Europa: Studien zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der frühen Aegaeis. Festschrift für Ernst Grumach [Reprint 2018 ed.] 9783110831177, 9783110051827

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EUROPA • F E S T S C H R I F T E R N S T GRUMACH

EUROPA S T U D I E N ZUR G E S C H I C H T E U N D E P I G R A P H I K DER FRÜHEN AEGAEIS

F E S T S C H R I F T F Ü R E R N S T GRUMACH

HERAUSGEGEBEN

VON

WILLIAM C. B R I C E

WALTER D E G R U Y T E R & CO B E R L I N 1967

Archiv-Nr. 3668671 © 1967 by Walter de Gruyter öc Co., vormals G. J. Göschen'sche Verlagshandlung — J. Guttentag, Verlagsbuchhandlung — Georg Reimer — Karl J. Trübner — Veit & Comp., Berlin 30 (Printed in Germany) Ohne ausdrückliche Genehmigung des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, dieses Buch oder Teile daraus auf photomechanischem Wege (Photokopic, Mikrokopie) zu vervielfältigen. Alle Rechte, insbesondere das der Übersetzung in fremde Sprachen, vorbehalten. Satz und Druck: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

While this book was in press, there came the sad news of the sudden death of Ernst Grumach in London on 5 October, 1967. Consequently Eurofa, which was designed as a birthday offering, must, to the profound regret of all concerned in its production, become a memorial tribute. W. C. B.

Emst

Grumach

zum 65. Geburtstag am 7. November 1967 von Fachgenossen und Freunden dargebracht

INHALT STYLIANOS ALEXIOU ( H e r a k l e i o n )

Contribution to the Study of the Minoan "sacred knot"

1

A R T H U R J. BEATTIE ( E d i n b u r g h )

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

7

W I L H E L M BRANDENSTEIN ( G r a z )

Metrisches in epichorischen Texten des großägäischen Raumes

23

W I L L I A M C. BRICE ( M a n c h e s t e r )

The Structure of Linear A, with some Proto-Elamite and Proto-Indic comparisons

32

M A R K A . S. CAMERON ( N e w c a s t l e - u p o n - T y n e )

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes from Knossos

45

VINCENT R . D ' A . DESBOROUGH ( M a n c h e s t e r )

A Pyxis from Groningen

75

PORPHYRIOS DIKAIOS ( H e i d e l b e r g )

More Cypro-Minoan Inscriptions from Enkomi

80

H A N S ERLENMEYER ( B a s e l )

Ein ägäisches Schriftsiegel aus der Zeit des Ubergangs von der S.-M.- zu der frühgriechischen Periode

88

P A U L FAURE ( P a r i s )

Aux frontières de l'État de Lato : 50 toponymes . . . .

94

H E I N Z GEISS ( B e r l i n )

Ko-ri-ja-do-no, ku-pa-ro, die .Abkürzung' KO und B 123 = AROMATA in der Gruppe K N Ga 113 SINCLAIR HOOD (Great Milton)

Buckelkeramik at Mycenae ?

120

JAMES T . HOOKER ( B e r k e l e y )

The Beginnings of Linear B

132

SPYROS IAKOVIDIS ( A t h e n )

Ein beschrifteter Siegelzylinder aus Cypern

143

X

Inhalt

(Oxford) 'Apxotla ypâ^para : Some ancient Greek views

152

(Nikosia) Homerica from Salamis (Cyprus)

167

LILIAN H . J E F F E R Y

VASSOS KARAGEORGHIS

(Tolland) Formal Changes in the glyptic rendering of Hieroglyphs in the Middle Minoan Age 172

VICTOR E . G . K E N N A

M. KONTOLEON (Athen) Zur Gründung von Naxos und Megara auf Sizilien . . .

180

D. KTISTOPOULOS (Athen) Sur quelques noms créto-mycéniens

191

NIKOLAOS

KONSTANTINOS

(Binghamton) Anomalies of Homeric Greek, clarified by Semitic parallels 194

SAUL L E V I N

(Athen) The "Volcanic" Origin of Linear B

SPYRIDON MARINATOS

204

(Paris) L'ostrakon carien de Hou-Diospolis Parva (38 Friedrich) 211

O L I V I E R MASSON

(Pavia) Zum Karischen

218

(Gießen) Kretisch yAocßpr|vr| — die Päonie

229

P I E R O MERIGGI

GÜNTER NEUMANN

(Saloniki) Bathrooms and Lustrai Basins in Minoan dwellings

NIKOLAOS PLATON

. . 236

(Paris) Pour un Corpus du linéaire A (II)

246

(Winnipeg) Ligatures in the Minoan Hieroglyphic Script

250

(Killearn) Reflections on Ventris's Work Note 1

257

(Herakleion) Mason's Marks from Arkhanes

277

J A C Q U E S RAISON JOHN J . REICH

F . ROYDON RICHARDS J O H N SAKELLARAKIS

(Saloniki) Ein kretischer „Meßkelch" in einem Grab von Nauplia . 289

A G N E S SAKELLARIOU

(Saloniki) Les tribus ioniennes-attiques

M I C H E L SAKELLARIOU

294

Inhalt

XI

G. TSOPANAKIS (Saloniki) The technical and formular Aspects of the Spartan Rider

AGAPITOS

(ccî 6è cTKOÂiàv ô 6S|ioç êpoiTo)

303

(Birmingham) Some Characteristics of Archaic Cretan writing . . . .

320

RONALD F . WILLETTS

(St. Andrews) Linear B Documents at Andreapolis: A Case-Study in Ventrisian multivalency 332

DOUGLAS Y O U N G

Index

339

Schriftenverzeichnis von Ernst Grumach

346

Tafel I—XXVIII

STYLIANOS A L E X I O U

CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE MINOAN "SACRED KNOT" The purpose of this short paper, dedicated to my honoured friend Professor Ernst Grumach on the occasion of his 65th birthday, is to indicate a possible connection between a well-known religious symbol of Minoan worship, the "sacred knot"1, and another object of worship from the east, Old Sumerian to be precise. I have recently studied examples of the latter in the Museum of Bagdad2. The Oriental symbol, from the Uruk and Jemdet Nasr periods, is in the form of self-contained objects, usually of clay3, two of which are illustrated below (Pl. I 1,2). In the same periods it occurs also in relief, as e. g. on the alabaster vase with a procession of worshippers from Uruk4, and engraved on cylinderseals6. The illustration below (Pl. I 3) shows a symbol represented near the façade of a shrine on a cylinder from the Jemdet Nasr period6. 1 On the Minoan "sacred knot", see Evans, PM I 430f. ; Nilsson, Min. Myc. Rel. 162f.; Persson, Rel. of Greece in Prehist. Times 91—3; Picard, Rel. Préhell. 157, 161, 194—5; Zervos, L'art de la Crète 44; Schachermeyr, Die min. Kultur des alten Kreta 163. The value of a comparative study of Minoan and other civilisations of the Middle E a s t is indicated by the solution to the problem of the curious "pillars with rectangular column-capitals" on the basis of Egyptian representations of temple flagstaffs, on which see Kret. Chronika 17, 1963, 339 f. 2 I am most grateful to Mr. F . Basmachi, director of the Museum of Iraq in Bagdad, for his willing help during my visit and for providing relevant information. Thanks are also due to Mr. Ingo Pini of the University of Marburg and to Mr. R . M. Boehmer of the German Archaeological Institute for sending me photocopies and information, likewise to Professor E . Grumach and Dr. H. G. Buchholz of the German Archaeological Institute for photocopies and information. The similarity between the "sacred k n o t " and the Innin symbol has already been noted by H. G. Buchholz, Zur Herkunf t der Kretischen Doppelaxt, 1959,16. For the translation of this paper I am deeply indebted to Mr. and Mrs. Christos Alexiou, Birmingham. 3 Of the illustrations given here, fig. 1 was drawn by myself in the Museum of Bagdad, and fig. 2 is reproduced according to the illustration in E . Heinrich, Bauwerke in der altsumer. Bildkunst, 1957, fig. 30. 4 E . Heinrich, Kleinfunde aus Uruk, 1936, pi. 3, cf. E . Strommenger—M. Hirmer, The Art of Mesopotamia 20, 21, and for another stone vessel ib. 23, cf. p. 385 fig. 10 5 Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, 1939, pl. I l l a, e, V c, g, i, cf. also E . Strommenger—M. Hirmer op. cit. 16, 17 p. 383f. 6 Frankfort op. cit. pl. V I I d

1 FS Europa

2

Stylianos

Alexiou

The motif was interpreted some time ago by the well-known Orientalist Andrae as a bundle of reeds used for doors jambs in the primitive Mesopotamian huts. This explanation, however, was based on representations showing two of these objects placed symmetrically on each side of the door. The shorter piece, apparently hanging from the other, was interpreted as the falling end of the folded-up bundle of reeds7. The object's actual connection with the door was queried, however, by Ernst Heinrich8, who, without excluding the possibility of its being a bundle of reeds, considered that it was a symbol of the Sumerian mother-goddess Innin or Innana, since there was a comparable sign in early Sumerian script associated with the goddess and still used in the developed script, though in a modified form. The signs are nos. 208 and 209. This association with Inn ana had already been noted by Falkenstein 9 . Since the motif is thought to be a sacred symbol, there could, in my opinion, be some connection between it and the Minoan "sacred knot", which presents important similarities. As is known, the latter is also connected with worship, especially of the female divinity, and is sometimes found, like the Oriental symbol, as a self-contained faience or ivory object, and sometimes as a motif carved on stone and painted on clay vases and engraved on rings, seals and sealings with sacred representations. The only scholar to doubt the religious significance of the "sacred 7 W. Andrae, Das Gotteshaus und die Urformen des Bauens im alten Orient, Studien zur Bauforschung, Heft 2, Berlin 1930, 48 f.; cf. Frankfort, Cyl. Seals 15 "gatepost with streamer used in the reed architecture of the earliest inhabitants", and 21. Contenau in Manuel d'Archéologie orientale IV p. 1978—9 writes that it is a "faisceau de roseaux ficelés ensemble de façon à former colonnette ; la partie terminale des roseaux a été enroulée sur elle-même, avant d'être abandonnée pour former un appendice flottant comme une banderolle. Dans la boucle produite par l'enroulement on peut faire passer un baton qui, si deux montants sont proches l'un de l'autre, pourra soutenir une natte servant d'écran contre le soleil . . . ou de fermeture d'une porte". Contenau (ib.) accepts that this door jamb became a symbol for the goddess, represented as isolated and in the arms of demons, ib. 1861. On p. 1829 he says that he does not insist on the identity of this symbol. In my opinion it is really incomprehensible how a door jamb of a hut could become a symbol for a goddess. On p. 1979 he mentions the other interpretation of the symbol given by S. Langdon (Semitic Mythology 90 fig. 46) as derived from a snake coiled round a staff. 8 Bauwerke in der altsumer. Bildkunst, 1957, 31f. 9 Archaische Texte aus Uruk, 1936, 58f., cf. Deimel, Sumer. Lexikon I nr. 103 I and G. Barton, Babylonian Writing No. 116

Contribution to the Study of the Minoan "Sacred K n o t "

3

knot" was Nilsson10. But the fact that it is clearly present in the hands of a female figure—without doubt a goddess—seated on a throne opposite a griffin, on a ring from Mycenae11, and that it is very frequently combined with the double-axe12, shows that this object, of no intrinsic practical value, is unquestionably religious in meaning13. Nor can it be ignored that belief in the magic properties in the knot, collected by Frazer, is common to different civilisations14: the loosened knot facilitates birth, while the tied knot indicates possession of the lover, or impediment to the consummation of marriage. It also has various magic and frequently contradictory properties, such as the power to cause as well as to heal illness, etc. 10 Op. cit. 163—4. H e thinks t h a t the knots were simply a fashionable decorative feature, or prizes in bull-fighting. Persson op. cit. (see n. 1) believes t h a t the knot ensures the bond of the officiating priest or of the object with the divinity: the undoing of the Gordian knot meant the loosening of the temple's relationship to the god. Picard op. cit. 357 attributes "valeur sanctifiante" to the ritual knot of the officiating priest. 11 Marinatos—Hirmer, Kreta und das myk. Hellas 206 bottom right. This representation perhaps shows the attempt to yoke a sacred animal by means of the knot. The sanctity of the knot could also be argued from the suspension b y this means of double axes without handles in sanctuaries. Also indicative of the sanctity of t h e knot could be its representation with a bird behind the divinity on t h e ring from Tiryns, ib. 207 (top), and on a column, PM I 432 fig. 310, but there is a doubt in these cases as to whether a knot or a skirt is depicted, cf. Buchholz, Eine Kultaxt aus der Messara, Kadmos 1, 1962, 168f. Although these are whole and not made up of two parts, their small size and the shape of the upper p a r t tend to support the view t h a t they are knots. I t may not be fortuitous t h a t among the Oriental symbols too are to be found some whole examples, cf. W. Andrae op. cit. 48 fig. 38b, E. Heinrich op. cit. 13 fig. 7. Also characteristic is the seal from AgiaTriada, D. Levi, Le Cretule di H . Triada e di Zakro, Annuario 8/9 no. 143, p. 143 fig. 159, where the knot is connected with butterflies. Knots ( ?) are likewise depicted on the LM I I I A rings from Archanes recently discovered by I. Sakellarakis. 12 On a vase from Agia Triada, Marinatos - Hirmer op. cit. 82, and on vases from Knossos and Phaistos, Zervos, L'art de la Crète pl. 440, 533, and on a sculptured ivory plaque from Palaikastro ib. pl. 529, PM I 432 fig. 310d, BSA Suppl. I 126 fig. 109. 13 Examples strengthening this view have been collected by N. Platon, Kret. Chronika 13, 1959, 343f., n. 88—97, where he studies the new and more correct reconstruction of the Camp-Stool fresco in connection with the representation of a priestess or divinity ("La Parisienne"), who carries a similar sacred knot. M. Cameron, Kret. Chronika 18, 1964, 38f., has completed the knot of the "Parisienne" by the addition of a p a r t recognised by him in the store-room of the Museum of Heraklion. The knot of the "Parisienne" corresponds in method of tying to the type on the Nirou fresco, for which see below. 14 The Golden Bough (abridged edition) 1963, 106, 314—20, 715 1*

4

Stylianos Alexiou

The Cretan examples of the "sacred knot" are undoubtedly analogous in shape to the Oriental Innana symbol. Notice the slanting coil of the upper piece (perhaps suggesting a conventional form of the knot), which in the Minoan examples takes the form of a loop, and the characteristic separation of the whole into two pieces of unequal length. Examined more carefully, the Minoan knot appears in various forms. Sometimes it shows clearly and naturalistically the two parts of the strip twisted, that is to say the knot proper, as on the L M I ivory object 15 from the South-East House at Knossos (PI. I 4), and on the faience examples from Tomb IV at Mycenae16. Sometimes the knot is not shown, either for reasons of stylistic simplification, or more likely because there really were knots like these, with the two parts joined not in a knot but by means of another ribbon or string tied round them. Such is the "sacred knot" shown on the fresco from Nirou (PI. I 5), and it was for this reason that its motif was not immediately recognised by the excavator 17 , but the motif is undoubtedly to be identified with the knot 18 . In my opinion this example, from the naturalistic period of Minoan art, illustrates the second method of tying, by means of an additional string, because of the characteristically curved shape at the ends of the three-fold horizontal band. The method and shape of the knot is not shown at all in other examples, especially in those mentioned below as painted on vases from Agia Triada, Phaistos, Prasa (see n. 21—23) and the recently discovered unpublished ivory examples from Kato Zakro19. The number and arrangements of the loose ends of the strip also vary. Frequently, as has been said, the two ends are of unequal length 20 , and one is shown next to or behind the other, with the longer end hanging below the shorter21. Sometimes the ends are equal22 and close together. Finally, in some examples revealing a definite stylistic development from the previous type, three ends PM I 430 fig. 308 i« PM I 431 fig. 309 a, b 1 7 Arch. Ephem. 1922, 11 fig. 9 is A. Evans, The Ring of Nestor, J H S 45, 1925, 7 fig. 7, cf. PM IX fig. 168 1 9 These are among the inlays mentioned in the " E r g o n " of the Archaiologike Etaireia in 1963, 171. 2 0 See n. 11, 15, 16, 17 2 1 Cf. sculptured plaque from Palaikastro (n. 12), unpublished ivory inlays from Zakro and the inscribed motifs on vases from Prask, P A E 1951, 549—50 2 2 On the vase from Knossos, Zervos op. cit. fig. 440; cf. part of a stone sculptured vase no. 2554 in the Museum of Heraklion. 15

Contribution to the Study of the Minoan "Sacred Knot"

5

may be distinguished, with the longer one in the middle between the shorter sides23. Of these types the one from Nirou presents the closest analogy to the Oriental symbol, since besides the three-fold horizontal ribbon it has vertical, parallel grooves. It is hard to believe that its similarity to the Oriental examples published here is a coincidence, although in one of them the horizontal ribbons (two-fold and three-fold) do not cover both pieces, and are repeated at intervals lower down. Another difference, though not essential, between the Oriental and the Cretan examples is that the former has no decorative fringes, such as appear on the lower end of the Minoan knots. More important, apart from the necessarily simplified representations on cylinders where it is impossible to distinguish the details, the Oriental examples always show a bundle. It may be a bundle of reeds, or more probably of shoots, because of their flexibility. The Creto-Mycenaean examples on the other hand show clearly that they are made of cloth. In spite of this difference of material, the similarity of shape ought not, perhaps, to be ignored. It should be noted that at one time the Minoan "sacred knot" was compared with the Egyptian association of 'ankh' and the column of Isis with the 'aper'24, and with a Hittite symbol26. But Marinatos is right in doubting the first of these comparisons26. In fact, the similarity to these symbols is not so strong as to the Innana symbol. One difficulty in the connection suggested here is the gap in time and space between the Cretan and Oriental parallels. It ought, however, to be taken into account that the distance was bridged by constant contact and exchange, for which there is considerable evidence27. More important is the difficulty arising from the differ23 On the vases from Agia Triada and Phaistos, Marinatos—Hirmer op. cit. 82 left and 83 bottom right =s Zervos op. cit. 633. Cf. Furumark, Myc. Pottery motif 38 no. 8 p. 149, 330, 332, also bas-relief with three-fold link on the jug from the "little Palace" PM I I 639 fig. 343, where the motif is interpreted as a bundle of papyri. 21 P M I 434, cf. Erman, Die àgypt. Religion, 1909, 22 fig. 27—8 25 Bossert in Mitteilungen d. altorient. Gesellschaft V I 3, 12 f., Bittel in Anatolian Studies pres. to W . H. Buckler 1939, 9f. 28 Op. cit. 93 27 On the religious influence of the East on Crete, see Demargne, Annales de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes de Gand I I 67 f. P. Will, Revue archéologique 1, 1947, 60 f. The Oriental origin of the type of goddess with raised arms has been supported by myself, see 'H HIVCOIKT) 6sà (ice* ûyconévcov x«P&v Kret. Chronika 12, 1968,

6

Stylianos

Alexiou

ence in time, since the Oriental examples are extremely old, not later than the Jemdet Nasr period28. But in this case it must be borne in mind that the symbol survived in Sumerian script, as was said above, while on the other hand the Minoan knot is found as early as the end of the pre-palatial or the beginning of the protopalatial period, as is demonstrated by the stone example from the tholos at Agia Triada 29 , although it belongs to a type different from the Oriental, in that both pieces of the symbol are equal. The example on a sealing from Phaistos also goes back to the protopalatial period30. Thus, although there is still a gap in time, the use of the knot in pre-palatial times, in any case possible, ought to be supposed, even if there is no evidence for it. Another possibility is that the type survived for longer in the east as well. A more detailed study by Orientalists and Cretologists working together might perhaps throw more light on the existing similarity between this Minoan and Oriental symbol. 237 f. On the Oriental origin of the flounced Cretan skirt, see Dussaud, Iraq 4, 1939, 58. The great similarity between the Oriental and Minoan stone beads of necklaces ought also, in my opinion, to be studied. 2 8 Frankfort op. cit. IB. Contenau op. cit. 1975 dates the end of the Jemdet Nasr period to c. 3200 B . C. Cf. R . W. Ehrich, Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, 1965, 82. The copper example of "hampe bouclée" from Tello, mentioned by Contenau op. cit. 1829, is, however, more recent. 2 9 Zervos op. cit. fig. 251. In this example also the tying is by means of a string, clearly distinguishable. The tomb of Agia Triada was in use from EM I I to MM I I times (there are only a few ceramic examples from this last period), L. Banti, Annuario 13/14, 1930/1, 240. 3 0 D. Levi, L'archivio di Cretule a Festos, Annuario 35/36, 1957/8, 102 f. fig. 246. This example also appears to depict, somewhat obscurely, a knot with equal ends like the stone one from Agia Triada. Cf. the ivory example from Phaistos with equal ends ib. 333 fig. 183. In my opinion one sign in the early linear script from Phaistos (ib. 383 no. 48) also depicts this kind of knot. Hence the early examples (as the MM I I I — LM I vase from Knossos, Zervos op. cit. fig. 440) reveal this peculiarity, thus constituting a difficulty to their connection with the Oriental examples. But perhaps there were also corresponding examples of the type with unequal ends.

ARTHUR J . BEATTIE

SOME NOTES ON THE PYLIAN Ta T E X T S The Pylian tablets labelled Ta form a fairly compact group. Three of them have ideograms which are outline drawings of vessels. They are obviously akin to the two Tn tablets, which have similar ideograms. Three others are generally thought to deal with footstools, because their characteristic ideogram looks like a footstool and because each entry in them begins with a group which is deciphered ta-ra-nu(-we). A seventh text (716) bears a representation of a double axe. The rest have no ideograms at all, but the formulae in them when deciphered are taken to describe tables and chairs. In my opinion, all the texts are likely to refer to vessels; but, however this may be, the sign-groups and parts of signgroups that they share make a convenient framework for study of the Linear B script. Although the series is thought to display many Greek words, such as ti-ri-po{-de) and ta-ra-nu[-we), it certainly has features that cannot be reconciled with the double assumption that the script is an A: TA-type syllabary and that the apparent inflections seen in texts are suffixes and word-endings of Indo-European pattern. Here are some obvious examples. 1. In 641.2 the formula di-pa me-zo-e qe-to-ro-we, followed by a jar and the number 'one', indicates that, despite the following formula di-pa-e me-zo-e ti-ri-o-we-e, with a jar and the number 'two', and despite 716.2 qi-si-pe-e, also with the number 'two', the ending *38 e has nothing to do with the dual in Greek or any other language. 2. We find at 642.1 the groups ku-wa-no-qe pa-ra-ke-we-qe, but at 714.1 and 3 ku-wa-no pa-ra-ku-we-qe. Cf. 715.3 pa-ra-ku-we. This is a medial alternation such as we find in the groups o-da-ke-we-ta, o-da-ku-we-ta, o-da-tu-we-ta and o-da-*87-ta in the chariot tablets at Knossos. There is nothing Greek about this. 3. At the end of 642.2 there is a group ko-ru-pi-qe and at 722.3 we come across two examples of ka-ru-pi, each at the end of a formula. Similarly at 722.1 ka-ru-we-qe occurs at the end of the line. Clearly the alternation of *70 ko and *77 ka operates not only in final position, as in re-u-kojre-u-ka, but also in initial position.

8

A r t h u r J. B e a t t i e

4. In 709 + 712.1 there is a remarkable alternation of *44 ke and *70 ko in the fifth and sixth groups, fto-ro-e-ke-te-ri-ja and ko-te-ri-ja. Since we also find po-ro-e-ke at 715.2 as a complete group, it is impossible to say how these groups are constituted in terms of prefix, stem or suffix. But the alternation is not to be questioned; and it may be relevant to compare ]ka-te-ri-ja in KN 1561, and sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja in KN 941 (both 'sheep' tablets), with *77 ka instead of *44 ke or *70 ko. 5. The group a-pi is independent in 761.1 and looks as if it could be a prefix in the Greek manner at a-pi-qo-to (642.3 etc.). This notion fades, however, when at 722.1 we find ka-ra-a-pi and at 708.2 se-re-mo-ka-ra-a-pi. Comparing se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-re (707.2) sere-mo-ka-ra-o-re-qe (714.2)1 and ]no-ka-ra-o-re (1038), as well as o-remo-a-ke-re-u (320.1), 1. c. see that a-pi and o-re are elements that switch position with remarkable flexibility. We shall find that closer examination of the texts reveals other peculiarities of structure, in such quantity as to exclude any syllabic representation of the Greek language. I now offer some notes on the behaviour of *75 we in the Ta tablets 2 . My purpose is not, of course, to insist that the language of the texts is not Greek but to ascertain, as far as possible, how *75 we is used in the composition of sign-groups in a limited context. In these notes I refer to sign-groups (or simply groups) and not to words, because I do not know that all groups or some of them represent words. I use the terms stem, prefix, suffix and infix but acknowledge that not enough is known of the structure of signgroups to enable us to use these terms with precision. The word 'ideogram' is applied at the outset to a) signs that occur with numbers and are not used in sign-groups and b) to signs that are used in sign-groups but also stand either alone or ligatured together, 1

Bennett gives the ends of these groups as -o-i and -o-i-qe respectively. The texts chiefly used are as follows; — a) E. L. Bennett, The Pylos Tablets, Princeton 1955 b) E. L. Bennett and J. Chadwick, The Mycenae Tablets II (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 48 Part I, 1958) c) J. Chadwick and J. T. Killen, The Knossos Tablets 3 (University of London. Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin Supplement 15, 1964) d) A. J. Evans and J. L. Myres, Scripta Minoa II, Oxford 1952 e) W. C. Brice, Inscriptions in the Minoan linear Script of Class A, Oxford 1961. I refer to linear B signs by Bennett's numbers together with Ventris's phonetic values. The latter system I use merely for convenience. Linear A signs are designated by the letter L and Brice's numbers (which are based on Pugliese Carratelli's). 2

9

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

with numbers, or else serve as adjuncts to signs of type a). I am aware that this may put too much strain on the ideographic concept and that my own interpretations may increase the strain. a) *75 we in i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n The following sign-groups occur: we-ke (641.1 twice, 709 + 712.3 twice) we-a-re-ja (642.1), we-a2-re-jo (714.1) we-pe-za (713.2)

we-ke is not found elsewhere. In the Ta series it occurs in four out of five tripod-formulae, and in these four the sign *44 ke is strikingly frequent in the other groups. Thus in 641.1 we find ti-ripo-de ai-ke-u ke-re-si-jo we-ke and ti-ri-po ke-re-si-jo we-ke a-pu keka-u-me[ ke-re-a2, and in 709 + 712.3 ti-ri-fo ke-re-si-jo we-ke az-ke-u and ti-ri-fo ke-re-si-jo we-ke o-pi-ke-wi-ri-je-u.

Since *8 a and *25 a% are often in first position, it is natural to infer that *75 we in we-a-re-ja and in we-a^-re-jo may be a prefix. This idea is strengthened by the occurrence of the simple a-re-ja at 316. r 7, before an ideogram representing a goblet. That the first sign of we-pe-za is a prefix is clear from comparison not only with e-ne-wo pe-za (642.1,3) and e-ne-wo-pe-za (713.1, 3) but also with to-pe-za (642.1, 2, 3; 713.1, 2, 3; 715. 1, 2). Cf. also to-pe-zo,

e-ne-wo-pe-zo

(715.3). (At 715.1 e-ne-wo

and pe-za

occur

but the surface is cracked between wo and pe). Thus there is an initial alternation *75we\ *5 to; zero, attested in two sets of sign-groups in the Ta series. Conceivably the final sign *42 wo of e-ne-wo, or indeed the entire group e-ne-wo, alternates in some sense with *75 we. I do not pursue this now. The question arises whether the initial sign of we-ke may not be a prefix in the same sense as the *75 we of we-a-re-ja etc. is a prefix. This appears to be possible if *44 ke in this and other signgroups of the tripod-formulae has an ideographic and not merely a syllabic significance. The very frequency of the sign in these formulae may favour this hypothesis. b) *75 we in medial p o s i t i o n The Ta series contains a number of groups ending with -we-e, -we-qe, -we-sa and one with -we-sa-qe. Those with final -we-e and -we-qe are demonstrably extensions of groups in which *75 we is the final sign and itself a suffix; and those with final -we-sa(-qe) should, I think, be regarded in the same light.

10

A r t h u r J.

Beattie

We are left, then, with only two groups in which *75 we looks as if it might be truly medial: — so-we-ne-ja (709.2); so-we-no-qe (710.1, 721.2,3,4, 722.2). The structure of these groups is somewhat unusual. Sign *12so, although common as an end-sign, is rare at the beginning of a group. Elsewhere it is followed on occasion by *10 u and *42 wo, both of which can of course alternate with *75 we in final position; but it seems not to be followed by *75 we. But both *24 ne and *52 no are common suffixes and sometimes alternate with each other. With the exception of ke-we-no (431.23, 600.1), however, neither seems to occur after *75 we. It is possible, but not very probable, that *75 we is an infix here, as its companion *10 u often is elsewhere; for the combination so-no is attested only in a few groups, e. g. e-ko-so-no (507), ku-so-no (8) and ]ru-so-no (KN 504). We must say that for the time being the form of so-we-ne-ja and so-we-no-qe remains obscure, although a stem so-we- looks plausible enough. c) *75 we in f i n a l position Here we take account not only of final *75 we but also, as already indicated, of penultimate, and even ante-penultimate, uses of the sign. The evidence is: — o-wo-we (641.1); qe-to-ro-we (641.2 twice); ti-ri-o-we-e (641.2); tiri-jo-we (641.3); a-no-we (641.3); pa-ra-ku-we (715.3); ta-ra-nu-we (721.2) pa-ra-ku-we-qe (714.1,3); pa-ra-ke-we-qe (642.1); ka-ru-we-qe (721.1) pe-de-we-sa (709 + 712.2 twice); i-to-we-sa (709 + 712.2); ko-rono-we-sa (711.2); to-qi-de-we-sa (711.3); pi-ti-ro2-we-sa (713.2); *85de-we-sa-qe (709 + 712.2). A few of these groups have obvious cognates in the Ta series: — qe-to-ro-we qe-to (641.2) ti-ri-jo-we ti-ri-po (641.1, 709 + 712.3), ti-ri-po-de{641.1) ta-ra-nu-we ta-ra-nu (707.3, 710.1, 714.3, 721.1, 3, 4, 5, 722.1.2.3), ta-ra-nu-qe (707.1) ka-ru-we-qe ka-ru-pi (722.3 twice) to-qi-de-we-sa to-qi-de (642.3, 713.1,2); to-qi-de-jo (715.3); to-qi-de-ja (709 + 712.1); to-qi-de-qe (721.1,2). *85-de-we-sa-qe *85-de-pi (642.2; 707.1,3; 710.1; 721.1,2,3,4,5) If we look farther afield, we find forms without final *75 we which may be cognates of groups listed above, e. g. ti-ri-jo, a-no, pa-ra-ku, i-to, and others with final signs that might be alter-

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

11

natives to *75we, e.g. o-wo-to, o-wo-ta, o-wo-ze; qe-to-ro-no, qe-toro-po-pi. The variety of final alternations in these groups is bewildering, but the following points deserve attention: — a) Sometimes *75 we appears to be a secondary suffix, e. g. in qe-to-ro-we, beside qe-to; in ti-ri-jo-we, ti-ri-o-we-e, beside ti-ri-po; and in pa-ra-ku-we, beside pa-ra-ke-we-qe. It is conceivably secondary in other groups too. For example, the occurrence of to-qi-da-so suggests that the *45 de of to-qi-de and to-qi-de-we-sa is a suffix; and the basic group may amount to no more than to-qi, or even *21 qi with prefixed to. Similarly, the *45 de of *85-de-we-sa-qe and *85-de-pi may be a suffix and the core of these groups may be simply a 'pig's head' ideogram. Cf. *85-te (709 + 712.2). There is no obvious reason why pe-de-we-sa should not be reduced to a 'root' *72 pe; and so on. b) *75we and *39 pi evidently alternate with each other in final position in the pairs ka-ru-we-qe: ka-ru-pi and in *85-de-wesa-qe;*85-de-pi. This correlation seems not to occur elsewhere. Final *75 we also alternates in some sense with *36 jo, *57 ja and *78 qe in the sets to-qi-de-we-sa; to-qi-de-jo; to-qi-de-ja; to-qi-de-qe and ta-ranu-we; ta-ra-nu-qe. In the Ta texts themselves, *78 qe can serve as a supplement to *75 we, e. g. in pa-ra-ke-we-qe, pa-ra-ku-we-qe and ka-ru-we-qe; and also to *39pi in a-di-ri-ja-pi, a-di-ri-ja-pi-qe and in re-wo-pi-qe. But *75 we and *39 pi do not occur together at the end of a group, except for a single occurrence of pa-we-pi at Knossos (104). c) Although we have no pairs consisting of a group with final *75 we and of the same group with a *31 sa supplement, it seems likely that the groups ending with -we-sa were formed by adding *31 sa to final *75 we. The unusual frequency in the Ta texts of final *75 we,-we-e and -we-qe supports this hypothesis. Elsewhere, final -we-sa occurs in the chariot-tablets from Knossos, where we find mi-to-we-sa (and mi-to-we-sa-e) and wo-ra-we-sa. There is no indication that * 31 sa alternates with * 12 so or * 41 si in such groups, or with *5 to or *59 ta or other signs that not infrequently follow *75 we in final position. Let us consider the position in the formulae where they occur of groups containing final, penultimate and initial *75 we. In 641, o-wo-we, qe-to-ro-we (twice), ti-ri-o-we-e, ti-ri-jo-we and a-no-we all occur as the last sign-group of a formula and immediately in front of an ideogram representing a vessel. In 715.3 there are

12

A r t h u r J. B e a t t i e

no ideograms but pa-ra-ku-we is the last group of a formula and precedes a number. Ta-ra-nu-we, on the other hand, is the first group in a formula (721.2). The line in which pa-ra-ke-we-qe occurs (642.1) is damaged. I t is probable, however, that the group was not the last in its formula. There may have been a number at the end of the line, but it is unlikely that there was an ideogram. At 714.1 pa-ra-ku-we-qe appears to be the fifth group of seven in a line without ideogram or number; and in 714.3 it is the fourth group of seven in a ta-ra-nu formula that ends with a number but without an ideogram. But ka-ru-we-qe (721.1) stands at the end of its formula and precedes the ideogram and number. Groups ending in -we-sa tend to be arranged like those with final *75 we. In 709 + 712.2 the fourth formula runs: e-ka-ra a-pi-qo-to pe-de-we-sa and is followed by the number 'one'. The fifth formula shows a concentration of *75 we and -we-sa which recalls the recurrent *44 ke of the tripod-formulae. It reads e-ka-ra i-to-we-sa pe-de-we-sa so-we-ne-ja *85-de-we-sa-qe, again with the number 'one'. The other examples of -we-sa are less striking but all may fall at the end of a formula. In 711.3 to-qi-de-we-sa precedes a pitcher and the number 'one' and in the preceding line ko-ro-no-we-sa is the last group of a formula that has neither ideogram or number. The group pi-ti-ro ¿-we-sa is the fourth of a to-pe-za formula and precedes the group we-pe-za. Although there is no ideogram and apparently no number here, we-pe-za may be the start of a new phrase, as to-pe-za is in 715.2. So-we-no-qe, with medial *75 we, is the last group of its formula and precedes the ideogram at 710.1, 721.3, 4 and 722.1; it is the last but one at 721.2. As we have seen, so-we-ne-ja is the last group but one in 709 + 712.2, before *85-de-we-sa-qe. Of groups that contain initial *75 we, we-ke is last in the first formula of 641.1; but in the third formula of the same line it seems to stand third in a formula that is unexpectedly protracted. At 709 + 712.3, we-ke is the penultimate group in each of two formulae, standing before groups that contain *44 ke and *10 u. The group we-a-re-ja at 642.1 is the third in a long formula, but is the first variable after the standard phrase to-pe-za ra-e-ja. In 714.1 we-a2-re-jo is second after the standard to-no. At 713.2 we-pe-za is the fifth group in a line that begins with to-pe-za, but it may represent the start of an new formula, as has already been noted. To sum up, groups containing initial *75 we tend to appear at

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

13

or near the beginning of formulae. Exceptionally, the short group we-ke comes at or near the end. Groups containing medial or final *75 we for the most part occur at or near the end of formulae. The principal exceptions are ta-ra-nu-we, which stands first (712.2), and pa-ra-ke-we-qe (641.1), pa-ra-ku-we-qe (714.1, 3), which are in the middle of long formulae. Apart from groups with medial or final *75 we, it is chiefly groups that end in *39 pi (with or without supplementary *78 qe), and also to-qi-de and its cognates, that stand before ideogram and numbers. ko-ru-pi-qe (642.2) *85-de-pi (707.1, 3; penultimate 642.2, 710.1, 721.1, 2, 3, 4, 5) po-ti-pi-qe (707.2) a-di-ri-ja-pi (penultimate 708.3, but third position 714.2) to-qi-de (642.3, 713.1, 3) to-qi-de-ja (709 + 712.1) a-di-ri-ja-pi-qe (708.2) to-qi-de-qe (721.2, penultimate 721.1) re-wo-pi-qe (708.3) to-qi-de-jo (ante-penultimate po-ni-ki-pi (714.2) in 715.3) ko-no-ni-pi (714.3) ka-ru-pi (722.3 twice) The only final groups not so far mentioned are: — e-re-pa-te (708.1, without ideogram, but with number or divider) da-mo-ko-ro (711.1, without ideogram or number) ko-ki-re-ja (711.2, 713.3, 715.1; in the last two cases without ideogram or number) po-ro-e-ke (715.2) po-ni-ke-qe (722.1) In 715.2 the fourth group, a-pi-qo-to, is surely the last of a formula. In one or two of these passages the text is conceivably incomplete. We must also add to the list the very short entries of 709 + 712.1, part of 709 + 712.2 and 716.1, 2. At this point it should be mentioned that the *75 we of ta-ra-nuwe differs in a marked degree not only from other examples of *75 we in 721 and the other Ta tablets but also from all examples of the sign in the tablets of Pylos, Knossos and Mycenae (Figure 1). It is clearly and firmly drawn, and it has a vertical back stroke from the upper loop from which the lower loop departs almost horizontally towards the left and at a sharp angle. There is another angular *75 we in KN 411, but the sharp angle in this case is on the left

14

Arthur J.

Beattie

where the lower loop begins, not on the right-hand side. Similar to the *75 we of KN 411 is the Linear A sign L 72 of HT 93.a2 and HT 102.3. This is apparently differentiated from the L 72 of HT 93.a7. It would be over-optimistic to suppose that two separate varieties of *75 we, with a separate meaning, survived in these PY 721.2 C W 2 '

721.1 © T & ©

>

== 5 =

.2 HT 93a

721.atZ!N

KN 59 .2 P e c i 2®C

/ I «r fa?

*

c

Fig. 1

three isolated instances from Crete and Pylos. What should be said is that the writer of 721 evidently distinguished the last sign of ta-ra-nu-we from the *75 we of ka-ru-we-qe and so-we-no-qe. What the measure of the difference was we do not know, but perhaps the entire group was written with elaborate emphasis in order to distinguish it from the rest of the formula. In 641.2 and 3, the group qe-to-ro-we twice precedes a jar that appears to have four handles, and ti-ri-o-we-e and ti-ri-jo-we each precede a jar with, apparently, three handles; while a-no-we stands before a jar without handles. On the other hand, o-wo-we in 641.1 seems to have no bearing on the handles of the tripod that follows it. Vessels with handles also appear in 709 + 712, 710, 711, 721 and 722; but the sign-groups containing *75we that precede them do not obviously refer to handles, nor does anyone claim that handles are in question in any other part of these texts. In one Knossian text (KN 875.6) a formula i-je-re-wi-jo pa2-si-re-wi-jo a-no-wo-to precedes a vessel and the number 'ten'; but the vessel seems not to be without a handle or lift.

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

15

So we have the curious situation that in the one text (721) where final *75 we occurs in the first group of a formula and seems to affect the ideogram and number following, the form of *75 we is unique; while, in the one text (641) where final *75we occurs in the last group of each of five formulae and seems associated with the number of handles on each of the five ideograms, the rule seems not to apply to a sixth example in this text nor indeed to any other text concerned with vessels. Sign *75we, initial, medial or final, occurs in many contexts which, so far as we know, have nothing to do with vessels. It is, however, one of the most puzzling features of the Linear A and B scripts that, in communities where pottery and metalwork were always important and where writing had been practised for centuries, the usual way of representing vessels of clay or metal in texts should have been to draw individual vessels in outline. It may be useful to consider the role of *75 we in texts outside the Ta series that refer to vessels. At Pylos little is left to relate. Vessels of a kind may be represented in the Ma series by ideogram *146, in which *75 we is inscribed. In this series, the group ka-ke-we occurs frequently in the formula o-da-a2 ka-ke-we o-u-di-do-si. In one text (90) an entry containing this formula is followed by another entry with a formula ku-re-we o-u-di-do-si; and in a further text (365) we find the variant o-da-a2 ka-ke-we a2-te-ro we-to di-do-si. Otherwise *75 we occurs only in two single-group headings of Ma texts, a-pu2-we (124) and e-ra-te-re-we (333 + 526). Ideogram *146recurs in the UaandUn tablets: and at 267 we encounter the so-called 'coriander-pot' ideogram *123, but in a context that includes the groups tu-we-ta and tu-we-a and (perhaps in place of e-re-pa-te etc. in the Ta series) a-re-pa-zo-o and a-re-pa-te. Otherwise 267 sheds little light on vessels. Only in the two Tn tablets do we find much of interest. 316. r.9 di-we *141 BOWL 1 e-ra *141 BOWL 1 WOMAN 1[ r.10 di-ri-mi-jo di-we i-je-we *141 BOWL 1[ 996.3 ~]we AMPHORA 2 ka-ti JUG 1 a-te-we *140 JUG 7[ Here we have entries consisting of one group with final *75 we, ideogram(s) and number(s), and also an entry of three groups of which the last has final *75 we, together with ideogram and number. Similar formulae occur at Knossos where the vessel tablets are for the most part fragmentary but also, it seems, simpler in style (Figure 2).

16

A r t h u r J.

KN

160.1

KN

674

KN

774

KN 160.rl a-pi-po-re-we AMPHORA 3

"ft

.

Bt VlB—^/

(STjTD ¿Sili] vl/

Ì

t"? Wf,

KN 674 pe-ma ri-ne-we ko-ri-]a-do-no

*12310

KN 774 a-ro-we POT with *10 u superscribed KN 778.1 ]ka-re-re-we AMPHORA 180 KN 872.3 ~]te-te ku-ru-so ]pa2-sa-pi we CUP 3

i

2, ft KN

Beattie

873.2

-

KN 873.1 ]we u-do J A R , with *11 po superscribed, 32[ 2 ]we J A R , with *11 po superscribed, 22[ 3 ].rwe J A R , with' *'ii po Fig. 2 superscribed, 22 [

Of these, 160, 774 and perhaps 778 seem to correspond to P Y 316.19 and 996.3. They may perhaps be compared with those Ta tablets where the last group in a longer formula ends with *75 we. Possibly 674, with ri-ne-we in first position, is similar to the ta-ranu-we entry at 721.2; and conceivably P Y 267, at least from 1.3 on, with its tu-we-a a-re-pa-te / ze-so-me-no / ko-ri-a2-da-na *123, is in the same tradition. It is of course possible that 1.1 of the much damaged KN 873 is in line with KN 674. A case of special interest is KN 872.3, in which we find ]paz-sa-pi and ku-ru-so, which together recall the ku-ru-so(-qe) and ku-ru-sapi(-qe) of the Ta tablets. Here an isolated *75 we is separated from ]pa2-sa-pi by a divider and from the cup-ideogram that follows by a clear space. It is also distinguished by being written smaller than the signs of ~\pa2-sa-pi. In the most recent edition of the text

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

17

this isolated sign is shown as deleted but previously it was accepted as part of the text. To me the deletion is doubtful and it seems clear in any case that both *75 we and the divider belonged to the text at some time. Presumably a single sign so placed is not to be confused with single signs which are separated by a clear space from the signgroups of a text and are set in front of an ideogram. At Knossos the latter arrangement is abundant; but *75 we in 872.3 seems to be a rarity. We should, however, notice that, apart from single signs that appear to be prefixed to ideograms, there are single signs placed after sign-groups and before numbers in contexts where there are no ideograms; e. g., KN 620.2 ko-wa di 1 ko-wa[ 3 ko-wo de 1 KN 1522.1 te-ro-ri-jo da 1 2 pu2-to da 1 We shall have occasion to consider this type of formula again. If isolated signs are rare in Linear B texts, they are common in Linear A, principally in headings to lists but also in items of a list. Usually the isolated sign is separated from the sign-group that precedes it by a dot. The sign most commonly found in this situation is L 92, the 'tree'-sign, which resembles *4 te in Linear B; but L 28 and L 56, which are fairly close to *39 pi, are also found, and so are L 100 (cf. *52no), L 60 (cf. *30 ni), and L 103 (cf. *67 ki). It seems possible then that isolated signs in Linear B, such as *75 we, may represent a tradition of orthography that is current in Linear A. It must be noticed, however, that isolated signs also occur before the first sign-group in several Linear A texts. Here the number of instances is much smaller, but it is of interest that L 92, the 'tree'sign, and L 28, L 56, the partners of *39 pi, again appear in this role. Signs L 110, an elaborately drawn jar, and L 103, the 'libationvessel', also occur. In some cases the dot separating the isolated sign from the following group seems to be omitted, but the space between the two remains. We still have much to learn from the Linear A tablets concerning the formation of sign-groups. For example, we find the same three signs written as a group in HT 85 b 1—2 and as separate signs at HT 129.1; and in 120.4—5 another sequence of four signs has a point between the second and third, but at 108.1 between the third and fourth. It seems quite possible, however, that, in the isolated 2

FS Europa

18

Arthur J.

Beattie

signs of Linear A, which seem now to be distinct from the preceding or following sign-group and now to coalesce with it, we see at work one of the processes by which sign-groups developed not only in Linear A but also in Linear B. Let us suppose, then, that single-group Linear B formulae such as a-pi-po-re-we (160. rl) and a-ro-we (774) at Knossos or a-te-we (996.3) at Pylos show an ideographic *75 we appended to unattested shorter groups a-pi-po-re and a-ro. We may then go on to suggest that, in formulae of more than one sign-group, the leading group may end with the same kind of ideographic *75 we. This may be written large, as in ]ri-ne-we (KN 674), or it may be no bigger than the following groups, as in ta-ra-nu-we (PY 721.2). Again, we may say that initial *75we is perhaps of the same order; e. g. in we-pe-za (713.2), as being probably the first group in a formula, and in we-a-re-ja (642.2), following a standard two-group beginning of a formula, and we-a^-re-jo (714.1), after a standard one-group start. Linear A texts, admittedly, will not help us much where *75 we itself is concerned. It is probable, but not certain, that most signs identified as L 72 correspond to *75 we. At HT 118.4, the group L 72-55-95 may show L 72 prefixed to L 55-95, which occurs as a group at HT 64.2, 3 and (with L 74 added finally) in HT 29.1, also as a digram at HT 12.4 etc. (cf. L 98-55-95 at 115.b3). At 115a.l L 72-74-95 conceivably has a prefixed L 72, but this cannot be proved. Final L 72 is rare, except in two-sign groups, and only L 100-30-72 in IV 16.4 looks as if it might contain a suffixed last sign. The best that can be said is that, although the behaviour of L 72 does not match up to that of L 92, 28 or 56, it gives a little support to the idea of an added ideogram in *75 we and does not contradict it. In the Ta and Tn texts, there are a number of cases where *75 we is in final or near-final position in the last group of a formula. The groups in question end with -we, -we-e, -we-qe, -we-sa-qe or -we-no-qe. It may be a matter of luck that *75 we occurs only once in all these formulae, except 709 + 712.2, where four successive groups contain the sign and three of stem show the combination of *75we with *31 sa. In 721.2, ta-ra-nu-we is first group and so-weno-qe penultimate. Again, in 641.1 we-ke, where *75we is initial, is fourth and last group of the first tripod-formula but third and by no means last in the third. In 709 + 712.2, it is third group of four in each of two tripod-formulae.

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

19

It may be significant that signs which follow *75 we in these groups are known to have an ideographic capability. Sign * 38 e is independent in PY1316 to 1319 and is prefixed to *177 inKN 4478etc. Sign *78qe is an infix in ideograms which are said to mean'tunic' or 'corslet' (KN 227,266) and is the first sign of a group qe-ro2 which precedes other ideograms (KN 740,5670). These 'corslets' may well be boxes or chests. A variety of *78 qe, designated *142 and showing a loop or ear attached to the top left-hand edge, occurs in a Knossian series concerned with 'ibex-horns' and 'live-stock'. Finally, *31 sa is the standard ideogram of the Pylian Na, Ng and Nn tablets, which are also the principal source of the sign-group to-sa-de. Both the Ma and the Qa series at Pylos make free use of *44 ke as an ideogram. Accordingly these signs appear to be in the same case as final *75 we. If one is an ideogram, two or three of them combined may be an ideographic cluster. In the Ta series sign-groups that do not end in *75 we or an extension of it end, as we have seen, for the most part in combinations such as the following: — *4 te, or -te-qe, -ja-te{-qe), -te-jo, -te-ja *39 pi, or -pi-qe, -ja-pi(-qe), -sa-pi(-qe) *45 de, or -de-qe, -de-jo, -de-ja, -de-pi *52 no, or -no-qe, -no-to, -no-me-na. (In addition there are one or two instances of *44 ke and other signs). These endings are found throughout the formulae and are of course common too in final groups. In as much as final *75 we alternates with final *39 pi and *39 pi with *57 ja, and so on, there is a prima facie argument in favour of the hypothesis that all these signs may have an ideographic quality. For, if *75 we is ever an ideogram in such circumstances, the rest may be so too. We have seen that the possible precursors of *4 te, *39 pi and *52 no in Linear A occur in isolation and that they perhaps tend to coalesce with adjacent sign-groups. Their frequent occurrence in final or nearfinal position may suggest an ideographic alternative to *75 we. On the other hand pi-je-ra3 (709 + 712.1) and pi-a^ra (996.2) may show a prefixed ideogram similar to the *75 we of we-pe-za etc. Several of the signs in question have an ideographic role in other contexts. Sign *45 de is prefixed to *169 in PY 49 and 53, and sign *4 te is an infix in the 'cloth' sign, *159. We have already seen that *78 qe and other signs that appear in conjunction with *75 we have also an ideographic background. 2*

20

A r t h u r J. B e a t t i e

From time to time these same signs appear to function as ideograms even when they are attached to sign-groups. In PY 20 there is a heading which consists of three groups and then nine singlegroups entries, each ending in *45 de and followed by a number. Here *45 de seems to take the place of an ideogram; and it is noticeable that the second group in the heading, e-pi-de-da-to, contains this sign embedded in a known group, e-pi-da-to (389.7, 601.7). By contrast, text 608 shows virtually the same nine items as 20; but they lack final *45 de. They are followed, however, by a 'pig's head' ideogram ligatured with *41 si. It happens that *41 si occurs also in the first two groups of the heading to this text. At Mycenae, text 102 has nine formulae, four of one group and five of two groups each. In the latter, the second group always ends with *78 qe, followed by *100, 'man', and the number 'two'. In the former, the single group is also followed by *100, but the number is 'two' (once), 'three' (once) and 'one' (twice). The second assortment shows that in the other five items there can be no question of *72 qe meaning 'and' and linking the names of two men (as has been claimed) so as to 'prove' the total 'two'. Plainly *78 qe is an ideogram here, as *45 de is in PY 20. Both *76 jo and *57 ja have long been regarded as emblems of sex and gender. They do not appear alone as adjuncts to an ideogram, although they do occur in groups that are so aligned. It is well-known, however, that they may be the final sign in groups that form a list. In KN 749, for example, there are seven items, each consisting of one sign-group ending in *36 jo and followed by the 'wheat' ideogram *120, which is in turn followed by a number. In the same way, KN 777 consists of four entries, of which the first consists of two sign-groups, the first group with final *57 ja and the second with final -ja-i, and the other three of one group, always ending in *57 ja. Each of the four items is followed by *173 and the numeral 'one', and then by *120 and a number. In these and other texts, both *36 jo and *57 ja appear to behave in the same way as *45 de and *78 qe elsewhere, i. e. as ideograms. Hence it appears that the signs that are the commonest alternative endings to *75 we in the Ta tablets can have an ideographic role, and this is shown in two ways. Sometimes the signs are used independently of the sign-groups and associated either with a number or with a recognised ideogram and number. At other times they occur at the end of sign-groups in texts which either have ideograms or have none. I know of no Linear B text where *39 pi

Some Notes on the Pylian Ta Texts

21

serves as an ideogram or as an adjunct to an ideogram. Yet the fact that in Linear A its closest counterparts, L 28 and 56, obviously have this role makes it easy to suppose that it inherited the same qualities, and its alternation with Linear B signs that can be ideographic must strengthen the hypothesis. If then it is possible that any sign-group in a long formula, and not only the first or the last, should end with an ideogram or cluster of ideograms, questions of fundamental importance must arise concerning the structure of individual sign-groups and of complete formulae. If, for example, *75 we is an ideographic prefix in we-pe-za, must not *5 to in to-pe-za be something of the same sort ? And if so, what is the status of *5 to in to-no ? Again, since *5 to, like *75 we can also be a suffix, is it perhaps an ideographic suffix in qe-to or in pa-ko-to ? Moreover, if a substantial number of sign-groups can be so treated, we must ask whether the already traditional concept of a Ta formula as a protracted nominal phrase can be maintained. Even if this concept were basically correct, it might eventually be found that our notions of the relationship between the sign-groups in a formula had to be revised. The Ta texts which have no obvious ideograms are, I think, too complicated to be analysed with assurance at present. I see no reason why suffixes and prefixes in any group of a long formula should not conform to the ideographic pattern that seems to be detectable in single groups and in short formulae. It may well be that what have been taken to be reiterated case-endings, such as -ja-pi(-qe) in 708.2 or -we-sa(-qe) in the last formula of 709 + 712.2, signify a repeated notion of an entirely different kind. At present, however, it seems to me that we do not know enough about the script to be able to deal with long formulae, beyond recognising the more obvious prefixes and suffixes. Foremost in both these categories I would put *5 to, *39 pi and *75 we. So in the end I limit myself provisionally to the simple formulae in texts which have vessel-ideograms. I t seems to me that, as in single-group formulae *75 we attaches itself as a suffix to groups that are otherwise already complete, so, in longer formulae, it attaches itself either to the leading group, e. g. ta-ra-nu-we (721.2), or to the final group, as in the several -we groups of 641.1, 2 and 3. In the latter case it may be supplemented by other suffixes, also of an ideographic nature, such as we-sa{-qe), -we-e. Sometimes it may be a prefix, or, at any rate, initial in its group, as in we-ke. In addition it sometimes happens that the group containing *75 we

22

A r t h u r J.

Beattie

is deprived of its final position in a formula by another group, presumably also with ideographic structure and import; e. g. a3ke-u and o-pi-ke-wi-ri-je-u in 709 + 712.3. The speculations do not show us what *75 we really means; nor do they impose any hard-and-fast rules on its behaviour. They may, I hope, provide one or two guide-lines for establishing the chronological development of *75 we and other signs and their function in the final state of the Linear B script. If so, they may contribute something to the great work done by Ernst Grumach in this field.

W I L H E L M BRANDENSTEIN

METRISCHES IN EPICHORISCHEN TEXTEN DES GROSSÄGÄISCHEN RAUMES Man wird bei diesem Problem die Frage aufwerfen, ob es überhaupt möglich ist, in Texten von Sprachen, die wenig oder gar nicht bekannt sind, Metrisches zu erkennen. Fallen Wort- und Verston zusammen ? Ist die betreffende Sprache silben- oder morenzählend 1 ? Ist in einer unbekannten Sprache der Unterschied zwischen Prosarhythmus 2 und dichterischem Metrum zu erkennen? Angesichts der Vielfalt der Metren des antiken Raumes türmen sich neue Schwierigkeiten auf 3 . H. Th. Bossert hat in einem sensationellen Artikel 4 (dem einige überzeugende Versuche vorangegangen sind) gezeigt, daß im großägäischen Raum mehrfach metrische Texte zu finden sind, die außerdem verschiedene Reimarten aufweisen. Bossert behandelte darin proto-hattische, luw. und heth. Beispiele, dann natürlich auch Kreta. Der Zauberspruch in der Sprache von Keftiu ( = Kreta), der in einer ägyptischen Beschwörung der Asiatenkrankheit zitiert wird, ist hexametrisch 6 . Der Diskus von Phaistos, der bis heute weder gelesen noch übersetzt werden konnte, weist rein optisch 1 Darüber grundlegend N. S. Trubetzkoy, Grundzüge der Phonologie, Prag 1939, 174f. 2 Diesen hat zuerst E. Sievers erkannt: Rhythmisch-melodische Studien, Heidelberg 1912; G. Ipsen und F. Karg, Schallanalytische Versuche, Heidelberg 1928, haben das große Verdienst, die Beobachtungen von Sievers experimentell zu erhärten; natürlich nur für jene, die die nötige Fähigkeit besitzen, rhythmischmelodische Eigenheiten von Autoren wahrzunehmen. Die Schallanalyse ist keine Geheimwissenschaft, so wenig wie die Farbenlehre, die den Farbenblinden nicht zugänglich ist, oder so wie das Geigenspiel für den Unmusikalischen nicht erlernbar ist. Aber Geigenspiel und Farbenlehre existieren trotzdem. 3 Trotz dieser widrigen Umstände haben zwei Forscher unabhängig voneinander die thrakische Inschrift von Ezerovo hexametrisch gelesen und zwar in völlig gleicher Weise, was man als überzeugend betrachten muß; siehe darüber mit reicher Literatur J. Friedrich, Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmäler, Berlin 1932. Die letzte Übersicht über diese Ringinschrift stammt von D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste, Wien 1957, 566 ff. 4 H. Th. Bossert, Gedicht und Reim im vorgriechischen Mittelmeergebiet, Geistige Arbeit 20. Sept. 1938, Nr. 18, S. 7 ff. 6 H. Th. Bossert, OLZ 34, 1931, 303 ff., von mir übernommen in der R E s. v. Kretische Sprache, im Suppl. VI.

24

Wilhelm

Brandenstein

wiederkehrende Gruppen von Zeichen auf, so daß man reimartiges annehmen muß. Bossert glaubt auch, daß der Text (Lin. B) einer Tafel von Knossos (deren linker Rand abgebrochen ist) Verse enthalten müsse, weil, wie die Autographie zeigt, die Zeilen nicht immer bis zum Rand geschrieben sind, so daß mehrmals ein freier Raum bleibt (wie beim Druck eines Gedichtes). Eine Untersuchung dieses Textes 6 hat jedoch ergeben, daß es sich hauptsächlich um Eigennamen zu handeln scheint und daher Zerteilungen am Zeilenende vermieden wurden, wodurch die unausgefüllten Zeilenenden zu erklären sind. Bossert verweist dann noch zustimmend auf den Versuch Friedrichs, in den altphrygischen Inschriften (7. Jh. v. Chr.) Hexameter zu finden. Ferner stimmt B. dem überzeugenden Unternehmen von F. W. König zu 7 , diesen lykischen Text metrisch zu lesen, und zwar in unregelmäßigem Wechsel von Hexameter und Pentameter. Gleichzeitig verweist B. darauf, daß auch hier eine gewisse Tendenz vorhanden ist, Reime oder dergleichen anzuwenden, besonders an den Enden der Vershälften, oder wenigstens eine Vokalassonanz herzustellen, wodurch sich ein entscheidender Unterschied gegenüber dem Griechischen erkennen läßt. Lydische Grabgedichte Als zahlreiche lydische Inschriften bei den Ausgrabungen in Sardes gefunden und bald nachher publiziert wurden 8 , begann ich um 1928, mich mit dieser Sprache zu beschäftigen, was bald zu einem brieflichen Kontakt mit dem hochverehrten Jubilar 9 führte. Die briefliche Bekanntschaft dauerte die ganzen Jahre hindurch bis heute an, auch als E. Grumach durch andere viel größere Aufgaben in Anspruch genommen wurde. Daß die Inschrift Nr. 10 von Zeile 5 an, ebenso die Inschriften 11 ff. metrisch sind, und am Versende Vokalassonanzen zeigen, wenn auch keine richtigen Reime, war von Anfang an klar. Aber 6

Durchgeführt von meiner wissenschaftlichen Hilfskraft Dr. D. Pessl. F. W. König, Die Stele von Xanthos, Wien 1936 8 W. H. Buckler, Sardis VI, part II, 1924; bequemer bei J. Friedrich, a. a. O. S. 108ff. Mit vereinfachter Umschrift bei R. Gusmani, Lydisches Wörterbuch mit grammatischer Skizze und Inschriftensammlung, 1964, 255. Dieses Buch muß besonders hervorgehoben werden, weil es den derzeitigen Stand unserer Kenntnisse kritisch zusammenfaßt und weiterführt. » E. Grumach, Lydische Studien, AfO 9, 1934, Heft 4, 187 ff. 7

Metrisches in epichorischen Texten des großägäischen Raumes

25

obwohl dank der lyd.-aram. Bilingue Nr. I 1 0 und der Bemühungen mehrerer Forscher erhebliche Fortschritte insbesonders in den letzten Jahren erzielt worden sind, kann über den Inhalt dieser „Gedichte" nur wenig ausgesagt werden. Bezüglich der poetischen Stücke schreibt E. Littmann11, daß fünf der Inschriften von Sardes in gebundener Form abgefaßt sind, und zwar in einer Assonanz, die nur auf dem Vokal beruht (a, i und dreimal o) ; er vermutet (am Beispiel L 12) einen Saturnier. Dem gegenüber ist es naheliegend, in einem lydischen Grabgedicht Choliamben zu suchen, da deren Urheimat Lydien ist. Als Erfinder dieses Metrums gilt Hipponax aus Ephesos in Lydien, der damit in der Literatur als erster auftritt 12 . Der alte Name CTKÓC£cov „der in der Hüfte hinkt" weist darauf hin, daß im Schlußmetrum sich ein rhythmischer Bruch vollzieht, indem ein metrischer Wandel eintritt, durch den der Rhythmus wie bei einem Hinkenden gestört wird, so daß ein Versictus auf den anderen folgt. Das bequemste Muster ist der bekannte Vers Masson 3, 2 : 'Epiifj Kuvóyxot, nqovicrri KavSocüAa „ 0 Hundswürger13 Hermes, im Meonischen o Kandaules". Weiter müssen wir die Nachricht des Heliodor berücksichtigen, daß Hipponax „iambos et choliambos confuse protulisse" (Masson S. 24). Dies zeigt z. B. das Fragment 32, welches im 1. Vers einen akatalektischen iambischen Trimeter aufweist (Masson S. 124), im zweiten aber einen Choliambus : 'Eppfj, 12

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The Structure of Linear A, with some Proto-Elamite and Proto-Indic comparisons

35

examples of a single sign with numerals. On X X V I 321 the sign of X V I I 65 (the gur symbol) is placed alongside the 'tablet' sign before the numeral. The same pair of signs precedes the numeral on X V I I 370, only in this case the gur sign is ligatured with the 'tripod pommé', a fairly common sign in computational lists (e. g. in X V I I 22, below). X V I I 60 is slightly more complex, with the gur sign occurring once alone and once in ligature with a 'sack' sign, the entire group being preceded by the common prefix of a large circle in a cross. Finally, X V I I 2 may be compared, where the 'tablet' and gur signs now occur combined as a ligature. The essential independence of the signs just discussed is beyond question, and a study of the full corpus will confirm this general impression with regard to the script as a whole. The 'agglutinating' principle is perhaps even clearer in the ProtoIndic script7, which clearly operated by a system of juxtaposition of independent symbols, which could be synthesized in this way to create quite complex combinations of as many as nineteen signs. The instances illustrated here (which must be read from right to left) each consist of a complete inscription. In the first series shown, which could be matched with many others, the inscriptions are arranged to show how the simple 'man' sign can be supplemented by others to create successively more complex sequences. In the second series, the 'seven strokes and fish' pair of MIC-H 36 is elaborated by appended signs in 19 and 11, but in 126, which certainly has a kinship here, the 'fish' drops out. The parallelism in basic structure between the Proto-Indic scripts on the one hand and the scripts of Hagia Triada and Susa on the other needs no further stressing. But the Proto-Indic corpus is made up of short inscriptions, mainly on seals and sealings, and includes no instances of longer accounts, of Minoan or Susan type, so that its value in comparative studies is necessarily limited. 2. Simple r e p e t i t i v e l i s t s (Fig. 1) Proceeding from inscriptions of a single line to longer accounts •with repetitive entries, X V I I 22 may be taken as a clear instance from the Susan archives. Within it, the 'lintel' sign and the 'tripod 7 Sir John Marshall, Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, 1931 (inscriptions therefrom are here referred to as MIC or MIC-H when from Harappa) ; M. S. Vats, Early Harappa, 1940 (here E H ) ; E . J . H. Mackay, Further Excavations a t Mohenjo-Daro, 1938 (here FEM)

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36

W i l l i a m C. B r i c e

pommé' occur separately three times with numerals, each pair of signs being prefaced by a further sign or sign-group, and the whole account being introduced by the circle within a cross8. The simple account of XXVI 435 may be compared. In HT 14, by way of comparison, a list of five signs (two of which are ligatured variants of the same 'sedge' sign, L 89) is repeated and prefaced in each case by a sign-group and 'transaction' sign. For further comparison, reference may be made to the so-called 'hieroglyphic tablet' from Phaestos (SM I, P. 121). In this case the twin lists of four signs are both introduced by a single sign-group 9 . 3. A s y m m e t r i c a l l i s t s (Fig. 2) A slight variation on the preceding formula may be observed in the Proto-Elamite tablet XVII 90 and in a Linear A example, HT 30. Except for the unusual occurrence of the trident sign, L 57, with a numeral at the opening of the Hagia Triada tablet, the two inscriptions are alike in structure. Each consists of two lists, parallel but for one or two extra entries in the first, and every list is introduced by a brief formula. 4. T o t a l s (Fig. 2) The accounts which have so far been analysed have not incorporated totals, but in both writing systems it is quite common practice to make additions of the listed numerals. The formula for indicating the total is very standard in Linear A, and consists of a pair of signs, the flying bird and the cross, L 98 and 22, placed before the totalled numeral (e. g. on HT 102). Occasionally, as on HT 123 a, this pair of signs is either followed or preceded by a sign indicating the item or feature which is being added. 8

Incidentally, the appearance of a sign (in this case the quatrefoil) both alone and qualified, in comparable positions in the same list is quite familiar in Linear A, for instance with L 87 in HT 123b and L 29 in HT 113. 9 Three of these four signs, it may be remarked, are the same as those of HT 14. In form and content, this tablet clearly has much in common with the Linear A inscriptions, the only argument for classifying it within the hieroglyphic corpus being based on the form of the first and last of the 'commodity' signs. It may be that Evans's rigorous distinction between hieroglyphic and linear inscriptions in some cases requires revision.

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38

W i l l i a m C. B r i c e

In the Proto-Elamite tablets, the procedure for indicating the total is more variable. One method is illustrated by tablet X V I I 228, where an obvious total on the reverse, consisting of a juxtaposition of all the numerals listed on the face, is prefaced by the gur sign. Another custom was to write the symbol of the feature being totalled either before (XVII 12, Ryl. fig. 4) or more usually after (XVII 118, Ryl. fig. 5) the first item of the list, and to repeat it at the end of the account, usually on the reverse of the tablet, before the totalled numeral. In other cases, however, the key sign is written not only before the total, but after every item in the list, as on X X V I 439. In X X V I 297, however, the key sign is omitted in one item (the second of the list). It is evident from the statistics that the numeral associated with this item is incorporated in the total, and, were this an isolated instance, it might be conceded—grudgingly— that the key sign (the broad down-pointing arrow) was omitted here through a lapsus calami. But the same feature occurs in each of the two lists on VI 4997 (Ryl. fig. 5) and was commented upon in § 8b in that paper. The tentative proposal there made was that the significance of the key sign was implicit in one of the signs of the item where it was omitted. There is a slight difference of convention where it is a question of totalling two or more variants of the same item. From HT 116 (Kad. 63 fig. 2) it seems that the Hagia Triada scribes included in the total formula only the plain sign (in this case the 'sedge' symbol, L 89), to be understood as embracing all qualified forms. To judge from X V I I 17 and 43 (Kad. 63 figs. 1, 2), on the other hand, the Susan custom was to write both variant forms side by side before the combined total. One further significant point of comparison between X V I I 228 and HT 102 may be noticed. In the Proto-Elamite tablet, the first two items include the 'pronged' sign, once with an adjunct, once plain; while the first three items of the Linear A tablet end with the 'grain' sign, L 42, once in normal and twice in qualified form. In each case it seems to be a question of a key sign which may be written only once, in the heading, if it is to qualify the entire list, but which must be repeated with each item if, as here, it does not apply to the complete list or if it requires to be expressed in different variant forms in particular instances. The principle involved was discussed in the middle paragraph on page 31 of Kad. 63

The Structure of Linear A, with some Proto-Elamite and Proto-Indic comparisons 3 9

5. L i s t s of l i g a t u r e d v a r i a n t s of t h e s a m e i t e m (Fig. 3) There is a manifest resemblance between the arrangements of XVII 125 and HT 2. The Proto-Elamite inscription contains three lists, each with a heading and the same two variants of the lozengeshaped vessel (though the last example is damaged). The Linear A tablet comprises two lists, again with separate headings, and in the one case three, in the other two variants of the 'sedge' sign, L 8910. 6. D u p l i c a t e d signs (Fig. 3) XVII 64 is shown for comparison alongside HT 104. In the first case, the simple 'lintel' sign is drawn with every item (it may be reasonably reconstructed in the lacuna in item 2), and once in duplicate. The same may be observed with the wedge-shaped sign (L 78), duplicated in the second of the three items of HT 104, and, to return to a Proto-Elamite example, with the 'hour-glass' sign in item 2 of XXVI 439 (fig. 2 § 4). This phenomenon of repetition or duplication of particular signs is characteristic of both scripts, and its significance is by no means clear. There is nothing in the nature of the associated numerals to show that it has anything to do with duality or plurality. 7. U n i t lists, a n d o t h e r f e a t u r e s of e n u m e r a t i o n (Fig. 3) Both scripts provide examples of lists where each item is associated with a single unit. Tablet XXVI 329 is of this nature. It opens with two signs common elsewhere in the headings of lists, and thereafter the 'items' vary widely in range and content, but each is concluded by a single unit. HT 117, of which only a section is illustrated here, follows a similar pattern. The resemblances between the numeral records or calculations of the two scripts do not end here. The basic similarities were outlined on Kad. 63 page 29; but, further, in both sets of archives the items are usually arranged so that the numerals appear in a rough order of descending magnitude, and the range of numbers, even on the same tablet, is frequently very wide, from several hundreds to a few units or fractions. 10

A close comparison between XVII 125 and the closely similar XVII 81 (Ryl. fig. 2) would be highly instructive.

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The Structure of Linear A, with some Proto-Elamite and Proto-Indic comparisons 4 3

instances from Hagia Triada may be mentioned here, in order to confirm the point. The 'grain' sign L 42 lies in a different position within the same basic formula in HT 86 a and 95 b, the 'tree' sign L 92 in HT 92 and 133, and the 'tent' sign L 56 in HT 32 and 89. Further, in HT 89 an extra sign, the double-axe, L 52, precedes the others. From many possible comparable examples from Susa, the three tablets XXVI 116, 113 and 111 are shown. In the first case the 'plough' and gur signs occur alone; in the second they are prefaced by two signs; and, in the third, by the same two signs in reverse order preceded by another. In this connection, a few examples from among the many possible may be quoted from the Proto-Indic script. Inscription MIC-H 379 maybe considered in the first instance as a combination of the 'triangular banner' sign (which stands alone with a numeral on H 266) with the two signs of MIC 1172. MIC 3 adds a variant of the fish sign and the sign indicated by twelve strokes (this being a regular script sign, not a numeral), the whole group being preceded by the familiar prefix of a type of the oval sign and two high short strokes. In MIC 414, however, the sign of twelve strokes is moved over to follow the triple-stroke sign, and the banner is replaced by another sign. The twelve-stroke sign can also be seen to change position in the comparable pair, MIC 470 and 404, and the 'man' sign in the otherwise identical three-sign groups of MIC 303 and 50.

Conclusion Finally, an expression of opinion may be allowed which is based on the general impression left by long familiarity with these inscriptions, though it is impossible to prove the point conclusively by reference to specific examples. The variations within each particular script in sign arrangement (which were remarked upon in Kad. 63), and in the pattern of the complete inscriptions (as described above) may not always be significant, but may be a matter of scribal choice. The fact remains that, whatever the explanation, whether through the accidents of individual preference or in order to express different shades of meaning, the mobility of individual signs, the tendency to fragmentation of the sign-groups, their 'elusiveness' under analysis, or, to approach the question from another direction, the synthetic nature of the longer sign-groups, are all

44

W i l l i a m C. B r i c e

characteristics of these scripts which bear upon their basic nature. It is suggested that this nature involved composition from elements which were in a high proportion of cases symbolic, ideographic or logographic rather than phonetic, and that any attempt to interpret the meaning of these scripts must be founded on this consideration.

MARK A . S . CAMERON

NOTES ON SOME NEW JOINS AND ADDITIONS TO W E L L KNOWN FRESCOES FROM KNOSSOS As a tribute to Professor Ernst Grumach, it is a pleasure to illustrate here, and to discuss briefly, some new joins and additions to well-known Minoan frescoes from the "House of the Frescoes" and from the Palace at Knossos1. This contribution is divided into three sections. Part I deals with some new additions to a "Monkey Panel" and to "Fountain" and "Myrtle" paintings from the "House of the Frescoes". The "Monkey Panel", reconstructed and restored some forty years ago, was enlarged in the early part of 1966 to well over twice its original length; to the enlarged panel, however, must be added further pieces whose place in that composition was recognised in July-September of that year. Part I I : new joins to two paintings in miniature — the "Sacred Dance and Grove" and the "Miniature Warriors". Part I I I : a supplement to my article, in a forthcoming issue of Kretika Chronika—"An addition to 'La Parisienne'". A Catalogue of the Material follows. More detailed studies of the groups of frescoes to which the present pieces belong will be put forward with other results and unpublished fragments in forthcoming publications2. 1 Thanks are due to the Director and Managing Committee of the British School of Archaeology at Athens for permission to publish material from Evans's excavations at Knossos, and to Mr. P. Petrakis, technician of BSA; to the Ephor of Crete and the Director of the Herakleion Museum, Dr. S. Alexiou, for help at all times during a very busy summer season and for putting at my disposal the services of the HM technicians, particularly of Mr. K. Nikakis. To Mr. B. Shefton and to Miss M. A. V. Gill (University of Newcastle upon Tyne) who read and improved the text, and to Dr. C. Cook (University of Liverpool) for botanical information. I alone am responsible for any errors of opinion or fact in this article, which was written during the tenure of a Sir James Knott Fellowship at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne. Thanks are due to the Fellowships Committee of that University; and to Mr. G. Xylouris for photographs reproduced in pi. II a, c and d and pi. IVc and d. 2 "Some Unpublished Fresco Fragments from Knossos", for BSA Annual; "The Painted Signs from the House of the Frescoes", for Kadmos.Where possible, their catalogue nos. will be cited.

46

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

P a r t i : P a i n t i n g s from t h e " H o u s e of the F r e s c o e s " P r e l i m i n a r y note Many fragments from this site were excavated with the help of gypsum paste ("plaster of Paris") applied to the backs and sides of the pieces3. This paste hardens and so fresco pieces can be lifted from the ground without risk of further breakages. It also helps to preserve the edges from later wear and tear; but the difficulty of finding new joins is increased because the modern plaster must be removed from the edges to which it has been applied before a suspected join between two or more fragments can be verified. The frescoes from this house are among the most delicate ever to have been found in Crete, for one reason especially. The painting was executed on top of a very thin, finely prepared and opaque layer of lime which is called "slip". The slip rests on top of the main body of plaster, of a coarser texture, and it has the same function as mud slips on clay pots. Unfortunately, the fresco slip here can flake away from the main body of plaster and thus takes away with it the painted subject matter: this has happened on many fragments as a result of damage suffered in antiquity, and those places have been denoted in the line drawings by stippling. A . A N E N L A R G E M E N T OF A " M O N K E Y

PANEL"

In 1923 Sir Arthur Evans discovered a large stack of broken fresco fragments in Room E of a small house to the N. W. of the Palace at Knossos4. From some of the fragments, his Swiss draughtsman and restorer, M. E. Gilli6ron, fils, reconstructed and restored a fresco panel which shows on a white (unpainted) ground a blue monkey amid a papyrus thicket; the original pieces showing the feet and right hand of the animal appeared to be missing (PM II, 451, fig. 264: hereafter called "Gilli6ron's panel"). This restoration, mounted in a gypsum panel, was evidently exhibited in the Herakleion Museum until the outbreak of World War II at which time it was put into store for safe protection. There it remained until 1966. In 1961 Dr. Helga Reusch devoted much time to cataloguing and labelling fresco material from Evans's excavations at Knossos, including some pieces from this house which she set out together with Gillidron's panel in preparation 3 4

PM II, 445. Ibid. 434 (plan); 444—447.

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

47

for a future restoration. Those fragments, with others, were incorporated into an enlargement of Gilli£ron's panel early in 1966 by the joint work of Mr. T. Phanourakis of the Herakleion Museum (who painted the restoration of missing parts) and Mr. A. Caravella of the Italian School of Archaeology in Greece (who dealt with the technical side of the reconstruction). GiUi&ron's panel had evidently suffered slight war-damage 6 ; its reparation initiated further work in reconstruction. T h e E n l a r g e d P a n e l : Plate H a The exciting discovery was made of the fragment, previously unrecognised, which shows the right hand of the monkey clutching a papyrus stem in a manner which confirmed, in principle, that part of Gillieron's restoration (no. 1, pi. l i b and fig. 1A). To the left of Gillieron's panel was added a new section which includes two fragments of a clump of five papyrus flowers on a buff-yellow ground (nos. 6 and 7); their leafless stems were restored on analogy with those held by Gillieron's monkey. A fragment on which appears an undulating blue band that vertically divides a buff field on the right from a pale blue-green field on the left (no. 4, fig. 2 A) was placed on the left side of the buff area with the five papyrus flowers: this addition is important because it shows how these Minoan painters changed the background colours of adjacent sections of the composition—by concealing with an undulating band in a third colour the "line of demarcation" which would otherwise appear. To the right of Gillieron's panel was added another new section with a group of six papyrus flowers on grass-like stems against an unpainted ground (no. 5, pi. II d); towards the base of some of the stems is seen the tip of another blue monkey's tail (no. 2, pi. l i e , fig. IB). The body of this animal was restored in right profile, his blue head provided by an original piece (no. 3, fig. 1C). A small fragment with a curved blue area against a white ground was considered to belong to the left ankle of this monkey (see pi. II a). On analogy with surviving fragments showing on a red ground a blue monkey's head and raised paw 6 , the present animal 6 Some chips in the modern gypsum backing. Dr. N. Platon, at that time Ephor of Crete and Director of Herakleion Museum, has described how other fresco pieces were damaged during the war (Kretika Chronika I P , 1959, 321 and note 5). « PM II, PI. X, opp. p. 447

= RED

E I = pale blue-jreen OD=Buff E3 = PALE BLUE = VIVID BLUE. BLACK s t a i n , not paint.

= ORANGE. » VIVID BLUE Q = LI5HTBI.UE Q^LigHrjuey H = darkerJNEY FoR> A f t B

*

4 FS Europa

Fig. 2

i

/* £3 « FLAKE D PAINT Q& SLIP. BROKEN/WORN ErfgE.

50

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

—the fourth monkey to be identified in this series of paintings7— was restored with left paw raised, as if to poke a small clump of papyrus flowers in front of him. Other fragments added to the enlarged panel include parts of rockwork, upper border stripes and a crocus plant with sky-blue flowers. The new sections were mounted on a black wax base, covered by a thin layer of gypsum in order to provide a suitable surface for painting areas in which the original fragments were missing. The enlarged panel (about 1-9 metres), with Gillidron's forming the central section of it, was placed on exhibition. Phanourakis and Caravella performed their respective tasks with great skill, and their attempt to enlarge upon a past restoration is welcome. However, continuation of the traditional method of reconstructing frescoes by setting original pieces into panels causes concern. In view of later additions which have been made to the enlarged "Monkey Panel" and to other frescoes whose original pieces have been set into gypsum panels—both old and new—, serious questions arise as to the value of this practice8. ' Three other monkeys illustrated in PM II, loc. cit; 447, fig. 262, and 451, fig. 264 (Gilliiron's panel). 8 New joins have recently been discovered by me to the following panels: t o the enlarged "Monkey Panel"; to the "Sacred Dance and Grove" fresco (see P a r t I I below); to " L a Parisienne", and therefore to the large reconstruction of t h e "Camp Stool" fresco which embodies a replica of " L a Parisienne" (see P a r t I I I below). A list of some twelve gypsum panels could be given from which original pieces are known to have been excluded: more joins could t u r n up. The method of reconstruction in question has been widely used over the last sixty years and has now become established practice; my criticisms are directed against this method only. 1. The setting of original pieces in such panels seriously impedes any subsequent attempt to find new joins b y using material previously omitted, and therefore in effect puts an end to the primary way of validly recreating the original compositions. 2. If original pieces are to be extracted from their gypsum mountings the risks of further damage to the frescoes are perhaps greater t h a n at any time during t h e routine and necessary cleaning, mending, drawing and photographing of individual fragments. 3. Substances other than gypsum should be found which might to be much kinder t o fresco fragments to be set into panels, and which would make extraction of pieces easier and safer work; wax is certainly one. Are there others, kinder still ? 4. The study of frescoes is very much the study of shattered remains. Mistakes in their understanding are almost inevitable, and so every precaution must be taken to avoid putting mistakes into the most irreversable physical forms. This alone casts doubt on the value of gypsum restoration, which is nil in t h e case of a charioteer from Tiryns who has been made to drive his chariot perpendicularly into

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

51

Additions Unfortunately, the new sections on both sides of Gilli6ron's panel appear to be mistakenly restored, in a number of details, in the light of joins and additions since recognised; these were checked with the technicians of the Herakleion Museum, whose services were kindly given me by Dr. S. Alexiou. The technicians effected all but the simplest joins which I myself made, using glue only, in the way taught me by the technician of the British School of Archaeology at Athens, Mr. Petros Petrakis. I am much indebted to them all. To a fragment published by Evans, representing what he believed was grass9, were made four new joins (no. 8, pi. IIIc). The seven stems now evident are a light rusty-brown colour, and between the top left stem and leaf is a small pale blue line. The same type of leafy stem in the same colour is attached to a large papyrus the ground, and that of a kaleidoscopic jumble of broken lily fragments from Phylakopi—as if flung in handfuls into a gypsum panel without any serious attempt to join the pieces. 5. It may be justifiable to use gypsum in supporting complete or nearly complete frescoes (e. g. the Griffin fresco from Knossos) or very large pieces which may otherwise disintegrate into smaller fragments (e. g. the Procession fresco from Knossos, and large pieces from Hagia Triada), or for straight-forward geometrical frescoes (e. g. Spiral friezes); similarly, it is invaluable for strengthening weak joins of small pieces. But at all times its use should be carefully controlled lest the progress of subsequent work be halted. This applies in particular to mending edges of broken fragments: liquid preservatives can now do the same work as gypsum, without the latter's after-effects. Technical features of frescoes must be recorded prior to setting original pieces into gypsum, since their information, of architectural and chronological value, cannot be discovered afterwards. In the past, it has been thought sufficient in most cases simply to set the frescoes into gypsum panels, without recording or reporting technical features; as a result, that information has been wasted. As an alternative to reconstruction in gypsum, a painted facsimile or restoration on paper, faithfully indicating what is original and what is not—with the most important, complex, or delightful original pieces laid out in a floor-case below such a restoration—seems both more helpful and reasonable. If shown to be mistaken (e. g. Evans's restoration of the Saffron Gatherer as a boy, of which a replica is still on view), it can be corrected or replaced with infinitely greater ease than can a panel in which are set original fragments. The use of gypsum in the reconstruction of frescoes has undoubtedly hindered progress in their study. With perhaps few exceptions, it would be wrong nowadays to continue restoring frescoes in gypsum when other materials are available—if, indeed, panels incorporating original fragments must be created at all. » Ibid.465 and 469, with fig. 275 J ; E. J. Forsdyke, Minoan Art, 1929, Frontispiece b 4*

52

Mark A. S. C a m e r o n

flower—the second from the left—on the large piece (no. 5, pi. II d) which has been placed to the right of Gilli6ron's monkey in the enlarged panel (pi. II a); between stem and leaf of the same flower there is a thin, pale blue line. These points alone suggest that no. 8 bears the stems of this group of papyrus flowers: indeed, there is no other place for that fragment, to judge from all the existing material from this house. Only one flower was recognised on the extreme left lower edge of the large flower fragment (no. 5, pi. II d); the area is badly preserved and obscure, but it seems to me that the "sepal" of one flower overlaps the inflorescence of another, so indicating the original presence of two flowers in that area. The overlapping of flowers is admittedly rare in these paintings but is not uncommon as regards the leaves of plants 10 . The fragment under consideration may be understood to show seven flowers, in agreement with the number of stems remaining on no. 8. It is uncertain whether the latter may join no. 5 which is set into the panel—probably not. A restoration of the two pieces is given in fig. 3; the relative position of the two pieces is approximate but their association seems certain. It is clear that the "new" monkey must now be moved elsewhere, but quite where is a moot point: it is not certain whether the fragment showing that monkey's tail and identical papyrus stems (no. 2, pi. lie) should be placed on the right or left side of the whole papyrus clump. The fragment could join either side, but it is not possible to test that matter unless the piece be extracted from its mounting. The body and tail of the monkey may have been in profile to the left on the left side of the flowers, and the animal may have been looking over its shoulder—which would account for the head in right profile. But if that were so, the whole group of papyrus stems would need to be placed much further to the right in order to find space for the monkey to the immediate right of GiUieron's panel. The association of the head and tail fragments as parts of the one animal is in fact arbitrary because the head fragment may have belonged to a different animal than that to which the tail belonged11. Moreover, the small original 10 Overlapping flowers: PMII, 457, fig. 268, pancratium lily; other plants. Ibid. PI. X, ivy; 468, fig. 270, myrtle; 466, fig. 276 H, and unpublished examples. 11 Unpublished parts of monkeys' bodies, including more heads, have been identified: Cameron (BSA, Cat. nos. 2—7).

m jHjiiiiiiiiii|iiniiiiififiriiinii_ir/rrKr«fifirfiiiriirijríf/i(«rfa]niiiiiiiirriiri/i .'"¡'.'('^.'^'•¡^'''"^••""'•'••••''«•llllllllllltllllllllllllllllllllllliuillllll

HCljHT 3 0 - 2 WIDTH

23-0

Fig. 3

54

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

piece at the left ankle of the restored monkey could as well be part of rockwork as part of a monkey's foot12. A curved blue area appears on the stems fragment on the lower left side (no. 8, fig. 3); this feature requires alteration of the background schema in that part of the enlarged restoration. Further, the fragment showing smaller papyrus flowers—one of which is restored in such a way that the new monkey is somewhat unconvincingly made to pat it on the head—seems to have broken up since the time when Gilli^ron made a line drawing of the more complete piece, which was published by Evans (PM II, 455, fig. 266 D)13. This drawing, with the outline of the fragment clearly denoted, shows the correct height and position of the flowers on the left side of the plant and no monkey's paw is seen to touch them. It is, in any case, an assumption to suppose—even on the basis of PM II, pi. X—that two or more m o n k e y s were depicted in the same posture in these lively, naturalistic, and early paintings. In the new section to the left of Gilli6ron's panel is a large clump of papyrus flowers whose stalks are leafless (pi. IIa). On the small fragment at the right side of that clump (no. 7), a change in background colours from a buff-yellow to a very light bluish green went unnoticed and consequently no allowance for that feature and its continuation was made in the restoration of the background in that area. The same combination of colours is found on two joining pieces which also show plant stems of the same type and colour as those of the papyrus flowers already discussed (compare no. 9, pi. I l l a, with no. 8, pi. IIIc, fig. 3) In addition, a small fragment bears on the same buff-yellow ground the top part of one such 12 The blue area is too small to show the complete width of a monkey's foot, thereby making P and C's identification uncertain. Blue rockwork abounds in these paintings: this piece could be rockwork without surviving traces of veining. Clumps of crocus flowers in these frescoes never seem to have had more than f i v e flowers (the restored clump has six). 13 Painted copy by Gillieron, fils, reproduced in colour in Forsdyke's Minoan Art, Frontispiece f, but there with much of the upper left side missing (as the piece now appears). As Minoan Art was published sometime after 6 February 1929, the fragment had evidently broken up before that date. Evans and Gillieron were working on the HOF frescoes in 1923—24 (PM II, 446), but whether Gillieron made his painted copy at a later date, I cannot establish: perhaps it was executed after the earthquake of 1926 which certainly damaged other frescoes (PM III, 50 notes 1 and 2; and elsewhere). Alternatively, the accuracy of the line drawing might be questioned, but the left-hand edge seems a convincing copy of an edge of the plaster that once existed.

ft&fcSPWfePO.aw.j i M/ruy //y#//z///////////yz#////z///zz/y////////z/z«i7

height 3 5 - 0 WIDTH 30-O

Fig. 4

56

Mark A. S. C a m e r o n

stem at a point where a "calyx-like" shape14 meets the true flower (no. 10, pi. I l l b): this part of the plant finds analogy with similar features below two of the heads of the right-hand clump of papyrus (compare pi. I l l b with fig. 3). There can be little doubt that the two fragments under consideration show parts of the stems of the papyrus flowers in the new left-hand section. One way in which the pieces concerned may be restored is illustrated in fig. 4; the fact that the pale blue-green band on the larger fragment slopes downwards to the right and upwards to the left suggest that the smaller flower fragment (no. 7) should be removed from its present position to be placed on the left side of the plant: this makes the linking of the two fragments possible. Since in reality the stems of papyrus are virtually leafless, both our new clumps must be considered examples of the Minoan genius for creating "impossible" floral hybrids 15 . A general objection to the enlarged panel concerns the entire lower part; there is too little evidence to justify the extent of the restoration. Rushes and papyrus would in reality be found near water, and so water can reasonably be expected to appear in one form or another in the area below the plants and monkeys: there is in fact a representation of water, which Evans thought was a fountain, from the same deposit of frescoes16. Perhaps the water from the fountain flowed off in the direction of the two groups of papyrus plants discussed above, at both of whose roots are sky-blue areas— as yet uninterpreted. But the entire lower side has been restored in the form of lengthy bands of rockwork, as indicated by the imitation of the conventional striations and veining of rockwork on original fragments: there is no room for water in any form in the enlarged panel (see pi. IIa, and also Addendum, p. 68f. below). Conclusions Despite the criticisms and corrections made above, the new restoration presents some notable achievements and raises new possibilities which deserve emphasis. 14

Tn reality diminutive leaves, not a "calyx", as Dr. Cook informs me. P M I I , 466. The papyrus in fact is leafless for much of its stem, as in ibid. 451, fig. 264 (and no. 1, fig. 1 A here) 16 PM II, 460f., fig. 272, and PM III, pi. XXII, opp. p. 254 (see below, pp. 57—63) 15

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

57

1. It has been shown that more could be done towards the reconstruction of fragments from this house, leading to a greater and surer understanding of the original form of the composition. 2. The new restoration seems to be on the right theoretical track: nowhere else in this fresco series may the two new groups of papyrus plants be more suitably placed than in some relationship with Gillieron's panel, as examination of all the surviving material would show. 3. It continues to support Evans's claim that the frescoes formed in some way a unified system of decoration in that house, painted at the same time and by the same hands17. 4. The restoration of the buff left-hand section in such a way as to be linked with adjacent sections whose fields are in predominantly different colours—by incorporating no. 4 (fig. 2A)—undermines one of Evans's objections to linking together his "panels" as parts of a continuous frieze, namely, his hesitation on the ground tha+ th^ T-ed background colour of one panel would aesthetically 'kill' another panel whose background is in a lighter colour18. 5. The addition of many fragments showing the one series of upper border stripes emphasises the possibility (implicit in 4. above) of linking the enlarged panel to the monkey panel with a red ground, whose border stripes are in the same sequence of colours19. 6. The discovery of hitherto unknown fragments of monkeys is important: these animals clearly play the main role in these compositions. I hope shortly to publish20 further material and a hypothetical restoration of these frescoes in a study which attempts an answer to the question: "why do monkeys appear at all in these paintings?" B.

"FOUNTAIN FRESCOES"

RECONSIDERED

Evans published four fragments showing "jets d'eau" which he interpreted as fountains21. One piece was thought to show the base of a fountain below which was rockwork22; a join has been made 17 18 19 20 21 22

P M I I , 446 Ibid. 450 Ibid. pi. X, opp. p. 447 "Some Unpublished Frescoes" (BSA) PM II, 460ff., fig. 272, and PM III, colour plate X X I I , opp. p. 254 PM II, 460, fig. 272, lowest fragment

58

Mark A. S. C a m e r o n

which confirms Evans's interpretation of the area below the fountain (no. 11, pi. H i d , and fig. 2B). The two halves of that piece had in fact been lifted from the ground as a single fragment by means of a thin layer of gypsum paste applied to the back; this gypsum backing had broken and the two halves had become separated before Gilli^ron made a painted copy of the part showing the base of the fountain (PM, loc. cit., photographically reproduced). Three new joins were found to the main evidence for a fountain, a coloured restoration of which appears in PM III, pi. X X I I , opp. p. 254. The central piece there, when turned right round, joined the top side of the smallest fragment; the latter was thought to show the forked base of a fountain, but this part of the restoration was erroneous for two reasons. 1. On the right side of the smallest piece, the slip had long since flaked away and this alone made the restoration of the "forked base" possible. 2. The fountain continues on a very small fragment which joins the lower side of Evans's smallest piece 23 . Plate IVa shows the new assembly of these three pieces (no. 12). Another fragment, hitherto unknown, joins Evans's largest fragment whose slip has almost entirely disappeared since the time when Gilli^ron made a painted copy of it (no. 13, pi. IVb compare PM III, p. XXII). The addition shows a few drops of blue water against a light grey ground which is terminated on its lower left side by a curved unpainted area of the field. A creamy-white and slightly undulating stripe thinly applied above the grey paint is visible on the right side. At that edge is a straight, flattened impression which continues on the right side of Evans's largest fragment. This impression clearly shows that these pieces (no. 13) once abutted against a vertical architectural feature, perhaps a wooden beam used in the construction of the wall, or the face of 23 For a detailed photograph of these two pieces, see "Painted Signs: HOF" (Kadmos). The direction in which the spots were painted—thick at the top of the stroke where the brush first met the slip, but thinner at the lower end of the stroke where the brush was taken away from the surface—indicates that the drops of water were made to fall downwards, not equally up and down as in Gilliiron's restoration. A spot of red paint which clearly fell downwards from the painter's brush has the same shape on the "Festoon" fresco from the Royal Road Excavations of M. S. F. Hood.

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

59

a second wall in a corner of a room24. In the light of this technical feature, Gilli^ron's restoration, and with it the interpretation of the main subject as a fountain, can no longer be maintained. Interpretation In order to make the fountain vertical, the uppermost fragment in that restoration has been tilted to the left. But the impression on the right side of the piece requires a vertical alignment of that edge, which makes the "fountain" unnaturally lop-sided. If a fountain, the water-column could be expected to be free-standing— but this is not the case. The light grey paint to be seen on the addition to Evans's largest piece appears on the latter too, immediately to the right of the lowest part of the water-column. In between these two grey areas were once—according to Gilli&ron's restoration—spots of blue water on an unpainted slip, now missing but for two small pieces still in situ. Evidently the grey area to the right of the water-column continued in curved or undulating contour, occasionally touched by the water-column. The grey area may reasonably be interpreted as rockwork on analogy with other examples of rockwork in the same fresco series, as Evans in fact recognised26. Over it the slanting column of water may be thought to be pouring, curving outwards to the left towards the bottom. These considerations alone suggest that the main subject may be a waterfall. One restoration of these pieces is offered in fig. 5. Restoration The joining of the three fragments making up no. 12 indicates that the "drops of water" fall downwards (see footnote 23). The outline of the grey rockwork is here made to undulate after the 2 4 Minoan architecture is concerned with vertical and horizontal planes. For timber beams in walls, see PM III, 334f. figs. 221 and 222, and 339, fig. 225. In the present frescoes, a series of striped bands mark the upper borders of pictorial friezes (e. g. PM II, pi. X), and a broad monochrome dado—with or without a single black stripe—is found at lower borders (e. g. ibid. 458, fig. 270). See too remarks on brushstrokes in note 23 above. Only a vertical alignment, with the impression on the right-hand side, seems possible. 2 5 Ibid. 461. Compare no. 11, fig. 2 B ; unpublished pieces with grey expanses of rockwork in HOF trays in HM store-room.

=

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FLAKED SLIP SftOKCNEBjE, Og RESTORED LINE O

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2

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VERTICAL

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Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

61

fashion of rockwork in other scenes from this house26. The total height of the new restoration, worked out to scale, is 44 cm : that given by Evans (PM III, pl. XXII) should read "about 33 cm". On the left side of Evans's smallest piece is a "vertical" blue area which is no longer visible because the entire painted slip at that point has flaked away (see pl. IVa).This blue area—open to several interpretations, including its possible identification as a second branch of the same waterfall—has been left out of fig. 5 which shows the surfaces of the pieces as they now appear. The rosy-pink areas in Gilliéron's restoration seem intended to convey the idea of missing slip; that colour is not visible on the original fragments: its appearance in that restoration is potentially misleading. It should perhaps be noted that no. 11, if part of a waterfall too (even the same waterfall), is perhaps more likely to have been the top of the fall than its base—unless the continuation of the water was hidden from sight by a rocky outcrop. P o i n t s in support of the present i n t e r p r e t a t i o n Paradoxically, Evans himself gave three good reasons against his interpretation of the water-column as an artificial fountain. 1. These paintings are concerned with Wild Nature only: there is nothing to indicate the presence of Man27. 2. No representations of fountains are known in ancient art until Hellenistic or later times28. This is still true, as far as I know29. 3. The parabolic construction of the open drain at the side of the staircase of the East Bastion in the Palace at Knossos was cited as evidence to suggest or imply that the Minoans might have 28

Compare rockwork of PM II, pl. XI, opp. p. 454 Ibid. 446 Ibid. 461 89 Pace V. E. G. Kenna, Cretan Seals, 141, No. 382. Miss M. A. V. Gill suggests the subject is an octopus (cf. L. Delaporte, Catalogue des Cylindres Orientaux . . . Musée du Louvre II, 1923, 209, A 1162, pl. 105 no. 14; now in Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Médailles: AM 1943). Schaeffer reports an "ornamental fountain" of the middle of the 2nd Millennium B. C. from Ugarit (Ugaritica IV, Paris 1962, reviewed by Hutchinson in JHS 86, 1966, 259 who mentions Evans's identification of the present subject as a fountain). At the time of writing, Schaeffer's study is not available to me; the report that part of the Ugarit fountain consisted of a basin with a bull's head astragalus seems to suggest an artificial cascade of water rather than a true fountain (i. e. water forced upwards in a jet from an outlet normally at ground level). 27 !8

62

Mark A. S. C a m e r o n

known how to construct fountains 30 . To the contrary, it simply proves that the Minoans knew how to construct in miniature a series of artificial waterfalls. Further considerations If the interpretation proposed above is correct, fresh-water would certainly be intended. Waterfalls on the Cretan hillsides would have been familiar to the Minoans after periods of rain, and the appearance of one in these paintings fits in with the "countryside" scene. The water perhaps continued as a fresh-water stream below the waterside plants in the "panel" to which belong our two monkeys; the blue areas at the roots of the papyrus clumps could be parts of that stream, as already stated (p. 56). Evans published three fragments as evidence that "marine elements" were present in these paintings (PM II, 500 f., and fig. 305). The upper left fragment seems to me to be all rockwork—especially because the black blob which Evans compares with sea-weed and sponge-marks 31 is a foreign, shiny, wax-like substance that has accumulated on the painted surface at some later date 32 . The lower fragment in the same illustration could as well be dead leaves on the rocky bank of a dried-up stream as sea-weed on a sand-bank, (near which there is no expanse of blue that could identify the "sea", postulated by Evans). The upper right fragment, far from being an "argonaut shell" 33 , is in fact the best surviving example of the wing of a flying blue bird34. It is true that some plants seen in these frescoes may in reality be found near the sea-shore or in brackish water (papyrus, pancratium lily, and ? convolvulus 36 ); but the painting of "impossible" floral hybrids in related compositions shows to what extent these Minoan artists ignored some realities and laws of Nature. 30

PM II, 462 Ibid. 600 and PM III, 364f., fig. 241: correctly positioned with bands at top. 32 For a similar waxy substance in a place where paint has flaked, see no. 11, fig. 2 B here; other examples could be given. 33 PM II, 500 34 Twelve feathers outlined in pale blue attached to blue wing-frame. Compare ibid. pi. XI, opp. p. 464; "Unpublished Frescoes" (BSA), cat. nos. 11—16: some connected with birds' tails. 36 PM II, 457, fig. 268, pancratium Ely; 464f., fig. 275A, ? convolvulus. The pancratium lily still grows on the sea-coast east of Herakleion. 31

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

63

The connections here with "marine elements" have been exaggerated in the past, and need not be mentioned at all—with the possible exception of the convention by which the "leaves in rocks" were drawn on the lower piece in the illustration in question. C. A

JOIN TO A PAINTING OF MYRTLE

SHOOTS

Evans published a restoration of a group of "myrtle shoots" based on five fragments of which painted copies were made by Gilli6ron: the leaves in a lighter shade are restored (PM II, 458, fig. 270). The small fragment in the centre joins the left side of the lefthand fragment in Gilli&ron's restoration (no. 14, pi. I l l e ) . On the former piece, two stems are clearly visible on the left side, but the lower stem and the tip of a leaf were missed out by Gilli£ron. The dado below these stems was entirely restored: the new join shows that the black stripe of the dado had been put at too high a point —from which it may be deduced that the slip in that area was already missing when Gillieron came to make his painted copy (see pi. I l l e ) . The piece showing the top of the highest stem also seems to have been copied incorrectly. The red stem continues towards the edge of that fragment and the topmost leaf must be restored beyond that edge36. In addition, a small area of slip, somewhat worn, remains in situ on the upper left side; on it are two small traces of olive-green paint, clearly once belonging to a myrtle leaf. This fragment, therefore, with slip largely missing now, once showed the upper parts of two shoots: but there seems to have been a third. The lowest piece of slip, in situ on the lower right of the same fragment, bears parts of two leaves. The left-hand leaf in all probability would once have passed across the right-hand stem37, so indicating that the leaf in question would have belonged to a third shoot to the left of the surviving stem. The slip is now missing in the place where the stem of our third shoot could be expected, but at that point on the uncovered main body of plaster there is an orange line which curves upwards to the right as far as the top edge of the fragment. This line, once hidden from sight by the fine For a photograph, see "Painted Signs: H O F " (Kadmos) As on an unpublished fragment of a myrtle fresco from the Royal Road Excavations, leaves on the present myrtle fragment overlap stems (e. g. top right of no. 14 and on upper left of largest fragment in fig. 6 here). 36 37

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

65

slip, seems to belong to a "preliminary sketch" indicating the general positions where the main stems of the plant were eventually to be painted (on top of the slip)38. Our left-hand leaf, when restored, meets the orange line. These features may therefore be taken to indicate the original presence of a third stem or shoot on the one fragment, which consequently does not fit in where Gilli6ron has put it. It is safer to consider that this piece belongs to an "extra" series of myrtle shoots. Restoration A tentative restoration is put forward in fig. 6. The new join and the evidence for more shoots has suggested a more compact and so less formal arrangement of the elements of the plant than that made by Gilli^ron. As here restored, the composition measures 45 by 29.5 cm; the tallest shoot is 23.6 cm above the dado which may have reached not less than 19.5 cm below the pictorial frieze, as is the case on an unpublished fragment in HM tray 179 Epsilon I X . Part II: Miniature Paintings A . A N ADDITION TO THE " S A C R E D D A N C E AND G R O V E "

FRESCO

(PM III, plate X V I I I , opp. p. 67) A small fragment shows parts of the heads of three women who face to the left towards four horizontal and parallel lines (no. 15, pi. IVc, and fig. 7A). There is a minute area of sky-blue paint in the region of the ear of the lower right-hand woman; above her, a neighbour wears what appears to be an orange-yellow necklace or hem of a blouse. This piece joins the top left side of the fragment showing the left-hand olive tree in the "Sacred Dance and Grove" fresco; the trace of blue paint is part of the edge of the blue ground on which the branches of that tree were painted. A drawing of this part of the composition is given in fig. 8. The addition entails minor alterations to the existing restoration39. Vertical parallel lines (impressed string-marks) on the left side of the "panel" have hitherto been made to continue up the whole of the left side, as if the lines indicated vertical plain bands or Further on method of painting, see "Painted Signs: H O F " (Kadmos). ® HM Cat. no. 9. I was unable to discover whether nearby pieces set into the panel might join the new addition. 38 3

5

FS Europa

66

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

stripes which terminated that side of the composition40; but it is not in fact certain whether the scene ended here. The horizontal lines on the new piece, perhaps parts of as many as seven "courses

Fig. 7

of masonry" 41 , prevent the continuation of all but the innermost vertical line (see fig. 8). It is possible that some architectural feature may have been depicted to the left of the existing restoration Not present in PM III, pl. X V I I I Compare ibid. pl. X V I (p. 46, note 2); 47. fig. 28; 62—64 with fig. 36 and p. 63f., note 1 40 41

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

67

in a continuation of the scene; the women may have been watching something within or beyond such a structure42. The discovery of further joins here would clarify the significance of the lines in question, and would perhaps show whether or not the scene continued further to the left than has hitherto been supposed. B.

A D D I T I O N S TO T H E " M I N I A T U R E

WARRIORS"

(PM III, 82f. figs. 45 and 46) Evans published three fragments showing men holding yellow spears or sticks in their hands. He mentioned that two pieces of the scene were missing43; these have now turned up. The larger piece (no. 16, pi. IVd, centre, and fig. 7B) had already been located and joined to the fragment seen in PM III, 82, fig. 45 a before I began my study of Knossian frescoes44. In the blue field of this fragment is a black undulating band which recalls similar bands in different colours in the field of the "Spectators" fragment, also in miniature45. The smaller piece (no. 17, pi. IVd, left, and fig. 7C) was located by me in 1963 in an unnumbered tray in the fresco store-room of the Herakleion Museum46. It bears the head and five arms of miniature "warriors"; the fragment does not appear to join another of the group, all of which are now on display (HM, Room K, case 174). The photograph reproduced in pi. IVd was taken before I had the opportunity to study the pieces: their order there (my arrangement) is clearly incorrect. The larger of the two left-hand fragments (PM III, 82, fig. 45b) may be placed to the right of the main group of men (ibid. fig. 45a, with new addition). Part I I I : A S u p p l e m e n t to "An Addition to 'La P a r i s i e n n e ' " In 1964, a fresco fragment, previously unknown, was found to join that showing "La Parisienne". The addition is the subject of 4 2 Miniature figures watching spectacles beyond, inside or from within architectural surroundings: "Spectators" fragment, PM I, 527, fig. 384, and PM I I I , 33, fig. 15 B ; women in building, ibid. 84, fig. 47, and 86, fig. 48 d, e; in casements, PM I I 602, fig. 375; man watching woman on balcony, PM I I I , 59, fig. 35 4 3 PM III, 82, note 3 4 1 BSA 6, 1899/1900, 48. Located in tray P I I I , HM Cat. no. 63. Colour illustrations of PM I I I , 82, fig. 4 5 a and b i n Knossian Atlas, pi. IV, fig. l a n d 2 (forthcoming). 4 5 Refs. under note 42 above 4 8 Below tray 169 on north side of fresco store-room, together with no. 15.

5*

68

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

a forthcoming article 47 which also contains a review of work previously carried out by Evans 4 8 and Platon 49 on the "Camp Stool" fresco; " L a Parisienne" evidently belongs to the same composition. Three of the main objections raised by Platon to Evans's partial restoration of the "Camp Stool" fresco may be summed up as follows 60 : 1. The arrangement of male figures as seated opposite one another was based on insufficient evidence. 2. The arrangement was unparalleled in Minoan or Mycenaean art. 3. The composition of the scene is aesthetically disrupted by such an arrangement of seated figures. For these and other reasons 51 , Platon rejected Evans's restoration and proposed a new one 52 . However, it has been suggested that Evans's restoration may not have been so wide of the mark as Platon claimed, and that Platon's restoration may be held to be mistaken in the light of the new addition and for other reasons 53 . New evidence from Pylos lends weight to that opinion. In a clear reference to Evans's restoration of the "Camp Stool" fresco, Mrs. E . Vermeule has remarked that a genre scene on a wall painting from Pylos shows figures likewise (my italics) sitting knee to knee 54 . Further, in 1965, Dr. Mabel Lang kindly showed me a fresco fragment from such a scene 65 ; her publication of the material will undoubtedly throw light on problems concerning the restoration of the "Camp Stool" fresco from Knossos. Addendum: a waterfall in the buff section of the enlarged "Monkey Panel" ? " Kretika Chronika IH' (vol. 18, 1964), 38—53. (The scale of pi. A', 2 is under Y 2 actual size (26.15 cm), not "about 2 / 3 " as stated). 4 8 PM IV, 379—396 4 9 Kretika Chronika I f , 1959, 319—345 6 0 Ibid. 324—328; (ibid. IH', 1964, 45) 5 1 Platon, op. cit. 322, 324 for convincing technical objections. Against myself (ibid. IH', 1964, 40 and 46f.), Evans was in fact aware of the existence of a "second" Parisienne, as drawings for restoration of that figure show; thanks are due to the Keeper at the Ashmolean Museum for permission to study Evans's fresco papers, and to Mr. H. Catling and Mrs. A. Brown for their assistance. 62 Platon, op. cit.. I f , opp. p. 336; mounted in gypsum panel 63 Cameron, op. cit., IH' 47—51 6 4 Greece in the Bronze Age, 1964, 189 6 5 I should like to thank Dr. Lang for showing me fresco material from Pylos, now kept in the Chora Museum.

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

69

Quite unwittingly, I have omitted to mention above an unpublished fragment made up from two pieces, from HM tray 175 Epsilon V and tray 185 Epsilon X V . I t shows a blue column of water with blue drops at its sides, and white dashes along the inner edges; such features appear on the main waterfall too (PM I I I , pi. X X I I , and fig. 5 here), but the present example is depicted against a buff-yellow ground and so may belong to the left-hand section of the enlarged "Monkey Panel". The blue water from this waterfall is more probably to be understood as flowing down to the roots of the papyrus clump in that section of the composition, than that from the waterfall against a white ground (as suggested, pp. 56 and 62 above). CATALOGUE OF MATERIAL

From "House of the Frescoes": nos. 1—14. G e n e r a l f e a t u r e s : fragile, slip flaked in places; depth of plaster varies, usually between 0.3 and 1.0 (all measurements in cm). Plaster medium grained, crumbling at edges, light sandy-colour. Slip much whiter, usually 0.5—1.0 millemetres in depth. Pieces lifted from deposit with gypsum paste at backs and edges of fragments (noted here as "gb"). White ground is unpainted. Nos. 1—7 added to Gillieron's panel (PM I I , fig. 264) by Phanourakis and Caravella; drawings and measurements of these pieces taken from enlarged panel, (approximately 1.9 metres in length). HOF frescoes evidently on wall with smoothed surface: PM II, 444f. HM = Herakleion Museum. 1. Right hand of monkey clutching stem of papyrus on white ground, pi. I l a and b, fig. 1A. 14.9 x 11.7. Sky-blue hand with three black lines defining fingers. Seven green, leafless stems radiating from four blue leaves at base of plant. Slip missing on both sides of blue leaves. Added by Phanourakis and Caravella to blue monkey of PM I I , fig. 264. 2. Blue tail of monkey, with light rusty-brown, leafy stems of papyrus on white ground, pi. I l a andc, and fig. I B . In 1963, in HM tray Beta I I but with label "189 HOF 20". 9.4 X 6.8. Tail 1.0 in width, max. extant length 5.9. Red area on left side of fragment between plant stems, of uncertain significance — possibly rockwork. Tail: compare PM I I , 451, fig. 264. Reeds: compare, ibid. loc. cit. blue rushes. Belongs with nos. 5 and 8 below, but on which side of papyrus clump is uncertain.

70

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

3. Blue head of monkey on white ground, muzzle and eye here restored, pi. H a and fig. 1C. 9.0 x 7.7. Black line above ear; white band across forehead, and black triangular shape above eye, around which traces of light rustybrown paint. A few blue spots detectable on muzzle. Compare: PM II, pi. X. opp. p. 447; loc. cit. fig. 262; ibid. 451, fig. 264. 4. Undulating pale blue band vertically dividing buff-yellow area on right from pale blue-green area on left, pi. Ha and fig. 2 A. HM tray 175 Epsilon V, HOF. 11.7 X 11.5. Black and red blobs on blue band. To left, white area then damaged area (slip and paints worn), then pale blue-green, with? 5 or more white pebbles with sky-blue and black veinings. Placed on left side of new, buff section of enlarged panel. Buff paint underlies blue band and continues below blue-green area. 5. Parts of six or seven sky-blue papyrus flowers on white ground, pi. Ila and d, and fig. 3, upper fragment. HM tray 175 Epsilon V, HOF. 20.5 X 14.5. Black and red spots in rows on orange inflorescence; pale blue "sepals" with occasional black outlines. Orange "calyx" (in fact leaves). Stems light rusty-brown on white. Pale blue line between stem and leaf of second large papyrus head from left. Above, 13 stripes extant, in ascending order: white, red and yellow, white, black and blue. Slip flaked on right side of fragment. Comparisons; f l o w e r : PM II, 451, fig. 264, blue rushes; ibid. 477, fig. 285A (taken from no. 6 below). On sealing, D. Levi, Le Cretule di Hagia Triada e di Zakro (Bergamo, 1929—VII), 70f., fig. 149: L M I B . On inlaid dagger from Mycenae, PM III pi. X X , opp. p. 114: LH I. stem\ no. 2 above and no. 8 below; PM II, 451, fig. 264, and 465, fig. 275 J , (no. 8). border s t r i p e s : PM II, pi. X, opp. p. 447; ibid. 451, fig. 264, and sequence of stripes in ibid., Supplementary Plate X X , B—D, and F. 6. Parts of four sky-blue papyrus flowers on buff-yellow ground, pi. Ila, and fig. 4, upper large fragment. 16.8 X 12.7. Inflorescence orange with black and white spots in rows; "sepals" white with black outlines. Sequence of stripes as no. 5 above, with comparisons. PM II, 477, fig. 285 A, evidently from this fragment.

Notes on some new Joins and Additions to well known Frescoes

71

7. Papyrus flower (as on no. 6 above) on buff-yellow and pale blue-green areas, pi. II a, and fig. 4, top left. 8.2 x 4.3. Compare nos. 6, and 5 above (where comparisons noted). 8. Seven light rusty-brown, leafy stems of papyrus on white ground, pi. I I I c , and fig. 3, lower fragment. HM tray 175 Epsilon V, (HOF) 1 joining 4, joining three pieces from tray 196 Zeta IV, HOF. As squared, 14.6 x 10.5 x 0.6, gb. Sky-blue curved area at bottom left. Pale blue line between stem and leaf on top left stem. Slightly buckled, much broken in centre where areas of slip now missing. HM 175 E V, 1 previously published: PM II, 465, fig. 2 7 5 J : ibid., 469, mentioned as "grasses"; in colour, E. J . Forsdyke, Minoan Art, 1929, Frontispiece b. Comparisons under no. 5 above. 9. Six or seven papyrus stems of same type and colour as on nos. 5 and 8 above and no. 10 below, over buff-yellow, pale blue-green, and sky-blue areas, pi. I l i a , and fig. 4, large, centre. HM 175 Epsilon V (HOF) 2 joining 3 (by 3 mm of plaster: verified by HM technicians). Diagonally, 16.6 x 11.2 x 0.55, gb. Slip missing in centre of left-hand piece. No rockwork markings on pale blue-green or sky-blue areas. See no. 5 above for floral comparisons; colours of field as no. 7 above. 10. Top of stem with "calyx", colours as nos. 5, 8, and 9 above, on buff-yellow field, pi. I l l b , and fig. 4, small, upper centre. HM tray 196 Zeta IV, HOF (which produced additions to no. 8 above). 2.6 X 2.0 X 0.55, no gb, flat back. Small area of white and minute black mark within "calyx". Associated with no. 9 above. "Calyx": compare those on no. 5 above, but perhaps of different overall shape (as restored in fig. 4). 11. "Base" of blue "jet-d'eau" above light grey and pale blue rockwork with black markings, pi. I l l d , and fig. 2B. HM tray 127 Alpha XVI, 5 "Ohne Angabe" but certainly HOF: = PM II, 460f, fig. 272, lowest fragment, joining tray 185 Epsilon XV, 2 (HOF). 10.5 x 11.4 x 0.6, gb (the join is in the gypsum backing). Dark waxy stain at top left below surface where paint missing : — a later accretion, as if large dark blob, hitherto thought to be paint, on PM II, 501, fig. 305 top left. Traces of orange lines, as if for "preliminary sketch", on surface of slip: slip missing in places, and some areas of paint worn. 12. Three joining pieces of blue "jet d'eau", bordered with blue drops of water on white field, pi. IV a, and fig. 5 lower frag-

72

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

ment. HM tray 127 Alpha X V I ("Ohne Angabe", but certainly HOF) 2 joining 3 joining 6. As squared, 17.8 x 10.8 X 0.5 to I.05 max. Two larger pieces: PM II, 461, fig. 272 and PM III, pi. X X I I , opp. p. 254, in colour. Two slips: (1) upper bearing "jet d'eau", final painting; (2) lower of? coarser but powdery texture, bearing orange lines of "preliminary sketch" for "jet d'eau": visible on two lower pieces only. Both slips above main body of plaster, and much flaked on left lower side. Compare central fragment with Evans's lower piece in PM III, pi. X X I I where more slip is evident. Associated with no. 13 below; compare with no. 11 above, which lacks spots of water at sides of "column". 13. Two joining pieces of "jet d'eau", with grey rockwork on right, pi. IVb, and fig. 5, upper fragment. HM tray 127 Alpha X V I ("Ohne Angabe" = HOF) 1 published: PM II, 461, fig. 272, large, top fragment (and PM III, pi. X X I I , top piece, with much more slip preserved: it has now flaked away); joining HM tray 185 Epsilon X V (HOF) 1, linked by 1.0 original plaster. The join appears unconvincing at first sight because the larger piece is badly buckled, making a flat alignment of the two pieces difficult: but join verified by HM technicians. As squared, 22.0 X 14.7 X 0.9 to at least 1.25 (gb) at right edge where impression in cross-section of plaster from vertical architectural feature against which plaster abutted. Thin creamy-white, slightly undulating, stripe at right edge: applied over grey paint — both worn and flaked. Two pieces of white slip in situ in centre of larger piece. No rose-pink visible. On small addition, paints and impressed right edge better preserved; undulating grey area of rockwork on right (cf. PM II, 461); compare grey rockwork on no. 11 above. Three separated and two joined spots of blue water, some on rockwork. 14. Two joining fragments with olive-green leaves on red stems of myrtle plant against white ground, above rich rusty-brown dado with black stripe, pi. I l l e , fig. 6, left. Previously published PM II, 458, fig. 270, (HOF); located in unlabelled tray on east side of fresco store-room. As squared, 16.4 x 11.7 x about 0.7, gb. Parts of five stems visible; the third, in centre, follows line of join. Much slip flaked, especially in area immediately above dado. Compare: PM II, fig. 270, other pieces of same group: (fig. 6, restoration). "Partridge" frieze, Knossos: PM II (Part I),

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74

M a r k A. S. C a m e r o n

Frontispiece, and 112, fig. 51; 115, figs. 52, 54. "Seated Goddess" fresco, Hagia Triada: W. S. Smith, Interconnections in the Ancient Near East, 1965, fig. 106: LM I B or earlier (for associated objects, see summary: Kadmos 4, 1965, 8: under 'findplace' and 'date'). A myrtle fresco, of superb technical standard, came from the Royal Road Excavations at Knossos: as yet unpublished, and provisionally considered to belong to MM I I I B. For a brief mention of the technique, see Kadmos, ibid. 14 note 9. Miniature paintings: 15—17. Indented backs of fragments and irregular depths of plaster suggest once attached to rubble or rubble and mud wall. 15. Three heads of women in left profile on unpainted ground, with ? "courses of masonry" (string impressions and black painted lines) on left, pi. IV c, and fig. 7 A. HM unlabelled tray below tray 169 on north side of fresco store-room (with no. 17 below). As squared, 3.3 X 3.9 X 1.7 max. Heads in black with orange line at neck of one figure. Minute area of blue paint in region of ear of lower right-hand woman. Fragment joins left side of left-hand olive tree of "Sacred Dance and Grove" fresco: PM III, pi. X V I I I . Blue trace clearly part of background of tree, (fig. 8 here: restoration). Found by Evans, probably in "Room of Spiral Cornice and Miniature Frescoes": BSA 6, 1899/1900, 44, and PM III, 30—32. 16. Row of eleven red arms and two heads of "warrior" men, holding spears or sticks: in blue field with undulating black band above (here copied from photograph only), pi IVd, and fig. 7B. HM Cat. No. 63:located in tray P III. Joined to PM III, 82, fig. 45 a (reported missing, ibid. 82, note 3). As squared, 8.1 X 6.0 X 1.8, gb. Black and red paints overlie blue; spots of white, paste-like paint applied above red for eyes and wrist-bands. Spears yellow, difficult to see clearly, for reasons stated in PM III, 82, note 3. Compare standing men and boys in "Sacred Dance and Grove" fresco (ibid., pi. XVIII), probably by same painter's hand. Evidently found in same room as nos. 15 and 17 here: (PM III, 30—32, 81—83). 17. Five arms and one head of "warrior" (technique and provenance as nos. 15 and 16 above), pi. IV d, and fig. 7C. As squared, 2.9 X 2.2 X 1.2 max. From same tray as no. 15 above.

VINCENT R . D ' A . DESBOROUGH

A PYXIS FROM GRONINGEN To offer to a distinguished scholar, whose main recent interests have lain in the fields of Minoan and Mycenaean philology, a discussion of one post-Mycenaean vase will, I fear, seem not a little inapposite. I trust, however, that he will accept this simply as a token of appreciation and friendship. The vase in question belongs to the Collection of the Classical Institute of Groningen University, and I publish it with the permission, and indeed at the suggestion, of Professor A. N. ZadoksJosephus Jitta, and with the most helpful collaboration of Mr. Hemelrijk, Director of the Allard Pierson Stichting of Amsterdam University. To the latter are due the detailed description of the vase and the accompanying photographs. The commentary alone is mine. A. D e s c r i p t i o n W h e e l - m a d e P y x i s (Pl.V). Ht. 0.076 m. Max.dm. 0.106 m. Dm. of mouth 0.077 m. Dm. of base 0.048 m. Lid. Ht. 0.021 m. Dm. 0.067 m. Dm. of knob 0.022 m. The shape and decoration are clearly shown in the photographs. It should be noted that the distance between the two string holes of the lid is not so great as between the two on the rim of the vase itself. This, as Mr. Hemelrijk points out, may perhaps explain the fracture of one of the holes in the lid. The clay is fine-grained and contains no mica. The surface is rougher on the inside than on the outside. On the inside, there are traces of incrustations, and the colour is a warm beige. On the outside, a very thin wash has locked the porous character of the surface (as visible inside), and forms a fine, dense foundation for the glaze. The colour varies from pale to warm beige, according to the oxidization, and the overall impression is warm rather than dull. The glaze is mostly thinly applied, and brownish to light brown; when applied more thickly, it becomes blacker and slightly lustrous. The vase was bought from Mr. H. A. Cahn in Basel, in 1960; he believed it to be Attic.

76

V i n c e n t R. d'A. D e s b o r o u g h

B. C o m m e n t a r y 1 This vase probably belongs to the time of transition from Protogeometric to Early Geometric. It is simple to make such a statement: to demonstrate its correctness is a very different matter, for the vase, as will be seen, has no exact parallels. It is then desirable and necessary to give a brief review of the origin and development of this, the handleless pyxis with everted rim2. The shape was the invention of the Protogeometric potter, and had no Mycenaean ancestry. I have argued that the place of origin was Athens 3 , and subsequent finds have not led me to alter my opinion. The basic features in Athens are a spherical body, a distinct foot of varying height, and an everted lip which is usually provided with two holes — though there are occasionally four. These holes correspond to similar ones at the edge of the lid, and the lid itself rises more or less steeply to a surmounting knob. The body of the vase invariably has some decorative motive in addition to reserved bands, and this decoration is placed just above the belly, or on it. The lid may also have a zone of decoration. Apart from this, however, both lid and vase are painted over. The Groningen vase displays three major differences from the typical Athenian Protogeometric pyxis: it is noticeably shallower, it has a flat base, and the only decoration is four reserved bands just above the belly. There is no precisely similar Athenian pyxis. One, Agora P 6683, apparently exhibits a point of agreement in having a flat base; in reality, however, it originally had a foot, and there is clear evidence for this4. Our pyxis therefore remains different from all known Athenian Protogeometric pyxides in the three respects mentioned. It may then seem extremely unlikely that it could have come from Athens. It would, however, not be entirely impossible for such a vase to have been made in the final stages of the Protogeometric style there. This was a time when the conventional shapes and decorative motives were losing their 1 I gratefully acknowledge valuable advice and assistance from Dr. St. Alexiou, Mrs. E. L. Smithson, Mrs. A. D. Ure, and Mr. Nicolas Coldstream. 2 A fuller account, though not of course up to date, will be found in my Protogeometric Pottery, 106 ff. 3 Op. cit. l l l f . 4 I owe this information, and permission to record it, to Mrs. Smithson. The vase is briefly mentioned in Hesp. 30, 1961, 164, in the course of Mrs. Smithson's publication of the Protogeometric cemetery of Nea Ionia.

A Pyxis from Groningen

77

attraction. Eventually, the outcome was the Geometric style, but before that a certain amount of change and experiment took place, and some curious and short-lived shapes appeared at this time 5 . One of the features, for example, with which the potter, or his customer, had become dissatisfied was the high conical foot. The result, so far as concerns the skyphoi and kantharoi, can be seen clearly in Agora Tomb XXVI 6 . But it is the cup that provides the most interesting development for our purpose: a completely new type started to make its appearance — and it had a flat base 7 . If this was possible for the cup, it could also have happened for the pyxis. Furthermore, the simple banded decoration of our pyxis could be in accord with one of the two simultaneous trends that emerged at the end of Athenian Protogeometric, that towards simplicity. Even so, I am extremely doubtful whether this vase was made in Athens; for one thing, an Athenian potter would surely have produced a rather better fitting lid, and also I would have expected the glaze to be blacker and more lustrous. So much, then, for the possible connexions with the Athenian Protogeometric style; since, however, this style had some influence on potters in other parts of Greece and the Aegean, we must also take into consideration pyxides of our type found elsewhere than in Athens. And, since in certain shapes the flat base can be a Geometric feature, we must consider whether any Geometric pyxides are relevant in this context. It will be best to take the latter point first. An examination of the known material appears in fact to exclude the likelihood that the Groningen pyxis belonged to any Geometric style. In Attica, the Early Geometric phase saw the introduction of three new kinds of pyxis: a globular type; a pointed or top-like variation; and a very shallow type. In no case, however, even on the very shallow pyxides, is the base completely flat, and all were elaborately decorated. But the vital point is that in all three types the everted lip was no longer used 8 . In the Argolid as well the everted lip was discarded — and the new pointed pyxis was further provided with 6

Cf. PGP 117 ff. Hesp. 18, 1949, pi. 67 7 See, e. g., Ker. I, pi. 33, no. 582 (Tomb C) 8 For a good discussion, see Ker. V, i, 54ff., 64ff., 276. The best group in which to observe all three types is that illustrated in AM 43, 1918, pl. I. • The whole material is fully discussed by Courbin, La Céramique Géométrique de l'Argolide, 225 ff. 6

78

V i n c e n t R. d ' A . Desbr r o u g h

two vertical lug handles9. Elsewhere, either the globular pyxis seems to have made little or no impact as a forerunner of a Geometric shape, as in Crete (in spite of the fair number known from Protogeometric times), in Kos and in Euboea, or else the evidence is entirely insufficient10. The conclusion is, therefore, that the known Geometric pyxides differ radically from our vase. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that the time of transition from the Protogeometric to the Geometric style may differ from district to district, either wholly or for certain shapes. To the list of non-Attic pyxides given in my Protogeometric Pottery 11 (omitting the pyxis from Vrokastro, which has handles) there can now be added a further five, from Mycenae12, from Fortetsa and from Khaniale Tekke near Knossos13, from Arkhanes south of Knossos14, and from Ierapetra in East Crete15. This makes a total of sixteen, nine of which come from Crete. Of the seven which are from elsewhere than Crete, all are or would appear to be of Late Protogeometric date. Two (the Tiryns pyxis and the one which may come from Thebes) have decoration other than bands, and the Skyros vase is monochrome; the remaining four, however, from Mycenae, from Kos, from Velio in Corinthia, and the pyxis of unknown provenience in the British School's collection have, as on the Groningen vase, and in contrast to any pyxis yet found in Athens, just the one set of reserved bands. On the other hand, none of the seven has either the shallowness of body or the flat base of our pyxis. The number of the pyxides from Crete warrants a separate discussion; they are all handleless and with everted lip, but apart from that, as will appear from the list below, are not homogeneous. A f r a t i : Lip only slightly everted; zigzags round belly; flat base. Eighth century ? 1 0 There is in fact a pyxis, in a much later context, from Rhitsona (Ure, Aryballoi and Figurines from Rhitsona, 88, and pi. I l l : Tomb 134. 5), but the lip is only slightly everted, and it has a foot, and belly decoration of zigzags. 1 1 p. 109 12 BSA 50, 1955, 240 and pi. 47, f. 1 3 Brock, Fortetsa, pi. 78, no. 1470 (Tomb P). Hutchinson and Boardman, BSA 49, 1954, 216 and 225, and pi. 26 (no. 57) 1 4 Kretika Chronika 1950, 444, no. 4, and pi. 32, 1: no. 6 1 5 Unpublished. Heraklion Museum, in the Yamalakis Collection (no. 464). I am much indebted to Mrs. Smithson for drawing my attention to this vase, and to Dr. Alexiou for further information and for permission to mention it.

A Pyxis from Groningen

79

A r k h a n e s : 'Windmill' decoration round belly; flat base; no string holes and no lid. Advanced Protogeometric (late ninth century?). Knossos: (a) Hogarth's tomb. No description available, and illustration most unclear. Has a lid, and probably has a foot. Decoration of bands ? Protogeometric—probably tenth century from associated vases. (b) Payne no. 166. String holes and lid; foot. Herring bone decoration round belly. Tenth/ninth century. (c) Payne no. 167. String holes; flat base. Decoration of broad and narrow bands. Tenth/ninth century. (d) Payne no. 168. String holes; foot. Zigzags round belly. Tenth/ ninth century. F o r t e t s a : String holes and lid; foot. Decoration of bands above and below belly. Early ninth century. K h a n i a l e T e k k e : String holes; flat base. Apparently banded. Late ninth century. I e r a p e t r a : No string holes; flat base. Decoration of reserved bands on belly. Date not known, but Protogeometric. It will be noted that five of these have flat bases and that, while the Afrati and Arkhanes pyxides have decoration other than bands, Knossos no. 166, the Ierapetra vase and probably the Khaniale Tekke pyxis, have bands only. Furthermore, the Fortetsa vase, and perhaps also the one from Hogarth's tomb, have banded decoration. It would certainly seem that the closest parallels to the Groningen pyxis are to be found in Crete—in all but shallowness of body, a feature which in any case has no parallel. Finally, the fabric and glaze must also be taken into consideration. On this matter I can make only one or two brief comments. I think one can exclude any area (for example, certain islands of the central Aegean) where the clay tends to be micaceous; but I would not, on the other hand, like to exclude any of the areas which may seem for other reasons to provide a possible place of origin—Attica and Crete, for example, or even Corinthia and the Argolid. On balance, and in the present state of our evidence, I would say that the Groningen vase seems more likely to have come from somewhere in Crete than from anywhere else. And I am in any case reasonably certain that it was made during the Protogeometric period.

PORPHYRIOS DlKAIOS

MORE CYPRO-MINOAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM ENKOMI The object of these notes is to give a preliminary account of three terracotta objects found in the course of my excavations at Enkomi during 1948—1958 and bearing Cypro-Minoan1 inscriptions. I have already published in Kadmos 2, 1963, 39ff., an article on "the Context of the Enkomi Tablets" 2 and the present volume gives me a most welcome opportunity to offer, to the scholar and friend, this advance information, pending the publication of my final Report on the above-mentioned excavations. I The first (Inv. 1904, PI. VI a) is a fragment of a deep terracotta bowl of buff ware showing part of the base, which is completely flat, and part of the side, which is vertical and has a perforation through the wall at a small distance above the base3. The junction of the base with the side was provided with a thick broad border or flange. A Cypro-Minoan inscription, of which four signs and the end of a fifth are preserved, was engraved leather-hard on the side of the vessel, evidently to be read from above when the vessel was standing with its base on the ground. If, while the vessel was thus standing, the inscription was read from a point facing the side, the inscription appeared reversed. This might appear, prima facie, odd, but it may be assumed that a vessel of this type, which was heavy in itself and was heavier when full, could only stand on the floor of a room, in which case a standing person could read the inscription from above quite comfortably. If the direction of the signs had been that of the vessel when this was standing on its base, one would have to crouch or sit on the floor in order to read it facing the vase at a close distance4. 1 Ventris and Chadwick (Documents in Mycenaean Greek 61) prefer to call it "The Cypriot linear script". 2 About the scope of my excavations at Enkomi see AA 1962, 2 and Kadmos 2, 1963, 40 n. 1. 3 It is hand-made, although a slow wheel may have been used for the border of the base. 4 The picture PI. V i a is published with due regard to the inscription and not to the upright position of the vessel. See Additional Note below.

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Examples of deep bowls with a perforation through the side at a small distance above the base or with a spout at the same position, have occurred in our Enkomi excavations. Two of these were crucibles. The first was a deep bowl of coarse ware with broad, flat base and a perforation through the side, while the inner face was covered with thick copper incrustations. It belonged to the Late Cypriote I I B—C, approximately the thirteenth century B. C. The second was of plain white ware and was provided with a tubular spout at the level of the base; it was found full of slag and charcoal, bits of which adhered to the inner face. It belonged to the Late Cypriote III, that is the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the twelfth century B. C.6. However, our fragment showed no evidence of such use or indeed of any other use and it may be assumed that, if it had been intended as a crucible, it was never used as such. Alternatively it may have been a container of some liquid, in particular in connection with some operation in the course of which some or the whole of the liquid could be drawn off at will through the perforation6. The signs which compose the inscription are of large size (av. 25 mm.) and their style recalls that of Cypro-Minoan inscriptions engraved on handles of vessels (Minos 5, 1957, pis. II, IV 16) or on the sides of vessels (ibid. pis. I l l 7, IV 14). They also recall the signs composing the inscription on the oldest of the three tablets found in our excavations at Enkomi (Kadmos 2, 1963, fig. 3 facing p. 43), although the signs on our fragment show greater regularity and familiarity with the script. But they are unlike the signs composing the text on the second of the three above-mentioned tablets (Kadmos 2, 1963, fig. 6 facing p. 44) which are smaller and more "cuneiform", each sign composed of "jabbing strokes of a sharp stylus" 7 and not of continuous lines incised with a sharp instrument as on our fragment. The signs on the latter are also in style unlike those on the clay balls (Minos 5, 1957, pis. I l l 8—-12, V 18—20), which are nearer in form to those of the second tablet referred to above. The following is a list of parallels for the signs composing the inscription on our fragment: s Similar vessels occur at Ugarit (CI. Schaeffer, Ugaritica II fig. 84 15) and are thought to have been used in the fabrication of cheese or for ritual purposes or as brasiers. 6 See below ' Ventris and Chadwick op. cit. 61

6 FS Europa

82

Porphyrios

Dikaios

cf. Minos 5, 1957, pi. IV 14 second sign from left. Second sign from left: cf. AJA 45, 1941, 279 no. 19 of Class I ; Minos 5,1957, pi. IV16 first from right, cf. AJA 45, 1941, fig. 13 7. Third sign from left: Fourth sign from left: cf. AJA 45, 1941, 281, Class VI 4a; Schaeffer, Enkomi-Alasia, 403, fig. 128 1. The context and the date of the fragment: it was found in the filling overlying the original surface of the street bordering the northern facade of the Ashlar Building in our Area I 8 . That building had been erected on the site of another earlier dwelling which had been destroyed at a time when Mycenaean I I I B pottery was still in use. The date of the erection of the Ashlar Building is given by Mycenaean I I I C: 1 b sherds found in the concrete of which its original floors had been made. Soon after its erection the building had been destroyed, presumably in a raid by the Sea-Peoples9 at the time of Ramses III 1 0 . Following the destruction, the debris which filled the rooms of the building had mostly been cleared out and dumped in the streets which bounded it on three sides, northern, eastern, and southern, in preparation for a reconstruction. It was in those debris which filled the northern street that our fragment was found, together with Mycenaean I I I C : l b sherds. Thus the upper limit for our fragment must be the erection of the Ashlar Building at the time when Myc. I l l C: 1 b pottery had appeared on the site, namely soon after c. 1230 B. C.11 when the vessel was presumably used, while the lower limit must be the destruction on the original floors c. 1190 B. C.12 when the vessel had been broken and its fragments thrown out of the building together with other broken pottery and debris. First sign from left:

The meaning of the inscription is linked with the problem of the use of the vessel, which is obscure since we possess only a fragment of the whole and that was not found in its original position13.

AA 1962 figs. 2, 5—6 ibid. p. 7; Kadmos 2, 1963, 41 ff. 1 0 Opuscula Atheniensia 6, 115 1 1 ibid. 1 2 ibid. 1 3 For equally long or longer Cypro-Minoan inscriptions on large vessels see S. Casson, Ancient Cyprus 80 and Minos 5, 1957, pis. I l l 7, IV 14 8

9

More Cypro-Minoan Inscriptions from Enkomi

83

As we have seen, the vessel may have been intended for use in copper smelting or simply for some other, domestic, use e. g. cheese-making or the like. But it may equally well have been used in ritual in honour of some deity. This last possibility is strengthened by the discovery in the part of the Ashlar Building which, after the first destruction, housed the bronze statue of the Horned God14, of stone troughs with perforations through the base15. The likelihood that the vessel had been used as a crucible seems to be ruled out since our fragment showed no trace of such use. There remain the other two suggestions, namely that it was used for domestic purposes or in some ritual. In the first case the inscription, which had been incised leather-hard, must have been written by the maker and might indicate the owner of the vessel who presumably ordered it in advance. Alternatively it may indicate the name of the potter who made it 16 or the contents17. However, the last conjecture seems not to apply since the vessel was a large open bowl or basin, the contents of which were so evident that they hardly needed indication on its side. There remains the possibility of ritual use, in which case the inscription might be a dedication. A good parallel is offered by the third century B. C. dedicatory inscriptions in the Cypriot syllabary and in Greek, on plain pottery from the site of Kafizin four miles south of Nicosia18. Was the inscription incised from left to right ? A close observation of the spacing of the signs shows that the distance between the first three signs is much greater than that between the third and the fourth, the last being close to the perforation. It would appear that the engraver started from left to right and that, suddenly realising that the space which remained for the last sign was insufficient, he squeezed it in as well as he could, between 11 16

tions.

AA 1962, 2 it. The details of the ritual will be given in the final publication of my excava-

1 6 About modern potters marking on pots their name with a stamp see Magda Ohnefalsch-Richter, Griechische Sitten und Gebräuche auf Cypern 272 and R. Hampe and A. Winter, Bei Töpfern und Töpferinnen in Kreta, Messenien und Zypern 97. 1 7 cf. Casson op. cit. 80 for similar suggestions in connection with incised signs on handles or on shoulders of vessels. 1 8 Dikaios and Mitford, Kafizin and the Syllabary in Rep. of the Dep. Ant. Cyprus 1937—9; T. B. Mitford, Class. Quarterly 44, 1950, 97 f. About possible interpretations of Cypro-Minoan inscriptions see SCE III, 611 f.; A J A 64, 1960, 148; and AA 1963, 40

6«

84

Porphyrios

Dikaios

the third sign and the perforation. The same direction of writing was observed on the largest of the three Enkomi tablets 19 and is probably prevalent in all Cypro-Minoan inscriptions20. II The second terracotta object (Inv. 4025, PI. VI b) bearing a Cypro-Minoan inscription is a fragment of a plain wheel-made vessel on which the inscription had been incised after baking. It consists of two superimposed lines with a guide-line between them. The following is a list of parallels for the signs composing the present inscription: Upper line, first sign from left: cf. AJA 45, 1941, 281 no. 15 of class II, AA 1963, 39 fig. 4c. Upper line, second sign from left: cf. AJA 45, 1941, 280 nos. 63, 73 of class I. Upper line, third sign from left: cf. ibid. no. 71 of class I Lower line, first sign from left: cf. ibid. no. 11 of class I; Schaeffer, Enkomi-Alasia 402, fig. 126, 1 Lower line, second sign from left: cf. AJA 45,1941, 280 no. 73 of class I. Lower line, third sign from left: cf. ibid. no. 71 of class I. Generally the signs are much less carefully drawn than those composing the previous inscription, mainly because they had been incised on a baked vessel which, owing to its hardness, presented a less suitable surface for careful writing. However, the character of the signs conforms with that on other inscriptions incised on vessels found either at Enkomi (Minos 5, 1957, pi. IV 14) or other sites (ibid. pi. I l l 7 from Arpera). The context: the fragment was found in a well situated in the Ashlar Building in our Area I 2 1 and particularly in an open court occupying the north-western part of the building. The well had been cut in the bedrock but the upper part had been carefully lined with rough stones; it was found full of soil to the top but the filling yielded, apart from the present incised sherd, many other fragments which included Base-ring II, Mycenaean I I I B and a Kadmos 2, 1963, fig. 6; Ventris and Chadwick, op. cit. 61 2» AJA 45, 1941, 257 2 1 AA 1962, fig. 1—2; Kadmos 2, 1963, fig. 2 facing p. 42 19

More Cypro-Minoan Inscriptions from Enkomi

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few I I I C: 1 b sherds, as well as two fragments of large stirrup-jars, thought to be of Minoan I I I B fabric (see below). Such a context, therefore, would agree well with the initial date of the Ashlar Building, towards the last quarter of the thirteenth century B. C., to which our fragment may also belong. Although sherd material found in the filling of a well is not always a reliable guide, yet in the present case the evidence is consistent all through the depth of the well and it may show that the latter, which had been constructed contemporaneously with the Ashlar Building, had been filled and disused at the time of its first destruction, early in the twelfth century B. C. Our fragment was found at a point half way down the well (total depth of the latter, 4. 65 m.), a fact which indicates that it had found its way there during the filling process which may have not been entirely intentional. Indeed it is possible that the well had been partly filled with debris at the time of the destruction. As to the meaning of the inscription, we may note that the signs in each line are followed by numerals giving the impression of entries followed by the number, weight or measure. The presence of two entries seems to exclude the possibility that the inscription referred to produce stored in the vessel to which the fragment belonged. The fragment appears, therefore, to be simply an odd sherd on which the inscription, recording entries, was incised as on Linear A or B tablets 22 . Ill The third object is the diskus and part of one handle of a stirrupjar with a single sign incised after baking (Inv. 1848/12 PI. Vic) 2 3 . The jar to which our fragment belonged is of a type already known e. g. AJA 45, 1941, 267 fig. 11; Cat. Brit. Museum, 1:2 C 501; CVA Cyprus pi. 38, 1—3; AA 1963, 35 fig. 1; Berytus 14, 1961, 37ff. Several fragments of such jars occurred in our Enkomi excavations and will be included in the final publication. These jars are considered by some as of LM I I I style but others hold different views (cf. AA 1963, 34). An East Cretan origin of these jars seems to be 2 2 Wace and Stubbings, A Companion to Homer 548 fig. 66; Ventris and Chadwick op. cit. frontispiece. To my knowledge this is the first example of a "tablet" recording entries, as on Linear A or B tablets, ever found in Cyprus. 2 3 On the surviving part of the handle on the other side of the diskus there is a trace of another incised sign.

86

Porphyrios Dikaios

corroborated, to a certain extent, by recent analyses of the composition of the inscribed stirrup-jars from Thebes24. The examples found in Cyprus, and especially in the Enkomi deposit examined by ourselves, tend to corroborate the theory of a revival of Cretan trade including Cyprus, at the turn of the thirteenth and the twelfth centuries B. C., to which Furumark and more recently Desborough referred25. The final publication of our Enkomi excavations will offer further proofs of this revival of trade connections between eastern Crete and Cyprus as late as the end of Enkomi in the early eleventh century B. C. The following is a list of parallels for the sign incised on the handle of our fragment : AJA 45, 1941, 279 no. 11 of class I ; ibid. 280 no. 9 of class I I ; Schaeffer, Enkomi-Alasia 402 fig. 1261; Minos 5, 1957, pl. IV fig. 14 second sign from right (Enkomi) ; ibid. pl. I I fig. 6 first from right; Ventris and Chadwick, op. cit. fig. 11, 19?, (Enkomi tablet). The context of the fragment : It was found in our Area III, in one of the north-eastern casemates adjoining the Fortification Wall, more specifically in a deposit dug through by the foundation trench in which that wall had been founded. Apart from our fragment, the above deposit yielded other Mycenaean I I I B sherds, some of which are of late type attributable to the middle of the thirteenth century B. C. Similar pottery was collected in the soil which filled the foundation trench as well as in a thick overlying layer of collapsed mudbricks which testified to a destruction shortly after the erection of the Fortification Wall 26 . Our fragment, therefore, preceded by a short time the erection of that wall and is securely dated by the other Mycenaean I I I B pottery found in the same deposit. The lower limit is provided by the Mycenaean I I I B pottery collected in the destruction layer mentioned above. The re-erection of the Fortification Wall, and of the buildings which stood along the inner face of that wall, took place soon afterwards when Mycenaean I I I C : 1 b pottery had already appeared. The above date for our fragment is corroborated by the observation that fragments of similar stirrup-jars, collected in both of our Areas at 24

p. 36

H. W. Catling and A. Millett, Archaeometry 8, 1965, Si. and particularly

The Last Mycenaeans 7ff.; 271 ff. For further evidence the reader is referred to the forthcoming final publication of my Enkomi excavations. 26

26

More Cypro-Minoan Inscriptions from Enkomi

87

Enkomi, never occurred earlier than in contexts with Mycenaean III B pottery. However, fragments continued to occur in later contexts, namely with Mycenaean III C: 1 b pottery. Our Enkomi evidence,therefore, seems to corroborate the late chronology suggested for the Theban jars by Raison27, who favours a date at the end of the thirteenth century B. C. A d d i t i o n a l N o t e on t h e f r a g m e n t on PI. V i a Since writing the above notes I have requested Mrs A. Pieridou, Assistant Curator in the Cyprus Museum to re-examine the fragment and supply me with supplementary information and illustration, which she kindly did and for which I express my thanks. The additional documentation has confirmed my interpretation that the fragment comes from the base of the vessel. In connection with the direction of the inscription discussed above, it emerged that the potter had placed the vessel with base up not only to engrave the inscription but also to engrave on the external face of the base a pattern consisting of a group of three parallel, encircling lines at a small distance from the edge of the flange. It is even possible that originally he turned the vessel upside down in order to engrave the pattern and that while it was in that position he engraved also the inscription. Hence the reversed position of the latter in relation to the normal, upright position of the vessel. However, it so happened that the reversed position of the inscription facilitated its reading, as I have already suggested. 27

Catling and Millett, Archaeometry 8,1965,36 with references to Bibliography

HANS

ERLENMEYER

EIN ÄGÄISCHES SCHRIFTSIEGEL AUS D E R ZEIT DES ÜBERGANGS VON D E R S.-M.- ZU D E R FRÜHGRIECHISCHEN PERIODE Von zwei vor 15 Jahren erworbenen und nach vertrauenswürdigen Angaben auf einer Insel der Ägäis gefundenen Siegeln1 von seltener kubischer Form (Tai. V I I 1 ) ist das eine von besonderem Interesse, da es Schriftzeichen trägt, und zumal, da, wie man vermuten kann, diese Siegel in die Übergangsstufe von der spätmykenischen zur frühgriechischen Zeit zu datieren sind. Von dem größeren2, auf den Seiten figürliche Darstellungen und ein geometrisches Muster tragenden Siegel seien hier, da sie für die chronologische Einordnung bedeutsam sind, drei Seiten wiedergegeben. Die Unterseite des Siegels ist bemerkenswert, da sie ein Mäandermuster aufweist (Taf. VII2). Das großäugige Tier auf einer der Seitenflächen (Taf. VII 3) läßt sich in seiner schwerfälligen Gestaltung, in seiner Stilisierung — z. B. in der Beinhaltung — vergleichen mit den Tieren auf einer kretischen Tonwanne (Taf. VII 4) der SM I I I Zeit3, die in ihrem Stil und ihrer Malerei auch vereinzelt dasteht. Eine andere Seite (Taf. VII 5) des Siegels zeigt in sehr starker Schematisierung eine Wildziege4, den Kopf rückwärts gewendet, ein Vorderbein gewinkelt. Über dem Tier ist eine aus Sektoren aufgebaute „Sonne" angebracht. Diese Art der Sonnendarstellung ist nun auf einem anderen Tonsarkophag (Taf. VII 6) dieser Übergangszeit 6 zu finden. Die schmale Seitenwand des Sarkophag-Deckels weist als Schmuck einen Federzweig auf, der in ähnlicher Art auf der einzigen nichtbeschrifteten Seite des kleineren Siegels zu finden ist (Taf. V I I I 7). Die Schriftzeichen (Taf. VIII 8: Abdrücke der Siegelflächen; Taf. V I I I 9: gezeichnet nach dem Original) auf dem kleineren Siegel6 gehören zu keinem der in vielen Beispielen vorliegenden Schriftkreise 1 Material der Siegel: Schwarz-grüner Steatit, stellenweise leicht versintert. Das größere weist eine Ring-Oese, das kleinere einen Knopf auf der Oberseite auf. 2 Kubus 20 x 28 x 29; mit Griff Höhe 39 mm 3 Aus Kreta (Gournia), H. Th. Bossert, Alt Kreta, 1923 2 , 174 4 Ähnlich stilisierte Wildziege auf minoischem Siegel siehe Orientalia 29, 1960, Taf. 73, Abb. 69 6 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art VI, 1894, fig. 300 6 Kubus 14 x 22 X 24; mit Knopf Höhe 28 mm

Ein ägäisches Schriftsiegel

89

der Ägäis7. Ein Vergleich mit den bekannten Zeichenlisten der selteneren ägäischen Schriften läßt die Möglichkeit erkennen, die Schrift dieses Siegels mit karischen Zeichen in Verbindung zu bringen8. Im folgenden ist mit allem Vorbehalt versuchsweise eine Zeichenliste zusammengestellt. Die Schwierigkeiten sind insbesondere dadurch gegeben, daß die Orientierung der Zeichen und auch der ganzen Flächen nicht eindeutig ist. Weiterhin sind die Ränder des Siegels und auch der Zeichen zum Teil stark verschliffen, so daß oft die Abgrenzungen ungewiß sind. Zeichenliste A 1 t 28 B 1 t 15 2 t 14 (3) 2 t 31 F 3 t 3a 3 t 8 4 Wtr. 4 t 2b 5 10 5 •«- (?) 1 6 -»• (?) Fr. 34 (11) 6 2b 7««-(?) Fr. 4 (3) 7 (?) 31 H 8 Wtr. C l < - (?) Fr. 64 (7) D l * - (?) 31 H 2 Wtr. Die Angaben links gehören zu der Ordnung der Schriftzeichen in Tafel VIII9, die den Seiten des Siegels im Original entspricht. Der Pfeil gibt die Richtung an, in der das Zeichen für den Vergleich gesehen wurde. Die Zahlenangaben rechts beziehen sich auf die Zeichenliste von V. V. Sevoroskin (Kadmos 4, 1965, 82—85). Zur Ergänzung — mit Fr. bezeichnet — wurden karische Inschriften in J. Friedrich, Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmäler (1932) herangezogen. Die Worttrenner — (Wtr. a4; 8 und d2) sind charakteristisch für karische Inschriften9. Die zusammenhängenden Zeichen a7 und b7 wurden versuchsweise getrennt, wobei b7 vielleicht eine Ligatur mit einem N-artigen Zeichen bedeutet, ähnlich wie z. B. das Zeichen 14 in Fr. 2a (1). Durch die für ägäische Siegel ungewöhnliche Würfelform sind die beiden Siegel einerseits mit kleinasiatischen, und anderseits auch mit anderen frühgriechischen Siegeln des Festlands verbunden. 7

Hierzu: E. Grumach, Bibliographie der kretisch-mykenischen Epigraphik,

1963 8 Literaturangaben: E. Grumach loc. cit. 118f. siehe jetzt auch die Liste von P. Meriggi, Kadmos 5, 1966, I i i . ; siehe auch R. Shafer, L'Antiquité Classique 34, 1965, 398 ff. 9 Uber Worttrenner im Karischen V. V. Sevoroskin loc. cit. 82 Fußnote

90

Hans Erlenmeyer

Solche kiemasiatischen Siegel gehören zur Gruppe der sog. „Hammersiegel" über die Hogarth 10 vermerkt: „The base . . . is sometimes of cubical shape and engraved not only on the bottom face but on side faces". Als Beispiel sei das aus Tarsus stammende Siegel des Ashmolean Museums (Hogarth Nr. 196) angeführt. Zu den frühgriechischen würfelförmigen Siegeln vermerkt Matz11, unter Verweisung auf die kleinasiatischen Vorlagen: „Die Elfenbeinwürfel aus dem Orthiaheiligtum, aus dem argivischen Heraion und ihresgleichen sind also Arbeiten vorderasiatischer Handwerker" 12 . Von Bedeutung ist die von Matz hervorgehobene Verbindung der Würfel- bzw. Hammerform zu frühen kretischen Siegelformen13: Wenn in dieser Form „der den K o p f . . . bildende Ring in ziemlicher Breite unmittelbar auf der Stempelplatte sitzt, dann erkennt man in ihr sofort auch die Stammform für den dritten Typus des ringförmigen frühkretischen Siegels." Matz erkennt die Tradition dieser Form mit den Worten 14 : „Der Abstand von nicht weniger als etwa anderthalb Jahrtausenden zeigt wieder, wie zähe sich die alten Formen gerade in der Glyptik . . . gehalten haben." Den Abdruck eines solchen Ringsiegels aus einer frühminoischen Stufe (Taf. VIII10), mit einem Mäandermuster, zeigt Taf. VIII11. Auf die geschichtlichen Probleme, die mit dem Nachweis dieser Tradition sich stellen, führt die Bemerkung von Matz über dieses in der Spätzeit der minoischen Kultur Wieder-aktiv-werden einer älteren ägäischen Komponente 15 . Es wird deren „Sprache hier wieder so laut vernehmlich, daß die anderen Töne daneben fast verstummen". Matz spricht in diesem Zusammenhang, ohne die Karer zu nennen, von dem „Spiral-Mäandervolk" der kretischen und kykladischen Frühzeit. Die Angaben der griechischen Historiker lassen aber nur erkennen, daß die frühen Bewohner der Inseln, d. h. das Spiral-MäanderVolk, Karer waren. 10

D. G. Hogarth, Hittite Seals, 1920, 22 F. Matz, Die frühkretischen Siegel, 1928, 66; über eine Frühdatierung dieser Funde ins 9. Jahrhundert siehe W. Albright, The Aegean and the Near East, 1956, 162. 12 Ein frühgriechisches kubisches Siegel, das auf zwei Seiten geometrische Muster trägt: Paris, Cab. Med. M. 5837, siehe J. Boardman, Island Gems, 1963, C 13. 13 F. Matz loc. cit. 66 11 F. Matz loc. cit. 66 16 F. Matz loc. cit. 262 11

Ein ägäisches Schriftsiegel

91

So nennt Thukydides 16 als früheste Bewohner der Inseln die Karer. Zu ihrem Übertritt auf das kleinasiatische Festland führt er aus: „Minos—-der Beherrscher Kretas und des ägäischen Meeres — eroberte die Kykladen und besiedelte die meisten dieser Inseln, indem er die Karer verjagte und seinen Söhnen die Leitung der Kolonien übertrug." Auch Herodot 17 gibt an: „Die Karer sind von den Inseln nach dem Festland gekommen." Daß diese nach Kleinasien vertriebenen Karer am Ende der Bronzezeit mit Erfolg versuchten, ihre alten Siedlungsplätze zurückzugewinnen und daß sie somit ihre künstlerischen Ausdrucksformen wieder ,,so laut vernehmlich" zur Geltung bringen konnten, ist gleichfalls bezeugt. J. L. Myres erwähnt 18 „diese karische Überlieferung, derzufolge die Karer nach dem trojanischen Krieg und vor Beginn der griechischen Kolonisationsbewegung die Kreter von den Kykladen verdrängt hätten". Diese Angabe einer Zuwanderung nach Kreta und den Inseln läßt sich auch aus der archäologisch begründeten Feststellung von Demargne 19 ableiten „que les sites occupés se sont multipliés vers la fin du mycénien et à l'époque protogéométrique", aus der zugleich auch die Stärke dieser Renaissancebewegung hervorgeht. J. L. Myres20 denkt direkt an eine zeitweilige Vormachtstellung der Karer auf dem Meere, unmittelbar nach dem trojanischen Krieg, wenn er zur „Liste der Seemächte" bemerkt: Da sie „offensichtlich unvollständig ist, könnte an ihrem Anfang unschwer für eine karische Seemachtstellung Platz gefunden werden". Eine zusätzliche Stütze für die Annahme einer Wiedererstarkung der karischen Kultur bietet eine weitere Angabe von Thukydides 21 . Dieser berichtet: Als im Jahre 425 auf Beschluß der Athener Regierung auf der heiligen Insel Delos alle Gräber entfernt und die Gebeine auf die benachbarte Insel Rhenaia geschaffen wurden, „stellte sich heraus, daß über die Hälfte der Verstorbenen Karer waren, was man an den mitbegrabenen Waffen sah und an der 16

Thukydides I 4 Herodot I 171 18 Historia Mundi II, 1933, 476; siehe Diodor IV 60. Der Fund eines Kykladenidols in einem Grab der geometrischen Zeit wird dadurch verständlich. Archaeologia 9, 1956, 169« w P. Demargne, La Crète dédalique, 1947, 112 20 J. L. Myres loc. cit. 476 21 Thukydides I 4 und III 104, 1 17

92

Hans

Erlenmeyer

Bestattungsweise, die heute noch bei den Karern üblich ist." Die Verbindung von Delos mit den Karern nimmt auch Wilamowitz22 an, der darauf hinweist: „Als das winzige Eiland noch karisch war", hat es „nur durch seinen Gott Bedeutung erhalten" und „daß der Dienst karisch war, steht hier außer Zweifel, denn wie in Didyma hatten sich in den rituellen Liedern fremde unverständlich gewordene Formeln erhalten." Diese Angaben über die Beziehungen der Karer zu Apollon und seiner Insel Delos werden gestützt durch den Bericht von Herodot23, nach dem Apollon Ptoos in seinem thebanischen Heiligtum beim Kopais-See seine Weissagungen in karischer Sprache gab. Geschichtlich-archäologisch wäre noch anzuführen, daß ein Zusammenhang dieser „karischen Wanderung" mit der Aktivität der Seevölker und besonders mit der früher24 erörterten Bewegung der Danaoi sich aus einer Angabe26 entnehmen läßt, nach der die Karer nach dem trojanischen Krieg aus Kleinasien vertrieben wurden von den aus Anatolien unter Mopsos südwärts über den Taurus nach Kilikien bis Askalon ziehenden Danoi. — In Athen werden sich die Karer erst nach dem Auszug der nach der Zerstörung von Pylos dorthin geflüchteten Nachfahren des Nestor haben festsetzen können. Diese „ionische Wanderung" hat nach der Tradition mit dem Aufbruch der von Neileus geführten Schar etwa 40 Jahre nach dem um 1100 erfolgten Tod des Kodros begonnen26, und wohl bis ins 9. Jahrhundert gedauert: Ein Zeitpunkt, der auch mit dem Auftreten der eigentlichen geometrischen Keramik in Attika zusammenfällt. Es ist die Periode, wo gilt 27 : „Die protogeometrischen Formen weichen um 900 den geometrischen", wobei P. Demargne für die Deutung dieser Wanderung auch die Möglichkeit von „einem Bevölkerungswechsel" erwähnt, aber zugleich auch feststellt: „Hier handelt es sich um noch kaum geklärte Fragen". •— Aber auch das Nichtauftreten geometrischer Formen auf Cypern wird durch diese Zunahme einer in nördlicheren Bereichen zur Zeit 22 U. V. Wilamowitz, Der Glaube der Hellenen I, 1956, 320f. s. a. A. Goetze Kleinasien, 1957, 180 7 23 Herodot VIII 135 24 Verf. Kadmos 5, 1966, 49 25 R. Dussaud, Pnüydiens, Hittites et acheens, 1953, 23 4 , 87 s. a. J . L. Myres loc. cit. 466, S. Lloyd, Early Anatolia, 1956, 179, T. B. L. Webster, Die Nachfahren Nestors, 1961. 22 26 F. B. L. Webster loc. cit. 12 27 P. Demargne, Die Geburt der griechischen Kunst, 1965, 287

Ein ägäisches Schriftsiegel

93

der Seevölker-Züge sich abspielenden karischen Wanderung verständlich. Es wird Aufgabe weiterer Forschungen sein, das frühe und das späte Wirken dieses „Spiral-Mäander-Volks" aus den Denkmälern28 der verschiedenen Perioden herauszuarbeiten. 28

s. Verf. Orientalia 29, 1960, 241

PAUL FAURE

AUX F R O N T I È R E S D E L'ÉTAT D E LATO: 50 TOPONYMES Voici, tout d'abord, une nouvelle lecture du texte gravé qui fixe les frontières de Lato vers 113/112 avant J . C. (v. Inscriptiones Creticae I, X V I , 5, 1. 51—72) : si "Opoi TAÇ ACCTÎGOV X " P A [ S ] ' ônrô ôaX [âo-aas AN 7roTa]yç>v TÔV KUyaïou, Si OSwp [pel, Kfiui Taç êcôas èiri 62 Tàv MTTITCXy[pa]v, KT|Ç TOV BÉ[V]KCCCT[0V, Kal ÔTTÔ TÔTS ETT]ITOÀCCÇ TCO BevKâ[a]co [ÈK TCCS TrÉTpas TTEpicnr63 TTÉTIÇ ês Tau âÀÀav TréTpa[v, Si â Taivia -iraparJpÉx81» KOtî TOUTCO KOT[à Taç K£V, Kai ês 'IEAKETOS ETTÎ T[ÔS] Kcopf)T[as, Kai âu "EÂÀ^u' ês TÔ KÔÀOU Si OScop [pe]ï, [KT|S Tàv Zcop]à[aav], KT]S Tàu ô56u, KT|Tri 'EAàcpco Ài|i[uav, KTIS Tàv Ar|pâ8a, KTIS TÔV 'AxEP§ÔEvra, [KTjTrJi A[iôs âxpov, KfiJiri AopEÎav, ktis KupTàppa|ç>[v, KTIS TÔV Karagaôpàv, Kai TTEpiconrÉTis Ê[s TÔ]V ZTn[voEvra, KTJS T]OCU Zucoviav, K[T|S TÔU "Apon v (Xvtuvi«) M T-PHAZI PETRO

&SKORDOULA POROS ALOIDAS_ (Sir[v] (62). Oronyme précédant le mont Kocrcc(3aô(i6v, («la descente par paliers»). L'incertitude des lectures (KupTÔpaÇov, Molin ; KupT(âp)TraÇov ou KupTà[p-rr]a£ov, Comparetti et, d'après un simple estampage, Deiters; KupTâp(3cc^o[v] peut-être: v. l'apparat) affecte l'interprétation du radical (pccxiS? apcccra-co? pôcÇos?). Constatons seulement l'existence d'un suffixe familier en -CTOS, analogue à celui de AavâpTraÇoç (65) et de KaAÀiôpaaoç (67), et d'un premier élément Kup-r- qui semble bien être celui de l'adjectif KUpTÔç .«arrondi», «bombé», «voûté» ou des substantifs KÛpTTi et KÛpToç désignant divers objets convexes. Mont «en forme de dôme». • T[ÔS] Kcopf)T[ocç] (60). Sanctuaire des Courètes. Ils figurent parmi les divinités principales de Lato, comme le montre le serment de ce traité, et parmi celles de Hierapytna (I. C. I I I , I I I , 3, 5). Ils présidaient aux initiations de la troupe des jeunes (ocyéAa)24. Selon Diodore V, 65 «ils habitaient les lieux boisés et les gorges des montagnes et, en général, là où se trouvaient des abris et couverts naturels, car l'art de construire des maisons n'avait pas encore été découvert». Ce toponyme implique donc un bois sacré et, sans doute, une gorge: or, il est suivi d'un hydronyme, OCV "EÀÀr)v' ES TÔ KOÀOV.

[ès AccyivôiTjuTOV (67, et I. C. I, X V I , 18, 4). Formation analogue à [Me]TaÀÀcrTr[uTOv] (68), toponyme également mentionné à la frontière Nord de Lato. Littéralement: «le trou aux lièvres». De *TTUT6Ç, forme sourde de (3U96S 25 (cf. -TTU9HT|V, TTÛVSOCÇ, et sans doute riuQcô, «la Faille ») et de Ààyivoc, dérivé de Àocycbç (Eschyle, Ag. 119). Sià [A]a{jov (56). V. l'apparat. La préposition 5iâ, qui diffère de âiri «en direction de» (60), employée avec ôyovaav, indique que le chemin passe «au travers» d'un pays, d'une région, d'un massif. Aussi l'identité de ce toponyme avec l'hellénistique 24 25

R. F. Willetts, Cretan Cuits and Festivals, Londres 1962, 204—209 Pour un traitement analogue de l'aspirée, cf. 1. 7 5 — 7 6 TÔV 'ATTÉMCOVCC TOV

TTUTIOV

( = nOôiov).

104

Paul

Faure

ÀaÇôç (ô) «le tailleur de pierres» peut-elle être écartée. Même s'il ne s'agit pas d'une mauvaise lecture de Molin pour NccÇov ou BôtÇov ( = kotSÇov. Aockcovsç, Hesykh.), le mot paraît préhellénique. On connaît un mont 'PccÇoç, en Crète, au X e siècle26. [kt|s Ms]TOÀÀcnr[uTOv] (68). Littéralement: «le Trou aux minerais». Cf. Aayivcnrurov. en Mîtoiç (54). Dèmotique ou ethnique, à l'Est du Bévkccctos. On peut tout au plus le rapprocher des notices de la Souda aux mots Mîtioç et Mîtoç: ôvoncc ttôàecoç, et peut-être des anthroponymes burlesques27 Mîtoç («le Fil»), Mîtuç, Mîtcov, Mîttoç, Mîttios, Mittîcov, MiTTupicov, ce dernier étant connu dans la cité crétoise de Rhaukos (I. C. IV, 206, L 1). [èç TTan]gûv' (69—70; REA 1. 52). Hydronyme formé avec le radical *plu de TrÀùpoc, TrÀOaiç, ttàutôs ( = «laver») et le suffixe -pcôv qui fournit des noms d'agents dès le grec le plus ancien (f|yeHcov, K£u0|icov, TeÀapcov . . . ) .

[tôs] TTpiuo[éaaas] (64). Lieu-dit couvert de chênes verts cf. 1. 72, et qui fait suite à un hydronyme.

(Trpïvoi),

26 Actuelle XccpKOKSçàAa, entre Kalous Limiones et Matala (Pyrgiotissis) : Kp. Xp. 2 , 1 9 4 8 , 59. 62. 72 27 F . Bechtel, Die einstämmigen männlichen Personennamen des Griechischen, die aus Spitznamen hervorgegangen sind, Berlin 1898, 16 28 Ceci, malgré les éditeurs des I. C. I, p. 123. D'ailleurs, ccpi^oç est féminin et traxOvanov du texte est masculin.

Aux frontières de l'État de Lato : 60 toponymes

105

Tccv npoiJi£vf|Ticraav (71 ; REA1. 54). Nom de femme à finale hellénistique en -ICTCTCC, formé sur un nom propre masculin *TTpoNEVR)TTIS29, comme 'AVRIÔXIO'AA sur 'AVTÎOXOÇ. Le masculin suppose un nom antérieur, comme *-rrp6iiEvcc, non attesté, qui semble bien une forme à alternance o/e, ou dialectale, de Trpûpva, «la poupe ». Les recensions de Chishull et Maittaire portent: npunvÎTiCTcrav, «la femme du pilote de poupe. » Il ne peut s'agir d'un oronyme, mais tout au plus d'un souvenir de propriétaire ou d'un sobriquet appliqué à quelque accident de terrain, rocher ou arbre pittoresque. [TÔV ZiraôoEvra] (66). Nous proposons cette forme comme la plus proche possible de l'invraisemblable EFFAGENTA de Molin (cf. l'apparat critique). Les formes tirées deCTISÔEIÇ(«rouge comme une grenade»), ornSôas («large», «vaste»), OTTOSÔEIS («cendré») sont paléographiquement trop lointaines. Le suffixe, bien attesté dans cette inscription ('AxEpSÔEvra, npivoEcrcraç, ZiTiuÔEVTa, sans compter BOXOEVTÎCOV, 1. 8 3 ) , marque soit la richesse en quelque chose, soit la manière d'être (KUKÂÔEIÇ = «en forme de cercle»). On connaît en Crète plusieurs monts ZiraSi, «l'Epée», et un notamment dans le massif du Lasithi (surnommé AÎKTTI depuis 1 9 0 0 ) . [TÔ]V 2IRI[vÔEvra] ( 6 3 ) . «Le mont aux pinsons». La désignation des montagnes par des noms d'oiseaux est encore fréquente en Crète moderne: BITCTÎÀIOC, NADOVA, ZKACÎÎTTOC, "Opvio, KopaKiés. Cf. ci-dessus KopScùîÀav, FÎEpicrrEpicôua, et I. C. I, V I I I , 4, b, 6 — 7 : AÎETOÎ. Un rapprochement avec o-mvoç, qui désigne en Thrace une variété de lignite (Théophraste, Lap. 13 et p. 97 éd. Eichholz; cf. [Aristote], De mirabil. auscult. 41, 832 b—833 a), me paraît exclu. [TÔ ZTICÙTIOV] (68). Oronyme, au Nord de Lato. Dérivé de crria (F)) ouCTTÏOV(TÔ), «la pierre», «le caillou» (alld Stein), il désigne un endroit rocailleux ou pierreux : cf. crncbSqs. [ÈÇ S]u5àçvccs (66, et I. C. I, XVI, 18,1. 3). Lieu-dit sur une hauteur (xàç ccvco). Il semble formé commeCTU(36CTIOVetCTV(3CÔTT|Çà partir du nom ovç, «le porc» ou «le sanglier». Il s'agirait d'une variété de lauriers, Sâcpvoa, bonne pour ces animaux, ou bien où ils se cachent: cf., en grec moderne, ccypio8c«pvr| ou cnpctKcc, TnKpoSàçvT] et xanc«8âK *

d

e

f

g

h

Abb. 2

Hasta geritzt, dann die rechte und zuletzt die zwei Hälften der senkrechten, eine jede für sich. Wegen seiner schlichten, asymmetrischen Form kann es kein Ornament sein. Als Schriftzeichen ist es sowohl im kyprominoischen wie auch in Linear A und B unbekannt, noch 1 7 O. Masson, Cylindres et cachets chypriotes portant des caractères chyprominoens, BCH 81, 1957, 6—19

10*

148

Spyros Iakovidis

ist es zwischen den Zeichen der anderen Schriftsysteme der Spätbronzezeit (ägyptische, kretisch- und hethitisch-hieroglyphisch, Keilschrift, gublitisch usw.) zu finden. Ihm am ähnlichsten sind zwei örtlich weit voneinander entfernte Linearmotive. Das eine befindet sich auf einem Siegelzylinder mitannischen Stils, anscheinend im 15. oder 14. Jahrh. in Nordsyrien geschnitten und im Kadmeion zu Theben zusammen mit SH III B Keramik entdeckt18 (Katal. Nr. 182). Es ist zwischen zwei gegenüberstehenden Figuren eingraviert und hat dieselbe X-Form mit senkrechter Mittelhasta, hier aber sind die kurzen Schrägstriche den Spitzen der zwei Querhasten zugefügt (Abb. 2 b). Bei ihm wurde zuerst die senkrechte Linie geritzt, dann die nach rechts geneigte und als letzte die linke. Das andere ist auf dem Bauche einer submykenischen Amphore aus Grab XXIV der Deiras zu Argos gezeichnet, zusammen mit einem unförmigen Klecks, zwei senkrechten Wellenlinien zwischen Parallelen, einer einfachen Wellenlinie und einer kurvenlinigen Swastika19. Diese Motive, höchst nachlässig hingepinselt, sind alle zweifellos als bloße Ornamente gemeint, ohne jede Spezialbedeutung. Das Linearzeichen sieht wie die beiden anderen aus, nur daß hier das X in zwei von einander getrennte, Scheitel an Scheitel gestellte Winkel aufgelöst ist, die auf die senkrechte Linie gezeichnet wurden und daß alle drei Hasten mit schrägen Strichen versehen sind (Abb. 2c). Es ist bereits mit einem anderen, etwas komplizierteren Vasenornament, das auf einer noch späteren cyprischen Amphore gemalt ist20, verglichen worden21 (Abb. 2d). Die Unterschiede also zwischen dem mitannischen, dem submykenischen und dem Motiv unseres Zylinders (das cyprische ist zu spät, um mit in Betracht gezogen zu werden) bestehen lediglich in der Zahl der kleinen Querstriche und den Stellen, wo sie angebracht sind. Diese Unterschiede, klein wie sie sind, hätten durchaus genügt, um die Identifizierung dieser drei Zeichen auszuschließen, selbst wenn ihre Herkunft und ihre Daten nicht so verschieden wären. Folglich gehören sie weder ein und demselben Schriftsystem 18 E. Touloupa, Kadmos 3,1964, 25—27; Deltion 19, 1964, Chronika 195, N. 4. Die Bestimmung seiner Herkunft und seines Datums verdanke ich einer schriftlichen Mitteilung von E. Porada. " J. Deshayes, Argos, Les fouilles de la Deiras 66,150, Pl. LXVII, 3, 4 20 V. Karageorghis, BCH 89, 1965 (Chronique des Fouilles à Chypre 1964), 240, fig. 14 21 E. Grumach, Kadmos 4, 1965, 175

Ein beschrifteter Siegelzylinder aus Cypern

149

an (das in diesem Falle mitannisch sein müßte) noch scheinen sie als Schriftzeichen gegolten zu haben. Es gibt vier weitere, nicht ungleiche Motive, die auf verschiedenen in Cypern entdeckten Gegenständen vorkommen (Abb. 2 e—h). Das erste davon ist auf einer Tonkugel aus Enkomi eingeritzt und gehört der kyprominoischen Schrift an22. Die beiden nächsten stehen auf mykenischen Vasen, ebenfalls aus Enkomi, geschrieben23, und scheinen Händler- oder Töpfermarken gewesen zu sein. Das letzte, das dem Zeichen der klassischen cyprischen Silbenschrift für a gleicht, ist auf einem Fayencezylinder aus Idalion zu finden und scheint eher die schematische Darstellung eines figürlichen Motivs, als ein Schriftzeichen zu sein24. Diese aber, von denen ja nur das erste ein Schriftzeichen ist, weichen vom Symbol des Peratizylinders so viel ab, daß es unmöglich für eine Variante von einem derselben gehalten werden darf, obwohl sie alle mehr oder weniger gleichzeitige Erzeugnisse derselben Kultur sind. Als Marke des Zylinderbesitzers, d. h. als Symbol eines bestimmten Wortes oder Namens ist es kaum annehmbar, denn in diesem Falle wird die Anwesenheit des anderen, lesbaren Zeichens unerklärlich, da sich dann die beiden nicht kombinieren lassen. Man dürfte immerhin vermuten, daß hier ein bisher nicht entdecktes kyprominoisches Zeichen vorliegt oder gar ein Kompositcharakter, eine Ligatur, wie sie in den Schriften der Bronzezeit manchmal vorkommen. Wenn aber nicht, dann muß es nach alledem ein Symbol sein, das keiner Schrift angehört und keinem bestimmten Laut entspricht. Was seine Form betrifft, ist es nicht zu leugnen, daß es den Anschein eines linearen Schriftzeichens hat. Es sieht nämlich wie die Nachbildung eines solchen aus, wie eine schriftzeichenförmige Improvisation sozusagen. Solche quasi-Schriftzeichen sind im 13. und 12. Jahrh. in der Ägäis nicht unbekannt und kommen manchmal auf Vasen vor, offenbar von illiteraten Künstlern in Nachahmung der richtigen, schlecht verstandenen, aufgezeichnet 25 . Hier wie dort sind sie an Stelle der üblichen Beschriftung angebracht, das Symbol auf dem Zylinder aber dürfte eine spezielle Bedeutung haben. Die Zylinder waren namentlich Siegel, also Gegenstände, die als 22 23 24 26

J. J. J. J.

F. Daniel F. Daniel F. Daniel Deshayes

a. a. a. a.

O. O. O. O.

280, Class I N° 36g 281, Class II N° 21a, Class III N° 14 282, Class VI N° 13; O. Masson a. O. 18 150; J. Boardman, On the Knossos Tablets 77

150

Spyros

Iakovidis

Merkzeichen ihres Besitzers und seines Eigentums dienten und deswegen mit ihm intim verbunden waren; zugleich aber fanden sie sich in der Form von Abdrücken in stetem Umlauf, was sie, und dadurch ihn persönlich, allerlei Fährnissen und böswilligen Einflüssen aussetzte, denen vorgebeugt werden mußte. Demnach enthielten die Siegelbilder häufig apotropäische und sonstige wunderkräftige Elemente, die dem Siegel und seinem Besitzer Schutz gewährten und Glück brachten. Solche Amulettfiguren auf unserem Zylinder sind außer dem Gotte selbst und seinen Attributen auch noch das Krokodil26, die geschlossene Hand 27 , die Maske des Wedelträgers und höchstwahrscheinlich das Linearsymbol. Die willkürliche Anwendung der Schriftzeichen oder quasiSchriftzeichen auf Amuletten und sonstigem Zaubergerät, ist nicht schwer zu erklären. Das Schreiben überhaupt, d. h. die Fähigkeit Laute, Worte und Sätze durch die Aufzeichnung von bestimmten, an sich meinungslos erscheinenden Symbolen festzulegen und dann nach Belieben hervorzubringen, muß in diesen Zeiten, wo die wenigsten schreibkundig waren, allen anderen als Zauberei vorgekommen sein. Wir können uns sehr gut vorstellen, daß man manchmal die okkulten Kräfte auszunutzen trachtete, indem man solche Zeichen, ohne sie genau zu kennen, entweder abschrieb oder gar aus freien Stücken nachahmte. Auf diese Weise wären z. B. die vereinzelten oder jedenfalls nicht zusammengehörigen Hieroglyphen auf manchen ägyptischen Skarabäen28 zu deuten, sowie die auf einigen hethitischen Siegeln angebrachten, nicht lesbaren hieroglyphenförmigen „Heilsymbole" 29 . Dazu kommen das „impaled triangle"Symbol auf verschiedenen ägäischen Siegeln30 und vielleicht noch die Linearmotive eines Siegels aus Prosymna in der Mitte des Bild2 8 Flinders-Petrie, Amulets 48; E . A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Talismans 176; A. Erman, Die Religion der Ägypter 130 2 7 E . A. Wallis Budge a. O. 150; H. Beck, Archaeologia 77, 1928, 34 fig. 28. Auf Zylindern H. H. von der Osten, Newell Collection 100; A. Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel 138, Tai. 69 N° 583 (Assur); E . Porada—B. Buchanan, C A N E S I, PI. C L X I N° 1059, 1064 (Mitanni), C X L I N° 935 (Syrien), C X L I X N° 979, (Syrien), C L I X N ° 1 0 4 3 (Mitanni), C L X N° 1052, 1053 (Mitanni); E . Porada, A J A 52, 1948, PI. I X N° 24 (Amathous) X I N° 56 (Kourion); Briggs Buchanan, A M N E S Cat. I, 181, PI. 57 N° 912 (Cypern) 2 8 P. Newberry, Scarabs 193 und PI. X L I I , N° 5, 8 — 1 1 ; Flinders-Petrie, Buttons and Design Scarabs 18. Vgl. den Skarabäus aus Grab 75 in Perati, Praktika 1958, 23, Tai. 2 1 a ; Deltion 19, 1964, Chronika 94, Taf. 8 6 b 2 9 H. G. Güterbock, Siegel aus Bogazköy I I 42 3 0 "A. SaxeAAaplou, Muktivc(;kt) XcppayiSoyAutpia 4 6 ; CMS I 73, 106, 137, 4 8 4 ; CMS V I I I 107, 108

Ein beschrifteter Siegelzylinder aus Cypera

151

feldes31 und eines anderen aus Mykenae, auf der rechten Seite des Abdruckes32. Aus Cypern selbst bzw. aus der ägäischen Levante kann das ebenfalls in Perati gefundene Amulett33 herangezogen werden, dem das plankonvexe Siegel CMS I, 156 aus Mykenae34 sehr ähnelt. Auch in späteren Zeiten, besonders im Mittelalter, wurden in derselben Weise Buchstaben und buchstabenförmige Symbole in allerlei Zauberformeln und Amuletten gebraucht35. Ein solches magisch-apotropäisches Heilsymbol muß das Zeichen auf dem Perati-Zylinder gewesen sein. Der Siegelschneider versuchte einen beschrifteten Zylinder herzustellen, wobei er anstelle der Inschrift, die er offenbar als Zauberformel verstand, ein paar Zeichen, so gut es ging, nachbildete. CMS I 217; Biegen, Prosymna 2 7 3 1 , fig. 579, CMS I 136 3 3 Sp. Iakovidis, Kadmos 3, 1964, 149 — 155; 5, 1966, 44 — 46; P. Meriggi, Kadmos 4, 1965, 5 — 6 ; 5, 1966, 58—60 3 1 A. J . B. Wace, C.T. 37, 203f. PI. X X 16; CMS 1156; J . Boardman, Kadmos 5, 1966, 47 3 6 E . A. Wallis Budge a. O. 39, 40, 44; C. Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets 138; CP. KouKouAi, B u £ c x v t i v c 5 v Bios Kai T T o A i t i c t u ö s A II 256f. 31 32

LILIAN H . J E F F E R Y APXAIA TPAMMATA:

SOME ANCIENT G R E E K VIEWS 1

Offered to Professor Ernst Grumach, in grateful recognition of all that he has done to advance our knowledge of early writing ZFTICNXOPOS

(c. 630—555 B. C.) év Seurépcp

'Opeoreías .

. . TÓV

rTaAanr)5r|v (prjcriv £Úpr}Kévoa [TÓC ypá|INOCTOC] (Page, PMG F 213).

Palamedes was only relevant incidentally to an Oresteia: Orestes inherited the curse laid on Agamemnon for helping to murder Palamedes at Troy (Eur. Or. 431—3)2. Thus Stesichoros, if referring only incidentally, surely owed his 'inventor of writing' to a tradition already existing. Palamedes figured prominently in the epic Cypria (c. 600 B. C. ?), but the surviving references to him which derive from it give no help. In [Apollodoros'] Bibliotheca (Vat. Epit. 3. 8) Odysseus 'planted' in the Greek camp a letter (SEATOS) written in Phrygian, as though to Palamedes from Priam; but this might be only a late elaboration of the story, just as the 'litterae Palamedis' shown in Apollo's temple at Sikyon probably came there through the Hellenistic interest in 'Trojan War memoirs' (p. 160 and nn. 28, 29 below). We can only say that the earliest Greek tradition about the invention of writing surely antedates stesichoros, and may conceivably derive, via the Cypria, from some memory of the literate Mycenaean period.3 The next traceable theories are those of Hekataios and Herodotos. Herodotos said that the Phoenicians of Kadmos introduced writing to Greece; TTuOóScopos 8É év TCO uepi CJTOIXEÍCOV KOCÍ OÍXÁIS ó ArjAios év TCO irepi xpóvcov irpó Ká5|iou Aávaov ^ r r a K o p í a a i aürá 9aaiv* 1 The ancient testimonia on this subject total well over one hundred. From the material gathered in 1951—2 while at Princeton under the hospitable roof of the Institute for Advanced Study, I have quarried also for papers read to the Classical Society at Oxford and the Hibernian Hellenists in Ireland, and for ch. 23 in Wace and Stubbings, Companion to Homer, 1962. For brevity's sake I have confined these comments to the Greeks' claims concerning their own script; I have also omitted any analysis of our chief single source, the Scholia to Dionysios Thrax, Téxvr) ypapucrnKT) ch. 6 (trepl crroixeiou), ed. A. Hilgard, 1901 (hereafter cited as D. Thr. 6). 2 Cf. W. Ferrari, Athenaeum 16, 1938, 26f., who argues that Euripides is here actually based on Stesichoros. 3 See E. D. Phillips, A J P 78, 1967, 267ff.

'Apxaiot ypAnucrra : Some ancient Greek views

153

erripapTupouai TOUTOIS KCCI oi MiArjaiaKol ouyypacpets 'Ava£inav8pos Kal Aiovucrios Kal ' EKOCTOUOS, ous Kai 'AiroAAoScopos EV NECOV KaraAoycp TtapariOeTai (FGH 1 F 20). Hekataios, believing that Egyptian civilization long preceded Greek, would naturally argue that the man who first gave script to the Greeks would be Danaos from the land of hieroglyphs rather than Palamedes the Greek warrior of the Trojan War. I would not agree with those who infer from the wording of F 20 that Hekataios was rebutting an existing (therefore pre-Herodotean) theory about Kadmos, so that Herodotos loses the credit for first introducing the Phoenicians4. As I see it, the late writers Pythodoros and Phillis were championing Danaos against Kadmos, and got support for this by quoting the early Milesian writers on Danaos. Herodotos' statement is deservedly famous (v. 58—-9). I repeat it here translated only to show what I take to be his line of reasoning at certain points. 'These Phoenicians who came [into Boiotia] with Kadmos . . . after settling in this district introduced to the Greeks many kinds of learning (SISOCCTKOAIOC) and particularly writing (ypanuotra), which did not previously exist among the Greeks, in my own opinion [i. e., though Hekataios said that it came in with Danaos]: first, the script which all Phoenicians use ( = stage 1). Then, as time went on, they changed, with the language ( 4> 4> © 0 4> 4> • X W Y4 Y* n n X X X X X X tv n ta ta ta ta ta * OS Y* * * * 7 r y r

-

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B,fi B.P x,e * * fi fi fi PF p p p PF PF PF PC?

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H B B a 0 © © © © © \ 1 l i 1 y K K K K Í l U V P

^

Lakon/a, Messenia. Taras

tV*

Argos, Mycenae

-lN o. .si •5ô .0 -o ! •à «^co «1 A A Pi 9 B B B A rc rc

Lok rides and colonies

si

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Fig. l a . The local scripts (Reproduced b y kind permission of the Delegates of the University Press, Oxford)

Alpha Beba Gamma Delta Epsi/on Vau Zeta f.Eba \ffeba Theba loba Kappa Lambda Mu Nu Xi Omikron Pi San Qoppa Rho Sigma Tau Upsilon Phi Chi Psi Oméga Punct.

S È Ê Ê M * Ê * Ê Ê R HE * ÊF ÜF Ê * PC M

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-

Ionic Uodekapolis and colonies Rhodes, Oe/a, A k raff as

Thera, Kyrene

Delos, Keos, Syros

Crete

5 r -o

Syracuse and colonies

Euboic W. colonies

Aibo/ia,Epeiros

Achata and colonies

.¡s S o o c v > J£ S 1 P > 5O o i" SI .1 II S3 i «s AAA A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A B B v\ C C C BjP 6 n B B B B C IX ( < r< A.CC A,r A A A K Al r K K r D DD.A DA.D D DA . A A A A A A A A.DA DA • 5 t; < 0 V-UÏ)

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KK KKK KKK K kK KK KK KK r A 1/ l h r r n A L/r A A r r r h a* r r trr M AAr r t* n r r t* AA AA r r K K r K K r K KKK r r K X X X tM MSE? ï DSx*3EK•M.Ïi ? I™ ï z X o O O o o O O o n O O o c.o O o c o r r r p r r r r r r ne p r r r r r n MM M M M [M] 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 -? ? ? PR PR PR PR PR PP PP P PP P p PR p P.D P p p $ 5S * $ * * ^ ^ —

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T T T T T T T T T T T T T T T V V KV K Y Y Y Y Y K Y V V Y Y * (D 4> o . 19 35 Herod. I 146 36 Chios u. Erythrai; 'ET|S TTOÄlfiTOa KÜ|ißaAä TE Opuyiris Mi"|Tpös, nccKccpcov ßaaiAeiiis, 150 Kpf^Tss, fSiKTaiov Bios ueAovyo ysvsOAris f yAaßpr|VTIV KAT|£OUCTI 96pcovupov döavötrov/ yfjs f|V TTOCVTES KOCAEOUCTI 9 E O I LACTKCCPES Y A U K U A I S Q V ,

155

außpÖCTtov ßAaorrma Kai 'IScciccv 'EKoerEiav, i|sAiou | 8' Aiyurrrov öcroi TTEpivaiETaouaiv dyAaotpcoTiSa -RRAVTES ETTIKATI £oucn ßocovTES tpeyyEos OUVEKCX AaniropEvou m/pös avöos avaiÖEi.

Z u r T e x t k r i t i k und zum V e r s t ä n d n i s des T e x t e s Zu 148: Für den Ausdruck ' P E I T I S TroAifjTca verdanke ich der freundlichen Hilfsbereitschaft von Wolfgang Fauth eine — wie mir scheint — überzeugende Deutung. In einem Brief vom 24. 9. 66 schreibt er: „Es dürften mit Sicherheit Phryger damit gemeint sein, wie j a auch der Kontext mit KupßaAaTE (ppuyirjs nr)Tpös nahelegt. Rheia steht in dieser Zeit praktisch immer für die Mr|TT|p (lEydA-q. . . . Demnach sollte man bei 'Peiris TroAifjTai zunächst an MtiTpös TroAifjTC« = MqTpoiToAiTai, die Einwohner einer Stadt im kleinasiat. Ionien/Phrygien denken, von der Steph. Byz. s. M r | T p ö TTOAIS sagt: iröAis Qpuyiris uirö Tfjs priTpos TCÜV OEGOV oiKiaÖEiaa". Zu 150: Diese große Korruptel wollte Kaibel, Hermes 25, 1890, 103ff. heilen als K P F J T E S AIKTOCTOI 8 E A I Ö S |ji£ydAoio ysvE0Ar|. R. Keydell, Burs. J b . 230, 1931, 53 bezweifelt aber diese Herstellung. Zu 151: Statt des hapax legomenon yAaßpr|ur|V setzt Kaibel a. O. Aoßpivriu ein, den in Nikanders Alexipharmaka Vs. 7 und den dazu gehörenden Scholien belegten Beinamen einer phrygischen Rhea 3 . Auch das letzte Wort des Verses (yfis) ändert er in 'Ps'ris; — zu q>Epcbvu(jiov vgl. V. 115f. des gleichen Gedichts: KEvrca/pou KpoviSao 3

A l e x i p h a r m a k a V s . 7 : f ) x i TE 'PEIT|S A o ß p i v r i s 8aA•,) .. ../.../. /_... v i.r . /. name.

termination. £Reassessment of Text A at WN iO requires ¿ i f f to be a vocabulary toorci. It is a name £xp. Voc. S-^4-, doubtful Docs. p. 4.27J.

Fig. 2

266

F. R o y d o n

Richards

of the initial word makes 28-46-27-57 the first really operative word of Eb 317, followed by the supposedly separate group 77-60-40 functioning as W in a pattern W X - 7 8 Y-78 Z-78. Ventris adheres to his primary thesis that most words are nominative personal names. He is therefore forced to explain 28-46-27-57, which intervenes between "Similarly" and the W of the pattern just mentioned, as a species of collective to which the pattern can stand in apposition. Any doubt about this exegesis is dispelled by Ventris's explicit reference (WN 9, 85) to "nom. plurals in -ia, e. g. etera-ia etc." in a note on -57: a borrowing which a non-Etruscologist like the present writer can hardly miss in his perusal of Pallottino § 55 'II suffisso -a (-ia) s'incontra invece piuttosto con temi in -a, e -u: es. etera individuo di una classe sociale: etera-ia- "gli 'etera'" '. The 'individuo' is for Ventris, in this 'application' of Pallottino, a 28-46-27, destined to become 28-46-27-10 WN 11,39 by which time the latter group has become known to Ventris from Bennett I. In WN 11 28-46-27-10 is " a member of the class of persons" [cf. classe sociale] "who constitute the 28-46-27-57, to which some of the 14-38-02 belong". The premisses from which this conclusion is drawn are left to the reader to divine. They appear to be (a) that the word 'dowelo' has been accepted for 14-38-02 by virtue of the celebrated 'guess'21; (b) that 28-46-27-57, the 'class of people' of WN 1 Art. 19, is not only a nominative plural or collective but (without inflexion) its own genitive case, interpreted as such (on Ep 539, 7, 8) to match the frequent 04-61-36, which itself is already genitive (-36) in the order of inference, but which probably derives its Category 3 (i. e. 'group') interpretation (e. g. WN 11 Ventris's Fig. 8, first three drawings) from 28-46-27-57, the 'class of people' of WN l 2 2 ; (c) that final -10 is masculine by reason of its occurrence in four name endings on the Knossos man tablet As 1516 (cf. WN 11, 37); (d) that 28-46-27-10 (immediately following the name 75-04-27-10 on Eo 247, 7 and Ep 539, 13) is a descriptive noun, a conception first introduced in principle at See next paragraph. W N 11, 37 — "The words 04^61-36, 2 8 - 4 6 - 2 7 - 5 7 , 0 8 - 3 9 - 1 3 - 4 5 - 6 1 and 7 7 - 0 3 - 3 7 - 5 7 . . . are either personal or departmental names". The second is our W N 1 word, the fourth is presumably a possible -tija name of 1940 Ap 639 type; but in labelling this word Category 3 (WN fig. 8, cf. W N 14 Art. 151) V. seems aware that departments and persons do not match combinatorially. Nor do the (final) priestess and Karpathia. — Emendation d e s t r o y s V.'s original gen. sing. fem. 2 8 - 7 2 - 1 3 - 4 5 - 5 7 W N 1 (Meriggi, Glotta 34, 1954, 21; Palmer, Texts 264). 21 22

Reflections on Ventris's Work Note 1

267

WN 1 Art. 26, where the word *in parenthesis Case 1 ?' 16-41-27-10 (Jo 438.20) is discussed, along with 16-41-27-40-57 which is regarded as its plural 23 by virtue of its appearance As 1516 whereon later (WN 14, 131) it has become "difficult not to interpret 5844-27-61 16-41-27-40-57 Man 1 as 16-41-27-10's of the 58-44-27, items of one man each". It is clear that the crucial WN 11 passage which marks the emergence of 28-46-27-10 as an a g e n t noun, destined to keep company with 16-41-27-10, owes no small debt to WN 1 conceptions of 16-41-27-10 as a descriptive appositional word and of 28-46- as verbal, whatever the latter term may imply. This reference to a problem of WN 11 reminds the writer both of the honour conferred upon an oyipaOris in Linear B by the receipt of an invitation to share in acclaiming a distinguished scholar and of the responsibility involved in acceptance. He desires, before returning to the perhaps peripheral problems of WN 1, to sketch a possible view of the 'guess' of which Professor Grumach has written: — "Der guess ist um so erstaunlicher, als keines der beteiligten Zeichen bis dahin eine 'analytische' Bestimmung erfahren hatte, die ihn stützen würde" 24 . In brief, the submission is offered: — (a) that Ventris read 02 as the Cypriot LO (AJA 44, 1940, 510, 514; Languages especially § 12; palo for 03-02 WN). (b) that he finally settled the hesitations 26 of WN 1 arising from Art. 35 08-72-44-38 / 08-72-44-28-36 and Art. 11 11-41-01-38-57 I 11-41-01-28-36 in favour of the Art. 35 pair as an incomplete Kober-type triplet with an inflected form -28-36 with a penultimate -A- as in -37-36, -TI$, and so gave the value VE to 38, which had been VI at AJA 44, 1940, 513 from 38-60-57 = ViliS (cf. Languages App. 2 Art. 19 38-60 WILI, Etr. VEL), and the value VI to 28. See Figs. 3 and 4. (c) that he gave 14 the consonant of 01 by means of the feebly evidential spelling variations 14/51; 01/51 (cf. Levin 153) recorded at Examples 26-7 WN Tab. 9, a procedure ultimately responsible 23

The pair constitutes the first of the four WN 8 'modifications' cf. p. 264. Plural—more precisely "Nom. Plur. ? ?". 24 Gnomon 32, 1960, 683. 26 For the hesitations cf. the arrows of Grid I row 5, and the inclusion of - 3 8 below the grid among fourteen signs "about 3 / 4 of which are likely to contain the vowel -i-". That 28 and 38 (Fig. 4) were deemed c o n s o n a n t a l is suggested by V.'s selection of 61 for i? in itaki (cf. note 20a supra).

268

F. R o y d o n

Richards

XfMAFKS GRID m . i.e. Figure // of m 17, Note - The remarks below relate only to . entitled LINEAR B I SYUABIC GRID, Third State: revieu of Pufas evidence Certain features of QridW (and Qrid][) 7 ZO/2/SZ which are mentioned in the discussion of -A? ' - I ? -0? -E? problems-presentedby or arising out ofVAIU£S. -l ? -A? -E? -U? Ventris'S Grid I and WN!. V1 V2 V3 V4 V 5 CONSONANTS ?U«F , VowFt..

fa'

sic on GridJL referring to J A and WA in ffl* * X F F i and v a c ^ a S-? V-? IV/V/K ¥ X-ff = .!. ¡LEW (cf. addend. lofif'n, Uere if m fl-? C-? c z *XYS*.iSiLEiA Ebi97j L , Z-? P-? C 3 C3VS si£n. An attempt to make A %{J9-&z) y. into Pulo (fy/os) EXP- 3&S S-? C 4 3 /fcis made Co-Consonantai with h_£jv m Fl T-? cs f alternations j Y? _ KS - i W T-? C 6 E7 ^ §/ »Wi co-vocal with T (TO) by virtue F | °f *he assumption that a// names which M 'Y C7 adcf -f to make their gen if. Case v/ithoutlj(L N6 ^J Qiteration of final nominative //jf/r /'m C8 fate Kqn j •£ I, Jn 310 an d f'' ¿e comes T0Z ¿y virtue of Vn 130£a I I I 7/ F-? C 9 (D Koher 'triplet' ? f • ?VB .used a/so 6,id IT but not I H busi/sa; X -{} ClO 9 /> from the supposed /ocafive t u rin. T w (fx R-? L-? Cll is read LO j 'f are Ca/ternngs ofWN/» ' C^X '±JlArt p&9 on t-Ae iasi's o/ L-? C12 For~W] crs —L£W see opposite Consonant" 2. Suprcf V? R-? C13 ¥ Contains w / -t- so/e/y on account of a) Tp/f T? 'impure* CAfi 2. _ of TEftftjiW ... b) ^/hh^^j for uhicA no corresponding C-? C.I4 ( 3 ""A"ocas*, ey/stsf hut fht 7 XI /rgw H^V/ /j. Possii/w Ventris usee/ M-? C15 T LVVis from 194.0 tf)i VlLl ftUS VILIE. Alternative CR-'« 0R*EX CONSQH' rsr from the ^Kaphtor'- type Minoan pi if assumed in Vf'fr /t^rj Ventris notes on this ¿rid "Smai! signsI" appears here as one of the -e- preceders cf - f . As it is indicate uncertain position. Circled Cypriot 'if' // iJ reasonai/e to surmise t/iaf ffrethe'S f re '¡'2 is signs have no obvious equivalent in helleriic @/ja-(u