Fabio Chigi apostolic delegate in Malta (1634-1639). An edition of his official correspondance 8821004244, 9788821004247

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VINCENT

BORG

FABIO CHIGI APOSTOLIC DELEGATE IN MALTA ( 1634- 1639)

A N EDITION OF HIS OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE

CITTÀ DEL VATICANO BIBLIOTECA APOSTOLICA VATICANA

1967

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STUDI

E TESTI

150. Cerulli, Enrico. Il « Libro della Scala » e la

166-169. Rouèt de Journet, M. J., S. J. Noncia-

questione delle fonti arabo-spagnole della

tures

Divina Commedia, 1949. pp. 574. 15 tav.

authentiques. 1922-52. voi. 4.

151. Diwan Abatur... or Progress through thè Purgatories. and

Text

appendices

with by

translation,

E.

S.

notes

Drower.

1950.

pp. v ii , 45. Facs. 650 x 24 cm.

de

Russie

d’après

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documents

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v ii ,

496.

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152. Loenertz, R. J., O. P. Correspondance de Manuel Calécas. 1950. pp. xn , 350.

172. Graf,

Georg.

Geschichte

der

christlichen

arabischen Literatur. V. Bd. Register. 1953.

153. Prete, Sesto. Il Codice Bembino di Teren­ zio. 1950. pp. 110. 5 tav.

pp. 1, 196.

154. Mercati, Giovanni, card. Il frammento Maf-

173. Honigmann, Ernest. Patristic Studies. 1953. pp. v ii , 255.

feiano di Nestorio e la catena dei Salmi

174. Rossi, Ettore. Elenco dei manoscritti turchi

d’onde fu tratto. 1950. pp. [5], 40. 155. Blum, Rudolf. La biblioteca

della Biblioteca Vaticana. 1953.

della

Badia

Fiorentina e i codici di Antonio Corbinelli. 1951. pp. x n , 190.

del

Rinascimento:

Baldassar

Angelo.

of

Haran

Gawaita

Hibil-Ziwa

...

and

The

translation,

Baptism

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and

Castiglione.

commentary by E . S. Drower, 1953. pp. xi,

Vaticano.

177. Andreu, Francesco. Le lettere di s. Gae­

1951. pp. XI, 340. 157. Mercati,

xxii, 416.

che. Fascicolo 9. 1953. pp. [5], 253. 176. The

156. Cian, Vittorio. Un illustre nunzio pontificio

pp.

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96. Facs. Dall’Archivio

1951. pp. 119.

tano da Thiene. 1954. pp. xxxrv, 144, 3 tav.

158. Mercati, Giovanni, card. Alla ricerca

dei

178. Mercati, Angelo. I costituti di Niccolò Fran­

nomi degli ® altri » traduttori nelle Omilie

co (1568-1570) dinanzi l’Inquisizione di Ro­

sui Salmi di s. Giovanni Crisostomo e va­

ma, esistenti nell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano.

riazioni su alcune catene del Salterio. 1952.

1955. pp. [2], 242.

pp. vili, 248, 10 tav.

179. Patzes, M. M . Kpi-roü

159. Rossi, Ettore. Il « Kitàb-i Dede Qorqut »; racconti epico-cavallereschi dei turchi Oguz tradotti e annotati con « facsimile » del ms. Vat. turco 102. 1952. pp. 2, [364]. 160. Pertusi,

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Costantino

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ra di P. Sella. I. Testo. 1952. pp. [4], 916. 1 6 2 . ------- II. Indice. Carta geogr. delle diocesi. 1952. pp. 204. de

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orientali sui Magi evangelici. 1952. pp. 262.

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thematibus, 1952. pp. xv, 210. 3 tav.

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l’abbaye de Nonantola. 1955. pp. 76. 183. Devreesse, R. Les manuscrits grecs de l'ita· lie méridionale. 1955. pp. 67, 7 tav. 184 Biedl, Artur. Zur Textgeschichte des Laer-

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tios Diogenes. Das

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1955. pp. 132, ili.

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EDIZIONE ANASTATICA Anno 2009

Tip. Cardoni s.a.s. - Roma

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F abio Chigi Two-years after he left Malta (Chigi Palace, Arie ehi)

By courtesy of the Prince Sigismondo Chigi, Rome

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r

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STUDI ---------------------

E 249

VINCENT

TESTI ---------------------

BORG

FABIO CHIGI APOSTOLIC DELEGATE IN MALTA (

1634- 1639)

AN EDITION OF HIS OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE

CITTÀ DEL VATICANO BIBLIOTECA APOSTOLICA VATICANA

1967

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IMPRIMATUR f Fr. P etrus Canisius

van

Rierde

Vie. Gen.lis

e Vicariatu Civit. Vaticanae die 21 nov. 1967

TIPOGRAFIA S. PIO X - V IA D E G Ù ETRUSCHI - ROMA

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F O R E W O R D

The Vatican Library is 'publishing this work during the current year, that is in 1967, to commemorate the third centenary since the death of Pope Alexander V II.

H is term of office as Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate

in Malta had not, as yet, been properly analysed and studied.

The present

publication is devoted, solely, towards the study of Chigi’s activity as A p o­ stolic Delegate. It will throw valuable light on papal activity in its re­ lations with the Order of St John as well as in the Mediterranean waters. Moreover, it will help to bring to light various aspects of the social, po­ litical and economic life in Malta during the crucial days of Chigi’s stay in the island.

Chigi’s activity as head in charge of the Inquisitor’s tribunal

has still to be described, since it did not form part of the research entailed in the preparation of this work. I would like to express my sincere and grateful thanks to Prof. Pierre Blet S. J. for his encouragement and advice in directing the preparation of this work.

This publication, in fact, consists of the doctoral thesis

which I presented to the Faculty of Church History of the Pontifical Gregorian University and Prof. Blet was its director. I am also grateful to the Malta Government for awarding me one of the bursaries granted by the Italian Republic on the occasion of Malta’s ' Independence.

This helped me to pursue my final research, which I

still had to carry out at the Vatican Library and the Vatican Archives. Thanks are also due to the Board of Trustees of the Marquis Scicluna Trust Fund for a Senior Travelling Scholarship which made it possible for me to consult the Archivo Historico Nacional at Madrid and the Archivo General de Simancas, in Spain.

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Foreword

VI

I express my deep appreciation for the permission granted to me by H is Grace the Archbishop of Malta, M gr Michael Gonzi, to analyse the contents of the records preserved in the Inquisitor's Archives, as well as those forming part of the Archbishop’s Archives.

The M ost Reverend

Chapter of the Metropolitan Cathedral of Malta has shown similar gent­ leness in allowing me to do research work in the Archives of the Cathedral Church. I am greatly indebted to many people for the kindness and courtesy I have been able to appreciate in them during the compilation of this work. I would like to mention here the V. Rev. Members of the Faculty of Church History of the Pontifical Gregorian University, Rome ; Prince Sigismondo Chigi; Marquis Giovanni Incisa della Rocchetta; the Staff of the Vatican Library, M gr M . Giusti, Director, and the Staff of the Vatican Archives', F r Jos. C. Teschitel S. J. and F r Jos. Fejer S.J., Director and Assistant Director of the Archives of the Jesuit Curia in Rome, and F r Francis Salvo S .J . who was very helpful while I was working in these archives', D r Riccardo Magdaleno, Director, and the Staff of Simancas Archives in Spain ; Dr Vincent Depasquale, Director, and the Staff of the Malta Royal Library, Dr Adelaide Baviera, Director, and the Staff of the State Archives at Palermo·, as well as Captain Charles Zammit, Director of the National Museum, Malta, and M r Francis Mallia, Curator of Archeology of the same Museum. I would like also to acknowledge with gratitude the help I have re­ ceived from M r Jos. Grech, Rev. Timothy Firth, M r Jos. Borg Xuereb and M iss M ’Ann Borg Xuereb, for the patient care they have used in the final preparation and reading of the text before sending it for publication. Finally, before concluding, my special thanks are due to Prof. Alphonse Raes S.J., Prefect of the Vatican Library, for the encouragement accorded me through his decision to publish my work in the “ Studi e Testi ” series.

Royal University of Malta 22nd May, 1967. V in c e n t B org

D.D., H.E.D., Arch. Ch. E.

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PREFACE

The original despatches written from Malta by Mgr Fabio Chigi to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, cardinal-nephew of Pope Urban VIII, form, mainly, the contents of two volumes in the Barberini Uatini series preserved in the manuscript section of the Vatican Library, namely Barberini Uatini (B.B.) 6681 and 6682. These volumes contain, also, a good amount of the drafts of despatches which Barberini sent to Chigi. In Barberini Uatini (B.U.) 9037, there is one letter which refers to Malta. This is Chigi’s letter of thanks to the Cardinal after he had received the news of his appointment to Malta. At that time, Chigi was still in Ferrara (1). It is to be noted that a considerable number of despatches in or­ dinary script, sent from Malta, were not filed in the above-mentioned volumes after reaching their destination. This gap resulted after com­ paring the drafts of these letters with the original copies still preserved in the Barberini Uatini series. These drafts are contained in two volumes of the Chigi Archives, which now belong to the Vatican Uibrary. The two volumes in question are Fondo Chigi (F . Ch.) A.1.3 and A .1.4. Moreover, volume Fondo Chigi (F.Ch.) A.1.19 contains copies of almost all such despatches. From a comparison between the contents of the two volumes in the Barberini Uatini series and those in the Chigi Ar­ chives, it results that Chigi had written two hundred and twenty five despatches in ordinary script. The Barberini Uatini volumes give only one hundred and eleven (111) original copies of these letters. Thus, one hundred and fourteen (114) have been discarded by Barberini’s secretariat. Their drafts, however, are still available from the Chigi Archives. There is not even the slightest doubt that Chigi had not

(’ ) No. 5.

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v in

Preface

actually sent these letters to Barberini. In fact, whenever, Chigi re­ tained any letter whose draft he had already registered, he either cancelled this draft, or added a marginal note stating that that parti­ cular letter had not been sent to its destination (1). Almost all Chigi’s original letters, written in ordinary script, are holographs (2). More care was taken in Rome to preserve the ciphers sent from Malta. The total number of ciphers Chigi wrote amount to ninety seven (97). There are only two instances where both the original cipher and its decipherment are missing from the two volumes of the Barberini Ratini series quoted before. But, once more, the Chigi Archives came to the rescue. Volume B.I.7 of these Archives give the drafts of all Chigi’s ciphers (3). The first cipher written from Malta dates to almost a year after he had received his appointment to Malta (4). At first, it appears somewhat strange why he had waited so long to write such despatches. However, this delay is quite easily explained. When he left Rome for Malta, Chigi still lacked a code to write such letters (6). After his arrival in the island, he complained that he had not, yet, been' provided with such a code (6). Finally, on the 30th April, 1635, this code reached him (7). A copy of this code is still preserved in the Chigi Archives (8). Although both the official decipherment made by Barberini’s secreta­ riat (9), as well as Chigi’s drafts of these ciphers have been found (10), nevertheless, the copy of this code has been providential. It solved certain problems arising either from gaps in the official decipherments or whenever this decipherment gave a different reading from Chigi’s drafts (11).

(!) F.Ch. A .1.3, 186r, 327v, 35R and 427*. (2) The only letters, which are not holographs, are Nos. 271 and 322. (3) The two ciphers, whose originals and their decipherments are missing in the B.R. series, are Nos. 118 and 163a. (4) No. 64a. (6) F.Ch. A .1.3, 185v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 29th July, 1634. (6) Ibid., 277r, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 23rd Febr, 1635. (7) Ibid., 31 l r, draft of a letter addressed to the same person as in note No. 6, dated 30th April, 1635. (8) F.Ch. A.1.33, 94r-95r. (9) B.L. 6681 and 6682, passim. (10) F.Ch. B.I.7, passim. (») Nos. 136 [c], 225 [d] and [6], 233 [a], 244b [6], 331b [«], 335 [a], 349e[a] etc.

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Preface

IX

Barberini’s despatches to Chigi are found in volumes A.II.36 and A.II.37 of the Chigi Archives. These volumes contain, almost, all the ciphers and other letters which Chigi received from Barberini’s secretariat after his nomination to Malta. There are, in all, two hundred and thirty four (234) despatches. Fifty four (54) are in cipher, the rest, amounting to one hundred and eighty (180) are in ordinary script. Twenty two of the latter are holographs, the remaining one hundred and fifty eight (158), to a great extent (1), are signed letters. Almost all these despatches had been written by Antonio Feragalli, secretary of the cipher. Federico Ubaldini may have written some of them also (2). Some of Barberini’s despatches to Chigi are also missing. It has been possible to ascertain that there are in all ten original copies of such despatches wich have not been found. Nevertheless, the con­ tents of six of these letters is still available, since their drafts have been traced (3). In the remaining four instances, all that could be found was a reference to them in Barberini’s letters (4). The copy of the code used between Barberini and Chigi in writing ciphers was not necessary to read Barberini's secret despatches. Their decipherment, done by Chigi himself, is still available (5). But these original decipherments, in some instances, give only the reading of those parts of the despatches which had been written in cipher. Hence to read such decipherments, in their original form, one has to consult both the parts deciphered by Chigi and the parts of the cipher which had been written in ordinary script. On this account, it has been deemed to be quite convenient to quote, at the begining of these despatches, both the archivistic reference of the cipher as well as that of Chigi’s original decipherment (6). On perusing these despatches, one thing is notably, but unavoid­ ably, absent, namely the instructions which one would expect to have(*)

(*) No. 72b has no signiture, while No. 343b was written and signed by Giuliano Feragalli, one of the officials of the Pope’s secretariat. (2) Confer title page of B.L. 6701 and 6702. (3) Nos. 103, 223b, 254, 266b, 296 and 303b. (4) Cfr. infra 131, note 3; 268, note 7; 283, note 2; 229, note 3 and 331, note 3. (6) F.Ch. B.I.7, 339r-372r. (6) Copies of these decipherments are also found in F.Ch. A.II.37, 501r524T. But, since the original decipherments are still available, these copies have not been quoted in this work.

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X

Preface

been given to Chigi when be was sent to Malta. Cbigi bimself bad insisted to be provided with sucb instructions (1). But, it seems, that be never received any. He bad even tried to find a copy of tbe instructions given to some of bis predecessors on tbeir arrival in Malta. But none could be found (2). In a letter dated 23rd February, 1635, be states, quite plainly, that he bad never been given any instructions regarding tbe management of bis office in Malta (3). Though sucb instructions were not sent to him from Barberini’s secretariat, among Chigi’s papers preserved in his family archives, there is a report dealing with tbe office of Inquisitor in Malta (4). This report does not give any clear indication as to who was its author, tbe date when it was written, and to whom it was addressed. From a critical analysis of this contents, it seems quite probable, that it was written by an Inquisitor who was in Malta sometime about 1624. The years of its compilation seems to be 1635. One cannot say when this copy reached Chigi. Nevertheless, it has been deemed expedient to include a copy of this report as an appendix to this work (6). There is a great probability that it had been Chigi's guide, especially, in his transactions with the Order of St John and its members. Various volumes in the Barberini fiatini series and in the Chigi Archives have been consulted in the preparation of this work. But, such was the amount of documentation provided, particularly by the latter, that it proved to be quite a difficult task to sift all this material to bring out the necessary background to illustrate Chigi’s activities and diplomatic negotiations throughout his stay in Malta. His cor­ respondence with his two Agents in Rome, Honorato Honorati (6) and his successor Stefano Ugolini (7) has been of primary importance. Chigi’s (4) No. 19b. (2) F.Ch. A .1.3, 228v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 23rd October, 1634; Id., 230r, to Honorati, draft dated same as the previous one. (3) Ibid., 277v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 23rd February, 1635. (4) F.Ch. R.I.25, 186r-188r. (s) Appendix A. (6) Honorati had to relinquish this work in September 1636, on his nomin­ ation to the See of Urbania. Honorati’s correspondence with Chigi is preserved in F.Ch. A .I I .53, 602^645r. (7) Stefano Ugolini, Honorati’s successor, had been already in Chigi’s service. He had been, in fact, in charge of the administration of the Chigi’s interests in Rome. F.Ch. A .I I I .60, 17r-434r contains Ugolini’s letters to Chigi. Chigi’s drafts of letters written to these two Agents, in ordinary script, are

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Preface

xi

diary has been providential in determining the exact dates when certain events, actually, took place (1). During a voyage to Spain, financed by the Marquis Scicluna Trust Fund, I have been able to conduct some important research both in the Archivo Historico National in Madrid, as well as in the Archivo General de Simancas. The Estado and Secreterias Provinciales sections of the latter have provided interesting documentation illustrating the relations between Malta and Spain throughout Chigi’s term of office. Research in the more important archives to be found in Malta yielded good results. These archives are, mainly, four, namely the Archives of the Order of St John, housed at the Royal Malta Library, the Archiépiscopal Archives preserved at the Archbishop’s palace, those of the Metropolitan Cathedral annexed to the Cathedral Church and the Inquisitor’s Archives deposited, at present, in the old seminary at Mdina. From these archives, it has been possible to find a good amount of documentation which gave a substantial assistance in elucidating and implementing many points mentioned in Chigi’s despatches. Regarding the Inquisitor’s Archives, it is quite convenient to make some remarks. Although these archives contain almost all records regarding the administration of justice in the tribunal of the Inquisi­ tion throughout Chigi’s stay in Malta, there is hardly, however, any other original documents belonging to the same period. One must bear in mind that Chigi, on leaving the island, apart from such letters pertaining to the Holy Office, had left also some others (2). There is no doubt, whatsoever, that these archives have suffered some ir­ reparable losses (3). But, in Chigi’s instance, another solution explains why certain type of documents are missing from these archives. Chigi considered all letters he had received from Barberini’s secretariat as

found in F.Ch. A .1.3 and A .1.4. He used to write to them, also, in cipher. A copy of their secret code is preserved in F.Ch. A.1.33, 98v-99v (code with Ugolini) and 114v-115r (code with Honorati). The drafts of Chigi’s ciphers to his two Agents are found in F.Ch. B.I.7, 289r-300r and 307r-330v. P) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4) and a.1.8 (6). (2) Confer Chigi’s instructions to his successor in Malta, Appendix B. (3) Thus, for example, the original letters from the Secretariat of State to Inquisitor L. Gualtieri (1739-1743), consisting of two volumes, and another volume which gives the drafts of Gualtieri’s letters to the Secretariat of State, have found their way to British Museum (Brit. Museum, Additional Mss., vols. 20,387-8 and 20,389).

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X II

Preface

well as those sent him from the Roman Congregations, as his own personal property. On leaving Malta, he took these papers with him to form part of his own family archives. It is quite probable that other Inquisitors did the same thing. This may explain why the original despatches, sent from the Secretariat of State to the Inqui­ sitors in Malta still preserved in the Inquisitor’s Archives, date only to 1738. Due account has also been taken of biographies, publications and other studies dealing with Chigi (1). But, though one meets some reference to Chigi’s stay in Malta, none, however, has analysed in detail this period in his diplomatic career. Solely, Sforza Pallavicino has given a certain amount of importance to this period and devoted to it two chapters in Book One of his* classic work on Alexander V II (2). It is, however, quite obvious, that he had to limit himself to certain aspects which, according to his criteria, he considered to be important. He has, thus, left to pass unnoticed many particular episodes which shed an interesting light and information both on Chigi and his times in Malta. It is to be hoped, moreover, that the present work, apart from bringing to the limelight these various aspects, it will also be a companion to the works of Kybal-Incisa della Rocchetta (3) and Bticker (4), dealing with Chigi’s activity at Cologne and Munster. In preparing the edition of these despatches, the following criteria have been adopted: Tetters which describe Chigi’s own personal intervention and opin­ ion in matters of considerable importance, both regarding the internal and external affairs of the Order, and such as have a bearing on Malta’s political, social as well as economic history, have been reproduced in toto. Otherwise, a summary of the contents of almost all other letters has been given. These letters normally deal with the interests of private individuals. Foot-notes have a dual purpose. Besides giving the usual ne­ cessary indications and cross-reference, they try to present an explana-

(x) Confer Special Bibliography. (2) Sforza P alea vicino , Della Vita di Alessandro V II, Libri cinque·, Libro I, Cap. IX and X . (3) V l ASTIMII, K ybaf -G. I ncisa DBIM ROCCHETTA, La Nunziatura di Fabio Chigi, 2 vols. (4) H ermann B ììCKER, Der Nuntius Fabio Chigi (Papst Alexander VII) Munster 1644-1649.

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Preface

X III

tory background for a better understanding of the contents of each letter, whenever such a letter is deemed to be of considerable impor­ tance. This need is felt, in particular, when the subject matter of such letters had not been dealt with in the introductory part of this work. The introduction, quite obviously, could not cope with the con­ tents of all the despatches. It had to limit itself to the more important transactions and negotiations commissioned to Chigi from Barberini’s secretariat. Its primary object is to bring together these negotiations and to present them in the right perspective. There are many other sidelights in Chigi’s life during his long stay in Malta which have had to be left out from this publication. It is hoped that these will form the subject of another work. Before concluding this Preface, it is suitable to give an explan­ ation of the expression “ In Proprio ” , inserted in the original of eight despatches published in this edition (1). Andreas Kraus, in his work on the Papal Secretariat under Urban VIII, has brough out the meaning of this interesting expression. Before 1632, these words do not appear, while from 1634 onwards they are quite common. This expression was used for the first time in the correspondence with Papal Nuncios, Ambassadors, etc., during April 1634. Tetters which had this caption attached to them were delivered to a special bureau forming part of the Barberini’s secretariat. Accord­ ing to Kraus, this bureau was established in order to keep away from Mgr Francesco Adriano dei Marchesi di Ceva (State Secretary from November 1634 to July 1643) certain letters of a secret nature. Thus, in Barberini’s secretariat, from 1634 onwards, there were two different channels of communication, the ordinary one, known as " per segretaria ” and the “ In Proprio ” channel, which dealt with certain type of correspondence of a more secret and intimate nature. But, from 1637 onwards, it seems that these two channels of communication were no longer strictly separated from each other, since Ceva himself began dealing with some “ In Proprio ” correspondence (2). (J Nos. 80, 136, 175, 187a, 214e, 252, 255 and 339a. (2) A ndrea K raus , Das Päpstliche Staatssekretariat unter Urban V III, 223-245.

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ABBREVIATIONS

ARCHIVES and EI BRARIES A .A .M . A.C.M . A.H .N. A.O.M. A .R .S .I.

A .I.M A.S.V.

Archiépiscopal Archives, Valletta, Malta. Archives of the Cathedral, Mdina, Malta. National Historical Archives, Madrid, Spain. Archives of the Order of St John, Valletta, Malta. Archives of the Society of Jesus, Rome, Italy. Archives of the Inquisitor, Mdina, Malta.

R.M.L. Sim.

Vatican Secret Archives, Vatican City. Royal Malta Library, Valletta, Malta. General Archives of Sitnancas, Simancas (Valladolid), Spain.

Vat. Libr.

Vatican Library, Vatican City.

SOURCES B.L. : Barberini Latini series, Vatican Library. B.O. : Barberini Orientali series, Vatican Library. F.Ch. : Chigi Archives, Vatican Library. Hier. Cath. : GauchaT (Patr.), Hierarchia Catholica Medii et Recentioris Aevi, voi. IV. D ai, P ozzo : D ai, P ozzo (Bart.), Historia della Sacra Religione Militare di San Giovanni detta di Malta. D ei, P ozzo-S oearo : D ei, P ozzo (Bart.)-Soi,ARO (Roberto), Ruolo generale de’ Cavalieri della Ven.da Lingua d’Italia fino al 1714·. Seer. Br. : Secretariat of the Papal briefs, Vatican Secret Archives.

OTHER ABBREVIATIONS e.mo

eminentissimo.

cav. G.M.

cavaliere. Gran Maestro or Grand Master.

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Abbreviations

XVI

ill.mo

illustrissimo.

mons.

monsignore.

N.S.

Nostro Signore.

p.n.n.

pages not numbered.

rev.mo

reverendissimo. signore.

sig. S. Alt.a S.B. S. Ecc.a S. Em.a S. M.tà

Sua Altezza. Sua Beatitudine. Sua Eccellenza. Sua Eminenza. Sua Maestà. Sua Santità.

S. S.tà V. Em.a

Vostra Eminenza.

V.S.

Vostra Signoria.

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SOURCES

DOCUMENTS PUBUISHED IN THIS EDITION V atican L ibrary B.B. 6681 : Despatches sent by Chigi to Cardinal Francesco Barberini from the 17th September, 1634, to the 9th December, 1637. B.B. 6682 : Despatches sent by Chigi to Cardinal Francesco Barberini from the 11th January, 1638 to the 7th April, 1639. B.B. 6701 : Drafts of despatches sent to Chigi from Barberini’s secretariat. B.B. 6702 : Contents as in the preceding volume. B.B. 9037 : A letter of thanks to Cardinal Barberini after Chigi’s appointment to Malta. F.Ch. A .II.36 : Despatches sent to Chigi from the Cardinal’s secretariat between the 24th April, 1634 and the 27th May, 1634. F.Ch. A .II.37 : Similar despatches as in the preceding volume written bet­ ween 7th June, 1634 and the 30th April, 1639. F.Ch. A.1.3 : Drafts of Chigi’s letters written in ordinary script till the 22nd January, 1636. F.Ch. A.1.4 : Similar to the preceding volume, containing drafts of letters written from the 24th January, 1636 to the 28th March, 1639. F.Ch. A.I.19 : Copies of letters and ciphers sent by Chigi to Cardinal Francesco. F.Ch. B.I.7 : Drafts of Chigi’s ciphers to Cardinal Francesco; Chigi’s deci­ pherments of Barberini’s ciphers; drafts of Chigi's letters written in ordinary script from the 31st March, 1639 onwards.

OTHER SOURCES QUOTED IN THIS EDITION V atican Bibrary B.B. 6676 : Better from Mgr Carlo Bovio, Bishop of Bagnarea, Inquisitor in Malta during 1623-1624, addressed to Cardinal Francesco Barberini. B.B. 6677 : Better from Mgr Honorato Visconti, Inquisitor in Malta from 1624 to 1627, to Cardinal Francesco Barberini.

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Sources

X V III

B.B. 6683 : Betters from Mgr Gio. Batt. Gori Pannellini, Inquisitor in Malta from 1639 to 1645, to Cardinal Francesco Barberini. B.B. 6687 : Betters from Mgr Michael Gio. Balaguer de Camarasa, Bishop of Malta from 1635-1662, to Barberini. B.B. 6689 : Betters from Grand Master Antoine de Paule (1623-1636) Pope Urban V III and to Cardinal Francesco.

to

B.B. 6690 : Betters from Grand Master Jean Paul Bascaris de Castellar (1636-1656) to Pope Urban V III and to the Cardinal Nephew. B.B. 6693 : Betters written by various members of the Order of St John of Jerusalem to Barberini. B.B. 6694 : Idem.

B.B. 6695 : Betters from Prince Frederick Bandgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt to Barberini.

B.B. 6697 : Memoranda and other papers regarding the Order of St John of Jerusalem. B.B. 6699 : Idem. B.B. 7002 : Despatches from Mgr Malatesta Baglioni, Papal Nuncio at the Imperial Court, sent to Barberini between the 4th July and the 29th August, 1637. B.B. 7003 : Contents as in the preceding volume, despatches dated from the 5th September to the 30th October, 1637. B.B. 7004 : Idem; despatches dated from the 7th November to the 25th December, 1637. B.B· 8615 : Betters from Henrietta Maria, Queen of England, to Barberini. B.B. 8645 ; Betters sent from England by Giorgio Coneo to Cardinal Francesco. B.B· 8658 : A letter from Nicholas Fortescue to Barberini. B.B. 9292 : Betters from Pietro Paolo Floriani to Barberini. F.Ch. a.1.8 (4) : Chigi’s diary from the 18th March, 1634 to the 19th August, 1637. F.Ch. a.1.8 (6) : Idem; from the 20th August, 1637 to the 31st December, 1641. F.Ch. A.I.33 : Secret codes used by Chigi in his ciphers with Barberini and with his Agents in Rome. F.Ch. A .II.52

: Betters from Honorato Honorati to Chigi.

F.Ch. A.III.53 : Betters from Pallavicino to Chigi.

Mgr

Clemente

Merlino

and

Mgr

F.Ch. A.III.54

: Betters from Mgr Corsini to Chigi.

F.Ch. A .III.55

: Betters from Gio. Francesco Sacchetti to Chigi.

Sforza

F.Ch. A .III.57 : Betters from Pietro Paolo Floriani, Mgr Gio. Batt. Gori Pannellini, Borenzo Rosa, Fr Mutio Vitelleschi S.J. and Fr Sebastian Salelles S.J. to Chigi. F.Ch. A .III.59 : Betters from Bucas Holste to Chigi. F.Ch. A .III.60 :

»

»

Stefano Ugolini to Chigi.

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Sources

X IX

F.Ch. A.III.62 : Letters from Grand Masters de Paule and Lascaris to Chigi. F.Ch. B .I.l : » » Mgr Michael Gio. Balaguer de Camarasa and Mgr Gio. Batt. Gori Pannellini to Chigi. F.Ch. B.I.3

: Letters from various persons to Chigi.

F.Ch. N.III.77 : Papers on the fortifications of Malta. F.Ch. R.I.18 F.Ch. R.I.25

: » » » » » » : Various reports and papers regarding Maltese affairs.

VATICAN ARCHIVES Secretariat of State. Malta 10 : Letters from Mgr Giulio degli Oddi, Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta, sent to the Secretariat of State during 1655. Malta 11 : Idem; letters written during 1656. Malta 12 : » » » » 1657. Malta 22 : Letters from Mgr Angelo Ranucci, Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta, sent to the Secretariat of State during 1667. Malta 85 : Drafts of letters sent from the Secretariat of State to Mgr Angelo Ranucci during 1667. Secretariat of Papal Briefs. Seer. Br. » » » » » » » » » » » » » »

» »

» »

» » »

» » »

817 822 826 828 831 833 839 842 843 844

of

» » »

» » » »

» » » »

»

»

848

» »

»

849

»

» » »

856 857

»

»

845 847

Drafts » » » »

» » »

»

» »

810 813

858

» »

» » » »

» » » » » » » » » »

papal briefs granted during May» August » » » December » » » » » » » May » September » » » » November » » )> » February » » » » » April » » » October » » » » January » » » » February » » » » » » »

» »

» »

» »

March April

»

» »

»

June

»

»

» » » »

July August February

» »

» »

» » »

» » »

» » »

March April

1634 » » 1635. » » 1636. » » 1637. » » » » » » 1638. » »

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Sources

XX

Seer. Br.

860

briefs

granted

during

863 866

»

»

»

»

»

»

Septem ber

»

» »

»

»

»

»

»

»

Decem ber

»

»

»

869

»

»

»

»

»

»

February

1639.

»

»

871

»

»

»

»

»

»

A p ril

»

D rafts of papal

June

1638. »

»

ROME - ARCHIVES OF TH E SOCIETY OF JESUS Sicula

11 : Drafts of the Father General’s letters to the Sicilian Province, written during 1633-1636.

Sicula Sicula

12 : Idem; written during 1637-1640. 63 : Triennial reports sent from the Provincial of Sicily to the Father General from 1633 to 1639.

Sicula 65 : Idem; from 1642 to 1645. Sicula 155 : Catalogues of the members of the Sicilian Province from 1610 to 1637.

PADERMO - STATE ARCHIVES Real Segreteria (Dispacci), 51. » » » 52. »

»

»

55.

SIMANCAS - GENERAD ARCHIVES Estado (Sicilia) Degajo 3480 : Documents regarding Maltese affairs, 1634 to 1636. » »

» »

» »

3481 : Idem; 1637. 3482 : Idem; 1638-1639.

Secreterias Provinciales (Sicilia) Degajo 1477 » » » » 1478 »

»

»

» » »

» » »

» » »

» »

» »

» »

» Dibro » » » »

various papers regarding Malta. Idem.

1479

»

723 725 788

»

816 822

MADRID - NACIONAD HISTORICAD ARCHIVES Estado, Dibro 86.

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Sources

XXI

MAI/TA - ARCHIVES OE TH E INQUISITOR Lettere ab anno 1609 ad 1612 : Letters from the Congregation of the Holy Office. »

»

» »

» » » »

»

1625 ad 1632 : Idem. 1635 ad 1636 : » 1637 ad 1641 : »

» » » 1655 ad 1659 : » Chisius L I : Records of proceedings in the tribunal of the Holy Office during Chigi’s term of office in Malta. Chisius L I I

: Idem.

Chisius L I I I : Idem. Memorie di Mons. Salviati, Tomo I. Lettere e scritture di diverse Congregationi di Roma e della Segreteria di Stato dal 1624 al 1753. Capitolo della Cattedrale. Registro Introiti-Esiti del S. Offizio. Libro delle ordinazioni dalli 26 novembre 1628.

MALTA - ARCHIVES OP TH E ORDER OF ST JOHN OP JERUSALEM 60.

Lettere originali di diversi sovrani e imperatori dal 1528 al 1774.

111. 112.

Liber Conciliorum, 1633-1636. » » 1636-1639.

256.

Liber Conciliorum Status, 1624-1638.

257. 467.

» »> » 1638-1645. Liber Bullarum Magn. Magistri Lascaris, Ann. 1636, 1637, 1638.

1111. Relazioni dei Commissarii, 1630-1640. 1123. Relazioni dei Commissarii deputati dal Tribunale della Publica Udienza 1622-1669. 1144. Brevi Graziosi. 1147. Brevi, Urbano V i l i 1627-1631. 1264. Lettere degli Ambasciatori presso la » » » » 1265. » » » » » 1266. » » » » » 1267. »

S. Sede, 1635. » » 1637. »

»

1638.

»

»

1639.

1413. Registro di lettere a vari sovrani, etc., dal G.M. di Paula » » » » » » » 1414. » » » .» » » Lascaris 1415. » » » » » » » 1416. » » » » » » i> » » »

1634. 1635. 1636. 1637.

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X X 3I

1418. Registro di lettere a vari sovrani, etc., dal G.M. Lascaris

1639.

1419. » » » » » » » » » » 1640. 2111* Registro delle deliberazioni della Lingua di Francia 1641-1651. 2129. » » » » » d'Italia 1631-1647. 2178. Brevi e lettere di S. S.tà alla Lingua d’Italia e altre scritture, 1579-1635. 2181. Scritture Italiane. 2203. Decreti e deliberazioni della Lingua di Castiglia e Portogallo dal 1599 al 1681. 2213. Indice dei Cavalieri della Lingua di Castiglia dal 1538 al 1705. 6554. Suggestions and reports on thè fortifications and defences of thè Islands, 1633-1698.

MALTA - RO YAL MALTA LIB R A R Y Manuscripts’ Section. 6. Diocesan Synod of Bishop Cagliares, held in 1620. 8. Various documents and papers regarding ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 15. » » » » » » » 53, 241 and 275. The writings of Fra Salvatore Imbroll regarding the history of the Order of St John of Jerusalem. 222. 302.

Privilegi della Sacra Religione Gerosolimitana, ed Università di Matta. Vita del Gran Maestro Lascaris. This work is incomplete. The bio­ graphy of Lascaris ends with the year 1636.

332. Statuti Riformati. 1011. Another copy of the Diocesan Synod of Bishop Cagliares held in 1620. 1148. Gio. Luca Ebejer, Elettionario del Gran Maestro. MALTA - ARCHIEPISCOPAL ARCHIVES Secretariat Corrispondenza - Tomo II. Lettere e Decreti delle Sacre Congregationi di Roma e diverse altre scritture concernenti la giurisdittione et immunità. Registro di Reveli e Rolli dei clerici detta Diocesi di Matta fra gli anni 1634-1661. MALTA - CATHEDRAL ARCHIVES Deliberationi Capitolari, Tomo II. Documenta, Serie A, Tomo III. » » Tomo VII. »

»

Tomo IX .

Ms. 168.

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BI BEIOGRAPHY

SPECIAL, BIBEIOGRAPHY B ücher (Herman), Der Nuntius Fabio Chigi (Papst Alexander V I I ) in Münster 1644-1649, Münster 1958. CHIGI (Fabio), Iter Illustrissimi, ac Reverendissimi Domini Fabii Chisii, Nuntii

Apostolici, ab Insula Melitensi Romam, et ab urbe Ferraria Coloniam, Cologne 1639.

—

Philomati Musae Juveniles, Cologne 1645.

Ciacconio (Alfonso)-O tdoino (Agostino), Vitae et res gestae Pontificum Roma­ norum et S.R.E. Cardinalium, Rome 1677. I ncisa

detta R occhetta (Giovanni), Gli appunti autobiografici d’Alessandro V II nell'Archivio Chigi: Studi e Testi 236, Vatican City 1964, 439-457.

K ybai , (Vlastimil)-I ncisa detta R occhetta (Giovanni), La Nunziatura di Fabio Chigi {1640-1651), 2 vols, Rome 1943/1946. MEniconio (Antonio), Ad Sanctissimum D.N. Alexandrum VII, Pont. Max. Oratio dum Em. M. Magistr. et totius S. Hierosol. Ordinis nomine Ven. Fr. Joannes Bichius Capuae Prior debitam eidem Sanctissimo gratula­ tionem et oboedientiam praestaret in Consistorio habita X I I I Aprilis 1656, Rome 1656. P otidori (Pietro), Vita Fabii Chisii Episcopi Neritini postea Alexandri VII: Nuova Raccolta d’opuscoli scientifici e filologici, tomo IV, Venice 1789, 248-360. Patta

vicino

(Sforza), Della Vita di Alessandro V II libri cinque, Prato 1839-

1840. Paschint (Pio), I Chigi, Rome 1946. Pastor (Ludwig von), History of thè Popes, voi. X X X I, London 1940. (Paolo), Carteggio inedito di Fabio Chigi, poi Papa Alessandro VII, Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria, voi. X V , Siena 1908, 99-127.

PlCCOTOM INI

Sandri (Leopoldo), Alessandro V II (Fabio Chigi), Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria, voi. L X V III, Siena 1961, 2-27. Springhetti (Aemilio), Alexander V II Poeta: Archivum Historiae Pontificiae, voi. I, Rome 1963, 265-294.

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Bibliography

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GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY A bela (Gio. Francesco), Della Descrittione di Malta, Malta 1647. A guilHRA (Emmanuele), Provinciae Siculae Societatis Jesu Ortus et Res Gestae, voi. II, Palermo 1740. B iaudet (Henry), Les Nonciatures Apostoliques Permanentes jusqu’en 1648· Helsinki 1910. B lBT (Pierre), Correspondance du Nonce en France Ranuccio Scotti (1639-1641), Rome-Paris 1965. B onnici (Arthur), L-Ordni fa' Malta, Malta 1955.

Bosio (Giacomo), Della Historia della Religione et III.ma Militia di S. Giovanni, voi. I l i , Rome 1602. — — Gli Statuti della Sacra Religione di S. Giovanni Gierosolimitano, Rome 1597. B rancaccio (Belio), I Carichi Militari, Milan 1619. Caeremoniale super electione Magni Magistri Hospitalis S. Joannis Hierosolymitani, Rome 1635. Callus (Daniel), Un illustre Sengleano del seicento, P. Gio. Matteo Rispolis O.P., 1582-1639: Archivum Melitense, voi. V i l i , Malta 1929, 5-34. Cassar (Paul), The Maltese corsairs and thè Order of St John of Jerusalem: Catholic Historical Review, voi. X L VI, Washington 1960, 137-156. D armanin DEMajo (Giuseppe), L ’Albergia della Lingua d’Alemagna·. Archivio Storico di Malta, voi. IV, Rome 1933, 66-88. B bej ER (Gio. Luca), Elettionario dell'Em.o e Rev.mo Gran Maestro Gerosoli­ mitano, Todi 1634. F alcone (Pompeo), La Nunziatura di Malta dell’Archivio Segreto della Santa Sede. L ’età di Gregorio X I I I : Archivio Storico di Malta, voi. V, Rome 1934, 172-267. F erris (Achille), Storia ecclesiastica di Malta, Malta 1877. FLoriani (Pietro Paolo), Dipesa e offesa delle piazze, Macerata 1630. (Thomas, Lord Clermont), The History oj thè family of Fortescue, London 1880.

FORTESCUE

Galli (Giuseppe), Il card. Maculano al processo di Galileo - Cenni biografici: Memorie Domenicane, Quaderno 874, Florence 1965, 24-42. Gau Chat (Patricius), Hierarchia Catholica Medii et Recentioris Aevi, Voi. IV, Munster 1935. GugliELOMOTTI (Alberto), Storia della Marina Pontificia, voi. V II, Rome 1892. K raus

(Andreas), Das Päpstliche Staatssekretariat unter Urban V il i . 16231644 (Forschungen zur Geschichte des päpstlichen Staatssekretariats, 1), Rome-Freiburg-Wien 1964. (Antonio), I Giesuiti in Malta al tempo dei Cavalieri Gerosolimitani, Malta 1934.

LEANZA

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L itta (Pompeo), Famiglie Celebri Italiane, Seconda Serie, 54 vols, Naples 1902. Mercati (Angelo), Raccolta di concordati su materie ecclesiastiche tra la Santa Sede e le autorità civili, voi. I, Yatican City 1959. MichEE (Ersilio), I manoscritti delle Biblioteche di Roma relativi alla storia di Malta: Archivio Storico di Malta, voi. I l i, Rome 1932, 115-142. M ie s u d

(Alfred), Knìght Hospitallers of thè Ven. Tongue of England, Malta 1914.

-------- L'espulsione dei Gesuiti da Malta nel 1768 e la loro temporalità·. Archivum Melitense, voi. II, Malta 1914, 113-166. --------Papi, fortificazioni e tasse nel passato di Malta: Archivum Melitense, voi. I l i , Malta 1919, 399-430. Miesud (Ignazio Saverio), Biblioteca Maltese, Malta 1764.

(Mario), Storia politica e militare del Sovrano Ordine di S. Giovanni di Gerusalemme detto di Malta, voi. II, Milan 1940.

M o n TERISI

N ani Mocenigo (Mario), Storia della Marina Veneziana da Lepanto alla caduta della Republica, Rome 1935. N asaeEI R occa d i Corneeiano (Emilio), Notizie di cronaca Maltese del seicento: Archivio Storico di Malta, voi. V il i, Rome 1937, 450-453. — — Un’impresa delle galere di Malta a Tripoli in una relazione contempo­ ranea: Archivio Storico di Malta, voi. V ili, Rome 1937, 227-239. N eri (Achille), Cesare Magalotti istoriografo della Religione di Malta: Archivio Storico Italiano, tomo II, Florence 1888, 127-133. OTTOEENGHI (Emilio), Fiorenzuola e dintorni. Notizie storiche. Fiorenzuola d’Arda 1903. P aoei (Sebastiano), Codice diplomatico del Sacro Militare Ordine Gerosolimitano

oggi di Malta, two volumes, Lucca, 1733-1737. P astor (Ludwig von), History of thè Popes, vols. X X V III and X X I X , London 1938. PE CC H IAI (Pio), La sommossa dei Cavalieri di Malta contro i Giesuiti nel Car­ nevale del 1639·. Archivio Storico di Malta, voi. IX , Rome 1938, 429-432. . D ae P ozzo (Bartolomeo), Historia della Sacra Religione Militare di San Giovanni detta di Malta, two volumes, Venice 1702-1715. DEE P ozzo (Bartolomeo)-SOEARO (Roberto), Ruolo generale de’ Cavalieri della Ven.da Lingua d’Italia fino al 1713, Turin 1714. Q u EN TIN H u g h ES (John), The Building of Malta during thè period of thè Knights of St John of Jerusalem, London 1956. Quaranta (Clinio), Episodio inedito della storia di Malta. Sollevazione delle Lingue e cacciata dei Giesuiti nel 1639: Sardegna Letteraria, voi. X IV , Sassari 1902, 118-119. Quaranta (Stefano), Summa Bullarii earumque Summorum Pomtificum Constitutionum quae ad communem Ecclesiae usum post volumina Juris Ca­ nonici, usque ad Sanctissimum D.N. Paulum V emanarunt, Venice 1629. ROSSI

(Ettore), Storia della Marina dell’Qrdine di San Giovanni di Gerusalemme di Rodi e di Malta, Rome 1926.

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Sa i /EDEES (Sebastiano), De Materia Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, voi. I, Antwerp

1645. SAVEEEI (Agostino), Storia di Malta, Milano 1944. De Sordanis (Gio. Pietro Francesco), Ghawdex bil-grajja tieghu, voi. II (Maltese translation by G. Farrugia), Malta 1953. Spadoni (Domenico), Nel centenario dell'Architetto delle " Floriane Storico di Malta, voi. X , Rome 1939, 48-52.

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VEIAA (Andrew), The Tribunal of the Inquisition in Malta, Malta 1964.

V izzari DI Saunazzano (Ruigi), La Lingua d'Inghilterra nel S.M. Ordine di Malta, Rome 1913. Z ammit Gabarret Ta (Anthony), The presentation, examination and nomination of the Bishops of Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Malta 1961.

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ADDITIONAL

NOTES

I. - IMPORTANT DATES IN CHIGI'S RIFE (x) 13th February, 1599, bom at Siena, son of Flavio Chigi and Laura Marsili. 12th September, 1626, defends his doctoral thesis at the Academy of Siena. 13th December, 1626, leaves Siena for Rome, from where, after being nominated “ Referendarius Utriusque Signaturae ” , in February, 1629, he is sent to Ferrara as Vice-Papal Legate. 22nd April, 1634, Chigi is transferred from Ferrara to the office of Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta. He arrives at his new destination on the 19th October of the same year. 8th. January, 1635, Urban V III, announces, in a public consistory, the no­ mination of Chigi to the Bishopric of Nardd. 26th February, 1639, Chigi is appointed Papal Nuncio at Cologne. Malta on the 28th April.

He leaves

14th March, 1644, he leaves Cologne on his way to Munster as Papal Legate in the negotiations for peace which were to take place there. 30th November, 1651, Chigi returns to Rome from Cologne to take up the office of Secretary of State. 12th. March, 1652, he is created Cardinal. 13th May, 1652, Chigi is transferred from the See of Nardd to that of Imola. 7th April, 1655, after a long conclave, Fabio Chigi is elected Pope. the name of Alexander VII.

He assumes

22nd May, 1667, Pope Alexander V II dies.(*)

(*) Confer GauchaT, Hierarchia Catholica, voi. IV; P asTOR, voi. X X X I (English Translation) ; P omidori, Vita Fabii Chisii; Sforza Pai,i,avicino , Della vita di Alessandro VII.

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X X V III

Additional Notes

II. - PAPAE BRIEF NOMINATING FABIO CHIGI APOSTOEIC DEEEGATE IN MAETA URBAN VIII TO FABIO CHIGI A .S.V., Secr. Br. 813, 600r-\ draft. Rome, lOth June, 1634. Dilecto Magistro Fabio Chisio in Utraque Signatura Nostra Referendario, in Civitate et Insula Melitensi haereticae pravitatis Inquisitori Generali. URBANUS PP. V III Dilecte Pili Noster, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum nuper Te in Civitate et Insula Melitensi haereticae pravitatis Inquisitorem Generalem Apostolica auctoritate duxerimus destinandum, qui catholicae fidei et nostra negocia ibi ad Dei gloriam eiusdemque fidei propagationem pro viribus exequaris. Nos de tua probitate et prudentia plurimum in Domino confisi ut Christi fidelium in illis partibus degentium statui et saluti opera tua amplius consulatur, Te Nostrum et Apostolicae Sedis Commissarium et Delegatum ad universa et singula alia negocia Tibi per Nos et dictam Sedem in spiritualibus et temporalibus committendis auctoritate Apostolica tenore praesentium fa­ cimus, constituimus et deputamus. Tibique, quamdiu praedicto Inquisitoris munere fungendo ibi commoraberis, quoad illa quae Tibi a Nobis et eadem Sede cum dilectis filiis Magistro et Conventu Hospitalis S. Joannis Hierosolymitani eorumve subditis et vasallis vel quibuscumque aliis personis aut inter praedictos eorumque aliquos Nostro et Apostolicae Sedis nomine gerendum et tractan­ dum seu cognoscendum specialiter vel generaliter committentur omnia et quae­ cumque in illis et circa ea necessaria et quomodolibet opportuna quaecumque Commissarii et Delegati in locis ad quae destinantur et circa res sibi commis­ sas de iure, consuetudine aut alias quomodolibet facere possunt seu debent, faciendum, statuendum, decernendum, mandandum et exequendum etsi no­ tam et expressionem aut commissionem requirerent magis specialem et sub generali huiusmodi commissione non veniant nec compraehendantur, plenam et omnimodam facultatem et potestatem auctoritate et tenore praesentis con­ cedimus et impartimur. Non obstantibus Constitutionibus et Ordinationibus Apostolicis caeterisque contrariis quibuscumque. Quocirca, Tibi per prae­ sentes mandamus quatenus iniunctum Tibi onus huiusmodi ita foeliciter et iuxta datam Tibi a Domino prudentiam exequaris ut ex tuis laboribus, fide et diligentia, divina assistente bonitate, optati et sperati Nobis fructus adveniant. Datum Romae, apud Sanctam Mariam Majorem sub annulo piscatoris die 10 Junii 1634, pontificatus Nostri anno X I 0.

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INTRODUCTION

FABIO CHIGI APOSTOLIC DELEGATE IN MALTA

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i

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Marta ' s Grand H arbour and its fortifications prior to Proriani' s and P jrenzuoi.a ' s additions (Prom, an old print published ior the first time by Braun and Hogenberg in their Atlas about 1573) www.torrossa.com - For non-commercial use by authorised users only. License restrictions apply.

By courtesy of Mr Jos. Borg Xuereb. Photo: Wilfrid Flores, Malta.

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I. - DESTINATION - MALTA

1. - THE OFFICE OF INQUISITOR AND APOSTOLIC DELEGATE IN MALTA The office of Inquisitor in Malta, with powers delegated to it di­ rectly from the Congregation of the Holy Office, came into being in 1561. In virtue of a papal brief, dated 21st November of that year, the Bishop of Malta, Mgr Domenico Cubelles, was appointed Inquisitor General to the Maltese Islands by the above-mentioned Roman Con­ gregation (1). The same office was, subsequently, invested in his suc­ cessor, Mgr Martin Royas. In 1574, owing to certain troubles which arose between Bishop Royas and Grand Master Jean l’Evèque de la Cassière, head of the Order of St John of Jerusalem, which then governed Malta, the Holy See sent to the island Mgr Peter Dusina. This prelate, on the 3rd July, 1574, was nominated Inquisitor General and Apostolic Delegate to the Maltese Islands (2). The papal brief, which nominated Dusina to this office, abrogated and suspended, at the same, all inquisitorial powers which the bishop of Malta had enjoyed so far. Mgr Dusina arrived in Malta and took up residence in the island on the 1st August, 1574. From this date till the last days of the Inquisition in Malta, the prelates who filled the office of Inquisitor and Apostolic Delagate in the Maltese Islands, were always Italians (3).

f1) Seb astia n Sa d e ia ES, T)e Materia Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, I, 49. (2) A n d r e w VEIAA, The Tribunal of the Inquisition in Malta, 16-21; S. S ad EIAES, op. cit., 57-58.

(3) The office of Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta was sup­ pressed in 1798, during the French occupation of the island.

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Destination - Malta

These prelates, during their term of office in Malta, had a twofold mission to fulfill, namely: (i) As Inquisitors, that is, the representatives of the Congrega­ tion of the Holy Office, their main duty was to be on their guard to preserve Catholic faith and doctrine from any kind of heretical conta­ mination. The jurisdiction of the Inquisitor extended itself on all the inhabitants of the Maltese Islands, including the members of the Order of St John, whenever anyone of these became suspect of having commit­ ted any crime which fell within the jurisdiction of the Inquisitor. From time to time, edicts were published which enlisted these crimes. The Inquisitor had his own tribunals and prisons to deal with all those who were accused of any of these crimes. (ii) These prelates, however, had another function to fulfill, namely, that of Apostolic Delegates. They were the official represen­ tatives of the Holy See in Malta and had to deal in its name in all such matters as were, from time to time, commissioned to them either directly from the Pope or by any one of the Roman Congregations (1). The Apostolic Delegate in Malta exercised a special function with regard to the tribunal which the Congregation of the Rev.da Fabbrica of St. Peter’s had established in Malta (2). He was, in fact, ex officio the superintendant of this tribunal.

p) Pompeo Falcone in his study, La Nunziatura di Malta dell'Archivio Segreto della Santa Sede. L ’età di Gregorio X I I I , tries to justify why one could include Malta among the Nunciatures of the Holy See. Biaudet, how­ ever, has left Malta out from the list of such Nunciatures (J. B iaudet , Les Nonciatures Apostoliques Permanentes jusqu’en 1648, I, 28). Strictly speaking, Malta could not be elevated to the rank of a Nunciature, since the island was governed by a military-religious Order, whose members were, thus, under various respects, directly dependent on the Holy See. This important factor is clearly brought out by the writer of the report on the office of Inquisitor in Malta, included here in Appendix A. The writer of this report states: “ Questa carica è spetie di Nuntiatura, e se non è di nome per esser la Reli­ gione suddita della Sede Apostolica, è al meno quanto all’effetto ” (F.Ch. R.I.25, 186r). Chigi himself shared this same view {F.Ch. A .1.3, 121v). In a letter dated 13th April, 1612, the Inquisitor, Mgr Evangelista Carbonesio, was informed by the Congregation of the Holy Office to avoid any question of precedence with Monsieur de Vandóme, who was, then, in Malta " perché V.S. così non rappresenta la persona di Nuncio Apostolico ” (A .I.M ., Lettere ab anno 1609 ad 1612, 245r). (*) This tribunal was established in Malta in 1628, at the request of Grand Master de Paule, who, thereby, tried to restrict the Bishop’s jurisdiction.

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The Office of Inquisitor

5

On being nominated Inquisitor in Malta, the prelate concerned received two papal briefs, one of these outlined his powers and juris­ diction as Inquisitor, while the other one dealt with his office as Apo­ stolic Delegate (*). The allowance given to the Inquisitor amounted to fifty Roman scudi per month (2), while he was normally given a sum of one hundred scudi to cover the expenses incurred in his voyage to Malta (3). The monthly allowance had to make good for the personal needs of the Inquisitor, as he hardly received any other sort of remuneration through­ out his stay in Malta. The Grand Master, however, apart from leav­ ing his own coach and horses at the disposal of the Inquisitor, gave some daily provisions for the prelate’s table (4). The Inquisitor had his residence at Vittoriosa, which had been the Order’s headquarters from the days of its arrival in Malta in 1530 till 1571. The Order, in fact, transferred itself from Vittoriosa to the new city of Valletta, which was still under construction, on the 18th March, 1571. Hence, the Inquisitor, whenever he had to visit the Grand Master or deal with the Order, he had to cross by boat the harbour which separates Valletta from Vittoriosa. The office of Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta carried with it a certain amount of importance on account of the presence of the Order of St John in the island. This religious-military Order was, mainly, made up of knights, known as knights of justice (6). To

This tribunal, in fact, had to control the execution and due fulfilment of all pious legacies founded in the diocese. A Maltese priest, Fr Nicholas Mangion, was left in charge of its administration (D ai, P ozzo, I, 766; F.Ch·. A.1.4, 213v). I*1) The drafts of the two papal briefs given to Chigi, on his appointment as Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate are found in A.S.V., Seer. Br. 813, 600r'v and 602r-603r. The papal brief regarding his office as Apostolic De­ legate is included in this publication (cfr. supra xxvrn). (2) A .I.M ., Lettere ab anno 1586 ad 1608, 222r, letter from the Congre­ gation of the Holy Office to the Inquisitor in Malta, dated 23rd December, 1605; F.Ch. A .1.3, 121v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 11th May, 1634. (3) F.Ch. R.I.25, 187v, cfr. Appendix A. (4) Ibidem, 187M881. (6) These knights were divided in eight Langues, according to the place of their origin. Originally, there were eight such Langues, namely, Provence, Auvergne, France, Italy, Aragon, Castille (which included also Leon and Portugal), Germany and England. The English Langue was suppressed in

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6

Destination - Malta

be enrolled a knight of justice within the Order, among other requisites, one had to prove his noble birth (l). When his request had been accepted by the Order, the individual concerned had to spend a year of novitiate living in the Convent, that is in Malta (s). After his eight­ eenth year, he could make his religious profession. But, in order to become eligible to higher posts within the Order and be endowed with any of the Order’s benefices, he had to spend another four years of residence in the Convent (2) and take part, either personally or through a substitute, in four “ caravanas ” (4). Thus, normally, each knight of justice spent, at least, five years in Malta. Noblemen, hailing from different parts of Europe and belonging to important European noble families, were quite common in Malta in those days (6). This factor, with all that which thence ensued, rendered the office of Inquisitor and Apostoloc Delegate in Malta one which required a certain amount of skill and tact. The person in charge of this office had to deal with individuals who had different cultural and political backgrounds which, on many occasions, caused clashes and misunder­ standings in this small cosmopolitan community.

1540, when its property was incorporated to the English crown (A. M if su d ,

Knight Hospitallers of the Ven. Tongue of England in Malta, 203-208; L. V izzari di Saunazzano , La Lingua d' Inghilterra nel S. M . Ordine di Malta, 5-6). P) G. Bosio, Gli Statuti della Sacra Religione di S. Giovanni Gierosolimitano, Titolo II, art. 1. Apart from the knights of justice, there were another two categories in the Order, namely, conventual chaplains and serving brothers at arms. But, there was no need to be a nobleman to be enrolled among the members of these two categories (Ibid., art. 2). In 1633, there were 621 persons in Malta who were members of the Order (T. Z ammit , Malta, 177). (2) G. Bosio, op. cit., Tit. II, art. 28. (3) Ibid., Tit. X V , art. 7. (4) Ibid., Tit. X V , art. 8. " Caravana in Lingua Siriaca et Arabica significa congregatione di huomini, per far alcun negotio insieme; vocabolo usurpato da nostri maggiori quando facevano la scelta, ed elettione de’ Fratelli per mandargli, e distribuirli in guardia delle Portezze, e delle Galere; o quando altrove in compagnie, et numero si mandavan ” (Ibid., Tit. X IX , art. 30). In Chigi’s days, a caravana meant, practically, a sea voyage on the Order’s galleys. These voyages were, normally, undertaken to harass the Turks and their allies. (5) On his departure from Malta, Chigi remembered these noblemen com­ ing from different European states. In fact, in the poem he wrote describing his return-voyage from Malta to Rome, he refers to them stating: “ Vos cruce candentes, Europa nobile pignus, Illustres Equites, metuendaque pectora Martis, ” .

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Malta on the Eve of Chigi’s arrival

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2. - MALTA ON THE EVE OE CHIGI’S ARRIVAL The Maltese Islands, situated some sixty miles to the south of Sicily (l), had a great strategic importance as a stronghold of Christiandom against the Turkish menace within the Mediterranean waters. The Order was fully conscious of its responsability in this respect, and it had done its best to defend these islands against the Turks. The second half of the sixteenth century witnessed some of the more remark­ able events which manifested clearly the Order’s determination to withstand, at all costs, any attempts which the Turks made to conquer the islands. In 1565, the Great Siege of Malta marked a heavy loss to Turkish forces. These, who were superior in number by many a thousand, were severely defeated, and had to sound the retreat after besieging this small island for more than three months. After this glorious episode, under the initiative and leadership of Grand Master Jean de la Valette, a new fortified city was built on a promontory which had two important harbours on either side. This fortress could with­ stand, with more security, any other eventual Turkish onslaught. The seventeenth century marks an offensive era in the relations between the Order and the Turks. This is a period when the maritime activities of the Order reached the peak of their glory. The Order’s fleet harrassed Turkish galleys and vessels both in eastern waters as well as in the nearby Barbary States of Africa. The Maltese were encouraged to arm their own vessels and go on the main privateering to vex the Turks and bring home riches and booty. Attacks and in­ cursions on Turkish territories were, at times, also attempted. But, in the meanwhile, Malta was still an object of great attraction for the

l1) The Maltese archipelago consists of a group of five islands, namely, Malta, Gozo, Comino, Cominotto and Filfla. The last three of these islands are quite small and uninhabited, Comino, however, may have had a small community residing there in Chigi’s days. There is such a community even to-day. The civil population of these islands, according to a census compil­ ed in 1633, amounted to 59,923 persons. This number did not include children under five years of age. To these persons, one has to add another 621 who were members of the Order of St John, as well as 4430 foreigners who were living in Malta as soldiers, sailors or slaves (T. Z ammiT, Malta, 176-177). Ac­ cording to Dal Pozzo, there were in Malta during 1633, 51750 persons who were under the jurisdiction of the Grand Master. The author is referring here to the civil population of the Maltese Islands (Dai, P ozzo, I, 803).

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Destination - Malta

Moslems and, especially during the first half of the seventeenth century, the peril of a Turkish incursion on the island was overshadowing the peaceful days and years which, otherwise, the Maltese and the Order were enjoying. When Chigi was nominated Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate to Malta, apart from the looming peril of the Turks, the Order was su­ staining much internal hardship and discord. A divided Europe was having also its repercussions in this small island, which Chigi, quite legitimately, called a microcosm (l). The members of the Order, com­ ing from different belligerent countries put, at times, their national interests before everything else. Thus, while Frenchmen and Span­ iards lived side b y side in Valletta, the latter were on their guard lest the former would do anything to the detriment of Spanish interest in Malta (2) and vice-versa. An ageing Grand Master of French origin, Frà Antoine de Paule, was at the helm of the Order. A Grand Master who had secured his office through bribery and simony (3) and whose moral standards were far from beyond reproach (4). Other members of the Order, including f1) “ Benché il modo di vivere di questo microcosmo composto di tutte le nationi giovanili del mondo sia diverso da ogni a ltro ” (F.Ch. A .1.3, 294r, from the draft of Chigi's letter to Gio. Batt. Rostini dated 31st March, 1635). (2) The Maltese Islands had been granted in fief to the Order by Charles V in 1530. Hence the Sovereign fiord of Malta, was still the King of Spain. In 1633, the Spanish Court at Madrid was somewhat alarmed by the excessive number of Frenchmen in Malta {Sim., Secreterias Provinciates, Libro 723, 2 7 7 r-v; Libro 788, 186v). During Chigi’s stay in Malta, various troubles crop­ ped up on account of hostile relations between French and Spanish knights in the island. According to Martin de Redin, Prior of Navarre, lack of wheat in Malta was due to the fact that the Order had been giving the usual wheat provisions, sent from Sicily, to French ships {Sim., Estado {Sicilia), Legajo 3480, cart. 189, de Redin’s letter dated 25th August, 1636). Spanish knights were on the point of revolting on account of the special concessions given b y the Pope to Commander Jacques de Souvré (Nos. 63, 64a, 66, 67, 68 etc.). Still more irritating was the presence of French ships in Malta’s harbours as well as in its neighbourhoods. These regarded Malta as a neutral country and, hence, they availed themselves of its harbours for their own benefit. The Spaniards held that this was contrary to the feudal conditions made by Charles V when he granted Malta to the Order in 1530. (Cfr. infra 359, no­ te 3; 362, note 1; 411, note 1 and 467 note 2). The Order tried to retain its neutrality throughout these difficult times. (3) No. 136. (4) Idem. A certain Flaminia Valenti, who had close relationships with Grand Master de Paule, caused Chigi considerable trouble when she

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Malta on the Eve of Chigi’s arrival

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knights of justice as well as conventual chaplains, followed in the steps of their master. All of them had made their vows of chastity, poverty and obedience. Yet, many a prostitute lived sumptously in Valletta at the expense of the Order, raking large sums of money through their dealings with members of the Order (1). Valletta was inhabited, main­ ly, by bachelors and young men hailing from all comers of Europe, the cream of European nobility, yet unharnessed, with no one to guide them, notwithstanding that many were still quite young in years; each one was his own lord and there was no head to obey and to govern this state of affairs. And worst of all, it seems that the elder members of this community were far from leading a saintly life either (2). Disrespect to all kind of authority, including papal authority, was all too obvious. Mgr L. Serristori, who had been Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta from 1630 to 1631, was on the point of being thrown headlong into the sea from the bastions, for having arrest­ ed a knight, who had insulted one of his officers who served the tribunal of the Holy Office in Malta (s). A need for a radical reform was direly felt, especially by the core of the Order who lived up to their ideal in spite of such a miserable

feigned to enter the cloister after de Paule’s death (Nos. 95a, 172a, 172b, 176, 183, 187a, 202, 204d, 211b, 244b, 253b and 253d). (1) No. 156. Some prostitutes had accumulated sums of money amount­ ing from 15,000 to 20,000 scudi, out of these illicit dealings (F.Ch. A.1.4, 136r'v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Grand Master Lascaris dated 12th October, 1636). (2) " E un isola habitata da scapoli, e da gioventù senza guida, e senza timore, di tutte le nationi dei mondo, et i vecchi non sono santi ” {F.Ch. A .1.3, 274v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Gio. Batt. Bardella dated 23rd February, 1635). " Gli altri negotii co’ cavalieri sono delle peggiori conditioni che l'ad­ dietro perché l’età del capo, e la sua gran bontà, e tolleranza accresce loro ardire, il più delle cose fanno de facto, e con conclone all’Eminenza di cento per volta in un palazzo, ove non si fa anticamera, nè è guardia, e nè staffieri, ma solo a due portieri due paggetti piccole, e tutte le Lingue fanno capo ’ ’ {Ibid., 278r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Cardinal Gio. Batt. Pallotta dated 24th February, 1635). “ Questo non è un paese come gl’altri, licenza più che libertà, maestà senza spine, come il re dell’ api. Non svizzeri, non guardie, non sbirri, diversità di nationi, età giovanile e volentieri procederebbe 2/3 de facto, et uno a spro­ posito et quis coercebit eos? Di qua destrezza, di costà giustitia non gratia” {Ibid., 295r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to the Order’s Agent in Rome, signor Lorenzo Rosa, dated 30th March, 1635). (3) D a i , P ozzo , I, 787; cfr. infra 459, note 1.

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Destination - Malta

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environment. In 1630, the Order’s Council decreed the erection of a noviciate in order to group together, under one roof, all those who came to Malta to be enrolled as knights of justice (l), In May, 1631, a General Chapter of the Order was convened at the express wish and order of Pope Urban VIII. This Chapter had to legislate various re­ forms in the ways and customs of life within the Order (2). Jurisdictional troubles between the Grand Master, the Bishop of Malta and the Inquisitor were not lacking. Clerics enjoyed exemption from the Grand Master’s jurisdiction and were subject, solely, to that of the Bishop, in virtue of ecclesiastical immunity. All those who were in the service of the Inquisitor, either as officers of his tribunal or as his patentees, as well as those who formed his personal retinue, were there and then exempted from all civil and ecclesiastical jurisdic­ tion and were subject only to the Inquisitor. With the erection of the tribunal of the Congregation of the Reverenda Fabrica in 1628, another small group of persons were given similar privileges since they fell under the direct jurisdiction of the above-mentioned Congregation. Clashes, about the interpretation of these privileges as well as about the infringement of the rights which each class claimed for itself, were the root of serious dissentions in Malta.

3. - CHIGI’S VOYAGE TO MARTA Cardinal Barberini’s letter, announcing to Chigi his nomination as Inquisitor and Apostolic Delegate in Malta (3) reached him at Ferrara on the 28th April, 1634 (4). He was, then, just, thirty five years old. His friends, living in Rome, had been expecting some other appoint­ ment instead of this one (5).

(!) D a i , P ozzo , I, 787.

(2) Ibid., 790 ss. (») No. 1. (4) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 5*. (5) Mgr Clemente Merlino had informed Chigi that he was to be appoint­ ed Papal Nuncio in Switzerland [F.Ch. A .I I I .53, 73r, letter to Chigi dated 22nd April, 1634). Mgr Sforza Pallavicino would have preferred to see Chigi endowed with something better, nevertheless he congratulated the Inquisitor for, normally, those who had been posted to Malta, after their departure from the island, received important offices {Ibid., 332r, letter to Chigi dated 2nd May, 1634). Others, such as Mgr Corsini and Honorato Sansedoni, were far from

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Chigi’s voyage to Malta

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On receiving the news of his new destination, Chigi sought to be informed as to the duties annexed to this office (1), and insisted to be allowed to proceed with his journey immediately, lest the heat waves of summer would endanger his health (2). Chigi, however, was not allowed to leave Ferrara till the arrival of his successor, Mgr Domenico Moneglia (3). On the latter’s arrival, Chigi left Ferrara on the 2nd June, reaching Rome eleven days after­ wards (4). Sometime after his arrival in Rome, he was informed that he was to be elevated to a bishopric before proceeding to Malta (6).*()

happy on hearing the news of Chigi’s new destination (F.Ch. A .I I I .54, 229r, letter from Mgr Corsini dated 3rd May, 1634; F.Ch. A .I I .52, 164r, letter from H. Sansedoni dated 2nd May, 1634). (*) F.Ch. A .1.3, 109T, draft of Chigi’s letter to Stefano Ugolini dated 29th April, 1634. (2) Nos. 3 and 4. (3) No. 6a. (4) F.Ch. a.1.8. (4), 11r- 13r; No. 11. Originally, Chigi had planned to make his return-voyage, from Ferrara to Rome, through Tuscany. Thus, he would have had the opportunity of visiting his family at Siena. But, he had to abandon this plan, since he was to accompany the Cardinal Legate to Rome. The route chosen for this voyage was that along the Adriatic coast­ line of Italy [F.Ch. A .1.3, 112r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 1st June, 1634). (5) On the 17th June, 1634, Mgr Pietro Benessa, a prelate of the papal secretariat, informed Chigi that the Pope had decided to endow him with the Bishopric of Nicastro [F.Ch. A.I.3, 152r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 22nd June, 1634). On leaving Ferrara, Chigi was in financial difficulties. Though his appointment to Malta would not involve too much expenditure, nevertheless to ease these difficulties, some of his friends at Rome, namely Mgr Clemente Merlino, Mgr Gio. Giacomo Panziroli and Gio. Batt. Sacchetti, planned to obtain a bishopric for Chigi (F.Ch. A .I I I .53, 73r and 74v). The Order’s Ambassador in Rome was, also, insisting that the new Inquisitor was to be honoured with the title of a bishop, similar to that enjoyed by Papal Nuncios in other European Courts, not­ withstanding that the Inquisitor was not a Nuncio (F.Ch. A.I.3, 152v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 22nd June, 1634). This helped to fan the plan of Chigi’s friends. Sforza Pallavicino (Vol. I, 75) holds that this dignity had been given to Chigi to enable him to exercise pontifical functions in Malta, since its bishopric was, then, vacant. But the choice of the new bishop of Malta was, at that time already in the offing. Chigi himself met him, namely Michael Gio. Balaguer de Camarasa, at Messina on the 1st October, 1634 (F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 25r). Mgr Balaguer was on his way to Rome to undergo the usual canonical examination and re­ ceive his episcopal consecration.

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12

Destination - Malta

On receiving this news, he presented himself for the formal examination required of all those nominated to a bishopric (1). But apart from this examination, he lacked still certain essential requisites to be consecrated bishop. Chigi was still a cleric till then, he had to receive all Minor and Major Orders. In a week’s time, Mgr Gio. Batt. Scannarola con­ ferred on him all these ecclesiastical orders and he was ordained priest on the 2nd July, 1634 (2). Thus, he was fully approved and preparared for the bishopric which had been promised him, namely, that of Nicastro. But, as he had serious objections to accept this See, he was ad­ viced to wait in Rome, for some other vacancy. He followed this advice and waited till the beginning of August, but no vacancy took place. Whereupon, it was decided that he was to proceed to Malta, In fact, on the 3rd August, he left Rome for Civitavecchia to embark on the papal galleys, which were on their way to Malta (3). They reached Messina on the 11th of the same month, but while the galleys proceeded with their voyage to Malta, Chigi remained in Sicily (4). He had been authorised to stay for a month in Sicily. It was hoped that, in the meantime, some vacancy would occur; whereupon he could receive his episcopal consecration in Sicily and afterwards continue his voyage to

(’ ) Ciiigi sat for this examination on the 19th June, 1634 (Idem). (2) On the 24th June, Chigi received all Minor Orders. The following day, which was a Sunday, he became a subdeacon, while on the feast of St Peter and St Paul (29th June), he was ordained deacon (F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 15r'v). But months had to pass before he celebrated his first mass. In fact, he celebrated this occasion on the 26th March, 1635 in the church of the Dominican Friars at Vittoriosa, Malta. On that day, this religious community celebrated the titular feast of this church which was dedicated to the Annun­ ciation of Our Bady. It is to be noted that, in 1635 the liturgical feast of the Annunciation could not be held on the usual day, namely, the 25th of March, since this date coincided with Passion Sunday. Hence it was held the following Monday (F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 43r). Chigi himself must have for­ gotten this detail, as he made a mistake in his own biographical notes written sometime later. He, in fact, wrote that he had said his first mass on the 25th March, 1635 (G. I ncisa DEEM- R occhEOTa , Appunti autobiografci di Alessandro V II: Studi e Testi 236, 452). (3) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 19r; F.Ch. A.1.3. 187T, from the draft of Chigi’s let­ ter to Honorati dated 17th August, 1634). (4) No. 15; F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 19·"*; F.Ch. A.I.3. 192*-196r, draft of Chigi’s letter to this uncle, Knight Agostino, dated 17th August, 1634. In this letter Chigi describes his voyage in all its details.

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Chigi’s voyage to Malta

13

Malta (*). In a letter dated 2nd September, Signor Honorato Honorati, Chigi's Agent in Rome, informed him that he stood a good chance of being endowed with the See of Nardo instead of that of Nicastro. This bishopric was to become vacant through the resignation of Mgr de Franchis, its bishop (2). Chigi would have preferred some other bishopric instead Nardo (3). However, on the 30th September, he received the official announcement of his appointment to this See (4). He was, more­ over, informed that he had to proceed to Malta immediately and return to Sicily for his episcopal consecration some time later (6). Throughout all this time, Chigi had been residing at Messina. On the 10th October, he embarked on one of the Order’s galleys and arrived at Syracuse the following day (6). He was forced to stay there for some days on account of rough seas which made the crossing to Malta (0 F.Ch. A .I.3, 194r. During his stay at Messina, Chigi had cherished the hope to be consecrated bishop by Mgr Hannibal d ’Afflitto, Archbishop of Reggio Calabria, a prelate, who was held in high esteem for his saintly life [F.Ch. A.I.3, 196r, from Chigi’s letter to his uncle mentioned before). His episcopal consecration, however, took place in Malta almost a year after his ordination to the priesthood, that is, on the 1st July, 1635, Chigi chose the church of the Jesuit College at Valletta for this ceremony. By a special di­ spensation, there was only one bishop present at this ceremony, namely, Mgr Balaguer de Camarasa, Bishop of Malta. He had just returned from Rome where he had received his own episcopal consecration. Mgr Balaguer was assisted by the Prior of the Conventual Church of the Order, Fra Saviour Imbroll, and by the Vicar General of the Diocese, Canon Praecentor Anthony Tholossenti (A.C.M., Documenta, Serie A , Tomo IX , 537-577; F.Ch. a.1.8. (4), 55r; F.Ch. A.I.3, 361v-362r, draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 2nd August, 1635. In this letter, Chigi described to his uncle the whole ceremony of his episcopal consecration). (2) F.Ch. A.I.3, 207v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Mgr Merlino dated 10th September, 1634; 207V-209T, drafts of various letters regarding Chigi’s appoint­ ment to Nardo. (3) Nardb was a small diocese with a population of about twenty two thousand (22,000) inhabitants [F.Ch. N .III.77, 186r-195v, a detailed account of the diocese of Nardo is contained in these pages). Eight hundred of these were ecclesiastics. It is situated in Puglia, about twenty kilometers south­ west of Lecce. Its annual income amounted to three thousand (3,000) scudi. One thousand of these, however, were to be given to various persons as pensions taxed on this bishopric by the Holy See (Ibid., 310r_T, draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle dated 26th April, 1635; 335r‘v, draft of a letter addressed to Mgr Corsini dated 16th June, 1635). (4) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 24'. (6) No. 21. (·) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 26'.

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Trouble within the Order

impossible. Finally, on the 19th October, at 9.00 p.m., he entered Malta's harbour (l). Throughout the whole morning of the day following his arrival in Malta, Chigi received visits from various knights, including the Grand Master’s Equerry, who called on Chigi on behalf of the Head of the Order. In the afternoon, Chigi crossed the harbour to pay his first official visit to the Grand Master and present his credentials. His reception took place when it was quite late, the clock had already struck 10.00 p.m., when Chigi met for the first time Grand Master de Paule. On this occasion, he was accompanied by several knights (2). Apart from the usual formalities and speeches of introduction, the subject of his talk with the Grand Master dealt mainly with certain privilages which the Order was trying to obtain from the Holy See to safeguard the jurisdiction of the judges of its Priorates (*). Somewhat inadvertently, Chigi made a mistake on this occasion. He had handed over to the Vice-Chancellor of the Order the papal brief nominating him Inquisitor of the Maltese Islands. This was not normally done, though there had been some other instances when other Inquisitors had committed the same mistake. It seems that no one had informed him beforehand about this detail in presenting his cre­ dentials. But he regretted his action, and left clear instructions to his successor lest he should repeat this mistake (4).

II. - TROUBLE WITHIN THE o r d e r 1. - THE ITALIAN LANGUE AND THE BARBERINI Chigi reached the Maltese Islands at a time when fellow Italians were quite irritated with the behaviour of the Pope’s family. On the 19th September, 1634, the Pope had bestowed on Cardinal Antonio Barberini (junior) the Order’s Priorate in Rome, which had just become vacant (6). The Italian Dangue was horribly shocked and flared up at this news. This same Cardinal had already been endowed with f1) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 26*. (2) Ibid.·, A.O.M. 256, 121*. (3) Nos. 23, 26c and 27a. (4) F.Ch. B.I.7, 445*, from Chigi’s instructions to his successor in Malta, confer Appendix B. (s) No. 40.

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The Italian Tangue and the Barberini

15

another eight commanderies, all of which belonged to the Italian Pangue. Thus, Italian knights were continually being deprived from obtaining some remuneration for the services which they were rendering to the Order and to Christianity. Moreover, this concession ran counter to the statutes of the Order. Whenever a knight was endowed with a priorate, he had to render his resignation from any other commandery or commanderies which were in his possession. Cardinal Antonio was, in this instance, to retain both his commanderies and the priorate. The Order’s Treasury was, thereby, sustaining also considerable damages, since the usual responsions, which it was entitled to receive from those who received any of the Order’s benefices, were not to be paid by Barberini. In Malta, all the members of the Order were irritated, but the Italians could not suffer to sustain such a loss (x). A few days before Chigi’s arrival, namely, on the 17th October, the Italian Pangue petitioned the Grand Master and the Order’s Council to grant it an extraordinary ambassador, who was to present its com­ plaints to the Pope (2). This ambassador was not to be one of its members. But the Grand Master was very reluctant to accede to such a request (3), and tried to gain time, thereby avoiding having to nominate such an extraordinary ambassador. The Italians, however, decided to take serious measures to obtain what they had demanded. On the 9th January, 1635, the Pangue met in the oratory of the Con­ ventual Church of St John (4). All its members made a solemn oath that none would take part in any of the Order’s caravanas, till they had received an answer from the extraordinary ambassador whom they

(x) “ In sì poco tempo che sono in Malta, mi avvedo haver a trattar con cervelli bestiali. La Lingua d ’Italia si è sollevata tutta, et ha calore delle altre contro N.S. Ha fatto Comtnissarii e vuol mandar straordinarii a Roma per ragione del priorato dato al card. Antonio sopra tante commende senza alcun responsione al Tesoro. Vogliono ricorrere a tutti i principi per aiuto, dicono che N.S. vuole spegner questa Lingua, che niun Papa li ha fatto tanto danno, che la Religione non può più reggere alla spesa, e massime che olim teneva 3 sole galere, et hora ne tien sei. Che N.S. fa de farse e che non piglia commende di Spagna, di Francia e di Germania, ma solo di queste d ’Italia che non solo le piglia per la sua casa, ma le leva per sempre. Insomma dicono cose scomu­ nicate che così non si può vivere . . . . Io sono entrato in questo ballore ’ ’ (F.Ch. B.I.7, 289r, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorato Honorati dated 23rd October, 1634). (2) A.O.M. 2129, 260r. (3) D a i , P ozzo , I, 829. (4) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 34v.

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Trouble within the Order

had been demanding to have sent to Rome (1). Due secrecy was kept regarding this oath. The other Rangues backed the Italians in their stand. The Grand Master and the Order’s Council had to yield. In fact, on the 10th January, the Order's Treasurer, Fra Toussaint de Terves Boisgirault, was commissioned to present to the Pope the grievances of the Italian Rangue (2). But this mission was utterly unsuccesful. On approaching Rome, the Pope sent a messenger prohibiting Boisgirault to proceed any further and ordered the Order’s Ambassador in Rome to refrain from receiving him (*). Boisgirault tried his best to induce the Pope to grant him an audience, but to no avail. Wholly disappointed, he had to return back to Malta without achieving anything. The Barberini were sorely irritated by this behaviour of the Italian Rangue. Chigi’s Agent in Rome, Signor Honorati, insisted that some­ thing had to be done to remedy the insult given to the Pope and his family; some knight had to be sent to fulfill such a mission (4). Chigi, in the meantime tried to do his best to solve the impasse resulting from Boisgirault’s ill-omened mission. But he was regarded with suspicion. Nevertheless, he was successful in persuading some Italian knights to ask permission to take part in a caravana (6). The presence in Malta of Chigi’s nephew, Knight Giovanni Bichi, was instrumental in this. This knight, together with some others, broke the ice in this regard. The Council, on the 7th April, 1635, decreed that the Rangue had to grant the caravana to all knights who asked for it (6). Apart from this intervention, Chigi discussed with the Order’s Admiral, Bailiff Opizio Guidotti, Head of the Italian Rangue, what p) F.Ch. A .1.3, 258v, letter to Honorati dated 8th January, 1635; ibid., 259r, to the same, dated 10th January; ibid., 263r, letter to Gismondo Chigi dated 13th January. (2) A.O.M 1264, p.n.n., Ambassador’s letter to the Grand Master dated 10th March, 1635; A.O.M. 256, 123r. On the 19th April, 1635, Boisgirault received the instructions for this mission [Idem). On the 26th January, letters regarding this matter were sent to the Pope, to Cardinal Francesco and to other persons (Ibid., 124r-v). (3) D ai, Pozzo, I, 830. (4) F.Ch. A .11.52, 525r, 526r and 528r, letters dated 3rd, 10th and 17th March respectively. (6) F.Ch. A .1.3, 294r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to the secretary of the Grand Master dated 31st March, 1635; ibid., 298r'v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 3rd April, 1635. («) A.O.M. 256, 132C

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The Italian Tangue and the Barberini

17

could be done to appease the Barberini. After discussing this same subject with commissioners appointed by the lin g u e itself, Chigi and these gentlemen came to an agreement that letters were to be written to Cardinal Francesco Barberini. The Rangue was to make it quite clear to him that it left all decisions regarding the priorate and commanderies of Cardinal Antonio at the discretion and mercy of the Pope. An Italian knight, Don Andrea di Bologna, who was on his way to Rome for other matters, was to present these letters. But the Rangue did not accept these proposals (*). From Rome, Signor Honorati continued to insist all the time, that some person had to appear before Cardinal Antonio to excuse the Rangue’s behaviour and ask for pardon. All other negotiations, he held to be of no avail (2). Finally, the Rangue gave way. Commander Pier Maria Saracini, from Siena, who was a close friend of Chigi, was deputised to fulfill this mission (3). He arrived in Rome during the early days of December 1635. Signor Honorati introduced him to both Cardinal Francesco and Cardinal Antonio and finally to the Pope himself, all of whom received him with due kindness (4). More than a year had passed since these troubles between the Barberini and the Italian Rangue had begun. Though the latter had to sustain a defeat, nevertheless, the Barberini, at the end were willing to show some benevolence towards their fellow countrymen. Chigi had been insisting with Honorati that the Pope’s family had to give some tangible proof of its willingness to help Italian knights (5). Some time after Saracini’s mission, Cardinal Antonio tendered his resignation of the Order’s commandery at Milan; this commandery, however, was to be given to Don Prospero Colonna (8). P) F.Ch. B .I.7,291r, draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated 11th June, 1635. (2) F.Ch. A .11.52, 533r, letter from Honorati dated 28th April, 1635. (3) F.Ch. A .1.3, 407v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 13th October, 1635. (4) F.Ch. A .I I .52, 570r. (6) “ A me parebbe, che S. Em.a doppo qualche tempo di questo offitio, come di sua spontanea volontà, farebbe qualche mercede a questa Lingua, perché a dirla ingenuamente è poverissima, e si muoiono di fame i cavalieri vecchi, et honorati con una compassione indicibile. Altre Lingue, non mancano per una commenda, e questa, che è più numerosa dell’altre, ne mancano sopra a 30,000 scudi d’entrata, e creda prue, che quelli che vanno mille volte l’ anno con la morte alla bocca, alle tempeste, alle moschettate, bestemian tanto, che non basterebbero tutte coteste carceri di Roma ” {F.Ch. A .1.3, 322T, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 26th May, 1635). (8) F.Ch. A .1.4, 61T, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 12th May, 1636.

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Trouble within the Order

2. - JACQUES FRANÇOIS DU FAUR DE PIBRAC

While the Italians had been irritated by the concessions made to Cardinal Antonio, the Uangue of France made serious opposition against certain exemptions and privileges granted by Rome to a fellow Frenchman. By 1631, the Order had already raised its voice in protest against the custom of issuing papal briefs exempting individual knights from various requisites demanded by the Order’s Statutes. Such persons were, thereupon, enabled to come into actual possession of privileges or property to which, otherwise, they would not have been entitled. Cardinal Francesco had promised the Order to find some remedy to solve this problem (1). But similar briefs continued to pour into Malta even during Chigi’s term of office (2). Chigi, in fact, had to face, at times, a tough struggle in trying to obtain their execution and, in certain instances, he was far from successful in this regard. Fierce opposition was offered b y some of the Dangues, which wielded considerable power during the grandmastership of de Paule (3). During the first days of Chigi’s stay in Malta, he was informed from Rome that a Frenchman, Jacques François du Faur de Pibrac, a nobleman from the Diocese of Autun, was on his way to Malta. He was to present to the Inquisitor two papal briefs and the latter had to do his best to secure their execution (4). In December 1634, Pibrac was already in Malta (6). The two briefs granted him were of different nature. One, in fact, was a facultative brief and thus required the consent of the Uangue for its execution, whilst the other was a gra­ tuitous one and, therefore, the Uangue had no say in this affair. Pibrac had been authorised to join the Order as far as 1612, when he was still a child of two years. This authorisation had been given him in virtue of another papal brief. But, b y 1634, he had not yet complied with the requisites of the Order’s Statutes and the enactD ai, P ozzo, I, 699. (2) Confer Nos. 29, 32, 58, 63, 86, 181 etc. (3) “ Dica a Barberino che il G.M. Wignacourt (de Paule’s predecessor) era padrone delle Lingue ma non del Consiglio. Questo di Paula è padrone del Consiglio non delle Lingue ” (F.Ch. B.I.7, 29 l v, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated 4th August, 1635). (4) No. 32. (5) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 33?. ( 1)

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Jacques Francois du Faur de Pibrac

19

merits of the General Chapter and, hence, he could not make his solemn profession as a knight of justice. The reason for this delay was that Pibrac’s father had been busily employed in the service of the King of France and did not find time to look after his son’s interests. Through the first brief, the Pope empowered Pibrac to present his proofs of noble birth, enter the novitiate and make his religious profession as knight before reaching his twenty seventh birthday. After the com­ pletion of these requirements, he was to make the usual four years of residence in the convent and take part in four caravanas. The second brief gave him three months time to pay the “ passagium ” due to the Order’s Treasury when one was received as a knight. This “ passa* gium ’ ’ amounted to five hundred golden scudi. This brief had been granted to Pibrac through the intervention of the King of France (1). If these papal briefs received their execution in Malta, it meant that Pibrac was to be, thereupon, entitled to count his years as member of the Order from 1612, when he had been authorised by the Pope to join the Order. This was quite a blow for the members of the hangue of France. He would, thereby, gain seniority over all those knight who had joined this Langue after 1612, notwithstanding that they had fulfilled all the requirements demanded by the Order long before Pibrac would have done so. This implied, among other things, that when a vacancy in a benefice belonging to the Langue of France occurred, Pibrac would become entitled to be endowed with it to the detriment of the above-mentioned knights. Pibrac sought admittance into the Priorate of Champagne in the Langue of France. But this Langue immediately protested. Such was the opposition made, that the Order’s Council decreed to consult the Pope before accepting the concessions granted to Pibrac (2). Where­ upon Pibrac left Malta without being successful in obtaining the exe­ cution of any of his briefs (3). The Langue of France sent one of its members, Knight Hadrian Contremolins, to explain to the Pope and to Cardinal Francesco the many damages that its members would have had to sustain if Pibrac’s briefs were to be executed in Malta (4). Contremolins’ behavious at (!) No. 32. (2) A.O.M. 111, 107T-108r. (3) No. 42. (4) No. 49. The Order’s Treasurer, Fra Toussaint de Terves Boisgirault, who was to leave for Rome to present the grievances of the Italian Langue (cfr. supra 16, note 2), was, at the same time, commissioned to seek from the

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20

Trouble within the Order

the Papal Court merited the approval and praise of the Cardinal himself, and it was hoped that the adjustment reached with this knight, during’ his stay in Rome, would meet the approval of the hangue of France in Malta i1). The terms of this agreement were, briefly, the following, namely, Pibrac was to count his seniority from the date of the last General Chapter, that is from 1631 and not from 1612; Cardinal Fran­ cesco agreed, also, to write a letter to the Fatigue asking it to accept this agreement (a). When these letters,.dated 23rd and 24th March, 1635, reached Malta, the Priorate of Champagne was ready to receive Pibrac among its members (8), but, once more, the Rangue opposed his reception (4). Once matters had reached such an awkward situation, it was thought that only the direct intervention of the Pope could solve this impasse. Chigi suggested that the Pope had to send another brief ordering Pibrac’s reception according to the terms agreed upon with Contremolins; the Grand Master himself held this same view (5). On receiving the news of the refusal made to him by the Fangue of France, Cardinal Barberini was greatly perturbed. Nevertheless, he insisted with Chigi to continue dealing with the Order and with all its members, as if nothing had been denied him (8). But papal authority was going to suffer a considerable slight with this rejection. The Barberini were all too aware of this (7). Rome adopted the advice given by Chigi. On the 18th August, 1635, a new brief was given to

Pope the revocation of the concessions granted to Pibrac as well as the suspension of similar briefs in future years (A.O.M. 256, 123T, instructions given to Boisgirault dated 19th January, 1635). (!) No. 49. (2) F.Ch. A .1.3, 325T, draft of Chigi’s letter to Mgr Martino Alfieri dated 28th May. 1635. (3) “ II G.M. si e affaticato con la Lingua di Francia per Pibrac, poi non ha voluto ballottare che era certo di perderla. II Priorato di Champagna 1’ha accettato» (F.Ch. B.I.7, 291v, from the draft of Chigi's cipher to Honorati dated 4th August, 1635). (4) No. 54. Such was the opposition made, that one of the briefs in question was reported to be lost or, perhaps, stolen. Finally, it was handed to a Discalced Carmelite friar who heard the confessions of French knights (F.Ch. A .1.3, 304T, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 12th April, 1635; ibid., 329r, another one addressed to the same person dated 2nd June, 1635). (5) No. 55c. (0) No. 59. (7) No. 72b.

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Commander Jacques de Souvré

21

Pibrac. This time it was an imperative one. All concessions, previous­ ly made in the other two briefs, were incorporated in this new one. It was, however, clearly stated that Pibrac’s seniority was to be count­ ed as from a year before the celebration of the Order’s last General Chapter, which was held in 1631 (1). When this brief arrived in Malta, the French Rangue tried, once more, to provide some obstacles to its execution; insisting that it had to be sent to the Eatigue before being presented to the Order’s Council. But these claims were totally disregarded. On the 24th November, 1635, the Council decreed the execution and registration of Pibrac’s brief (2).

3. - GRAND CROSSES GIVEN TO FRENCHMEN COMMANDER JACQUES DE SOUVRE While the Eangue of France was firmly withstanding the execution of the briefs granted to Pibrac, news of another brief, with more pre­ tentious concessions, was spreading in the Convent. This time, the interests of various Eangues were at stake. On the 14th July, 1634, when Chigi was still in Rome, he met Commander Jacques de Souvre, son of Giles de Souvre, Marquis of Courtenvaux and Marshal of France (s), with whom he went to visit f1) The Grand Master, writing to Rorenzo Rosa, the Order’s Agent in Rome, on the 6th October, 1635, assured him that if such a brief was given to Pibrac, its execution in Malta would, in no way, be prevented: “ Quando il nobile Pibrac se ne verrà in Convento col breve imperativo, puoi l’em.o sig. Cardinale Padrone assicurarsi che sarà da noi con tutta la pienezza della nostra autorità consolato” [A.O.M. 1414, p.n.n.. Grand Master’s letter dated 6th October, 1635). (2) A.O.M. 111, 174v; the registration of this brief follows on 304v-305v. Its execution was decreed at a time when a number of knights were away from the island, since the galleys were at sea (F.Ch. A .1.3, 433v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 7th December, 1635). On the 20th December, 1635, Pibrac made a declaration, which was duly registered in the Order’s Chancery, stating that he had no intention nor pretentions regarding his seniority other than those granted him in the last papal brief and that he counted this seniority from the 7th June, 1630 (A.O.M 111, 178v). (3) For a biographical note on Souvré confer No. 19a, note 1. To which one may add the following details. In 1667, Souvré was made Grand Prior of France. He died in 1670, when he was in his seventies (Nouvelle biographie générale, X L IV , col. 272-273).

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Trouble within the Order

Mgr Mazarin (1). Mazarin gave Chigi a papal brief, whereby Souvre was entitled to obtain the dignity of Grand Cross “ ad honores ” (2), with the right to vote in the Order’s Council, once such a dignity became vacant (3). The King of France had petitioned the granting of this papal brief. When this brief was handed to Chigi, Souvre crossed over to Malta to wait there for its eventual execution (4). After his arrival in Malta, Chigi kept due secrecy about this brief (5). But, notwithstanding Chigi’s secrecy in trying to handle this affair, news of the prerogatives given to Souvre was an open secret in Malta. By December, 1634, opposition to prevent the execution of this brief was coming from all quarters (6). The number of Grand Grosses, with the right to vote during the session of the Order’s Council, was evenly distributed among the dif­ ferent Dangues which formed the Order. This was done in order to keep the governing body impartial in the management of the Order’s affairs. But, the Pope had begun to introduce a new system by nomin­ ating Grand Crosses “ ad honores ” , granting them, at the same time, the right to vote in the Order’s Council. Normally, such honorary titles would not have been entitled to such a right to vote. There were already some five or six such Grand Crosses " ad honores ” , all of them being Frenchmen. There was a great anxiety in Malta that, eventually, the Order was going to be at the mercy of France. This (!) F.Ch. a.1.8 {4), 17r. (2) A Grand Cross was the highest dignity after the Grand Master’s office. The Order’s Council was made up of such Grand Crosses. Normally, a Grand Cross “ ad honores ” had no vote in the Council, it was an honorary title without any functional powers within the Order. (3) No. 66. (4) No. 19a. (5) F.Ch. A .1.3, 383v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 20th September, 1635; ibid., 392v, another one addressed to the same person dated 22nd September, 1635. (6) “ Tutto il Convento è per mettersi sottosopra, particolarmente gl’ita­ liani, e spagnuoli; perché vedendosi già cinque o sei gran croci sopranumerarii, tutti esclamano, ch’il Convento è ormai fatto quasi del tutto francese. Noi che dovemmo esser in ciò padre universale, siamo costretti a procurar anco contro la stessa nostra nazione (Grand Master de Paule was a Frenchman) ove si tratta d'alterare con tanta violenza il Convento della Religione........ È necessario accappare questo negotio, abbiate intelligenza con mons. Maraldo o almeno con qualcuno potente in quella Segreteria, procurando di mantenerlo con regali» (A .O .M . 1416, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome dated 20th December, 1634).

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Commander Jacques de Souvré

23

explains why the news of the brief granted to Souvre aroused serious fears among the members of the Order (l) . In May 1635, the Grand Cross held by James Christopher Andlau, a German, became vacant, since this knight was promoted to the Grand Priorate of Hungary. Chigi tried to gain this dignity for Souvre in virtue of the above-mentioned papal brief. But he had to refrain from insisting too much on account of the opposition he had to face, as well as, the many perils that he could, quite easily, foresee. The Grand Master told him to abandon all hope of achieving anything in this matter (2). Souvre was only backed by the Dangues of Auvergne and Provence (3). All the remaining five Dangues were aginst him. These, in fact, sent their representatives to protest to Chigi (4). Perceiving the futility of prolonging his stay in Malta any further, Souvre decided to leave the island. His departure took place on the 5th June, 1635 (5), and on this occasion he had to witness a most dis­ graceful scene. On his way to the harbour, he was accompanied by a tumultous horde, made up of about two hundred knights. These showed no respect whatsoever in their behaviour towards a fellow knight (*). On the 4th June, the eve of Souvre’s departure, the Council, fearing lest its stand against the execution of the brief granted to this French­ man would be ruined by some appeal which Souvre might make in Rome, petitioned the Grand Master to nominate a knight who was to proceed to Rome and defend the Order’s interests (7). The following day, the Grand Master appointed Knight Don Andrea di Bologna to undertake this mission (8). Di Bologna proceeded to Rome, from where, some time later, he informed the Grand Master that the Pope had appointed a commission of four prelates to study and decide what was to be done in this affair (9).

i1) D ai, P ozzo , I, 836-837.

(а) No. 63. (3) F.Ch. B.I.7, 291v, draft of Chigi's cipher to Honorati dated 11th June, 1635. (4) No. 66. (5) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 53r. (б) F.Ch. A .I.3. 332r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to the Vice-Chan­ cellor of the Order, Gio. F.co Abela, dated 7th June, 1635. (7) A.O.M. 256, 135r. (8) Ibid., 135T; B.L. 6689, 355r; No. 67. (9) A.O.M. 14T4, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome dated 4th August, 1635.

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Trouble within the Order

This news reached the Order early in August 1635, whereupon, it was thought fit to present its grievances not only to the Pope, but also to other sovereigns and princes, hoping that their intervention might influence the decision to be given in Rome (1). The party which seems to have been most interested in this affair were the Spaniards. The interests of Spain were at stake, while France was at war with the Iberian peninsula! The Pope was accused, by Spanish knights in Malta, of showing particular preference towards Frenchmen to the detriment of Spanish interests in Malta. On the 14th August, while Chigi was sick in bed, Spanish knights knocked at his door. He had to receive them. They came angry threatening a civil war in Malta if ever Souvré were to be made a Grand Cross. They had agreed to throw him to his death wherever he would be found in the island, if he decided to return to Malta. No respect or deference was going to be shown to whoever dared to protect him (2). W hy should the Pope show such preference to a Frenchman, giving, thereby, over­ riding powers to Frenchmen in the Order’s Council? No Spaniard had ever received such an honour! They stated that all Spaniards would leave Malta, if ever Souvré touched its shores (3). Chigi was somewhat impressed b y this behaviour and tried to calm them down. The fol­ lowing day, he wrote to Honorati informing him plainly that it would be far better to delay Souvré’s return to Malta for the time being, even if the Grand Cross to be granted to him was to be without the right to vote in the Council (4). The prelates, who formed the commission nominated by the Pope, gave their decision, before Chigi’s letter to Honorati reached its destin­ ation. Nevertheless, they happened to agree on what Chigi had thought

(x) On the 14th August, 1635, the Order’s Council decreed to write letters to the Pope, to the Emperor, to the Kings of France and Spain and to Cardinal Francesco regarding Souvré’s Grand Cross (A.O .M . 256, 138v). The same day this decision was taken, these letters were duly sent to the said persons (Id., 139r-140r). (2) “ Giurando tutti unitamente, che se viene qua Sourè con la gran croce lo getteranno dalle finestre, e toglieranno a pezzi con chi vorrà difenderlo. K’istesso hanno anco protestato inanzi a n o i” (A.O.M. 1416, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome dated 15th August, 1635. In this letter the G.M. gives an account of the visit which the Spanish Eangue had paid to the Inquisitor) (3) No. 75. (4) F.Ch. B.I.7, 29l v.

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Turkish peril and the Island’s fortifications

25

it fit to suggest, since they also insisted that Souvre was not to proceed to Malta for the time being (l). Neither Souvre nor his brief reached Malta while Grand Master de Paule was still alive. According to Chigi, the persons who were fomenting the opposition against Souvre were de Paule and his nephew, Bailiff de Bemoy-Villeneuve (2). Following de Paule’s death in June 1636, and the election of a new Grand Master, Souvre’s brief, the same one which had been granted to him on the 20th July, 1633, was pre­ sented by Chigi to the Order’s Council on the 21st July, 1636. On this same day, its execution was decreed, notwithstanding that the procurator “ ad lites ” of the Rangne of France insisted to have his Rangue informed about it beforehand (3).

III. - THE GATHERING CROUDS

1. - TURKISH PERIR AND THE ISRAND’S FORTIFICATIONS. While the internal strifes described in the preceding pages, and others of lesser importance, were harrassing the Order, a more serious menacing peril was threatening the island. In February 1635, news reached Malta from eastern countries confirming current rumours that the Turks were preparing to besiege the Maltese Islands. On the 11th March, Chigi informed duly Barberini about these preparations (4*), while the Grand Master charged the Order’s Ambassador in Rome to seek some help from the Cardinal towards the islands’ defences (6). On the 5th of the same month, the Order’s Council decreed a general summons calling all knights, who were away from Malta, to come to defend the

l1) No. 79; F.Ch. A .1.3, 383v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 20th September, 1635. (2) F.Ch. B.I.7, 291r, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated 4th June, 1635. (3) No. 143; A.O.M. I l l, 239v, the brief is registered on 317v. After this incident, the Pope was more cautions in the granting of Grand Crosses. The Order itself had to face some difficulties when petitioning such a dignity for some of its members. Confer Nos. 185a, 247b, 265b, 284 and 315. (4) No. 46; D ai, Pozzo, I, 830. (6) A.O.M. 1414, p.n.n., letters dated 2nd and 13th March, 1635.

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The Gathering Clouds

Convent, since a Turkish assault seemed to be quite imminent (1). Due care was also taken to seek from Sicily the usual amount of wheat provisions so that the island could have, in time, sufficient supplies during any eventual siege (2). On receiving this news, Barberini harkened to the request for help made by the Order. Though the financial conditions of his family were not very fluorishing, nevertheless, he decided to send some money, a sum amounting to three thousand (3,000) scudi. The Order could dispose of this sum according to its needs. He sent this money to Chigi in the form of a bill of exchange. Chigi, however, was instructed to hand this money to the Order, solely, when it was quite certain that the Turks were directing themselves towards Malta (3). Apart from sending this financial assistance, the Pope decided to send Pibrac to Malta — the same person, who some months before had left the island so very dejected, when his papal briefs had been rejected b y the Order. This time, Pibrac was sent to visit and report on the island’s fortifications and their immediate needs (4). He reached Malta about the 13th April (6) and left on the 25th of the same month (6). While these preparations were in hand, Chigi sought to be informed as to what he had to do if ever the Turks actually attacked Malta. He informed Honorati that, on similar occasions, the Inquisitors were allowed to leave the island and to go to Sicily or to leave Vittoriosa and reside at Valletta for more safety (’ ). The answer Chigi received, this time, was that he was to remain in Malta, but he could take refuge in Valletta, since under similar circumstances, his advice would be of considerable help to the Order (8). (1) A.O.M. 111, 119*. (2) Cfr. infra 148, note 1 and 236, note 5. (3) Nos. 50 and 51. (4) No. 52. (5) B.L. 6689, 35 F. (8) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4) 47r-*. (7) F.Ch. A .1.3, 277*, draft of Chigi's letter to Honorati dated 23rd February, 1635. (8) F.Ch. A .II.52, 529v, letter from Honorati to Cliigi dated 31st March, 1635. But, it seems, that Chigi had already made up his mind to stay in Malta before the receipt of this letter. In fact, writing to Gio. Batt. Rostini, on the 31st March, he stated: “ Qua si am tutti in opera alle fortificationi, al munimine, al vettovagliare, et io che sono armigero sono ritrovato dalle armi, benché fuggo lontano mille miglia, queste saranno altre Rocchette, e già ammanisco il mio m oschetto” {F.Ch. A .1.3, 293v).

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Turkish peril and the Island’s fortifications

27

By the 24th April, it was quite certain that the Turks were not preparing to attack Malta (l). On that day, the Order’s Council revoked the general summons it had issued previously (2). Chigi had had some doubts as to the reality of a Turkish attack on Malta. It was known that the preparations at Constantinople consisted in the equipment of a fleet made up of one hundred galleys and about fifty smaller vessels. Chigi held that this was inadequate for an attack on Malta. In fact, when the Turks besieged the island in 1565, the preparations for that undertaking took four years to conclude and the fleet, then, consisted of three hundred galleys, apart from a good number of smaller sea crafts (s). Although the Turks had directed their attention to other regions, the alarm was providential to the island. The Order became fully conscious that Malta’s fortifications and its ammunitions were not such as could keep at bay a Turkish attack. The first thing that had to be taken in hand was the bringing up to date of the island’s forti­ fications. In the letter which Grand Master de Paule wrote to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome on the 2nd March, 1635, he entrusted to his care the task of finding a military engineer who could come to Malta and review its fortifications. He was to seek Barberini’s assistance in acquiring the services of such a person. If none was to be found, then, in Rome, he was commissioned to seek someone from Florence or from Savoy (4). Cardinal Antonio was planning to send to Malta a French military engineer who had accompanied Marshal de Toiras to Rome (6). But (h Before this date, there were already some doubts as to whether the Turks were actually preparing to attack Malta. Chigi wrote the following remarks in his diary: “ 30 m a r z o ........ appariscono 6 vascelli inglesi ma non entrano, danno nuova che l ’armata turchesca sia in ordine, e che vada per la Persia.

31 m a rz o ........ Si dice che l’armata non venga più a Malta’ ’ (F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 44r). (2) A.O.M. 256, 133T; A.O.M. 111, 126''. (3) No. 55e. (4) A.O.M. 14-14, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter dated 2nd March, 1635. (5) A.O.M. 1264, p.n.n., Ambassador’s letters to the G.M. dated 31st March and 12th May, 1635. Marshal de Toiras, alias Jean du Caylar de SaintBonnet, died almost a year afterwards on the field of battle, that is on the 14th June, 1636 (Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne, X L V I, col. 198-200). Cfr. infra 152, note 2.

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The Gathering Clouds

after Pibrac’s return to Rome from his visit to the island’s fortifications, y it was decided to send Colonel Pietro Paolo Floriani, who was at that time working at Ferrara (1). On the 19th May, the Order’s Ambassador informed the Grand Master about this choice (2). Though nowhere in Chigi’s letters one meets any allusion to the Inquisitor’s part in Floriani’s transfer to Malta, in one of the manuscripts preserved in the Chigi Archives, it is stated that Floriani had been sent to Malta at Chigi’s suggestion, thereby to calm down the French and Spanish fac­ tions within the Order, each of whom was insisting to have a fellowcountryman to review the Malta’s fortifications (3). Chigi may have made this suggestion to Pibrac during the latter’s visit to the island. Chigi was already acquainted with Floriani, while both were residing at Ferrara (‘ ). Floriani left Rome sometime about the 4th July, 1635 (*) and reached Malta on the 1st September (6). He was taken ill at Naples and could not proceed directly to Malta (7). Barberini had insisted that all expenditure incurred in Floriani’s voyage to and from Malta was to be defrayed by the Cardinal himself (8). On reaching Malta, the Colonel was given a very warm reception, and after spending a few days at the Inquisitor’s residence, he went to Valletta. Here, the Order provided him with all necessary accomo­ dation both for himself as well as for the members of his retinue. He had brought with him, in fact, an assistant architect, Francesco Buonamici (9), his own nephew and other persons, among whom there was a priest who acted as Floriani’s secretary (10). (1) For a biographical note about Floriani cfr. infra 158, note 3. (2) A.O.M. 1264, p.n.n., Ambassador’s letter to the G.M. dated 19th May, 1635. (2) F.Ch. A .I I I .57, 46r. (4) “ Spero che Floriani darà sodisfattione, che è mio amico già 3 anni in Ferrara ” [F.Ch. B.I.7, 292T, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated 8th September, 1635). (6) No. 71. (6) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 58T. (7) B.L. 6697, 63r, Floriani’s letter to Barberini dated 17th October, 1635. (8) Nos. 72b, 80 and 82b. The Cardinal was disappointed to hear that Floriani had received money from the Order’s Collector at Messina. (9) For a biographical note on Buonamici cfr. infra 248, note 1. (10) “ Domani pensa di passar alla Città all’appartamento preparatoli dalla Religione di 4 camere fresche, et apparate superbamente.......... i popoli corrono per vederlo, et è adorato come il liberatore di questa isola. Il suo

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The new fortifications

29

2. - TAXATION FOR THE NEW FORTIFICATIONS While the Order had, thus, obtained the services of a military engineer of renowned fame, steps had already been taken so as to provide the money necessary for the fortifications which were to be carried out. On the 5th March, 1635, while the Turkish peril was still looming on the horizon, the Council decreed to borrow on loan a sum of money amounting to one hundred and twenty thousand (120,000) scudi (1). Six days afterwards, namely, on the 11th of the same month, the Council decided to implement the imposition of a tax on all the Order's property. This tax had been previously sanctioned by a papal brief dated 30th January, 1634. It was to last for three years and its annual proceeds were to ammount to twelve thousand (12,000) scudi, which were to be devoted towards the island’s fortifications (2). After Pibrac’s visit in April 1635, de Paule insisted with the Pope to authorise a tax on the Maltese people to meet the expenses to be incurred by these fortifications (®). The main difficulty seems to have been the imposition of this tax not only on laymen but also on ecclesias­ tics (4). The ecclesiastical authorities in Malta were not against the farm­ ing of such a tax. Chigi undertook to explain to the Cardinal that clerics in Malta were ready to pay their share of this tax, provided that the money they paid was to be solely and exclusively applied towards the fortifications of Malta and not otherwise. He was of opinion that someone should be deputised to supervise all expenditure (6). Chigi’s intervention seems to have been a godsend to solve this problem. The Holy See, through a papal brief dated 22nd August, 1635, authorised the imposition of a 10% tax on all immobile property existing in Malta, including also such property as belonged both to the albergo è in casa del medesimo signor Vecchietti dove sarà trattato regalmente, ha una camarata suo nepote che è il cap.no Compagnoni, un’aiutante di disegno e di pennello fattoli dall'em.o Barberino, un prete per scrivere e 4 staffieri. Insomma ha trovato spianata la fama del suo valore, et è contentissimo, spera fra otto, o dieci mesi al più terminar questa facenda ” (F.Ch. A .1.3, 378r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Alfonso Mignanelli dated 7th September, 1635). (!) A.O.M . 236, 129*. (2) A.O.M . 111, 121*, cfr. infra 153, note 2. (3) B.L. 6689, 351*_v, de Paule’s letter to the Pope dated 23rd April, 1635 and cfr. infra 147, note 3. (4) No. 62b; A.O.M. 1264, p.n.n., Ambassador’s letter to the G.M. dated 14th July, 1635. (6) No. 70c.

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The Gathering Clouds

diocesan as well as to the regular clergy. This tax was to last for five years and the Inquisitor was commissioned to superintend its exe­ cution (1). But, the Spaniards, led by the Prior of Navarre, Fra Martin de Redin, offerred strong opposition against the execution of this brief in Malta. De Redin held that the Pope had no authority whatsoever to levy taxes on the vassals of the King of Spain (2). Moreover, by October 1635, when this brief reached Malta, once Floriani had visited the island’s main fortifications, it become quite evident that the sum to be derived from this tax was far less than that required for the expenses likely to be incurred (3). On the 6th October, the Grand Master wrote to Cardinal Francesco asking him for an extension of this indult. He stated that the sum to be farmed from this indult amounted to just ten thousand (10,000) scudi, the expenditure was to amount to a sum total of one hundred and twenty five thousand (125,000) scudi. He, therefore, petitioned Barberini that the new indult was to include all immobile property existing both in Malta as well as in Gozo and the payment of a land-tax amounting to a scudo for each measure, " salmata ” , of land was to be decreed. Moreover, all private loans, known as “ censi bollali ” , were also to be subjected to a tax (4). (1) A.S.V., Secy. By. 822, 455r_v; cfr. infra 175, note 4. (2) The Prior of Navarre, Fra Martin de Redin protested to the Viceroy of Sicily against the imposition of this tax. The latter answered him on the 6th October praising de Redin’s diligence in safeguarding the interests of the Sovereign Lord of Malta [Sim., Estado (Sicilia), Legajo 3480, cart. 203). On the 5th October of the same year, de Redin sent another letter to the Viceroy dealing with the same matter (Ibid., cart. 204). The intervention of the Pope in authorising the farming of taxes in Malta caught the attention of the King of Spain four years later. On the 27th November, 1638, the Marquis of Castel Rodrigo, who was the Spanish Ambassador in Rome, reported to his sovereign that the Pope was interfering in the imposition of taxes in Malta (Sim., Secreterias Provinciates, Legajo 1479, p.n.n., letter from Castel Rodrigo dated as stated before). This matter was duly studied in Madrid and on the 25th May, 1639, the Fiscal authorities at the Spanish Court insisted that the Grand Master had no need whatsoever to seek papal authorisation in decreeing any kind of taxa­ tion in Malta since such rights, in so far as laymen were involved, had been bestowed upon him when the island was granted to the Order, by Charles V, (Ibid., cart. 71). (3) No 89a. (4) No. 89b; A.O.M. 1414, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter to the Order’s Am­ bassador in Rome dated 6th October, 1635; B.L. 6689, 364r'v. It is to be

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The new fortifications

31

But the Pope did not accede to this request. Chigi was commission­ ed to study together with the Grand Master, and if need be also with the Bishop, some other solution (1). These matters received careful attention in Malta and on the 8th January, 1636, Chigi forwarded a detailed plan whereby money could be found to help towards the fortifications of Malta. He proposed three plans, retaining, at the same time, that only the third one of these plans, could materialise. According to this plan, a general tax on all kinds of income was to be levied. This tax was to last for two years and would yield one hundred thousand (100,000) scudi (2). Writing to Honorati, on the same day he had written to Barberini, Chigi stated that no procrastination was to be made in despatching this affair, because the island was in sore need of a general revision of its fortifications. The Maltese, according to Chigi, had no reason to oppose such a tax, since they were free from any such bur­ thens. Moreover, during the hundred years that Malta had been under the Order’s rule, great progress had been made in various sectors of the island’s economy. If the Holy See thought that the sum of one hundred thousand (100,000) scudi was rather too exorbitant, Honorati was told to do his best to obtain, at least, half of this sum (3). Once more, Chigi’s intervention brought good results. A papal brief, dated 9th February, 1636, empowered the Grand Master to levy a general tax on all revenues belonging to laymen, both in Malta as well as in Gozo. This tax was to amount to fifty thousand (50,000) scudi and its execution was left in the hands of the Head of the Order. No time limit was assigned to its farming (4). Another brief, bearing the same date as the previous one, was addressed to the Inquisitor. He was, thereby, authorised to see to the execution of a tax amounting to five thousand (5,000) scudi to be levied on all the revenues which the clergy, both diocesan and regular, derived from the Maltese Islands. This tax was to be a subsidy, “ in subsidium ” , to the one imposed on laymen. No appeal against

noted that Chigi did not agree with the Grand Master on this matter. He held that it would had been better to execute the indult that had already been given and ask for another one later on. (1) No. 99. (2) No. 108. (2) F.Ch. A .1.3, 448r-450r, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 8th January, 1636. (4) A .S.V., Seer. Br. 831, 607v-608v; cfr. infra 202, note 1.

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The Gathering Clouds

the imposition of this tax on ecclesiastical revenues could be re­ ceived (1). Chigi received these two papal briefs on the 2nd April, 1636. The following day, the Grand Master communicated to the Order’s Council the news of these papal concessions (2).

3. - FRORIANI AT W ORK While these negotiations, to obtain the money needed for the island’s fortifications, were being dealt with, work on the fortifications themselves was not dormant. Floriani was busily engaged in it. By the 18th November, 1635, he had already planned his fortifications (s). He aimed at reinforcing the old fortifications of Valletta, which, he considered to be somewhat out of date. He held that, in any eventual Turkish assault, if the Order could keep a firm hold on this city, even if all the rest of the island were to be in the hands of the enemy, it could rest assured that, in the end, it would sound the victory, for the Turks would have to leave the island. Valletta, whose fortifications were initiated in 1566, had been built on a small peninsula on the eastern side of the island. Two harbours flanked this fortified city. On its south-eastern side stands the main harbour of the island with Vittoriosa, Senglea and Burmula on the opposite side of this harbour facing Valletta. While the defences on the sides of this city were quite secure, its rear flank, facing the hinter­ land, needed to be reinforced. Floriani directed his attention towards these needs. He planned to build a new fortified town encircling within its walls a considerable part of the remaining part of the promon­ tory which was still unfortified (4). When this new fortification would be ready, it would be sufficient to take in all the population of Malta with all that would be needed for its sustenance, whenever the Turks would dare to besiege Malta (5).

f1) A .S.V., Seer. Br. 831, 609r-61 V / 621*-»; cfr. infra 202, note 2. (2) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 75»; A.O.M. 256, 146». (3) B.L. 6697, 71*-», Floriani’s letter to Barberini dated 18th Novem­ ber, 1635. (4) J. Q uentin H ughes , The Building of Malta, 30-31. (5) B.L. 6697, 67r-70r. These pages contain a long letter, which Floriani wrote to Barberini on the 9th November, 1635, explaining his plans and an­ swering all major objections which could be made against their execution.

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Floriani at work

33

This plan met serious opposition from some members of the Order, including Bailiff Signorino Gattinara, who enjoyed high esteem within the Convent. These held that these plans needed too much time and money, none o f which the Order could spare at that time. Moreover, when it was ready, its defences required too many men to ensure its safety (1). Some held that it would have been far better to fortify the other side of the harbour, otherwise, this was unsafe and could, quite easily, fall into the enemy’s hands. Chigi himself shared this opinion (a). But Grand Master de Paule, as well as a good num­ ber of other leading personalities in the Order, backed Floriani’s plans. On the 10th December, Floriani answered publicly, in front of the Order’s Council, various objections which had been made against his plans and he won the day. He presented two plans to the Order. The Council decided to adopt the smaller one, since it required less time and money to finish. Out of forty nine votes, fourteen only were cast against Floriani (3). After this decision, Gattinara, who had been, previously, appointed by the Council as one of the Commis­ sioners in charge of the new fortifications, tendered his resignation from this office (4*). Once the Council had reached such a decision, work proceeded speedily. On the 18th January, 1636, Floriani had already outlined his plans on the site itself (6). He did not wait to hear the judgements which other experts in similar fortifications outside Malta might make to his plans. In fact, the copies of his fortifications which he sent to Cardinal Barberini on the 27th December, 1635 (8), did not receive a wholesome approval in Rome. Barberini passed them on to Fra Vincenzo Maculani da Firenzuola O.P. (7), Commissioner General of the

l1) B.L. 6697, 72r-73T, Floriani’s answers to some objections made against his fortifications. (2) No. 121; F.Ch. A .1.4, 39r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Gio. F.co Sacchetti dated 8th April, 1636. (3) D ai, Pozzo, I, 837-838; No. 106b; F.Ch. A .I.3, 435'’-436”, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 13th December, 1635. (4) “ Solo il Gattinara n’è opposto, ma lui è contrario al G.M. e si dice che vuol togliere gloria al attuale G.M. per haverla lui se sarà eletto G.M. . . . ” (B.L. 6697, 74r-75r, Floriani’s letter to Barberini dated 27th December, 1635). (6) B.L. 6697, 76r, Floriani’s letter to Barberini dated 28th January, 1636. (8) Ibid., 74r-75r, Floriani’s plans accompanied this letter. (’ ) For a biographical note on Firenzuola cfr. infra 407, note 1. 3

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The Gathering Clouds

Holy Office and a renowned expert in military architecture (l). Firenzuola drew up a report in which he criticised certain points in Floriani’s plans, suggesting certain modifications which, in his opinion, had to be made to render these fortifications safe (2). The Cardinal sent this report to Chigi without mentioning the name of its author. This report was accompanied by the new plans which were meant to modify those already made b y Floriani (3). The Cardinal, at the same time, com­ plained that Chigi could have informed him earlier about Floriani’s projects and, moreover, he could have manifested also his judgement about them (4). But, when these papers reached Malta, work on Floriani’s plans had already reached such a point that the Inquisitor did not think it convenient to insist on the insertion of these modifications sent from Rome. Floriani was so much absorbed and pround of his work, that he would admit no alteration to his original plans. When Chigi present­ ed him the papers sent him by Barberini, he gave them a rapid glance and stated that only those who were on the spot could judge what was best for the island’s defences (5). Though Chigi could do nothing to persuade Floriani in modifying his fortifications, he, nevertheless insisted with members of the Order that, in future, whenever work on the fortifications was to be undertaken, the Order should first consult the advice of various experts abroad (6). The cost involved in these fortifications turned out to be much less than what had been originally estimated. All work was given by tender, the Order paying six scudi per cane. Since Floriani’s plan was to cover a perimiter of twelve thousand (12,000) canes, its cost was to amount to seventy two thousand (72,000) scudi (7). On sending Floriani to Malta, Barberini cherised the idea of providing some fi-

0) No. 114b, note 2; “ i disegni che l’exn.o Padrone ha inviati appresso la relatione del padre Fierenzuola. .. ” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 38v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Gio. F.co Sacchetti dated 8th April, 1636). (2) F.Ch. R.I.25, 213r-214v. These pages give the report mentioned here, but the plans are missing. (3) No. 123a. (4) No. 114a. In No. 121, Chigi tried to justify his behaviour in this matter. (6) Nos. 123a and 126. (o) No. 123a. (7) Idem, till the end of 1636, the Order had already spent 39,965 scudi, 9 tari and 10 grana on Floriani’s fortifications (A .O .M . 6559, 15r‘v).

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Floriani at work

35

nancial assistance to help towards these fortifications (x). The Colonel was quite aware of the Cardinal’s intention, and he himself suggested to Barberini to spend this sum on the main entrance of these fortifica­ tions, which would, thereupon, be called Barberini’s Gate (2). But it does not seem that the Cardinal applied any amount of money towards these fortifications. In order to keep an eye on all expenditure and supervise the work being carried out, thereby, to reduce to a minimum the money to be spent on these fortifications, Cardinal Francesco proposed to Chigi the sending to Malta of some Capuchin lay brothers (3). But the presence of these religious persons during this work would not be gratifying to the knights (4). Chigi, on this account, answered the Cardinal stating that they were not needed, since all work had been given by tender (6). Though work on the fortifications was progressing steadily, it was quite difficult to predict when it would reach completion. Some even had doubts whether it would ever be finished. There were still discord­ ant views as to the use of this extensive fortification. A change in the grandmastership would decide whether this work would be abandon­ ed or brought to perfection (6). It was all too evident that de Paule was nearing his end. In February 1636, he fell sick and many pre­ dicted that his death was quite near. Floriani had stated publicly that if this change were to bring Bailiff Gattinara at the helm of the Order, he would, immediately, leave the island without finishing his work (7).

(q No. 72b. (2) “ Intendevo fare due porte. Ma credo che basterà una. Se vuol che sarà nominata Porta Barberina, si può spendere tale spesa. Non per il baluardo che costerà molto di più, e che sarà fatto a spesa del G.M. ” (B.L. 6697, 74v, from Floriani’s letter to Barberini dated 27th December, 1635). (3) No. 114a. (4) “ Quanto al mandar qua Religiosi per assitere all’opera, e sopra la spesa ........ l'haverei per utilissimo ma non lo vedo facile perché il genio di questa isola è di fare le cose sue tutto da per loro, e con guardarsi dagli estranei, cioè da quelli che non sono di S. Giovanni e non accettono i preti ” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 30r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 26th March, 1636). (6) Nos. 122 and 123a. (6) No. 128; F.Ch. A .1.4, 29T from the draft mentioned in note 4. (7) F.Ch. B.I.7, 295r, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated 13th December, 1635.

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A Study in contrasts

IV. - A STUDY IN CONTRASTS 1. - ELECTION OF A NEW GRAND MASTER Floriani’s arrival in Malta coincided, with the time when the first signs of de Paule’s general physical weakness began to manifest them­ selves. Whereupon, negotiations for the election of his successor were, immediately, taken in hand b y members of the Order (1). Though Chigi had received no written instructions from Rome, regarding his office as Apostolic Delegate in Malta, he was quite aware, before reach­ ing Malta’s shores, that one of his problems would be the election of Grand Master de Paule’s successor. The papal Bull modifying the election of the Order’s leader, given on the 3rd July, 1628 (2), was to govern these elections for the first time. According to the old Statutes of the Order, the election of a Grand Master was carried out in the following way: Each one of the eight Dangues chose, from among its members, a procurator to represent it in this election. These eight procurators choose a triumvirate formed up of a knight of justice, a conventual chaplain and a serving brother at arms. These three represented the three categories in which the members of the Order were graded. The three members of the triumvirate had to belong to three different Dan­ gues. This triumvirate, once duly chosen, passed on to elect another thirteen members, one at a time. The person elected each time had the right to vote with those who had been already elected. When the thirteenth person had been chosen in this way, these together with the triumvirate, forming a body of sixteen electors, choose the Grand Master (s). This system was somewhat faulty and gave chance to various abuses, chief among which was bribery. In electing the procurators of the eight Dangues, ballots were used. Each voter received one of these ballots to throw into the voting casket. It was quite easy to buy from poorer knights these ballots and make use of them according to one’s own pleasure, especially, since no one controlled the number of ballots each voter had in hand when approaching the voting casket. 0) No. 80. (2) S. PAOU, Codice Diplomatico, II, No. 293. (3) R.M .L., Ms. 333, 136r-141r.

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A new Grand Master

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Moreover, the election of the Grand Master depended, to a great extent, on the choice of the triumvirate, since the other members of the sixteen electors owed their choice, directly or indirectly, to these three persons. If one had sufficient money at his disposal, it was not too difficult to secure the votes of four or five of the eight procurators chosen by the Eangues. Such a person would have in his own hands the election of the triumvirate and, subsequently, that of the Grand Master. It was an open secret that Grand Masters had reached the top of the ladder in the Order’s hierarchy through such bribery. De Paule himself spent a lot of money to obtain this dignity (1). The Bull given in 1628 tried to remedy the many evils deriving from this system of election. The reforms which it meant to introduce may be summarised as follows: Each Eangue had to choose three procurators instead of one; ballots were no longer to be used by the Eangues in the election of these pro­ curators. Each voter had to make use of a written vote which he had to deposit in the voting casket. But, before throwing his vote in this casket, he had to show it, duly sealed, to the other members of the Eangue present in the Eangue’s chapel, where this election had to take place. Each voter had to write his vote in this same chapel. In this system of voting, bribery could hardly interfere and a definite impro­ vement had been achieved. The Pope had ordered a commission of some prelates to prepare a ritual which was to give all details regarding the way this election was to be carried out. When Chigi left Rome for Malta, this important document had not yet been drawn up. Among the last instructions left to Honorati, before proceeding with his voyage to Malta, he exhorted him to solicit these prelates (2) to finish the compilation of this work (3). One of Chigi’s major fears was, that he would have to be present in Malta on the death of the Grand Master without having in hand this important document, which was to be his guide in implementing for the first time the papal Bull governing the Grand Master’s election (4). He had to wait for this document even after his arrival in Malta. In O No. 136. (2) The prelates who formed this commission were Monsignori Alfieri, Maraldi, Torniello, Paolucci and Fagnani (F.Ch. A .1.3, 186r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 29th July, 1634). (3) Ibid., 195v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 17th August, 1634. (4) Idem.

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38

A Study in contrasts

many letters, written from Malta, lie complained with Honorati that he had not, yet, received this ritual (1). At last, on the 9th April, 1635, he acknowledged its receipt (2). Though the first signs of weakness in de Paule’s health began to appear in September 1635, the Grand Master recovered after some time and beguiled the many negotiations which were already in hand in preparation for the election of his successor (*). But in February 1636, his health began to fail him once more, and his personal physician agreed that in a few days time his death knell would be sounded (4). But his robust physique resisted quite bravely. By March 1636, the contenders for the grandmastership were three, namely: Bailiff Juste de Fay Gerlande, who was almost eighty five years old and a member of the Bangue of Auvergne; Bailiff Signorino Gattinara, an Italian, and Bailiff Jean Paul de Bascaris Castellar, from Nice. The last two, however, stood the better chance (5). Chigi hoped that whoever of these two would, eventually, be elected, the Order would thereby benefit a great deal, since both were upright persons, and men of sound moral principles. Gattinara, seemed to Chigi, to be more capable in the management of affairs, while Bascaris was su­ perior to the Italian in spirituality. Chigi, however, had good hopes that the one who would not be elected would still give a helping hand to the other for the common good of the Order (8). Although ailing in bed for days and months, de Paule would not give up his soul. Gossips in the island were saying many a highly coloured tale about old de Paule. He could not die so easily because he was bewitched (7). A devil, Scrampino by name, held possession of his soul (8) and no one had to pray for his spiritual welfare because

f1) F.Ch. A .1.3, 191v, 234v, 243T etc., drafts of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 17th August, 5th and 23th November, 1634. (2) Ibid., 301v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Stefano Ugolini. The date of this papal document is 21st October, 1634 (S. P aoi,i , Codice Diplo­ m atic, II, No. 302). (3) Nos. 80 and 95a. (4) Nos. 118a, 119c, 122, 124, 128, 129 and 134a. (s) Nos. 118 and 119c. («) No. 119c. (7) F.Ch. A .1.4, 40r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 12th April, 1636. (8) Ibid., 65r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 12th May, 1636.

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A new Grand Master

39

lie was already damned (1). The name of the Inquisitor was en every­ one’s lips. Unless he visited the Grand Master and read some exorcisms on the old man, he would not die. Chigi was aware of all this gossiping and he made up his mind to remain at Vittoriosa all throughout de Paule’s last sickness. From there, he tried to manage everything as best as he could and received all those who needed his help and advice (2). In far distant villages of Malta, prayers were said petitioning the Al­ mighty neither a speedy recovery nor a peaceful death for de Paule, but 'Gattinara’s election to the grandmastership. The man in the street was on Gattinara’s side, the people were for him; they did not fear his stern and terrible character, for they believed that such a man would put the Order, once more, on its feet by expurgating it from all those who were dishonouring it (3). But no one could foretell when de Paule’s end would arrive (4). Four months had almost elapsed and his death had been predicted to be imminent during the first days of his sickness. Under these con­ ditions, the Grand Master prepared to meet his last day by receiving Holy Communion more than once. Extreme Unction was, also, duly administered him and he asked one and all to pardon him for any past misbehaviour. But he showed hardly any outward signs of devotion and up to his last, he retained as his confessor the conventual chaplain who had been his secretary, Bartolotto. The Prior of the Conventual Church had deprived Bartolotto of the faculty to hear confessions for his incorrect behaviour (5). But the Grand Master had asked and obtained from the Pope special faculties for the priest who was to hear his confessions, which enabled him to retain Bartolotto till the end of his life (6). And the end, at last, came; on the 9th June, 1636, de Paule breathed his last (7). Within twenty four hours after de Paule’s funerals, the election of his successor had to take place. On this occasion, the new papal legislation was to be applied for the first time under Chigi’s super­ vision. One exception, however, was made to enable the Order’s ViceChancellor, Fra Gio. Francesco Abela, a Maltese conventual chaplain, (x) (а) (3) (4) (б) (e) (’ )

Same as note 7 on the previous page. No. 134a. No. 128. No. 129. No. 136. No. 119c, notes 1 and 2. No. 134a.

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A Study in contrasts

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to take part in this election. According to the new legislation, only such members of the Order, who were born within the territories of the Bangue to which they belonged, had the right to vote in this elec­ tion. Thus, no Maltese members of the Order enjoyed such a right, since there was no Maltese Bangue in the Order and these were re­ ceived as members of one of the existing Bangues. But the Pope had granted a special dispensation on behalf of Abela (4). On the 12th June, all those who had the right to vote met early in the Conventual Church of St John at Valletta. They were all gather­ ed together by 7.00 a.m. (2). The Bangues grouped themselves each going to its own side-chapel, while the members of the Bangue of Provence remained in the main aisle, since the Lieutenant in charge of the elec­ tion was one of them(3). It took them a whole day to choose de Paule’s successor and the electors had to eat in the church itself. The knights were not accustomed to writing, the younger generation was more at ease in the management of arms, than when asked to sit at a writing desk; the elder members, ailing from various maladies, required time to write and give their vote as prescribed by Pope Urban (4). But by 9.00 p.m., the results were out (6). Bailiff Jean Paul de Bascaris Castellar was elected Grand Master. Chigi rejoiced at this election, and though he would have preferred Gattinara, nevertheless, he had good hopes, also, in Bascaris (8). The Barberini themselves were in favour of Gattinara. Honorati wrote to Chigi stating that it was the wish of the Cardinal that the Inquisitor was to back Gattinara’s candi­ dature (7). This letter, however, reached Malta when the election of the new Grand Master had already taken place (8). But, even if it had reached its destination in time, Chigi, though personally inclined to­ wards Gattinara, nevertheless he would not have backed this choice. The Italian Bailiff did not enjoy any favour and popularity among his fellow knights. Chigi had decided to show no discrimiantion between Gattinara and Bascaris, leaving everything in God’s divine providence (9). (x) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)

Nos. 83 and 134b, notes 3 and 4. F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 80r. D ai, P ozzo, II, 5-6, here one meets an account of this election. No. 134b. F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 80r. Nos. 134b and 136. F.Ch. A .I I .52, 605r-v. This letter is dated 17th May, 1636. No. 141b. No. 164.

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L ascaris’ reforms

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According to Chigi, Eascaris found preference among the knights, be­ cause of Gattinara’s horrible and stem character, which was, also, accompanied by lack of tact when dealing with others i1). The new system of election, introduced by the Barberini Pope, was not wholly perfect; there were some points which had to be re­ shaped. Too much time had been spent in writing down the votes when the Eangues elected their procurators. To remedy this evil, Chigi suggested that, instead of having one at a time to fill in his vote, four members could do this simultaneously, each one standing apart from the others. Other important suggestions which Chigi made dealt with the election of the three procurators to represent the English Eangue and how to avoid a parity of votes in the final election of the Grand Master (2).

2. - EASCARIS’ REFORMS Chigi rejoiced at Eascaris’ election to the grandmastership. Such a man of deep spiritual convictions and sound training could lead the Order towards a spiritual revival and a radical reform in the way of life which many knights were leading in Malta. During the first audience granted to Chigi on the 19th June (3), as well as on other similar occasions (4), the new Grand Master explain­ ed to the Inquisitor the programme which he meant to implement. His attention was directed, primarily, towards the needs of this fellow knights. They lacked the necessary preparation to enable them to live up to their vocation. On arriving in Malta, where they had to spend, at least, one year as novices, they found no novitiate where they would receive the necessary training. The General Chapter of 1631 tried to solve this problem and decreed the erection of a noviciate. But none, so far, had been built. Young recruits, on reaching Malta, found hardly anyone to care for their needs both spiritual as well as temporal. And Malta, those days, was not a place were moral values were held

l1) Cfr. infra 214, note 1. (2) No. 157a. (3) No. 136. (4) F.Ch. A .1.4, 105T-106r, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 30th July, 1636.

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42

A Study iu contrasts

in too High esteem among some knights (l). Tascaris, however, wanted, at all costs, to improve these miserable conditions. Another radical reform, planned by the new Grand Master, re­ garded the conventual chaplains. Till then, these did not lead a com­ mon life, each lived in his own house, and their lives were not beyond reproach. Once more, the General Chapter previously mentioned had decreed the building of a priests’ house where all such chaplains would live in common under the direct vigilance of the Prior of the Conventual Church. But this decree had met with severe opposition, and now that Tascaris was trying to implement it, he had to face a very dif­ ficult task (2). To enable his knights to lead a more devout and saintly life, Tascaris hoped to reorganise the Camerata, which had been established during the last decades of the sixteenth century. This institution had already provided the Order with some of its best members. Tascaris himself was one of those who had led a common life in this institution (3). During the first audience given to Chigi, Tascaris promised him that he was wholly against any interference in ecclesiastical jurisdiction and did not mean to harbour and stir up troubles and lawsuits among the members of the Order. He also hoped to be able to suppress all acts of violence which were quite common in Malta (“). To put into practice the plans he had excogitated, one thing was essential — money. Money to build the novitiate; money to build the priests’ house! The Council came to the Grand Master’s rescue b y decreeing some provisions to make good for the needs of the former (6).(*)

(*) “ Destina fabricar un novitiato per i cavalieri di Malta, e lo farà, le­ vando che i cavalieri che vengono a Malta non corrono si sfrenatamente ne vitii, che non havendo più dove posare, l’istessa notte dormono con meretrici ” (F.Ch. A. 1.4, 164v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Stefano Ugolini dated 26th November, 1636). (2) " Havuta che li Procuratori dell'Assemblea fanno l’istanza a nome loro proprio, e non a nome dell’Assemblea, perché trattandosi di voler fabricar la canonica, molti di quelli non solo non concorrevano a quello, ma sarebbero del tutto contrarii, assuefatti alla vita licentiosa del passato con uscir di notte, a conviver involti in mille v it ii... ” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 119v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 26th August, 1636). (3) No. 136; F.Ch. A .1.4, 164v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter quoted in note 1. (4) F.Ch. A .1.4, 106r, draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 30th July, 1636. (3) Cfr. infra 214, note 3.

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Lascaris’ reforms

43

To meet the expenses to be incurred in the realisation of the second project, hascaris found a solution, which, he hoped, would serve a double purpose. Money would, thereby, be provided and he would give a lesson to all those, who had mismanaged and abused the authority vested in them during de Paule’s grandmastership. Fra Gio. Antonio Perdicomati, a conventual chaplain, had served de Paule for many years as his secretary and almoner. While he held this office, he had accumulated considerable sums of money, which were estimated to amount to one hundred thousand (100,000) scudi. He was accused by the Procurators of the Venerable Assembly of Con­ ventual Chaplains as having amassed this wealth by devious means, especially through trade, which he was not allowed to do since he was a cleric. Thanks to the intervention of Grand Master de Paule, he was allowed by the General Chapter of 1631 to dispose of some of this wealth according to his own will. This authorisation was, subsequently, con­ firmed by papal authority (1). hascaris hoped that, by punishing this person, he would have the money he needed at that time, while the culprit would receive his due. Moreover, all those who had mismanaged the Order’s affairs were to see their own fates in Perdicomati’s punish­ ment (2). Chigi took great interest in the attainment of Perdicomati’s chas­ tisement. A papal brief was needed so that the Order could proceed legally against this conventual chaplain. Otherwise, the Apostolic Chamber had certain rights over his wealth, since he was a cleric who had been involved in trade without any kind of permission. Chigi took upon himself the task of detailing to Honorati what was to be inserted in this brief (3), insisting that Perdicomati was not to be al­ lowed to appeal from the sentence given in Malta to any authority outside the island and that the Grand Master alone was to be authoris­ ed to hear such an appeal (4). Chigi had serious fears lest the inter-

(x) F.Ch. A .1.4, 117r-118r, copy of a memorandum presented to the Grand Master by the Venerable Assembly of Conventual Chaplains, hascaris sent this memorandum to the Prior of the Conventual Church to report on it. The latter, on the 28th July, 1636, gave his remarks on this memorandum [Ibid., 118''). (2) Ibid., 119r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 26th August, 1636; Nos. 150, 165, 169d and 176. (3) Ibid., 119r-120r, draft of Chigi’s letter quoted in note 2. (4) No. 191.

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A Study in contrasts

vention of patrons abroad (') and bribery in Malta would play their part in frustrating the good intentions of Eascaris. The papal brief was duly obtained, and Perdicomati was despoiled of his wealth and sent to prison, notwithstanding his attempts to come to a compromise with the Order (s). However, although the money needed was in hand, work on the priests’ house remained still at a standstill (s). In all these attempts at reform, as well as in others, the Grand Master received the full approval, encouragement and co-operation of Chigi (4). But there was something else which needed more radical reform, and Chigi directed his attention to effect it. Though Chigi had been quite happy with the election of Eascaris, he had, however, some doubts as up to what extent the new Grand Master would be able to manage things by himself, Eascaris was, beyond all shade of doubt, a saintly man; but Chigi read in his character a certain tendency and susceptibility to be influenced, perhaps too much, by those who stood around him (5). Chigi directed his whole attention on this weak spot in the Grand Master’s character. He had to make Eascaris send away from the magisterial palace all such persons who were known for their malignity and who had played a prominent role during de Paule’s rule (6). Eascaris was pliable to Chigi’s plan. One b y one, all such individuals were dismissed from the offices they had, previously, held. Bailiff Villeneuve, former Seneschal and nephew of de Paule, left Malta on the 28th November, following his uncle’s death (7). Knight Biasio Brandaò, de Paule’s Equerry, was sent to guard the Order’s interests in Portugal (8). Eascaris was, at first, somewhat re­ luctant to dismiss the Prior of Navarre, for he had helped him to attain (4) Cfr. infra 255, note 2. (2) Idem. (3) D ai, P ozzo, I, 787. (4) No, 156; apart from these reforms, Uascaris attempted also some others; ‘ ‘ Deputò commissarii che cercano i maiioli, e scelerati, e gli cacciano dall’isola subbito. . . . Ha deputato altri sopra la buona vita de cavalieri, e si levano tutti i concubinarii, ancorché di gran croci, altrimenti, si procederà con lo statuto privative . . . Vuol veder tutti i suoi servi e ministri et offitiali comu­ nicare, è stato ed è veramente un s a n t o .... ” (F .C h. A .1.4, 193r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Stefano Ugolini dated 28th March, 1637). (5) No. 136; F.Ch. A .1.4, 164T, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 26th November, 1636. («) No. 168. (7) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 9(K (8) No. 191.

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Lascaris’ reforms

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the office of Grand Master. He bestowed upon him, even, the office of Seneschal (l). But, finally, a way was found to send him away from Malta. The Viceroy of Sicily had denied Malta the usual amounts of provisions due to it every year. The Grand Master and Council decided to protest before the King of Spain against this behaviour. On the 23rd November, 1636, the Prior of Navarre was chosen for this mis­ sion (2). He was, at the same time, authorised to stay at the Spanish Court as the Order’s Ordinary Ambassador (8). Bartolotto, de Paule’s secretary and confessor, left the island to reside in his commandery of Rimini and Cesena (4). In the meantime, Chigi was trying to induce the best among the knights to come forward to help the Grand Master in the reform that he was attempting to achieve (6). Chigi’s influence over Lascaris becomes crystal clear when one examines the part played by the Inquisitor when the office of Admiral of the Order’s Fleet was to become vacant. Its pretender was Bailiff Carlo Valdina (8). Chigi had been unsuccessful in persuading Lascaris to remove him from those who were close to the Grand Master in the management of the Order. Though Valdina was renowned for un­ orthodox behaviour and bribery, together with the Prior of Navarre, he had been providential in helping Lascaris to win his election to the grandmastership. In January 1637, Chigi wrote a strongly worded letter to the Grand Master, insisting that he should abstain, at all costs, from giving any office to persons who were not worthy of the vocation they professed otherwise, he would be co-operating with the iniquity which he was tryng to eradicate (7). A few days afterwards, Chigi

p) Nos. 159 and 164; F.Ch. A .1. 4, 164r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 26th November, 1636. (2) Cfr. infra 236, notes 4 and 5. (3) Ibid., note 3. (4) No. 178. (6) No. 168. (6) For a biographical note about Valdina cfr. infra 125, note 5. (7) “ V.S. sa che i beni della Religione non si possono spendere in mali usi, e già scrissi a Roma per rimedio (No. 156) di queste anime. Onde non può conseguentemente distribuire i beni della Religione a questi tali, senza incorrere nel medesimo peccato, e senza porger la mano a loro delitti, con darne la occasione, il fomento. Si risolva per amor di Dio con buon coraggio, lo faccia con l’opere, lo professa con le parole, se ne dichiari, se ne impegni publicamente, perché allora vedrà che niun concubinario publico, e niun delinquente ardirà chiederle, nè gratie nè cariche” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 174v-176r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to the G.M. dated 12th January, 1637).

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An anticlimax

wrote to Barberini stating that it had been possible to keep Valdina away from the office of Admiral of the Order’s Fleet (1). In inducing Lascaris to carry out these important reforms, Chigi found great help from the Jesuits, who had their College in Valletta (*). The Grand Master’s confessor was Fr Giacomo Cassia (*), a Maltese Jesuit, while, one of his chief advisers was the Rector of the Jesuit College, Fr Giorgio Tagliavia, a Sicilian nobleman from Palermo (4). Their dealings with the Grand Master, however, were too obvious and manifest. The Father General of the Society of Jesus, as early as September 1636, had adviced them to be prudent and cautious in their behaviour with the Order (6). Chigi insisted, from the very outset, on this same point. Reforms in Malta were sorely needed and had to be carried out, but with all due attention, otherwise the animosity and disgust of irritated knights would cause serious trouble (6). Chigi's pru­ dence and foresight gave him a prophetic insight; his last days in Malta were to witness a most pitiful episode in the annals of the Society of Jesus on Maltese shores.

V. - AN ANTICLIMAX 1. - FLORIAN I PROCEEDED W ITH HIS PLANS Just a few months after Floriani’s arrival in Malta, his manners and behaviour began to cause trouble. He was rather haughty in f1) No. 183, note No. 5. (2) “ A devoto de’ Giesuiti e si vale della loro direttione, e loro mi hanno aiutato assai a far le sudette manfatture, per farli levar d’attorno i tristi. Tutte queste cose sono sub sigillo segrete ” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 164v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 26th November, 1636). (3) Fr Giacomo Cassia, S.J., was born in 1580. He joined the Society of Jesus, in 1599 (A .R .S .I., Sicula 63, 220v). From 1620 onwards, he lectured in Moral Theology at the Jesuit College of Valletta (A.R.S.I., Sicula 155, 53T). (4) No. 191. (5) “ Quanto maggiori sono le dimostrationi, che fa con noi mons. Gran Maestro, tanto piu doviamo mostrare la nostra modestia e humilta, e V.R. fa prudentemente a non chieder niente ne andare in palazzo, se non per cose urgenti e di carita ” (A.R.S.I., Sicula 11, 477r, from the draft of a letter written by the Father General of the Society of Jesus to the Rector of the Jesuit College at Valletta, dated 4th September, 1636). (») No. 191.

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Floriani proceedes with his plans

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character and his manners with members of the Order as well as with others were not always correct. In November 1635, Chigi reported to Honorati that Floriani’s conduct in Malta was the subject of much talk and gossip (1). Chigi was furious about this, and when his exhorta­ tions and admonishments seemed to exert no influence on the Colonel, he insisted that an order had to be sent from Rome recalling Floriani from Malta (2). Work on the fortifications was well in hand and Flo­ riani’s assistant, Francesco Buonamici, could, quite easily, supervise what was still to be carried out (3). The letter asked for by Chigi reached him on the 20th April, 1636 (4), but, on its arrival, Chigi had changed his mind. Malta was, then, at the climax of the negotiations for the election of the Grand Master. Work on these fortifications depended, to a great extent, on who would be elected to fill this office. Thereupon, Chigi decided to keep this letter to himself and make use of it, once the election had taken place (6). If Gattinara was elected, he would hand this letter to Floriani imme­ diately, but if Tascaris became Grand Master, something else would have to be done. It was well known that Tascaris favoured Floriani’s forti­ fications (6). In fact, after his election to the grandmastership, fiascaris wrote to the Pope petitioning His Holiness to extend Floriani’s stay in Malta for a few months more, so that the fortifications could reach their completion under his own direction. This was granted to him. Floriani was to stay in Malta till November 1636 (7). In the meantime, these fortifications were the subject of harsh criticism. Barberini would have liked to see Firenzuola’s modifications applied to Floriani’s plans (8) Chigi himself had been against these plans, but once the Order’s Council decreed their execution, he preferred to keep his own personal opinions to himself, lest his opposition would f1) F.Ch. B.I.7, 294r, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated . .. November, 1635. (2) Ibid., 294v, from the draft of Chigi’s cipher to Honorati dated 30th November, 1635. (3) Ibid., 295v, from the draft of a similar cipher as the previous one dated 26th January, 1636. (4) F.Ch. A .1.4, 45v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Gio. F.co Sacchetti dated 20th April, 1636. (6) Idem. (6) Ibid., 72v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Gio. F.co Sacchetti dated 14th June, 1636. (7) No. 152a. (8) No. 114b.

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An anticlimax

have harmed the office he held in Malta. He explained all this in a detailed letter to Honorati dated 13th December, 1635 (1). On receiv­ ing Firenzuola’s modifications and Barberini’s comments, stating that the Cardinal would have expected to have had Chigi’s judgement on the work which Floriani had planned to execute, Chigi was rather puzzled. It seemed to him that Honorati did not explain to the Car­ dinal Chigi’s mind and behaviour (2*). On this account, the Inquisitor decided, this time, to write letters explaining his opinion and his action to Barberini (s), to Gio. Francesco Sacchetti (4) and to Cardinal Sachetti (5). He made it quite clear that, personally, he would have pre­ ferred to fortify the other side of the harbour than undertake the work which was being carried out with the Order’s approval. Criticism to Fioriani’s plans came, also, from other sources. The Colonel had to defend himself against such criticism coming from a renowned member of the Order, Knight fielio Brancaccio, whose ability as a military engineer was beyond discussion (6). Similar criticism came also from Spain (7) though, according to the Prior of Navarre, this criticism was all due on account of the Pope’s intervention in send­ ing Floriani to Malta (8). Notwithstanding all criticism, Floriani was at the peak of his glory, backed by both the late and the new Grand Master while the Pope gave his tacit consent, since he allowed him to stay in Malta for a few more months to supervise, personally, the work on these fortifi­ cations. This work, actually, proceeded quite speedily. Each person in Malta had to take an active part in this work. Apart from the payment of the tax, everyone had to give a helping hand by carrying a chest of debris from these fortifications or otherwise, to pay someone else to

l1) F.Ch. A . 1.3, 435V-436T, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 13th December, 1635. (2) F.Ch. A . 1.4, 52v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 1st May, 1636. (8) No. 123a. (4) B.L. 6681, 85r-86r, original letter which Chigi sent to Gio. F.co Sacchetti dated 8th April, 1636; F.Ch. A . 1.4, 38v-39r, draft of the same letter. (6) F.Ch. A. 1. 4, 4 l v-42r, draft of Chigi’s letter to Cardinal Giulio Sacchetti dated 12th April, 1636. (s) For a biographical note on Brancaccio cfr. infra 222, note 1. (7) F.Ch. N .III.77, 145r-155v, these pages contain a copy of Fioriani’s answer to this criticism. («) No. 154b,

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do this work in his stead (x). In August 1636, the Grand Master, writ­ ing to the Grand Duke of Tuscany stated proudly that the fortificat­ ions had almost reached their completion and that in their actual state, they could, quite easily, be defended (2). When Floriani’s return to Rome was imminent, the Order's Council had a heated discussion in deciding how to remunerate this architect for what he had done throughout his stay in Malta (3). Floriani seemed to have been inclined towards a pecuniary reward. But Chigi was wholly against such a remuneration and was successful in changing Floriani’s mind (4). Finally, as a token of gratitude for his services, the Order decreed to honour Floriani with its habit of devotion, while he was to be exempted from paying the “ passagium ” due to the Order’s Treasury whenever such a habit was granted to someone. This “ passagium " would, normally, have amounted to four thousand (4,000) golden scudi. Apart from this honour, he was given a golden necklace valued to four hundred (400) scudi. These rewards were to given to Floriani on his arrival at Rome by Cardinal Francesco (5). Floriani left Malta on the 23rd October, 1636 (6). With Floriani's departure, work on his fortifications did not come to an end. But when it became known that ten years, or even more, were required to bring them to perfection, Bascaris’ enthusiasm and interest in this work began to dwindle. The Grand Master turned his attention towards the old fortifications of Valletta (’ ). On the 17th January, 1637, the Order’s Council decided to seek, once more, expert advice and the services of an architect to supervise the island’s for­ tifications (8). The Order’s Collector at Florence and the Prior of Pisa were informed to contact Gio. Francesco Cantagallina for this purpose. If Cantagallina could not come to Malta, some other renowned architect had to be found. All transactions in this affair were to be carried out

(1) No. 129; F.Ch. A .1.4, 59r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Cardinal G. Sacchetti dated 7th May, 1636. (2) A.O.M. 1414, p.n.n., copy of the G.M.’s letter dated 11th August, 1636. (3) No. 162. (4) F.Ch. A.1.4, 149r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Gio. F .co Sacchetti dated 21st October, 1636. (s) No. 162, note 2. (·) F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 88r. (7) No. 179b. (8) A.O.M. 256, 160T. 4

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An anticlimax

with due secrecy (l). But Cantagallina could not come to Malta (2), nor does it seem probable that other architects were found for this work. B y this time, enthusiasm for Floriani’s plans had abated so much, that substantial modifications to them were to be taken in hand. These modifications were the subject of serious discussions in Malta. Floriani, though away from the island, was informed about this; he was utterly distressed at this news and set out, immediately, to write a book in defence of his work in Malta. On the 5th December, 1637, Chigi wrote a letter to the Colonel, trying to persuade him to be cautious and to avoid printing such a work (3).

2. - THE FARMING OF THE T A X FOR THE ISLAND'S FORTIFICATIONS On reading the brief regarding the tax on ecclesiastics, Chigi notic­ ed that its wording was too vague and needed to be revised. He himself suggested some important modifications and corrections to be inserted in a new brief regarding this matter. This new brief was to be sent in lieu of the previous one which had authorised the tax on ecclesiastics. Chigi decided to suspend the farming of this tax till the arrival of this new brief (4). I1) Por a biographical note on Cantagallina cfr. infra 250, note 2; the G.M.’s instructions mentioned here are contained in letters dated 27th January, 1637 (A .O .M . 1414, p.n.n.). (2) A.O.M . 256, 168r. The G.M. gave this news to the Order’s Council on the 8th April, 1637. (=>) F.Ch. A .1.4, 262r-v. (4) Chigi made these remarks in a letter which he sent to Honorati on the 12th April, 1636. The following is an extract from the draft of this letter: “ es­ sendo comune il pericolo del Turco a laici et ecclesiastici, perciò S. S.tà comanda che eglino ancora concorrono: Questo motivo par troppo ardito, perché nimis probat, e la esentione ecclesiastica direttamente gli è contraria, perché con queste medesime ragioni, si possono far concorrere alle strade, e porti, e gl’al­ loggi de soldati. Meglio era dire conforme a Sacri Canoni e Concilii, che poiché le forze de laici non bastano, però in subsidium di quelle S. S.tà impone anco gl’ecclesiastici. Nel nuovo breve allora si menzionano espressamente i famigliari e officiali del S. Offizio e della Reverenda Fabrica, come anco la proprietà del G.M. e l’Assemblea de’ Preti di S. Giovanni che hanno molta proprietà a Malta, altrimenti i laici non pagheranno. Il S. Offizio non si menziona perché le sue rendite sono appena sufficienti per la provisione dell'Inquisitore, et offitiali, resarcimento di casa e alimento dei carcerati” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 41r).

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The tax for the fortifications

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In the meantime, he thought it fit to pave the way for the farming of this tax. In order to be just in deciding how much each ecclesiastic was to pay out of the five thousand scudi which had to be farmed, on the 23rd April, 1636, Chigi published an edict, ordering all ecclesiastics to inform him what were their annual revenues (l). The Cathedral Chapter and the Maltese clergy, backed by their bishop, Mgr Balaguer (2), were all against the imposition of this tax. On the 4th May, following the publication of the above-mentioned edict, a general meeting of all the clergy was held in the Cathedral Church at Imdina to protest against this tax. On that same day, it was decid­ ed to send Fr Gio. Matteo Rispoli O.P. (3) to Rome to present the grie­ vances of Maltese ecclesiastics against this tax (4). The memorandum, formulated on that occasion, presents more the appearance o f a national protest than an attempt to defend, solely, the interests of the clergy. In this memorandum, it was stated that these fortifications were not essential for the island. The members of the Order themselves were divided in this regard. Moreover, when Malta was given to the Order, (!) F.Ch. R.I.25, 296r-297r; A.C.M ., Documenta, Serie A, Tomo V II, 104r-105r; copies of the edict mentioned here. (2) Mgr Michael Gio. Balaguer de Camarasa, a Spaniard, had been chosen Bishop of Malta in 1634, when he was about 37 years old. He was a con­ ventual chaplain of the Order and was ordained priest in Syracuse on the 21st December, 1621. On the 14th August of that year, he received the Doctorate in Canon Daw at the University of Huesca. On his way to Rome from Malta, where he had to undergo the usual examination as well as receive his episcopal consecration, he met Chigi. This encounter took place at Messina on the 1st October, 1634 [F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 25r). In a Secret Consistory held on the 12th February, 1635, the Pope announced Balaguer’s nomination to Malta. Bishop Balaguer died on the 5th December, 1663 [Hier. Cath., IV , 238; A nT. Z ammit Gabar ETTA, The presentation, examination and nomination of the Bishops of Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 29-35). (3) Fr Gio. Matteo Rispoli, from Senglea, Malta, joined the Dominican Order in 1599. On the recommendation of Grand Master Alof de Wignacourt, he was sent to Paris to proceed with his studies. In 1609, he published a work entitled “ Status Controversiae Praedefinitionum et Preadeterminationum cum Libero A rbitrio” . In 1611, he was acclaimed Master of Theology at Paris by the General of the Dominicans. Later, he held various offices in the Sicilian Province of his Order, both as a teacher, as well as a superior. In 1618, the Inquisitor appointed him counsellor of the Holy Office in Malta. He died at Palermo on the 2nd April, 1639. (Danië E Caiaus , Un illustre Sengleano del seicento. P. Giov. Matteo Rispolis O.P. T582-1639: Archivum Melitense, V III, 5-34). (4) A.C.M ., Delibevationi Capitolari, II, 162v-164r.

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An anticlimax

this received a considerable amount of landed property in Malta. From this landed property as well as from various direct taxes imposed on the civil population of the Maltese Islands, the Order could have enough money to care after the islands’ fortifications. The clergy objected that the Order, whose annual income yielded some two million (2,000,000) scudi, had decreed to spend out of its own pocket only thirty six thousand (36,000) scudi on these fortifications. While, the people of Malta, whose annual revenue hardly amounted to one hundred and sixty thousand (160,000) scudi, had to pay the considerable sum of fifty five thousand (55,000) scudi for this purpose. Finally, in this new tax, both the Order’s property in Malta, as well as that which belonged to its members, had been excluded. The memorandum con­ cluded its representations stating that unless the Order was to share the burden of these fortifications in a more equitable way, the Maltese were determined not go give a single scudo for their structure (1). In the meantime, Chigi waited to receive the brief corrected accord­ ing to the suggestions which he had made (2). But, when this brief arrived, it was found that the bishopric’s revenue had been inadvertently, left out. On the 30th June, 1636, Chigi had to write to Honorati insisting on its insertion in the brief (3). This was essential, since, when it became known that the bishopric’s income had been left of the brief, members of the Order immediately began to accuse him of fomenting disorders against the payment of this tax (4). Chigi himself had to defend the Bishop against these accusations (6). Grand Master Ivascaris, after his election, was not too anxious to farm this tax. He, in fact, left many months to pass before deciding to farm the tax on laymen. Tax collectors were sent to different villages of Malta. But the population of these villages was far from inclined to give way. Fierce opposition was offered, and a revolt of the casals throughout the island seemed quite likely to take place.

(1) A.C.M ., Deliberationi Capitolari, II, 162v-164r. (2) F.Ch. A .1.4, 84v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Honorati dated 25th June, 1636. (3) Ibid., 89'·. (4) Nos. 151 and 153. (5) Idem, Mgr Balaguer felt the need to defend himslef against these serious accusations and wrote to Card. Barberini explaining his behavious (B .L. 6687, 14r-16r). The Cardinal answered him on the 29th August, 1636, encouraging him to give his share towards the fortifications of Malta (A .A .M . [Secretariat), Corrispondenza II, 25).

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The tax for the fortifications

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This, actually, happened in the begining of September 1637 (1). It all started at Zejtun, the first village which was to be collected and one of the more prominent villages of Malta. The leaders of this revolt planned to call the people of Malta at Marsa or some nearby place outside Valletta. From here, they had planned to march towards the city with a crucifix or the statue of a saint at their head. There were discordant opinions among them, whether the people were to be armed or unarmed (2). The Parish Priest of Zejtun was very much alarmed at these preparations. He called on the Bishop. The latter sent him to Chigi. The Inquisitor, on his part, told him to go directly to the Grand Master (3). On the 1st October, Chigi received the representatives of the people of Zejtun, with whom he tried to argue this matter, trying to persuade them to pay this tax. They agreed to call on him some time later in order to show him the royal concessions whereby Malta was exempted from the imposition of any kind of taxation. Decision regarding the payment of this tax was to be made after a serious examination of the papers they promised to bring (4). On the 5th October, they called, once more, on Chigi. But, instead of presenting the papers they had agreed to bring with them, together with the Parish Priest, they stated that they did not intend to be involved any more in this affair. Their fellow countrymen were considering them as traitors on account of their transactions with Chigi (6). When these negotiations had arrived at this abrupt end, Chigi tried to explain to members of the Order how one could try to farm this tax, if the Order wanted to obtain any money thereby (6). P) A.O.M. 1416, p.n.n., copy of the G.M.’s letter to the Order's Ambas­ sador in Rome dated 5th September, 1637. (2) Nos. 225, 230 and 233. (3) F.Ch. A .1.4, 275r-276r. These pages contain the draft of a letter which Chigi wrote to the Grand Master on the 29th September, 1637, reporting to the Head of the Order the visit which the Parish Priest of Zejtun had made to the Inquisitor. (4) Ibid., 279r, draft of Chigi’s letter to the Grand Master dated 3rd October, 1637. In this letter Chigi described to Tascaris his meeting with the repre­ sentatives of the people of Zejtun. (5) Ibid., 280T, draft of Chigi’s letter to the Grand Master dated 5th Oc­ tober, 1637. (8) “ Io stimo bene come dissi al sig. Vice-Cancelliere in primo luogo che un casale non tratti con l’altro, se è possibile; in secondo, che il popolo collcttato si disunisca da quei che non sono collettati; in terzo, che si facci

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An anticlimax

Moreover, since one of Chigi’s chief advicers in the tribunal of the Holy Office, namely, Don Filippo Borg, parish priest of Birkirkara, had been accused as the ring leader of these revolts, the Inquisitor informed the Grand Master, that he was ready to take disciplinary measures against him. He had, however, some serious doubts as to the truth of this serious accusation (1). While laymen were making such a resistence against the payment of this tax, Chigi, who till then had not moved a finger to induce ec­ clesiastics to pay their share, remained steadfast in this attitude. He held, that ecclesiastics had to pay their share only as a subsidy, “ in subsidium ” , to what laymen had to defray. If laymen were unwilling to give their due, ecclesiastics had in no way to be constrained to pay their share (2). B y November 1637, the turmoil and agitation which had prevailed in the casals during the previous months, began to abate (®). Tax­ payers had, even, began to come forth and pay their portion. But this tax proved to be a total failure and other ways and means had to be found to help towards the fortifications of Malta (4).

3. - NEW PEANS FOR MARTA’S FORTIFICATIONS Although there was hardly any hope of obtaining money through the above-mentioned tax, the Order did not abandon its work on the fortifications. In April 1637, when it was known that Cantagallina*() pagare hor uno hor l’altro de collettati separatamente, e che si mandino fra di loro alcuni de loro medesimi a persuadergli alla ragione, se falsamente sono stati imbevuti, e persuasi al tu tto ” (F.Ch. A .1.4, 280v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter mentioned in the previous note). (*) Cfr. infra 304, note 2; F.Ch. A.1.4, 281r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to the Grand Master dated 5th October, 1637. (2) No. 233. (3) No. 239. (4) “ Ma frappostasi nell’esattione diversi impedimenti, e oppositioni, fu di nuovo l’imposta, e non senza difficoltà, commutata dal Pontefice nel 1640, concedendo facoltà al G.M., e Consiglio, d ’imporre 50 mila scudi sopra le cose commestibili. I/esecutione di che fu anche differita fin’all’anno 1643, dove fu ordinata l’impositione sopra i frumenti, che venivano di fuori senza tratta, con la gabella di quattro tari per salma, ch’importava intorno a sei mila scudi l’anno. Ma riuscendo scarsa anco questa provisione s’ottenne da Papa Innocentio X nel 1645 un’impositione di 100,000 scudi d’oro sopra le cose commestibili dell’isola. Tuttavia non seguì nè anche questa ’ ’ (Dai, P ozzo, I, 836).

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New plans for the fortifications

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was unable to leave Florence and come to Malta, Monsieur Giardina (x) who was at that time in Malta accompanying Prince Frederick handgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, took in hand the task or reviewing the island’s fortifications. He worked out new plans. According to these plans, Floriani’s fortifications were to be disregarded, for the time being, and all attention was to be concentrated on the old fortifications of Valletta (2). Giardina’s plans had been the cause which led Floriani to write a book in defence of his fortifications, as already mentioned previously. Chigi, however, though he had advised Floriani to abstain from printing such a book, nevertheless, he could not approve Giardina's intervention in these fortifications. He saw in this the hand of an unauthorised foreigner who was meddling with the work of an architect who had been sent directly by the Holy See to Malta (3). And this did not please him at all. He informed, in due time, his Agent in Rome about this interference. When Signor Stefano Ugolini communicated this news to Cardinal Francesco, the latter showed his utter disapproval, stating that Giardina was in no way competent to deal with such a work. Floriani’s work could not be abandoned at this stage, after spending so much money on its execution. Barberini intended to send a report which Firenzuola had already made on Floriani’s plans. His modifications could, perhaps, solve everything. The Cardinal, even, promised Ugolini, that he was ready to send Firenzuola himself to Malta in October 1638. The said Dominican Friar could, thus look after the needs of the island’s fortifications more properly. Ugolini gave Chigi this information in a letter dated 24th April, 1638 (4). On receiving the report mentioned in Ugolini’s letter (5), Chigi pre­ sented it to the Grand Master (6). The Order’s Council, by this time, had already appointed commissioners to study Giardina’s plans (7). (h This person has not been identified and the surname given here is only a probable reading since in the letters it appears under different forms, e.g. Giardina, Giardin etc. He came to Malta together with the Landgrave. (2) F.Ch. A .1.4, 382r. from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Lucas Holste dated 29th May, 1638. (3) No. 333b. (4) F.Ch. A .I I I .60, 322r-v. (6) Very probably, this is the same report which was sent from Rome to Chigi while Floriani was still in Malta. («) No. 282. (7) A.O.M. 256, 177r, these commissioners were appointed on the 27th February, 1638.

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An anticlimax

However, on the 29th May, a very important decision was taken. The Council decreed to send abroad a knight who was to show Giardina’s plans to various experts in military architecture and to report back to the Order (1). Knight Gio. Batt. Vertoa was chosen for this mission and he left Malta on the 9th August to visit various Italian cities (2). Chigi, so far, had not received any instructions from Rome as to whether he was to mention to Grand Master the news of Firenzuola’s visit to Malta and he asked to be informed about this detail (3). In a letter dated 7th August, 1638, Ugolini stated that the Cardinal wanted to be informed beforehand, whether the Grand Master was well disposed to receive Firenzuola in Malta (4). Kascaris, who had little affection towards Giardina (5), favoured such a visit, and on the 25th August, he wrote to the Cardinal (6) and to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome (7), petitioning the services of this Dominican Friar. The Pope was, at first, somewhat reluctant to accede to this request, as Firenzuola’s presence in Rome was, then, sorely needed (8). However, through the good offices of Cardinal Francesco, His Holiness agreed to give him three months permission to stay in Malta to examine its fortifications and decide what could be done to improve them (8). Firenzuola was to leave Rome once it was ascertain­ ed that the Order’s galleys were either in Malta or in Sicily, so that he could be transferred on one of them from Messina to Malta (l0).

P) A.O.M . 256, 178T. (2) Ibid., 179r, Vertoa was appointed to carry out this mission on the 30th July, 1638; No. 282. The G.M. wrote letters of recommendation addressed to Cardinal Francesco and to the Grand Duke of Tuscany. These letters are dated 30th July, 1638 [A.O.M. 1417, p.n.n.). On the 25th February, 1639, after his return to Malta, Vertoa presented his report to the Order’s Council (A..M . 257, 6r-9v). (3) F.Ch. A .1.4, 376r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 17th May, 1638. (4) F.Ch. A .I I I .60, 349-·. (6) F.Ch. A .1.4, 384v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Commander Vecchietti dated 2nd June, 1638. (6) B.L. 6690, 152r. [’’ ) A.O.M. 1417, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter dated 25th August, 1638. (8) Nos. 301a and 309; A.O.M. 1266, p.n.n., Barberini’s letter dated 25th September, 1638. (9) No. 303a. A.O.M. 1244, p.n.n., letter to the G.M. dated 9th October, 1638. (10) No. 303a.

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Chigi had, originally, planned with the Grand Master to keep Firenzuola’s visit to Malta shrouded with due secrecy. The Inquisitor thought that it would have been quite convenient if the renowned Dominican were to come to Malta under the guise of a visitor to see the work being carried out by the members of his Religious Order. During his stay in the island, he would have had sufficient time to visit the fortifications without attracting too much the attention of the knights. Chigi was fully convinced that the meddling of priests’ and friars’ in the affairs of the Order was not to the knights’ liking (1). But, alas, to a man who was already seventy years old, it was not easy to keep a secret. Bascaris spoke about this visit to Prior Naro in front of a group of knights. Hence, Firenzuola’s intervention became an open secret (2). Firenzuola left Rome on the 22nd October (3), on which occasion, the Order’s Ambassador gave him one hundred scudi for any expenses which he might incur during his voyage to Malta (4). He reached the island on the 10th November (s) and went to reside at the Dominican Priory of Valletta (6). The Order showed him due respect and great honour on his arrival. After visiting the fortifications of Valletta and the neighbouring areas, he wrote a detailed report. In this report he insisted on the fact that the Order had neglected what was essential, for the time being, namely, the defence of its main harbour. Instead of proceeding with Floriani’s plans, he thought it fit to lay due stress on fortifying the other side of the harbour facing the south-eastern side of Valletta, thereby, rendering the harbour safe. He planned to build a bastion to encircle Vittoriosa, Bormola and Senglea, rendering these three centres secure in any eventual Turkish attack (’ ). On the 26th November, Firenzuola presented his plan to the Order’s Council, which gave it its approval and, at the same time, decided to abandon all work on Floriani’s fortifications. The Council, moreover, decreed

(x) F.Ch. A .1.4, 376r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 17th May, 1638; ibid., 413v, from the draft of another letter addressed to Ugo­ lini on the 26th August, 1638. (2) No. 312c. (3) A.O.M. 1266, p.n.n., letter from the Order's Ambassador in Rome to the G.M. dated 23rd October, 1638. (4) Idem. (5) No. 319a. (3) F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 34^-36··. (7) A.O.M. 6554, 47r-51r.

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An anticlimax:

to build three ravelins on the side of Valletta facing the hinterland. It was thought that these were sufficient to strenghten the old fortifi­ cations of this city (1). The Emperor, the King of Spain, the Viceroy of Sicily and other princes were to be informed about these plans (2). Chigi was all too happy when Firenzuola's plans received the Council’s approval. Though not an expert in military architecture, years before, he had maintained that, instead of spending too much money and energy on adding new fortifications to Valletta, Malta had better look after the fortifications of its harbour, since it was too in­ secure (3). He had explained this in a letter to Gio. E.co Sacchetti written on the 8th April, 1636 (4). On this same day, Chigi wrote a letter to Cardinal Francesco in which he stated that he was more in­ clined to back those who had criticised Floriani’s plans in order to devote the Order’s attention towards the fortifications of the other side of the harbour (5). One cannot say, with certainty, whether Chigi exer­ cised any influence on Firenzuola regarding the latter’s plans. Never­ theless, they met each other more than once, before Firenzuola presented his plans to the Order’s Council (6). When Firenzuola’s plans had been approved b y the Order, Knight Gio. Batt. Vertoa was still away from Malta on the mission assigned

(!) A.O.M. 256, 185r. (2) Idem. Prior Valdina was chosen ambassador of the Order to report to the Viceroy of Sicily on these fortifications [Ibid., 185r-186r). On the 28th December, 1638, the G.M. wrote a letter to the King of Spain accompanying Firenzuola’s plans [Sim., Estado (Sicilia), Legajo 3482, cart. 127). These plans were handed over to Fr Claudio Richardo S.J. to study them and give his judgement about them. This Jesuit presented his report to the Spanish Court on the 14th October, 1639. He held that it was sufficient to build two forresses, one on the site of Santa Margherita facing Vittoriosa, and another one on a site facing Senglea. According to Fr Richardo, Firenzuola’s fortifications needed time and too much money to bring to perfection, and, moreover, their defence required a good number of men, and he doubted, whether Malta could provide this man power whenever there needs be (Ibid., ca rt.osl6 6,167,168 and 169). The Spanish Court, in a letter to the Order’s Ambassador in Madrid dated 29th December, 1639, made its own Fr Richardo’s advice and commu­ nicated it to the said Ambassador (A.O.M. 6554, 61rA ). (3) Nos. 319a and 323. (4) B.L. 6681, 85r-86r. (6) No. 123a. (6) “ H N ov..........P. Firenzuola che vien da me ............. 13 N ov.......... Passo dal P. Firenzuola ............ 15 N ov.......... Passo dal P. Firenzuola " (F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 35').

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ŸW ^*

T he

of Malta ' s G rand H arbour including Floriani ’ s and F irenzuola ’ s improvements (Inset from Jansson’s «Insulae Melitae v. Malte Nova et Accurata Descriptio », printed about 1652)

fortifications

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By courtesy of Dr Albert Ganado. Photo: Wilfrid Flores, Malta.

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New plans for the fortifications

59

to him by the Order’s Council. It is, however, quite probable, that the new plans were sent over to him to seek expert advice on them also (l). But since Firenzuola’s stay in Malta had a time limit, the Order could not wait for Vertoa’s return and, therefore, it decreed the execution of the Dominican’s plans (2). It was estimated that they were to cost seventy thousand (70,000) scudi (3). To cope with this expenditure, the Council decreed to borrow money and the Order’s Ambassador in Rome had to seek from the Pope the necessary author­ isation for this transaction (4). The foundation-stone of these fortifi­ cations was laid by the Grand Master, on the 30th December, 1638 (6). The time allowed for Firenzuola’s stay in Malta was, by then, nearing its end. The Order, however, tried to keep him in the island as long as possible (6). Chigi, even, proposed to Firenzuola to return to Malta as Inquisitor, when this office would become vacant through Chigi’s departure. He could, thus, quite easily direct the work on the fortifications. Firenzuola had held a similar office while he was sent to Genoa to work on the fortifications of that city. In Malta, the Dominican Friar could have another prelate to care after the affairs of the Holy Office, while he would dedicate himself completely to bring his plans to perfection (7). But Firenzuola had no reply to Chigi’s suggestion and on the 22nd January, 1639, he left Malta (8). (1) When Vertoa presented his report to the Order’s Council, on the 25th February, 1639, he stated that Firenzuola’s plans had been approved by va­ rious experts (A.O .M . 6554, 27r-30r). In a letter dated 8th January, 1638, the Order’s Ambassador in Rome informed the Grand Master that: " Piace al Papa che sono state approvate da tanti signori e principali (Firenzuola’s plans), come disse il Vertova ritornando dal suo viaggio q u a ” (A.O.M. 1267, p.n.n.). (2) A.O.M. 256, 186r. This decision was taken on the 2nd December, 1638. (3) F.Ch. A .1.4, 463v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 1st January 1639. (4) A.O.M. 1417, p.n.n., copy of the G.M.’s letter dated 20th December, 1638; A.O.M. 256, 186··. (5) No. 329e. (6) The G.M. excused the delay in sending Firenzuola back to Rome stating that he had been ill for some days (B .L . 6690, 168r‘T). (7) F.Ch. A .1.4, 464T-465r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 9th January, 1639. (8) Nos. 331b and 333b; F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 4R. On the 17th January, 1639, the Order’s Council decided to provide a galley or a frigate for Firenzuola’s return voyage from Malta (A.O.M. 257, 4r).

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60

A Teutonic diversion

The Order would have liked to honour Firenzuola or, at least, one of his relatives, with an honourable remuneration. But, the Dominican declined all kind of similar recompensation for the services he had rendered (1). A few months after his departure, namely in May 1639, the Order’s Council decided to solicit Firenzuola’s return to Malta (2). But, by that time, he had already left Rome and was on his way to Bombardy in the service of the H oly See (3). Work on his fortifications, however, did not come to an end on account of his absence, while, according to a decision taken by the Council, those began b y Floriani were to be dismantled altogether (“).

VI. - A TEUTONIC DIVERSION 1. - A COADJUTOR TO THE GRAND

PRIOR OF GERMANY.

Among the instructions which Chigi left to his successor in Malta, he stated, plainly, what had been his attitude towards the Barberini. He tried to write to them as little as possible, because, almost each despatch he received from the Cardinal’s secretariat brought with it annoying and troublesome commissions (6). One of the worst of such commissions, which Chigi had to handle, dealt with the personal in­ terests of Prince Frederick, Bandgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt (6).

fi) A.O.M. 257, 5r. (2) On the 16th May, 1639, the Council decreed to send a frigate to Rome to embark Firenzuola (A.O.M. 257, 14)r. A week later, namely on the 23rd May, this decision was revoked, nevertheless, a petition was to be sent to the Pope requesting Firenzuola’s return to Malta (Ibid., 15r). (3) A.O.M. 1267, p.n.n., letter from the Order’s Ambassador in Rome dated 11th June, 1639. (4) A.O.M. 257, 37v, this decision was taken on the 20th September, 1639: “ Che si demoliscono le fortificationi Floriane, rimettendo unanimi voto a S. Em.a il disporre di quelle pietre come stimerà opportuno, co’l smaltirli in beneficio della Religione ” . Floriani’s plans were somewhat modified in 1640 and they were brought to perfection under G. M. Manoel de Vilhena (1722-1736). (5) “ A Roma a Padroni quanto meno ho potuto, ho scritto perché di qua mi pareva, che solo cose fastidiose si scrivessero, el miglior segno che le cose vadan bene scrissi che era il non scrivere ” (F.Ch. B.I.7, 446r). (6) For a biographical note on the Landgrave cfr. infra 249, note 1.

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A Coadjutor

61

This prince visited Malta during February 1636. On this occasion, Chigi had been careful to keep far away from the Grand Master’s palace, where the Bandgrave was residing, lest he should have had to meet him (1). For, at that time, the hand grave was not a Catholic and, moreover, Chigi did not approve the reception which the Order had given to a person who was in heresy (2). But this attitude changed when this same prince visited the island a year afterwards. Through the services of Bucas Holste (3), this German prince had been received into the Church sometime in January 1637. After his conversion, Cardinal Francesco wanted to have him honoured with a Grand Cross from the Order as well as with the coadjutorship of the Grand Priorate of Germany. This information was communicated to the Grand Master by Barberini in a letter dated 17th January, 1637. In this letter, it was also stated that the prince was actively considering returning back to Malta (4*). Though the Cardinal may have contem­ plated to grant these concessions to this German prince so that his conversion may induce other members of the German nobility to return to Catholicism, these concessions were to cause serious trouble among the knights. The Grand Priorate in question was the only dignity in the German Bangue which carried with it some revenue, and its coadjutorship had already been given to the Prior of Hungary, Fra Giorgio Burchard von Schavemburg. This enactment had been confirmed by a papal brief dated 1st October, 1636. If ever the Bandgrave were to be endowed with this dignity, all German knights, who were already quite few in number, made up their mind to quit the Convent and their Bangue would, thus, be in a great peril (6). Almost a month after sending his first letter on behalf of the Bandgrave, the Cardinal, once more, petitioned the Grand Master for other favours to be bestowed upon the same prince. News had reached

l1) F.Ch. A .1.4, 19r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to his uncle, Knight Agostino Chigi, dated 8th February, 1636, A.O.M 1415, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome dated 13th February, 1636. The Landgrave arrived in Malta, on this occasion, on the 3rd February, 1636 (A.O.M. 256, 144v). (2) F.Ch. A .1.4, 339r, from the draft of Chigi's letter to Ugolini dated 16th February, 1638. (3) For a biographical note on Holste. Cfr. infra 263, note 1. (4) Cfr. infra 257, note 4. (6) Cfr. infra 258, note 1. A.O.M . 1416. p.n.n., G.M.’s letter to the Order’s Ambassador in Rome dated 28th February, 1637.

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A Teutonic diversion

Rome that the Bailywick of Brandenburg and a rich commandery had become vacant. These had to be given to the Landgrave at all costs. An express-courrier was sent from Rome with a despatch to this effect. This despatch was addressed to Chigi, who was charged to see into this affair (*). But no such vacancy, in reality, took place (2). While the German Langue was offering all possible opposition to prevent the granting of the coadjutorship mentioned above to the Landgrave (s). Cardinal Francesco was quite sure that it would have to yield since he was fully confident that the Emperor would back the Prince in his pretentions (4). The Landgrave left Rome for Malta on the 8th May, 1637, hoping that his presence in the island would ease the grants asked for on his behalf. He was accompanied, amongst others, by Lucas Holste (5) and Fr Athanasius Kircher S.J. The latter was to be the Landgrave’s confessor and to teach mathematics to the Order’s novices (‘ ). Cardinal Barberini hoped that Malta would be a more suitable place for the Prince than Rome; here he would find more time to study, while the exemplary life of Grand Master Lascaris could profit him a great deal (7). The Landgrave was, then, about twenty years old. His presence in Malta was, in no way, to add any burden on the Grand Master’s purse (8). The Cardinal, in fact, was providing him, with a monthly allowance of five hundred (500) scudi (9). Chigi was to be left in charge to receive this money as well as all other sums of money which may be sent to the Landgrave from abroad. The Inquisitor was not to allow him to go outside Malta, without obtaining, beforehand, the Cardinal’s authorisation (10). In the meantime, Chigi tried to calm the ferment among the German knights. He was somewhat successful even in this affair. But, he could not induce them to refrain from sending letters to the Emperor, as well as to other sovereigns and princes, complaining of the many hardships they

I1) (2) (8) (4) (6) (6) C) (s) (») (10)

No. 182b. Cfr. infra 261, note 3. Nos. 202 and 204d. No. 197b. Nos. 200 and 201c. For a biographical account on Fr Kircher cfr. infra 272, note 7. No. 201c. Nos. 201c and 204d, F.Ch. A .II1 .64, 242-·. No. 201b.

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A Coadjutor

63

would have to face, if the Landgrave were to be endowed with the coadjutorship of the Grand Priorate of their Langue. They, even, implored the Cardinal to give the Prince the right of succession to the Bailywick of Brandenburg and leave the Prior of Hungary to enjoy what had already been granted him (*). On Sunday, 31st May, 1637, the Landgrave and his retinue reach­ ed Malta (2). He brought with him two papal briefs. One dealt with the Grand Priorate of Germany, while the other conferred upon him the dignity of Grand Cross with right to vote in the Order’s Council. Chigi was successful in securing the execution of the last one of these two briefs. He left the first one, however, among his papers. The time was not yet ripe to present it to the Order’s Council (3). He thought that it would have been better if the Prince had been invested with this dignity in Rome and send the brief afterwards to be registered in the Order’s Chancery in Malta (i). Such was the insistence of the Barberini to see the Landgrave endowed with the coadjutorship of the Grand Priorate of Germany (6), that the Order’s Ambassador in Rome saw only one way how this grant could be avoided, namely, a change in the papal throne (6). The same Ambassador held that it would be better, for the time being, if the Prior of Hungary were to give up his claims on this dignity (’). Schavemburg thought otherwise. On the 3rd August, 1637, he left Malta and proceeded towards Germany, where he intended to gain the Emperor’s support (8). The Order, on its part, was adamant in its decision not to pronounce itself in this affair, till it had received letters from His Imperial Majesty (9). In Malta, some were of opinion that the Landgrave could be endowed with the Priorate of Castille which, in virtue of a special concession, was, at that time, in the gift of the King of Spain. Chigi advised the Prince to be careful in this matter, lest it would be a fraud whereby

P) No. 204d. (2) F.Ch. A .1.4, 21 l v, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 5th June, 1637; No. 205b; F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 100V (3) No. 205b. (4) No. 205a. (6) No. 208b. (6) A.O.M. 1265, p.n.n., letter to the G.M. dated 18th June, 1637. (7) Ibid., letter dated 4th July, 1637. (8) Cfr. infra 279, nota 3 and No. 215. (o) Nos. 213 and 215.

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64

A Teutonic diversion

to divert his attention from the Grand Priorate of Germany (4). Chigi was, later, informed from Rome, that the I, and grave stood no chance of being honoured with the Priorate of Castille, since the person on whom it was to be conferred had to be a relative of the King of Spain. The Randgrave had no such relationship with His Catholic Majesty (2). News from the Imperial Court foreshadowed a negative answer to the Randgrave’s pretentions (3). On the 27th September, the Emperor, finally, wrote to the Grand Master stating that he was ready to provide the Randgrave with some revenue derived from Germany, but, at the same time, he was in no way inclined to infringe the Order’s Statutes and the concordats of Germany (4) b y acceding to the Eandgrave’s requests (5). This letter reached Malta in January 1638 and the Grand Master read it in Council on the 22nd of the same month, without in­ forming Chigi beforehand, as they had agreed that he was to do (6). A victory for the German Tangue was, thus, obtained! Nothwithstanding this imperial letter, Chigi did not loose hope. After some time of serious thinking, he found out that the Eandgrave had still a good chance of reaching his goal. When a vacancy occurred, before the Tangue granted the vacant office or benefice to anyone of its members, the knight concerned had to be free from any impediment which, otherwise, would render him ineligible for the said office or benefice. According to the Order’s Statutes, each knight, on being endowed with a benefice from the Order, had to draw up a register describing the property of this benefice and the improvements he had done to these possessions. In order to be endowed with other benefices from the Order, a knight had to prove that he had duly fulfilled these requisites or, otherwise, that he had obtained a special dispensation from the Holy See. But the Germans hardly cared about these rep) No. 238. (*) No. 248b. (3) No. 241. (4) According to a concordat stipulated between the Emperor and the Holy See in 1630, the former was authorised to dispose of all ecclesiastical property, which had been, previously, usurped in Bohemia. This authorisa­ tion, however, did not extend itself on such proptery which had belonged to the Order of St John. A papal brief, dated 7th July, 1629, had sanctioned this authorisation. The contents of this brief were incorporated in the abovementioned concordat, which was signed on the 22nd March, 1630 (A. M e r c a T i , Raccolta di Concordats, I, 266-281). (6) No. 258. («) A.O.M. 112, 98r.

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A Coadjutor

65

quisites. Chigi suggested that when the Grand Priorate of Germany would become vacant, the Eandgrave was to object to its conferment on the Prior of Hungary on the grounds that he had not fulfilled the requirements stipulated b y the Statutes. In the meantime, due care had to be taken in Rome, lest the said Prior would ask any dispensation from these inabilities (1). Chigi hoped that if this plan worked, the Eandgrave could rest assured of winning the day. This time, Chigi’s diligence was rewarded otherwise. A new turn of events had changed the Emperor’s attitude towards the Eandgrave. Mgr Malatesta Baglioni, the Papal Nuncio at the Imperial Court, had been insisting all the time that the Cardinal could no longer defray the expenses incurred in the Eandgrave’s maintenance, stating that by November 1637, Barberini had already spent twenty thousand (20,000) scudi (2). The Duke of Bavaria promised to intervene with the Emperor for the same cause (3). The result was that on the 24th December, 1637, the Emperor decided to write another letter to the Grand Master. This time, however, he insisted that the Prior of Germany and the German Eangue were to promote the Eandgrave to the coadjutorship of their Grand Priorate. The Prior of Hungary had to cease insisting any more on his rights to this dignity (4). This was a bolt from the blue to all Germans in Malta. The Grand Master tried to obtain the revocation of this order and the Order’s Ambassador in Rome was commissioned to intervene with the Prince of Bozzolo, the Emperor’s Ambassador, to this effect (6). One would have expected that once this imperial letter reached Malta, Chigi would have sought the execution of the papal brief. But prudence told him otherwise. He wanted to gain more time, so that, with the departure of the Order’s galleys on which a good number of P) No. 261b. (2) No. 241 and cfr. infra 344, note 1. According to Sforza Pallavicino, the Nuncio played a trick on the Emperor, His Imperial Highness was, at that time, in financial difficulties. Mgr Baglioni the Papal Nuncio, insisted that, once the Eandgrave could not be endowed with the Grand Priorate of Germany, the Emperor had to make good for the Prince’s needs out of his pocket. The Emperor, thereupon, preferred to write a letter to the Order, lest he should bear such a burden. Sforza Pallavicino states that this was Chigi’s plan (Sforza Paiaavicino , I, 80). One, however, has to note that in none of the drafts of Chigi’s letters and ciphers there is any reference to this plan. (3) No. 248b. (4) Cfr. infra 366, note 2. (6) A.O.M. 14T7, p.n.n., G.M.'s letter dated 2nd April, 1638.

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A Teutonic diversion

knights embarked, he would free himself from the opposition which' otherwise, these knights would have offerred (1). The galleys left the harbour on the 20th April, 1638 (2). Four days later, the Order’s Coun­ cil forwarded the Emperor’s letter to the German Langue (3). On the last day of April the conferment of the coadjutorship to the Grand Priorate of Germany upon the Landgrave was decreed (4). It is to be noted that, apart from the Emperor, the Kings of Spain and France had also petitioned the same concession for the Landgrave (6).

2. - GENERAL OF THE O RD ER’S GALLEYS Concurrently with the toil and trouble arising from the coadjutorship of the Grand Priorate of Germany, Chigi had to endure other difficulties in executing other orders from Rome on behalf of the same prince. Prior Gio. Batt. Naro, a close friend of the Barberini, had suggested to the Cardinal that the Landgrave could, also, be endowed with the office of General of the Order’s Galleys (6). Naro himself had held this office from 1635 to 1637. The Landgrave, also, seems to have aimed at this office even before his conversion to Catholicism (7). On the 5th May, 1637, a few days before the Prince left Rome for Malta, the Cardinal informed the Grand Master about this plan (8). But, for the time being, nothing could be done because Naro’s successor had already been appointed (9). However, the new General, Bailiff Jacques du Liege CharraUlt was already advanced in years and gout rendered him almost unable to do anything. There was quite a good chance that he would die before the end of his two years’ term of office (l0).

P) F.Ch. A .1.4, 357r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Holstein dated 6th April, 1638. (2) F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 19r. (3) B.L. 6690, 123r; F.Ch. A .1.4, 37l r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 1st May, 1638. (4) A.O.M. 112, 116r. (6) A.O.M. 1417, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter dated 1st May, 1638. (8) No. 197b. (7) No. 296. (8) B.L. 6690, 93r. (9) A.O.M. 112, 36r. (10) Cfr. infra 279, note 2.

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P rince F rederick L andgrave

of

H esse -D armstadt

(The Magisterial Palace, Valletta)

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By courtesy of the Director of the National Museum, Valletta, Photo: Joseph Spiteri, Malta.

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General of the Galleys

67

The office of General of the Order’s Galleys required a considerable sum of money for its management. It was estimated that twelve thousand (12,000) scudi would be required to cover all expenses in­ curred during the two years of office (1). And money was Barberini’s weak spot. His Eminence was already providing a considerable monthly allowance for the Gandgrave’s upkeep and he could not afford to give him more than that. The Prince, on his part, had made a name as a spendthrift (2). Holste and Er Kircher had to help in the manage­ ment of the Gandgrave’s household. But Holste left the island after a ten weeks stay (3), while Kircher was also anxious to leave. His sojourn in the island was preventing him from pursuing still further his studies. Whereupon, he left the island on the 1st February, 1838 (4). On Kircher’s departure, Barberini provided the Prince with another German Jesuit. This was Fr Theodoric Bech. Under this Jesuit’s guidance, some reform in the Gandgrave's way of life was achieved (6). But, the Grand Master still objected against the granting of the office of General of the Order’s Galleys to the Gandgrave. His frivolous behaviour made it quite obvious that he was not suitable to be left in charge of this office of supreme importance, since the Order’s prestige rested, primarily, on its fleet (6). But Chigi had serious doubts regard­ ing the Grand Master’s sincerity. He saw the meddling of Bailiff Valdina in this affair. He wanted to reserve, once more, this office for himself (7). Gater, it transpired that Gascaris had promised this office to Bailiff Achilles d’Estampes de Valengay (8). Hence, all the objections he had been making were just to camouflage his real motives. Though, on his part, Cardinal Francesco wanted the Gandgrave honoured with this office, he was, at the same time, adamant in refusing to give him any additional money apart from the monthly allowance, which he sent him regularly (9). But, Spain came to the rescue. The Cardinal was informed that four thousand (4,000) scudi were to be

P) (2) (3) («) (6) («) (7) (8) (9)

Cfr. infra 328. Nos. 243a, 279, etc. F.Ch. a.1.8 (4), 104^; No. 216d. F.Ch. a.1.8 (6). 13··; No. 257a. Nos. 243 and 244a. Nos. 248b, 279, 280 and 281. No. 249. No. 305. Nos. 251, 276b, etc.

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A Teutonic diversion

provided from Spanish sources to help the Landgrave’s finances (1). Thereupon, on the 27th April, 1638, Barberini wrote to Chigi commis­ sioning him to negotiate on behalf of the Landgrave in this matter (2). Chigi communicated this news to the Grand Master (3), who acknow­ ledged its receipt in letter to the Cardinal dated 29th May (4). While these negotiations were being carried out, the Landgrave stood somewhat aloof from the Inquisitor. He seemed to mistrust Chigi (6). In fact, he decided to manage this affair all by himself with­ out seeking the advice and assistance of the Inquisitor. Instead, he knocked at the door of Fr Tagliavia, hoping that, through the inter­ vention of this important adviser of the Grand Master, he would be able to secure the office at which he was aiming. Tagliavia’s answer was that Lascaris was waiting to receive letters from Rome. Decision was to be taken, solely, when these letters reached Malta. On hearing this, the Prince made up his mind to proceed personally to Rome. Chigi, who had been instructed never to allow the Landgrave to leave the island, could do nothing to prevent this voyage. The Prince had made public his decision, stating, at the same time, that he would not return to Malta, unless he was made General of the Galleys (6). His departure from Malta, according to Chigi, had been purposely planned to free the island of his presence. But the Prince would not believe this (7), and he left Malta on the 6th July, 1638 (s). On the 14th August, the Cardinal wrote to Chigi stating that, before giving his definite consent on behalf of the Landgrave, he wanted a statement from the Grand Master to the effect that four thousand (4,000) scudi, together with the usual five hundred (500) scudi sent every month to the Prince from Rome, were sufficient for his upkeep in the office of General. If more money was needed, it was quite dif­ ficult to proceed any further in this transaction (9).

p) No. 275. (2) No. 276a. (3) No. 281. (4) B.L. 6690, 137r. (5) No. 289a. F.Ch. A .1.4, 391r, draft of Chigi’s letter to the Landgrave dated 30th June, 1638. (6) Nos. 289a and 289b. (7) Nos. 289b, 290a and 290d. (8) F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 25r; F.Ch. A .1.4, 398r, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 6th July, 1638. (9) No. 293a.

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Surprisingly indeed, without waiting an answer to this letter, on the 28th of the same month, Barberini wrote to the Grand Master informing him that he could proceed speedily with the conferment of the generalship of the Order’s galleys upon the Landgrave (x). The Cardinal’s letter was sent to Chigi who had to present it to the Grand Master (2). This letter reached Chigi on the 28th September (3). Thereupon, he immediately left his residence at Vittoriosa and crossed over to Valletta where he stayed for more than a week, residing in the house of his step brother, Knight Ant. Benedetto Mignanelli (4). Throughout his stay at Valletta, he was busily engaged with the Grand Master and other important persons, negotiating to achieve the execution of the Cardinal’s request. And he was thoroughly successful. On the 8th October, 1638, the Council elected the Landgrave General of the Order’s Galleys (5). This was a great day for Chigi! But alas! All of a sudden, other letters from Barberini reached Malta. His Holiness had doubts as to whether Spain was going to keep its word. A letter, dated 2nd October, ordered Chigi to suspend all transactions for the time being (6). This letter reached its destina­ tion too late, namely on the 24th October, a forthnight after the elec­ tion of the Landgrave had already taken place (7). A solution had to be found to solve the impasse created b y this letter. To ask the Coun­ cil to revoke its decision was ridiculous. Chigi, however, found a way out of this awkward situation. The Prince was not going to be invested with this office overnight. He had still to wait another twelve months to take up office. Money might arrive during this period and, thus, all would end well. Otherwise, it would be better for the Landgrave to find some honourable excuse, whereby to cover himself in declining the office which the Order, had off erred him. He could enroll himself in the service of the King of Spain, and no one would know that he had to abandon this office on account of financial difficulties (8). But

(x) Cfr. infra 403, note 3. (2) The Tandgrave’s presence in the neighbourhoods of Rome might have in­ fluenced the Cardinal in taking this decision. The Prince was, then, at Frascati. (3) F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 3 R (4) Ibid., 31r-32r. (5) Nos. 301a, 310b and 312d. (6) No. 301a. (7) F.Ch. a.1.8 (6), 33U (8) No. 312c; F.Ch. A.I.4, 434V-435T, draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 23rd October, 1638.

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good luck was waiting round the comer. There was no need to seek refuge in such devices, for Spain, at last, offerred its help to the Land­ grave (x). On the 24th February, 1639, the Landgrave returned to Malta (2). His retinue, this time, was far more numerous than the one he had brought with him on the previous occasion. Once more Chigi was embarassed. Its management would require close vigilance. Other­ wise, the expenditure which it would incur would lead the Landgrave to a total disaster. But Chigi’s days in Malta were, b y that time, numbered. Others were to have to face these problems.

VII. - A p r o b l e m w i t h n o s o l u t i o n 1.

- TROUBLES REGARDING

ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION On Lascaris’ election to the grandmastership, Chigi informed Barberini that the new Head of the Order did not mean to interfere in matters pertaining to ecclesiastical jurisdiction (3). Such a promise, coming from the new Grand Master meant quite a lot. Bishop Baldassare Cagliares (4), Balaguer's predecessor in the bishopric of Malta, had been exceedingly vexed by the Order in these matters. But, even for the new Grand Master, it was quite difficult to maintain the promise he had made to Chigi. Almost a month after Lascaris election, Chigi was already seeking to have precise instructions from Rome as to how he was to deal in troubles arising out of jurisdictional

(1) No. 310b. (2) No. 341a. (3) No. 136. (4) Mgr Baldassare Cagliares was the only bishop of Malta, throughout the Order’s stay in the island (1530-1798), who had been born in Malta. He was Doctor in Canon and Civil Daw, conventual chaplain of the Order, Auditor of Grand Master Alof de Wignacourt and one of the counsellors of the In­ quisitor. He was nominated Bishop of Malta during the Secret Consistory held on the 18th May, 1615, when he was about forty years old. Bishop Cagliares died on the 4th August, 1633 (Hier. Cath., IV , 238; A. Z ammit Gab ar re tta , The presentation, examination and nomination of the Bishops of Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 23-28).

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questions between the Grand Master and the Bishop, for there was a serious storm looming ahead (1). Though no such instructions reached him, Chigi tried his best to manage these affairs, and, for more than a year, he was quite successful in quietening all troubles between Church and State in Malta (2). But, b y July 1637 things reached such a point that it was difficult to keep everything under control. Mgr Balaguer was being accused by the Order of fomenting serious troubles by trying to extend his jurisdiction on grounds which, according to the Order, were not within his bounds. The charges against him were, mainly, four, namely: (i) During the last months of 1635 and throughout 1636, Malta had been threatened with a serious menace of starvation due to lack of wheat provisions (3). As no such provisions could be had from Sicily (4), the Order, had tried to remedy this predicament by seeking such provisions from Puglia and Naples (5). Once more, hardly any help was forthcoming from these places. Thereupon, the Grand Master commissioned the Order's Ambassador in Rome to seek help from the Barberini (6). Moreover, in November 1636, Prior Naro was sent to Rome for the same purpose (7), whilst Prior de Redin was despatched to Spain to complain at the discontinuation of the annual wheat quota due to Malta from Sicily (8). Naro’s mission was quite successful. Three thousand measures (salute) (9) of wheat were provided from Rome,. This was immediately

(J No 142, etc. (2) No. 211b. (3) Cfr. infra 148, note 1; Nos. 95a, 118, 126, 129, and page 236, note 5. (4) A.O.M. 256, 147·-''. (5) Ibid., 147v-148r, 150r-v; various decisions were taken by the Order’s Council during April and May 1636. (6) A.O.M. 1415, p.n.n.,copy of the G.M.’s letter dated 30th August, 1636. (7) Ibid., copy of the G.M.'s letter dated 26th November, 1636; Nos. 168 and 178b. The instructions given to Naro are dated 24th November, 1636 (A.O.M. 256, 156r-157r). (s) A.O.M. 111, 275r; cfr. infra 236, notes 4 and 5; on this occasion Rascaris relieved himself of de Redin's presence in Malta. On the 29th November, 1636, the Council gave to the said Prior the special instructions for this mission (A.O.M. 256, 157r-158v). On that day, the G.M. wrote to the Viceroy of Sicily, informing him about de Redin’s voyage to Spain (Sim, Estado (Sicilia), Legajo 3481, cart. 76). The report, which de Redin presented to the Spanish Court is preserved in this Regajo, cart. 60. (9) The Sicilian “ salma” was equivalent to 220-250 kilos of wheat.

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sent to Malta (1), reaching the island during April 1637 (2). But, in the meantime, other quantities of wheat had already reached the island. The Order’s galleys had been successful in laying hands on some vessels laden with wheat provisions, while these were on their way to Messina (3). The King of Spain, moreover, as a result of de Redin’s mission ordered the Viceroy of Sicily to provide, thenceforth, two thousand (2,000) measures of wheat more than the usual amount given to Malta every year (4), while he was instructed to keep friendly relations with the Order (5). Thus, Malta was to begin receiving every year sixteen thousand (16,000) measured of wheat from Sicily. The wheat brought from Rome, besides being of an inferior quality, was, moreover, quite dear. It had cost seventeen scudi and four tarl per measure (6). On the arrival of this wheat in Malta, the island was no longer lacking such provisions. Hence, the next problem to be solved was how to distribuite this wheat in time before it deteriorated. Undoubtedly, its price was dearer than usual. The Bishop was in­ formed b y the Jurats of Valletta, Vittoriosa, Senglea and the whole island that part of this quantity of wheat was to be bought by those under his jurisdiction (7). But Balaguer refrained from complying with this request. The clergy, with the Bishop at its head, held that lack of wheat provisions in Malta was all due to the Order’s mismanagement. The usual provisions received from Sicily, instead of being distributed among the population of the Maltese Islands, as they should have been, had been given to French vessels, which continually called at Malta’s harbours. Moreover, they complained that it was utterly unjust to burthen solely the Maltese b y having them share among themselves P) A.O.M. 1416, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter dated 12th January 1637. (2) A.C.M ., Documenta, Serie A, Tomo VII, 129. (3) Cfr. infra 246, note 4; A.O.M. 1416, p.n.n., G.M.’s letter dated 27th January, 1637. (4) D at, Pozzo, II, 11. (5) Better from the King of Spain dated 13th April, 1637 [Sim, Estado (Sicilia), Legajo 3481, cart. 87); No. 191, note 4. (6) Memoriale dei Giurati della Valletta, Vittoriosa, Senglea ed Isola di Malta inviato a mons. Vescovo sulla questione del grano (A.C.M ., Documenta, Serie A, Tomo V II, 129-132). On the 23rd January, 1637, the Order’s Coun­ cil ordered Naro to suspend all transaction in the purchase of the three thousand measures of wheat. If he had already bought this wheat, he was commis­ sioned to try to sell it abroad (A.O.M. 256, 162r). (7) Memoriale del Vescovo, Canonici, e Clero di Malta contro la distribuzione del grano (A.C.M ., Documenta, Serie A, Tomo V II, 124-128).

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the extra expenditure entailed in providing this wheat from Rome. The members of the Order, as well as some other privileged persons in Malta, were not ordered to buy a share from these provisions (*). (it) The second incident, where ecclesiastical jurisdiction was involved, dealt with a Maltese gentleman, namely, Agostino Borg. He had been in charge of the warehouse, where the island’s provisions were normally stored. During the difficult circumstances explained in the previous paragraphs, he was sent to Alicata, in Sicily, as the people’s representative to negotiate and try to obtain wheat provisions for the island’s needs. While engaged in this mission, he had been able, by devious means, to make a considerable amount of profit to enrich his own pocket. It was estimated that he had acquired for himself about twenty thousand (20,000) scudi. On which account, he was brought before the civil law courts to answer for his misbehaviour and frauds. While these law courts were proceeding against him, the Bishop came forth claiming that Borg was a married cleric and enjoyed ecclesiastical immunity. The Order, on its part, insisted that, since his marriage, Borg had neither ever made the clerical tonsure nor had he ever donned the ecclesiastical habit. Moreover, he had also relinquished taking part in any church service. Therefore, the Order held that he was not entitled to enjoy any clerical privilege. Balaguer, on his part, was all the while insisting that Borg had to be handed over to the ecclesiastical authori­ ties, otherwise he would inflict ecclesiastical censures on all those who disregarded his orders (2). (Hi) The causes of the third and fourth charges made by the Order against Bishop Balaguer were provided by the misconduct of two Sicilians. Nicolo Ciardi murdered an oil merchant, Francesco Scarlatta, in the latter’s residence at Vittoriosa. This oil merchant had been providing Ciardi with his daily meals. Ciardi returned this act of charity by assassinating Scarlatta so as to get hold of his posses­ sions. After committing this foul murder, Ciardi took refuge in the Greek church of the same city, from where, sometime later, he went to the church of Our Tady of Mount Carmel, standing near the sea shore. The Bishop had decreed that Ciardi was entitled to ecclesiastical asylum. One day, however, he was enticed to go out of this church and while he was crossing the harbour on a boat, he was taken by surprise

(1) Confer the previous note. (2) A.O.M. 112, 57v; B.L. 6681, 286''.

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b y the Order’s officials and imprisoned in the civil prisons (x). When Balaguer was informed of what had taken place, he ordered that this person conld in no way be tortured by the Order since he had been brought out of the church b y unfair and foul means, The Grand Master insisted with the Bishop to revoke this order. Balaguer’s answer consisted in threatening ecclesiastical censures against all those who dared disobey his order. (iv) The other Sicilian involved in these jurisdictional troubles was Gian Biagio Trimarchi. He had been banished from Sicily. While, in Malta, he was accused of co-operation in Scarlatta’s murder. He was, however, exonerated of this charge and went to dwell in Gozo. Here he led a very dissolute life, causing much trouble to all and sundry. The Grand Master was preparing to find a way to relieve the island of Trimarchi’s presence. But, once more, the Bishop protested, stating that this Sicilian was a cleric, proving his assertion by means of a certi­ ficate. The Grand Master, apart from having serious doubts as to the validity of this certificate, was informed that no one in Malta had ever seen this Sicilian wearing the clerical habit. On the contrary, he went about with the sword on his side and getting mixed up in all kinds of troubles. The Order could not admit that such a person still enjoyed the privileges derived from ecclesiastical immunity (2). Apart from these troubles, Bishop Balaguer was, at the same time, in serious discord with the Order on account of the bishopric’s revenue which had accumulated while the See of Malta was vacant after the death of Bishop Cagliares. Balaguer held that this money belonged to him as Cagliares’ successor, while the Order insisted that it had to be given to its Treasury (3).

2. - DIVERGENCES WIDEN This was the state of affairs and these were the accusations which the Order was levelling at the Bishop by July 1637. Chigi, at the request of the contending parties, had intervened to try to solve, at least, some of these problems, particularly that of Ciardi (4). But, in

(!) (2) (3) {*)

No. 215, 216a, 216c, etc.; A.O.M. 112, 59'; B.L. 6681, 286''. A.O.M. 112, 57v; B.L. 6681, 286'. Cfr. infra 353, note 5. Nos. 215 and 216a.

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the meantime, Balaguer wrote to the Congregation of Ecclesiastical Im­ munity accusing the Grand Master and the Order, of disregarding the Church’s privileges through the infringement of ecclesiastical immunity. On the 13th July, 1637, this Congregation wrote to Chigi ordering him to work hand in and with the Bishop, to guard his interests and to assist him in the execution of his jurisdiction (1). On the 30th of the same month, he was petitioned by the same Congregation to bring to peace­ ful terms the Grand Master and the Bishop, ordering that neither of them was to make any innovation whatsoever regarding jurisdictional matters (2). This was quite a difficult task to accomplish. Chigi was looked upon with distrust by members of the Order, as he was considered to be a friend of Mgr Francesco Paolucci, secretary of the Congregation of Ecclesiastical Immunity. Mgr Paulucci was thought to be no friend of the Order (3). The advisers of Eascaris tried, as much as possible, to keep Chigi away from the Grand Master. To achieve this end, they were successful in denying Chigi certain honours, which were usually given to Inquisitors whenever they dined at the Grand Master’s table. On this account, Chigi decided to absent himself, for many months, from such social functions (4). Notwithstanding this opposition, on receiving the last-mentioned letter from the Congregation, Chigi wrote letters to the Grand Master and to the Bishop. Both letters are dated 19th August, 1637. He entreated them to come to a peaceful settlement and charged them, at the same time, not to add new troubles to past ones (5). But, by the time Chigi wrote these letters, matters had reached such a stage, that there was, hardly, any hope of an agreement. On being informed that the Bishop had sought the protection and approval of the Roman Congregation in the stand he had taken against the Order, the Grand Master appealed to Cardinal Giovanni Doria, Archbishop of Palermo and Metropolitan of Malta (8). Cardinal Doria, on the 1st P) Lettere e scritture di diverse Congregationi di Roma, 20l r and 202r; F.Ch. A .I I .37, 549r. (2) A .I.M ., op. cit., 23r; F.Ch., op. cit., 549v. (3) No. 216c. (4) Cfr. infra 380, note 2. (5) F. Ch. A .1.4, 253v-254r, draft of Chigi’s letter to the Bishop of Malta dated 19th August, 1637. (6) Nos. 215 and 216a; A.O.M. 112, 59v; F.Ch. A.1.4, 257y from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 24th August, 1637.

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August, wrote a letter to the Bishop, whereby he repealed to his own law courts the lawsuit regarding Ciardi, which was, then, still pending in Malta. Balaguer was ordered to send immediately to Palermo all acts and documents pertaining to this case (1). This letter reached Malta on the 10th August (2). The Bishop found himself in a very awkward position on the arrival of this letter. At first, he decided not to give way to the Metropolitan’s order and to retain Ciardi in his own prisons. Chigi fearing some uprising against Balaguer from members of the Order, advised him to leave his residence at Valletta and go to his country villa. In the meantime, new letters arrived from the Metropolitan. He was threatened with the sequestration of the bishopric’s revenue in Sicily and Gozo, if he did not abide b y the orders that had been given in the previous letter. This time Balaguer had to yield. He sent to Palermo all papers regarding Ciardi’s case, while he transferred him to Chigi, to be guarded in the Inquisitor’s prison (3). Cardinal Doria’ intervention caused great consternation at Rome. It was quite normal that appeals from the Metropolitans’s decisions were solely restricted to the tribunal of the Sicilian Monarchy (4). This

P) A .A .M . (Secretariat), Corrispondenza, Tomo II, 103 and 105. (2) Cfr. infra 289, note 2. (*) No. 223c. (4) The interference of the Sicilian Monarchy in ecclesiastical matters traces its origin to an interpretation of the Bull granted to Roger, Count of Calabria and Sicily, by Urban II on the 5th July, 1098. Roger had set free Sicily from the Moslem yoke. Through this Bull, Roger and his legiti­ mate successors were created papal legates “ nati” : “ nullum in terra potestatis vestrae praeter voluntatem aut consilium vestrum legatum Romanae Ecclesiae statuemus, quinimmo quae per legatum acturi sumus, per vestram industriam legati vice exhibere volumus ” (A. M E R C A T I, Raocolta di Concordati, I, 1). According to the interpretation which the Sicilian Monarchs wanted to give to this concession, their tribunals were to be the legitimate last stage of appeal from all lawsuits held in the Metropolitan’s tribunals. Philip II, of Spain (1556-1598) tried to secure the approval of the H oly See regarding these pre­ tentions. But, when no such approval could be obtained, in 1579, he established a tribunal which he authorised to deal with ecclesiastical matters throughout the Sicilian kingdom. After this serious attempt to restrict the Jurisdiction of the Holy See in this domain, various protests were made, including a book written by Cardinal Baronio in defence of the Holy See’s rights. During the pontificate of Urban V III, matters reached their climax. The Pope appoint­ ed a commission to study and try to solve the problems arising from the claims of the tribunal of the Sicilian Monarchy. No drastic measures, however, were taken on this occasion (Enciclopedia Cattolica, V III, col. 1266-1268; P a s t o r ,

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tribunal pretended to be supreme and would allow no further appeals to any other lawcourt, not even to the Holy See’s tribunals. Barberini was seriously irritated by the Grand Master’s behaviour, since, thereby, he could, quite easily, subject the Order to the Sicilian Monarchy as had happened to some Religious Orders in Sicily (1). Things at Rome worsened, on the reception of some news which Rucas Holste sent from Naples, while he was returning from Malta. Writing to Barberini, Holste informed him that the Order had launched an appeal to the Sicilian Monarchy itself. Cardinal Barberini was wholly upset at this news. Writing to Chigi on the 29th August, 1637, the Cardinal stated that, on account of what had taken place, he would no longer extend his protection on the Order in future (2). This false alarm may have influenced an important decision taken at Rome and communicated to Chigi in a letter dated 5th September. Chigi was ordered to hand over Ciardi to the Order’s law courths once it was ascertained that he did not enjoy the right of ecclesiastical asylum; otherwise, if the Inquisitor held that the crime that had been committed was an atrocious one, he was, also, authorised to give him over to the same tribunal “ ex gratia In this instance, however, the punishment to be given him could not incur any shedding of blood or mutilation of his body (3). This decision was quite important because it meant to hasten Ciardi’s trial in Malta and so render unnecessary the interven­ tion of the Metropolitan or the Sicilian Monarchy in this affair. This was only a partial solution of the troubles which were the core of the divisions jeopardising the good relations between the civil and ec­ clesiastical authorities in Malta. Other similar partial solutions tried to settle the other questions on jurisdictional matters (4). But a more

History of the Popes, X X I X , 187). It is quite obvious that Malta’s jurisdictional controversies cropped up at a time when the Holy See was on the alert to with­ stand any attempt which the tribunal of the Sicilian Monarch could make to extend its jurisdiction. This explains why Barberini insisted so much with Chigi to prevent, at all costs, any appeal to Sicily. p) No. 218a. (2) No. 221d. (3) Nos. 223a and 223b. (4) It took Chigi sixteen months to execute this order regarding Ciardi. In February 1639, he handed him over to the civil law courts (No. 341b). Regarding the other questions involving ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Grand Master had left everything at the Cardinal’s discretion (No. 244b). Throughout Chigi’s stay in Malta, no definite decision regarding Borg and Trimarchi was

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radical reform was needed if these mishaps were to be remedied once for ever. According to the Order, the root of all this evil lay in the excessive number of clerics who dwelled in the Maltese Islands. It was estimat­ ed that, apart from priests and celibate clerics, there were about four hundred married clerics (1). These, together with their families, enjoyed the right of exemption from civil jurisdiction. This exemption was considered to be a serious menace to the island’s defences. The weal­ thier classes in Malta had to keep a horse at their own expense and be prepared to manage it properly, whenever there was need to defend the island against any hostile attack. In this way, Malta was to be sufficiently provided with a well-manned cavalry for its defence (2). As a good number of those who would have been, ordinarily, bound to maintain such a horse were clerics, they were exempted from this duty, to the detriment of the island’s defence.

taken. The problem about the distribution of the wheat provisions that had been bought from Rome, remained also unsolved (No. 305). Cardinal Berlingherio Gessi, Prefect of the Congregation of Ecclesiastical Immunity, in October 1637, commissioned Chigi to insist with the Bishop to distribute a part of these provisions among those under his jurisdiction. (A.A.M . (Sec­ retariat), Corrispondenza, Tomo II, 81; F.Ch. A .1.4, 362v-363v, draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 8th April, 1638; F.Ch. A .I I .37, 550r). Chigi, however, was against this distribution (F.Ch. A .1.4, 362v-363v). On the 18th May, 1638, he informed Cardinal Gessi that he was refraining from executing the order he had received previously, as he did not agree with the Bishop on how they had to carry out this order (F.Ch. A .1.4, 378v). P) This number was rather exagerated. From a census of the clergy of Malta compiled in July, 1638, the diocesan clergy consisted of two hundred and sixteen priests (216), six hundred and forty four (644) celibate clerics and two hundred and eighty (280) married clerics. Thus, there were in all one thousand one hundred and forty (1140) ecclesiastics in the Maltese Islands (A.A.M . (Secretariat), Rolli del Clero, 36r-114T). These data differ from those given b y Gio. Matteo Bonnici, Notary in Criminal matters at the Bishop’s Curia. In a declaration signed by this notary on the 1st December, 1638, it is stated that the clergy of the Maltese Islands was made up of two hundred seventy three (273) priests, six hundred and fifty five (655) celibate clerics and two hundred and seventy seven (277) married clerics, a total of one thousand two hundred and five ecclesiastics (1205). (Sim., Secreterias Provinciales, Legajo 1477, cart. 11). (2) “ IS solito, che qualunque persona, che possiede beni in detta isola, che arrivino a cento oncie di rendita annua, debba mantenere un cavallo per la difesa dell’Isola, e con quello servire all’occorrenza di sbarco di nemici, e simili ” (A.C.M., Documenta, Serie A, Tomo V II, 240).

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Clerics, moreover, were to be found everywhere, even among the lower classes exercising such jobs as soldiers, sailors, carpenters, bakers, shopkeepers and other similar occupations. But, hardly any one knew that they were clerics, since they had no outward sign to distinguish them. When they became entangled in some affray, which, eventually dragged them before the civil law courts, then their clerical character became all too evident, because they would immediately claim the privilege of exemption from such law courts. Their behaviour was far from exemplary, since they showed little respect towards the Order which governed the island. Their attitude in the farming of the tax for the fortifications and their reluctance and resistance to take their share of the wheat brought from Rome, were considered to be just two recent instances, whereby they had publicly manifested this disrespect (1). The Order insisted that they had to attend to clerical duties and to wear the clerical habit, otherwise, they were to be deprived of all clerical privileges (2). A reform had to be planned to remedy for the distur­ bances which clerics were causing to the Order, this could be done, if the Pope were to grant a papal Bull dealing with all these disorders (3). Chigi himself agreed with the Order on various points regarding clerical life in Malta and besought the Cardinal to come to the Order’s rescue (4). Moreover, he explained to his Agent in Rome, how one could find a way to solve the difficulties which the Order was encounter(x) F. Ch. A .I A, 294v-297r, these pages contain a copy of the " Punti proposti nell’accomodamento delle diiierenze vertenti fra la Corte Ecclesiastica, e Secolare; per supplicarne il sig. card. Barberino ” . Chigi sent this document to Ugolini on the 12th November, 1637. (2) In a letter, dated 19th January, 1618, the Congregation of the Council had already decreed that such clerics who did not wear clerical dress, bear the tonsure, and attend church service, were not entitled to enjoy the clerical privileges (A .A .M . (Secretariat), Corrispondenza, Tomo II, 157-164). Bishop Cagliares inserted this order in the Constitutions of the Diocesan Synod cele­ brated in Malta in 1620 (R .M .L., Mss. 6 and 7077, Constitutiones Synodales, Pars IV, par. II). The Cardinal Prefect of the Congregation of Ecclesiastical Immunity, on the 14th September, 1630, insisted with Bishop Cagliares that, unless married clerics, took part in church service, they could not claim exemp­ tion from civil jurisdiction (A .A .M ., op. cit., 537). On the 20th January, 1637, the Congregation of the Council ordered Bishop Balaguer that he had to admit to the clerical status only such persons " de quibus probabilis coniecturus sit, non saecularis Judicii fugiendi fraude, sed Deo fidelium cultum praestent " (Id., 45-46). (3) F.Ch. A .1.4, 294r-297v, memorandum quoted in note 1. (4) Nos. 219, 238, 239, 244b, etc.

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ing in the defence of the Maltese Islands, on account of the exemptions enjoyed by ecclesiastics Nevertheless, Chigi insisted that the trou­ bles vexing the Church in Malta were all the time, being fanned by the advisers of the Grand Master. Almost as if endowed with a pro­ phetic insight, or being capable to read deeply in men’s character, Chigi had foretold, from the very beginning of Rascaris’ grandmastership, that, though the new Head of the Order was a man of saintly life and endowed with many virtues, he, however, was quite prone to be influenced by others (2). Chigi had been successful in sending away from the magisterial palace a good number of persons whose influence would have been detrimental to Rascaris; nevertheless, he was unable to keep away from the Grand Master certain persons whose advice Rascaris deemed to be of great assistance in the management of state affairs. Chief among these were the Prior of the Conventual Church, Fra Saviour Imbroll (3), who was the head of all conventual chaplains and enjoyed jurisdiction over them; the Rector of the Jesuit College of Valletta, Fr Giorgio Tagliavia and the confessor of the Grand Master, Fr Giacomo Cassia, a Maltese Jesuit (4). Such was the influence which these wielded over the Grand Master, expecially Tagliavia and Cassia, that the Society of Jesus began to be accused of too much intriguing in state affairs and hence, respect towards its members began to wane (5). Some fathers of the Jesuit Community in Malta, like Fr Anthony Real (6), wholly disapproved of the behaviour of these two fellow Jesuits (7). Apart from these advisers, there were some other individuals of disre­ putable charcater whom Chigi had been unable to remove from the vicinities of the Grand Master. Their defects and past conduct were only too well known to Rascaris, because, before his election, he himself had criticised them severely on several occasions during his talks with Chigi. Chief among these was Bailiff Carlo Valdina (8). Chigi held P) F.Ch. A .1.4, from the draft of Chigi’s letter to Ugolini dated 12tli November, 1637. (2) No. 136. (3) For a biographical note on Imbroll cfr. infra 129, note 2. (4) Nos. 214c, 214e, 216c, 223c, 225, 236b, 236c, 241, 244b, 247c, 254b, 259 and 263. (5) Nos. 269a and 349e. (6) For a biographical note on Fr Real confer No. 349e, note 2. (7) A.R.S.I., Sicula 12, 105r, 105v, drafts of letters sent b y the Father General of the Society of Jesus to Fr Real and to the Rector of the Jesuit College, dated 20th and 21st August, 1637 respectively. (8) No. 247c.

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Papal authority intervenes

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that these persons together were, mainly, to blame and responbsible for the disorders and vexations regarding the jurisdictional questions (1). As already stated before, Chigi had been commissioned by the Congregation of Ecclesiastical Immunity to heal relations between the Bishop and the Grand Master. This was a herculean task which needed great tact. Chigi hoped that the best way to achieve some positive results would have been to bring to terms the Bishop with the Grand Master’s advisers, namely Imbroll, Tagliavia and Cassia. Chigi tried this plan. But Tagliavia would not give way. He had been denounc­ ed by the Bishop to the Father General of the Society, who had called him to Rome to account for the charges made against him (2). As the Bishop prided himself on having scored a victory by the sending away from Malta of this Jesuit, the Grand Master tried to prevent the Rector’s departure (3). But Tagliavia left Malta in January 1638 (4). On his departure, Chigi was successful in bringing together Imbroll and Balaguer; there was, at least, outward peace among these two for some time (6). The Grand Master himself began to show signs of courtesy towards the Bishop.

3. - PAPAE AUTHORITY INTERVENES On the 31st August, 1637, the Order’s Council had commissioned four Grand Crosses to report on the controversial points which were, then, dividing Church and State in Malta. By November of the same year, this commission presented a memorandum on these disputes. Chigi sent this memorandum to Rome on the 12th November, backing, somehow, their demands (e). At Rome, a commission of three prelates was, thereupon, appointed to study and to try to find a solution to these controversies (7). These prelates met for the first time on the 5th January, 1638 (8), when, p) Nos. 214c, 214e, etc. (») No. 244b. (3) Cfr. infra 322, note 2. (