing suggested that they might be the clearer elements of an extensive system of land division and drainage in the Roman period.

This ditch lay north-south cutting into the top of the Iron Age ditch 242. It was 0.9m wide and 0.2m deep with 45° sides and a flat base. Three small sherds of probable Iron Age pottery were recovered, as well as a postmedieval sherd and a possible medieval key, which were intrusive.

Ditch 276

Ditch 205

On the eastern side of the site, this gully lay between

This ditch lay to the west of ditch 29 and was parallel 28

ROMAN ACTIVITY

205 214

29 41

93

510 Tr 18

Cremation 18/22

F.21 359

276

374

659

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

100m

Fig 3.1: Roman features

29

Roman Features Iron Age Features

Fig. 3.1

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

until it curved to the west and terminated. It was 0.80m wide and 0.45m deep with steep, asymmetrical sides. A single sherd of Iron Age pottery was recovered, which may have been redeposited from ditch 242 below it.

been the northern side of an enclosure. It was 1.25m wide and 0.5m deep with steep, near vertical, sides and a flat base. Its date was unclear, but it contained a large Roman greyware base sherd and tentatively accepted for dating.

Ditch 214

Cremation 18/22 in Trench 18

A ditch, possibly in two phases, was 2.0m wide and 0.42m deep. The ditch contained two sherds of Roman pottery and a 4th-century coin (SF145). Ditch 214 cut Iron Age gully 222 and appeared to be cut by Middle Saxon ditch 131 (Fig 4.15, Ph2).

A small pit, 0.75m in diameter and 0.20m deep, contained a deposit of cremated human bone (Clough, Chapter 6). The remains were identified as those of an adult. The feature contained no clear dating evidence, although the presence of a number of small iron nail fragments, which may be hobnails, were mixed in with the bone suggesting the burial to be Roman or later. The burial rite would not be out of place in an early Roman context. A sample of charred plant remains yielded mostly wood charcoal which was probably from the pyre (Fryer, Chapter 7).

Ditch 93 This ditch, aligned east-west, lay at the southern edge of the trench, but appeared to curve south and may have

30

Chapter 4: Middle Saxon settlement Description

ditches 1608 and 254 (Fig 4.7, Ph2). In the first phase it was unclear how far north this boundary extended, but later, the northern terminal of ditch 191 was cut by a major east-west ditch, 127, which itself turned north to become the western boundary and was traced as far as Trench 37. This possibly removed an earlier phase of ditch.

Middle Saxon features were found spread over Trenches 28, 29 and 50 with the densest concentration in the eastern central part of the site (Fig 4.1). The features comprised mainly relatively shallow ditches, generally about 1m wide and less than 0.5m deep, forming an irregular pattern of plots or enclosures. Most features were bounded to the west and south by ditches which may have acted as a site boundary, although there were also some features lying outside this boundary and the absolute limits of occupation did not appear to have been defined. In addition to the ditches there was a scatter of pits, some of which appeared to have been water-holes. Groups of postholes and small gullies may have indicated the positions of structures, although no clear building plans were evident.

Ditch 1061 This earlier phase of the southern boundary ditch was largely truncated by ditch 254 (Ph2), on the south side of Plot 4. The ditch would have been about 1.4m wide. The surviving southern edge sloped steeply to a broad flat base and was up to 0.3m deep, shallower toward the west, and probably terminated in the vicinity of Iron Age ditch 1391, possibly cutting into the top of it. It was therefore impossible to be sure whether or not it physically joined ditch 191.

While the pottery indicated that occupation may have been confined to the period cAD725-850, the site showed several phases of activity. Two main stratigraphic phases defined and re-defined the basic site layout, and there were several minor modifications to this design. In Trench 28 there was more intercutting than in Trench 29, but an essentially stable site layout seems to have been maintained and a two-phase scheme has been adopted for this area also.

Ditch 191 This earlier phase of ditch was recut by the later phase in some places along the west side of Plots 4 and 6. Eleven complete sections were excavated and further partial sections dug to establish relationships with this later recut, ditch 1608 (Fig 4.7, Ph2), and Iron Age ditch 1623. Ditch 191 was cut into the top of ditch 1623 and may have terminated a little further south, although no terminal was found in this area of homogeneous clay fill (Fig 2.7). The ditch was shallow at 0.25m, but it became more substantial further north. Where it cut Iron Age enclosure ditch 1005 it was 1.5–2.0m wide and 0.5m deep with a broad, flat base. Further north it was of similar or slightly smaller dimensions, although it was difficult to know whether the ditches in this part of the site related to this system or the later phase ditch, 1608. At the northern end only one cut was found which was 1.3m wide and 0.4m deep. The ditch appeared to terminate here and, although it was recorded as cutting ditch 127 along the major eastwest boundary in Phase 2, all relationships were difficult to define. A terminal appeared unlikely when considered with subsequent developments.

Within the layout of ditched land plots, the scatter of pits and other small features could not always be ascribed to one of the site phases. Normally these features were discrete and, unless they were shown to be stratigraphically of Phase 1, have been described with the Phase 2 features. It was probable, but not provable, that many more were of Phase 1. A number of pits were shown to be stratigraphically later than the Phase 2 features, but they did not seem likely as a group to post-date the enclosure layout, and these also have been subsumed into the Phase 2 description. The structures, which could not normally be ascribed to phase, although again probably belonging to both main phases, are described separately. Finds assemblages are presented as a whole, granting latitude for specialists, stratigraphic phasing of features could not be further refined by the interrogation of their data and a division of the data sets may therefore be misleading.

Plot divisions

Phase 1: Initial Plots

The western boundary ditch formed one side of a series of plots defined by east-west and north-south ditches (Fig 4.2). These were replicated to a large extent in Phase 2 and the rather fragmentary appearance of the plan was due to the degree of later truncation.

Southern and western boundary ditches The ditches forming the western and southern boundaries to the principal zone of occupation were probably longlived features. Up to five ditch cuts were recorded, although generally two broad phases were recognised. These comprised the north-south ditch 191, along the west side of the plots, which continued south-east as ditch 1061 after a gap (Fig 4.2, Ph1), and their replacement

Few of the pits could be assigned to Phase 1, most were unphased and several cut enclosure boundaries and were therefore relatively late. Some pits were closely associated with possible structures and are described

1

3

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

0

100m

Middle Saxon Features Earlier Features

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 4.1: Middle Saxon features

32

113

282

11 153 25

151 256 145 262 85

1721 1738 1712

1725

Plot 11 1706 1895

Plot 9 Plot 10

1869 1871 805 128

1865

130 17

1406

15

1533

92

Plot 8

Plot 7 1171

81

45

1169

Plot 5

1823

Plot 6

191

186 1200

1299

1092

208

Plot 3 1004

Plot 4

965 1037

Plot 2

1061 392

392

Middle Saxon Phase 1 Earlier Features 0

100m

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

1

Fig 4.2: Middle Saxon Phase 33

t1

Plo

172

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

alignment of ditch 1086 to the west after a gap of 5m. It terminated just short of its western boundary, ditch 191. To the south, no boundary survived, having been removed by later features. The interior of Plot 4 was devoid of other features and this land unit may have served as pasture or cultivation for the neighbouring plots.

along with those structures (below), whilst unassociated small pits and postholes are not described but are shown on Figure 4.7. In most cases the structures appeared to be later developments. Plots 1 and 2 A narrow drove or track, over 61m long by 5m wide, extended beyond the excavated area to the east. It provided access from east to west along the southern extent of Plots 3 and 4, perhaps also providing access between neighbouring plots and to land at the rear. Due to the fragmentary nature of its southern boundary it was unclear whether the track opened out into the area to the south, or whether this was largely enclosed as it was later on (Fig 4.7). There did not appear to have been a division within the land unit at this stage and it seemed that in the beginning Plot 2 may not have formally existed, dependant on whether ditch 1061 had extended the full perimeter of the boundary.

Plot 5

Ditch 172 may have formed the southern boundary to Plot 1 and the main enclosure as a whole (Figs 4.2-4.3). Its phasing was somewhat conjectural, but from the overall pattern it seemed more likely to have been earlier. The ditch was about 0.3m deep, and as much as 0.5m deep to the west where it was obscured by layer 999 (below).

North-south division

Extending beyond the east side of the excavation, Plot 5 was c28m by over 19m in size. It was bounded on its north and west sides by ditch 45, which was a shallow continuous boundary that turned at the corners to form the enclosure (Fig 4.2). The ditch was generally 0.60.9m wide and 0.3m deep, although it deepened to 0.4m at the terminal. Here it was cut by a later pit or well, 1021 (Fig 4.3, Ph2). The break between this and ditch 1092, to the south, was up to 4m wide suggesting a route westward from Plot 5 that was later cut off. The interior was occupied by Structure 4.

Several ditches lay west of Plots 5/7 and east of Plots 6/8 (ditches 1171, 1533, 1169 and 92), while perhaps not all contemporaneous, these formed an early group of discontinuous boundaries along the north-south axis of the site that may have been an earlier track and certainly became the basis for a later track between plots on its east and west sides. The ditches were all very insubstantial and were cut by ditch 15, blocking this early track and preventing its previous transition from Plots 1-8 to Plots 9-11.

The northern boundary of the plots comprised ditches 965, 976, 993 and 1037 which divided them from Plots 3 and 4 (Fig 4.3). This group of east-west features were heavily truncated by a later ditch on the same alignment, and formed at least two sub-phases of boundary, which were up to 0.2m deep. There may have been a gap of about 2m between the eastern group of ditches and ditch 1037 to the west.

Plot 6 An area of land, c34 long by c23-32m wide, formed an irregular rectangular enclosure between Plot 5 and the western boundary that was probably c0.11ha in area. Along the northern boundary was a sinuous east-west ditch, 81, about 1.0m wide and 0.4m deep with fairly steep sides and a narrow, flat base. Its western terminal cut ditch 1823 and it may have been a later addition subdividing Plots 6 and 8. The south side was bounded by ditch 208, the west side by ditch 191 and the east by the short discontinuous boundaries described above. The interior was occupied by Structure 5 and a smaller subenclosure to the south surrounding Structure 3.

Plot 3 Plot 3 was a rectangular area, c32m by over 24m in size, its full extent beyond the excavated area. It was divided from Plot 4 by ditch 1004, north to south. Ditch 1004 was part of a principal north-south internal division of the plots, with land units on either side that joined the ditches along the southern boundary of Plot 3 where they survived. To the north it had been completely removed by ditch 51 (Ph2).

The sub-enclosure was formed by four lengths of ditch (57, 1299, 1200 and 186) on the north side of ditch 208 (Fig 4.19). They were relatively early features and ditch 186 almost subdivided the plot, while the others bounded Structure 3, which may have been in existence at this stage.

Forming the northern boundary of Plot 3, ditches 1086, 1092 and 1096 were shallow fragments running east-west, truncated by a later realignment of the boundary (Fig 4.3). The original ditch may have been in two parts, allowing movement northwards, since the westernmost ditch, 1086, did not align precisely with the other two, being offset slightly to the south. A posthole, 1090, was located within ditch 1086. Settlement-related features, including Structure 2, well 173 and minor boundaries 161, 165 and 166 were located within on a north-south axis.

Outside of the sub-enclosure lay pit 1207, a small pit or posthole that was 0.3m deep, on its north side, which had been cut by a later ditch. It may have been associated with nearby ditch 55, which was also early (Fig 4.21). Both features could have been associated to activity within the structures.

Plot 4 Plot 4 lay west of ditch 1004 and was c32m wide, extending c44m in length, encompassing an area of c0.15ha. A shallow ditch, 208, formed the northern boundary of Plot 4 that was 0.2m deep and continued the

Plot 7 The area enclosed by Plot 7 extended beyond the excavated area and was c27m by over 20m in size. On its 34

1240 1021 45 30

139

1026

741 1063

184

1096

139 1086

1117

Fig 4.18

1067 1090 1092

1101 1104

Structure 2

0

10m

166 165

Plot 3 161

51

513

932 1004 Iron Age Ditch 1005

173

169 1053

S.520

168 993

170

976

Plot 1

965

1037 1033

786

172 782

1045

1041

995 762 S.549

Iron Age Ditch 972

980

Layer 999

Fig 4.3: Middle Saxon plots, 1 and 3 35

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Section 408 - Pit 17 NE

SW

765

769

Furrow

764

767

743

766

768 770

771

771

772

17

781

Section 711 - Pit 1327 and Gully 78 1326

SW

1316 1315

NE

1325

78

1328

1332 1331

1327 1m

0

11

Fig 4.4: Middle Saxon pits 17 and 1327, Sections 408 and 7 An oval pit, 1897, was c2m long by 0.7m wide and 0.450.55m deep with almost vertical sides and a flat base (Fig 4.5). It was cut by ditch 1898, which deepened toward the north making the distinction between the two features somewhat unclear. The pit fills were without pottery and soil sample 55 came from the upper fill, which included masticated eel remains suggesting that the pit had been used for waste disposal. The original purpose of this feature was unclear and it may have been created for another purpose such as storage.

north side, ditch 15 established a major east-west partition across the centre of the site, although it is possible that prior to the ditch being established the plot extended a further 9m, as far as ditch 128. Ditch 15 was 1.0m wide and 0.2m deep and continued to be re-established later on. It was unclear where the western terminal would have been due to truncation by a later ditch, but given later arrangements it seemed likely that it extended fully towards ditch 191. The west boundary was formed by fragmentary ditches, perhaps remnants of a former track and the south side was bounded by ditch 45. The plot was occupied by possible Structures 6, 7, and following its later partial amalgamation with Plot 8, it also contained the east end of Structure 8.

To the south, pit 1327 was one of a complex of intercutting pits which were in turn cut by the Phase 2 boundary ditch 78 (Fig 4.5). In the earliest phase, pits 1329 and 1331 were on the margin of a later cut, pit 1327 (Fig 4.4, S711). This pit was 1.65m in diameter and 0.37 m deep with a flat base. It had possibly been recut by pit 1315, which was 1.0m across and 0.15m deep, although this could also have been the upper fill.

Pit 17 lay to the south of ditch 15 (Fig 4.2). It was roughly circular, 1.5m across and 0.9m deep, and filled with a complex sequence of clayey fills (Fig 4.4, S408). Sherds of Roman and Ipswich ware pottery came from the upper fills. Soil sample 9, from near the base of the pit, yielded mineralised remains of straw, bran and masticated eel bones suggesting that the feature was a cess pit (Carruthers, Chapter 7).

Plot 9 The boundaries of this plot were not easily identified due to truncation. It would seem the area was originally c47m long by over 20m wide, extending beyond the excavated area. The main north-south alignment of a possible former track survived as sinuous ditches 130, 1869 and 1871, just 0.13-0.16m deep. They bounded the west side of the plot and its northernmost extent was probably around ditch 1725, while the south side lay at ditch 128 and perhaps extended to ditch 15 after the track became redundant. It was unclear whether they really terminated short of the next east-west boundary or whether they shallowed and had been truncated. Fig. 4.4

Plot 8 An area of ground c36m long by c20-31m wide formed a rough rectangle, c0.1ha, which was the basis of Plot 8. The division between Plots 7 and 8 were formed by the continuation of ditches 1533 and 92 to the northern edge of the plot, perhaps a former track. Its western boundary was ditch 191 and its southern boundary was ditch 81. This latter may have been an addition to separate Plots 6 and 8 after ditch 15 severed the connection. Ditch 1865, partitioning Plot 10, may have been its original north boundary. Within its eastern extent lay Structure 9 and later on, the west end of Structure 8.

In the south of the plot were the truncated remains of ditches 128 and 805. The east terminal of ditch 128 and 36

1771

37

75

S.711

1884

1327

1902

78

1428

1430

1434

1415

1471 1420

1383

239

85

95

Fig 4.5: Middle Saxon Structures 8 and 9

Structure 9

224

1424

1426

Plot 8

1549

1432

1898

1897

53

240

93

0

1533

238

Furrows

Earlier Features

Structure features

5m

Middle Saxon Phase 2

Plot 7

123

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Structure 8

880

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

the south terminal of ditch 805 respected one another. Ditch 805 was heavily truncated by a later ditch which was cut along the same alignment and to the same depth. It is possible that this demarcated a structure lying further east (Structure 10, Fig 4.25). Structure 11 also stood to the north of this. The only other early feature in this plot was a shallow pit, 1706, which contained an annular loomweight with no other finds.

almost certainly the same as ditch F35 in the CAU trench (0.7m wide and 0.3m deep), which, like the later cut F7, was undated although belonging to Phase III (post-Iron Age). As further north, this was the deeper of the two phases of ditch at 0.35m. Its southern terminal was not determined as it had been truncated by a furrow. This ditch indicated the presence of another enclosure lying mainly to the south-west, although, with the exception of a single unphased pit, there were no features associated with it.

Plot 10 In its earlier form the plot would have been almost triangular, c42m long by c34m wide, or c0.14ha. The relic southern boundary lay along ditch 1865, a curving boundary whose eastern terminal respected the northsouth ditch 1871. It had a maximum depth of 0.3m. This plot was probably extended to almost twice its size after the creation of ditch 15, making it into a rectangular enclosure, c42m by c45m, or c0.19ha.

Features to the north The arrangement of land plots probably continued north into Trench 28 where early east-west ditches formed a narrow plot or a possible droveway, about 12m wide, with an enclosure to the north (Fig 4.6). The discontinuous area strip meant that it was not possible to determine the nature and continuity of plots with confidence.

Plot 11

Enclosure ditch 113

A group of heavily truncated east-west ditches indicated the remnants of long rectangular Plot 11. Ditches 1895 and 1712 complete the pattern of plots here. Ditches 1725, 1721 and 1738 were recut on very similar alignments, reinstating the layout and probably originally crossed the whole area but were truncated by later boundaries. Plot 11 covered an area roughly 55m long by 23m wide and extended from beyond the excavated area, indicating a long strip plot in excess of 0.13ha.

Although this ditch had been largely removed by a later, deeper ditch, it was visible in three of the excavated sections, as well as the northern terminal, and it probably existed as an enclosure of almost identical form to the later one. Ditch 113 was 0.75m wide and 0.2m deep. The north entrance terminal was slightly inward curved. On the south side of this the ditch was 0.15-0.19m deep. Pit 282

Features to the south and west

Within the bounds of ditch 113 the only demonstrably early internal feature was pit 282, which had been cut by the later phase of enclosure. It must have been located very close to the boundary which had been cut away here. The pit was about 2.8m in diameter and 1.1m deep

Ditch 392 This was the earlier of two curving ditches, south-west of the main plot groups. It was 0.85m wide and 0.25m deep,

Tr 28 306 153

282

15

11

151

113

256 85

262

17 145

25

Tr 29

Middle Saxon Phase 1 Other Features

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

50m

1

Fig 4.6: Trench 28, Middle Saxon Phase 38

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Plate 6: Middle Saxon pit 282 (Trench 28), cut by enclosure ditch 27, Phase 2 (Plate 6). Its fills comprised unremarkable mottled grey clay.

and cut all the other features with which it had a relationship (Fig 4.7). It was 0.8-1.7m wide, often with a stepped cross-profile, which may indicate recutting, and reached a depth of 0.55m. Its western terminal was 0.4m deep.

Ditches 11 and 151 These were the earliest in the sequence of three ditches, aligned on the southern boundary of the enclosure. Ditch 11 was 1.2m wide and 0.5m deep with a rounded base, aligned with its other part, ditch 151, to the west where it was considerably shallower at 0.15 m.

Ditch 1608 This ditch was parallel to the principal western boundary ditch 191 (Ph1), on its outer, west, side. Its relationship with ditch 191 was not clear from any of the five excavated sections, but appeared to be the later of the two. The ditch was 0.7-1.0m wide, sloping to a concave base that was 0.25m deep and shallower than the earlier ditch. No terminal was evident to the south-east where it cut Iron Age ditch 1391, but since the southern boundary ditch 254 had a north-western terminal, the gully would not have been continuous and there seemed to have been a narrow gap between the two. Its northern terminal was also unclear, but it was apparent that the outer, shallower, ditch in this section stopped short of pit 1825 rather than being cut by it and it is thought to have respected the pit.

Ditches 25 and 145 To the south of ditch 11 lay another sequence of three ditches, the earliest of which, ditch 25, may have been contemporary with ditch 11. It was of similar size and may have continued to the west as ditch 145, which was a short length, 1.75m wide and 0.4m deep. North-south ditches 153, 256 and 262 These early boundaries were probably contemporary with ditches 11 and 25. They were very shallow at 0.18m, 0.26m and 0.27m deep respectively. Ditches 256 and 151 seemed to have been part of the same layout and were cut by later ditches (Ph2).

Ditch 127

Pit 85

This major east-west ditch crossed the site from an eastern terminal and turned sharply north to form the western boundary. It therefore seemed to have bounded a separate northern enclosure in which Plots 9-11 were arranged. Its alignment was traced in Trench 37, and may have continued into the northern field. The ditch was generally 1.3-1.4m wide and 0.55m deep with a single fill (Plate 7).

This was a small sub-circular pit about 1.0m across and 0.3m deep that contained some iron smelting slag.

Ditch 1783

Ditch 262 had steep sides and a flat base and curved gradually south-east, until it was cut by ditch 77 (Ph2). It may have continued to curve, forming an east-west boundary.

This ditch, lying to the west of ditch 1608, may have been an extension of ditch 127 from the point where it turned north. The ditch was probably of a late phase, closing a gap in the western boundary. The terminal contained a single sherd of Ipswich ware pottery.

Phase 2: Refurbishment of the Plots Southern and western boundary ditches The principal boundary of the plots was reinstated, perhaps encroaching slightly further west towards the end of Phase 2 with the creation of ditch 1783.

Plot divisions The main enclosure was subdivided into plots in a very similar manner to Phase 1. The main difference appeared to have been that the enclosure around Plot 5, represented

Ditch 254 The new southern boundary ditch redefined ditch 1061 39

188

27

39

282 15

105 973 17

9

4

248

147

317

145

79

77 141

1715

Plot 11 1719

Plot 9 Tr 37

1733

845

Plot 10 1874 4 9 16

127

53 18

127

Plot 7

Plot 8 78 1825

Plot 5

57

30

1891

1783 1843

51 63

1816

Plot 6

31

139

210

Plot 3

207 209

51 161

Plot 4 173 170

1608

t1

Plo

391

762

254

Plot 2

652 476 391

Middle Saxon Phase 2 Earlier Features

308 531

283

35/9 339

0

100m 489

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 4.7: Middle Saxon Phase 2

40

500

Fig. 4.7

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Section 549 - Layer 999 WSW

ENE 981

999

980

1003

1002 1m

0

Fig 4.8: Layer 999, Section 549

795

Neolithic pit 782 790

S.420

786

S.422

Plate 7: Middle Saxon east-west boundary ditch 127

Plot 1 762

by ditch 45 in Phase 1, was enlarged westward and the main north-south axis was also pushed in this direction. Plot 1 This plot was redefined on its north side by ditch 170, across the full width of the enclosure and terminated short of the west boundary. It was not clear whether this was a single ditch, or a ditch in two parts with a narrow gap of not more than 1.0m between the eastern and western extents, mutually aligned quite precisely with one another. The ditch was 1.2m wide and 0.25-0.30m deep.

0

5m

Fig 4.9: Pit 786 (with Neolithic pit 782)

To the south the parallel ditch 762 was of very similar form and dimensions to ditch 170 and may have been of this phase. It was almost aligned with the southern boundary ditch 254 and would have formed a very narrow plot, about 9m wide, with this narrowness also a characteristic of the west side of the plot and other notably narrow plots that lay further north.

may be intrusive. The impossibility of tracing the Middle Saxon ditch 172 (Ph1) through layer 999 suggested that this was later, and has been adopted in this report, albeit with reservations. One of the short ditches, 995 (Fig 4.3), extended west from its terminal for about 7.5m before being cut by ditch 980. It was 1.1m wide and 0.3m deep. The north-south axis of the plot was marked by ditches 980 (Fig 4.8, S549) and 1041. The former was about 4.0m long and 0.3m deep, and the latter 3.0m long and 0.16 m deep. Several sherds of Ipswich ware were recovered from these features and two Iron Age sherds also came from ditch 980.

At the centre of the plot was a group of short ditches which appeared to be cutting a shallow hollow covered by layer 999 (Fig 4.3). The interpretation and even the date of this feature was problematic. Layer 999 was an illdefined area of silty clay up to 0.35-0.40m deep, similar to the slightly deeper ‘pond’ 659 to the south, which was fairly securely Roman in date. Both features seemed too deep to have been caused by animal trample. The layer produced three sherds of pottery, two Iron Age in date and one that was Middle Saxon. Given the number of features in this part of the site, the Middle Saxon pottery

Fig. 4.8

In the extreme south-east corner was an oval pit, 786, measuring 1.5m long by 0.7m wide and 0.3m deep (Figs 4.3, 4.9-4.10, S420/3, S421/2). It had generally steep 41

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Section 420/3 - Pit/Oven 786 N

S

789 788 809

787 791

Burnt clay and charcoal

Section 421/2 - Pit/Oven 786 W

E

789 788 787

786 808

790

786

807

1m

0

1

Fig 4.10: Pit 786, Sections 420, 42 Ipswich ware. The posthole itself was 0.15m deep and, as with many similar small features on the site, its function was far from clear.

sides, although the north-east side, along the long axis, was gentle. In the flat base were two shallow postholes, 790 and 807, along with areas of irregular hollows on the north-east and south-east sides, which may have been animal disturbances. On the base was a lump of burnt clay, which seemed likely to have been a dump of hearth or oven material. The fills above this were all relatively charcoal-rich, but lacked any dating evidence. The absence of in situ burning and the lack of form to the burnt clay suggested that this was a pit containing oven debris, rather than the remains of an oven itself.

The northern boundary of the plot was defined by ditch 139. The ditch was about 1.0m wide at its eastern end, narrowing to 0.4m at its western terminal and became shallower, from 0.40m to 0.23m deep, along this distance. It was cut by three shallow pits; 1063, 741 and 1067 (Fig 4.3). At almost the same point as the terminal of ditch 139, 0.5m to the south, was a possible beam slot 1101. This was 0.3m wide and 0.1m deep with a flat base. Nearby, two small postholes were recorded. Posthole 1117 was 0.46m in diameter and 0.14m deep, and posthole 1104 was 0.35m in diameter and 60mm deep. It is possible that these related to a small structure, although it was not clear what form this might have taken.

Plot 2 Plot 2 seemed to have been devoid of features. A number of minor curving gullies on the eastern side of this plot are thought likely to have been Iron Age.

There were a relatively large number of features in this plot, perhaps related to Structure 2 and the possible fence lines represented by ditches 161, 165 and 166 (Fig 4.3).

There were a few pits in this area, and all were shallow and of uncertain significance (Fig 4.3). Pit 1045 lay at the terminal of ditch 51 and would seem to have been a boundary feature of some kind. It was 0.7m in diameter and 0.18m deep with a dished base. Pit 1033 cut ditch 170 to the west and was very similar.

Well 173, in the corner of the plot, was about 3.8m across and reached a depth of 2.5m, by far the deepest feature in the site (Figs 4.3 and 4.11, S520; Plate 8). The lower 1.1m was quite narrow, about 1.0m across and tapering to 0.5m near the base. The well was filled with a primary deposit and covered by a thick secondary fill of clay. Soil sample 24 from this feature yielded only very degraded waterlogged remains from the lowest fill (Carruthers, Chapter 7). Above this were a series of tip lines within the broader weathering cone. Charred plant remains from these upper layers included a moderately rich sample, which appeared to have included a dump of charred barley (sample 18).

Plot 3 The western boundary of Plot 3 was defined by northsouth ditch 51. This was a sinuous feature 60m long, 0.8m wide and 0.25m deep. Its northern terminal stopped short of ditch 81 (Ph1) and its replacement ditch 78. The southern half was cut into the Iron Age enclosure and subsequently the southern terminal was difficult to define. It seems likely that it respected the east-west ditch 170 (Fig 4.3).

Immediately to the east, pit 1053 cut the southern terminal of ditch 165 and was therefore relatively late, but perhaps not contemporary with well 173. It had a conical profile and was 1.4m in diameter and over 1.0m deep. The pit was not bottomed due to instability, but projected to have been 1.3-1.4m deep. The fill contained no pottery and was cut by pit 167, almost centrally, although this feature may have been a weathering cone, 0.35m deep, which had been filled in later. The fills contained burnt material including clay and bone, which appeared to represent a dump of domestic rubbish. Soil sample 16 from the top fill included mineralised seeds, but this was probably redeposited and the feature may not have been primarily used for dumping such waste.

Within the enclosure were a number of features, some of which may have earlier origins (Fig 4.3, Ph1). These included well 173 in the south-west corner, a possible structure (Structure 2) on the north side, and a series of north-south ditches; 161, 165 and 166, which appeared to divide the structure from the well and may have been fence lines. These are described below. In the south-east corner of the plot were traces of a much narrower enclosure up against the southern boundary defined by ditches 932 and 513. These were undated, but posthole 169, which seems to have occupied a pivotal position with respect to ditches 161, 932 and possibly the early-phase boundary ditch 168, contained a sherd of 42

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Section 520 - Well 173 N

S Drain

917/920

918/921

926

957/959 9??/960 958/960 919/922 1002 949/930 975

956/950 970

969

971 0

1m

173

Fig 4.11: Well 173, Section 520

Plate 8: Middle Saxon well 173 Toward the north-west corner of the plot was a tight group of intercutting features with an unclear interpretation (Fig 4.18, Structure 2). They may have been storage pits,

although they were all shallow and of varying form. The area was complicated by the depth of medieval furrows. One of the early features, ditch 1077, was short, 3.5m 43

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

long by 0.5m wide and up to 0.23m deep. This had been cut by ditch 165 on a different alignment. To the east, pit 1081 was heavily truncated by pit 1079, but was possibly oval in shape, 2.0m long by 1.1m wide and 0.2m deep. Pit 1079 was of similar size, and it cut both pit 1081 and ditch 165. The latest feature in this group was pit 989, which cut pit 1079. This was 0.9m in diameter and 0.15m deep. A similar shallow sub-circular pit, 1119, lay to the north of the group. This contained a small sherd of Roman pottery, the only pottery to be recovered from the group with the exception of ditch 165, which contained a small quantity of mixed Iron Age, Roman and Middle Saxon pottery. It is likely, however, that all these features were Middle Saxon in date and suggested that this was the location of repeated activity over a long period.

sides. Its inward turned terminal ended just short of the southern boundary, ditch 139. Ditch 30 varied between 0.9-1.5m wide and was around 0.4m deep. The fill was conspicuously dark and yielded a relatively large quantity of pottery and bone. Internal features included a cluster of postholes without apparent pattern (Fig 4.20, Structure 4), and a deep pit, 1021, cut the earlier ditch 45 (Fig 4.3) There were other shallower pits in this area. On the eastern edge of the site, ditch 31 was extremely shallow and truncated at 80mm deep, but suggested an internal division to the plot in plan. A group of pits: 1021, 1026 and 1240, lay in the southern part of the enclosure (Fig 4.3). Pit 1021 was the largest, being 1.75m in diameter and was estimated to have been 1.2m deep, although it was not entirely emptied (Fig 4.12, S563). It may have been intended as a well although it is not clear that the water table would have been reached at this depth. It was filled with a sequence of six silty clay layers and contained a Roman pottery sherd as well as some Ipswich ware. The pit cut ditch 45 of Phase 1. Nearby, pit 1026 was 1.0m across and 0.2m deep and also contained a sherd of Ipswich ware. Pit or posthole 1240 was cut centrally into the top of ditch 45. It was 0.6m in diameter and 0.32m deep with Ipswich ware.

Cutting the north boundary ditch, 139, were three shallow pits which would have been of a late phase (Fig 4.3). Pit 741 was a very small feature that was 0.3m across and 0.16m deep with a notably dark fill. Further west, pit 1063 was a broad, shallow feature that was 1.8m across and 0.25m deep, while pit 1067 was 0.85m across and 0.22m deep. The purpose of any of these features was not known. Plot 4 Plot 4 was largely devoid of features (Fig 4.7). Ditch 209 formed its north boundary on the same alignment as ditch 139, leaving a gap of c5m. It was 0.2m deep and the east terminal, which was cut into the Iron Age ditch fill, was unclear. The ditch was cut by a small circular pit 207, which was 0.3m deep.

Plots 6 and 8 Plot 6 was either enlarged northwards or amalgamated with Plot 8 in this phase, although it is possible that ditch 57 replaced ditch 186, as the northern boundary across the entire plot width (Fig 4.7). Ditch 78, another possible northern boundary of Plot 6, was an interrupted linear feature on a different alignment to the other eastwest boundaries. It was up to 0.35m deep but shallower at its southern terminal where it cut ditch 81. Further to the north-west it cut pit 1315/1327. To the south of this boundary were scattered shallow features forming no clear pattern, perhaps representing the traces of a structure. These included gully 63, with two arms that formed an obtuse angle (Fig 4.21, Structure 5).

In contrast with Plot 3 to the east, this plot contained little other than a light scatter of smaller features whose date and interpretation were unresolved. The plot may have been without structures of any kind or was too truncated for such structural evidence to survive. Plot 5 This plot was defined by ditch 30 on its north and west

Section 563 - Pit 1021 SW

N

E 1015

1022 1016 1023 1024 1622

1021

1m

0

Fig 4.12: Pit 1021, Section 563 44

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Section 732 - Pit 210 N

S 1296 B

1297

1298

210 1m

0

Fig 4.13: Pit 210, Section 732 Age enclosure and its edges were not clear, but it either cut the plot boundary, ditches 208 and 209 to the west, and ditch 1200 to the north, or was respected by them.

The south-east corner of Plot 6 contained a number of gullies and other small features that suggested the presence of Structure 3 (Fig 4.19). In addition, there were two larger pits sited at ditch intersections, pit 207 on the south-eastern corner of the plot, and pit 210, further north-west. Pit 207 was oval, 2.4m long by 2.0m wide and 0.31m deep. It had been cut into the top of the Iron

Pit 210 was a large, almost circular feature 2.4-2.8m across with sides plunging to 1.0m, and narrowing to a total depth of 1.5m (Fig 4.13, S732). Its upper dark fill

Plate 9: Middle Saxon pit 52 45

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Plate 10: Trench 29, pit 1816 cutting ditch 81, looking west (Spoil stored on previously excavated trenches) contained a small amount of charred cereal (sample 43), and two sherds of Ipswich ware. The pit cut ditches 186 and 1299, but appeared to be respected by ditch 57 to the north.

It was about 2.0m long by 1.1m wide and 0.45m deep with fairly shallow sides and a rounded base.

Other small pits or postholes lay in the area defined by ditches 209, 1299, 186 and 51. These were considered likely to relate to Structure 3 and are described separately below. To the north of this group were scattered small features, including gully 63, the location of Structure 5. To the east of ditch 51 was an elongated feature, pit 52 (Fig 4.21; Plate 9). This was 2.5m long by 1.2m wide and 0.35m deep, it contained a conspicuous amount of burnt debris, including charred barley (sample 29). The pit seemed to have been used for waste disposal.

Plot 7 appeared to have expanded west in Phase 2 (Fig 4.7). To the north of ditch 78, in the small triangular plot bounded by ditch 53, was a collection of pits and small features. The sinuous north-south ditch 1898 cut through the top of pit 1897 (Ph1) and appeared to be truncated by ditch 53 (Fig 4.5). The other features here were unphased. Further east there were other possible unphased structures represented by a cluster of postholes and short ditches (Structure 9), several lengths of straight and curving gullies (Structure 8), a group of postholes (Fig 4.23, Structure 7) and a sharply angled gully (Fig 4.22, Structure 6).

Plots 7 and 8

On the western side of the plot, pit 1891 was circular, 2.1m across and 0.45m deep (Fig 4.7). It was without pottery but fitted the Middle Saxon arrangement. Three other pits lay further west. Pit 1825, which probably cut the earlier phase of the west boundary, was 2.5m in diameter and 0.85m deep with moderate sides and a flat base (Fig 4.7). It contained no finds other than a residual sherd of Roman pottery and its purpose was unknown. Pit 1816 was 2.3m in diameter and 1.1m deep, cutting the southern plot boundary ditch 81 (Plate 10, Ph1). It was interpreted as a possible well, although it is not clear that it would have held water. Further west, pit 1843 may have specifically been a recut of the terminal of ditch 81.

Ditch 53 formed the north boundary of this plot, replacing the earlier segmented gullies. It was 0.9-1.2m wide and 0.25-0.60m deep, deeper toward the east. A little over 1.0m to the north, ditch 16 replaced ditch 15 and lay parallel to ditch 53, perhaps leaving a narrow pathway, bank or hedgerow between the two. This ditch was slightly deeper at 0.5-0.8m and conspicuously steep-sided. Pit 18 lay towards the north boundary (Fig 4.7). It was 1.6m long by 0.9m wide and 0.46m deep, with a charcoalrich fill. This did not seem to have been another cess pit 46

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Features to the south and west

like the nearby pit, 17 (Ph1). Soil sample 12, from pit 18, was assessed and found to contain charred wheat, barley and chess, but some uncharred material indicated a degree of modern contamination.

A scatter of ditches, dated to the Middle Saxon period stratigraphically or by associated pottery, lay in the southern part of Trench 29 (Fig 4.7). These were more severely truncated by medieval and later activity than the features to the north, producing a rather fragmentary layout.

The west portion of this plot was occupied by a complex of small ditches, pits and postholes which seemed to indicate Structures 8 and 9 (Fig 4.5). To the west of this group were two other pits. Pit 1902 was a large oval or sub-rectangular pit, 3.6m long by 1.6m wide and 0.38m deep, with moderately steep sides and a flat base. Close to the northern boundary, was a narrow deep pit, 1884, which was 1.3m in diameter and 0.54m deep with a rounded base.

Ditch 391 The later phase of this ditch in the south-west part of the site was cut just inside the line of ditch 392, but to a shallower depth. It was generally 0.6-0.8m wide and 0.1-0.28m deep. This corresponded to ditch F7 in the CAU trench. Other features of this phase within the CAU trench also appeared likely to be Saxon in date depicted in Figure 4.7.

Plots 9 and 10 There appeared to have been a rearrangement of plots involving an abandonment of the north-south boundary with the maintenance of an east-west sub-division in a different location. There were traces of two possible structures (10-11) on the eastern margin of the site (Figs 4.24-4.25). A new ditch, 127, marked the southern boundary of these plots, and this was extended to enclose the plots on the west side, perhaps for the first time. The ditch was slightly broader and shallower than ditch 16. Its eastern terminal respected ditch 9, which was a shallow curving feature that seemed to have been a direct replacement for ditch 805, 0.2m deep. Ditch 9 probably partly enclosed Structure 10 (Fig 4.24).

Ditch 476 This ditch was 0.5m wide and 0.2m deep with an almost V-shaped profile. It was recorded with two fills and was recut on the same alignment. It extended for 23m from a clear southern terminal, but it did not appear in the CAU trench or Trench 29 to the north. It cut Roman ditch 276 and contained twenty-five sherds of Ipswich ware, as well as the only sceat from the site. Gullies 283 and 308 These two gullies, lying south of ditch 476 and perpendicular to it, appeared to be parts of the same feature. They yielded no dating evidence, although gully 283 cut Roman features. They were 0.13-0.19m deep with flat bases and may have represented elements of Structure 1.

The plot was sub-divided by east-west ditch 4, itself of two sub-phases. This was 0.8m wide and 0.25-0.30m deep. The north part of the plot contained another subdivision formed by shallow ditch 1874, with terminals respecting both ditch 4 and the west boundary ditch. On the eastern margin of the site Structure 11 (Fig 4.25), represented by gullies 1710 and 1745, was demarcated by a later north-south ditch, 845, which was 0.9m wide and 0.3m deep. Its terminal ended at the same point as ditch 1745, but it cut the edge of the former ditch and may have been a replacement for it. Elsewhere, there were few other surviving features. The northern boundary was defined by a relatively broad and shallow ditch, 1719, which followed an irregular course across the full width of the site. At the east end there were clearly two ditches, but these merged further west.

Ditch 339 This boundary lay south of gullies 283 and 308, on a slightly different degree of alignment. It extended west for about 20m from a clear terminal but its other terminal was not found. It was 0.5m wide and 0.2m deep with a rounded base and was cut by Middle Saxon pit 35/9 in evaluation Trench ET35, but was otherwise without direct dating evidence. Ditch 500

The plots were largely devoid of pits except for some minor features in Plot 9 which may have been associated with Structures 10-11 on the eastern edge of the trench (Figs 4.24-4.25). Pit 1733 was an isolated feature in the north-west part of Plot 10 (Fig 4.7). It was 1.25m in diameter and approximately 0.3m deep. It contained two sherds of Ipswich ware and a large quantity of charred barley (sample 45)

This ditch lay to the extreme south-east and was 0.9m wide by 0.3-0.4m deep with steep sides and a flattish base, having been cut into the top of Iron Age ditch 338. It had been cut by post-medieval ditch 484 on almost the same alignment but was without finds. Its date was possible, although by no means certain and its projected alignment whilst very close to that of ditch 476, was also equidistant from the terminal of ditch 339, but bears Iron Age similarities.

Plot 11 The north side of this plot was defined by ditch 1715. This was 0.6m wide and 0.2m deep with a small gap, 0.4m wide, in the north-east corner. Like ditch 1719 on the southern side, it followed a somewhat irregular course.

Ditch 489 This ditch extended beyond the southern edge of the trench on a north-south alignment. It was 0.5m wide by 0.3m deep with steep sides that cut the Roman ‘pond’, 659, and contained two sherds of Ipswich ware. 47

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Section 330 - Pit 652 W B

585 Furrow B

E

585

Drain

Furrow

653

B

B

654

B

656

655

657

658

652 1m

0

Fig 4.14: Pit 652, Section 330 Pits

contained four sherds of Ipswich ware, which was at the time misidentified and reported as Roman, along with the other two Roman sherds present. It was not re-examined during the main excavation.

Pit 652 was located on the edge of the southern excavation area adjacent to ditch 391 (Figs 4.7, 4.14, S330). The pit was 2.6m in diameter and 1.3m deep, filled with a series of clayey sediments that were generally mottled grey clay which became browner towards the top of the sequence. Two sherds of Ipswich ware were recovered from near the base of the feature, but there was no particular indication of the pit’s function.

Pit 531 was a shallow feature containing a sherd of Ipswich ware. Features to the north The original enclosure and boundary ditches were re-dug with minor modifications and a ditched droveway, 3-4m wide, extended to the west (Fig 4.15).

Pit 35/9, examined in evaluation Trench ET35, was 2.5m wide and 1.5m deep. The pit cut ditch 339 and

131 188

Tr 28

27

153

39

317 15

13 147

248

9 7

143

141

105 97 Structure 12

4 23

77 79

Tr 29

Middle Saxon Phase 2 Earlier Features

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

Fig 4.15: Trench 28, Middle Saxon Phase 2 48

50m

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Enclosure ditch 27

presumably contemporaneous with it, forming a droveway 3-5m wide. Ditch 77 was 0.9m wide and 0.25m deep with a broad profile, it was recut by ditch 79 which was 1.21.5m wide and 0.6m deep with an asymmetrical profile.

The northern enclosure boundary was redefined by a substantially larger ditch, generally 1.65m wide and 0.50m deep, with a flat base, but deepening to 0.70m where it cut into the top of pit 282 (Ph1). The terminal was shallower and similar to the southern enclosure ditch, 15, which was just 0.30m deep. On the northern side of the enclosure, ditch 188 was a later addition with a 0.78m deep southern terminal. It seemed that a narrow gap was left on this northern side just west of ditch 188.

Ditches 143 and 248 Ditch 143 lay on a slightly different alignment to the other north-south boundaries. Its north end was cut by ditch 248, although originally it may have continued as far north as this latter feature. The south terminal cut ditch 256 (Ph1) and respected ditch 141, with which it was contemporary. The ditch was 0.64m wide and 0.23m deep, and the recut was of similar dimensions, albeit on a straighter alignment.

Internal pits and postholes The enclosure contained few internal features, none of which were demonstrably contemporary with the enclosure but a few, including those containing Ipswich ware, are likely to have been (below).

Ditch 147 Parallel to and west of ditch 248, lay ditch 147, also a late feature. Its southern terminal cut the east-west droveway ditch 141, although this may have had two phases, contemporary with ditch 147 in the later phase. Ditch 147 was 1.5m wide and 0.4m deep, without finds. Two short sections of ditch at right-angles to this feature may have been of the same phase.

A scatter of pits and postholes within the enclosure suggested some sort of occupation or activity was located here. As elsewhere on the site, there was no clear pattern to these features. Due to the relatively dense medieval and later activity, the dating of these features to the Middle Saxon period was less secure than in other areas. Pit 39, toward the eastern side of the enclosure, was 0.4m deep with a rounded base. It had a conspicuously dark fill, which suggested a post-medieval date. However, five sherds of Ipswich ware and an iron nail were the only finds, indicating that the feature was probably Middle Saxon.

Pits outside the enclosure Pit 317 was the only one of the scatter of shallow pits which could be dated to the Middle Saxon period. The pit lay isolated to the west of the main focus of activity and its purpose was unclear. The dimensions were 1.55m long by 0.95m wide and 0.5m deep, with steep sides flattening and then plunging to a pointed base. It may have been recut but the lowest fill was thin charcoalrich silt, perhaps a burnt deposit or lining. The upper fill contained two sherds of Ipswich ware and some animal bone.

A cluster of small features lay near the western entrance to the enclosure on its south side, interpreted as the remains of Structure 12 (Fig 4.26). Ditches 13, 9 and 7 Ditch 13 was second in the sequence of intercutting eastwest ditches aligned on the southern boundary of the enclosure. It cut ditch 11 (Ph1) but was smaller at 0.7m wide and 0.2m deep. It had no relationship with ditches 7 and 9 to the south. It is possible that it continued as ditch 151 to the west, which was of similar dimensions, but this was the earliest in the sequence of ditches here and has been ascribed to Phase 1 (above). Ditch 9 was interpreted as a later feature, dug to the south and crossing the full width of the site south of enclosure ditch 27. This was recut to a shallower depth by ditch 7 along the same alignment.

Potential Structures No definitive structures were discovered. There were occasional groups of small features such as gullies, which may include possible beam slots, fence lines and shallow drainage features, and postholes and small pits that suggested the presence of structures in certain parts of the site (Fig 4.16). These potential structures were frequently characterised in plan by angular or sharply curving ditches that might have marked two sides of a building and were sometimes accompanied by small groups of postholes. In other cases groups of postholes existed on their own, or were associated with short linear gullies. There were never any clear patterns to these features to indicate what form the structures might have taken, but these groups of features were not ubiquitous and their sporadic occurrence appeared to be a characteristic of the site. Twelve potential structures were recognised and are described individually.

Ditches 4 and 141 To the south of ditch 13, the second in the series of recut ditches, ditch 4, may have cut an earlier version, perhaps ditch 23. Ditch 4 was a little over 1.0m wide and about 0.55m deep. It was aligned with ditch 141, forming the northern side of a possible droveway. Ditch 141 was about 2.0m wide and 0.58m deep, becoming shallower toward the west. It may have been recut as the composite profile in one of the ditch sections suggested, but there was no clear indication of this in the other two sections.

Structure 1 This potential structure lay in the southern area (Fig 4.17). It was formed by a group of eleven shallow postholes, nine of which were aligned in rows at right-angles to

Ditches 77 and 79 Ditch 77 lay south of, and parallel to ditch 141 and was 49

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Structure 12

Structure 11

Structure 10

Structure 8

Structure 9

Structure 6 Structure 7

Structure 5

Structure 4 Structure 3

Structure 2

Structure 1

Saxon Phases Earlier Features Potential Structure © Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

Fig 4.16: Locations of possible Middle Saxon structures

50

100m

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

292 Iron Age

297

298

299

303

280

Structure 1 300 302

476 301

308

276 Roman

304

305

306

281 307 282

Middle Saxon Phase 2

283

Structure features Earlier Features Furrows

495 0

5m

1

Fig 4.17: Middle Saxon Structure Structure 2

each other. They were mostly 0.12-0.19m deep, except postholes 302, 305 and 306, which were shallower. The postholes could have formed two sides of a rectangular or sub-rectangular structure. On the west side the ground was truncated by a furrow, and it cannot be known whether there were other postholes in this area. Assuming that double posthole 297 had marked the north end of a wall, the structure would have been c9m long. It is possible that posthole 303 was part of the west wall, in which case the structure would have been c4m wide. Posthole 302 may have been on the central axis. There were no other internal features, gully 308 presumably being earlier or later. This was of a similar depth to the postholes and had a flat base, and it may have been a beam slot. To the east, gully 283 was similar, although not quite on the same alignment.

Structure 2 lay on the north side of Plot 3 (Fig 4.18). It was defined by a length of gully, 131, which lay perpendicular from the plot boundary, 9m long, and then turned sharply east for 3.5m. There may have been the slight trace of this feature extending further east on a slightly different alignment and returning northward, but this area was badly truncated by a later furrow and whether the gully really lay there was far from certain. Gully 131 was approximately 0.28m deep with moderately steep sides and a rounded base. Its alignment further south-east was identified with ditch 161 which was of a similar form. The curve of gully 131 may indicate that the feature was for drainage outside the wall-line, rather than the wall itself, although in the absence of firm evidence for forms of construction, this may not be the case. Internal features comprised a small posthole, 152, which was just 0.16m deep, and a short length of gully, 1056, which was cut by pit 156 at its northern end. The pit was 0.22m deep, contained Ipswich ware and both features are likely to

The only find was a sherd of Roman pottery from posthole 304. While it is possible that the structure was Roman, the close alignment of the eastern wall with the Saxon ditch 476, rather than the Roman one ditch 276, fits a Middle Saxon arrangement more comfortably. 51

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

45 1021 30 1026 139 1067 1086

1000

1063 158

1119

1096 156

1081

1079 1077

1056

989

166 131

Structure 2

165

152

Middle Saxon Phase 2 161 0

Structure features

5m

Earlier Features

Fig 4.18: Middle Saxon Structure 2 be Middle Saxon without necessarily being part of the structure.

which subdivided the plot. Ditch 161 (above) was contemporary with Structure 2. Ditches 165 Fig. and 166 were 4.18 close together and likely to have been of different phases. They were very similar, being 0.5-0.6m wide and 0.19m deep. The northern terminal of ditch 166 was cut by

The structure was associated with several other features nearby. Three of these were ditches 165, 166 and 161, 52

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

57

186

1194 1285

1281 1277

210

1279 1276

1186

189

1260

1273

S.732

1188 1263

Structure 3

1299

Plot 6

1265

205 1233

206

1165 1302

1200

1267 1288

1161

187 1269 1202

1290

1167 1163

1205 204

1271 51

1535 Iron Age

1304

208 Middle Saxon Structure features 209 0

Earlier Features

5m

207

Furrows

Fig 4.19: Middle Saxon Structure 3

Structure 3

posthole 1000, 0.7m across by 0.3m deep. The southern terminal of ditch 165 was cut by pit 1053 (Fig 4.3). It was possible that these ditches lay along fence lines, constructed using the post-in-trench method, although the form of the cuts, which were wide in relation to depth, and the absence of clear evidence of post-positions, perhaps argues against this interpretation.

Structure 3 lay in the corner of Plot 6 (Fig 4.19). Its eastern boundary was defined by a series of ditches: 1194, 1200 and 187, probably in three phases, and it was possible that a number of structural phases were represented by the cluster of postholes bounded by these ditches, and also by ditch 1299 to the west, and ditch 186 to the north. Within this area were a group of twenty-one postholes and other small Fig. 4.19 features. While there were no clear patterns, a ragged line formed by features 206, 1165, 1167, 1163, 1161, 204 and 1271, aligned east-west for c3.5m, may mark the southern

Outside, to the west, lay a cluster of intercutting pits which have been described above. In addition, a short length of ditch 158 appeared to form a link between the early phase of boundary ditch 1086 and gully 131. 53

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

wall of a structure. Other features aligned north-south: 1288, 1290, 1269, 1267, 1265, 1263, 1188 and 1260, suggested the presence of a structure c5.5m long. To the north-west lay an irregular group of six post- or stakeholes which may relate to another ill-defined structure.

deep and its alignment to the south was continued by a pit, 61, of similar dimensions. The length of this straight section, which may have defined a wall, was c10m long. To the west, 3.5m away, was another elongated pit or the remainder of a truncated gully, 62. This may have defined the width of the structure, although it is possible that gully 62 could have been the remains of a furrow. A possible posthole, 1215, lay in the angle of gully 63, and two others that lay further to the west. Another group of four postholes lay to the east.

Ditch 1194 was one of the early boundaries, it was 0.65m wide and 0.20m deep and extended east-west for 4.0m. The ditch was cut by north-south ditch 1200, although since it did not reappear to the east, it must either have terminated, or turned south, perhaps terminating at cut 1205, which was so heavily truncated to be barely definable. Ditch 1200 was a more substantial feature, 0.90m wide and 0.33m deep with a flat base. Its southern terminal was not well defined and it was either cut by, or respected, pit 207. Ditch 1200 was cut by pit 1202 and ditch 187 in its central section. It contained two residual sherds of Iron Age pottery.

To the north-west it was possible that shallow gullies 75 and 76, and postholes 74 and 66, were associated with Structure 5. They were, however, on the north side of ditch 80 and if associated with Structure 5 they must have been of a later phase as indicated by posthole 66, cut into ditch 80. Structure 6

Structure 4

Structure 6, in Plot 7, was formed by two gullies, gully 26 which was 6m long, and curving gully 27, perpendicular to it and 4m long (Fig 4.22). Gully 27 redefined gully 26 and was therefore a later addition. A group of six shallow postholes to the north were undated and may not be associated with the purported structure, particularly as they formed a rough line on a different alignment to the gullies.

This tentative structure in Plot 5 was made up of an irregular arc of seven shallow postholes: 234, 38, 39, 41, 42, 270, 269, in an otherwise blank area (Fig 4.20). It may have defined a semi-circular structure c3.0m across. Structure 5 Structure 5, in Plot 6, was defined by shallow curving gully 63 (Fig 4.21). This gully was 0.5m wide by 0.16m

Structure 7 Structure 7, lying to the west of Structure 6, was a group of twenty-five postholes in an irregular disposition occupying an area approximately 9m long by 6m wide (Fig 4.23). Most of these postholes were shallow, although seven were over 0.2m deep, and five postholes 110, 111, 112, 115 and 116, formed a rough alignment similar to that of Structure 6, while the other two postholes, 107 and 104, lay approximately perpendicular to this. Ten postholes were 0.1-0.2m deep and the rest were shallower.

Middle Saxon Phase 1 Structure features

Structure 8 Structure 8 was defined by a group of short linear and curving gullies on the northern edge of Plot 7 (Fig 4.5). Gully 240 was 11m long, 0.8m wide and 0.24m deep, parallel to the northern plot boundary. It was on the same alignment as the furrows in this area and was concealed by one of them; its depth suggested that it was mostly truncated. To the north it was cut by gully 880 on the same alignment, although the complete removal of the overlying furrow left them as separate features in plan. Gully 880 was shorter but 0.34m deep, both cut the Phase 1 plot boundaries.

42 269 270

41

45

To the south a curving gully, 1383, defined part of the southern and western sides of the structure, and would have been c4.0-4.5m wide. Gully 1383 was of negligible depth with its east end cut by circular pit 95, 0.35m deep. The gully’s relationship to boundary ditch 93 was therefore unknown and its phasing uncertain. The north terminal of gully 1383 had been recut to a depth of 0.2m by a shorter length of gully, 239.

39

Structure 4

38 234

0

There do not appear to have been any surviving postholes associated with this structure, which may have been obscured or completely removed by later furrows. A short section of shallow curving gully, 123, remained enigmatic and may be structurally related, pre-dating gully 240.

50m

Fig 4.20: Middle Saxon Structure 4 54

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

76 75

74

66

81

1215

68 69

63 62 51

Structure 5

1212 1227

59

Structure features 61

Middle Saxon Phase 2

52 1207

Middle Saxon Phase 1 0

55

5m 1231

Fig 4.21: Middle Saxon Structure 5 Structure 9

of Plot 9 was defined by angular gully 12 (Fig 4.24). The gully was 0.15m deep and contained a deposit of burnt clay and charcoal in its central section, perhaps within pit 13. The northern terminal was cut by a shallow pit, 852, and shallow pit 6 lay to the west. A short section of gully 5 and elongated pit 7 may have been associated with the structure.

A tight cluster of postholes and short gullies to the southwest of Structure 8 indicated the location of another possible structure (Fig 4.5). The group comprised nine postholes and three gullies that occupied an area of c7.0m east-west by c3.0m north-south, although more features may originally have lain to the north where a furrow had caused greater truncation.

Structure 11

Fig. 4.21

Structure 11 consisted of two gullies which intersected at right-angles in the northern part of Plot 9 (Fig 4.25). Gully 1710 lay approximately east-west and was 0.2m

Structure 10 The possible west end of a structure in the southern part 55

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Structure 12 This comprised a group of pits and postholes south of the entrance to the northernmost enclosure in Trench 28 (Fig 4.26). The features were grouped in an area of c10m long by c5.0m wide. In common with the other structures on the site there was no pattern evident in the arrangement of features, but their discrete concentration suggested they were related to a structure. The most substantial of these were three broad, shallow, flat-based pits: 97, 105 and 49. All had conspicuously dark fills which may have derived from timber or other organic matter rotting in situ. The fills were similar to those in pit 39 (above) which contained five Ipswich ware sherds. Pit 97 contained a large sherd of Ipswich ware (40g) and a Saxon date was considered likely for all of them in view of their proximity. Pit 97 was the deepest at 0.26m, while pit 105 was a mere 0.10m deep and pit 49 barely 60mm. There were thirteen postholes or small pits, all were quite shallow, generally 0.07-0.15m deep, although posthole 47 was deeper at 0.28m. This was the only posthole to contain pottery, a single sherd of Ipswich ware. Features 69 and 99 were broader, 0.48m and 0.60m respectively, and may have been recut pits or larger postholes.

21 773

22 23

Structure 6 27

25

24

26

761 0

5m

Land use after cAD850 Fig 4.22: Middle Saxon Structure 6

The site appeared to have been abandoned by the end of the 9th century and not reoccupied. Just five sherds (17g) of late Saxon St Neots-type ware were recovered from the combined evaluation and open area excavations, mostly from superficial deposits. It seemed that the abandonment of settlement on this side of West Fen Road was comprehensive. By contrast, settlement appeared to have expanded on the southern side of the road and the fields to the north were probably devoted to agriculture (Fig 4.27).

deep with steep sides and a flat base. The north-south gully, 1745, was by contrast a slightly deeper V-shaped feature. Its relationship with gully 1710 was not clear, and was perhaps contemporary, but cut another feature, 1743, which may have been a small pit or an earlier version of this gully. Gully 1745 was parallel to a straight section of enclosure ditch, 845, which was 0.3m deep. There did not appear to be any other associated features.

Structure 7

119

98 873

120

99

103

100 12

104 106 108 107 113 114

118

105

117

101

109

112 116

111

115

110

30

Middle Saxon Phase 2 0

Fig. 4.22 Structure features

5m

Fig 4.23: Middle Saxon Structure 7 56

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

4

5

6

845

852

13

Structure 10

7

Middle Saxon Phase 2

12 0

5m

Structure features

Fig 4.24: Middle Saxon Structure 10

Structure 11 1743

845

1710 1745

Middle Saxon Phase 2 Structure features 0

5m

11

Fig 4.25: Middle Saxon Structure 57

Unphased features

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

282

Roman gully 214

235 180

58 56 101 49 99

51

62 47 45 70

15

105

69

68

53

Structure 12 97 54

55 17

109

Middle Saxon Phase 2

71

Structure features Other Features 0

61

Fig 4.26: Middle Saxon Structure 12

58

5m

MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENT

Ridge & Furrow Medieval Features Earlier Features

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

100m

Fig 4.27: Medieval features

59

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

The abundant evidence of ridge and furrow show that the land became arable during the medieval period. It is not clear when this might have been. The subsoil and plough furrows contained an eclectic mixture of medieval and later objects, particularly metalwork. It has been pointed out that the furrows in the southern area followed the north-south alignment of the Saxon ditches quite closely, but that as the latter were shallow, it did not seem likely that they conditioned the orientation of the later furlongs,

and the coincidence was more likely to have been fortuitous or a similar response to drainage problems. The furrows were plotted on Figure 4.27, which correspond well with the orientation of ridge and furrow plotted for the Fenland Survey by David Hall, who noted that the whole of the dry land of Ely, where it was not built upon, was subjected to open field strip ploughing (Hall 1996, 40).

60

Chapter 5: Finds and dating Worked flint by Alex Thompson

prises earlier Neolithic plain bowls, later Neolithic to early Bronze Age urns and Iron Age pottery, of which the later Iron Age assemblage represents the majority of the collection (Table 5.1). The pottery is in poor condition. Two partial vessel profiles survive among the Iron Age material. Most of the Neolithic and Bronze Age pottery was found redeposited within later, Iron Age features. Around 95% of the Iron Age pottery (1847 sherds) comes from Iron Age features, mainly ditches.

Fifty-one worked flints were recovered from a variety of contexts in Trenches 6, 19, 28 and 29. Almost all came from Iron Age and Saxon features, or from furrows and other superficial deposits. All would therefore appear to be residual, apart from two primary flakes from pit 6/8 associated with some possible Bronze Age pottery (Fig 1.4).

Methodology

Twenty-three pieces are waste flakes and there are three unutilised blades. There are twelve cores, including one prepared blade core and a number of more informal pieces, some being nodules with only a few flakes removed. Thirteen flints are tools, with five items being utilised blades. The more diagnostic tools comprise four scrapers, although one may be a knife, and two possible adze fragments, both of which are butt ends. One knife/sickle and one spear-point or knife is very finely worked.

The assemblage was analysed in accordance with the guidelines for analysis and publication laid down by the Prehistoric Ceramic Research Group (PCRG 1997). The total assemblage was studied and a full catalogue was prepared. The sherds were examined using a binocular microscope at x10 magnification and were divided into fabric groups defined on the basis of inclusion types present. Fabric codes were prefixed by a letter code representing the main inclusion present (F representing flint, G for grog and Q for quartz). Vessel form was recorded using codes for rim and base forms developed by Hill (Hill and Braddock 2006). The sherds were counted and weighed to the nearest whole gramme. Decoration and abrasion were also noted.

Although constrained by the size of the raw material, the assemblage appears to comprise many irregular waste flakes which are hard hammer struck, with a few finer flakes detached with a soft hammer. There are few blades, or carefully produced flakes, no diagnostic items that one would associate with early Neolithic activity. The general character of this assemblage is later Neolithic to early Bronze Age, with flakes and scrapers produced irregularly. A slug-like knife/sickle exhibiting edge polish is an item associated with this era, and the possible adze fragments may also be contemporary, lacking the neatness of earlier forms.

Neolithic pottery There are two sherds of earlier Neolithic pottery weighing 4g. Both sherds come from pit 782, context 785 (Figs 2.1, 2.2 and 4.10). No other pottery was found within the feature. The sherds are of sandy burnished fabric Q10 very similar to that used for late Iron Age vessels, identified by the presence of a distinctive, out-turned rim, characteristic of plain bowl forms (Longworth 1960, 228; Smith 1965; Healy 1988 fig 57). The plain bowl form has a long currency being in use throughout the earlier to mid- Neolithic, c3900-2900BC.

Earlier prehistoric and Iron Age pottery by Sarah Percival Excavation produced an assemblage of 2,018 prehistoric pottery sherds, weighing 23,195g. The assemblage com-

Table 5.1: Total quantity and weight of prehistoric pottery by ceramic period including number and weight of rim and base sherds Spot date Neolithic Bronze Age Early Iron Age Later Iron Age Undatable Total

Total sherds

Total weight (g)

Number of rim sherds

Weight (g)

2 24 89 1848 55 2018

4 46 1094 21863 188 23195

1 0 1 120 1 122

3 0 984 2821 5 2829

61

Number of base sherds 0 1 2 47 0 50

Weight (g) 0 8 13 1425 0 1446

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

The later Neolithic to early Bronze Age pottery

The vessel is a shouldered jar with slashed decoration applied to the rim-top and shoulder. The shouldered jar form is ubiquitous in Iron Age assemblages throughout East Anglia and continued in use well into the late Iron Age period. Decoration applied to both the rim and shoulder appears to be an early trait in later vessels where the ornamentation is restricted to the shoulder alone. A simple base from ditch 7 is the only other feature sherd from the earlier Iron Age assemblage.

There are twenty-five sherds of Bronze Age pottery, weighing 187g, which were recovered from the subsoil in Trench 15 (Fig 1.4). The sherds are very abraded and represent the partial remains of a single vessel of a vacuous grog-tempered fabric. The exact form of the vessel is indistinct, due to the poor condition of the sherds, however, they may be from a small collared urn, suggesting a date in the early 2nd millennium BC.

Discussion Dating of the earlier material is based on the presence of burnt flint inclusions and the use of distinctive decoration applied to the rim and shoulder. Flint tempered fabric fell out of use by the end of the early Iron Age, c300BC, in Cambridgeshire. The tiny quantity of early Iron Age sherds suggests small scale or perhaps seasonal activity before the main phases of settlement which started around 300 BC.

The Iron Age pottery There are 1,937 sherds of Iron Age pottery, weighing 22,957g. The entire assemblage from all phases of fieldwork was studied. The earliest Iron Age pottery is a small quantity of mostly flint-tempered sherds dating from the 5th to 4th centuries BC. The second more substantial focus is of later Iron Age date spanning the period of the 4th to 1st centuries BC and is characterised by undecorated jars, predominantly of handmade sandy fabrics. A very small component of wheel-made later Iron Age to early Roman pottery is also present, in use until the second quarter of the 1st century AD.

Later Iron Age fabrics The later Iron Age assemblage comprises 1,848 sherds, weighing 21,863g, dating to the period spanning c300BC to 100BC and is characterised by undecorated slack shouldered jars predominantly of handmade sandy fabrics. The assemblage contains only one partial profile and no complete vessels. The average sherd weight is 11.8g. Within the later Iron Age phase most of the pottery is derived from ditches and gullies with a smaller quantity from pits and other features.

Earlier Iron Age fabrics There are eighty-nine sherds, weighing 1,094g, identified as early Iron Age in date. The sherds were recovered from eight stratified contexts and have an average sherd weight (AVSW) of 12.2g. This weight is about one gramme above the usual AVSW for Iron Age assemblages for the region but may be biased by the presence of a partially complete single vessel.

Fabrics Fourteen handmade fabrics and one wheelmade fabric are present within the later Iron Age assemblage, from four main fabric groups, grog, shell, vegetable and quartzsand tempered (Tables 5.2 & 5.3).

Fabrics Two fabrics are present. Fabric F1 contains common, angular burnt flint pieces with smaller quantities of quartzsand and has a course texture and uneven colouring. Eleven flint-tempered sherds (62g) were found. Fabric Q2 is common to both the earlier and later periods and contains a moderate quantity of rounded quartz grains. This fabric has an even texture and is finished to a smooth, even surface. Seventy-eight sherds (984g) were identified as being of earlier Iron Age date, all appear to be from the same vessel which has distinctive decoration to the rim and shoulder.

Sandy Fabrics The assemblage is dominated by quartz-sand tempered fabrics which represent 91.6% of the total assemblage by weight. The predominance of sandy fabrics relates closely to previous excavations adjacent to the site where 72.9% of the assemblage was quartz-sand tempered (Mortimer et al 2005). Other late Iron Age sites in and around the Isle of Ely, in particular Hurst Lane (76.4% of total weight) Watsons Lane, Little Thetford (73.8%) St Johns Road, Ely (82.3%) and Wardy Hill, Coveney (71.8%), also produced principally quartz-sand tempered assemblages. The choice of sand rich clay sources for

Form and decoration A partial vessel profile from ditch 390 represents one of the few semi-complete vessels from the entire assemblage.

Table 5.2: Quantification of later Iron Age fabric types Fabric type

quantity

Grog Quartz sand Shell Vegetable Undiagnostic Total

43 1685 96 22 2 1848

weight (g) 374 20006 1212 267 4 21863 62

% of total quantity 2.33% 91.18% 5.19% 1.19% 0.11% 100.00%

% of total weight 1.71% 91.51% 5.54% 1.22% 0.02% 100.00%

FINDS AND DATING

Table 5.3: Quantity and weight of pottery by fabric Fabric G1 G2 G4 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q6 Q7 Q8 Q9 S1 S2 V1 U Total

Description Sandy fabric with sub-square grog Coarse, blocky fabric. Sandy fabric with sub-square grog and sparse fresh flint Quartz-sand and mica rich, Red? slip surface Medium sandy ware Red margins and dark matrix, mixed quartz sand with red inclusions and large rounded sandy grains. Ext burnished. Coarse, rough textured sandy fabric, sparse shell inclusions Medium sandy ware with sparse fresh flint Quartz-sand and mica rich, Fine sandy ware, burnished surface

Medium shell rich fabric with sparse mixed quartz sand inclusions (some rounded some sub-square) Coarse shell rich fabric Coarse vegetable tempered fabric undiagnostic

Quantity 9 8 26 1 220 240

Weight (g) 69 61 244 2 3718 2550

66 68 40 381 21 650 83

838 761 620 2727 247 8680 958

6 23 6 1848

107 270 11 21863

pottery production, as opposed to fossil shell, seems deliberate and appears to be a cultural preference practised around the Ely area in the mid- to later Iron Age replacing the earlier propensity for flinty fabrics.

to the sherds. Shelly fabrics represent only 6% of the assemblage and may have been chosen specifically for the production of large storage vessels, suggested by the unusual thickness of some of the sherds found.

The sandy fabrics are all very similar in appearance being mostly reddish-orange and brown to dark greyish-black in colour with a dense, hard-fired texture. The majority of the sandy sherds are of medium coarse fabric Q2 which contain visible rounded quartz grains but no other large inclusions. Fabrics Q3, Q4 and Q5 are similar to Q2 but contain additional inclusions of small quartz pebbles, and possible red iron oxide fragments sparse shell and sparse unburnt flint respectively. All these fabrics appear to represent durable, medium coarse wares for the production of utilitarian vessels. Fabric Q7 has a wellsorted sandy texture and burnished surface, and along with micaeous fabric Q1 represents finer fabrics found at the site.

Vegetable tempered fabrics Six sherds (301g, 3.9%) contain voids indicative of vegetable tempering agents. Form and decoration The later Iron Age assemblage is characterised by slackshouldered jars typical of the later Iron Age in the region (Hill and Horne 2003). The size of the vessels ranges between 100-260mm rim diameter, most vessels falling towards the upper medium size range with a diameter of 160mm (Table 5.4). Burnishing appears on 306 sherds, whilst 146 sherds have a smoothed surface finish. The most common vessel form present is a jar with distinct upright neck and rim and a slack shouldered body (form A). The jar has two forms of rim ending, one a flat-

Forty wheel-made sherds are present amongst the material in fabric Q6. Their presence within features, which also contained handmade sherds, suggests that both technologies were in use simultaneously. Grog Tempered Fabrics Three grog tempered fabrics are present, one containing quartz-sand and sub-square grog and another being a coarse poorly mixed fabric. The fabrics do not appear to be wheel-made. Shelly Fabrics Two shelly fabrics are present. Fabric S1 contains a moderate quantity of shell with a mixed quartzsand. Fabric S2 contains an abundance of large shell pieces producing a light, vacuous texture

Table 5.4: Rim diameters of later Iron Age vessels

Rim diameter (mm) 100 110 120 140 160 180 260 unmeasurable Total 63

Quantity 1 2 7 3 55 9 2 1769 1848

Weight (g) 19 161 103 110 439 435 82 20514 21863

% of total quantity 0.05% 0.11% 0.38% 0.16% 2.98% 0.49% 0.11% 95.73% 100.00%

% of total weight 0.09% 0.74% 0.47% 0.50% 2.01% 1.99% 0.38% 93.83% 100.00%

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

topped end (form A1, 24 sherds, 717g) and one rounded (form A2, 8 sherds, 439g). The vessel sizes range between 110-180mm rim diameter, with most being medium sized with a rim diameter of 160mm (ten examples, 187g). Six sherds are too small for the rim diameter to be measured. The only partially complete vessel profile found within the late Iron Age assemblage is of form A1, this is a medium sized jar with a rim diameter of 160mm. Upright, slack shouldered vessel forms D and E, which closely resemble form A but have slightly flared necks (form D) or higher, rounded shoulders (form E) are also present with three examples of each.

that the assemblage does not contain tall, constricted or narrow necked forms that typify the pottery of the latest pre-conquest Iron Age after the 1st century BC. Hill postulates that the same small variety of vessel forms were used for cooking, storage and for serving, with possible functional differences being identified by the presence of burnishing, which is found more often on smaller vessels used for serving. The assemblage seems to reflect this with all the burnished rims occurring on vessels with rim diameters of below 160mm whilst those equal to or above 160mm are smoothed or roughly wiped. Distribution The bulk of the later Iron Age pottery is from ditches, which represents 74.8% of the total assemblage (16,350g). A further 21.2% (4631g) are from gullies, being less substantial linear features representing possible truncated ditches, fence lines, windbreaks or eaves drip gullies. Only a third of the gully material came from phased contexts, with over 65% being unphased. No chronologically distinct pottery forms or fabrics are distinguished within the phased material. Pottery from the ditches has an AVSW of 11.9g, very similar to that of the entire site assemblage of 11.8g. The AVSW is remarkably consistent with other broadly contemporary sites (CAU West Fen Road 11.8g, Wardy Hill 11.4g, Haddenham V 11.6g, Watsons Lane 11.3g). This similarity suggests that discard and disposal of domestic pottery was very similar at each of the sites. No deliberate deposition or ritual elements were identified at West Fen Road and it must be assumed that the assemblage represents domestic pot thrown into ditches for routine disposal or incorporated soon after deposition perhaps in a surface midden.

Globular bodied jars and bowls with slight rounded everted rims are also common within the assemblage (form F2, 15 examples, 490g). Nine examples have measurable rim diameters, six lie within the small to medium size range of 100-120mm rim diameter and the remaining three are larger vessels with a diameter of 180mm. Two vessels with pronounced ‘S’ shaped profiles and rounded rims are present (form G). The assemblage also includes six vessels with no distinct neck and a rounded profile ending in a basic rim (form K); no examples have a measurable rim diameter. Two single examples similar to form K, but splayed outwards below the rim, are also present (forms L and N). The largest vessels found within the assemblage are a cordoned jar or bowl form with everted rim and low rounded shoulder (form R). The sherds are from a vessel with a rim diameter of 260mm. This form is believed to be slightly later in style than the majority of the assemblage. Thirty-eight base sherds are present, of these, seventeen (680g) are simple (type 1), a further seventeen (395g) are stepped (type 2) and two (55g) are pinched out (type 4, Hill and Braddock 2006). All except one of the base sherds are of quartz-sand tempered fabrics, the other, a stepped example is of grog tempered fabric G4. The base sherds vary between 60-120mm in diameter, although most are not measurable.

There are ninety-one sherds (458g) from the fills of nine pits, this includes the partial profile from pit 403. The AVSW for these features is smaller than the site average, perhaps suggesting that the material again represented accidental inclusion but has been exposed on the surface for longer. Discussion The pottery is a plain ware assemblage typical of the later Iron Age, c300-100BC, around the Isle of Ely and closely comparable with pottery from excavations carried out at the adjacent Ashwell site by Cambridge Archaeological Unit (Mortimer et al 2005). The assemblage is again predominantly handmade and domestic in function and is closely comparable to those recently excavated at nearby Hurst Lane (Percival 2007).

Decorative techniques are limited with the majority of the sherds being completely plain. Only one example of fingernail impressed decoration was found and this is restricted to the rim top, a characteristic typical of mid- to later Iron Age pottery in East Anglia (Hill and Braddock 2006). Scoring is present on eighteen body sherds, possibly representing a large, thick walled storage vessel. No scored rims were found, although scoring may only have been found on the body of vessels and did not extend towards the rim itself (Hancocks 2003). Scored ware is highly characteristic of Iron Age assemblages in Lincolnshire and occurs in fairly limited quantities in Cambridgeshire in the period after 300BC (Hill pers comm). One sherd has incised lines decorating the body of the vessel and forming a random design.

Deposition of pottery within ditch fills appears to be the disposal practice of choice for the inhabitants. No pits containing any distinctive sherds or large quantities of material were present. Ritual deposition is not found here. The reason for this in not clear as specialised pit deposits are found elsewhere in Cambridgeshire at sites such as the plant breeding site at Trumpington, which is broadly contemporary (M Hinman pers comm).

The pottery represents a domestic assemblage with a limited range of forms and vessels sizes. Hill has recently argued that such assemblages with their narrow range of simple open forms are typical of East Anglian pottery of the late Iron Age (Hill 2002, 144). The assemblage is highly fragmentary which limits the potential for measuring the height to width ratio of the vessels. However, it seems

The assemblage confirms the fairly extensive presence of Iron Age peoples on the Isle of Ely in the late Iron Age. Around 150 vessels are represented within the assemblage, suggesting around ten families or two to three families over fifty or more years. The inhabitants 64

FINDS AND DATING

appear to have been a conservative group with few contacts with the outside world and a limited and well tried pottery repertoire, relying on well tried and tested clay sources rich in quartz-sand.

the result of redeposition through manuring. Most of the sherds are small and difficult to identify in terms of form (Table 5.5). Most of the Roman pottery seems to have been re-deposited in later features.

The limited range of forms and vessel sizes confirm dating of the assemblage placing it in the period before 100BC when the variety of ceramic containers was greatly expanded to accommodate the adoption of more sophisticated or Romanised means of cooking and serving food (Hill 2002, 145). The assemblage is domestic in form and suggests limited access to trade and imported wares during this period, there are for example very few scored wares. This confirms the findings of earlier excavations on the site.

Methodology The pottery was sorted into fabric and form by context, and then the sherds counted and weighed. EVEs (Estimated Vessels Equivalents) based on remaining rims were recorded where possible. Fabric identification was based on the reference collection developed by Dr Gavin Lucas for the study of Earith Roman pottery (unpublished). As coarse sandy wares are notoriously difficult to differentiate, the categories were kept broad with two distinctions being made based on the finesse of the inclusions.

Other Iron Age finds by Tora Hylton

A large part of the Roman pottery is made up of abraded and small to very small sherds probably affected by later intense ploughing. Long-lived coarse ware types are dominant and the evidence for a detailed phasing is scarce. The Roman pottery group will therefore be discussed as a whole with a special section being devoted to the Romanising assemblage. All the figures are based on the number of sherds and EVEs.

With the exception of a small quantity of fired clay or daub there were no non-pottery Iron Age finds. Much of the fired clay comprised undiagnostic amorphous fragments, some furnished with flat surfaces, suggesting that they may have originated from some sort of oven structure. The majority of the assemblage is from inner enclosure ditch 1391, while small quantities are from enclosure ditches 1005, 358 and 262.

Assemblage composition

Roman pottery by Gwladys Monteil

The total Roman assemblage comprises 2480g with a very small EVEs value of 2.36.

There are 354 sherds of pottery, of which 291 are Roman in date. A large proportion of the pottery seems to be in continuation with the Iron Age occupation, although this would not seem to last long into the 2nd century. The later Roman material is highly abraded and is most probably

The Roman assemblage The core of the assemblage is made up by local coarsewares (56 % of total sherds). The range of forms

Table 5.5: Quantification of Roman pottery fabrics Codes CC CS GR CS RE CS WW FS GR FS RE FS WW GROG GR GROG PNK NV CC NV WW OXRE ROM2 GR ROM2 RE ROM3 GR ROM3 RE SAMCG SAMLG SMSW Total

Fabrics Unidentified colour-coated ware Coarse sandy grey ware Coarse sandy red ware Coarse sandy white ware Fine sandy grey ware Fine sandy red ware Fine sandy white ware Grog tempered Grey Ware Grog tempered Pink Ware Nene Valley colour-coated Nene Valley white ware Oxfordshire red ware Romanizing Grey Ware 2 Romanizing Red Ware 2 Romanizing Grey Ware 3 Romanizing Red Ware 3 Central Gaulish samian South Gaulish samian Shell-tempered ware

Sherds 2 122 45 1 4 3 3 11 19 2 1 3 2 1 48 15 5 2 2 291 65

Weight (g) 3 1312 462 4 94 34 2 108 113 17 20 49 10 5 144 40 36 10 17 2480

EVEs 0.06 1.1 0.08   0.2             0.04     0.38 0.07 0.21 0.17 0.05 2.36

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

is poor with two plain-rimmed dishes, one flanged bowl, several storage jars and long-lived types of jars.

to date more precisely than later Iron Age to early Roman transition.

Very little Samian is present. Most of it is from Central Gaul with a Dragendorff 33 cup and a dish Ludowici Tg and two fragments from South Gaul, including a burnt Dragendorff 18 dish from ditch 1005.

‘Romanising’ pottery is notoriously difficult to date without independent evidence but if the argument developed by Rollo and Wild is to be trusted, the ratio of grogtempered against sand-tempered fabrics found here would suggest that ditch 1005 was in use for longer than ditch 1391. A date towards the end of the 1st century AD (idem, 56-57) for the pottery found in the upper fills is likely. The presence of a South Gaulish Dragendorff 18, dated to the mid- to late 1st century AD (Webster 1996, 35), in ditch 1005 alongside a carenated jar in fabric ROM3 GR confirms the dating suggested by the proportion of ‘Romanised’ sand-tempered fabrics.

Surprisingly, Nene Valley products are minimal here with only one mortarium in typical hard creamy white fabric with black ironstone trituration grits and two sherds of colour-coated vessels from ditch 359. Two sherds of unidentified colour-coated ware are catalogued. The texture of the fabric is hard micaceous creamy white with black colour-coat and could point to a continental origin. The general coarseness of the matrix does not allow a definite continental source.

The general lack of reliable stratified data from the site tempers the conclusions drawn as the high level of residuality and intrusiveness, as noticed on the Ashwell site, and complicates the phasing.

Three examples of Oxfordshire red ware are catalogued and identifies one form only from a residual context. It is a dish close to form C45/46 with a grooved beaded rim (Young 1977, 158-159).

Conclusion The general pattern of the site displays a clear dominance of jars, especially visible through EVEs (Table 5.6). When compared to Jeremy Evans’ study of ceramics consumption from different Romano-British sites, the present jar-dominated pattern fits well with the basic rural model (Evans J 2001).

The very small quantity of shell-tempered ware is rather surprising, as it usually constitutes a major part of the coarse wares in the area (Horton et al 1995, 57; Lucas 1997). This pattern was especially visible in the group recovered from the Ashwell site, where they made up almost 10% of the assemblage (Monteil, in Mortimer et al 2005). The ‘Romanising’ group

Table 5.6: Quantification of Roman pottery forms

The ‘Romanising’ material makes up by far the most interesting proportion of this assemblage (33% of the total sherd count). The ‘Romanising’ fabrics all display the same characteristic early ‘ sandwich’ bodied ware. All of them have a soft sand-tempered fabric fired at low temperature. The oxidized examples (ROM2 and 3RE) have a reduced core with reddish-orange margins. The reduced examples sometimes display a burnished surface. They are assumed to be of local origin and the variations in the fabrics are to be expected.

Forms Beaker Dish Dish/bowl Cup Flanged bowl Jar Mortarium Platter Storage jar Unidentified Total

Although there seems to be a spread of ‘ Romanising’ sherds across the site, few key groups seem to be stratified and homogeneous like recuts 483, 492, and the upper fill of ditch 1005. The identifiable forms include a form close to the Cam 113, a carinated jar and a necked jar with a small cordon on the neck and high shoulder.

Total sherds 3 8 1 1 1 80 1 4 11 180 290

Total EVEs 0.06 0.46 0.07 0.05 1.62

0.1 2.36

The small amount of finewares, such as Samian or Nene valley colour-coated ware, and the domination of coarsewares emphasises the basic rural status of the site as suggested by the high quantity of jars. This probably reflects a relatively low to medium status for the site in its Roman phase; there is no other evidence such as glass, painted wall plaster or metal vessels to suggest otherwise. This trend is very similar to the one identified for the small Roman pottery group recovered from the Ashwell site.

The fabric codified GROG PNK could also belong to the ‘Romanising’ group although most of it was found in later contexts in different features from the sandtempered fabrics. The fabric is soft to the touch, grogtempered with quartz inclusions and the finish is very uneven, a characteristic noticed for the wheel-thrown grog-tempered non-Romanised fabric group defined at Orton Longueville (Rollo and Wild 2001, 56). No forms were recovered for this fabric.

In conclusion, the poor quality of this Romano-British pottery group limits the potential of fruitful analysis, especially in terms of chronological fluctuations and pottery consumption. The most remarkable feature of this group remains the ‘Romanising’ group, which will constitute another comparative assemblage for the conquest period on the Isle of Ely.

The fabric GROG GR, if found in smaller quantity than GROG PNK on this site, is associated with the base of what looks like the imitation of a Terra Nigra platter (residual in Middle Saxon pit 1825). However, a large proportion of the GROG GR was found in ditch 1391, mixed with late Iron Age material and is therefore difficult 66

FINDS AND DATING

Other Roman finds by Tora Hylton

This group of pottery mainly comprises Middle Saxon Ipswich ware, totalling 414 sherds or 11,328g with an EVE of 8.44. This is one of the largest excavated assemblages known outside the wics and the ecclesiastical complex at Barking Abbey in Essex (Redknap 1991). The rest of the pottery largely consists of medieval and postmedieval wares, although small quantities of hand-made Anglo-Saxon pottery, a single sherd of Middle Saxon Maxey-type ware and five sherds of late Saxon St Neots ware are also present.

Romano-British finds are few and mainly residual. The other Roman finds that were recovered from Trenches 28-29 comprise two objects from Roman deposits; a coin of Constantine I (313-18) was found in ditch 214 and a fragment of an iron knife was found within layer 999. The remaining finds were either in the top of late Iron Age deposits or residual within Saxon, post-medieval or modern deposits.

The Middle Saxon assemblage appears to be largely domestic in nature, with the range and types of vessels that are present being typical of those found in the hinterland of Ipswich.

Coins There are four copper alloy coins, which span the 1st to the 4th centuries AD (catalogued by Mark Curteis). The 3rd and 4th-century Roman coins are common finds where there is a degree of late Roman activity. The coin of Trajan is slightly rarer and indicates activity in the 2nd century AD. 1

Trajan, As (AD98-117) Reverse: illegible Condition: corroded SF11, Trench 28, unstratified, topsoil

2

Radiate copy, ‘antoninianus’ (AD273+) Reverse: illegible Condition: corroded SF154, Trench 28, unstratified, topsoil

3

Constantine I (AD313-18) Reverse: SOLI INVICTO COMITI Condition: slightly worn SF145, Trench 28, ditch 214

4

House of Constantine (AD335-40) Reverse: GLORIA EXERCITVS, 1 standard type Condition: corroded SF12, Trench 29, Iron Age enclosure ditch 358

Fabrics The following were noted: Early/Middle Saxon wares: Undecorated, hand-built wares. The absence of decorated sherds makes it impossible to date the material other than to within the broad period AD450-850. All the sherds are a fine sandy fabric. 3 sherds, 8g, EVE = 0 Ipswich ware: Middle Saxon, slow wheelmade ware, usually grey in colour, and manufactured exclusively in the eponymous Suffolk wic. The material probably had a currency from AD725/740 to the mid-9th century at sites outside East Anglia. There are two main fabric types, although individual vessels which do not conform to these groups also occur:

Brooch fragments

Group 1: Hard and slightly sandy to the touch, with visible small quartz grains and some shreds of mica. Frequent fairly well-sorted angular to sub-angular grains of quartz, generally measuring below 0.3mm in size but with some larger grains, including a number which are polycrystalline in appearance. 98 sherds, 2,341g, EVE = 1.40

There are two copper alloy brooch fragments; a pinhead and a ring, possibly for suspension. The brooch fragments comprise a pin with a coiled terminal (part of the spring), and the sprung mechanism from a Colchester Type brooch, together with a vestige of the bow, plainly ornamented with a longitudinal groove. The pin-head is cube-like with diamond and triangular facets. Unlike Saxon faceted pins, which are generally ornamented with ring and dot motifs, this example is undecorated and there is no collar or moulding below the head, a trait commonly associated with pins of Roman date (Cool 1990, 164-5).

Group 2: Like the sherds in Group 1, they are hard, sandy and mostly dark grey in colour. Their most prominent feature is a scatter of large quartz grains (up to c2.5mm) which either bulge or protrude through the surfaces of the vessel, giving rise to the term “pimply” Ipswich ware (Hurst 1976). This characteristic makes them quite rough to the touch. Some sherds have the same groundmass but lack the larger quartz grains which are characteristic of this group, and chemical analysis suggests that they are made from the same clay. 316 sherds, 8,987g, EVE = 7.04

Saxon, medieval and later pottery by Paul Blinkhorn

Southern Maxey-type ware: The exact chronology is uncertain, but is generally dated cAD650-850 (Hurst 1976). Wet-hand finished, reddish-orange to black surfaces. Soft to fairly hard, with abundant Jurassic fossil shell platelets up to 10mm. Vessels are usually straight sided bowls with simple rims, and/or ‘bar-lugs’ . This differs from Lincolnshire Maxey-types, which tend to have upright, triangular, rim-mounted pierced lugs, and a different range of fossil inclusions. 1 sherd, 8g, EVE = 0

Introduction The Saxon, medieval and later pottery assemblages comprise 625 sherds with a total weight of 13,200g and Estimated Vessel Equivalent (EVE) of 8.61. Of these, 542 sherds with a total weight of 11,791g produced an EVE of 8.00 and came from Trenches 28-29. A further twenty-nine sherds, weighing 391g, had an EVE of 0.07 from Trench 50 and fifty-four sherds, weighing 1018g, had an EVE of 0.54 from the evaluation.

St Neots ware type T1(2): cAD1000-1200 (Denham 1985). Wheel-thrown. Fabric as other types, although inclusions tend to be sparser, larger and ill-sorted. Usually weak to 67

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

strong red, reddish-brown or black. Vessels are usually jars, some with thumbed applied strips, ‘Top Hat’ vessels, large, upright rimmed bowls, lamps and (rarely) pitchers. 2 sherds, 6g, EVE = 0

was recovered, five sherds, indicating that the site was largely disused during that period. The hand-built pottery may be contemporary with the Ipswich ware, although it is difficult to be sure of this due to the nature of the material, which makes it impossible to date other than to within the broad early to Middle Saxon period.

Ely ware: 12th-15th century. Sandy calcareous ware, glazed and unglazed. Typical range of medieval vessel forms. 51 sherds, 312g, EVE = 0

The medieval assemblage comprises mainly Grimston and Ely wares, and most sherds are heavily abraded, indicating that there was agricultural activity at the site during the period, but probably no domestic occupation. Other than quantification, no further analysis of the material was considered worthwhile.

Grimston ware: 13th-15th century (Leah 1994). Wheelthrown. Dark grey sandy fabric, usually with grey surfaces, although orange-red and, less commonly, buff surfaces are known. Manufactured at the eponymous production centre near Kings Lynn, Norfolk. Mainly glazed jugs, plain or highly decorated, the former 13th century, the latter 14th century. Face jugs are a speciality, and the highly decorated vessels often have painted and applied strips and scales with iron slip. 12 sherds, 186g, EVE = 0

Each context-specific pottery assemblage was given a seriated date based on the range of fabric types present, and adjusted with reference to the site stratigraphy. The chronology of these, and the pottery occurrence per ceramic phase, is shown in Table 5.7.

Cistercian ware: cAD1470-1550. Hard, smooth fabric, usually brick-red, but can be paler or browner. Vessels are inevitably covered with a thick, glossy, purplishblack or brown glaze. The nearest known production centre is Potterspury (Mayes 1968). The range of vessel forms is somewhat specialised, and usually very thin-walled (c2mm). 3 sherds, 8g, EVE = 0

Table 5.7: Pottery occurrence by ceramic phase, all Saxon, medieval and later fabrics (context-specific sherds only) Date E/MSaxon Middle Saxon Late Saxon 12th century 13th century 15th century L15th century 16th century Total

Bourne ‘D’ ware: c1450-1637 (McCarthy and Brooks 1988, 409). Production as the ‘A’ ware. Fairly hard, smooth, brick-red fabric, often with a grey core. Some vessels have sparse calcitic inclusions up to 2mm. Full range of late medieval to early post-medieval vessel forms, jugs, pancheons, cisterns etc. Vessels often have a thin, patchy exterior white slip, over which a clear glaze had been applied. 1 sherd, 7g, EVE = 0 Red earthenware: 16th century onwards. Hard-fired, slightly sandy red earthenware with a pale core and orange-red surfaces and pale olive-green to clear glaze. 91 sherds, 821g, EVE = 0

No 1 372 1 38 19 2 6 66 505

Wt (g) 2 10500 4 487 122 17 29 688 11849

EVE 0 7.51 0 0.11 0 0 0 0.05 7.67

Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the pottery occurrence at this site is the fact that only a single sherd of late Saxon pottery occurred in what can be regarded as a contemporary feature, and even that was 11th century or later in date. At the Ashwell site, around 7,000 sherds of late Saxon pottery were noted (Hall 2005, 65). Clearly, there was a major change of land-use at the end of the Middle Saxon period.

Creamware: c1740-1880. Cream-coloured earthenware, made from the same calcinated flint clay that produced Staffordshire white salt-glazed stonewares (Jennings 1981, 227), but fired at a different temperature, and with a lead glaze, resulting in a rich cream colour. Range of tableware forms. 2 sherds, 2g

Middle to late Saxon settlement shift is a well-known phenomenon. With the exception of Ipswich, all the major late Saxon settlements were built in places with little or no Middle Saxon occupation, and the same seems to be true of smaller rural settlements, such as north Raunds in Northamptonshire (Audouy and Chapman 2008). There was Middle Saxon occupation at the Ashwell site and it appears to have been of a similar nature and density to that at this site. No explanation is immediately obvious, but it may be related in the change in trade patterns from the Middle to late Saxon period. It is now obvious from the results from this and other excavations that there was substantial settlement at Ely during the Middle Saxon period, and excavations at Lady Chapel in Ely produced both Ipswich ware and imported North French Blackware pottery (Blinkhorn forthcoming b). The presence of the latter is extremely unusual at inland sites, as the material appears to have rarely travelled beyond the ports of entry such as Ipswich, London and Southampton. When it does

Staffordshire slip-trailed wares: c1650-1800. Buff, slightly sandy fabric, with a yellow glaze over feathered trailed slip. 6 sherds, 70g Pearlware: c1775-19th century. Similar to Creamware, but with cobalt added to the glaze, giving it a blue tinge. Later examples with painted or transfer decoration. 1 sherd, 2g Miscellaneous 19th to 20th-century wares: Refined white earthenware, late English stonewares etc. 9 sherds, 51g Chronology The range of fabric types indicate that the main period of activity at the site was during the Middle Saxon period, with the presence of Ipswich ware dating between AD725-850, the main floruit of the tradition (Blinkhorn forthcoming a). Very little late Saxon pottery 68

FINDS AND DATING

occur at inland sites, they are inevitably of some status, with ecclesiastical centres being the main find-spots, such as North Elmham in Norfolk (Wade-Martins 1980). It is also well-attested that at least some major AngloSaxon minsters, such as Medehamstede at Peterborough, had considerable quantities of land, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle shows that some of this was rented out in return for commodities as ‘food-rents’ , which were probably major contributors to the economy of the ecclesiastical houses. In addition, the monasteries and minsters were almost certainly major players in Middle Saxon trade (Kelly 1992). There is also good evidence that the Middle Saxon economy was organised so that smaller sites were basically producing a limited range of commodities and they too were involved with trade (Blinkhorn 1999).

occurring in Middle Saxon or later features (Blinkhorn in Mortimer et al 2005). The material from late Saxon or later features had an almost identical mean sherd weight to those which may pre-date Ipswich ware at the site, and also those from Middle Saxon features. Thus, it was impossible to discern if the material in the Middle Saxon features was residual. At Lady Chapel in Ely, a total of ten handmade sherds were noted compared with 99 sherds of Ipswich ware. Three of the handmade sherds were noted in Middle Saxon or later contexts. These had a mean sherd weight of 8.7g, compared with a value of 9.6g for sherds which occurred in deposits which had no later pottery. Again, these data do not indicate if either or both sets of pottery are residual. At the Anglo-Saxon settlement of Lordship Lane, Cottenham in Cambridgeshire (Mortimer 2001), both handmade pottery (222 sherds) and Ipswich ware (49 sherds) were present, and the western area of the site produced handmade pottery but no Ipswich ware (ibid, 7). All the handmade pottery was undecorated however, and so precise dating is impossible, although the material appears to represent a pre-Ipswich ware phase of activity. Some of the handmade pottery is said to be Middle Saxon on the grounds that it occurs in features which produced Ipswich ware, and is thin-walled and undecorated (Hall 2001, 24), but as all the pottery from the site is quantified by sherd number only, and there is no consideration of fragmentation, it is impossible to say if this was the case with any certainty.

The change in land use at this site may be reflective of the collapse of long distance trade in the wake of the Viking incursions of the 9th century. Certainly, most 9th to 10th-century pottery types, including Ipswich-Thetford ware, do not have the widespread distribution of Middle Saxon Ipswich ware, and imported goods of all sorts are extremely scarce in archaeological deposits of the earlier part of the late Saxon period, including in the coastal settlements where such material was relatively plentiful a century earlier. This would have resulted in places such as Ely being unable to trade for both necessities and luxuries in the way they had done in the past, and that supplies of food from their rented lands were no longer available, meaning that more land may have been turned over to food production, with this area of the site under pasture during the late Saxon period.

Ipswich ware Vessel use The rimsherds were classified using the system suggested by West (1964), with the occurrence in EVE as follows: Type I.A 0.91 Type I.B 0.12 Type I.C 3.73 Type I.D 0 Type I.E 0.68 Type II.F 0.76 Type II.G 0.17 Type II.K 1.35 Type III.H 0.43 Type III.I 0 Type III.J 0

Early/Middle Saxon handmade wares Handmade wares were retrieved from the main excavations, but were entirely absent from the evaluation assemblage. One sherd is noted in each of three contexts: ditches 476, 762 and pit 486, of which the ditches were Middle Saxon features. Pit 486 produced no other pottery, but it did yield modern glass, suggesting that the sherd was residual. All the sherds are undecorated, and thus may have been made and used at any time within the early or Middle Saxon periods. The tradition of decorating handmade pottery appears to have fallen from use during the earlier years of the 7th century, but even before then, decorated pottery rarely comprises more than 5% of domestic assemblages. Thus, a small group such as this may be early Saxon, with the vagaries of archaeological sampling meaning that no decorated sherds were found, or could be of 7th century or later date. Certainly, the two sherds from Middle Saxon contexts were both very small, weighing 3g each, and thus could be residual. The sherd from pit 486 is even smaller, weighing just 2g. The material may represent the earliest post-Roman activity at the site, but it is impossible to be sure.

Only a single Ipswich ware rimsherd can be said to be from a pitcher, although the neck and handle of a Buttermarkettype pitcher (Fig 5.3, 15) occurred in the topsoil. The latter is extremely unusual in that there is a support strut running from the back of the strap handle to the neck of the vessel. The pitcher rim is from ditch 800, Plot 9, with a bridge spout (Fig 5.3, 16). The rest of the Ipswich ware assemblage comprises jars with an EVE of 8.39, including a single Buttermarket-type vessel (Fig 5.2.11). This pattern is typical of Ipswich ware assemblages in the wic of Ipswich and its hinterland (Blinkhorn forthcoming), where pitchers usually comprise around 5% or less of the groups. It is only at sites more distant from the production centre that pitchers form anything more than a small fraction of the assemblage, in some cases, such as north Raunds in Northamptonshire, as much as 25% or more (ibid). There seems little doubt from the

The question of the survival of hand-built pottery in areas which are dominated by Ipswich ware during the 8th century is something of a vexed one. The main problem, as noted above, is differentiation between what may be contemporary material, and what is simply residual earlier material. For example, at the excavations at the Ashwell site (Mortimer et al 2005), a total of nine sherds of handmade pottery were noted, with all but two 69

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

from the wic of Ipswich that there is a close relationship between the rim diameter and capacity of Ipswich ware jars (Blinkhorn, archive). Consequently, a plot of the rim diameter occurrence of such vessels at a site gives a good idea of the range of vessels in use. The jars can be broadly divided into two types, small and large, with the critical division between the two types appearing to be in the range of 161-180mm. The effect is to see a slight secondary peak in the 181-200mm range. At this site, there is a secondary peak at what appears to be the critical diameter range, 161180mm. Analysis of the Ipswich ware from the Ashwell site showed a similar pattern to this, but the secondary peak was in the 141-160mm range (Blinkhorn, in Mortimer et al 2005). The mean rim diameter of the Ashwell site material, at 132.0mm, where the number of rims is 35 and the standard deviation is 31.8mm, is considerably smaller than that for the Ipswich ware jars from this site, which have a mean of 156.7mm for 64 rims with a standard deviation of 40.9mm.

evidence at this site that Ipswich ware was for all intents the ‘local’ pottery, as was the case in contemporary sites in Norfolk and Suffolk and that the general character of the assemblage can be regarded as East Anglian. The picture is similar at the Ashwell site. Only two pitcher rimsherds were noted with an EVE of 0.19 and the rest of the assemblage comprises jars with an EVE of 3.58. At the Lady Chapel site, jugs were more common, comprising 14.1% of an assemblage with a total EVE of 1.77. This is a figure more in keeping with sites located outside the hinterland of Ipswich, and may be reflective of the status of the area of the city in which the Lady Chapel is located. If the data for West Fen Road and the Ashwell site are combined, only 2.3% of the assemblage, with a total EVE of 12.25, comprises pitchers. These values can be compared with those from the Lady Chapel site using the chi-squared test (Drennan 1997, 188). This must by necessity be carried out using sherd count rather than EVE. Sherd count is held to be the least reliable way of quantifying pottery, although in this case, the results are not hugely dissimilar to the EVE values. For the two sites, only one rimsherd out of a total of 71 is a pitcher, a value of 1.4%. At the Lady Chapel site, there were three pitcher rimsherds out of a total 22, a value of 13.6%. Comparing this data gives a result that chi-squared is equal to 6.59 (1df, 0.02>p>0.01), suggesting that it is highly likely that the two assemblages are significantly different. However, using Cramer’ s V-test (ibid, 193) to measure the strength of the result returns a value of 0.27, which suggests that it is rather weak, and that the Lady Chapel assemblage is too small to allow the apparent significance of the result to be regarded with confidence. Further work, and a larger assemblage of Ipswich ware, is obviously required for this to be tested more thoroughly.

Although these data suggest that there were apparent differences in vessel size in the two areas of the site, comparison of the two sets of data, specifically the mean rim diameters and standard deviations, using Students t-test (Drennan 1997, 152-9) gives a value of 0.082 (97df). This suggests that, despite appearances to the contrary, there is no statistical significance to the difference in the mean rim diameter of the Ipswich ware jar rims and they are merely a result of the vagaries of archaeological sampling. Stamped vessels Sherds from three stamped vessels were noted. Recent work has shown that the range of stamp motifs used by Ipswich ware potters, and the way in which they were arranged on the pots, were extremely limited (Blinkhorn forthcoming a). The technique appears to have only been used on pitchers and large jars. The motif type and the way in which they were arranged on the pots have now all been defined, and codings given to each variant.

Vessel size The data in Figure 5.1 show the occurrence of Ipswich ware jar rim diameters in 20mm clusters expressed in EVEs. It seems reasonably certain from analysis of such vessels

From this site, three sherds from a lugged pitcher occurred in gully 78, Plot 8, (Fig 5.3, 17, Ph2). The stamp

mean diameter = 156.7mm, standard deviation 40.9mm

Fig 5.1: Ipswich Ware jar rim diameter occurrence, expressed in EVE, 20 mm intervals 70

FINDS AND DATING

Discussion

motifs are segmented circle types (SC), and appear to be arranged in pendant triangles, although the resulting shapes are empty and there is no supporting incising, with the stamps themselves used to define the shapes.

Without doubt, the most important component of the post-Roman pottery is the large assemblage of Ipswich ware. As noted above, this is one of the biggest groups of the material ever excavated, with only the groups from the emporia at Ipswich and London, the ecclesiastical complex at Barking Abbey in Essex and the settlement at Staunch Meadow Brandon being larger (Redknap 1991; Carr forthcoming).

A single stamped sherd was noted in pit 9 in evaluation Trench ET35. This sherd has at least one band of overstamped square grid impressions (SG), with the stamped area defined with incised lines. The technique may have been an attempt to copy the rouletting seen on many continental vessels, as Ipswich ware with true rouletting is, at this time, unknown.

Ipswich ware, which has been found in an area of England from York to northern Kent, and as far west as Lechlade and Winchcombe in Gloucestershire, is a useful indicator of Middle Saxon trade, and can demonstrate the extent of the hinterland of Ipswich. For example, most Middle Saxon sites in Norfolk and Suffolk which have produced the ware have little or no other contemporary pottery, other than perhaps a few sherds of local handmade material, and, in exceptional cases, a small amount of continental imported wares. In effect, Ipswich ware was the principal domestic pottery in the kingdom of East Anglia during the Middle Saxon period, with the trade in the ware organised to such a degree that it was uneconomic to produce pottery at a more local level.

The third sherd is very abraded, from ditch 127. It bears the impression of a single triangular grid (TG) stamp. This stamp, classified as TG10, has been noted on another vessel, specifically a jar found at Barking Abbey in London (Redknap 1991, fig 3.7). Fragmentation analysis Table 5.8 shows the mean sherd weight for Ipswich ware in all ceramic phases. As can be seen, there is very little difference between the value obtained for the Middle Saxon contexts and that for the 12th century. This would suggest that the majority of the pottery from Middle Saxon contexts is the result of secondary deposition. This appears to be the case for most Middle Saxon sites in the east of England. The excavations at Staunch Meadow, Brandon in Suffolk revealed large, intact Middle Saxon occupation deposits, but very few pits, suggesting that refuse was generally middened presumably with waste for later use as fertilizer, rather than buried. If the same refuse disposal policy was followed here at Ely, and there seems little reason to believe that it was not, then much of the pottery from earth-cut features may well have originated from middens which were used to backfill features during site reorganisation. At least one of the cross-fits supports this. Joining sherds from an Ipswich ware jar were noted in ditch 186, Plot 6, and pit 1026, Plot 5, some 30m to the east (Figs 4.2-4.3).

Usually, finds of the ware outside the kingdom of East Anglia comprise only a handful of sherds, and the very few excavated sites at which it has been found in any quantity appear to have been players in the trade systems of the time. The evidence from West Fen Road and Lady Chapel suggests that not only was Ely for all intents and purposes an East Anglian site, but that it was also involved in trade. There is little doubt that there was a highly important ecclesiastical site in Ely during the Middle Saxon period, although its exact location is uncertain. Many sites of this type, such as Barking Abbey in Essex (Redknap 1991) have produced significant quantities of Ipswich ware, continental imported pottery, and also evidence of both the manufacture of utilitarian goods, whether food or objects, and also the consumption of luxury imported material (Blinkhorn 1999). There is also good historical evidence that at least some of the ecclesiastical houses of the time were indulging in trade (Kelly 1992). The somewhat limited evidence from Lady Chapel, a single pit with large quantities of Ipswich ware, imported continental blackwares and a high-status faunal assemblage, does appear typical of such sites. A comparison between that material and the pottery from West Fen Road may indicate that the two sites were of different status.

Table 5.8: Mean sherd weight (g), Ipswich ware, all Saxon and medieval ceramic phases Date Middle Saxon Late Saxon 12th century 13th century 15th century Late 15th century 16th century

Mean sherd weight (g) 28.4 0 27.5 0 10.0* 6.0 19.4

The general nature of the Ipswich ware assemblage from West Fen Road is East Anglian in character in that it comprises mainly small jars, with the large jars and pitchers present in the sort of quantities which are absolutely typical of other sites in the kingdom, including the wic of Ipswich itself. From the range of pottery types present, and the nature of the site, it would seem that the West Fen Road area was very much a domestic and agricultural area during the Middle Saxon period. The Lady Chapel site has a higher proportion of pitchers than West Fen Road, although somewhat unfortunately, the small size of the former assemblage means that this difference cannot be said to be significant with a great degree of confidence. Ipswich ware pitchers seem to be

Cross fits Two cross-fits were noted: Context 186 (Middle Saxon ditch) with context 1026 (Middle Saxon pit) Context 30 (Middle Saxon ditch) with context 735 (Middle Saxon ditch) 71

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

2

1

4

3

6 5

8 7

10 9

12

11

14

13 0

200mm

Fig 5.2: Ipswich Ware, 1-14

72

FINDS AND DATING

the only vessel type that was traded solely as pottery in its own right, and their movement appears to have been associated with the consumption of wine. Wine-drinking appears to have carried certain kudos in Saxon England, and was sometimes referred to as the drink drunk by old men and wise ones (Hodges 1982, 127). Rhenish wine barrels have been found re-used as well-linings in Ipswich. There seems little doubt from the archaeological and historical evidence that that wine would have been consumed in the monasteries and minsters of the time, and from the imported pottery which has been found in the wics, it would have been served from jugs. The presence of the imported North French Blackware sherds at Lady Chapel appears indicative of such actions having taken place. To the best of this writer’s knowledge at the time of writing, they are the only sherds of imported Middle Saxon pottery known from Cambridgeshire, and as the vast majority of finds of such wares in England is at either wics or ecclesiastical centres, fits very well with the importance of Anglo-Saxon Ely. From this, it is possible to suggest that Ely was producing goods for trade, in this case agricultural produce from the area in and around West Fen Road, and that the evidence for this trade is manifest from the presence of imported pottery at Lady Chapel. Obviously, further work is needed before this model can be advanced with total confidence, but these excavations are perhaps the first real archaeological evidence that Ely was as an important centre as the historical record suggests.

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Illustrated pottery All illustrated sherds are Ipswich ware (Figs 5.2-5.3). 1 Jar rim. Group 2 fabric. Type I.C rim. Grey fabric with variegated orange-brown and light grey surfaces. context 1300, ditch 1299 2 Large jar rim. Group 2. Type I.C rim. Uniform grey fabric. ditch 186 and pit 1026 3 Jar rim. Group 2. Type I.C rim. Light grey fabric with grey-brown inner surface. context 1305, ditch 1304

17 18 19

15

Jar rim. Group 2. Type I.E rim. Black fabric with orange-brown patches on outer surface. context 1301, ditch 1299 Jar rim. Group 2. Type II.K rim. Orange-brown fabric with black surfaces. context 122, ditch 30 Jar rim. Group 2. Type I.C rim. Light grey fabric with orange-brown patches on outer surface. ditch 139 Jar rim. Group 2, with no visible grits. Type II.F rim. Orange fabric with grey core and surfaces. contexts 30 and 735, ditch 30 Jar rim. Group 1. Type II.K rim. Orange-brown fabric with grey core. context 477, ditch 476 Small jar rim. Group 2. Type II.K rim. Orange fabric with grey-brown outer surface. context 477, ditch 476 Small jar rim. Group 2. Type II.K rim. Uniform grey fabric. context 477, ditch 476 Buttermarket-type jar rim. Group 2. Type III. H rim. Orange fabric with dark grey surfaces. context 1236, ditch 45 Pierced jar rim. Group 2. Type II.K rim. Orange fabric with grey surfaces. context 532, pit 531 Pierced jar rim. Group 2. Type I.C rim. Uniform grey fabric. context 200, ditch 81 Lugged jar rim. Group 2. Type I.C rim. Uniform grey fabric. context 749, ditch 513 Rim and handle from Buttermarket pitcher. Group 2. Soft, light grey fabric with orange margins. unstratified Rim and bridge spout from pitcher. Group 1. Type I.E rim. Uniform light grey fabric. context 1868, ditch 800 Three bodysherds from a stamped and lugged pitcher. Group 1. Uniform grey fabric. context 1325, ditch 78 Bodysherd from stamped vessel. Group 1. Grey fabric with orange-brown surfaces. ET35, pit 9 Extremely abraded stamped bodysherd. Group 1. Uniform grey fabric. context 136, ditch 127

16

17

18

19

0

200mm

Fig 5.3: Ipswich Ware, 15-19 73

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Other Middle Saxon finds by Tora Hylton

are particularly distinctive, representing forms that were commonly in use during the 8th and 9th centuries. All the pins were retrieved from Saxon deposits, two from pits 1021 and 52, and two from ditches 30 and 172.

A range of artefacts is represented and these are published as individual types within functional categories (Table 5.9). Only small groups, the miscellaneous and the unidentified objects have been considered by material type. Of particular interest is an Anglo-Saxon sceat, dating to c740-50 from ditch 279 (catalogued by Mark Curteis).

Two of the copper alloy pins are complete and have shafts which are slightly hipped, a common feature on pins of Saxon date. Of interest is the presence of a flat-headed or disc-headed pin. It is crudely manufactured and, unlike the ornately decorated examples found on higher status settlement sites, it is completely plain (Fig 5.4, 1). There is one pin with a polyhedral head, it is decorated with a single punched ring and dot motif on each of its twelve facets (Fig 5.4, 2), and like an example from Thetford, Norfolk the top of the pin is plain (Goodall, A R 1984, fig 112, 45). Pins of this type are not uncommon on Middle Saxon sites, women used them as part of their everyday dress. They are found in large quantities on female monastic sites (Webster and Backhouse 1991, 84). One pin has a plain, sub-biconical head (Fig 5.4, 3), it displays similarities to examples from Faccombe Netherton (Webster 1990, fig 7.8, 19-20). Finally, although incomplete, there is a fragment of a pin with a circular sectioned iron shaft, surmounted by a whitemetal globular head (not illustrated).

Anglo Saxon sceat (c740-50) Series L (London derived series) Reference: North 69 SF75, Trench 29, context 476, Saxon ditch

Among the other finds are some knives and a small collection of equipment for the manufacture of textiles. A draw knife and possible auger bit may have been for woodworking. Metalworking is represented by ironworking debris, although it is not clear what range of tasks might have been undertaken (Mack and McDonnell, this report). There are no tools which would have been used in the process of metalworking. The categories are tabulated below along with the quantities recovered. Personal possessions

Illustrated pins (Fig 5.4) 1 Pin, copper alloy. Disc-head pin, complete but shaft bent at right angles. Circular sectioned shank, widening slightly just before tapering to terminal. Shaft length: 42mm, Head: 19mm by 22mm. SF175, context 1015, pit 1021 2 Pin, copper alloy. Complete. Collared with polyhedral head, twelve facets. Each facet decorated with a punched motif of ring and dot. The shaft is slightly hipped with a circular cross-section and tapered to a point. Length: 75mm. SF185, context 735, ditch 30 3 Pin, copper alloy. Incomplete, point missing. Collared sub-biconical head, carination slightly flattened. Circular section shaft. No measurements. SF181, context 1294, pit 52

There are a number of objects that would have been for personal use, including, a small collection of pins, part of a bone comb and one half of a pair of tweezers. There are four pins, three of copper alloy and one combining iron and white metal. The copper alloy examples Table 5.9: Categories of Middle Saxon finds Functional Category Personal possessions Costume and jewellery Personal equipment Building equipment General ironwork Nails Tools Knives Textile working Wood working Coins Sceat (AD 740-50) Horse furniture Horseshoes Domestic Querns Miscellaneous and unidentified Copper alloy Iron Lead Antler and bone Glass

Quantity 4 2

A fragment of a bone comb was found in a ditch 476. Although incomplete, only the fragment of a tooth plate segment survives, it is possible to determine that the tooth plate segment would originally have been part of a double-sided composite comb. A vestige of a rivet hole for attaching the side-plates is evident on one side and two chamfered teeth with sub-circular cross sections are still attached (not illustrated).

5 22 12 10 2 1

One half of a pair of tweezers was found in pit 1240. The form is distinctive with the arms flared out which terminate in blades that turn in at right angles. The arm is decorated with a punched motif of ring and dot (Fig 5.4, 4), like an example from Richborough, Kent (Henderson 1949, plate xxxvi). Tweezers of this type are common finds on cemetery sites of Anglo-Saxon date.

2 18 3 37 6 2 1

Illustrated tweezers (Fig 5.4) 4 Tweezers, copper alloy. Incomplete, one arm missing. Length: 35mm Blade–width: 12mm SF 29, Context 1242, Pit 1240 74

FINDS AND DATING

1

3 2 4

0

50mm

6

5

8

7

9 11

13 10 0

100mm

Fig 5.4: Middle Saxon finds, 1-11 and 13

75

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Building equipment

Illustrated knives (Fig 5.4) 5 Knife, iron. Incomplete, most of tang missing. Sloping shoulder, back of blade straight then curving down to tip, cutting edge straight. Blade length: 76mm. Width: 15mm. Thickness: 4mm. SF24, context 140, ditch 139 6 Knife, iron. Complete, but covered in corrosion products. Sloping shoulder, back of blade and cutting edge parallel then tapers to tip. Blade length: 88mm. Width: 12mm. Thickness: no measurement. Tang length: 39mm. SF16, context 167, pit 167 7 Knife, iron. Incomplete, tip of blade missing, Sloping shoulder, back of blade gently slopes to tip and cutting edge horizontal. Blade length: 66mm. Width: 15mm. Tang length: 35mm. SF19, context 170, ditch 170 8 Knife, iron. Complete, tang central to blade, cutting edge straight and back of blade curving to tip. Blade length: 70mm. Width: 12mm. Thickness: 3mm. Tang length: 48mm. SF152, Trench 28, context 28, ditch 27 9 Knife, iron. Complete tang central to blade with stepped shoulder; back of blade and cutting edge tapered to tip. Blade length: 132mm. Width: 12mm. Thickness: 4mm. Tang length: 52mm. SF44, context 170, ditch 170

There is little to characterise the nature of buildings. With the exception of a small group of twenty-two nails, only five objects retrieved from Saxon deposits may have formed part of or been attached to the permanent structure of a building. These include: a hinge pivot, a strap hinge and three large studs. The hinge pivot comprises a circular pivot guide arm, 50mm high, and a rectangular sectioned shank, 100mm long. The shank would have been driven into the wood leaving the pivot free to retain the hanging eye of a strap hinge attached to a door, shutter or gate. A fragment of a strap hinge has both terminals missing, it is possible to determine that it is part of a U-shaped hanging eye, with vestige of the strap hinge attached. It displays similarities to examples from Faccombe Netherton (Goodall, I H 1990, fig 9.6, 300, 301). Three studs were retrieved from the same deposit in ditch 392, together with three nails. They are furnished with large sub-rectangular domed heads, suggesting that they may have been used on doors. Although incomplete, not all the shank survives, the heads measure from 35mm to 50mm across. Knives Twelve complete or fragmented blades and tangs were retrieved from Saxon deposits including, three from ditch 476, found with an Anglo-Saxon sceat dated c740-50, one from ditch 139, found with a draw-knife, and two from ditch 170. In addition there are two knives from features of unknown date and two unstratified knives from postmedieval layers.

Querns There are eighteen recorded finds with a combined weight of 3.52kg and comprising over 164 individual fragments. Much of the assemblage is fragmentary and abraded, displaying few diagnostic features. Nearly all, by number and weight, are fragments of lava quern (3.26kg). There is one piece of Millstone Grit (0.26kg).

The forms present provide a sample of the range required for domestic or industrial use, although it is not possible to define exactly what these uses might be. The entire assemblage comprises whittle tang knives, which would have terminated in a tapered prong, onto which a handle of wood, bone or horn would have been hafted. Although the majority of knives are incomplete, out of the total assemblage from Saxon deposits, ten are sufficiently complete to allow classification, the remainder are too fragmentary.

Lava querns are grey and vesicular, the probably come from the Mayen-Niedermendig area of Eifel, Germany. Some pieces still retain vestiges of the original worn surface, but only one piece preserved diagnostic features indicating that it may have been part of an upper stone, 50mm thick. Individual fragments with worn surfaces measured up to 35mm thick.

All the knives are furnished with single-edged blades. Three are complete and range in length from 118-184mm. Throughout the assemblage, the individual blade length, width and thickness measurements vary, suggesting that the knives would have been put to different uses. The blade lengths vary from 66-132mm, widths from 12-20mm and the thickness of the blade ranges from 3-6mm.

A single piece of fine to medium grained Millstone Grit was found. The presence of a curved edge suggests that it might be part of a quern. The lower surface is fractured and appears to have been burnt. Horse equipment A fragment of a horseshoe with curved profile was found in ditch 139. In addition, an almost complete horseshoe was retrieved from ditch 9, Plot 9. It displays similarities to the Museum of London Type 1 (Clark 1995, 85), a pre-Conquest type with rectangular countersinkings and three circular perforations on each branch.

Five blade types were identified, based on the alignment of the cutting edge and the back of blade. All examples have sloping or stepped shoulders. Most of the knives have blades furnished with horizontal cutting edges, in general it is the alignment of the back of the blade which differs. The forms represented include, horizontal backs which curve down towards the tip (Fig 5.4, 5), a distinctive characteristic of knives of Saxon date; backs which are parallel to the cutting edge and then taper to the tip (Fig 5.4, 6); backs which slope down towards the tip (Fig 5.4, 7); backs which curve to the tip (Fig 5.4, 8); and finally, backs that are horizontal and the cutting edge tapers to the tip (Fig 5.4, 9).

Textile manufacture Equipment for the manufacture of textiles is ubiquitous on domestic settlement sites of Anglo-Saxon date. The small number retrieved is most probably representative of smallscale manufacture to fulfil domestic needs. The assemblage 76

FINDS AND DATING

Illustrated miscellaneous objects (Figs 5.4 and 5.5) 13 Socketed object, iron. Closed socket with rivet for attaching ?wooden shaft. Circular cross-section, waisted, then expanding towards rounded terminal. The X-ray reveals that there is a small collar 8mm below the terminal, the exterior surface is covered in a non-ferrous metal and decorated with two panels of transverse grooves. No parallel for this object has been located. Length: 73mm. Width at socket: 10mm. SF147, Trench 28, context 235, ditch 234 12 Fitting, copper alloy. Complete, but broken. Paired circular sectioned arms with looped terminals, joined by an integral flat-sectioned arch. A similar unidentified iron object was found at Thetford (Goodall, A R 1984, fig 135, 225). Length: c80mm. SF150, Trench 28, context 28, ditch 27 14 ?Handle, bone. Fragmentary and incomplete, lathe turned, openworked handle. Decorated with alternate panels of crudely incised circumferential grooves and plain panels ornamented with opposing V-shaped notches giving the impression of a zig-zag motif; at one end there two rows of countersunk holes. Length: c90mm. Diameter: 30mm. SF143, context 743, pit 17 15 Pin/parchment pricker, bone. Incomplete, lower part of shank missing. Oval head surmounted on a circular sectioned shaft with collar at junction. Top of shaft decorated with circumferential grooves. Recess at top of head indicates point where pin was secured while being turned on a lathe. For discussion see Faccombe Netherton (MacGregor 1990, fig 10.1, 15-16), and for further examples see Norwich Castle (Margeson 1985, fig 38, 6) and Woolmonger Street, Northampton (Hylton 1998, fig 18, 7), the latter being of early medieval date (c1000-1250). SF10, context 337, furrow

includes double-pointed pin beaters and fragments of ceramic annular loomweights, both would have been used in conjunction with warp-weighted looms. There are three bone pinbeaters, one complete which is 126mm long, and two incomplete. Two were retrieved from well 173 and one from ditch 53. Pin beaters would have been used during the process of weaving to separate coarse threads that catch on each other. All three examples display signs of excessive wear, they have extremely glossy surfaces and one example is furnished with slight indentations, possibly indicating the position of the fingers. There are four annular loomweights, with three almost complete examples, three from ditches 96/53, 476, 392 and one from pit 1706. They display similarities to Dunning’s intermediate type, which he dates to the 7th and 8th centuries (Dunning et al 1959, fig 6). They all have D-shaped cross-sections and range in size from 90100mm in diameter, with the central hole measuring from 25-30mm in diameter; the height varies from 30-47mm. The fabric tends to be very hard fired, with few if any inclusions in chalk, flint and sand. Other finds associated with textile manufacture include a heckle tooth and a spindle whorl. The heckletooth was found in enclosure ditch 27. Heckleteeth are tapered rods with a single pointed terminal, which would have been supported in rows on a piece of iron sheet, binding a wooden block, a heckle (Goodall, I H 1984, fig 119, 20-1). Heckles were used for preparing, carding, wool and bast fibres before spinning into thread. The spindle whorl, a crudely manufactured ceramic whorl, was retrieved from ditch 57, Plot 6. In addition, there is an unstratified, conicalshaped spindle whorl, manufactured from limestone. Wood working Considering the importance of wood, there is a distinct lack of tools relating to its use. There is one object, a draw knife, found in ditch 139. The draw knife is complete but broken (Fig 5.4, 10). It displays similarities to an example from Great Wavering, Essex (Manning 1985, plate 9, B19). In addition there is a possible auger bit (Fig 5.4, 11), which is not dissimilar to an example from Goltho (Goodall 1987, fig 156, 3).

Medieval and later finds by Tora Hylton Small quantities of medieval and later finds came mainly from plough furrows, more recent features or were unstratified. The finds comprised mainly portable items which may have been casually lost. Artefacts of medieval date include, two hammered silver coins (catalogued by Mark Curteis below). The medieval silver hammered coins all show a high degree of wear and must have had a long circulation life. 1 ?King John (1180-1242), cut short cross farthing Condition: worn SF131, Trench 29, context 186, Saxon ditch (intrusive)

Illustrated woodworking tools (Fig 5.4) 10 Draw knife, iron. Complete but broken. Slightly convex back, cutting edge straight; terminals perforated most probably for attaching/riveting on to handle. Length: 150mm. Width: 12mm. Thickness: 5mm. SF90, context 140, ditch 139 11 Auger bit, iron. Incomplete, lanceolate-shaped terminal with rectangular cross-section and broken shank. The X-ray reveals that there is a double moulding between the head and the shank. Head length: 38mm. Width: 13mm. SF26, context 1062, ditch 183

2

Edward III (1327-77) halfpenny, class 4 (13351343) Mint: London Condition: worn SF2, Trench 28, context 2, subsoil

There is a small collection of medieval buckles (cf Egan and Pritchard 1991, fig 7, 565; fig 42, 247); a strap loop (ibid 1991, fig 149, 274); together with a cauldron foot with paw-shaped basal end (Egan 1998, fig 132, 460) and an iron barrel-padlock key.

Miscellaneous There are a small number of objects that are difficult to identify with any certainty. 77

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

12

15

0

14

50mm

Fig 5.5: Middle Saxon finds, 12, 14 and 15

Iron slag by Ivan Mack and Dr Gerry McDonnell

The post-medieval finds include a range of 17th to 18thcentury buckles, 18th to 19th-century rumbler bells, horseshoes, machine knurled thimbles, shoe pattens and heel irons, tokens and clay tobacco-pipe stems and bowls. There are also two 16th-century coins (catalogued by Mark Curteis). 1

Elizabeth I (1558 -1603), threepence (1561-65) Mint: London Condition: very worn SF4, Trench 22, context 1, topsoil

2

Elizabeth I (1558-1603), sixpence (1574) Mint: London (eglantine mint mark) Condition: very worn SF6, Trench 24, context 1, topsoil

The entire assemblage of slag was examined and classified using features of the external morphology only (Table 5.10). The results presented here may be open to re-interpretation with more detailed chemical and metallographic analysis. Types of slag There was much variation in the slag. A considerable proportion was merely indicative of general iron-working, Fig. 5.5 but processes could be estimated with reasonable confidence. The majority of the slag could therefore be attributed to the following groups: 78

FINDS AND DATING

Table 5.10: Iron slags by weight (g), type and context Context 29/543 29/714 29/1393 29/1447 29/1456 29/1464 29/1541 29/1544 29/1545 29/1630 Iron Age 28/86 28/189 28/286 29/80 29/768 29/905 29/926 29/946 29/981 29/1380 29/1414 29/1568 29/1617 29/1741 29/1744 29/1822 29/1854 Middle Saxon 25/11 29/286 29/1029 28/81 TOTAL

Feature Ditch 358 Ditch 236 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1391 Ditch 1629 Sub-total Pit 85 Ditch 188 Ditch 27 Ditch 81 Pit 17 Pit 167 Well 173 Well 173 Ditch 980 PH 1381 Gully 92 Ditch 191 Ditch 254 Gully 1719 Gully 1743 Ditch 81 Ditch 4

Date IA? IA IA IA IA IA IA IA IA IA? MS? MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS MS? MS MS MS MS

Ditch 25/4 Furrow Gully 149 Hollow

? Med Med Mod

Smelt 190g 132 322 37 85 1012 350 237 1721 21 2064g

FLS FL/HL PCB Bloom Smith Gen. I-W 60 126 20 74 14 30 69 26 16 66 169 200 514 36 37 282 54 - 1602 17 42 3 68 15 335 52 115 2451 354 109 16 20 32 219g 284g 2451g 20g 141g 554g

IA = Iron Age; MS = Middle Saxon; Med = medieval; Mod = modern

Smelting slag: Bloomery furnace derived slag with high density, including unburnt charcoal fuel and numerous gas voids. 2064g.

Smithing slag: Low density, heterogeneous slags produced by the agglomeration of slag droplets in the hearth during secondary smithing operations. 141g.

Furnace lining or hearth lining: Fired clay fragments with slag attacked surfaces. 284g.

General ironworking slag: Ferrous metallurgical slag, with no diagnostic morphological features with which to attribute processes. 554g.

Furnace lining slag: Slag produced at or near the furnace wall being heavily impregnated with silicates and morphologically midway between smelting slag and furnace lining. 219g.

Discussion The slags broadly represent a very general ironworking phase near the site, certainly involving bloomery iron production and possibly smithing. Local smithing activity would have resulted in the presence of more diagnostic residues such as hammerscales and smithing hearth bottoms.

Plano-convex bottom: Iron working slag with distinctive plano-convex shape. In this instance these were not typical of either hearth or furnace bottom slags. 2,541g. Bloom: Fragments of the primary metallic product of the furnace. May be present at both smelting and smithing sites. 20g.

The presence of a significant proportion of lining material in the assemblage would suggest that the smelting took 79

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

place nearby, as this material tends to remain in the locality of the source of production and is more readily destroyed by subsequent disturbance than other slags. The majority of the linings came from earlier contexts. The macro-slags recovered can be readily disturbed by post-depositional activity and may travel some distance from their point of origin.

in the area should include the possibility of recovering evidence of the furnaces and hearths associated with these artefacts, which would more firmly date the ironworking on the site.

There is no significant difference in the composition of the slag assemblages between the Iron Age and Middle Saxon phases. Given that the Middle Saxon slag deposits are largely small, sporadic and likely to be secondary or tertiary deposits, it may be that the slags from these Middle Saxon features were produced during the earlier phase of occupation. The majority of the iron production may have occurred prior to the Middle Saxon land use. Most slags are not visually dateable.

Three animal bones from Iron Age contexts were selected for AMS radiocarbon dating and sent to the Rafter Radiocarbon Laboratory, New Zealand. One of the bones, a piece of cattle scapula from context 584 in ditch 358, proved unsuitable due to a high C:N ratio (4.8-4.9) and the sample was discarded. The other two, one from context 714 in ditch 263, and the other from context 1392 in ditch 1391, gave ‘enhanced precision’ dates using the weighted mean of three sub-samples (Table 5.11 and Fig 5.6).

Conclusions

Sample NZA 15624, context 29/714

Ironworking, specifically bloomery iron smelting, took place in the immediate vicinity of the site. This probably took place within the Iron Age phase of land use and slag deposits could have been readily disturbed and slag redeposited during the Middle Saxon period of activity.

The sample was a complete cattle acetabulum (78g) which is a relatively fragile bone and appeared unlikely to have been redeposited. It came from the upper fill of ditch 263, associated with a large quantity of typical later Iron Age pottery, including scored ware (2,881g).

The slag assemblage therefore reflects a general background scatter from a nearby site and as such requires no further analysis at the present time. Future excavation

The sample’s context and associations would suggest that the true age lies at the more recent end of the given range, 260 BC to 90 BC, rather than in the earlier part.

Radiocarbon dating by Andrew Mudd

Table 5.11: Radiocarbon dates (weighted mean of three measurements) Laboratory & Context Numbers NZA 15624 29/714

Context type

Material

Radiocarbon Age (BP)

d13C per thousand

upper fill of Ditch 1391

cattle acetabulum

1948 +/- 45 2167 +/- 50 2151 +/- 60

-20.4 -21.0 -21.0

2160 +/- 38 NZA 15625 29/1392

upper fill of Gully 263

articulating cattle humerus

2166 +/- 50 2161 +/- 5 2172 +/- 55 2166 +/- 31

-21.0 -21.0 -20.9

Calibrated date range ** 95.4% probability * 68.2% probability 370-90 cal BC** 360-290 cal BC + 230160 cal BC + 130-110 cal BC* 360-110 cal BC** 360-290 cal BC + 230220 cal BC + 210-170 cal BC*

Calibration using OxCal v3.10, Bronk Ramsay (2005)

Fig 5.6: Radiocarbon dates: context 714 (Gully 263) and context 1392 (ditch 1391) 80

FINDS AND DATING

Sample NZA 15625, context 29/1392

site, rather than to date specific events or deposits. The contexts from which they derived were similar, being the upper fills of ditches containing a lot of occupation material. Both deposits 714 and 1392 were conspicuously dark and friable, appearing to have resulted from a general infill and dumping of refuse. The event itself has been put into Phase 3, although it seems that the radiocarbon dates must relate to material from nearby middens, since the Phase 3 ditches 1005 and 358 contain pottery of the 1st century AD, about 200 years later. The radiocarbon dates are earlier than expected from the stratigraphic evidence and make the Iron Age chronology longer than anticipated, 2nd-1st century BC, but the radiocarbon evidence is nowhere contradicted.

The sample was a cattle humerus (217g) which articulated with an ulna. It came from the upper fill of the inner enclosure ditch 1391, associated with a large quantity of Iron Age pottery (1,338g). The date is virtually identical to the previous sample and a true date towards the more recent end of the given range, 260 BC to 110 BC, is the preferable option. Discussion of dating The radiocarbon samples were chosen to indicate the general date of most intensive Iron Age occupation on the

81

Chapter 6: Human and faunal remains Human bones

elements are more diagnostic and more easily identifiable than others and, therefore, more often recorded. This may create bias in calculations of the relative quantities of skeletal elements collected for burial.

Human skull fragments from Iron Age ditches by Lorrain Higbee Three fragments of human skull were identified among the animal bone assemblage from Trench 29. All three fragments are from ditch fills. Two are from the inner Iron Age enclosure ditch 1391, fills 1540 and 1392, the other is from the outer enclosure ditch 1005, fill 1126. They comprise a fragment of parietal bone from the medial/posterior border, a small fragment of frontal/ parietal cranial vault and a fragment of left parietal from around the squasmosal suture. The fragment of cranium has an ‘orange-peel’ appearance and the doploë was notably thicker than normal suggesting iron deficiency leading to aneamia. Cranial lesions are thought to occur in more advanced cases of aneamia and usually occur after the formation of orbital lesions (Roberts & Manchester 1995). Local ‘structured deposits’ containing disarticulated human remains have been recorded from Hurst Lane and Wardy Hill, Coveney (Dodwell 2007, 667; 2003, 232).

Age estimation from cremated remains is dependent on the survival of particular age diagnostic elements. In adult cremations, the most useful age indicators are degenerative changes to the auricular surface (Lovejoy et al 1985), pubic symphysis (Brooks and Suchey 1990) and cranial suture closure (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985). Gejvall’s method based on the relative thickness between the diploë and the internal and external table of skull vault fragments was utilised where no other age diagnostic features were available (Gejvall in Sigvallius 1994). Weight of cremated bone Experimental archaeology in modern crematoria revealed that the total cremated remains of an adult individual vary in weight from 1.0-3.6kg (McKinley 2000). This would suggest that cremation deposit 18/22, at 300g, was only a sample of the total individual. Such ‘token deposits’ are common in archaeological populations. McKinley (2000) found that only 50% or less of the total skeleton was usually deposited in the grave. It is possible that there was a correlation between the amount of bone collected and the status of the deceased.

Human remains from possible Roman cremation pit 18/22 by Sharon Clough Cremated bone was recovered from a small pit in Trench 18. The presence of several fragments of iron nails precludes a Neolithic or Bronze Age date. It has been tentatively assigned to the Roman period on the basis of association with other nearby features of this date.

Table 6.1 summarises the percentage of bone weight per body part in a complete unburned skeleton (McKinley 1989, 68). The cremated remains of a complete skeleton should reflect similar proportions, and discrepancies suggest that certain body parts were preferred over others. The cremated bone of deposit 18/22 broadly reflected these proportions, indicating that there had been no selection of body parts during collection from the pyre (Table 6.2). The slightly higher proportion of skull may well be due to the ease with which they were identified by the osteologist compared to other bones, rather than a true indication of preferential selection.

Methodology The 300g of cremated bone was subjected to analysis as recommended by Brickley and McKinley (2004). After wet sieving and hand sorting, the bones retained from each sieve size were examined and sorted into the following identifiable bone groups: skull (including mandible and dentition); axial (clavicle, scapula, ribs, vertebra and pelvic elements); upper limb and lower limb. The separation of the bone into these groups helped illuminate any deliberate bias in the selection of specific skeletal elements for burial. The sample was weighed on digital scales. The colour and largest fragment size were recorded. The presence of specific elements within the defined bone groups was noted. Any unidentifiable fragments of long bone shafts or cancellous bone, which often comprise the bulk of cremated bone, were weighed and incorporated into any subsequent quantitative analysis. The prevalence of unidentifiable bone is largely dependent on the degree of fragmentation, as larger fragments are more easily identified than smaller ones.

Table 6.1: Summary of human skeletal body regions by weight Skull: 18.2% (cranium, facial bones and mandible) Axial Skeleton: 20.6% (vertebrae, ribs, pelvis)

Upper Limbs: 23.1% (shoulders, arms and hands) Lower Limbs: 38.1% (legs and feet)

Pyre technology The efficiency of a cremation is influenced by the following factors: the construction of the pyre, the quantity of fuel, the position of the body, tending of the pyre, weather,

It should also be taken into consideration that some skeletal 82

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.2: Summary of results of analysis of cremation deposit 18/22 Age Adult 18-44 years

Sex ?

Total

Skull 24g 2g 28g

10 mm fraction (top) and 5 mm fraction (bottom) Axial Upper Lower Unidentified Limb Limb 2g 13g 13g 174g 0 0 0 72g 2g 13g 13g 246g

Table 6.3: Colour of cremated bone with pyre temperature achieved Red-orange Dark brown-black Black Dark greyish-brown Light greyish-brown White

Total 226g 74g 300g

site during the normal course of hand-excavation weighs 132.96kg. A small quantity of bone was also recovered from the wet sieving of bulk soil samples (Piper, this chapter). The assemblage dates from the Iron Age through to the post-medieval period. The Iron Age and Middle Saxon components of the assemblage represent the largest stratified collects from the site, accounting for 65.3% of the total assemblage by weight and have been selected for full analysis.

185 °C 285 °C 360 °C 440 °C 525 °C 645-1200 °C

Methods

duration of the cremation and the pyre temperature (Table 6.3; McKinley 1994, 82-84; McKinley 2000, 407).

The methods used throughout the analysis followed recognised identification and recording procedures (Dobney and Reilly 1988; Cohen and Serjeantson 1996; Silver 1969; Grant 1982; Payne 1973, 1985 and 1987; O’Connor 1989; Armitage and Clutton-Brock 1976; Boessneck 1969; Davis 1992a; Payne and Bull 1988: Von den Driesch 1976; Von den Driesch and Boessneck, 1974; and Harcourt 1974).

Cremated deposit 18/22 contained an equal mix of buff white and blue grey, with occasionally black fragments. From this it may be inferred that there had been sufficient fuel available and that successful pyre technology had been utilised in this cremation, but the pyre temperatures had not been sufficiently above 645°C or sustained for all elements to achieve complete oxidation.

Condition and recovery

Fragmentation

The assemblage is reasonably well preserved and very few fragments were recorded with edge abrasion or surface exfoliation caused by rolling and trampling on the ground surface or general weathering (Table 6.4). A small number of fragments in the Iron Age assemblage had sediment adhering to their surfaces. This did not generally affect identification to taxa or element, but it may have effaced surface details such as butchery marks.

The maximum fragment size was 24mm by 18mm. The majority of fragments were greater than 10mm, suggesting average fragmentation levels, affecting the identification of some elements. The largest amount of fragmentation occurs after burial and during archaeological excavation and processing. McKinley (1994, 340-1) observed in a sample of over 4,000 cremations that over 50% of bone fragments were in excess of 10mm in size, with the largest fragment being 134mm. The maximum fragment size in the Ely cremation was 45.2mm.

Gnaw marks made by dogs were recorded on approximately 9% of fragments, and most at the ends of long bones. This is a reasonably low frequency, and suggests that most bones were buried rapidly. The frequency may not necessarily reflect the true extent of destruction since canid gnawing can completely destroy bones from the archaeological record, particularly those from immature animals.

Age, gender and pathology The deposit comprised one adult, aged 18-44. Gender could not be determined. No pathology was observed.

The vast majority of the assemblage was recovered by hand from excavated deposits and a relatively small quantity of material was retrieved from sample residues. Hand recovery is usually biased against the recovery

Animal bones by Lorrain Higbee The total quantity of animal bone recovered from the

Table 6.4: Animal bones: Frequency of taphonomic evidence expressed as a percentage of the total number of fragments by period Period Iron Age Middle Saxon

% poorly preserved 3.8 0.7

% gnaw marks 11.0 8.5 83

% butchery marks 4.3 7.2

% charred or calcined 0.9 1.0

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

of small bones and the bones of small species. Sieving may redress this imbalance, but in this instance the sieved assemblage is too small to assess the effects of recovery methods on species and element representation. A few additional species were identified form the sieved assemblage, and some attempt has been made to interpret this material both in terms of site formation processes and local environmental conditions (Piper, this chapter).

site. In Britain hare is easily distinguished from rabbit by size. However, it was not possible to distinguish between brown hare, Lepus europaeus, and blue hare, L. timidus. Most Lepus bones are therefore merely recorded as hare. The most common bird species from the site is the Gallus/ Numida/Phasianus group of closely-related galliformes. Most of the bones of these three species are difficult to distinguish (see MacDonald 1992), but no guinea fowl or pheasant bones were positively identified and it is therefore assumed that most fowl-like bones belong to chicken.

Identification and species found Approximately 75% of identified fragments could be identified to species; a further 25% could be assigned to general size-categories (Table 6.5). Like most handrecovered archaeological animal bone assemblages from England, approximately 67% of specimens belong to cattle, sheep or goat and pig. Other identified mammals include horse, dog, cat and hare. Identified birds include chicken, goose, both domestic (Anser anser) and brent (Branta bernicla), duck, probably mallard Anas platyrhynchos, gull Larus sp. and crow Corvus corone.

Butchery/cut marks Butchery evidence was recorded on c7% of bone fragments and the proportion of butchery marks by period is given in Table 6.4. The type, location and direction of butchery marks were recorded as standard throughout the assemblage and general observations are presented here. Most butchery evidence in both periods was recorded on cattle bones. The larger size of cattle carcasses means that they require a higher degree of subdivision than smaller carcasses, and they are also more likely to be filleted. There was little difference between the types and locations of butchery evidence between periods. Chop marks were more frequently recorded than cut marks on cattle bones and common locations include the distal humerus, proximal radius, proximal ulna, distal femur and proximal tibia, the elbow and knee joints. Chop marks were less commonly observed at the hip and shoulder joints. The hip joint appears to have been

Most, but not all, sheep and goat bones are difficult to identify to species and are referred to as sheep/goat. Using the criteria of Boessneck (1969) and Payne (1985) it was possible to identify a selective suite of elements as belonging to either sheep or goat. Of the small number of caprine bones that could be identified to species, sheep bones were slightly more common than goat, particularly in the Middle Saxon period. Thus the term ‘sheep’ is used to refer to all undifferentiated caprine bones. A small number of leporid bones were recovered from the

Table 6.5: Animal bones: Number of identified specimens per species (NISP) by period for hand recovered material only

Cattle Sheep/Goat Sheep Goat Pig Horse Dog Cat Hare Human Chicken Brent goose Goose Mallard Crow Gull Large mammal Medium mammal Bird indet. Total

Iron Age N 236 189 1 2 22 26* 19 3 1 2 2 77 31 5 616

% 38.3 30.6 0.1 0.3 3.5 4.2 3.0 0.4 0.1 0.3 0.3 12.4 5.0 0.8 100

Middle Saxon N 546* 591 10 7 150 58 34* 4 1 34 1 17* 6 4 1 257 215 51 1987

% 27.4 29.7 0.5 0.3 7.5 2.9 1.7 1.2 0.05 1.7 0.05 0.8 0.3 0.2 0.05 12.9 10.8 2.5 100

* denotes figure includes complete/partial skeleton which has been counted as one specimen. Large mammal = cattle/horse sized; medium mammal = sheep/goat/pig sized and Indet. = indeterminate

84

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

disarticulated by chopping through the neck of the illium and pubis-ischium. Evidence for the disarticulation of the shoulder joint is less clear due largely to the low frequency of proximal humeri and the frequency of scapulae recorded with gnaw marks around the glenoid cavity. Butchery evidence on metapodia suggests that limb extremities were detached either at the proximal or mid-shaft region. In addition to this evidence, a small but significant number of metapodia had been split axially, suggesting that they had been processed for marrow. Cut marks were observed with regularity on astragalus, typically on the anterior aspect of the distal articulation. These marks probably result from disarticulation of the ankle joint and would have left the associated metatarsal intact. Metatarsals were commonly used as raw materials for the production of bone implements, and an example was recovered from the Ashwell site (Riddler 2005, 80-1).

posterior distal shaft could have been caused by skinning. A greater number, c12%, of horse bones in the Middle Saxon period were recorded with butchery marks. The location of these marks is similar to that observed on cattle bones and would seem to suggest that horse carcasses were processed for meat, and probably also for hides. A number of worked horse bones, including skates and a sledge runner were recorded from the Ashwell site (Riddler 2005, 85-7). Cut marks were recorded on a single goose carpo-metacarpus from the Middle Saxon assemblage. The location of these marks is consistent with removal of the wing feathers, which may have been used to manufacture arrow flights. Frequency of species and parts of the skeleton represented

Butchery marks were less frequently observed on sheep/ goat and pig bones. Carcasses of this size require less sub-division and are more likely to be processed using a sharp knife, a practice which usually results in fewer marks on the bone, particularly if carried out by a skilled butcher. Chop marks were recorded in the midshaft region of long bones and are consistent with the reduction of individual meat joints. Once again there is little difference in butchery techniques between periods. Most charred and calcined fragments could be identified as sheep/goat and pig anatomical elements, in particular the distal tibia and bones from the ankle. One sheep/ goat metacarpal from the Saxon assemblage from well 173 was recorded with a circular perforation through its proximal articulation. The object was probably used in textile manufacture and examples were recovered from the Ashwell site (Riddler 2005, 80-1).

The assemblage from both periods is characterised by mammalian species, in particular the three common domestic stock species (Tables 6.5-6.9, Figs 6.1-6.2). Avian species are also present but only account for a small fraction of identified fragments. The proportion of bird bones ranges from approximately 1% in the Iron Age assemblage to 4.5% in the Middle Saxon assemblage. The relative frequency of livestock species has been calculated using the number of identified specimens per species (NISP) sown in Figure 6.1 and the minimum number of individuals (MNI) shown in Figure 6.2. Cattle bones are slightly more common than sheep bones in the Iron Age assemblage, at 53% of NISP compared to 42% for sheep. This pattern is reversed in the Middle Saxon assemblage where sheep bones account for 46% NISP compared to 42% for cattle. Pig is present in low frequencies and varies from 5% in the Iron Age to 12% in

Butchery evidence was also noted on one Iron Age horse femur where transverse knife cuts recorded on the

Table 6.6: Cattle: minimum number of individuals (or MNI) by anatomical element Iron Age Anatomical element dp4+p4 m1/2 m3 Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur Tibia Metacarpal Metatarsal Astragalus Calaneum Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3

N 4 8 8 5 11 8 6 9 3 6 6 5 4 6 2 1 1

% 36 73 73 45 100 73 55 82 27 55 55 45 36 55 18 9 9

N 5 8 7 2 21 28 2 16 16 19 12 15 12 15 3 3 2

Middle Saxon % 18 29 25 7 75 100 7 57 57 68 43 54 43 54 11 11 7

Unfused epiphysis are not counted. Phalanges have been divided by 8, m1/m2 by 4, all other elements by 2. % = frequency of an element expressed in relation to the most common one

85

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Fig 6.1: Relative frequency of common domestic species by number of identified specimens per species (NISP)

Fig 6.2: Relative frequency of common domestic species by minimum number of individuals (MNI)

86

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.7: Sheep/Goat: minimum number of individuals (or MNI) by anatomical element Iron Age Anatomical element dp4+p4 m1/2 m3 Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur Tibia Metacarpal Metatarsal Astragalus Calaneum Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3

N 12 12 6 3 3 9 5 7 18 5 5 2 1 1 1

Middle Saxon % 67 67 33 17 17 50 63 39 100 28 28 11 6 6 6

N 23 26 26 12 24 35 9 18 24 36 17 17 7 8 2 1 1

% 64 72 72 33 67 97 25 50 67 100 47 47 19 22 6 3 3

Unfused epiphysis are not counted. Phalanges have been divided by 8, m1/m2 by 4, all other elements by 2. % = frequency of an element expressed in relation to the most common one

than individuals, and in this instance the NISP values are considered more accurate.

the Middle Saxon period. The MNI results indicate that sheep is the most common species in both periods, and shows a slight decline in frequency from 56% in the Iron Age assemblage to 50% in the Middle Saxon assemblage. Both cattle and pig show a corresponding slight increase over time. Cattle account for 34-39% MNI whilst the number of pigs ranges from 9-11%. The MNI method of quantification is considered less reliable for small assemblages since it may count body portions rather

Tables 6.6-6.8 show MNI by selected anatomical element for the three main domestic species. This can be used to assess the survival or recovery of different anatomical elements by comparing the frequency of each element to the most common one.

Table 6.8: Pig: minimum number of individuals (or MNI) by anatomical element Iron Age Anatomical element dp4+p4 m1/2 m3 Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur Tibia Metacarpal Metatarsal Astragalus Calaneum Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3

N 3 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1

Middle Saxon % 100 33 67 67 33 67 33 33 33 33 33 33

N 2 1 3 8 8 4 6 5 3 6 2 3 2 2 1 1

% 25 13 38 100 100 50 75 63 38 75 25 38 25 25 13 13

Unfused epiphysis are not counted. Phalanges have been divided by 8, m1/m2 by 4, all other elements by 2. % = frequency of an element expressed in relation to the most common one

87

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Table 6.9: Horse: NISP by anatomical element

All parts of the beef carcass are represented in the assemblages from both periods and this suggests local slaughter and consumption. The MNI of cattle represented in the Iron Age assemblage is eleven and the most common anatomical element is the humerus. The radius, pelvis and mandible are also relatively common in the Iron Age assemblage. For the Middle Saxon period twenty-one individuals are represented and the radius is the most common element. The humerus and tibia are also fairly common but mandible fragments appear to be under-represented in comparison to the Iron Age assemblage. Given the greater size of the Middle Saxon assemblage, this bias is unlikely to reflect differences in recovery or survival, but could indicate spatial variations in the disposal of primary butchery waste during this period.

Anatomical element Skull Mandible Loose Tooth Atlas Axis Vertebra Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur Tibia Metacarpal Metatarsal Metapodial Astragalus Calaneum Phalanx

One partial cattle skeleton was recorded from Middle Saxon ditch 1719 and most of the anatomical elements represented are from the left hind limb of an animal under 2-2½ years. In addition, several articulating ankle joints and feet were recorded from the Middle Saxon assemblage and probably represent waste products from initial processing of carcasses. At least eighteen sheep are represented in the Iron Age assemblage and at least thirty-six are represented in the Middle Saxon assemblage. Most parts of the mutton carcass are present and the most common anatomical element in both periods is the tibia. The pelvis, radius, femur and mandible are also fairly common. These elements are relatively easy to identify in a fragmented state and show good survival and recovery rates on other sites. Teeth are also relatively well represented, but this is not surprising when one considers that the majority of sheep/goat teeth were retained within mandibles as complete or partial tooth rows, unlike the majority of cattle teeth which were largely recovered as isolated elements.

Iron Age 1* 3* 4 1* 1* 28* 2* 2* 4* 2* 6* 3* 5* 5* 7* 1 3* 3* 7*

Middle Saxon 3 16 7 2 6 5 5 4 1 1 1 1 1 5

* = part of complete/partial skeleton

of tooth attrition suggests an animal in the age range 5-20 years (Levine 1982). The lack of age related degenerative disease on the skeleton suggests that the real age of this individual was towards the lower end of the range suggested by tooth wear. Other articulating horse bones include the right hind leg of a 3-3½ year old animal from Iron Age ditch 1005. Most horse bones from the Middle Saxon assemblage occur as isolated elements from separate contexts. Where several horse bones are present in the same context they are usually from different areas of the skeleton and can not therefore be directly associated.

The relative proportion of pigs in both periods is quite low; only three individuals are represented in the Iron Age assemblage and in the Middle Saxon assemblage there are at least eight. Mandibles are common in the Iron Age assemblage and in the Middle Saxon assemblage bones from the forelimb are common. It is difficult to assess the body part representation for pig due to the low fequency of most elements. However, for the Middle Saxon assemblage most major meat-bearing bones are relatively well represented and only those elements considered to represent primary butchery waste, such as skulls and foot extremities, are under-represented. This may reflect the selective procurement of pork joints or differences in the disposal of butchery waste. Alternatively, given the immature age at which the majority of pigs were culled and thus the fragile nature of these types of elements, it is possible that they have been obliterated from the recovered assemblage.

Dog bones account for approximately 3% of NISP in the Iron Age assemblage, c2% of the Middle Saxon assemblage. Eight Iron Age contexts yielded dog bones and at least two individuals are represented. Most bones occur as isolated elements but two contexts yielded associated bones. The pelvic girdle and lumbar vertebrae from one individual were recovered from ditch 1391 and the mandibles and cervical vertebrae of from another individual were recovered from Ditch 1005. Dog bones were recovered from sixteen separate Middle Saxon contexts and at least three individuals are represented. Associated anatomical elements have been identified from six separate contexts. The most complete of these is from ditch 1823 and includes the mandible and forelimbs from an adult animal. Other interesting groups include the hind legs from an immature dog less than 1½ years old from Middle Saxon ditch 170 and two complete dog skulls from well 173.

Horse bones account for approximately 4% of NISP in the Iron Age assemblage and at least three individuals are represented. In the Middle Saxon assemblage the proportion is 3% NISP and at least six individuals are represented (Table 6.9). The Iron Age assemblage includes a complete skeleton from pit 375. The individual had reached skeletal maturity (4½-5 years) and analysis

A small number of cat and hare bones were identified from the Middle Saxon assemblage. Cat accounts for c1% of NISP and at least two individuals are represented, an adult and a kitten. The adult cat bones were recovered from three separate contexts and the partial skeleton of 88

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.10: Cattle: fused and fusing versus unfused diaphysis Iron Age Fused Neonate Early Intermediate Late Final

N 36 10 9 10

Unfused N % 3 1 9 5 36 6 38

% 100 91 64 63

Fused N 86 32 44 31

Middle Saxon Unfused % N % 4 91 8 9 78 9 22 56 34 44 34 61 66

Fusion categories after O’Connor (1989) with the addition of the neonate category

a kitten was recovered from ditch 29/476. A single tibia from an adult hare was identified from ditch 829.

whilst the crow and gull are common scavengers around human settlements.

Six avian species were identified from the assemblage. Overall they account for a very small proportion of the NISP from each period (Table 6.5). Chicken, duck and crow were identified from the Iron Age assemblage and are all represented by one or two specimens each. Birds from the Middle Saxon assemblage include the above plus domestic goose, brent goose, and gull. Chicken is the most common avian species in the Middle Saxon assemblage, accounting for c2% of NISP. Most meaty portions of the chicken carcass are present but skulls and limb extremities are absent. Only 16% of chickens were culled as immature individuals and these probably represent males fattened for eating. Domestic goose accounts for less than 1% of NISP in the Middle Saxon assemblage, and this includes a partial skeleton from a dump of burnt material in ditch 45. Duck bones, most probably mallard, have been identified from both periods; the range of anatomical elements represented is limited almost exclusively to bones from the wing and breast. Less common avian species include brent goose, crow and gull. The former is a winter visitor to Britain and prefers saltmarsh or coastal grassland environments,

Age at slaughter for common domestic species The epiphyseal fusion data for cattle are presented in Table 6.10 and Figure 6.3. In the Iron Age assemblage all early fusing epiphyses are fused, as are the majority of intermediate fusing epiphyses, and approximately two thirds of late and final epiphyses are fused. This indicates that during the Iron Age period the majority of cattle were slaughtered aged c3½-4 years or older, although a significant proportion, c45%, were culled as beeves under 3 years of age. For the Middle Saxon assemblage the proportion of unfused epiphyses in the intermediate, late and final categories is greater than it is in the Iron Age assemblage, and some cattle, c9%, were slaughtered before the age of 12-18 months. Calves no more than a few weeks old are also represented in the fusion data for both periods these may represent natural mortalities or the culling of suckling calves for veal. This kill-off pattern is largely repeated in the results obtained for tooth eruption and wear. Tooth eruption and wear data for cattle are presented in Figure 6.4 and Table 6.11. Figure 6.4 shows that the

Table 6.11: Cattle: wear stages of individual teeth (following Grant 1982) C V Iron Age dp4 p4 m1 m1/m2 m2 m3 Middle Saxon dp4 p4 m1 m1/m2 m2 m3

E H

a

b

c

d 1 1 2

1

e

f

g

h

k

l

1 1 1 4 j

3 2 3 1 k

3

2

2

1

1

3

1

3 1

2 4

1 1

1 C V

1 E H

a

1 2 b

c

d

e

1 1 1

1

2 2

2 1 f

1 1 g

1 1

1 2

1

3 1 3 1

m

n

o

p

*

2

1 2

j

2 1 2 2

h

1 2

1 l

m

n

o

p

4 *

1 2 2 1 1

Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. Grant’s stage ‘U’ is considered equivalent to stage ‘a’. Isolated teeth which could have been in one of the eruption stages (C, V, E, H) are coded as ‘a’. * = unassigned

89

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Fusion categories after O’Connor (1989)

Fig 6.3: Cattle: percentage of fused and fusing diaphysis (epiphysis excluded)

Fig 6.4: Cattle: number of mandibles by age category (following O’Connor 1989)

90

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.12: Sheep/Goat: fused and fusing versus unfused diaphysis Iron Age Fused N 9 3 3 4

Neonate Early Intermediate 1 Intermediate 2 Late Final

Unfused N % 4 6 67 5 63 4 50

% 100 33 38 50

Fused N 51 5 18 35 44

Middle Saxon Unfused % N % 13 85 9 15 71 2 29 62 11 38 51 34 49 57 33 43

Fusion categories after O’Connor (1989) with the addition of the neonate category

majority of mandibles from both periods are from adult and sub-adult animals, with a small number of mandibles in the juvenile and immature categories. Table 6.11 gives wear stage data for both mandibles and isolated teeth, and indicates a similar kill-off pattern with a range of ages represented. The fourth deciduous premolar (dp4) is usually replaced by the permanent fourth premolar (p4) at around 28-36 months of age, and this provides a very basic division of mandibles. For Iron Age cattle the proportion of animals culled as beeves is 50% and for the Middle Saxon period the proportion is 55%. The presence of deciduous premolars in early wear from the Iron Age assemblage indicates the culling of young calves only a few weeks or months old. The third molar (m3) comes into wear at about 24-36 months and there is a distinct peak at wear stage ‘j’ for the Iron Age and wear stage ‘k’ for the Middle Saxon. This suggests that cattle aged 3-4 years were selected for slaughter. In modern beef production cattle are culled at approximately three years of age. The presence of small numbers of juvenile and immature cattle in both periods probably reflects either the slaughtering of surplus calves or natural mortality of vulnerable animals. Overall, the limited information

suggests that cattle were managed to provide a range of commodities including milk and beef. Figure 6.5 and Table 6.12 present the epiphyseal fusion data for sheep. All early fusing epiphysis in the Iron Age assemblage are fused, but the majority of intermediate 2 (1½-2 years) and late (3 years) fusing elements are unfused, suggesting that the majority of Iron Age sheep were culled early in their 2nd and 3rd years of life, while some survived to skeletal maturity. The Middle Saxon fusion data shows a reasonable spread across age categories suggesting that the flock was managed as part of a mixed economy for wool, milk and meat. A small number of bones from young lambs in the neonate category were recovered from both periods and probably represent natural mortalities. The mortality profile from sheep mandibles is presented in Figures 6.6-6.7. Figure 6.6 indicates that the majority of Iron Age sheep/goat were culled aged 3-4 years (wear stage F), while in the Middle Saxon period (Fig 6.7) most were slaughtered at 4-6 years (wear stage G). A similar kill-off pattern is presented if one considers both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth (Tables 6.13-6.14). In sheep

Table 6.13: Sheep/Goat: wear stages of individual teeth (following Payne 1973; 1987) C V E H 0 Iron Age dp4 p4 m1 m1/m2 m2 m3

1

2

3

4

5

6

7 1 2

1

1

1

1

1

2 C V E H 0

Middle Saxon dp4 p4 m1 m1/m2 m2 m3 1

1

2 2

3

4

1 1

1

1

5

1

2 3

2

1 1

2 3

3 3

6

7

3 1 4 1

1

1

2 4

1

6

8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 18 22 23 * 2

2 9 1 12 2 2 9 3 1 8 9 1 3

2 3

3

3 2

3

2

1 1 1

2

1 1 1 2 1 2 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 18 22 23 *

5 10 22 1 2 4 1 6 15 2 2 2 5 2 3 29

9

4 2 1 2

1

3

2 8

1 2

1

2 1

1

Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. Isolated teeth which could have been in one of the eruption stages (C, V, E, H) are coded as ‘a’. * = unassigned

91

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Fusion categories after O’Connor (1989)

Fig 6.5: Sheep/goat: percentage of fused and fusing diaphysis (epiphysis excluded)

Only mandibles with dp4/p4 and loose dp4/p4 are considered Continuous lines indicate cumulative frequencies of percentage age survival

Fig 6.6: Sheep/goat: kill-off pattern suggested by mandibles from the Iron Age assemblage (n=12)

92

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.14: Sheep/goat: kill-off pattern suggested by teeth (dp4/p4 and m3) both single and in mandibles age range

tooth

0-2 years >2 years 2-3 years 3-5 years 6-10 years >10 years

12 dp4 19 p4 2 m3 5 m3 2 m3 1 m3

age range

tooth

0-2 years >2 years 2-3 years 3-5 years 6-10 years >10 years

22 dp4 24 p4 3 m3 11 m3 29 m3 3 m3

Iron Age wear stage % killed within cumulative % age range killed 54.5 54.5 45.4 2-4 9.0 63.5 5-10 22.7 86.2 11G 9.0 95.2 >11G 4.5 100 Middle Saxon wear stage % killed within cumulative % age range killed 32.3 32.3 67.6 2-4 4.4 36.7 5-10 16.1 52.8 11G 42.6 95.4 >11G 4.3 100

age c. 2 years c. 3 years c. 5 years c. 10 years

age c. 2 years c. 3 years c. 5 years c. 10 years -

Following Payne (1988). Unworn p4’s are included and wear stages are as in Payne (1973)

the deciduous premolars (dp4) are shed and replaced by the premolars (p4) at c2 years of age. The proportion of sheep slaughtered before 2 years of age is 54% in the Iron Age and 32% in the Middle Saxon period. The majority of deciduous premolars (dp4) from both periods are in wear stages 13-16 and probably belonged to lambs aged 5-14 months. Younger lambs are also represented in both periods by deciduous premolars (dp4) in earlier wear stages. Furthermore, the peaks of molars (m1) in wear stage 9 and molars (m3) in wear stage 11 suggest that many of the adult sheep were slaughtered between the ages of 2 and 5 years (Jones 2006). This is particularly true for the Iron Age assemblage although the Middle Saxon assemblage again shows a greater number of older animals. In general, the general kill-off pattern indicates that sheep were exploited for their wool as well as their meat, and wool production appears to be the over-riding goal in the Middle Saxon period.

usual situation in most animal bone assemblages, and is not surprising for an animal usually only reared for its meat and fat.

Most of the pigs in both periods were slaughtered fairly young, as suggested by the high frequency of unfused epiphyses in most age categories and the early wear recorded on teeth (Fig 6.8; Tables 6.15-6.16). This is the

Five specimens affected by joint disease were recorded from the assemblage, four from the Iron Age and one from the Middle Saxon period. Two Iron Age sheep humeri were recorded with osteophytosis around the lateral distal

Aberrant and pathological conditions Four out of sixteen cattle molars (m3) from the Middle Saxon assemblage have an abnormal posterior cusp or hypoconulid. In three cases the posterior cusp is absent and in the other case it is significantly reduced. It is generally accepted that this aberration reflects a change in the genetic constitution of a herd and therefore suggests that a different breed of cattle was present in the region during the Middle Saxon period compared with the Iron Age. Instances of posterior cusp abnormalities have been recorded at a number of other Saxon sites such as Burystead and Langham Road, Northamptonshire (Davis 2009) and Lincoln (Dobney et al 1996).

Table 6.15: Pig: fused and fusing versus unfused diaphysis Iron Age Fused Neonate Early Intermediate 1 Intermediate 2 Late Final

N 1 1 -

% 33 50 -

Unfused N % 2 67 1 50 -

Fusion categories after O’Connor (1989) with the addition of the neonate category

93

N 15 1 1 1 -

Middle Saxon Fused Unfused % N % 2 79 4 21 11 8 89 25 3 75 7 13 93 11 100

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Only mandibles with dp4/p4 and loose dp4/p4 are considered Continuous lines indicate cumulative frequencies of percentage age survival

Fig 6.7: Sheep/goat kill-off pattern for Middle Saxon assemblage (n=56)

Fusion categories after O’Connor (1989)

Fig 6.8: Pig: percentage of fused and fusing diaphysis (epiphysis excluded) 94

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.16: Pig: wear stages of individual teeth (following Grant 1982) C

V

E

H

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

h

j

k

l

m

n

o

p

*

Iron Age dp4 p4 m1 m1/m2 m2 m3

1 2

2 2

1

1

1 C

Middle Saxon dp4 p4 m1 m1/m2 m2 m3

V

E

H

a

2 b 1 1

1 c

1 d

e

1

f

g

1

1

h

j

k

l

m

n

o

p

1 1 1

1 1

1

1

1 *

2 2

1

Both teeth in mandibles and isolated teeth are included. Grant’s stage ‘U’ is considered equivalent to stage ‘a’. Isolated teeth which could have been in one of the eruption stages (C, V, E, H) are coded as ‘a’. * = unassigned

articulation. In modern flocks the condition has been associated with pens or races for holding and separating sheep brought in from fields (Baker and Brothwell 1980).

would produce inconclusive or erroneous results (Tables 6.17-6.20; Figs 6.9-6.10). Summary descriptive statistics of the most common measurements taken on bones from livestock species are presented (Tables 6.17-6.20), but only general comparisons of mean values and ranges for withers heights are discussed here. Biometric data for all identified species is available in archive.

Small areas of eburnation were recorded on the proximal head of an Iron Age cattle femur and on the acetabulum of two horse pelvises, one from the Iron Age and one from the Middle Saxon assemblage. These minor cases of osteoarthritis probably relate to the use of these animals for traction.

Cattle withers estimates were made using Matolcsi’s conversion factors (Von den Driesch and Boessneck 1973) on two metacarpals and a radius from the Iron Age assemblage, and a metacarpal, radius, tibia and six metatarsals from the Middle Saxon assemblage. For the Iron Age the mean withers height of cattle is 107.27cm with a range of 105.27-110.08cm and for the Middle Saxon the mean is 112.98cm with a range of 109.82-

Size and conformation of species The quantity of data available for study is small and it was felt that a detailed investigation of sexual dimorphism or inter-period changes in animal size and conformation

Table 6.17: Cattle: summary descriptive statistics for the most common measurements

Astragalus Gli Astragalus Bd Astragalus DI Humerus Bd Humerus BT Humerus HTC M3 L M3 WA Metatarsal SD Metatarsal BatF Metatarsal BFd Metatarsal Gl Tibia SD Tibia Bd

Min 56.21 33.99 30.14 67.70 62.33 28.45 28.74 11.13 -

Iron Age Max Mean 65.36 60.87 42.95 38.72 35.22 32.39 80.82 73.76 74.50 68.25 33.03 30.95 38.69 35.09 17.00 14.74 -

N 5 6 5 4 4 5 9 9 95

Min 56.44 35.66 31.60 63.00 53.92 27.03 31.24 11.65 22.83 43.89 44.99 208.00 32.19 53.54

Middle Saxon Max Mean 69.04 63.53 45.06 40.01 36.50 34.28 91.84 76.17 82.56 69.85 37.32 32.13 37.84 34.59 16.57 13.71 27.89 24.88 46.85 45.57 57.64 50.11 223.00 215.16 41.42 36.53 64.36 58.95

N 15 17 16 8 10 11 12 12 5 6 7 6 4 15

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Mean (horizontal line) and range for Iron Age (IA) and Middle Saxon (MSax) West Fen Road (EWF). Figures in brackets refer to the sample size. WS = West Stow P1 & 2 = phase 1 & 2; Ash = Ashville; GAS = Gussage All Saints; Sou = Southampton; Lin = Lincoln

Fig 6.9: Cattle withers height, plotted against data from other sites

Mean (horizontal line) and range for Iron Age (IA) and Middle Saxon (MSax) West Fen Road (EWF). Figures in brackets refer to the sample size. WS = West Stow P1 & 2 = phase 1, 2 & 3; Ash = Ashville; Gus = Gussage All Saints; Sou = Southampton; Lin = Lincoln

Fig 6.10: Sheep/goat withers height, plotted against data from other sites

96

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.18: Sheep: summary descriptive statistics for the most common measurements

Astragalus Gli Astragalus Bd Astragalus DI Humerus Bd Humerus BT Humerus HTC Tibia SD Tibia Bd

Middle Saxon Max Mean 30.36 27.96 19.13 18.21 17.05 15.76 31.43 28.74 30.23 27.51 15.51 13.86 14.67 14.01 28.16 25.44

Min 24.35 16.05 14.41 26.11 25.33 12.76 13.01 22.09

N 8 9 8 14 14 14 4 12

Table 6.19: Pig: summary descriptive statistics for the most common measurements Middle Saxon Max Mean 32.15 30.25 15.43 13.82 13.94 13.38 43.97 40.34 34.98 32.17 22.91 20.30

Min 28.64 12.86 12.98 36.64 28.74 17.26

m3 L m3 WA m3 WC Humerus Bd Humerus BT Humerus HTC

N 5 4 4 8 6 7

Table 6.20: Horse: withers height for Iron Age Element Metacarpal Metacarpal Metacarpal Tibia

Measurement Li Li Li Li

Value (mm) 184 179 188 272

117.74cm. These data are presented in Figure 6.9 where they have been plotted alongside data from other Iron Age and Saxon sites, including Colne Fen Earith (Higbee forthcoming); Wardy Hill (Davis 2003); West Stow, Suffolk (Crabtree 1989); Melbourne Street, Southampton (Bourdillon & Coy 1980); and Lincoln (Dobney et al 1996). This shows that for both main periods under consideration the West Fen Road cattle compare well with those from other Iron Age sites such as Ashville Trading Estate, Oxfordshire (Hamilton 1978), Gussage All Saints, Dorset (Harcourt 1979) and Saxon sites such as West Stow, Suffolk (Crabtree 1990), Melbourne Street, Southampton (Bourdillon & Coy 1980) and Lincoln (Dobney et al 1996). All the data are reasonably comparable, and the West Fen Road cattle are all within expected ranges. Comparison between periods indicates a slight increase in withers height, and this can generally be ascribed to developments during the Roman period (Albarella et al in press), although it is worth emphasising that the sample size is extremely small.

Withers height 1179.44 1147.39 1205.08 1185.92

Height in hands 11.2 11.1 12.0 11.2

of 42.8-63.6cm. Comparison with other Saxon sites (Fig 6.10) indicates that there is considerable overlap within the upper size range, and some of the West Fen Road sheep were smaller than those at other sites. In general terms they were rather small, and similar in size to the modern ‘primitive’ breeds. Pig withers height estimates were made using Teichert’s conversion factors (Von den Driesch & Boessneck 1973) and were only available for three astragali from the Middle Saxon assemblage. These gave a mean of 72.67cm with a range of 70.31-76.39cm. The size range is similar to that recorded for pigs from the Saxon site at Hillside Meadow, Fordham (Baxter unpublished) Horse withers height estimates were made using Kiesewalter’s conversion factors (Von den Driesch & Boessneck 1973) and were calculated for three metacarpals and a tibia from the Iron Age assemblage (Table 6.23). The mean withers height of Iron Age horses from West Fen Road is 11.3 hands with a range of 11.1-12.0 hands. The same mean value was recorded for horses from the Colne Fen Iron Age sites (Higbee forthcoming). Maltby (1996, 23) indicates that the majority of horses found on British Iron Age sites are the size of small ponies and in the range of 10-13 hands.

Sheep/goat withers height estimates were made using Teichert’s conversion factors (Von den Driesch & Boessneck 1973) for eight astragali, a humerus, metatarsal, radius and two tibiae from the Middle Saxon assemblage. These gave a mean withers height of 56.14cm with a range 97

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Conclusions and Discussion

Suffolk (Crabtree 1994; 1996). This contrasts with the evidence from early Saxon rural settlements such as West Stow in Suffolk (Crabtree 1989), which is interpreted as being self-sufficient. In general, the data from West Fen Road compares reasonably well to other rural Saxon sites in the county, most of which are dominated by sheep (Baxter 2003; Gidney unpublished; Higbee 1998b; Stallibrass 1996). The data from Middle Saxon sites are limited but there is currently little evidence for the degree of specialisation found at Wicken Bonhunt and Brandon.

The assemblages from both periods are dominated by livestock species. During the Iron Age there is some discrepancy in the results obtained using the different methods of quantification as to whether cattle or sheep were of greater importance. The NISP results suggest that cattle bones are slightly more numerous than sheep bones, whilst the MNI results suggest the opposite. The picture is slightly clearer for the Middle Saxon assemblage where both quantification methods indicate that sheep are the most numerous species. Pig is of minor importance in both periods, but its frequency increases slightly in the Middle Saxon period.

Regardless of whether one accepts NISP or MNI results as an indication of the relative importance of livestock species, it is clear that cattle would have provided the bulk of the animal-based protein in both periods. The mortality profiles for both periods indicate that the majority of cattle were culled as adult and sub-adult animals, whilst the culling of calves and immature cattle is estimated to be conservative, probably reflecting the need to maintain breeding stocks and provide transport and draught animals. The age data suggest that cattle were multi-purpose animals, providing traction, milk and beef. For example, Hambleton (1999, 78) noted considerable variation in the mortality profiles of cattle from all regions of Iron Age Britain. Many of the samples in her survey included high proportions of adults, which she suggests indicated that they were primarily managed for traction and milk. The Iron Age data are similar to those from Colne Fen Earith, where the mortality pattern based on mandibles has a bimodal distribution with peaks of slaughter amongst adults and young cattle aged 8-18 months (Higbee forthcoming). The Middle Saxon data compare well with those from Wicken Bonhunt, where the vast majority of cattle were culled as adults (Crabtree 1994, 46-7).

At the Ashwell site a small quantity of bone was recovered from Iron Age and Middle Saxon contexts (Higbee 2005, 93). The combined NISP and MNI data from the two sites suggests a pattern of relative frequency similar to that presented in Figure 6.1 above, although the number of pigs is greater in the Middle Saxon period, at c17% MNI. The Roman and late Saxon assemblages from the Ashwell site are larger and more informative, and offer the opportunity to assess changes over a greater time period. The NISP results suggest that there is little overall difference in species proportions between these periods. Sheep were marginally more common than cattle in the Roman period, whilst cattle were marginally more common than sheep in the late Saxon period. The overall picture is, therefore, of an economy based largely on cattle and sheep husbandry, with minor fluctuations in the relative importance of these two species between periods. Cattle are generally considered to be better suited to lowland environments than sheep, which prefer drier conditions (Grant 1984). Considerable variation in the relative importance of these two species has been noted across the region during the Iron Age and the choice of husbandry strategy does not appear to have been determined purely by environment factors (Hambleton 1999, 46-7). Cattle were the most common species at a number of Iron Age sites in the Cambridgeshire Fenlands, including Cat’s Water Fengate, Peterborough (Biddick 1984), and Prickwillow Road and Hurst Lane in Ely ((Deighton 2003); Higbee 2007). At other local sites such as Colne Fen Earith (Higbee forthcoming), Watson’s Lane Little Thetford (Higbee 1998a) and Haddenham V (Serjeantson 2006), sheep were the most abundant species. At sites with high sheep frequencies it is possible that flocks were moved to higher pastures on a seasonal bases, as has been suggested for Cat’s Water (ibid) and sites in a similar environmental setting (Bailey et al 1981, 44).

Sheep kill-off patterns show significant differences between periods and this could indicate a change in the economic importance of this species. During the Iron Age the majority of sheep were culled before 2 years of age, and between 3-5 years. Similar mortality profiles have been noted at other Iron Age sites in the region (Hambleton 1999, 73-74). However, in most of the sheep mortality profiles analysed by Hambleton the proportion of sheep surviving at the end of Stage C was much lower, typically between 40-55%, and this indicates a husbandry strategy involving the arable-linked exploitation of yearlings (ibid, 70). A much wider range of ages were selected for slaughter during the Middle Saxon period and there is a significant peak in the older age class at 4-6 years. The mortality profile is similar to that from the Middle Saxon rural sites at Brandon and Wicken Bonhunt (Crabtree 1996, 67-8), where most sheep were mature and elderly animals. This mortality pattern suggests that sheep were principally managed for wool production, and the difference in mortality profiles between periods at West Fen Road suggests that the production of wool became more important.

One of the problems in assessing how the West Fen Road Middle Saxon assemblage fits in to the regional picture is the paucity of published data for rural settlements of this date, and the small size of the assemblages from most sites. However, significant contributions are pending (Crabtree in prep), which should improve our understanding. Current evidence suggests that during the Middle Saxon period rural sites began to specialise in some aspect of animal production (Wade 1997, 50). For example, there was evidence for specialised pork production at Wicken Bonhunt in Essex, and wool production at Brandon in

Limited detailed analysis was possible on the pig remains from Ely due to the relatively small sample size. The available information fits reasonably well with that obtained from a number of other sites. All societies that keep domestic pigs are likely to slaughter most of their stock as immature animals because the major commodities that they supply are meat and lard. The extent to which 98

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

sty husbandry was practised in either period is speculative (Maltby 1996, 23; Crabtree 1990, 106). The amount of local woodland for pannage of large-scale pig rearing would have been quite limited.

diagnostic features required for determining the fishes represented. Measurements were taken on selected bone elements of eel using dial calipers, following the system of Libois et al (1987, fig 2, 4). These data formed the basis for deriving estimates of total lengths (Table 6.23) in the eels represented using regression formulae (Libois et al 1987, 5).

The proportion of horse bones recovered from the site is small but comparable to that from a number of other regional sites (Higbee 1998a-b, forthcoming; Crabtree 1990, 26). Withers height calculations indicate that the Ely Iron Age equids were small ponies of a similar stature to the Exmoor pony. Ely’s Saxon equids were slightly larger but still essentially ponies of c13 hands (Higbee 2005, 95). What is significant about the Iron Age equid remains is the presence of immature individuals. Most horses represented at Iron Age sites are usually adults, and this has led to the suggestion that horses were not bred but captured for training from wild populations (Hamilton 2000). Immature horse bones have been recorded from other local Iron Age sites, including Hurst Lane (Higbee 2007, 63) and Colne Fen Earith (Higbee forthcoming).

Interpretation and Discussion Analysis of the bone samples revealed them to comprise exclusively freshwater fishes and one anadromous species (salmon), with a notable absence of estuarine/ marine species, especially herring and cod. Given that the latest of the fish bones are from deposits dated AD725850, and therefore predating the large-scale commercial exploitation of marine species (the “fish event horizon”) which developed from the 11th century onwards (Barrett et al 2004). The absence of such species as herring is perhaps to be expected.

Dogs were identified from both periods although they are slightly more common in the Iron Age. Few dog bones were complete enough for biometric analysis, but evidence from the Ashwell site (Higbee 2005, 95) indicates that there is a great deal of variation in the size and conformation of dogs from Roman and Saxon contexts, and these animals all fall within the expected size ranges (Harcourt 1974).

Eel In the combined assemblages, eel predominates, forming 78% of the total identified material. As vertebrae comprise the bulk of the eel remains it is not possible to compare directly the NISP values or frequencies for each species in the Middle Saxon assemblages. Compared with other fishes, individual eels have a large number of vertebrae, which result in an exaggeration in their relative proportion in archaeological assemblages (Locker 1988a, 115). However, it is reasonable to accept that eel was indeed an exceptionally abundant fish in the local rivers and the fenlands of East Anglia at that period. This situation is reflected throughout the medieval period in the widespread practice in the East Anglian fens of paying rents in eels, including many thousands each year sent to the Abbot of Ely by his manors (see Wilson D M 1976, 29). The importance of eel in the diet of the Fenland communities throughout the early to late Saxon periods is further attested by the high frequencies of the bones of this fish in faunal assemblages from three Norfolk sites at Walpole St Andrew, Terrington St Clement and West Walton. At these sites, in the larger sieved samples eel comprised up to 50% of the fish bones recovered (Nicholson 2002).

Bones from other mammalian and avian species are comparatively rare in the assemblage and do not indicate the exploitation of wetland resources to any degree. This contrasts with other fen-edge sites where there is considerable evidence for these resources, particularly in the Iron Age and Roman periods (Evans and Serjeantson 1988; Serjeantson 2006; Higbee forthcoming). Fish bones by Dr Philip Armitage Samples from Iron Age and Middle Saxon contexts containing fish bones were submitted by Phil Piper and Wendy Carruthers after preliminary sorting. A summary of the total numbers of identified bones (NISP) by species/taxa is given in Table 6.21. This includes a count of indeterminate small vertebrate bones made by Phil Piper. Detailed listings of the identified bone elements for each of the recognised species are presented below (Table 6.22).

Eels in medieval times were captured by various means, trapped in eel-bucks using wicker baskets set across a river, or speared, or taken on a hook and line (Locker 1988a, 116). Fresh eels, as well as other fish, were often simmered in broth in a cytel, an iron cooking cauldron widely used in the Anglo-Saxon period (Wilson, C A 1976, 31). The eel bones represent discarded kitchen or table waste as well as material voided in human excrement. Seven of the eel vertebrae from three contexts exhibit medio-lateral compression and distortion of their centra and neural arches (Table 6.23). This modification is characteristic of damage done during mastication. The bones apparently had been chewed, swallowed and passed through the digestive tract of humans. In appearance the seven specimens compare with the two eel vertebrae from a 10th-century latrine pit at 16-22 Coppergate, York, pictured in Wheeler and Jones (1989, fig 5.2, 75).

Identifications of the species/taxa were made using modern comparative skeletal specimens. When determining species in the cyprinid pharyngeal bones and teeth, in addition to using comparative specimens, reference was also made to illustrations in the following published works: Wheeler (1978, 1227-1229); Newdick (1979, 48-76); Libois and Hallet-Libois (1988, figs 2-4, 4-6); and Wheeler and Jones (1989, fig 7.6, 97). Six fish species/taxa were identified from one Iron Age and eight Middle Saxon contexts. Over 45% of the total fish bones examined could not be identified to species or taxa. Bone elements in this indeterminate category comprised branchiostegal rays, fin spines, ribs, and fragmented vertebral centra; all of which lacked the 99

Ditch 358 584 2 IA

232

4

-

Context Sample Date

Indet. frags

Fish total

eel cf. eel roach cyprinidae pike perch cf salmon indet. fish

Feature

100

2 24 10

36

0

Ditch 1005 1246 26 IA

-

0

0

Ditch 1005 1519 40 IA

-

0

19

Ditch 1391 1447 35 IA

2

2

59

Ditch 1391 1464 31 IA

62 23 1 3 2 51

142

-

Pit 17 772 9 MS

2 3 2 12

19

47

Pit 52 1294 29 MS

5 4 12

21

-

Pit 167 902 16 MS

3 4 1 6

14

79

Gully 168 1183 27 MS

2 5

7

48

Well 173 950 19 MS

1

1

2

Well 173 969 23 MS

4

4

10

Well 173 970 22 MS

1 2 4 8

1

16

86

Pit 741 742 8 MS

1 8

9

47

Pit 1021 1016 25 MS

1

1

0

Pit 1816 1820 53 MS

3 1 1 5

10

68

Pit 1897 1900 55 MS

Table 6.21: The number of indeterminate larger vertebrate and fish bones recovered from each context, Number of Individual Specimens (NISP)

81 23 7 10 30 4 2 129

TOTALS 286

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.22: Identifiable fish bone assemblage by context Feature

Context

Sample

Taxa/sp.

Element

IRON AGE Ditch 1005

1246

26

Eel Pike

2 vertebral centra 24 vertebrae

MIDDLE SAXON Pit 17

772

9

Eel

1 bassioccipital 1 maxilla 1 articular 59 vertebrae 23 fragmented vertebral centra 1 pharyngeal bone/teeth 2 scales (?roach) 1 branchiostegal ray (cf. roach) 1 detached/broken piece of tooth 1 precaudal vertebra

cf. Eel Roach Cyprinid Pike

Pit 52

1294

29

Eel Cyprinid Salmonidae

2 vertebrae 3 branchiostegal rays (cf. roach) 1 vertebral centrum (cf. salmon) 1 fin spine (cf. salmon)

Pit 167

902

16

Eel Perch

5 vertebrae 1 scale 2 vertebrae 1 dorsal fin spine

Pit 741

742

8

Eel Roach Cyprinid

1 vertebra 1 precaudal vertebra 1 vertebra, silt encrusted (?roach) 1 brachiostegal ray (cf. roach) 2 detached teeth (probably from 1 dentary) 2 fin spines

Pike

Pit 1021

1016

25

Eel

1 vertebra

Pit 1897

1900

55

Eel Roach Cyprinid

3 vertebrae 1 broken vertebral centrum 1 broken piece of pharyngeal bone/tooth (?roach/tench)

Well 173

950

19

Eel

2 vertebrae

Gully 168

1183

27

Eel

2 denturies 1 articular 1 broken piece of pharyngeal bone/tooth (cf. roach) 3 caudal vertebrae 1 scale (?roach)

Roach

Cyprinid

101

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Table 6.23: Total lengths (TL) in the eels from Middle Saxon contexts Context/sample Feature Element   772 < 9> Pit 17 maxilla 772 < 9> Pit 17 articular 1183 Gully 168 articular

Value D (mm) 1.52 1.08 1.32

TL (mm) 452 207 244

Estimates of total length (TL) are based on measurements of transverse diameters (D) in selected bone elements (following the method of Libois et al 1987)

The above observations support the interpretation by Carruthers (pers comm) that there was probably cess in the bottom of pits 17 and 167, as well as indicating a similar situation for pit 1897.

lived and died, perhaps from natural causes, at an early age in the water-filled ditch. The environmental evidence of the micro-fauna by Phil Piper

Measurements taken on the eel cranial bones indicate these elements were from individuals around 210450mm in length (Table 6.23). Two out of the three individuals were small and probably not fully grown when caught and eaten. Mature male eels generally grow to about 400mm long, while mature females are rarely less than 500mm and are usually between 800-1000mm in length (Newdick 1979, 88). The length estimates may be compared with those from Saxon sites in Norfolk documented by Nicholson (2002) in which the sizes of the eels ranged from under 200-500mm in length.

Fifteen soil samples produced small fragments of bone, including the skeletal remains of small mammals, birds, amphibians and reptiles. This short report presents a preliminary taphonomic study of the individual skeletal elements recovered from each of the bone assemblages. In addition the identified taxa, as well as some data from the Ashwell site (Piper 2005), are used to provide a palaeoecological interpretation of the local environmental conditions in and the Iron Age and Saxon settlement at West Fen Road.

Roach and perch Modern anglers are provided with opportunities for good catches of roach and perch in the Great Ouse, which flows through Ely (McAngus 1977). The local inhabitants in the Middle Saxon period also exploited these abundant fish as food sources rather than for sport. These fish probably were caught using hook and line.

Taphonomic Analysis

Among the perch remains identified in the samples is a scale from pit 167. Scales of freshwater perch have also been identified from Anglo-Saxon pits at Thetford, Norfolk (Clutton-Brock 1976, 389).

In total 348 small vertebrate remains were recovered from thirteen pit, gully, well and ditch deposits. Of the 348 bones of Iron Age and Saxon date, 288 have been identified to taxa and bone type and recorded in Tables 6.24 and 6.25 respectively.

The numbers of indeterminate bone fragments associated with larger vertebrate taxa and the fish remains are listed in Table 6.21. These bones will be discussed no further in this report.

Pike

The physical and chemical condition of the bones was studied at the macro-structural level using a Vickers high-powered binocular microscope. The majority of skeletal elements were in a good state of preservation, demonstrating little or no evidence of decay or weakening of the cortical or medullary bone structure due to the chemistry of the burial environment. However, the bones were severely fragmented and slight abrasion and rounding of fracture surfaces, protuberances and articular ends could be observed. In a large number of cases this is likely to be a result of the physical characteristics of the sediments into which the bones had been incorporated. The majority of the deposits consisted of clays or silty clays. These types of deposit comprise fine clast size, compact, cohesive and matrix supporting sediments. They are prone to saturation and expansion when wet and contraction and desiccation when dry. In addition they produce a heavy, dense overburden. These factors combined probably account for the high incidences of fragmentation and slight abrasion of the more susceptible regions of the small vertebrate bones. It would also explain the severity of fragmentation of those skeletal elements

The presence of pike among the food debris is of interest as this discovery further supports the emerging picture from archaeological sources that in the early medieval period consumption of this fish was commonplace and frequent where it was available locally in rivers. Pike, for instance, appears in quantity among the sieved fish bone samples from the two Middle Saxon London (Lundenwic) sites of Jubilee Hall and 21-22 Maiden Lane (Locker 1988b, 149-150). By later medieval times in the 14th-15th centuries pike had become an expensive delicacy and generally was only eaten at banquets or major religious feast days (Harvey 1995, 47). The twenty-four vertebrae from the Iron Age ditch sample 26 are from a very small, probably immature pike of total length 80-100mm. Fully grown adult pike attain a length of 400-1000mm, whilst individuals two to four years of age are between 250-400mm (Newdick 1979, 40). Unlike the pike bones from the Saxon contexts, which are interpreted as food debris, the group of vertebrae from this sample may represent the remains of a pike that had 102

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.24: Numbers and types of micro-fauna, Iron Age  

 Context Feature

 

Order

Taxa

Bone Type

Anura

Anura sp.

Ala

 

 

Coracoid

 

 

Humerus

 

 

Indeterminate

 

 

Phalanx

 

 

Radioulna

 

 

Vertebra

 

Bufo bufo

Ilium

 

Bufo sp.

Femur

 

 

Humerus

 

 

Ilium

 

Rana sp.

Fibulare/ Tibiale

 

 

Humerus

 

 

Ilium

 

 

Tibiale

 

 

Tibio-fibula

 

 

Urostyle

 

 

Vertebra

 

Rana temporaria

Ilium

Insectivora

Shrew sp.

Femur

Ophidia

Natrix natrix

Vertebra

Other

Bird sp.

Coracoid

 

 

Terminal Phalanx

 

Indeterminate

Indeterminate

Passeriformes

Passerine

Femur

Rodentia

Arvicola terrestris

Calcaneum

 

 

Incisor

 

Large Rodent

Caudal Vertebra

 

Microtus agrestis

Molar

 

Myomorph

Femur

 

 

Incisor

 

 

Metapodial

 

 

Tibia

 

 

Ulna

 

 

Zygomatic Plate

 

Vole sp.

Incisor

 

 

Ulna

Totals

 

 

that entered directly into the burial environment (see below). Another characteristic of sediments of small clast size with a cohesive nature such as clays and silty clays is the way that they restrict the vertical and horizontal movement of organic and inorganic inclusions, thus retraining their spatial integrity. The small vertebrate assemblage recovered from deposit 742 within the shallow pit 741 comprised 233 bone frag-

584 Ditch 358

1447 Ditch 1391

1464 Ditch 1391

1519 Ditch 1005

Totals

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1

1 3 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 2 1 1 -

1 -

1 1 3 5 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 2 1 2 1 1 1 2

11

5

37

1

1 54

ments, of which 232 were the skeletal elements of adult and juvenile frogs (sixty small indeterminate fragments of anuran long bone were not recorded individually for this study; Table 6.25). Eighteen anatomical elements of this species were present in the sample, including a number of small and fragile bones that are rarely recovered from archaeological deposits. This suggests that after death the frogs entered directly into the burial environment. Interestingly, accumulations of this type are often considered to 103

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Table 6.25: Small vertebrate remains, Middle Saxon   Order Anura                  

Taxa Anura sp.                  

                         

            Bufo sp. Rana sp.          

                               

                            Rana temporaria  

 

 

 Context 1820 1900 1183 Feature Pit Pit Gully 1816 1897 168 Bone Type Ala Coracoid Dentary Exoccipital Humerus Ilium Indeterminate Metapodial Phalanx Radioulna Sacral Vertebra Scapula Sphenethmoid Tibio-fibula Urostyle Vertebra Humerus Ala Coracoid Dentary Exoccipital Femur Fibulare Fibulare/ Tibiale Humerus Maxilla Metacarpal Metapodial Omosternum Pterygoid Radioulna Scapula Sphenethmoid Tibiale Tibio-fibula Urostyle Vertebra

742 Pit 741

1016 1294 950 Pit Pit Well 1021 52 173

969 Well 173

970 Well 173 Totals

1 -

1 1 -

1 -

1 4 1 1 1 1 1 30 6

-

-

2 -

1 3 -

3 1

1 4 1 1 2 1 8 3 33 7

-

-

-

1 1 1 8 5 11 1 8 4 1 18 1

1 -

-

-

2 1 1 -

1 1 -

1 1 1 8 5 14 1 3 8 5 1 19 1

1 -

1 3 -

2 -

2 11 1 1 5 1 1 2 4 2 18 1 2

1 -

-

1 1 -

1 1 1 1 3

3 -

3 12 1 1 5 1 1 4 5 2 1 29 1 5

Humerus

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

1

Ilium Sacral Vertebra

-

1

-

15

-

-

1

-

1

18

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

1

104

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.25: Small vertebrate remains, Middle Saxon (cont.)  Context 1820 1900 1183 742 Feature Pit Pit Gully Pit   1816 1897 168 741 Order Taxa Bone Type Insectivora Sorex araneus Humerus Ophidia Natrix natrix Vertebra Other Bird sp. Phalanx   Indet. Indet. 1 Microtus Rodentia Molar 1 1 agrestis Caudal Myomorph   Vertebra     Scapula     Tibia 2   Vole sp. Incisor     Oscoxa     Scapula 1 Totals   2 12 5 175 represent a number of individuals that have succumbed to pit fall trapping (Armitage and West 1984; Piper and O’ Connor 2001). However, in certain circumstances there might be an alternative explanation for the presence of large accumulations of one or two species within a particular sedimentary context. Feature 741 is described in the archaeological record as a ‘shallow pit’. Frogs are extremely adaptable vertebrates that will take advantage of any small, shallow water bodies that develop, either to use as breeding ponds and/or cover from likely predators. Thus it is possible that the frog bones accumulating in the sediments at the base of the feature represented a death assemblage that was part of the natural ecological community that existed in and around the pit or hollow. A number of small vertebrate remains, most notably in Iron Age ditch 358, demonstrated much higher intensities of abrasion and bone surface modifications associated with sub-aerial weathering and erosion. This implies that some of the skeletal elements have not entered directly into the burial environment, but represent part of a residual or re-worked component within some accumulating sediments. The presence of a calcined Rana sp. humerus and predatory digested myomorph femur within ditch 1391 also emphasize some of the more extensive taphonomic pathways followed by a number of the micro-faunal remains. The digested myomorph femur also suggests that there was some predatory activity on the site, possibly by domestic cats. This is a relatively common taphonomic modification observed in the mammal bones recovered from the Saxon and medieval deposits at the Ashwell site (Piper 2005). In general the bones within ditches appear to be slightly more abraded and weathered than those recovered from pits, suggesting that the faunal remains within ditches have been subjected to slightly longer or more complex taphonomic histories than those bones incorporated into the pit deposits. It is important to remember that it is the taphonomic history of the bones and the deposit,

1016 1294 950 Pit Pit Well 1021 52 173

3

969 Well 173

970 Well 173 Totals

1 -

-

1 1 -

-

-

1 1 1 1

-

1

-

-

-

3

-

1

-

-

-

1

-

1 1 -

-

15

1 11

1 2 1 1 1 234

4

7

as well as the physical and chemical characteristics of the sediment, that dictates the condition of the faunal remains incorporated into them, as opposed to the feature in which the deposits are accumulating or are deposited. Therefore, it could be argued that the deposit formation in pits was different to that of the ditches. Overall it appears that the archaeological features acted as the accumulators of isolated or grouped bones that existed as part of the autchonomous sub-surface death assemblage accumulating close to the point of eventual deposition and burial, or in some cases inadvertent pit fall trapping. The numerous frog remains from deposit 742 could even represent an element of the ecological community that existed in and around feature 741. The presence of individuals demonstrating a high level of skeletal completeness suggests that there has been little significant vertical and horizontal re-distribution of the bones through the sediments that would increase spatial and temporal ambiguity of the assemblages. There are a number of skeletal elements that show greater levels of bone surface modification that implies they have suffered longer and more extensive taphonomic histories, and represent part of the re-worked or re-deposited sediments within a number of the features. Diversity and Community Structure The small size of the sample makes any interpretation of the local environmental conditions during either the Iron Age or Saxon periods of Saxon occupation, using the micro-faunal remains alone, rather ambiguous. It is possible to tentatively interpret the environment in and around the Iron Age and Saxon settlements by comparing the taxa recovered from the West Fen Road with the taxa identified in the Saxon small vertebrate assemblages from the Ashwell site (Table 6.26; Piper 2005). The zooarchaeological record is dominated by the herp105

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Table 6.26: Taxa and their relative frequency within sampled Saxon deposits from the Ashwell site Taxa Rana temporaria Bufo bufo Natrix natrix Microtus agrestis Triturus vulgaris Triturus cristatus Rana lessonae Apodemus sylvaticus Sorex araneus Clethrionomys glareolus

Fr 0.26 0.1 0.06 0.16 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.04 0.02

c.f. Vipera berus

0.02

ditches, pools or ponds that supported large communities of amphibians. Acknowledgment Many thanks to Dr Chris Gleed-Owen for confirming the herpetofaunal identifications. Environmental evidence from land and freshwater snails by Michael Allen Snails from the floats from 29 bulk samples, generally 20 litres, which had been processed by Northamptonshire Archaeology were identified following Evans (1972) and the nomenclature follows Kerney (1999). The residues of sixteen of the most significant samples were fully sorted. It is evident that the majority of the shells were present in the floats as none of the relatively large residues over 1mm contained more than three shells, and most contained none. As a result it has been deemed valid to also consider the assemblages from the thirteen samples from which the residues were not examined. Only the results of samples with five or more shells or more are presented (Tables 6.27 and 6.28), data from the other eight samples analysed are given in archive.

Fr = Relative Frequency (after Piper 2005)

etofauna. Amphibians and reptiles contribute by far the largest number of individual specimens, and the greatest number of taxa. The presence of large numbers of amphibians suggests damp even wet conditions prevailed in and around the settlement. Population densities might have been promoted by the presence of drainage ditches and ponds for cover, security and breeding. Interestingly the frog and toad remains are those of juveniles and individuals of less than one year of age (Gleed-Owen, pers comm). The prevalence of frogs and toads of this age group in the archaeological record is hard to explain. The variety of size and depth of the archaeological features from which the bones were recovered suggests that the age structure of the death assemblage is unlikely to be a result of differential survivorship. Large frogs were able to escape whilst juveniles became entrapped, perhaps the result of a particular dry spell as suggested by the mollusc assemblages.

Aims The aims of this small analytical programme were to attempt to provide information about the nature and character of the local Iron Age and Saxon environment and land-use with attention to previous flooding and the nature of the wetland and local watery habitats during the Iron Age and Saxon occupation periods. This was pursued by examining any overall changes in the local landscape and attempting to define whether this is a natural or manmade phenomena. Taphonomy

Grass snake, Natrix natrix, is quite often found in archaeological deposits in association with other herpetofauna. They have an affinity for water that is linked to a diet that consists almost entirely of amphibians. Grass snake populations will become established in close proximity to human habitation as long as there is sufficient hiding places and a good food resource (Beebee and Griffiths 2000, 163). The Great-crested newt, Triturus cristatus, is the largest of the three native species of British newt. It has a wide distribution throughout the lowland regions of the British Isles. Great-crested newts prefer well-established ponds with good weed cover that are devoid of fish (Beebee and Griffiths 2000, 69-71).

As the bulk samples examined were primarily taken for charred remains they were from largely cultural, rather than palaeo-environmental deposits. Many of the sampled contexts, especially in pits and wells, represent anthropogenically re-deposited or dumped material, rather than natural sedimentation. As such these contexts may contain material derived from unknown, or undefined, locations elsewhere (Shackley 1976). Shells may have been introduced from these locations which do not represent the environment of the pit, well or ditch, but are representative of local habitats. Even in naturally accumulated deposits extraneous shells may be incorporated by overbank flooding events, often including permanently aquatic species ejected from streams or rivers. Interpretation here attempts to take account of these factors and the origin of the snails especially when considering the nature of the aquatic species.

The water vole, Arvicola terrestris, is another species associated with rivers, dykes and drainage ditches, although its former ecological niche may have been much wider (Jefferies et al 1989 for discussion). Like field voles, Microtus agrestis, and common shrews, Sorex araneus, the water vole prefers grassland or pasture with a low vegetative ground cover.

Results Although a total of 2,066 snails were identified from the 29 samples, the snail numbers were low, especially considering the 20 litre sample sizes (Tables 6.27 and 6.28). Low shell numbers are not, however, untypical for

Thus the local environmental conditions around the settlement during both the Iron Age and Saxon periods appear to have consisted of open, damp pasture, grassland or agricultural land containing a number of drainage 106

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

Table 6.27: Snail data, Iron Age (samples with five or more shells only) Phase Feature Feature Context Residue examined Sample size (litres) TERRESTRIAL Carychium minimum (Müller) Carychium tridentatum (Risso) Succiniea/Oxyloma spp. Cochlicopa spp. Vertigo pygmaea (Draparnaud) Vertigo cf. pygmaea (Draparnaud) Vertigo cf. moulinsiana (Dupuy) Vertigo spp. Pupilla muscorum (Linnaeus) Lauria cylindracea (da Costa) Vallonia costata (Müller) Vallonia cf. pulchella (Müller) Vallonia excentrica Sterki Acantinuma aculeata (Müller) Puntcum pygmaeum (Draparnaud) Discus rotundatus (Müller) Vitrina pellucida (Müller) Vitrea contracta (Westerlund) Nesovitrea hammonis (Ström) Aegopinella pura (Alder) Aegopinella nitidula (Draparnaud) Oxychilus cellarius (Müller) Limacidae Cecilioides acicula (Müller) Candidula sp. (Poiret) Helicella itala (Linnaeus) Trichia hispida (Linnaeus) Cepaea nemoralis (Linnaeus) Cepaea spp. FRESH- /BRACKISH-WATER Valvata cristata Müller Lymnaea cf. truncatula (Müller) Lymnaea palustris (Müller) Lymnaea stagnalis (Linnaeus) Lymnaea/Bythnia sp. Planorbis planorbis (Linnaeus) Planorbis carinatus (Müller) Ansus leucostoma (Millet) Gyraulus albus (Müller) Gyraulus crista (Linnaeus) unid freshwater TOTAL

Iron Age ditch enclosure ditch 1005 enclosure ditch 1391 gully 358 218 1785 1785 1245 1498 1391 1446 1457 268 584 1519 1792 1789 1249 1545 1392 1448 1464 714 l 2 20

40 1

51 20

l 50 20

l 44 20

l 30 20

l 32 20

36 1

31 20

33 20

1 -

1 -

1 -

3 26 2 -

-

-

10 -

1 1 2 -

1 + -

-

2 1 -

1 1 -

6 3 8 -

14 3 13 1 1

3 3 -

8 1 4 -

4 53 1 2 -

18 1 1 -

8 3 3 -

6 -

3 2

1 4

-

2 1

1 -

5 -

13 2 2

4 2 1

10 1

-

-

4 -

-

1 -

-

-

1 1 9 1

1 2 -

6 1

-

+ 9

6 17 35

4 7 29

35 7 1274 7 86 1476

7

3 21

9 1 109

1 2 30 1 14 19 101

3 3 39

6

107

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Table 6.28: Snail data, Romano-British (RB) and Middle Saxon (samples with five or more shells only) Phase Feature Feature Context Residue examined Sample size (litres) TERRESTRIAL Carychium minimum (Müller) Carychium tridentatum (Risso) Succiniea/Oxyloma spp. Cochlicopa spp. Vertigo pygmaea (Draparnaud) Vertigo cf. pygmaea (Draparnaud) Vertigo cf. moulinsiana (Dupuy) Vertigo spp. Pupilla muscorum (Linnaeus) Lauria cylindracea (da Costa) Vallonia costata (Müller) Vallonia cf. pulchella (Müller) Vallonia excentrica Sterki Acantinuma aculeata (Müller) Puntcum pygmaeum (Draparnaud) Discus rotundatus (Müller) Vitrina pellucida (Müller) Vitrea contracta (Westerlund) Nesovitrea hammonis (Ström) Aegopinella pura (Alder) Aegopinella nitidula (Draparnaud) Oxychilus cellarius (Müller) Limacidae Cecilioides acicula (Müller) Candidula sp. (Poiret) Helicella itala (Linnaeus) Trichia hispida (Linnaeus) Cepaea nemoralis (Linnaeus) Cepaea spp. FRESH- /BRACKISH-WATER Valvata cristata Müller Lymnaea cf. truncatula (Müller) Lymnaea palustris (Müller) Lymnaea stagnalis (Linnaeus) Lymnaea/Bythnia sp. Planorbis planorbis (Linnaeus) Planorbis carinatus (Müller) Ansus leucostoma (Millet) Gyraulus albus (Müller) Gyraulus crista (Linnaeus) unid freshwater TOTAL

RB gully Pits 379 210 541 1296

Middle Saxon Well 173 173 173 971 969 922

173 919

Probable Middle Saxon Pits 741 18 167 1867 52 742 843 902 1900 1294

7 20

43 20

l 24 20

l 23 20

17 20

l 18 20

l 8 20

12 20

16 20

55 20

29 20

3

-

-

-

5 -

1 1 3

1 1 -

-

-

2 -

-

5 9 -

5 9 -

3 -

2 3 9 -

3 13 -

1 3 3 2 4 12 -

1 1 1 14 -

2 1 2 6 -

1 7 -

4 3 -

5 5 -

1 2 -

-

-

-

1

1 -

-

2

-

-

-

5 1 3 1

3 -

-

-

5 -

1 9 -

-

7 -

1 1 -

1 -

-

25

17

2 5

7 21

1 1 1 30

1 1 3 1 2 49

1 1 21

1 21

1 1 11

1 11

1 1 1 13

108

HUMAN AND FAUNAL REMAINS

the low-lying clay-rich soils of Cambridgeshire (French 1983; 1985). Shell numbers were notably high to very high in three localised contexts. All are in enclosure ditches and may represent either stasis horizons such as in ditch 1391, or snail-rich flood deposits such as in ditch 1005. Despite overall low shell numbers, the general character of the local Iron Age and Saxon landscapes can be indicated. The Iron Age pits contained too few shells to comment, but multiple samples from enclosure ditches 1005 and 1391 tend to indicate a generally open and cleared landscape (Vallonia species). Species characteristic of ancient woodland in East Anglia such as Carychium tridentatum, Clausilia bidentata, Punctum pygmaeum, Euconulus fulvus, Vitrina pellucida and Aegopinella pura (Paul 1978), were absent or rare. There is no evidence of woodland locally, but a number of shade-loving (Discus rotundatus and some predatory Zonatids) and catholic (Trichia hispida) species may indicate longer grassland and some accumulating leaf litter and detritus in the ditches. Within the open country element Vallonia costata was the most abundant probably because it can tolerate damp habitats, the presence of which is indicated by the, albeit rare, occurrence of Vallonia pulchella and Carychium minimum, the obligatory marsh species Vertigo moulinsiana, and the Succinea/Oxyloma species. From this we can suggest an open damp grassy environment. The most ubiquitous group present in all ditch samples containing more than a few shells was freshwater species. These assemblages are relatively diverse, more so than those from Iron Age ditches at Barnack/Bainton (French 1985, 294). The most common freshwater species are the amphibious species Anisus leucostoma and Lymnaea truncatula, and the ditch aquatic species Gyraulus crista (Robinson 1988; Sparks and West 1959). These assemblages indicate weedy ditches with largely standing water and emergent vegetation. Water levels dropped during the summer allowing some ditches to almost or completely dry out, leaving only small localised puddles. Fluctuating seasonal water-levels were probably a result of both rising and falling ground water tables, and also seasonal or winter flooding. One of the species recorded in the enclosure ditches that cannot have survived in these habitats (Lymnaea stagnalis) must have originated from the river and been introduced as a result of overbank flooding. The molluscan evidence indicates an open landscape and suggests that woodland clearance occurred well before the Iron Age settlement was established. The open environment seems to have been one of largely moist grassland, suitable for grazing, with standing water and emergent vegetation in the enclosure ditches. No evidence of dry or broken soils indicating agriculture could be detected. It is noticeable that the freshwater species become less prevalent in the upper ditch fills and species such as Discus rotundatus that are not tolerant of marsh and wetland are more common (Evans J G 1972, 185). Although some of these fills may include re-deposited and introduced

material, they nevertheless indicate that, as the ditches infilled, they became drier with pools of water and damp vegetation being less common. Although the assemblages from Saxon features (Table 6.28) are similar to those from the Iron Age (Table 6.27), they indicate a subtly, yet significantly, different habitat. The assemblages of low shell numbers in the pits indicate a more open grassland environment than previously and the lower levels and few species of the shade loving taxa tend to suggest drier, possibly shorter grass sward than earlier. Although freshwater species occur in most features, the numbers of individuals are consistently much lower than in the Iron Age assemblages. The presence of freshwater species is more typical of seasonal shallow water levels encouraging more lush vegetation locally. The terrestrial assemblages from the fills of well 173 are wholly open country indicating that this feature was dug into an open managed landscape. Although shell numbers are generally low throughout this feature, surprisingly it does not contain many aquatic specimens, though they are present. Freshwater species that cannot tolerate summer desiccation and drying out only occur in the well during the Saxon period (Planorbis carinatus and Gyraulus albus: Kerney 1999, 59 and 66). The presence of these aquatic species suggests permanent water in the well, and the terrestrial assemblage indicates the drier nature of the landscape as compared with that of the Iron Age. The diversity and species present among the aquatic group indicate that, although they were probably introduced from the river by overbank flooding events, they are likely to represent the presence of some water even at this level in the well. There also remains the possibility that they were wholly derived from local floodwaters and did not survive in the well, or were all incorporated in debris dumped into the well. The Saxon landscape seems to have been drier than the earlier, Iron Age settlement phase, possibly reflecting less winter flooding and lower ground-water tables. Much of the area was short dry grassland, probably trampled or grazed, and although there is no obvious evidence of cultivation in the molluscan evidence, it cannot be ruled out. Conclusion Where an Iron Age environment was one of open lush grassland, with ditches holding standing water and lush emergent vegetation, probably largely of pasture. The local wet conditions led to a general long-term moistness. Other Iron Age sites such as Barnack/Bainton were clearly much wetter. The immediate surrounding environment was open, relatively uniform and low in diversity. By the Saxon period the local wet conditions were a result of winter flooding or deeper features penetrating the ground water table, rather than a long term wetness. The reduction in winter wetness, lessening flooding and lowering ground water, led to drier grassland ideal for grazing and hay meadows. The molluscan evidence does not allow us to define if this local change was due to environmental conditions or management and control of land drainage. 109

Chapter 7: The charred, mineralised and waterlogged plant remains by Wendy Carruthers Methods

Discussion

Environmental samples were taken from Iron Age enclosure ditches, a possible Romano-British ditch, and Middle Saxon ditches, pits and a well. The samples were processed by Northamptonshire Archaeology staff using standard methods of flotation. A minimum mesh size of 500 microns was used for the floats, and a 1mm mesh was used to retain the residues.

The Iron Age Samples Six Iron Age samples were examined for this report, three of which produced very few or no remains and are described briefly in Table 7.2. All of the samples were from the three enclosure ditches, except for sample 33 (context 714) which came from the upper fill of ditch recut 263. This latter sample was also fairly unproductive with 0.2 fragments per litre and containing only two hulled barley (Hordeum sp.) grains, an emmer/spelt (Triticum dicoccum/spelta) grain and an indeterminate cereal grain. As with samples 2, 30 and 44, this probably represents background domestic waste, such as cereals burnt during the preparation of food, since only a few grains and no crop processing waste were present.

An assessment was carried out on the floats from twentyfive samples during August 2000 (Carruthers, archive report). Where it was suspected that waterlogged or mineralised plant remains were present, the residues were assessed in addition to the flots. In the light of the assessment and taking into account recommendations from the project manager, twenty-three samples were fully analysed for this report. This includes sample 9, context 772, that was processed by the author for the recovery of mineralised plant remains; one litre wet-sieved to 250 microns, nine litres wet-sieved to 500 microns and all residues sorted under the microscope.

Sample 32 from the upper fill of enclosure ditch 1391 produced a higher concentration of charred remains at 9.3 fragments per litre, which included chaff fragments and several weed taxa. Most of the assemblage consisted of poorly preserved cereal grains and although they could not be identified to a particular cereal, most were probably emmer/spelt. The identifiable chaff fragments, glume bases and spikelet forks, demonstrated that both emmer (Triticum dicoccum) and spelt (T. spelta) were being cultivated, although the quantities of remains were too small to suggest which the dominant cereal was. Hulled barley (Hordeum sp.), bread-type wheat (Triticum aestivum-type) and possibly oats were also grown, although the oats and chess (Avena sp, Bromus sect. Bromus) could have been weed contaminants.

Results Table 7.1 presents the results of the analysis. Nomenclature and most of the habitat information follow Stace (1991). Four samples have been omitted from Table 7.1 because they produced few or no plant remains. These are shown in Table 7.2. Some notes on identification

The few cultivation weeds present indicate on the one hand nutrient-enriched soils (black nightshade, Solanum nigrum) and on the other, damp soils (spike-rush, Eleocharis subg. Palustres and sedge, Carex sp.). Since the site is located on low-lying, damp soils it is likely that arable cultivation was taking place locally. The ratio of grain to chaff and weed seeds was quite high with respect to grain (20:3:2), indicating that this was not a deposit of crop processing waste, but had a mixed origin. These types of charred deposits of mixed domestic waste are commonly found on prehistoric sites, probably because the glume wheats, emmer and spelt, would have been stored in spikelet form, rather than as fully processed clean grain (Hillman 1981). Small quantities of spikelets would have been processed over the hearth as and when required, producing a mixed assemblage of grain and chaff when they became accidentally burned. Large concentrations of crop processing waste are not very common prior to the Roman period.

Free-threshing wheat or bread-type wheat: The category ‘free-threshing wheat’ includes both bread-type wheats (Triticum aestivum-type) and rivet-type wheats (T. turgidum-type). Unfortunately these two types of freethreshing wheat cannot be separated on the basis of cereal grain morphology (Jacomet 1987), but well-preserved rachis fragments can allow differentiation to be made between the hexaploid (bread-type) and tetraploid (rivettype) wheats (Moffett 1991). During the Iron Age the archaeobotanical records suggest that only hexaploid wheats were grown in Britain. However, there is some evidence to suggest that rivet-type wheats may have been introduced into parts of central England as early as the Middle Saxon period (Lisa Moffett pers comm), although they were mainly cultivated during the medieval period. The only free-threshing wheat rachis fragments recovered from this site were too poorly preserved to determine whether they were from tetraploid or hexaploid wheats, so for the discussion of the Middle Saxon results the remains are simply referred to as ‘free-threshing wheat’. 110

-

-

7

Hordeum sp. (hulled barley grain)

111

-

-

8

-

-

-

1

Secale cereale L. (rachis frag)

Cereal sized culm node

Cf. straw frags

-

-

-

-

8

-

2

-

-

3

3

-

-

Triticum dicoccum (emmer glume base) Triticum dicoccum / spelta (emmer / spelt glume base) Triticum dicoccum / spelta (emmer / spelt spikelet fork) Hordeum sp. (barley rachis frag.)

Triticum sp. (free-threshing wheat rachis frag.) Triticum spelta L. (spelt glume base) T. spelta L. (spelt spikelet fork)

-

-

Cereal bran fragments

Chaff :

-

1

108

Indeterminate cereals

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

29

-

216

-

-

Secale cereale L. (rye grain)

3

-

Avena/Bromus sp. (oat/chess grain)

104

Cf.12

487

IA

D218

40 1519

Avena sp. (wild/cultivated oat grain)

4

1

26

2

-

1

IA

G263

33 714

Triticum aestivum-type (bread-type free threshing wheat grain) Triticum dicoccum/spelta (emmer/spelt wheat grain) Triticum sp. (wheat grain)

Cereals :

IA

D1391

Feature no. & type

Phase

32 1392

Sample Context

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

58

-

-

1

22

-

-

19

MS

P741

8 742

[22]+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

[75]+

3[1]

-

-

-

Cf.2

-

-

-

MS

P17

9* 772

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

33

-

-

-

-

-

8

MS

D766

11 834

[3]

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

20

1

-

-

7

-

-

9

?MS

P167

16 902

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

25

-

-

8

-

-

14

17 922

28

5

1

6

-

-

-

-

-

6

-

187

12

2

39

-

-

86

18 919

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

7

-

-

-

8

-

-

-

22 970 MS

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

5

-

-

2

W173

19 950

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

1

1

-

-

2

23 969

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

12

-

-

-

7

-

Cf.1

4

24 971

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

45

-

-

-

29

-

1

12

?MS

D1861

27 1183

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

45

-

3

-

21

-

-

6

MS

P52

29 1294

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

Cf.2

-

-

-

MS

P210

43 296

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

38

8

-

-

30

-

-

8

MS

P1733

45 1734

-

-

1

4

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

17

2

-

-

10

-

-

8

?MS

G1755

47 1756

55 1900

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

?MS

P1897

KEY: remains are charred except [ ] = mineralized; < > = uncharred, possibly waterlogged; * includes remains sorted from the residues of sample 9; + remains quantified in residue of 1 litre subsample from sample 9 (see ‘Methods’ for details) Feature types : D = ditch; G = gully; P = pit; W = well Habitat preferences : A = arable; C = cultivated; D = disturbed/waste; E = heath; F = fens G = grassland; H = hedgerow; M = marsh/bog; P = ponds/rivers/ditches; S = scrub; W = woods; Y = waysides/hedgerows; # = edible/cultivated plant Soil preferences: a = acidic soils; c = calcareous soils; d = damp soils; n = nutrient-rich soils; o = open ground; s = sandy soils

Table 7.1: Identification and quantification of plant remains

FINDS AND DATING

112

Vicia/Lathyrus sp. (3-4mm weed vetch/tare seed) CDG Vicia/Lathyrus sp. (small seeded c.2mm, weed vetch/tare) CDG Linum usitatissimum L. (cultivated flax seed) Aethusa cynapium L. (fool’s parsley mericarp) CD Cf. Daucus carota L. (cf. wild carrot mericarp) Gc Solanum nigrum L. (black nightshade seed) CD Plantago laceolata L. (ribwort plantain) Go

Cf. Malus sylvestris (cf. apple seed frag.) HSW# Trifolium/Lotus sp. (clover/trefoil) DG Vicia faba var. minor (celtic bean) #

Brassica/Sinapis sp. (charlock, mustard etc.) CD# Prunus spinosa (sloe, whole charred fruit) HSW# Prunus sp. (stone frag.) HSW#

Scleranthus annuus L. (annual knawel achene) CDos Persicaria maculosa/lapathifolia (redshank/pale persicaria achene) CD Polygonum aviculare L. (knotgrass achene) CD Rumex sp. (dock achene) CDG

Alnus glutinosa (L.)Gaertner (alder catkin) WdP Corylus avellana L. (hazel nut shell frag.) HSW# Chenopodiaceae embryo

Weeds etc :

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Cf.1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

5

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

IA

G263

33 714

-

IA

D1391

Feature no. & type

Phase

32 1392

Sample Context

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

IA

D218

40 1519

3

-

-

-

-

3

1

-

1

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P741

8 742

-

-

[2]

[1]

-

-

-

-

-

[1]

-

-

[1]

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P17

9* 772

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

D766

11 834

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

1

-

1[4]

1

-

-

-

2

-

?MS

P167

16 902

1

-

-

-

-

3

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

17 922

1

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

1

8

2

1

-

-

-

-

-

18 919

-

-

-

-

-

4

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

22 970

W173

19 950

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

23 969

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

24 971

Table 7.1: Identification and quantification of plant remains (cont.)

-

-

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

2

?MS

D1861

27 1183

-

-

-

-

-

4

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

MS

P52

29 1294

-

-

-

-

-

13

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P210

43 296

-

-

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P1733

45 1734

-

-

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

3

-

-

-

1

-

-

?MS

G1755

47 1756

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

?MS

P1897

55 1900

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

113

20 9.3

-

Mineralized worm cocoon

Sample size (litres) Fragments per litre

-

Mineralised insect puparium

186

-

-

Totals

-

-

20 0.2

4

-

-

-

-

1

1

Eleocharis subg. Palustres (spikerush nutlet) MP Mineralised concretions containing straw and bran fragments Mineralized ‘nodule’

-

-

6

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Galium aparine L. (cleavers nutlet) CDH Galium cf. palustre (cf. marsh bedstraw ) MGd Lapsana communis L. (nipplewort achene) CDH Anthemis cotula (stinking chamomile seed head frag & achenes) Asteraceae embryo cf. Anthemis cotula-type Tripleurospermum inodorum (L.) Schultz-Bip. (scentless mayweed achene) CD Asteraceae embryo cf. Centaureatype Bromus sect. Bromus (chess caryopsis) ADG Poaceae (small seeded grass caryopsis) CDG Poaceae culm fragment & culm bases Sparganium erectum L. (branched bur-reed fruit) MP Cladium mariscus (L.)Pohl (great fen-sedge nutlet) FMP Carex sp. (sedge nutlet) GdMP

IA

G263

IA

D1391

Feature no. & type

33 714

Phase

32 1392

Sample Context

1 870

870

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

5

12

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

IA

D218

40 1519

20 5.8

115

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

2

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P741

8 742

10* [176]

[176]

[1]

[9]

-

[79]+

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

[1]

-

[1]

-

-

-

-

MS

P17

9* 772

20 2.2

44

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

D766

11 834

20 2.3

46[9]

[12]

[2]

-

-

1

-

-

-

1

1

[2]

-

-

-

-

-

-

?MS

P167

16 902

20 2.9

57

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

3

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

17 922

20 20.8

415

-

-

-

-

1

-

1

2

4

-

18

-

1

-

1

-

-

1

18 919

20 1

20

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

20 0.4

7

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

22 970

W173

19 950

20 0.3

6

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

23 969

20 1.2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

24 971

20 4.9

98

-

-

-

-

Cf.1

-

3

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

2

?MS

D1861

27 1183

20 4.1

82

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P52

29 1294

20 0.9

17[1]

-

-

[1]

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

MS

P210

43 296

20 4.8

95

-

-

-

-

-

-

7

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

1

MS

P1733

45 1734

40 1.3

52

-

-

-

-

-

1

-

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

?MS

G1755

47 1756

20 0.3

5

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

?MS

P1897

55 1900

FINDS AND DATING

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Table 7.2: Additional assessed samples with few plant remains Sample/ Context 2/ 584 30/ 1545 44/ 1249 53/ 1820

Feature

Phase

Plant Remains

Interpretation

Ditch 580, Encl.358 Ditch 1498, Encl. 1391 Ditch 1245, Encl. 1005 Pit 1816

IA IA

Emmer/spelt grain – 1 Hulled barley grain - 1 Indeterminate cereal frag. - 1

Low level background domestic waste As above

IA3

Emmer/spelt grain - 1

As above

MS2

Suspected waterlogging - nil

Lots of mollusc fragments & ?iron concretions but no waterlogged or charred remains. Dried out at some point in the past.

The most interesting deposit from this period of occupation was sample 40, which came from the middle fill (context 1519) of enclosure ditch 1005. This ditch is thought to have been in use at the same time as ditch 1391, which yielded a radiocarbon date centring around the early 2nd century BC (Chapter 5, Radiocarbon dating). Roman pottery was recovered from the top fill, so the ditch may have remained open for some time (Chapter 2, Ph3).

grinding or storage, or was deliberately burnt because it was contaminated. Unlike emmer and spelt, bread-type wheat is a ‘free-threshing’ grain and is easily separated from the chaff without needing to parch it over a fire. For this reason, it is more likely to have been stored in a fully processed state. Since all of the chaff would have been removed in a specific area of the site at one time, the processing waste was more concentrated making it a useful resource. Chaff burns extremely well, making it valuable as tinder and fuel. It can also be fed to livestock or used as temper for building. The threshing area was not identified during these excavations.

The one litre sample from context 1519 produced a large quantity of well-preserved bread-type wheat grains. This was a fairly pure deposit, containing few weed contaminants, relict cereal grains or chaff fragments. The ratio of grain to chaff to weed seeds was 86:3:2. Only 12 possible emmer or spelt grains were recovered, and since no chaff was found, at least some of these could have been variants of bread-type wheat. Charring often distorts grains to the extent that identification characters can become misleading. Since hulled wheat chaff is more readily preserved than free-threshing chaff (Boardman & Jones 1991), it is notable that no glume bases or spikelet forks of emmer or spelt were recovered from this sample. A bread wheat crop grown on land previously sown with hulled wheats is likely to contain some of the relict crop, but there was no evidence of this in sample 40. A few oat grains were present, but these may well have been weeds. Chess was the most frequent weed contaminant, the only other taxa being small grass seeds of indeterminate Poaceae, a vetch/tare seed (Vicia/Lathyrus sp.) and a nipplewort achene (Lapsana communis). Nipplewort is more frequent in medieval assemblages than prehistoric ones, but it is a native weed of hedgerows and waste ground (Stace 1991) and was recovered from the large Iron Age grain deposit at Fifield Bavant (Helbaek 1953).

It is difficult to draw general conclusions about the arable economy during the Iron Age from only six samples. Evidence from the charred plant remains suggests that the cultivation of emmer, spelt, bread-type wheat and hulled barley was taking place, and at least some of these crops were being grown on the local, damp soils. The balance between cereal cultivation and animal husbandry is impossible to determine, although it is expected that livestock would be more important in low-lying areas of this nature (Mudd pers comm). The Middle Saxon Samples Sixteen samples from Middle Saxon pits, ditches and a well have been examined for this report. All of the samples produced charred plant remains and some of the deeper features, such as well 173 and pit 1816 were thought to have been waterlogged in their lower levels. However, very few uncharred plant remains were recovered. Even the primary fill of well 173 (sample 24) produced only four uncharred remains, and these were tough, woody objects such as a sloe stone (Prunus spinosa) and a few alder catkins (Alnus glutinosa). It is clear that the lower levels of the deposits had dried out at some point in their history and that all but the toughest organic remains had decayed.

Bread-type wheat is often present in small quantities in Iron Age assemblages, although the principal crops are usually emmer and spelt with varying quantities of hulled barley. Another Iron Age site producing a large quantity of bread-type wheat was Bierton, Buckinghamshire (Jones 1986), where it was found to be more numerous than emmer or spelt. Jones suggested that the local heavy clay soils would have been well-suited to the cultivation of bread wheat, and this explanation could also be applied to the site at Ely, located on Kimmeridge Clay. This deposit appears to represent the remains of a processed crop that was either accidentally charred while being dried prior to

Three of the samples, however, produced mineralised remains. Where high levels of nutrients occur in a moist environment, plant tissues can become replaced by calcium phosphate resulting in mineralisation of remains such as fruits and seeds (Green 1979; Carruthers 2000). The types of deposits where this form of preservation is found are typically cess pits and middens, such as in the 114

THE CHARRED, MINERALISED AND WATERLOGGED PLANT REMAINS

Table 7.3: Relative importance of different cereals from Middle Saxon deposits

Middle Saxon cess pits at Abbots Worthy, Hampshire (Carruthers 1991) and the late Bronze Age midden at Potterne, Wiltshire (Carruthers 2000). The three features producing mineralised remains at West Fen Road were a dumped deposit in the top of pit 1053 (sample 16), the lower fill of a deep feature, pit 17 (sample 9), and the upper fill of pit 210 (sample 43).

Free-threshing wheat Hulled barley Wild/cultivated oats Rye

Pit 210 was thought to be a cess pit but only produced one mineralised nodule (‘nodule’ as described in Carruthers 1989). If this feature had been a cess pit the specific conditions required for mineralisation to take place were not present.

% of samples where present 80 93 20 27

% where dominant 33 67 0 0

from 0.3-20.8 fragments per litre (Table 7.1). All four cereals, bread-type wheat, hulled barley, oats and rye, were present. Table 7.3 gives some indication of their relative importance as charred remains, but it should be remembered that in many cases the number of remains was too small to present a reliable picture. In addition, ‘presence’ or ‘dominance’ as charred remains does not always relate to the amount of cereal grown, since plants like fodder crops may be less likely to become charred than crops grown for human consumption.

Sample 16 only produced a few mineralised straw fragments, worm cocoons and weed seeds, in addition to fish scales. Several charred cereals, weed seeds, hazelnut shell fragments and a sloe, cherry or plum stone fragment were also recovered from this sample. It appears that this feature contained redeposited midden or faecal material mixed with other types of waste. Of the eel and perch bones examined from this sample by Philip Armitage, one of the eel vertebrae showed signs of mastication, providing further evidence of human faeces.

The table suggests that barley was more important than free-threshing wheat. Results from the extensively sampled Middle Saxon site at West Heslerton (Carruthers & Hunter, in prep) indicated that barley was by far the most frequently grown crop, with 98% of over 600 samples being dominated by barley. No doubt the calcareous soils of the Vale of Pickering influenced the choice of crops in this case. However, it was also suggested that barley could have been used for a wider variety of functions, including fodder, building materials and human consumption, leading to its preservation as charred grain extensively across the site. In particular, grain used as fodder is more likely to be scattered around a rural site than the more highly valued grain used primarily for human consumption, and it is also more likely to be preserved as whole grain. This could be an explanation for the distribution of cereals at West Fen Road.

In contrast with the small quantity of faecal material in sample 16, sample 9 is thought to be a primary deposit of faecal waste in the bottom of pit 17. It contained numerous fragments of mineralised straw and cereal bran fragments, many of which were cemented together in concretions. Only one possible fragment of fruit seed (apple seed fragment, Malus sylvestris) was recovered from this deposit, so initially it was thought that this might consist of dung or stable waste. However, the presence of frequent fish remains including masticated eel vertebrae supports the suggestion that this highly organic waste contained human faeces. Mineralised straw, hay and rush fragments are fairly common in cess pits and garderobes such as the medieval barrel latrine from Worcester (Greig 1981). This material may represent toiletry material or waste material such as floor covering added to suppress odours, assist decomposition and absorb moisture.

Following this line of argument, it could be suggested that the area at the northern end of Trench 29 (samples 27, 45 and 47 from ditch 1816, pit 1733 and gully 1755) and a well-preserved deposit in an upper fill of the well 173 (sample 18) may have contained the charred remains of fodder. Evidence for fodder was more frequent in the northern part of the site, since barley was dominant, and most of the rye and chaff came from this area. Chaff was often fed to livestock, and it is likely that crops destined to be used for fodder would have been less-rigorously cleaned than those used for human consumption. In addition, most of the remains from plants of wet habitats such as marshes and fens (89%) were present in the well sample and the three northern samples. This latter category could be derived from hay grown in damp meadows.

It is not possible to know how representative the deposit is for the period, since the faeces may have been deposited over a short period of time or over several years. One indicator is the fish bone, which appears to be very similar to the other seven samples examined from this period (Armitage, this report). If these mineralised remains are typical of the diet during the Middle Saxon period, it must have been a fairly simple and limited one, primarily based on cereal products, beans, fish, meat and hedgerow fruits and nuts. Charred plant assemblages primarily contain evidence for the arable component of the diet, but the samples from West Fen Road also produced Celtic bean (Vicia faba var. minor) and flax (Linum usitatissimum) The charred flax seed may have come from a crop grown for fibre or oil. Flax remains are particularly common in waterlogged deposits from the Saxon period, so it is unfortunate that no well-preserved waterlogged deposits were present on this site. A charred sloe (Prunus spinosa) and hazelnut shell fragments (Corylus avellana) indicate that hedgerow fruits and nuts were being gathered.

Concentrations of charred cereal processing waste are rare in post-Roman sites, for the reasons noted in the Iron Age section. Chaff was probably removed away from settlement sites and was too useful a commodity to be burned. In addition, free-threshing wheat chaff is more readily destroyed by charring in comparison with the more robust emmer and spelt glumes (Boardman & Jones 1990). Excavations at the Saxon site of West Heslerton,

The charred assemblages varied in the amount of information they provided, with concentrations ranging 115

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

North Yorkshire (Carruthers & Hunter, in prep) have demonstrated how elusive crop processing waste can be on post-Roman sites, since a sampling intensity of two thousand samples still failed to produce more than a few rachis fragments. For these reasons it is not possible to determine where the cereal processing was taking place during the Saxon period, but is likely to have been under cover since free-threshing wheats spoil easily when damp.

leads to the loss of identification characters from these remains, peas are probably grossly under-represented on most sites. Some of the large legume fragments at West Fen Road could have been from peas or large vetches. The relatively frequent occurrence of Celtic beans is very characteristic of the Saxon period, suggesting that legumes were an important part of the diet. At all three sites there was very little evidence for the consumption of fruits and nuts, apart from small quantities of native hedgerow species such as hazelnut, apple, elder and sloe. In fact, very few cultivated or imported fruits and herbs have been recovered from Saxon sites in general (Greig 1991), and the analysis of a large number of Saxon cess pits from Hamwic (Carruthers 2005) suggests that cereals and legumes were the mainstay of the diet even in major settlements. This contrasts greatly with the wide range of imported fruits, nuts and spices recovered from mineralised and waterlogged deposits of Roman and medieval dates (Greig 1991). It is, of course, difficult to determine whether any of the native weed taxa were being used as vegetables and as medicinal plants. Many common native herbs can be used for a variety of purposes, but unless large concentrations of identifiable remains become preserved this is hard to prove.

Comparisons with other sites Because only low concentrations of charred plant remains were recovered from the Iron Age samples, it is difficult to make comparisons with other sites. Most sites of this period across Britain produce evidence for the cultivation of emmer and spelt wheat. Barley and bread-type wheat are usually present in smaller quantities. Samples from an enclosure at Prickwillow Road, Ely (Carruthers 2003) and a ringwork at Coveney (Murphy 2000) produced low concentrations of cereal grains and some chaff fragments from these four cereals. At Coveney flax and a pulse crop may also have been grown. At Prickwillow Road and at West Fen Road there is some suggestion that the number of wetland species, including typical fenland taxa such as saw-sedge (Cladium mariscus), increased from the Iron Age to the Roman period (Prickwillow Road) and to the Middle Saxon period (West Fen Road). It could be suggested that this was due to additional areas of fenland being brought under the plough in the later periods, since the heavy, moist, base-rich soils would be very suitable for the cultivation of bread-type wheats, and bread-type wheats became increasingly important in the Roman and Saxon periods. However, there is some evidence from other sites in East Anglia to suggest that arable cultivation decreased, at least in the Early Saxon period (Murphy 1994). Besides, this hypothesis cannot be tested at West Fen Road because the number of samples taken and the concentration of charred plant remains was much lower in the Iron Age phases, making comparisons are difficult. Also some of the samples may contain a mixture of burnt waste products including hay or dung containing fenland and other wet grassland taxa, in which case not all of the taxa were growing as arable weeds.

Additional sample from Bronze Age pit 6/8 by Val Fryer The soil from pit 8 in Trench 6 was retained and bulk sieved for charred plant macrofossils (sample 1). An assessment of the flot showed that the density of charred material was very low. Most was wood charcoal although there was a single indeterminate cereal grain and a weed seed identified as vetch/vetchling (Vicia/Lathyrus sp.). There were also some small bone fragments. Modern contamination by rootlets and black ‘tarry’ material was noted. The sample contained insufficient material for accurate interpretation. Additional sample from Roman cremation pit 18/22 by Val Fryer The soil from cremation pit 22 in Trench 18 was retained and bulk sieved for charred plant macrofossils (samples 3 and 5). The assemblages became mixed during transit but as they were from the same context the samples were treated as one for the purposes of assessment. The flot comprised a low density of charred plant material and a few other items. The assemblage was dominated by wood charcoal, with a single indeterminate cereal grain and weed seeds which included saw-sedge (Cladium mariscus) and buttercup (Ranunculus sp.) There were also some fragments of burnt bone, a fish bone and iron nail fragments. The plant material appears either to have been accidentally included, or formed part of the kindling or fuel used for the pyre.

Evidence of a simple diet during the Middle Saxon period corresponds well with that from other Middle Saxon sites where mineralised and charred evidence has been recovered, such as Abbots Worthy, Hampshire (Carruthers 1991) and West Heslerton, Yorkshire (Carruthers & Hunter, in prep). In all three cases barley was the predominant cereal, with some evidence for the cultivation of flax and beans. At Abbots Worthy substantial evidence for the consumption of peas was recovered from one latrine pit. Because charring often

116

Chapter 8: Discussion Neolithic and Bronze Age activity

scatters of features and material can be found almost anywhere (Fig 8.1). Investigations ahead of housing development at Prickwillow Road have recovered a thin spread of Neolithic and Bronze Age flintwork across the clayland without particular concentrations (Whittacker 1997; Atkins & Mudd 2003). There was also an isolated early Neolithic pit containing pottery and flint (Dickens 1997). A similar thin spread of flint, and another early Neolithic pit came from The Ashwell Site at West Fen Road (Mortimer et al 2005). The discovery of late Bronze Age occupation, again on clay substrata, at Trinity Lands, about 500m to the south of West Fen Road has highlighted the difficulty of examining the relationship between superficial evidence and the nature and content of subsurface features. Here flint artefacts were associated with burnt flint and a small quantity of pottery and animal bone, representing activity around a pond (Masser & Evans 1999). In common with the present site, these fields were not included in the Fenland Survey’s fieldwork, but even so the small overall quantity of flint (55 pieces) from the trial trenching makes it unlikely that the site would have been identified from superficial finds, particularly with the notable depth of colluvium here.

The site was not heavily occupied in the earlier prehistoric period but sporadic activity is indicated by two isolated pits, one containing fragments of Neolithic plain ware and the other Bronze Age sherds. To these can be added a collection of fragments from a possible Bronze Age collared urn, retrieved from subsoil, and a light scatter of largely residual flintwork. These finds are clearly not related to settlement, but rather represent a background scatter of material relating to activities carried out away from the home base, and spread over a long period of time. There is no particular indication of what these activities might have been although hunting or pasturing stock are possibilities. The pits themselves are unremarkable. They do not appear to be tree throw-holes and there is no indication that land clearance was specifically undertaken. Among the flintwork, the high proportion of identifiable tools, as opposed to waste material, suggests that tool manufacture was not a primary concern, and that transient activity, using prepared toolkits, was more typical. This is, however, to some extent belied by the number of flint cores. Because the recovery of lithics was not undertaken systematically, in the sense that that there were no specific methodologies aimed at the maximum retrieval of flintwork, it is likely that debitage is underrepresented to some degree, and tool production may have been more prevalent than it appears.

These investigations do not invalidate the idea of core areas of prehistoric occupation on the permeable soils, but they do query the level of interpretation appropriate to surface finds on their own, and pose broader questions about the way land was used and thought about in prehistory. (See Evans 2002 for a discussion of the possible spectrum of usages covering ‘site’ and ‘non-site’ finds.)

Results from the Fenland Survey, which in the Ely region were based to a large degree on surface collections of flint, strongly suggest that earlier prehistoric settlement occurred on light soils (Hall 1996, 154). Analysis of the distribution of flintwork shows major concentrations on the sandy soils at Littleport, Isleham, Soham and Swaffham Prior, in fen-edge rather than drier inland locations (ibid & fig 87). The accumulated evidence would suggest that these sites represent ‘core areas’ of permanent or regularly used settlement over the long term, although it is not clear that this evidence reflects all prehistoric periods and usages equally, and there may be significant gaps in the settlement record which are not recoverable in data generated by surface collection. There are no major concentrations on the Isle of Ely, probably due to the clayey nature of most of the land, although it is possible that a ‘core site’ lay under the present city, which sits on an outcrop of Lower Greensand. A Bronze Age ditch and flintwork have been found at Bray’s Lane close to the cathedral (Hunter 1992). It is also possible that the now peat-covered gravel skirtland was a favoured area of prehistoric settlement, although this has yet to be demonstrated at Ely (Evans 2002).

Iron Age settlement Form of settlement The settlement, as shown within the development site, was a small domestic one comprising a roundhouse within a concentric pair of enclosures and an attached enclosure to the south (Fig 2.1). It is apparent, however, that the limits of settlement to the south-east have not been established. Here the long extension of ditch 1005 gives the impression of being a funnel entrance, although the entrance was wide and appeared to have contained other features. The form of the northern side of this entrance remained unclear, the terminal of ditch 1005 apparently falling between the HN and CAU trenches. There was another ditch here curving eastward. It was therefore possible that the excavated site was part of a more linear arrangement of settlement than appeared at first sight. Furthermore, when the sub-rectangular enclosures in the Ashwell site to the south were considered, it became difficult to decide what constituted the unit of settlement. The ditches in Trench 28, for which it was reasonable, although not conclusive, to suggest an Iron Age date on stratigraphic and artefactual grounds, further added to a

More recent fieldwork has indicated that prehistoric activity on Ely was widespread and that low background 117

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Tr 11 Tr 28

Tr 12a

Tr 12 Tr 14 Tr 13 Tr 15 Tr 29 Tr 16

Tr 17

Way

Tr 18

Abb

ots

CAU Trench

HN Trench

We st

Dun

ston

Fe

nR

0

oa

d

Stre e

t

100m

© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 8.1: Distribution of Iron Age pottery picture of a settlement comprising elements of occupation and activity which were spread across the landscape rather than being discretely bounded. Excluding Trench 28 the enclosures and boundaries covered approximately 4.5ha and the settlement, with all its constituent parts, may have been larger still (Upper Delphs, Evans & Serjeantson 1988)

later features. There is also a semi-complete shouldered jar in a sandy fabric with slashed decoration, which is considered to be early. This was from ditch 390, without diagnostically later material. It is essentially unclear whether this ditch, which had been heavily truncated by ploughing, represented the trace of earlier Iron Age occupation, or whether it was broadly contemporary with the first phase of the rest of the site. With a broad lack of features of earlier Iron Age date, the latter is preferable (Fig 2.4). In view of its semi-complete state, it is possible that the jar was a dedicatory vessel, and as such may be untypical of the assemblage as a whole.

Dating and sequence The dating evidence, which principally comprised pottery, supported by two radiocarbon determinations, indicated that the occupation fell within the later Iron Age from c300 BC or a little earlier into the 1st century AD (Percival, Monteil, Chapter 5). There was a small quantity of pottery, chiefly flint-tempered, which is of earlier type, but almost all occured residually in Roman and

Earlier Iron Age elements have also been recognised in the pottery assemblage from the Ashwell site to the south, again without firm evidence of associated features (Percival 59-60, in Mortimer et al 2005). It seems that 118

DISCUSSION

same design. It is possible that the outer enclosure was a development from the earlier phase, since penannular ditch 1623 (Ph1) was positioned quite centrally within it. Given that the earlier Iron Age pottery is possibly residual, the chronology for such a development would be tighter. Ditch 358, forming the southern annexe, had a similar form and date sequence to ditch 1005, although there was an earlier phase of shallower ditch 558 on its western side. It was also cut by a later phase of ditch 1005.

this must either be accounted for as earlier Iron Age occupation having left only very slight traces, which is plausible if enclosure and eaves drainage ditches were not dug, or that early traits in pottery continued to be present in later assemblages. In the present state of knowledge it is difficult to choose between the alternatives with confidence. In Phase 1 it is possible that the settlement was unenclosed (Fig 2.4). The penannular ditch, 1623, predated the inner enclosure ditch 1391, and it has been argued that ditch 262 also predated the enclosure due to the latter’s proximity to the entrance terminal. The central roundhouse was the only contemporaneous structure to be identified. There was no structural detail surviving. The encircling ditches, 262 and F3, did not lie on the arc of a precise circle and assuming they were for the drainage of eaves, they need not have followed the wall line slavishly. They would have accommodated a roundhouse up to c11m in diameter (Fig 2.5). There is no need to postulate an oval-shaped building which would have been both more difficult to construct and less stable. There were doorways potentially on both the south-eastern and north-western sides where there were gaps in the encircling gullies, although in practice the roundhouse is likely to have had one or the other.

The upper fills of ditches 1391 and 263 contrasted markedly with those of ditches 1005 and 358, the uniformly dark and loamy character of the deposits indicating that infilling had taken place relatively rapidly. A high proportion of the pottery from the excavations came from these upper fills (Fig 8.1). The two radiocarbon determinations on bone from each of these deposits gave virtually identical results and are mutually supported in that regard (Chapter 5; Fig 5.6). While there is some scope for alternative interpretations, a date in the later part of each range, c260-110BC, appeared most likely. The date is still early in view of the late Iron Age pottery present in ditch 1391, the upper fills of which contained twelve sherds (138g) of grog-tempered and sandy ware jars, which would not be out of place in a 1st-century AD assemblage (Monteil, Chapter 5). There was unequivocal 1st-century AD pottery from the upper fill of ditches 1005 and 358, which emphasised the relatively long chronology to be accommodated within a relatively simple site layout. It is unlikely that the radiocarbon dates related to infilling, the bone samples probably derived from nearby middens which had been used to level the site. The infilling could have been later, and an early 1st-century AD/BC date seemed to be the best compromise.

The early ditch 629 may also mark the site of another structure. Ditch 111, although unphased, would make sense pre-dating the southern arm of ditch 1005, since a continuation of its arc created a possible roundhouse location with eaves extending to c13 m in diameter that was interrupted by the ditch. It is not known whether all these curving ditches and purported structures would have been in simultaneous use. It is within Phase 2 that most of the features belonged (Fig 2.9). The phase included the enclosure ditches and probably a central roundhouse marked by ditch 263, the replacement of ditch 262. The course of inner enclosure ditch 1391 suggested that it was dug with respect to the eastern and southern sides of the roundhouse. It is possible that it would have made a south-eastern entrance to the roundhouse impractical, although this cannot be assumed. There are examples of entrances whose need for a traditionally south-east orientation overrode the inconvenience of extremely close ditches (Upper Delphs Site V phase 2, Evans & Serjeantson 1988). There was enough room in the open space to the north of the roundhouse to accommodate another building of similar size, although there was no evidence of one. There was a short funnel entrance to the west which linked to the outer enclosure ditch 1005, although the relationship between the two lay between the excavated trenches. Initially at least there appeared to have been gaps in the ditches to allow access both to the west and to the south, but at some stage these were blocked by short lengths of ditch F32 and F37. It is possible that this was done to drain water away from this part of the site, rather than close off the enclosure. There would have been no particular difficulty in bridging these ditches to maintain access.

Although ditches 1391 and 263 were put out of use, there was no indication where the focus of settlement subsequently lay. There were no specific features dated to the 1st century AD. The upper fills of ditch 1005 contained later 1st-century AD pottery, accounting for about 30% of the total pottery assemblage from this feature. Most of this pottery, 54 sherds (340g), which formed 68% of the sherd count (49% by weight), came from segment 338 in the southern arm (Fig 2.3). This perhaps suggests that habitation moved to the south and that the enclosures here were put to other uses. Ditch 358 of the enclosure annexe contained very little Roman pottery, four sherds (35g), representing about 2% of the pottery from this feature. As a result it seemed that there was little activity here at this time, or that it was not open for as long as ditch 1005. The pond 659 contained the second largest assemblage of Roman pottery from the site, after ditch 1005. This amounted to some 30 sherds, 10% of the total by sherd count (15% by weight), emphasising its fresher character. The group includes a sandy ware necked jar of probable 2nd-century date and Oxfordshire Redware sherds likely to date to the 3rd century, so it was generally later than the ditch assemblages. The precise dates of this feature and the Roman gullies which superseded the enclosures are not known. The associated pottery was often scrappy and undiagnostic. It can be noted that over 40% of the Roman pottery assemblage was residual, having an average sherd weight of 6.4g, mainly coming from Middle Saxon features and furrows. The general character of this

The dating evidence from the lower fills of outer enclosure ditch 1005 indicated that it was of a similar date to the inner enclosure. A gap respecting the entrance to the inner enclosure, while blocked at a later date, also supported the suggestion that these two enclosures were part of the 119

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

group indicated that the site had peripheral, probably agricultural uses, after the end of the 1st century AD.

Datum, whereas West Fen Road, at about 6m above Ordnance Datum was significantly higher (Fig 8.2). The slight presence of the river mollusc Lymnaea stagnalis suggests that water derived, at least occasionally, from overbank flooding, as well as rising groundwater. The source of this flooding is not immediately apparent but, even supposing a secondary derivation of some molluscs, it is clear that the area was prone to persistent wetness, if not a permanently high watertable.

Environment and economy The local environment was one of open damp grassland, as indicated by the snails and the other, amphibiandominated, micro-fauna (Allen, Piper, Chapter 6). Freshwater species of snail in the inner and outer enclosure ditches show that these ditches contained standing water, at least seasonally. There were no waterlogged remains in the ditches and no indication from the fills that organic matter had persisted for a great length of time and it is probable that the ditches were semi-dry in summer (Allen, Chapter 6). This offers a point of contrast with other fenedge settlements such as Cat’s Water (Pryor 1984) and Wardy Hill (Evans 2003) where waterlogged remains had been preserved in some of the deeper features, a difference which is explained by the fact that these were true fen-edge sites lying at only 1-3m above Ordnance

Although the micro-fauna showed no evidence of agricultural land use resulting in dry or broken soils, the charred plant assemblage contained some cultivated crops and weeds of cultivation (Carruthers, Chapter 7). Identifiable cereals, while not prolific, included emmer, spelt, bread-type wheat and hulled barley, and it is likely that these were grown locally. Bread-type wheat is not common on Iron Age sites and it is possible that it was better adapted to the local heavy soils (ibid.). While it seems that cereals were being processed on the site,

Fodder Fen

Littleport

Wood Fen

Little Dunham

Wardy Hill

West Fen

Hurst Lane

Prickwillow Road

West Fen Road

Little Hill

Modern R. Gt. Ouse

Ely

Witcham

Cathedral Trinity Lands

St. John’s Road

Witchford

Middle Fen

Stuntney Nornea Grunty Fen Little Thetford

0

Henney

5km

Fig 8.2: Iron Age sites in the region 120

DISCUSSION

at least in small amounts, there is no real indication of the relative importance of the arable component of the economy. It is possible that grain was imported from elsewhere. This was suggested from four scanned samples obtained in the CAU pipeline trench, based on the higher ratio of cereal glume bases to glume wheats, perhaps indicating that the grain had been pounded and sieved out (Stevens 1995). The waste therefore may have some from the final sieving of semi-processed grain. The importation of grain was suggested for the Cat’s Water Iron Age settlement (Wilson 1984) where, like West Fen Road, cultivated crops were very sparse. However, such interpretations may be influenced by the expectation that fen-edge settlements ought to show some specialism towards pastoral, as opposed to arable farming. The hard evidence is actually quite slender. Moreover, there is strong evidence of cereal cultivation and processing at Wardy Hill, both from pollen and charred remains (Wiltshire 2003; Murphy 2003), and it appears likely that crops were grown in this type of environment, although perhaps on the higher parts of the island, rather than immediately adjacent to the fen (Wardy Hill land-use model, Evans 2003, fig 68). Associated plants at both Wardy Hill and West Fen Road included damp ground species such as spike-rush and sedge, and it is suggested that cereals were grown on wet soils (Carruthers, Chapter 7). Alternatively it is possible that spike-rush and sedge were incorporated in hay or litter, rather than arriving as a crop contaminant (Murphy op cit, 109). There is no indication where crops were stored, but they would presumably have been in raised stores which may have left little identifiable trace in the archaeological record. The animal bone assemblage contained the usual range of Iron Age domesticates; cattle, sheep/goats, pigs, and horses. There was probably a slightly higher proportion of cattle to sheep, but mixed animal husbandry was clearly practised. While elsewhere it has been suggested that cattle would have been more suited than sheep to wet lowland conditions, evidence from a range of excavated sites, including those on the Fen edge, has shown that there is no necessary correlation of cattle/sheep ratios with environmental conditions, and there were probably other factors involved (Higbee, Chapter 6; Hambleton 1999). On the present site the high proportion of immature sheep culled at under 2 years and at 3-5 years suggests that there might have been a husbandry strategy aimed at reducing the need for winter fodder, which may indeed have been in short supply on the Isle of Ely. The slaughter of sheep at a young age has also been noted at Cat’s Water, Wardy Hill and other sites in the region, and interpreted as an emphasis on meat production (Davis 2003, 130). Interestingly, there is no particular indication that West Fen Road performed a complementary role to Wardy Hill, a possible ‘local centre’, supplying products for consumption, as might be surmised if there were significant differences in crop or herd patterns between the two sites. This pattern of sheep mortality offers a significant point of contrast with the Middle Saxon period when more sheep survived into old age indicating that wool production was probably more important. There was a low presence of horse bones, but they included immature animals suggesting that horses were reared or bred, rather than obtained as adults. This has

been noted elsewhere in the region (Higbee op cit), and the presence of newborn horses, and other domesticates, at Wardy Hill (Davies 2003, 130) also fits this pattern. One horse skeleton from West Fen Road was recovered as a burial in a deliberately dug grave (Fig 2.17) Wild animal resources seem not to have been significant at West Fen Road and there does not seem to have been any exploitation of the nearby wetland. This compares with sites such as Haddenham V (Evans and Sejeantson 1988) and Cat’s Water (Pryor 1984) where there were significant quantities of waterfowl and some aquatic mammals such as otter and beaver. Very few fish bones were recovered from Iron Age contexts at West Fen Road. Table 6.21 shows a clear contrast between most of the Iron Age samples and the Middle Saxon ones with regard to the quantity of fish bone. The anomalous presence of immature pike in sample 26 of ditch 1005 was probably, in any case, fortuitous rather than an aspect of diet. The general absence of fish remains from later prehistoric sites has been observed as characteristic (Serjeantson et al 1994), possibly as a matter of taste or because of dietary taboo, although it is possible that fish bones were rendered down or lost through some other means. Recourse to taphonomic explanations for their absence is not convincing when the Iron Age and Saxon occupations took place on the same site, and the evidence clearly indicates contrast in culinary habits. Fish bones were present in low numbers at Wardy Hill suggesting that fish contributed something to the diet there (Evans 2003, 137). It does not appear certain, however, that the fish remains were the by-product of human consumption and there may be other explanations. The fish bones from Cat’s Water were not reported upon contextually and they may belong with the Roman period, rather than Iron Age occupation (Biddick 1984, table M 27). Ironworking was undertaken on or near the site as shown by the small quantities of ironworking residues, mostly from ditch 1391 (Mack & McDonnell, this report; Fig 8.3; Table 5.10). No hearths or furnaces were found, but the presence of smelting and furnace lining slags suggest that iron smelting was undertaken. There was no material specifically diagnostic of smithing and it is not known whether this was also undertaken. The residues of general ironworking may have been from smelting or smithing. No fuel ash slag was identified. It appears that iron smelting was practised in the environs, perhaps only on a very small scale implying that this was an occasional, rather than regular, activity. Where metal residues from Iron Age sites have been studied in detail, small quantities of iron smelting slag are sometimes identified. The Fengate sites produced just three pieces, one each from Vicarage Farm, Padholme Road and Cat’s Water (Craddock 1984, 174-5). There does not appear to be any particular association between this activity and the nature or inferred status of sites. Wardy Hill yielded no evidence of iron production from the limited collection of metal residues, although bronze-working crucibles were found (Robbins 2003, 185-9). Other aspects of material culture were meagre and suggest that outside contacts were limited. The pottery showed the limited range forms typical of the region (Percival, Chapter 5). The recovery, in the 1995 pipe 121

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Tr 11 Tr 28

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© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 8.3: Distribution of ironworking residues

trench excavation, of a perforated clay plaque from a segment of ditch 1391 remains a unique find (Hill 1995, 35). In view of the other finds, its presence does not seem to relate to a high or otherwise unusual status for the site (Evans 2003, 248 & fig 126), but it is generally not clear how much significance should be attached to individual objects such as this. The bone point or gouge, decorated with incised dots (ibid.) is now thought to have come from a Middle Saxon, rather than Iron Age context (Gibson 1995, fig 3, F4).

other human bones. Isolated and apparently random fragments of human bone are known from a number of Iron Age sites, and have been reported from several nearby, including the Ashwell site to the south (Mortimer et al 2005), Hurst Lane (Dodwell 2007), Wardy Hill (Dodwell 2003), Trinity Lands (Evans et al 2007, 68) and Prickwillow Road (Anderson 2003). It seems likely that here, as elsewhere, this reflects excarnation as part of human mortuary practice at this time, but it is problematic elucidating the sequence of activities and processes which resulted in the eventual deposition of the remains. A detailed examination of the Hurst Lane material showed one instance of traumatic injury and a marked polished appearance to the three skulls from Iron Age contexts, observations which indicate the probability of violent

Human remains For the Iron Age period there were three fragments of adult human skull from the enclosure ditches but no 122

DISCUSSION

death and also the later manipulation of the remains. There are therefore indications of further complexity to the rites enacted at that site, including undeniably deliberate deposits (Evans et al 2007). At the present site there is nothing to suggest that the skull fragments were intentional deposits in any sense, but seem rather to have been part of the background scatter of refuse which became incorporated into the ditch fills. At the Ashwell site, the six parietal fragments from an Iron Age enclosure ditch appear to reflect a similar practice, although bone fragments from later features may result from disturbances to other Iron Age or Roman inhumation burials on this very busy site. At Wardy Hill there was a wider range of bone elements, including arm, leg and foot bones, as well as skull fragments. The clustering of the remains suggested that there may have been disturbed burials here, although the possible over-representation of skull fragments appeared to indicate several individuals (Evans 2003, 232). It seems that the evidence can be interpreted as being a result of excarnation, with the prevalence of skull elements of interest, possibly reflecting a cult peculiar to the Ely region (Evans et al 2007, 72). The cremation from Trench 18 to the west of the enclosures is more characteristic of the Roman period although it is possible that it was contemporary with the latest phase of Iron Age enclosures in the 1st century AD. The site in context The investigation of this site took place within a context of increasing numbers of discoveries on the Isle of Ely of Iron Age settlement, about which little was known before the 1980s. The discovery of seven new sites in the Fenland Survey as a direct result of fieldwork, confirmed that Iron Age people had occupied the clay lands of the Fen edge as elsewhere, but this can now be seen as just the starting point for an examination of settlement distribution, to which considerably more information has been added as a result of development-led work over the past decade. An extrapolation of the current information from the Historic Environment Record suggests the likelihood that later Iron Age sites lay at an average density of one every 2sq km (Fig 8.2), as has been estimated from well surveyed clayland areas in Leicestershire (Clay 2002) and Northamptonshire (Parry 2006). It should be mentioned that the West Fen Road site was not covered by the Fenland Survey and its discovery only came about through the circumstances outlined in the introduction to this report (Chapter 1). However, its proximity to the Fen edge and its position as part of the distribution of sites identified by the Fenland Survey is consistent with the observations established for the prehistoric landscape surrounding the Isle of Ely (Hall 1996, 35, fig 18). West Fen Road fits a fairly uniform distribution further supporting the notion that most of the available dry land was occupied, perhaps primarily for animal husbandry. The site was positioned astride the bridge of land passing between Middle Fen and West Fen. The Fenland Survey suggests that the prehistoric edge of West Fen would have been close enough to exploit on a daily basis and probably held resemblances to other sites at Hurst Lane, Trinity Lands, Prickwillow Road and Wardy Hill that also shared close proximities to the Fen edge. However, due to the fairly narrow land bridge

at this point, West Fen Road would probably also have benefitted from resources passing between the mainland and settlements immediately to the north, although there is little material evidence to shed light upon how this may have manifested. A possible causeway may have provided another choke point for movement, but its provenance is uncertain (Hall 1996, 36). The deeper relationship between these later Iron Age settlements, the circumstances of their origin and their social and economic connectedness, are problematic areas of enquiry and the current excavations have yielded no clear answers. In the recent publication some attention has been paid to the Wardy Hill Ringwork and its possible role as a ‘local centre’ with respect to two other ‘cove’ sites at Hurst Lane and West Fen Road (Evans 2003; Evans et al 2007). West Fen Road is very similar to these two other sites in terms of size, assuming that its eastern extent is not much beyond that already defined, and that the peripheral enclosures were not foci of occupation (Evans 2003, fig 143, for plans of these sites at the same scale). To follow further comparisons used by Evans (op cit, tables 70 & 71), the enclosure ditch perimeters amounted to around 400m, compared to 574m for Wardy Hill and 156m for the main Hurst Lane enclosure, and the total ditch volume was 600 cubic metres. The labour requirement for a team of four would have been about 110 days, approximating to 241 days for Wardy Hill and up to 45 days for Hurst Lane, using Startin’s formula of 5.43cu m per day (ibid). West Fen Road therefore lies somewhere between these other sites in terms of effort or resources needed to complete them. This does not immediately suggest a hierarchy of settlement, perhaps more a continuum of slightly differing forms, although a consideration of these figures would seem to indicate, in each case, that the compounds were constructed by a workforce drawn from a wider pool than the settlement itself. As mentioned previously, there appear to be no significant differences in the material remains from Wardy Hill and West Fen Road to suggest different roles or specialisms, or that one or other was a producer, rather than a consumer site. Differences in the plant remains are difficult to evaluate, but in both cases it seems that cereal grains were present in low densities and probably represented crops grown and processed locally. Both sites showed the usual range of domestic animals, which tended to be culled at a young age, perhaps both because of the emphasis on meat production rather than secondary products, and because of the limiting factor of winter grazing. West Fen Road therefore does not seem to have supplied Wardy Hill or vice versa (cf Davis 2003, 130). The main distinction between the sites appears to be the predominance of sheep at Wardy Hill at 50%, with only 27% being cattle (Evans, op cit, table 27), as opposed to the more equal representation of cattle and sheep at West Fen Road. Whether this difference has wider implications is not clear but this is one topic which might be investigated to see if there are correlations with other aspects of the settlement and its agricultural regime. It needs to be emphasised, however, that patterns within bone assemblages reflect consumption/discard rather than production, and in a situation where resources were shared to a significant degree the pattern of food remains is likely to reflect this exchange, rather than the productive base. 123

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

Roman settlement

con-sisted of a series of enclosures or plots defined by shallow ditches, labelled Plots 1-12 for descriptive purposes. They were generally aligned north-south and east-west in a generally rectangular pattern. Towards the northern end of this group was a probable trackway or droveway but lacking any surviving surface. There were no firm indications of domestic buildings, although several possible structures have been identified from clusters of postholes and small features. It is perhaps likely that the structures were built upon light foundations and that deep slots were not necessary to provide supports for the small size, particularly if seasonally repaired or replaced. Occupation levels may also have been subject to periodic cleaning and would be amongst the first deposits to be lost to post-depositional activities and agricultural truncation.

Form of settlement The size and quantity of features of distinctly Roman date were relatively few. Their associated pottery indicated activity from the 2nd to 4th centuries AD. The distribution of features was only explicable when placed in context with the Ashwell site, immediately to the south (Fig 3.1). The principal concentration of Roman enclosures, which comprised a sequence of development for what would have been a fairly substantial agricultural settlement, were located within the Ashwell site. Those ditches investigated for the present report were largely extensions from that site on a north-south alignment. Since these were not parts of smaller Roman enclosures, as indicated by the concentrated rectangular ditch systems to the south, the linear extensions probably fitted with a wider landscape distribution of ditches, providing a combination of drainage and boundary partitions between larger areas of open ground. In this instance they may have been used for rough grazing continuing an Iron Age tradition of primarily stock rearing activities, supplemented by low level cultivation and fen resource exploitation. In this context pond 659 was a significant asset for a landscape dominated by pasture, shallow enough and large enough to provide fresh water all the year around and close enough to the main settlement focus to be used for domestic activities also.

It seems that the western and the northern limits of the settlement have been identified due to the relative scarcity of features from the trenches beyond the limits of Trenches 28 and 29. The southern site limit, defined in the Ashwell site to the south of West Fen Road (Mortimer 2005 et al 2005), shows that the settlement extended for over 500m north-south. The eastern site limit has nowhere been defined, although to judge by the extent of the Ashwell site on the land adjacent to West Fen Road, it is possible to estimate that the plots may have been about 100m in length. This need not, however, reflect the total extent of settlement to the east and does not necessarily mean that any particular importance was attached to the land immediately next to the road, which in later periods we would call the frontage. Mortimer et al (2005, 147) have drawn attention to the problem of deciding whether the West Fen Road settlement, from the Middle Saxon period onward, was physically a part of Ely or a separate entity and the question essentially remains unresolved.

The site in context Roman occupation was identified during the Fenland Project in close proximity to West Fen Road and was described as a low lying “dark greasy area with occupational debris including late colour-coated wares” (Hall 1996, fig 19, site 11). It was presumed that the larger portion of the settlement evidence had been covered by the western development of Ely. Sites to the south-east of West Fen Road included a probable small dock or landing at Braham and another beside a roddon of the River Ouse on Stuntney Island (ibid, sites 3, 9). Pottery from the landing on the island indicated its use from the 2nd to 4th centuries AD. The habitation of two nearby settlements on the island spanned similar periods and both indicated Iron Age origins. A further settlement to the south was lost during the bypass development (ibid, site U3). On the northern spur of the Isle of Ely there were four substantial Roman settlements, two of which were located on the highest points of land (ibid, sites 8, 13, 14, 15). These were occupied from the Iron Age until at least the 3rd century AD. It is unfortunate that excavations at Hurst Lane focused their attention upon the Iron Age origins, to the detriment of later Roman occupation evidence (Evans et al 2007, 52). Despite this it was clear that a comparable period of settlement was present and the occupation of Roman agricultural settlements within the immediate locality all share progressive development from their Iron Age antecedents, gaining Roman character and materials that continued to flourish well into the later period.

The topographic context of the Middle Saxon settlement is intriguing (Fig 8.4). Mortimer has proposed a routeway along the line of the later West Fen Road with which the Ashwell site plots were associated. This may have had Roman or earlier origins since the alignment of the Roman ditches is the same. The most obvious reason for this would have been a landing stage for river traffic somewhere in West Fen (ibid). A route running northwards can also be proposed to provide access for the plots north of West Fen Road. It is not certain where this would have lain. The Abbots Way boundary is not historically important, but further east a projection of Walsingham Way north of West Fen Road gives the Trench 29 plots a length of about 100m and also aligns with the northward kink in the present Downham Road. Mortimer’s analysis of the cartographic evidence for Ely suggests that Downham Road is not all that old as it is not depicted on Speed’s 1610 map of the county. It seems possible that this ‘ridgeway’ existed as a less formal route at this time and earlier. The 1836 one-inch edition of the Ordnance Survey map shows that this part of Ely (‘West End’, later ‘Fieldside’) included a road running south-west from Walsingham Way, toward Witchford, as well as one running west around the back of the Middle Saxon and later plots, suggesting that there once existed a node of communication in this area, well to the west of the city centre. A northward extension toward Downham is not implausible in this context but there is a lack of archaeological evidence to support it. Perhaps crucially, a projection of this northern route more or less bisects

Middle Saxon settlement Form of settlement The excavated part of the Middle Saxon settlement 124

DISCUSSION

w Do am nh ad Ro

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1836 OS map © Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

0

Fig 8.4: Topography of Ely

125

500m

Fig. 8.4

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

the eastern and western parts of Trench 28 and there is no indication that the east-west ditches are interrupted in this area.

deliberate gaps. The main ditches may have demarcated the properties of individual land owners, and there is written evidence from a number of Anglo-Saxon laws that properties were protected by ditches, fences and hedges (Hamerow 2002, 127). However, there are too many divisions and subdivisions for this to be the only explanation of their presence, and they were also likely to have been used to control livestock, containing them in some areas and restricting their access to others. Drainage does not seem to have been a major consideration, or presumably they would have been dug deeper.

The overall structure of settlement is unusual for the Middle Saxon period in the relatively orderly layout of ditched enclosures and trackways which appear to have been created upon land immediately adjacent to West Fen Road and along a north-south route or access to the east. This appears to show more evidence of planning than contemporary sites such as Brandon, Catholme, Wicken Bonhunt, Raunds or Yarnton where, at best, buildings and ditches are on similar alignments or show relationships with others nearby, but the settlement lacks an overall pattern of streets and plots. This regularity does not seem to have been conditioned by earlier land use. The Roman ditches here, while on a similar alignment, are insubstantial and there is no evidence for Early Saxon occupation here or south of West Fen Road. It is unlikely that the Roman ditches were maintained or were still visible by the 8th century. There is therefore the indication of settlement planning from new in the Middle Saxon period, perhaps from cAD725, with an orientation probably structured by arteries of wider communication.

The ditches on their own would not have been sufficient to control livestock and it is also likely that where they were not fence lines themselves ditches were accompanied by banks, probably reinforced by fences or hedges. This visualisation of the three-dimensional landscape immediately makes the point that the boundary features would have been wider than the ditches themselves, both emphasising the small size of many of the plots and their subdivisions, and presenting the difficulty of determining whether the gaps between features were in fact points of access or not. It is, for instance, unlikely that the parallel ditches 53 and 16, if they were contemporaneous, left a means of passage between them (Fig 4.7). It is more probable that they were a single boundary dug from two sides with the spoil piled between them. Similarly it is possible that a number of the east-west ditches which respect the western boundary ditch 191 were dug up to a bank on the inside of the ditch, thereby closing access rather than providing it. The fact that ditch 1608 replaced ditch 191 on the outside also suggests than any bank would have been internal.

The individual plots are small. Most are 20-30m wide and some are smaller. It may be supposed that individual plots were occupied by individual households, with some households having possession of or sharing more than one plot. The domestic dwellings lay within the plots alongside agricultural activities. It can be noted, for instance, that the north-south boundary ditches frequently interrupt the east-west ones so that, for instance, access between Plots 3 and 7 via the rear of Plot 5 (Fig 4.7) appears to have been easier than between Plots 3 and 4 which were separated by a continuous ditch 51. Another consequence of this north-south boundary axis is the length of the back plots 4, 6 and 8 are more standardised, at about 40m, than their widths. It is possible, therefore, that the unit of landholding was larger than the individual plot, and it appears that Plots 1-8, which are separated from the northern group of plots by the double ditches 53 and 16, may have formed a unit on their own. The northern plots 9-11 are also convincing as a unit as, in the later phase, they are bounded on the southern and western sides by continuous ditch 127. To the north, a trackway separated these plots from the small enclosure in Trench 28, but the pattern of plots dies out in this area. The more fragmentary ditches from the southern part of Trench 29 form no clear pattern, but it seems likely that there was another group of plots here separated from those to the north. The distribution of pottery (Fig 8.5) shows that occupation here was just as intensive as it was to the north. Some interpretations of the functions of plots and boundary elements are offered below.

It is interesting to observe that the southern boundary ditch shows the opposite sequence, the recut 254 being inside of the earlier ditch 1061, emphasising some sort of deliberate distinction from the western boundary. It is possible that there was indeed a gap here, as the plan of the ditches suggests, with a staggered corner access to Plot 2. On the whole, however, the difficulty of determining the pattern of the three dimensional settlement makes a detailed analysis of entranceways and the interconnectedness of plots rather too speculative to be useful. Possible Structures No definite structures were recognised although irregular groups of postholes and gullies, short alignments of postholes, and also some short lengths of angular gully, may relate to structures. It is difficult to arrive at a convincing interpretation of the superstructure from these sorts of ground plans, but the bare evidence seems worth presenting as it is. While there has been much detailed presentation and interpretation of building plans for more clearly rectangular post, post-in trench and trench-built construction (Losco-Bradley & Kinsley 2002; Beresford 1987; Rahtz et al 1982), a glance at the plan of any Middle Saxon settlement shows innumerable groups and alignments of postholes and other small features often lacking any explicit explanation. It seems that, assuming these features to be real ones, there were more small structures than is often acknowledged.

Boundary ditches The boundary ditches were characteristically shallow and often no more than 0.20m deep from the stripped surface. They tended to be between 0.5 and 1.0m wide. Their sinuous nature and lack of sharp changes of direction are typical of ditches of this period. Their depths were also inconsistent, and the intermittent nature of the smaller ones is due to vertical truncation rather than evidence of

The evidence of structures on this site is slightly different 126

DISCUSSION

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© Crown copyright. All rights reserved Northamptonshire County Council: Licence No. 100019331. Published 2007.

Fig 8.5: Distribution of Middle Saxon pottery to that from the Ashwell site (Mortimer et al, op cit) where the structures from the Middle Saxon phase were recognised exclusively from posthole alignments, although some had external drainage features. It remains unclear how many of these were domestic buildings. Although most were about 8m long and 3-5m wide, which is well within the size range of domestic buildings (Mortimer et al, op cit, 121-2), it must be admitted that classifying a structure as domestic or non-domestic is little more than guesswork in the present state of knowledge of this period. It is not clear, for instance, how much emphasis should be placed upon size, as opposed to other factors such as location, boundaries, finds density or type, or the relationships to other structures and features. Structure 1 (Fig 4.17), comprising approximate alignments

of five postholes in one direction and four at right-angles may be an example of a hall of a ‘standard’ type, with the northern end-wall and western side-wall having been removed by a furrow. The overall size of 9m long by 4m wide would be quite typical for this type of building. Alternatively, they could have been two alignments of fence posts. The surviving posthole depths are shallow but, as Dixon has pointed out posts linked in a wall, and even more so those in a structure, are more secure than posts that need to be free-standing, and deep wall postholes are not as necessary as is often claimed (Dixon 2002). The posthole sizes, generally 0.3-0.4m across and 0.1-0.2m deep, are similar to those from structures at other plough-truncated sites such as Catholme (LoscoBradley & Kinsley 2002) and Yarnton (Hey 2004). The truncation of the site by furrows, which was most severe 127

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

in the southern part of Trench 29 suggests that structures might have been more common than the surviving evidence indicates. From this part of the site, in ditch 476, came the only sceatta and composite bone comb fragment recovered in the excavations, and from a little further south a stylus or parchment pricker was retrieved from a furrow, perhaps suggesting that this was an area of residence.

probably succeeded the other. The straight section of ditch 845 was probably dug in relation to the wall of one or other of the structures here. The groups of postholes and other small features identified as Structures 3, 4, 7, 9 and 12 provide no real patterns to enable an assessment of the form of the structure. These feature groups could accommodate rectangular structures 3-4m wide and 6-8m long, except Structure 4 which seems more likely to have been circular or partly so. A circular Middle Saxon structure, about 8m in diameter, has tentatively been identified at Yarnton (Hey 2004, 112 & fig 6.9, structure B 3624), but the form is generally rare.

Five possible structures were defined by little more than two arms of short gully which are interpreted as forming the corner of a rectangular building. This type of structure does not seem to have been commonly recorded elsewhere. A similar example from Yarnton, given a late Saxon date, comprised two short lengths of beam-slot set at right-angles but not joining at the corner (Hey 2004, fig 8.5, B5036). This was presumably a small ancillary structure. In this instance it is not clear why only two of the walls had gullies to hold the foundation beams, but it is possible that the other beam slots had been completely lost to ploughing, or that due to the slope of the ground or the timber available for building, the other beams did not need to be as deeply set. Small structures about 4m long or wide showing only two earth-fast sides were recorded at Cottenham (Mortimer 2001, 11). These appear to have been constructed using a combination of beam slots and timber uprights and were interpreted as outbuildings. At Catholme several short lengths of angular gully are shown but tend to be interpreted as partial enclosures, either ditched or fenced with post-in-fence construction (Losco-Bradley & Kinsley 2002, fig 3.97 eg features D15, D45, D2/F2) and there are several examples of posthole constructions of similar size.

Pits There were about forty pits dated to the Middle Saxon period excluding the well 173 which is discussed later. This figure excludes a large number of generally shallow pits and scoops which are undated but which may also be of this period. The pits were of a variety of forms and sizes and did not fall into distinctive types. Some were very shallow, four possibly postholes, although not part of recognisable structures, and only seven reached a depth of 1.0m. Very few contained material which indicated their function, most having been backfilled with general debris. There were no deep cylindrical pits which are often classified as storage or rubbish pits on medieval urban sites. Evidence for cess pits Pit 17, towards the northern edge of Plot 7 (Ph1), contained what is interpreted as a primary deposit of faecal waste in the lower fill (Carruthers, Chapter 7, sample 55, context 772). The remains included mineralised straw and cereal bran and masticated eel vertebrae. This suggests that the pit was used directly as a latrine, or secondarily as a cess pit. The pit fills themselves did not show the green staining associated with cess, although they were unusual, for this site, in their complexity which suggests that they were dug out from time to time, perhaps to recover manure (Fig 4.4, S408). There is nothing in the form of the pit itself which suggests this purpose and it does not correspond to a type with flanking postholes found at Catholme and elsewhere (Losco-Bradley 2002, 36-9).

The evidence for Structure 2 comprised no more than an angled gully (Fig 4.18). This is likely to have been an eaves drip feature around two walls of a rectangular building, rather than trench-constructed wall lines as there was no evidence that it held posts or a beam. It is not possible to be sure of this. An advantage of the eaves drip interpretation is that it avoids having to account for the absence of the other two sides of the structure. The gully could have accommodated a structure about 8m long by 3m wide or slightly larger. To the south the associated straight ditch 161 more or less completes a division of this plot. It is possible that ditch 161 marked the line of a fence, but again there was no evidence of this. Fenced boundaries of post-in-trench construction were common at Catholme, often extending from the corner of a building, linking a building to a boundary ditch, or linking boundary ditches (Losco-Bradley and Kinsley 2002, 29 & fig 3.97). Ditches 165 and 166 may also have marked fence lines, quite possibly with the purpose of restricting access to the well 173, which may have existed in both phases.

Faecal material was probably present in the top fill of pit 1053 in Plot 3 (Carruthers, Chapter 7, sample 16, context 902) where mineralised straw and a masticated eel vertebra were recovered. Pit 1053 itself was c1.4m deep but, unlike pit 17, relatively narrow, and mostly filled with a single homogeneous silt-clay. Its purpose is unknown. The upper fill is likely to represent a dump of waste, either in the top of the feature or in a small pit, perhaps cut to receive it, but it is not impossible that the hollow was used as a latrine. Many of the ‘green stained’ pits at Catholme, including the type with the flanking postholes, were only 0.2-0.3m deep. It seems that latrine pits were not required to be deep at this time, and deep pits might indeed have been inconvenient if the waste was to be recovered.

Structures 5 and 6 (Figs 4.21-4.22) were similar in form and size to Structure 2 and invite a similar interpretation. Gully 12 of Structure 10 was shorter and may have marked the end wall of an east-west structure about 3m wide. The interpretation of Structure 11 is more problematic (Fig 4.25). Gully 1745, with its sharp V-shaped profile is arguably a short length of wall or fence and gully 1710 had the profile of a beam slot, albeit not quite a straight one. Although there was no visible relationship between them they do not make sense in the same phase and one

A masticated eel bone also came from the main fill of pit 1897 (Plot 8, Ph1), although there was nothing else 128

DISCUSSION

to suggest the presence of faecal material (Carruthers, Chapter 7, sample 55, context 1900). The remains seem likely to represent a mixture of secondary refuse. This was a moderately large pit, oval in shape, with almost vertical sides and a flat base. This form does not readily suggest itself as a latrine or cess pit, although there is a danger of assuming that pits for this purpose would have conformed to particular morphological types. Other large sub-circular pits Most of the large pits were similar in form to pit 17, 1.52.8m in diameter and 1.0-1.5m deep with moderately sloping sides and relatively narrow bases (35/9, 28/282, 652, 1021, 210, 1816). Pit 1825 was slightly shallower with a flatter base. They all had fairly homogeneous fills. Some may have been wells but if so were significantly shallower than the single feature interpreted as a well 173 and it is not certain that any would have reached the permanent watertable. The snails of permanent freshwater Planorbis carinatus and Gyraulus albus occurred only in the well (Allen, this report). Similarly, there is no evidence that they were flax-retting pits, which are present on some Saxon sites although not necessarily within the settlement. There was just a slight presence of flax in the charred remains from the well. Large oval pits There were a small number of shallower oval pits, about 0.4-0.5m deep (1897, 1902, 1843, 18, 28/317). Pit 1897 has been mentioned above and this was relatively narrow example. Nearby, pit 1902 was rather larger and had shallower sides, but it may have been a replacement for pit 1897 when gully 1898 put the latter out of use (Fig 4.5). There is no real suggestion that these form a class of pit and they may have been dug for different reasons. They do not seem to belong to the type of boat-shaped pit identified by Mortimer as a distinct early/middle Saxon feature, with the interesting suggestion that they were used to house pigs as a fattening pen (Mortimer et al 2005, 125). Pit 1902, which was 2.6m by 1.9m by 0.38m, was perhaps closest to the standard size of this feature although its sides were not steep as they are in the boat-shaped type. As the feature was half sectioned, rather than quartered or emptied, it is not possible to be sure that the pit did not have a shallower entrance at its north-western end. The profile of pit 1897 was steeper, although the feature was a much narrower one. The later cutting of gully 1898 along its length actually made it difficult to determine the pit’s true length and profile and an ‘entrance’ at the southern end cannot be ruled out.

pit, although any fire they might have contained was evidently not fierce enough to scorch the surrounding earth. Distribution of pits The pits were mainly in the central group of plots, with fewer in the northern and southern areas. Most were distributed around the edges of the plots, frequently cutting or being cut by enclosure ditches and gullies (Fig 8.6). It is possible that some were dug as water sumps to aid drainage, but many seem too shallow for this purpose (eg 207, 1603, 1843), while others were dug before the ditches were (eg 17, 1327, 1897, 28/282). It is perhaps more likely that they were positioned so as not to inconvenience movement and activity around the plots. A similar peripheral distribution was noted in the Ashwell site from the Saxon period onward (Mortimer 2005, 127), but it does not seem to be a feature of less densely occupied settlements. Well The single feature interpreted as well 173 was significantly deeper (c2.5m) than the pits discussed above. There was no trace of a lining and, since the lower deposits retained some waterlogged organic material, albeit highly degraded, it seems that traces would have been detectable had a wooden lining been present. The tapering form of the cut perhaps would not lend itself to lining, although wells of this period, even of a more cylindrical form, were apparently not always lined such as on the Ashwell site and at Yarnton in Oxfordshire. The shortage of other apparently suitable water sources nearby and the location of the well within the plots, rather than at the periphery, suggest that the well was for human use. Its enclosed position in fact suggests that animals might have been deliberately kept away from it. Its apparent ‘accessibility’ from Plot 7 to the north has been mentioned above, and suggests that it could have been used by people who controlled or who otherwise had access to the southern group of plots, but perhaps not by people in Plots 9-11 and further north, nor those to the south. Whether there were other wells available in these areas is not possible to say. Mortimer (2005, 128-9) has commented on the shortage of wells in the Ashwell site in the Middle Saxon period, when there seems to have been just one, compared with later on when they proliferated. It is unclear whether this meant that there were other water sources used, or that water supply was a more communal resource in the earlier period than it later became.

Small pits with burnt deposits

Environment and economy

The two pits, 786 and 52 (Figs 4.10 and 4.21), containing notable amounts of burnt debris did not show in situ burning and were probably not fire-pits or charcoal pits such as have been identified at Catholme as a distinct type probably associated with cooking (Losco-Bradley and Kinsley 2002, 32-36). The lumps of fired clay in pits 786 and 52 must have derived from elsewhere. Although of different sizes, the pits were of similar form, being oval in shape with a length:breadth ratio of 2:1 and about 0.3m deep and it is possible that were some type of fire-

Like the Iron Age settlement, the Middle Saxon settlement took place in an environment of damp grassland, where water in ditches and pools was commonplace. There are suggestions, from the rather fewer aquatic snails present that the ground was drier than it was in the Iron Age, and the shortage of shade-loving species suggests that the grass may have been shorter (Allen, Chapter 6). It had perhaps become a more managed landscape. Barley was the dominant crop found in the charred 129

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Fig 8.6: Middle Saxon pits remains, while free-threshing wheat was also present, and oats and rye in smaller quantities. It has been argued that barley was a fodder crop (Carruthers, Chapter 7), although it could also have been for human consumption. The characteristic shortage of charred cereals on Saxon sites, which may be due to the way in which cereal processing was carried out, makes direct comparisons with earlier assemblages problematic and it is difficult to assess the relative importance of arable cultivation. However, the evidence would be consistent with a strong pastoral component to the economy. The associated dampground weeds, such as sedge and spike-rush and bur-reed, perhaps came from hay grown in damp meadows. The greater presence of wheat in the charred assemblage from the Ashwell site (Mortimer et al 2005, 131) may indicate a greater arable emphasis here in the southern part of the

settlement. Regardless of where the crops were grown, quernstones indicate that flour was produced on site. Most of the querns were of lava, but there was also one of Millstone Grit, both types of stone indicating the range of contact which the settlement had. Sheep were the most common domestic animal although cattle probably provided most of the animal-based protein. As in the Iron Age, cattle were slaughtered at a young age (before about 4 years) with few surviving to skeletal maturity (Fig 6.3). Sheep were slaughtered at an older age than they had been in the Iron Age, perhaps suggesting that milk and wool were exploited to a greater extent, as well as meat. There is no indication of specialisation, however, and it is worth mentioning that this absence of organisation towards particular 130

DISCUSSION

production or consumption contrasts with other Middle Saxon sites in East Anglia, such as Wicken Bonhunt with its concentration on pig breeding and pork production (Crabtree 1996). It is, however, worth noting that, had they been rearing sheep or cattle for supplying meat elsewhere, the animals would probably have been driven to the point of consumption before slaughter. This was the case at Ludenwic, where there was evidence of slaughtering despite there being little evidence of rearing domestic animals in the wic (Blinkhorn pers comm). Pigs, chickens and some birds were more important than they had been in the Iron Age, while fish appear to have become significant for the first time. The fish, including eel, were all freshwater species, and would have been available locally. While the presence of eel is not remarkable in itself, its archaeological context provides a tangible link to the origin of both the name and the place ‘Ely’, first recorded by Bede in c730 with his comment on the plentiful supply of eels in this region. There is also the occasional presence of bean, hazelnut, sloe, plum and apple, perhaps indicating a more varied diet than in the Iron Age. The range of domestic animals and subsistence activities perhaps gives a clue as to why the settlement needed to be demarcated with plots and subdivisions to the extent that it was. Craft activities appear to have included many of the stages of woollen textile manufacture. There was a heckle tooth for carding wool or other fibres, spindle whorls for spinning the thread, and bone pin beaters and fired clay loomweights used in weaving. Equipment for textile manufacture is so common on Early and Middle Saxon sites the artefacts themselves call for little comment. Weaving was a key domestic activity during the period, and it is likely that almost all fabrics were manufactured within the settlement from materials produced on the site. A steady supply of wool would have been a valuable domestic resource and many of the sheep were well matured before their deaths. However, the extent and distribution of textile manufacturing artefacts casts some doubt on the scale of production. Textiles were likely to have been manufactured to provide for the needs of inhabitants, a larger scale would be needed to produce a surplus for trade. Whilst the rearing of sheep was clearly undertaken, the lack of evidence for specialisation in sheep rearing adds weight to this view. There was sufficient open pasture around the settlement and shearing may not necessarily have been a corralled activity. Spinning and weaving certainly took place upon the settlement, although the quantity of looms may have been low. Cleaning, fulling and stretching processes would have required tenters and racks, for which there are ample small groups of postholes and pits for storing urine. None of these can be firmly attributed to textile manufacture. More unusually, it seems likely that iron smelting was undertaken somewhere close to the site during the Middle Saxon occupation. Bloomery smelting slag and furnace lining were found in small quantities in features of this period (McDonnell and Mack, Chapter 5) although no furnaces were found and it is not clear where they lay. Notwithstanding the suggestion that the slags may have been redeposited from the Iron Age settlement (ibid), it is clear that more smelting and furnace-lining slags came from Middle Saxon features than from Iron Age

ones (Table 5.10). It seems unlikely that this was due to redeposition, which was not a major factor with regard to the Iron Age pottery (54 sherds, 471g, or 2-3% of the assemblage). Moreover the distribution of slag shows that some came from well away from the focus of Iron Age settlement (Fig 8.3). There was no particular indication of smithing, but it is possible that this was also carried out. There was evidence of a low level of iron smithing from the Ashwell site, but this may have been from the later Saxon phases. The scale and organisation of iron production and manufacture is not generally known for the Middle Saxon period. Most settlement evidence seems to indicate that, where it occurred, iron production was on a small-scale and did not produce a great deal of debris. Smithing followed a similar pattern, although the two activities need not have taken place together. Iron smelting slag was recovered from the settlement at Catholme, again not from primary contexts and without indication of furnaces. Most of the slag came from a boundary ditch where it had apparently been dumped to form a causeway (Brown 2002, 113) so this need not give any indication of the location of the furnace. Smithing slag was also recovered, mainly from within the settlement (ibid fig 3.96), again in small quantities and without indications of hearths. The late Saxon smithy at Yarnton had crude settling of burnt stones which may have been a hearth and a relatively small quantity of slag (Hey 2004, 167172). It seems to have been located a little away from the settlement (Hey 2004, fig 8.1). There was no smelting slag from this site. It is possible that sites of ‘higher’ status such as Flixborough (Loveluck & Dobney 1998) show a greater intensity of iron production along with the more abundant evidence for other crafts, trade and consumption. Traded objects were not common at West Fen Road, except for the pottery manufactured in the Ipswich area (Blinkhorn, Chapter 5). The assemblage of over 400 sherds is large in national terms and typical in its range of forms, which are quite limited, mainly comprising small jars. The smaller collection of hand-made wares may have been produced locally, but the dominance of Ipswich ware indicates that local production was not a significant activity, as elsewhere in East Anglia the Ipswich ware in effect being the ‘local’ ware rather than an exotic one (ibid). There were no imports of continental pottery, such as have been found at settlements such as Staunch Meadow Brandon, North Elmham and Flixborough, and the coastal trade centres such as Ipswich and Hamwic, continental imports being limited to the lava querns already mentioned. The lack of coinage, limited to one sceatta from this site and another from the Ashwell site, perhaps indicates a low level of trade. It is pertinent to point out that imported North French Blackware pottery has been discovered at Lady Chapel in the centre of Ely (Regan 2001; Blinkhorn forthcoming b), and it is apparent that the scarcity of imports at West Fen Road is a consequence of the site’s status rather than its physical isolation from wider trade networks. Exotic items were limited to certain sorts of things. The wider context With the exception of a few small sherds of possible 131

IRON AGE AND MIDDLE SAXON SETTLEMENTS AT WEST FEN ROAD, ELY, CAMBRIDGESHIRE: THE CONSORTIUM SITE

contemporary or earlier handmade material, the larger part of the pottery assemblage comprised Ipswich ware and indicated strongly that there was no earlier Saxon occupation on the site. As a relatively low status settlement in comparison to that at the Lady Chapel excavation near to the cathedral, West Fen Road was likely to have lain within the East Anglian sphere of influence. In comparison with mainland sites, 10-12km to the south-west at Cottenham, Oakington and Willingham, the absence of local handmade wares at West Fen Road was a specific peculiarity that merits future study.

characteristics to the site, but it is difficult to know how these should be defined. It is clear from indisputably urban centre at Hamwic that production in this period was not organised any differently from that of a village, crafts and other activities were not confined to specific areas (Brisbane 1988, 104; Birbeck 2005, 201). Mortimer et al (2005, 148) have suggested that the West Fen Road may have been a minor urban centre, having something of an amalgamation of rural and urban characteristics, a form which may have been more typical of the settlement pattern than has hitherto been appreciated from traditional classifications.

The sudden and complete demise of the Middle Saxon settlement north of West Fen Road around the middle of the 9th century is remarkable. The change of settlement pattern at about this time has been noted frequently and often explained as being a consequence of Viking disruptions, or within the framework of a general, usually ecclesiastically inspired, reorganisation of settlement towards nucleated villages. Were it not for the continuing, extraordinarily long-lived settlement in the Ashwell site it would have been assumed that the settlement had moved elsewhere, but the picture perhaps shows a more modest reorganisation of land within a more stable setting. This could indicate a change in the balance of land holding and ownership. While there is the possibility that there was some disruption to settlement in the Ashwell site, not detectable within the overall complexity of the sequence this was not an event of major significance (Mortimer pers comm). Nonetheless, it is worth examining why settlement to the north of the road should have ended when it did and what this tells us about the possible dynamics of settlement here.

The reorganisation of West Fen Road settlement around the mid-9th century may also have been linked to the fortunes of the monastery, which is alleged to have been destroyed by the Danes in 870. Religious life was apparently maintained thereafter by a college of priests, until the refounding of the monastery as a Benedictine abbey by Bishop Ethelwold in 970. It is uncertain how this hiatus would have affected settlement on the island. If West Fen Road lay under the direct control of the monastery it would be fair to suppose that its economic purpose would have been eliminated by the loss of central authority and a general recession of population recession followed economic breakdown as occupants sought a livelihood elsewhere. However, what appeared to have happened was the complete abandonment of one area and the apparent uninterrupted continuation of activities in another, suggesting that any change in ownership or management practice had not radically altered the overall level of control exercised on the land. The political changes in England at this time rarely have a demonstrable corollary in the archaeological record. The site at Catholme is an example which apparently passed through British, Anglo-Saxon and Danish overlordship without any indication of changes in the character of settlement or the material culture of its inhabitants (Hamerow 2002, 128-9). Other sites, such as West Heslerton and Riby Crossroads were abandoned in the 9th century, perhaps as a consequence of the establishment of Danelaw in this part of the country, although the precise reasons or mechanisms of this change are not apparent. At West Fen Road it is possible to suggest that a reorganisation of landholding and a lessening of demand for agricultural produce were a specific response to these political changes affecting the fortunes of the monastery, and therefore reflect the site’s importance in the political landscape of the period.

Although the site was not ‘productive’ in artefactual terms, there seems little doubt that it would have had ties with the monastic centre at Ely. The most obvious context for its founding in the early 8th century would have been to provide food for the monastery, said to have been founded by Etheldreda in 673. The site of this first monastery has not been positively identified, but it likely to have lain toward the high point of the island where Middle Saxon finds have consistently been made. There is also a case for arguing that West Fen Road was part of a planned monastic complex, its orderly arrangement of plots being unusual for rural settlements of this period. It is even possible that it had an urban appearance with a gridded layout, but this is uncertain on current evidence. The finds themselves do not suggest any urban

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