Female Education and Mission: A Burkina Faso Experience (Regnum Studies in Mission) 1506475728, 9781506475721

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Female Education and Mission A Burkina Faso Experience

Philippe Ouedraogo Foreword by Tertius Zongo Prime Minister, Burkina Faso

REGNUM STUDIES IN MISSION

Female Education and Mission A Burkina Faso Experience

Series Preface Regnum Studies in Mission are born from the lived experience of Christians and Christian communities in mission, especially but not solely in the fast growing churches among the poor of the world. These churches have more to tell than stories of growth. They are making significant impacts on their cultures in the cause of Christ. They are producing ‘cultural products’ which express the reality of Christian faith, hope and love in their societies. Regnum Studies in Mission are the fruit often of rigorous research to the highest international standards and always of authentic Christian engagement in the transformation of people and societies. And these are for the world. The formation of Christian theology, missiology and practice in the twenty-first century will depend to a great extent on the active participation of growing churches contributing biblical and culturally appropriate expressions of Christian practice to inform World Christianity.

Series Editors Julie C. Ma Wonsuk Ma Doug Petersen Terence Ranger C.B. Samuel Chris Sugden

Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, Oxford, UK Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, Oxford, UK Vanguard University, Costa Mesa, CA, USA University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Emmanuel Hospital Association, Delhi, India Anglican Mainstream, Oxford, UK

A full listing of titles in this series appears at the end of this book

REGNUM STUDIES IN MISSION

Female Education and Mission A Burkina Faso Experience

Philippe Ouedraogo

Copyright © Philippe Ouedraogo 2014 First published 2014 by Regnum Books International Regnum is an imprint of the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies St. Philip and St. James Church Woodstock Road Oxford, OX2 6HR, UK www.ocms.ac.uk/regnum 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The right of Philippe Ouedraogo to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher or a license permitting restricted copying. In the UK such licenses are issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1P 9HE.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-506475-72-1 Typeset by Words by Design Cover design by Words by Design

The publication of this title is made possible through the generous financial assistance of The Commission on Theological Education of Evangelisches Missionswerk in Deutschland (EMW, Dr Verena Grüter), Hamburg, Germany Distributed by 1517 Media in the US and Canada

I dedicate this work first to God. Through the saving grace of my Lord Jesus Christ, and the enabling of the Holy Spirit, that made it possible for this miracle to happen. God’s grace followed me all the way through and I worship Him for granting me life and energy to accomplish this work for His own glory. God used my wife Josephine, our children Daniel, Muriel and Stéphane to support me in prayer, love, time and finances. The family’s sacrificial giving allowed us together to be vessels for God to use to produce this book.

Contents

Acknowledgements Forewords Chapter 1 Introduction What is the Level of Female Education in Burkina Faso? Why I Embarked upon this Research Research Methodology Primary Sources The Layout of Chapters Conclusion Chapter 2 Burkina Faso: Contextual Background Introduction The Country The Role of Missions in Evangelizing West Africa/ Burkina Faso During the Colonial Era Colonial Legacy in Education The Phelps-Stokes Commission The Obstacles that Came from Colonization Evangelical Churches and Education The Case of the Assemblies of God Church Conclusion Chapter 3 The Importance of Girls’ Education for Development Introduction The Historical Context of Educational Development Educational Theories The Contribution of Civil Societies to Female Education Education: Core Values and Biblical Principles The Theory of Cha(i)nge: An Integrated Development Intervention of Woord en Daad and Partners Organizations Woord en Daad and Partner Organizations Theory: Nairobi 2009 Current Global Thinking on Female Education

xi xiii

1 2 3 9 17 21 23

25 25 25 29 31 32 37 42 44 50

53 53 53 56 58 59 61 62 62

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The Use and Misuse of National Languages in Education The Place of Burkina Faso’s Economy and Education in Overall Francophone and Anglophone West Africa Religion, Education and Development Bilateral and Multilateral Institutions on Girls’ and Women’s Education Conclusion Chapter 4 The Education System and its Development in Burkina Faso Introduction Organization of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy The Education Orientation Law of Burkina Faso The First Private Schools in Burkina Faso The Case of the Centre Region Opinions from Educationalists Conclusion Chapter 5 Identifying and Overcoming Obstacles to Female Education in Burkina Faso Introduction Cultural/Religious and Traditional Factors The Role of Islam in Female Education in Burkina Faso Financial and Socio-Economic Constraints Lack of Awareness by Some Churches of the Benefits of Educating Girls Geographical Constraints Conclusion Chapter 6 Data from Government, Professionals and Parents Introduction School Effectiveness: Schools’ Results: primary Certificate School Results: Entry at the Secondary Level (6ème) The Impact of Evangelical Schools in the Private Basic Education and Literacy Department Realities of Private Education from an Insider at the Centre Region AEAD Distinctiveness Results from the Rural North What is the ANTBA’s Contribution to Girls’ and Women’s Education? Conclusion

68 73 78 79 90

91 91 91 93 103 105 109 110

111 111 111 123 127 129 134 134

137 137 137 138 139 140 149 161 165 167

Contents

Chapter 7 Analysis and Interpretation of the Research Data Introduction The State of Education in Burkina Faso Overcoming the Obstacles of One’s Identity Overcoming Bad Behaviour Through Education Overcoming Socio-Economic Poverty Overcoming Inferiority Complexes Overcoming a Meaningless Life Overcoming Obstacles in Church Leadership The Limitations of the Church and Christian NGOs in Female Education Conclusion Chapter 8 Partnership: A Way Forward to Overcome Obstacles to Female Education in Burkina Faso Introduction An Earlier Example of Partnership with the State: The Case of Loumbila Young Girls’ College Local Partnerships Partnerships with Provincial and Regional Education Authorities Originality of Girls’ Education in Zondoma Province of Burkina Faso Partnership with Similar Organizations in Country Partnership at the National Level Genuine and Flexible International Partnerships Required to Increase Girls’ and Women’s Access to Education A Global Partnership in Favour of Female Education Conditionality in Partnerships Conclusion Chapter 9 Conclusion Introduction The Historical Background An Engagement with the Literature on the Importance of Female Education for Development Analysis of Gender, Socio-Economic and Cultural Obstacles Unique Contribution to Knowledge from Burkina Faso Evidence-Based Results from the Evangelical Schools in Burkina Faso Peaceful Relations between Faith Communities in the area of Education

ix

169 169 170 171 174 175 177 183 185 189 195

197 197 198 199 200 203 205 209 210 211 216 217

219 219 219 221 223 224 226 227

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Burkina Faso’s Government’s Attitude to Evangelical Educational Programmes Further Partnership for Female Education What Have I Learned through the Process? Appendix 1: Questionnaire Appendix 2: MEBA Organigramme Bibliography

228 229 231 237 239 241

Acknowledgements

I am thankful to God who used different people and circumstances to work together to produce this book. I am thankful to my father Tindaogo; although having no formal education, he had the fear of God in his heart and modelled Biblical values such as stewardship. He took me on his bicycle to find a school in the towns of Gourcy and Ouahigouya. He cycled over 150 kilometres twice to and from Ouagadougou trying to find a place in a secondary school, but this long trip was not successful. The Boulmiougou Assemblies of God church in Ouagadougou that we planted supports us with prayer, finances and care. Pastor Joèl Ouédraogo consented to coordinate my programme, while Job Bamogo managed the administration, and together with the leadership team released me to pursue the research. The Evangelical Association in Support of Development (AEAD) was one of the case studies among the Christian NGOs examined. I am grateful to the following people who collected and supplied the primary sources. Jean Yewa, Dramane, Martin, Oswald Lucien to name only a few. Ma Fati, Antoinette, Jokébed, William, Rasmata, Rosalie, Innocent, Moussa and Rachel were among the interviewees. The Regional Council of Assemblies of God, Ouagadougou, recommended my application to the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies (OCMS). I thank Pastor Michel Ouédraogo and his colleagues. The leaders of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Mission (FEME) were very open in providing the primary sources that I refer to in the work. I thank everyone who helped gather the primary sources. The Provincial Director of Education and Literacy (DEPBA) of Zondoma together with all his Inspectors and Literacy Department assisted us in drafting the resources for the innovation for the Speed School and with technical support to enrol the pupils in nearby schools. This was possible through a technical and financial partnership with the Stromme Foundation, the Association Nationale pour la Traduction de la Bible et l’Alphabétisation (ANTBA), the Association Chrétienne Tous Pour la Solidarité (ACTS). Thanks to all who willingly, in different walks in life in Burkina Faso, consented to tell their life story to the whole world. Government officials were welcoming and trusted me with information that allowed me to carry out the research. I thank the members of the Network of Christian Organizations (ROC) of which ANTBA, ACTS and the Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD) are members and were among the main case studies. Thanks to the Alliance of Evangelical

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Schools in Burkina Faso (AESEB) for their commitment to increase access and quality to education for girls. I am grateful to the Minister Delegate of Literacy and Non-formal education, Ousséni Tamboura, who believed in our contribution to the education system, and who introduced us to Odile Bonkoungou, the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy, who recommended AEAD, ANTBA and ACTS. I am grateful to Sanou Bernadette Dao, Head Officer of Private and Education Innovation and Training; Sédégo François de Paul, Head Officer of Private Basic Education at the Ministry, and Windiga Philippe, Deputy Officer at the Head Office of Private Education at Secondary and Higher level (DEPv), who spoke on behalf of the government in this thesis. Finally, The Prime Minister, His Excellency Tertius Zongo, who, in the company of the Secretary General of the Stromme Foundation, officially launched our innovation of the Speed School in Burkina Faso on 7 December 2007 and thanked us for our contribution to education, especially for girls and women in Burkina Faso. On behalf of the girls and women, boys and men in Burkina Faso I acknowledge all those who will use this information to bring about a qualitative change in the land where people with dignity need life in its fullness. For this reason, I am immensely thankful to Evangelisches Missionswerk in Deutschland Hamburg, Germany for making this publication possible through their generous financial support, so that our experience can be a source of encouragement to many other countries.

Forewords

Overcoming obstacles to female education in Burkina Faso is a key component in the socio-economic development of the country. Rev Dr Philippe Ouedraogo’s quantitative and qualitative based research is an invaluable insight into this topic. His findings fill some of the gaps in the research already undertaken and shows how important has been, and still is, the role played by the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs in improving the lives of women in Burkina Faso. Such work is essential to our national priorities in seeking to meet the Millennium Development Goals and also to improving Burkina Faso’s ranking in the World Development Indicators. This unique contribution, based on actual results, points to the root causes of, and possible solutions to, the problems facing female education in Burkina Faso and in the developing world generally. The particularity of Ouedraogo’s contribution to the debate is that it is independent and it adds insights into the existing research undertaken by both government and international agencies. Through narrative and case study research methods Ouedraogo has captured the life stories of women, girls, parents, head teachers, as well as government officials as told by themselves. These empirical findings came as a result of a rigorous theoretical framework and have set up examples for others to build upon. Burkina Faso’s case is a model for the rest of the world on how Evangelical Churches and Christian NGOs have shown innovative ways to improve female education. Such contributions have positively influenced our government’s policies on education, such as the introduction of the Speed Schools in 2006. The quality difference shown in this work supports the claims that the Evangelical Churches’ contribution to education is not only gender balanced and includes the use of national languages but it results in their schools continually dominating in the national examination league tables. I have found Ouedraogo’s work insightful but it also demonstrates a solid academic study across three languages and different cultures. I trust that the educational actors in Burkina Faso and beyond, students, teachers, administrators, government officials and other partners in socio-economic development, will find this work a valuable and useful reference tool. Tertius ZONGO, Prime Minister of Burkina Faso.

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Since the beginning of the 1990s there has been recognition that improving the education of both girls and women in the developing countries of the world is essential for the socio-economic development of these countries. Not only does female literacy lead to improved healthcare, better family life expectancy, improved motivation in employment but it also leads to greater confidence amongst women who are more likely to become involved in the political decision making processes, either locally or nationally. That is why targets for girls' enrolment in schools and improvements in female literacy have become key aspects of the UN’s Millennium Development Goals by 2015. It is also why this research by Ouedraogo into the obstacles preventing girls accessing education in Burkina Faso, and how these obstacles can be, and are being, overcome is so important. Too little is known about Burkina Faso in the outside world and yet amazing things are happening in this small West African country, as Ouedraogo shows in this book, It is based on several years of painstaking work, interviewing teachers, students, parents, administrators, government officials into what they perceive are the benefits of female education and exploring how these benefits can be extended to much wider groups of women and girls. It also looks critically at some of the experimental schools that have been developed and shows how these could be replicated elsewhere. Above all it shows the importance of faith based education, in this case Christian from both the Evangelical churches and the Roman Catholic churches. Since these groups have such a widespread influence, especially in the rural areas of developing countries, it is to be hoped that the international aid agencies will consider working with these churches to improve the education of women across Africa. I recommend this fascinating, informative and well researched book as a must for anyone interested in education and development, and especially for those interested in the improvement of female education. Keith Watson, Emeritus Professor of Comparative and International Education, University of Reading, UK Former Vice-Chairman, Commonwealth Education Council

Chapter 1 Introduction

I ran away from a forced marriage and sought refuge at the church for three years. This was before I got married to the man of my choice. Through the church literacy programme I can now read the Bible and Bible studies. After I ran away, the church pleaded my case with my family who accepted me back. Before that I was disowned by my family because I refused to marry the man they had chosen for me. Traditionally this is an offence that needed restoring. (Focus Group, 22 February 2005) My name is Fati Rapademnaaba, wife of the late Pastor Moussa Rapademnaaba, who served in Poa village in the province of Bulkiemdé and at Nagbangé Bible School. When a girl runs away from home because she is persecuted by her family and comes to you, you have to look after her. I started receiving such girls looking for help since we were at Koudougou since 1948. This service has some implications because the parents can come and beat you up. I remember in 1952 we accepted three girls into our home and this brought us many troubles. But later, one girl got married to a Christian business man, the second to a pastor. (Fati, Rapademnaaba, 2004)

These two true testimonies of women introduce this thesis in support of the claim that many obstacles; historical, social, cultural/religious and economic have hindered, and continue to hinder, the development of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. However, Faith-Based Organizations, especially Evangelical ones and particularly Pentecostals like the Assemblies of God, have shown, and are continuing to show, innovative ways to improve girls’ and women’s education in the country. This introduction seeks to explain the rationale, based on evidence at the grassroots level, that highlights the obstacles girls and women face in seeking access to education in Burkina Faso and the role the Evangelical church and other NGOs are playing to overcome them. It will also contribute to the recommendations of the literature that calls for more people to speak out in support of the female cause. The fact that most religious practitioners and leaders are male makes for a powerful image in favour of that sex, and it would be a very helpful move if religious leaders of all faiths and denominations were to speak out strongly in support of the female cause. (Brock and Cammish 1997:3)

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Brock and Cammish are pointing out here the need for religious leaders to speak out in support of girls’ and women’s education. This study uses a qualitative methodology using case studies and interviews, and falls into the category of education and women’s education. This chapter will introduce the overall thesis, define its methodology, refer to the hypothesis, justify areas that need clarification, introduce the main research questions and limitations, and conclude with the layout of the chapters. What is the Level of Female Education in Burkina Faso? Female education is among the lowest in Burkina Faso as in other Sahel region countries. Reports tend to support the view that this situation is true especially of some Francophone West African countries (DFID 1977:28-29) in the Sahel to name only Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali. Among the arguments put forward pointing to some of the causes are the cultural and religious barriers. In almost all countries and communities there is a fundamental cultural bias in favour of males. In those cases in this study where female participation in education was found to be very limited, this factor operated very strongly through decisions about child care, nutrition, physical work, freedom of movement and marriage. (Brock and Cammish 1997:21)

Little has been written to evaluate what role the Evangelical churches have played in overcoming the impact of these obstacles on girls’ and women’s lives in Burkina Faso. Very often evidence is needed to appreciate what kind of role civil society organizations, such as the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs, have played in the lives of girls and women in Burkina Faso. Can we learn from them in case there are any success stories, or join in partnership with them to help the Government’s efforts in those decentralized areas to offer better life opportunities to girls and women? Since Burkina Faso is not widely known, especially in the English-speaking world, an in-depth understanding of the historical and socio-economic context in which girls’ and women’s education has evolved needed to be written and to include their voices in the discourse. Rather than coming from outside, this community-based research shares its own success stories and failures, expressing it through the culture and religious values of the indigenous people. The research was instigated by the Evangelical/Pentecostal church community and NGOs seeking to investigate what impact the church education system has had on the spiritual and socio-economic life of girls and women. Education and faith should not be alien to each other as French colonial secular thinking may suggest. Frost (2010) in a BBC4 interview argued for a Christian response to poverty and injustice. He referred to Parris’ (2008) findings in his

Introduction

3

article entitled: ‘As an atheist, I believe Africa needs God1‘ and supported a spiritual dimension in holistic development with a Christian world view2. Once the contribution of this private sector is analysed and understood, it may be that these People of the Book can become potential partners for promoting quality education for all (EFA). Brock (1993:7) points out that ‘The Jomtien report is unambiguous in its championing of the role of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs), thus the NGOs shall be part of all formal structures for implementation of the EFA at all levels’. Brock and Cammish (1997: vii) continue to assert that ‘the record of NGOs is markedly better, and those governments that enable NGOs to operate in favour of increased female participation are to be commended’. Why I Embarked upon this Research Although much has been written and said about girls’ education in general and in Africa in particular, actually very little, if anything, has hitherto been written by an Evangelical church leader in Burkina Faso at a global knowledge level on the contribution Evangelical churches and NGOs have made to girls’ and women’s education in the Central and Northern regions of Burkina Faso. This thesis comes as a contribution to the literature on female education with insights and innovations in global knowledge. This research focuses on the Assemblies of God because that church has run the largest number of formal schools and was also the first to be planted in the country after the Roman Catholic Church. From 1948 in formal education, and even before then in non-formal education, the Evangelical churches, such as the Assemblies of God, have made their contribution to education in difficult circumstances. The question is did they, from the beginning, have clear education policies or resources to develop these for the benefit of the general public, or did they see education as part of their vocation and therefore as an opportunity for their mission? Such commitment of years of labour, alongside the contribution of other Christian NGOs, needs to be assessed by the people themselves and shared with the global world about the nature, challenges, innovations and results of such educational initiatives. I critically examine correlations that exist between education and faith, religion and gender, culture and socio-economic aspects affecting girls and women in Burkina Faso.

1 Parris, Matthew ‘As an Atheist, I truly Believe that Africa Needs God’ The Times 27 December 2008. 2 Matthew Frost is Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Tearfund UK. He was interviewed on the 3 January 2010 by Ernie Rea on BB4 Radio 4 and discusses with a panel the place of faith in international aid and development to what extent are western aid agencies in danger of imposing secular values on developing countries.

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My own involvement as a stakeholder: advantages and disadvantages DISADVANTAGES

As a practitioner, I belong to the religious community of the milieu and have acted as a local church pastor of Boulmiougou Assemblies of God in Ouagadougou for twenty years, as Executive Director of Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD) for eighteen years, and as Vice President of the AOG church since January 2010. These positions, including my role in the Alliance of Evangelical Schools in Burkina Faso (AESEB), can be interpreted in one way as a disadvantage to this research and as implying a bias. From this embedded position as an insider, I need objectively to face these critics who might argue that I am favouring one particular church denomination or religious group over others. Nevertheless, being an ‘insider’ has its own merits for such investigations. ADVANTAGES

Objectively, as argued by Katherine Marshall (2010), Faith leaders instead of being part of the problem can and should in many instances be part of the solution, especially regarding girls’ and women’s education. She added that ‘Faith institutions are often the major providers of services, including education, a force of continuity and support to communities’. Following on from the argument of Katherine Marshall, who is in a better position to take a critical look at issues such as education, gender, culture and religious influence than a representative of the FBO groups that most scholars agree were part of the initiatives of the first Christian missionaries? Communities and Church leaders are often in the best position to speak out in favour of universal primary Education, gender balance and quality in education. They can act as advocates to keep governments and aid agencies accountable to both donors and beneficiaries. My position as a church and FBO leader means that I can address the holistic dimension of education that should not only look at a secular point of view. In this way the spiritual aspects, changes in behaviour, and quality dimensions are all incorporated. The Burkina Faso government sees the Evangelical church and the Alliance in Education (AESEB), as making positive contributions to education, and recently called us around the table for consultation, discussion and implementation. However, this does not mean that I am less critical in posing questions, or merely take facts at face value. This research is unique in Burkina Faso I have not before or since embarking on my research on girls’ education come across any other independent research project, initiated by an individual in a community, to tackle this important issue at a multidimensional level, namely the impact of the evangelical church in Burkina Faso on girls’ and women’s

Introduction

5

education. Zownal, C (1998) made a heartfelt appeal for the need for such research to reach the level of the global reader in the field of education. Although my central theme is that of overcoming obstacles to girls’ and women’s education, aspects such as gender, culture, history, economy and religious involvement are inevitably seen as part of this. It is hoped, therefore, that this study might help to explain what, and how, women and girls feel about education. These insights from the community should create a more accurate grassroots picture. I argue that the colonial legacy was not in favour of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso and that this still constitutes an obstacle that the church and related organizations, in collaboration with the government, have had to face in reforming and introducing some innovative approaches to design an education programme that meets the real needs of the population. It is only with this context in mind that one can appreciate recent progress in girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso Why is it important? After forty years of political independence from France in 1960, the net primary school enrolment of Burkina Faso (a landlocked country in West Africa) in 2000 was 42 per cent for boys against 29 per cent for girls; 88 per cent of women above fifteen years of age were illiterate (World Bank 2004:322). Only 5 per cent of girls compared with 7 per cent of boys reach the secondary school level (World Bank 1994-95:353). Burkina Faso has strong established communities, chiefly from traditional beliefs, Christian and Islamic backgrounds. Christians in Burkina co-exist peacefully with traditional beliefs and Islam. There are three main religions in the country; these are ancestral worship, Islam and Christianity, of which Islam is the largest religious group. Alongside religion, one should consider people’s values and beliefs. What is the social position of the girl or woman in each of these three religions in Burkina Faso predominately led by males? Are women marginalized by the influences of these religions? Does education influenced by religion help to resolve the gender problems women are facing? What are the main reasons for girls’ low enrolment in school? The population is largely agrarian, surviving on semi-subsistence farming. Both the state, FBOs, the private sector and communities at local levels are focused on improving the lives of the Burkinabè,3 but as stated by the World Bank (2004), 45 per cent of the population in Burkina Faso is living below the poverty line. These situations indicate problems of biased accessibility to education and inequality in meeting basic needs. Sharing the Christian view that humankind was originally created in the image of God,4 the norm or philosophical requirement should be to find reasons for these inequalities 3 4

The citizen of Burkina Faso is called a Burkinabè. The Bible; Genesis 1:26.

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especially in a land where it is claimed that people live with dignity.5 The Burkinabè are conscious of these inequalities in their everyday lives; while at the national level the Government is committed to improving this serious development issue, it is doubtful if it can do it by itself. The Government needs to work with partners. The reformed 2007 Education Orientation Law No 013-2007/AN, article three reads: ‘Education is a national priority’. The government and its partners in the education system are devising new policies, although these policies are facing resource constraints and other social factors like malaria, tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS. However, progress is being made, and the statistics for 200304 showed that gross enrolment at primary school had reached 52 %6 and had reached 72.5% by 2008 (MEBA 2009).7 This rapid growth in school enrolment was criticized by the public, who wondered if it was genuine or only to satisfy political reasons. That growth needs to take into account the attendance per class and the quality of teaching. The Minister of Basic Education in his interview with the Press in April 2004 attested that education partners, such as the European Union, the World Bank, multilateral and bilateral partners, all supported these facts. However, during the field visit partners noticed, and brought to the government’s attention, the fact that some primary school classes have between 140-150 children in them. In one case they discovered over 200 pupils in one class! This brings out other problems that also need critical attention. President Compaoré in his official speech during the seventyfifth anniversary of the Assemblies of God church in Burkina Faso stated that the church is viewed as a partner in development8. Later on his Minister of Basic Education and Literacy reported him as saying that education is the basis of development.9 One could argue that with appropriate basic education people are equipped to make better choices and contribute to the socio-economic development of the country through the modern and non-formal sectors. Therefore, an educational system that meets the real needs of its people should be developed. In the context of private schools parents are requested to make a financial contribution which limits how many children they can afford to send to school. That touches on the economic factors mentioned by Brock and Cammish (1997:3):

5

Burkina Faso comes from two national languages. ‘Burkina’ is a Mooré word meaning ‘dignity’ and ‘Faso’ from the Dioula word for ‘land’, the land where live people with dignity, le pays des hommes intègres. 6 Press interview with Ouédraogo, R. M., in a national newspaper, Observateur Paalga, number 6116 of 6 April 2004. 7 MEBA’s meeting with the school founders on 12 June 2009 in Ouagadougou. 8 Press interview President Blaise Compaoré at AOG Church 75th anniversary December 1996 9 Observateur Paalga number 6116 of 6 April 2004.

Introduction

7

Together with the fundamental socio-cultural bias in favour of males, the economic factor, especially in terms of grinding poverty and hunger, is probably the most influential and adversely affecting female participation in education, especially in rural areas.

This argument was further supported by a study by the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy of Burkina Faso in partnership with the UNDP (MEBA/SNU 2007) where 82. 6% of teachers (Public, Lay and Confessional) ranked this obstacle as the top cause affecting the success or failure in Basic Education. (MEBA: 2007) Although such schools are open to everyone, very poor families, unless children are sponsored, cannot afford to send all the children to private schools. Both the private sector and civil society, including the religious groups, especially the Christian and the Muslim communities, attempt to support the government’s strategic plan. However, looking at the issue of the impact of education, especially on girls in the twenty-first century in the context of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (World Bank: 2003) adopted by all member states in the UN, and from the point of view of a practitioner who is working at the grassroots level among these communities, I am aiming to ascertain the persistent obstacles to girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso, and the contribution of evangelicals toward overcoming them.

Young girls in a literacy class in the north with the coordinator

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Female Education and Mission

What is the goal of this study? This study seeks to assess a qualitative contribution to girls’ and women’s life as the result of the education provided by the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs. Through my chosen research methods, using case studies with a semi-structured open-ended questionnaire, I hope at the end of the process to have some empirical evidence helping to verify the hypothesis cited in this chapter (see page 1). As such the study seeks to examine the place of girls’ and women’s education in the context of Burkina Faso. It reflects on the importance of women in socio-economic development from a study of the literature. It analyses the obstacles facing girls and women in the maledominated society of Burkina Faso. Through a combination of research methods it explores in what ways evangelical churches have led, and continue to lead, the development of female education, and reflects on whether their approach can be generalized to reach more girls and women. What contribution have the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs made to the lives of girls and women in Burkina Faso? Have they affected their spiritual, socio-cultural and economic wellbeing, and have they improved the gender gap and the status of women? Have they helped to create harmonious, prosperous and happier families? The primary and documentary sources available were looked at to examine the role that the Evangelical churches and NGOs are playing in increase girls’ and women’s access to education. The relation between secular development organizations with Faith Based Organizations (FBOs) and the churches was discussed in a recent debate on faith perspectives.10 This thesis argues that a holistic development is compatible with spiritual values. It could be that there are lessons that the South can share with the North in terms of quality education that affects the whole person. This study therefore attempts to make a contribution at a global level, and especially to inform the English-speaking world about innovative approaches coming from faith-based groups and the churches involved in overcoming obstacles to girls’ and women’ education. What is original? I have also outlined educational innovations that bridge non-formal and formal education with the potential to accelerate women’s literacy, thus making some of the MDGs a reality in the near future in Burkina Faso and the Sahel region. In addition to the existing tools, such as formal education and experiences of non-formal education, I am pioneering with other partners in education an innovation known as The Speed School and the Cha(i)nge approach, with the participation of local and national education authorities: an accelerated approach that has been approved by the government of Burkina Faso. These experiments now have the full approval of three countries, namely Burkina 10

For detailed information see the lectures of the Tony Blair Faith Foundation on ‘New perspectives on Faith and Development’ 7 October 2009.

Introduction

9

Faso, Mali, and Niger. The Cha(i)nge approach is also in a development phase both in Burkina Faso and in Benin by Woord en Daad and its Partner Organizations: Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD), Christian Relief and Development Organization (CREDO), Organization pour le Développement Durable, le Renforcement et l’Auto-promotion des Structures communautaires (DEDRAS). Influencing policy at a national level and networking with similar organizations at local and wider levels are strategies that favour girls’ and women’s education. Welcome, then, to the journey that starts at the community level in rural villages in the northern region of Burkina Faso and the capital city of Ouagadougou! Clarification of terms Since the text refers to different types of education, I should clarify how these terms are defined. Female education is the generic term employed. However, the term ‘girls’ and women’s education’ is also used to distinguish the different types and levels of education girls and women receive. According the Orientation Education Law 013-2007AN (Assemblée Nationale) girls’ compulsory education falls in the same category as that of boys between 6-16 years of age. Girls who do not have that opportunity receive non-formal education such as literacy with women, boys and men, the Speed School and skills learning. Women’s education in the non-formal sector is largely through adult literacy leading to socio-economic development. Formal education: Thomas J. La Belle (1975:20) refers to Coombs and Ahmed’s definition as: “…institutionalized, chronologically graded and hierarchically structured educational system, spanning lower primary school and the upper reaches of the university.” Non-formal education is “…any organized, systematic, educational activity carried on outside the framework of the formal system to provide selected types of learning to particular subgroups in the population, adults as well as children.” Informal education is defined as “…the lifelong process by which every person acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills, attitudes and insights from daily experiences and exposure to the environment…” These terms will relate to each other as the survey progresses with an understanding of a holistic approach to education. Research Methodology The research methodology according to Kumar (2008:5) is systematic way of solving the research problem. It is the science of studying how research is done scientifically. It includes all the logic behind the methods used in the research and why other methods and techniques are not used. All these different methods are part of qualitative methodology. Kaplan (1973) in Cohen, Manion

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Female Education and Mission

and Morrison 2000:45) suggests the aim of methodology is to help us to understand, in the broadest possible terms, not the products of scientific inquiry but the process itself. However the numerical information presented in this study was little more than background information from primary sources, making the research more qualitative than quantitative. Research methods The qualitative method is used to collect the data. Mason (1996) analysed it as follows: Qualitative research should involve critical self-scrutiny by the researcher, or active reflexivity. This means that the researcher should constantly take stock of their action and their role in the research process, and subject these to the same critical scrutiny as the rest of their ‘data’. This is based on the belief that a researcher cannot be neutral, or objective, or detached, from the knowledge and evidence they are generating. Instead, they should seek to understand their role in that process. Indeed, the very act of posing difficult questions to oneself in the research process is part of the activity of reflexivity. (Mason: 1996:4)

Mason argues that a qualitative method should be systematically rigorously and strategically conducted. It should produce social explanations to intellectual puzzles. As discussed below the methodology also worked mainly around case studies. It has been defined by Yin (1993:3) as the method of choice when the phenomenon under study is not readily distinguishable from its content. To Cohen and Manion (1995) a case study goes deeper in analysing phenomena intensively with a view to establishing evidence. Unlike the experimenter who manipulates variables to determine their causal significance or the surveyor who asks standardized questions of large, representative samples of individuals, the case study researcher typically observes the characteristics of an individual unit – a child, a clique, a class, a school or a community. The purpose of such observation is to prove deeply and to analyse intensively the multifarious phenomena that constitute the life cycle of the unit with a view to establishing generalizations about the wider population to which that unit belongs. (Cohen and Manion 1995:106-7)

However, there are advantages and disadvantages in using case studies. ADVANTAGES

1. Case studies data are drawn from people’s experience and practices and so are seen to be strong in reality. 2. Case studies allow for generalizations from a specific instance to a more general issue.

Introduction

11

3. Case studies allow the researcher to show the complexity of social life. Good case studies built on this to explore alternative meanings and interpretations. 4. Case studies can provide a data source from which further analysis can be made. They can, therefore, be archived for further research work. 5. Because case studies build on actual practices and experiences, they can be linked to action and their insights contribute to changing practice. Indeed, case study may be a subset of a broader action research project. 6. Because the data contained in case studies are close to people’s experiences, they can be more persuasive and more accessible. 7. Allows for exploration of solutions for complex issues Source: (Blaxter et al, 1996:73) adapting Cohen and Manion (1995:123) DISADVANTAGES

1. The very complexity of a case can make analysis difficult. This is particularly so because the holistic nature of case study means that the researcher is often very aware of the connections between various events, variables and outcomes. (Blaxter et al, 1996: 73) 2. However, I will argue that hard decisions need to be made to remain in focus. 3. May not see the relevance to own situation, insufficient information can lead to inappropriate results, not appropriate for elementary level. Case studies A case study as defined by Cohen (2000:181) in this context helps to give a better explanation of a particular situation with regard to a larger picture. ‘It is an intensive study of a single group, incident, or community’. A case study has wholeness rather than being a loose collection of traits, necessitating in-depth investigation. Hitchcock and Hughes (1995:322) support the view that a case study approach is particularly valuable when the researcher has little control over events. According to them a case study has the following hallmarks: • It is concerned with a rich and vivid description of events relevant to the case. • It provides a chronological narrative of events relevant to the case. • It blends a description of events with the analysis of them. • It focuses on individual actors or groups of actors, and seeks to understand their • perceptions of events. • It highlights specific events that are relevant to the case. • The researcher is integrally involved in the case. With regards to reporting a case study, data are collected systematically and rigorously, as supported by Nisbet and Watt (1984: 91). A case study can make theoretical statements, but like other forms of research and human sciences, these must be supported by the evidence presented. I have used a case studies

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Female Education and Mission

method because it fits better the field of educational research that I have explored. One of the areas in which case studies have been gaining popularity is education, and in particular educational evaluation. The intention was to dig deep from the practitioners of education, various religious groups and institutions and to reach the real people concerned in order to investigate the major obstacles which persist in holding girls and women back from being educated, and also to look for evidence where churches and NGOs have worked to resolve them. The findings from one case study are linked to other cases in different parts of the country to provide evidence. However, case studies have their strengths and weaknesses. What are these? Among their strengths, case studies are a step to action. Adelman et al. (1980) suggested that they originate in a world of action and contribute to it. Their insights may be directly interpreted and put to use; for staff or individual selfdevelopment, for within-institutional feedback; for formative evaluation; and in educational policy making (Cohen 2000:184). However, it has also been observed by (Nisbet and Watt 1984) that one of the weaknesses is that the results may not be generalizable except where other readers/researchers see their application. Narrative research methods This study has also used narrative methods to collect primary sources through in-depth face-to-face interviews. Hinchman and Hinchman define narrative as: Discourses with sequential order that connect events in a meaningful way for a definite audience and thus offer insights about the world and/or people’s experiences. (Hinchman and Hinchman 1997: xvi)

Mishler (1986) argues that: Paying attention to the stories that respondents tell potentially leads to a radical re-examination of the standard practices adopted in qualitative interview research…. Although telling stories is common in everyday conversation (Gee, 1986; Polanyi, 1985) Mishler noted that many forms of research interview suppress stories either by ‘training’ the interviewee to limit answers to short statements, or by interrupting narratives when they occurs. (Elliot 2005:21)

As for the validity of the narrative research methods Elliot (2005:23) agrees with the view that narrative interviews empower the respondents to set the agenda and prevent respondents’ experiences from becoming fragmented (Graham, 1984; Mishler, 1986) Both of these considerations imply that the interviews that attend to an individual’s narratives could produce data which are more accurate, trustful, or trustworthy than structured interviews that ask each respondent a standardized set of questions. Smith (1996) supports this argument when she said:

Introduction

13

By enabling women to tell their own stories and creating a context in which they felt comfortable exploring their feeling and experience I was able to learn more about those aspects of their lives which crucially affect their chances of success when they return to study. (Smith 1996:71)

Chase (1995a) commented on the relationship that exists between telling a life story and disclosing a culture that helps to develop an understanding of the struggles affecting a whole community. Life stories themselves embody what we need to study: the relation between this particular life story and the social world the narrator share with others; the ways in which culture marks, shapes and/or contains this narrative; and the way in which this narrator makes use of cultural resources and struggles in cultural constraints. (Chase 1995a:20)

Narrative methods and observation were also combined with other tools to collect the data. The aim of narrative research is to come as close as possible to the meaning of subjective experience. It also focuses on studying people by listening which implies sensitivity to the unique characteristics of human experience (Riessman1993). Cortazzi and Jin (2006:28) support four arguments for the importance of narrative research. First, narrative research – unlike factual analysis – focuses qualitatively on participants’ experiences and meanings given by them to that experience. Secondly, narrative research is often concerned with representation and voice. This means that the focus is on the stories or experiences of particular groups of teachers or learners, often minorities, ‘others’ who are seen as different, or those voices might otherwise go unheard or unnoticed. Thirdly, a collection of narratives of personal experiences of learning in education often has a characteristic that many educational researchers fail to emphasise when they conduct quantitative or qualitative studies. Fourthly, a narrative perspective on learning allows the exploration of research on activity itself as a story. That is, much qualitative research is reported and presented as a story, with a kind of constructed plot, in a rhetorical design aimed at presenting readers of the interest, if not the truth of the research. (Trahar 2006:29)

With this method I was able carefully listen to and record data from all the informants especially through face-to-face interviews using an open-ended questionnaire. The arguments put forward by the above authors justify why I chose to use narrative research as one of the methodologies that allows the voices of the interviewees to be heard.

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Female Education and Mission

The hypothesis In association with the theoretical work on research methods used in this study I now state the hypothesis on which it is based. Many obstacles including historical, social, cultural/religious and economic ones, have hindered, and continue to hinder, the development of female education in Burkina Faso. However, faith-based organizations, especially evangelical ones like the Assemblies of God, have shown, and are continuing to show, innovative ways to improve girls’ and women’s education11 in the country. The aim of the study is to examine the place of female education in the context of Burkina Faso. This reflects the importance of women in socioeconomic development through the use of a combination of secondary data collection as well as qualitative and quantitative methods, and explores the ways in which evangelical churches have led, and continue to lead, the development of female education as well as reflecting on whether their approach points to a sustainable future. The geographical catchment area for the data collection was an average of two hundred kilometres from the capital city to the north of Burkina Faso. Girls, individual women and focus groups were interviewed face to face using female assistance whenever possible to collect their opinions. Parents, past and present pupils, Church leaders, Christian NGOs, women’s associations and government employees in the field were approached. For the primary data collection of different samples at each level of inquiry, I contacted these educationalists in order to find out from them how they perceived the different obstacles facing girls and women in education, and how the church and other organizations, including individuals, contributed to overcoming these obstacles. Qualitative research meant looking into formal and non-formal systems of education, especially relating to girls and women. Face-to-face interviews representing a cross-section understanding of the research questions were taken across the country to reflect a wider view, both in urban and rural areas. That sampling covered basic, post-primary and secondary levels of education. In order to find evidence to support the hypothesis, interviews were conducted with key informants whose contributions are largely recorded in chapters 5, 6 and 7. At primary school level this involved parents, school teachers, and church leaders, pupils, government officials, inspectorates, NGOs and communities. At the post-primary and secondary levels, present pupils, parents, and school principals, ex-students in employment, government education officials, and church leaders were contacted with an appropriate open-ended questionnaire to catch up on their life stories and insights looking for evidence for the general 11

The term ‘education’ implies both the formal and non-formal and informal education provided to the general public as a means of contributing to social, economic and spiritual growth.

Introduction

15

hypothesis. Through oral narratives and any written information that was available I sought to find out whether, and how, Christian education helps to overcome obstacles and increases girls’ and women’s enrolment in education programmes. Evidence of best practices concerning the strategies and vision of the church leaders about women’s education were collected at community level, both within and outside Christian circles. These informants were selected and chosen to participate in the study because many found in the process that a researcher was interested in hearing their stories, and they seized the opportunity to reveal their inner feelings, hurts, struggles or joys they had lived with for years and that nobody else had researched. The techniques used have “captured the voice of the unheard”. That experience in itself was revealed to be empowering because through the local church and the help of NGOs girls and women could now speak with confidence about their past and present lives. Apart from the formal side where one focus group was mixed and the pupils present were girls, all other interviews were either one-to-one interviews, or in the case of the rural women, only women were present. The literacy coordinator was interviewed separately. In this way they were all free to express themselves without fear of being intimidated by the presence of men. Difficulties and limitations in the field This research required the use of three languages: Mooré12 (the main national language in Burkina Faso), French and English. Interviews were conducted in Mooré for the non-formal education part which was conducted in rural areas and among women, village church leaders, and adult literacy coordinators who did not speak French. I conducted the interviews with present and past pupils, women, parents, teachers and school principals. Inspectorates, government officials, and church leaders were interviewed in French, the official language of Burkina Faso. While I was in the UK for study-residence I requested assistants to collect data for me. I also conducted focus groups’ discussions using an audio recorder and face-to-face interviews. These primary sources were then transcribed into English through manual translation (i.e. listening to the tape and writing the equivalent by hand in English). They were typed on a word processor for data analysis. Existing written materials are scarce for this specific topic in a region where oral tradition is still strong and efforts need to be made to capture the thoughts, if not the feelings, of the respondents as accurately as possible. These were difficult to convey in such a study. Time, money and human resources did not permit me to cover all the evangelical churches in Burkina Faso, nor the work of all Christian NGOs who are networking to make their contribution visible at 12

Mooré is normally written without the accent, which is added for phonetic purposesfor those who do not speak the language.

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Female Education and Mission

a national level. The samples included, however, give a larger picture of the major initiatives by churches and NGOs in terms of education. Sampling I used a sampling method because with careful sampling and equally careful collection techniques, a surprisingly small number of interviews, narratives or focus groups can yield the data to answer the research questions. In order to collect data that could provide elements for analysis and point to a better understanding of how the churches have contributed in overcoming girls’ and women’s obstacles in education, different stakeholders needed to be involved. I designed the sample with educationalists both from the public and private sectors, visited single-sex schools (i.e. Loumbila and Koubri) and mixed-sex schools (e.g. Boulmiougou Evangelic) that are involved in general education and technical training (LTPAD), day and residential schools. Some informants in the sample were enrolled in adult literacy (non-formal) but not classical education such as the ANTBA, while others offered both non-formal and formal education (in this case AEAD). Primary and secondary levels are taken into consideration in the sample in order not to limit the research only to the basic level. School founders, principals, parents, present and past pupils, government officials, community leaders were among the sample studied. Part of the work was done in an urban area, and moving stories were heard from among the women themselves from different parts of rural areas of the country (AEAD non-formal programmes). Religious leaders from other faiths and traditions (Muslims) were given a voice in order to examine the depth and effect of these obstacles and how churches and NGOs are overcoming them. The findings therefore mirror the rich contribution from representatives of these samples that reflect a wider opinion on the topic. Open-ended questionnaires were used at each level of data collection (see Appendix One). How representative is the sample? I selected the contributors carefully to collect data that would give a balanced range of viewpoints including those of men, women, parents, pupils, old girls, communities/religious leaders and government officials. The informants were selected from various people who have connections with female education provided by the churches and Christians NGOs. All the informants at different levels can relate to the contribution to female education. An appropriate questionnaire is designed for each particular group from different types and levels of education to collect the necessary data for interpretation and analysis. The case studies were conducted in such a way as to look for insights and evidence for both formal and non-formal education. The area covered spread between the urban and rural areas of Centre, Centre North, North and West Regions which is largely populated by the Mossi tribe which represents 53% of

Introduction

17

the population and first received much of the church education programmes both in Mooré and French (see map in sect.5.1). During the field work to collect the primary sources, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 60 per cent in French for the formal aspect of education with parents, present pupils, old girls, church leaders, government officials, and 40% in Mooré with pastors’ wives, literacy coordinators, women beneficiaries and community leaders. The gender spread is represented by 60% female and 40% male. Interviews with government officials were conducted 100% in French (40% female and 60% male). In terms of geographical spread, the urban interviewees are also 60% against 40% in the rural area. For community leaders who are members of the Evangelical Protestant Churches we have an even number between the Traditionalists and the Muslims with 10% more for the Roman Catholic Church. The same focus groups’ questionnaire was addressed in a semi-structured manner in French to the present pupils (all girls) and parents. It was also given in Mooré for the rural women in the local church in the north. The present pupils were in their teens. All other face-to-face interviews were done with adults who are either directly involved in different types of education across the country largely from the evangelical churches, or the FBOs, the Catholic Church, Muslims and Traditional beliefs. Impartiality and common names of informants Names like Ouédraogo, Sawadogo, and Kaboré in Burkina Faso are the equivalents of Smith or Jones in the English-speaking world. They share a common history but are do not indicate immediate family relationships throughout the country. These are family names among the Mossi tribe which is the largest group (53 per cent of the population) and are spread across the country. Some will be related but not all. It happens that within the target group selected for the collection of primary data there are some people I may know but that does not mean that I have only selected them to suit my own agenda, or that all who bear the name Ouédraogo are close relations. The research is located within the Central, Central North, West and East and North Regions which are largely populated by the Mossi people. Primary Sources The historical context and policies of education were researched at government level to locate the problems of girls’ education. Several visits and audiences were undertaken with the government ministers for Basic Education and Literacy and for Woman’s Promotion and the Head Office for Private Education at a higher level. Over a five-year period the directors in charge of private education provided sufficient information and answered my questions. They helped me understand the position of the government concerning the challenges facing girls’ and women’s education and their perception of the

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Female Education and Mission

contribution of faith-based organizations such as the churches and NGOs. The staff of the International Centre for Girls’ and Women’s Education in Africa (CIEFFA) based in Ouagadougou provided me with both primary and secondary data which I found very helpful in giving a continental view on girls’ and women education13. The history leading to the creation of CIEFFA supports my argument that the government has the political will and has taken the initiative to improve the conditions of girls and women not only in Burkina Faso but also in West Africa. I contacted the leaders of church denomination members of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions (AOG, EAC/BF, ICE, SIM, EPC…) and Christian NGOs at different levels and in different places and circumstances to attempt to state the objectives of an Evangelical school.14 Is it for education, faith, morality and ethics, or does it involve socio-economic aspects as well? During several local and regional Days of Excellence in which I took part as both a practitioner and observer, I was able to see the challenges facing girls and women at the grass-roots level. The findings were largely built from primary data. These were the content of several interviews, and reports and archives at the official level. All these findings were then analysed, bearing in mind the secondary sources collected in the theoretical section, to see how they relate to each other. Through multiple case studies, using semi-structured interviews involving an open-ended questionnaire, I examined the social, economic, cultural and religious barriers to women’s and girls’ education during several field studies. I then analysed the available evidence to see how the evangelical church has been involved in overcoming these obstacles in Burkina Faso. Although I focused on investigating how the church contributed in overcoming the obstacles in education, it obviously led me to consider other policies of education and their socio-economic aspects and barriers as represented by the major religious groups of the country. These secondary data and interviews helped me relate the thesis to a wider literature and analyse its implications for the situation in Burkina Faso. While collecting primary data from the informants, I followed the national news in the media: daily 13

In 1995, 1997 and 1999 the Government of Burkina Faso made a proposal to UNESCO at the 28th, 29 and 30th sessions of the General Conference. It was in 1999 that the 30th session of the General Conference took note of the project and registered it in the 30/C5 as part of the Major Programme I, Action line 2. But instead of a West African centre, the Director General of UNESCO advised the creation of an International Centre for Girls’ and Women’s Education. In July 2004 the 3rd Ordinary Conference of Heads of States and Governments of the African Union took the decision (« Decision Assembly /AU/DEC. 44 (III) ») approving the principle of making of CIEFFA a specialised institution of the African Union. 14 Private schools opened by the Evangelical churches, related organizations and individuals are largely known in the country as ‘Ecoles Evangéliques’ and are open to all children of different faiths.

Introduction

19

newspapers, TV programmes and radio and conferences to see how the topic was discussed by the local media. I recorded the public debate on girls’ and women’s education and took notes of these discussions for a better understanding of the issues involved. In addition to the observer role while doing this research I engaged myself in the topic by participating in educational events and publishing articles in daily newspapers (see my six articles in Le pays: edition numbers 3963, 3978, 4004, 4040, 4368, and 4471). The research questions What then are the questions underlying this survey? Bearing in mind the questions raised regarding the low rate of education, especially for girls, in Burkina Faso, and its historical context in education, the main questions for investigation are: 1. What contribution has been made by the evangelical churches to overcome obstacles to girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso? 2. How can they continue to work toward the MDGs relating to basic issues such as girls’ and women’s education and gender? In order to analyse the findings from several field work visits, I immersed myself in a wider theoretical reading in the university libraries, journals and articles on the internet, participated in conferences and presented several seminars. These exercises helped me to investigate many viewpoints and theories that helped structure the work. Some of these questions were: • What is the position of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso? • Why do girls lag behind boys in education? • What are the main obstacles to girls’ and women’s education? • What is the contribution of Evangelical churches to educating girls and boys? • What is the contribution of Islamic institutions to educating girls and boys? • How can/do local communities overcome obstacles to women’s education? • How can the government help overcome obstacles to girls’ and women’s education? These are among the leading questions that this study tries to answer through its findings. Focus groups In order to test the hypothesis, interviews with open-ended questions were addressed to selected informants and representative focus groups in order to look for the evidence. Focus groups are defined by (Morgan, 1988:9) as: A form of group interview, though not in the sense of a backwards and forwards between the interviewer and the group. Rather, the reliance is on the interaction

20

Female Education and Mission within the group who discuss a topic supplied by the researcher. It is from the interaction of the group that the data emerges. Focus groups are contrived settings, bringing together a specifically chosen sector of the population to discuss a particular given topic, where the interaction with the group leads to data and outcomes. (Cohen, Manion, Morrison 2000:288)

The advantages of such techniques are that they enable the collection of data in a short period of time from people of different viewpoints and different backgrounds who have knowledge of the topic to be discussed. Similarly, with open-ended questions the researcher plays the role of an observer and listens to what the respondent has to say, often in depth, about the research topic. The answers are not limited and they are not closed questions as in quantitative research. The difference here is that using a qualitative method the research is looking for insights that reveal the causes of certain behaviour toward a particular problem and how that situation has an impact on a given society. With careful listening, the informants participate fully take part and in a way they become immersed in the problem which the researcher is looking to understand and analyse. In such a situation I was more of an insider, someone who could be trusted and who understood the urban/rural context of education, the culture and religious influence. Although a few quantitative aspects will be considered in terms of numbers and the size of the group to be examined, this study’s approach is mainly a qualitative one. The government of Burkina Faso has in place within its administration official platforms at ministerial level to look closely at issues related to girls’ and women’s education. Such policies, however, recognize that the low school enrolment for girls and women is a big obstacle for their full participation in the modern socio-economic sector, let alone survival in the informal sector. The legal framework outlines the general situation of girls’ education, and mentions the main obstacles, the strategies to cope with this situation and other perspectives. I will critically review the government policy on education relating to girls and women to see how best it is helping the churches to contribute to qualitative change in the lives of the beneficiaries. A sample of educationalists from the church and the Christian NGOs involved in education were interviewed to see how they address and overcome the obstacles that hinder women’s education. Semi-Structured Interviews Semi-structured interviews (2005) were conducted with informants from different walks of life related to education, especially girls’ and women’s education. This technique is flexible, allowing new questions to be brought up during the interview as a result of what the interviewee says. This approach helped me assess the persistent obstacles girls and women are facing that hinder their education and how the church and NGOs are overcoming them in Burkina Faso. Interviews were stratified by location, level of schooling and

Introduction

21

employment in a cross-section analysis. The data collection was done with religious groups and individuals involved in formal and non-formal education. Open-ended questionnaires helped to uncover some of the key issues. All interviewees mentioned by name in the case studies have given me permission to use their names. They also constitute an empirical support to the validity of the collected data (Coghlan and Brannick 2010:139). Special attention was given to the ethics, culture, religion and timing of these interviews to preserve a mutual understanding of the reasons behind these exercises. These also involved interviews and tracking ex-students from Christian schools, especially women and girls, to hear their stories about how they overcame obstacles to education in terms of literacy, family, culture, and religion. The socio-cultural and gender obstacles were extensively analysed with plentiful primary data from the women themselves during the interviews. I selected a variety of sources and took into account the views and opinions of leaders and individuals and community leaders who are not Christians and who are often critical about the church. Their views were cross-checked with others in the sample in examining the findings. One aim was to discover how far the evangelical churches have contributed to overcoming these obstacles enabling girls and women to obtain sociocultural and economic freedom through education. Groups of key informants were interviewed from different categories such as school principals, inspectors, present pupils, beneficiaries, past students in employment and parents, church leaders and government officials and teachers to discover how their real stories related to the main questions posed. These interviews took place in different locations such as schools, homes, churches, government ministries, headquarters, conference rooms and offices. In addition to the above list, church leaders and presidents of denominations were interviewed to find out what strategies and resources were used to offer access and quality in education. Is there any spiritual capital in the lives of these girls and women who are going, or went through, the church education system? A mixture of variables such as the socio-economic and the cultural as the frame for the other aspects and spiritual, were looked at in order to assess their effects. A semi-structured and open-ended research questionnaire appropriate to each specific group helped to analyse the results on primary and secondary education leading to employment or unemployment and the nonformal impact on the beneficiaries. In both cases face-to-face interviews were used. The Layout of Chapters In this section I have introduced the ‘what, why and how’ questions of the research that explain my personal motivation and the justification and the hypothesis of the research. It considered the methods used to collect primary and secondary sources, the size and implications of the sample and its

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Female Education and Mission

limitations, the discipline in which the work evolved, and the layout of the chapters. To achieve a better understanding of the reasons for the low rates of girls’ and women’s education an overview of Burkina Faso, and particularly the legacy of colonialism and its consequences derived from the French, underlines some root causes of attitudes and poverty in terms of geographical location and the socio-economic and cultural barriers to girls’ education. It includes early initiatives taken by the churches to overcome these barriers. The importance of girls’ education for development and a literature review in chapter three places this study in the context of the existing education debate through the literature from the global to the particular location of this research. Although primary sources represented a significant contribution because of a scarcity of written material, the initiatives of the Evangelical churches and FBOs through the education laws of the country are a valuable basis from which to understand that overcoming obstacles to female education makes a contribution to socio-economic development. A critical study of the general literature and reports from UNICEF, UNESCO, the World Bank, DFID, FAWE, ADEA, GWEA and other bodies is also included. Chapter four examines the organization of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy (MEBA). I will outline and assess the different education laws and policies, and the limitations and opportunities for contribution by the private sector, such as the churches and NGOs and Muslim communities, in order to increase girls’ access to education. Chapter five identifies obstacles to female education in Burkina Faso and looks at the strategies put in place by the Evangelical churches to resolve them. A critical examination is made of the social, economic, cultural, political and structural obstacles. The current and persisting ones are considered, as are the reasons why they still persist. Several works at the global level are examined, including recent studies undertaken by the Minister of Basic Education of Burkina Faso in partnership with the United Nations Development Programmes UNDP (MEBA/SNU). Data from the Government, Professionals and Parents are collected in chapter six. An evidence-based survey of the churches and NGOs in comparison with other actors is also given. This chapter examines the school results league tables at the formal and non-formal basic and secondary levels and compares them with the public, Franco-Arab schools and Madrasas. Parents, school teachers, government officials and beneficiaries all share their personal views on those results. The data are then analysed and interpreted in the following section. Here, in chapter seven, the main questions are analysed to show how these have impacted on the lives of the beneficiaries, both socially and spiritually. I seek to evaluate the strength of the churches and NGOs and what has been achieved; however, the analysis will point to areas of weakness and limitations

Introduction

23

in terms of vision, structures, and resources. The narrative method is used here to bring out the voices of the girls and women who were affected by the formal and non-formal education provided by the church and FBOs. The strengths and weaknesses of church interventions were also examined so that the Evangelicals may learn where to make improvements in areas in which they have fallen short, such as structural organization, the lack of vision, the role of women in leadership, capacity-building and financial resources. It has become obvious that flexible and working partnerships are needed to extend the scale of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. In chapter eight different types of partnerships at local, national and global level, as well as their conditionality, are examined to see what factors favour or hinder girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. Why is it that the Catholic and the Commercial (Lay) schools have signed a convention with the government while the Evangelical ones are still in the process of doing so? The last chapter records a careful analysis and comprehension of the implications of the material researched. Through engagement with the literature, the research shows in what ways this survey has supplemented existing research into women’s education in Africa touching issues of gender and education and the role of FBOs in meeting social/educational needs. Conclusion This chapter has introduced the overall aim of the study, its general hypothesis, and the methodology and techniques used for collecting and analysing the data from a range of different respondents. Research is an intensive and purposeful search for knowledge and understanding of social and physical phenomena (Kumar 2008:4); I used qualitative methods for the field work because it is more appropriate to the purpose of this research. Case studies, semi-structured interviews and narrative methods helped me to access detailed primary data. The survey seeks to examine the place of female education in Burkina Faso, demonstrating how the churches such as the Assemblies of God and other NGOs became involved in overcoming these hindrances by suggesting innovative approaches which also reflect the originality of this approach. Its strengths include the large amount of original data (Coghlan & Brannick 2010:74), the use of life-story and first-person accounts (Cohen, Manion and Morrison 2000:165), insights into the views of both providers and consumers of education, and the description of intervention by the AOG and other Christian NGOs on behalf of female education. The text establishes the applicability and transferability of these types of gaining information. It draws specific recommendations for educational improvement in Burkina Faso. Although Burkina Faso has a larger population of Muslims, I have chosen to focus on the contribution of the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs to female education. However, reference is made to the contribution of the Muslim community and other traditional beliefs. I conclude this section by giving an overview of the structure of the chapters.

Chapter 2 Burkina Faso: Contextual Background

Introduction In order to understand the overall picture of education in Burkina Faso and especially female education, there is a need to look at the contextual background of the country: its geography, history, economics, culture and the role and place of girls and women. This chapter will delve into the colonial legacy on education with special reference to West Africa and Burkina Faso. This will be followed by a brief discussion of the role of the Evangelical churches, especially the Assemblies of God church and Christian NGOs, in formal and non-formal1 education provided by the churches in Burkina Faso. This is in order to find out the historical and contemporary factors that have hindered or promoted girls and women in education. The Country With an area of 2,740,000 sq. km (105,900 sq. miles) Burkina Faso is a totally landlocked country in West Africa. It is located between latitudes 9º20 and 15º5 North and longitudes 2º20 East and 5º30 West, and borders Mali in the north and west, Niger in the north-east, Ivory Coast, Ghana in the south and Togo, Benin in the south-east. Burkina Faso has a tropical climate of the Sudano-Sahelean type characterized by a long dry season from October to April and a short rainy season from May to September. This rainy season is differently spread in time and space. The annual level of rain varies between 1 The non-formal education and literacy are complementary education sub-systems indispensable to the formal system. It includes literacy for development for people over 15 years old to help them learn to read, write and do maths in their mother tongue. These competences are reinforced by skills learning based on their literacy knowledge. It is also defined as basic non-formal education for youths and adolescent and formulates basic educational alternatives. They constitute pertinent innovations for the formal system and create bridges between the formal and non-formal systems. These innovations also target children from 9 to 15 years who had little or no schooling, offering them access to complete basic education using their mother tongue. See ‘Réforme du Système Educatif du Burkina Faso, MESSRS, MEBA, MASSN’ 2006,14 and also Journal Officiel du Burkina No 38, 3, Faso of 20 September 2007.

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300 mm in the Sahelean zone in the north to about 1,000 mm in the south and west. The population is 14,017,262 inhabitants of whom 51.7 per cent are female and 48.3 per cent male.2 More than half (55 per cent) of the population is under 15 years old. It is this age group that is concerned with compulsory education. Administratively, Burkina is divided into 45 provinces which in turn constitute 13 regions. Burkina Faso now has 49 urban towns, 309 rural communes and 8228 villages. According to the MEBA 2007 research, the Mossi ethnic group lives in the centre of the country with a majority of 53%. There are over fifty different spoken languages: Mooré, Dioula and Fulfuldé are spoken in surrounding countries such as the Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Niger and also Mali (MEBA 2007:21). These languages are used in educational innovations such as the bilingual schools and the Speed schools. In the East there are the Gourmanché, the Bissa and Gouroussi in the South and Marka, Samo, Bobo, Senoufo ethnic groups in the southwest. Burkina Faso faces acute negative consequences due to its geographical location. That was in fact the main reason why it was divided and shared among the other surrounding nations. Being landlocked in the interior of West Africa it depends on neighbouring sea ports located more than 1,000 km. away for its commercial development. All external commerce is transited by the seaports of Abidjan, Lomé, Accra, or Cotonou or even Dakar. From Dakar it could take three to four days’ journey one way. The only railway connection to Abidjan is largely dysfunctional due to privatization and the political and economic crisis in the Ivory Coast in recent years. The cost of energy needs must also be taken into account, together with the global oil crisis. Burkina Faso went through severe droughts in 1969, 1974, 1981, 1984 and 2005 with a locust invasion, and HIV/ AIDS is estimated to infect 2% of its population. The impact of the climate change, the poverty of the farmland, and inappropriate agricultural technology are disadvantages that slow down the efforts of hardworking peasants. The climate is very unstable across the country. On 1 September 2009, the capital city of Ouagadougou was flooded with nearly 300 mm of rain in just 12 hours, causing a national calamity with the loss of eight lives and 150,000 people becoming homeless. Both the government and civil societies such as churches, NGOs and individuals are heavily committed to expressing solidarity and working to improve the lives of the population. Why Burkina Faso is one of the poorest countries of the world is because there are cumulative obstacles similar to those which many developing countries face. In addition, it has its own characteristics: besides its lack of access to the sea, Burkina Faso faces recurrent shortages of rain, often leading to scarcity of food and water threatening the lives of many vulnerable people, especially children, girls and women. About half of the population comprises the labour force, of which 92% work in agricultural activities. Due to 2

Site web: www.insd.bf (National Statistics and Demographic Institute) accessed on 11th August 2009.

Contextual Background

27

widespread unemployment and underemployment, many Burkinabè have over time sought work elsewhere in neighbouring countries, especially in Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast). The number of Burkinabè living in Côte d’Ivoire is estimated at over three million (Ouédraogo and Sall 2008:66). However, due to the conflict situation that affected Côte d’Ivoire in 2002, many Burkinabè returned home. Even with these natural restrictions on growth, agriculture and livestock provide 40 to 50% of the GNP.

Landlocked Burkina Faso in West Africa Illiteracy is still high among the population of Burkina Faso, which was classified as the last country in the world, ranked 177/177 with 23.6% at the national level. Women are the most severely affected, and each woman aged between 15-49 bears on average 6.2 children3. According to the Prime Minister Zongo, … although in recent ten years macroeconomic performance has been registered, Burkina Faso’s inhabitants still suffer from poverty and vulnerability and face difficulties of all sorts. A deep diagnostic of limiting factors allows identifying illiteracy as being the root of the problem tree of Burkina Faso development. This

3

INSD: Recensement général de la population et de l’habitat 2006: résultats définitifs juillet 2008, 25.

28

Female Education and Mission illiteracy that was 97 per cent in 1960 still affects more than 69 per cent of the population, especially among women.4

His Excellency the Prime Minister of Burkina Faso went on to explain the outcomes of illiteracy. This illiteracy reduces among others things the receptivity to big development challenges and worse it limits the absorption of technical information of the individual. In this context, knowledge is limited and productive activities are conditioned to a hazardous and unsettling nature that brings little result. This situation comes to support the theory of Rostow who argued an economical development is only possible in a country when the literacy rate at least reaches 40 per cent. (Zongo Tertius 2007)

Back, Coulibaly and Hickson (2003) reported in their evaluation of the African Girls’ Education Initiatives and the Country Case of Burkina Faso that 61% of the population still lives on less than $1 per day, with women and children being the most severely affected, and 83% of the total population lives in rural areas; many survive by means of subsistence agricultural activities. The major cash crops are cotton and cereal grains, such as sorghum, millet, rice and corn which are grown for personal and commercial consumption. Industry from agricultural products is small, and is located in the main towns (Ouagadougou, Bobo Dioulasso, Koudougou and Banfora) and the informal sector is on the increase. The industrial and mining sectors remain less developed, though some initiatives are now operational. Pressure on Governments by the IMF and the World Bank through the Structural Adjustment Programmes (1991) also led the government either to privatize public economic units or to close them. That situation favoured unemployment and economic recession because half of the public services (42 out of 84), were closed or privatized (Valléan, 2004). Burkina Faso does not have its own bank or its own currency. The CFA franc, formerly tied to the French franc, and then the Euro was devalued by 100 per cent in 1994. With an increase in the cost of petrol through the third ‘oil crisis’5 in 2005-2008 where the price tripled to $147 per barrel in July 2008, and with the Highly Indebted Poor Countries’ (HIPCs) debt increasing again, the level of poverty in the country is estimated at 61% living below the poverty level. This, together with the low school enrolment rate among girls, reveals that girls’ and women’s education is suffering at the hands of the government, which is the main service provider of education. 4

Discours de son Excellence Monsieur le Premier Ministre à l’occasion du lancement officiel des Centres à Passerelle de ANTBA, AEAD et ACTS Komsilga, le 07 décembre 2007. 5 Professor Deryke Belshaw’s lecture on Food/Bio fuel Options in the Energy Transition: Missed opportunities for global poverty reduction and growth stimuli? Oxford Centre for Mission Studies 5 May 2009.

Contextual Background

29

Although the political will of the government is manifest in the development of agriculture, like the Agro Business and water projects like Bagré6 and Small Irrigation Schemes among other initiatives in the economic sector for the benefit of the population to help them improve priority sectors such as education and health, there are still challenges to meet the basic needs of the population. One can still hear a cry for help from local communities, especially in the poorest areas in the country, such as the report of 19 April 2007 in the Sidwaya newspaper by Jean Victor Ouédraogo in his article entitled “The regular Calvary of the population” This illustrates vividly the socio-economic impact of girls’ education in that area. Issues raised in this article included the need for clean water, because the people use animal power to draw water from a well that is more than 80 metres deep. Girls’ education is affected by early forced marriage and the high cost of petrol among a population that is largely agrarian. Burkina Faso is still dependent on external aid support for the engines of income growth to improve prioritized sectors. These are education, health, and basic infrastructure such as transport, and an environment that has been damaged by land erosion, droughts and deforestation. French colonization spread from the coast to the interior of the continent (Valléan 2004). Coastal countries which were in closer contact with the colonial administration benefited more from colonization, as in the case of school infrastructures. Burkina Faso did not have such privileges simply due to its geographical location, and this resulted in the weakness in school enrolment throughout the territory. The Role of Missions in Evangelizing West Africa/ Burkina Faso During the Colonial Era The first initiative for evangelizing West Africa, and later Burkina Faso, came from the Roman Catholic Church. In the mid-nineteenth century, the church in Europe was facing hostility from the modern world. Religious congregations were being suppressed and even driven away from France (Salles Part III Vol. 6). This situation is similar to the New Testament stories related, especially in the book of Acts. Such hostility can be interpreted today as God’s providence for the Gospel of Jesus Christ to reach Burkina Faso. It was also a time of the discovery of the African territories by the explorers. It was in these circumstances that the nineteenth century became a period of evangelization and colonization, both activities being often parallel and intermixed. In 1867-1868, according to the Missionaries of Africa, there was a great famine in Algeria that left many orphans. Bishop Lavigerie in 1867 asked for the ‘right to bring up those children who had no fathers nor mothers nor tutors.’ 6

The Bagré water project is a macro water project of the government to increase water supply, food production and fish farming and electricity in Burkina Faso.

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Female Education and Mission

(Salles Part III Vol. 6) This was the first task which he assigned to the White Fathers and White Sisters. Missionary works at that time consisted mainly of schools and medical care, with a vision of reaching south of the Sahara desert. In January 1899, Bishop Hacquart founded Ségou in a place where he had been four years before. Immediately afterwards he went in his travels to Moogo, in Mossi country (Salles Part III Vol. 6). He travelled through Ouagadougou in 1899 without stopping there. He thought that Koupela was more promising and it was there that the first mission was established in what later became the country of Burkina Faso; this was in 1900. After his tragic death on 4 April 1901 his Vicariate was divided in two: Sahara and Sudan. It was in June 1901 that the mission of Ouagadougou was founded; its first superior was Father Templier. The Mossi were evangelized from Koupela and Ouagadougou. Bishop Bazin with other missionaries and lay Christians worked to build clinics, schools and churches. With words and deeds they marked the beginnings of the church in Burkina Faso. Sisters were called to help reach the women. The early and forced marriage of girls was a serious social issue at that time. The French colonial system, which was anti-clerical, made life difficult for the missionaries. In order to avoid this opposition, missions were established in other African countries under British, Belgian and German control (Prost 1987). While the first missionaries reached West Africa at great cost, it needs to be pointed out, as Fage, Roberts, and Roland (1986:140) have argued, that some of the most notable Christian advances in the region were made in the absence of foreign missionaries, and the future development and maturity of the indigenous churches was largely dependent on the elimination of foreign control and paternalism. In Senegal and French West Africa as a whole, missionary education was discouraged and at times forbidden, and until the Second World War mission schools played an almost negligible role compared with the state system (Fage, Roberts, Roland 1986:179). In Madagascar a convinced anti-clerical, Victor Angagneur, was governor-general from 1905 to 1910. Immediately on arrival he took steps which resulted in the closure of about four-fifths of the mission schools. Open-air religious meetings were prohibited, and in 1913 the separation of church and state in Madagascar was formally decreed. Only in French Equatorial Africa did the missions succeed in retaining a substantial role in education. The first missionaries from Evangelical churches (Assemblies of God) came later, about 1919, to spy out the land and to settle, and from January 1921 they had a similar experience in Ouagadougou and made a commitment to mission to Burkina Faso. Both missions played significant roles in evangelizing Burkina Faso during the French colonial period. Education and the compassion of God for the needy were part of both missions’ strategy.

Contextual Background

31

Colonial Legacy in Education I shall begin by examining French colonialism and its legacy to education in West Africa with special reference to Burkina Faso. Upper Volta (known as Burkina Faso)7 came into existence in 1919. In 1932 it was divided and shared with the neighbouring colonial territories of Côte d’Ivoire, French Sudan (nowadays Mali) and Niger. Its economic situation was not viable and therefore not beneficial to the colonial administration (see maps 1.2a and 1.2b). The colony was reconstituted in 1947 and became, like other French colonial territories, independent in 1960. While other nations were forging their own unique West African identity, Burkina Faso was erased from the map for 15 years by its colonial masters. This contributed to delaying the socio-economic development of the country. Watson (1982) quoted Coleman (1965) as saying ‘…one of the major indictments made by critics of French colonial legacy has been its alleged neglect of education’. Watson supports the view that the education system offered at that time suffered from many limitations. First, there were limits to who could be enrolled, thus excluding many African ethnic groups from what is now called a right for all human beings. Secondly, the content of the education system was dominated by the colonial culture and paid little attention to local cultures and was therefore inappropriate. Therefore the colonial education system has been accused of being little more than a tool used by the capitalists to exploit the undeveloped world and keep their peoples in subjection’. There were uneven distributions of school provision throughout the colonies. Different approaches were used. In urban areas African elites were targeted using the languages of the colonial rulers. In some cases it was English, French, or Dutch while for those who lived in less developed and rural areas, the schools used vernacular languages even though these did not apply to all schools, and many could not afford the privilege to send their children to the school of the elites. ‘Much of what was taught was irrelevant for the real social, psychological or employment needs of the pupils who attended (Dore: 1976)’. This type of education had little concern for the needs of the masses, specific educational needs of adults, vocational training or higher education. The tendency in some countries was to limit education to the basic level. In some missionary contexts in Francophone West Africa, as in many parts of the Third World, education was mainly there to serve the purpose of religion. A negative attitude toward educating natives permeated the education system during the colonial era. Stevenson (1975) indicated that ‘… some believed that education of the native peoples would be a mistake because they believed it would lead to rising expectations and inspirations which could not 7

Burkina Faso, formerly called the Republic of Upper Volta was renamed on August 4, 1984 by President Thomas Sankara to mean “the land of upright people” in Mooré and Dioula, the major native languages of the country.

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Female Education and Mission

be filled’. This was especially true in Malaya where early colonial administrators did their utmost to prevent rural Malays from becoming ‘contaminated’ with colonial ideas and culture (Watson 1973b). Referring back to the French, Asiwaju (1975) and others pointed out that French politicians and administrators believed in the superiority of the French language, culture, literature and administrative structures; the French language was used as a means of colonial domination and control while indigenous languages were scorned (Knight 1965). Sanou (1987), for example, provides evidence to support the view that colonial governors were quite prepared either to leave any local methods of education largely untouched or to leave the development of education in the hands of missionaries, who in the absence of others were in many instances the only people offering any formal schooling (Watson 1982). The Phelps-Stokes Commission Alongside this negative attitude were a more tolerant and corrective one from the British side that came out of the Phelps-Stokes commission. The Report of 1922, ‘Education in Africa’, greatly influenced the British Government’s educational responsibilities towards its African dependencies (Omenka 1980): Among other things the Commissions urged the colonial Governments and the Voluntary Agencies engaged with educational work in Africa, to aspire toward “a correct aspiration of Africa and the Africans”. They emphasized that the nature of education to be given to the Africans should be determined not by the needs of the traders, settlers, administrators, and missionaries, but the welfare of the natives. (P. Bovet 1926)

The Commissions set up policies to encourage voluntary efforts and support educational initiatives: The policy of encouragement of voluntary effort in education has its corollary in the establishment of a system of grants in aid to schools which conform to the prescribed regulation and attain the necessary standard. Provided that the required standard of educational efficiency is reached, aid schools should be regarded as filling a place in the scheme of education as important as the schools conducted by the government itself. (Cmd.2347, HMSO, 1925)

These policies were valid among different governments and Missions in Africa colonized by the British, Belgium and France. Despite these intentional culture changes, the general literature supports the claim that missionaries frequently pioneered vernacular education and the education of women. This point was recognized by the Straits Settlement Annual Report on Education for 1926, which states that ‘while missionary bodies have done so much for boys’ education they have done almost everything for girls’ education (Watson 1982). The report also acknowledged

Contextual Background

33

that other actors were involved in promoting education, including individual experiments by administrators, merchants, traders, philanthropists, and humanitarians. Such practices continue to be implemented by the private sector and civil society movements such as the churches in order to help improve the access and the quality of education alongside the state systems. But contrary to the missionary approach, the French issued a policy statement for the whole of French West Africa in 1921 justifying the unequivocal use of the French language (Watson 1982:16): Education proposes above all the spread of the French language among the population in order to establish their nationality. It should then try to endow the native with enough general knowledge to assure him better living conditions and open his mind to French culture and civilization.

To justify that point the argument was put forward that: such a policy fitted well with the belief in the superiority of la langue française and of French civilization and with the belief that French colonies were an extension of France itself.

It also fitted the argument that it was too expensive and too great a drain on limited resources to develop textbooks and teaching materials in local languages. One can notice a different approach between the British and the French colonialists. Stevenson (1975) argued that in the Malay context the colonial administrators did their utmost to prevent rural Malays from becoming contaminated with ideas and culture while in West Africa, in the French context, they put their language and culture first, and saw the colonies as an extension of France itself. It suffices to say here that French policies were those of cultural assimilation. The main objective was to train and educate indigenous leaders who could ‘co-operate’ and ‘associate’ with the French colonial officials in administering the colonial territory. For the English it could be said that it was more or less a laissez-faire attitude, but for the French it was a controlled and strictly centralized system. As Jean Capelle (1949) puts it ‘…the French colonial formula was: shape the natives in such a way that they may be efficient and devoted auxiliaries to Europeans’. Another interesting contrast was that while female education was greatly encouraged in British colonies, both by the missionaries and as a result of government encouragement, in the French colonies, especially in the Muslim countries of North and West Africa, girls’ education was deliberately discouraged (Watson 1982). From this broader picture of the obstacles to education, I will attempt to demonstrate how this picture relates to what happened in West Africa, especially in Burkina Faso. Among the West African French colonies Burkina Faso suffered most due to various disadvantages arising from its colonial legacy. This was partly due to

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Female Education and Mission

political, social, economic and geographical reasons. These factors were detrimental to the country finding its own identity before independence while other African countries were forging their destiny. Sanou (1987:27) writes: ‘the Burkina Faso Education system was based directly from the French model and run by French teachers from the beginning’. Clignet (1971) supports this argument by saying that for a long time graduates were trained to meet the needs of the colonial administration. For example, the experiences and curriculum offered at the William Ponty school prevented graduates from transferring to a metropolitan school where they could acquire the same occupational rewards and opportunities as those obtained by French students (Altbach and Kelly 1978:131). The African Educators training at the William Ponty School in Dakar, Senegal was the only one of its type in Francophone West Africa. Until independence in 1960 the Burkina Faso Education system was a subsection of the French programme in the colonies. The curriculum, staff and goals were put in place by France based on its own interests (Sanou 1987). That explains why, compared with Anglophone West Africa, the universities came later. The University of Dakar started as late as 1957 while those in the Anglophone area already existed in 1900, the oldest one being Fourah Bay College, founded in 1827.8 The Makerere University in Uganda started in 1922, Ibadan in Nigeria and the University of Ghana in 1948. The university in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso was established in 1974. The educational goal of the French did not aim to provide qualified labour but rather basic, short-term labour appropriate to the production zone of the colony. This type of education had serious consequences for the recipients. Watson (1982:26) further states that even in a larger context: …the school systems that developed under the colonial powers were essentially alien creations. They reflected the philosophy of their founders; whether the metropolitan power, the voluntary agency or the mission society, and they were designed to serve the needs and interest of these groups as perceived by them

Watson also mentions that: The introduction of French education systems into colonial territories was to have far-reaching effects on the socio-economic developments in those territories. Ironically, French colonial legacy in education was to hasten the end of colonial rule. (Watson: 1982:35)

8

Sierra Leone also served as the educational centre of British West Africa and offered degrees from the University of Durham. Fourah Bay College, established in 1827, rapidly became a magnet for English-speaking Africans on the West Coast. For more than a century, it was the only European-style university in western sub-Saharan Africa.

Contextual Background

35

Apart from the education of the elite based on social status, the creation of bureaucratic machinery, the legacy of formal and linear school systems, Watson writes that ‘the most disturbing impact of French colonial legacy in education on the Third World development has been on the attitudes of mind of pupils and parents alike affecting their thought patterns’. Altbach and Kelly observed that ‘under neo-colonialism foreign control of education is far more subtle than under traditional colonialism’. (Altbach and Kelly 1978:302) Among West African countries, Burkina Faso had limited financial or mineral resources for economic development. Soon after independence, Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta) started to run its own education system. Sanou noted that at independence Burkina Faso had less than 10% of children enrolled in school. The newly independent country was not able to build enough schools for all the children. Until 1980, before the revolution of 1983, Burkina had still only around 15% school enrolment. One of the big issues even after independence was that the country was not free to determine its educational policies. In Addis Ababa in 1961 African states met to project that by 1980-1981 there should be universal school enrolment for all at the basic level (Thompson, 1981). African countries were requested to set aside 25% of their budget for basic education (Sanou, 1987). Countries like the Côte D’Ivoire assigned 30% of their budget to education. Even with this compulsory education for all, Burkina Faso failed to reach 15% enrolment in the school year 1980-1981 (Valléan, 2002). That raised the problem of lack of resources. The Burkina Faso Education Minister admitted at that time that even if 50% of the national budget was put into education it would not be sufficient to provide access to education for all. This illustrates the level of economic poverty the country was facing at that time, and this in turn affected the time it took to complete education. (Bray 1981:2) argued that: Over the last two decades, however, it has become increasingly clear to many countries that the goals formulated in the 1960s were over-optimistic. Despite considerable and increasing expenditure on education, population growth has hindered efforts to achieve universal education. Statistics for the developing world have shown improved proportionate enrolment rates, but absolute numbers of children not in schools have also increased. (World Bank 1980:17)

After this failure all the African states decided to revise their education policies. They discovered that the French model did not fit the purpose of education in the African countries. Burkina violated its own principle of compulsory schooling in order to cope with its lack of resources (Sanou). One of the weaknesses of the French education system was that it was too theoretical with little practical content. The French system trained minds, which led to unemployment. Those few who benefited from formal education did not want to work on the farm. In the colonial system Africans were taught

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Female Education and Mission

about French culture and songs at the primary level which was conducted in French. Even after independence the spirit of colonialism still prevails. French is the official language of education and the use of local languages is not encouraged. Children were not allowed to speak their mother tongue. (Scanlon 1964:131 and Sanou 1987:28) It is therefore more difficult to start schooling in a foreign language and culture but easier in the child’s mother tongue. There were public sanctions and humiliations for those who by mistake spoke in their native languages in school. Despite political, economic, educational and cultural problems African states have striven to get rid of French cooperation, but all other West African countries remained within the colonial system. Guinea adopted a revolutionary education system in 1960, followed by Mali in 1963.

Burkina Faso in French Sudan (High-Senegal and Niger in 1906)9

9

Source: see http://www.sandafayre.com/atlas/fwaia.htm.

Contextual Background

37

Burkina Faso in French Sudan in 193310 During the period 1937 to 1946, when forced labour was abolished, there was a massive movement of people from ex-Upper Volta to production zones of the colonial administration in neighbouring countries. The country borders of Burkina Faso were restored in accordance with its actual borders in 1947. It was only the King of the Mossi Empire (Naaba Saaga) who went to the French and claimed back his territory on the basis that his human resources were his wealth. He argued that even though Burkina Faso did not have much economic interest to attract the colonial masters, his country had brave people (human capital) whom they were using both for production and for fighting to support the French. The socio-cultural aspect of Burkina Faso was overlooked. Such rich culture, family and community values are still a great wealth in the nation. The Obstacles that Came from Colonization Colonization has handicapped Burkina Faso in terms of education, and its consequences continue to be felt even today. The World Bank Human Development Indices lists Burkina Faso among the poorest countries with the lowest school enrolment in Sub-Saharan Africa. African Development Indicators from the World Bank (2004:9) has Burkina Faso at the second 10

Source: see http://www.sandafayre.com/atlas/fwaib.htm.

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Female Education and Mission

lowest literacy rate after Niger followed by Mali. It is only when this background is taken into consideration that one can appreciate the progress made by Burkina Faso even in the midst of a global financial crisis. The French were more interested themselves in the coastal area and countries like Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Togo and Benin, formerly called Dahomey. Benin has the nickname of being the ‘Latin Square’, which denotes its early interest in education. These countries had the largest schools, and children from the land-locked countries had to go there for their education. The country borders were allocated by both the French and the British, and give no access to the sea. Sanou (1987:34-35f.) argues that missionary schools were the first schools; a school for boys opened in 1900 and one for girls in 1902. By 1910 the colonial administration limited the missionary schools to teaching only religious subjects, but this changed in 1922, when they were allowed to include general subjects because the colonial administration did not have the means to run education on its own. However, official diplomas were only given to those who succeeded in the public lay schools, limiting students from the private sector for the priesthood, or compelling them to switch to the public sector if they wished to be employed by the government. Although the goal of missionary schools was to train literate believers in the faith, it should be noted that the school at Ouagadougou was opened at the request of the colonial administration in the person of Captain REUF (Sanou 1987:33). The administration also sent children from less fortunate families to add to the new list of children recruited by the missionaries. That school received a subsidy of 1200 francs until the end of 1903. From 1903 the Ministry of the Colonies decided that all schools should become secular. Many of the of the administrators of the colonies, like the ones for Senegal, Guinea, Ivory Coast and Dahomey, advocated delaying the execution of that request in order to maintain their missionary schools. But the administrator that covered the High-Senegal and Middle Niger that included William Ponty School, the schools of Ouagadougou and Koupèla in Burkina Faso was not sympathetic to missionary schools and quickly executed that order from the Ministry of the Colonies. He stopped giving financial support to missionary schools in 1905 and forbade parents to send their children to missionary schools. The administration opened its public school in 1906 while the missionaries were closing theirs due to the lack of financial support (Sanou 1987:34). Rural education was established in 1961 by the government to reach all those children who missed the classical school with elementary education in rural and civic training. These rural schools (non-formal) were to be located in villages that did not have a formal school and should be closer to link up to the classical because the rural school only lasted three years and did not complete the primary education. At that time there were no formal plans for transfer (as known today as Passerelle) to link between the two types of education. The

Contextual Background

39

idea of rural education goes back to the colonial system. The village schools were primarily set up to teach basic education to the indigenous people in two cycles. The first lasted one year and the second two or three years. That education was based on reading, maths and practical agriculture. The governor Cadre in May 1924 declared that the goal of the French education in the AOF was to domesticate the indigenous by inspiring trust (Sanou 1987).

A French West Africa without Burkina Faso in 193611

Burkina Faso back in the map (former Upper Volta Nº 4)12 11

Source: see http://www.zum.de/whkmla/histatlas/wesafrica/frwestafrica1933large.gif. Source: see http://www.zum.de/whkmla/histatlas/westafrica/frwestafrica1955large. gif. 12

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According to the general decree of 29 March 1922 regulating private education in the AOF the goal was to teach French, give general instruction to the pupils… to affirm qualities of character and to develop loyalist feelings toward France (JOF, AOF, N°911 du 1er Avril 1922, 208) For example in the reading book, Moussa GI Gla-Histoire des deux petits noirs written in 1916 by Louis Sonelet et A. Peres suggests the superiority of the whites toward the blacks. The main idea there argues that it is advantageous for the indigenous to work for the whites, because whites are better educated and more advanced in civilization than the indigenous, and because of this the indigenous will make rapid progress, learn quicker and better and will one day, become real valuable men. Also, the blacks will serve the whites by giving them their manual labour, working in the field to allow the Europeans to have a better harvest and to fight in support of France alongside indigenous troops (Sanou 1987, 24). The language used here to describe the relationship denotes a certain mentality that could not be applicable in our days and generation. The French education system was not favourable to the Burkinabè; instead it kept the indigenous in colonial bondage and in a multidimensional poverty which had consequences that can be felt even more now. Its programmes, philosophies and thought patterns were inadequate and exploitative and these mentalities need to be taken into account when dealing with the situation of the education system of Burkina Faso, especially referring to girls’ and women’s education. But educating women in a holistic manner will yield better fruit in terms of health, food security and will increase the socio-economics of the family. In short, different handicaps mentioned above have not allowed Burkina Faso to be able to implement Education for All (EFA) since the independence. The psychological impact based on the theoretical outcomes from school; its selective rules and the negligence of girls’ education were among the strategies that handicapped the education system of Burkina Faso. There are more negative aspects from colonization in the education system than positive ones. It is true to say that it helped establish schools but these schools were not appropriate to the needs of its people. The students trained in that system were few and were inappropriate to the job demands of the country. According to a face to face interview with Valléan,13 ‘It is like a disease. The students after entrepreneurial graduation are waiting to take a public test in order to apply for a clerical job. They sit idle expecting the government to recruit them as teacher, social servant’. In 2008 during a public test in August for new jobs, there were 132,000 candidates in Burkina Faso applying for 8,000 public posts only. The system created a waiting mentality but not job creators. There was a deformation because the system trained students for public service but they were not adequately trained to create their own employment. 13

Valléan T. Félix Professor at the University of Koudougou, Burkina Faso assisted the researcher with resources and advice during all the four field works 2006-2009.

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Once these obstacles are understood by the grass-roots communities, and there is a turn-around in mentality that gives hope and determination to empower boys and girls, men and women, then signs of change can be perceived in the lives of people, together with goodwill that takes their destiny in hand. Watson (1982, 184f) supported this idea in saying that whenever possible countries should assume the responsibility to overcome these obstacles that hinder the socio-economic development of the people. Many of the problems facing the poorer countries of the Third World can be blamed on the colonial heritage and neo-colonial links – but not all. The time has come in 1980, for individual countries to recognise and, if possible, break those colonial links that hamper their national educational development; and to recognise their own weaknesses and failures of which maladministration and distorted economic development, inertia and psychological barriers to change are amongst the most acute.

He argued that many of the solutions must rest within the former colonies themselves. Local initiatives, such as those examined here, therefore, are an attempt to address the socio-cultural barriers from within to allow more girls and women to have access to high-quality education. The French were more interested in educating boys than girls. The colonial vision was one of domination, and therefore more boys than girls were trained. Sanou shows that in the beginning they created what was called the ‘school of hostages’ (l’école des otages) in 1924 (Sanou: 1987:23).14 That system implies recruiting the sons of village chiefs into the school in order to exert influence on their parents and therefore to take control of the whole village for their benefit. The colonial education system did not want to develop the people of the countries; rather, it sought French development through these countries. Its innate favouritism meant that girls were denied from benefiting from that strategy. Watson (1982:34) mentioned that ‘…considerable opposition was shown towards the education of women and girls because of suspicion and because it was feared that their help would be a loss in the family smallholding, or in helping with the upbringing of younger members of the family’. Some of the root causes of the low performance of its education system lie in the historical and geographical struggles which Burkina Faso had with France before independence. With this remark in mind, leaving girls’ and women’s education, like other developments, only to French influence will not greatly advance the debate in Burkina Faso. After all these years Burkina Faso deserves to have wider opportunities like the British practical approach to

14

The First Council met in Ouagadougou in 1920, then in Ouahigouya, Tenkodogo and Koudougou to apply the decision made earlier in 1860 to make schooling compulsory for the sons of chiefs of villages and towns on 10 May 1924.

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education.15 If the Burkina Faso educational system continues to be looked at only through French lenses then the Burkinabè cannot be blamed for their low rate of girls’ and women’s education. It is no wonder that Burkina Faso is among the poorest countries in the world. In what follows I shall continue to address these obstacles and present arguments, based on evidence for some innovative ways of overcoming them. Evangelical Churches and Education With Muslims in the majority, Christianity accounts for a third of the population. Traditional beliefs with ancestral worship are practised by a certain number, but this group is very much influenced by Islam and Christianity, which are increasing. Among the Christians there are two main groups: the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestants (Evangelicals). Christianity pioneered the early phase of private education in Burkina Faso, and the Catholic Church is also involved in higher education as well as secondary and primary. The Evangelical churches initiated non-formal education well before the government, and continue to bring their contribution to girls’ and women’s education. In the formal sector the churches are using the official curriculum provided by the government to teach boys and girls without any religious discrimination. However, by law they are allowed to add their special subjects such as Religious Education (RE). Because of the quantity and the quality of the churches’ contribution, and also that provided by other agencies, Head Offices for Private Education were set up at the ministerial level within both the Basic and Secondary Ministry’s offices to coordinate, evaluate and support that contribution. The above context of the history of education in West Africa in general, and especially in Burkina Faso, constitutes a pivotal prerequisite for the assessment of girls’ and women’s education, and the role the church has played and continues to play in it. Failure to recognize this background will lead to an inaccurate and simplistic conclusion which does not reflect the real situation and therefore will not do justice to the topic. A good analysis of this context will reveal signs of hope where churches were involved alongside the government from the beginning in promoting an emerging educational system that contributed to overcoming obstacles to girls’ and women’s education. The coastal countries had higher school enrolment rates than Burkina Faso. In 1970 Benin had a 37% primary school enrolment, Senegal 39 %, Ivory Coast 59% and Togo 71%. At the same time, Mali had 22%, Niger 13% and Burkina Faso 12%. These last three countries are situated in the interior of West Africa (Institut International de la Planification de l’Education, 1984:11). One of the main reasons that school enrolment is low is that formal education 15

Ouédraogo P., Les raisons d’un grand retard. Le pays du 27 septembre 2007 no. 3963, 12 www.lepays.bf

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reached the landlocked countries late16. Whilst primary education started in Senegal on 7 March 1817 with Jean Dard (Sall, 1996:53), in Burkina Faso the first schools did not open until nearly a century later, in 1900. That first school was private and belonged to the Roman Catholic Church (Sanou, 1987:33). This meant that Burkina Faso was dependent on schools established in neighbouring countries. Even at this early stage there are signs of the church’s involvement in education. In 1947, primary school enrolment was estimated at 9,211 pupils in 211 schools (including 79 private schools), with an enrolment rate of 1.8%, while other colonial territories like Senegal, Benin and Ivory Coast had enrolment rates which were two to four times higher (Sanou: 1987). In 1990 this rate was 37%, and represented one of the lowest among the developing countries after Somalia (10%, Mali 24%, and Niger 29% (DAE, 1995:11). As mentioned above, the churches were involved very early in providing education, even before the government. One third of education was then provided by the private sector. Secondary school education was provided in schools outside Burkina Faso, as in Senegal, where the William Ponty School opened in 1915, the medical school of Dakar in 1918 and the Young Girls’ School of Rufisque (Ecole Normale des Jeunes Filles) in 1939. Until 1935 Burkina Faso did not have one public secondary school. On the other hand the Roman Catholic Church opened the Seminary of Pabré in 1925 and later in 1935 one in Koumi for the training of its priests. Its primary school started in 1900 and the Evangelical Assemblies of God church started their primary school in 1948. These contrasts explain the reason for the low secondary school enrolment in Burkina Faso. In 1970 there was no university and the enrolment rate for secondary education was 1.3%; in 1990 it was still only 7.5% and represented one of the lowest in Africa (DAE, 1995:11). Another important point here is that there is a huge gender gap in education. Girls are not well represented at all levels of education compared with boys. In 1992-93, girls’ enrolment rate was 24.31% against 36.78% of boys at the primary level (Valléan 2003:77). These inequalities at the national level hide serious disparities between urban and rural areas. For example, in Kadiogo province where Ouagadougou, the capital city, is located and which is more urban than the others, a girls’ enrolment rate of 77.87% was noted against 87.31% for boys. But in the rural areas boys’ enrolment is often three times higher than that of girls. This is the case in Gnagna province near the Niger border (4.93% for girls against 12% boys). In other provinces the enrolment

16 Ouédraogo P., Les raisons d’un grand retard. Le Pays, 27 septembre 2007 no. 3963, 12 www.lepays.bf, one of my articles in the national daily newspaper referring to the early involvement of the church in education and reasons why school enrolment was low in Burkina Faso.

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rate of boys is twice that of girls. These provinces are located in the eastern, the Sahel and the northern parts of the country. The Evangelical churches in Burkina Faso are the second largest Christian body after the Roman Catholic Church. The first established churches and missions later formed the Federation of Churches and Evangelical Missions (Fédération des Eglises et Missions Evangéliques, FEME). That Federation has a dozen members, mainly from the Pentecostal tradition, but there are other churches which are not yet members of the Federation. All these churches share the same interest in reaching the nation with the gospel of Jesus Christ and of making their contribution to development issues such as health and education. They are widely represented across the nation and the Assemblies of God church represents 50% of the evangelicals, with about 4,000 local churches and pastors at the time of writing. Mention will also be made at a later stage of the wider evangelical community. A brief look at the history of the AOG will help to explain the reasons for and nature of their contribution to girls’ and women’s education. Because of a scarcity of written sources the contextual background of the Evangelical Churches was collected from primary sources through face-to-face interviews with second generation church leaders. These interviews are a key component of this study. The Case of the Assemblies of God Church According to the testimony of the missionaries related in the documentary title ‘The Mossi Land’, it all started with a prophetic word received during the origins of Pentecostalism in early 1906 in a prayer meeting in the USA to go to the Mossi Land. For the American missionaries, evangelizing the Mossi Empire17 was a priority because it is the largest ethnic group, well organized around the traditional King, and the language used was Mooré, spoken by the Mossi. To reach that goal the missionaries, both from America and France, gave the best of themselves to such an extent that some lost their lives through sickness in the first two weeks after their arrival in the country. The first AOG church missionaries arrived in the country on 1 January 1921 and were received by the Mossi king Naaba Koom II, who gave them land to establish their mission at Gounghin, today Sector 8 of Ouagadougou (Kabré 2009). The first missionaries developed functional educational programmes for literacy and evangelism and economic development. Being in a French colony the language was a challenge for the Americans. The native pastors requested that the missionaries contact the church in France and recruit a French missionary who could open a school in Upper Volta. Pastor Harold Jones made several visits and contacts in France and West Africa because it was difficult 17

Documentary film made for the fiftieth anniversary of the AOG church on the history of the first American missionaries arriving in the ‘Mossi Land’ in 1921.

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for an American missionary to open a primary school in a French territory. The churches’ prayers were answered when at last Pastor Pierre Dupret and his wife first arrived in Dakar in 1946, then Ivory Coast in 1947, Guinea in 1948 and reached Upper Volta on 19 February 1948 (Kabré 2009).

Pastor and Mrs. Harold Jones (non-formal education, archive: Kabré 2009)

Pastor Pierre Dupret (formal education) Kabré 2009 About the period from 1921 to 1948, little is known by the author, and the eye-witnesses interviewed about the nature of education of that period referred largely to the non-formal aspect of education. The focus of the study being on the AOG’s contribution, not only on history, I have limited my main work to that area and noted that the church’s involvement in formal education only

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began in 1948. Within the spiritual mission of the church, evangelism and discipleship were high on the agenda, based on the commission Jesus Christ gave to his disciples known as ‘the Great Commission’ (Matt. 28:19-20). Nonformal education was thus one of the church’s strategies for fulfilling its mission. The first believers received from the missionaries a basic training in literacy, often using the sand on the ground as a teaching aid to learn how to read and write before the Mooré alphabet was printed.18 Later, portions of Scripture were printed on a single sheet to assist in memorizing the Scriptures. One verse that comes to mind was the Bi y tê Zu-Soaba Jesus la yãmb ne yir damb na paam fãagre: ’Believe in the Lord Jesus, and you will be saved – you and your household’ (Acts 16.31) was among the texts which new Christians would have memorized. Such non-formal education took different forms of delivery but was essential to the local communities of believers. Portions of the Bible were translated by the missionaries with the help of natives. and soon a printing press was used to print church literature. Pastor John Hall and others made a great contribution by translating the entire Old Testament and writing bible studies, hymn books, dictionaries and other resources in Mooré. Later Bible books were translated and printed, and a complete Bible in Mooré was made available through the Bible Alliance in the 1980s. In 2007 the study reference Bible with the new alphabet in Mooré was made available to the church after years of hard labour. Women in turn learned how to read and write with the help of the American missionary ladies who trained them in special classes, at the mill, or on the way to the well to fetch water. Small Bible schools started in different regions, and the main towns and villages in the Mossi Empire received the first African evangelists, who reached places such as Yako, Ouahigouya in the North, Koudougou in the Centre West, Kaya in Centre North, Tenkodogo in the East. All these different regions welcomed missionaries who were stationed there at the beginning of their field work to support the training of the new believers and church planting initiatives. 19 Simporé, an eye-witness who at the time of writing was a member of the executive board of the national church of AOG, shared in depth how it all began. According to his testimony, he was not sent in the first year to the school in 1948, because his father, who was not a Christian, forbade him to go. Simporé S. was recruited to the Evangelical school in 1950 due to the conversion of his father to Christianity. His pastor Rapademnaaba M. wanted him to come in 1948, the year the first school started in Ouagadougou. However, when the father accepted Christianity, he then allowed him to be 18

Oral testimonies received in the bible school of Nagbangré-Koubri by the firstgeneration church leaders. Such mini bible schools lasted three months, and candidates were sent out to evangelize and plant churches. 19 Interview with Pastor Simporé Sibiri.

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recruited in Ouagadougou, some eighty kilometres from his home. After primary school and part of his secondary schooling in 1961 he wanted to move out and further his education elsewhere in town. At that stage he was contacted 20 by Pastor Dupret requesting him to join him as a teacher. The Pastor’s argument was that they should consolidate the basis of education and that Simporé should join him to achieve that. Kabré argues that Pastor Dupret’s strategy was to organize training in the secondary school in order to have teachers for the primary (Kabré 2009). That suggestion was accepted; he allowed the missionary to withdraw his application to move to the national secondary school, and Simporé joined the staff of the church-run school instead. From the point of view of the church leader who was an eye-witness, the AOG involvement in education was led by God. God wanted the church to have good foundations even before the AOG talked about formal education in 1948.21 It needs to be mentioned here that most missionaries at that time were English-speaking ones from America, while the official language of the Upper Volta was French. At that time Pastor Dupret from France had a conviction about starting schools. He described how he received the vision from God for the schools, though not all his board members agreed with him in this project, especially concerning the inauguration of a secondary level of education. He even showed the eye-witnesses the place where he said that God had spoken to him, telling him to open the schools on that site. Pastor Dupret was convinced of this idea. Sixty years later that church influences 50% of the private Evangelical schools. The 2006 results paper shows that 33 AOG schools represented 77.91% of the national primary schools. The national records in 2006 had 99 private Protestant schools, of which 50% are related to the church, individuals or NGOs who opened schools with the Christian ethos. This indicates what an important role the church is playing in formal primary education. The remaining 50% of schools comes from other denominations and church leaders, families and associations. The AOG church has also opened several secondary schools. Two are specifically for girls; others are mixed for general and technical studies. NGOs such as l’Association Nationale pour la Traduction de la Bible et l’Alphabétisation (ANTBA) developed non-formal education nationwide, while l’Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD) integrated both non-formal and formal education with a potential for rapid growth from nursery to secondary levels following the introduction of an innovation at the national level. As already mentioned, because of their specific 20 Pastor Pierre Dupret and his wife, as French missionaries, were called on by the American missionaries for help seeing that the country was a French colony. 21 Interview with Pastor Simporé, former secretary-general of the Evangelical educators of Burkina Faso, in March 2006 in Ouagadougou.

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relevance to the case studies these contributions helped to reveal the larger picture of the contribution of the evangelical churches and organizations in offering women access to education. Because the classical basic education was given in the French language, French partners were called by the American missionaries to help them to develop that aspect which was outside their linguistic competence. It is understandable that the French partner picked up the educational aspect and excelled in preparing the church’s and the nation’s future leaders. Formal education was developed by the national church with the support of both missionary groups. Once capable leaders were trained, the leadership of the Assemblies of God church was handed over to the national church in 1951. Thus from the time of independence from France in 1960 the larger group among the evangelical churches in Upper Volta (later called Burkina Faso in 1984) was led by the national church. The 43rd General Council of AOG was held from 20-24 January 2010 with the renewal of national officers.22 It is noted that French missionaries were few compared with their American partners in developing non-formal education. However, on the issue of formal education Pastor Dupret resisted for a whole day the arguments of the American partners who wanted him to stop education at the primary level. This pressure, as witnessed by Gouba,23 supports the evidence that both missions wanted to keep their God-given vision for spreading the gospel and building good national leaders. It seems that God was preparing people for the future church generation. With today’s progress, the church needs capable leaders. At the time the primary school was opened there were not many intellectuals by high academic standards in the church apart from the American missionaries. The Gospel is for all the population and the church needed more intellectuals. Those intellectuals could also reach their peer groups as well.

That is the opinion of the church leaders interviewed.24 Today there are brothers and sisters in the church with different levels of education who can reach others both intellectually and spiritually. There are other intellectuals who did not go through the evangelical schools, but the majority of those who influenced the church intellectuals came from the evangelical schools. This idea of preparing the future church leadership is shared by another executive 22

A special edition of Flamme No 04 of 24 January (2010) referred to the change of leadership during the 43rd general council from Rev. Jean Pawentaoré Ouédraogo as the former to Rev. Michel Ouédraogo as the incoming 6th President of AOG Burkina Faso. 23 Interview with Pastor Gouba Tobado, former school teacher in the first evangelical school in Ouagadougou 22nd February 2006. 24 Viewpoint shared by Pastors Tapsoaba and Simporé. F. Tapsoaba was the president of the Apostolic Mission Church, and is the school’s founder and treasurer of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions in Burkina Faso. Interviewed on 8 February 2006.

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member of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions.25 However, criteria in spiritual and behaviour changes were not left out: there is a need to point people towards God through the reading of the Bible message. The evangelical schools are a means by which more children hear the word of God. If the young people are not well trained intellectually and spiritually they will not be in a position to face the many challenges of life awaiting the church and the secular nation. Regarding that particular area of research, Zongo,26 the head of the basic education department of the Assemblies of God, made a different comment as to why the schools were/are implanted in the country. For him the goal of evangelicals is to participate in the development of the country and the education of Burkinabé children. The aim is to share the good news of Jesus Christ. Thus church education is open to all in Burkina Faso without discrimination. Ibrango,27 a school principal in the northern region of the country, sees education as the basic tool for give instruction while at the same time sharing the gospel. In his opinion, education is the most powerful tool that has proved itself for socio-economic and spiritual development. When one looks almost in all the public sector, you have people that went through the evangelical schools, especially the ones founded by the AOG. All these office workers who came out of the evangelical schools are instruments of light for the gospel across the nation. You will find Christians heading government departments who are in a position to be a witness.

Pastor Gouba,28 also a witness and a teacher in the evangelical school since 1953, noticed that Pastor Dupret integrated girls and boys in the school. There were no gender distinctions in his programme. He was a man with the vision. Many of these girls got married to church leaders today. The instructions they received helped them to establish harmonious families.

25 F. Tapsoaba is the founder of the school complex Raoul F. and an executive member of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions. 26 A. Zongo is the director of the Association of Evangelical Schools of the Assemblies of God. 27 L. Ibrango, a former school advisor, and Headmaster of the evangelical school in Ouahigouya, the capital of the Northern province of Yatenga. With over 40 years of experience in teaching in the same school, he taught the author in the middle class during the year 1968-69. Interview conducted in the school at Ouahigouya in March 2006. 28 T. Gouba, the second national evangelical school teacher with Pastor Dupret, the first being the late Pastor Kéré Gédéon. Gouba celebrated 50 years of marriage and concluded that mixed evangelical education can promote harmonious families when both partners went to school and benefited from Christian education.

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That church leader found his wife in the church school and got married fifty years ago. He noticed that girls’ education was very necessary in the physical and in the spiritual sense. Women who are educated can help other girls learn a skill, and can also be of great help to their husbands. Non-formal education predated formal education. Chronologically, girls’ and women’s education came before the formal schools which were started in the late 1940s. Pastor Sibiri Simporé, a church executive member, reported the following: American missionaries started with the education of girls and women in general. The first missionary ladies were learning the local language by spending time with their African mates. One remembered Pastor Harold Jones and his wife starting that ministry in the church he was attending. The missionary lady was teaching things they were not able to do before in the village and there were also girls’ homes in Tenkodogo and girls were sent there in the east to be trained. Other centres were built in Ouagadougou and around. This situation led the church to want to open the girls’ education centre in Loumbila. Girls’ education started in the few existing churches even before the church run schools. Girls’ education was among the priorities of the church actions. The church always wanted the new believers in the faith to be literate. This will help them fulfil their vision of reaching the country with the gospel. (Simporé 2006)

Former evangelists witnessed to the second generation Christians in Burkina Faso that the very first reading and writing classes were taught in brief training sessions. Women were trained on the job at the mill, by the well and in special classes. New believers were sent to the main towns of the Mossi Empire to share the Gospel of Christ. The church put an emphasis on families from the beginning, so women were trained alongside their husbands by the wives of missionaries to learn how to read and write and assist their husbands to reach other women and girls with the gospel. This non-formal training which led to the creation of the first Bible school in Koubri, came well before the formal education of 1948. Since then seven other Bible Schools have been opened across the country: Bethel Salbisgo, Ecole Pastorale et Agricole at Banakélédaga, Bon Berger Djibo, Tégawendé Kaya, and Betsaleel at Tenkodogo, Institut Biblique Supérieur (IBS) and Oholiab for lay leadership training. These schools are opened to train men, women and children for Christian ministries. Conclusion In the previous chapter an attempt has been made to examine the contextual background of Burkina Faso. The colonial legacy, especially that of French colonialism, greatly influenced the educational system of Burkina Faso, and its consequences impacted negatively on the nature and quality of education with little attention given to the education of girls and women. It ignored the history, culture, gender and language of the people in the colonies. Other factors, such

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as the historical, geographical, the socio-economic and cultural, were part of the struggles Burkina Faso has had to face in dealing with girls’ and women’s education. The church, on the other hand, used local languages in their educational system to train evangelists, prepare future leaders of the nation, and establish harmonious families. However the AOG churches, which are dominant among the patriarchal ethnic groups such as the Mossi, still need to question what consequences still exist to hinder gender/social relations or theological positions regarding female education. A brief mention is made of the Evangelical churches whose leaders were involved in the early stages in both non-formal and formal education. The following chapter will provide a review of the literature and explore the debate concerning girls’ education and development.

Chapter 3 The Importance of Girls’ Education for Development

Introduction This chapter will provide a review of the theoretical framework and literature on the role of women’s and girls’ education for development with a special focus on the African situation, as well exploring the importance of education for economic development. The major sources used were reports and articles from Education for All (EFA); UNESCO, the World Bank, the multilateral agencies such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the Department of International Development (DFID), The Fast Track Initiatives (FTI), international NGOs such as Oxfam, Woord en Daad and Partners Organizations, the Forum of Africa Women Educationalists (FAWE) and the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA). An overview of the global discussion regarding women’s and girls’ education from religious as well as traditional belief systems perspectives are also explored in order to identify the barriers to the promotion of education. The Historical Context of Educational Development The World Declaration on Education for All (art.1, para.1) defined education as follows: These needs comprise both essential learning tools (such as literacy, oral expression, numeracy and problem solving) and the basic learning content (such as knowledge, skills, values and attitudes) required by human beings to be able to survive, to develop their full capacities, to live and work in dignity, to participate fully in development, to improve the quality of their lives, to make informed decisions, and to continue learning.

This broad definition gives room to adapt any education to the real needs of the learner. It involves both skills and attitudes and focuses on improving one’s condition in life. Education, therefore, has a fundamental role to play in both personal and social development.

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At the Dakar meeting in 1991 all the initiatives evaluated were found wanting, especially in the Francophone Sub-Saharan countries. The PanAfrican meeting held one year later than the World Summit on EFA at Jomtien realised that the expected results were not achievable, as was the case in Burkina Faso in the 1980s. Among the reasons found for not achieving Education for All were the socio-economic crisis, the decrease in quality, too few resources allocated to education, and a decline in learning and training conditions. Thus the Dakar meeting faced some of the barriers outlined in the case of Burkina Faso in chapter 2 and later on the obstacles in this chapter. Beijing (1995) made the following evaluations and recommendations: ‘On a regional level girls and boys have achieved equal access to primary education, except in some parts of Africa, in particular Sub-Saharan Africa, where access to education facilities is still inadequate’ (Beijing 1995).1 The report goes on to say: Equality of access and attainment of educational qualification is necessary. Literacy of women is an important key to improving health, nutrition and education in the family, to improving women to participate in decision making in society. Investing in formal and non-formal education and training for girls and women, with its exceptionally high social and economic return, has proven to be one of the best means of achieving sustainable development and economic growth that is both sustained and sustainable. (Platform for action 71)

This outlines the importance of girls’ education as a means of socioeconomic development of a community. However, the realities are universally different: The high rates of illiteracy prevailing in most developing countries, in particular in Sub-Saharan Africa, remain a severe impediment to the advancement of women and to development.

Girls’ and women’s education seems therefore to be a very important issue across the developing countries. Discrimination in girls’ access to education persist in many areas, owing to customary attitudes, early marriages and pregnancies, inadequate and genderbiased teaching and educational materials, sexual harassment and lack of adequate and physical and otherwise accessible schooling facilities. Girls and young women are expected to manage both educational and domestic responsibilities, often resulting in poor scholastic performance and early dropout from the educational system. This has long lasting consequences for all aspects of women’s lives. (Platform for action 73, Beijing 1995)

1

Platform for action number IV B 72, 4th World Summit Beijing 1995.

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The Platform for action and the Beijing Declaration mentioned the use media and NGOs in the development of girls and women’s education. acknowledges the shortage of resources in many nations in the context adjustment policies and programmes2. The report also referred to the kind education within the context in which they live.

of It of of

Recognize and support the right of indigenous women and girls to education and promote a multicultural approach to education that is responsive to the needs, aspirations and culture on indigenous women, including developing appropriate education programmes, curricula and teaching aids, to the extent possible in the language of indigenous people, and by providing for the participation of indigenous women in the process. (Platform for action 85n, Beijing 1995)

It needs to be noted here that all these educational development summits, platforms and declarations came to affirm some of the things the churches were doing in education from the beginning. It seems that along the way, as noted by Belshaw et al. (2001) and Marshall (2005), the churches have been left out on the journey, only for policy-makers to find out later that there is a piece of the puzzle missing. The churches, like the evangelical churches in Burkina Faso, have always concerned themselves with an integrated approach to girls’ education with very few resources, and have valued what others have missed and are now calling for at a global level. Beijing made a recommendation to: ‘Acknowledge and respect the artistic, spiritual and cultural activities of indigenous women. Ensure that gender equality and culture and religion are respected in educational institutions’. It is the religious communities such as the churches and Christian NGOs that promote spiritual and moral values. They also work to resolve gender inequality by promoting more access for girls and women to education. Bearing in mind comments made about the status of girls’ and women’s education in Sub-Saharan Africa on the one hand, and the historical educational context of the churches in Burkina Faso on the other, in the following section I will examine the educational theories used by the churches and NGOs in Burkina Faso.

2

Structural adjustment programme is a term used to describe the policy changes implemented by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in developing countries. These policy changes were conditions for getting new loans from the IMF or the World Bank, or for obtaining lower interest rates on existing loans. Conditions are implemented to ensure that the money lent will be spent in accordance with the overall goals of the loan. Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) are created with the goal of reducing the borrowing country’s fiscal imbalances. In many developing countries the conditions of the SAP did not enable the economy to flourish but increased poverty.

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Educational Theories The Delors Report (UNESCO 1996) indicated that: Education is the heart of both personal and community development; its mission is to enable each of us, without exception, to develop all our talents to the full and to realize our creative potential, including responsibility for our own lives and achievement of our personal aims

The Report outlined four pillars of education which are the foundation of education as ‘learning to live together’: 1. Learning to know: combining general education with in-depth work on a selected number of subjects 2. Learning to do: an acquisition of a competence that enables people to deal with a variety of situations, often unforeseeable, and work in a team. 3. Learning to live together, learning to live with others, interdependence. 4. Learning to be (UNESCO 1996:21)3 Very often education in the Third World needs to be developed or reformed in order to meet the real needs of the people. What is the system available in Burkina Faso which is meant to empower the beneficiaries for holistic development? Girls’ and women’s education is now the preoccupation of donor-driven aid, the state and civil societies, since women form the majority of the total population. They are also the breadwinners of the households, and care better for the whole community. But what policies are in place to increase their education in the private sector? And why are they still at the bottom of the literacy list? Between the law and the practice there is a big gap of which the government is aware. What contribution is being made by the evangelical churches to enhance the quality of boys’ and girls’ education in Burkina Faso? The following section will address this question. The UNESCO/BREDA Conference of 1999, reporting on the progress made in women’s education in Africa, argues that women’s literacy contributes to improving their conditions of life. The report argues that literacy is an instrument of well-being and is a first step towards justice, towards mastering one’s own existence, towards a large and equitable participation in the life of society and a means by which women will be free from practical and economic oppression by having opportunities and better choices (UNESCO 1999:55). A functional approach to girls’ and women’s literacy becomes an instrument that will improve the quality of life and ensure the survival of their family members. Functional education of girls and women affects the economic, political, social, cultural, family and personal purposes of life.

3

UNESCO (1996) ‘Learning: The Treasure Within’ (The Delors Report, 21).

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Girls’ and women’s education gives them the opportunity to meet each other for socialization, and to learn and share their experiences with other women. It also enables them to look after their children and their health better, to have less dependence on others, to write for themselves, to manage their finances, to read medical prescriptions, to read the sacred texts, and to participate and lead prayers (UNESCO 1999:55). One could affirm that women’s education contributes to improving family life conditions, assuring the well-being of children, knowing how to use new technologies, and having easy access to cooperatives as well as knowing how to run them and how to use savings accounts. Women’s literacy is considered as a means of economic promotion. In addition to being able to read, write and count girls and women are looking for opportunities to use these skills in the promotion of their social and economic life. Through literacy they will be able to promote democratic values by taking part in voting and assuming their own role in society (UNESCO/BREDA, 1999). The UNESCO/ADEA Report (1990-2000:11) on education noted that formal girls’ education in Africa largely happened through the effort of the Christian missionaries who opened girls’ social centres to train girls and prepare them for marriage to Christian male converts. This education was complementary to the traditional one. Governments in the 1960s and international organizations committed themselves to Universal Primary Education and decided to reduce the gap that existed between girls and boys. Girls’ education was high on the agenda of the United Nations in 1975 when it declared the next ten years (1975-1985) as the decade of women (UNESCO/ BREDA 1999:63). From the Jomtien Conference in 1990, girls’ education remained a major preoccupation of international meetings. The New York Summit stated that girls’ education was essential to improving women’s conditions and allowing them to participate in development. The Ouagadougou conference in April 1993 took measures to reduce the gap between the sexes. At the Education Summit nine countries with a high population reinforced their adherence to the Jomtien declarations by recognizing that achieving autonomy for girls and women was important and was a key factor in social development (UNESCO 1999:63). In sub-Saharan Africa the reports indicate that Qur’anic schools had more children at the nursery level and were characterized by a big gap in favour of boys. Among ten (10) children registered only 3 are girls (UNESCO 1999:64). Efforts are being made in countries with a political will to set up special programmes for girls’ education. The Mali girls’ extension programme (199598), the Satellite Schools in Burkina Faso, the Reform Programme in Benin and the Women’s Priority Programme in Senegal are examples of such political will. From the above, there is evidence of an effort being made to increase girls’ access to basic education.

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During a face-to-face interview in 2009 with the Secretary-General Clémence Ilboudo at the Ministry of Women’s Promotion in Burkina Faso,4 it was pointed out that one of the Ministry’s objectives is to contribute and coordinate with other government departments, actions and strategies in favour of women’s and girls’ education. Such activities are to be monitored and evaluated in order to report to the government. Due to the gaps in school enrolment between boys and girls, the Ministry is seeking to create awareness at the national level and to encourage parents to enrol girls and to maintain them through the process so they will be able to seize better opportunities in life. The government strategy of bringing awareness of the value of the wellbeing of the whole family and of gender issues contributes towards improving girls’ and women’s conditions. The advocacy role of the Ministry is not immune to criticism from those who wrongly view the strategy as tending to be more feminist than gender balanced. However, once the call of the Ministry is understood, it brings a holistic development in favour of complementary roles for men and women in the family and also at the national level. The Contribution of Civil Societies to Female Education Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) represent an important element in the dynamic movement and many sectors of civil society. In sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) this sector is largely represented by religious organizations who introduced education before governments did so. The first missionaries created many schools in sub-Saharan Africa.5 They were the first to introduce both non-formal and formal education and training in professional skills. The first graduates from these mission schools were those who fought for independence and became the first national leaders after the colonial period. These schools provided a better education which opened pupils’ and parents’ eyes to understand the injustice of the colonial state that sought mainly to defend the interests of the economy of the West (Watson 1982). Together those African leaders from the colonial period fought to deliver their people from the triple inheritance of poverty, ignorance and disease (UNESCO/BREDA 1999). Kofi Annan describes the NGOs as indispensable operators that also implement public policy (UNESCO/BREDA 1999). Religious organizations such as the churches and NGOs continue to play a major role in the education sector in sub-Saharan Africa in both formal and non-formal sectors. They were the first to establish specialized schools and training institutions that catered for the marginalized groups such as the 4

Clémence Ilboudo: Interview at the Cabinet of the Ministry in Ouagadougou, 10-12 am, 6 February 2009. 5 The Reform of Burkina Faso Educational System, 3 states in the historic section: ‘The colonial school was first the work of the Catholic missionaries’.

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handicapped, orphans, and vulnerable children. Alongside the churches there is strong evidence that supports the Christian NGOs which are specializing in women’s and girls’ education in a multi-faceted way. Their contributions are significant in Burkina Faso. To illustrate this, let us examine an innovative theory from a faith-based organization, a Dutch organization called Woord en Daad and its partners in the developing world. In March 2009 Woord en Daad (W/D) met with over one hundred members from its partner organization in Nairobi/ Kenya to discuss the next strategic plan and to work together to come up with a theory that would combine in chain-learning practices and empowering activities to contribute to positive change in the lives of the most vulnerable people in the communities. In his presentation to the Partners’ Conference entitled ‘Joining Hands and Hearts’, Jan Lock, the Chief Executive Officer of Woord en Daad, chaired the plenary sessions and shared the theory that is already in practice with some partner organizations to see how it can be redefined and shaped to meet the real needs of the people in communities that largely comprise more girls and women than men. Below is the resolution from Woord en Daad and Partners’ conference on Education6. Education: Core Values and Biblical Principles During the conference in Nairobi a common vision on the educational programme was formulated and validated by W/D and Partner Organizations. Biblical principles were formulated, as well as their practical implications which constitute the framework of several development interventions including education. W/D partner organizations operate in geographically very different regions, representing a variety of cultures. However what all partners share is their recognition of the Bible. Being the Word of God it is the source of our identity. Inspiring, motivating, and leading us on a personal and organizational level. The starting point of our planning, defining strategies and development of activities is our common ‘source’: our beliefs in the Bible as the Word of God. Besides the Bible there is our Christian thinking and confessions, built up and developed during history. Here already the role of culture, history and human choices starts to play a role.

6 Under the chairman of Jan Lock, CEO of Woord en Daad, a global partner conference took place in Nairobi Kenya from 25 March to 2 April 2009 with the theme ‘Joining Hands and Hearts’. A working group on education, among other programmes, was set up to develop educational theories for economic development.

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(Non) Christian models, visions, methods

Acting in practice 1

The ring surrounding the core (the source of all our thinking and acting) are models, vision, methods and good practices and legislation which we (can) use to model and organize our education programme. These can be Christian but not by definition: non Christian models, methods etc. can be used filtered by what is found in the core, our source the Bible. Encircling this ring there is the practice of our daily work. That is all the activities in our various education programmes. Between the core and the two rings there is talk of interaction: out of our experiences in daily work we go back to theories and models to find inspiration and guidance in our work. Out of the principles in the core (that what determines our identity) we filter these models and theories. The other way round there is also talk of interaction: based on the Bible we develop practices and theories which guide us in daily work. The point of attention is the role and place of the identity of the students, which is not per definition Christian. The model aims to present the way our identity (with as a main common point the Bible as our source of living) colours and gives taste to the education programmes we run. The following four principles are components to take into account in the education process. They state that: 1. a human being is created by God 2. a human being is created unique 3. a human being is created whole/complete 4. an image-bearer of God developing a self-image These are the core values and the Biblical principles. But how are these going to be translated practically? The following theory is based on these principles and combines both the formal and non-formal education needs of the person. In application it is an empowering tool for girls and women not only to receive education but a type of education that affects the whole person. In the theory is a concept of a chain of programmes or activities in which one can get

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involved according to need. These educational opportunities are not only theories but uncompensated aspects such as vocational training, job creation, micro-finance and basic needs. This educational theory is not neutral but is firmly based on Biblical principles, core values, developmental principles and intersecting issues. The Theory of Cha(i)nge: An Integrated Development Intervention of Woord en Daad and Partners Organizations Several years ago Woord en Daad developed and introduced a so-called “chain approach” in an effort to explain and further promote the linking of the various programmes. This approach tried to provide a logical way of thinking with regards to the connection of development programmes in order to create a better and more sustained impact. Based on learning experiences from this approach, through evaluations and discussions a revised understanding of the approach is proposed in the form of the “Theory of Cha(i)nge”. A few notes on the image / thoughts behind the image 1. The idea behind the image is that it has the form of an ‘eye’. 2. In the middle are the four circles of individual – family – community – region. The thought behind it is that they are in the centre of attention, the people-oriented component. This also links to their holding ownership in their process of transformation. 3. The top parts of the eye are the 4 elements of the current chain. There are no more arrows, because at different stages people will need the facilitation of different elements. So it is no longer a linear process, or steps you have to go through to reach a certain level of transformation,

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but rather, depending on what your needs are in your process of transformation, those elements can play a role. Naturally other elements like the spiritual aspect also play a part, but these are solely the 4 elements that we offer in our intervention strategy as a development organization. Where necessary the elements are clearly linked to each other, depending on the contextual needs. 4. The bottom part of the eye is the biblical framework which has the biblical principles, core values, development principles and crosscutting issues. This framework carries our intervention logic and is simultaneously an integral part of it. Furthermore, the idea behind the form of an ‘eye’ is also that one has to constantly ‘look’ at the context – look outwardly to the external influences and look inwardly at the internal influences – and also look inwardly to reflect on our work, reflect on our intervention logic and intervention strategy to see if they still match the needs of the people at the centre. Woord en Daad and Partner Organizations Theory: Nairobi 2009 In addition to the Speed School concept, the theory of cha(i)nge comes in the form of alternatives initiated by the churches and NGOs to contribute to the reform of education policy that meets the needs of target groups. Both these initiatives use the national languages and culture. An elaborated and integrated theory of cha(i)nge was developed with further partnerships in Apeldoorn (Netherlands) in August 2009 during the executive directors’ meeting. Current Global Thinking on Female Education The background of this research comes from a need for indigenous, independent research into girls’ education. Zownal: (1998) ‘Overlooked and Undervalued’, a synthesis of the Education Research Network for West and Central Africa (ERNWACA)’ reviews the state of education in west and central Africa and calls for independent national researchers to make their contributions to the issue. This is because most non-native researchers from the public sector or the international donor circles may not be able really to grasp the situation facing local communities. Their educational goals are, as explained above, decided away from the local communities at the international level, and then it is up to the communities to implement them at great cost. In his book Economic Development Todaro (1997) discussed the relationship between education and development, which is developed in this study. He quotes from Frederick Harbison (1973)7 arguing that investing in 7

Frederick H. Harbison, ‘Human Resources as the Wealth of Nations’ (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 3. See also Theodore W. Schultz, ‘Investment in human capital,’ American Economic Review 51 (March 1961).

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human resources constitutes a basis for the wealth of a nation; ‘…clearly a country which is unable to develop the skills and knowledge of its people and utilize them effectively in the national economy will be unable to develop anything’. Todaro (1997:378) emphasises Harbison’s (1973:3) statement in relation to educational development by arguing that education contributes to increase to a nation’s factors of production. The role and importance of education for socio-economic development Burchi (2006) has argued that education is a fundamental factor in achieving food security for rural populations in developing countries. This is based on the argument of the Human Development Approach, according to which education is both intrinsically and instrumentally relevant for socio-economic development. Johnston (1990:83) also stresses the importance of literacy for socio-economic development because this enables people, especially women and girls, to read instructions on medicines and fertilizers. The effects of literacy on society seem reasonably clear; at least, it is clear that societies with a high level of literacy are materially better off than those with a low level, and the presence of widespread literacy skills in a society substantially affects its culture, relationships, power structure, and economy.

Thiongo (1972:80) made a point with reference to the socio-economic aspect of mission schools. The first education given was merely to enable converts to read the Bible so that they could carry out simple duties as assistants to the missionaries. As education later came to be the ladder to better jobs and money and to a higher standard of living, albeit in the image of the European mode of life, the Christian-educated African became even more removed from his ancestral shrines and roots. Lockheed and Verspoor (1991:41) therefore argued for improving primary education for the developing world as it was/is seen as the first building block towards improving the health and well-being of poor people. The importance of educating girls and women Kofi Annan (World Bank 2008:3), the former UN Secretary General, said: ‘There is no tool for development more effective than the education of girls’. It is therefore attested in the Plan 2008 Report on Children in Focus that ‘education is vital to the future prospects and development of children across the globe. Gaining a good education is at least as important for girls as it is for boys’ (Plan 2008:4). James D. Wolfensohn, the former head of the World Bank, concluded that all agree that the single most important key to development and poverty alleviation is education. Lockheed (1995: ix), analysing education in the developing countries, touched on another aspect of educational development by referring to the increasingly important role of the private sector in education.

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According to the World Bank there are several reasons for girls’ education: There are several compelling benefits associated with girls’ education, which include the reduction of child and maternal mortality, improvement of child nutrition and health, lower fertility rates, enhancement of women’s domestic role and their political participation, improvement of the economic productivity and growth, and protection of girls from HIV/AIDS, abuse and exploitation. Girls’ education yields some of the highest returns of all development investments, yielding both private and social benefits that accrue to individuals, families, and society at large. (Lockheed, 1995: ix)

Lockheed and Jiménez (1995), in a comparative study for the World Bank, pointed out that education is also important to the private sector as well as for the state. There is now a firm consensus that investment in education has high payoffs in promoting both economic growth and equity. At the moment, governments are the primary provider and financier of such investment. But increasingly, governments have also encountered some keys constraints in their abilities to mobilize resources to finance the investments and manage ever-going educational systems efficiently; one positive option is to let the private sector play a greater role. (Lockheed, Jiménez 1995: ix) For girls and boys, education is the foundation stone on which future employment prospects and opportunities are built. Those who miss out on education as children often struggle to gain employment as adults. When they do find work, the uneducated typically earns less than their peers. (World Bank 2008:4)

To Levin and Verspoor (1993) education plays a particularly important role as the foundation for girls’ development towards adult life. Basic education provides girls and women with an understanding of health, nutrition and family planning. King and Hill (1993:27) make the point that education enhances women’s economic productivity in both agricultural and non-agricultural sectors. Educating girls and women, therefore, is an important step in overcoming poverty. Developing nations like Burkina Faso which are confronted with scarce economic resources to provide Education for All must involve all community leaders with profound cultural and religious influence on girls and boys, men and women. Can this global aim of the MDGs of Education for All (EFA) be realizable in sub-Saharan African countries without the support and involvement of the community? It is doubtful. The context of education in Africa In Africa several meetings on education have taken place since independence by government leaders to address education, especially of women and girls, and to see how to overcome problems of access and quality. The Addis Ababa

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meeting in 1960 was reviewed in 1980 and revealed that the African aim for Education for All was not achieved. Bray (1981:2) argued that: Governments which are committed to the equitable objectives of universalisation schemes often find these goals elusive. Even if universal enrolments are achieved at the bottom level, imbalances tend to be maintained by both quantitative and qualitative differentials. Thus, there is a tendency for members of those groups who were the last to be brought into the system to be among the first to drop out, and for members of the more educationally advanced groups to proceed to postprimary education while others do not. During periods of educational expansion qualitative problems tend to be exacerbated, and this is particularly the case in those areas and among those groups with previously low enrolment.

Then later in Harare (1982), it was acknowledged that according to the Report of UNESCO/BREDA (1997:5-87), the educational context of Africa was facing many difficulties, mainly from the political, economic and cultural perspectives. (Bray 1981) had this to say: Despite the considerable diversity in economic and political circumstances to be found in the developing world, certain common objectives of can be identified. First, because universalisation campaigns are usually very popular, they are often launched in order to gain political support. Second, the projects frequently seek to reduce regional, urban-rural and male-female imbalances. Third, a minimum level of education is widely seen as a basic human right for all citizens, and finally, education is commonly seen as an investment in ‘human capital’ which is an essential component of development.

Later on I will examine the education policies in general at the African level that were monitored by UNESCO after 1980. A ministry-level education meeting was called in Harare in 1982. That meeting included those who were involved in economic planning at country level. It was reported that the level of illiteracy was still increasing. Even with the innovations and modifications of the education systems inherited from colonization, very few African countries were able to found a new school system free from the influence of the colonizer to take into account the culture and values of Africans (UNESCO/BREDA, 1997:100-101). The Harare meeting took into account the failure of planning since 1961 and the attempt to improve reforms made in the 1970s that aimed to provide education accessible to rural communities. Participants at the Harare meeting maintained that education should develop at three levels: 1. The eradication of illiteracy in Africa before the end of the century by means of a coordinated and generalized primary education and literacy education 2. Improved scientific and technological education at secondary level 3. Increased higher education (UNESCO/BREDA, 1997:101) Kathlyn, Lewit and Soumare (1994) pointed out in the World Bank Report that the five nations with the lowest total enrolment rates and the lowest girls’

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enrolment rate in the world are in Sub-Saharan Africa. These include Burkina Faso. Year/ Country Ethiopia Burkina Faso Niger Mali Guinea

1970 10% 10% 10% 15% 15%

1991 21% 21% 14% 19% 19%

The five nations with the lowest girls’ enrolment rates and their progress made in a period of 20 years Compared with 1990-2000 rates according to the 2004 African Development Indicators of the World Bank: Ethiopia: Burkina Faso:

41 29

Niger: Mali:

24 -

Guinea: 41

One interesting question would be to look at the religious and cultural backgrounds in these nations which may have some impact on girls’ and women’s education. The socio-cultural barriers facing women’s education in Burkina Faso are discussed in the section (5.1) in Chapter Five. All the initiatives of Education for All (EFA) were evaluated at Dakar in Senegal in 1991 and were found to be wanting, especially for sub-Saharan Africa countries. The Pan-African Conference was held one year later than the World Summit of Education for All (EFA) Jomtien in 1990. That year was declared by the United Nations as the International Year of Literacy. Similar to other educational conferences, participants were to find out that the expected results were not achievable. They noticed that: • Socio-economic crises had an impact on education. • The qualitative and quantitative growth had slowed down. • Fewer resources were allocated to education. • The conditions for improving teaching and learning had deteriorated. • Thus the Dakar meeting noticed that lack of socio-economic development had a negative impact on education. The Association for the Development of Education in Africa in 1990 created a Working Group on Female Participation in Education (WGFPE). That group is composed of African ministers of education, funding agencies, researchers, planners and African NGOs. Together they seek effective ways to bring girls and women into the classroom. The Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) based in Ouagadougou serves as the lead agency for the consortium.8 The FAWE was founded in 1992 out of a discussion of African ministers of 8

CIEFFA Op.cit.

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education and funding agencies with the ADEA. FAWE’s vision was an environment conducive to educating women and girls. They now have national chapters established in some 31 countries. It is interesting to note the participation of African NGOs in that Forum. The working group noticed that poverty, long-held negative attitudes about women’s intellectual capabilities, teenage pregnancy, early marriage, exam failures in mathematics and science, and the traditional division of household labour are among the many factors that continue to keep vast numbers of girls out of the classroom in sub-Saharan Africa. The Group agrees that despite dramatic rises in enrolment over the past 30 years, the gender gap in access, attainment and achievement persists. According to available evidence, investment in female education in the low-income countries in Africa such as Burkina Faso is a best investment that simultaneously achieves greater earning ability for families, reduced fertility, reduced infant mortality and increased levels of public health. The strategy of the working group is therefore to identify and support collaborative efforts which build the capacity of individuals and institutions, both private and public, to accelerate female participation in education. Burkina Faso, while hosting CIEFFA headquarters, is greatly involved through civil societies such as NGOs and churches to improve female access to education. The Alliance for Community Action to Female Education was created to channel funding and other types of assistance to NGOs, which are effective in forwarding female access to education. The Alliance’s goal is to ensure healthy partnerships between governments and NGOs in creating multiple channels of educational opportunity. It is UNICEF and an international steering committee of funding agencies which oversee the initiatives, while nationally-based committees of education professionals will guide each country’s programme. It is reported that the Alliance has facilitated networking among local NGOs at community level and provided technical support through the provision of small grants. However, such networking and financial support needs to be assessed to see how much has been actually spent and how many local NGOs, including churches and associations at community level, have been assisted in this community service delivery in the case of Burkina Faso, where civil society is very strong at the grass-roots. In November 2004 a meeting was held in Kigali to evaluate the progress achieved in the five years since the Dakar 2000 declaration on EFA, and ten years before the deadline set for the achievement of the ADEA goals which are part of the MDGs. Participants also considered the concrete contribution made by EFA bodies and initiatives, particularly the World Bank’s Fast Track Initiative and the high-level group on EFA. At the meeting it was clear that secondary education was a priority after basic Education for All. Burkina Faso is ahead in taking this recommendation on board. The revised education law now embraces children aged 6-16. What was known previously as the first

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secondary cycle is now called the Post-Primary. Burkina Faso is well ahead of many African nations in terms of educational innovations and the use of national languages, allowing the country to move fast toward EFA provided that the government allows all the actors involved in education the right privileges to bring their contributions to the task. The Use and Misuse of National Languages in Education Professor Kwesi Kwaa Prah (2009:88) with reference to languages and culture in education stressed that: The British view was that education should begin in the African languages for the first few years, the French favoured almost total linguistic immersion except in the ‘initiation schools’ which provide a limited early primary education in African languages. In a lecture given at King’s College London in 1946, governor Laurentie (1947) who has been Head of the Political Section in the Département de la France d’Outre-Mer made the following comment: …in the first place, the French have instinctively allotted native culture no place in their educational systems. This is true everywhere, or practically everywhere, on the elementary education as well as secondary and higher education. Consequently, French culture and languages have become predominant everywhere. (Laurentie, 1947:5)

Kwesi Kwaa Prah continues reflecting on the subtle misuse of the African language by adding that: When the French educated Africans to read and accept the idea of ‘nos ancêtres les Gaulois’ (our ancestors the Gauls) they were systematically impairing not only the primacy of the African language to the African but even more seriously, erasing the cultural and national identity of the African and replacing it with an inane and insane mythological claim to Frenchness. It has been through this process of cultural and linguistic denationalisation that the foundation of the culture confusion which present-day Francophile elites in Africa still bear was put in place. (Brock-Utne and Ingse Skattum 2009:88-89)

Hassana Alidou (2009:105), on the other hand, supports multilingual and multicultural education in Francophone Africa. This method was what the earlier missionaries and the church developed for their education programme from the beginning. He criticizes the formal educational system’s inability adequately to integrate African values, cultures, languages, knowledge and philosophies of learning and teaching. ‘Instead such education systems have contributed to the marginalisation of the majority of people who need it the most (e.g. poor children and adults among whom the majority is girls and women’ (Alidou, 2009:107). This important issue of languages in education was debated in former studies and conferences. ADEA held a conference in Windhoek, Namibia in

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August 2005 on bilingual education and the use of African languages as languages of instruction in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The conference was informed that research had shown for the past fifty years that the use of African languages in education was a vital issue for the development of relevant and effective African education systems. It has therefore been demonstrated that mother-tongue instruction in bilingual education is an important factor in the improvement of learning processes. Studies conducted by ADEA show that in countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Zambia, pupils in bilingual schools perform better than those in monolingual schools in the principal subjects. Watson (1982:190) quoted Wong Hoy Knee as saying: Language is an essential means of communication and when the language in question is also the mother tongue, it is one of the most important formation influences in moulding the intellect as well as the character of the child. Indeed it is a powerful instrument by which not only individuals may express their personality, but groups may also identify their collective consciousness. (1973)

However, many stakeholders in education, including African ministers of education, still doubt the value of mother tongue and bilingual education and do not encourage the development of these practices. The effect of the language on the pattern of thinking is referred to by Watson (1982). The whole idea of an academic curriculum taught in school, divorced from such of everyday life of pupils outside the school, is European in origin. This was transferred to the developing countries at the height of the colonial period and remained more or less intact since. …where the language of instruction is a European language, can have a profound impact on patterns of thinking, especially if there is little indigenous literature available in any of the European languages. Inevitably much of the literature and poetry that is studied is foreign, with all that implies in re-enforcement of cultural values and attitudes. (Watson: 1982:198,190)

Altbach and al. (1978) commented as a reaction to the classic colonial situation. Fanon (1952) and Memmi (1968) both agree and support the idea that such a reaction can occur when the colonized subject feels compelled to accept an inferior position. Watson (2007:252), on the one hand, argued that: Complexity and ethnic plurality were largely brought about as a result of the creation of nation-states, which were spread around the world as a result of European Colonization. European languages and formal education systems were used as a means of political and economic control. The legacy that was left by the colonial powers has complicated ethnic relations and has frequently led to conflict.

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Skutnaabb-Kangas (1994:624), on the other hand, stressed the importance of the use of the mother tongue in education. In a civilised state, there should be no need to debate the right to maintain and develop the mother tongue. It is a self-evident, fundamental linguistic human right. It means the right to learn the mother tongue, orally and in writing, including at least basic education through the medium of the mother tongue and to use it in many official contexts.

Trudell (2005) supports this view with evidence and shows that children learn best, and acquire basic knowledge faster, when they are taught in a language with which they are familiar. These authors pointed out that language was a key element in that influence: Insofar as the colonizer’s cultural model, he is tempted to speak the colonizer’s language with more refinement than his ‘master’ himself and to avoid any verbal pattern that would betray his own origin. This attempt is particularly evident in the case of the French Colonization, since French people assign a high correlation between the status of an individual and the elegance as well as the purity of his verbal and written styles. (Altbach et al 1978:113)

This is often seen also in styles of clothing and culture! In June 1794 the Abbé Grégoire proposed that all local languages, dialects and cultures should be ‘annihilated’ so that all citizens of the New France should hold in common the same national language. A policy statement relating to West Africa, issued in 1922, stressed the imperative to teach French. (Kasuya 2001)

It is with this in mind that ADEA, the German cooperation agency (GTZ), and the UNESCO Institute for Education (UIE), in partnership with the Ministry of Education in Namibia, decided to organise the Namibia 2005 conference of experts in order to advance the policy dialogue surrounding African languages. As mentioned above Burkina Faso has for many years practised this policy, and has decided to evaluate all innovations regarding the use of different national languages used in education. Among such examples are bilingual schools in operation across the country and the recent Speed School9 concept first introduced in the country in Zondoma province by the Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement and its partners (AEAD). Another objective of the conference was to prepare for discussions on bilingually-oriented educational policies at the next ADEA Biennial Meeting, 9

The Speed School is known in French as ‘Les Centres à Passerelle’ helping children age 9-12 to have an accelerated literacy education in 9 months allowing them to continue their education in the classical system. Children can then jump directly between grades 3-4 in the primary. A section on the Speed School will be developed below.

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which will explore in greater depth the factors that determine the effectiveness of schools and adult literacy programmes as well as successful and affordable initiatives for early childhood development. At the Ouagadougou conference on Integration of African Languages and Cultures in Education, the Burkina Faso Government (MEBA 2010) took the lead to implement this policy with several African countries (MEBA/UNESCO/ADEA 2010). Burkina Faso was among the African Countries to help to launch in Dakar (1996) the Working Group on Non-Formal Education (WGNFE).10 Because African countries face new challenges and opportunities such as democracy, globalization, decentralization of systems of governance and HIV/AIDS among others, these factors are shaping learning needs and priorities. In order to meet these demands, a wide diversity of education programmes and modalities of provision are required which cannot be supplied by the formal system. Hence individuals and communities are pursuing their learning needs through alternative forms of provision under the broad rubric of non-formal education. The WGNFE’s global objective is to provide a forum for dialogue with, and empowering of, the NFE providers, whilst also helping them to engage governments in the areas of policy, resource provision and general support for alternatives in basic education. The specific objectives of the group are to: • Strengthen the capacity of providers to identify and publicize the benefits of non-formal approaches, and thus invigorate the education system as a whole. • Reinforce partnerships between ministries of education, NGOs and other providers of non-formal education and training • Sponsor coordination between funding agencies and encouraging joint investment in innovative programmes and projects. The implementation of these objectives should normally empower members of civil societies like the churches and Christian NGOs, which have a long history in non-formal education, to be able to assist the government in this capacity. In order to succeed with the strategies of sustainable development, rural people, who are the ones who suffer the most from a lack of education according to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the capacity of rural people needs strengthening (Addis Ababa 2005). This means accelerating the access to education of children at primary level, but also providing girls and women farmers with literacy programmes, education and training focused on skills development. Todaro (1997:400) also argues that if the future of the nation-state development is to become a reality in the developing world, there must be a better balance between rural and urban development. He quotes the Coombs and Ahmed (1980) typology, which has four points: 1. General and basic education 2. Family improvement education 3. Community improvement and education 10

www.adeanet,org./working groups/en _wgnf.html.

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4. Occupational education It has been noticed that in most developing countries, and this is true in the case of Burkina Faso, only the first category concerning general education has been emphasized. However, the learning needs of the three principal occupational sub-groups of rural areas, farmers, farm workers, and rural enterprises are likely in each case to fit in quite poorly with most formal education curricula. Mamoudou Ndoye, the Executive Secretary of ADEA, in a similar tone to that of Todaro goes on to support the claim that in such situations rural people are the ones suffering most. It is a flagrant and unjust paradox that rural people are those who benefit the least from investment in education. Education will develop professional competencies, increase productivity, work opportunities, revenues and teach basic knowledge in areas such as hygiene, health prevention, nutrition and citizenship.

Mr. Ndoye insisted that all those concerned with achieving the EFA and development goals should realize the urgent and imperative need to give top priority to initiatives in favour of rural people. The ministers that were present at Addis Ababa represented eleven African countries, including Burkina Faso, and other civil society organizations. They recommended that the ministries of education, agriculture, fisheries and rural development work together in partnership with the civil society and the private sector, and that the number of measures should be taken in order to enhance the quality of relevance of education to rural people. Female education featured strongly at the Libreville (2006) ADEA 7 Biennial Meeting. Rosalie Kama-Niamayoua, minister for primary and secondary school education with responsibility for literacy in the Republic of Congo, made a special case for the education of women, who constitute twothirds of the illiterate adults on the continent and whose self-sufficiency is one of the major objectives of the development process today. In June 2007 in Bamako 150 participants met at the ADEA International Conference on School Fee Abolition: Planning for quality and financial sustainability with UNICEF, the World Bank and the Ministry of Basic Education, Mali. After the plenary session, group discussions addressed topics such as empowerment through subsidies proportional to school population, incentive and exemption programmes, the abolition of school fees, secondary education, community schools and the supply of public/private education. For UNICEF the right to education is an undeniable, universal and indivisible right; undeniable because all children, notably those who come from disadvantaged backgrounds, as well as girls who are overlooked, must enjoy all the rights. But the Malian Prime Minister pointed out that the African nations have, since independence, made education a central concern, and made schools an absolute priority in economic, social and cultural development. He added that:

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… it is not only a question of issuing decrees to eliminate school fees. There must be, above all, rigorous planning of education expenditures based on current indicators and the evaluation of the deficits created by the abolition of school fees. This is what is necessary to maintain or develop the internal balance of an education system. (ADEA Bamako 2007)

The ministers present, requested greater support from the financial partners in order to make high-quality universal education a reality. While on African soil there are such initiatives to provide high-quality education for all, elsewhere in Asia UNESCO Bangkok is working on a similar approach known as Education in Emergencies: The Gender Implication (UNESCO Bangkok 2006:12). The Eighth Conference of Education Ministers of Member States was held in Dar-Es Salaam (2002), and some education challenges faced by Africa which needed to be addressed were the following: • To eradicate poverty that touches half of the African population • To eradicate illiteracy that affects 87 million people • To eradicate HIV/AIDS, malaria and other endemic diseases • To regain cultural affirmation • To gain gender equity • To promote sustainable partnerships with the civil societies Burkina Faso followed this movement and faced many reforms like the ones of 1976 or 1986.11 None has produced the desired goals because they were discharged after or even before the test. These reforms did not live long enough to be assessed or improved due to policy changes, instability of political regimes and shortage of resources (Interview with Valléan 2007 in Ouaga). Education in Africa is facing a serious crisis since all development plans at regional and national levels have not succeeded. Girls and women are the ones who suffer more in this constant desire to make education available to all, especially when faced with serious economic barriers. The ordinary farming family has to make a big sacrifice and an immediate economic loss if a girl is to be educated. The Place of Burkina Faso’s Economy and Education in Overall Francophone and Anglophone West Africa The following tables show the economic and educational ranking of Burkina Faso among the other West African countries during the period of constant political mutations and education reforms (1984-2000).

11

The education system was a copy of the French model. Attempts were later made to contextualize it but different political regimes did not allow such innovations to be implemented. (Valléan 2004).

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%

Rank

Benin

33

7

Burkina Faso

45

3

Burundi

36

5

Chad

64

1

Côte d’Ivoire

37

4

Ghana

31

9

Nigeria

34

6

Guinea-Bissau

49

2

Senegal

33

7

National poverty head count National poverty head count as a percentage of population in various years, 1984-2000 (World Bank 2004:310) 1985-95

1999-00

Country

Males

Females

Males

Females

Benin

71

36

83

57

Burkina Faso

29

17

42

29

Burundi

47

36

59

49

Chad

-

-

70

47

Côte d’Ivoire

-

45

-

55

Senegal

57

39

66

60

Ghana

-

-

60

57

Nigeria

-

-

-

-

Guinea-Bissau

63

-

63

45

Net primary school enrolment percentages for selected West African countries. Net primary enrolment ratio 1985-95, 1999-00 (World Bank 2004:325) Males

Females

Years

1980

1986

1990

1980

1986

1990

Benin

24

23

16

9

9

7

Burkina Faso

4

7

10

2

3

5

Burundi

4

5

7

2

3

4

Chad

-

10

-

-

2

3

Côte

27

27

31

12

12

15

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d’Ivoire Senegal

15

19

-

7

9

-

Ghana

51

46

47

31

31

29

Nigeria

25

-

22

13

-

17

GuineaBissau

10

11

-

2

4

-

Secondary school gross enrolment ratio 1980, 1986, 1990 (World Bank 1994.95:353) Compulsory primary education available free to all (Article 29 in the Right of the Child) Colclough (2002)) was adopted as by 115 nations in 1990 with a commitment to be reached by 2000 together with improved levels of learning. Such aims were far beyond the reach of developing nations like Burkina Faso, partly because there were not sufficient schools available for all children, and also because economic factors did not allow all children to get into existing private schools, bearing in mind that at that time only 37% of children were in primary schools, and it takes more resources to bridge the gap. Gender equity in schooling was also important, and in 1990 there were 73 girls for 100 boys in schools. This increased to 83% in 1995. The main reason for poor enrolment (Colclough 2002) is that governments have not increased resources on education for the sub-Saharan African countries. This is linked to other variables such as: 1. The amount of public spending on schooling 2. The average cost per student 3. The size of the school age population 4. The resources from private households that are spent in schooling. A more moderate approach came at the world summit for social development (UN1995a12) where the Jomtien goals were replaced by the commitment to achieve ‘universal primary education by 2015 and to achieve gender equality in primary school enrolment and completion by 2005. The surveys of UNICEF, UNDP, UNESCO and the World Bank revealed again that the sub-Saharan Africa countries have made little progress in implementing these goals. It was noted that these targets, especially for more enrolment, are only achievable with more comprehensive educational and financial reforms than many governments seem able to consider. These goals take into account values that the quantitative approach cannot handle by itself. Social reform is not simply political. It needs the involvement of the religious and opinion leaders in the community. These groups, like the Christians and the Muslims, have a significant influence on their members. They also view education as an important process for gaining skills but also for good moral values that affect people’s behaviour. 12

UN (1995) World Summit for Social Development.

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This inner conviction for value in society does not just come from social reforms but from a change in attitudes and beliefs. With some understanding of the spiritual aspect of human beings, Christians are committed to contribute to education that will certainly by implication contribute to better social reform. The secular approach to education pays little attention to this spiritual element of the person. Examples in the data from government, professionals, and parents will provide evidence to support the view that Christian education contributes to restoring marginalized women and girls to a dignity of life. I agree with the view that human capital is part of the answer. Harbison’s (1991) comment is appropriate when he said that ‘human resources constitute the ultimate basis for the wealth of nations’. However, Harbison’s comment needs to take into account the totality of life: that is, investing in the body, mind and spirit of the person. It is the balanced spiritual element in Biblical teaching that brings value, love and respect. A 1990s World Bank report proclaimed its convictions about girls’ education: Recent research and concrete calculations show that educating females yields farreaching benefits for girls and women themselves, the families, and societies in which they live. Indeed, during my tenure as a chief economist of the World Bank, I have become convinced that once all the benefits are recognized, investment in education of girls may well be the highest-return investment available in the developing world. (Summers, 1993: v)

Parents fail to invest in their daughters because they do not expect them to be able to make an economic contribution to the family. The above-mentioned World Bank report shows that though this may have been the attitude of many parents in the past in Burkina Faso, this mentality is changing rapidly, even among people of faiths other than Christianity. Field interviews in the northern part of the country in fact support the opposite. Summers goes on to compare two women to see how education can affect them for the better. An uneducated mother without skills that are valued outside the home has less ability to influence choices within the family. Her daughters are uneducated as well, and a vicious cycle is perpetuated. Girls grow up only to marry into somebody else’s family and bear children. Girls are thus less valuable than boys and are kept at home to do chores whiles their brothers are sent to school. They remain uneducated and unskilled, and the conditions necessary for them to contribute to the economy are not created. By contrast, an educated mother faces a higher opportunity cost of time spent caring for the children. She has greater value outside the home and thus has an entirely different set of choices than she would without education. She is married at a later age and is better able to influence family decisions. She has fewer, healthier children and can insist on the development of all of them, ensuring that her daughters are given a fair chance.

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And the education of her daughters makes it much more likely that the next generation of girls, as well as of boys, will be educated as well. Educating girls offers the best hope of breaking the cycle of female deprivation and poverty. (Summers, 1993: vii)

In the same report Hill et al. (1993) write that women’s education is essential to their economic development while suggesting that there is a broad recognition that education is essential to economic and social development. The evidence is overwhelming that education improves health and productivity, and that the poorest people gain the most. Schultz (1989) supports the social benefits of educating women, because such women have fewer and better children, raise healthier families, and are more productive at home and in the workplace. They also have improved hygiene and nutritional practices. In Sub-Saharan Africa the evidence is great that women bear a large part of the burden of educating their children, especially in areas where polygamous marriage is common and where male migration is widespread. That is where the women become de facto heads of households. (Hill et al., 1993:32)

This situation is true for Burkina Faso where men, or the entire family, migrate to neighbouring countries such as the Ivory Coast for years, looking for better employment opportunities and leaving the wife to care for the children on her own. Polygamy is practised in Islam and the traditional religions, but Christianity and the new Code of the Family in Burkina Faso encourage monogamy. It has been pointed out by Hyde that diverse cultural and religious influences are factors affecting the economy of poorer countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Some of the world’s poorest countries, with some of the world’s highest illiteracy rates, lie in Sub-Saharan Africa. Education in this vast, diverse group of nations has been shaped by a mix of influences, among them indigenous cultures, Christianity, Islam and a network of French-type schools set up by missionaries and colonial governments. The reasons why women are seldom as well educated as men lie outside the education system, such as the gender-based division of labour within the household and on the farm that influence decisions about schooling, as do income, class, religion, and rural or urban residence. (Hyde, 1993:100)

Richard Shaull, in promoting the work of Paulo Friere, goes even deeper and argues that it is the very nature of education that can free a person. This has been developed in Friere’s work on the ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed’ (Friere 1970): Earlier in his life Friere was supporting the idea that ignorance and lethargy of the people was the direct product of the whole situation of economic, social and

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Female Education and Mission political domination. Rather than being encouraged and equipped to know and respond to concrete realities of their world, they were kept ‘submerged’ in a situation in which such critical awareness and response were practically impossible. For Friere it becomes clear that the whole education system was one of the major instruments for the maintenance of this culture of silence. From this situation he developed a perspective of education which was creative in education philosophy. (Richard Shaul in Friere 1970) (Regenerated Frierean Literacy through Empowering Community Techniques REFLECT)

This philosophy is supported by Action Aid and other charities and FBOs. Friere’s main assumption is that ‘man’s’ ontological vocation is to be a subject who acts upon and transforms his world, and in so doing moves toward new possibilities of a fuller and richer life, individually and collectively. Many political and educational plans have failed because their authors designed them according to their own personal views of reality, never once taking into account the ‘men-in-a situation’ towards whom their programme was intensively directed. If some politicians have failed in tackling the issue according to Friere, what hope then can there be for FBOs and the churches in this matter? This will be discussed in subsequent sections. Religion, Education and Development Since Jubilee 2000, the Micah Network on Integral Mission, and the meetings between churches and the World Bank that took place in Nairobi 2001 (Belshaw et al. 2001), there have been development in considering the missing faith factor in the development discourse. Katherine Marshall remarked that the events of 11 September 2001 put a much sharper spotlight on the importance of religion in global affairs and the dynamic changes that are taking place. In her paper presented at the Religious NGOs and International Development Conference in Oslo (7th April, 2005), Marshall spoke on behalf of the World Bank, which is considered to be a secular organization, when she pointed out that: The World Bank, over its 60-year history, had remarkably little contact with the worlds of faith and the people who worked in that world and at community level. Faith perspectives, including the visible roles of religious institutions which owned land, ran schools, helped poor people in need, and cared for orphans and disabled people, were often invisible to the development teams. (Marshall 2005)

She is looking for data about the contribution of the FBOs in terms of their engagement with education and health among others, but she guessed that the contribution is huge. She emphasized that with the MDGs, in areas such as education, poverty, gender, health and partnerships, dialogue and common engagement seem absolutely critical. Marshall recognizes that the FBOs make

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a contribution in the fields of conflict resolution, prevention and humanitarian support. In many conflict-affected countries and regions and in order catastrophes, natural and man-made, faith institutions are almost the only surviving institutions that can support and help people. They run schools and hospitals even when bullets are flying and when all that is left is rubble. (Marshall 2005)

The ethical and moral contributions of FBOs are also appreciated by the World Bank. Faith leaders can speak the truth to political powers, fight against corruption, the trafficking of girls, female genital mutilation, forced marriages, persecution of witches, and oppression of women and other excluded groups without fear of being regarded as politically motivated. This is not to assume that faith leaders do not have their own limitations. Looking at the 2007 EFA Global Report 5th edition Matsuura (2007:5) took the view that ‘the considerable progress made toward the EFA goals since Dakar provides a measure of just how much can be accomplished when countries and the international community act together’. Here are three of the nine recommendations for immediate action. 1. Return to the comprehensive approach of Dakar 2. Act with urgency to enroll all children in school, extend adult literacy programmes and create opportunities for children living in conflict and post-conflict situations. 3. Increase aid to basic education and allocate it where it is most needed. Policies must address all six EFA goals and stay the course. The time for comprehensive action is now. It is interesting to note that in both chapters six and eight of the 2007 EFA Report, it calls for the involvement of the private sector, explicitly religious groups and NGOs, to help achieve these goals. In pages 132-176 the Report states that: ‘…community based organizations, NGOs, religious groups and for profit entities, the whole range of non-public actors, can support government efforts to expand, improve and coordinate the early childhood education’. This current thinking among others indicates how literature has evolved globally in favour of involving the churches in girls’ education. These surveys support the view that in sub-Saharan African countries the involvement of private initiatives in education by churches and Christian NGOs is increasing. Bilateral and Multilateral Institutions on Girls’ and Women’s Education DFID made a serious commitment in 2005 toward girls’ education. The first Report (2006) is entitled: ‘Girls’ Education: toward a better future for all’. This report is an evaluation of its strategy for girls’ education made one year earlier. That initiative is mainly running through the DFID Public Service Agreement countries. It appears that the larger financial support of £26 million

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through UNICEF for the six northern Nigerian states helped to increase girls’ enrolment rate by 10-15 per cent a year. The Report shows on page 5 that DFID works in Africa with Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). DFID cochaired the UN Girls’ Education Initiatives (UNGEI) from 2002-06 and played a key role in focusing on the EFA among other gender issues. In 2006 DFID committed another £100 million to the Fast Track Initiative (FTI). Burkina Faso is in a strategic position for DFID for girls’ and women’s education The paradox is that the headquarters of the ‘Forum of African Women Educationalists’ working in girls’ and women’s education (Centre International de l’Education des Filles et Femmes en Afrique CIEFFA) is based in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, but the nearest DFID’s Public Agreement Services are with Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone, all in former British colonies. Evidence shows, and this is pointed out in the Report (on page 28), that the lowest girls’ enrolment is in the Sahel region due to geographical factors and scarcity of resources, because all these countries are landlocked and seemingly neglected, especially in the case of Burkina Faso because of its history. One of the reasons for not getting directly involved or being present in the country is because of historic links. Maintaining such a position, however, will continue to deprive those girls and women who need education for development. How much does the weight of the colonial past help to marginalize these young girls and boys who suddenly found they were living in countries influenced by France? Naturally, if Europe can be united in one Commission (EU), and Americans can be united (US), the argument for leaving Francophone West Africa to the French will certainly not do justice to its people. When DFID co-chaired the UNGEI launched in Dakar, Senegal and supports the Fast Track Initiatives (FTI), and influences the G8 Summits’ partnership initiatives such as the one for the Niger food crisis in 2005 were welcomed in the region. But there is little mention about direct involvement in Burkina Faso in the 2006 Report. In the light of the Africa Declaration I shall suggest in my conclusion that the direct presence of DFID in Burkina Faso will help to address the poorest of the poor, as outlined in the 2006 Report referring to girls’ and women’s education within the climate of the global financial crisis, which has a greater effect in the region. The very fact that Burkina Faso is not listed among the countries of the Public Services Agreement (PSA) indicates that it will need a big step if there is concern about the low school enrolment of girls. However, there has been some progress in the debate recently. In addition to government efforts, representatives of the private sector such as churches and NGOs are there to accompany the communities in bringing a contribution towards Education for All.

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That seems to be the direction to which DFID is committed in the 2006 Report. On page 28 it reads DFID will work in the next few years to support girls’ education beyond our existing education programmes in PSA countries in particular in the Francophone West Africa. These countries contain a significant proportion of the number of girls out of school globally and are among the least equitable of enrolment ratios. (DIFD 2006:28)

That statement in the report justifies this section, but will DFID keep its word in the midst of this global financial crisis? By distancing itself from the very people it wants to serve DFID creates a lack of up-to-date information upon which to make appropriate decisions. Burkina Faso, in the heart of West Africa, surrounded by five other Francophone countries, is thus in a strategic position for the future DFID presence and educational policies alongside other initiatives. Professor Joseph Kizerbo, the former Minister of Education in Burkina Faso, was quoted by Todaro as saying: The school in many underdeveloped countries is a reflection and a fruit of the surrounding underdevelopment from which arises its deficiency, its quantitative and qualitative poverty: But little by little and there lies the really serious risk, the school in these underdeveloped countries risks becoming in turn a factor of underdevelopment. (Todaro 1977:378)

Educationalists must plan for the quantity as well as quality of education offered in order to contribute to the socio-economic life of a nation. Clignet (1971), Altbach and al. (1978) and Watson (1982) all state that the legacy of colonial education was alien to the real needs of the people. Copying that model without adapting it to cultural, economic and social needs will merely reinforce poverty. Watson (1982) further argues that the initiative for finding solutions should come from the former colonies themselves. This idea was further developed by Altbach (1978:103) when he compared Mannoni’s, Memmi’s and Fanon’s accounts of psychological components in colonial situations. ‘In the field of education these two authors (Fanon and Memmi) also indicated that the only significant changes to take place in education are those initiated by the colonized himself’. This point of view has an echo in the eastern part of Africa, in Tanzania, where Buchert in ‘Education in the development of Tanzania 1919-1990’ (1994: 167) shares the view that if education is to contribute as a factor that leads to development, this process should be reflected in the content of the curricula, which should promote knowledge and skills for enterprises where women can have their share of opportunities for gainful employment. The author suggests that more resources should be provided for systems for skillsoriented education that will provide job opportunities for women and men who

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will contribute to economic development. Such a strategy should also promote education in disadvantaged geographical areas to allow less-privileged groups also to have access to higher levels of education. Parents living in poor rural and urban areas have very few resources, if any, to pay for girls’ education. Due to natural calamities, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and factors mentioned in Chapter 1 in the case of Burkina Faso, children and adults alike are vulnerable, and action needs to be taken for, and with, them to alleviate their pain and suffering. Buchert (1994) points out the importance of such involvement. The participation of these communities and other civil society organizations, including religious groups and national NGOs, can contribute to improving the quality of life of the population. Also, it should be mentioned that in recent years Faith Based Organizations (FBOs) have gained a voice in the international arena, especially within the US aid initiatives against HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis and related diseases in Sub-Saharan African countries. This concurs with Burns, Mingat and Rakotomalala’s (2003) findings that new evidence from Africa suggests that education for girls and boys is seen as an effective weapon of prevention against HIV/AIDS. Furthermore, the World Bank’s 2001 World Development Report claimed that education for girls has a strong positive impact on the health of infants and children, immunization rates, family nutrition and the next generation’s schooling attainments. There has been a development in thinking by the World Bank and church leaders in Nairobi 2001 and by the British Government and leaders of Faith Foundation (Ekklesia 6 July and 7 September 2009) on how best to act in partnership with Faith Based Organizations like the churches and NGOs to help promote issues such education and health. Traditional African education as socialization Traditions and culture weigh heavily and are deeply rooted in the history of Burkina Faso. Ancestral tradition and customs divide labour according to sex and girls and women receive the harder lot. These may fluctuate or be affected by education, class, urbanization and economic factors. To illustrate this fact, it may be observed that it is acceptable in some cultures for a man to cook a meal. But in Burkina Faso the staple diet, called sagabo in Mooré, takes hours of preparation: processing grain from the barn and transforming it to make flour by hand and to cook on an open fire from wood carried on the head from the Sahel area miles away. This common meal is normally cooked only by girls and women twice a day if one leaves out breakfast, which is optional according to the availability of grain. Culturally this activity is expected of any woman in the village context who will call on her daughters to assist and be trained to become good mothers. Before making the sagabo, it is also her responsibility to fetch water by hand from the nearest well. This journey can range from a few metres to more than a kilometre, carrying about twenty litres on her head. We should consider what the men are doing. However, the researcher noticed a polygamous husband

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using his bicycle to bring water from a distant well to help the family and also his animals. Such cultures put much weight on the poor girl and limit her time to study; she could be the last person to go to bed and the first to wake up for a new day full of challenges. This situation can also relate to those in semi-urban areas. However, girls and women in urban areas who went through education and live with middle-class families will either use coal, wood or gas for cooking the meal. Housework is shared among family members who can often go out for a meal or cook for the family in a modern kitchen. They can keep the left-overs in a refrigerator. Such context frees the girl or the woman to pursue other activities or rest when necessary. Boys also have learning difficulties due to travelling a long distance to reach the nearest school. What are churches and their structures doing to alleviate this socio-cultural problem regarding girls’ and women’s education? The evidence collected during fieldwork discusses how families see education as a liberating tool that negatively influences girls toward the culture of their parents and challenges male leadership. Such traditional and religious cultures still illegally practise female genital mutilation and gender inequalities that hinder girls’ education and development (see sections 5.1f). The next section will look briefly at religion and education. This is in order to explore from the evidence of literature some of the links between religion and education that still form an obstacle to girls’ education. In examining ways of overcoming obstacles to women’s and girls’ education, one needs to mention traditional African education which is also referred by anthropologists as ‘socialization’. Fafunwa and Aisiku (1982:11) argue for the traditional education system that governs the family, village and the society. Looking closely at it, one can see a similarity to the Hebraic culture where the heads of families (the man and his wife) provide education for the children at home. These traditions were, and still are, prevalent within the African community especially among the Mossi tribe, a well-established kingdom in West Africa. How far the modern approach to education is related to this foundation is an interesting subject investigation for the future, but for now the issue is how far education can be adapted to local context and needs. Fafunwa and Aisiku (1982) mentioned seven cardinal goals of transmitting traditional African education. 1. Parents through various teaching and exercises develop the child’s latent physical skills. 2. Through different processes and moral education there is development of the character. 3. The African traditional education system teaches family members respect for elders and authority. (Similarly the Bible in the Jewish context speaks about the right of the elder, firstborn, the kingship and the kingdom of God in the New Testament). 4. There is also the development of intellectual skills through the telling of stories and proverbs.

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5. Children are initiated at a younger age through vocational training that suits boys and girls (these are specific) into a healthy attitude toward honest labour. 6. There is a provision of a sense of belonging and active participation in family and community affairs. (Haya! Haya! n zêk d sugri! Nug yend ka wuk d zom ye!) These two Mossi proverbs mean first that with the strength of family and community you can achieve together something that one cannot do alone, and the second that with only one hand you cannot collect the flour at the mill. You need to use both hands. 7. It helps understanding promotion and appreciation of the cultural heritage of the community. This traditional educational system fully involves both girls and women to the point that there are key roles that only girls and women can play, from the family to the royal palace. Some positive aspects of the culture on girls and women are seen, for instance, in hospitality, playing the mother role in the family, advising the head of the family, the chief or even the king on critical issues. The evangelical churches acknowledge the good side of the culture which brings dignity to human beings, such as hospitality, caring for the elderly, strangers and marginalized and needy people. At the same time the church comes in invariably to defend the same people when the negative side of the same culture affects girls and women within communities. However, Christianity is often perceived in this context as a foreign religion. Those who claim that Christianity is a foreign religion refer to the first missionaries but not to the origins of Christianity. Because traditional belief has mostly used oral tradition while Christianity is the religion of the Book, a close look will show that in fact Africans are closer to the Bible than some may think. The content of the Book of Acts, chapters eight and thirteen, are examples proving that Africa was the first to receive Christianity rather than Europe. Names like Niger (black) and Ethiopia were mentioned in the early days of the original Christian church well before the church was established in the West. Matthew referred to Jesus’ visit to the African continent (Matt: 2:13). This written tradition was absent from an environment where religion was built on what was handed down by physical ancestors, who basically relied on an oral tradition of religion which was transformed through the ages to constitute the ancestral worship which assumed polytheistic forms. Traditional and ancestral worshippers believe in a Supreme Being but worship intermediate objects or creatures as a way to worship that same Supreme Being. Traditional and ancestral believers have moral values and a long oral tradition that regulate the social affairs from the head or the first born of the family right to the chief or king of that social group. This attitude and belief affects the education of its members. Informal education is strictly observed from childhood to maturity.

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Religion and education in Burkina Faso The term ‘religion’ here is used in the context of the influences that traditional rituals and beliefs and Islam and Christianity may have on education. These three religions are dominant in Burkina Faso and are discussed in relation to girls’ and women’s education. However, it is the Christian faith that is seen more as a faith in the person of Christ Jesus and a way of life that influences education that is largely examined here in relation to other actors to justify the claim made in the hypothesis. Education is rooted in the lives of the Levites in the Bible who have the responsibility of teaching their children. This type of education does not only affect the intellect but also the heart and the behaviour (Deuteronomy 6:5). Though the Enlightenment promotes a rational, philosophical way of thinking and living, one should recall that Roman Catholicism was the foundation of all the old universities in Europe. Ajayi, Goma and Johnson (1996) in ‘The African experience with higher education’ agree that most initiatives came from the Christian missionaries. This is not to diminish the role of Islamic Qur’anic schools where religion is taught. Christians were the founders of most schools in which religious education is taught in addition to teaching their pupils how to read and write. Ajayi, Goma and Johnson supported this element when saying about the missionaries: They did their best to attract children to school for religious instruction and to learn to read and write. At the same time they organized Sunday school and Bible class for adult converts and candidates for baptism to learn and to read the Bible if possible in African languages. (Ajayi Goma and Johnson 1996)

Islam and its influence on education Islam, another monotheistic religion, has had a great impact in sub-Saharan Africa and in other parts of the world. In Islam education is promoted, including religious education, in both the non-formal and the formal sector. ‘Franco-Arabic’ or the Madrasa in the context of Burkina Faso, has government recognition as a private education partner under the Ministry of Education alongside Christian and other private schools. Burkina Faso has a large Muslim population who live peacefully and in harmony with traditional religious systems and Christianity. Fatima Sadiqi (2002) says: Islam is a strong ingredient of African culture like Judaism, but unlike Christianity, Islam left a divine legislative structure. This has given rise to much confusion about the concept of Islam even inside Muslim countries. It is important to make a distinction between Islam as a faith and Islam as a culture. Islam as faith is personal and refers to the relationship that a person has with his God. Islam as a culture is a basic component of African culture. It is Islam as culture that greatly determines the construction and the perception of gender and

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Sadiqi’s point of view on Islam is interesting in the sense that she speaks about the gender issue relating to the position of girls and women. However, in addition to the culture, she did not elaborate on the belief that makes room for a polygamous way of life in Islam that is also accepted in traditional ancestral belief systems. In Burkina Faso the civil code for the family used in each statutory marriage ceremony encourages monogamy, even though some may see that polygamy and many children could be considered as a security system in old age by parents in developing countries (Todaro 1997). Forty-five per cent of the population of Burkina Faso lives below the poverty level. In the 2006 population census that figure rose to 47% of the population living on below $50 cents a day.13 Certainly this factor has an impact on the education of boys and girls. The position of the woman as an equal partner to man in dignity and rights is easily overlooked. In families in such modest circumstances in rural areas where the head of the family has many wives with a dozen or so children, the tendency will favour selecting who should be fully supported to go to school, bearing in mind that girls are pledged to marriage without their approval and will soon leave the family anyway to live with the man chosen for them. That position has been confirmed in Badoh’s article on Franco-Arab teaching in Burkina Faso (Sidwaya number 6396 of 3/04/ 2009). Doucouré is a Cheick, promoter and a supporter of Franco-Arab education in Burkina Faso. He is advocating more government support for the Franco-Arab schools because the promoters of these schools are struggling to run them and meet the required standard. ‘These traditional Qur’anic schools and teachers, due to the lack of sufficient resources to look after the pupils, send them on the street to beg or be used as a work force in the fields.’ Consequently children are wasting their time and learn very little. Doucouré added that ‘…after ten years of learning, some children cannot express themselves well in Arabic’. He supports the view that while these schools put an emphasis on religion and the afterlife, it is also important for these children to have a decent life here on earth, and that the schools should make them into citizens with dignity and a useful role in society. These comments summarize the position of the Franco-Arab educational system in Burkina Faso, which has a strong religious element but is weaker in gender balance in education and seeks to prepare students as better citizens for life here on earth. I live in the midst of these three religions, interacting with them on a daily basis, and observe the influence they exert on the lives of boys and girls and women. Within this dynamic, if the MDGs are not achievable within a fixed time-scale (Carvalho 2003), it should be borne in mind that these 13

S. Hien in Sidwaya on 18th November 2008.

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religious implications also affect the economy and the beliefs of Africans in the developing world. The socio-cultural factors that inhibit girls’ education It has been argued by most scholars that gender issues affect the education of girls and women. For instance, the ERNWACA (1998) research suggests the socio-cultural factors that cause gender imbalances in education. Girls and women are highly valued for their reproductive capacities in domestic and farm labour. Families and cultural imperatives and constraints have an impact on their lives and cause early school abandonment. Reasons put forward at the family level are domestic poverty, cost of schooling and household poverty that does not allow them to pay for school fees and the uniform. The family has to plan and select whom to send to school; it could be the eldest, a girl or a boy, with those possessing very few resources hoping to receive a return for the benefit of the whole family. Thus the rates of early abandonment are higher among girls than boys because the culture will favour boys’ education rather than girls’, as the girl has a lot of household work to do before and after schooling that will not allow her to study in the best conditions. Some families will prefer their daughters to do household work, cooking, looking after younger children while the mother is working, tending the fields in order to produce more food for the family, and looking after the animals in the fields to increase family revenue rather than send the girls to school. King and Hill (1993:26) agree that: In certain settings, religion as well as socio-cultural factors (such as norms delineating the societal, economic, and familial roles of women) strongly influence parents’ choices by imposing a heavy cost on nonconformist behaviour. These may bear significantly on schooling decisions.

These represent an immediate return to the family which has to survive. Thus, sending girls to school and paying for their education is viewed as a waste of time and a loss of scarce family resources. While the girl is at school the poor family copes with the manual labour which she has left behind. Brock and Cammish (1997) stated: Consequently if a girl is to be educated, there are often severe cultural costs to be met; a price to pay for going against established social norms and, in particular challenging the traditional authority of males. Such problems tend to be more severe in rural areas, but even in towns and cities where prospects of paid employment for educated girls may exist, many parents still fear the possibility of their daughters being alienated from traditional life-style by contact with essentially ‘French colonial’ education with associated values.

However, poor families who understand the value of equality among children in the research area do send their girls to school. This good attitude

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involves a great cost to these families because traditionally boys do not do as much household work as girls. Boys tend to imitate the father who is not allowed by the culture to cook certain foods for the whole family. Early marriage is also another social reason why girls abandon their education early. Within the traditional religious systems and among traditional Muslim Burkinabè parents, it is normal to pledge girls at an early age, sometimes from birth, to get married to a certain man whom the girl has neither chosen nor accepted. These arranged marriages, at ages as early as twelve to fourteen years old, limit girls’ primary and, more especially, secondary education, while boys are immune to such gender-bias in education. Meanwhile early, unwanted pregnancies and worries about sexual advances force teenage girls to get married. Pritchett (1994) argues that higher school attendance and employment opportunities for women outside the home are associated with lower levels of fertility. In other words, the more girls and women are educated to a higher level, the better will be the job opportunities that will give them financial freedom, and the fewer children they will tend to have. Education for girls and women is viewed by society not only in terms of economic empowerment but also as a means of birth control i.e. lower fertility. Assuming that households desire a target number of surviving children, increased female education and higher levels of income can decrease child mortality and therefore increase the chances that the first born will survive. As a result fewer births may be necessary to attain the same number of surviving children. This fact alone underlines the importance of educating and improving public health and nutrition programmes reducing Third World fertility levels. (Pritchett 1994)

However, if the MDGs support only the above position and views, it is little wonder that some developing countries have difficulties with their implementation. They must represent greater moral value than the Malthusian (1798)14 population trap which is seen as the grand-father of modern birth control. There is a fear in developed countries that population growth in the developing world may be a threat to their wellbeing and progress. The church can then contribute with a holistic view of human life and utter a prophetic voice to the opposing situations. As has been shown, the young human capital in the South can assist the aging population in the North. Attempts at dialogue (Belshaw et al. (eds.), 2001; DFID 6 July 2009, Ekklesia of 7 September 2009)15 are in process, and because the church is closer to the community than the heads of governments it can play an advocacy role. Among the conflicting opinions in the developing nations, many see underdevelopment as the real issue rather than population growth, which has special implications for women 14

1798 Essay on Principle of population. www.http:\Blair Faith has been ‘blind spot’ in UK policy arena Ekklesia.mht accessed on 10/9/2009 article in News Brief by staff writer of 7th September. 15

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and girls. Higher birth rates are a sign of poverty and underdevelopment, not the other way round. Poorer families look at children as an insurance policy because they will help them immediately and in their old age. A social security system is not available to them, and saving for its equivalent is beyond their means because of the very fact that they are poor. The only hope is children. Within that context, the quality of life of these children needs to be considered. The radical neo-Marxist version views birth control (Partha 1995), or even population issues, as a racist or genocidal attempt to reduce the relative or absolute size of the poor, largely developing populations of the world who may someday pose a serious threat to the welfare of the rich, predominately developed societies. But the richer the less developed countries become, the more complementary they are as trading partners to the developed countries. Thus the education of girls and women has become of pressing importance. Brock (1993:7) supports the argument that considers key aspects of educational development, especially for girls and women, in the aftermath of the World Conference on EFA, held in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990. Among the issues discussed were the importance of education for girls, literacy for women, language and schooling, including urban schooling. As Brock says, ‘We do know that girls who have had a significant amount of access to primary schooling contribute strongly to a range of important changes in society, e.g. better child nutrition, small family size’. Hien (Sidwaya of 18 November 2008) in LeFaso.net has pointed out the reactions of the development partners such as the representatives of the World Bank and the EU in Ouagadougou to the publication of the 2006 population census of Burkina Faso. Burkina Faso’s population consists of 51.7% female and 48.3% male. 50% of the population is less than 16 years old. But it was the demographic growth that worried the financial and technical partners. Tincani (2008), representing the EU, saw it as a bombe à retardement for a country like Burkina Faso. To him it meant that there are 1700 births each day and in five years an increase demand for school supplies and creation of new jobs. G. Sotivora of the World Bank, on the other hand, said that ‘…this high increase of the population growth will became a burden because there will be more pressure in the use of the limited economic and natural resources with nearly half of the population living below 50 cents per day. Both partners of Burkina Faso were looking more from the economic angle of the situation and on the other hand can hardly see any social benefit that Burkina Faso can bring to the rest of the world. These young girls and women could also be seen as a blessing to the aging western population in providing services and care. George Monbiot’s article on green politics (Guardian 29.01.09)16 indicated that ‘…it is easy to blame the poor for growing pressure on the world’s resources. But still the wealthy west takes the lion’s share…’ 16

http:/guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/29/politics.greepolitics: accessed on 10/09/2009.

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Female Education and Mission I cannot avoid the subject any longer. Almost every day I receive a clutch of emails about it, asking the same question. A frightening new report has just pushed it up the political agenda: for the first time the World Food Programme is struggling to find the supplies it needs for emergency famine relief. So why, like most environmentalists, won’t I mention the p-word? According to its most vociferous proponents (Paul and Anne Ehrlich), population is “our number one environmental problem”. But most greens will not discuss it. Is this sensitivity or is it cowardice? Perhaps a bit of both. Population growth has always been politically charged, and always the fault of someone else. Seldom has the complaint been heard that “people like us are breeding too fast”. For the prosperous clergyman Thomas Malthus, writing in 1798, the problem arose from the fecklessness of the labouring classes. Through the 19th and early 20th centuries, eugenicists warned that white people would be outbred. In rich nations in the 1970s the issue was over-emphasised, as it is the one environmental problem for which poor nations are largely to blame. But the question still needs to be answered. Is population really our number one environmental problem?

Monbiot is making a case about the growing concerns related to population growth and ends up suggesting that the poor people are not the only ones to be blamed for it. None of this means that we should forget about it. Even if there were no environmental pressures caused by population growth, we should still support the measures required to tackle it: universal sex education, universal access to contraceptives, better schooling and opportunities for poor women. Stabilising or even reducing the human population would ameliorate almost all environmental impacts. But to suggest, as many of my correspondents do, that population growth is largely responsible for the ecological crisis is to blame the poor for the excesses of the rich. (monbiot.com)

These approaches alongside others could help to improve the role of girls and women in society. Girls’ education is therefore extremely important to development. Conclusion This literature review elaborated on the broader discussion about the importance of female education both from a global perspective and in relation to the religious beliefs in Burkina Faso, namely Christianity, Islam and the traditional belief system. It has looked at some of the barriers that influence girls’ and women’s education. It has also discussed the importance of education to socio-economic development, not least because of the impact that educating girls and women has, and will have, on reducing population growth. The next chapter will examine the education system and its development in Burkina Faso.

Chapter 4 The Education System and its Development in Burkina Faso

Introduction Chapter One looked at the introduction, the research methodology and limitations, Chapter Two examined the historical, geographical and economic background of Burkina Faso and some of the issues that make the country extremely disadvantaged in terms of sufficient economic resources to meet its educational needs. Chapter Three considered the importance of girls’ education for development, with a review of existing literature to place the study in a wider context. This chapter discusses the laws concerning education and its development in Burkina Faso. It also examines the role the Evangelical churches are playing in education and the perception of this role by some of the government officials in charge of education. Organization of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy1 The fundamental texts from which the Ministry is working are the Constitution of the country and the Education Laws and Decrees that I am going to discuss in the following section to help to provide a larger picture. The President of Burkina Faso, Chairman of the Council of Ministers and considering: On the report of the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy; The Council of Ministers in its meeting on November 6, 2002; DECREE PART I – GENERAL PROVISIONS ARTICLE 1: The organization of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy is governed by the provisions of this Decree and revolves around the following structures. • The Office of the Minister; • The Office of the Minister Delegate; The Secretariat General 1

Sections taken from the MEBA web site: http://www.meba-gove.bf/SiteMeba/ ministere/organization.html-Windows Internet accessed on October 19th 2009.

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Female Education and Mission ARTICLE 3: The Office of the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy is responsible for: • mail confidential and reserved; • Departmental hearings; • Relations with the Secretariat General of Government and Council of Ministers, other ministries, national and international institutions; • control of the administrative and technical services department; • assistance consultant to the Minister; • Ministerial Protocol; • Records of organizations and associations to which Burkina Faso is a member. ARTICLE 19: The central structures are: • The Directorate General of the Centre for Research, Innovation and Educational Training (DG / CRIEF); • The Directorate General of Basic Education (DG / EB); • The General Directorate of Literacy and Non Formal Education (DG / AENF); • The Directorate of Studies and Planning (DEP); • The Directorate for Administration of Finance (DAF); • The Human Resources Department (HRD); • The Directorate of Communications and Ministerial press (DCPMS). ARTICLE 33: The Directorate General of Basic Education includes: • Directorate of Development of Basic Education (DDEB); • Directorate of Examinations and Competitions (DEC); • Branch Promotion and Education of Girls (DPEF); • Directorate of Basic Education Private (DEB private); • Branch Allocation of resources specific to schools ARTICLE 36: The Directorate for the Promotion of Girls Education’s mission is to integrate education for girls as a priority by all structures of the MEBA, to enable the effective promotion of girls’ education in all the regions and provinces. As such, it shall: • identify, promote or conduct any study that may help better define the problem of schooling for girls and develop remedial strategies for access, retention in the system and their success; • develop a system for monitoring school attendance of girls; • monitor progress on girls’ education; • maintain reliable statistics on the education of girls; • develop specific training programs for teachers integrating gender issues and development; • collect and disseminate documentation on the education of girls. ARTICLE 47: The Regional Directorates for Basic Education and Literacy (DREBA) are deconcentrated department. They include the Provincial Directorate of Basic

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Education and Literacy (DPEBA), the Municipal Directorates of Basic Education (dceb) and Constituencies of Basic Education (CEB). The Regional Departments are responsible for implementation and coordination of policy for basic education, literacy and non-formal education in the region. As such, they are to oversee, coordinate and monitor the activities of provincial offices. (MEBA, 2009) The MEBA organigramme is designed and appended in Appendix Two (MEBA 2009).

The Education Orientation Law of Burkina Faso On 30 July 2007, a new Education Orientation Law 013-2007/AN was voted by the House of Parliament that supplements the former law of 013-96 ADP. I will review the initial law which was in place and regulated education for over ten years, and then comment on the new law, which is more explicit in taking on board the issues raised here. Briefly, however, the main differences between the two are the provision of free education for all, and the use of national languages in the education process. In addition to the Education Law voted in 1996, a new Education Reform took place in Burkina Faso from July 2007.2 The House of Parliament voted to reform the Education Law with 95 voices in favour and 12 against. This reformed Law includes new elements such as innovations in education. A particular change is the length of basic education, which has gone from the age of 6 to 16 to incorporate the first cycle of the middle school. Basic education is now compulsory and is declared to be free. The levels of basic education are now called: Pre-School (age 3-6), Primary (6-12) and Post-Primary (13-16 years of age). However, in order to implement it the government will have to move a step at a time. The first phase for 2007-2008 was to pick up one area in each province and apply the policy of free education for the primary and post-primary classes. Obviously this Law has faced criticism from some teachers’ unions, on the one hand, because they feel it needs to include more actors. They also worry that the aspect of quality is overlooked in favour of quantity. On the other hand parents are happy that at last they will not face school fees for their children, and that all children will have access to basic education. From the year 2007 the Burkina Faso government decided to give educational books to all pupils in both the public and private schools, and these books had been distributed to all school inspectorates in the entire country for the benefit of the children at the beginning of the academic year starting 1 October 20073. The government is to be congratulated on this timely and innovative decision. 2

Sidwaya Newspaper of 1-08-07 www.sidwaya.bf. The list of books distributed freely comprises reading books for all school children, Maths, Sciences and Observation, History, Geography and teachers’ guides for Reading, 3

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It should be noted that in the 2007 Education Law there is also space to use the national languages as part of the education process. The new Education Law indicates that all children should have access to education and that the head of the school cannot refuse school access to a child who deserves it. For that reason the government has decided to build 100 additional post-primary schools and another 1000 classrooms for the primary stage. The reform includes different innovations: thus, formal education goes from Pre-school and Primary to Post-Primary covering the age 3-16. The second cycle leading to the baccalaureate and high and technical stages also has four cycles. These innovations bridge formal and non-formal education. They link general education with technical and professional training. The political will of the government is high as indicated by the ministers of education, but there are still aspects to work out, with more actors at the grassroots to achieve the desired goals for the benefit of the nation. Involving the churches and Christian NGOs, which have a very good record in the provision of high-quality education, could greatly help the government to implement this reform. How far the government wants to take this route, only the future will tell. There are hopeful signs that the government wishes to collaborate with civil society, and that is the right decision, if it wants to reach all children in rural and urban areas with positive and lasting results. The government is implementing this new reform until 2015. The new reform allows the churches and Christian NGOs to make their contribution to girls’ and women’s education with financial and technical support from the state. The three main documents that regulate education are the Constitution of Burkina Faso, the Education Orientation Law 013/2007/AN and the decree no. 99-221 regulating private education. The Education Orientation Law, Chapter one, article 3 reads: Education is a national priority. Anyone living in Burkina Faso has the right to education without discrimination based on sex, social origin, race and religion’. Basic education is compulsory to all children aged six to sixteen. (Article 4:1)

Article 7 of the same document reads: Public education is lay4 and article 8 reads: ‘Private education is recognized and, individuals or associations can create and run private education systems’. Private education is lay or confessional. Parents are allowed to see that religious, moral or traditional education be given to their children with agreement to education regulations given by the state. A decree stipulates the modalities of organizing religious education in schools. (Decree Nº 99-221 on Private Education)

Maths, History, Geography, Oral Expression and Sensory Exercises (source: he head teacher at Bethel Gourcy, Samuel Ouédraogo, 13/07/2010). 4 By Lay it means secular and not driven by any religion. However, religious freedom and spirituality are part of the education in Burkina Faso.

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Non-formal education is defined in Title 2, Chapter 2 Article 32 as: To create education spaces able to favour the development of innovative technologies and to establish Speed Schools (Passerelles) between the formal and non-formal education orders’. Article 34 reads, ‘Non-formal education is organized in public literacy structures, for training and follow up and also in private structures recognized by the state and working in the same line. (Article 34)

Burkina Faso’s education system has set goals and objectives. In Title 2, Section 6 of the Education Law of 013-96 ADP the first conclusion states: ‘To allow the young Burkinabè to assimilate spiritual, civic, moral, cultural, intellectual values in society’5. But the 013-2007/AN6 Law has supplemented this by three articles. In addition to the cognitive element the law also mentions the spiritual goal, saying: … in growing in the Burkinabè respect of others especially the equity between the genders, but also respect of linguistic, cultural and confessional diversity’. The finality is then to ‘make the young Burkinabè a responsible citizen, productive and creative. It seeks essentially to ensure an integral and harmonious development of the individual.

The conclusion just mentioned highlights the spiritual, moral and civic values churches exist to contribute through education. Another objective of education is to ‘assure an integral and harmonious development of the individual’. In Title One of the Education Law, provision is made for specific training. In article 8 on private schools the law says: ‘The organization of schools for confessional and initiation rites is left to different religious communities and social groups concerned, under reservation of respecting the law of the republic.’7 Decree No. 99-221 regulating Private Schools The Education Orientation Law is the main text legislating education done by all actors. The second document which outlines the education policies and 8 constitutes a main reference to the churches is the decree number 99-221. That decree is based on the Orientation Law and gives more guidance on how to legislate for private education in Burkina Faso. That decree replaced the Kiti 5

Education Law (LOI Nº 013/96/ADP Portant Loi d’Orientation de l’Education adoptée par l’ADP le 9 Mai 1996), 8. 6 Décret No 2007-540/PRES du 05 septembre 2007 promulguant la loi No 013-2007/AN du 30 Juillet portant loi d’orientation de l’éducation. 7 013-2007/AN Loi d’Orientation de l’Éducation du Burkina Faso, 30th July 2007. 8 Decree nº 99-221/PRES/PM/MESSRS/MEBA on private schools’ regulation in Burkina Faso: Ministerial Council 19th May 1999.

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number AN VIII-184/FP of 5 February 1991. The 99-221 Title One Section 1 applies to all forms of private schools, whether they are formal, non-formal or in the informal sector. In the Decree no. 99-221 section: 1. 2 it is stated that ‘private schools are defined as lay or confessional’. Section 6 adds another element to the definition of private schools by mentioning their specificity. The objectives and finalities of private education should be in accord with the one defined in the Orientation Law. However, this education can set itself other objectives and finalities that are specific to it on condition that there is no incompatibility with the existing texts.

In other words, this decree gives room for the evangelical churches to add a religious dimension to the education programme as long as it is not in contradiction with the existing law or in conflict with the general objectives and conclusions of the Orientation Law on Education. On 21-22 August 1997, when the Director of Private Education of Burkina Faso was giving his general report on private education in Burkina Faso, he started with the following words: I will not insult you by reminding you here that education, whether private or public, became what it is now through private initiatives. Among those who initiated education were families and churches. Demetrius, a bishop of Alexandria, founded the first catholic school in his church. In 203 AD Origen, the theologian took charge to run that school.9

As in the case of Basic Education the Burkina Faso government has set up a Permanent Secretariat to help private secondary education in the country. The head office is called La Direction de l’Enseignement Privée (DEPv). For most private initiatives regarding education there are institutions set up to coordinate and supervise their progress. This head office comes under the Ministry of Secondary, Higher Education and Scientific Research. The objectives of this office are: • -To promote private education in general • -The training of staff in private education • -To follow up administrative and pedagogical management of private schools (Interview, Windiga 2006). There are 350 private schools registered across the country which provide four types of education. 1. Lay private education 2. Catholic private education 3. Evangelical private education 4. Arab and Franco-Arab private education 9

Dabira S., Faustin 1997: General Report on Private Education in Burkina Faso, 4.

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During a face-to-face in-depth interview at the Head Office for Private Secondary Education, Windiga10 reported to me that: … it should also be noted that the contribution from the evangelical churches is a qualitative one, and that is very important in our education programme. In addition to the quantity we also need quality, especially in terms of education. The fact that evangelical schools respect the norms we can consider that as an indicator of quality teaching. That can be seen in the number of permanent teachers required to run a school. Also, when we ask is there enough space in the classroom, and teachers that are being authorized to teach, when the evangelical schools meet these requirements they indicate a mark of quality of education.

In the aspects just mentioned the Head Office positively appreciates the educational contribution of the evangelical churches. The seriousness with which school applications are looked at in respect to the government guidelines contributes to the quality of education required in all schools, whether they are public, private, lay or confessional. Generally some private schools tend to have an economic interest. But when considering the Catholic and Evangelical schools, especially with regard to the Christian faith, one notices that the economic gain is not their priority. The emphasis is rather put on education in the context of religion. The church run schools work harder than the secular private schools. (Windiga 2006)

With the promotion of the gender issue in these last few years, the schools make an effort to respect the promotion of gender equality in education. We notice that in the evangelical schools there is a special mention of girls’ enrolment. This is often done by sponsoring the school fees of girls, or offering special prizes as positive discrimination to enrol more girls in schools. Many of the promoters of education have understood that the gender issue needs to be considered in education. According to the government Head Office of Secondary Education, the religious factor is a bonus to education. Take for example one class that starts the school day with a prayer, requesting God to bless the day and the subjects they are going to study. That concentration on God enables the students to work in better conditions. One needs to take an opportunity to speak about God where it is necessary. Without abusing evangelism and preaching the Bible, schools are the right place to favour the awakening of faith without disturbing the education pupils should receive. On the contrary it is believed that it is a good factor that helps them to concentrate better and enlightens their life. Such a religious approach in the life of a child means bringing God into all that he

10

Windiga, Philippe: deputy director of private education at secondary higher level in Burkina Faso (6 March 2006).

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wants to do. This Christian belief needs to be shared with the children where it is possible. Windiga (2006) also shared with me some reasons explaining the low participation of girls in the secondary schools. These difficulties are based on cultural and religious grounds. The society does not always favour the emancipation of women. There is a need to sensitize all the population to understand the role played by women and to bring the whole society to give the required place to girls in school. Women’s associations, NGOs and religious groups, leaders of Human Rights together with the body of educators, will contribute to advocate for the value of both girls’ and boys’ education It is in such joint efforts that we will be able progressively to allow the young girl to occupy her place in the school. There are regions in the country that the girl goes to school like the boy. But there are other regions where the cultural barriers are felt more. Among reasons given are the girls’ early marriages, girls’ genital mutilation, household chores and religious and cultural taboos. Regions such as Yagha and Gnagnan are only cited as examples in the east of the country. In these regions you will find more boys than girls going to school. But with advocacy with all the involved partners, one hopes this situation will improve.

The government’s Head Office brought further evidence supporting its commitment to evangelical schools. The government is conscious of the role evangelical schools are playing in education. The state is making an effort to support such private initiatives, though there are different conventions that exist between the State and Catholic schools, the Evangelical ones, and lay schools in general. The government is reinforcing the convention with the Catholics, the evangelicals and now with the lay private schools. It is noted that the State is well aware of the contribution of private schools. Therefore the State is taking more actions to encourage the private sector’s involvement in education. There are different types of conventions: one concerns the distribution of pupils between the State and private education such as lay, Catholic or evangelical. The State places students in the first years of secondary education for the first and second cycle. It pays the school fees of those children to the private schools, thus allowing those schools that need more pupils to be able to run normally. The State contributes to the private sector by assisting with the school infrastructure. One of the projects, Education Post-primary, which is now completed, contributed to building additional classrooms in the private schools. This project helped the private sector build 50% of the classrooms free of charge, if the founder also agreed to complete the school by building the other 50% of the classrooms needed. A similar arrangement exists in India, where the state government pays 50% and the Union government the other 50%. The second phase of this project is currently under negotiation. Another project consists of renting the school built

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by the State until the future owner is able to buy it from the government if there is sufficient land to build. The State builds the schools and administrative offices, sinks a well and creates a football field. Such infrastructure should be paid back in fifteen years, with two years of grace. Another possibility there is the running of a school by delegated management. Often these types of schools are requested by municipalities or associations. Such schools are built and equipped and given to the municipalities or leaders of associations to run for five years. That period can be renewed if the management is satisfactory; if it is not the State takes back the school and registers it with the public schools. The following are the policies that support evangelical schools: 1. The Constitution of the country. 2. The Orientation law for education 3. The Decree 99-221 These are fundamental texts that regulate private education in Burkina Faso. The Decree on the Orientation of Education (no. 99-221) defines how private schools are run. These rules regulate private schools that are lay or confessional. It is within this category that the evangelical schools operate. There are rules on the opening and closing of schools and the type of relations these schools may have with the state. Among these are conventional reports, protocols, and placements of teachers in confessional or lay schools. There is also the general code of taxes that give guidelines to the private schools. Often the founders of private schools do not know all the policies regulating private schools, but these texts are available to assist the private educational sector.11 The director of Basic Private Education was approached by the author to capture the government’s attitude to church-run schools and evangelical schools in general, and this is what he said: One needs to distinguish two aspects. There are those who call themselves evangelicals but they are lay-people who open schools and then baptise them evangelical. These are different from schools founded directly by the church. Generally speaking schools that are founded by the church are better organised and have less problems. Because in that case it is not the individual as such who runs the school but the church structure. Such schools maintain good values. There is love, respect and good reputation. This may be different from those who may have more of an economic approach to education. When you look at the statistics you will gather that they are all from the evangelical background. But going into more detail you will notice that such a founder is expecting a financial return for his work. The same situation can be seen from the Catholic Church background as well. The Catholic Church schools are better run than the individual schools belonging to members of the same church. There is a need for more order in the field by those who act in the name of the evangelical church, because the word evangelical should not be misused; on the contrary evangelical 11

Interview with the director of private education at the ministry of basic education and literacy of Burkina Faso in 2006.

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Churches’ values and principles need to be protected. However, all these actors are positively contributing to increase the access to education. Today when you look at the rate of passing to the next level or the rate of success in public exams one can see that at the top come the evangelicals and Catholics schools.

In response to a question about the place of RE in schools the director replied It is a privilege for Burkina Faso to allow conventional private schools to hold religious education. Each school is allowed by the Educational Law, to include in the curriculum subjects similar to ethics, civics, moral values and religion. On that basis each school starts with prayer and Bible reading before teaching other subjects. The evangelical education uses the official programmes and adds the spiritual dimension of education as defined in the general objectives of education. The evangelical church is pleased with such partnership with the government in education.

Simporé Sibiri,12 a National Executive church leader and former secretary General of the Evangelical Association of Educators reported a testimony about one experience a teacher had in his class. He remembered when he was serving as Secretary-General of the Association of Educators, one director of an evangelical school testified that the inspector came to his class to examine him. That inspector asked the teacher about the Bible. The teacher was afraid that the inspector saw him using the Bible. The teacher said: ‘We only use the Bible when needed but not all the time’. But the inspector said: ‘You have the right to religious instruction. In the same way you are using books to read maths or science, you should also have the Bible as your reading manual in your classes!’

The teacher reported that the inspector was not a Christian. The point here is that the inspector was doing his job well by reminding the teacher to apply the Education Law. In this case Christianity can be taught to enlighten the children. In other interviews the argument tended to support the view that the emphasis is put on education rather than the religious context. The church-run schools work harder than secular private schools. It is also mentioned in the quality section that some evangelical schools see themselves as evangelistic while another leader argued for more professionalism and conscientiousness in delivering education. Religion therefore, according to the director of Basic Education and Literacy at the government level, is not a handicap, especially regarding evangelical

12

Interview with Pastor Simporé Sibiri, Executive Member of the Assemblies of God, Burkina Faso, and former Secretary General of the Association of the Evangelical Educators, March 2006.

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schools. There was a time that he taught at the Protestant College, and agrees that it is normal to pray to God before starting the class. It is acceptable to pray before closing the school day thanking God for his help. When one looks at the catechism in the Catholic school, it is held during the class but outside the official programme. When the official programme is not disturbed there is no inconvenience to hold religious instruction in the school. The contract that exists between the state and other bodies allows that each body to be able to teach its specificity. If in the evangelical schools there is something specific such as religious education they want to introduce, there is no objection to that. Such specificity can be incorporated within the educational project that will be analysed alongside the official programme.13 (Konkobo 2006)

The above mentioned director made a remarkable comment about the religious factor in education. Among the reasons of success in the evangelical schools, there are many, but generally one notices that first the work is done in love. From the moment you put God in the first place one works conscientiously and with professionalism. Also, in these schools, the teachers are better paid than those outside the church. That motivates the teachers and the quality of teaching. (Konkobo 2006)

The issues of teachers being better paid than those outside the church needs to be seen in a wider context of private schools in the country. Otherwise school principals and church leaders have raised this difficulty to the point that it is estimated that one-third of the teachers in the public sector came out of the private sector complaining about lower salaries. Even with this financial difficulty the evangelical church has struggled to declare all the teachers to the national security system. The Director of Private Education said: When the government Department of Private Education receives the list of private schools from the inspectorates, the director is looking to see who registers his teachers to the national security system. For the government, one indicator of quality control in running private schools is to note that founders have registered all the full-time teachers giving them a pension at the end of their careers. Another indicator is the type of infrastructure that accommodates such schools. From the Department of Private Education’s point of view evangelical and Catholics schools rank among the top in the nation. This seems obvious that the evangelical church provides a good basic education to children from all backgrounds across the nation without direct financial support from the State. It then takes an effort to find resources for the teachers’ old age pension which also pleases the employment regulation in the country in the context where public welfare to all is nonexistent. This retreat saving system is a good indicator of the quality of teaching leading to better results. At least the teacher has a guarantee 13

This interview was conducted with Mathias Konkobo on 6 March 2006 while he was director of the Department of Private Education.

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and will avoid a nomadic attitude, looking for a better job elsewhere even in the state schools.14 (Konkobo 2006)

The Director of Basic Private Education explained to me the political will of the government to act in partnership with agents for education who meet the government criteria. But sadly this information is not known at the level of all practitioners, especially those who do not go to the right source for information or do not have the capacity for organization. All these texts include possible partnership with the state. It is up to the partners to clearly indicate what they want to do. It is then up to the government to comment on the possibilities. (Konkobo 2006).

At the time of writing (2010) the education project of the Catholic Church is available for consultation. It is called ‘Convention between the Government and the Catholic Church in Burkina Faso15‘, signed on 13 July 2004 by both parties. This convention was revised and signed by both parties on 18 May 2009. There is a prospect that a similar protocol will be made with the Evangelical churches. The will is manifest, and the evangelicals who are working in groups, or individually, need to form networks and speak with one voice. It should also be mentioned that the evangelical church has different actors in education, and may not be aware of any support offered in education. Schools are run by churches of different denominations, Christian NGOs, Associations, families and individuals. All these actors need to be acquainted with the latest information on education policies to improve their education delivery procedures. As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, they have centralized the entire church education system under one national secretariat (National Secretariat of Catholic Education SNEC)16 representing the whole church. Better communication and involvement in policy-making between the government Department of Education, the evangelical churches and education actors will also help speed this education project to be in place for the different evangelical actors. Such dialogue is urgently needed to see how far the church can contribute toward the MDGs. During the time of this research, actions have been taken by a network of evangelical school founders to meet and discuss the possibility of signing an agreement with the state. The first meeting took place with the Department of Private Education at the ministry level. Negotiation with the government has 14

This interview was conducted with Mathias Konkobo on 6 March while he was director of Basic Private Education and Literacy. 15 Primary source: 2004. Convention entre le Gouvernement et l’Eglise Catholique du Burkina Faso. 16 Primary source collected in 2007, Structure et organization du système éducatif Catholique.

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started and the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy has promised to see it through once terms and conditions have been clarified by both parties. One should note the openness of the Minister of Education and the Director of Private Basic Education and Literacy who are enthusiastic to support the Evangelical Church and actors as expressed in this study. The registration of that Alliance for the Evangelical schools in Burkina Faso (AESEB) took place on 4th August 2009. After that further official contacts were developed with the government. In the following section I will discuss the history of the first Christian schools. The First Private Schools in Burkina Faso According to the report mentioned above (August 1997), the first Catholic priests came to Koupela on 22 January 1900 and to Ouagadougou on 15 February 1901. With them came the first private school in Ouagadougou in 1901-02. This missionary school had 173 pupils including 58 catechists.17 The Protestant School was started in 1948 by the Assemblies of God church and was led by Pastor Pierre Dupret.18 The Muslim community started the Arabic schools two years later in 1950. Private education subsequently went through many difficulties as discussed earlier (see also 5.3). Among these were financial and ideological problems which led the Catholic Church to give back their primary schools to the state. But the evangelical churches, like the Assemblies of God, kept their schools despite the crisis.19 In 1964 a committee was set up to study the educational crisis in Upper Volta (the former name of Burkina Faso). The discussion was conducted at three levels, involving the Church, the State and the teachers. At the end of these talks, the Catholic Church signed the document giving back their primary schools to the State at the Koumi assembly meeting in February 1969 and that was the end of the last crisis. The ordinance to nationalize Catholic schools was signed on 19 September 1969. The government supported conventional and 17 S.Dabira Faustin. August 21-22, 1997: General Report on the situation of Private Education in Burkina Faso, 6. 18 Dabira S.Faustin 1997 Report, 8. 19 In 1969 the government stopped supporting confessional schools, and this financial pressure obliged the Catholic Church to give back all its primary schools to the state. The Church wanted to add national languages to the curriculum and maintain religious education as well. This handing over of the schools to the state affected the Catholic Church negatively. Some evangelical schools of the EAC church were also relinquished due to the cost of running them, especially when these schools were located in rural areas. But the Assemblies of God church maintained all its schools and ran them in the midst of financial pressures. These situations limited access to but not the quality of girls’ and boys’ education to the point that Evangelical schools are in the lead in terms of quality and gender balance in education.

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confessional private basic education but stopped that support due to budget constraints, leaving the Evangelical churches to struggle financially on their own to maintain and run all their schools, many in the remote areas of the country, providing basic education to all accessible children. The church uses the official curriculum to teach all children, not only church members or solely for evangelism. In this way the church is helping the state to give an education with quality. The Catholic Church benefited from that support since colonial times because of its relations with the administration. There was at that time a partnership between the state and the church. But after independence, and the fact that the colonial model of education needed some reform to meet the local context, such as the use of local languages and also the fact that national resources were scarce with different challenges facing the newly independent nations, it came to the point where the national budget could not meet the needs of basic education for all children. Little by little the government diminished its support to the church-run schools, thus affecting their quality on the one hand and creating social problems with the teachers on the other. This debate was so intense that the Catholic Church surrendered all its primary schools, many of which were located in church premises, to state control. As explained the AOG church maintained its schools at its own costs. At the time of writing (2010) the situation has not changed for the evangelical church primary education programme, and the church still maintains its growing contribution to basic education for all children despite financial struggles. With the new developments in education policies at country level, the church will continue its dialogue with appropriate partners in seeking support to allow them to continue providing a high-quality education service. In 1974 the state decided to institutionalize private education in the decree Nº 74-130/PRES/EN. Later a Head Office was set up on 25 January in 1984. This Head Office has a mandatory duty to organize and follow up confessional, Franco-Arab and nursery private schools. Another task of the Head Office is to evaluate the existing schools and to assess the contribution of the state to their running. In 1991-92 there were 197 private schools. Among them were 128 lay schools and 69 Madrasa. Among the lay schools there were 35 evangelical schools. The Director of Private and Basic Education reminded people (Dabira 1997) that the Orientation Law of Education, Title One, Section 3, recognizes private education and Section 8 of Title 2 says ‘… the education system is ambitioned to help the maximum number of citizens to go through school’. One can gather from this that the government, with all its goodwill, cannot meet this noble objective and therefore requires the contribution of socioeconomic partners among whom are the evangelical churches. In order to increase the enrolment rate in the private sector (10 per cent in the 1990s,) the government has set up new measures. Among these are: • The freedom to fix school fees • Administrative assistance to open private schools

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• Access to training schools by private school teachers • The supply of school materials and teachers’ manuals • The training of private school directors and founders • Incentive measures to promote private education • The creation of a body that controls the quality of private education.20 These education policies provide the legal background for evangelical education in Burkina Faso whether this is formal, non-formal or informal. The primary interest of this research is to examine the church’s contribution both at the primary and the secondary levels and to show how this education has helped overcome the obstacles in the lives of girls and women. In the next section I will examine the place of private education in the Centre Region of Burkina Faso. The Case of the Centre Region Ouagadougou City is in the heart of the Centre Region and has the highest enrolment rate in the country. The Centre Region in 2005, according to the Regional Department of Education and Literacy, had a net enrolment of 72.5% against a national figure of 47.7%. The research was carried out using the Centre Region, which is one of the 13 Regions in Burkina Faso. It was reported on School Excellence Day by the Regional Director of Basic Education and Literacy that the region had a total of 667 schools. 517 of them were in the city area and 150 in the departments. There were 342 public schools against 32521 private. The margin between the two is small. If we take into account all those schools initiated by private institutions or individuals in the civil society the number will exceed that of the public schools in the region. Let us break down the number of private schools according to ownership: Lay Private: Catholic: Protestant: Madrasa:

228 20 36 42

School affiliations in Centre Region Within the Lay Private section there will be founders coming both from Catholic, Evangelical and Muslim backgrounds, but they are not owned by faith communities. Interestingly, within these six departments of the region outside the city the Lay Private sector has implanted 6 schools with 30 classrooms; the Catholic Church has 3 schools with 18 classrooms, the Evangelicals 6 schools with 28 classrooms, and the Madrasa with 9 schools and 20

S. Dabira Faustin 1997 Report on the General situation of Private Education in Burkina Faso, 13. 21 Primary source: Rapport d’entrée 2005 DREBA Centre région in Ouagadougou.

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20 classrooms. From this image of the Centre Region which has 13 area inspectorates including the ones in the city of Ouagadougou, I will select one inspectorate to take a closer look at the place of private education. I went to one of the city Inspectorates to interview the head of the Schools Department. The following section is the result. The Inspector introduced herself and her area of responsibility. ‘I am Mrs. Yanogo Wendyam Inspectorate of the first cycle of education located at Baskuy, Ouaga 2. The area I am responsible for covers primary schools in Sector 7, 8, 9 of Ouagadougou. We have 35 schools, 13 public and 22 private’. You know that the government by itself cannot meet all the demands of education and actually encourages the private sector to bring their contribution in order to increase the offering in education. This justifies our case because the demand is higher than the offering.

It was noticeable that there were more private schools than public in the heart of the city. This echoed other reports suggesting that the private sector in education is on the increase in Sub-Saharan Africa (Kitaev 1999:9). But this initiative is mainly in the main cities because of the cost of access to education. The Evangelical church has not favoured the cities as much as the Lay Private schools 22 because of that factor; though some have the vocation to raise children through education, others run schools as a business. Instead the churches and Christian organizations are reaching out in rural areas at great cost to bring education to the poor and the neediest. As a government official I asked Mrs. Yanogo what advice she might have for the church and she said: At this twenty-first century we can only encourage all those who are involved in girls’ education because the population in Burkina Faso is 51.7 per cent women. To this group it indicates that we are not making any progress because they form the majority. I congratulate the churches for working to get girls and women out of ignorance and illiteracy for a better economic development and a total emancipation to the woman. This emancipation concerns the whole person touching the material, physical, and moral. I believe the formal and non-formal education provides this emancipation. We hope that what the church started should improve at all levels both in the quantitative and qualitative aspects. (2005)

While she is happy with church involvement, she is also concerned about the difficulties the Evangelical church is facing in terms of financial constraints, but also with capacity building. She witnessed the exodus of 22

The Lay Private (Education laïque) is known to be a network of school founders that are neither public nor confessional. It has a signed convention with the state that supports them as the Roman Catholic Church. Although among its members there are some Evangelical Christians, the Lay Private schools do not include Religious Education as part of their programme and are largely situated in towns and cities.

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teachers to better-paid jobs, mainly with the government, which contrasts with the comment made earlier by the director of Basic Private Education at the Ministry level (Konkobo 2006; see 132). For Mrs. Yanogo, the church is not behind on education: Alongside the state the church is working to provide education to children especially for girls. I think the church involvement is worthy of praise. In this country there are many leaders at national level who went through the church schools and we need to encourage such initiatives. But we wish that an emphasis be put for many to have access to school. My suggestion is that the church trains its own teachers. What is happening right now is not easy. Because in my profession, I often notice that the church recruit each year new teachers without proper qualifications. One knows that teachers without professional qualifications will spend all the school year trying to learn on the job. And soon after he receives this official teacher’s qualification he leaves that particular school for a better job elsewhere. Like the Catholic Church that started to regain their schools, provide training also for their teachers. I am suggesting that the evangelical church train their teachers. The church should look for dedicated Christians to bring quality education to the children and not simply have staff who are not a model to the church bearing in mind that the mission of the church is evangelical. (Yanogo, 2005)

She is advocating a teacher-training college for church-related school teachers that will contribute to quality and offer a good education. While the private sector, including the church, is strongly represented in the urban areas of the country, it has been revealed that the church has many weaknesses in the delivery of Education for All. Although it is present across the country the church is not well equipped to provide Education for All. It often seems that the Evangelical church is left in a poor financial working condition while the results show it is providing the best educational results (see 6.4.3). What, then, is the problem? The author wants to find out whether the church is merely paid lip service or is taken seriously as an educational partner by the state. As mentioned above there were 342 private schools in the Centre region offering Education for All. But how many girls and boys do they take in? If we bear in mind the above figures of 228 schools for the Lay Private, 20 Catholic, 36 Protestant and 41 Madrasa, what does that mean in terms of access?

Lay Private Boys:

32378

Catholic: 2407

Protestant: 5834

Madrasa 3149

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30445 62823

2408 4815

5717 11551

2168 5317

Private schools’ size in Centre Region by gender23 The above table indicates that the Evangelical and Catholic churches offered more places to educate girls in the Centre region compared with other faiths, and narrowed the gender gap, but that the Lay Private sector made the biggest contribution. These figures come from the Basic Education level but what is the situation in the same region where there were more private than public schools? The contribution of the private sector to education is significant.

Formal School children in Religious Education class at Bethel Gourcy From its early involvement to the present day, the Evangelical church is facing many difficulties. Kientega supports the view that the church wants to maintain its participation in education despite these difficulties. An education official has this to say: Looking at the statistics of secondary education in the Kadiogo Province one notices that there are 16 public schools against 105 private ones involved in general education. There are 6 technical schools in the public sector against 49 private. This reveals that the private sector dominates education in the centre of 23

DREBA 2005: Types of Private schools, size and gender division in the Centre Region.

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Burkina Faso. If among the private sector the church leaves space for the nonconfessional to control education it will badly affect the nation. With this speed the government has difficulties to control both the quality of the teachers and the quality of the teaching. The church needs to wake up. For the western countries they do not understand the importance for churches to open schools. In Europe, for instance, the state is wealthy enough to take care of the education of its citizen. So, they do not see the necessity but this is not our case! Here in Burkina if all our private schools close it will be catastrophic. (Kientega 2005)

The private sector contributed to raising the level of school enrolment by 25% in 2006-2007 according to the Minister of Education (9 September 2008). I then went on to try to verify this information in the Central office of secondary education, but did not make any progress in gaining access to the documentation. I went up higher to the Ministry level of secondary education, and had access to primary sources. During the interview with Kientega, he made a comment indicating that the vast majority of secondary education in the Centre region is provided by the private sector. I discovered that the information given by Kientega was correct. It supports the claim that the private sector where the churches, individuals and Christian organizations are making their contribution is vital. Among the total numbers recorded at the Ministry level at that time, it revealed that there were 337 secondary schools in the nation and 170 were in the Centre Regions. From this figure the public secondary schools numbered about one dozen, and the remaining ones were private. While the government is responsible for Education for All, especially in rural areas where the private sector is not so well represented, the churches seem to be a solid partner for Education for All if the right tools are given to them to assist the state in its efforts to meet the MDGs. Opinions from Educationalists During a face-to-face interview for the collection of primary sources I met with the Deputy Director of Private Education in secondary and higher level in his office in Ouagadougou to collect his opinions about the place of Evangelical education at the secondary level. Windiga24 made a comment about the added value of the Evangelical church compared with the Lay Private schools. The seriousness in which school applications are looked at in respect to the government guidelines contributes to the quality of education that we require to all schools, whether you are public, private, lay and confessional. (Windiga2005)

24

Face to face interview with Philippe Windiga at the National Commission Permanent Secretariat for Private, Secondary and Higher Education on 6th March 2005, now called La Direction de l’Enseignement Privé (DEPv).

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I remember in my own family one girl who became a reference in our family. She made it through the support of the evangelical school. Such a person went to what we use to call the Protestant School. Through her perseverance, and her faith she was able to become a reference today and constitute a support base for her family. We appreciate positively the contribution of the private schools in general but more particularly the evangelical and Catholic schools because they have proven themselves of being serious in the work they do.25

During the interviews and the collection of primary data I found government ministries, Basic Private and Literacy, the Directorate of Private Education and secondary and higher level officers very willing to share both written and oral information for this research. A similar attitude was also found at the NonFormal Education Department dealing basically with literacy. These different primary sources throw light on how the Evangelical church, being part and parcel of the education development in Burkina Faso, is seeking to overcome the obstacles in order to increase its contribution to Education to All especially for girls and women. Conclusion This chapter has summarized the education laws and their development in Burkina Faso, based on the general literature and policies about education as a whole but especially for girls and women. Education is therefore defined to include essential learning tools and the basic learning content required by human beings to be able to survive, develop their full capacities, to live and work in dignity, to improve the quality of their lives, to make informed decisions and to continue learning. The Burkina Faso Education laws make allowance for spiritual development and were examined to see their relation to the contribution of the churches and related NGOs working alongside the government to provide Education for All. I will seek next to identify the persistent obstacles that hinder girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso.

25

Op.cit.

Chapter 5 Identifying and Overcoming Obstacles to Female Education in Burkina Faso

Introduction In the previous chapter (4) I considered the Education Orientation Law setting the norms for the operation of both state and private schools. This chapter will identify obstacles to female education and efforts being made by faith-based educational institutions such as the Evangelical churches and organizations to overcome them. I shall demonstrate that persistent obstacles may be associated with gender-based discrimination against girls, and that these can be traced to socio-cultural as well as economic factors. The population of Burkina Faso is just over 14 million, 51.7% female and 48.3% male according to the 2006 census (INDS 2008:18). Female literacy in 2003 was only 12.5 %, and girls’ schooling rate was 38.2%. The Burkina Faso Movement for Human and People’s Right1 (MBDHP) looked at the problem and suggested that the root causes of the low rate of girls’ enrolment in schools forty years after independence are mainly due to social and cultural reasons. The government has tried to tackle the problem through its various ministries. However, cultural constraints are deeply rooted, especially in rural and religious communities. This is where the evangelical churches are becoming part of the solution. In July 2005 the MBDHP (2005) reported to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in New York and attributed the obstacles both to family and society. The rest of the chapter will deal with the major obstacles. Cultural/Religious and Traditional Factors I have chosen to examine these factors together because of the links that exist between culture and religion, tradition and history. The MBDHP reported that the practice of early forced marriage is an on-going reality in Burkina Faso, despite legal protection for girls and all the NGOs’ information and awareness1

An alternative report by the MBDHP on Burkina Faso’s 4th and 5th combined periodic reports submitted to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women at the 33 session (5-22 July 2005) New York.

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raising campaigns. The Evangelical and Catholic Churches do not support these practices because they advocate monogamy and mutual respect as the basis of the choice of a spouse for either the girl or boy. Furthermore the Evangelical churches require couples to undergo the statutory marriage at the Town Hall before receiving a blessing in church. Marriage banns will be posted in the church and at the town hall a month before the wedding ceremony to ensure that there are no impediments to the union. The custom of early forced marriage is often rooted within traditional beliefs and those such as Islamic tradition where polygamy is a norm in family life and infant girls are pledged in marriage at a very young age. In such a context parents who are economically poor and have respect for certain traditions will pledge their daughters in marriage and will receive a dowry while they are growing up. In order to preserve the dignity of the family or their religious convictions, such girls are then forced to marry. This practice still persists to the present day. In Chapter Seven I have provided numerous testimonies from interviews with women in the North. The illustration comes from the same region in the north-west of Burkina Faso. Kain Department is one example among many in the country. Kain, located in Yatenga province, became a department in 1982 with 720 square kilometres and a population of 11, 201 that are 98 per cent from the Dogon ethnic group, then the Fulani, Mossi and Bela. In the official paper Sidwaya no. 5877 of Thursday 19th April 2007, JeanVictor Ouédraogo reported that education, especially girls’ education, in that area had been relegated to a secondary position. According to Bakiono Bamoa, the principal of Kain school, the Dogon have a sexist vision of girls: ‘Girls are enrolled in great numbers in the first year of primary school to be taken out of the school a year before they complete the primary stage, that is, five years later, to be given away in marriage.’ In a Dogon area girls are pledged in marriage from birth. School teachers watch this phenomenon with sadness. One teacher said that ‘…not long ago, a girl from my class was given in marriage to Mali when she went back for the Christmas period…’2 ‘The population does not appreciate the value of education. What is important for them is to go and work in gold mines and livestock farming. They do not invest in the long-term benefits of education’ (Ouédraogo J.V 2007).3 The Prefect commented that another phenomenon they regularly face is the kidnapping of women. ‘For them a young courageous man is one who is able to take a girl and run away with her without anybody’s notice even if that is against the girl’s and her family’s wish’. This sort of behaviour is part of the Dogon culture, said the Prefect (Ouédraogo). It should 2

www.sidwaya.bf/dossier_communre rurale de Kain reported by Jean-Victor Ouédraogo 19th April 2007. 3 Report from Jean-Victor Ouédraogo in the Sidwaya daily of 19th April 2007 no. 5877 on commune rurale de Kain, le calvaire quotidien des populations’ (Internet edition No5894, accessed on 10th May 2007).

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be mentioned that the evangelical church and Christian NGOs are not very active in the education sector in the northern region among the Dogon. I have included this finding to illustrate how cultural factors still persist among communities, and also to point out that the church presence there remains weak in a predominantly traditional and Islamic context (90 per cent in the Yatenga province). But moving on from the Dogon culture, there are other discriminations elsewhere. For example, in the Sahel region I also heard on the national radio of a case where the teacher advocated that a girl should be able to carry on education after she was given in marriage. The national news4 on January,27 2005 reported that in Sénou province girls of twelve, thirteen or fourteen years old were given in marriage but the school system helps such girls, even if married, to be able to carry on with their schooling. The teacher who was interviewed said that three years ago he met a brilliant girl in the last years of primary education and pleaded with her family and the in-laws to allow her to continue her education after marriage. Both families agreed that the young girl could carry on with her secondary schooling. Keeping girls in school in such areas is still a big problem. Teachers are often presented with livestock as a bribe to allow the girl to leave school. Girls’ early marriage is also seen as a quick means of enhancing family income. When there is financial pressure, younger girls are the ones to be given away into early marriages to allow the family to have more resources because the inlaws will pay a big dowry. There is also group pressure after the girls of a peer group get married there is huge pressure on those who are left. Not getting married quickly then becomes a source of shame in the culture as it is also tied to traditional customs in the Sahel region. The above findings confirmed the conclusions of Brock and Cammish about the socio-cultural impact of girls’ education in the cases they studied: Early marriage is common in most of the cases studied, and this normally leads to early pregnancy. In some cases there is a high incidence of early pregnancy outside the marriage. Either way, early pregnancy has a strong cultural dimension that would need to be contested through some form of education if the negative effects (including educational) are to be overcome. Early marriage inevitably shortens girls’ schooling. Those who commence school late and repeat one or two classes may well reach the traditional age of marriage before they reach the end of the primary cycle. (Brock and Cammish: 1997:21)

In the Centre Region a church leader echoed what the teacher said in Sénou province. He believes that this obstacle is felt more in different parts of the country.

4

News given on the national Radio Burkina 27 January 2005 http://www.radio.bf/ index.php.

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Burkina Faso’s 13 regions Basically in the Central Plateau Region people understood that sending boys to school was good investment. But in areas such as the northern region, north-east and west not all parents see the importance of sending their children to school. These obstacles may also be due the geographical location of the school. Because there are not enough secondary schools are around. Another problem is that many of these children leave school without being prepared to integrate in the productive labour force. We then need to think about secondary schools that will allow these girls and boys to increase their studies and be able to find jobs. The Evangelical and Catholic Churches encouraged girls’ education. For instance local church leaders and missionaries opened their homes to receive girls who had difficulties and needed help.5

There are many instances where the pastor or his wife reported welcoming girls in churches and in their home asking for help. When girls run away from their family who want to force them to get married, some run to the church for refuge. They decide to become Christians and ask the church to advocate on behalf of the family and local authority for freedom of marriage and religion. A pastor’s wife in the Centre North of the country, during a face-to-face interview, reported to me that: 6

5

Face-to-face interview with Pastor Tapsoaba Flavien, Treasurer General of the FEME, 8 February 2006. 6 Interview made with a wife of village pastor in the centre north on 11 March 2006.

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Those girls usually come to us from other religions than Christianity that will pledge them in marriage without their approval. First when the girls come to us we pray to God and ask his protection over their lives. If even if we have to go to court we go with them. My husband and I do not hide the girls when they come to us for help. We advise the girls to put their trust in God. We tell them to speak to their parents when they come about their reasons of running away from home. The reason is that they need the freedom to choose the husband and the religion of their choice. Some girls run away because their parents want them to marry an older man without their consent. Those who do not want to be forced into an unwanted union run away from home and usually end up in the local pastor’s family for freedom. The number of girls we assisted is between sixty and seventy. When they come they have different needs. Some really like the freedom while others want to become Christians. Others who come for the sake of freedom end up becoming dedicated Christians before they find a husband.

These moving testimonies emerged from listening to an open-ended conversation with a pastor’s wife inside a local church, and relate how culture affects the vulnerability of some girls of that region. The girl who recently got married stayed with us four and half years. They usually stay for two to three years. If they find a husband sooner, they stay with us for more than one year. With prayers and God’s help we are able to be of some help to them. When girls come to us and stay, we have to provide the accommodation and food for them. Neither their parents nor public services provide them with material help. All the basic needs are met by the church and the pastor’s family. Our support comes from the blessings in serving God. The first girl who came to us ran away from her newly married home where her parents had forced her to go. She disliked the way she was given into marriage and came from her village to stay with us. We were told that she is not interested to convert to Christianity. She used to sell goods in the market and through lots of advice her character changed completely for the better. She was able to get married later and with her husband, went to a bible school and today is serving God. But her background was difficult and different to what she is today in society. She had by the grace of God a good testimony. (Sawadogo, E. 2006)

This rural Christian lady gave a piece of advice to those Christian leaders who faced such challenges of accommodating girls in their family on how best to help their husbands maintain good behaviour with the opposite sex. In order to succeed in this ministry husband and wives should work closely together. If the girls need something those things should be given to her by the wife and not the husband. The wife can then ask the husband to help get a dress, shoes, or money to then give to the girl. The rule being that they should not allow the girl to go directly to the man of the house and ask for something. When husbands and wives work in close relationship such a family can be a great help

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to the girl. Some families are not in a position to welcome such girls because it will create more problems than are solved. In this case families need to find out if they are in a position to help or not. As far as we are concerned when they come we do not have special means to keep them. We only trust God and at the same we do not want to let them go away without help fearing they might lose their life in misbehaviour and spoil their future. When we take the risk to receive girls we pray God and advise a lot. Among the seventy girls who came to us many received the freedom they were looking for. Only two girls among the lot were forced by their parents to go back into forced marriages.

A few months after this interview, that dedicated woman7 passed away leaving her husband in that village. Her contribution still makes an impact even after her death. She gave her life in order to save many families; these runaway girls are now established in society. This situation is echoed by a church leader in the Bazèga province8 in the Centre-South Region. There the same situation occurred, but to a lesser degree because of government legislation outlawing forced marriage. I wanted to find out what sort of problem he was facing in providing education for the girls in the church. He replied to that open-ended question. Many girls run away saying they want to become Christians. Unless the pastor decides to welcome her in his family, it is often difficult for the girl to have such religious freedom. When we welcome such girl in our home we care for both their physical and spiritual life of the person. Girls were coming because to us they were forced into marriage by their parents. The girls need freedom to choose their husband and come to church for help. Now because of the government law forbidding forced marriage we do not see many of these any more in our area. Our concern now is to take care of our children and fewer that are still staying with us to keep good values. Because rural life is getting tough girls are now leaving villages for the city. Spiritually we help them through prayer and bible reading. Socially, if they are staying with the pastor they share the life of the family. It is where you can support them with clothes, food, medicine, and help them to get married. We do not have special activities for them to do a part sharing the family life and farming. The girls’ freedom came from the government law indicating freedom of religion and of forced marriage. The reinforcement of that law allows the girls to stay in their fathers’ home in peace. (Sam 2006)

These true stories in different parts of the country point out how culture and religious tradition affect the lives of girls who find comfort and support through the local churches and Christian families.

7

Interview with Mrs. Elisabeth Sawadogo Prosper, pastor in Zinko village, Centre north Kaya in 2006. 8 Interview made with a church leader pastor, Jean Sam, in the Bazèga province in 2006.

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My wife and I helped thirty girls in their struggle for freedom. There was time where ten, seven, six or five girls stay at one time in our family. It is only during the last three years that girls are not staying with us. I remember one girl who was here but through the help of the church she came home with joy and thankfulness because her life has been changed for the better. I remember another living in a village nearby and both of them are happily married and now have children. She can meet her own needs and also is a faithful member of the local church.9

Levirate, or the practice by which a widow is obliged to marry a male relative of her deceased husband, is still commonly practised in Burkina Faso, especially in rural areas. It is contrary to article 234 of the Individual and Family Code, and is the source of considerable distress to the widow. Rarely accepted by the wives of the new husband, the violence she suffers at their hands may be both physical and emotional. Such a woman will find it very difficult to educate her children, let alone herself. This practice often displaces and separates the wife from her children, and therefore affects the harmony of the upbringing and education of the latter. It may be symbolic to older women in rural areas who accept such a condition, but when a widow is forced to marry another male relative who may already have a family it can create more conflicts. This custom is a practice which humiliates and impoverishes women, especially after the death of a husband. On the husband’s death, the transfer of custody of minors from the widow clearly conflicts with the requirement of the relevant national legislation. Indeed, according to article 519 of the Individual and Family Code, if one parent dies, parental authority devolves entirely to the survivor. Unfortunately, for many widows, this right is taken away and assumed by the relatives of the deceased husband. The family council meets and designates an individual other than the widow to manage the assets of minors. This is commonly practised in both urban and rural areas and also affects inheritance rights. Although the law of Burkina Faso makes the surviving spouse the absolute heir, whose inheritance cannot be taken away, violation of the inheritance rights of the surviving spouse is a reality for many widows in Burkina Faso. It should be noted here that some parents-inlaw refuse to grant custody to the widow but nonetheless leave the children in her care, which can cause some difficulties when her only income is the estate of her deceased husband. This custom is so deeply rooted in accepted morality that very few women, even educated women, can stand up to their parents-in law and demand respect of their inheritance rights. 10 (MBDHP 2005:4)

9

Interview with Sam Jean, pastor and area church leader in the Bazega Province, 18 March 2006, at Niosna village in Burkina Faso. 10 An alternative report by the MBDHP on Burkina Faso’s 4th and 5th combined periodic reports submitted to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women at the 33 session (5-22 July 2005) New York, 4.

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Although there is awareness at the government level, and despite the efforts of civil organizations such as the Women’s Movements, the practice of female genital mutilation (FMC) of girls persists. In 1996 the practice of excision was criminalized, and the Penal Code set the following sentences: six months’ to three years’ imprisonment and a fine. In 2004, 12 years later, an investigation carried out by the government revealed a significant reduction in the practice. Examples of decrease cited were Sanguié Province which fell from 51% to 1%, Ziro province from 77% to 2% and Oudalan from 97% to 12.9%. Despite these advances, on the Mossi plateau and other areas the practice continues. The roots of these practices go back to cultural and religious traditions which teach women to submit to men from birth. The Minister of Basic Education and Literacy (MEBA) conducted research in 2007 to identify the persistent obstacles to access, retention and success among girls in schools. Here are some of the findings. As already noted, the major ones are socio-cultural factors. These barriers are understood to be burdens rooted in cultures through practices of certain customs and manners that are disadvantageous to girls and women. The information elaborated later in this section comprises primary data which were kindly offered to me during a field visit to the Headquarters of the International Centre for Girls’ and Women’s Education in Africa in Ouagadougou. It contains a breakdown of the religious background of the sample interviewed during the MEBA research. After this evidence indicating a change of mind-set among the community, I continue with the concept of religion of the people in the sample used in the study because culture is associated with religion in the context of Burkina Faso. The MEBA findings revealed that among the sample interviewed in the study 49% were Muslims, 25% Catholics, 16% adherents of traditional religion and 7% were Protestant, but in terms of access it revealed that the Franco-Arab schools had 4.9% of boys and 2.3% of girls while Catholics and Protestants indicate a higher number of girls than boys. However, among the teachers interviewed 47% were Catholics, 32% Muslims, and 20% were Protestant. Further in this chapter an analysis of the contribution of Islam to girls’ and women’s education will be given to assist in understanding the socio-cultural dynamics involved in overcoming these obstacles! But at this point I will seek to examine how these obstacles are perceived by the Ministry in Charge of Women’s Promotion in the country. Since the research deals with both education and gender, after many visits and interviews and audiences at the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy mentioned in the study, I requested an official appointment with the Ministry of Women’s Promotion. The aim was to gain a better understanding of the salient on-going issues concerning the obstacles to girls’ and women’s education and how the Ministry goes about overcoming them. The staff at the Ministry agreed to meet up and discuss the topic for two hours in the Cabinet. The Minister,

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Céline Yoda, requested her Secretary-General to meet me, and here is a summary of Mrs. Clémence Ilboudo’s comments on behalf of the Minister.11 The Ministry cares for all women and girls and children and collaborates with other ministerial departments. In addition to the policies of the Ministry of Education Mrs. Clémence Ilboudo agreed that families and communities are the basis of the state. Referring to the obstacles she was concerned about the wide gap that exists between boys’ and girls’ enrolment in schools. ‘A girl in general is a child and parents have to make a decision for her. It is also an obstacle if one goes to school in order to be employed in the public sector’. She argued that being educated is first of all in one’s own interest and helps to increase one’s capacity. But she noted that it is more difficult for girls and women to do so because cultural factors are hindrances to their freedom. In the traditional setting one believes that girls and women do not need academic knowledge apart from cooking and how to become a good wife. Girls’ families expect them to become housewives rather than a agents in development. Within Burkinabè society the roles of men and women differ. The social system wishes the boys to keep their name and inheritance and stay in the community. The girl is a migrant. She will spend a little time in her family and later join another clan. The family does not think that if she becomes educated she can benefit her family. Apart from spontaneous gifts to her family the most important contribution will be for the husband. Once the family is facing a choice, in the case of a polygamous unit, the balance moves quickly in favour of the small boy rather than the girl. The UNESCO (2009:4) EFA Reports mentioned that: Poverty and other forms of social disadvantage magnify gender disparities. For example, in Mali girls from poor households are four times less likely to attend primary school than those from rich households, rising to eight times at secondary level.

Referring to Universal Primary Education the Report put it differently: …children from poor areas, slums and other disadvantaged groups face major obstacles in access to good quality education. While children from the wealthier 20% of households have already achieved universal primary school attendance in most countries, those from the poorest 20 % have a long way to go. (EFA 2009:4)

Burdens and obstacles such as household economic poverty affect a girl’s success in school. Failures at school, bad physical health, not being able to access the right information, and the risks faced on the way to school are factors supported by Clémence Ilboudo (2009). Girls therefore, are not prepared to cope with sexual harassment. Once a girl becomes a victim she will 11

Interview with Mrs. Clémence Ilboudo, Secretary General at the Ministry of Women’s Promotion February 6th 10-12am 2009 in Ouagadougou.

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bear the visible marks and bring dishonour to the family. Such situations lead to social conflict among different families in society: because she is the daughter, she can bring shame on the family through early pregnancy while boys can pretend to get away with it. Keeping the girl in the family and not sending her to school can help to avoid shame in the family. Assie (1983) argued that ‘…the wish to protect daughters from undesirable influences appears strongest in areas that are still very traditional’. Girls like to go about and can easily be influenced, often by teachers who do not have good moral standards and who can harass her. The teacher may commit adultery with the girls and still get away with it. The UNESCO (2009:5) EFA Report added: Once girls are in school, their progress is often hampered by teachers’ attitudes and gender biased textbooks that reinforce negative gender stereotypes. These school-based factors interact with social and economic factors that influence school performance along gender lines.

The same applies to women in the sense that they are not free to enrol themselves in adult literacy without the husband’s permission. In a case where he says no the wife has no choice. Besides, she has a lot of household work that limits her concentration on learning. Bearing children can also constitute an obstacle to women’s education. Very often in order to study properly she needs to bring a baby-sitter into the adult literacy class. At the beginning, like the girls, they are highly motivated but completing the programme becomes an obstacle, especially when there is no additional food to feed the children who accompany their mothers to the adult training programmes. The Ministry supports the view that in order to overcome these obstacles women need to enrol, be able to remain there during the whole programme, and finally succeed in acquiring the desired skill. If these three steps are not fulfilled the process remains incomplete. The Secretary-General of The Ministry of Women’s Promotion also raised the problem of Female Genital Cutting (FGC). There is hardly any scriptural evidence in Islam and the Christian faith to support it. The Imams and traditional chiefs cannot back up this practice from the basis of their religions. But what arguments will a woman put forward when her husband sends the girl to be excised? Without knowledge and education she has little argument to resist the order from her husband. If she were able to read the Family Code regulating these issues, or the Holy Scriptures, she could argue from what these books say. But without knowledge she is left without arguments and is obliged to accept the concept, though such practices are illegal in the country. It should be noted that the practice of excision is not tolerated among Christian families, who accepted the national decision to combat such practices even before they became law. For Mrs. Clémence Ilboudo, the churches are the best places to promote and invest in gender and women’s education. They have increased the numbers of

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girls’ schools, colleges and training centres, and even the government is aware of that. There is also the spiritual dimension also, and these schools have the reputation of producing high-quality results. In the churches men and women come under one roof, and sit together during meetings many times a week. This provides socialization for the women, but in other religious contexts there are no such opportunities to mix women and men regularly during the week in worship places. Although the church expression of gender is a model there are, however, disparities in interpreting the Scriptures that influence women. Few women today are without faith, but accepting the faith of the husband without analysing the main reasons could also lead to illiteracy. Mrs. Ilboudo gave an in-depth analysis in her office of the Ministry’s opinion on these obstacles based on the face-to-face open-ended questions of the researcher. Her oral answers fit with the findings of the MEBA report and cohere with other writers on the topic. In the following brief section I shall compare the voices of the officials in Burkina Faso and see how Marcella Ballara (1992) echoed them on the topic in a wider context by referring to five similar obstacles to girls and women literacy. The lack of time was first on the list. 1. The lack of time. Marcella argued that ‘…traditional or new roles women fill rarely leave them enough time for education. Both women and girls face fatigue, frequent and early pregnancy, caring for children, families, formal and informal employment reflected the high rate of absenteeism and drop out.’ 2. Organizational problems. Male teachers in mixed classes, distance between home and the centre of learning, lack of transport and food, and culture clashes between instructors and learners are also constraints to full participation by women in education activities 3. The problem of cultural patterns and customs lead parents to believe that it is not worthwhile to invest in girls’ education; instead they invest money in their sons, who will provide support for them when adults. Such attitudes have been questioned and the complementary view argued that in fact girls support their parents better than boys especially when the parents are sick and aged. 4. Some of the religious traditions may restrict women’s activities to domestic tasks, stressing their role as mothers which limits their access to education. Ballara (1992) argued that lack of self-confidence, timidity, submission to male authority as well as isolation and difference between participants are also limiting factors. 5. Agreeing with other authors and reports is the aspect of the poverty of most illiterate women that prevented them from taking an active part in educational activities. This section reveals a use of different tools and techniques in methodology, such as accessing the primary data of a Ministry Report (CIEFFA), an openended, face-to-face interview with government officials, and in-depth listening techniques for transcription and interpretation from French into English to

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arrive at the larger picture of what constitutes the major obstacles to girls’ and women’s education. Different authorities, authors and researchers have concluded that in the case of Burkina Faso, and possibly elsewhere in the Third World, the socio-cultural factors remain the main obstacles to overcome. It is then argued that the solution partly remains within these societies and cultures. The history of the colonial legacy and the background context were used to examine the nature of the obstacles more effectively. Now, however, a central question requires thorough investigation. With the problem being mostly socio-cultural, what is the evidence-based proof that the religious groups which constitute the vast majority of actors in the socio-cultural realm, such as Islam and Christianity, are there to support the view that they are contributing to overcome these obstacles? Comparing the findings of the teachers in Burkina Faso with other studies across the Third World, one can see similarities. Stevenson (1975) and Watson (1982) mentioned the inadequacy of the curriculum in the school system: The school curriculum was generally not based on the society from which the child came, except marginally, it did not teach him about the traditions in his own society nor did it develop skills which would be useful in society. As a result many were alienated from their own society but were not at the same time fitted for the colonial society. (Watson 1982: 33-34)

In fact the formal school system itself as it was implemented in the Third World had limitations. It was western in concept and linear in application. The system did not promote adult education through the non-formal approach. Watson admitted: Indeed many of the existing non-formal arrangements were destroyed, or at the least severely weakened, as a result of colonial involvement. It has been pointed out that for French West Africa the curriculum was geared to train leaders in a particular way of life that is hybrid in culture and attitude. The leaders were trained in such a way that they were divorced as a result of their education, from the real needs, feelings and aspirations of the rural people.

Clignet (1978:131) referred to the dilemmas of colonizer-colonized relations: Paulo refers to the colonial situation as a culture of silence. Successfully enough, the colonizer attempts to prevent the colonized from understanding his position in time and space and hence from maintaining contact with his own past or with alien culture…. In this sense, the colonized experiences a double alienation. The practices, ideologies, and philosophies imposed on him are alien to his framework of reference and his own tradition. His first alienation results therefore from his exposure to educational and cultural stimuli that tend to erase the significance of his own past. But the second alienation results from the selective nature of the

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elements of the metropolitan culture with which he is confronted. (Clignet 1978:131)

This evidence elsewhere supports the view that culture and tradition influence one’s education. The Role of Islam in Female Education in Burkina Faso Islam claims the largest proportion among the religious groups in Burkina Faso. It therefore constitutes an important actor in the socio-cultural life of the nation. Islam is very much involved in offering access to education to boys and girls, but evidence thus far supports the view that more boys than girls benefit from the education system. Islam makes a contribution to the education system through the Franco-Arab Madrasas and Qur’anic schools. In 2000 it was estimated at 3.5% of the total school enrolment (MEBA 2007:55)12. This figure has increased since then. These schools are established mostly in rural areas. In Ouagadougou, the capital, there were fewer schools and they account for 2% of school enrolment, but further in the northern region of Yatenga Muslim schools had 24% of school enrolment. According to the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy report in 2005-2006 there were 549 Franco-Arab schools and Madrasas with 72203 pupils of whom 34 per cent were girls. In addition there were 676 other schools that were not recognised by the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy in which 35.4% of the pupils were girls. A year later, Assietou Badoh reported in the Sidwaya Nº 6396 (internet version) that the number of the Franco-Arab, Madrasas and Qur’anic schools grew to 1,621 in 2006-2007.13 However, Mr. Sédégo, who is the director of Private Basic Education at the Ministry, reported that 895 of them were not registered at the Ministry. That means the promoters of these schools did not meet the official requirement of the government sufficiently to be recognised. Mr. Sédégo, however, made it clear in the article that the Burkina Faso state is not against Islam as a religion nor the Arabic language, and stressed the need to find ways of improving the quality of education by including to a greater degree in their curriculum the official programme that was taught in French. Religion is very strong, but the MEBA (2007) reports that the Qur’anic schools only teach the Muslim faith. Qur’anic teachers interviewed agreed with this view. For them the Qur’anic teaching is only oriented to knowledge of the Islamic faith, i.e. to be able to read the Qur’an and recite prayers; they also admitted that there is no such policy for girls in these schools. They affirmed that if parents a agree to send their children to these Qur’anic schools, it is only

12 13

MEBA-UNS-CERFODES provisory Report 2007, 55. http://www.sidwaya.bf/dossier_enseignement-franco-arabe.htm accessed on 04/04/09.

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the religious aspect that interests them. Are these views echoed in other literature? Patkar (1995:401), in discussing female literacy in India, pointed out that socio-cultural norms are crucial determinants of educational levels among women. King and Hill (1993) referred to a dominant perception that there is an inherent bias against women’s education (see Finn, Dulberg and Reis, 1979). They suggested that although Islam places no restriction on the education of women and in fact instructs all Muslims (both men and women) to acquire education, the great concern of Muslim men for women’s modesty and its association with men’s honour has supported traditions that restrict women’s mobility, and consequently their access to schools. Traditions in Muslim societies locate women strictly within the family and discourage the acknowledgement of their independent identity. Their view of women’s identity is threatened by education which promotes independence of thought and action among women (King and Hill, 1993). Brock (1993:89) argued that the religious factor is based on customs and tradition rather than doctrine. It is the custom and tradition rather than doctrine per se that seem to constitute what is sometimes called the religious factors: in relatively remote and rural Islamic areas, for instance, the males may attempt to legitimise their traditional attitudes to girls’ education in religious terms, in contrast, for example, with elite Muslim families in Dahka whose daughters may accept to continue their studies to secondary and university levels.

The following interview, however, shows signs of changes in church schools in the north. In that particular town of Ouahigouya the only Evangelical church-run school has decades of history. One school in the north sees the cultural aspect of gender as a major obstacle to girls’ education. To Ibrango,14 a headmaster in the north, the cultural barriers are seen as major obstacles to this. In the traditional milieu formal education of girls is not well-perceived. In that culture the thought is that the girl will get married anyway to another person. Why bother spending lots of energy to educate her? The fact supporting this attitude is that when a woman gives birth, the first question asked is which sex is the child. In this context the woman who has more boys is more praised than the one who has girls. This brings prejudices among the women on the basis of how many boys or girls she has. When the girl reaches school age the father is not motivated to send her to school unless the mother insists. Otherwise the father remains indifferent. This situation is changing with time. There were girls in Ouahigouya evangelical school who are now in the job market and because the school has impacted them, they now take more care of their parents than the boys. Now 14

Interview with L. Ibrango, the Headmaster of Ouahigouya Evangelical School, in March 2006.

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when one meets those parents they are thankful and say “my girl who went to the evangelical school is the only one supporting me. The boys on the contrary are creating me lots of problems”. Parents are now seeing the difference in girls’ education. They first thought the boys will be more supportive but this has proven the contrary in many ways. To illustrate this, once the father becomes ill, the child who will show up first and assist is the daughter. The boys do not hurry. Often parents die in the hands of their daughters. (Ibrango 2006)

I then went to the East and heard a similar story. Checking the same information from different parts of the country helps to create a larger picture of the traditional, religious and cultural factors that hinder girls’ and women’s education. Pastor Douna Hamidou is the President of the Sudan Interior Mission churches based in the east of the country among the Gourmatché ethnic group. This church became involved in girls’ non-formal education and also fights for gender equality in the church. Since the beginning the new believers to Christianity were cursed in the village and none was willing to offer their girl to marry Christian young men. The first missionary set up a bible school for girls to give them the freedom from forced marriages in their families. During the 1960s there were not enough Christian girls and that bible school offered a double benefit. One was to free them from forced marriage, to teach them biblical values and practical skills, but also the girls who became Christian are considered as cursed by their families. The mission opened the first Bible school for girls and the church added others in order to help advocate freedom for the girls.15

Pastor Hamidou adds: … in our culture among the Gourmatché ethnic group the young girl is pledged to marriage before her birth. The so-called expected family-in-law starts bringing gifts to the one who made the pledge and when a girl is born to that family she is pledged automatically to marry that person to whom she is pledged. The family to whom a girl is pledged will start bringing support all those years until the girl is fifteen years old. This situation contributes to a social problem that the churches choose to address. Also there is the girls’ excision. Parents put them in concentration camp to force them to practice excision and the church fights against such practices. The church then becomes a place of refuge. The SIM churches have set up five units to care for the girls in the Eastern region. These girls’ Bible schools provide literacy training and skill learning. Two Bible schools are located in Piella, one in Fada Ngourma, and the remaining two are in the Tapoa province in Diapaga. We often invited resource people such as the head of the police to come and speak about women’s rights because in those regions women are offered like objects. Therefore the government works in collaboration 15

Face-to-face interview with Pastor Douna Hamidou, President of SIM churches in Burkina Faso, June 2007.

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with the church to help women avoid forced marriage. In Madaga the church is making an effort to assist girls who left school, or have not been at all, to a have an opportunity to learn how to read and write in their native language. In the formal sector the church has five primary schools and the girls there are favoured to carry on with their work with the help from people with goodwill and practically we have no financial support. We do the best with the very little we have and God is blessing this work.

All the girls who went through these centres become true mothers knowing how to read and write in their own language. They can help the family economy with their skills in agriculture, sewing, weaving, livestock, soapmaking and painting. Others become literacy teachers and are a great support both to their family and society in general. The church contributes to eradicate barriers to girls’ education, and is working in partnership with the Association of Educator Mothers (AEM). The girls come voluntarily to these programmes. They make a small contribution but it is mainly the church and its friends and partners who run these girls’ centres. To Pastor Hamidou the vision is: … to allow them to be better equipped after their training. Because of the shortage of resources the church is not able to equip them with tools after their training. We are often frustrated to see them leaving. With the skills in sewing, soap making… we wish to help them establish their own businesses and also hope to teach in other languages such as French. (Douna 2007)

In addition to Douna, Gouba sees that girls’ and women’s education benefits the family unit. Another finding16 relates to family issues: girls’ education is not taken seriously by everyone. Today a girl that is not educated is a serious handicap in raising children. Spiritually it is vital that a woman is educated because she plays an important role in the family. She is a mother created in God’s image. She can then also be a good educator to her children and earn more. Otherwise there is an obstacle to the family if it is only the man who receives education. When the man is involved in spiritual matters the wife should also be a helper according to the word of God. One leader confessed that if his wife did not go to school they would not have progressed together during those fifty years of married life without problems. ‘‘At the moment that we understand what God said that it is not good for man to live alone,’’ if both understand that in the family, there are ways to resolve any obstacles to harmonious living. Without such good relations man can behave like an animal. (Gouba: 2006)

16

Interview with Pastor Gouba Tobado, school teacher in the first evangelical school of Ouagadougou, 22 February 2006.

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Financial and Socio-Economic Constraints Alongside the traditional/cultural and religious factors, the main enduring obstacle discovered through this research is family poverty hindering female education. The economic factor, especially in terms of poverty and hunger, was found to be the major underlying influence acting against the participation of girls in formal education (Brock and Cammish, 1997:23). Poverty and malnutrition affect the access to school of both boys and girls and the benefit they can derive from their education if they do not manage to go to school. However, because of their more favoured status, boys often tend to be better nourished and receive treatment more quickly when they are ill. Schemes to promote girls’ education in poorer areas need to address problems of health and nutrition if they are to be successful. (Brock and Cammish 1997:21)

Iffat Farah (1999) in ‘Educating Girls in Pakistan’ arrives at the same finding, supporting this comment by saying that ‘most studies identify economic and/or socio-cultural factors as significant factors influencing girls’ enrolment and retention in school. These socio-cultural barriers are kept and reinforced by the economic poverty of the households and also by the observed insecurity for girls in and outside the schools. This persistence of obstacles allows us to identify: a) Immediate causes of lack of schools infrastructures leading to go long distance to reach the school and penalises especially girls. b) In such contexts the school results are poor, the high cost of education, mistrust of parents when the security of the girls in schools is not safe and the economic poverty of parents. c) There are institutional causes when the state is limited in providing an appropriate education system. The content is often less appropriate to the actual needs of the school system of the country and the integral needs of girls and boys are not entirely met though education. (Iffat and al: 1999)

Abra Pollock in the Inter Press Service advocates investment in girls’ and women’s education: ‘Investing in young women and girls in developing regions must be a priority for government, multilateral agencies and the private sector’. The 89-page report ‘Girls Count: A Global Investment and Action Agenda’ (Pollock, 2008) highlighted the systematic disadvantages faced by girls and women in developing countries which range from poor health, education and nutrition to workforce participation and the burden of household tasks. The report continues to say that: Child marriage can have serious effects on girls’ health. While up to one-half of girls in developing countries become mothers before the age of 18, adolescent

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mothers are up to five times more likely to die from pregnancy complication than the women in twenties. Without adequate skills and training and without access to economic self-sufficiency, many girls in developing countries enter into child marriages. One in seven girls in developing countries marries by the age of 15. (Pollock 2008)

Brock (1993:88) argued that early marriage, bride-price, schools not being equipped to keep girls, and girls growing older because of repeating classes so that parents do not want to leave them in school are all barriers to successful schooling. Often the safest place for girls is the home. Through triangulation, Pollock reinforces the findings in Burkina Faso that support the socio-cultural factors linked to economic poverty. This report argued that … educating girls and promoting them in skills training and social services will springboard their potential as young women, while also contributing to a country’s political and economic development. (Pollock 2008)

The MEBA (2007) Research, mentioned at the beginning of this section, was studied in twelve provinces of the country which had low girls’ enrolment compared with three provinces with the highest enrolment rate. It sought through the educationalists in those areas to gather evidence to help confront the obstacles to girls’ and women’s education. In summary, regarding the access of girls to schooling, the actors ranked the following obstacles by priority. Informants were from different walks of life including administrative authorities, financial partners, NGOs, parents and teachers. 1. The poverty of parents was the principal obstacle to girls’ access to education. This is followed by: 2. The ignorance of parents of the importance of girls’ education 3. The high cost of education 4. The irrelevance of schools for parents 5. The harassment of girls by teachers. An education official in the East reported (MEBA 2007:47): The socio-cultural factors seem to be the most difficult obstacles to overcome. In addition the girls are looked on as labour force (households, agriculture) and girls’ schooling is considered as non-profitable investment since she will not contribute to the economy of the family. Some families consider schooling as an obstacle to girl’s marriage in the sense that an educated girl can refuse the husband imposed on her by her family.

Another leader added a similar comment: ‘Parents support the view that the school will open the eyes of their daughters and they will no longer submit themselves to their families’. To Ibrango, the school fee constitutes the first obstacle parents face. Parents are encouraged to do their best to support the girl

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to complete her education. This method works, and parents start to listen to teachers on the issue. When the headmaster of the school notices that there is a girl who has difficulty in paying the fees, she is encouraged by the educators to carry on, trusting that God will provide for what is lacking in the school. Educators often let girls complete their education without covering all the fees. These shortfalls will be taken care of by God. The evangelical educators’ satisfaction is the girl’s good school work. For that school principal a great effort is put into girls’ education. As a result many parents are changing their cultural attitudes due to a positive behavioural change on the part of their daughters towards them, and they want to send their daughters to the evangelical schools. But even in the church girls’ education was not perceived in the same way from the beginning. In the following section I am going to discuss the difficulties faced and the lack of awareness of the churches regarding the benefits of educating girls. Lack of Awareness by Some Churches of the Benefits of Educating Girls The difficulties facing education in general for boys and girls arose because the church ran mainly residential mixed schools. Later, though, not all churches had the same vision as the AOG. The pioneers of church schools did not have much material wealth. Pastor Dupret relied on God and people of goodwill to help him run the schools. When the church started opening schools in rural villages to bring education closer to the beneficiaries, it was very difficult to provide an adequate infrastructure and continue paying the salaries of the teachers. It was at that time that the government came up with financial support to help the private confessional schools. These comprised both Catholic and Protestant church-run schools. Government support stopped in the 1980s, leaving the church with more difficulties in to maintain and expand boys’ and girls’ education. Evangelical education has one particular feature:: most schools are in rural areas. In this context parents are unable to pay the cost of education for their children. Generally speaking, if a private school in Burkina Faso is opened, the person responsible expects an economic return. It is, however, different with the church. The vision of the church is to promote education to all through churches. Even when that church is located in a rural area, a school can be opened there. The teachers moving to work in such villages are expected to do their work as a vocation because living conditions are harder and there is little financial support. Once a school is established in an urban area, parents contribute financially to the education of their children. Among the 48 AOG schools, many are located in rural areas, and this is why the church is facing financial problems. Even with these obstacles there are still differences between evangelical schools and state schools. These differences will be explored in the next chapter.

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Listening to church leaders like Mardoché, Hénoch and Hamidou, one hears the cry of their hearts: by what they already do in the education sector, they want to improve the lives of many girls and women who are trapped by serious poverty issues, such as the lack of basic necessities like social welfare, health, education and the freedom of living which other human beings enjoy elsewhere in the world. The church leaders in Burkina Faso, ‘the land of people with integrity’, found it extremely hard to lower themselves and behave like people in poverty. One needs to read between the lines to understand the genuine requirement for support to improve life in general and particularly to provide basic education to all in need of it, especially women. Pastor Hamidou made it crystal clear that the church has very limited resources to cope with those social issues that are in fact partly the responsibility of the government. The church remains a credible agent for transformation and a serious potential partner to the government in Burkina Faso. Such credible groups which are recognized by the government could be assisted by international development partners to improve the life of girls and women in Burkina Faso. The lack of financial resources was not the only problem. There was also a lack of vision on the part of some church leaders about girls’ and women’s education. Girls’ education is not understood in the same way by all evangelical churches. Pastor Gouba Tobado17 remembered the first time some of the children passed the primary school certificate. Some missionaries came asking to send these children to become evangelists because Pastor Dupret wanted to open the first class of secondary school for them. For a whole day he was intimidated by Anglophone colleagues trying to persuade him to stop their education at the primary level. The main idea may have been that the new graduates from the evangelical school were the best evangelists to the nation, so why bother carrying on to the secondary level of education, language some did not understand anyway? Some oral traditions tend to assume that further education may not make good Christians and that students may lose their faith. This was a one-sided interpretation of the argument, so the dualistic vision may have fuelled the debate of the day. Although the reasons put forward by the majority of missionaries for not adding the secondary level of education could be justified from their angle, Pastor Dupret was motivated by the idea of building future leaders for the church and the nation. Both arguments were right, but God worked in such a way that the secondary level of the evangelical school went ahead even if this meant students going to the other side of town. Dupret then moved to the other side of town and developed the educational foundation known today as the Protestant College of Ouagadougou. The mission at that time consisted mainly of Anglophone missionaries who had been the first to come to the country. This mission, at the request of the local 17

Interview with Pastor Gouba Tobado, teacher in the first evangelical school of Ouagadougou, 22nd February 2006.

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pastors, called on its French partners for help, represented at that time by Pastor Dupret, his wife and others. This story illustrates the influence of both missions in the country, based at Gounghin and Tanghin Barrage. The two sides of the vision have been fulfilled. On the one hand the missionaries were looking for native evangelists to help them reach many towns and villages with the Gospel, and on the other hand Pastor Dupret wanted to develop secondary education so that the graduates from the primary stage could continue and serve as teachers, thus expanding educational opportunities. It is no wonder that Burkina Faso’s evangelical church has a strong influence both in terms of education and a Christian influence in the nation. The evangelical church in general does not understand this truth in the same way because most of the leaders of those churches have not been to school themselves. This is a serious handicap to education within the evangelical church. I wanted to dig deeper with the help of other evangelical churches’ members of the FEME to find out how they perceive the questions posed in my research. I was amazed to discover that some were a long way behind and did not have the vision earlier, but were now aware of the valuable work that lies ahead of them. Through the following interviews we shall notice the different perceptions which these leaders revealed and the opportunities that exist. The experience of the Christian Evangelical Alliance Church (CEAC) was collected in an interview with TOE Mamadou Mardoché, chaplain to the schools and School Union in Bobo. Posted in Bobo Dioulasso from Ouagadougou, Pastor Toé was in charge of the Maranathan school chaplaincy. The first school, the Bethel technical school, opened in 1990, then the second in Dédougou, and thirdly the secondary school in Kambouissin in Ouagadougou. Toé acts as the General Secretary of the Christian Alliance church. This church has set up different departments, one of which is called the Department of Lay Education (DEL), and is in charge of running the church’s three secondary schools with plans to open new ones. The church is committed to improving the department as it offers an opportunity to reach the youth of Burkina Faso. The young people are expected to grow and meet the challenges the church is facing. The church and mission board are working to revise the text, which has two main goals: 1. To train national leaders who will contribute to the development of the nation. 2. To preach the Good News of Jesus Christ. In addition to this spiritual goal, it was observed that the evangelical church in general was falling behind, but some, like the Assemblies of God and other groups and associations, were coming to realize the need to get involved in education. That vision is on the increase. For the Bobo case we started a civic and religious education which is broader than just religious education (RE) because we receive students from different religious

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backgrounds. Some religious parents such as the Muslims do not wish that their children take this study that is why we added the civic education to all classes once a week. Often we have an outreach meeting to edify these new converts. I also help to support the BARAKA School of the Christian Relief and Development Organization (CREDO). The school system is an efficient way to share the Christian faith with the students. That vision motivates me and I requested the church to put in more resources each year to achieve better results.18

Before 1990 the EAC/BF started their first primary schools at Doumbala and Santédougou. Because of financial difficulties, similar to the story of the Assemblies of God, the church had to give back these schools to the state. It was a painful experience. For this reason the church only got involved with secondary education at a later date. At the time of writing the Maranatha school has 825 pupils with the possibility of expansion. New classes are being built, and it is estimated that numbers will exceed over 1,000 children next year. There is a similar number in Dédougou technical school, although that school was opened seven years later than Maranatha, but the one in Ouagadougou has fewer students than the previous two. The church came to realize it they needed to open primary schools to strengthen the Maranatha secondary school. As far as girls’ and women’s education was concerned, the church did not have a specific strategy for that, but managed to organize Bible camps that hold 500 girls. For Toé the church needs to do more if the Lord gives it the opportunity to minister specifically to girls. One noticed from this illustration that not all churches had a strategic plan to educate women and girls and that idea only came slowly as the need became obvious. However, the EAC/BF church is now more committed to the challenge of empowering young lives through education. But have the Protestant Evangelical Church/World Evangelical Crusade succeeded any better? This church is based in Gaoua among the Lobis people’s group in the South West of the country. According to Pastor Sib Hénoc the Evangelical Protestant church was founded in 1978 after the missionary work of the World Evangelical Crusade. It was only eight years ago at the time of writing that the church felt the need to start an urban ministry in Ouagadougou. Since 2001 a church has been planted, and its work has basically consisted of reaching students and women’s groups. In Gaoua the church initiated in 1991 activities for different age groups among the young, such as the Flambeau et Lumière (Torch and Light) for boys and girls. The youth of the church was formed from this group as were the school unions. Each year in January they run a youth camp that gathers around 250 young people. The student camp takes place in August. Pastor Sib Hénoc has been the vice-president of this church since April 2007,and made the following observation: ‘The association of the women is facing a shortage of 18

Face-to-face interview with M. Mardoché Toé, Secretary-General and Chaplain of the Christian Evangelical Alliance, in June 2007 in Ouagadougou.

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women key leaders to run their programmes. We hope that the girls coming up will meet that leadership vacuum’.19 I discovered while interviewing Pastor Sib Hénoc that, unlike the Assemblies of God church, and to some degree the Christian Evangelical Alliance discussed above, the Evangelical Protestant Church (EPC) did not have an education programme geared to young girls. There was one initiative for the girls set up by a missionary from Switzerland but she did not stay long enough in the country, and had to leave and return home. The girls were left to themselves. Nowadays the church wants to set up an educational centre for girls and teach them skills. They are now looking for opportunities that will enable them to care for the education of young girls. Pastor Sib’s heartfelt wish is to do something for them. If we do not do it, others will care for them with all the consequences we can imagine. The children’s ministry is showing signs of weakness because the children’s workers are not stable to care for the children but are already looking for jobs elsewhere. We need to open schools. As mentioned, our church in the past did not have the vision for education. That is why until now we do not own a school. We are looking at opportunities and resources that will help us set up schools within our churches. We need to prepare the children for the future ministry and therefore we should give a Christian education to help our country have qualified leaders with Christian conviction. Later on we can also open secondary schools. (Sib 2007)

At the time of writing (2010) the EPC has 73 local churches, 83 pastors, two Bible schools and 10,000 church members at the national level. Pastor Sib was sent to Ouagadougou five year ago for the urban ministry. Analyzing the case of the EPC, there were signs of weakness in the vision from the beginning. The first missionaries did not see formal education as a priority. There was no such person as in the case of the Assemblies of God’s vision personified in the life of Pastor Pierre Dupret, who gave himself wholeheartedly to the vision which he had received from God. The work of the Swiss lady was not followed by either the mission or the national church. The weakness among the women’s group is a sign of a lack of qualified leaders. Although the national church is willing to look for opportunities, the vision of starting with primary school and later secondary remains. There is space for capacity building among the churches and Christian organizations and networks, with possible institutional support to facilitate that for the benefit of the churches who want to increase their involvement alongside the government programmes in education.

19

Interview with Pastor Sib Hénoc of the Evangelical Protestant Church of Burkina Faso, June 2007.

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Geographical Constraints Geographical obstacles to girls’ education were contrasted by another school principal20 located in the centre of the country. For him the view expressed earlier cannot be generally applied all the country: Difficulties depend where you are from in Burkina Faso. Basically in the central plateau people understand that sending boys and girls to school is a good investment. But areas such as the north, north east and west regions it is not all parents who see the importance of sending their children to school. The obstacles are also seen with the geographical location of the school. Another perceived obstacle is that many of these children leave school without being prepared to integrate into social life. One should find ways to allow girls and boys to increase their studies and be better prepared for life.

The geographical distance hinders girls coming from surrounding villages to school, especially during the time of puberty. The distance to school can affect the quality of their education and health where food and facilities are not provided. Cammish puts the geographical factors among the eight findings, which are geographical, socio-cultural, health, economic, religious, legal, political and educational (Brock and Cammish 1991:2, Cammish: 1993). Cammish adds the following: ‘The onset of puberty is an important factor in its effects on girls’ education. We have seen that it increases vulnerability to travel long distance to school and may therefore make parents decide to withdraw their daughters from school’. Schools without proper transport and the lack of school meals in both formal and non-formal education in rural areas affect both girls’ and boys’ education negatively. Conclusion In this chapter I have examined the major and persistent obstacles that hinder girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. Many of them are related to gender discriminations imposed on women basically through socio-cultural factors. The findings from both primary and secondary sources support the pertinence of such socio-economic factors. Religious traditions were examined to observe the cultural impact of these obstacles on girls and women. There were indications from the data collected that where the local church and church leaders were seen as part of the solution, this provided a refuge for vulnerable girls who often run away from forced marriages. Evangelical churches and development organizations established in the area act as advocates for girls and women’s freedom and education. Alongside the socio-cultural obstacles identified there are initiatives such as capacity-building and awareness that 20

Interview with Pastor F. Tapsaoba, founder of the Raoul school complex, on 8 February 2006 in Ouagadougou.

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require joint efforts between churches to overcome them. The following chapter will investigate the data from government, professionals and parents regarding girls’ education.

Chapter 6 Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

Introduction The following data were gathered as primary sources using a case study approach with different tools and techniques in the field during a period of five years (2005-2009), in between part-time and full-time residential studies at the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies (OCMS). Among these were face-to-face individual interviews, focus groups’ discussions, collection of available archives, newspapers and careful listening and observations. These high-quality primary sources were examined to verify the hypothesis of this research. The different interviews were recorded with an audio cassette and then transcribed into English from Mooré for the non-formal, and French for the formal education sections. These results were then analysed to see what relation they have to the research questions. The government, Private Education Departments and parents made available to me the relevant information or archives to achieve these results. It was a long and difficult process. Starting with examination of competing results from both the primary and secondary levels of formal education found in the national examination league tables issued by the Government Department of Examination and Tests (DEC), I have assessed these in order to discover whether schools are helping to overcome the obstacles to girls’ and women’s education. I shall start with the description of schools’ results in the formal sector and conclude with non-formal education. School Effectiveness: Schools’ Results: Primary Certificate In order to assess the results of evangelical education, I looked at the government archives to find out the current situation from the official exams. The Direction of Exams and Texts (Direction des Examens et Concours, DEC1) annual report on school results sheds more light on the results of public schools compared with private ones. It also helps to show what contribution private schools are making in providing access to education. It needs to be remembered that all evangelical formal schools fall into the category of private education at the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy. 1

DEC (Direction des Examens et Concours) 2004 annual Results for Private schools.

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At the end of primary school, which normally takes six years of education, pupils take their first official exam, called the ‘Certificat d’Etudes Primaires (CEP). It is with this qualification that pupils are allowed to make their way into the post-primary and secondary levels of education. The archives for the year 2004 revealed that in the private schools nationwide 85.87% of girls passed against 89.76% of boys. Tested

Total

Admitted

%

Girls

Boys

Total

G

B

T

G

B

T

2740

2921

11886

2353

2604

10432

85.87

89.76

87.76

Results of primary private schools for the certificate in 2004 2004 2005

Private Public Private Public

85.8% 67.8% 82.8% 63.4%

Difference 18 points Difference 19 points

Girls results 2004 and 2005 of Private and Public School It is revealing to compare girls’ results in 2004 and 2005 in the public schools with the private schools. The archives reveal a higher difference of 18 points in 2004 and 19 points in 2005 indicating that private schools, which are largely confessional and lay, achieve more in terms of quality results than the public schools. School Results: Entry at the Secondary Level (6ème) The same analysis will be applied to the second official examination taken at the same time by most children who want to pass from the primary to the secondary level, called ‘Entrée en 6ème’. Those pupils who pass this exam are offered a place in secondary education. Here again the government has signed an agreement with some private schools to accept children coming from the public schools because of shortage of space in the public schools. Children from the private schools who choose to go to the public schools may receive a place if they pass such an exam. Both these exams are official and determine the passage from both the private and public schools to the secondary level of education. In the year 2004 the results from the public schools were 15.762 % for girls in General Education against 24.66% for boys. Together with a tiny percentage for the technical schools, the total national result was 17.71% 2

DEC 2004 annual Results of the ‘Entrée en 6ème’ for the Public Schools.

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The private schools in 2004, however, showed results of 30.1% for girls in General Education and 37.03% for boys. In addition to the technical schools’ results, the private schools had a total of 30.2 93 % 2004

2005

2005

Girls 30.1% Total Girls 16.22% Total Girls 31.78% Total

Boys 37.03% 30.29% Boys 23.55% 16.90% Boys 35.87% 30.46%

Private

Public

Private

2004 Private schools’ exam results In 2005, 16.22% of girls passed this exam against 23.35% of boys. The national total including the technical results was 16.90% for the public schools. For the private schools in the same year the success rate for girls was 31.78 % against 35.87% for boys in General Education. The national total was 30.46% in private schools against 16.90% for the public. The evidence from official figures supports the view that private schools have better results and are a great help to the government’s efforts in education. Faith Based Organizations, especially evangelical ones like the Assemblies of God, have shown, and are continuing to show, innovative ways to improve girls’ and women’s education throughout the country. The Impact of Evangelical Schools in the Private Basic Education and Literacy Department In 2005 the Director of Private Education4 had a list of 99 registered primary evangelical schools. The actual number in 2006-2007 was 128, though in reality it was higher than that because many are still unregistered due to logistics and other difficulties they are facing. Other evangelical schools also fall in the category of lay schools; in 2006-2007 they numbered 405. The Ministry’s Department of Regional Education covers the follow up of these schools, which are making a significant contribution to girls’ education. Interestingly, among the 35 schools which reported the numbers of pupils they had that year, 19 schools had more girls than boys. The evidence from the available archives shows that evangelical schools have more girls than boys.

3 4

DEC2004 annual Results of the ‘Entrée en 6ème’ for the Private Schools. Ministry Department of Private Basic Education and Literacy, 2005.

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Female Education and Mission Primary evangelical school 99 Report of 35 evangelical schools 19 schools have more girls Boulmiougou Evangelic school Boys 146 Total

Girls 162 308

Gounghin Sud Protestant Boys 138 Total

Girls 187 325

Privée Evangélique Koubri Boys 228 Total

Girls 293 521

Gender in Evangelical schools For instance Boulmiougou Evangelic School reported 146 boys and 162 girls out of a total of 308 pupils5. Gounghin Sud Protestant School reported 138 boys and 187 girls; Privée Evangélique Koubri has 228 boys and 293 girls with a total of 521 pupils. These evangelical schools are located in different provinces throughout the country. The two larger cities, Ouagadougou and Bobo Dioulasso, are well supplied with schools. However, the Assemblies of God have more schools than other evangelical groups in the villages and towns of Burkina Faso. These evangelical schools are located in the Regional Centres for Basic Education. Realities of Private Education from an Insider at the Centre Region After the survey at the national level, I looked at the archives for the year and was invited as a participant to the annual Ceremony of Excellence of the Centre Region in the capital city of Ouagadougou. This was a ceremony to congratulate and give prizes to the best schools, teachers, and pupils publicly at the regional meeting.

5

Ministry Department of Private Basic Education and Literacy.

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents Schools/Region 667

City/ Ouagadougou 517

141 Public

Private

342

325

Private education in the Centre Region Of the 667 schools in the Region, 517 are in the City of which 342 are public and 324 are private. In the City there are 301 private schools against 216 public ones. Girls account for 49.57% of enrolment, and the private schools account for 40.50% of the total enrolment. According to the archives at the Centre Region level, the evangelical formal schools6 registered 5717 girls against 5834 boys, making a total of 11551 pupils. The position of the Catholic schools The above figures can be compared with the private Catholic schools which registered 2408 girls and 2407 boys with a total of 4815. The Catholic schools show evidence of equality of sexes in all their schools taken as a whole, while the evangelical schools have a larger intake and a similar gender balance. Lay private Schools Class 6 20

Catholic church Schools Class 3 18

Evangelical Schools Class 6 28

Madrasa Schools 9

Class 20

School establishment outside the city Girls 2408 Total

Boys 2407 4815

The position of the Catholic schools The scope of the Franco-Arab schools Still referring to the archives of the Centre Region, I discovered that the Madrasas registered 2168 girls and 3149 boys, with a total of 5317 pupils in their schools. The gap between access for girls and for boys is more apparent, though an effort is being made to promote girls’ education. However, comparing those major religious groups involved with education (alongside the traditional beliefs), the evidence suggests that the Roman Catholic and Evangelical schools take a lead in providing greater access to education for girls in the Centre Region of Burkina Faso.

6

Regional Department of Basic Education and Literacy, 2006.

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Female Education and Mission Girls 2168 Total

Boys 3149 5317

The scope of the Franco-Arab schools This closer look highlights the important part that evangelical schools play in the private education system alongside other service providers, and supports the view that they are ahead in the promotion of girls’ education in confessional schools in the Centre Region. Although the author was restricted in going into more detail regarding the other lay schools, it could be argued that individuals, families, Associations and NGOs of the Faith-Based Communities, including evangelicals, are the real actors in the private education sector. The 2006 results of the Assemblies of God schools Not only are the churches the greater providers of girls’ and boys’ education in the private sector, but their results also exceeded those of the government sector by 17.2 percentage points. Among the 33 schools present in June 2006 only two (Pô and Koudougou1) did not reach a 50% success rate. All 31 schools had a minimum of 50% success, 5 over 80%, 6 over 90%, and 5 achieved 100% success. The church denominational schools scored total results of 77.91% compared with the 60.71% of public national ones. Thirty schools sat the exams, though in reality the church was running 41 primary schools at that time, meaning that new schools are being opened progressively. Three years later the number of primary schools increased to 49;here are the results for June 2009 in terms of gender in enrolment, exam league results, teachers and total numbers of pupils and classrooms.7 Results of CEP in AOG primary schools in June 20098 Tested number B G 952 1 065

% T 2 017

Passes

B 47.19

G 52.80

B 846

G 897

T 1 743

Success rate %

%

B 48.53

86.41

G 51.46

AOG schools’ results in CEP 2009 The national result for the CEP for 2009 is 73.68%. Although these Evangelical schools are part of the national strategy and therefore are included in the results, if one takes the AOG church-run schools separately one can still

7

This number does not include schools opened by church members, families, associations and NGOs who are members of the same church denomination. 8 I collected these data from Pastor Abel Zongo, Director of AOG primary schools in October 2009. B stands for boys, G for girls, T for total for two separate exams.

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see a disparity of 12.7 points of quality difference in comparison with the national result (DEC 2009). Results of access to 6ème of AOG primary schools in June 2009 RANK

Schools

Tested B G 941 1 007

T 1948

passes B G 355 308

Results of access to 6

ème in

T 663

Success rate % B G 53.54 46.45

2009

These data support the evidence that the AOG church maintained the best results and a gender balance in basic education. In an interview with Zongo, the Director of the Assemblies of God primary schools, he said: I only know that the Assemblies of God have forty-one primary schools. But there are other churches, associations and individuals that are members of the church whose contribution in schooling can be taken into account here but I do not have any idea of that. The forty-one schools belong to the national church of Assemblies of God but one should also notice that each local church can have their schools that are not included in the figure given. If all this effort is taken into account I then agree that the Assemblies of God church in Burkina Faso in more involved in the education system than any other evangelical church in the country. There is no doubt about that fact. (Zongo 2006)

When we invited the Director of Private Education of the government to comment, he told us that there were one hundred and one (101) evangelical schools registered in their office. Putting these two facts together confirms the idea that the Assemblies of God churches and related members run more than half of all the evangelical schools in Burkina Faso. I then continued to ask Zongo about his results: In 2004-05 we registered a success rate of 81% to the primary certificate in the Assemblies of God schools in Burkina Faso. Six of our schools have 100% success rate in the official exams set for all primary schools in Burkina Faso. One of our teachers received a national award medal from the government. In 2003 the government gave me a medal appreciating my contribution through the evangelical schools. We have also benefited from the government official prize for Excellence.9

In 2009 all the AOG schools enrolled a total of 14,695 pupils, including 7,263 girls. Number of pupils in AOG primary schools in 2008-2009

9

DREBA June 2006.

% 34.04%

144 N°

Female Education and Mission schools Total 49

classrooms 246

teachers 277

boys 7.432

girls 7.263

Total 14.695

Capacity of AOG schools in 2009 One could argue that the public schools are larger in number compared with a very few mentioned here in the Assemblies of God Results Report10. Although there is no guarantee that when the evangelical schools become larger they will maintain the same results, it could also be argued that since 1948 the Assemblies of God in Burkina Faso withstood that pressure of maintaining the best results until now and are is likely to continue doing even better in the future. This example has been followed by Christian NGOs, individual members and groups, and the evidence supports the view that evangelical schools are achieving better results. From the above sample of pupils who have took their first official exam of the CPE, there were more girls who sat the exam than boys, 796 girls against 730 boys. Among those who failed the test, there were 120 boys against 186 girls. With a little extra help these girls would have now moved to secondary education, but even worse is the 51.6% who are still seeking to obtain basic education, taken that the 2006 population census showed that only 48.4% of children aged 6-12 are enrolled.11 One wonders if the goal for 2015 can be met. Ibrango (2006)12 believed that evangelical education teaches people in accordance with the word of God, preparing God-fearing people to serve their nation. Those who went through the evangelical schools support this argument, and are given high positions in society. They did not have any problems handling those responsibilities because they have the fear of God. They do not say ‘This is the public sector, and therefore I am going to do what I like’, and use public gains for illegal personal benefit – far from it! The evangelical school is the right place to contribute to training the whole person to fight against corruption in society which is often adduced as a weakness by the donors of aid in the public sector. This argument is also challenged by Sachs and Bono (2005:137), calling for more support to disadvantaged sub-Saharan countries. Sachs argued that most countries in sub-Saharan Africa are remote from the development ladder because of conditions of extreme poverty caused by the geographic trap. Their schools are also good grounds for evangelism. The argument for training the whole person is supported by a group of parents who are not in the evangelical church and government officials working in the field of education. It has been commented by both parents and government officials in education that evangelical schools provide a good access to education. L. 10

A. Zongo: Report of Assemblies of God schools results, June 2006. Burkina Faso population’s census, 2006 (INSD). 12 Interview conducted with L. Ibrango, headmaster of Ouahigouya Evangelical School in the north of Burkina Faso in March 2006. 11

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

145

Ibrango13 testified to the positive discrimination he practises to maintain girls in schools. Generally evangelical schools are affordable for parents. In rural areas especially, the fees are low, although extremely poor parents will still find it difficult to spend £20 a year to send their child to school. It is accepted that schools in large cities like Ouagadougou and Bobo will charge higher fees. Even there, some working parents with regular income still cannot afford the fees. However, through interviews, ex-students who are now parents (old girls) and others have made comments that the girls’ residential secondary schools are very expensive for ordinary families and that these schools tend to recruit a certain class of children who meet specific requirements. These schools are few in number compared with other mixed schools at the primary and secondary level which are still affordable for the public who have a regular income. For poorer parents who have no financial support, a residential girls’ school will not be accessible. The cost is not high when one compares this with the services that are provided, or compared with what private schools are charging in other countries in the region or elsewhere. Even in this situation the few girls’ residential schools are full to capacity and the competition for admission is high. This is because of the quality of teaching and the good results. These schools are ranked as the top schools in the country. One can mention names like Loumbila Young Girls’ School and the Young Girls’ College of Koubri. The Boulmiougou Evangelical School recorded 100% success rate at the national diploma for the primary school during the four consecutive years 2001-2005. The church and civil society are limited financially in offering education. With more resources such as Sachs (2005) and Griffiths (2004:28) are advocating, the churches and national NGOs could increase quality of and access to education in the country of Burkina Faso. Griffiths (2004:28) argued that: In certain developing countries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, the voluntary sector, especially the churches, have played a key role in establishing schools and hospitals. More recently the private sector has played an increasing role.

It has been argued that the evangelical churches and their related members such as development associations, Christian NGOs, families, and businesses are the main players in girls’ education. As already discussed, these service providers were mostly motivated by the vision and, at the same time, the mission of the church to evangelize and make disciples of Jesus Christ. These actors are supporting government initiatives to provide education to all children. The church thus becomes a viable development partner with the 13

Interview recorded with L. Ibrango,headmaster of Ouahigouya Evangelical School in the North of Burkina Faso in March 2006.

146

Female Education and Mission

government as visibly supported by the comment of the President Blaise Compaoré14 who said that he considers the church as ‘a partner in development’ (Compoaré 1996). Among the 99 primary evangelical schools registered at the time of this research, nearly half of them were initiated by the churches. Other schools have been set up by Christian NGOs, associations, families and individuals. It should be mentioned here that there are cases where formal education started with the nursery school. Initiatives like primary schools are not just for children in the cities and towns; there are cases of nursery schools in rural villages offering high-quality education to both boys and girls. The provision of education at the nursery level is small compared with primary education. These private initiatives in poorer areas face different obstacles such as malnutrition as well as poverty. The UNESCO 2009:4 EFA Summary Report indicated that: Child malnutrition is a global epidemic that affects one in three children under the age of 5 and undermines their ability to learn. Slow progress in tackling child malnutrition and ill health especially in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia is undermining progress toward universal education. (UNESCO 2009:4)

The secondary level Kientega and Gouba (2006) argued that mixed schools provide a better balance in gender issues while girls’ schools expose girls to greater sexual temptation. This idea is supported by one old girl (A. Ouédraogo, 9 February 2005) working in primary education with the government, though some have argued that one phase of having only girls prepared them to concentrate on their studies. From the evidence gleaned from visiting and researching in both types of schools the case is still debatable. At the secondary level there were 350 private schools at the time of writing. Of these 337 were registered in the Ministry’s Department of Private Schools. The Department’s officers made the point that the evangelical schools are major providers of secondary education. Here again there is no separate list of church founded schools. They all fall within the same list as private schools, but the names of the schools give clues as to their religious affiliation. The case of the private sector becoming involved in education is not unique to Burkina Faso (Tankono 2000). It happens in Mali, Senegal, Mauritania and Guinea in the same region. In other developing countries like India, Pakistan, Zimbabwe and Bangladesh Sukontaman Pataporn (2005) of the London School of Economics makes a case for the entry of NGO schools to help with girls’ educational prospects. Though the church contribution may be small compared 14

Interview of President Blaise Compaoré at the 75th Anniversary of the Assemblies of God church of Burkina Faso.

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

147

with that of the large NGOs and other civil society organizations, they both see girls’ education as crucial to development. In the case of Burkina Faso, the types of education provided in these schools are general and technical, sometimes both in one school, offering boys and girls between four and seven years of education and training. What did ex-students say about the differences? I interviewed some old girls (ex-students)15 of a church boarding school to find out their thoughts about their school days. There is a great difference in the sense that there is a great discipline through the teaching of the Bible each morning and evening. The girls were very obedient and helped them to study better. In other schools that are not Christian there is a lot of indiscipline because those children do not hear the word of God that helps them to behave well. Although these schools have lots of regulations it is not sufficient because the heart of a person needs to be moved to the fear of God and be conscious about what they do. The teaching on spiritual things helped the girls to be obedient though there were some who were not obedient. This value in the school contributed to better school results. Often there is 100 per cent success rate at the public exam. This discipline helps the students to work harder. It is not the same in other schools. (Ouédraogo A. 2005)

Discipline and spiritual values were the main differences she observed. She rightly admitted that values are rather than taught. There is no guarantee that in such situations there is no indiscipline, but it is less than where there are no such Christian values involved at the school leadership level. A second interview,16 in a different part of town, revealed similarities concerning the spiritual element in education, and emphasised the holistic aspect. Today, as an adult I see the difference. At the younger age we envied other schools because they were freer, better equipped and having a school uniform. In fact our first and younger daughters followed my steps. I oriented them to these schools. Our eldest daughter, Gloria, is in her fourth year of medicine at the university of Ouagadougou, the younger being Grace who is in the first year in the same university. The main difference between these schools and others is the spiritual aspect of the church-run schools. From the morning to the end of the day one is aware about the religious aspect of life. It helps the teenager to build a better relation with God. It is true that we had competent teachers who taught us science, but I also remember what the Bible says, ‘What good will it be for a man if he gains the whole world yet forfeits his soul’? (Mt.16:26) This spiritual dimension makes the difference between the Christian and the public school. Man is not only made of scientific knowledge, but is a whole, body, mind and spirit. I see that in the Christian school, man is looked as a whole. (Damoaliga 2005) 15 16

Interview with Mrs. A. Ouédraogo on February 9th 2005 in Ouagadougou. Interview with Mrs. J. Damoaliga, on February 9th 2005 in Ouagadougou.

148

Female Education and Mission

The same question was asked of a school principal17 of the Loumbila Young Girls College who was an ex-student of the same school. Her reply was: I do not know other schools apart from those in which I taught in town. The difference is obvious. Unless it is a private school people do not seem to give their best in what they do. It is sad to notice that. There are critics in the public saying that the level of education is getting less and less but one needs to be among the teachers to notice that we do not give the best of ourselves. It is regrettable to admit that some teachers have lost the professional conscientiousness. For instance, if there are three tests required in the school term and some do only one or even come late in class, or whose behaviour is not the best model for the student who is looking for a reference, this is not fair! Here, because our teachers are Christians they approach the students differently. The relations among the people are easier and there is also the fear of God in the school. This atmosphere helps the teacher to give of their best. (Kaboré 2005)

What then do parents from different faith backgrounds who are sending their children to evangelical schools have to say? The following opinions were collected during a focus group discussion with parents in 2005. There is the difference in the achievement of the school compared to other private schools. Those private non confessional schools are usually set for economic reasons. This is not the case here. An evidence of that are the school fees. There is a huge difference. The other private schools will never reduce their fees to the level of this school. When the goal is economic it is difficult to combine efficiency to it. One will be tempted to recruit teachers who are poorly trained and they will pay them less. Some will receive a support of 12.000 cfa francs ($30). Such a teacher will accept it because he knows he cannot give himself to the work more than that. There is also the quality which differentiates this school to others. The size of the class is not the same with others. When one teacher has one hundred students in one class or even eighty he cannot give the best of himself to all the children. There are teachers in the public and private sector that are not happy about the condition in which they work and their salary do not make the effort. Such a situation can be seen in the classical private sector. These attitudes affect the product coming out of the school. Among the girls due to the school uniform you do not notice the difference between them. This is not the case in other schools. Each person wears the clothes they want and the girls expose part of their body in the classes. Such an attitude is not good for the education of the young girl. May I add that the spiritual element, the religious education these children receive strengthen them each day. (Kaboré 2005)

17

Interview with Mrs. S. Kaboré of the Young Girls’ College of Loumbila on 19th February 2005 in her office.

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

149

RESULTS IN EVANGELICAL SECONDARY SCHOOLS

In the section below I will examine the results in evangelical schools and AEAD literacy centres. As mentioned in the Policies Sections of this research, the Government Department of Private Secondary Education is particularly impressed with the results of the evangelical secondary schools. Among the top of the list is Loumbila Young Girls’ College in terms of quality. The average success rate varies from 90 to 100% each year. The weakness, however, is that, generally speaking, unless a girl has a good grade she will not be admitted. Loumbila is a boarding school and parents make a high financial commitment. Poorer parents with girls attaining lower grades find it hard to have access to this school, which is located just beyond the north-east of Ouagadougou. To illustrate this point it could be mentioned that the International Centre for Girls’ and Women’s Education in Africa (CIEFFA)’s 2003 top prize for excellence in secondary education at the national level went to one student from Loumbila Young Girls’ College, namely Miss P. Muriel Ouédraogo18. Following the impact the Loumbila College was making the church went to Koubri, 25 kilometres south of Ouagadougou, to establish the Koubri Young Girls’ College. The Protestant College of Ouagadougou, founded in 1953, is currently one of the largest mixed private secondary schools in the country which influences the national results of private education. The above three schools provide general education. The Protestant College of Ouagadougou has now opened a branch at Bama in the western part of the country. In order to equip young people to a higher standard, a technical school was opened by the Assemblies of God. Located in Sector 17 of Ouagadougou, the school equips girls and boys practically to start a career at the end of their training. Here again, the results are similar to the above schools. The schools mentioned are all run by the Assemblies of God Church and apply a similar rigour based on the different needs of the child. AEAD Distinctiveness The Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD) is a national NGO which has worked in Burkina Faso since 1992. Its vision is to ‘improve life through the love of God’.19 AEAD’s mission stands for creating and developing integral approaches to improve life through education, training, socio-economic development and evangelism. In the education section of AEAD programmes one can see that formal and non-formal education are combined to give opportunities to children and adults 18 P. Muriel Ouédraogo of Loumbila Young Girls’ College won the first prize for the best girl student at secondary level in the country. At the time of writing Muriel is studying medicine at the university in Dakar, Senegal. She is related to the author. 19 AEAD multi-year action plan 2006.

150

Female Education and Mission

to receive appropriate education in the Centre West, Centre and Northern Regions of the country. At the time of writing AEAD were running six formal schools, reaching about 1500 girls and boys. A similar number are also cared for in non-formal education centres where, through adult literacy and special education programmes, men and women are exposed to an education that enables them to contribute to their own development. The last two years’ reports indicate a majority of female participants.20 Boulmiougou Evangelic,21 primary section, won the prize of Excellence22 for the best primary school in the Centre region out of 667 primary schools in 2006, but at post-primary level it fell to second best in Boulmiougou town. However, the first place was awarded to Bethesda, another evangelical secondary school in the same town (sector 18 of Ouagadougou). Similarly, the provincial department of education and literacy of Zondoma sent a letter of appreciation to AEAD and considers it as an Adult Literacy Operator in the Province. Table 6.5a on the following pages shows adult literacy programmes, with participation by two-thirds of women going hand in hand with improving the means of earning a livelihood by providing families with animal traction for food production (see AEAD map 6.5c). AEAD’s vision has an integral approach in the sense that it combines formal and non-formal education. It seeks to find innovative ways of working from grass-roots communities’ point of view to fight against poverty of all sorts, whether economic, social or spiritual. Non-formal education allows women and men to learn how to read and write in their mother tongue and use the acquired knowledge to improve matters such as agriculture, basic health, gender, cultural and religious values at community level. The following table proved that two years later it was consistent in improving girls’ and women’s access to education, with an enrolment of 62.5% of women and girls. Number of pupils attending AEAD’s schools academic year: 2008-2009

GOURCY PRIMARY Male 130

20

Female 102

Total 232

Male 56,03%

Percentage Female 43,96%

AEAD annual literacy reports 2005 and 2006. Boulmiougou Evangelic is a complex of three schools (pre-school, primary and post primary) owned by AEAD, with the first school being opened in 1995. 22 Journée d’Excellence de la Région du Centre, Ouagadougou 2006. 21

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

151

OUAHIGOUYA Vocational training school Male Female23 5 Secondary Male 239 Speed Schools Male

Total

0

5

Female

Total

213

452

Female

Total

544 Adult literacy

632

1176

Male

Female

Total

497

1732

2229

Male 100%

Percentage Female 0%

Male 52,88%

Percentage Female 47,12%

Male 46,26%

Percentage Female 53,74%

Male 22,30%

Percentage Female 77,70%

Male 80%

Percentage Female 20%

Male 68%

Percentage Female 32%

Male 49,61%

Percentage Female 50,39%

Male 60,71%

Percentage Female 39,29%

Male 46,56%

Percentage Female 53,44%

OUAGADOUGOU* Leadership Training School Male

Female

4

1

Male

Female

13 6 Compassion International Male Female 128 130 Kindergarten Male Female 34 PRIMARY Male 142

23

First year Total 5 Second year Total 19 Total 258 Total

22

56

Female

Total

163

305

AEAD vocational centre was in phase one of building in a rural area where there was no accommodation, running water or toilet facilities, with five boys joining the building team to learn the skill from the start. Once the centre is safe the 50 per cent quota of female students will apply. The evidence shows that in all disciplines the average is 62, 54 per cent female participation.

152

Female Education and Mission

SECONDARY Male

Female

Total

150

148

298

Male

TOTAL NUMBER Female

Total

1886

3149

5035

Male 50,34%

Percentage Female 49,66%

Male 37,46%

Percentage Female 62,54%

Gender in AEAD Education programmes If one isolates the adult literacy programmes which are a combination of three different partners and analyses one of them, noting that there are many more adult females than all other participants, one still reaches similar conclusions about the high percentage of women’s access and results. The following is an example of the programme sponsored by Woord en Daad. Levels Initial FCB24 TOTAL

M 148 84 232

Enrolled F 464 310 774

T 612 394 1006

Literacy results in one programme: Percentage of access to one25 adult literacy programme supported by W/D in 2008-09 Male 23%, Female 77% . Following access, the total pass result at the end of the programme was 85.626 %. AEAD brings its integral approach to help overcome the root causes of girls’ and women’s difficulties in education by assisting communities to have access to such things as clean water, environmental protection with tree planting and anti-erosive systems, increase of food production, and the running of a medical centre which provides support to HIV/AIDS victims. AEAD works peacefully in a multi-faith context in Burkina Faso, remaining true to its nature in supporting the capacity building of the local churches, which in turn are agents of a community’s transformation.

24

Basic and Complementary Training (Formation de Base Complémentaire). The adult literacy programmes are sponsored by TearFund, Woord en Daad and the FONAENF for 95 centres with 2229 participants. The above table concerned only the one sponsored by Woord en Daad and confirms similar findings with a vast majority of female participation and success rate. 26 Details from AEAD –WD literacy report 2008-2009. 25

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

153

AEAD activities and zones of interventions The benefits of AEAD programmes are not just for Pentecostals but for the Burkinabé community as a whole without religious discrimination. The evidence shows that in 2005-06 the adult literacy programmes registered 202 men and 765 women at the Initial stage. The Complementary stage recorded 71 men and 284 women. It resulted in 77.7% of the females passing the test at the Initial stage and 75.5% at the Complementary stage. In this Northern region Muslims make up 90% of the population.27 An Innovation of AEAD Soon after independence, Burkina Faso was involved in different innovative measures to help provide EFA. Following the Lagos meeting in 1976 further attempts were made to reach more children in the rural areas. One recalls the rural schools, but more recent examples are the Satellite Schools, the Centres for Basic Non Formal Education (CBNEF), The Literacy and Training centres(CPAF) all initiated by the government. The NGOs such as OSEO have successfully promoted Bilingual Schools (BS), which have had a great impact on the government’s education programme. Following these experiences, AEAD and its partners came up with another innovation, called Speed Schools, working in partnerships of similar groups to make their contribution to girls’ and women’s education. Research (UNICEF/AGEI 2003) has shown the limits of formal basic education which often does not meet all the needs of the child and which 27

For details see Appendix 2.

154

Female Education and Mission

constantly needs adapting. Weaknesses are also found in non-formal education, which often stops after literacy. In addition to combining formal and nonformal education AEAD is seeking to do exactly the reverse by combining nonformal with formal. Since formal education is not available to all children, leaving them in the non-formal sphere, a tentative bridging of the gap has started with the non-formal sphere where the poorest people find themselves. It aims to link them with the formal sector in the hope of reducing the rate of illiteracy which is a serious factor in poverty. AEAD and its partners have launched an experiment in Burkina Faso with a new way to bridge the non-formal to formal education in the shortest possible time, giving greater hope to girls and boys who have fewer opportunities to go to school or who have dropped out of school early. This particular approach was developed in Burkina Faso after learning from the experiences of partner organizations in Mali with the support of the Stromme Foundation. AEAD is aware of the difficulties relating to transfer raised in the UNICEF Evaluation Report (AGEI 2003:22), which indicated that there is a lack of transfer to the formal system or professional training centres by those coming from non-formal education centres such as the CEBNF (Centre d’Education de Base Non-Formelle). The Report states that: …while some young students succeed in entering the formal schools after attending the CEBNF, the majority of students come up against a dead end in their pursuit of other educational opportunities. This is due to the fact that there is no official transfer policy between the non-formal CEBNF and the formal school, nor are there any formal links with more advanced vocational training supported through professional training centre of the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Youth. (UNICEF-AGEI 2003:22, 28)

With regard to the problem of transfer the Report commented that: The Satellite Schools and CEBNF have increased children’s access to basic education. However the issue of transfer to other schools in both instances is significant and needs to be systemically resolved. This is an area in which communities need the government’s attention with UNICEF Burkina Faso’s support to arrive at decisions on how best to adapt the Satellite schools to current demands and need of students. (UNICEF AGEI: 2003:29)

Following the broader results from basic formal and non-formal education, I continued with a closer examination to find from one secondary technical school the answer to a number of questions. A face-to-face interview was conducted in the principal’s office in February 2005. These are the Principal’s28 replies to my questions:

28

I. Kientega, 2005. Interview conducted in his office on 12th February at 11.30 am.

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

155

Why did the church get involved in girls’ formal education? This has to do with our social context. In our context one prefers to invest in the life of boys because, the boy will carry on bearing the name of the family. Also, because of the limited resources if one has to choose between educating a boy or a girl, one will choose to educate the boy. This is why to remedy this imbalance the church decided to care for those that were seemingly neglected by society that is girls’ education. I think the church was right in opening girls’ schools. As already said education has more impact on girls than boys because they are the mothers, family responsible, and struggling to impart value they have learnt themselves. Take for example the role of women in The Assemblies of God of Burkina Faso. The Association of Servants of Christ (ASC) is very efficient and has an impact in the development of the church.

Kientega’s (an educationalist of the Assemblies of God Church) point of view agreed with that of Clémence Ilboudo at the Ministry of Women’s Promotion four years later. With this in mind I wanted to find out more with Kientega how many girls there were and what kind of results they had achieved in their programme. In this school we have the general education programme and do not specifically teach only girls. Our programme is also for boys and girls. Apart from specific themes related to girls, in the official programme there is no difference between girls and boys education at the moment. Among the student body there is 70% of girls. I think moral education helps more girls than boys. Usually, the children stay longer in the family with the older girls and mothers. Men on the contrary do not have the habit to share with others even with their own children. They are preoccupied to look for the bread of the family. Women on the contrary take time to care for the children. Even if they work they take time for their children and grandchildren. So they have the possibility to easily transmit their own model to their children than men. If we can improve girls’ education, this can contribute to a better society in general. (Kientega 2005)

What then are the results of the Technical and Professional school of the Assemblies of God? It is not easy to speak about yourself. But looking at the statistics one will see that we are a newly opened school compared with others, but as to the results we have nothing to be ashamed of. The evidence is that in the results 2003-2004 we had 94% success result in the Baccalaureate. This is an exception and unheard of in Burkina. We never heard in Burkina that a school of that level reached even 70 per cent success. For us to reach 94% in Baccalaureate (BAC G1) gives a good credibility to the church and people will think that the church is serious and committed about education. (Kientega 2005)

156

Female Education and Mission

I then approached Kientega with a question which is an assumed criticism of the church which is often seen as doing more for the spiritual and not enough for the social aspects of life. What about those who say that the church is more spiritual than social? Looking at the statistics of secondary education in the Kadiogo Province one notices that there are 16 public schools against 105 private ones involved in general education. There are 6 technical schools in the public sector against 49 private. This reveals that the private sector dominates education in the centre of Burkina Faso. If among the private sector the church leaves space for the nonconfessional to control education it will badly affect the nation. With this speed the government has difficulties in controlling both the quality of the teachers and the quality of the teaching. The church needs to wake up. For the Europeans countries they do not understand the importance for churches to open schools. In most European countries, for instance, the state is wealthy enough to take care of the education of all citizens. So, they do not see the necessity but this is not our case! Here in Burkina if all our private schools close it will be catastrophic. The private sector contributes to raise the level of school enrolment. If the evangelical churches, in particular the Assemblies of God, have a certain impact and prestige it is due to their schools. Most of the people who convert to Christianity today were old students of evangelical schools. They did not get saved during school days but later on. Many will come back to church after their forty years of life well after school days. Most of the leaders of the Women’s Association went through the girls’ school in Loumbila. This is also true for the men. (Kientega 2005)

Kientega’s comment argued for the quality and change in behaviour in the life of former students towards good and God. That contribution from FBOs takes into consideration the gender aspect in education which also influences the life of the nation for the better. On 19 February 2005 I went to Loumbila to interview the head teacher29 about the Young Girls’ College. She started with the school results followed by her personal stories, which are also mentioned in the last section of chapter 7.6. We have about forty girls per class and one hundred and seventy three (173) in the school. Each year we have over two hundred apply for the entrance test and only forty are admitted. Before our arrival for the academic year 2002-3 the school had recorded 3-4 times 100 per cent success result. Before that, the results were kept since 1970s and we won one of the best results each year. (Kaboré 2005)

29

S. Kaboré, 2005. Interview conducted in her office from 9:40-10:20am on 19th February.

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

157

How she ever came to head that school where she was herself a student from another faith illustrates the point made by Kientega about the integral approach of the church to education. Read her inside story: My parents did not send me here, because they were Muslims and knew the Christian character of Loumbila girls’ school. I think in my final year in the primary school I selected some schools where I would like to go for the secondary education and also at that time the principal here at the orientation office picked up my name because I had good grades as well. I remember the first thing my father told me after bringing me on his moped. He called me by the side of the main gate to tell me to be careful about Christianity. “I brought you here to have an education but not to embrace the faith of these people.” At that time the fees were very small. In fact we were given between 400-600 CFA francs (50-60p) to cover our transport to Ouagadougou, the capital. School books and other study material were free of charge. The condition was comfortable for the students. I even wanted to become a Christian in the first year but remembered my father’s warning. It was in my second year in 1976 that I became a Christian. On my return home I felt the need to inform my parents. I hesitated a lot and it took a while but finally I broke the news to them. One needs to know that two years earlier my father went to Mecca for his pilgrimage. It was not easy for me but God helped me to overcome these difficulties by allowing me to know him better and to serve him. Later my father knew the value of the Christian faith through my life to the point that my brothers and also sisters accepted the Christian faith. (Kaboré 2005)

How did you overcome this crisis in life? My father loved me because I was a good student. I was always top of my class. Because of my love for my father I did not want to become a Christian. But one day I went to study in the bush and did not know the Bible at that time. But remember that portion of the Bible saying ‘…anyone who loves his father or mother more than me is not worthy of me…’ (Mtt.10.37) Well the words spoke to my life and convinced me and God also convinced my parents about my conversion to Christianity.

As can be seen from open-ended questions it is difficult to interfere with such profound and moving stories. I returned from Loumbila and went the same day in another direction to record further ‘why’ questions at Koubri Young Girls’ College. The head teacher30 briefly introduced herself, the school and the results: I am a pure product of the evangelical school. Since the primary school to my first teaching post I grew from the evangelical. From Saabin to Loumbila Girls’ School followed with Protestant College, then to the university and back to teach 30

R. Koumbemba, 2005. Interview conducted with the headmistress and her husband in their home on 19th February at 1:40 pm.

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at Protestant College. Later I was appointed as principal at the Girls’ secondary school. Koubri Young Girls’ college is located at Koubri department in the Kadiogo province. This year we registered 337 girls’ students with us. They came from different parts of Burkina Faso and other surrounding nations such as, Cote d’Ivoire, Togo, and Rwanda and other African nations. These girls receive the official education programme given by the Minister of Education. We also provide training in typing and sewing. We wish them to be able to make and repair clothes and type letters. In addition to this study programme we teach them about the Bible. Each morning they have fifteen minutes of Bible teaching per class. One hour per week we have Bible study and Thursday afternoon a prayer meeting with them. On Sundays it is more relaxed. We have a worship service with those that are Christians. All those who wish can join us in that service. (Koumbemba R.2005)

Her answer raises more questions about why they want the girls to learn such skills, but I did not interrupt but carried on with the questions. Why do you think the church got involved in girls’ education? The School Principal’s views are as follows: (Koubri) Girls’ education is capital to me because in our African context it is the women that are largely responsible for our children’s education. And if from the beginning they have these Christians values as reference, they will then be well equipped to do a good job in education. Another element is that in our African context the school enrolment is low, especially girls’ schooling. The church in promoting this vision of educating the young girl was helping the State in their education programme. It helps raise the level of school enrolment and provides better education for these girls. (Koumbemba R.2005)

Koumbemba is making a point regarding the church’s involvement in the MDGs and also an education which affects the whole of life. However, her view of skills acquisition or the context in which she trains the girls needs improving to incorporate scientific subjects as well as sewing and typing. As for the results, she added: Even if the work is hard we see God’s hand helping us. There are lives that are transformed among the students where some come from single homes. For the academic achievement we are pleased to find that always the success rate is well above the national one. For this year we had 75.67% success rate. The national average of success was inferior at 40% if I am not mistaken. (Koumbemba R.2005)

I then moved from the girls’ secondary school to another school established by a Christian NGO educating both girls and boys, to find out the motives

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

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behind their involvement in education. The Headmaster31 of Boulmiougou Evangelic College in Ouagadougou’s sector 18 made the following comments: The goal of Boulmiougou Evangelic is to share the good news of the gospel to the children. In this private Christian school we sow the seed and usually it takes time to germinate, grow and bear fruit. This procedure is slow but it works. As an example many who went to such schools have given their life to Jesus Christ later. This is the same goal we are looking at here. We educate girls and boys in order to teach them God’s word.

The Headmaster’s response to the question about the importance of girls’ education was: The evangelical education we provide has an impact on the life of boys. I am myself the product of such education from the primary to the secondary level. The impact was great in my life. I see many of my colleagues who went through the Protestant College that are Christians. This impact on the boys is also true for girls as well. One can take Loumbila and Koubri girls’ schools and others as examples: Where many through the evangelical education become Christians and at the same time improved other aspects of life. (W. Ouédraogo, 2005)

One can cross-check the similarities which emerge from these findings. Why do you think the church got involved in formal education? According to Ouédraogo W.: The church got involved and should continue as far as I am concerned in formal education because we reach two goals at the same time. We apply the official teaching programme but the difference is that we include the religious teaching according to the Bible in the life of those we prepare to become tomorrow’s mothers and fathers. For me these women are more emancipated than the others because they have the same general knowledge like everybody else but the religious education helps them to improve their life at all levels. We have examples of those girls who go through Loumbila who became heads of department, ministers, and governors of regions and many other leaders in the country. I will encourage the church to persevere in our children’s education today. (W. Ouédraogo, 2005)

What are the difference between these schools and others? Are you not just proselytising? We apply the official programme. What we teach here is also taught in all the secondary schools in Burkina Faso. To say that we are just evangelising the children and not educating them is not correct. The evidence is that our students take part in the official public exams set up by the government for the whole country. But for us, as a church we should not neglect our mission that is to share 31

Ouédraogo W., 2005 Interview with the head teacher of Boulmiougou Evangelic.

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the Good News: To make disciples of all nations and to contribute to making serious citizens. The evidence is that when society requires people who are serious they call on Christians, people who know the Bible. It is not to indoctrinate the children but to complete their education. (Ouédraogo, W.2005)

The church leaders are quite open about the reasons why they started education in this particular context for boys and girls. This debate is part of our main questions, and from a different angle, as in triangulation, we see a different facet of the answers. To them education was to fill a socio-economic and spiritual vacuum in the lives of young women and men. For the education pioneers of the Assemblies of God Church they see it as a God-led mission. The following are the findings of a face-to-face interview with Pastor Simporé on 20th March 2006 at his home in Ouagadougou on the question. Why did the church start evangelical schools? (Assemblies of God) I believed this was led by God. It was in 1921 that the gospel came to Burkina by the Assemblies of God missionaries. From 1921 to 1948 we have no information about evangelical schools. I was not born then. But I believe God wanted the church to have a good foundation before talking about schools. From 1948 God allowed Pastor Dupret from France to open the schools. We were told that he received that vision from God to open schools though not all of his board members agreed with him in this project especially concerning the opening of the secondary school. He even showed us the place where he said God spoke to him to open the schools. He was convinced of that idea. It seems that God was preparing people for the church’s future generation. With the progress of today the church will need capable leaders. At the time the primary school was opened there were not many intellectuals in the church, apart from the American missionaries. The gospel is for all the population and the church needed intellectuals. Those intellectuals could also reach their peer groups as well. That is my opinion. Today we have brothers and sisters with different levels of education who can reach others both intellectually and spiritually. There are other intellectuals who did not go through the evangelical schools but the majority of those who impacted the church intellectuals came from the evangelical schools.32 (Simporé 2006)

The results of the field work are still unfolding as the questions develop. In this section the focus was primarily on the exam results and why the church got involved in education, but the aspects of impact, obstacles and even educational development are considered in greater depth in other sections in Chapters 3 and 5.

32

Face-to-face interview with Pastor Simporé Sibiri, an executive member of the Assemblies of God Burkina Faso and former Secretary-General of the Association of Evangelical Educators.

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Results from the Rural North The AEAD activity map in section 6.5c indicates activities such as adult literacy and formal education which are carried out in the northern region. The interviews were also conducted there in a local language, recorded on an audio tape and translated into English. There were two interviews conducted in February 2006: one with the literacy coordinator and another with the women beneficiaries. Their way of responding corresponds more closely to the narrative method (Trahar, 2006). In this context the results are measured in terms of story-telling rather than percentages. Before we come back to the impact on the lives of these six women from a village context in further discussions, let us discover what the literacy coordinator had to say. My name is Moussa33 and I was born in 1963 in Tangaye village. I am married and have six children, two girls and four boys. I am responsible for AEAD’s Programme on literacy using national languages. I started this work in 1991 and by 2005 we had forty one literacy centres in five provinces. Each class has the capacity to teach thirty five people. A normal session takes seventy days teaching but longer for those who do not teach regularly. I first went to the government literacy centre to be trained from 1986 to 1991 until I became qualified to teach the Mooré language. My first motivation of studying Mooré was to be able to read the church material. I found it helpful to me and to other people to progress in life more than those who do not know it. Out of thirty people who take the exam set up by the government only four or five people fail the official test. The remaining people pass the test. I have now twelve women who are fully trained and teaching new classes themselves after being students with us. Among the men I have fifteen former students who became teachers. The government is very happy to use these teachers for their centres. When Christians go to the public test of the government programmes Christians do better than others and in new jobs in teaching others their mother tongue. Our success is due to the commitment of the teachers for the programme but others have not the same motivation and will be happier when the programme is over.

How many girls and women do you normally have in a class? Among the thirty-five members often it is only five who are men; the other thirty are women. In other cases there are about twenty-eight women in the class. Women and girls are the majority. Among our students there are girls of twelve and thirteen years old. The normal age for the government is fifteen. But because many did not have access to formal school we accept them in our centres. So from twelve to forty-five years students are in our classes.34

33

Interview made on 22nd February 2005 in the local church of Tangaye village. Moussa’s report in 2005 motivated AEAD to look for an alternative innovation that led in setting up the Speed School two years. 34

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Based on these situations and testimonies AEAD looked for alternative programmes for the younger girls and boys who were following the classical literacy training and AEAD developed the Speed School concept to fill that gap in Burkina Faso. The research to produce this study was also a methodological instrument in this process. Why educate girls and women? Girls and women in our area are not free and suffer a lot in life. But those that are educated can help themselves. Forced marriages are among the difficulties they face. They are not trained to run a family. In our region girls and women did not receive education to look after the children, clean the house, and maintain clean water in the family or even about how to look after their own hygiene. In our literacy centres we teach them using the study guides. Once a girl knows how to read her life will improve and she is better off than those who do not know how to read. She will know how to keep her house clean, better look after her children and be in good health. (Moussa 2005)

Moussa is referring to the cultural and religious barriers affecting the lives of girls in an area with a largely Muslim population alongside traditional belief in ancestors. However, he points out some of the benefits his students have: Mariam is one of our students. She told me that before she came to our class to learn, she did not know how to use the health manual. She does not know when to come back for a check-up of her pregnancy. But after being taught in our class, now when she receives a medical prescription or appointment she knows what to do. Before, when the doctor prescribes her medicine she needs each day to ask another person for help. But since she came to the Mooré literacy class she now knows how to read and could follow the instructions that were written Odette told me that she got a job as assistant to the nurses in the village health centre. She gives medicine to children against poliomyelitis. This was possible because of the knowledge of the Mooré language. Every two months she receives a salary that empowers her more. (Moussa 2005)

What did the church do for girls’ and women’s education? Having heard from pastors and head teachers their views on the importance of educating women and girls, I went to interview and ask them to share their personal experiences. I arranged for a focus discussion in the local church in February 2005. Below are some of the answers from the discussion about what the church education programme meant for them. They narrate their own life stories. O.M. ‘I ran away from a forced marriage and sought refuge at the church for three years. This was before I got married to the man of my choice. Through the church literacy programme I can now read the Bible and Bible studies. After I ran away,

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

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the church pleaded my case with my family who accepted me back. Before that I was disowned by my family because I refused to marry the man they had chosen for me. Traditionally this is an offence that needed restoring’.35

AEAD women’s literacy class in Kogola, Zondoma Z.O. ‘My husband is a medical nurse working in the village. The literacy classes help us to participate in the treatment on the sick children against poliomyelitis. K. M. ‘I ran away from a forced marriage. The church helped me. Now I am literate because of the church’s help. I was already a Christian before seeking refuge at the church. My parents decided to marry me by force so, to save my life I ran to the church to look for help and protection. I stayed away for two years and found a husband of my choice. My parents found out later where I was and my husband’s family interceded for me and I was able to reconcile myself with my family. New relations were established between me and my family to the point that I am now free to go and visit my parents whenever I like’. B.S. ‘I grew up illiterate. It was only after my marriage that I heard about the literacy programme. I was interested in the church programme. I am now able to read but have a sight problem. In addition my hand is ill when I write but I am happy to be able to read the Bible and I am now trying to improve my writing’. O.T. ‘Moussa was our first teacher. The literacy programme has helped me look better after my family better. I am happy to be able to read the Bible’.

35

Interview with six women in a rural village in north Burkina on 22nd February 2005.

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O.G. ‘I went to literacy programme at an older age. This helped my knowledge of the Bible in Mooré Language. Where I was hesitant at first I am now confident in my reading’.

This local village church gives an example of a holistic community for girls and women’s education.36 The following are findings on how their lives are affected by the education provided by the church and Christian NGOs. What impacted your life? O.M. ‘We are now able to help our children study when they come back from school. We will provide them with paraffin to have light to study. We encourage them to study because of our experience in the literacy programme. Without this knowledge we would not be able to know anything about literacy let alone how to motivate the children to study’. Z.O. ‘Among our women’s group there is often a need to send one or two members to participate in a meeting and report to the church. Due to the literacy programme we are now able to attend meetings and take notes that help us report to the group. We are pleased that the literacy has helped us in many ways. K. M. ‘The literacy programme has enabled us to write letters in confidence without having to ask another person to write on our behalf’. B.S. ‘The literacy helps us to live better; help keep the family’. O.T. ‘When we go through the village we are now able to read signposts and understand their meaning. Literacy helps us to know how to maintain hygiene, and look after all the duties and our family including the diet and family planning. But is it late for me because I now have ten children. We advise other women not to have too many children that they can hardly take care of. Without God’s help it is difficult’. O. G. ‘Although we started at an older age, we have learnt new things that help us in our daily life. One example is about keeping the water clean, washing our jars before pouring the water, rearing our children and farming and cooking’. Z.O. ‘I was an orphan of both parents and did not have the opportunity to go to school. But through the literacy programme I can buy and sell and keep written records’. O.G. ‘Before, we were struggling to keep our financial records on our women’s group. But now through the literacy programme this work becomes easier and we are pleased’.

36

For more details see Rev P. Ouédraogo’s article published on 14th October 2009 in the Le pays.bf on Girls’ education. http://www.lepays.bf/spip.php?article288 relating the story of Sana Ramata.

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These true stories, though names are not entirely disclosed, reveal the educational benefits these women received through non-formal training. Literacy alone is not enough in a poor rural village; the women now need economic empowerment to break the cycle of poverty. But it is a good start. Additionally I asked Sabine from the National Association for Bible Translation and Literacy (ANTBA) why they are committed to such a ministry. It should be noted here that ANTBA is responsible for a large portion of the syllabus used in the literacy classes in the church literacy centres. The following face-to-face interview with a financial officer took place during a break at a conference in Ouagadougou.37 What is the ANTBA’s Contribution to Girls’ and Women’s Education? Sabine Compoaré explained: The target groups in our ministry are the girls, the women and the children that did not have the opportunity to go to formal school. Each year we run over five hundred adult literacy courses across the country. We cover different areas of the country such as the North West, South West, and the Centre, Centre West and the North and East. Our ministry reaches more than one thousand people each year, among which there is more female participation because each geographical area has its particularity about gender balance. (Compaoré S. 2006) We translate the Bible and understand that literacy programmes should follow our work. What benefit does it bring if we translate the Bible and bring it to a people group who do not know how to read? So we believe that it is necessary for us to provide literacy programmes to communities so that when the Bible is translated in that particular language there will be people who can then read it. We are also concerned about the development because we cannot speak about the development of the country without mentioning education. In this way we believe that we can bring the population up to a certain level of development through adult literacy programmes. The different modules we use in the literacy programmes help people improve their way of life. We also teach about hygiene and civic life.

Sabine’s comment has an echo in the field because Moussa, the literacy coordinator in the north training the women, shared a similar view with the leaders in the capital city. Moussa commented:

37

Interview with Sabine Compaoré, head of the financial department of the National Association for Bible Translation and Literacy (ANTBA) on 8th February 2006 in Ouagadougou.

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The church got involved because the Bible is translated in the national language. For those who did not go to school it is difficult to be able to read it. The vision of the church is to allow people to read the Bible in two years. Once you can read for yourself you will know the biblical truths that will mature your faith. This knowledge will also help people know how to live. The percentage of illiteracy is high. Without the knowledge of the national language it will be very difficult for people to know about the Bible and therefore grow spiritually. (Moussa 2005)

What is your distinctive role in the nation? Sabine revealed the following: ANTBA is in partnership with the government Department of Literacy especially with the production of the national curriculum (Institut National d’Alphabétisation (INA). We also have our own syllabus. ANTBA can use the government syllabus but it has its own that it uses in their programme. We have the right to use our syllabus. As a Christian organization the content of our syllabus comes from the Bible. When we partner with others in literacy we use our own syllabus because we pursue an objective that is to evangelise and this has resulted in people accepting Jesus Christ during the literacy programme by using our syllabus. We do not have any problems with Christian partners but with others we share with them the way we work and this is accepted. Our organization is well appreciated by the government who evaluate the work we do in literacy and sees the results. The government looks at us as a credible partner in nonformal education to the point that we have benefited from the public funds for literacy and the support from UNICEF during 2004-05 and also 2005-06. The government does support us and invites other partners to support us in our effort in providing literacy classes and training to the population. (S. Compaoré,. 2006)

From this non-formal context I will close this section by listening to a church denominational leader. His views were mentioned in their historical context, but here he joins the above voices explaining the reasons why the church should promote girls’ education. I am Flavien Tapsoabo, pastor in Ouagadougou. For many years I was the president of the Apostolic Church in Burkina Faso. Currently I am the General Treasurer of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions. After leading the church for many years, the vision I had was to prepare future leaders by setting up schools. I had the privilege of opening the first schools of the apostolic church in Burkina and led them for twenty one years. Then I opened another school called Raoul Foleraux that also is twenty five years old. The motivation behind all this is to prepare future leaders of the church to cope with the growing capacity of the church. In order to do this we need to prepare the coming generation. The Bible says ‘… teach the child the way he should follow and when he becomes older he will not forsake it’ (Prov.22:6) I am the product of the evangelical school run by Pastor Pierre Dupret of the Assemblies of God. I did not come from a Christian background but going though that school was an opportunity for me to become what I am today. (Tapsoaba 2006)

Data from Government, Professionals and Parents

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Referring to the importance of evangelical schools whether they are opened by the church or individual members we see the importance of that ministry. This is why we promote evangelical schools to run the official teaching programme. But alongside that programme we have the right to share the Good News of Jesus Christ. Such a message will help the children become able and responsible good citizens of tomorrow. These children will be the future church leaders and by setting examples of good leadership and citizenship they will bring their contribution to the development of Burkina Faso. These are the main reasons that motivate us in setting up evangelical schools.

All these leaders who were interviewed benefited from the education provided by the evangelical church and are now promoting the establishment of new schools and Christian organizations which promote literacy and socioeconomic development for girls and women. What is the first objective in education? Our evangelical schools are a means by which more children will hear the word of God and as a pastor we want the number of Christians to increase. If the young people are not well trained intellectually and spiritually they will not be in position to face many challenges of life awaiting the church and the entire nation. (Tapsoaba, 2006)

Are there any difficulties in providing girls’ education? It depends on where you are from in Burkina Faso. Basically in the central plateau people understood that sending the boy to school was especially a good investment. But in areas such as the Northern region, North-East and West not all parents see the importance of sending their children to school. These obstacles are also seen with the geographical location of the school. One obstacle is that many of these children leave the school without being prepared to integrate in life. We then need to think about secondary schools that will allow these girls and boys to increase their educational level and be better prepared to find gainful employment. The church was not an obstacle to girls’ education. On the contrary during the missionary period girls’ homes were opened to receive any one who had difficulties and needed help. However the church still needs to do more for girls. (Tapsoaba, 2006)

From the above narrative and interviews it can be seen that much has been achieved. Conclusion My empirical findings delve into the contribution of the Evangelical churches, especially the Assemblies of God, and other NGOs that work alongside the government to serve local communities across the country and to provide

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education that is non-gender discriminatory. Evidence points to both a qualitative and a gender balance in the education that is offered. It may even be noted that in most programmes there is greater female than male participation. The results were not only in terms of school league tables, which show that the church and other NGOs beat the government schools in terms of quality, but also the socio-cultural advantages of freeing those bound in cultural bondage and that of and illiteracy. The following chapter presents the analysis and interpretation of the data in the light of the main questions posed by the study.

Chapter 7 Analysis and Interpretation of the Research Data

Introduction In the previous chapter we gave evidence of the results of the contribution of the Evangelical churches and NGOs to overcoming obstacles to girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. From the primary data collected during four field visits, using various tools such as the use of narrative in research mentioned in the methodology section (1.3.3), what follows is precisely the narrative of different voices of the people from both rural and urban areas as supported by Sheila Trahar (2006:29). I will now seek to analyse and interpret the findings in order to test the hypothesis underlying the study. Its basis is the fact that I am looking at a cross-section for evidence against (see 7.8) or in support of the contention that the Evangelical churches have in fact made a substantial contribution to the educational development of Burkina Faso and especially to girls’ and women’s education in the midst of many obstacles – historical, social, cultural/religious and economic. In what areas of life has that contribution helped to overcome these obstacles? How are their innovative approaches providing access to a gender-balanced education and designing alternative ways of looking to the future in order to maintain quality in education? Are the approaches of these Faith-Based Organizations pointing to the future? The following chapter shows a further step in the argument that began in Chapter One. From the initial fieldwork, using semi-structured interviews (Roche 1999:109) with an open-ended questionnaire, I conducted face-to-face individual interviews and focussed group discussions and explored specific issues in depth. These discussions focussed on finding out how and why evangelical churches have contributed to overcoming these obstacles. The analysis considered evidence, findings and insights from different informants from the primary and secondary levels of education and looked at them thematically. A brief mention was made to higher education, but the emphasis was on schooling where the church has had greater involvement. Parents who were not members of the evangelical churches were questioned to find out what impact their families had experienced through sending their children to evangelical schools. Girls attending secondary schools were also interviewed to discover their opinions.

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The non-formal aspect of girls’ education was looked at in depth by listening to key informants in the north of the country, 150 kilometres from the capital city of Ouagadougou. Rural women and the literacy programme coordinator shared their testimonies. This was an effort to apply reversal in learning by listening to the groups concerned in order to gather knowledge of how education had empowered rural people’s lives (Chambers 1983: 217). While the emphasis was placed on girls’ and women’s education by the evangelical church, the research was broadened by looking at church education in general and how it affects the lives of girls and boys. School principals who educate both girls and boys were interviewed. Women beneficiaries who are now active in their careers serving the nation gave critical appraisals with some suggestions for improvement. Based on the results of these interviews it is my hope that these cross-checked experiences and testimonies will provide evidence on why and how these obstacles were addressed by the churches and related NGOs (Roche: 1999:109). As mentioned in Chapter Four the hypothesis claims: Many obstacles, historical, social, cultural/religious and economic, have hindered, and continue to hinder, the development of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. However, faith-based organizations, especially evangelical ones like the Assemblies of God, have shown, and are continuing to show, innovative ways to improve girls’ and women’s education in the country. The State of Education in Burkina Faso Education in general, and specifically of girls, has priority in Burkina Faso’s political agenda, whose population is 52% female. The Education Orientation Law NO 013-2007/AN states clearly in Title 1 Article 3, that ‘education is a national priority’. The country subscribed to the eight Millennium Development Goals and agreed that education is part of the ingredient to fight economic, intellectual and spiritual poverty. The government has made legal space for FBOs, NGOs, and the private sector in the official plan of education. An example of such inclusion can be seen through listening to key informants such as Kientega,1 Yanogo and Antoinette Ouédraogo. These educators confirm in the different sections of this chapter the important place the private sector is playing in reaching women through education in Burkina Faso. While this is the case for much involvement by civil society in towns and cities, it must be agreed that the government rather than the civil society is still responsible for most of the education available to children in rural areas. However, the education provided by the evangelical church is not only based in the cities. Most of the schools are located in villages, reaching rural children 1

I. Kientega, 2005: interview conducted on 12th February in his school office in Ouagadougou.

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and offering a non-formal education which we discussed at length (see Chapter Six). The objective of the church and related organizations is to bring education to people who largely live in rural areas, and to meet the socio-cultural and spiritual needs of communities. This approach faces many challenges and is different from the concept of a purely private school set up for economic reasons. The views shared by Kientega and Yanogo are also taken up by Antoinette Ouédraogo 2 who works as human resources and logistics officer at Inspectorate Ouaga1, which cared for 24 public and 18 private schools, at the time of writing. Not all private schools are church-run. Within them there are individuals, groups of people and other religious bodies who also contribute to the provision of education in the country. At the university level the government leads the field, though there is a private initiative alongside the government among the three main religions with the Catholics leading the way. There is more to be said on the general state of education, but the point made here is that overall the private sector’s and civil society’s contributions are much welcomed, and this is where the evangelical church and Christian NGOs are actors. Overcoming the Obstacles of One’s Identity In order to consider whether, how, and why the evangelical churches have helped overcome the obstacles to girls’ education in Burkina Faso, I conducted a focus group discussion (Roche 1999:108) with parents who were not from the evangelical church, but who sent their children to a school run by a Faith-Based Organization (in this case AEAD at Boulmiougou Evangelic). This has a complex of six separate schools caring for children aged three to eighteen, with a majority of female students located both in the city and in rural areas 140 kilometres north of the capital. Parents choose to send their children either to the kindergarten, primary, post-primary or secondary schools. The parents’ viewpoint can have an echo in other church-run schools across the country as they all use the same official curriculum with distinctively Christian elements such as Religious and Civic Education, on top of that. In addition to parents, women beneficiaries from these different educational centres who now work at the inspectorate level in the government offices also shared their experiences. Teachers’ and school principals’ viewpoints were also sought, and it is revealing that all of them share a common important factor: the belief that the Christian experience of God, as taught in the Bible, has played, and plays, a major role in overcoming spiritual problems in the lives of pupils, teachers and parents. Sources were collected from different places and levels both in and out of town, in villages and the capital city, and also from public and private school authorities. 2

A. Ouédraogo, 2005: interview made on 9th February in her home at 7:30 pm.

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It is widely agreed that education plays a key role in reducing poverty (Hannum and Buchmann, 2005, 33, 3:333). I have also added spiritual and mental poverty, since overcoming that seems to be the strength of girls’ education by the church. The data collected indicated that parents were mainly 3 responsible for sending their children to evangelical schools. Among the group 4 of people I interviewed there was only one, who chose the evangelical young girls’ school as part of her wishes in planning her final exam and whose name was picked up after she succeeded her exam by the girls’ school Principal because she was bright. This evidence emerged from Kaboré Salamata’s testimony. The reasons why parents chose to send their children to an evangelical school will be discussed, but it is sufficient to mention here that, in addition to the four girls who are now active in the job market who were sent 5 by their parents, three other parents, two women and a man, gave reasons why they chose to send their children to these schools. One needs to mention here that these parents are not illiterate rural farmers but highly educated and academically well trained. Both the women are schoolteachers and the man is a technical advisor at the national water company. Sanou Mamadou later became a government Minister of Commerce, Promotion of Enterprise and Arts and Crafts under the government of Tertius Zongo. Their intellectual background supports the view that they were not manipulated. In fact, as stated earlier, none of them are members of the evangelical church per se. Two share Christian principles as Roman Catholics, and the other has a Muslim background. It is also true to mention here that the vast majority of girls and boys from evangelical schools are not Christian, so the evangelical schools are not discriminatory as regards religion. They all offer the official programme,6 but they have the distinctive feature of adding what is commonly known as religious education with an emphasis on Christianity. A discussion took place on 21st February 2005 with a focus group of parents at Boulmiougou Evangelic School. Below are the findings and the reasons why they sent their children to this particular school. Nicole Gué, 7 a schoolteacher by profession, chose to send her children to the evangelical school because it is near her home and the small class size meant that the teachers could follow the children’s educational progress more individually. She said:

3

The interviews with J. Damoliga, A. Ouédraogo, R. Koumbemba, and W. Yanogo support this position. 4 Kaboré, S., Interview indicates that she was sent there because the director of the girls’ school picked her name at the exam board because of her grade. 5 Sanou M., Ouédraogo, A., Gué, N., parents at Boulmiogou Evangelic. 6 R. Koumbemba, interview. 7 N. Gué, 2005: interview conducted on 5 March in the school office from 8:25-9 am.

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When I look at my children’s books at home, being a teacher myself, I notice that the work is well done. I brought one child at the beginning and when I discovered the quality of the work I brought a second child to this school.

The second parent, Assieta Ouédraogo8 brought another dimension to the question. She observed that the teachers liked their job, and added the following; The religious education is also another reason which motivated me to send my child to this school. The children are taught general subjects, but also on social, moral, and spiritual matters. They are guided and this improves the life of the children. I was recommended by another person to bring my child to this school. I now found I made the right choice.

Mrs. Ouédraogo’s choice was based on the religious education her children would receive and the impact it would have on their life to make them better citizens. She valued spiritual matters, and wanted her child to be guided through life and to make better moral and spiritual decisions rather than just accumulating scientific knowledge. The third parent, Mamandou Sanou9, deepened the argument and added more insights to the questions. For him, the choice was based on his own experience. He went initially to a religious secondary school in Toussiana run by the Roman Catholic Church. The four years he spent there provided him with a good experience of Christian principles. At that school an emphasis was placed on educating the whole person. For Sanou this makes a difference. Because I make a distinction between education that affects the whole person as a human being and the accumulation of knowledge that consists of teaching classical studies to the children such as geography, history, maths…One can know all this and still not be someone in life, someone who is recommendable even with all the head knowledge that comes from books. (Sanou, 2005)

Sanou argued that without such education affecting the whole person, one can still find difficulties integrating oneself into society because one was not educated as a human being who accepts and lives in harmony with others. This religious experience, though not provided by the evangelical church but by the Catholic Church in his case, affected his life positively. Another aspect of this particular case of the evangelical school, adds Sanou, is that: ‘I see that the rigour, the atmosphere, the principles, the expected results are similar. I agree with the opinion of the two other parents’. Sanou is a father who sends his children to school, but, being a government minister as well, his voice and 8 A. Ouédraogo, 2005: interview conducted on 5 March in the school office from 8:25-9 am. 9 M. Sanou, 2005: interview conducted on 5 March in the school office at Boulmiougou from 8:25-9am.

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comments about integral aspects of education affect the whole country and his role as an advocate for high-quality education for girls and women. Overcoming Bad Behaviour Through Education The semi-structured questionnaire led the author to look in depth at the impact of such education on parents and children. Nicole Gué (2005) noticed that the children are well looked after by the teachers and live in harmony. Furthermore, the moral education brings about changes in the children’s behaviour. Mrs. Ouédraogo contributes further more insights by revealing how the life of her children is affected: I have two children here, when the younger wants to do something wrong, the older brother says to him “I will inform your teacher” and that convinces him not to do wrong. This side of education is very beneficial to parents. (Ouédraogo, A. 2005)

Parents expect the school to contribute toward changing the behaviour of their children, but it is only where provision is made officially in the school programme that such a thing can became a reality, as in the evangelical schools. Sanou went into even greater detail by assessing the impact. He sees this impact on a daily basis; after all, he was happy to have attained the objectives he set himself in sending his children to this school. When his children came home they asked him questions such as: ‘Dad! Our teacher said so and so. Is it true? Dad! Jesus said this and that – is it true? Dad! I was told that this is wrong! Is it true’? Sanou is amazed that his children come home after school and ask him about the Bible, religion, and behaviour. He is happy that his children are both exposed to public knowledge and also know that life is to be shared with others. The children often ask him questions which he cannot answer, but he agrees with the verdict of the teacher. All three parents mentioned the good results of the school, but this was discussed separately in the previous chapter. Before listening to the views of parents, the author had a discussion with a group of girls10 who were in their final year of secondary education and preparing to take their exam. One of them said that her father had sent her to that school because she liked the school, the girls were well educated, and there was a school uniform. Another said that the teachers were doing well and that there were rules to obey. Aoua Paré 11 added this:

10

Girls’ interview on 21 February 2005 at Boulmiougou Evangelic school office from 11-11:30 am. 11 A. Paré,, 2005. Girls’ interview on 21 February at Boulmiougou school office 1111:30 am.

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My father wanted me to change and go to another school but I told him to let me carry on here. In my family of five children I am the only one who reached the final year of the secondary school.

Gizelle Berthe Ouédraogo12 mentioned that the religious education in the private school helps children to persevere, mature socially and receive a good education. Micheline T. Ilboudo also liked the religious education and the rules that tell them what to do in order to live in harmony within society and to know God, because he is the Creator and it is important, in addition to general knowledge, to know God. In a way she is supporting, without knowing it, the opinion of Sanou Mamandou13 (discussed above). It was interesting to note that these five girls are determined to succeed in life and not bother much at present about boy and girl relationships. They all affirmed that boys would run after them if they had a good career and earned a good wage. In support of their wishes in life one girl wants to become a lawyer, one an accountant, two secretaries, and the fifth a midwife.14 These girls seem freer to express themselves than those who run away from early and forced marriages to seek refuge in local churches in order to save their lives. These are signs of having overcome various obstacles through the Evangelical schools. Overcoming Socio-Economic Poverty After interviewing parents and girls who were involved in Evangelical schools, I conducted face-to-face interviews with women who had been in girls’ Evangelical schools in order to find out how they were equipped to overcome economic poverty through the formal education provided by the Evangelical church. All the interviewees went through Loumbila Young Girls’ College, which has already been mentioned (see 6.4.4). In respect of the question about what impact their time in school had on their lives, here are some of the findings summarized by the beneficiaries. Antoinette Ouédraogo was influenced most of all by the biblical teaching. This education helped this young girl to remain faithful and to grow up spiritually. She was later able to get married to another Christian who became a pastor and a school principal. She states: The most important thing that impacted me at Loumbila was the teaching from the Bible. This teaching helped me to grow spiritually. I was a young girl when I went there and the religious education on spiritual matters helped me to remain in the faith. It is through this school that I remained a Christian and got married to a Christian too. (Ouédraogo, A. 2005)

12

G. Ouédraogo, Ilboudo and Paré were students at Boulmiougou Evangelic. M. Sanou, interview with three parents at Boulmiougou. 14 Girls’ interview, idem. 13

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Antoinette’s story supports Brock’s finding about women’s education: In the more privileged classes investment in the education of females may be an advantage in ‘marrying well’. This further increases the urban/rural gap. Vocational education which might relate to employment prospects, is everywhere weak and under-valued, but especially so in respect of the interests of girls. The apparent inability leads to low morale, teachers absenteeism and parental disenchantment. (Brock 1997:3)

Antoinette is a strong Christian believer who originally came from a Muslim family but was soon “adopted” by a pastor and his wife who went to minister in her home village. Thus from a very young age she lived with this Christian couple, and when she finished her primary education they sent her to the Young Girls’ College at Loumbila for five years, run by the Assemblies of God church. Now Antoinette has three children. The education she received helped her to educate her own children and to find a good job. Her son who went through the Protestant College15 behaves differently from his sisters who did not enjoy the privilege of going there. Her life story confirms the point made earlier about pastors’ homes being refugee centres for vulnerable children. Jokébed Damoaliga works in the government health department as a teacher in the national teacher training school for nurses. She revealed that being the person she is today is the result of her going to the Young Girls’ College at Loumbila from 1972-76 and spending two years at the Protestant College from 1977-79. She asserted that she had received a great deal from these schools. I wanted her to clarify her view but she insisted that the spiritual environment influenced her life greatly. She added the following: I went there as a teenager during which there were many changes in my life such as physical, psychological, moral and spiritual. In these different schools I had a favourable climate that allows keeping a spiritual fellowship with the Lord. (Damoaliga 2005)

Jokébed was also affected by seeing other girls going through a crisis which then excluded them from boarding-school. Such an incident was painful and marked her life. Listening carefully to her story I followed her into more revelations of life-changing experiences. (Roche 1999:108): I remember when I was at Loumbila, I saw older girls who went through bitter experiences. Once they go out to their families during school breaks some girls had sexual relations that led to unwanted pregnancies, and the rule of the day was to exclude them from the boarding school. These cases of excluding brilliant girls from school on the basis of early and unwanted pregnancy led to moving experiences. I recall when our principal (a lady missionary Mrs. Belgamba) came 15

The ‘Collège Protestant’ of Ouagadougou is a large, well-known secondary school established by the Assemblies of God church.

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to us in class with tears and said: ‘…please always remember that: man is made to ask and the woman to refuse…’’ she insisted ‘…refuse, refuse, always refuse…’.

These words marked my life even after the school. Through my youth I always remember that a man is made to ask and the woman to say no! Always say no until marriage. This allowed me to keep my virginity until marriage. (Damoaliga 2005)

Though the issue of gender has been mentioned, another critical interview was conducted with an education specialist, the principal of the Assemblies of God technical college. The Principal commented that not exposing girls and boys to one another in a mixed school isolates the girls, who then become more vulnerable. In fact, if you notice in the past it is our girls who easily get into early pregnancy because they were isolated. But on the contrary, those girls who started a long time ago to cohabit with boys in schools have a sense of maintaining themselves. But those that were separated from boys’ company the day they get in touch with them find it difficult to maintain themselves. (Kientega 2005)

This view was adopted earlier by Brock and Cammish (1997:22): In some of the countries studied puberty marked the point when girls were likely to be withdrawn from school to marry, especially in rural areas. Early marriage is usually followed by early pregnancy. Health workers voiced their concern over the possible deleterious effects of early pregnancy on young bodies.

This situation relates to the church school policy that could affect the beneficiaries in a different way. This is the same church that set up both the young girls’ colleges and the mixed general and technical colleges. This issue is still open to question among the informants. Overcoming Inferiority Complexes Women’s and girls’ education helped to overcome their inferiority complex. Through face-to-face interviews senior church leaders who had spent all their life in education testified to the impact it had on them. For some, it was not for economic but social reasons in that they had set out from the start to be good models in society. Another characteristic of evangelical education has a socio-economic influence on the lives of the beneficiaries. It was pointed out by church leaders and educators that education is a life-changing experience. The evangelical school is seen as an apostolate, and there is a greater professional consciousness in it. Very often the public school is seen as belonging to

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everybody (the state), so control can be a lengthy procedure and involve numerous decision-making mechanisms, while in the private school there is a greater sense of ownership, a closer follow-up and changes for the better can take place with greater ease. The church leaders and pastors are watching the progress of evangelical schools to see what results in terms of quality and quantity are emerging. Ibrango commented about his commitment to evangelical education for the reason that he sees it more as a calling/vocation than just a job. For over forty years of teaching his main focus was not on how much money he could make, but on how to govern well. He regarded himself as a good model in society.16 This is also what Gouba (2006) had to say: Like the Catholic Church, many of the first pupils who went through the evangelical schools with Pastor Dupret who was a pioneer, are today high government officials in the nation. Those that did go to school before are now able to hold important positions in the state and the church. All those that are leading the evangelical schools of the church are former pupils of Pastor Dupret. There are government ministers, diplomats and high officials who came out of that school. (Gouba2006)

The city of Ouagadougou’s mayor at the time of writing is ‘a pastor’s kid’ and two governors out of the thirteen in the country are products of evangelical education. One was a ‘pastor’s kid’ and the other a ‘pastor’s wife’, both from the Assemblies of God church. According to Simporé, a senior leader in AOG: The church benefited by having people that are spiritually and academically sound. There are brothers and sisters serving the nation at different levels. This is a good testimony to the nation by having the church members serve their country in high government positions.

Two years later after this interview another ‘pastor’s kid’ was appointed Prime Minister of Burkina Faso, His Excellency Tertius Zongo. Kaboré Salamata (2005), who heads the Loumbila Young Girls’ College, confirmed on a different occasion what others said: Former students held responsible roles in society. One can mention that there are among others, medical doctors, an Ambassador, a government minister, a governor and many who are heads of government departments. Over forty years the impact is visible in the nation and we will find many names if we decided to count them individually. (Kaboré 2005)

16

Some educationalists from the church see their career more as a calling than just as a job to earn a living. They use education as part of their ministry or service to society and want to do so well. This is not an excuse for the church not to pay its teachers adequately.

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One educator declared that in the job market it is argued that girls do better than boys in many areas (Ibrango 2006). He noticed that the girls are employed more frequently in an accountancy role. This is probably because they work better and with greater integrity than the boys. Girls are more conscientious than boys and therefore work with more diligence. They also show a higher degree of social responsibility. This was confirmed by the women themselves during a focus group discussion in a rural village in the north of the country. Our women behave differently from those who have not been through the church literacy programmes. We know what to do at home, church and in public. This change of mentality came about because of God’s fear in our lives. Both the younger women and the older ones respect each other and work in harmony. When we call a village meeting the participants say that we are more knowledgeable and they say that we are different. They will ask us to take the lead in women’s activities. If one compares us with other women of the village who did not benefit from this education programme, one can see the difference; also in our physical health; we are healthier. Other women in the village, who got married about the same time as us, testify about the benefit we have and they express a desire to come and join us. They know and confess that we are different and we know it as well. That difference constitutes the impact we have of going to the church literacy programme and seeing our lives transformed for the better. (Kébré, 2005)

Kébré makes an interesting point by attesting that through the church literacy programme the women she is leading in the village do not feel marginalized in terms of self-esteem. They are an important part of the progress the church is making in that community. They are admired by the nonChristian women in the village and they are proud of it. Because of their literacy they have the power to share their experience with other communities in the northern region that is largely Muslim. They are able to save money, run a grain mill, cultivate a common field and put aside cereal for the most needy in the community in times of serious food shortages. Each year their members buy a uniform fabric at Christmas time ordered from the factory by their national structure, and this economic activity generates a lot of profit through which they give back support national church initiatives such as Bible schools and the maintenance of native missionaries in and outside the country. It was also illustrated during the interview that the local church was able to act as an advocate to bring reconciliation to families who disowned their daughters because they refused forced marriages and ended up becoming Christians. In this local community of Christians there are signs of social transformation that affect every aspect of life. In other parts of the country, in a different time-frame, reports were coming in supporting the pastors who faced persecution by opening their homes to help girls get freedom. One testimony from a well-respected lady in an AOG relates:

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My name is Fati Rapademnaaba, wife of the late Pastor Moussa Rapademnaaba, who served in Poa village in the province of Bulkiemdé and at Nagbangré Bible School. When a girl runs away from home because she is persecuted by her family and comes to you, you have to look after her. I started receiving such girls looking for help since we were at Koudougou since 1948. This service has some implications because the parents can come and beat you up. I remember in 1952 we accepted three girls into our home and this brought us many troubles. But later, one girl got married to a Christian businessman, the second to a pastor. One time my husband, together with the missionary went for evangelism and the parents came to the home to cause me trouble. One of the girls, because of pressure, decided to go back with her parents. I agreed, because it is she who willingly decided to come to us in the first place. When they reached home another family came to take their daughter home. I told them that my husband was not at home and to wait for him because we are concerned for their safety. So the father asked me to let her go with him and come back. When the father left my house, he went directly to give her in marriage by force. The newlywed pretended to settle in for few days and then decided to run away while the family was sleeping. The husband was informed that his wife had run away and decided to go after her. The girl had hid herself in a corner of the family home to find out which direction he would take. She then took another direction and ran away to us about two am. Her family came back again and found her in our home. Her case went to the traditional chief’s court. Even though her clothes were taken off publicly in the market place, she ran to us naked. For sixteen years she was disowned by her family. But by God’s grace the family accepted her back and she received freedom to remain a Christian. She is the one who got married to the pastor; the husband died recently. (Rapademnaaba 2004)

Fati Rapademnaaba and her late husband helped troubled young girls who were looking for assistance to escape forced marriages and enjoy religious freedom. Such examples, and many others, are not recorded nor even known to the public. These contributions from that particular family date from 1948. It was that year that another family (Dupret) started to pioneer formal education. Another example is that of two sisters. The first one was a very severe case, and soon afterwards her sister also came for help. When the sister became a Christian and her father became mentally ill as a result. He took us to court in the presence of the future husband and the court agreed she should go back with her father. That day God did a miracle that thrilled all of us. The girl agreed to go back home with her father. On their journey home she sat in the middle of the road surrounded by these men, including her father who asked her to get up and carry on the journey. While she was sitting she started to pray that God will blind those men so that she can run away to save her life. God answered her prayer. She stood in the midst of them to stretch herself, without them seeing her she made her way to the main road, found a woman going to the well, and explained her story. That woman locked her in her house and went

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about the family business. Those men then started looking for her in vain and came to us; we told them we have no news of her. They went round and round without finding her. She was later welcomed by a Christian family. This is how she found freedom and received a Christian education. Among all those girls who lived with us only one among them came to us with early pregnancy. All the others accepted the Christian education and enjoyed life to the full. Girls came to us in Koudougou, Poa and Nagbangré Bible School. (Rapdemnaaba 2004)

Education and employment One qualitative aspect of evangelical education is that it not only prepares girls and boys for the future job market, but actually offers jobs to teachers and support staff, and thus contributes to the local economy. At the beginning of formal and non-formal evangelical schools there are instances of missionaries recruiting national and former students to teach other children. At the time of writing eye-witnesses who had held such teaching posts for over forty years were interviewed. As recognized by the government’s schools’ authorities, evangelical schools have the private education sphere since 1948. How many teachers taught each year in each class over all these years? How many young people found jobs in others sectors of life such as in the health department? How much money was made in and out of the country through the activities of evangelical education? We shall probably never know. What we do know is that all the interviews made reference to the national impact of former students now serving the nation at various levels of society. The non-formal sector could also be mentioned here as a far from negligible area of job promotion. I looked for evidence in the discussions on the nonformal education section. One aspect of that sector is that it trains the local people in their own towns and villages, or local churches to promote adult literacy. The young people thus trained find jobs outside as well within other groups of civil society in Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) creating similar programmes for their communities. The evangelical secondary schools play a major role in private education in the country and provide yet more job opportunities. Unlike the primary school level where there is one teacher per class and per day during the whole year, at the post-primary and secondary levels, there are many teachers going through the same class every day teaching different subjects such as maths, science, geography and history or information technology and communication. The salary per hour of secondary level teaching is much higher than at the primary level. This supports the promotion of employment through evangelical schools. Education and health are the main sectors that employ most people. Abel Zongo (2006)17 supports the view that about one-third of public school teachers come from the primary sector looking for a stable and better paid job. Either 17

Interview with A. Zongo, Director of The Evangelical Association of Primary Education, in February 2006.

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way, the evangelical schools have made an impact on job creation. The health sector is largely public though there are good evangelical initiatives. Even there the contribution of evangelical education is considerable, to mention only the Chiphra, Philadelphia, Source de Vie and Bethany medical centres among others.18 Alongside the schools there are support services such as book stores, printing offices, carpenters, suppliers, bricklayers, shops, cooks, farmers, health centres and the tax collectors, who also benefit economically and socially from the evangelical schools. Women, girls and men, mostly from the church background, who did not attend the classical schools but were made literate through the church and Christian NGO initiatives are now fully qualified by the non-formal authorities to open centres for others who need literacy education in communities, churches, villages and towns across the country. The Evangelical Association in Support of Development (AEAD)19 during the year 2004-05 provided jobs for 50 non-formal teachers in Zondoma province alone and increased this to 150 posts in 2009.20 The programme had an initial and a complementary stage. Of the 725 participants in the initial phase 520 were women, with a success rate of 78.71 per cent for the initial and 80.50 per cent for the complementary stage. In total the programme reached 1171 participants; the following year the numbers increased to 1222. In 20082009 AEAD offered access to education to 5035 learners in different types of programmes and this obviously increased the numbers of workers even at parttime level. ANTBA is AEAD’s national partner which focuses largely on literacy and Bible translation. During the face to face interview with the head of the finance department for literacy,21 it was estimated that ANTBA had opened at least 500 literacy centres in one year. ANTBA produces its own literacy curriculum which is approved by the national authorities and international organizations such as The National Institution for Literacy (INA)22 and UNICEF. Through their programmes they offer jobs to young people across the country. The contribution of the evangelical schools to employment opportunities for so many can thus be clearly shown.

18

All these are run by evangelicals. Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD) is a Christian NGO registered in Burkina Faso since 1992, having education as one of its main activities. 20 In 2009 AEAD ran 95 literacy programmes, 40 Speed Schools, 1 primary school, 1 secondary, and 1 vocational training centre. 21 Interview with Sabine Compaoré, head of the financial department of the National Association for Bible Translation and Literacy (ANTBA), on 8th February 2006 in Ouagadougou. 22 L’Institut National d’Alphabétisation (INA) is the government department that produces the curriculum and oversees literacy programmes in the country. 19

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Overcoming a Meaningless Life In addition to overcoming inferiority complexes through economic development, respondents in the job market have clearly indicated that the most important factor since their time in an evangelical school was the impact of their faith in God. Ouédraogo, working at Inspectorate Ouagadougou 1, recalls the time she spent in Loumbila Young Girls’ School: I did not have the privilege to go the primary school run by the church, it was only during the secondary that I went to an evangelical school for five years at Loumbila girls’ school. My parents were Muslims but my adoptive parents sent me to that school by God’s help. The most important thing that impacted my life at Loumbila was the teaching from the Bible. (Ouédraogo A. 2005)

The Biblical faith is seen to be very important, as testified by an old girl who is now working in the diplomatic service (Zongo, P. 2005). The spiritual impact of education greatly influenced my life. It is true that my father was a pastor and he taught us the Bible. But it was only in Loumbila that I had my personal experience as a believer in Christ. Teachers encouraged us to pray and I experienced the baptism in the Holy Spirit. I could say that I was spiritually built in Loumbila. Who I am today spiritually is the result of the impact I had in my life in Loumbila. It was there I learnt how to live a life of prayer.23

Mrs. Priscille Zongo has experienced both the public and Christian educational systems. She argued that the faith aspect helps to change behaviour among teenagers in school. I went to the public school for the primary education and started the secondary in the church run school (1972-74) at the Loumbila young girls’ college where I received my first secondary diploma. Then, two years later in a Catholic school (Lavigerie), and a further two years at the technical college. I spent four years in an advanced school of law and two years training at the national school for administration to became a magistrate. (P. Zongo, 2005)

It is from this wide experience in education that she appreciates her time at the church-run school. There were concerns about the consequences of unbalanced relationships between boys and girls which may affect their studies. Here is her point of view.

23

Interview with Mrs. P. Zongo at the Burkina Faso residence in Washington on Saturday 28th May 2005.

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I have been through both education systems. Some were run privately such as the evangelical and the catholic schools, others were public. At the Lavigerie, the Catholic Church also put an emphasis on the spiritual impact in education. They offer a serious educational programme. Then I was in the public technical school. During our days the programme was also good but one needed to watch one’s behaviour not be carried away by peer group pressure. Both our parents and the Christian teacher advised us to keep away from bad company. At Loumbila our teachers warned us about the dangers of life facing the teenagers in big towns and this is what we actually saw in the public schools in the cities. Boys’ and girls’ relations were opened while at Loumbila our attention was primarily drawn on the education. (P. Zongo, 2005)

Following her diplomatic career Priscille came back to serve as the wife of the Prime Minister, and her voice affects the lives of many girls and boys across the nation of Burkina Faso. Similarly I discovered by listening to Kaboré that non-Christian parents still want their children to go to an evangelical school because of the quality of education they will receive. Such quality moved one parent, who changed his attitude to Christianity, to recommend his daughter to go to church on Sunday. Our strength lies on the ethical and religious education. Parents that are not Christians testify that they want their children to be educated in our school. They are not concerned about getting diplomas but good education for their children. Another colleague called to reserve a place for his daughter. I told him about the entrance test and he said “Mrs, what we want is your education”. Nobody came here officially to complain because we are Christians who pray or read the Bible to the students. On the contrary, we are surprised by the attitude of the parents. I know one student whom to my surprise decided to go to church while living in our school because I know the particular family. During school breaks she continues to go to church on Sundays. I was eager to find her father’s opinion on the matter. She told me that, ‘‘the day my father notices I do not go to church he will ask me why”? I was moved by such an attitude (Kaboré, 2006)

Salamata Kaboré24 was a student at Loumbila and today she is the principal, after the departure of the missionaries who worked under the leadership of the national Assemblies of God church. Her experiences are marked by many factors including religious experiences. Religious education was an important part of the school programme during the week, with prayers, singing, and Bible reading every day. Wednesday and Sunday were reserved for church meetings. God spoke to her directly from scripture (Mt.10:37) even though she came from a fervent practising Muslim family. Those words from the Bible convinced her, and also convinced her parents who finally accepted the conversion of their clever daughter to Christianity. Other interviewees like 24

S. Kaboré, S., 2005: Interview conducted on 19 February at the office at the Young Girls’ College at Loumbila, Oubritenga province.

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Rosalie Koumbemba,25 and Wendyam Yanogo,26 are developed in other sections (see 6.5.2), but regarding this particular point they had the privilege of coming from a Christian background, and they said that their choice to follow Jesus while very young helped them gain emancipation in life. As mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, among other important aspects that emerged, the evidence shows that these women felt they were influenced by the Christian religious education which was another dimension that brought quality to a balanced life in family and society. I will now move on to a wider circle and analyse the holistic impact made by these ex-students of Loumbila Young Girls’ College. One of the AOG departments is their women’s movement. After forty years through life’s journey the majority of the leaders of that movement happened to be former students from the same school. Members of this movement were interviewed by a female researcher27. Here is the summary of her findings. Overcoming Obstacles in Church Leadership An Integral Mission28 among the wider women’s communities The most recent written documentation of this topic in the location in question was provided by Alicia Zents in her research project: ‘Gender, education and Pentecostalism: The women’s movement within the Assemblies of God in Burkina Faso’ (see Aikman and Unterhalter, 2005). The ‘Association des Servantes de Christ’, ASC’s contribution as assessed by Zents, fits into the 29 category of non-formal education. She argued that Pentecostalism represents a significant social and religious force which has more women members than men. Her field visit to Burkina Faso helped her to capture some evidence of women’s contribution in terms of literacy, training and socio-economic empowerment. Coming from a missionary background (having historical roots with this group because her parents were also involved as missionaries there and are known to me); she was eager to investigate the impact of non-formal education and gender on these women.

25 R. Koumbemba, 2005: Interview conducted on 19 February at her home in the college for young girls at Koubri. 26 W. Yanogo, 2005: Interview made in her office at Inspectorate Ouaga2 Baskuy at 5pm. 27 Zents in Aikeman and Unterhalter wrote about her findings in investigating the AOG’s Women’s movement (ASC). 28 Integral Mission summarizes the mission statement of the Micah Network which sees development more holistically as affecting the whole person: body, mind and spirit. The campaign activities can be found at www.micahchallenge.org.uk. 29 Zents uses the word Pentecostalism to refer to the faith experience of the Assemblies of God instead of the word Evangelical normally used in this research.

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Zents’ contribution has a theological orientation in the sense that she argued that a personal faith in God through the Pentecostal experience helped women to participate in social change and self-fulfilment. The limited amount of written information on the subject motivated her to assess the work of the ASC. Referring to the work of King (1991), Zents supports the view that women’s life and experience is often defined by others, although it is to be hoped that Zents is not over-emphasising a feminist view about gender which does not always relate solely to women. On the contrary, she is making a point that very little is written by women on the subject. My research is an attempt to enrich Zents’ findings by introducing a wider picture and balancing it from a male perspective. In addition, and in support of her work, credit needs to be given to the successful role of the ASC in terms its of dynamism and social, economic and spiritual visibility in the life of the Assemblies of God church in Burkina Faso. The ASC is well structured from the local to the national level and reaches out to the surrounding nations’ churches with their experiences. This movement decided to support financially the vision of the national, regional and local church. However, as Zents points out, the leadership needs a greater appreciation of what is happening, and should find ways of encouraging the church to fulfil its vision of training other girls and women to reach their potential in God and society. Laurent (1974), during his research in the country, found that in one province the Assemblies of God church was forging itself into a powerful and cohesive community. He noticed that the church had higher literacy rates than the community as a whole, and was economically better off, due to a strong commitment to good agricultural practices and techniques. It is common to see a village church member represent the interests of the whole community where both women and men lead the social, economic and spiritual interests of the village or town. Such an example can be found in the village of Tangaye30 in the province of Zondoma in the north of the country. Even in the midst of severe drought and food shortage, the local church reports the progress made annually. These annual reports of tithes and offerings in cereals show how much is harvested per household and is known throughout the church community in the whole region. The good constant harvest report demonstrates the input of a strong local ASC. Zents’s research reveals the primary objectives of the ASC which are to bring souls to Christ, to participate in the spiritual and material development of the church, to sustain and encourage each other in good works, and to work towards helping the Burkinabé woman reach her full potential.31 Zents has made a significant contribution to this research because she creates a larger 30

Tangaye local church has been documented by Tear Fund UK, partnered with AEAD, both of which belong to in the Micah Network. 31 ASC, 1997: ‘Statut de l’Association des Servantes de Christ ’.

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complementary picture by conducting open-ended focus-groups’ discussions in the South (Pô), the South West (in Bobo) and (Kaya) in the Centre North. This female researcher who lived in the region, and remembers her young days in the country, by working with a male researcher who is native to it and a member of a local community helps to bring to the reader a broader picture of the situation in Burkina Faso. She highlights the role of the church and its women’s associations alongside other NGOs who are pro-church and whose contribution is visible at the national level in terms of influencing women’s education and gender awareness. Similar stories in the rural areas I agree with Zents that literacy, group sharing, skill learning, Bible reading and prayer are good outcomes because they empower men and women to make responsible choices. Statistics of literacy results of AEAD show a greater participation by, and success of, women where local ASC members took part. It should be mentioned that these literacy centres are open to all in need, and there is no discrimination on grounds of religion, race or gender in these local communities. The stories of how women are affected in the rural areas, as witnessed by Kébré, the leader of the women’s group in the north of the country, are given below: My name is Kebré Rachel,32 married over fifty years ago with eight children, four girls and four boys. One boy and the four girls got married. When I started learning the Mooré language they were all in school. I also wanted to be literate to help me work better. After studying the language I got many benefits. When I go to a meeting I ask God to help me be able to write for my own benefit and of others I represent. Before I was dependent on others to record what was said but now I can do it by myself. When I listened to the preaching or Bible study I can now write the chapters and verses of the Bible, topics, and the names of speakers of both morning and evening sessions, to take back home. My knowledge of the reading of the Bible was poor but after learning Mooré for eleven years I can now read the Bible and Bible study booklets with ease due to the knowledge of the language.

Zents did not make it to the north, but I went deep into the rural area there to investigate how one local branch of the ASC had impacted on people’s lives. Obviously this group belongs, in the majority, to the non-formal sector and happily makes its way among peer groups in their areas. Kébré continues with her insightful experience. I also benefited by the economic impact to my family. I received wisdom to look after my family well. When my children come from school I remind them to 32

Face-to-face interview with Rachel Kébré, leader of a local church women’s association in north Burkina on 22 February 2005.

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revise their lessons learnt at school. I encourage the girls living with me to work well. All because of the experience I learnt from my Mooré class. Among the women in the church I can now encourage the women at our meetings and Bible studies and other related work. This education gives courage and opens doors for me to participate in seminars and gain more training, in addition to what I learnt before. I was also impacted in my life as a couple because of being literate in my mother tongue. I really wanted to know it but it was hard at times. I remember one of my children told me to sleep because I was studying late at night. The child told me not to bother because there is no future in knowing this language. I replied by saying that there is benefit in knowing Mooré. To me learning Mooré is more important than you going to school! Now my children see the benefit of Mooré in my life. Even facing issues in the village I am brave enough to speak out my opinion due to the help of knowing how to write and speak the language. I am so thankful to God who enables me to reach that level of understanding. Now the women can lead songs and Bible study and lead prayer in groups. They are not ashamed to stand up in public in the church and the village. Our experience is known in the whole region. When we go to a regional meeting in towns, people listen to us though we come from a rural village. Women from other villages, like Barga, came here to learn how to look after a grain mill during three days. We now share our experiences with others. The Barga group is thankful for the help from our women’s group. (Kébré, 2005)

Benefits of being literate The above advantages received by the beneficiaries indicate that though the evangelical church has struggled over the years, testimonies from a variety of sources, both within and outside the church, suggest a significant contribution to overcoming obstacles through girls’ and women’s education. As well as

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being able to read the Bible, literacy helps the women to gain confidence and participate in community decisions. However, things were not always perfect with the church. There are/were limitations to the services delivered by the church. In the following section I will attempt to highlight some of the observations made regarding the church’s and Christian NGOs’ involvement in education. The church and FBOs have limitations, and arguments against their approaches are made especially by the state and donor agencies. The Limitations of the Church and Christian NGOs in Female Education Unlike the Roman Catholic Church, which is well structured and has a centralized administration and one main school founder, the Evangelical churches and NGOs by their very nature are diverse and less structured. Their approach was more evangelistic such as that of the Pentecostal Assemblies and other church members of the Fédération des Eglises et Missions Evangéliques (FEME) who did not invest in research, administration, or higher academic studies from the beginning. As I shall discuss, it becomes clear that the contribution to education, if it aims to be more sustainable and scaled up, needs some corrections to the following limitations which are largely socio-structural or related to gender and capacity building. The lack of solid documented research on the contribution of the Evangelical Churches to education The Burkina Faso churches’ contribution to education needs to be better known to the global reader, especially in the English-speaking world. It could also be argued that because the contribution of the Evangelical church in education is not well documented, it is consequently not well known at a global level. This research is one attempt to fill this gap in public knowledge. Major public festivals such as the Pan-African Festival of Cinema of Ouagadougou (FESPACO), and the International Art Exhibition of Ouagadougou which rotate every two years (SIAO) could provide opportunities to display the work of the churches in Burkina Faso. At present these Art Festivals show little material about education or anything done by the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs although they are working quietly in their corners. At least the government is aware of their work, but it is reluctant to promote it too much without their own participation. In this age of globalization, local practices need to be known in order to facilitate information-sharing and policy making. This study makes a contribution to the need for documentation on how the church-has helped to overcome serious obstacles to women’s education as well as presenting evidence of areas where the church has fallen short. Interviews with church leaders and educators revealed some weakness in the vision of promoting holistic education for their church members and the communities at large. Those who adventure to do so may not have the local qualified personnel or the resources to sustain them without external support. The evangelical

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churches are weak in writing their stories regularly, keeping and storing diaries for future generations. Efforts are being made where printing facilities and media equipment are available, but these aspects need correcting and reinforcing so that records will be kept and good communication may flow at every level of church life. Although there is much to say in the field of education, this study highlights this limitation. It also seeks to inform the English-speaking world about these obstacles and how to overcome them. When Zents was doing her research in Burkina Faso she also confessed that little was written about the church and the role of Pentecostalism in gender studies. Although the Evangelical church may have written material for church use, a thesis on the contribution of the church to girls’ and women’s education at a global level has not yet been found. Certainly this is groundwork on which others will expand. While the work of the Catholic Church is well documented and the author was welcomed at their Head Office of Education in Ouagadougou and given relevant information straight away, the Evangelical churches have this weakness: there is little written evidence for public use. They may be doing good work, but in isolation; it is not well-documented and it is neither available nor well-structured enough to speak as one voice to the education authorities. Has the church understood its integral mission or does it put more emphasis on spiritual matters, leaving the temporal to occupy a secondary place? Is this a reflection of the church theology, or does it need to be redefined? During field visits steps were taken by the evangelicals to form a platform and speak with one voice to the government about how to overcome obstacles in education. An Alliance of Evangelical schools (AESEB) was registered on 4 August 2009 by the government of Burkina Faso to act as an interface between the Evangelical communities and the state in the area of education. I will now move to the lack of resources that emerged in the findings. The shortage of adequate resources in female education The education provided by the Evangelical churches is offered to all children regardless of race, gender, or religious affiliation. The evidence testifies to the fact that they do it well to the point that there was a superior quality difference of 16 percentage points in 2005 and 17 points in the 2006 national public examination results. But from the eye-witnesses interviewed, it is clear that from the beginning the church did not have sufficient resources to meet all the education needs. We have discussed the financial crisis which both the Catholic Church and the Evangelicals faced in 1969. Although the Catholic Church from 1947, as well as before independence, benefited from support from the colonial administration, the AOG church leaders Simporé and Gouba, who were there in the early days, confirmed the struggles which the church and Pastor Dupret faced to run the residential schools that were to produce the future church and some of the national leaders. Zongo argued that the churches needed support to continue to deliver education to all children.

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One needs to improve the service. We would like to improve by providing more access to boys and girls to be educated, by improving the infrastructure, the quality and the result of our programmes. We would like to provide more training for our teachers; many of them are leaving our schools for better paid jobs at the government schools. We did have a problem for many years with the social security service but the church was able to resolve it. All our teachers are now declared to the national security. We would like to open more schools to offer education to our children. (A. Zongo, 2006)

If one compares Zongo’s comment with Inspector Yanogo’s (see 3.4), it will be gathered that there is a real need for capacity-building and for more finance to avoid churches losing many teachers who will end up in the public schools just for better paid jobs, as though the other children whom the teacher was leaving behind were not worthy of education. This situation was confirmed by the Director of Basic Private Education at the Education and Literacy Ministry. Should the state support the church financially, considering that it has have an added value in its quality of education? Or should the government leave it to struggle to educate the Burkinabé children while recruiting their teachers each year from better-paid jobs in the public schools? Are Evangelical schools in competition with the public ones or are they partners? If this is the case, who is losing after all these years? If this is not the case, why not empower them to continue pointing to the future? There is an indication that the government is taking seriously the contribution of the evangelical churches to education. The Council of Ministers chaired by the President, Blaise Comparé, at the meeting of 18 May 2009 during the signing of the convention with the Catholic Church made it clear that the government was now calling on other religious bodies committed to providing education to take similar steps to the Catholic Church in partnering the State to provide education for all. The spokesperson for the Council, Filippe Savadogo, reported in Lepays no. 4370 that: ‘The Council of Ministers encourages all religious bodies involved in education and exhorts them to establish fruitful partnerships with the State for a better synergy of actions in the national policy of education’.33 The choice, then, is tactical in the light of the government commitment to the MDGs. If the churches have stood this pressure over the years, it is an indication that they have proved themselves and are in a better position to reach larger numbers of children within a short period of time, provided that their hands are not tied or bound by conditions to a point where they cannot offer their contribution. The faith of the People of the Book is indisputable when it comes to education. Even though they have weaknesses which have turned out to be their strengths over time, we can learn from them. The analysis presented here does indicate that the Evangelical churches and related NGOs are essential 33

http://www.lepays.bf/spip.php?article1926: Le pays No 4370 du Vendredi 22 au Dimanche 24 Mai 2009.

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if the government is looking for viable partners in both formal and non-formal education for girls and women in Burkina Faso to try to achieve the MDGs by 2015. Female education is not well perceived by all Evangelical churches The findings have revealed that girls’ and women’s education is not well perceived at the same level by all evangelical churches. Although the Christian mission has Biblical teaching as one of its objectives, some church leaders who have not been to formal school see formal education as far beyond their means. As one senior educator, Pastor Gouba, commented earlier: Since the beginning we did not take girls’ education seriously. There are still some evangelical churches who do not understand the problem of girls’ education at the same level. The evangelical church in general does not understand that truth simply because most of the leaders of those churches have not been to school themselves. This is a serious handicap to education in the evangelical church. (Gouba 2006)

While Gouba is referring to formal education there is still evidence suggesting that there are evangelical churches which are not committed to formal and non-formal education. They are happy with teaching the Bible to their members using the church study materials that are available, but their vision is limited with regard to providing Education for All. Among these a large number once empowered and trained will make a significant contribution to their community. There are minimum requirements, such as the vision and the human and financial capacities to do it. The local church is seen as the centre of the village because it has been proven by the local community as a place of public interest. We referred earlier to the church being a centre of refuge for runaway girls. In times of natural calamities all the religious groups of the village trust the church to care for the whole community. In the case of Burkina Faso it is known to its population that local churches are the best place the government can use to distribute food relief. Once this added value is also used in education it will contribute towards a quality of service. Due to the vision of its former leaders which has been maintained through the decades the AOG has a lead in formal education among the evangelical churches. That experience can be shared with other churches who wish to make a contribution. But if the AOG, which is the largest of the evangelical churches, is struggling financially, it indicates that without increased financial resources the smaller churches and organizations, unless they are supported as well, will face similar struggles, especially when they want to scale up and provide Education for All in the rural areas where the need is greatest.

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The lack of sufficient capacity building While the church is providing services in education, its capacity building is poor. A teacher makes an effort to provide education, and many will learn it at ground level. Once teachers are recruited in the evangelical schools they are allowed to assist in periodic training done by the government Inspectorate in the area. But before that they are either autodidacts with good motivation, or pay for their own training at the government teacher training schools. Unlike the Catholic Church, where all education programmes are centralized in a national secretariat caring both for the Basic Secondary and Higher Education, the Evangelical churches are still moving towards this stage. Each denomination has its own programmes or education departments within the Christian NGOs and mainly works from each individual entity. There is progress among the NGOs, who now form a Network called the ROC (Réseau des Organizations Chrétiennes), to address development issues in an integral way. These initiatives among others are channels that could be used to build the capacity among the evangelical churches. A member of the ROC is represented in the national coalition of education (CCEB). Recent initiatives in overcoming this capacity need were initiated by the churches and other NGOs, such as the concept of the Speed School that starts with the mother tongue of the child and builds on the official language in nine months. The child can then join the fourth year of primary education in a classical school the following year. Then there is the Cha(i)nge theory of Woord en Daad and partner organizations (CREDO and AEAD) in Burkina Faso which is linking formal and non-formal education to skills learning and job creation, the registration of the Alliance AESEB, and a project to set up a Christian Teacher Training College by CREDO. These actions and approaches are pointers to the future. The teachers in Evangelical schools need help. Although they are getting good results that does not mean they are well trained or have the requisite capacity. Instead they are hard workers and focus on quality. Jérémie Balima, who won the first prize for excellent teacher 2006 in the Central Region, testifies: We try to maintain a team spirit in the school. We also received religious education and we seek to pass it on with improvement. We had the fourth promotion in the primary school and each promotion had 100 per cent success rate at the public primary certificate. This year we have forty five pupils who will be taking the exam and we will ask God to help us. We are not better, we did not even go to teacher training school, except one but we are autodidact. We are pleased that you parents came to talk to us. (Balima 2006)34

This lack of capacity-building in the evangelical education system was also mentioned by the government official. Each year evangelical schools are losing 34

Interview with Jeremy Balima, head teacher of Boulmiougou Evangelical School, March 2005. Jeremy won the first prize for the most outstanding teacher in the Centre Region in 2006.

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their best teachers, who are looking for better-paid jobs and benefits with the government. They are not allowed to jump the promotion ladder nor take public upgrading exams such as Inspectorates and Advisory tests while they are in the private sector.

A temporary classroom with the first AEAD Speed Schools Moving into the non-formal sector, there is evidence that the church needs to build its capacity there as well. Women make up the majority of the membership, reflecting the national situation. But when Zents looked at the case of the women’s section of the AOG, she made an observation. The AOG leadership should appreciate women more and find ways of encouraging them to fulfil their vision of training other girls and women to reach their potential in God and society (Zents 2005). While women’s ordination is not on the agenda of the AOG, this does not mean that women have no important role to play in leadership. In fact women’s participation is strong even in the establishment of the church. Women have strong roles in the leadership and activities of the church. The church is happy for them to run meetings and lead the Women’s Day in the first week of May each year. But what specific policies the church has for women’s spiritual and socio-economic development, apart from their participation in education, still needs to be seen. Among the findings Yanogo, who is a school inspector, confirmed the church’s need for capacity building. She suggested that the evangelical church should train its teachers, as is the case with the Catholic Church. Once these teachers are trained they need to work in an adequate

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environment with education facilities that will contribute to raising standards in evangelical education to meet the demands of its population and thus contribute to the MDGs. The above findings indicate the commitment of the church to teachers, its members and their genuine desire to overcome the obstacles arising from the lack of sufficient capacity building. It is that limitation and the desire to learn and share that has led the AOG church and other NGOs to consider working in partnership with other groups. Conclusion In this chapter and the previous one I analysed the research data that were collected during four field trips and after a literature review. By using narrative in my research (Trahar, 2006) I believe that it has given the voiceless a voice but that it has also enriched my findings. The analysis points out that the Evangelical churches and NGOs in Burkina Faso are involved at different levels of competence in both the formal and non-formal education of girls and women. There is evidence that many obstacles, such as personality issues, behavioural change, socio-economic aspects, the inferiority complex and deep gender issues have been addressed. However, the findings also indicate the limitations of the church and its related organizations in terms of vision, human capacity and adequate resources. The next chapter will address the topic of partnership. Although this was not part of the original plan, the idea of partnership has arisen from observing the input from many respondents on to how to scale up the best experiences and overcome the obstacles to girls’ and women’s education. I therefore felt that the topic should be discussed in order to see whether partnerships could be beneficial in advancing girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso.

Chapter 8 Partnership: A Way Forward to Overcome Obstacles to Female Education in Burkina Faso Introduction In this chapter I am going to argue for the importance of overcoming obstacles to female education in Burkina Faso and describe the conditions required to do so. While some sections of this chapter were not based on interviews, and not therefore part of the empirical data, I have chosen to insert them because I propose this as a way forward from what I have gleaned from the interviews and the educational actors and parents at the grassroots. However, at the local level there is evidence that partnerships between churches, NGOs and local educational authorities can build a synergy based on mutual understanding to help overcome some of the obstacles facing girls and women. Monitoring at the local level also indicated capacities that need building and areas for improvement. For Evangelical churches and NGOs to continue to be pioneers in the future regarding access and quality in girls’ and women’s education there needs to be a different type of partnership. Partnerships occur when organizations, NGOs and INGOs and states in both the North and the South agree to work together to achieve a common goal. Such partnerships are often set up by the northern partner organizations and agencies to fulfil northern agenda; critics such as Crossley & Watson (2003:109) have argued that it is time to consider local knowledge and context when referring to a productive partnership. Part of their argument questioned the relevance of a top-down approach (Crossley and Watson 2003:115).1 They show: … how the most powerful international agencies have come to dominate the development discourse with scant regard for local knowledge, local context and consultancy initiatives are often established and pursued can also be seen to help ensure Northern domination through new processes of neo-colonial control.

Education in general, and especially for girls and women, has lately received important support from civil societies such as Oxfam Great Britain who strongly support the Global Campaign for Education (GCE). These campaigns argue that the rich countries and international organizations should make their contributions and honour their pledges to Education for All (EFA), and that it is 1

See similar critics also in Samoff 1993; 1996b; McGinn 1994; Watson 1996b.

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in fact a right for everyone and not a luxury. However, looking at different reports (GCE 2002) I have discovered that the campaigners have taken on board the involvement of civil organizations to participate both in the planning and the implementation at grassroots level, but very few mention the role played by the churches. It sounds as if national and international organizations are avoiding an important piece of the puzzle that will keep local and national governments accountable. These groups, such as registered Christian NGOs, are viable partners who are acting as advocates for access and quality in education for girls and women. The Oxfam Briefing Paper2 number 98 of April 2007 on ‘Paying for People’ mentioned the word Faith Based Groups (FBGs) once (p. 13). Even here the campaigners were faced with some evidence of successful stories that came from these groups, but again the word church was implicit rather than explicit, partly because of a politically correct, secular agenda. Can the church be left out in its support for education? In many cases, not-for-profit providers, such as NGOs and FBGs, have been integrated into the public systems, where it is important that they share the commitment of the state to provide universal services to all, regardless of their identities. With this in mind I am now going to discuss the nature of partnerships that can exist at the local level. The way partnerships are perceived reflects their importance, both at the national and global level. To illustrate the point I will refer to an early example of the Assemblies of God as well as to more recent ones of four national non-governmental organizations (AEAD, ANTBA, ACTS, and CREDO). An Earlier Example of Partnership with the State: The Case of Loumbila Young Girls’ College In the early 1960s the church leaders reported an example of the state’s commitment to help start the girls’ college in Loumbila. The church was struggling to formalize girls’ education, especially for those leaving primary school with learning difficulties. Simporé, an executive member of the Assemblies of God church, reported that the first idea of the church was not to open the Young Girls’ College in Loumbila but to open a formalized centre for girls, since they already had homes in different parts of the country, and the one in Loumbila was led by the late Pastor Noraogo Guenda and his wife. So the missionary Brisset, in partnership with Pastor Dupret, who was the Director of Evangelical Education and with the agreement of the national church, wanted to open a formal girls’ education centre. The new centre was to receive 2

‘Paying for People’, Oxfam Briefing Paper, April 2007 subtitled: Financing the skilled workers needed to deliver health and education services for all, Oxfam International.

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girls who have difficulties with primary education in evangelical schools. When the Minister of Education heard about the church project, he requested pastor Dupret to transform the centre in to a young girls’ college. Pastor Dupret brought the request of the Minister of Education to our Association of Evangelical Educators; the Association rejected the Minister’s request because they were not ready to run a college. When Pastor Dupret reported to the Minister the educators’ point of view he added that the church lacked the education equipment to run the college. The Minister then offered the necessary equipment to the church to run the college. (Simporé 2006)

Pastor Dupret went back to the Association of Educators, pleading with them to accept the request of the authorities. The Minister of Education contributed to enrol all girls with learning difficulties in primary schools in Loumbila Young Girls’ College, which started around 1960. These girls, and others like them, forced the government and civil society to look for alternatives to bridge the gap between the drop-outs from schools and those who did not even have the primary opportunity of going to school. Local Partnerships In order to be accountable and transparent in quality service delivery in girls’ and women’s education, local governments need to build solid partnerships with established national NGOs and churches which are already active in education to help them deliver EFA goals without religious and gender discrimination. Some of them have a good track record in terms of formal, nonformal and informal education as assessed in previous chapters (see 1.2.7). In Burkina Faso there are evangelical churches and NGOs which are committed to it. The new reformed Education Orientation Law No.013-2007/AN Section II articles 4,8,11, is explicit on the fact that civil societies and churches can create and run education systems. This Law was published in the Official Journal of Burkina Faso No. 38 of September 2007. AEAD has, for instance, a close partnership with the local government in the areas of education and health. The city local government of Boulmiougou town, Ouagadougou, has worked in partnership with AEAD to provide formal and non-formal education for the communities. The mayor and her council provided lands to build schools and a medical centre. AEAD looks for funding and hires and trains the personnel, and the whole community is served. Nearly 50 % of the beneficiaries in formal education and 60% of patients in the health sector are female. The churches and Christian NGOs are at the heart of community development, and in 2007 AEAD was invited by the section of city development of Boulmiougou to sponsor a workshop with the elected council members to discuss strategies for development with all leaders at community level.

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How much of this information is known globally is doubtful since Oxfam’s briefing paper ‘Paying for People’ makes no mention of such engagement when it acknowledges that: Without health and education, poor women and men are denied the opportunity and ability to escape poverty. Health and education are basic rights, to which all citizens are entitled. But after decades of under-funding and ill-conceived reforms, these rights remain a distant dream for millions of people in the twentyfirst century. Today eighty million children are out of school. One thousand four hundred women will die in pregnancy or childbirth, with no access to professional care. In particular it is women and girls, poor people in rural areas, people with disabilities, and indigenous communities who are denied access to services, as well as the opportunity to be employed within them. (Oxfam 2007:98)

While this statement is true for the case of Burkina Faso, it is also true to say that at a local level there are partnerships that work, providing basic quality services from the churches and Christian NGOs for the benefit of the whole community. The schools referred to here are known for excellence and have won prizes for best practice both at local and national level. This confirms the Oxfam report ‘Paying for People’, quoted above, suggesting that public institutions need reform to improve planning and management. This also echoes Gordon Brown’s statement about breaking the cycle of restriction of funds to poorer countries, allowing them access to more funds for their plans. ‘The cycle needs to be broken whereby countries have scaled back their plans due to concerns about availability of financing and donors haven’t provided the funding because the ambitious plans have not existed.’3 Later in a BBC breakfast programme shown on 10 April 2008 at 7:10 am. the UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown, in an American television programme (American Idol) was pleading with world leaders, and also asking his own country, to help pay for a mosquito net for every child in Africa. With better health boys and girls can benefit from their right to education and not die early. Partnerships with Provincial and Regional Education Authorities Not only at community level is there the possibility of partnership with local political leaders, but also with the education authorities at the regional level. All the teachers in private schools registered in a given area of the country work in partnership with the public education authorities. They have the mandate to care for all teachers and schools entrusted to them. According to the Reformed Education Orientation Law the education map is divided into

3

Former UK Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown in Doney & Wroe, 2006.

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Centres and Inspectorates (DREBA and DPEBA).4 Regular pedagogical training courses are provided for all school teachers. The public teacher training schools are open to the private sector provided that the fees have been paid. Since 2006 basic schoolbooks have been given free to all children in both public and private schools, and the government has approved the abolition of fees in public schools. AEAD schools in Boulmiougou are in partnership with the Inspectorate, and teachers are evaluated and take part in the periodic pedagogical training. The area school Inspectorate (Boulmiougou 8) requested that AEAD be their official sponsor for a yearly Excellence award programme that covers all the schools in that area.

Local administrative authorities 1

Local educational authorities 2

4

DREBA stands for Direction Régionale de l’Education de Base et de l’Alphabétisation, and DPEBA is the Direction Provincial de l’Education de Base et de l’Alphabétisation.

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As previously noted, the schools run by churches and Christian NGOs provide the best education and are gender balanced. However, the difficulties seen so far are the result of the fact that all the schools that have no convention with the government struggle due to a lack of finance. Within these schools qualified teachers are leaving each year to work for the government which give a better salary and career opportunities, leaving behind children with new teachers looking for an opportunity to leave after their training since the job opportunities for private sector teachers are more limited than in the public sector. While both private and public teachers are teaching the same children within the same country or area, there is a need to look at that imbalance in resource management and also opportunities to maintain qualified teachers in the private sector. It is estimated by Zongo that about one third of the teachers in the public sector came out of the private sector. In this case the private sector, supported by the churches, families, associations and NGOs, is losing staff each year because of lack of financial support from the state. This of course affects the Evangelical churches and Christian NGOS like the Assemblies of God and others the most. However, the government is willing to consider possibilities such as helping to pay salaries. The processes are already in the pipeline. At the time of writing such protocols have been signed between the government and the Roman Catholic Church and the lay private schools which do receive support from the government each year. The evangelical church has yet to achieve this. In November 2008 an Alliance of Evangelical Schools (AESEB)5 was finally put in place and became an interface between all the Evangelical churches and organizations and the government. On 3 March 2009 AESEB was invited by the Director of Private Education and Literacy for a consultation on national education policy and its registration as an official entity; this took place on 4 August 20096. The Alliance had its first conference in October 2009 under the sponsorship of the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy who welcomed the initiative, acknowledged the quality of the contribution of Evangelical schools in Burkina Faso and promised to develop a partnership with AESEB. Moving from the city of Boulmiougou, Ouagadougou to the northern region, the same principle of partnerships exists and is functions effectively. In Zondoma Province in the Northern Region the local authorities, in spite of economic difficulties, gave lands to AEAD to develop private education for the children of the province. In 2009 there were 4,049 learners in the northern region from primary and post-primary schools, including the non-formal and 5

AESEB stands for ‘Alliance des Etablissements Scolaires et Universitaires des Evangéliques du Burkina Faso’. 6 Recipissé No 2009-460/MATD/SG/DG/LPAP/DOASOC: Dénomination de l’Association: Alliance des Etablissements Scolaires et Universitaires des Evangéliques du Burkina Faso’ (AESEB).

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adult literacy, Speed Schools and vocational training (see 6.5a). The provincial educational authorities through their Inspectorates agree to provide all technical support needed to do the job well. They work closely with the school committees to help provide a high-quality education for girls and boys aged 316. This approach is supported by Watson (2000) who makes the point that: ‘…by working with local partners, NGOs help increase the likelihood of sustained development and help to develop local confidence and skills as well as ownership.’ He quoted Action Aid as a model: Collaboration is more cost effective than direct operation; it expedites project start-up time, facilitates Northern non-governmental work in countries and situations where their direct operations are prohibited; provides access to nongovernmental skills and resources (such as innovative strategies, sensitivity to local conditions and culture, positive relations with the community, regional contacts with state agencies); …enhances each organization’s legitimacy with different stakeholders. (Action Aid, 1993:8 quoted in Watson 2000:132)

Originality of Girls’ Education in Zondoma Province of Burkina Faso In order to provide access to girls’ and boys’ education in Burkina Faso, AEAD and its partners have made an innovation with the so-called ‘Speed School’ (Centre à Passerelle) to meet the Burkina Faso context. During a field visit in Mali in August 2006 a delegation of eight members took part in a seminar in Koro, in the north bordering with Burkina Faso, in partnership with the Evangelical Association for the Development of Mali (AEDM) to see how this new approach could be implemented in Burkina Faso. The Speed School has been defined as an accelerated curriculum that allows children who have either left school early, or who have never been to school, to be trained in nine months starting with their mother tongue. Once evaluated as successful they enter the third or fourth year of classical primary school the following year. It is specifically aimed at children who are usually excluded from ordinary school enrolment because of their age. The children range in age from 9-12 years old. Following the adult literacy programmes over the past ten years AEAD has observed that there are children who do not have access to formal education and who could benefit from something more than the adult literacy education they are receiving. Requests came from Moussa, the literacy coordinator to AEAD, to look for alternative solutions to care for these children who want to further their education. Community leaders also approached local church pastors to help them find ways to educate their children who had just passed school age or whose parents could not afford to send them to school. AEAD then looked for opportunities to bridge that gap in addition to its formal

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and non-formal education programmes. The accelerated approach developed in Mali was then contextualized to meet the realities of Burkina Faso. The classical school enrols children from six to seven years old. The adult literacy programmes care for the older ones, but the accelerated curriculum is aimed to give better prospects to less fortunate girls and boys of having an opportunity not only to start school as late as 9-12 years of age, but to catch up with those already in classical schools. Those who succeed can continue to post-primary, secondary or higher education and acquire a skill. The adult literacy programme has three phases: the Initial, Complementary and Specific. The latter provides skills learning so that the literate adult is better equipped in life, but the accelerated curriculum allows children to go back to formal education and continue with the official educational programme. With all the pressure that the accelerated curriculum involves, one question still remains: is the classical programme the best way forward? Can we do more in partnership with the State, civil societies and other development partners to provide a better future for those children after they finish their first year? Can we go after literacy into integrating girls and boys into a more balanced social, moral and spiritual life? Lessons learned from the partnership experiences in Mali THE STRENGTH

The accelerated curriculum is an innovative approach in Burkina Faso to providing education mainly for children coming from the rural areas. It could be said that both in Mali and in Burkina Faso semi-urban areas might also have a large number who could benefit from this programme. Working with NGOs and CBOs is interesting because it involves the local community and church in their own development and thus contributes to their capacity building. The basic educational needs of the child are met. Educators who come from the same communities gain financial support and training while working in their local environment. THE WEAKNESS

The time-scale of the project, supported by the Stromme Foundation, in a particular village is too short to make a lasting impact. Eight months initially of support in Mali is insufficient to build a child’s confidence and to let her/him go into life without further support. The programme, although in its experimental phase, should bear in mind the needs of the child rather than meeting a temporary goal just to increase the rate of school enrolment. There should be ways of following that child up to the next step or, even better, supporting the child for more than a year in the formal school. The Mali example indicated that children who passed the test after eight months of the accelerated curriculum were transferred into public schools, community schools, and in one case a cheaper private school, with community guarantees

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for the school fees.7 Children are more easily integrated if the school already uses the mother tongue in the first few years. Other schools use conventional French-language curricula. The transfer is one thing, but more importantly one should also look at these children’s exit from the education system. What types of citizens are being trained in these schools and by whom? If the classical schools have been found limited in terms of accessibility in the case of Burkina Faso, why just drop these children there after eight months of basic education? What is the longterm value of such an accelerated approach if it is not merely to increase the enrolment rate for the sake of meeting the MDGs of which the local communities know very little? Who is responsible for a nine-year-old girl who went through the accelerated curriculum, faced some socio-economic and cultural difficulties, and did not pass the test? Should she move to the next village or give up altogether? Or should we find ways of meeting her social, intellectual and spiritual needs? There is a need to accompany such a girl on the way to a fulfilled life and integration into society. In the case of Burkina Faso NGOs and churches, among others, are called by the State to make their contribution to the education sector. But how is that contribution going to be made if they are not well-equipped to do their job properly in the long term for the benefit of that girl? Katherine Marshall of the World Bank, in her paper ‘Religious Faith and Development’ (2005), points out the need for active engagement in development by FBOs. ‘With a primary focus of the MDGs and development agendas on health and education, dialogue and common engagement seems absolutely critical.’ Although she stresses that the World Bank and other development agencies are profoundly ethical institutions, she added that ‘… the World Bank tends to use technical language that is often dry. The language of ethics, and values, of spirituality, of the soul has rarely been employed.’ The argument here is that NGOs and churches need to do more in nonformal education than just provide a quick fix for long-term development needs. The Evangelical Church needs to continue its support to education by contributing in areas of spirituality, moral values, gender awareness and economic development alongside its development partners. As Marshall (2005:11) puts it, ‘The ethical dimension of the challenge is an area where faith leaders can bring special insight and conviction. This mobilization and recommitment cannot succeed without all our common effort.’ Partnership with Similar Organizations in Country There is a lot to gain, share and learn from similar organizations in the country. Such partnership increases effectiveness and builds capacity especially when working within a network or an alliance. In October 2006 a team of five people 7

Stromme Foundation Mali: Education.

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from AEAD went to visit Zondoma Province in order to explore the feasibility of the accelerated curriculum with the government’s Department of Basic Education and Literacy. It should be mentioned that Zondoma Province, some 140 kilometres north of Ouagadougou, currently faces a shortage of food and water, and that its population lives basically from subsistence farming. With a largely Muslim population, different religious groups such as animists and Christians live peacefully with the Muslims in the same community. They tolerate each other and work closely together in community projects. The level of girls’ education is low compared with other regions. AEAD is running adult literacy programmes and formal education to combat poverty alongside its food security strategies. The Provincial Education Authorities (DPEBA) offer their support to evaluate and integrate this innovation into their regional strategy and help contextualize non-formal education with other partners such as AEAD, ANTBA, and Action Chrétienne Tous pour la Solidarité (ACTS) and the Stromme Foundation for its use at the national level. As mentioned earlier, the provincial authorities allowed all their inspectors to support AEAD and other Christian NGOs such as ANTBA and ACTS in working together to design a curriculum for the Speed Schools, taking the local languages and culture into consideration, with the financial and technical support of the Stromme Foundation. This confirms that they both have the expertise to provide technical support for both formal and non-formal education. The non-formal education comprises the literacy programme, the Speed Schools and the vocational training centre. All these programmes work together to meet the educational and training needs of learners. Among the 5035 participants in 2008-09 there were only a few men in some classes; the Speed School recorded a proportion of 53.7% females among those enrolled and 77.7% in the adult literacy classes. These girls and women, like those registered in the forty centres of AEAD Speed Schools in the same region, are largely from Muslim backgrounds. This also denotes how peacefully the Christian minority can live with people of other faiths. Such peace and tolerance needs to be preserved at all costs. Through such partnerships we bring this innovation to the national level for networking and sharing of information. In this partnership, AEAD has to look for most of its funding from the community and other partners outside the government. There is, however, one exception to the rule in that the NGO in charge of national funds for literacy, FONAENF, did support AEAD for one year, with ten adult literacy centres in phase one, but failed to renew its support, leaving them halfway through the programme, although the AEAD report shows that it achieved more of the expected results included in the protocol. The government recently decided at the Council of Ministers8 on 6 March 2008 that literacy and 8

Burkina Faso ministers’ council under His Excellency the President Blaise Compaoré of 6 March 2008; Sidwaya internet edition No 6132 of 13 March 2008.

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non-formal education should be included in all development projects and programmes. It was also decided at that meeting to transfer literacy and nonformal education financial resources to the national fund for literacy and nonformal education (FONAENF), and that funds for non-formal education should be channelled through that structure, but my comment to both the government and the FONAENF managing committee is that additional measures should be taken not to exclude actors who have proved themselves in the field to make a contribution to non-formal education. For the first time AEAD was happy to receive national funds to such an extent that they willingly reduced the number of adult centres requested from outside donors, only to find that the support was not available to complete the second phase of the training. However, AEAD did continue with the help of others to run 50 centres with 30 participants each that same year. The following year the FONAENF renewed its support for the AEAD literacy programme and noted that the criteria were met. Like-minded national organizations form networks and coalitions to consolidate their actions, and to learn and share their experiences. In this case AEAD and ACTS have both led the Network of Evangelical Christian Organizations of Burkina Faso (ROC) from its beginning. ANTBA, on the other hand, was vice-chair of the National Coalition Network for basic Education (CCEB),9 which is an interface between the government of Burkina Faso and civil society. Both AEAD and ACTS, as discussed in this study, are also involved in policy-making with western Christian international NGOs. The executive director of AEAD was a member of the Tearfund UK Partner Panel together with others contributing to the policy-making of Tearfund and its partners worldwide. AEAD takes part in the yearly Woord en Daad national and regional conferences, and the Executive director of ACTS is a board member of the Stromme Foundation in Norway. At the time of writing a partner organization, Christian Relief and Development Organization (CREDO), is chair of the Permanent Secretariat of NGOs in Burkina Faso (SPONG) which is affiliated to the government office that supports NGOs (DSONG). On Independence Day in December 2008, the President of Burkina Faso selected AEAD, its Executive Director, and the Executive Secretary of ACTS to receive the national award of the Knight of the Burkinabè Order of Merit. The above examples show evidence of the kind of reputation Christian NGOs have in Burkina Faso. The context is favourable to the point that Burkina continues to become a regional centre in West Africa for innovations, sharing and learning of experiences not only at the civil society level but also at government level. In the case of the Speed Schools,

9

CCEB stands for ‘Cadre de concertation des ONGs et Associations actives en Education du Base’ available at www.meba/partenaires/index.html, accessed on 9/07/2010.

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government officials of education came from Niger and Mali to learn from the Burkina Faso experience.

Officials from Mali and Niger in Burkina Faso: AEAD 2008 In a thematic way AEAD works to make contribution to the national coalition of education in Burkina Faso (Cadre de Concertation de l’Education du Burkina Faso CCEB), mentioned in the Global Campaign for Education 2006 School Report and also in the Class of 2007 ‘Not up to scratch’. The Global Campaign for Education in the report ‘Missing the Mark’ (Oxfam, 2005), calls upon national governments to make available their annual financial and performance assessments to correspond with the government budget cycle, and for all data to be made freely available to the civil society. The CCEB, being the interface between the government and civil society, needs to do more than just getting a report from the government. While the decentralisation of government services is taking place, civil societies, such as the evangelical churches and Christian NGOs, should be seen as capable partners to deliver high-quality education for all, and thus help the government in building classrooms, training teachers and promoting gender balance in education. In 2005 there was a big boost to the hopes of parents worldwide. The G8 and the MDG Summits were an opportunity for rich nations to renew their pledges to improve the lot of poverty-stricken nations and peoples. They promised to cancel the unpayable debts of 18 countries, and to add 50 billion annually in Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) by 2010. Half of this, they declared, should go to the neglected region of Sub-Saharan Africa,

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where many of the world’s most intractable pockets of poverty remain. (GCE 2005)

Partnership at the National Level At the national level there is a political will to meet the MDG goals in education. This will have been crystal clear from the Reformed Education Orientation Law No 013-2007 of July 30th published in the official Journal No 18 of 20th September 2007. It is stated in section one Chapter two Articles 3 that ‘Education is a national priority’… Article 8 ‘… the private education system is recognised…’ Private education is lay or confessional. Parents have the right to give religious, moral or traditional education to their children according to their own conviction and under the reservation of respecting the republican law. Chapter Two, Article 32 states: ‘To create education spaces apt to favour the development of innovation technologies and the implementation of Speed Schools (passerelles) that bridge education borders between the formal and the non-formal.’ These sections of the Orientation Law show some evidence that supports the legal scope for the evangelical churches and Christian NGOs to work within these legal frameworks. The same openness and collaboration found at local and regional authorities’ level within the country are recognized at the national level. Different interviews conducted by the author with several authorities, such as the director of Private Basic Education and Literacy and the officers at the directorate of Private Secondary Education Department, testify to the same willingness of the government to accompany Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs in their common effort for girls’ and women’s education. During the fieldwork I was able to meet the Director of Private Education at the ministry level, François de Paul Sédégo, and the Ministry Delegate of Basic Education and Literacy, and had an audience and a letter from the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy. His Excellency the Prime Minister sent his Ministry Delegate of Education to act as chairman and read his speech for the official opening of the Speed School on 7 December 2007. That day the Prime Minister received the Secretary-General of the Stromme Foundation and our three partner organizations in his office and appreciated, on behalf of the government, our contribution to girls’ and women’s education. He promised to do all he could to facilitate our contribution to the government’s programme of education. The Minister of Basic Education and Literacy, Odile Bonkoungou, wrote a letter in the daily newspaper Les Editions Le Pays No 4080 to thank all the NGOs and Associations that were working in education to help increase provision during 2007. She also congratulated the CCEB and the coalition of NGOs and associations for all their initiatives in favour of providing education to Burkina Faso children and promoting the development of the education

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system, and wished all of them a Happy New Year. Her letter indicated the good relations that exist between the government and the civil society which includes the churches and Christian NGOs. From the national level I shall now proceed to analyse the situation from the international donors’ perspectives.

National Authority: Delegate Minister of Education Genuine and Flexible International Partnerships Required to Increase Girls’ and Women’s Access to Education For all girls’ and women’s education to meet the expected target there is more required than the goodwill of churches and NGOs. Even the policies of the government of Burkina Faso and its reformed education law need genuine and flexible support from the rich countries in order to make these policies a reality at community level. Watkins, in the Oxfam Education Report (2000:311), describes the working relations that should exist between the state and the NGOs in order to bring about change. Failure to develop organic links between formal and non-formal education systems is likely to exclude children from poor households from mainstream schools, a problem that is especially pronounced in the transition from non-formal primary to public secondary school for example.

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AEAD and its partners are fostering that linkage between the NGOs and the public education system and also between the non-formal and the formal sectors with accelerated methods to catch up the lost years out of school. Although equipped with good intentions, the churches and NGOs cannot achieve the MDGs alone; there is a need for participation and partnership. Broad partnerships are needed toward the MDGs. Government must move beyond expressing the rhetoric of participation, to developing collaborative approaches which draw on the strengths of local communities. For their part, NGOs need to find point of contacts between the non-formal education system and government structures so that the approaches developed at a community level can scale up and their benefit be multiplied. Participation, like in education itself, is an important end in its own right. (Watkins 2000:313)

Taking into account the community’s best interests by collaboration Although great promises have been made during international conferences, such as the G8 meetings, Dakar 2000, and Bamako 2007, they need to be implemented, followed up and assessed. A Global Partnership in Favour of Female Education Some donor countries are doing better than others. After Norway the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden and the United Kingdom and Ireland are listed at the top. In the Global Campaign for Education ‘Missing the Mark’ (Oxfam 2005), a country such as Norway has the best marks for meeting the target of 100% in all five areas.

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1. 2. 3. 4.

Meeting the 0.7 per cent GDP on development’s target Funding a fair share access to primary education Committing to co-ordinate for better results Focusing on the poorest countries where girls most lack access to education. 5. Providing high-quality aid to education. Among the 21 countries listed in that report, the United Kingdom came 5th with a grade B, France 11th with a D and the USA 20th with F. In order to help countries meet the target of Education for All (EFA) a partnership was launched by rich countries to ensure that developing countries with viable plans to educate all their children can get access to the necessary funds. The secretariat of the Fast Track Initiative (FTI) is in Washington DC. Although France10 has a long history of relations with some countries in West Africa, such as Burkina Faso, in terms of girls’ and women’s education, others are doing better than France, and the Burkina Faso education system needs more than one partner. This is why countries such as the United Kingdom (UK) and the USA were mentioned to illustrate that point. These two counties have long-standing relations, but while the USA is very present in Burkina Faso the UK is hardly seen at all. The Department for International Development’s (DFID: 2005) strategy statement ‘Girls’ Education: Towards a better future for all’ (first report 2005) did not mention the name Burkina Faso once. Obviously, it is not listed in the Public Service Agreement (PSA). The UK, because of the Africa Declaration and the interest of the then Prime Minister in helping to eradicate poverty in the poorest countries, needs more presence and action in Burkina Faso to support the government effort publicly and also civil society plans such as those of the churches and NGOs. The 40-page report, however, did give hints on pages 2829 about what DFID has committed itself to do. The report added: The next few years will be significant for ensuring that commitment made through these partnerships leads to implementation and make a real difference to girls’ participation in education at country level. These and other partnerships also provide the potential for extending education programmes in PSA countries, in particular Francophone West Africa and countries affected by conflict. These countries contain a significant proportion of the number of girls out of school globally and are among the least equitable in terms of enrolment ratios. (DIFD 2006:40)

Although the report did mention Niger (once) but not Mali and Burkina Faso, it is certain that these are the locations about which the report speaks. Burkina Faso borders Ghana, a country which has full support from the UK. All these Francophone countries (Niger, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire, Togo, Benin and Burkina Faso) report to Accra to apply for entry visas into the UK (which 10

School Report 2006: underachievers: Global campaign for education, 13.

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involves days of travel and waiting for interviews involving high cost in travel and living expenses, Burkina being about 1000 kilometres north). This survey, originating from the churches and Christian NGOs in Burkina Faso, has been made with the support of a UK university (OCMS-Wales) and seeks to provide enough evidence from many years of research to help build a bridge and lift the language barriers so that vulnerable girls and women will have better opportunities in life through partnership with DFID, alongside other development partners. The new website of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy, launched on 14 April 2008, provides some updated educational statistics, and the home page cites the United Kingdom11 among the financial partners of the Ministry. At the time of writing the USA has added Burkina Faso to the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA). Initially Burkina Faso has benefited from a threshold project in girls’ education with the involvement of civil societies. Now, with their plan to build a USA Embassy in Ouagadougou and the implementation of the MCA, is an indication exists that Burkina Faso12 has good governance, and that the UK government can also be more visible in ‘the land of upright people’ with relations and programmes shared with other partners of the G7. Burkina Faso, being at the centre of West Africa, can easily relate to other Francophone countries, such as Niger and Mali, from Ouagadougou, and can implement the DFID report’s recommendation of extending its support in particular to West Africa. To do this, DFID’s support for long-term plans for reaching the educational and gender MDGs will ensure that credible initiatives are identified to enable girls to achieve their potential in primary and secondary schools. DFID’s engagement with the United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative (UNGEI) and the FTI will focus on ensuring that gender equality is highlighted in the endorsement and implementation of education sector plans. (DFID 2006) It could be argued that a study such as this could provide firsthand information to the UK government in terms of hearing from the people themselves, speaking about their own situations, and their daily lives, especially relating to girls’ and women’s education. The myth against faith-based organizations The allegation against Faith-Based Organizations that they will use funds to proselytize needs to be explored, especially when dealing with communities and groups which are deeply religious. How can one discriminate against girls, women, men or even churches on the basis of their faith and decide that they are not eligible for public funding when they offer a high quality of education for all without religious discrimination? Can a balanced, integral and highquality education exist without any faith? In Burkina Faso spirituality is part of 11

Available at www.meba.govbf/SiteMeba/index.jsp, accessed on 9/07/2010; see the section on ‘Les partenaires’. 12 Burkina Faso means ‘a land where live people with dignity’.

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the final objectives in the Education Orientation Law. Christianity for the evangelical church is a way of life that comes from a choice based on free will. Tolerance and freedom characterize its peaceful coexistence with other faiths in Burkina Faso. The issue of faith in development has been raised with the World Bank and the churches in Africa (Belshaw et al., 2001). If the World Bank and other related donor agencies acknowledge the pertinent involvement of the churches in education, then the evangelical churches and Christian NGOs in Burkina Faso, promoting an integral approach to education, should not be left to struggle on their own. How much greater will be the results toward achieving the expected goals through high-quality education when they work in partnership with others to reach the global initiatives in trust and reciprocal relationships. There is harmony between the faiths in Burkina Faso, and their leaders collaborate to maintain peace at the national level. They can also influence their members to participate in the socio-economic development of the country. There are world leaders and organizations such as the Tony Blair Faith Foundation and others who now work with different Faith-Based Organizations.13 In the Ekklesia News Brief of 6 July 2009 the staff writers announced ‘The Department for International Development has said it will double the central funding for faith based groups’. Wherever humanitarian operations are supported with this money a new logo, UKAid, will be used to show UK citizens how development money is being spent. Tearfund said that the doubling of central funding for faith groups was a strong signal that faith groups and churches have often taken the lead in development of the world’s poorest countries.14 If faith is an obstacle to receiving institutional funding) for girls’ and women’s education (which is not the case for UKAid, then we can forget about countries in sub-Saharan Africa which lag behind in education, because the majority of those girls and women who need education are almost all affected by religion. They will not abandon their faith in exchange for free education. Who has said that the best education is opposed to individual faith in God? If this is the case, then it is no wonder that the enrolment rate of girls is among the lowest in Burkina Faso. The efforts of the religious groups, such as the Evangelicals, need to be matched by additional support in partnership, not the top-down control approach (Crossley and Watson, 2003), but a true partnership that enables them to care for all with religious sensitivity and with the respect of others. These private sectors will continue to support government educational plans, especially in rural areas where the demands are greater, if they are allowed to keep their distinctiveness, which is the source of their quality. 13 14

UK radio programme interviews on a project in Mali, April 2009. http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/node/9815, accessed on 07/07/2009.

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Another interesting aspect that should not be overlooked is that in addition to fulfilling the official programme, evangelical schools make a significant contribution to moral values, such as tolerance, gender, respect for public goods, love and care for one’s neighbours, and good citizenship. These values are transmitted within these communities, and they cannot be negotiated with money. Do the policy-makers not recognize this? In the light of global security Burkina Faso is a good example of a country where multi-faith communities live in peace and all try to get involved in the educational development of the country alongside the government. The leaders at different levels work in harmony to resolve conflict in the neighbouring countries and want to preserve these cultural values through education. It should be mentioned that the Roman Catholic Church was able to establish a convention with the government and obtained funding to assist it in providing education. During the year 2006-07 the equivalent of over £200,000 was allocated to them. This convention was reviewed and signed on 18 May 2009, allowing the church increased access. It is expected that when the evangelical communities come up with a similar protocol they also will receive support. That process needs to be speeded up before the end of the targeted goal of 2015. That good intention on the part of the government was reported by the spokesperson at the Ministers’ weekly Council of 18 May 2009.15 There must be a fundamental paradigm shift on the part of the government to enable the private sector to achieve more. The lack of adequate support obliges some practitioners to limit most of their intervention to urban areas, though this is not always the case with all evangelical schools and NGOs in the formal and nonformal education of girls. With more resources and training, churches and NGOs could open many schools in towns and villages, bringing education to all communities alongside the efforts of the government through innovative and best practices. UNICEF, which is the giant in this field, shows signs of supporting Muslimbased initiatives for girls’ education. They could do the same with evangelical schools and networks. The author recalls over the last twenty years dialogues between the evangelical formal education bodies and the government’s Department of Private Education asking them to reconsider their support for the church-related schools. At the time of writing good initiatives are in prospect on the part of both the church and the government. When that happens, the support should be on an equal footing, allowing them to continue expanding their contribution to all children and speeding up the national plans. It could also be argued that because of the reasons mentioned above some donor agencies do support the attitude of leaving the private schools at community level, such as those run by the evangelical churches, to fund themselves; otherwise the reverse would have been true. This does not rule out 15

Council of Ministers’ report in Le pays du 22-24 Mai 2009. www.lepays.bf/ spip.php?article1926

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the convention between the State and lay schools which do not profess a particular faith. The Evaluation of the African Girls’ Education Initiative Country case of Burkina Faso carried out by UNICEF in October 2003 is silent on the issue. Partnerships with faith-based groups From the early days of formal and non-formal education by the evangelical churches there was a partnership with missionaries, churches and Christian organizations abroad. Even when the number of expatriate missionaries decreased in favour of nationals taking over the leadership of churches and missions, a relational partnership can still exist between the educational programme and churches which formerly sent missionaries. Local members run such schools and where there are links with other churches and organizations abroad they often receive visits and support from time to time in terms of training and finance. AEAD, for instance, has a good partnership with other Christian organizations such as Tearfund UK, Kings Church International, DCI and other churches, families and individuals who help, pray and support the work. A new partnership is being developed with the Stromme Foundation and Woord en Daad. There are similar organizations at community level such as Burkina Faso Belm Initiative, which partner with their mayors’ support organizations in Burkina Faso with exchange visits. These types of partnerships are not only based on money transfers but on friendships, values and common vision. There is a mutual learning experience about girls’ and women’s education. AEAD, ANTBA and ACTS are all evangelical and members of the ROC16 but have among themselves similar programmes to the Speed School innovation in the country. Such partnerships, both at country level among the Christian groups, and support from outside the country, help to improve the delivery of educational services to vulnerable girls and women. Conditionality in Partnerships It has been highlighted in several reports from the global campaign17 that some donor countries impose heavy conditions on their support for education, to such an extent that in the end the child who needs basic education is deprived of his basic right or gets very little support. The Global Report indicates that money is needed not for luxury items, but for very basic education. It should be used to enable children to be taught by a qualified teacher, in a proper classroom, using a textbook and other learning material. That recommendation can be said to be true for every child in Burkina Faso, as many children are still out of school and many are in temporary shelters for their education, while many girls and women in the private sector go hungry in rural villages when receiving 16 17

ROC, le Réseau des organizations chrétiennes évangéliques du Burkina Faso. School report 2006: Global campaign for education.

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education, especially in the formal and non-formal sector such as AEAD education programmes in the Northern Region of Burkina Faso. In indicator number four of ‘Missing the Mark’,18 it has been noted that aid should be focussed on the poorest countries where girls most of all lack access to education. Many rich nations still allocate aid according to their own political, security, cultural and military links, which diverts aid from those who need it most. The analysis of the report shows that the practice of tying aid to the purchase of goods and services from the originating country (tied aid), and the use of expensive consultants remains a problem. Very few countries prove themselves willing to help countries to meet the running costs of education, especially the teachers’ salary bill. Rich countries and international financial institutions must work together to ensure that predictable resources are available over the long term to employ these indispensable professionals and provide classrooms, books, teachers and food. These are what are mostly required to scale up toward Education For All in poorer countries. Many donors remain far more willing to supply developing countries with expensive consultants than help to pay teachers’ salaries. These countries (Canada, Spain, Austria, Portugal, France, Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Italy, Belgium and the USA) are reported to provide more than 70% of their aid to education in the form of technical assistance: study tours, seminars, capacity building, workshops and policy advice which may or may not be wanted. A good deal of this ends up generating lucrative contracts for foreign experts.19 AEAD has developed a partnership for capacity building with CECI-WUSC20 for short-term placement of volunteers and has appreciated the support and experiences of Dicko Souleymane alongside other volunteers. Small groups at country level, such as communities, NGOs and churches which are active in providing basic education should benefit from valued partners in mutual terms and trust for the real needs of education for girls and boys. These types of partnership need to be revised if committed actors are to reduce poverty by supplying education to vulnerable groups such as girls and women. The concluding chapter will give food for thought and suggest practical recommendations. Conclusion This chapter stressed the point that partnership must be defined by all parties involved if it is to be productive. Critics cited in the literature support that view. However, possible and flexible partnerships can exit both locally and 18

GCE school report, 2006. GCE, ‘Missing the Mark’, April 2006. 20 WUSC stands for World University Service of Canada and CECI for Centre d’Etude et de Coopération Internationale. 19

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nationally. Their success depends on the nature of the partnerships and the types of organization that create the relationship. Loose alliances generally tend to work better than tight bureaucratic arrangements. It is now agreed that FBOs such as the churches and national NGOs, where they exist, are viable partners in development, especially with regard to girls’ and women’s education, and that governments and donor agencies are keen to partner them. The next chapter will present the conclusion and recommendations.

Chapter 9 Conclusion

Introduction Historical, social, cultural/religious and economic obstacles have hindered, and continue to hinder, the development of female education in Burkina Faso. Nevertheless, Faith-Based Organizations, especially evangelical ones like the Assemblies of God, have shown, and continue to show, innovative ways to improve girls’ and women’s education in the country. My own perceptions have changed as a result of these findings. This study set out to examine and overcome the obstacles to girls’ and women’s education through the eyes of the Evangelical Churches and Christian NGOs in a wider context with other stakeholders such as the State, the private sector and religious communities. This chapter will conclude with some recommendations and areas for further improvement in the field of education. The Historical Background The story of Burkina Faso, a landlocked country in Francophone West Africa, needs to be known globally, especially to the English reader. In a land where people live with dignity1, it is the churches, both Roman Catholic and Evangelicals that began the education system and which still make a qualitative contribution to this day. Maxime Compaoré (a specialist in Education History) in his conference stated that ‘… the first schools were the work of the White Catholic fathers in 1900…’2; that initiative was followed by the evangelical Assemblies of God church in 1948. I decided to investigate and assess the contribution of the evangelical churches from the beginning and later the Christian NGOs who are working alongside the government in providing formal and non-formal education, especially to girls and women, in a difficult geographical and economic context and discover whether they have contributed to or hindered girls’ and women’s access to a quality of education. While the Catholic Church did get some financial support from the colonial 1

Burkina Faso means a land where live people with dignity. Article written by Toé Abdoulaye in Le Pays Nº 4107 du 30/04/2008 Enseignement Catholique d’hier à aujourd’hui file://E:\Enseignement Catholique.htm 2

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administration at the beginning, in 1969 that support was cut off, and they gave back their schools providing basic education to the government, thus giving up primary education. My findings show that the Evangelical churches, however, continued to struggle all the way, using the official programme to provide education for all children without public financial support. These historical and socio-economic factors and the colonial legacy3, which did not take women’s education seriously, together with a culture dominated by men, have been among the root causes that hinder female education. However, at the same time there are indications that the Evangelical churches, and later the NGOs, have made a qualitative contribution that is worth sharing with the policy makers to show that there is a holistic approach in education (Delors 1996: 21). Among the educational innovations introduced are the Speed School, or the accelerated education system, and the Cha(i)nge Approach which could adapt different types of education, especially non-formal education to improve the lives of girls and women in Burkina Faso. These innovations are now being developed by governments in surrounding countries. As the evidence provided indicates, these innovations were tested over four years (2006-2010) and have proved to increase girls’ and women’s access to education. I looked at the contextual background of the country which has affected its educational achievement. Many researches and reports have listed Burkina Faso amongst the countries with the lowest female enrolment rate in the world (DFID 2006: 28-29). One needs to find reasons for the low school enrolment among girls and high illiteracy rates among women (World Bank, 1994-95). I looked at the culture, religions, gender, policies and practices of education to understand why it is the girls and women who are less educated. In addition to what the existing literature says (Brock, Brock-Cammish, King-Hill), my findings indicate that unless the geographical and climatic hindrances, with their consequences for socio-economic situations within education, are taken into account, it is easy to miss the point. Being landlocked, Burkina Faso is difficult to access, and education implemented by the former colonial powers started in coastal areas. This meant that the country was badly served, and that people needed to go to neighbouring countries for education until the churches took their responsibilities seriously to provide it. President Barack Obama, during his visit to Ghana /West Africa in July 2009, reminded Africans that they should take their future into their own hands. The French colonial legacy (Watson 1982: 26), in particular, constituted an obstacle due to its inappropriate and selective approach to education. Its socio-economic policies in favour of the colonial masters were among the factors that hindered girls’ and women’s education. Fifty years after independence, my findings support the above view.

3

See Sanou (1987:35).

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However, I argue that there are alternatives which come from the Evangelical churches and the FBOs in Burkina Faso. As pointed out by Jean Victor Ouédraogo’s article in the Sidwaya of 19 April 2007, traditional belief systems and religion have also contributed to favour a male-dominated education. Due to gendered family workloads girls and women do not have the same privileges as men. But the evangelical churches had a different reading of the situation. They decided to break the yoke and favour girls’ and women’s education by setting up schools, girls’ homes and literacy centres, often linked to the local church. In this case the pastor and his wife, or the missionary, played the role of the teacher until new members were trained to take over. This strategy helped to spread education throughout the country which started to make an impact in the nation. My evidence shows that the Evangelical Churches and NGOs have a higher percentage (AEAD 2008-2009) of women than men in their education programmes. One also needs to look at the broader world literature to understand the main issues facing education in the Third World, and particularly women’s education in Africa. These issues are similar to the ones experienced in Francophone West Africa and in Burkina Faso. An Engagement with the Literature on the Importance of Female Education for Development I reviewed the literature on the importance of female education for development, both at the African and the global level in order to have a broader picture of the topic. Watson (1982), Clignet (1971) and Altbach et al. (1978) supported the view that the colonial education system was not suited to the real needs of the people. Several EFA Global Reports (2001, 2007, 2008, 3 April 2009), however, indicate the role civil societies should play in favour of women’s education. Some literature, such as the DFID 2006 Education Report, spotted areas for future strategy for direct support to Francophone West Africa outside the formal Public Agreement Countries (PSA). While Burkina Faso is central geographically to Francophone West Africa, it is not part of the Public Agreement Services (PSA). As I have demonstrated in this research, maintaining historical links means that DFID has no direct support to address the need of girls and women, and this fact therefore increases the vulnerability of this target group. A further insight is to consider a revision of that policy which would give more opportunities to these communities who know very little about the historical links that hindered their socio-economic development. The DFID First Progress Report on Girls’ Education outlined priorities for action along with their commitment to the First Track Initiative (FTI). Thompson, Brock and Watson (1981 in IJED 1:1) and Bray (1986) pointed out what was required for Universal Primary Education (UPE) to be achieved. The Addis Ababa plan of (1961:21) also stressed the importance of female education on the grounds that education should be non-discriminatory. It is

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unlikely that the MDGs that came later will be realised unless these obstacles are addressed by all actors. Marshall (2005) was explicit that at the World Bank faith perspectives were not present in development plans. But things are changing, and the voice and contribution of the church are now welcomed. This study extends Marshall’s opinion in adducing the current contribution of the Evangelical Churches and NGOs in Burkina Faso to demonstrate that faith perspectives are important factors for integral development. It also points to the new element of acceptance that spirituality and moral values, love and care for the neighbour are valid complementary aspects of education. Local voices need to be heard at the global research level as well, and my addition to the existing literature was precisely to listen carefully to the voices of girls and women’s as they narrated their life stories around these issues (Trahar, 2006). Because most research is conducted by external researchers that do not live in the milieu; they often fail to understand the culture of the people during a short visit to the field. Therefore calls were heard for independent research that could throw light on policies and decision-makers. Crossley and Watson (2003) both stressed the importance of local researchers. With the rise of the civil society movement and the recognition of Faith-Based Organizations and their pertinent contributions to society, my research enriches the debate raised in the literature by examining the contribution made by Evangelical churches and Christian NGOs in Burkina Faso in favour of girls’ and women’s education. Voices from Burkina Faso such as the late Professor Ki-Zerbo (1990), along with many from the World Bank, have indicated that in sub-Saharan African countries girls’ and women’s education constitutes a problem. Hyde stated that ‘Some of the world’s poorest countries, with some of the world’s highest illiteracy rates, lie in Sub-Saharan Africa’ (Hyde 1993:100). While this is the case, at one time these authors, who did not understand the local culture and context, failed to either analyse the root causes of this illiteracy or suggest alternative ways of resolving them. This survey acknowledges the problem but adds that considerable progress has been made with the application of the new reform policy, the use of the national languages (Watson 1982: 190, 1993a; 2007) and the contribution of civil societies such as the FBOs (Alidou 2009:107). Although in the past reforms did not survive long enough to assess the value of the experiment, my findings indicate, however, that Evangelical Churches and NGOs in partnership with the government have tested these local initiatives and intend to scale them up both in Burkina Faso and surrounding nations. The EFA reports recognized the contribution of religious groups and NGOs in improving education. The Association for Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) has met in different countries over the years to discuss at a national and continental level how best to reach the EFA goals which focus on girls’ and women’s education. Although it was evident from the ADEA meetings that some countries like Burkina Faso were ahead in reforming their educational systems (Thompson 1981: 26), there were some countries which

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were not ready to use their national languages in the education reform and as a result failed to implement reforms for socio-political reasons. However, Burkina is leading in educational reforms and innovations with the use of national languages (Traoré, Kaboré and Roamba, 2009). Brock-Utne and Skattum (2009) support this view. The evidence about the Speed School concept and the Cha(i)nge Approach presented above proves that they work. The literature review also examined the role and influence of traditional African religions and Islam in education. It is within this dynamic that later progress by the Ministry of Education and Literacy needs to be understood, though the aspect of quality and the role and responsibility of all stakeholders still needs to be addressed. I have also analysed the gender, socio-economic and cultural obstacles. Analysis of Gender, Socio-Economic and Cultural Obstacles I examined the obstacles to girls’ and women’s education and considered existing cultural and religious barriers. Economic poverty as indicated by the evidence (MEBA 2007) is a crucial issue which influences who should go to school and who should get married first, because in some cultures giving a girl child in marriage early brings income to the family. The reasoning in that context is why bother to send her to school if she is going to get married anyway and leave the family? The costs of the opportunity to them are more obvious than the benefits of sending her to a school which uses a foreign language, and which has little impact on their everyday life. Gender-based issues such as female genital cutting (FGC), and early forced marriages are part and parcel of ordinary families’ life in these communities, even if there are laws and organizations fighting against them. Alongside these I discovered other structural obstacles. The findings suggest that not all evangelical bodies have had the same vision of education from the beginning. Interviews with church leaders at the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions (FEME) support the view that many churches now understand the need for greater involvement in education alongside the Assemblies of God church and Christian NGOs, but they are trapped by a lack of vision and financial resources. At the structural level the main obstacle, as stated above, is a lack of financial resources linked to shortages in capacity building. But, as was argued in the section on partnerships, money alone, with the adoption of a top-down approach, will dilute quality and affect sustainability. There needs to be a flexible financial partnership with mutual understanding between the partners. There are also major gender inequalities which are deeply rooted in the culture that need challenging if girls and women are to have the full benefit of their education. As discussed in chapter five, within some cultures girls and women are not highly regarded and are often used as commodities (interview with Douna, 2007). This is contrary to the Christian ethos. Those who are oppressed are attracted to the Christian faith where the

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local church is considered a point of refuge. The in-depth life stories heard in the face-to-face interviews brought this evidence to light. Levirate, early forced marriage, custody and FGC are practices that still hinder the socio-cultural development of girls and women. A study made by the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy with the UN Systems in Burkina Faso identified further persistent obstacles to girls’ and women’s education as listed below. I have learned that not all these obstacles have been overcome, and that the Evangelical Churches and FBOs need to increase their advocacy alongside similar organizations to fight against them on a larger scale. Regarding the access of girls to school the priority list of obstacles comprises: 1. The poverty of parents 2. The ignorance of parents regarding the importance of girls’ education 3. The high cost of education 4. The irrelevance of schools as seen by parents 5. Girls’ sexual harassment by male teachers. As identified by the school principals, the major obstacles affecting girls’ education are early and forced marriages. Within the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions, there are those who caught the vision late and now want to join those who offer girls and women access to education. The SIM and CEAC have developed initiatives with different emphases on either formal or non-formal education. Geographical distance has also been noted as affecting most girls’ safety on their way to school. The Assemblies of God Church also has its own weaknesses, such as a lack of coordination, financial resources and capacity building. This survey has identified these obstacles and looked at how the education system in Burkina offered opportunities to the churches and NGOs to overcome them. Many of the obstacles are similar to those identified by Brock and Cammish (1991) in their research. Unique Contribution to Knowledge from Burkina Faso This study is located in the discipline of education, especially women’s education, and also relates to gender, religion and economics. It brings to the surface the contribution made by Christian groups to the life of a nation in terms of socio-economic values such as faith and moral values. By using narrative in research it brings to public awareness the voices of the girls and women as suggested by Trahar (2006). It shows how through the years the church quietly, and in difficult circumstances, advocated freedom and better education for girls and women. These facts agree with Marshall (2010) when she says: ‘…with their important direct contributions to “service delivery”, faith institutions play important but complex, and often insufficiently appreciated, roles in overall global education and could contribute more than they now do’. She added, ‘Faith leaders and institutions offer particular

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advantages in meeting the pivotal challenges of education in conflict ridden societies, for marginalized groups, and for girls’. My findings support Marshall’s intention with regard to the Evangelical Churches and Christian NGOs in Burkina Faso. They enrich her statement by affirming that in Burkina Faso the NGOs, alongside the church and the government and partners, initiated approaches to improve girls’ and women’s situation. The innovations of the Speed Schools and the Theory of Cha(i)nge approaches analysed in chapters (3:3, 6:5, 8:4) are of special interest because of their introduction of alternative routes to accelerate girls’ and women’s education. Ramata Sana4 of the town of Lèba in Zondoma Province is one among hundreds who participated in the pilot project of the Speed School of AEAD in October 2006. She was among the 14 candidates out of 21 who succeeded in the CEP. With 66.6% success rates in 2009 and 82.17% in 2010 in the national pilot project, it indicates that it can be done. Ramata entered the Speed School at the age of ten in 2006-2007 and studied for only three years (one at the Speed School, and two years in the classic public school) to reach the same goals others would normally reach in six years if they do not repeat a class. She won the third Prize for Excellence in Basic Education in the Lèba school league. She had the support of her parents, and her father agreed not to pledge her to a forced marriage. The Speed School strategy could make a significant contribution toward achieving the MDGs. This study helps to point out that values like faith and tolerance are also components of high-quality education. The above innovations are among the new things I have learned. These insights contribute new forms of knowledge about girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. One of the original features of this survey, therefore, has been its provision of a study at grass-roots level that will inform the International Community, such as the English-speaking world, the UK government and similar organizations such as the First Track Initiative (FTI), the United Nations Girls’ Education Initiative (UNGEI), the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) and UNICEF, among others, of the opportunities to open up new mechanisms of partnership and better diplomatic relations with Burkina Faso where there is the potential, as supported by the evidence presented here, to reach these vulnerable groups. I have described working local, national and regional initiatives by the evangelical churches and NGOs to support female education. A Tearfund press release of July 2009 and the DFID White Paper of 6 July 2009 entitled ‘Building our Common Future’ both support this view. There is plentiful evidence that Education for All, especially for girls and women, is possible. Boys and girls, men and women can have access to a quality of education that will not uproot them from their value systems and faith in God. 4

AEAD Speed the School report, July 2009. See also P. Ouédraogo’s article in http://www.lepays.bf/spip.php?article288 of 14th October 2009, Le pays No 4471, accessed on 27th October.

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Such notions of educating the whole person will contribute to making them better and more responsible citizens. These findings contribute to the existing literature, and support research such as that by Brock (1997), Sanou (1985) and Valléan (1996) and the MEBA (2007). Evidence-Based Results from the Evangelical Schools in Burkina Faso I also compared, in the course of my research, the results of the evangelical schools with those of the public ones. Data from the government, professionals and parents were collected, interpreted and analysed. It was evident that the evangelical churches and NGOs made a significant contribution to girls’ and women’s education in terms of access and quality, beating the public schools in the examination league tables. Not only were the academic results better, but there was evidence that the Christian ethos was a desirable value which parents were looking for in sending their children to evangelical schools. These findings have changed my views on how faith communities other than Christian ones perceive girls’ and women’s education provided by the Evangelical churches and NGOs. The data collected in Chapters Six and Seven clearly supported by evidence, indicates that the evangelical churches and Christian NGOs’ contribution to girls’ and women’s education is the best in the country. In relation to girls’ formal education especially, the quality difference is between 18-19 percentage points above the national results in 2004 and 2005. My research has shown that these schools have a better gender balance than the public schools, both in formal and non-formal education. The case study of the Centre region of Kadiogo province proved that they are the best providers of girls’ and women’s education (see 6.4). As my evidence shows, by building on their past and present experience the churches and NGOs can bring an additional value to the education system in Burkina Faso and at the same time accelerate basic education for all as supported by the six EFA goals (UNESCO 2009). I further sought to analyse and interpret all the primary sources collected over the five-year research period. The methodological tools and techniques used led me to affirm that the Evangelical churches and Christians NGOs made, and still make, a substantial contribution to education, especially in relation to girls’ and women’s education. The political will and the Education Orientation Law 013-2007/AN are very favourable to that contribution. Indepth interviews with parents, girls and women, school principals and the inspectorate, church leaders and government ministers all agree on the validity of the churches’ contribution to education, especially with regard to that of girls and women. Old girls who became school principals spoke out about the socio-economic and spiritual impact they had experienced through benefiting from education provided by the church and related bodies. Parents, who are not members of the evangelical church, and others coming from other faiths, also

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support this claim and prefer to send their children to Evangelical schools. This is echoed in non-formal settings in rural areas where Christianity is not an obstacle but a valued way of life that takes care of the whole person. As my research has shown, Burkina Faso is a model to the rest of the world both in terms of the Education Law 013-2007/AN and in how community and faith can help to shape a nation and bring socio-economic development and spiritual values to people. Girls’ and women’s education, therefore, is not an end in itself, but rather a means to an end. With and through, education, girls and women should be empowered economically and socially to contribute to a better life. Literacy helps them to read God’s Word, the Bible, and introduces them to general knowledge. This brings them to know the Christian values that influence life, gives them hope through hardship, and leads them to become better citizens living in harmony with their neighbours. Zents (2005) pointed out that women’s voices should be heard more and the church should look at ways to increase their training and participation in church and community life since they make up the majority of the population (Aikman and Unterhalter, 2005). However, the church still needs to proceed with the policy of training more women and recognising them in a greater leadership role. I have listened to the women who unfolded their stories referred to throughout this account, and particularly in Chapters Seven and Eight, through open-ended semistructured interviews. The material was lengthy, and it could not all be included either in the main text or even in the appendices. However, through the analysis and interpretations, their voices can be heard. Peaceful Relations between Faith Communities in the area of Education My research has led me to cross the paths of different stakeholders, including traditional chiefs and kings, and with Muslim leaders. My findings show that peaceful cohabitation and collaboration exist between different faith groups in Burkina Faso. Traditional kings, chiefs, and Muslim communities send their children to evangelical schools because of the quality and moral values. This study has shown a new insight into peaceful relations that are unique in SubSaharan Africa, let alone in West Africa, and should be preserved. Although each keeps its values and traditions, all cooperated in providing education for girls and women. While in some countries neutrality in education is the norm, the new insight illustrated here is that as long as there is quality and integrity in education, religious education is not an obstacle to parents of other faiths sending their children to evangelical schools in Burkina Faso. I recall the community leaders from other faiths coming to the local village’s pastor requesting that AEAD should set up an adult literacy centre, a Speed School, or even help to establish a local church in their community. Such comments were witnessed in towns and villages such as Niessega, Ratyiri in Zondoma Province, Somyanga and

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Lougouri in Yatenga Province in the north where 85 to 90% are Muslims, and Pibaoré in the Centre North.

Community leaders at Ratyiri, Northern Burkina Faso: AEAD I have also observed during the research period how often the Muslim communities came along to support the Christian communities in social and development work. In addition, local churches are places of education and government food distribution centres during famine. There is more to say here but I will focus on the conclusion: this tolerance, family relations, communities and solidarity among faith-based groups are worth preserving at all cost. These true stories are unique in Burkina Faso, adding to the existing literature and should be shared globally. Burkina Faso’s Government’s Attitude to Evangelical Educational Programmes Before commencing this research, I was uncertain about the government’s attitude towards the Evangelical schools. It often appears, due to the historical background discussed earlier, that they were viewed as competitors, even though they deliver education to children without gender, ethnic and religious discrimination. But after talking to many officials during my field-work, I discovered that the general attitude of the government is positive but there are still obstacles which the Evangelical Church and Christian NGOs need to address to become viable partners with the state in education. Although the

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Church works hard to produce better results in education, many of the Evangelical churches work at the level of their congregations and do not have a common voice in which to engage in dialogue with the government. The FEME mostly deals with church members and missions, but it has now formed a coalition to fight HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. With many diverse groups and a lack of capacity building, the government seems unable to build an adequate partnership with the Evangelical church and related NGOs. The Evangelical church and Christian NGOS have taken note of that obstacle and have now formed networks such as the Network of Evangelical Organizations (ROC) and the Alliance of Evangelical Schools and Universities of Burkina Faso (AESEB). Six months after its official registration, AESEB numbered 90 member schools, 63 of which were founded by Churches5. The membership is increasing. The former obstacle has now become part of the solution. In the education sector the government is now willing to form a partnership with the Alliance. Katherine Marshall pointed out that: … faith leaders and institutions are in some situations and parts of the world and on occasion “part of the problems”. They can both represent doubters, stalling the push for universal education, the most notable example being the case for girls. Yet faith leaders can and should, in many instances, be “part of the solution”. This would involve first, a more active effort to engage them and seek their view; to share research information, and to take their contributions into account. (Marshall 2010)

Marshall (2010) was more positive about the contribution of FBOs in education and encourages their participation in global, national, and local education discussions and policy making. ‘But the values of faith traditions, their extensive and often path-breaking work, and their commitment to human progress, suggest that faith communities should be key allies in the global effort to bring education for all’ (Marshall 2010: 10). My findings support Marshall’s point of view, and even make it more explicit in adding a new insight that because FBOs can be part of the solution, financial and technical resources should be given to them to help governments achieve their education plans in favour of boys, girls and women, as long as their strategies are complementary to the government policies while maintaining their specific quality. Further Partnership for Female Education Looking at the socio-economic context at the local and national level, I noticed that further partnerships were still needed to increase the provision and the quality of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso. The national 5

AESEB report of 19 April 2010.

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education policies are tied to the EFA goals. The Global Campaigns for Education (GCE) advocate that rich countries should make significant resources available to help achieve these goals in developing countries. It is now obvious from this study, and from reports such as DFID’s First Progress Report on Girls’ Education of December 2006, that Francophone West Africa is an area of need worth focusing upon. Although the UK presence is not very visible in Burkina Faso compared with other neighbouring countries such as Ghana, in the new web page of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy launched in April 2008 the UK is listed among the financial partners. Some donors are reluctant to partner organizations outside their historical links. This could explain why some countries and communities, with fewer natural resources, are struggling to provide social services. Through this research there has been a growing understanding that governments should move beyond historical colonial links and interests if girls and women are to be educated. The Phelps-Stokes Commission (Omeka 1980: 219), which in the past revised British colonial attitudes, argued that everything should be done to help local communities which are trapped by poverty and ignorance and need the opportunity to live a dignified life. The DFID (2006) education report has taken a further step towards working in areas outside the PSA agreements; this could be beneficial to Burkina Faso. The civil society in Burkina Faso, of which I am a member, is strong and very present at community level. Its members are among the ones who work to assist the government, and the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy6 has written officially to thank them for increasing the literacy rates in the country during the last few years. I have examined local partnerships which work; these can be between FBOs, or networking with the local authorities, churches and NGOs. Moving from the local to national or international level, flexible partnerships defined by all parties are recommended. However, the top-down approach, with binding conditions focussing mainly on the interests of the donor agency and without bearing in mind the socio-cultural and religious beliefs of the people, is seen to be wanting (Watson, 2000). With the Africa Declaration supported by the British government, there is hope that DFID will expand its Public Services Agreement to Burkina Faso, and that the UK government will improve its diplomatic relations by setting up an Embassy in Ouagadougou along with the Americans and others, so that they can better implement their policies for that region to improve girls’ school enrolment and women’s literacy rates. There are good signs coming from the British government: on 6 July 2009 DFID decided to double its central funding for Faith-Based Groups. At the local level there are networks and consortia that help at the interface with the government. The network of Christian 6

Education: le MEBA salue l’action de la www.lepays.bf/quotidien/pot-pourri.php?numj=4080).

société

civile

(Le

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organizations (ROC) in the civil society and the Alliance of Evangelical schools (AESEB), along with the evangelical churches, work toward achieving better results in education especially for girls and women who lag behind. A major concern for success in education in this case is a mutual understanding in any partnership. The classical top-down conditions will not work with the civil society but Faith-Based Organizations such as the evangelical churches and Christian NGOs have a place, if we are looking at the best interests of the people we want to serve. These structures should be valued in the partnerships so that they can bring their full contribution to the table. When such contributions by quality service providers are matched with institutional funding channelled down to school founders and managers at community level and geared to the individual child or participant, there could then be hope of accelerating progress toward quality education for all. I have found that in Burkina Faso a large portion of girls, boys and women still do not have access to basic education.

Access first and then quality to education: AEAD What Have I Learned through the Process? Before the beginning of the research I had little understanding of the complexity of the task ahead of me. My world view of girls’ and women’s education was narrow, and in fact very limited, even within the Evangelical church to which I belong. This progress through induction, literature review, field work, analysis and interpretation has given me new and wider insights for

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my own development. It has also contributed to a better understanding of the role of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso in particular. Girls’ and women’s education is a key to the socio-economic development of the nation. Key factors and obstacles have been highlighted, and the Evangelical Churches and NGOs have made a significant contribution to overcoming them. However, there are still major weaknesses in terms of vision, types of education, partnerships and capacity building that need to be remedied. I have learned that the increase in school enrolment in recent years was possible because of the contribution of the private sector such as FBOs, but there is still a lot to do in order to achieve an acceptable level of economic development. As the EFA Global Monitoring Report (2009: 9) pointed out: ‘There is strong evidence linking education to higher economic growth and productivity.’ As my findings indicate, within the existing difficulties of girls’ and women’s education in Burkina Faso, there is hope and progress when the government and the FBOs such as Evangelical Churches and NGOs join hands and resources to address these issues. My informed opinion is to make better use of the findings of the research for a valuable contribution to girls’, boys’, and women’s education in Burkina Faso and the developing world through the concept of the Speed School and the theory of Cha(i)nge. The Minister of Education and Literacy in Burkina Faso (MEBA) is aware of this research and has taken the initiative to share its findings with the national educational authorities and networks once it is completed. My findings will be shared with Mali, Niger, Benin and other countries through existing networks. I will conclude by making some recommendations and suggest areas for further research. Recommendations 1. The evidence presented here shows the role played by the churches and NGOs in education, especially in favour of girls and women (see sections 4.4, 4.4.1, 5.2, 6.6, 6.5.2). The depth of the research also permitted investigation of formal and non-formal education by the Evangelical churches, with particular reference to the Assemblies of God and Christian NGOs. Based on the research findings from the primary sources from interviews with Yanogo (2005), Kientega (2005), Ouédraogo (2005), Moussa (2005), Ibrango and Gouba (2006), Douna (2007) and Windiga (2006, 2008, 2009) and the statistics for female education in Burkina Faso, I therefore recommend that all other churches at local or national level, groups, and individuals, families, and associations, should become involved in formal and non-formal education in support of the government’s education plans, and also to contribute to the socio-cultural/economic development of the whole person. This recommendation accords with what Matthew Frost, Chief Executive of Tearfund UK, believes: ‘We passionately believe that local churches have

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something extremely valuable to offer, around the world’.7 More actors from the evangelical world should offer support to our population and make a contribution towards the national plan for EFA goals. 2. In Burkina Faso, education is a national priority. The political will led the government to vote a new reformed Education Orientation Law 013-2007AN (see section 4.2.1, Decree 99-221) which outlines the legal scope religious groups, individuals, churches and NGOs have in the education sector. While this legal scope exists, it has not been easy for the Evangelical schools, both at the church, NGO and individual level, to access financial support from public funds. On the basis that female education remains low in Burkina Faso (see the introduction to Section 5), and bearing in mind the analysis of Rostow, who argued that a minimum requirement for a country to take off economically is 40% literacy (see section 2.1), the declaration of both Kofi Annan and James D. Wolfensohn in Section 3.5.2, the DFID Girls’ Education Strategy in 3.9, 3.9.1 and the findings of Summers (1993) in Section 3.7, the author recommends that more financial support should be made available to evangelical churches and Christian NGOs to increase the quantity and the quality of their contribution to basic and non-formal education and literacy. Michael Crossley and Watson (2003: 45) pointed out that ‘some schools in Sub-Saharan Africa do not exist as buildings. Rather, they are made up of groups of children sitting in the open air under trees, at least during the dry season’. The Chief Executive of Tearfund supports that statement when he added in ‘The thick of it’ that: ‘… we need to see governments and donors harness the unique position of the church-based organizations to make sure that people in poor communities have a greater say about decisions that impact their livelihoods and wellbeing…’(Tearfund 2009).

Such support will help bring education nearer to all children and develop capacity building in running costs, equipping and training. Those involved in non-formal education, such as the Speed Schools and adult literacy, should have access to public funds and national funds for non-formal education and literacy (FONAENF). These formalized partnerships and agreements will give sufficient support to increase their capacity in the delivery of educational services. 3. Crossley and Watson (2003: 96) argue that multilateral and bilateral agencies adopt a top-down approach to development, and Hoppers (2001) shows that research is often dominated by issues that are in greatest interests of the governments of the north (Crossley and Watson 2003:98). Based on the evidence of heavy conditionality imposed by some donor countries (see Section 7

News Brief in Ekklesia about the local churches seen as key to meeting development needs. Http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/node/9940, accessed on 20/07/2009.

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8.9) and international donor agencies, the author recommends an increase in funding without conditional ties that force partners to buy goods and expertise from donor countries, and better diplomatic relations with Burkina Faso located at the heart of West Africa, if non-existent, in order to work alongside an emerging Sub-Saharan country that has vigorous people who want to transform their communities for the better (see Sections 3.9.1, 8.8.1). Burkina Faso is ahead in terms of innovative education and has a strong civil society. These ingredients, together with the political will, can be a catalyst for socioeconomic growth once the opportunity for learning is offered to all, especially to girls and women. Burkina Faso has demonstrated through difficult economic circumstances and geographical handicaps that people with good will and high social and religious values can face challenges and offer the best at grassroots level through community involvement that is often religious. The churches and Christians NGOs with their past contribution can still, through innovative approaches, point to the future. 4. The last recommendation points to the need for building and safeguarding harmony within the family unit. Harmonious families will see the benefit of complementary responsibilities between husbands and wives who will be role models for their own children and society at large. The findings from the primary data collected from the focus groups in Section 6.6, face-to-face interviews with Rapademnaaba (see Section 7.5), Windiga in Section 4.5, and Ibrango and Gouba in 5.2 made it obvious that the changes in behaviour that result from education provided by the churches and Christian NGOs bring an added value to reducing poverty. Traditionally, the Indicators for Human Development were based more on economic factors, leaving out the value systems of the people concerned. Marshall (2005) recognized the holistic contribution to the FBOs in conflict resolution, running schools, helping the poor in need, and care for orphans and disabled people. Burkina Faso’s churches, Christians NGOs and communities are at the forefront in caring for the elderly and strengthening family units. Such values are less present in the West and should be included among the criteria of Human Development Indicators if one considers that economic growth alone does not guarantee harmony between husbands, wives and children in the family (see Section 3.9.5). If the FBOs’ contribution to holistic female education is taken into account in the yearly evaluation of the Indicators Indices, Burkina Faso, instead of being among the poorest countries, will become a blessing to the rest of the world (see World Bank 1994-95: 353 and World Bank 2004: 322). Areas for further research This survey comprises a comparative and narrative investigation into the contribution of the Assemblies of God Church and Christian NGOs to overcoming obstacles to female education in Burkina Faso. As a researcher I was concerned with a particular section of society that is disadvantaged in terms of education, culture and economic freedom, and tried to find out the

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reasons why it is disadvantaged. Education, of course, is not only for females, nor is it solely a matter for the evangelical churches and Christian NGOs. Throughout the study reference was often made to other churches and religious groups, namely the Roman Catholic Church and the lay and Muslim communities in Burkina Faso, but the focus remained on the issue of women and girls. A further research area could be to study the contribution of both the Roman Catholics and the evangelicals to see how Christianity has contributed to female education in other parts of Burkina Faso. A second area for further research could be to find out what happens to girls and women once they have received education through Faith-Based Organizations. What do they do with their education in terms of socio-economic development, and how does it impact on the harmony and stability of their families? A third topic could be comparative study on boys in poor rural areas. Maybe they too suffer in a similar manner from the lack of opportunities to get a good education. I hope to have prepared the ground for further research by presenting a reflection on the formal and non-formal education of girls and women provided by the evangelical churches of Burkina Faso and other NGOs. I trust that others will build upon this study and use the framework of a qualitative research into education, or some of the information given in this survey, in other disciplines for the benefit of girls and women not only in Burkina Faso but also in other parts of the developing world.

Appendix 1: Questionnaire For sampling representations of interviewees see Section 1.3.7 Type of questionnaire used (open-ended to one-to-one and to focus groups) for Church Denomination Leaders, Christian NGOs, School Principals, and Christian Women’s Associations Stage one: 1. What do you do for girls’ and women’s education? 2. Why do you think it is also important to educate girls and women? 3. Why do you think the church got involved in providing formal education? 4. Why do you think the church got involved in non-formal education? 5. What is the difference between the church-run schools and the public schools? 6. Where would you prefer to send your daughter to school? And why? 7. How many schools (or literacy centres) do you have where girls and women also have access? 8. What results do you have in these programmes? 9. What are the benefits and disadvantages of girls’ and women’s education? 10. What impact have Evangelical churches made on girls and women? 11. What advice would you give to the church about girls’ and women’s education? 12. Are there any other comments? Stage two: The beneficiaries: Present pupils, old girls, and women who went through the evangelical schools 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

How long have you been in this school or centre? Why have you chosen to come to this school? What are the benefits you have that marked your life? Is there any difference between this school and any other school? Do you have a life-changing experience to share from being in these schools? What would you like to see changed in this school? What do you value most in being in the church-run school? What are the negative aspects of the evangelical schools? What kind of education do you think is most important for girls and women for the church to be involved? Are there any other comments?

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Stage three: Questionnaires to inspectorates, government officials, literacy co-ordinators, women’s associations and church leaders 1. Why provision is made for girls’ and women’s education? 2. What are the obstacles in girls’ and women’s education? 3. What is the impact (social, economic, spiritual, and cultural) on girls and women from their education? 4. What needs to be done to improve girls’ and women’s access to education? 5. What values does Christian education impart to girls and women? 6. How do religions affect girls’ and women’s education? 7. What is the contribution educated girls and women make in shaping religion and ethics? 8. How do girls and women compete with men or perform in the job market? 9. What ought the evangelicals to do in terms of girls’ and women’s education? 10. What results does evangelical education have on girls?

Appendix 2: MEBA Organigramme The MEBA organigramme is designed as follows. (MEBA 2009)

Liste des abréviations1 CEB: Circonscription d’Education de Base CRIEF: Centre de Recherches des Innovations Educatives et de la Formation CPPP: Coordination des Plans, Projets et Programmes CT: Conseiller Technique DAF: Direction de l’Administration et des Finances DCPM: Direction de la Communication et de la Presse Ministérielle DEC: Direction des Examens et Concours DG/AENF: Direction Générale de l’Alphabétisation et de l’Education Non Formelle DEP: Direction des Etudes et de la Planification DPEF: Direction de la Promotion de l’Education des Filles 1

I have left the abbreviations and their definitions in the original form to help maintain the cohesion of the text.

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DEB Privé: Direction de l’Enseignement de Base Privé DGEB: Direction Générale de l’enseignement de base DAMSE: Direction de l’Allocation des Moyens Spécifiques aux Ecoles DAFD: Direction de l’Alphabétisation/ Formation pour le Développement DRH: Direction de Ressources Humaines ITS: Inspection Technique des Services DENF: Direction de l’Education Non Formelle DREBA: Direction Régionale de l’Enseignement de Base DPEBA: Direction Provinciale de l’Enseignement de Base et de l’Alphabétisation DRDP: Direction de la Recherche et du Développement Pédagogique DRINA: Direction de la Recherche des Innovations en Education Non Formelle et en Alphabétisation ENEP: Ecoles National des Enseignants du Primaire SP: Secrétariat Permanant SP/PDDEB: Secrétariat Permanant du Plan Décennal de Développement de l’Education de Base S.SG: Services du Secrétariat Général DG/CRIEF: Direction Générale du Centre de Recherche des Innovations Educatives et de Formation

Bibliography

Primary Sources Interviews and Audiences 2004-2010 INTERVIEWS

Compaoré, Sabine (Mrs.), 8 February 2006 at the SIL, Ouagadougou. Head of finances of the National Association of Bible Translation and Literacy (ANTBA) to support literacy throughout the country and develop curricula in several local languages. Damoaliga, Jokébed: 9 February 2005 at 8pm in her home. Old girl of Loumbila, teacher at the national health teacher training school and member of the national Christian Medical Fellowship in Ouagadougou. Douna, Hamidou, June 2007. President of SIM churches in Burkina Faso. Gouba Tobado, 22 February 2006 in his office at CIE Ouagadougou, Pastor. The second national school teacher, he helped the missionary Dupret who started the first evangelical primary school in 1948. He taught in primary education for 37, years both private and public. Promoted the school at the International Centre for Evangelism (CIE). FOCUS GROUPS

Group of present girls at Boulmiougou Evangelic College, 21 February 2005 at 11a.m. in Ouagadougou; they were teenagers from different cultural and religious backgrounds. Group of parents, 5 March 2005 at 8:25 am at College Boulmiougou Evangelic Ouagadougou, these parents, who are not members of the Evangelical Churches, made critical comments on Evangelical schools and formal education. Group of six rural women, 22 February 2005 at 2.24 in a local church in a village in northern Burkina. Some of these women earlier ran away from home and later went through the church adult literacy programme. Non-formal and informal education. Ibrango, Lakoué, March 2006, in his office in Ouahigouya, Northern Region, former school advisor, Headmaster of the Evangelical School with 40 years’ experience of teaching in the same school in a largely Muslim town; advocate for positive discrimination in favour of girls’ education and parents’ attitudes to girls’ education. Kaboré, Salamata 19 February 2005 at 9.40 am in Loumbila Young Girls’ College in the Oubritenga Province. Salamata is from a Muslim background, old girl and head of Loumbila Young Girls’ College after the French AOG missionaries have left the leadership, Formal quality girls’ education Kientega, Innocent, 21 February 2005 at 11:30 in his office at LTPAD Ouagadougou. Pastor and director of the AOG technical school. Kébré, Rachel, 22 February 2005 in the village church building in the north, She is a women’s group leader in the community.

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Koumbemba, André, 19 February 2005 at Koubri. Pastor and teacher at Koubri Girls’ college Koumbemba, Rosalie, 19 February 2005 at 1.40pm at the Girls’ College at Koubri. She is the Head and also an old girl of Loumbila. Formal education. Ouédraogo, Antoinette, 9 February 2005 at 7:30pm in Ouagadougou. She is an old girl of Loumbila and works at the state school Inspectorate, and is a pastor’s wife. Ouédraogo Nopoko, Elisabeth, 11 March 2006 at Zinko in Sanmatenga Province in the Centre North, With Prosper, her husband, opened their home in the village of Zinko like many of his fellow pastors across the country, to receive girls whowere running away to freedom. Three months after the interview Elisabeth Nopoko passed away. Non-formal and informal education. Ouédraogo, Moussa, 22 February 2005 at 1:30pm. He is the coordinator of the adult literacy programme of the Christian organizations ANTBA and AEAD in the Northern Region, with over 70 per cent female participation without religious discrimination. Non-formal education. Ouédraogo, Simon and Mrs, 23 December 2005, Pastor in the Assemblies of God church in Yako, Passoré Province, reported having received 77 girls in difficulties in their home and helped them until marriage without any public financial support. Canal Viim Koega CVK (AOG Church TV programme) Ouédraogo, William, 21 February 2005 at 10:15 am. Principal at Boulmiougou Evangelic secondary school, providing formal education to both boys and girls. Rapademnaaba, Fati, 2004 & 2005. Pastor’s wife and women’s national leader and Bible teacher, opened her home to welcome many girls in difficulties without public financial support for over sixty years. Non-formal and informal education. Sam, Jean, 18 March 2006 at Niosna village, Bazega Province. Pastor; with his wife he opened their home to receive girls in difficulties without public financial help. Informal education. Simporé, Sibiri, 20 March 2006 in his home in Ouagadougou. Pastor and former Secretary General of the Association of Evangelical Educators in Burkina Faso, Member of the National Executive Board of Assemblies of God Church till January 2010, resource person in Evangelical schools. Tapsoaba, Flavien, 8 February 2006 in his home in Ouagadougou. Pastor, Executive Member of the Federation of Evangelical Churches and Missions in Burkina Faso, former President of the Apostolic Mission Church, founder of the Raoul School Complex for basic education. Valléan, T. Felix, Professor at The University of Koudougou, Burkina Faso was helpful in meeting three times to discuss about context and educational history of Burkina Faso during 2007-2009, both at the University of Koudougou and Ouagadougou. Windiga, Philippe. Deputy Director, Head Office of Private Education (DEP) Secondary and high level. Burkina Faso, 6 March 2006, February 2008, 2009, on the attitude of the government of private secondary and high education. Yanogo, Wendyam (Mrs.), 21 February 2005 at 5 pm in her office. She is a school inspector at Ouaga 2. She provides pedagogical teacher training to both public and private schools including the Evangelical one in her area. Formal basic education. Zongo, Abel, February 2006. Pastor, Director of the Association of Evangelical schools of Assemblies of God of Burkina Faso. Abel is in charge of running of 49 primary schools (2009) of the Assemblies of God Church in Burkina Faso. Zongo (née Yanogo), Priscille, 28 May 2005 at 3.30 pm in the residence of Burkina Faso’s Embassy in Washington DC. Priscille is an old girl of Loumbila, a diplomat and also the Second Lady, wife of the Prime Minister Tertius Zongo.

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AUDIENCES

Bonkoungou, Odile: Minister of Basic Education and Literacy, 6 March 2008, 8 October 2009, 18 February 2010 in her Cabinet Office, with the Regional Director of the Stromme Foundation and AEAD, ANTBA, ACTS on the Speed School experiment in Burkina Faso, with AESEB Committee, AEAD partners. Ilboudo, Clémence: Secretary General of the Ministry of Women’s Promotion of Burkina Faso. Interviewed on 6 February 2009 at the Cabinet from 10-12a.m. on the national policy in overcoming obstacles to girls’ and wwomen’s education. Konkobo, Mathias: Director of Private Education: Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy of Burkina Faso, 6 March 2006, on government attitudes to Evangelical schools. Sanou, Bernadette Dao: Director General of the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy, Centre for Research, Education Innovations and Training, April 2008; met with her on the instructions of the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy to introduce our Speed School innovation, study material and discuss future partnerships. Sédégo, François de Paul: Director of Private Education, Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy, June 2006, 2007, September 2008, February 2010; discussion of how best Evangelical schools migh partner the state. Tamboura, Ousséni: Delegate Minister for Literacy and Non-formal Education, with the Regional Director of Stromme Foundation, AEAD, ANTBA and ACTS, 7 December 2007, 21 January 2008, introducing the Speed Schools promoters and partners to the Prime Minister, representing the PM at the official launching of the Speed Schools at Komsilga in Bazega Province, and meeting the Speed Schools promoters in Burkina Faso with the Regional Director of the Stromme Foundation. Zongo, Tertius: Prime Minister, 7 December 2007. Audience with Secretary General of the Stromme Foundation and AEAD, ANTBA, ACTS for the official launching of the Speed School in Burkina Faso, 7 December 2007.

Archives: In the Government’s Education Offices Dabiré, S. Faustin, 1997: Le Rapport Général sur la Situation de l’Enseignement Privée au Burkina Faso. Ministère de l’Enseignement de Base et l’Alphabétisation. Décret Nº 99-221/PRES/PM/MESSRS/MEBA Portant réglementation de l’Enseignement Privée au Burkina Faso le 19 Mai 1999. Décret Nº 2007-540/PRES du 05 septembre 2007 Journal Officiel promulguant la loi Nº013-2007/AN du 30 juillet portant loi d’orientation de l’éducation. Discours de son Excellence Monsieur le Premier Ministre à l’occasion du lancement officiel des Centres à Passerelle de ANTBA, AEAD et ACTS Komsilga, le 07 décembre 2007. Journal officiel du Burkina Faso No 38 du 20 Septembre 2007 portant promulgation de la loi de l’Education No 013-2007/AN. Letter Nº 0399 of 04 February 2008 from the Minister of Basic Education and Literacy to the Regional Director of the Stromme Foundation on the Experiment of the Speed School in Burkina Faso by AEAD, ACTS & ANTBA. List of Evangelical primary schools in the country from the Ministry of Basic Education and Literacy. March 2006. List of private secondary schools in the country from the Permanent Secretariat of the National Commission on Secondary High Private Education, March 2006 National Radio Programme on 27 January 2006 at 6:30 a.m. on girls’ early marriage and retention in schooling in Seno Province.

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Procès verbal de l’audience avec la Ministre de l’Enseignement de Base et de l’Alphabétisation (MEBA), le 6 mars 2007. Protocole d’Accord entre l’Association Evangélique d’Appui au Développement (AEAD) et la Direction Provinciale de l’Enseignement de Base et de l’Alphabétisation (DPEBA) du Zondoma le 28 janvier 2008 Résultats Statistiques du CEP (Certificat d’Etudes Primaires) Session 2004 (Ecoles Publiques) Source: Direction des Examens et Concours, Collected in April 2006 Résultats Statistiques au CEP des Ecoles Privées Session 2004: Source DEC Résultats Statistiques de l’Entrée en 6ème des Ecoles Publiques Session 2004: Source DEC Résultats Statistiques de l’Entrée en 6ème des Ecoles Privées Session 2004: Source DEC Résultats Statistiques du CEP des Ecoles Publiques Session 2005: Source DEC Résultats des Statistiques du CEP des Ecoles Privées Session 2005: Source DEC Résultats des Statistiques de l’Entrée en 6ème des Ecoles Publiques Session 2005: Source DEC Résultats des Statistiques de l’Entrée en 6ème des Ecole Privées Session 2005: Source DEC The Education Law of Burkina Faso: Loi Nº013/96 ADP Portant Loi d’Orientation de l’Education adoptée par l’ADP le 9 Mai 1996

Published articles in national daily newspapers Title of newspaper: Sidwaya (Truth has come) published in Ouagadougou www.sidwaya.bf, a state sponsored paper. Badoh, A., Enseignement Franco-arabe available at http://www.sidwaya.bf/ dossier_enseignement-franco-arabe.htm accessed on 04/04/2009 internet No6396 du vendredi 03 avril. B., A 2008 Education des filles au Sahel Vaincre à tout prix la déperdition www.sidwaya.bf/sidwaya_30 01-08/educator_education-filles.htm Sanga, Boureim, Audience au Premier Ministère: Le Secrétaire Général de la Fondation ‘Stromme’ chez Tertius Zongo Sidwaya Nº6069 du 10-11 décembre 2007 available at www.sidwaya.bf accessed in 2007 Savadogo, Filippe, 2008. Conseil des ministres du jeudi 13 février: Adoption d’un décret portant organization de l’enseignement primaire au Burkina Faso available at www.sidwaya.bf/conseil_ministres.htm Internet édition nº 6112 du 14 février 2008 Somé Séraphine, 2008 Ban Ki-Moon à l’école de Manegda du secteur nº 28. Bientôt des ordinateurs pour les écoles primaires burkinabè available at www.sidwaya.bf/ dossier_burkina-nations unies.htm accessed in 2008 Yameogo, Pauline, Lancement de centres à passerelle à Komsilga: une seconde chance pour les enfants déscolarisés Sidwaya Nº6069 du 10-11 décembre 2007 available at www.sidwaya.bf accessed in 2007. Title of the newspaper Les Editions Le pays (www.lepays.bf) an independent paper widely read and very critical. Based in Ouagadougou and runs a FM Radio station in Ouahigouya in the Northern Region. Bama, Ladji, 2007. Gratuité de l’enseignement de base available at www.lepays.bf/quotidien/lumieres2.php?codeart=11636numj=3881 accessed in 2007. Bama, Philippe, 2008. Acquis et performances de l’Enseignement de Base Les statistiques pour des données fiables available at (www.DEP.MEBA.GOV.BF) www.lepays.bf/barometre2.php?codeart=15645&numj=4097 accessed in 2007. Bama Philippe, MEBA des performances notable en 2007 available at

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www.lepays.bf/quotidien/lumieres2.php?codeart=13610&numj=4022 accessed in 2007. Compaoré, Jean Baptiste, M.P. le Ministre de l’Economie et des Finances: classement du PNUD 2007 Available at www.lepays.bf/quotidien/lumieres2.php?codeart=13590&numj=4022 accessed on 26/12/2007. Gnoula, D. Rodrigue, 2008. Burkina « Le peuple a sérieusement faim » available at www.lepays.bf/quotidien/opinion2.php?codeart=14823&numj=4068 accessed on 04/03/2008. Ilboudo, André-Eugène, 2007. Education: « Et pourtant, la notion de gratuit va faire échouer la réforme! » Available at www.lepays.bf/quotidien/lunieres2.php?codeeart=13039&numj=3997 accessed in 2007. MEBA, 2008 Education: le MEBA salue l’action de la société civile available at www.lepays.bf/pot-pourri.php?numj=4080 accessed in 2008. Nassa, Etienne, 2007. L’Assemblée nationale a voté, lundi 30 juillet, le projet de loi d’orientation de l’éducation, available at www.sidwaya.bf/sidwaya_01-0807/politique_4.htm accessed in 2007. Ouédraogo Jean-Victor, 2007. Commune rurale de Kain, le calvaire quotidien des populations, available at www.sidwaya.bf/dossier_commune rurale de Kain 19 avril 2007 No 5877 accessed on 10 May 2007. Ouédraogo, Philippe, Pasteur. Education au Burkina Faso: les raisons d’un grand retard. Le pays Nº3963 du jeudi 27 septembre 2007, available at www.lepays.bf, accessed in 2007. Ouédraogo, Philippe, Pasteur. Education au Burkina: Le rôle pionnier de l’Eglise. Le pays Nº3978 du vendredi 19 Octobre 2007, available at www.lepays.bf, accessed in 2007. Ouédraogo, Philippe, Pasteur. Education des filles: La contribution des Eglises évangéliques. Le pays Nº 4004 du mardi 27 novembre 2007, available at www.lepays.bf, accessed in 2007. Ouédraogo, Philippe, Pasteur. Education: Les centres à passerelles: une innovation porteuse! Le pays Nº4040 du jeudi 24 janvier 2008, available at www.lepays.bf, accessed in 2008. Ouédraogo, Philippe, Pasteur. Visa pour la Grande Bretagne Le pays No 4368 du mardi 19 mai 2009 Available at www.lepays.bf/spip.php?article1898 accessed on 10/9/2009 Ouédraogo, Philippe, Pasteur. Les centres à Passerelle de l’AEAD available at www.lepays.bf/spip.php?article288 Le pays No 4471 du mercredi 14 octobre 2009 accessed on 27/02/2010 Sanou Lassina, Fabrice. Education pour tous ‘La passerelle’: une seconde chance pour les enfants déscolarisés. Le pays Nº4014 du mercredi 12 décembre 2007, available at www.lepays.bf accessed in 2007 Silga, P. Dayang-ne wendé, 2007. Diplomatie, paix, sécurité, éducation, etc., available at www.lepays.bf/quotidien/lumieres2.php?codeart=13037&numj=3997, accessed on 16/11/2007. SY, Aboubacar, 2007. Réforme du système éducatif: ce qui va changer, available at www.lepays.bf/lumieres2.php?codeart=13199&numj=4007, accessed on 30/11/2007.

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REGNUM EDINBURGH CENTENARY SERIES David A. Kerr, Kenneth R. Ross (Eds) Mission Then and Now 2009 / 978-1-870345-73-6 / 343pp (paperback) 2009 / 978-1-870345-76-7 / 343pp (hardback) No one can hope to fully understand the modern Christian missionary movement without engaging substantially with the World Missionary Conference, held at Edinburgh in 1910. This book is the first to systematically examine the eight Commissions which reported to Edinburgh 1910 and gave the conference much of its substance and enduring value. It will deepen and extend the reflection being stimulated by the upcoming centenary and will kindle the missionary imagination for 2010 and beyond. Daryl M. Balia, Kirsteen Kim (Eds) Witnessing to Christ Today 2010 / 978-1-870345-77-4 / 301pp (hardback) This volume, the second in the Edinburgh 2010 series, includes reports of the nine main study groups working on different themes for the celebration of the centenary of the World Missionary Conference, Edinburgh 1910. Their collaborative work brings together perspectives that are as inclusive as possible of contemporary world Christianity and helps readers to grasp what it means in different contexts to be ‘witnessing to Christ today’. Claudia Währisch-Oblau, Fidon Mwombeki (Eds) Mission Continues Global Impulses for the 21st Century 2010 / 978-1-870345-82-8 / 271pp (hardback) In May 2009, 35 theologians from Asia, Africa and Europe met in Wuppertal, Germany, for a consultation on mission theology organized by the United Evangelical Mission: Communion of 35 Churches in Three Continents. The aim was to participate in the 100th anniversary of the Edinburgh conference through a study process and reflect on the challenges for mission in the 21st century. This book brings together these papers written by experienced practitioners from around the world. Brian Woolnough and Wonsuk Ma (Eds) Holistic Mission God’s Plan for God’s People 2010 / 978-1-870345-85-9 / 268pp (hardback) Holistic mission, or integral mission, implies God is concerned with the whole person, the whole community, body, mind and spirit. This book discusses the meaning of the holistic gospel, how it has developed, and implications for the church. It takes a global, eclectic approach, with 19 writers, all of whom have much experience in, and commitment to, holistic mission. It addresses critically and honestly one of the most exciting, and challenging, issues facing the church today. To be part of God’s plan for God’s people, the church must take holistic mission to the world. Kirsteen Kim and Andrew Anderson (Eds) Mission Today and Tomorrow 2010 / 978-1-870345-91-0 / 450pp (hardback) There are moments in our lives when we come to realise that we are participating in the triune God’s mission. If we believe the church to be as sign and symbol of the reign of God in the world, then we are called to witness to Christ today by sharing in God’s mission of

love through the transforming power of the Holy Spirit. We can all participate in God’s transforming and reconciling mission of love to the whole creation. Tormod Engelsviken, Erling Lundeby and Dagfinn Solheim (Eds) The Church Going Glocal Mission and Globalisation 2011 / 978-1-870345-93-4 / 262pp (hardback) The New Testament church is… universal and local at the same time. The universal, one and holy apostolic church appears in local manifestations. Missiologically speaking… the church can take courage as she faces the increasing impact of globalisation on local communities today. Being universal and concrete, the church is geared for the simultaneous challenges of the glocal and local. Marina Ngurusangzeli Behera (Ed) Interfaith Relations after One Hundred Years Christian Mission among Other Faiths 2011 / 978-1-870345-96-5 / 338pp (hardback) The essays of this book reflect not only the acceptance and celebration of pluralism within India but also by extension an acceptance as well as a need for unity among Indian Christians of different denominations. The essays were presented and studied at a preparatory consultation on Study Theme II: Christian Mission Among Other Faiths at the United Theological College, India July 2009. Lalsangkima Pachuau and Knud Jørgensen (Eds) Witnessing to Christ in a Pluralistic Age Christian Mission among Other Faiths 2011 / 978-1-870345-95-8 / 277pp (hardback) In a world where plurality of faiths is increasingly becoming a norm of life, insights on the theology of religious plurality are needed to strengthen our understanding of our own faith and the faith of others. Even though religious diversity is not new, we are seeing an upsurge in interest on the theologies of religion among all Christian confessional traditions. It can be claimed that no other issue in Christian mission is more important and more difficult than the theologies of religions. Beth Snodderly and A Scott Moreau (Eds) Evangelical Frontier Mission Perspectives on the Global Progress of the Gospel 2011 / 978-1-870345-98-9 / 312pp (hardback) This important volume demonstrates that 100 years after the World Missionary Conference in Edinburgh, Evangelism has become truly global. Twenty-first-century Evangelism continues to focus on frontier mission, but significantly, and in the spirit of Edinburgh 1910, it also has re-engaged social action. Rolv Olsen (Ed) Mission and Postmodernities 2011 / 978-1-870345-97-2 / 279pp (hardback) This volume takes on meaning because its authors honestly struggle with and debate how we should relate to postmodernities. Should our response be accommodation, relativizing or counter-culture? How do we strike a balance between listening and understanding, and at the same time exploring how postmodernities influence the interpretation and application of the Bible as the normative story of God’s mission in the world?

Cathy Ross (Ed) Life-Widening Mission 2012 / 978-1-908355-00-3 / 163pp (hardback) It is clear from the essays collected here that the experience of the 2010 World Mission Conference in Edinburgh was both affirming and frustrating for those taking part affirming because of its recognition of how the centre of gravity has moved in global Christianity; frustrating because of the relative slowness of so many global Christian bodies to catch up with this and to embody it in the way they do business and in the way they represent themselves. These reflections will - or should - provide plenty of food for thought in the various councils of the Communion in the coming years. Beate Fagerli, Knud Jørgensen, Rolv Olsen, Kari Storstein Haug and Knut Tveitereid (Eds) A Learning Missional Church Reflections from Young Missiologists 2012 / 978-1-908355-01-0 / 218pp (hardback) Cross-cultural mission has always been a primary learning experience for the church. It pulls us out of a mono-cultural understanding and helps us discover a legitimate theological pluralism which opens up for new perspectives in the Gospel. Translating the Gospel into new languages and cultures is a human and divine means of making us learn new ‘incarnations’ of the Good News. Emma Wild-Wood & Peniel Rajkumar (Eds) Foundations for Mission 2012 / 978-1-908355-12-6 / 309pp (hardback) This volume provides an important resource for those wishing to gain an overview of significant issues in contemporary missiology whilst understanding how they are applied in particular contexts. Wonsuk Ma & Kenneth R Ross (Eds) Mission Spirituality and Authentic Discipleship 2013 / 978-1-908355-24-9 / 248pp (hardback) This book argues for the primacy of spirituality in the practice of mission. Since God is the primary agent of mission and God works through the power of the Holy Spirit, it is through openness to the Spirit that mission finds its true character and has its authentic impact. Stephen B Bevans (Ed) A Century of Catholic Mission 2013 / 978-1-908355-14-0 / 337pp (hardback) A Century of Catholic Mission surveys the complex and rich history and theology of Roman Catholic Mission in the one hundred years since the 1910 Edinburgh World Mission Conference. Essays written by an international team of Catholic mission scholars focus on Catholic Mission in every region of the world, summarize church teaching on mission before and after the watershed event of the Second Vatican Council, and reflect on a wide variety of theological issues. Robert Schreiter & Knud Jørgensen (Eds) Mission as Ministry of Reconcilation 2013 / 978-1-908355-26-3 / 382pp (hardback) There is hope – even if it is “Hope in a Fragile World”, as the concluding chapter of Mission as Ministry of Reconciliation puts it. At the very heart of the gospel of Jesus Christ is a

message of hope and reconciliation. Nothing could be more relevant and more necessary in a broken world than this Christian message of hope and reconciliation. ... I would like to congratulate the editors of Mission as Ministry of Reconciliation, for they listened carefully and planned with farsightedness. … This rich book offers a valuable elucidation of the importance and the understanding of mission as ministry of reconciliation. Petros Vassiliadis, Editor Orthodox Perspectives on Mission 2013 / 978-1908355-25-6 / 262pp (hardback) Orthodox Perspectives on Mission is both a humble tribute to some great Orthodox theologians, who in the past have provided substantial contribution to contemporary missiological and ecumenical discussions, and an Orthodox input to the upcoming 2013 Busan WCC General Assembly. The collected volume is divided into two parts: Part I: The Orthodox Heritage consists of Orthodox missiological contributions of the past, whereas Part II includes all the papers presented in the Plenary of the recent Edinburgh 2010 conference, as well as the short studies and contributions prepared, during the Edinburgh 2010 on going study process. Pauline Hoggarth, Fergus MacDonald, Bill Mitchell & Knud Jørgensen, Editors Bible in Mission “ 2013 / 978-1908355-42-3 / 317pp (hardback) To the authors of Bible in Mission, the Bible is the book of life, and mission is life in the Word. This core reality cuts across the diversity of contexts and hermeneutical strategies represented in these essays. The authors are committed to the boundary-crossings that characterize contemporary mission – and each sees the Bible as foundational to the missio Dei, to God’s work in the world. Wonsuk Ma, Veli-Matti Kärkkäinnen & J Kwabena Asamoah Pentecostal Mission and Global Christianity 2014 / 978-1908355-43-0 / 397pp (hardback) Although Pentecostalism worldwide represent the most rapidly growing missionary movement in Christian history, only recently scholars from within and outside the movement have begun academic reflection on the mission. This volume represents the coming of age of emerging scholarship of various aspects of the Pentecostal mission, including theological, historical, strategic, and practical aspects. REGNUM STUDIES IN GLOBAL CHRISTIANITY David Emmanuel Singh (Ed) Jesus and the Cross Reflections of Christians from Islamic Contexts 2008 / 978-1-870345-65-1 / 226pp The Cross reminds us that the sins of the world are not borne through the exercise of power but through Jesus Christ’s submission to the will of the Father. The papers in this volume are organised in three parts: scriptural, contextual and theological. The central question being addressed is: how do Christians living in contexts, where Islam is a majority or minority religion, experience, express or think of the Cross?

Sung-wook Hong Naming God in Korea The Case of Protestant Christianity 2008 / 978-1-870345-66-8 / 170pp (hardback) Since Christianity was introduced to Korea more than a century ago, one of the most controversial issues has been the Korean term for the Christian ‘God’. This issue is not merely about naming the Christian God in Korean language, but it relates to the question of theological contextualization - the relationship between the gospel and culture - and the question of Korean Christian identity. This book demonstrates the nature of the gospel in relation to cultures, i.e., the universality of the gospel expressed in all human cultures. Hubert van Beek (Ed) Revisioning Christian Unity The Global Christian Forum 2009 / 978-1-870345-74-3 / 288pp (hardback) This book contains the records of the Global Christian Forum gathering held in Limuru near Nairobi, Kenya, on 6 – 9 November 2007 as well as the papers presented at that historic event. Also included are a summary of the Global Christian Forum process from its inception until the 2007 gathering and the reports of the evaluation of the process that was carried out in 2008. Young-hoon Lee The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea Its Historical and Theological Development 2009 / 978-1-870345-67-5 / 174pp (hardback) This book traces the historical and theological development of the Holy Spirit Movement in Korea through six successive periods (from 1900 to the present time). These periods are characterized by repentance and revival (1900-20), persecution and suffering under Japanese occupation (1920-40), confusion and division (1940-60), explosive revival in which the Pentecostal movement played a major role in the rapid growth of Korean churches (196080), the movement reaching out to all denominations (1980-2000), and the new context demanding the Holy Spirit movement to open new horizons in its mission engagement (2000-). Paul Hang-Sik Cho Eschatology and Ecology Experiences of the Korean Church 2010 / 978-1-870345-75-0 / 260pp (hardback) This book raises the question of why Korean people, and Korean Protestant Christians in particular, pay so little attention to ecological issues. The author argues that there is an important connection (or elective affinity) between this lack of attention and the otherworldly eschatology that is so dominant within Korean Protestant Christianity. Dietrich Werner, David Esterline, Namsoon Kang, Joshva Raja (Eds) The Handbook of Theological Education in World Christianity Theological Perspectives, Ecumenical Trends, Regional Surveys 2010 / 978-1-870345-80-0 / 759pp This major reference work is the first ever comprehensive study of Theological Education in Christianity of its kind. With contributions from over 90 international scholars and church leaders, it aims to be easily accessible across denominational, cultural, educational, and geographic boundaries. The Handbook will aid international dialogue and networking among theological educators, institutions, and agencies.

David Emmanuel Singh & Bernard C Farr (Eds) Christianity and Education Shaping of Christian Context in Thinking 2010 / 978-1-870345-81-1 / 374pp Christianity and Education is a collection of papers published in Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies over a period of 15 years. The articles represent a spectrum of Christian thinking addressing issues of institutional development for theological education, theological studies in the context of global mission, contextually aware/informed education, and academies which deliver such education, methodologies and personal reflections. J.Andrew Kirk Civilisations in Conflict? Islam, the West and Christian Faith 2011 / 978-1-870345-87-3 / 205pp Samuel Huntington’s thesis, which argues that there appear to be aspects of Islam that could be on a collision course with the politics and values of Western societies, has provoked much controversy. The purpose of this study is to offer a particular response to Huntington’s thesis by making a comparison between the origins of Islam and Christianity. David Emmanuel Singh (Ed) Jesus and the Incarnation Reflections of Christians from Islamic Contexts 2011 / 978-1-870345-90-3 / 245pp In the dialogues of Christians with Muslims nothing is more fundamental than the Cross, the Incarnation and the Resurrection of Jesus. Building on the Jesus and the Cross, this book contains voices of Christians living in various ‘Islamic contexts’ and reflecting on the Incarnation of Jesus. The aim and hope of these reflections is that the papers weaved around the notion of ‘the Word’ will not only promote dialogue among Christians on the roles of the Person and the Book but, also, create a positive environment for their conversations with Muslim neighbours. Ivan M Satyavrata God Has Not left Himself Without Witness 2011 / 978-1-870345-79-8 / 264pp Since its earliest inception the Christian Church has had to address the question of what common ground exits between Christian faiths and other religions. This issue is not merely of academic interest but one with critical existential and socio-political consequences. This study presents a case for the revitalization of the fulfillment tradition based on a recovery and assessment of the fulfillment approaches of Indian Christian converts in the preindependence period. Bal Krishna Sharma From this World to the Next Christian Identity and Funerary Rites in Nepal 2013 / 978-1-908355-08-9 / 238pp This book explores and analyses funerary rite struggles in a nation where Christianity is a comparatively recent phenomenon, and many families have multi-faith, who go through traumatic experiences at the death of their family members. The author has used an applied theological approach to explore and analyse the findings in order to address the issue of funerary rites with which the Nepalese church is struggling.

J Kwabena Asamoah-Gyada Contemporary Pentecostal Christianity Interpretations from an African Context 2013 / 978-1-908355-07-2 / 194pp Pentecostalism is the fastest growing stream of Christianity in the world. The real evidence for the significance of Pentecostalism lies in the actual churches they have built and the numbers they attract. This work interprets key theological and missiological themes in African Pentecostalism by using material from the live experiences of the movement itself. David Emmanuel Singh and Bernard C Farr (Eds) The Bible and Christian Ethics 2013 / 978-1-908355-20-1 / 217pp This book contains papers from the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies’ quarterly journal, Transformation, on the topic of Christian Ethics. Here, Mission Studies is understood in its widest sense to also encompass Christian Ethics. At the very hearts of it lies the Family as the basic unit of society. All the papers together seek to contribute to understanding how Christian thought is shaped in contexts each of which poses its own challenge to Christian living in family and in broader society. Martin Allaby Inequality, Corruption and the Church Challenges & Opportunities in the Global Church 2013 / 978-1-908355-16-4 / 228pp Why are economic inequalities greatest in the southern countries where most people are Christians? This book teases out the influences that have created this situation, and concludes that Christians could help reduce economic inequalities by opposing corruption. Interviews in the Philippines, Kenya, Zambia and Peru reveal opportunities and challenges for Christians as they face up to corruption. Paul Alexander and Al Tizon (Eds) Following Jesus Journeys in Radical Discipleship – Essays in Honor of Ronald J Sider 2013 / 978-1-908355-27-0 / 228pp Ronald J. Sider and the organization that he founded, Evangelicals for Social Action, are most respected for their pioneering work in the area of evangelical social concern. However, Sider’s great contribution to social justice is but a part of a larger vision – namely, biblical discipleship. His works, which span more than four decades, have guided the faithful to be authentic gospel-bearers in ecclesial, cultural and political arenas. This book honors Ron Sider, by bringing together a group of scholar-activists, old and young, to reflect upon the gospel and its radical implications for the 21st century. Cawley Bolt Reluctant or Radical Revolutionaries? Evangelical Missionaries and Afro-Jamaican Character, 1834-1870 2013 / 978-1-908355-18-8 / 287pp This study is based on extensive research that challenges traditional ways of understanding some evangelical missionaries of nineteenth century Jamaica and calls for revision of those views. It highlights the strength and character of persons facing various challenges of life in their effort to be faithful to the guiding principles of their existence.

Isabel Apawo Phiri & Dietrich Werner (Eds) Handbook of Theological Education in Africa 2013 / 978-1-908355-45-4 / 1110pp The Handbook of Theological Education in Africa is a wake-up call for African churches to give proper prominence to theological education institutions and their programmes which serve them. It is unique, comprehensive and ambitious in its aim and scope. Hope Antone, Wati Longchar, Hyunju Bae, Huang Po Ho, Dietrich Werner (Eds) Asian Handbook for Theological Education and Ecumenism 2013 / 978-1-908355-30-0 / 675pp (hardback) This impressive and comprehensive book focuses on key resources for teaching Christian unity and common witness in Asian contexts. It is a collection of articles that reflects the ongoing ‘double wrestle’ with the texts of biblical tradition as well as with contemporary contexts. It signals an investment towards the future of the ecumenical movement in Asia. REGNUM STUDIES IN MISSION Kwame Bediako Theology and Identity The Impact of Culture upon Christian Thought in the Second Century and in Modern Africa 1992 / 978-1870345-10-1 / 507pp The author examines the question of Christian identity in the context of the Graeco–Roman culture of the early Roman Empire. He then addresses the modern African predicament of quests for identity and integration. Christopher Sugden Seeking the Asian Face of Jesus The Practice and Theology of Christian Social Witness in Indonesia and India 1974–1996 1997 / 1-870345-26-6 / 496pp This study focuses on contemporary holistic mission with the poor in India and Indonesia combined with the call to transformation of all life in Christ with micro-credit enterprise schemes. ‘The literature on contextual theology now has a new standard to rise to’ – Lamin Sanneh (Yale University, USA). Hwa Yung Mangoes or Bananas? The Quest for an Authentic Asian Christian Theology 1997 / 1-870345-25-5 / 274pp Asian Christian thought remains largely captive to Greek dualism and Enlightenment rationalism because of the overwhelming dominance of Western culture. Authentic contextual Christian theologies will emerge within Asian Christianity with a dual recovery of confidence in culture and the gospel. Keith E. Eitel Paradigm Wars The Southern Baptist International Mission Board Faces the Third Millennium 1999 / 1-870345-12-6 / 140pp The International Mission Board of the Southern Baptist Convention is the largest denominational mission agency in North America. This volume chronicles the historic and

contemporary forces that led to the IMB’s recent extensive reorganization, providing the most comprehensive case study to date of a historic mission agency restructuring to continue its mission purpose into the twenty-first century more effectively. Samuel Jayakumar Dalit Consciousness and Christian Conversion Historical Resources for a Contemporary Debate 1999 / 81-7214-497-0 / 434pp (Published jointly with ISPCK) The main focus of this historical study is social change and transformation among the Dalit Christian communities in India. Historiography tests the evidence in the light of the conclusions of the modern Dalit liberation theologians. Vinay Samuel and Christopher Sugden (Eds) Mission as Transformation A Theology of the Whole Gospel 1999 / 978-18703455-13-2 / 522pp This book brings together in one volume twenty five years of biblical reflection on mission practice with the poor from around the world. This volume helps anyone understand how evangelicals, struggling to unite evangelism and social action, found their way in the last twenty five years to the biblical view of mission in which God calls all human beings to love God and their neighbour; never creating a separation between the two. Christopher Sugden Gospel, Culture and Transformation 2000 / 1-870345-32-3 / 152pp A Reprint, with a New Introduction, of Part Two of Seeking the Asian Face of Jesus Gospel, Culture and Transformation explores the practice of mission especially in relation to transforming cultures and communities. - ‘Transformation is to enable God’s vision of society to be actualised in all relationships: social, economic and spiritual, so that God’s will may be reflected in human society and his love experienced by all communities, especially the poor.’ Bernhard Ott Beyond Fragmentation: Integrating Mission and Theological Education A Critical Assessment of some Recent Developments in Evangelical Theological Education 2001 / 1-870345-14-9 / 382pp Beyond Fragmentation is an enquiry into the development of Mission Studies in evangelical theological education in Germany and German-speaking Switzerland between 1960 and 1995. The author undertakes a detailed examination of the paradigm shifts which have taken place in recent years in both the theology of mission and the understanding of theological education.

Gideon Githiga The Church as the Bulwark against Authoritarianism Development of Church and State Relations in Kenya, with Particular Reference to the Years after Political Independence 1963-1992 2002 / 1-870345-38-x / 218pp ‘All who care for love, peace and unity in Kenyan society will want to read this careful history by Bishop Githiga of how Kenyan Christians, drawing on the Bible, have sought to share the love of God, bring his peace and build up the unity of the nation, often in the face of great difficulties and opposition.’ Canon Dr Chris Sugden, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies. Myung Sung-Hoon, Hong Young-Gi (Eds) Charis and Charisma David Yonggi Cho and the Growth of Yoido Full Gospel Church 2003 / 978-1870345-45-3 / 218pp This book discusses the factors responsible for the growth of the world’s largest church. It expounds the role of the Holy Spirit, the leadership, prayer, preaching, cell groups and creativity in promoting church growth. It focuses on God’s grace (charis) and inspiring leadership (charisma) as the two essential factors and the book’s purpose is to present a model for church growth worldwide. Samuel Jayakumar Mission Reader Historical Models for Wholistic Mission in the Indian Context 2003 / 1-870345-42-8 / 250pp (Published jointly with ISPCK) This book is written from an evangelical point of view revalidating and reaffirming the Christian commitment to wholistic mission. The roots of the ‘wholistic mission’ combining ‘evangelism and social concerns’ are to be located in the history and tradition of Christian evangelism in the past; and the civilizing purpose of evangelism is compatible with modernity as an instrument in nation building. Bob Robinson Christians Meeting Hindus An Analysis and Theological Critique of the Hindu-Christian Encounter in India 2004 / 987-1870345-39-2 / 392pp This book focuses on the Hindu-Christian encounter, especially the intentional meeting called dialogue, mainly during the last four decades of the twentieth century, and specifically in India itself. Gene Early Leadership Expectations How Executive Expectations are Created and Used in a Non-Profit Setting 2005 / 1-870345-30-9 / 276pp The author creates an Expectation Enactment Analysis to study the role of the Chancellor of the University of the Nations-Kona, Hawaii. This study is grounded in the field of managerial work, jobs, and behaviour and draws on symbolic interactionism, role theory, role identity theory and enactment theory. The result is a conceptual framework for developing an understanding of managerial roles.

Tharcisse Gatwa The Churches and Ethnic Ideology in the Rwandan Crises 1900-1994 2005 / 978-1870345-24-8 / 300pp (Reprinted 2011) Since the early years of the twentieth century Christianity has become a new factor in Rwandan society. This book investigates the role Christian churches played in the formulation and development of the racial ideology that culminated in the 1994 genocide. Julie Ma Mission Possible Biblical Strategies for Reaching the Lost 2005 / 978-1870345-37-8 / 142pp This is a missiology book for the church which liberates missiology from the specialists for the benefit of every believer. It also serves as a textbook that is simple and friendly, and yet solid in biblical interpretation. This book links the biblical teaching to the actual and contemporary missiological settings with examples, making the Bible come alive to the reader. I. Mark Beaumont Christology in Dialogue with Muslims A Critical Analysis of Christian Presentations of Christ for Muslims from the Ninth and Twentieth Centuries 2005 / 978-1870345-46-0 / 227pp This book analyses Christian presentations of Christ for Muslims in the most creative periods of Christian-Muslim dialogue, the first half of the ninth century and the second half of the twentieth century. In these two periods, Christians made serious attempts to present their faith in Christ in terms that take into account Muslim perceptions of him, with a view to bridging the gap between Muslim and Christian convictions. Thomas Czövek, Three Seasons of Charismatic Leadership A Literary-Critical and Theological Interpretation of the Narrative of Saul, David and Solomon 2006 / 978-1870345-48-4 / 272pp This book investigates the charismatic leadership of Saul, David and Solomon. It suggests that charismatic leaders emerge in crisis situations in order to resolve the crisis by the charisma granted by God. Czovek argues that Saul proved himself as a charismatic leader as long as he acted resolutely and independently from his mentor Samuel. In the author’s eyes, Saul’s failure to establish himself as a charismatic leader is caused by his inability to step out from Samuel’s shadow. Richard Burgess Nigeria’s Christian Revolution The Civil War Revival and Its Pentecostal Progeny (1967-2006) 2008 / 978-1-870345-63-7 / 347pp This book describes the revival that occurred among the Igbo people of Eastern Nigeria and the new Pentecostal churches it generated, and documents the changes that have occurred as the movement has responded to global flows and local demands. As such, it explores the nature of revivalist and Pentecostal experience, but does so against the backdrop of local socio-political and economic developments, such as decolonisation and civil war, as well as broader processes, such as modernisation and globalisation.

David Emmanuel Singh & Bernard C Farr (Eds) Christianity and Cultures Shaping Christian Thinking in Context 2008 / 978-1-870345-69-9 / 271pp This volume marks an important milestone, the 25th anniversary of the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies (OCMS). The papers here have been exclusively sourced from Transformation, a quarterly journal of OCMS, and seek to provide a tripartite view of Christianity’s engagement with cultures by focusing on the question: how is Christian thinking being formed or reformed through its interaction with the varied contexts it encounters? The subject matters include different strands of theological-missiological thinking, socio-political engagements and forms of family relationships in interaction with the host cultures. Tormod Engelsviken, Ernst Harbakk, Rolv Olsen, Thor Strandenæs (Eds) Mission to the World Communicating the Gospel in the 21st Century: Essays in Honour of Knud Jørgensen 2008 / 978-1-870345-64-4 / 472pp (hardback) Knud Jørgensen is Director of Areopagos and Associate Professor of Missiology at MF Norwegian School of Theology. This book reflects on the main areas of Jørgensen’s commitment to mission. At the same time it focuses on the main frontier of mission, the world, the content of mission, the Gospel, the fact that the Gospel has to be communicated, and the context of contemporary mission in the 21st century. Al Tizon Transformation after Lausanne Radical Evangelical Mission in Global-Local Perspective 2008 / 978-1-870345-68-2 / 281pp After Lausanne '74, a worldwide network of radical evangelical mission theologians and practitioners use the notion of "Mission as Transformation" to integrate evangelism and social concern together, thus lifting theological voices from the Two Thirds World to places of prominence. This book documents the definitive gatherings, theological tensions, and social forces within and without evangelicalism that led up to Mission as Transformation. And it does so through a global-local grid that points the way toward greater holistic mission in the 21st century. Bambang Budijanto Values and Participation Development in Rural Indonesia 2009 / 978-1-870345-70-4 / 237pp Socio-religious values and socio-economic development are inter-dependant, inter-related and are constantly changing in the context of macro political structures, economic policy, religious organizations and globalization; and micro influences such as local affinities, identity, politics, leadership and beliefs. The book argues that the comprehensive approach in understanding the socio-religious values of each of the three local Lopait communities in Central Java is essential to accurately describing their respective identity.

Alan R. Johnson Leadership in a Slum A Bangkok Case Study 2009 / 978-1-870345-71-2 / 238pp This book looks at leadership in the social context of a slum in Bangkok from a different perspective than traditional studies which measure well educated Thais on leadership scales derived in the West. Using both systematic data collection and participant observation, it develops a culturally preferred model as well as a set of models based in Thai concepts that reflect on-the-ground realities. It concludes by looking at the implications of the anthropological approach for those who are involved in leadership training in Thai settings and beyond. Titre Ande Leadership and Authority Bula Matari and Life - Community Ecclesiology in Congo 2010 / 978-1-870345-72-9 / 189pp Christian theology in Africa can make significant development if a critical understanding of the socio-political context in contemporary Africa is taken seriously, particularly as Africa’s post-colonial Christian leadership based its understanding and use of authority on the Bula Matari model. This has caused many problems and Titre proposes a Life-Community ecclesiology for liberating authority, here leadership is a function, not a status, and ‘apostolic succession’ belongs to all people of God. Frank Kwesi Adams Odwira and the Gospel A Study of the Asante Odwira Festival and its Significance for Christianity in Ghana 2010 /978-1-870345-59-0 / 232pp The study of the Odwira festival is the key to the understanding of Asante religious and political life in Ghana. The book explores the nature of the Odwira festival longitudinally in pre-colonial, colonial and post-independence Ghana - and examines the Odwira ideology and its implications for understanding the Asante self-identity. Also discussed is how some elements of faith portrayed in the Odwira festival can provide a framework for Christianity to engage with Asante culture at a greater depth. Bruce Carlton Strategy Coordinator Changing the Course of Southern Baptist Missions 2010 / 978-1-870345-78-1 / 273pp This is an outstanding, one-of-a-kind work addressing the influence of the non-residential missionary/strategy coordinator’s role in Southern Baptist missions. This scholarly text examines the twentieth century global missiological currents that influenced the leadership of the International Mission Board, resulting in a new paradigm to assist in taking the gospel to the nations. Julie Ma & Wonsuk Ma Mission in the Spirit: Towards a Pentecostal/Charismatic Missiology 2010 / 978-1-870345-84-2 / 312pp The book explores the unique contribution of Pentecostal/Charismatic mission from the beginning of the twentieth century. The first part considers the theological basis of Pentecostal/Charismatic mission thinking and practice. Special attention is paid to the Old Testament, which has been regularly overlooked by the modern Pentecostal/Charismatic

movements. The second part discusses major mission topics with contributions and challenges unique to Pentecostal/Charismatic mission. The book concludes with a reflection on the future of this powerful missionary movement. As the authors served as Korean missionaries in Asia, often their missionary experiences in Asia are reflected in their discussions. Allan Anderson, Edmond Tang (Eds) Asian and Pentecostal The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia 2011 / 978-1870345-94-1 / 500pp (Revised Edition) This book provides a thematic discussion and pioneering case studies on the history and development of Pentecostal and Charismatic churches in the countries of South Asia, South East Asia and East Asia. S. Hun Kim & Wonsuk Ma (Eds) Korean Diaspora and Christian Mission 2011 / 978-1-870345-89-7 / 301pp (hardback) As a ‘divine conspiracy’ for Missio Dei, the global phenomenon of people on the move has shown itself to be invaluable. In 2004 two significant documents concerning Diaspora were introduced, one by the Filipino International Network and the other by the Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization. These have created awareness of the importance of people on the move for Christian mission. Since then, Korean Diaspora has conducted similar research among Korean missions, resulting in this book Jin Huat Tan Planting an Indigenous Church The Case of the Borneo Evangelical Mission 2011 / 978-1-870345-99-6 / 343pp Dr Jin Huat Tan has written a pioneering study of the origins and development of Malaysia’s most significant indigenous church. This is an amazing story of revival, renewal and transformation of the entire region chronicling the powerful effect of it evident to date! What can we learn from this extensive and careful study of the Borneo Revival, so the global Christianity will become ever more dynamic? Bill Prevette Child, Church and Compassion Towards Child Theology in Romania 2012 / 978-1-908355-03-4 / 382pp Bill Prevett comments that ¨children are like ‘canaries in a mine shaft’; they provide a focal point for discovery and encounter of perilous aspects of our world that are often ignored.¨ True, but miners also carried a lamp to see into the subterranean darkness. This book is such a lamp. It lights up the subterranean world of children and youth in danger of exploitation, and as it does so travels deep into their lives and also into the activities of those who seek to help them.

Samuel Cyuma Picking up the Pieces The Church and Conflict Resolution in South Africa and Rwanda 2012 / 978-1-908355-02-7 / 373pp In the last ten years of the 20th century, the world was twice confronted with unbelievable news from Africa. First, there was the end of Apartheid in South Africa, without bloodshed, due to responsible political and Church leaders. The second was the mass killings in Rwanda, which soon escalated into real genocide. Political and Church leaders had been unable to prevents this crime against humanity. In this book, the question is raised: can we compare the situation in South Africa with that in Rwanda? Can Rwandan leaders draw lessons from the peace process in South Africa? Peter Rowan Proclaiming the Peacemaker The Malaysian Church as an Agent of Reconciliation in a Multicultural Society 2012 / 978-1-908355-05-8 / 268pp With a history of racial violence and in recent years, low-level ethnic tensions, the themes of peaceful coexistence and social harmony are recurring ones in the discourse of Malaysian society. In such a context, this book looks at the role of the church as a reconciling agent, arguing that a reconciling presence within a divided society necessitates an ethos of peacemaking. Edward Ontita Resources and Opportunity The Architecture of Livelihoods in Rural Kenya 2012 / 978-1-908355-04-1 / 328pp Poor people in most rural areas of developing countries often improvise resources in unique ways to enable them make a living. Resources and Opportunity takes the view that resources are dynamic and fluid, arguing that villagers co-produce them through redefinition and renaming in everyday practice and use them in diverse ways. The book focuses on ordinary social activities to bring out people’s creativity in locating, redesigning and embracing livelihood opportunities in processes. Kathryn Kraft Searching for Heaven in the Real World A Sociological Discussion of Conversion in the Arab World 2012 / 978-1-908355-15-7 / 142pp Kathryn Kraft explores the breadth of psychological and social issues faced by Arab Muslims after making a decision to adopt a faith in Christ or Christianity, investigating some of the most surprising and significant challenges new believers face. Wessley Lukose Contextual Missiology of the Spirit Pentecostalism in Rajasthan, India 2013 / 978-1-908355-09-6 / 256pp This book explores the identity, context and features of Pentecostalism in Rajasthan, India as well as the internal and external issues facing Pentecostals. It aims to suggest 'a contextual missiology of the Spirit,' as a new model of contextual missiology from a Pentecostal perspective. It is presented as a glocal, ecumenical, transformational, and public missiology.

Paul M Miller Evangelical Mission in Co-operation with Catholics A Study of Evangelical Tensions 2013 / 978-1-908355-17-1 / 291pp This book brings the first thorough examination of the discussions going on within Evangelicalism about the viability of a good conscience dialogue with Roman Catholics. Those who are interested in evangelical world missions and Roman Catholic views of world missions will find this informative. Alemayehu Mekonnen Culture Change in Ethiopia An Evangelical Perspective 2013 / 978-1-908355-39-3 / 199pp This book addresses the causes and consequences of culture change in Ethiopia, from Haile Selassie to the present, based on thorough academic research. Although written from an evangelical perspective, this book invites Ethiopians from all religions, ideological, and ethnic backgrounds to reflect on their past, to analyse their present and to engage in unity with diversity to face the future. Godwin Lekundayo The Cosmic Christ Towards Effective Mission Among the Maasai 2013 / 978-1-908355-28- 7 / 24pp This book reveals a complex interaction between the Christian gospel brought by western missionaries and the nomadic Massai culture of Tanzania … an important insider’s voice courageously questioning the approach to condemn some critical Maasai practices, particularly polygamy, and its missionary consequences. This is a rare study from a Maasai Christian leader.

REGNUM RESOURCES FOR MISSION Knud Jørgensen Equipping for Service Christian Leadership in Church and Society 2012 / 978-1-908355-06-5 / 150pp This book is written out of decades of experience of leading churches and missions in Ethiopia, Geneva, Norway and Hong Kong. Combining the teaching of Scripture with the insights of contemporary management philosophy, Jørgensen writes in a way which is practical and applicable to anyone in Christian service. “The intention has been to challenge towards a leadership relevant for work in church and mission, and in public and civil society, with special attention to leadership in Church and organisation.” Mary Miller What does Love have to do with Leadership? 2013 / 978-1-908355-10-2 / 100pp Leadership is a performing art, not a science. It is the art of influencing others, not just to accomplish something together, but to want to accomplish great things together. Mary Miller captures the art of servant leadership in her powerful book. She understands that servant leaders challenge existing processes without manipulating or overpowering people.  

Mary Miller (Ed) Faces of Holistic Mission Stories of the OCMS Family 2013 / 978-1-908355-32-4 / 104pp There is a popular worship song that begins with the refrain, ‘look what the Lord has done, look what the Lord has done’. This book does exactly that; it seeks to show what the Lord has done. Fifteen authors from five different continents identify what the Lord has indeed been doing, and continues to do, in their lives. These are their stories. David Cranston and Ruth Padilla DeBorst (Eds) Mission as Transformation Learning from Catalysts 2013 / 978-1-908355-34-8 / 77pp This book is the product of the first Stott-Bediako Forum, held in 2012 with the title Portraits of Catalysts. Its aim was to learn from the stories of Christian leaders whose lives and work have served as catalysts for transformation as each, in his or her particular way, facilitated the intersection between the Good News of Jesus Christ and the context in which they lived, in particular amongst people who are suffering. Brian Woolnough (Ed) Good News from Africa Community Transformation Through the Church 2013 / 978-1-908355-33-1 / 123pp This book discusses how sustainable, holistic, community development can be, and is being, achieved through the work of the local church. Leading African development practitioners describe different aspects of development through their own experience. Makonen Getu (Ed) Transforming Microfinance A Christian Approach 2013 / 978-1-908355-31-7 / 264pp “This book highlights the important role that Christian-based organisations bring to the delivery of financial services for the poor. It is times, significant and important and deserves a wide circulation”. Lord Carey of Clifton, former Archbishop of Canterbury Jonathan Ingleby, Tan Kand San, Tan Loun Ling, (Eds) Contextualisation & Mission Training Engaging Asia’s Religious Worlds 2013 / 978-1-908355-40-9 / 109pp Contextualisation & Mission Training, offers “contextual frameworks” and “explorations” in order to enhance deeper engagement with the complexity of Asian social, cultural and religious systems. On Eagle’s Wings Models in Mentoring 2013 / 978-1-908355-46-1 / 105pp David Cranston writes unashamedly as a Christian for whom no account of mentoring would be complete without placing it in the biggest context of all – that of the relationship between humans and God. John Lennox, Professor of Mathematics, University of Oxford Fellow in Mathematics and Philosophy of Science

GENERAL REGNUM TITLES Vinay Samuel, Chris Sugden (Eds) The Church in Response to Human Need 1987 / 1870345045 / xii+268pp Philip Sampson, Vinay Samuel, Chris Sugden (Eds) Faith and Modernity Essays in modernity and post-modernity 1994 / 1870345177 / 352pp Klaus Fiedler The Story of Faith Missions 1994 / 0745926878 / 428pp Douglas Peterson Not by Might nor by Power A Pentecostal Theology of Social Concern in Latin America 1996 / 1870345207 / xvi+260pp David Gitari In Season and Out of Season Sermons to a Nation 1996 / 1870345118 / 155pp David. W. Virtue A Vision of Hope The Story of Samuel Habib 1996 / 1870345169 / xiv+137pp Everett A Wilson Strategy of the Spirit J.Philip Hogan and the Growth of the Assemblies of God Worldwide, 1960 - 1990 1997 /1870345231/214 Murray Dempster, Byron Klaus, Douglas Petersen (Eds) The Globalization of Pentecostalism A Religion Made to Travel 1999 / 1870345290 / xvii+406pp Peter Johnson, Chris Sugden (Eds) Markets, Fair Trade and the Kingdom of God Essays to Celebrate Traidcraft's 21st Birthday 2001 / 1870345193 / xii+155pp Robert Hillman, Coral Chamberlain, Linda Harding Healing & Wholeness Reflections on the Healing Ministry 2002 / 978-1- 870345-35- 4 / xvii+283pp

David Bussau, Russell Mask Christian Microenterprise Development An Introduction 2003 / 1870345282 / xiii+142pp David Singh Sainthood and Revelatory Discourse An Examination of the Basis for the Authority of Bayan in Mahdawi Islam 2003 / 8172147285 / xxiv+485pp REGNUM AFRICA TITLES Kwame Bediako Jesus in Africa, The Christian Gospel in African History and Experience (2000) (Theological Reflections from the South series) SECOND EDITION FORTHCOMING 2013 Mercy Amba Oduyoye Beads and Strands, Reflections of an African Woman on Christianity in Africa (Theological Reflections from the South series) 2002 / 1-870345-41-X / 114pp Kä Mana Christians and Churches of Africa Envisioning the Future, Salvation in Christ and the Building of a new African Society (Theological Reflections from the South series) 2002 / 1-870345-27-4 / 119pp Ype Schaaf On Their Way Rejoicing, The History and Role of the Bible in Africa 2002 / 1-870345-35-9 / 252pp E.A.W. Engmann Kpawo-Kpawo Toi Kpawo – Vol. 1, Adesai, Oboade, Lalai, Ajenui ke Shwemoi (Folklore of the Ga People) (Gbotsui Series - Indigenous Sources of Knowledge in Ghanaian Languages) 2009 / 978-9988-1-2296-6 / 70pp Philip Tetteh Laryea Yesu Homowo Nuntso (Jesus, Lord of Homowo) (Nyamedua series in Mother-tongue Theology) (reprinted 2011) / 1-870345-54-1 / 176pp E.A.W. Engmann Kpawo-Kpawo Toi Kpawo – Vol. 2, Kusumii (Folklore of the Ga People) (Gbotsui Series - Indigenous Sources of Knowledge in Ghanaian Languages) 2012 / 978-9988-1-2294-2, 186pp Philip T. Laryea Ephraim Amu: Nationalist, Poet and Theologian (1899–1995) 2012 / 978-9988-1-2293-5, 425pp

Jon P. Kirby The Power and the Glory, Popular Christianity in Northern Ghana (Trends in African Christianity Series) 2012 / 978-9988-1-2295-9, 350pp For the up-to-date listing of the Regnum books visit www.ocms.ac.uk/regnum Regnum Books International Regnum is an Imprint of The Oxford Centre for Mission Studies St. Philip and St. James Church Woodstock Road Oxford, OX2 6HR

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Female Education and Mission A Burkina Faso Experience

Philippe Ouedraogo is the Executive Director of AEAD (Association Evangélique, d’Appui au Développement), Senior Pastor of Boulmiougou Assemblies of God Church in Ouagadougou, Vice President of AOG Church and President of the Alliance of Evangelical Schools and Universities of Burkina Faso (AESEB). He holds a PhD from OCMS. As practitioners, he and the board founded a national NGO for development AEAD in 1992 that created 10 schools and introduced with its partners the Speed School (SSA/Passerelle) Concept in Burkina Faso in October 2006, offering several types of education to thousands of people in Burkina Faso. These programmes are the highest standard at the national examination league tables with gender balance.

regnum www.ocms.ac.uk/regnum

This volume is the result of six years research in ‘Overcoming Obstacles to Female Education in Burkina Faso’. It narrates how Christians and religious groups can speed up female education and contribute to the socio-economic growth of Burkina Faso. Religious culture and traditions were seen as a problem to female education. However, the evidence from this research shows that Christianity is also part of the solution to a quality female education, thus a key factor of socio economic growth of the country. The author is currently working to advocate with families, churches/NGOs and the Government of Burkina Faso for a quality access to Female Education as a strategy to poverty reduction. This independent research comes along side others to inform policy makers, researchers, practitioners, aid agencies, religious communities and governments for a greater involvement in female education as one of the appropriate strategies for achieving Education for All.

This unique contribution, based on actual results, points to the root causes of, and possible solutions to, the problems facing female education in Burkina Faso and in the developing world generally. The particularity of Dr Ouedraogo's contribution to the debate is that it is independent and it adds insights into the existing research undertaken by both government and international agencies. I have found Dr Ouedraogo's work insightful but it also demonstrates a solid academic study across three languages and different cultures. I trust that the educational actors in Burkina Faso and beyond, students, teachers, administrators, government officials and other partners in socioeconomic development, will find this work a valuable and useful reference tool. Tertius Zongo, Prime Minister of Burkina Faso. Too little is known about Burkina Faso in the outside world and yet amazing things are happening in this smallWest African country, as Dr Ouedraogo shows in this book I recommend this fascinating, informative and well researched book as a must for anyone interested in education and development, and especially for those interested in the improvement of female education. Keith Watson, Emeritus Professor of Comparative and International Education, University of Reading, UK Former Vice-Chairman, Commonwealth Education Council