Workshop and Patron in Mughal India: The Freer Rāmāyaṇa and Other Illustrated Manuscripts of 'Abd al-Raḥīm 3907070909

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Workshop and Patron in Mughal India: The Freer Rāmāyaṇa and Other Illustrated Manuscripts of 'Abd al-Raḥīm Author(s): John Seyller Source: Artibus Asiae. Supplementum, Vol. 42, Workshop and Patron in Mughal India: The Freer Rāmāyaṇa and Other Illustrated Manuscripts of 'Abd al-Raḥīm (1999), pp. 2-7+9-63+65249+251-291+293-339+341-344 Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1522711 . Accessed: 05/07/2013 17:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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John Seyller

Workshop

and

Patron

in

Mughal

India

The FreerRdmdyanaand OtherIllustratedManuscriptsof 'Abdal-Rahkm

ARTIBUS ASIAE Publishers,MuseumRietbergZurich,Switzerland In Associationwith the FreerGalleryof Art, SmithsonianInstitution,WashingtonD.C. XLII [42] I999 I Supplementum

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Impressum Editing ThomasLawton Layoutand CoverDesign ElizabethHefti

Distribution

CoverIllustration

ArtibusAsiae Publishers

Ramaand LaksmanaattackTaraka.

MuseumRietberg Zurich

Artist: Mushfiq

Gablerstrasse15

25.6 x 13.7 cm.

CH-8002 Zurich

(Detail of fig. 40, page 109)

Fax (+41) I 202 52 01

ColorSeparations ThomasHumm

[email protected]

Frontispiece Portraitof'Abd al-Rahim. By Hashim. ca. I626.

Printing DruckereiKonstanz

Freer Gallery of Art 39.50.

D-Konstanz

painting I4.9 x 8.2 cm.

Folio 38 x 26 cm, (fig.

20,

page 49)

Copyright ? Publikationsstiftung fur das Museum RietbergZurich ISBN 3-907070-90-9 Printed in Germany

4

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Table of Contents

9

Introduction

1 13 The Formationand Diffusionof the ImperialMughalStyle 13

TheThemesof MughalPainting

15 TheFormation of theMughalStyle 20 MughalPaintingduringtheReignsofAkbarandJahdngir 22 TheDiffusionofPaintingin theImperialMughalStyle 24

Theif98-99 Razmndma

27

OtherPatronsin theImperialFamily

29 Manuscripts Illustrated Patrons for Identifiable Subimperial 32 OtherPopularMughalWorksin theIslamicTradition 33 PopularMughalWorksin theIndigenous IndianTradition 37

I

Conclusion

45 The Lifeand Libraryof 'Abdal-Rahim 45

PublicCareer

48

PersonalQualities

50 TheLibraryPersonnel 54 TheLibraryHoldings 56

TheLibrary'sLocation

III 65 CodicologicalAspects of the FreerRamayana 65 ThePersianText 66 Notationsin theManuscript 70 Folioand PaintingNumbers 73 'Abdal-Rahim'sInscription 75 TheDate of theManuscript IV 81 81

The Illustrationsof the FreerRama.yana Introduction

88 CriticalDescription of theIllustrations V

251

Other ManuscriptsIllustratedfor 'Abdal-Rahim

252

TheI6I6-I7 Razmnama

5

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VI

257

The Laud Rdgamdal

263

The British LibraryShahndma

273

The Berlin Khamsaof Amir Khusraw

283

The Timuzrndma

293

Border Decorations and Bindings

293

TheChesterBeattyLibraryPanj Ganj ofJmi

301 The Berlin Khamsaof Amir Khusraw 307

The Laud Rdgamdld

307 Bookbindings VII

313 'Abd al-Rahim as a Patron 323

Appendices

323

A

Illustrations of the Jaipur Rdmdyana

328

B

329

C

British LibraryShahndma(Add. 5600) Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Orientabteilung Khamsa of Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (Ms. Or. I278)

330

D

Reconstruction of the Berlin Khamsaof Amir Khusraw

332

E

Chester Beatty LibraryPanj Ganj (Ms. 20)

333

Bibliography

337

Glossary

341 Index

6

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Acknowledgments

This study grew out of my Ph.D. dissertation,which I wroteat HarvardUniversityunderthe supervisionof PramodChandra,Oleg Grabar,and Wheeler Thackston,Jr.JoannaWilliams of the Universityof California,Berkeley,inias a topic of study. I am gratefulfortheirguidtially suggestedthe Rdmdyana anceand unwaveringsupport. Many friends and colleagues have assisted me in countless ways. Milo Beach,JeremiahLosty,and Oleg Grabarreadearlyversionsof the text. Milo Beach also made available the unparalleled facilities and photographic archivesof the FreerGalleryof Art, and offeredto supply a numberof photographsto the publication.ThomasLentzwas most helpful in making final arrangementsforpublication.EberhardFischerof the MuseumRietbergwas an enthusiasticsupporterof the project,and generouslyagreedto underwrite much of the expenseof the book. I also wish to thank MartinAmt, Craig Korr,Jim Smith, and Martha Smith of the FreerGalleryof Art and the ArthurM. SacklerGallery;Carolyn Kane,MarieLukensSwietochowski,Daniel Walkerof the MetropolitanMuseum of Art;and Ralphand CatherineBenkaim.In England,I am gratefulto HenryGinsburg,JeremiahLosty,NorahTitley, andMuhammadIsaWaley of the British Library;William Robinson of Christie's;MargaretErskineand MarcusFraserof Sotheby's;LindaLeach;and MarkZebrowski.In Germany, Dr. Schubarth-Engelschall, formerdirectorof the DeutscheStaatsbibliothek, and Dr. Hartmut-OrtwinFeistelof the Staatsbibliothekzu Berlin,madepossiblethe studyandreproductionof the KhamsaofAmirKhusraw.JanChapman, Anna Contadini, Wilfrid Lockwood,and Michael Ryan kindly assisted me during my manyvisits to the ChesterBeatty Library,Dublin. In India,A.A. Arshizadahof the RampurRazaLibrary,A.K. Bedarof the KhudabakhshLibrary,and RahmatAli Khanof the SalarJung Museumgrantedme the privilege of workingwith the treasuresof their institutions. Travelsupportwasprovidedin partby the National Endowmentforthe Humanities, American Institute of Indian Studies, and the University of Vermont.A stipendfromthe MilliardMeiss PublicationFundof the College Art Associationwas vital to the publication. I am deeplygratefulto ThomasLawton,who enhancedthe bookwith his thoughtfulandmeticulousediting. His graciousandpersistentsupportof the projectwas crucialto making this publicationa reality.ElizabethHefti took greatcareto makethe volumeashandsomeaspossible.Finally,I wish to thank my wife, Anna,for herpatienceand encouragement.

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Introduction

The first mention in the West of the Ramdyanamanuscript now in the Freer Gallery of Art appears in a slender sale catalogue of the collection of Colonel Henry Bathhurst Hanna (I839-1914) published in 1890.' The dated label of a Delhi bookbinder, Nizam ul Huq, affixed to the inside of the manuscript's modern cover makes it likely that Hanna purchased the Raimayanamanuscript in I886 or shortly before. The Rdmaiyanawas unquestionably the centerpiece of a collection of manuscripts and paintings assembled during Hanna's tour of thirty years in India.2 European travellers and collectors had no opportunity to see original imperial manuscripts in this era, and they routinely trumpeted their newfound treasures with rather more enthusiasm than knowledge. Hanna offered a typically exalted view of the Raimadyana, claiming that The book contains 129 full-page miniatures, exquisitely drawn and illuminated in the highest style of Persian art, far superior to anything in the keeping of the British Museum, or the South Kensington Museum, or amongst the Oriental manuscripts in India House. The Emperor Akbar's, Shahjahan's, and Shah Alam's seals are affixed to the first and last pages. The work and the paintings are signed by the artists. The Jeypore Razm Nama, which is a little larger, cost Akbar more than ?40,000. This great work, like the Jeypore Razm Nama, was probably stolen from the palace at Agra when the Jats plundered that city in the eighteenth century.3 Elsewhere in the catalogue, Hanna erroneously wrote that the artists of his manuscript were listed in the A'n-i Akbar?(Annals of Akbar) and that the I69 miniatures of the Jaipur Razmndma(Book of Wars) were by the same artists.4 Hanna also maintained that his copy of the Ramayana was commissioned by Akbar (reigned 1556-I605), who, he believed, must have spent at least ?20,000 to have it produced.5 This grandiose estimation must have made the purchase of the manuscript on October 24, I907, by the Detroit industrialist Charles Lang Freer (I854-1919) for ?I,ooo seem quite a bargain.6A I916 inventory list for the new museum that would bear Freer's name places the insurance value of the manuscript at $Io,ooo, twice that of the purchase price. At the same time, the number of miniatures listed as being in the manuscript quietly increased to 130, a correction of Hanna's earlier mistabulation. Though Vincent Smith (1848-I920) had seen only a few of Hanna's paintings in reproduction, he extolled their merit in a brief article in I9I0, but re-

9

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spondedto Hanna'sboastfulclaimsby stating that the DaraShikuhandJohnson Albums in the IndiaOfficeLibrary,which he had examined,wereat least as good as any Mughalpainting in Hanna'scollection.7Smith also lamented that the Rdamyanamanuscripthad not been purchasedby a museum in England or India,despite Hanna'slow askingprice. Notwithstanding a gradualincreasein the interest in Indian painting over the next four decades,the FreerRdamyaznaremainedunnoticed by the scholarlyworld until I96I, when RichardEttinghausen(I906-79), curatorof Islamicartat the FreerGallery,reproducedtwo of its finestpaintingsin a slender but seriouspicturebook of Indianpaintings.8His two entriesdrewattention to the flyleafnote written by the Khankhananor commander-in-chiefof the Mughal armies, 'Abd al-Rahim, who supplied a starting date of A.H. Disregarding I587-88 and a completion date of I007/I598-99. Hanna's exuberant claims that the manuscript belonged to Akbar himself, 996/A.D.

Ettinghausen used the evidence of the flyleaf note to assert that the Freer manuscript was commissioned by 'Abd al-Rahim Khankhanan as a direct copy of the imperial Ramayana manuscript. Ettinghausen reasoned further that since

the imperialmanuscriptwould not haveleft the capital,whichat this time was Lahore,the copymust havebeenproducedat the capitalas well; hence,he dismissedthe relevanceof the Khankhanan'sassignmentsto variousprovincesof the empire in determiningthe provenanceof the manuscript.Listing twelve artistswhose nameswereascribedon fiftypaintings,Ettinghausennoted that their names did not appear among the seventeen imperial artists mentioned in the A'in-i Akbari, and concluded that they must have constituted a workshop

separatefrom the imperial atelier. Each of the ascribed miniatures in the Rdmdyananamed a single artist, a fact which led Ettinghausen to differentiate

the working method of this independentworkshopfrom that of the imperial atelier, which generally assigned two or more artists to each illustration.

Ettinghausen's observationson the art historical issues presented by 'Abd al-Rahim'scopy of the Ramayanahave servedas the basis for all subsequent discussion of the manuscript.9The most substantive work on the Ramaya.nato follow was the I98I exhibition catalogue of the Freer Gallery's collection of Indian painting, The ImperialImage,in which Milo Beach reproduced twenty-two pages and the flyleaf along with comparative paintings from a few other manuscripts associated with the Khankhanan.'?In relating the stories of the Ramdyana illustrations, comparing a single example of the

differentnarrativeandstylistic concernsof the illustrationsof'Abd al-Rahim's copy with those of the imperial manuscript, and summarizing all that was known of the artists in 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier, Beach raised many of the issues explored in this study.

About that time I began to lay the groundworkfor a comprehensive study of the manuscript,which becamethe focusof my doctoraldissertation. In so doing, I was fortunateenough to discovera numberof new dates in the manuscript, some of which I published in I985 as part of my study of imperial

10

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and subimperialMughal copies of the Razmndma,the Persiantranslationof the Mahdbhharata." More recently, others have used the illustrations of the Freermanuscriptto gracea lavishlyproducedretelling of the Radmdayana with a devotionalorientationwhich blissfullyignoresthe historicaldimensionsof the manuscriptand its Persiantext.12 Hidden within the Rdmdyanamanuscriptareinnumerabletracesof the processesby which the bookcameinto its originalandpresentstate. Our task ashistoriansis to uncoveranddecipherthesecluesasbestwe can.Accordingly, in addition to developing the contextual aspects of 'Abd al-Rahim's Rdmdyana,I havefollowedthe leadof L.M.J.Delaissein undertakingan "archaeological"study of the manuscript- an approachstill rarelyapplied to Asian as an obmanuscripts- and havemeticulouslyexaminedthe FreerRdmadyana ject, poring overeveryaspectof the manuscriptin an effortto understandthe impact of contemporarypainters,scribes,and ownersupon the book.13This kind of investigationhasthe obviousbenefitof makingone veryfamiliarwith the manuscript,so that hitherto undetectedor neglected ascriptions,labels, and datesseem to leap out fromthe folios. Our experienceof the Rdmdyana is enrichedaswe come to understandthe subtletiesof the creativeandpragmatic decisionsinvolvedin the compositionand writing of its text, and the formulation andexecutionof the imageryof its manyillustrations.We cannothope to recreatefully the conditionsunderwhich the manuscriptwas initially produced and used, but at the very least we will becomemore awareof our own historicaland aestheticassumptionsas we comparethem to the responsesof the privileged few who recordedtheir impressionsof the manuscriptand its artistsin earliertimes. The focus upon the FreerRdmdyanaand other manuscriptsassociated with 'Abd al-Rahim introducesthree majorissues of Indianpainting. First, the manuscriptsassociatedwith this high-rankingnoble constitute the most coherentcorpusof Mughalpainting producedfora patronoutside the imperial family.This allows us to assessthe roleof artistsdismissedby the imperial atelierin the creationof a transitionalstyle of Indianpainting, broadlycalled PopularMughal painting, which ultimately disseminatedMughal concepts and forms to regionalschools of painting in India. Second,the avowedrelationship between the imperial manuscript of the Rdmdyanaand 'Abd alRahim'scopy, separatedby only a decade,presentsan opportunityto examine how a group of artistsoutside the imperialatelierrespondedto the existence of a specificimperialmodel. Finally, the extensivewritten and visual documentationforthe paintingsproducedby 'Abdal-Rahim'satelierinvites comparisonto the imperialworkshop.Limitedto a single patron,a periodof some thirty years,and only a handfulof manuscripts,this body of materialaffords an ideal test caseto interpretvariationsin the style of painting. In short,what meaning did the subject matter and style of these manuscriptillustrations hold for this seventeenth-centurypatronand his artists?

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Notes

I

Catalogueof Indo-PersianPicturesand ManuscriptsCollectedby ColonelH.B. Hanna. Dowdeswell and Dowdeswell, New Bond Street,London,May I890.

2

Hannawas attachedto the Bengal StaffCorpsand the PunjabFrontierForcebeforehe assumedcommandat Delhi. In I895-96, he publishedthree shortbookson the security of the Northwest Frontier.He also produceda two-volumework,TheHistoryof theLast Afghan War, from I899-I904.

3

Hanna,Catalogue,p. 27.

4

Ibid.

5

Ibid.,p. 4.

6

An account of Freer'slife and his wide-ranging artistic interests appearsin Thomas Lawtonand LindaMerrill,Freer:A Legacyin Art (Washington, D.C.: FreerGalleryof Art, I993).

7

Vincent Smith, "ColonelH.B. Hanna'sCollectionof Indo-PersianPicturesand Manuscripts," The Indian Antiquary (June I9Io): 82-84.

8

RichardEttinghausen,Paintingsof theSultansand Emperors of India in AmericanCollections(New Delhi: Lalit KalaAkademi, I96I), pls. 3-4.

9

In an unpublished internal catalogue of the Freer Gallery, Ettinghausen proposed identificationsfor the Rdmdyana'sI30 illustrations, nearlyall of which were accurate. However,many ascriptionsand title inscriptionson the paintings and coversheetspresented in Chapter4 were not included in his list.

Io

Milo Beach, The ImperialImage:Paintingsfor the Mughal Court(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, I98I), pp. 128-55.

II

John Seyller, "Model and Copy: The Illustration of Three RazmndmaManuscripts," Archivesof AsianArt 38 (1985), pp. 53-54.

12

KirtanandaSwami Bhaktipada,TheIllustratedRamayana(New Vrindaban,West Virginia: PalacePublishing, I989).This book cropsmost of the 101 illustrationsof the Freer manuscriptthat it reproducesin color, does not identify any painting by folio number, and badlygarblesthe manuscript'shistoricalcontext.

13

See L.M.J. Delaisse, "Towardsa History of the Medieval Book," Divinitas ii (I967): 423-35.

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I The Formation and Diffusion of the Imperial Mughal Style

TheThemesof MughalPainting The Mughalsrenewedin Indiathe richIslamictraditionof the artof the book, an object accordeda place of honorin Islam both for its fundamentalrole in the transmissionof knowledgeandby its analogyto the Koran.Although custom forbadthe use of imagesin religioustexts, the courtlytraditionin the Islamic worldhad long encouragedthe collectionof lavishlyilluminatedcopies of seculartexts. Severalof the manuscriptsdiscussedhere illustratestandard poetical worksof classicalPersianliterature,which celebrateage-old themes of love, heroism,and nationaldestiny. Anothermoves beyondthe epic genre of the Shdhndma (Bookof Kings), a time-honoredtext which glorifiesthe lineage and feats of ancient Persiankings, to recount in historicalfashion the achievementsof the more immediatepast. This interestin the particularsof history,so at odds with fundamentalIndiannotionsof time and the individual, manifesteditself to an unprecedenteddegreein the I58os and 590osin a series of illustratedhistoricalaccountsof the Mughaldynastyand its ancestors right up throughthe reign of Akbarhimself. Of centralconcernhere,however,is anotherimportanttype of text transcribed and illustrated in the Mughal libraryestablishment. This was the newly commissioned translationsof ancient Indian literatureinto Persian, long the court languageof Muslim kingdoms in India. Such a cross-cultural interestin Indianlearningwas not without precedentin the Islamicworld in general,andparticularlyat the Sultanatecourtsof northIndia.The renowned thirteenth-centurypoet Amir KhusrawDihlawi, forexample,hadextolledthe achievementsof his Indiancompatriotsin astrology,mathematics,language, andmusic. Despite periodicboutsof iconoclasm,FirtuzShahTughlaq(reigned 1351-88)hadalsorecognizedthe eruditionof both religiousandsecularIndian texts andorderedthe translationof specificworkson astrologyandastronomy. The keen interest in the Indian wealth of pragmaticknowledge continued under Sikandar Lodi (reigned 1489-I517), whose reign saw the translation of a

highly esteemedSanskritmedical treatise.'And at the outset of the Mughal an ancientIndiancompilationof animalparables,was period,the Hitopadesa, translatedinto Persianand dedicatedto Akbar'sfather,Humayiun(reigned 1530-I542, I550-I556).2

During Akbar's reign (1556-I605), however, the sporadic translation of Hindu works became a sustained rush; indeed, the number and breadth of Indian texts translated in the enormous imperial library indicate the new earnestness with which the Mughals approached the intellectual storehouse of

13

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the subcontinent. Learned brahmans were summoned to interpret Sanskrit texts for the leading scholars of the court, who then produced loose Persian translations of the Sanskrit originals. Working sometimes individually, sometimes collectively, scholars such as Abu al-Fazl, his brother Shaykh Fayzl, Bada'iun, and Ibrahim Sirhindi introduced to the Mughal court texts as varied as the Artharva Veda, a text on magic and rituals, the Lildvati (The Playing One), a mathematical treatise, the romance of Nala Damayanti, the Rdjatarangini, a twelfth-century history of Kashmir, and the Simhdsanadvatrimsfat and Kathd Saritsdgara(The Ocean from the Rivers of Story-Telling), two collections of stories.3 While the scientific and belletristic genres had formed the core of Persian translations of Sanskrit literature in earlier times, works of Hindu philosophical and religious lore began to attract the attention of the Mughal court in the I58os. The emperor's personal inclination to religious speculation was so wide-

ranging in scope that in 1579 Akbar proclaimed his own eclectic faith, the Din-i Ilahl, which several members of the court accepted as their own. In keeping with this climate of non-sectarianism, the translation bureau undertook the translation of Hindu devotional texts such as the Bhagavad Gitd (Song of the Lord) and the Harivamsa(Genealogy of Krsna), as well as the Yjgavdsistha, an exposition of Vedanta philosophy, and the great Hindu epics of the Mahdbhdrataand the Rdmdyana.In his unofficial and often critical history of Akbar's reign, the Muntakhabal-Tawdrikh, the chronicler Bada'uni offered this assessment of Akbar's interest in these venerable texts: Now he ordered those Hindu books, which holy and staid sages had written, and were all clear and convincing proofs, and which were the very pivot on which all their religion, and faith, and holiness turned, to be translated from the Indian into the Persian language, and thought to himself, "Why should I not have them done in my name? For they are by no means trite, but quite fresh, and they will produce all kinds of fruits of felicity both temporal and spiritual, and will be the cause of circumstance and pomp, and will ensure an abundance of children and wealth, as is written in the preface of these books."4 Abu al-Fazl, whose role as official chronicler led him to cast all of Akbar's actions in the most flattering light, gave voice to this same sentiment in his introduction to the Razmnama(Book of Wars), as the Persian translation of the Mahdbhdratawas called. Unlike Bada'ini, however, he expressed a willingness to overlook some of the perceived factual errors of the epic Hindu text so that its readers could benefit from the broad wisdom of its stories: Although this work contains numerous extravagant tales and fictions based on imagination, it affords many instructive moral observations, and is an ample record of felicitous experience.5

14

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A second,but no less importantmotive forthe translationof Hindu workswas the emperor'sdesireto promotesocialharmony: Having observedthe fanaticalhatredbetweenthe Hindus and the Muslims and being convincedthat it aroseonly frommutual ignorance,the enlightenedmonarchwished to dispel the same by renderingthe books of the formeraccessibleto the latter.6 Becausethe effectivenessof this policy restedon an unbiasedpresentationof Hindu thought, Akbarstroveto ensurethe accuracyof the translations.Having forcedBada'uni,a devoutMuslim who could not abidethe emperor'sfascinationwith Hindu affairs,to participatein the two-yearprojectof translatAkbaroccasionallycalled upon him to defendpassages ing the Mahabhdrata, which seemed to impose a Muslim interpretationon the translation;in one case, he accusedBada'iunof misrepresentinga subtle philosophicalpoint of the Hindu beliefin metempsychosis,the ability of a soul to passfromone body to another,a belief which Akbarhimself embraced.7 This kind of reviewdid not stop Bada'unifromdenigratingthe subject of his labors.He consideredthe Rdamyanasuperiorto the Mahabhdrata, but privatelydecriedboth texts for the pointlessnessof their storiesand theirlack of historicaltruthfulness,specificallyin theirmention of eraswhoseantiquity exceededthe 7,000-year period at which Muslims placedAdam and the beginning of the humanrace.8He evenfearedthathis involvementin theirtranslation might result in damnation.9Despite the religious reservationsof Bada'uniand probablya good number of his orthodoxMuslim contemporaries,the translationof Hindu literaturecontinued unabatedthroughout Akbar'sreign. Severalof these newly translatedHindu texts were furnished with illustrations,whose imagerymust havebeen powerfulaids in fixing the entertainingand exemplarybehaviorof the ancientheroesand sages of India in the minds of their new courtlyaudience. TheFormation of theMughalStyle Just as the Mughals'decisionto tap the philosophicaland literaryheritageof Indiacontinueda long traditionof culturalappropriation,so too did theirprofound cultivationof painting build upon a longstandingappreciationof the visual arts in both the Persian-speakingworld and northernIndia. Literary sources testify to the once-flourishingpractice of adorning the surfacesof palaces and temples with painting. Our knowledge of the ancient Indian muraltraditionis woefully inadequate,however,being limited to a few sites with fragmentaryremains,of which the fifth-centuryrock-cutcavesat Ajanta and the twelfth-centurymonasteryat Alchi are the best-known examples. Small illustrated copies of the sacred books of Buddhists, Jainas, and Hindus were less vulnerable to the vicissitudes of harsh weather and human destruc-

tion, and so have beenpreservedin much greaternumbersin examplesdated

15

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I.

'

and more numerous than those of the Berlin manuscript, represent a further simplification of the style seen in the i6oo-oi Anwdr-i Suhayli(fig. 9), and can

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be attributed to a single artist (fig. ii). In battle and court scenes alike, this artist divides the background into two or three very pronounced bands of solid color, and scatters the figures evenly across the composition. He then fills the

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"spaces between them with large, formulaic flowers, so that the overall effect is of compulsive decoration rather than pictorial construction. The drafts-

_.+^ manship is so impoverished that the figures' faces and robes lack even a trace "i. of the modeling that dominated imperial painting of the time.

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__}^^S r A series of dated manuscripts in this same vein establishes that this kind of schematic rendering of the imperial style continued unabated from 600ooto at least I6i8.52These manuscripts do not follow a predictable pattern of decline from imperial standards over time. Instead, the relative sophistication of the latest of these manuscripts suggests that the paintings' fidelity to the imperial idiom was determined more by the artists' depth of experience with the !

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24a

Dasarathadecoratesthe pavilionfor the horsesacrifice Artist:G6vardhana(ascribedon the coversheet) 26.5 x I3.9 cm. Shastri I: 35-36

Text: Diagonal passageson the precedingfolio; i line above;211.below Title inscriptionon f. 23a Published:Beach,TheImperialImage,I5e;Bhaktipada, p. 7 (fig. 34) Aftermorethan a year,duringwhich the white horseneces(horsesacrifice)wasallowedto wander saryforthe asvamedha the earth,Dasarathabegins finalpreparationsforthe sacrifice that will bring him progenyat last. Although thesepreparations include a flurryof almsgiving, sumptuousfeasts,and scrupulouslymonitoredpreliminarysacrificesand rites- all visuallyinterestingsubjects- both theJaipurandFreermanuscriptschooseto illustratethe elaboratelydecoratedpavilion that overlooksthe sacrificialpit. The text passageabove the image specificallymentions eight columns (ratherthan the eighteen of the Sanskritversion),which uncharacteristically interruptthe figureof Dasarathaand obstructthe view of one of his counsellors.Ceremonialgarlandshang between the columns,whichareshownadornedwith tiny paintingsof figures,animals,and foliageas prescribedby the text. Curiouslyabsent from this festive scene of sacrificeis the white horseitself. RsyasrigaandSantaareisolatedto the right of the sacrificial fire, while the brahmanscrowd in along the left. Like the figuresin folio 2ob (fig. 32), most of the turbanedretainersaredepictedconversingin pairs.The faces of both Dasarathaand Rsyasrnfiga are emphasizedby slight contourshading.The costumesaregenerallyless detailedthanthoseof the earlierworksby G6vardhana,perhaps as a resultof the smallerscaleof the morenumerousfigures, though their modeling is quite consistentwith the former. Govardhanahas incorporatedthe uppertext panelinto the frontfacadeof the rectangularroof,but abandonsthis accommodation of the text column in the shorter podium below. The ribbedpatternof the redroofandof the two conical tents in the backgroundrepeatthe form of the tent in folio 20ob.This detail is quite common in imperialpainting of this time, but is rarein works furtherremovedfrom the Mughalmainstream.

98

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34. FreerGalleryof Art, f. 24a. Ramaya.na,

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The divine messenger rises from the sacrificial fire to bear the

covered, as the text specifies. Dasaratha and Rsyasrnga behold the wondrous spectacle from beneath the ornate canopy

vessel of celestial food

preserved from the earlier scene of sacrifice (no. 5); just out-

26a

Artist: Nadim (ascribed in the lower margin)

side the canopied space stand Dasaratha's three wives as well

26.4 x 14.I cm.

as a host of brahmans and court retainers. In contrast to

Shastri I: 4I

Nadim's innocuous solution of filling the sky with the

Text: 3 11.above, 411. below

spreading branches of a single tree, Basavana conjures up a

Title inscription on f. 25b

pantheon of five gods to inhabit the sky, thereby reinforcing

Published: Beach, The Imperial Image, I5f; Beach, The

the notion of the divine sponsorship of Dasaratha'soffspring.

Adventuresof Rama, p. I8; Bhaktipada, p. Io; Seyller, "A

This second painting by Nadim interrupts the series of

Sub-imperial Mughal Manuscript," fig. 4

paintings associated with G6vardhana. Nadim uses some of

(fig. 35)

the devices that make the former's work so successful, such as the contour shading and delicate modeling of the faces and

Dasaratha's sacrifice reaches the gods, who decide to use the

the subtle progression of colors in the landscape. His later

occasion of the king's rightful reward of sons to quash the most serious threat to the order of the universe: the evil

paintings in the manuscript suffer by comparison to this ini-

Ravana, lord of the demonic rdksasas,who was invulnerable

tial work, thus paralleling the manuscript's general decline in quality.

to every class of being but mortals. At Brahma's request, Visnu agrees to become incarnated in the lowly form of a human being to fulfill this mission, and selects Dasaratha as his earthly sire. Hence, even before their conception, Dasaratha's four sons are dedicated to the subjugation of Ravana and the restoration of righteousness to the world. The imminent birth of Dasaratha's offspring is announced by a divine messenger rising from the sacrificial fire. Nadim's painting draws its imagery from the text and the two Jaipur illustrations. The upper panel of the Freer page describes the divine creature as a colossus with long hair and a beard, a fiery complexion, and a thunderous voice. Dressed in an animal skin secured by a blue girdle with gold ornaments, the huge orange figure spans the height of the page and extends an open golden bowl filled with celestial food in the direction of the horned Rsyasrniga,who gestures back toward the crowned Dasaratha. The queens, erroneously numbering four rather than three, stand in awe as they wait to partake of the celestial food that will impregnate them. Kausalya, the mother of Rama, receives half the special rice, while Sumitra and Kaikeyi are allotted smaller portions respectively. Basavana's double-page composition in the Jaipur manuscript (nos. 6-7) formulates much of this core imagery, but includes several details which demonstrate both a greater fidelity to the textual narrative and a richer visual de-

35.

sign.6 The golden vessel offered by a gigantic messenger is

Ramayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 26a.

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27b

Dasarathabids farewellto Rsyasrfiga Artist:Attributedto G6vardhana 26.5 x I3.9 cm. Shastri I: 44-45 Text:

2 I/8

11.above; 3 11.below

Title inscriptionon the reverseof the folio Published: Beach, The Imperial Image, Isg; Bussagli, Indian Miniatures,fig. 48; Bhaktipada,p. I2 (fig. 36)

Brahmans,attendants,andwomen look on as Rsyasrngaand Santabid farewellto their respectivehosts. Rsyasrngamaintains the horn,loose hair,and saffron-coloredclothing of his earlier representations while Dasaratha shrinks in size and darkens in complexion. The prominence of the sage and king

is emphasizedboth by their isolated,centralposition on the pale blue field and by the now-familiarcontourshading of their faces. Other figures are relegated to more restricted compositional groupings. The four women watching Santa embrace another woman define the limits of an area marked by two bending trees and an ochre ground; the charioteer and groom to their left are ensconced within a tufted purple patch. Similarly, the dark green field unites the foreground scene of a woman addressing three palanquin bearers. Unlike miniatures later in the manuscript, the coloristic fragmentation of this composition does not detract from the landscape, whose complexity and forms resemble those of folio 2ob (fig. 32). Two mountain goats clamber among the

multicoloredlobes of the centraloutcrop.The artist articulatesa similarrockformationin the lowerright with a genre scene of two jackals, and adds interest to the tall, knotty tree

in the upper right with a scene of nesting birds. Ayodhya, whose courtyard provides the setting of a dissimilar painting in the Jaipur manuscript (no. 8) illustrating a slightly earlier moment of this episode, is seen in the distance among bluegreen trees and beneath a streaky blue sky. The many points of comparison to the paintings on folios I9a, 2ob, and 22a suggest an attribution to G6vardhana,

whose work dominatesthe beginning of the painting cycle of the Freermanuscript.

36. Rdmayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 27b.

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29a

Dasaratha's court celebrates the announcement of the birth and namin of the g four princes Artist: Attributed to Syima Sundara 27.I X I3.9 cm.

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Text: m Diagonal passages on the preceding folio; 1/2 line above; 4 11.below

,

Published: Jain-Neubauer, fig. 50; Bhaktipada, p. xviii (fig. 37)

^

aSeveral months

after Rsyasrfiga's departure, when the plan-

_o:.

ets attain a particularly auspicious conjunction, Dasaratha's . 1 ' '^4 zqueens give birth to four sons: Kausalyi to Rama, Kaikeyi to

',,7!
j i.... ....is.

Visvamitra,Rama,andLaksmanacome upon a beautifulbut curiouslyuninhabitedhermitage,whosepredicamentRama is fatedto redress.Visvamitraexplainsthat Indra,a deity inclined to bawdy behavior,once tried to seduce Ahalya by assumingthe appearanceof her husband,the sage Gautama. Ahalya recognizes the deception, but submits to the god nonetheless. When Gautama discovers the infidelity, he curses both Indraand Ahalya, depriving the formerof his virility and condemningthe latter to remainimmobile and invisible to all beings until Ramaarrivesto liberateher. This scene of Ahalya'sreleasefrom her accursedexistence marksthe beginning of a seriesof illustrationswhich divergesfrom the Jaipur cycle. As is usually the case when there is no pictorialmodel, the painting follows exactly the content of the abbreviated lines of the upper text panel, which describeAhalyafalling at the feet of Rama,who raises up the unfortunatewomanfromherpositionof supplication. All the figuresare renderedin a diminutive scale, and are dwarfedby the large domed building of the hermitagebehind them. The compositiondisplaysthe familiarprogressionof a darkgreen foregroundto a largerand paler middleground. The plainnessof both zones is relievedby the presenceof a numberof animals,includinga rabbitanda superbnilgae,as well as by a variety of trees. While normal work practices point to paintings on both sides of a folio being allocatedto a single artist, the subtle modeling of both the figuresand animals seems well beyond the ability and inclination of SyamaSundara,whose name is supplied for the painting on the reverse.Rather, it displays a strong affinity with G6vardhana'sillustrationon folio iga (fig. 29), andappearsto be that master'sfinalpainting in the manuscript.

47. Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 50oa.

120

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5ob Janakapreparesa sacrifice Artist:gyamaSundara(ascribedon the coversheet) 26.3 x I3.6 cm. Shastri I: I03

Text: 511.above;i line below Title inscriptionon f. 49a and on the coversheet Published:Bhaktipada,p. 3I (fig. 48) Having arrangedthe reconciliationof Ahalyaand Gautama, Ramaandhis companionsset out towardthe city of Mithila, the domainof King Janaka.Therethey catchsight of a great sacrificein progress,and retireto a discreetvantagepoint to beholdthe spectacle. The artistoffersa literal illustrationof the lines immediately aboveand below the image, in which Ramaremarks upon the multitude of brahmansfrom many differentlands assembledwith their carts.With the omission of the three travellers,however,pride of place is given to the crowned figureof Janaka,who sits to the left of the sacrificialpit beforewhich food, vessels,and booksarearrayed. gyama'sfirst ascribedpainting in the manuscriptaugurs ill forthe centralsectionof the painting cycle, which he clearlydominates.Two schematicpurpleand blue ridges in the foregroundform the firstof three distinct registers.Little visual interestis addedby either the plain courtyard,the throneperchedprecariouslyon the blue-carpeteddais,or the pale greenareaoverlaidwith repetitivesheavesof grass.The ungainlinessof the small men is matchedonly by the rudimentarymodeling of their brahmanicalrobes. The overall decline in quality is made all the moreobviousby comparison to G6vardhana'scomposition on folio 24a. The strong similarity of the colors, architecture,and modeling in this workto those of folio 29a(fig. 37)supportsthe attributionof the earlierpainting to SyamaSundara. As was the case with G6vardhana,the coincidenceof the nameof an imperialartistwith that of anotherwho contributed many paintings to the FreerRamayanamakes it tempting to castSyamaSundara(?yamathe beautiful)as one of severalartistswho movedfromimperialatelierto 'AbdalRahim'sworkshop.7Moreover,the approximatelyten-year differencebetween the respectiveperiodsof activity would easilyallow forthe degradationthat we see in the two bodies of work.Although it is difficultto imaginethat differentcir-

cumstancesof patronagecould occasionsuch a precipitous declinein an artist'sability to generateevensimple formulations of architectureand landscapeelements, it appearsthat Syama responded to his change of fortune in exactly this manner.

48. Rdmdyana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 5ob.

121

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52a

Vasistha summons gabala, the cow of abundance, to provide for a feast Artist: Fazl (ascribed in the lower margin) 26.7 x 14 cm. Shastri I: 107-08

Text: Diagonal passages on the preceding folio; 3 11. below Title inscription in the inner margin and on f. 5ib Vasistha-ji, Visvamitra, cow of wealth labelled Published: Bhaktipada, p. 33 (fig. 49) Rama learns of an ill-considered course of action which brought ruin upon Visvamitra, who was a once powerful king, and led him to perform a series of austerities which eventually made him a most exalted sage. Upon receiving Visvamitra at his hermitage, Vasistha graciously offers to entertain the king and all his troops. Vasistha's generosity is not beyond his means, for he owns a cow by the name of Sabalawhich can produce anything one desires. The prospect of possessing a source of such limitless bounty arouses Visvamitra's greed, and he seeks to seize control of the miraculous cow first by argument and finally by force. The subtlety of this narrative structure is lost on the artist, who conflates the episodes and shows Visvamitra as a sage in the company of Rama and Laksmana. Uncertain about the status of the two princes, Fazl effaced their golden crowns and replaced them with turbans. All three travellers converse with Vasistha, who sits awkwardly on the threshold of a hermitage with a topheavy and off-center superstructure. A cowherd stares vacantly from his position between his master and his spotted bovine charge. Fazl renders most forms as two-dimensional shapes filled in with unmodulated color. This tendency is especially apparent in the cowherd's flat purple cloak, to which the artist adds a completely linear system of folds to provide a modicum of volume. His figures, too, show the same minimal attention to modeling, both in their simple profile or naive full-face view and in their stiff clothing. The landscape is comprised of three distinct zones, beginning in the foreground with a horizontal band of green punctuated by a team of horses and a pink ridge. An ochre area capped by a very schematic ridge extends most of the height of the composition, and is linked to the blue-grey sky by a tree marked by the same planar quality as the figures.

122

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Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 52a..

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53b The forces of Visvamitra and those raised by Vasistha's voli-

print of the hand of Kesava, the artist who certainly supplied these two figures in addition to designing the composition. The attribution of the Freerpainting to Ghulam 'All is

tion battle for possession of the cow Sabala Artist: Ghulam 'Ali (ascribed on the cover sheet of

reinforced by fragments of an ascription in the lower margin,

f. 87a)

and the appearance of the artist's name on the misplaced

24 x 15 cm.

cover sheet of folio 87a along with the title inscription of this

Shastri I: iii

battle scene.8Thus Ghulam 'All, who was a member of the

Text: Diagonal passages on the reverse of the folio; I

I/3

imperial workshop as early as the period of the production of

11.above; 211. below

the Cleveland ..Tti-nadma and who continued in this capacity

Title inscription on f. 52b and on the original cover sheet (now between ff. 86-87) (fig. 50)

throughout the IS80s, emerges as the seniormost imperial painter to join the Khankhinan's employ.9 Other aspects of the painting reveal the vagaries of the

The battle over the magical cow is joined, and wave upon wave of supernatural warriors produced by Sabala crashes

manuscript's finishing details. The arm of the lowermost horseman extends outside the original gold ruling of the text

down upon the mighty Visvamitra and his troops. Finally,

column and is subsequently left unpainted. The truncated

Vasistha brings to bear all the power accumulated from years of austerities and utters a sound which annihilates all but

figures in the upper and outer areas indicate that the painting has been trimmed, but it is clear that no ruling was ever

Visvamitra, who retires in disgrace.

applied below.

This struggle of spiritual titans is presented as an ordinary scene of battle; no special weapons are depicted nor are the two protagonists identified. The two mounted kings join a vertical row of horsemen on the left and bystanders peeking over the horizon to watch the battle transpire between two foot-soldiers and as many pairs of horsemen. To this type of composition, which is derived from a long-standing tradition of such scenes in Persian painting, the artist adds slender, almost attenuated figures of mid-sixteenth-century origin. The landscape reduction is also consistent with the subimperial style, being reduced to three simple bands of green, beige, and pale blue. Hence, nothing in the composition or rendering even remotely suggests that the artist once worked in the imperial atelier. Yet 'Abd al-Rahim's painter had precisely this professional background, as a comparison of the figures in a painting ascribed to this artist, Ghulam 'All, in the Jaipur Rdmayanaitself makes clear (fig. 5i). The combination of taut features, a short mustache, and heavily outlined eyes of most of the witnesses to Rama's dramatic archery demonstration in the Jaipur manuscript reappears throughout the Freer scene, most notably in the mounted king to the left and the fighting figure immediately before him. Indeed, the sole exceptions to this distinctive facial type in the Jaipur painting are Rama and Parasurama, who bear the unmistakable im-

124

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L4fmr~l

50.

51.

Ramayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 53b.

RamadrawsParasurama's bow. Designed by Kesava,painted by Ghulam 'Ali. Rdmdyana,I588-92. MaharajaSawaiMan Singh II Museum,Jaipur, A.G. no. I892.

125

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56a Visvamitra summons all the sages in his kingdom to assist

an artistwhoseworkfirstappearson folio 26a.This painting belongs to a group of four of his works extending through

Trisanikuin sacrifice

folio 6oa. A title inscriptionwrittenoverthe lowerright cor-

Artist: Attributed to Nadim 27 x I5.7 cm.

nerof the painting reads:"Theremust be (bdyad)the sacrifice of RajaTrisafiku."

Shastri i: II8 Text: Diagonal passages on the preceding folio; 1/2 line above; 211. below Title inscription in the lower right corner of the painting (fig. 52)

Visvamitra retreats to the forest to practice asceticism, whose merit earns him knowledge of an even more potent array of celestial weapons. Emboldened by the newly acquired weapons, Visvamitra assails Vasistha once again, only to be thwarted by Vasistha's superior spiritual power. Visvamitra yields again, and returns to his austerities for a thousand years, but eventually succumbs to yet another opportunity to act on his antipathy toward Vasistha. This is the desire of King Trisafiku to enter heaven in bodily form, an audacious ambition rejected first by Vasistha and then by his 100 sons. Indeed, so enraged are the latter that they transform Trisanfikuinto an outcaste canddla. In this accursed state, Trisafiku begs for help from Visvamitra, who agrees to preside over the sacrifice that will grant the disgraced king his wish. This painting illustrates Visvamitra's disciples returning to inform the sage of the refusal of only Mahodaya and Vasistha's sons to participate in the sacrifice for Trisanku. Following both the Jaipur miniature (no. 27) and the text, the artist shows two brahmans in a hexagonal pavilion conversing with the white-haired Visvamitra, who holds a scroll covered with pseudo-writing. To their right is Trisafiku, identified by his crown and black complexion and accentuated by his heavily modeled dark blue clothes. Twelve rsis or sages gather near the sacrificial fire with vessels, food, and books. They exhibit a range of facial types unrivalled by most paintings earlier in the manuscript. Common to all the figures is a distinctive rendering of the finely textured hair, which forms a bun in the back and defines the ear. The tight facial features and long eyes create a directed expression. Together with a deep blue sky and a curious predilection for dark complexions, only some of which are called for by the text, these elements may be associated with Nadim,

52.

Ramayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 56a.

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' :Visvamitra's initialsolutionto Sunahsepha's dilemmais to ask one of hi owns sonsto take the youth's place in the

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the welfareofa str anger beforethat of one'sfamilyis l heinous behaviorakin to eating the fleshof a dog, Visvami-

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this abominable outcaste life upon his

The t/t.consequence _ of this curse,whichis relatedin the last two lines of text above the painting and fulfilled in the

i ' :ti_i_i fflS

firsttwoofthenextfolio,is thissceneofthreeblack-skinned figuresexiledto the wilderness.The variedlandscapeand convincingfiguralinteractionof the paintingremaincloseto the imperialMughalidiom. The yellowishpatcheslend palpable texture to the dark green foreground,and the treatment of the violet rockyground behind the cand.las shows realunderstandingof the originalPersianconventions.Sim~ilarly,the triangulargolden mound displayslight contours andsubtlemodeling, andthe gold sky yieldseasilyto the flat blue areaabove.The trees,stream,rocks,andbirdsall addin-

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terest without seeming contrived.

high quality of the renderingof these landscape elementsis also manifestin the figures,who show consistent proportionsand well-modeledfeatures.Takentogether, the landscapeand figures createa work whose formal delicacy sets it apartfromeven otherpaintings attributedto Nadim.

55. Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 59b.

130

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6oa

Visvamitrais addressedas rajarsisby Brahmaandothergods alarmedby his austerities Artist:Nadim (ascribedin the innermargin) 26.7 X I4.3 cm.

ShastriI: I24-26 Text:

ii

lines above

Visvamitra, Brahma-ji,Visnu-ji, Mahesa-ji, Indra-ji labelled Title inscriptionin the uppermargin Published: Bhaktipada, p. 40 (fig. 56)

Visvamitracontinuesto practicethe most severeausterities so that he might move everhigher in the spiritualhierarchy of rsis.Occasionallyhe faltersand squandersthe benefitsof his austeritiesin a fit of angeror lust. TheJaipurmanuscript devotesan illustration(no. 3I) to the brieftale of one of these lapses,when Visvamitrayields to the charmsof the nymph Menaka.The Freermanuscriptomits the description and hencethe illustrationof this indiscretionin favorof a second and more direct challenge to the sage's ascetic power. The gods hope to provoke Visvamitra into a debilitating outburst by addressing him as rajarsis(literally, king of the sages),the lowest level of spiritualachievementa sagemight reach,and a status considerablybelow that which Visvamitradesires. Though the Freertext mentionsBrahmaalone,Nadim depictsall fourmajorgods addressingVisvamitra.He clearly drawsthe idea of a group scene from the Jaipurillustration (no. 33),in which twelve iconographicallyindistinguishable gods join Brahmaon earth in finallygranting the sage the much moreexaltedtitle of brahmdrsis. By contrast,Nadim's gods areidentifiedboth by inscriptionandby suchattributes as Siva's crescent moon and serpent and Indra'sthousand eyes. Despite this iconographicprecision,the painting falls considerablyshortof Nadim's earlierefforts. Nadim's interestin hairand modeling is no longerapparentin these figures.Visvamitra,for example, maintains his white hair,but showsno hint of emotion at the gods' calculated slight. Similarly,thin gold lines are used to model the browndhotis anddupattas.The flatgreengroundmerely accentuates the geometric boundaries of the foreground tank;the tall shrineculminatesin a superstructurewhich is morepeculiarthaninteresting.Indeed,the only trulyattrac-

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tive featureof the painting is the combinationof the treeand outcropin the upperright with the rich blue sky.

56. Ramayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 6oa.

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6ia

in the narrativebeforethe actualtemptationis relatedin the

At Indra's insistence, the apsaras Rambha approaches Visvamitrato distractthe sage fromhis austerities Artist:Mushfiq(ascribedon the coversheet)

text. The facesof the two figuresarehighly accomplishedin

26.5 X I5.6 cm.

both modeling and texture. The detail and variety of the plantslend a sensualmood to the stronglycoloredlandscape.

Shastri I: I27-28

The fortuitouscombinationof atmosphereand colorseen in

Text: 8 I/411.above

this painting, one of two worksin the manuscriptascribedto

Visvamitra,Rambhaapsaraslabelled Title inscriptionin the uppermargin

Mushfiq,marksa high point in the subimperialstyle. A short inscriptionwritten over the rocksin the lower

Published:Ettinghausen,Paintingsof the Sultansand Emperors of India,pl. 3; Beach, TheImperialImagei5k;

right cornerof the painting reads:beamrdo szirat,literally, "Atthe order:two paintings."I haveconstrueda nearlyidentical phraseon anotherMughalmanuscriptas a prescriptive

Bhaktipada,p. 38 (fig. 57) After the gods test Visvamitra'stemperwith their demeaning formof address,they returnto provenmeansto makethe sage dissipate the merits of his austerities. Indra, who assumes the form of a songbird, coerces Rambha, the most into approachbeautifulof the celestialmaidens(apsarasas), ing Visvamitrawith the hope of distractinghim once more. Mindful of his earlierseduction by Menaki, Visvamitravehemently condemns the unfortunateRambhato become a pillar of stone. Too late Visvamitrarealizesthat his assiduously cultivatedself-controlis shatteredas easilyby a bout of anger as by one of lust, and is forced to begin yet another roundof austeritiesin his Sisypheanquest for ultimate spir-

scribalorderfor a double-pagecomposition."Thereis a loss of an illustratedfolio at this point in the manuscript,as was noted in Chapter3, but the gap occursbetweenfolios 6I and Since the missing image would follow this one on folio 6ia by at least a page of text, this painting of RambhaapproachingVisvamitrawould not normallybe countedaspart 62.

of any pairof images unless the authorwas referringstrictly to the storyitself. Thus the easilyoverlookedinscriptionremains somewhatenigmatic in meaning, but it seems to be partof an ongoing assessmentof the physicalintegrityof the manuscript.

itual power. The beardedVisvamitrapraysin the middle of a ring of fire,his bent legs boundby a cordusedin asceticpractices.A golden vessel and a scroll with unintelligible Devanagari charactersand numberslie beforehim on a circularpatch of purple ground, whose distinction in color from the surrounding verdantlandscapesurely implies the sage's aura. Rambha initiates contact with the sage by her glance and gesture. This scenariodiffersconsiderablyfrom that of the Jaipur miniature(no. 32), in which Visvamitrais drawnby the music of the cuckooand the vi.d-playing Rambha.I?As in the Jaipurscene, the disguised Indrapercheson a nearby floweringtree, but here he is joined by six brightly colored birds.A rowof pastelrockspassesbetweenthe narrowstream in the foregroundand a very naturalisticplantaintree. The deep green area above Visvamitra's head stops short of the text panel, which does not contain the final phraseof Rambhaadorningherself.The text itself deviates significantlyfrom the Jaipurversion,and the image appears

57. Rdmayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 6ia.

132

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ofolio; Diagonal passages on the reverse of the I )f 311. below

211.

ai Title inscription in the upper margin Raja Dasaratha labelled

,:' ,ii

marriage ritualscommencein earnest, with Kinganaka

~The ,.and

Dasar

tha each reciting

hs

family's

genealogy

for the

other's approval. Janaka offers to wed his daughter Urmila to Laksmana;Dasaratha proposes a still stronger bond between ;,;tigijoi

'..

the two families, sugge sting that his two other sons, Bharata

ittiti

sandSatrughna, marry Janaka's two nieces Manidavi and gSrutakirti, at the same time. The two kings agree and set the

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date of the group wedding for the next day, a particularly auspiciovus time for marriage. Dasaratha then orders the lav-

.....oth

ish distribution of wealth that traditionally occurs on such

festive occasions,bestowing upon the city's brahmansa gift

WU ~':

of 400,000 cattle, each with its horns covered in gold.

e.This

illustration of Dasaratha's munificence returns to

a familiar courtyard setting. The enthroned king looks out

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fromnearthe edge of a coveredporchat his foursons,who are arrayedagainst the burnt-siennawall in the background.A

..

stately processionof five men and seven coloredcows passes

' F_Ns

through the green courtyard. miniature resembles the illustrationson folisu 29h

i'FFiIThis

paintings share a common range of facial types, which in-

clude a long-faced bearded figure in profile view and a wedge-shaped face rendered in three-quarter view. Both the figures and the architectural compound display more assured

draftsmanship.Although the hems of the princes'dhotis are typical ofSy. ma's tratment of drapery,there is a greater sense of description and pattern, a feature manifest both in

disk held by the flywhiskbearerand in the the golden enthrich designs on the black and blue carpetslining the porch.The repetitive articulationof the low mauve ridge in the foreground is also consistent with Syama's work. 62. Rdmdyana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 65b.

138

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.

66a

,

._.

:Lil?

The foursons of Dasarathacircumambulatethe altarduring their marriage rites

Artist:Attributedto KalaPahara

r

25.8 X 13.8 cm.

.

'

Shastri I: I44-45

;

Text: 911. above

:

'

' j.'IB

.,

Title inscriptionin the uppermargin Published:Bhaktipada,p. 50 (fig. 63) . :t'

The wedding ceremonyproperbegins at last. One by one, eachof Dasaratha'ssons takes the handof his betrothedand begins to circumambulatethe sacrificialfire in accordance with Hindu custom, as the Persiantext of the Freermanuscript carefullyexplains. The gods rain flowersdown upon the newlywedsand the soundof drumsfills the air. The marriagerites are witnessed by eight brahmans arrayedin a semi-circle and four women seated in the balconies above. Conspicuouslyabsent are the two kings and Vasistha, who presides over the ceremony. The large text panel and sheer number of figures in the composition neces-

sitate some reductionin the scaleof the figures,but the tininess of the four new couples must also be an indication of theiryouth. The artistKalaPaharadeviatesfromestablished customin the manuscriptby garbingRamaand his brothers in the four-pointedMughaljma. He also usesgold to highlight the folds of dark clothing. The faces of most of the

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figuresarebadlyabraded. The focus of the activity is the very modestly sized sacrificialfireburningbeneatha rectangulartrellisfestooned with garlands.Jarsand gold vesselsarescatteredin the foregroundof the grassycourtyard.Two paintedelephantsadorn the spandrelof the doorwayto the left of the centralwall.

_

The composition of the painting departsdramatically from the correspondingscene in the Jaipur Rdmdyana(no. 39).Tulasi Kalanforgoesthe representationof the rite of circumambulation,but omits no detail of the textual description of the wedding'sconclusion:the couplesareshownembedded in the crowd of brahmans,women, and musicians beneathand arounda large canopy,Dasarathais accordeda prominentposition, and the gods areinvited to pay homage fromabove. 63. Rdmdyana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 66a.

139

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66b Dasarathaperceives ill omens on the journey back to Ayodhya Artist: Kala Pahara (ascribed in the lower margin)

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22.2

X I3.8

cm.

Shastri I: I46-47

Text: 8 I/2 11.above

.*. (i

Title inscription in the upper margin ) I 31Y/

I 1

' .

Published: Bhaktipada, p. 54 (fig. 64)

! ..,

Upon the conclusion of the marriage rites, Visvamitra retires Ir I.

to the Himalayas to resume his austerities, and Vasistha

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accompanies Dasaratha and his sons back to Ayodhya. Along the road, Dasaratha notes with alarm the darkening sky, the screeching of birds, and the flight of animals. He turns in his chariot to ask the sage the reason for the inauspicious turmoil. Kala Pahara does not distinguish the two crowned figures by attribute, but by analogy to the corresponding Jaipur miniature (no. 40), we may surmise that Vasistha occupies the second chariot. The paintings in the two manuscripts follow somewhat different textual accounts of the ill omens, but their compositions are similar even to the point of the inclusion of a horseman passing between ridges in the foreground. Despite the miniaturized scale of the Freer figures, which also occurs in the addorsed painting, the numbers of the king's entourage are reduced from the Jaipur crowds to only three figures here. Along with the curious absence of birds, which appear in virtually every other landscape in the manuscript, is a golden sun in a sky whose brilliance dispels any sense of danger. Only the foxes scampering among the jagged units of the purple ridges in the foreground provide a sign of the anxiety of the natural world.

64. Ra-mayana,Freer Gallery of Art, f. 66b.

140

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67b

jlj

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Rama draws Parasurama's bow ^ ''

Artist: Attributed to Fazl 8.9 x 9.2 cm.

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Shastri I: 150

'

Text: 9 11.above;211. below

.

Title inscription on f. 67a

.

Sri Rama-jyu,

Parasurama-jyi labelled

,

,

,

,

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Published: Bhaktipada, p. 52 (detail) (fig. 65)

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The cause of the portents soon makes its presence known:

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a fiercebrahmanwho oncedestroyedall the ksaParasurama, triyas or warrior caste in revenge for his father's death.

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73. Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 85b.

149

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Laksmana entreats Rama for permission to accompany him

..

into the forest " Artist: Attributed to Syama Sundara

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ShastriI: 242 ...........:.,.~,... .,_Text: ?,. .;:': r. 7.: .... "F~i4ii!}i?~ -..._....

I2 11. below

inscriptionin the outermargin

.Title

Rama tries once more to dissuade Laksmana from accompa-

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him in exile, urging him to remain in Ayodhya to care their mothers'. Laksmana will hear nothing of this rea-

_nying

':'ilt;~~~~~~~for _soning,

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and insists on his right to go into the forest with Rama. Rama's joyful consent is related in the lines below the image.

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In the second of a sequence of three small paintings re-

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strictedto the widthof the text column,Ramarespondsto Laksmana's entreaty to accompany him into exile by reach-

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;ing down to lift up his prostrate brother. The dark-skinned ':!i^;.** I,;*IXI/,-J, Ra!ma "~i{.i!,

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orange dhoti and a fringed dupattawith patterned gold ends. Standing behind her husband, Sita modestly looks up at the

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is garbed in typical Syama fashion: a lightly modeled

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bough of a banyan tree whose highly decorative trunk and roots resemble those of Syama's painting on folio 92a. This

ensembleconstitutesthecoreoftheJaipurillustration ofthis episode (no. 54), which has an expansive palatial setting in-

by a host of women. By contrast, the action in the painting transpires before a simple turquoise background.

''.''.Freer

The thickly written ascription on the reverse of the cover sheet is certainly a later addition to the manuscript, for the title inscription and thinly written attribution to Ghulam 'All on the cover sheet establish the correct position of the protective sheet as facing folio 52a.

74. Ramaya.na,Freer Gallery of Art, f. 87a.

150

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.

88a

_

.

Court women wail as Dasaratha, Rama, and Laksmanaswoon

-

in grief Artist: Syama Sundara (ascribed in the lower margin)

:-

26.i X 14.1 cm.

Shastri I:' 251I

''"

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'

"

Text: 1/4 line above; 611. below Title inscription on f. 87b

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Published: Bhaktipada, p. 95 (fig. 75) Sumantra ushers Rama, Laksmana, and Sita into the presence of Dasaratha and 350 court women. The women's cries rend the heart of the aged king, and he swoons once more. Moved by this spectacle, Rama and Laksmana join their father in the realm of unconsciousness. When all three recover, Rama asks formal permission to leave. Dasaratha tries to procrastinate and moderate the conditions of his exile, but Rama accepts

}; ^

them blissfully., : The designer of this manuscript has determined the

.r

subject of this miniature by breaking the single line of text above the painting field after only three words: "[Dasaratha]

'jjl

fell to the ground" (bar zamtn aftdd). Hence, the narrative moment of Syama's illustration of Dasaratha swooning before Rama and Laksmana is almost inevitable, for it coincides

'-1,*'

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I

:

v

with both the text and the scene of the Jaipur model (no. 56). The painting itself, however, is entirely Syama's creation. Seven large women with rounded profiles, white com- ? plexions, and brightly colored skirts gesture in dismay at the

. ,f.

.

sight of the grief-stricken Dasaratha sprawled before his sons. The crude red contour shadows around the heads and arms of two men in the foreground are now distant echoes of the highlighting device used so effectively by G6vardhana early in the manuscript. The setting is comprised of three strict registers. The dull green tiled courtyard matches the violet wall in size and plainness, but the arcaded porch adds a measure of complexity to the uppermost register. A large floral pattern enlivens the band of blue carpet, and faint traces of objects adorn the white wall above the dado.

75. Rdmdyazna,Freer Gallery of Art, f. 88a.

151

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Rama and Laksmana appear before Dasaratha in the dress of ascetics

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Artist:Fazl(ascribedin the lowermargin) I: 256-57

,Shastri

131 /4 11. above

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Title inscriptionon sPublished:

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the accoutrements of state, which she insists are for Bharata

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Shastri I: 363-71

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Text: 8 11.above; 211. below ;'

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Published: Bhaktipada, p. I40 (fig.

92)

' '.v V1._..

The size of Bharata'sretinue initially raises some suspicion of his motives, but Guha soon realizes Bharata's complete devotion to Rama. He tells him of Rama's visit and shows him the very spot where Rama had slept. When morning comes, Guha gathers for Bharata's transport 500 boats, each with a different standard. Syama maintains the small figure scale of folios Io03b and IO5afor this scene of Bharata and his army crossing the Ganges. The idea of an embarkation scene is almost certainly inspired by the Jaipur painting (no. 70), but the action of the illustration adheres to the narrative development of the text in the upper panel. Hence, the Jaipur scene shows Guha's 500 boats being loaded; with another line of the absolutely identical text inserted above the illustration, the Freerpainting depicts the boats in midstream, adding the detail of their unique standards, rendered here as four refreshingly inventive animal-headed prows. Yet this literal illustration of the text does not extend beyond the basic narrative to include such details as Satrughna and the queens, who are represented in the Jaipur page.

92.

Rdmdyana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. I05b.

170

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-

10o7a

Bharadvajaorders a great feast prepared for Bharata and his men Artist: Attributed to Kala Pahara 25.2 X I3.9 cm. Shastri I: 374

............

Text: Diagonal passages on the preceding folio; 3 11. below

ii

Published: Bhaktipada, p. 142 (fig. 93)

I, '

" "(

Bharata retraces Rama's path to Bharadvaja'saframa. In deference to the tranquility of the hermitage, Bharata leaves his

i

army behind and allows only Vasistha to accompany him . when he approaches the sage. Bharadvajaconfirms Bharata's

.

good intentions, and then offers to use magical means to entertain Bharata's enormous retinue.

.'

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i

The Freer cycle remains congruent to the Jaipur one as it illustrates the beginning of Bharadvaja'sgreat feast. But unlike the more expansive Jaipur miniature (no. 7I), which clearly does not serve as a pictorial model, the Freerpainting shows no sign of the celestial beings and abundant food summoned by the ascetic.14Instead, it depicts a crowned, youthful Bharata and his host attended by a number of retainers in an open pavilion; the last line of text before the illustration|

?

.

probablypromptedthe artist to representbeautifulwomen

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in the foreground.

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,K,-' ' the The feeble draftsmanship of figures points unmis-

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takably to Kala Pahara, but many other details corroborate this attribution. The rudimentary architecture, Bharadvaja's beige robe, and the dots and crosses marking the dhotis of the slender figures recall Kala Pahara's work on folio io2a (fig. 87). The brightly colored flattened lobes of the outcrop in the lower left are also identical to those on folio 66b (fig. 64).

93. Rdmayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. Io7a.

171

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Raimaand Laksmana receive Bharata and his companions Artist: Syama Sundara (ascribed in the lower'margin) lo25.3 X I4.2 -

,l; .~2 ~ ~i~

7=_-

'~ . .~iText: l

~I ~~Shastri

x

cm.

I: 391-93

11.above H'H42 Rt. 8 I/z@

l

Sumitra-ji, Kaikeyl, Kausalya, Sita-ji, Laksmana-ji, groups, Sri , Rima-ji '

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. 0,,,t,,

Vasistha-ji,

Bharata-ji, and gatrughna-ji

%aA1> 4 $l xlabelled ~ Bhaktipada,p.

':9:Published:

144 (detail)(fig. 94)

Following Bharadvaja'sdirections, Bharata makes his way to Rima's fi forest dwelling on Citrakita Mountain. Again he approaches with utmost humility, accompanied by only tatrughna and Sumantra. Joy mingles with dismay as Bharata srt ri catches sight of his illustrious brother now abased by his rough ascetic attire and hut. Soon Vasistha and Daaratha's queens draw near and suffer similar emotional

agitation as

they compare the extreme roughness of Rama's new life with his former princely glory. By contrast, Rama, Laksmana, and Sita experience unmitigated bliss as they rush forward to pay homage to their visitors. iyama exhibits both a fluent figure style and an engag-

ing setting in his illustration of the reunion of Bharata and atrughna

with their exiled

brothers.

The two separate

Jaipur illustrations of this scene (nos. 72-73) emphasize the distressingly primitive conditions of Rama's party by de...... ..

picting the figures with loose hair and dressed in dhotis or ..

Freer manuscript minimizes the difference in comfort. The encounter on this half of the composition is restricted to two

groups:the four brothersand Vasistha,and Sita and Dasaratha's three queens. Rama and Laksmainahave loosely coiffed hair, unusually fine features, and gyama's customary fringed dupattas. The four women, including the rehabili-

tated Kaikeyi, are sequestered to the right beneath the stringytrunkandrootsof a banyantree.A low, denselylobed ridge separatesboth groups from the foregroundpond in which fish,fowl, and a tiny leonine creaturesport.

94. Rdmdya.na,Freer Gallery of Art, f. IIIb.

172

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II2a

:._ _-

Bharata'sentouragebeholdsthe meeting Artist:Fazl(ascribedin the lowermargin)

_

_

_

25.I x i3.2 cm.

|_

Shastri i: 393-400 Text: ii lines below

Published:Bhaktipada,p. 147(fig. 95) Bharatatries to convince Rama to returnto Ayodhya, but Ramais steadfastin his vow to obey his father'scommand. Bharataacknowledgesthe sacrednessof this vow, but argues\ that it is supersededby higherduties, such as the protection of the people'swelfare,forwhich he is still unprepared.This argument is rejected by Rama, who instructs Bharatato . honorDasaratha'swishes and becomeking. Fazl complements gyama's half of the double-page scene of the family reunionwith two registersof figureslistening intently to this debate. He makes no effortto maintain a semblance of continuity in the landscape, which changesfrom ~yama'stufted ochregroundon the right to a flat,light greenareaon the left. The treebendingoverfiveof the seatedattendantsis farmorestarkin shapeandmodeling than its counterparton the oppositepage. Fazl'sfiguresalso display this same rudimentaryquality, particularlyin their unusualprofiles,whose bluntnessis accentuatedby a strong. darkoutline.

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95. Rdmdyana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. inia.

173

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II5a

Ramafalls at his mothers'feet Artist:SyamaSundara(ascribedin the lowermargin) 25 x I4.2 cm.

Shastri I: 405 2 ,v/, ' Lk,t

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Published:Bhaktipada,p. I49 (fig. 96)

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Celestialbeings, who know that Ramamust remainin exile in orderto vanquishRavana,help RamapersuadeBharatato leave the forestand take his place as king. As Bharata'sentouragepreparesto depart,Ramareturnsa pairof sandalsto his brother,who promisesto reverethem like Ramahimself. Rama also ordersBharatato accordKaikeyi - despite her loathsomeaction- the samehonorthat he grantsKausalya. A roundof tearfulleave-takingculminatesin Ramafalling at the feet of eachof the threeforlornqueens. The long panelof text endswith an accountof this dramatic gesture, and thus determinesthe subject of the illustration,which representsa slightly laterdevelopmentin the storythan does its crowdedcounterpartin theJaipurmanuscript(no. 74). LaksmanaandSitagesticulatetowardsRama to focus attention on the prostrate,dark-skinnedfigure;off to the side, Vasisthaand the crownedBharataexpresstheir dismay.The tufted bandsof ochreandgreen,schematiclobes of the foregroundrocks, and detailed figures are virtually identicalto thoseof Syama'spaintingson folios 93band IIIb, therebyconfirmingthe imperfectlylegible ascriptionin the lowermargin.

96. Ramaya.na,Freer Gallery of Art, f. ii5a.

174

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II7a

Rama shatters the trident of the demon Viradha Artist: Attributed to Syama Sundara 26.2

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Forging their way deeper into the Dandaka forest, Rama and Laksmana come upon a monstrous creature who menacingly

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well-aimed arrow. Viradha boasts that he cannot be killed by any weapon, so Rama and Laksmana bludgeon the beast into submission and prepare to bury him alive. With this, Viradha realizes the identity of his adversaries and suddenly reveals himself to be a celestial being named Tumburfi, liberated from the hideous form cursed upon him because of his lust for the siren Rambha (see fig. 57). This simple scene of combat, the first painting in the Aranya Kanda or Forest Book, illustrates the action of the last line of the text panel and the two words just outside the ruled area by depicting Rama shattering Viradha's golden trident. Laksmana looks up as his wheat-colored brother fits a second arrow to the bow in order to down the spotted Persianate demon himself. A more comprehensive scene is presented in the Jaipur illustration (no. 75), which incorporates both the rescued Sita and the emancipation of Tumburu from the hulking form of Viradha. By contrast, the I594 manuscript represents the initial verbal encounter of the trio and the enormous demon, whose trident is flamboyantly laden with the skins of eight lions. This painting is another of ~yama's strongest efforts. He bestows Rama with a dignified profile and an intense expression, and outfits him in strongly modeled dhoti and fringed dupatta. Sharply tilted outcrops ring the pronounced yellow and green registers of the landscape. The airborne Viradha shares the flat blue sky with two large colored birds

andseveralstringsof schematicblackones- both ubiquitous featuresin this manuscript.

97. FreerGalleryof Art, f. II7a. Ramdya.na,

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Ramawoundsthe demon Trisiras Artist:SyamaSundara(ascribedin the lowermargin) Dated the firstof Sha'banI009/5 February 60oi 26.9 x I4.3 cm. ..4..

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Trisiraslabelled Published:Bhaktipada,p. I65(fig. 98) Surpanakha,the sisterof the evil Ravana,becomesenamored of the handsomeRamaat firstsight. Ramamockingly steers the revoltingcreaturetowardhis unmarriedbrother,but the raksasigrows enragedand threatensSita. Laksmanaheeds Rama'sinjunctionagainst slaying women and is content to punish the demonessby cutting off her nose and ears.The disfiguredgurpanakhaasksher brotherKharato avengethis insult;he compliesby orderingan assaultof I4,000 demons. When Ramasingle-handedlyannihilatesthese legions, Trisiras,the championof the demon army,hurls himself upon him, and the two exchangevolleys of arrows.Trisirasmanages to strike Rama'sbrow three times, but Ramaproceeds to destroythe demon'schariotand severhis threeheads. Lackinganysortof prototypein theJaipurmanuscript, this painting follows the usual patternof the Freerillustrations by eliminating the demon'schariotandotherdetailsof battle until only a dark-skinnedRama and his brotherare left beside an arrow-riddledTrisiras.The bloodied threeheaded rdksasasprawls head over heels, the conventional pose of defeat. His animal-headedmace lies useless on the darkgreen ground,which is overlaidwith a regularpattern of yellow and green sheaves.A tall outcropaligned banally with the bottom of the text panel supportstwo treeswhich bend to fill the sky. Along with the nameof SyamaSundara,the fragmentary inscriptionin the lower margin supplies the date of the firstof Sha'banI009, a Hijradatewhichcorrespondsto 5February 60oi.This seconddate in the manuscriptestablishesa hiatusin this sectionof the painting cycle or at least a significantslowing of the rateof illustration.

98. Ramayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 122b.

176

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I23b

Rama strikes down Khara with an arrow Artist: Qasim (signed above Khara's horn and ascribed on the cover sheet) 23.I x I3.7 cm. Shastri 2: 64

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scourge of demons. A slender grey Rama, hand still upraised after releasing the arrow that kills Khara, stands over the writhing assheaded rdksasa. Khara looks back at his vanquisher, still

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palette and more open areas than most of gyama's paintings. Qasim again certifies his contribution by signing his name beneath the tree that extends across the painting, thus confirming the ascription on the cover sheet.

99. Ramdyana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. I23b.

177

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I28b

Ramastalksthe demonMarica,who hasassumedthe formof a golden deer Artist:Fazl(ascribedin the lowermargin)

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Shastri2: 89-92 Text: 9 11.above Published: Beach, The ImperialImage,I5L;Bussagli, IndianMiniatures,fig. 45;Bhaktipada,p. I78 (fig. ioo) News of Rama'sexploits and Sita's beauty reachesRavana, the supremedemon king. The demon Marica(cf. folio 38b) temporarilyconvincesRavanathat his scheme to steal Sita fromRamais sheerfolly, but gurpanakhagoads Ravanainto actionby impugning his valorandextolling Sita'sloveliness. Ravanadecides to act. He asks Marica, who is skilled in magic, to assumethe guise of a golden deerso wondrousthat Sita will beg Ramato captureit. While Ramais luredfrom Sita'sguard,Ravanawill carryoff Sita, and Ramawill die of sorrow.Maricavigorouslyobjects. He recallshis own humbling experiencewith Rama, proclaimsRama'srighteousness and might, and forecastscertaindestructionforall who opposehim. Nonetheless,he yields to his master'swishes. Everything proceedsaccording to plan. Maricathoroughly beguiles Sita with his magnificentskin, and entices Rama away from the hermitage with fleeting appearances. As Ramafatallywoundsthe illusorydeer,Maricacompletes the deceptionby cryingout forLaksmanaandSita in Rama's voice. Sita insists that Laksmanago to Rama'sassistance; againsthis better judgment,Laksmanadoes so, leaving Sita to becomeRavana'sprey. The narrativeandformaldirectnessof Fazl'sillustration of this pivotal episode of the Ramayanamounts a rarechallenge to the visual impactof the correspondingJaipurscene (fig. ioi). TheJaipurpainting is an especiallycriticalone becauseit is the only one ascribedexplicitlyto BanavariKhfird, who, as we will see, laterleft the imperialatelierto join 'Abd al-Rahi.m's workshop.'6Both works show Rama pursuing Marica,but the Jaipurpainting defeatsthe very purposeof Ravana'sploy by allowingthe entiresceneto transpirewithin view of Laksmanaand Sita. In contrast,the sparsenessof the FreercompositionemphasizesRama'sisolationas he aims a crescent-headedarrowat his fleeingprey,whosegolden body is adornedwith decorativemedallionsand silverflecks.

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crown, and costume to a painting ascribedto Qasim (fig. 145) point to the handof this artist.

I33. Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 258a.

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259a .. The devastation of the demons by Rama is likened to that wrought by Siva in the form of Rudra Artist: Yusuf 'Ali (ascribed on the reverse of the cover sheet) 25.8 x 13.9 cm. Shastri 3: 274

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soldiers, and sends the remnants of^

the devastated army fleeing back to Lanka. In contrast to theJaipur illustration (no. 139),which de-

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with a blue complexion and an ascetic's topknot, beholds the corpses of three demons, two elephants, and a horse, which represent the vast numbers of victims described in the text. Together with the clarity of a visual order undisrupted by overlapping forms, the cheerfulness of the pale yellow field lends the landscape an almost bucolic quality. Short '"J:Bi

purple outcrops rise vertically over a tiny stream and below a large tree, and a small shrine rests on the horizon of the central green hill. Above the text panel is a bifurcated outcrop whose plants and trees fill the sky. The small scale of the figures and the varied color scheme are consistent with other works by Yiisuf'All, particularly folio 3I9a (fig. I55).

I34. Ramdyana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 259a.

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Rivana's father, Poulastya, descends from the heavens to praiseArjunafor conqueringthe unconquerable,and then him to releasehis son. Arjunadoes so gladly, andan unrepentantRavanaresumeshis arrogantbehavior.He reaches Kiskindha,andhearingof the renownof Vali, issues a chalto fight. Vali's vizier repliesthat Ravanais lucky that Vialiis unavailable,havinggone off to the fouroceansto perform his devotions. Ravanasets out in searchof Vali, and finding him by the southernocean, begins to sneak up on him so that he can catch him unaware.Out of the cornerof his eye VialiperceivesRavanaapproachingdeviously,anddecides to teachhim a lesson.He spinsquicklyto snareRavana, hanging him fromhis belt, fliesoverthe fouroceans,displaying his haplesscaptive to all. Alighting at Kiskindha, Viialitoys with the humiliatedRavanaas a cat would a mouse and mocks him: "Wherewere you? Where are you now?" The chastenedRavanahastily arrangesan alliancewith this unexpectedlypowerfulmonkey.

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release,only a few wordsbeforethe illustrationin the Jaipur Ramaya.na(no. I59), the two paintings do not represent the

samephaseof the story.Insteadof the dramaticJaipurscene of Vali's flight overthe oceanand its worshipfulinhabitants, Kamaldepicts a static sceneof discoursebetweenthe future allies. The position of the huge monkey outside the areaof the text column emphasizeshis great size, as if the monkey king were too largeto occupythe samespaceas his diminutive challenger.Kamal isolates the pitiful Ravanain a relatively subduedlandscapeof broadridges and sparsevegetation. The riverin the foregroundevokesthe southernseanear Vali'sdomain. I47.

Rdmayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 302a.

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not to use the weapon, which will nullify his boon of invulnerability to Ravana and thus make him untruthful. The destruction of the entire universe is averted as Yama acquiesces to this request and withdraws from the field, leaving Ravana the apparent victor. Syama Sundara's scene of individual combat is far less informative and tumultuous than the Jaipur version (no. I60), which explicitly represents Brahma's intercession on

Ravana's behalf amid the furor of battle. Yama is depicted as a demon endowed with huge fan-shaped ears flaring out over his wings and dressed in leg-guards, a tunic, and short

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148. Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 303b.

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tdroppingRavanafromthe sky into the seabeforethey begin to toss him about again. The haplessRavanasuffersno less degrading treatment in the Freermanuscript. In keeping with the derisive tono the the speech and action translated above, Yusuf 'All shows one woman casually twirling Ravanaaroundlike a beachtoy asshe bandieshim aboutwith her threefemalecompanions. The two women depicted in three-quarterview are so gracefulin both faceand body that they could easilystandin for their counterpartsin the Jaipurillustrationor othercontemporaryimperial paintings. Once again Yusuf 'All employs a small figurescale,allowing the five figuresto occupy relativelylittle of the painting field, which does not extend abovethe text panel. The articulationof the flat, violet field with numerousfaint tufts comparesclosely to the artist's illustration on folio 259a.

155. Rdmayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 319a.

238

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324b Dasaratha asks Durvasas about the destiny of his descendants Artist: Attributed to Qasim 26.2 x 13.9 cm.

Shastri 3: 535 Text: 7 11.above; i line below Dasaratha labelled (fig. I56) After a long digression on the early exploits of many an ally and foe, the Rdmayana resumes the tale of Rama after his great victory. Sita now carries Rama's child in her womb, and all who live under Rama's rule enjoy similar bliss and prosperity. Nonetheless, Rama is eager to redress whatever wrongs may exist in the kingdom, and he asks a group of sages to tell him everything - good and bad - which his subjects say about him. The sages reluctantly inform him that some people still harbor doubts about Sita's chastity during her captivity. Devastated by this rumor, which Sita's fire ordeal should have laid to rest, Rama decides to renounce Sita. With the pretext of abiding Sita's desire to visit some ascetics, he asks Laksmana to escort Sita to a hermitage on the banks of the Ganges, but to abandon her there forever. Although Laksmana is sworn to secrecy, he cannot hide his agitation. Sita becomes disconsolate when she learns of Rama's decision, but selflessly professes her complete devotion to her husband, and places herself under the protection of the sage Valmiki. During his return journey, Laksmana asks the charioteer Sumantra how Rama could possibly repudiate one so blameless. Sumantra replies that Dasaratha once confided to him that this bitter fate was foretold to him by the ascetic Durvasas upon a visit to Vasistha's hermitage. Durvasas said the wife of the sage Bhrgu once gave shelter to a group of demons; Visnu himself erupted in anger at this action, and slew her immediately with his discus. Bhrgu hastily cursed Visnu for his action, and vowed that a similar separation from his spouse would befall him in his incarnation as man, that is, as Rama. Sumantra concludes with the happier prophecy of Rama's long reign and the successful perpetuation of his lineage. The Jaipur manuscript determines Dasaratha's audience with Durvasas as the most appropriate subject of this encapsulated story, probably because it is easily adapted to a

I56.

favorite type of scene in Mughal painting: a king seeking the

Ramdyana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 324b.

239

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adviceof sages.Its illustration(no. I69) displaysthat manuscript'spenchantfor pictorial elaborationin its representation of the vesselsof foodandwaterdescribedin the text, the king's large retinue, a perspectivalview of the dais, and an elaboratenaturalsetting. The Freermanuscriptfollows the Jaipurchoiceof subject, and also showsDasarathalifting his handsin supplication to ask Durvasasabout the fate of his lineage. One leg crossedawkwardlyover the other, the emaciatedDurvasas raiseshis right handin a gestureof exposition.The patterned ochre mat that links Dasaratha, Durvasas, and Vasistha formsthe firstof threedistinct registersin the composition. The brickwall andgate in the foregroundconstituteanother register and provide a solid base to this tightly structured composition,but seem incongruousin the hermitage'srural setting, which is indicated by the tall banyantree and the bright green hills. In addition to generalsimilaritiesin compositionand figurestyle, specificfeaturessuch as the patternsof the side of the purple dais and the detailing of the ridges recall Qasim'spaintings on folios 237band 295aand thus suggest an attributionof this painting to this artist.Moreover,faint fragmentsof threelettersof Qasim'snamecan be seen in the lowermargin.

332a

SatrughnaslaysLavana Artist:Attributedto Qasim 25.9 X I3.7 cm.

Shastri 3: 572-74 Text: 9 11.above (fig. 157)

A groupof brahmansbeseechRamato deliverthem fromthe scourgeof Lavana,a rdksasawho had inheritedfrom his father Madhuan irresistibletrident grantedby Siva. Rama's brotherSatrughnavolunteersto slay this evil creatureas a test of his courage.Ramaoutfitshim with an equallypotent arrow,nothing less thana formof Visnu himself,andadvises him that he must catchLavanawithout his weapon.Knowing that Lavanaleaves his supernaturalweapon at home while he gathersfood, Satrughnawaits until Lavanahas departedfor the day, barsthe gate to the city, and then goads Lavanainto battle by loudly proclaiming his imminent death. Deprived of his weapon,Lavanahurls one tree after anotherat his foe, but Satrughnaconsumeseach one with a fieryarrow.LavanafinallyknocksSatrughnasenselesswith a blow to the head,but foolishlydoes not use the opportunity to retrievehis trident. Satrughnasoon recovers,and while the gods quakein fear,fits his celestialarrowto the bow, and loosesthat blazingweaponat the raksasa'sbreast. Qasim diminishesSatrughna'sspectacularconquestof Lavanawith a formulaicscene of combat, in which yet another hero sends a raksasagroveling in the throesof death. The fiery effect of the weapon, which is representedbrilliantly in the Jaipurpainting (no. 170), is entirely ignored here. Qasim establishesSatrughna'sfamily resemblanceto Rama in the upturnedmustacheand long sideburn,which he repeatedfrom his figureof Ramaon folio 237b(fig. 123). The landscapeis divided harshly into a tufted green zone below and a braidedyellow hill above.The pink outcropin the upper left is identical to one on folio 237b. The rocks along the riverbankrecallthose of Qasim'spainting on folio 317bin their blocky, layeredfacetsand radiatingleaves.

157. Ramayana, Freer Gallery of Art, f. 332a.

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333b Rama beheads the &sidraSambuka, whose practice of auster-

workalso exemplifiesthe consistentformalsimplificationof the Freerpaintings. The rigidly bent arms and legs of the

ities threatensthe naturalorder Artist:SyamaSundara(ascribedin the lowermargin)

suspendedsidra contrastwith the fleshinessand weight of his counterpartin the Jaipur painting. Similarly, the rich

Dated 1013/I604-05 26.3 x 13.7 cm.

Shastri3: 583-84 Text 4 3/4 11.above; 3 11.below (fig. I58)

andvariedlandscapeof theJaipurillustrationis reducedto a flatgreen field, which is separatedfromthe lake in the foregroundby an extremelyschematicbank. The number IOI3appearsin the lower margin to the right of a faint ascriptionto Syima. Given the sequenceof

An old brahmanwho grievesthe loss of his fourteen-year-old son sits outside Rama'spalaceand loudly accusesthe king of

dates on folios 92a, I22b, I97b, 237b, and 244a, this number may be taken as a date correspondingto A.D. I604-05. The

committing someinjustice,reasoningthat only underanunrighteousrulerdo peopledie prematurely.Rama'sministers agreewith the basicpremiseof this complaint,andurgehim to locate the sourceof the unrighteousbehavior.They suggest ananswerwith a reviewof the practiceof asceticismdur-

position of this date near the end of the painting cycle is strong evidencethat the manuscriptwas completedin that year.

ing each of the four yugas or epochs. During the Krta Yuga,

when all was good, the right to undertakeausteritieswas reservedforbrahmansalone;in subsequentyugas,the right was gradually extended to the other castes, with the result that the balance between good and evil tipped ever more toward the latter. gzidras,members of the lowest of the four major castes, are allowed to do this kind of empowering penance only in the Kali Yuga, when the reign of evil is total. At all other times, including the present, the Dvarapa Yuga, it is a great sin for szidrasto practice asceticism. Having searched the four quarters of the world, Rama arrives at a great lake in the southern quarter, and there discovers an ascetic undergoing the formidable austerity of hanging upside down for long periods of time. He asks him, "Which of the four castes are you - brahman, or ksatriya, or vaisya, or sudra - that you are worshipping so?" The ascetic answers, "My name is Sambuka and I was born of the sidra caste. By this sacrifice I will become a god." Rama immediately draws his sword and cuts off the sfidra'shead. Relieved that this unworthy one will not forcibly gain admittance to heaven and thus disrupt the natural order, the gods strew flowers on Rama's head and restore the old brahman's son to life. Syama Sundara's illustration has disengaged Rama from the dynamic execution in the Jaipur scene (no. 171), and

has relegatedhim insteadto the role of one who merelywitnesses(albeit with sword in hand) the beheadedsfidradangling from a crossbarattachedto the uppertext panel. The

158.

Ramayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 333b.

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iukracarya advises his daughter Aruja to remain beside the lake near his hermitage during a dust storm Artist: Kamal (ascribed on the cover sheet) 26.3 x I3.4 cm.

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petuously ignores her request and violates her on the spot. Learning of this outrage, Sukra issues a frightful curse: for 'i^ .l ~

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erate all forms of life. Sukra then advises Aruja to wait beside E

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of catastrophicduststorm on Danda's capital.This deviation

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I59. Rdmdyana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 336a.

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339b Valmiki instructs Kusa and Lava in the recitation of the

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Text: 2 11.above;2 11.below (fig. I6o) Rama asks his brothersto convene the sages, Sugriva,and They organize Vibhisanain preparationfor the asvamedha. the distribution of immeasurable quantities of food and drink, the dispersalof untold amounts of gold and jewels, and the releaseof the richlycaparisonedsacrificialhorse.The year-long festivities draw Valmiki and his disciples, Kusa andLava,Rama'stwin sonswho werebornto Sita soon after she arrivedat Valmiki'shermitage.Valmiki instructsthem to recite the Ramayanaoutside the palacegates, to refuseall offersof reward,and to identify themselvesonly as his disciples. The two handsomeyouths performas they have been trained,and sing so melodiouslythat they arousethe admi' rationof all who hearthe greatepic. Becausethe illustrationappearsin the text beforethe momentwhen Ramarealizesthe youths'trueidentity,Yusuf ? 'Ali devotes only the foregroundof his painting to the depiction of the dark-skinnedValmiki giving final instructions to his two proteges.A violet ridgeanda shortstretchof ' waterdistancethis introductoryscene from the largerceremonial one of Rama's court. Seated in an open pavilion adornedwith vessel-fillednichesand brightlypatternedcarpets, Ramaaddressesa group of retainersbeneatha canopy. Eight morefiguresarearrayedon threesides of the sacrificial

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fire. Yusuf'Ali repeatsthe basiccompositionand tonalcontrastsof his earlierscene of sacrifice(f. 245b).The latter feature is particularlyevident in the high contrastof the white mortarand brown brick of the wall in the upper left. The wedge-shapedfaceof the attendantbehindRamais the most distinctiveexampleof the variousfiguretypesin Yusuf'Ali's repertoire.

i6o. Rdmayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 339b.

245

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34ib Sita's virtue is affirmed as she is taken into the earth by Madhavi Artist: Attributed to Fazl. 26.5 (irregular) x 13.5cm. Shastri 3: 616-17. Text: 711. above; i line below Published: Bhaktipada, p. 372 (fig. I6I) Rama's heart melts when he recognizes his offspring, and he calls upon Valmiki to bring Sita to court. Although both Valmiki and Rama have not even the slightest doubt of Sita's chastity, they ask Sita to make a second public display of her purity. Upon entering the courtyard, Sita bows her head, clasps her hands together, and swears, "Ihave never held anyone in my heart other than Rama. If my words are true, may the earth open up so that I may enter it." At this, the earth cracks open and a throne borne on the heads of snakes issues forth. The beautiful woman seated thereon takes Sita to her side and descends into the earth. The gods scatter flowers and shout their approval. Fazl shows Sita welcomed by the small figure of the goddess Madhavi, who emerges from the ground on a throne. Sita raises her hands together in adoration, while the onlookers express their amazement at the divine reception. The illustration is fundamentally similar in composition to the Jaipur scene (no. I74), but in presenting the moment before Sita takes her place on Madhavi's throne and descends into the earth, it follows the narrative development of neither the earlier pictorial version nor the text above, which concludes with the joint disappearance of Madhavi and Sita.2IConcomitant with this static formulation of the narrative is a general impoverishment of visual detail. The goddess's throne is not borne by a swarm of rearing snakes, as in the Jaipur painting, but shows only two tiny serpents attached to its sides. Similarly, the narrow gold sky leaves no room for gods to scatter flowers, and the consternation of the earthly witnesses is greatly diminished. This painting closely resembles the audience scene by Fazl on folio 285a (fig. I42) in composition, throne type, and palette. The clearest examples of the last of these are the flat grey and dark blue bands of the dais. The attribution to Fazl is supported by the back view of the small figure in the loweri6i.

Rdmayana,FreerGalleryof Art, f. 34ib.

most cluster of figures. Such a view occurs rarely in the manuscript, twice on paintings by Fazl (ff. II2a, 285a).

246

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346a t

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Rama departs to enter heaven Artist: Attributed to Qasim

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25.9 X I3.3 cm.

Shastri 3' 634 Text: I/2 line above; i line below Published: Bhaktipada, p. 375 (fig.

i62)

Rama does not share in the jubilation at Sita's miraculous disappearance, but he is consoled by Brahma's promise that

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they will be reunited in heaven. Rama dismisses his allies and rules righteously for thousands of years. Finally, Brahma . sends Death to invite Rama to resume his form as Visnu in

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heaven after his long incarnation on earth. Rama agrees, realizing that he has fulfilled his mission on earth. After installing his sons as kings, he proceeds toward the Sarayu River, attended by Bharata, gatrughna, and all the inhabitants of Ayodhya. No one is saddened by his imminent departure for the celestial realm, where the gods await. Instead,

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his joyful companions follow him into the sacred waters and take their places alongside him in heaven. Beneath the watchful eyes of Brahma, Siva, and Visnu, Rama proceeds across a bright green field followed by Bha-

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rata, Satrughna, and others. Unlike the more populous and expansive double-page illustration of this episode in the Jaipur manuscript (nos. I75-76), Qasim's scene does not set

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Rama apart from his brothers and subjects, who do not suffer the grief that afflicts many of their Jaipur counterparts. The artist's visual inexplicitness continues with the absence of the waters of the Sarayu River and the clouds above; indeed, we can identify this scene as Rama's ascension only by referring to the written narrative or by assuming this subject from the position of the painting at the very end of the manuscript. Severaldetails suggest an attribution of this final painting to Qasim. Rama's face and dress are exceedingly close to Qasim's figure of Rama on folio 244a (fig. 127). The stepped narrow lobes of the prominent pink outcrop behind Rama are also reminiscent of similar forms on folios 22ob and 237b.

I62.

FreerGalleryof Art, f. 346a. Ramdya.na,

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Notes

I

To my knowledge, the closestexamplein both medium anddate is an illustratedmanuwhich recountsRama's script of the AranyakaParva(ForestBook) of the Mahdbhdrata, exile in the forest.The manuscript,which is dated I516andplaced to the Agra region, is now preservedin the Asiatic Societyof Bombay(Ms. B.D. 245).

2

The Ramdyanamanuscriptin Jaipurhas remainedinaccessiblefor nearlythree decades. Ten of its paintings have been published by Asok Das, "An IntroductoryNote on the Emperor Akbar's Ramayanaand its Miniatures;"another eight appear in the same author's"Akbar'sImperialRamayana:A MughalPersianManuscript,"in VidyaDehejia (ed.), TheLegendofRama:ArtisticVisions(Bombay:MargPublications,I994), pp. 73-84. The subjectsand artistsof all of its illustrationsarelisted in AppendixA.

3

Seyller,"ScribalNotes," pp. 256-61.

4

The namesprovidedin the labels areexact translationsof the wordswritten on the surface of the painting below the relevant figure, and include honorifics(-ji, -jyu) and appositionswheneverthey appear.

5

Beach,TheImperialImage,p. 137.This readingis by no meanscertain,for the tooth after the kafin this inscriptionand in that on the coversheetoff. 24amight be takenas an undotted letter ratherthan the loop of the vdv that follows. Nevertheless, a reading of Govardhananow seemsconsistentwith the manneredwriting of the otherascriptionsin the manuscript.Here the artist's name follows a painting number(4) and a vertically elongated renditionof 'amal(workof).

6

These arepublished in Das, "AnIntroductoryNote," figs. I-2.

7

Works ascribedto Syamaappearin the BritishLibraryBdburndma (ff. i9oa, 382a-b, and 397a-b), the ca. 1595Sharafndmain the Schoolof Orientaland AfricanStudies,University of London(MS.24952,f. 8 I b), and the ca. I595ChesterBeattyLibrary'Iyar-iDdnish (cat. nos. I9, 25, 93). His namealso appearson two delicatepaintings of butterfliespublished in Okada,Miniaturesde l'Indeimperiale,no. 21.

8

A faint 'ainand the top of a lad'm (from 'Ali) can be discerned.

9

One painting in the Tz.tindma(f. 66a) is ascribedand another(f. 92a) is attributed to Ghulam 'Ali. The artist also contributed to five paintings in the Jaipur Razmndma. The MuseumRietberghasone painting (RVI 1781) of figuresin Europeancostumeofca. 1595 ascribedto Ghulam 'Ali.

10

The Jaipurpainting is reproducedin color in Das, "TheImperialRazmNama and Ramayanaof the EmperorAkbar,"in An Age of Splendor:IslamicArt in India, (Bombay: Marg Publications, I983), p. I37.

II

See Seyller,"ScribalNotes," p. 254.

12

TheJaipurminiatureappearsin Das, "Akbar'sImperialRamayana,"fig. 6.

13

The Jaipurpainting is reproducedin Das, "Akbar'sImperialRamayana,"fig. 7.

248

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14

The Jaipurpainting is published in Das, "AnIntroductoryNote," fig. 5.

15

The secondof these is published in Das, "AnIntroductoryNote," fig. 6.

I6

Das, "An IntroductoryNote," p. 98, states that BanavariKhturdparticipatedin seven illustrations,with an additionaleight paintings ascribedto either Banavarior Banavari Kalan(the elder). My notes from the photographsand lists availableat the museum in Jaipurindicatethat BanavariKhurdwas namedonly once in the manyascriptionsin the manuscript.

17

TheJaipurpainting is publishedin Das, "AnIntroductoryNote," fig. 8, and Beach,The ImperialImage,fig. 15.

8

Nr. 1.4598 fol.

2.

The painting is reproducedin Regina Hickmann, IndischeAlbum-

bldtter(Leipzig and Weimar: Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, I979), Taf. 5. 19

The Jaipurpainting is published in Das, "Akbar'sImperialRamayana,"fig. 4.

20

Das, "Akbar'sImperialRamayana,"fig. 2, reproducesa detail of the Jaipurpainting in color.

21

The Jaipur painting is reproducedin Narinder Nath and Karl Khandalavala,"IllustratedIslamicManuscripts,"in An Ageof Splendor: IslamicArt in India,p. 36.

249

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V

Other Manuscripts Illustrated for 'Abd al-Rahim

The FreerRdmaya.na lays the groundworkfor the six other illustratedmanuscriptsproducedfor 'Abdal-Ra.him.Theirsubjectsdemonstratethat 'AbdalRahim continued his exceptionalcultivation of Indian literatureeven as he pursueda more traditionalinterestin Persianclassics.Somemanuscriptsare easilyrecognizedasproductsof the workshopby theirrosterof artistsandcontinuity of style; othersbearinscriptionsin the Khankhanan'sown handor ascriptionsto many of his artists,but departquite substantivelyin appearance fromthe Ramdyana.Togethertheseascribedanddatedmanuscriptshelp us to understandhow 'Abd al-Rahim'sateliervariedits work fromprojectto project. This varietyappearsto be linked both to the type of text to be illustrated and to the peculiarcircumstancesunderwhich some of the manuscriptswere produced.For two manuscriptswhose subjectsare rootedin indigenousIndianculture,'Abdal-Rahim'sworkshopmaintainedthe paintingstyle usedin illustrations.Fortheirillustrationsof worksof Persianhistory most Ramaya.na and poetry, however,these same artistsgravitatedtowarda much more Persianatemode. As we will see, this choiceof style was quite deliberate,and becameincreasinglypronouncedovertime. Unlike the FreerRdmayana,fourof the fivemanuscriptsdiscussedbelow were not originallypreparedfor 'Abd al-Rahim. Instead,his atelieracquired incompleteor damagedillustratedmanuscriptsof the fifteenthand early-sixteenth centuriesand extensivelyrefurbishedthem with paintingsand illuminations.In one case,the Khankhanan'sworkshoprestoreda fragmentarymanuscript by having a scribe write out the missing sections of the text, which werethen dulyprovidedwith new illustrations.The membersof the workshop did not stop there,however,but went on to addan entirelynew layerof paintings over the existing illustrations. In anothermanuscript,they again furnished replacementfolios where the manuscriptwas deficient, supplied an appropriatenumberof illustrations,andaddedbrilliantdecorativedesigns to the manuscript'sborders. Both examplesdemonstratethe patron'swillingness to collect and restoreimperfectmanuscripts.In light of the abundantsumsof money 'AbdalRahim lavished on books and those who earnedhis favor, this approachto bookshardlyseemsto havebeen drivenby a senseof frugality.Nor, given the radicalalterationshe orderedmade to these books,does it appearto be an expression of antiquarianinterest in the relics of the past. Instead, 'Abd alRahim'sactionsbespeaka kind of reverencefor booksas living repositoriesof

251

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knowledgeand beauty,as thoughts andobjectsto be renewedagainandagain by those attunedto theirvirtues. The i6i6-i7 Razmnama

The legacyof the FreerRamaiyana is seenmost clearlyin the paintingsof a dispersed Razmnamamanuscript produced for 'Abd al-Rahim. Like the Rdmayana,the I616-17Razmnama(Book of Wars)is inspiredby the imperial manuscriptof a Persiantranslationof anothergreat Hindu epic, the Mahabharata.The Persiantexts of the imperialRazmnama manuscriptand 'AbdalRahim'scopy are more similar than those of the contemporarycopies of the Ramayana,but their painting cycles diverge less frequently.' The I616-I7 alsocontainsa largenumberof illustrations,whosedispersalat aucRazmnama tion to museumsand collectorssince the late 195oshas given them a renown second only to the Freermanuscriptitself.2 My earlierreconstructionof the Most manuscriptlists sixty-eight paintings, some of which arefragmentary.3 of the extant illustrationsbelong to the AsvamedhikaParva,a chapterwhich describesthe events leading up to the sacrificeof the white horse.If the illustrationof the otherseventeenparvas(chapters)of the Razmnaima provesin time to match the rateof the AsvamedhikaParva,the total numberof illustrations in the Razmnamamay increasesubstantially,perhapsto nearlyas manyas the I69 illustrationsof the originalimperialmanuscript. The paintings of the dispersed I616-I7 Razmnamahave the largest dimensionsof any manuscriptproducedin 'Abd al-Rahim'satelier. Manyillustrationsare wrappedaroundsizable panels of text on the folio, a layout found in some paintings in the FreerRamayanaand most imperialMughal manuscriptsof the i58os. Unawareof the valueof the text in this format,a few unscrupulousdealersmutilated some illustratedfolios by cutting awaytheir text panelsand replacingthem with painting fragmentsfrom other illustrations. Such modern artistic cannibalismhas precludedthe identificationof severalRazmnama pagesand hasproduceda few disjointedcompositeimages. Although the bulk of the manuscripthas been lost, the manuscriptis securelydated by two paintings which beardates on their painting fields. The firstpainting, dated I025/1616, is by 'Abdullah,an artistwhosework in 'Abd al-Rahim's workshop is otherwise undocumented.4 'Abdullah typically applies paint in such a way that his forms, and particularly his faces, are noticeablymurky.His rocksareno less idiosyncratic,with small and heavily articulatedstriationscreatingthe effect of lithic honeycombs.These distinctive featuresallow us to identify 'Abdullahwith an artist by the same name active in the imperialworkshopfromabout I585to I590, thus adding him to the growing ranks of imperial painters who found a new patron in the A second Razmnamapainting, ascribedto Mushfiq, is dated Khankhanan.5 (fig. I63). A comparison of Mushfiq's only ascribed work in the Razmnama to his two illustrations in the Ramayana (figs. 40, 57) begins to I026/I617

demonstratethe waysin which 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsmodifiedtheirworkin

252

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the ten years that separated the two projects, which are similar in subject and

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scope. Mushfiq exploits the expansiveness of a painting field uninterrupted by text by reducing the large figure scale of his earlier efforts. This smaller figure scale is well suited to the subject of this particular painting, legions of soldiers on the march, but it also represents a general movement away from the Rdmdyana'spredilection for a few visually aggrandized heroes. No one figure dominates the illustration; even the horseman in the center, whose position and relative isolation accord him a natural prominence, does not rise above his companions in size or detail. Moreover, like many other artists in the workshop, Mushfiq displays a willingness to present elaborate clusters of overlapping forms, such as the two vertical series of elephants on the right or the rank of horsemen lining the left edge of the composition, avoiding even a hint of repetitiveness by spurring the mahouts and others into more animated gestures and expressions. As with some examples in the Rdmdyazna,the price of this greater number of figures is the loss of some precision in the draftsmanship. The landscape suffers no such decline. Here, for example, the stepped pink ridge descending across the center of the composition propels the troops forward; the rippled ridges and soaring outcrops in the upper section strike a complicated balance in both shape and color. Other artists follow the example of Mushfiq. Indeed, we will find that together with the widespread reduction

I63.

Army on the march.By Mushfiq. 1616-I7 Razmnama. in figure scale, the multiplication of landscape elements and their greater inDated I026/I6I7. LewisCollection, RareBook Department, the FreeLibraryof Philadelphia.32.5 x

20

cm.

teraction with the figures are two of the most pronounced developments in the

Razmndma. Yusuf 'All, a major contributor to the last third of the Rdmayanaproject, is also known by a single ascribed work in the Razmndma,though at least one other painting can now be attributed to him.6 His illustration of Draupadi and her attendants (fig. I64) retains the gridlike organization of his courtyard scenes in the Rdmdyana(ff. 245b, 283a, and 339b) and demonstrates again his habit of scattering figures evenly across the composition. Yusuf 'All alters his own depiction of women in two ways. He substitutes a strict profile view for the three-quarter view favored in his Rdimdyanapaintings (ff. 277a, 283a, and 319a)for all but one attendant. Concomitant with this is a subtle change in the women's coiffure, which now sports a noticeably higher hairline. Though these changes are relatively minor within Yusuf 'All's oeuvre,they exemplify the increasingly widespread adoption of the profile view in many different strains of Popular Mughal painting. Yusuf 'All's work continues to display a strong resemblance to some aspects of Fazl's work. The two women to the left, for example, exhibit the squarish brow and jutting jaw seen in many of Fazl's figures, but their angular x 20.9 cm. 20.9 cm.

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physiognomy is slightly softened and the eyes are more finely drawn. Yusuf 'All's interest in spatial variety is strained here as the attendant carrying wine flasks twists his head about in owlish fashion.7

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in the rock-lined stream. Although the individual components remain the same, the use of moresubtle transitionsbetweendiscretezonesof color lends Qasim's landscape a new coherence, an effect seen earlier in the works of ;d -/*J* Mushfiqand Fazl. The stylistic homogeneity of these examplessuggests that while all of 'Abd al-Rahim's artists retained some of their individual idiosyncrasiesin i'

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figuretype andlandscapemotifs, they alsobeganto coalescearounda common style which severalof them sharedby the end of the Rdmayanaproject.By the time of the Razmndma, this groupstyle was no longera mereaggregateof separatepersonalstyles, which were conditionedin part by an individualartist's degree of familiaritywith the imperialMughal style. Rather,it represented one majorexpressionof a consensusforgedin the paintingworkshopoveryears

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of working together. Like any group style, this particularmode was flexible enoughto accommodateminorpersonalidiosyncraciesas well as some natural variationsin qualityas artistswereaffectedby constraintsof time or spaceimposed on individualillustrations.At the sametime, it clearlydid not exhaust the imagination or ability of the same group of artists, who also produced worksillustratedin a much different,but no less homogeneousstyle. The Laud Rdgamdld ?F --

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The slenderalbum known as the LaudRdgamdldis among the most famous documents of Indian painting.'? The album, which includes eighteen Ragamaldpaintings as well as a dozen other miniaturesand a hundredspecimens of calligraphy,was presentedby ArchbishopLaudof Canterburyto the BodleianLibraryin I640. It is a curiousaccidentof history that the earliest known Indian manuscriptto enter a Europeancollection was neither an exampleof painting fromthe imperialcourt,which a numberof Europeanshad visited as ambassadorsor missionaries,nor an illustration of one of India's many important religious, historical, or literary texts. Paintings of the Ragamdld(literally,garlandof rdgas,or musicalmodes)arenot illustrationsin the usualsenseof the word, but belong to an ancientIndiantraditionin both music and poetry of creating personificationsof the six basic melodies or modesof Indianmusic. Eachof thesemajor"male"rdgasis furtherdividedinto five minor expressions, deemed its "wives" or rdgimns.These six "families" are usually depicted in a series of thirty-six paintings, which are often accompanied by a brief identifying caption or verse. The origin of the iconography of these visual interpretations of musical modes is obscure. From the late-sixteenth century on, rdgasand rdginTs began

to be representedby imagesof worship,seasonalactivities, or emotionalsituationswhich seemedto correspondin mood. By the mid-seventeenthcentury, the iconographyof Rdgamdldpaintings had become relativelyfixed, so that very coherentvisual traditionswere establishedover large geographicalregions." Although Akbar had ragas sung at the Mughal court, the Laud Ragamaldpaintings have no known precedentin imperialMughal painting.

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They are,in fact, the sole instancein which 'Abd al-Rahimorderedthe illustration of a Hindu subject which had not been explored previously by the Mughalemperor.Nonetheless,'Abdal-Rahimwasnot alonein his cultivation of Rdgamdald painting, forseveralof the earliestRdgamaldseriesarealsopainted

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in the PopularMughalstyle.'2 Unlike the Rdmdyanaand the Razmndma,whose associationwith 'Abd z al-Rahimhas long been beyondquestion,the paintings of the LaudRdgamald albumareonly now coming to be recognizedasa productof the Khankhanan's atelier. The date and provenanceof the LaudRdgamaldpaintings have been contestedsince 192I, when two pioneersof the study of Indianpainting first E excludedthem from the Mughal school, the branchof Indian painting best knownin Europeat the time.13The paintingswereonceplacedas earlyas I575, i' but now it is generallyagreedthat they date from the early-seventeenthcentury.14Arguments have been advancedfor both a Rajasthaniand Deccani | I provenance,the latter most fully in the publication of the Rdgamdldseries proper.I5Since I960, when PopularMughalart was firstdefinedas a category -~b~ of Indianpainting, the serieshas generallybeen recognizedas a work attrib- j uted to a subimperialpatron,I6with two authorseven noting its connection I69. with works by Fazl.17Although this controversymay finally have run its ?indolaRdga.Attributed to Fazl. Page from the Laud Bodleian Library, Ms. Laud Or. I49, f. 29a. Udgamald. course,the variousproposalswithin it point up both the old-fashionednature x 10 cm. 4.9 of PopularMughalpainting in generaland the position of the LaudRdgamald seriesat the crossroadsof styles in northernIndia at the beginning of sevent

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teenth century. The LaudRdgamaldminiaturescompareso closelyin figuretype andsetting to many of the paintings in the Freer Rdmdyanaand the 1616-I7 Razm-

ndmathat all the paintingsof the Rdgamaldseriespropermay be attributedto 'Abd al-Rahim'spainting workshop.Fazlclearlyassumesa dominantrole in the project,whose paintings areextremelyconsistentin style. In the Hindola (Swing) Rdga, the artist dispenses with the Hindu costume and military andadoptsa Mughalturbanandfourapparelusedthroughoutthe Razmndma pointedjdmafor the man perchedplayfullyon the swing (fig. I69). The darkskinned male has the strong brow and nose, dark hair and sideburns, and flaringmustachecharacteristicof Fazl'sfigures.The two femaleswho hasten to his side to flirtwith him areless severein countenance,but sharea distinctive squarishhead shape with a high foreheadand slight depressionon the crown.The appearanceof womenwith nearlyidenticalfeaturesin a Razmnama painting ascribedto Fazlsupportsan attributionto this artist(fig. I70). This attributionto Fazl is reinforcedby still other elements in the Hindola Rdga.The conceptualsimplicity, flat coloring, and squared-offposts of the neatly outlined swing repeatFazl'streatmentof many a tree. The background is composedsolely of the two registersof elementalland and sky, one blending seamlessly with the other, their barrennessbroken only by two strings of schematicbirdsand two largewhite cranes.The cranes'presenceis occasionednot by the rdga'siconography,but by the workshop'sliking for

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these creatures, which are included in a number of Razmnama illustrations,

Krsna restores the baby Pariksita to life. By Fazl. 1616-17 Razmnama.Location unknown. Published

most often in the foreground streams, but once in a virtually identical position in the sky.I8

Sotheby's, 12 April I976, lot 82. i6 x

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Fazl introduces a more fully developed background in the Nata Rdgini, whose martial imagery evokes the heroic mood (fig. I7I). The scene of two stiff warriors locked in combat is set against the flat yellow zone that recurs throughout the Ragamdaldseries. Above this simple area are two angled outcrops, whose lobes Fazl renders in his distinctive manner as concentric rings of wash and line.I9 The unusual spade-shaped top and striped trunk of the palm tree in the upper right also recall Fazl's depictions of such trees in the Razmnama.20

A rdgamdldpainting which is probably by one of Fazl's fellow painters is the Bhairava Rdga, dedicated to the worship of Siva in the guise of an ascetic (fig. I72). Like most architectural scenes in the Laud Rdgamdld,this composition places the two figures before a white pavilion aligned with the edge of the painting and pressed close to the foreground. The bare-chested ascetic is distinguished from the other male figures in the series and Fazl's figure of Krsna in Figure I70 by the more fully modeled facial features, half-smile, and forward

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position of the pupil in the eye; indeed, he is remarkablysimilarto the figure 17I. (above, left) in a Razmndma of Candrahasa paintingwith a fragmentaryascriptionto Kamal Nata Rdgini.Attributed to Fazl. Page from the Laud Rdgamald.Bodleian Library,Ms. LaudOr. 149, f. 25a. (fig. I73).21 That the boxy superstructureand doorof the chamberareentirely I5 x IO.5cm. consistent with Fazl's work in the series underscoresthe overwhelmingly homogeneityof the LaudRdgamdldillustrations. 172. (above,right) paintings in the sixty-seven Bhairava Rdga. Attributed to Kamal. Page from the Interspersedamong the eighteen r,agamald Bodleian Library,Ms. LaudOr. I49, folios of the album are twelve paintings of varyingsize. Their subjectsrange Laud Rdgamdald. x f. o.5 cm. I5a. 14.8 from isolatedfiguresof women seatedon cushions,presentinggifts, or dancing, to an imaginative scene of a man borne in a palanquin composed of women.22All the paintingsareexecutedin the subimperialMughalstyle, with many well within the purview of 'Abd al-Rah.im'sartists. A painting of a woman holding a vini (fig. 174), for example, is practicallyan excerptfrom Qasim's illustration on folio 346a of the Radmyana(fig. 162), as seen in the strongsimilaritiesin body shape,coiffure,and heavilyoutlined eye. Two images of women with massiveshouldersand much morerefinedfeaturesalmost certainlyissue from the handof Yusuf'Ali.23 The LaudRdgamdldAlbum includesa smallportraitof a courtier,who is identifiedhereasZaynKhanK6ka(fig. I75).24The profileview, modestdegree of individualization,and unarticulatedgreen ground exemplify the conventions of portraitsproducedby the imperialpainting workshopin the I58os.As

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173.

Candrahasa sacrifices himself at the temple of Candika.By Kamal. 1616-17 Razmnama.Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection, Museum Associates PurchaseM74.5.I5. 20 x 2I cm.

174. (left)

Woman with a gold vind.Attributed to Qasim. Page from the Laud Rdgamdld Album. BodleianLibrary,Ms. LaudOr. 149, f. 26b. 12.8 x 5.9 cm.

I75. (right)

Zayn Khan K6ka. Attributed to Nadim. Page from the Laud Rdgamala Album. ca. i6oo. BodleianLibrary,Ms. Laud Or. I49, f. i8a. 9 x 5.8 cm.

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we have seen in a dozen or so paintings early in the Ramayana, a handful of the I76. (above, left) Khankhanan's artists were also capable of producing works which approached Jugglers and entertainers.By Kala Pahara.Page from the standard of imperial painting, particularly a decade or so after the style was the LaudRdgamaldAlbum. BodleianLibrary,Ms. Laud first developed at the court. Nadim, for example, contributes several illustrations to the Berlin Khamsa of Amir Khusraw which contain figures with

Or. 149, f. 42b. I3.4 x 7.2 cm. I77. (above,right)

equally taut facial features and slightly exaggerated rounded contours.25If this

An attendantpresentsa bowl of fruit to anotherman.

attribution is correct, this painting, which was probably made about the time

Attributed to Kala Pahara.Page from the LaudRdga-

of the subject's death in I6oo, would be the only known portrait by 'Abd alRahim's artists.

mald Album. Bodleian Library, Ms. Laud Or. 149, f. 38b. I8.5 x 12.8 cm.

The association of the Laud Rdgamald Album with the Khankhanan's atelier is further corroborated by the inclusion of two paintings by an artist known only by his work in the FreerRamayana. Over the lower edge of a scene of entertainment, in which some men juggle balls and rings while others coax a goat to stand atop a pole, is an ascription which reads 'amal-i Kala Pahara(fig. I76). The schematic arched tufts on the dark green ground, the gold modeling

lines of the turbans and drapery, and vacuous grins on the crudely drawn faces of this painting compare so closely with a Rdmdyanapainting ascribed to Kala Pahara(fig. 88) that there can be no doubt that the two paintings are the work of the same artist.26Another painting in the album may also be attributed to Kala Pahara(fig. 177). Although the work is far more carefully drawn than the previous example, both figures indulge the artist's proclivity for faces with the

I78. (opposite,top)

Flyleaf. I6i6 Shdhndma.British Library,Add. 5600, f. 2a.

I79. (opposite,bottom)

Kai Khusrawtalksto RustamandZal when he appoints Lahraspas his successor. By Shamal. i6i6 Shdhnama.

unique combination of a heavy jaw, sloping nose, and eye with a large centered

Dated I025/I616. British Library, Add. 5600, f. 274a.

pupil.

10.2 X I0.7 cm.

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The LaudRdgamdldAlbum thus shows remarkablecontinuity with the Ramayanaand the 1616-17 Razmndmain its Indian subject, overallrange of style, and identifiableindividualartists. The ragamaldpaintings properdisplay a greaterstylistic consistencythan is found in the laterpaintings of the in either FreerRamayana;at the same time, they do not equal the Razmndma draftsmanshipor compositionalcomplexity. These two observationssuggest a date of circai6Io, a date alreadywidely acceptedin the scholarlyworld. This date is strengthenedfurtherby one morebit of evidencein the album:a specimen of calligraphywritten by one Mahmud,and dated IOi/I602-03.27 It is curious that of all the named calligrapherswhose work is featured in the album,noneis cited in the Ma'dstr-iRahim as being a formeror currentmember of 'Abd al-Rahim'sentourage.28Hence, it seems that the LaudRdgamadld Album was a loosely organizedcollection of contemporaryand slightly older calligraphicexamples supplementedwith an assortmentof the workshop's own paintings. TheBritishLibraryShdhndma The BritishLibraryShdhnama(Book of Kings) representsa dramaticalternaas 'Abd al-Rahim'satelierrespondedto tive to the Ramayanaand Razmndma, a classicalPersianhistoricaltext with a uniqueworkingmethodanda style un-

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predictedby the manuscriptsdiscussedthus far.29The clearand incontestable ascriptionson all but three of the ninety miniatures of the British Library Shahndmacomplementthose of the FreerRamayanain providing an account of the identity andstylistic rangeof the paintersworkingfor 'Abdal-Rahim.3? Like the Ramayana,the Shdhndmaopens with a flyleafnote whose contents arequalified,if not altogetherbelied, by evidencewithin the manuscript. The longest of the three inscriptionson folio 2a relatesthat the late emperor Jahangirorderedthe manuscriptpresentedto IlahwardiCelaon the firstof the month of Azarof the eighth yearof his reign, a date which correspondsto November23, 1613;the inscriptionalso indicatesthat the lattergave the book in

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turn to his brotherKhwajaMuhammadRashid (fig. I78).3IOnce again, the chronologyadvancedin the flyleafnote does not match a date found in the manuscript,fora minusculeinscriptionon the painting on folio 274agives the nameof the artistShamaland the date 1025/1616(fig. I79). The flyleafinscriptionclouds the patronageof the manuscript.Jeremiah Losty,who haspresentedthe only coherentdiscussionof the manuscriptsince the discoveryof the date of i6i6, acknowledgesthat the paintingsin the Shdhndmaascribedto artistssuchas Qasim, Kamal,andMadhava- all of whom are knownto haveworkedfor'Abdal-Rahim- establishan irrefutableconnection to 'Abdal-Rahim.32At the sametime, however,he retainsconfidencein IlahwardiCela'sonetime ownership.After raisingand apparentlydismissing the possibility that IlahwardiCela might have had access to 'Abd al-Rahim's painting studio, Losty reconcilesthe discrepancybetween the two dates and the implicationsthey hold for the manuscript'spatronageby challenging the

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accuracy of the date of 1613on the flyleaf note. This suggestion is entirely plausible, given the fact that the flyleaf inscription refers tojahangir (died 1627) as deceased, thus indicating that the note postdates by at least eleven years the only certain date in the manuscript. There is a much simpler resolution to the problem posed by Ilahwardi Cela's ownership of the Shdhndmaabout 1613and its illustration by 'Abd alRahim's artists in i6i6. The various notes and seals certify that the manuscript's history did not end with Jahangir's presentation of the manuscript to Ilahwardi Cela; in fact, one note explicitly mentions Muhammad Rashid as the manuscript's next recipient.33It would seem that the manuscript continued to be passed around by the Mughal nobility, with Muhammad Rashid or even another owner presenting it to 'Abd al-Rahim, who had it refurbished in 16i6. This leaves two important aspects of the Shahndmato be considered. The first is the presence of an earlier series of illustrations in the manuscript over which the present Mughal works were executed. The second is the Persianate style of the Shdhndmaillustrations, which Losty proposes is the result of a Persian origin of at least some of the 'Abd al-Rahim's artists.34 The overpainting of this Shdhndmamanuscript is one of the most fascinating cases of the renovation of damaged or incomplete manuscripts in

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revealed only upon repeated and meticulous examination. There is no colophon to indicate that the manuscript was written and illustrated long before

Kai Khusraw and his army attack Afrasiyab at Gang-bi-

the subimperial Mughal paintings were added, nor are there obvious stylistic discrepancies among the paintings to suggest that illustrations were added at

hisht. By Shamal. I6i6 Shdhndma.British Library, Add. 5600, f. 257a. II x 10.7 cm.

two different times. Nevertheless, there are subtle signs of the existence of another layer of illustrations. In some instances, the outlines of the original Persian compositions, which are clearly different than those of the present miniatures, are visible from the reverse of the folios where certain pigments have been applied thickly or have had corrosive effects on the paper.35In others, the overpainting is readily visible to the naked eye, generally when significant flaking has occurred or when faint fragments of the original paintings project into the margins or text area, as is the case, for example, with the extra rock-wielding hand floating above the defenders of a citadel (fig. i80).36 Losty posits the survival of the main features of the earlier Persian paintings, specifically mentioning the vegetation, but presumably including the disposition of the figures as well. He implies that the cramped nature of many of the overpainted subimperial miniatures is the result of 'Abd al-Rahim's artists trying to maintain the major formal features of the earlier Persian paintings below. There are indeed awkward passages in many of the illustrations, but these occur primarily in the treatment of the drapery and facial expressions - the very features that are cited as being repainted. The overpainting in the Shahndma cannot be held responsible for the sometimes curious proportions and expressions of the figures, for the present illustrations were not, in fact, painted directly over the earlier images. Instead,

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in most casesthey wereexecutedaftera separatepieceof paperhadbeenaffixed to the folio, coveringthe entire surfaceof the Persianpainting.37Carefulexaminationof the manuscriptrevealsthe edges of this second,distinct layerof paperalong the borderof the text column on manypaintings. Sometimesthe presenceof this new layerof paperis exposedby minute creasesor bent back cornersof the paper,but moreoften the patchof paperhasbeenalignedso precisely with the borderof the written surfacethat its addition can be verified only by touch.38 This unusualtechniqueof repaintingis virtuallyuniquein the historyof Indianpainting. Five of the firstsix illustrationsareclearlyappliedto a patch of papercut and matchedto the painting field in the mannerdescribedabove. But the seventhillustrationin the manuscript(f. 42b) showsno sign of either directoverpaintingor the additionof a new patchof paper.Rather,it is one of thirty-fiveillustrationsinterspersedthroughoutthe Shahnamawhich 'AbdalRahim's artists executed directly on a blank painting field,39a technique confirmedby the generalfreshnessof the thinly painted surfaceas well as by This suggests that the earinspectionof the painting field fromthe reverse.40 lier seriesof illustrationswas incompletewhen the manuscriptwas procured by 'Abdal-Rahim. Presumablythe Khankhananaskedhis workshopto complete the illustrationof the manuscript,andallowedthem to updatethe fiftyfive fifteenth-centuryPersianillustrationswith a new superimposedseriesof illustrations. This conclusionis supportedby severalsubtle physicaldetails. First, in at leastfourinstancestowardthe end of the manuscript,the spacesreservedfor illustrationhavebeen left empty, so that 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsinexplicably appearto havefailed to finishthe task at hand.4ISecond,on everyfolio which hasan illustrationwherenone existed before,the rectangularpanelsthat normally containrubrics(or sectionheadings)areempty.42The omissionof these rubrics,one of the many finishingdetails in the productionof a manuscript, occursquite commonlyin incompletemanuscripts,but its occurrencein the Shahnamais limited to the aforementionedfolios.43This is the firstclue that these newly painted folios were replacementsfor folios missing when the manuscriptwas acquired.One might expect that folios addeda centuryafter the manuscriptwas first producedwould exhibit clear differencesin either script or paper,but the work of 'Abd al-Ra.him'satelierso carefullymatches the writing andpaperof the originalfolios that it was only upon repeatedexamination of this specific detail that a physical differencewas discerned.44 Thus, we cannow be certainthat the incompletestate of the Shahnamamoved 'Abdal-Rahimto orderthe workshopto undertakea massiverenovationof the manuscript.

The manuscriptwasthen turnedoverto 'Abdal-Rahim'spainters,whom we canidentify individuallyfroman exceptionallycompleteset of ascriptions writtenconspicuouslyon the miniaturesthemselves,oftenwithin small lobed circles.45Theseascriptionsareabsolutelyreliable,being consistentwith other

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paintings ascribed to these artists in the Shdhndmaand other manuscripts.46 Like the Razmndma, the Shdhndmais dominated by handful of artists, with three - Shamal, Qasim, and Banavari - contributing nineteen, twenty-two, and twenty-seven illustrations respectively, or more than two-thirds of the ninety paintings in the manuscript. This concentrated distribution of assignments follows the examples of the Laud Rdgamdldand the Razmndma,both of which are dominated by Fazl. The different set of artists active in the Shdhndma suggests a connection between the artists chosen for the project and the particular style selected for the manuscript's illustrations. Although the Shdhndmaillustrations are related by a number of minor details to other manuscripts produced by 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier, they display a strikingly different sense of design than the paintings of the FreerRdmdyana and the I616-I7 Razmndma. Most noticeably, they forgo the bands of strong color that characterize the other works of 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier. The bright, turbulent landscapes and contorted trees seen throughout the Rdmdyanayield to a paler, more subdued terrain bounded by conventional Persian ridges. The skies, almost uniformly a rich blue area splashed with white clouds, are uninterrupted by the trees, architecture, and trails of swooping birds that appear in many Razmnamapaintings. Such widespread differences in style are not the result of overpainting, the origins of the artists involved, or changes in the styles of individual artists over time, but are the manifestation of a conscious selection of a Persianate mode of painting for the Shdhndma.This choice can be demonstrated by a comparison of paintings by the same artist, Shamal, in the Razmndmaand the Shdhndma,which were both illustrated for 'Abd al-Rahim in I616. Thus we have an unequivocal test case: same artist, same patron, same year. In his Razmndma illustration of Arjuna's struggle against Susarma, Shamal divides the landscape into discrete registers of pale green, yellow, and violet (fig. i8i). Vertical outcrops spring up in the lower left, along the top of one text panel, and against the light blue sky, which is capped in turn by an even band of dark blue. Dark trees sprout from many of these forms and serve as roosts for an assortment of birds. Set at opposite ends of the three-tiered composition are the two tiny antagonists, who, together with their respective coteries, demonstrate a modest variety of facial types in both profile and threequarter view. A representative example of Shamal's work in the Shdhndmashows a different sensibility (fig. I82). The artist organizes the composition around the two clusters of figures, which occupy all but a narrow band of space across the center of the painting. The minimal setting is completely unobtrusive, as the scene of Piran meeting the Khaqan (ruler) of China overshadows the streaky green ground culminating in an uneven row of knotty rocks. Like the large warriors below, the mounted figures behind Piran and the crowned Khaqan are massed in such a way that they press against the edges of the painting and the very irregular configuration of text panels. They present a remarkably uni-

266

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form facial type which varies only in complexion. Thus, the two paintings by

Susarma unleashes the Suparna weapon, which invokes

Shamal differ dramatically in palette, setting, figure scale, and facial type. Shamal's composition for the interior scene of the enthroned Kai Khus-

Garuda in the battle against Arjuna. By Shamal. 1616-I7 Razmndma. The Metropolitan Museum of Art,

RogersFund, 55.12I.34. I82.

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In this scene and in many others, the figures' heads are disproportionately large. A profound difference from the Razmndmaoccurs in the range of facial

(above,right)

Piran meets the Khaqan of China on Mt. Hamavan. By Shamal. i616 Shdhndma. British Library, Add. 5600, f. I76a. I6.4 x I0.5 cm.

raw meeting Rustam and Zal also features figures jostling for space (fig. 179).

types, with Shamal and every other artist in the Shdhndmafashioning threequarter views of figures with either long, full-bearded faces or rounded visages, heavy eyelids, and close-cropped facial hair; a second major type is a profile view of a heavy-chinned youth with or without a dark, pointed mustache. Shamal in particular creates figures whose facial expressions often seem quite detached from whatever activity may be transpiring in the scene. Dark pupils within the large, almond-shaped eyes give direction to the glances of the figures, but rarely are these focused within the scene. More peculiar still is a device which Shamal seems to invent to show astonishment or other intense emotions, but which is taken up by other artists working in the Shdhndma:eyes set vertically on the face, as in the kneeling figure in the lower right. Shamal

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also makes frequent use of the device of figures looking out at the viewer, though this curious effect may be an inadvertent result of an awkward handling of the eyes. The tigerskin-clad hero Rustam is the beneficiary of this same outward gaze in Qasim's illustration of Kai Ka'us setting Kai Khusraw beside him on

183.(above,left) Kai Ka'us sets the young Kai Khusrawbeside him on the throne. By Qasim. i6i6 Shahndma.British Library, Add. 5600, f. I47b. ii.8 x 10.7 cm.

i84. (above,right)

the throne, a painting which typifies the many court scenes in the Shdhndma The Turaniansand Iraniansdo battle. i6i6 Shahndma. British Library,Add. 5600, f. 295a.12.8 x (fig. I83). Here, as elsewhere, Qasim does not venture beyond the stock poses By Banavari. and gestures of Mughal painting, which seem blunt and inarticulate by comparison with the very subtly rendered faces of his figures. These faces - especially those in profile view - are unquestionably the most up-to-date feature of his paintings. Indeed, there is very little difference between a figure such as the kneeling courtier in the lower right of this painting and many ancillary figures in works produced by imperial artists at this time. This comparison is true, however, only for a few figure types, for Qasim and his fellow painters ply a much narrower range of figure types and generally forgo the practice of individualizing them with details drawn from actual observation. By contrast, Qasim elaborates the standard interior setting with a richly patterned carpet

io.6 cm. i85. (opposite,top)

Mihran interpretsthe dream of the Qaid of Hind. By Banavari.i6i6 Shahndma.British Library,Add. 5600, f. 357a. 11.7 x io.6 cm.

i86. (opposite, bottom) The Pandavastry to freethe white horsefrom the rock in the Vindhya mountains. By Banavari Khfrd. 1598-99 Razmndma.British Library,Or. I2076, f. 26b. 26.3 x I3.7 cm.

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addition to featuring two painters with the most explicit connections imperial atelier, the i6i6 Shdhndmanames three new artists - Madhava,

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Bula, and Bhagavati - whose work is not represented elsewhere in the oeuvreof 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier. Madhava, mentioned in the Ma'adsr-i Rahimi as a Hindu painter who illustrated most of the manuscripts produced by the atelier, supplied the first painting in the manuscript (fig. i88).52Like Banavari,

,' ls~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ o....... Madhava employs a simplified

landscape as the arena of battle, which is more active than most pictorial encounters in the manuscript. Madhava's facial types and small figure scale establish that he, too, is quite close to the imperial idiom. The complete congruence of Madhava's work with some imperial

painting of the i58os and 159os encourages speculation that this artist may be synonymous with one Madhava (or Madha) Gujarati known from the I598-99 Razmndma.53But with the visual evidence limited to a single painting in the Shdhndmaand only three in the 1598-99 Razmndma,and Madhava a particularly common name, it is prudent to consider this example as only additional circumstantial evidence for a minor migration of artists with training in the imperial workshop to 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier. If the name of Bula, the second of this trio of new artists, is an abbreviated form of Bulaqi, then it is plausible that he, too, passed into the Khankhanan's painting studio after a brief apprenticeship in the imperial workshop, for two artists named Bulaqi contributed five paintings to the I598-99 Razmndma,which functioned as a kind of proving ground for potential imperial artists. One of the artists is named as the son of Ghulam 'All, who left Akbar's workshop to work on the Freer Rdmdyana.Such a familial connection would provide an obvious incentive for Bulaqi to join 'Abd al-Rahim's service. The limited formal evidence does little to support this scenario, however: indeed, Bula's sole work in the Shahndmabears only a superficial resemblance to the I598-99 Razmndmapaintings (fig. I89). Apart from the marked increase in figure scale, which appears throughout the Shahndma,many of Bala's figures have large, round heads with heavy-lidded eyes - a set of facial features quite unlike the more severe ones of Builaqi's work, in which almost all figures appear in profile. However distinctive the former facial type may seem, it is not unique to Bula; indeed, it is akin to those which appear commonly in early seventeenth-century painting in Persia itself. Mughal painters seem to have employed it to denote a Persian identity, much as they made crowns topped with flowers, an attribute of important Hindu figures in the Radmyana and Razmndma.Thus, a purely iconographic element may be obscuring a subtle stylistic connection. Bhagavati's connection to the imperial workshop is far more certain. His three paintings in the Shdhndmadisplay a consistent range of figure types; the most distinctive of these has an elongated and somewhat flattened face, as seen in the mounted figure of Zavarah witnessing Rustam's final revenge (fig.

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I90).

This same facial type appears several times in two slightly colored paint-

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ings ascribed to Bhagavati, which also include a simplified cluster of buildings nestled among schematically rounded hills.54That these features appear

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on paintings inserted into an album filled with specimens of calligraphy and painting by well-known artists active during Akbar's reign suggests that Bhagavati benefitted from a brief stint in the royal atelier before entering 'Abd al-Rahim's employ. This discussion of the painters represented in the Shdhndmaunderscores the overall stylistic homogeneity of the manuscript's ninety illustrations. In certain respects, however, the manuscript stands apart from other manuscripts illustrated for 'Abd al-Rahim, most strikingly so from an exactly contemporarywork, the 1616-I7 Razmndma.Foremost among the formal differences are the radical simplification and dessication of the Shdhndmalandscapes. The twisted, brightly colored mountains and outcrops that enhance the action of the Rdmdyanaand Razmndmascenes are lacking in the Shdhndmaillustrations. Second, the figures, who are disproportionately larger in the composition, also assume less varied poses, a difference made prominent in the many court scenes in the Shdhnama. Finally, a profound change occurs in the range of facial types in the two manuscripts. The consistency of facial types in the Shdhndma,which would make the attribution of paintings quite difficult were it not for the ascriptions on nearly all the illustrations, is achieved in the absence of Fazl, the most distinctive artist in the atelier. As I have noted, Banavari, the leading artist of the

I90.

Rustam, who is impaled in a pit of spear, shoots Shaghad before Zavirah. By Bhagavati. I6i6 Shahndma. British Library, Add. 5600, f. 338b. 10.9 x io.8 cm.

Shdhnama,remained close to the imperial Mughal style in all his works. Qasim exhibited a more obvious development over time, beginning with his tentative work on folio 72a of the Rdmdyana(fig. 68) and culminating in his highly accomplished paintings in the Shdhndma(fig. I83) and the Berlin Khamsa(fig. 201). By contrast, Fazl maintained throughout his oeuvrea penchant for sharply featured men as well as for strong colors and designs. Indeed, it is with Fazl alone that the resemblance of an artist's paintings from one manuscript to another truly goes beyond similarities in minor idiosyncratic expressions, such as the repetition of a distinctive bearded face in nearly every work by Banavari (see figs. I84-85). Above this level, however, it is increasingly clear that all the painters involved in the Shdhndmaproject tried to adopt a much more homogeneous Persianate mode. Fazl's inability or unwillingness to accommodate this stylistic orientation almost certainly accounts for his absence from the project. Hence, I believe that the pervasive differences between the paintings of the British LibraryShdhndmaand those of the dispersed Razmndmaare neither a function of constraints imposed by overpainting nor one of a chronological development of style, but the result of a Persianate mode prescribed by the atelier's supervisors for the Shdhndama project. As we will see, 'Abd al-Rahim's artists invoked this Persianate mode on other occasions with greater or lesser

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success,but by i6i6, they had full masteryof the formalconventionsthat it comprised. TheBerlinKhamsaofAmirKhusraw Anothergenre of classicalPersianliteraturein 'Abd al-Rahim'slibraryis representedby an illustratedmanuscriptof the Khamsaof Amir KhusrawDihlawi now in Berlin.55Amir Khusraw (I253-I325) was a highly esteemed Indian

poet who workedfora seriesof rulersduring the Delhi Sultanate.His Khamsa (Quintet), a collection of five epic romanceswritten between I298-99 and of the PerI302, is the most famousof the manyimitationsof the greatKhamsa sian poet Nizami (1141-1209). It is hardly surprising that 'Abd al-Rahim wished to own a copy of one of the best-knownpoetical texts in the Persian world. Nonetheless,the meansby which the Khankhanancameto possessthis particularmanuscriptarequite unusual,and shed still more light on the nature of his interestin books. Once again,an inscriptionby 'Abdal-Rahimhimselfprovidesthe clearest evidenceof his level of awarenessof the workingsof his libraryestablishment. In the upperleft of the pink flyleafon folio Ia,which is embellishedwith largegolden vegetationand birdslike those elsewherein the manuscript,are I9I. marksof onetime imperialownership:a note by ShahJahan and the seal of Flyleafwith inscription by 'Abd al-Rahim. Khamsaof Awrangzeb(fig. 191).Immediatelybelow theseis a long note writtenearlierby Amir Khusraw. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. 'Abdal-Rahim,who describesin considerabledetail the historyof the manu1278,f. Ia. script.56The Khankhananstates that, beginning in 1012/I603-04, the manuscript was purchasedpiecemeal in Gujaratby Mir Baqi, an employee of the library.Repeatedinquiriesby MirBaqiin Gujarat,a gift of severalleavesfrom 'Abd al-Malik,and visits to Agra by those who wished to sell strayleavesresulted in the acquisitionof all but a few of the leavesof the Khamsa,which was assembledand restoredin 'Abd al-Rahim's library by Mfi'min and others. Aftera relativelylengthy descriptionof the processof accumulatingdispersed foliosof the manuscriptandhis own deliverancefromhis politicalenemies,the Khankhananoffersbut a passingreferenceto the manuscript'scalligrapher,allegedly Sultan'Ali, and its painter,who is touted as Bihzad.He concludeshis remarksby indicating that the paintings that had fallen out were restoredor replaced,presumablyby the atelier's painters, and that decorativeborders were added. 'Abd al-Rahim specifiesthat Mu'min headedthe team of calligraphers,but does not single out any of his own paintersby name.In the center of the circularmedallion is a second inscription,apparentlywritten by a librarian, which records the accession of the book in 'Abd al-Rahim's kitabkhdnain 1026/I617, thus marking the end of a refurbishment of more than

ten years. 'Abd al-Rahim'saccountof the refurbishmentof the Berlin Khamsais supportedby a numberof featuresof the manuscript.The firstbook, Matla' al-Anwdr(Rising of the Luminaries)(ff. I-43), survivedwholly intact.The exquisite double-pagesarlawhon folios ib and 2a gives some indicationof the

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sumptuousnessof 'Abd al-Rah.im's prize (fig. I92). The two columns of text, whose lines are set off by gold areasadornedwith flowers,are flankedby rectangularpanels, which in turn are incorporatedinto a black borderoverlaid with a thin runningvine. Largehorizontalpanels,eachwith two lobedsquares interlockedwith a golden rectangle,complete the framedrectangularfield of the sarlawh.All these elementscreatea stronglyarchitectoniceffect,a quality which distinguishesthis sarlawhfromall but one of the otherilluminationsin the manuscript.The only contributionmadeby 'Abdal-Rahim'satelierto this particularbook of the Khamsais a painting of a dedicatorysceneat the end of the section (f. 43a),which is then followed by two pages filled with free renderingsof bird and flowermotifs (fig. I93).

I92. (above,left) Sarlawh. Khamsaof Amir Khusraw. ca. I5oo. Staats-

bibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. 1278,f. ib. 193.(above,right) Amir Khusraw presents the Khamsato 'Ala al-Din Khalji. Attributed to Nadim. Khamsaof Amir Khusraw. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. 1278, f. 43a. 10.2 x IO.9 cm.

The first folio of the second book, Khusrawwa Shirin (ff. 44-95), is writ-

ten on paperresemblingthat used throughoutthe precedingbook;although the original 'unwdnor illumination survivedalong with the rest of the folio, 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsredidthe 'unwdn(fig. I94). Despite tracesof blue paint on folio 45aimmediatelyoppositethe 'unwdn- signs of onetime deterioration due to dampness- the present'unwdnappearsin pristinecondition. Still moreobvioussigns of renovationfollow. The highly burnishedsurfaceof the biscuit-coloredpaperof folios46-51 is noticeablydifferentfromthe

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matte finish of the whitish paperused elsewherein the manuscript.In these replacementfolios, the earlierpracticeof using of gold, red,and blue ink in alBerlin, Or. fol. I278, f. 44b. Illumination 7.I x IO.8 cm. ternatelines for the rubricsyields to an exclusiveuse of gold, and the decorative cloudlikeformsechoing thesetitles areabandoned.The calligraphyof the 195.(above,right) Presentation scene. Khamsaof Amir Khusraw. By rewrittenfolios is so fine that it is not readilydistinguished from that of the Nadim. Staatsbibliothekzu Berlin,Or. fol. I278, f. 95b. original folios. Nevertheless,the difficulty the atelier experiencedin matchI3.6 x io.8 cm. ing the restoredsection of text to the original manuscriptis apparentin another featureof the writing. In poetical manuscriptssuch as the Khamsa,the text area is almost always divided into four columns to accommodatethe distichs or couplets in which the poem is composed. This highly compartmentalizedformatnormallymade it easy for a calligrapherto write out the missing versesin the sameamountof spaceas in the original. Yet as 'Abd alRahim'scalligrapherapproachedthe end of the finalfolio in the replacedsection, he realizedthat the amountof text remainingwas insufficientto fill the areaallotted for the standardtwenty-onelines of text, perhapsas a resultof an abbreviated or omitted rubric. Hence, he decided to write two couplets obliquely in the middle of folio 5ib to hide the shortfallof one line, a device oftenusedbeforeillustrations,but rarelyin othercircumstances.57 Onceagain, the workshopelected to add a painting at the veryend of the section (fig. I95). (above,left) 'Unwdn.Khamsaof Amir Khusraw.Staatsbibliothekzu

194.

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The third book of the Khamsa,the romance of Majnuinwa Layla (ff. 96-127), was nearlycompletewhen the manuscriptwas acquiredby 'Abd al-Rahim.The atelierhadto supplyreplacementsforonly the firstthreefolios, including the 'unwdnon folio 96b. One artistembellishedthe meageramount of space left below the conclusion of the poem on folio I27a with a narrow painting of a jackalhunting rabbits(fig. I96); anothermemberof the workshop coveredthe blank centralpanel on folio I27b with a few stock motifs of birdsand flowers. 'Abd al-Rahim'semployeeswere successfulin locating all but one folio of the final two books of the Khamsa,the Hasht Bihisht (Eight Paradises) (ff. I28-70), and the A'inah-i Sikandari (Mirror of Alexander) (ff. I7I-225).58

Unlike the other 'unwansin the manuscript,which the Khankhanan'sartists eitheraffixedto the originalpaperor createdon an entirelynew sheetof paper, the 'unwdnon folio I7Ib survivedin its original condition, and thus provides an idea of the original provenanceand date of the manuscript.The Timurid origin of this illumination is revealedin the white strapworkenclosing the overlappinglobes of the illumination and in the braidedKufic script of the pious invocation(basmala)written in in the centralcartouche.59 Therefore,it would seem that 'Abd al-Rahim directed his library establishment to reassembleand refurbisha Persianmanuscriptoriginallyproducedabout I500. It is worthnoting, however,that he attributedthe rarityof the manuscriptnot to its age, but to its unsubstantiatedassociationwith two nearlylegendary Persian artists: the calligrapher Sultan 'All al-Mashhadi (1442-I519) and the painter Bihzad (active I485-1536/37).

It is easyenough to understandthe purposeof the restoredtext pages or illuminations,which were necessaryto completethe text or replacedamaged elements. One might assume,therefore,that the paintings addedby 'AbdalRahim'satelieralso replacedlost illustrations.But severalphysicalfeaturesof the paintings makethis a much moreperplexingpropositionthan one might expect. Most of the paintings addedby 'Abd al-Rahim'sartistsappearon folios which retainsmall panelsof text. Carefulexaminationof these text panelsindicate that they arewritten on the same whitish paperas that of the original manuscript.In otherwords,the new paintingsarenot partof the entirelynew folios suppliedby the atelier,as in the Shahnama,and thus cannotbe replacements for illustrationslost when the manuscriptwas brokenup in the sixteenth century. This leaves us to ponder an unexpectedquestion: How did paintings by 'Abd al-Rahim'sartistscome to appearon the original folios of the Khamsa?

On the one hand, it is possible that the illustrationof the Khamsawas neverfully realized.Thus, as part of their refurbishmentof the Khamsa,'Abd al-Rahim'sartistswould have merely availedthemselvesof the spacesoriginally reservedfor illustrationsbut left blank when the manuscriptwas pro-

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~~~~~~~~~~~~Z

i96. (above,left) A hunterwatchesa jackalchasetwo rabbits.Khamsaof Amir Khusraw. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. I278, f. I27a. 3.2 x II cm.

duced originally. The absence of folios with the obvious double thickness of many of the Shdhndmaillustrations argues for such a process. On the other hand, some very subtle details on a few paintings suggest a second practice which may complement the first. One painting shows unmis-

I97. (above,right)

takable signs of a second layer of paper superimposed on the original folio. In

A shepherdfluting. Attributed to Mushfiq.Khamsaof

folio i66b, the seam of paper of this second layer of paper is quite visible just

Amir Khusraw. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol.

below the upper edge of the painting despite the artist's attempt to obscure it

I278, f. i66b. 5.3 x II cm.

with a band of dark blue paint (fig. 197).60 This suggests that 'Abd al-Rahim's artists employed for at least some paintings in the Khamsa the technique of overpainting that they later used in the Shdhnama,that is, covering over a damaged scene with a new sheet of paper and then completing a fresh painting in an updated style.6' This process of obliteration and renewal becomes all the more intriguing when we realize that 'Abd al-Rahim believed that the paintings in the manuscript were by Bihzad. What happened to these paintings? Again we must consider several possibilities: i. The Khankhanan's attribution of the original Persian illustrations to Bihzad was accurate, but all these paintings have since disappeared;62 2. 'Abd al-Rahim was mistaken in crediting the paintings to

Bihzad; or 3. The earlier paintings wereby Bihzad or his followers, but they

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wereso damagedthat 'Abdal-Rahimallowedhis workshopto replacethem in the manuscript,preferringpaintings in perfectconditionby his own artiststo To my mind, this last scedamagedonesby anacknowledgedPersianmaster.63 nariois the most likely of the three. It is consistentnot only with the pattern of overpaintingseen in the Shdhndma,but also with the replacementof defective 'unwdnsand the strengthening of rubrics,presumablyalso written by Sultan'All, in the BerlinKhamsaitself. Indeed,the valuethat we now placeon objects for purely antiquarianreasonsseems ratheranachronisticin the medieval Islamic world, which apparently revered manuscripts and similar objects primarilyfor their subject matter, monetaryvalue, or ancestralconnections.

It is ironic that the Berlin Khamsahas returnedto a state whose incompletenessechoesthe fragmentarycondition in which 'Abd al-Rahim'sagents found it nearlyfour hundredyearsago. Only seven of the twenty-onepaintings once in the manuscript remain in place. The first illustration in the manuscriptappearsat the conclusionof the Matla' al-Anwdr,and shows the poet Amir Khusrawpresentinga manuscriptcopyof the Khamsato his patron, 'Ala al-Din MuhammadShah Khalji (fig. I93). Such presentationscenes are not uncommonin manuscriptsof the Khamsa,a text with a long traditionof illustration, but the position of this one at the end of the poem is very unusual.64 Indeed, the odd position of this and the following painting (fig. 195)

I98. An old Sufi approaches a youth in a garden. By Nadim. Detached page from the Berlin Khamsa of Amir Khusraw. British Museum

makesit likely that they occupiedspacesleft blankin the originalmanuscript. This firstscenein the manuscriptalso introducesus to the painting style selected by 'Abd al-Rahim'sartists for this project. Together with the balanced composition and gracefulfigures,the precisedraftsmanshipand high finish of the painting point up the heavily Persianatenatureof this style. A numberof paintingsareascribedto Nadim, Qasim,andMushfiq,all of whom areknown from the FreerRamayana,but the illustrationsareso consistentin style that we canattributeunascribedworksonly with considerabledifficulty. Although the figuresresemblemanycharactersin Nadim's otherpaintings in the manuscript,they do so as much on the level of the physiognomiesfavored forvarioussocial stations- a bony browfor the musicianand attendantand a long, beardedface for the author/sage- as on that of a consistentdistinctive personalrenderingof those types. It is only the presenceof rough minor decorativemotifs, such as the roundedhook patternof the lip of the stone platform or the braidedgold immediatelyabove it, that leads us to connect this workspecificallywith Nadim, who employsthesepeculiarmotifs againin his illustrationon folio 95b (fig. I95). This attribution is also supportedby the delicate arrangementof faint plants against the dark backgroundin both paintingsas well as similaritiesin the modeling andpaletteof the figures'garments. The traditionaldirectrelationshipof the illustrationto a specificpassage of the textual narrativeis exemplifiedby threedetachedpaintings ascribedto Nadim which can now be matched conclusively to lacunae in the Berlin

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1920

9-I7-0259.

I5.6 x io.8 cm.

Khamsa.65The first of these illustrates the seventeenth discourse of the Matla' al-Anwdr (fig. I98). An old Sufi happens upon a handsome young man in a garden and begins to venture amorous advances. Once rebuffed, the old man waxes philosophical and urges his counterpart to realize the fleeting quality of youth; the youth, for his part, chides the stooped old man to learn to act his age. To illustrate the popular anecdote, Nadim summoned two stock figures of Persian painting, contrasting the slender youth, posed gracefully beside a flowering sapling, with the bulkier Sufi planted firmly beneath a massive chenar tree. Together with the cypress, another mainstay of Persian vegetation, these same trees impart a Persianate flavor to the landscape, whose pastel coloration, delicate screen of hills, and general airiness also draw upon wellestablished conventions of Persian painting. A full-page illustration ascribed to Nadim on a rock in the lower right shows Khusraw in disguise trying to dishearten the sculptor Farhadwith false news of the death of his beloved Shirin (fig. I99). Farhad, whose love for Shirin is tested by her demand that he perform the Herculean task of cutting a channel through Mt. Bisitun so that the court might enjoy the milk of his flocks, is identified not by his customary attribute of excavator's tools, but by two large pools at either end of the milk-channel and by two sculptures cut into the

I99.

The disguised Khusrawvisits Farhadon Mt. Bisitfn. By Nadim. Detached page from the Berlin Khamsaof Amir Khusraw. British Museum I920 9-17-0267. I6.3 x II cm.

face of the mountain. Once again Nadim opened up the center of the composition to isolate the two figures, one of whom is virtually identical to the youthful king on folio 43a (fig. I93). The artist also repeated the fuzzy texture of Farhad's cloak and the natural poses of the dappled goats and sheep in the background in the small painting on folio i66b (fig. I97). The subtle patchwork of the mountain's colored lobes is eloquent testimony to Nadim's refined landscapes, a feature also seen in Nadim's illustration in the Ramayana(fig. 55). A third scene ascribed to Nadim is more vigorous in both composition and color (fig. 200). Bahram Gur, the protagonist of the Hasht Bihisht, displays his hunting prowess before Dilaram. The arrows he unleashes emasculate a male gazelle and pierce the head of a female gazelle in such a way that she appears to be a horned male. Although the situation is inherently more dynamic than the previous examples, Nadim infused the composition with a newfound sense of energy. Bahram Gur has already transformed one of his prey and draws his bow to cut down the other. The three animals press against the edge of the composition, which bulges outward under the impact of their frenzied flight, thereby seeming to offer some hope of escape.66That Nadim extended the painting field into the outer margin - a feature common in sixteenth-century Persian manuscripts - is one example of the many Persian artistic conventions that were invoked by 'Abd al-Rahim's artists in their paintings in this manuscript.

200.

Bahrim Gfir displays his hunting

prowess before

Dilaram. By Nadim. Detached page from the Berlin Khamsa of Amir Khusraw. British Museum 9-17-0258.

I6.3 x I2.5 cm.

I920

Perhaps the most spectacular painting in the Khamsais Qasim's illustration of the story told to Bahram Gur by the princess of the Yellow Pavilion (fig. A goldsmith is convicted of embezzlement on evidence provided inadvertently by his slow-witted wife, and is imprisoned in a tall tower. He per20I).

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201.

The foolish wife of the dishonest goldsmith is tricked into changing placeswith her imprisonedhusband.By Qasim. Khamsaof Amir Khusraw.Staatsbibliothekzu Berlin, Or. fol. I278, f. I47b. I6 x io.8 cm.

suades her to help him escape, and instructs her to take hold of one end of a rope which she had passed up to him. When she does, the goldsmith lowers himself from the tower and pulls the hapless woman into his place, where she endures the ridicule of the townspeople while he goes free. The strength of this work lies in its juxtaposition of the intense purple of the tower against both the brilliant clothing of the goldsmith and his wife and the four discrete bands of strong color in the landscape. Qasim used similarly distinct zones of color in many a Ramayanaillustration, such as his painting on folio 332a(fig. 157), but here he subtly joined together the light green and yellow areas by introducing slight irregularities along the otherwise straight line dividing the two zones. If this kind of adjustment can be seen as a natural

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refinement in Qasim's style, the same cannot be said of the figures themselves. The delicately featured woman is clearly derived from different artistic stock than that of her counterpart in Qasim's illustration on folio 317b of the Rdmdyana(fig. 154), whose rounded forehead and almond-shaped eye are indebted to the indigenous Indian models. Like Nadim before him, Qasim maintained this Persianate aesthetic in the landscape as well, substituting a chenar tree and a pair of cypresses for the banyan trees that often appear in his works in the Ramayana. So close are the Persianate expressions of these two artists that were it not for the tiny ascription to Qasim in the lower right, only the broad steplike arrangement of the rocks in the upper section of the painting would hint at Qasim's involvement. Known for both the earliest (fig. 21o) and latest dated paintings (fig. 163) associated with 'Abd al-Rahim, as well as from two paintings in the Ramayana, Mushfiq contributed three works to the Berlin Khamsa.67One work illustrates an uneventful episode from the story told to Bahram Gur by the princess of the Blue Pavilion (fig. 202). After making his way to a land of legendary exoticness, a youth from Rtum enters an enchanted garden, and there encounters a A youth fromRuimlearnsfroma reclusethat the beings who hadenchantedhim the previousnight werefairies. By Mushfiq. Khamsa of Amir Khusraw. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. 1278, f.'57a. 16.2 x 12.1 cm.

host of beautiful maidens. He soon falls in love with their queen, but one morning awakens from a stupor to find himself alone in a desert. He chances upon a recluse, who explains to the perplexed youth that he has been the dupe of fairies. The recluse invites the youth to share his way of life, but before the youth can begin this new life, he becomes embroiled once more in a series of bewildering adventures. Content to depict the scene of discourse called for by the manuscript's original designer, who chose where to interrupt the text for an illustration, Mushfiq showed the confused youth seeking solace from the hermit. The conversation takes place not in the barren wilderness, but before a small, domed pavilion set within a walled compound. Together with the iconography of the recluse's clothing, these architectural forms lend a Muslim identity to the scene. This is made clear by comparison to both Mushfiq's illustration of the temptation of the half-naked Visvamitra (fig. 57) and Qasim's scene of Dasaratha'svisit to Durvasas's hermitage (fig. 156). Mushfiq's paintings in the Khamsaare not far removed in style from his efforts in the Rdmdyana,which are among the finest in that manuscript, but they are still closer in landscape elements, coloring, and compositional details to other Khamsapaintings by Nadim and Qasim. That three artists could produce works so similar in style implies a desire and ability on the part of the atelier's supervisors to ensure that all the artists involved in a given project adopt a relatively homogeneous style.68

Another painting from the heavily illustrated Hasht Bihisht book of the 203.

The king's favorite courtesanis abducted by sea. Attributed to Mushfiq. Detached page from the Berlin Khamsaof Amir Khusraw.FreerGallery of Art 45.28. 17.4 x 11.9 cm.

Khamsafalls near the end of the story told by the princess of the Rose-colored Pavilion (fig. 203). A prince is smitten by a portrait of a king's mistress, and enlists the aid of four friends to help him meet her. The two become lovers and plot her escape. The prince and his companions invite the king to dine with

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them on seven successive nights, and have him served by a beautiful cupbearer,who is noneotherthanhis mistressin sevendifferentdisguises.Excited by the prospectof having this bevy of maidensjoin his mistressin the harem, the king allows the prince and his companionsto set sail, unawarethat they arespiriting awayhis mistress,whom they havehidden in the ship. Mushfiqtook his cue fromthe threelines of text above,and depictedthe king at water'sedge, watching the ship carryoff his jealouslyguardedmistress. Although the very refinedand somewhatminiaturizedfiguresarewell within the ability of any of the threeartistsdiscussedthus far,certainfigures are identical to those found in the two Khamsaillustrations ascribed to Mushfiq. The youth in black near the ship's stern, for example, compares closelyto the dismayedyouth of Figure202; likewise, the faceof the king (directly beneaththe parasol)bearsan uncannyresemblanceto those of the two laborers just right of center in the following illustration (fig. 204). The stronglyhewn shorelineandvarietyof intensecolorswithin the landscapealso ? V7 "is '1?' .1. *j-." .; ,;,., ..'.. supportan attributionto Mushfiq. The finalpainting in the manuscriptdepictsAlexander'sconstructionof 204. an ironwall againstthe barbariansof Gog andMagog,anepisodefromthe fifth Alexanderordershis men to build a wall againstthe inbook of the Khamsa (fig. 204).69 In addition to the ascription to the artist

Mushfiqon the painting field, a featurefound on most of the illustrationsin the manuscript,this painting bearsthe date 1019/1610-Ii. This date accords with the chronologyadvancedby 'Abd al-Rahimin his note on the Khamsa's flyleafand places the manuscript'sproductionbetween the conclusionof the illustrationof the Rdmdyanain i605 and the flurryof painting activity on the Razmndmaand the Shdhndmain i6i6. If our tentative dating of the Laud Ragamdldis correct,then two verydissimilartypesof paintingswereproduced simultaneouslyby the atelier both in i6io and in i6i6. The profounddifference in subjectand style betweenthe Rdgamaldseriesand the Khamsaof Amir KhusrawDihlawi was repeatedsix yearslaterin the illustrationsof the Razmnamaand Shahndmamanuscripts.Developmentsanalogousto this paradoxical coincidencealso occurin imperialMughalpainting, but therethe contradictorystrandsof painting areoften obscuredby the greaternumbersof works and the possibility of differentpatronswithin the royalfamily. Perhapsprecisely becausethe paintings producedfor 'Abd al-Rahimareunusuallywelldocumented,they defy the formulationof any simple chronologicalpatternto this individual'spatronageof illuminatedmanuscriptseitherfortheirliteracy or stylistic content. It seems far more likely that 'Abd al-Rahimacceptedor encouragedthe productionof manuscriptswith somevariationin style anddegreeof luxury.A supervisorplacedin chargeof the illuminationof the Khamsa

habitants of Gog and Magog. By Mushfiq. Detached page from the Berlin Khamsaof Amir Khusraw.Dated IOI9/1610-II.

Private collection. 15 x ii.6 cm.

manuscripteffectedthe high refinementof its illustrations,whose style may have been deemed suitable to Amir Khusraw'stext, much as Fazl'ssimpler style seemsto havebeenselectedforthe Indianverbalandpictorialimageryof the Laud Rdgamadld.

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't

-J.

Though the dominance of one artist's style in a manuscript was undoubtedly facilitated by the proportion of his works in the painting cycle, the stylistic homogeneity of the paintings in the Berlin Khamsa and the Laud Ragamala suggests that there existed in the production of illuminated manuscripts in the atelier of 'Abd al-Rahim a level of centralization which extended beyond the sway of an individual artist. The chief agent of this organization

'N1

was probably a supervisor appointed specifically for a given project; the naming of Mulla Shakibi as the supervisor of the Ramayana and 'Abd al-Baqi's mention of the men who held the post of n.zim or ddroghain 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier make such a position quite plausible. In any case, the contemporaneity of these later manuscripts produced for 'Abd al-Rahim exposes the inadequacies of the model of a direct and pervasive connection between the components of a body of painting and a given patron in medieval India. The Timurndma .. il

The least known manuscript illustrated by 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier is a copy of the Timurndmaof Hatifi (died I520-2I), who was the nephew of the famous Persian poet Jami.70 Hatifi's poetical text follows the model of the Sikandarnama (History of Alexander) of Nizami, but celebrates instead the exploits of TimUr (I336-I405),

the Mongol ruler who conquered a vast area extending

from Turkey to China. The slender manuscript allegedly bears a date of 927/I52I, which is nearly contemporary with the composition of the text, but this date is rubbed and was possibly altered. The Timurndmanow contains ten illustrations. Unlike the other manuscripts illustrated by 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier, all the paintings lack ascriptions, but their general style leaves no doubt that they were produced by the

205.

93. Khankhanan's artists. The first five paintings spill over the gold ruling that ca. I6IO-I5. TTmurndma.Locatiion joins the two text panels, and occupy practically the entire folio. In several

Timur routs Sultan Ahmad's forces at Baghdad in Attributed to Qasim.

unknown. 25.5 x

I2 cm.

I3'

instances, the paint is applied so thinly that segments of this ruling are still visible, a feature also present in the Rdmayana. By contrast, the latter five illustrations remain within the original limits of the painting field. The result is a much smaller image, which shares the folio's surface with the atelier's marginal designs of vegetation and fowl. It is probably no more than a coincidence that the difference in the format of these two series of paintings also corresponds to a stylistic one. The first series begins with a scene of Timur hunting near Shiraz in I387, but continues with four successive illustrations of battles, the predominant subject of the text. All five paintings are rendered in a style much like that of the I616-17 Razmndma.In each scene, the generic action transpires within a landscape divided into bands of solid color. In the illustration of Timur's defeat of Sultan Ahmad at Baghdad, for example, the broad mauve section in the center of the

compositionculminatesin two imposing ridges, one supportinga large tree which reachesto the very edge of the painting, and the other, a deep purple mass,setting off the greenhills in the distance(fig. 205). The artistbuilt upon

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the spatial disruption caused by the lower text panel to create a modest foreground, which is anchored by another rock cluster and enlivened by a figure refreshing himself by a stream. Although this tripartite composition was standard fare for most artists in the Razmndma, a few features point specifically to the hand of Qisim. The splayed arrangement of the long, angular, split-topped lobes of the outcrops recalls that found in Qasim's work in the Razmndma (fig. I68) and the Rdmdyana(fig. I35). The rigid yellow trunk and strongly shaped foliage of the large tree also belong to the artist's distinctive repertoire of forms, as does the small waterfall pouring from the side of an outcrop. The figures, however, are too small in scale and too standard in facial type to further corroborate the attribution. The artists of the second five Timurndmaillustrations set off in an entirely unexpected direction. Rather than continuing to employ the mode identified here with the Razmndma,they moved towards the more Persianate mode seen in the i616 Shahndma.The artist of the two battle scenes in this section relinquished the layered spatial recession and opaque colors of the other examples of this genre in the TTmurndma (fig. 206). Instead, he constructed a simpler pictorial space within a single zone, using slight gradations in the thinly painted ground to effect a modicum of distance in the landscape. Likewise, he eschewed the energetic outcrops that punctuate the landscapes of the Razmnama and Rdmdyanain favor of the uninterrupted arched horizon of the Shdhndma. Curiously, however, the swing of the pendulum towards this alternate mode does not include the combatants, who differ from their counterparts in the first half of the manuscript only in their reluctance to wear turbans. The Persianate cast becomes more pronounced in the three remaining paintings, which illustrate Timur's victorious arrival before a besieged city and two occasions of celebration. In one of the latter, the artist illustrated the acquiescence of the Egyptian ruler to Timur's demands with a standard Mughal scene of gift-giving, complete with reigning monarch, bulbous tent, canopy, and fountain (fig. 207). Timtr's turban, and the dress and facial types

zo6. Timfir conquers the kingdoms in Hindustan. ca. i6iO-I5. Timzurndma,f. 86a. Location unknown. 12.8 x 7.4 cm.

of the four female entertainers all serve as deliberate markers of Persian culture. Once again it is clear that this orientation transcended the individual style of a given artist. In this case the artist can be identified as Shamal, whose stylistic flexibility has already been demonstrated.71 The similarity of the Timurndma illustrations to those of both the Razmnama and Shdhndma, as well as their relatively greater distance from the Rdmdyana paintings suggests a date of circa i6i0-I5. Such a date would accommodate the state of the Persianate faces in the Timurndma,which are noticeably more rudimentary than those of the Shdhndma. The presence of two different stylistic modes within the Timurndma

surelydoes not indicateany ambiguity about the subjector historicalnature of Hatifi's text. On the one hand, it might be something as incidental as the kind of stylistic indecision that could occur in the absence of earlier Persian

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paintings in the manuscript. On the other, it might be something more significant, perhaps reflecting a time before the two modes had hardened into well-defined categories. In either case, it should caution us from overstating the factors involved in the selection and use of a particular mode of painting. There is no doubt that 'Abd al-Rahim's workshop made a conscious effort to match certain types of texts to the mode of painting associated with that culture. Yet it appears that these two modes were never construed as discrete and mutually exclusive entities, but rather as sets of features which could be drawn upon either selectively or indiscriminately. For most artists, these modes went beyond the incorporation of a few identifying iconographic features such as costume. They habitually included conventions of composition, palette, and technical finish, but involved figure types only rarely, primarily in the case of female figures. The commonality of figure types employed by various artists contributing to the Tfimzrndmaand the total lack of ascriptions in the manuscript make the attribution of paintings especially difficult. At first, one might consider this situation to be a nettlesome, if ultimately surmountable problem of connoisseurship. In fact, by compelling us to pull back from an approach which dwells on differences between individual artists, and thus exaggerates their importance, it underscores a much more important point: the remarkable stylistic homogeneity within this part of the Timzurnama, and throughout the ates *j,.A'^.". - ~-.

'

;

.2 *'-i

r?.-

,'L~.

*-?F

*

~

't '~.~

.'-5..

iv

* *-

207.

Timfir compels the ruler of Egypt to acknowledge his suzerainty and exchanges gifts with his ambassador. Attributed to Shamal. Timurndma. ca. I6I0-15. tion unknown.

I2.7

x 7.3 cm.

Loca-

lier during much of its existence. This, in turn, reminds us that the notion of style in Indian painting is most useful when applied to collective rather than individual activity. As we will see, this realization holds many implications for how artists and their works were viewed by 'Abd al-Rahhimand his contemporaries at the beginning of the seventeenth century.

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Notes

I

For the relationshipof the Mughal copies of the Razmndma,see Seyller, "Modeland Copy."

2

A majorsaleof I5paintings in the collection of R.B. Beckett occurredat Sotheby'son I9 May 1958,but the largest concentrationof Razmnamapaintings was formedthree years earlier at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York by purchase from Hagop Kevorkian.A few paintings enteredpublic collections such as the Lewis Collection of the Free Libraryof Philadelphiaas early as the 1920s, but most Razmndmapaintings passedthrough the handsof the art dealerHagop Kevorkianin the 1950s.

3

See Seyller,"Modeland Copy,"Appendix B.

4

AnotherRazmndma painting in the MetropolitanMuseumof Art (55.121.30)may be attributedto him. The two paintings arereproducedin Seyller,"ModelandCopy,"figs. i, 25.

5

'Abdullahis known from a joint illustrationin the ca. I585-90 Khamsaof Nizami in the Keir collection (f. I77b), and an illustration in the ca. I59o British LibraryBdburndma (f. 284a).An ascribedpainting of a horseand groom in the Musee Guimet (3169, L, b), published in Okada,Miniaturesde l'Indeimperiale,no. 38, is clearlyrelatedto all these works, and may date to ca. I595.

6

Seyller, "Model and Copy," Appendix B, no. 7. Collection of Catherine and Ralph Benkaim.

7

The painting fragmenton which he and the other male attendantsappearwas repositioned higher when the text panel was excisedfrom the illustration.

8

Two worksof similarquality arepreservedin the British Museum(I98I 7-3 oi) and the FondationCustodia(197i-T.3o) (publishedby Gahlin, TheCourtsof India, no. 27).

9

Although I havearguedfor some latitude of quality and style in an artist'sworkwithin a given manuscript,I must disagreewith the connectionproposedby Toby Falkin Paintingsof MughalIndia,p. 39, between the Fazlwhose nameappearson severalstraypages, including one from a slightly repaintedpage of a dispersed,early I7th-century'Iydr-i Danish and the Fazl who worked for 'Abd al-Rahim. It is impossible to reconcilethe chronologysuggested by Falk'sproposeddate of ca. I6oo with Fazl'scruder,less mature workin the Rdmdyana. Though the painting displaysfamiliarelementssuchas a braided root system and waterfowlin a rock-linedstream,the formsand colorsarefarmoresubtle than those seen in anyotherpainting ascribedto Fazl.The extensiveandsubtle modeling of the tree trunk, boar,and rocksis similarlyunparalleledin otherascribedworks. Thereremains,of course,the possibility that thesepaintingspostdatethose of the Razmndma,but such a radicalshift in style is very unlikely in light of the consistencyof Fazl's workin twenty yearsof painting. The 'Iyar-iDanishpaintings arereproducedin Gahlin, TheCourtsof India, no. 26; Falk,Paintingsof MughalIndia,p. 38;the Pan-Asiancollection; and Sotheby's sale of 9 July I974, lot 109.

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10

Bodleian LibraryMS. Laud.Or. I49. A brief but thorough presentationof the manuscript appearsin Losty,TheArt of theBookin India,p. I32.

11

Klaus Ebeling, RagamalaPainting(Basel:Ravi Kumar,I973),p. I63, places the I8 surviving ragamalapaintings of the LaudRagamdlawithin the RajasthaniTraditionof his "PaintersSystem,"an iconographicpatterncommonto both Rajasthanand the Deccan.

12

The best known examplesof these are the ChunarRagamala(fig. 14), and the Manley Ragamalaof ca. I6Io (fig. I5).

13

ThomasArnold and LaurenceBinyon, The CourtPaintersof the GrandMogul(Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press,1921), p. 35.

14

These argumentsare summarizedby Khandalavalain HerbertStooke and Karl Khandalavala,TheLaudRagamalaMiniatures(Oxford:BrunoCassirer,I953),pp. 55-56.

IS

Ibid.,pp. 56-65.

i6

Barrettand Gray,IndianPainting,p. io8.

17

Welch, "MughalandDeccaniMiniaturesfroma PrivateCollection,"pp. 229-30; Beach, TheImperialImage,pp. 147-48.

I8

The birdsappearin the sameposition in a Razmnama page in the MetropolitanMuseum of Art (55.I2I.32b),which is reproducedin Seyller,"Modeland Copy,"fig. I6.

19

See, for example,a Razmndma painting by Fazlsold at Sotheby'son 4 April 1978,lot 215, and now in the collection of Navin Kumar,New York. The painting is reproducedin color in PratapadityaPal, CourtPaintersof India i6th-Igth Centuries (New York:Navin Kumar,1983),M56.

20

Sold at Sotheby'son 2 May 1977,lot 107. This samepalm treeappearsin the illustration of the DevakaliRagin?on f. 49b of the LaudRagamala.

21

Carefulinspectionof the painting revealsa fragmentof the ascriptionat the bottom center.This ascriptionsuggests that the painting is by Kamil ratherthanby Qasim,as I had proposedearlier.

22

The scene of the composite palanquin appearson f. I3b. A closely related image in a slightly differentsubimperialstyle was sold at Sotheby'si DecemberI969, lot 123.

23

The two paintings attributedto Yusuf'Ali appearon ff. 2b and iia of the album and are reproducedin MughalMiniaturesof theEarlierPeriods(Oxford:BodleianLibrary,I953), figs. 2o(a) and 2I(a).

24

An identity of BayramKhan('Abd al-Rahim'sfather)is advancedin MughalMiniatures of theEarlierPeriods,p. 8, and repeatedin Beach,TheImperialImage,p. I49, but compar, ison to an inscribedportraitof Zayn KhanK6ka(I542-I6oo) leaveslittle doubt that the same figureis depicted in the two images. For this painting in the India OfficeLibrary (JohnsonAlbum I8, no. I8), see Falk and Archer,Indian Miniaturesin the India Office Library,no. I2iv. Gahlin, TheCourtsof India,no. I3, reproducesan equestrianportraitof this same figureand lists otherportraits.

25

See, for example, a detached painting from the Khamsanow in the British Museum (I920-9-I7-0267)

26

(fig. I99).

This painting is furtherrelatedto othermanuscriptsproducedby 'Abd al-Rahim'satelier by its unusualborder,which is discussedin Chapter6.

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27

This dated panel of calligraphyappearson f. 45aof the album. Mahmud,who describes himself as "thesinful"([al -'abdal-muznib),is not listed among the calligraphersnamed in the Ma'd.sr-iRahimi.It is tempting to identify him with the calligrapherof another example (f. 67b) signed 'abdal-muznibMahmudibn Ishaqal-Shihabi,but the dates of this pupil of Mir 'All arewell removedfromAH ioI. A sampleof calligraphyon f. 5ais dated 995/I586-87.

28

The following folios also presentsigned specimensof calligraphy:ioa ('Ali Muhammad Kashmiri),izb ('All Muhammad),I7b (Mahdi),20oa(Husayn),24b (MuhammadRaft', son of'Abd al-Sammi'),28a('Abd al-ShaykhAwliya), 34a(Abu al-Batt al-Hasani),36b (Mustafaibn Nur Muhammad),4oa ('AbdNur Muhammad),42a ('Abdal-Ghafur),43b (the firstof the slavesof SultanMuhammad),48b (Jalali...), 49a AhmadSultan,and 67b (Mahmudibn Ishaqal-Shihabi).

29

British Library (BL), Add. 5600. ff. 585, 31.5 x 2o cm., 25 lines of nasta'liq, 90 paintings.

A list of subjectsand ascriptionsappearsin Norah Titley, Miniatures fromPersianManuscripts (London: British Library Board, 1977), pp. 41-42. Several ascriptions have been

misreadand should stand as follows: 12b(Madhava),54a(Kamal),I39b (Shamal),I56b (Kamal),338b(Bhagavati),36Ib(Shamal),387b(att. Shamal),and 402b (att. Banavari). 30

The illustrationsare numberedconsecutivelyfrom i to 91 throughoutthe manuscript, with a hitherto unnoticed gap appearingbetweenpainting nos. 36 and 38 (ff. 2oob and znb). Examinationof the text revealsthe modernloss of the one illustratedfolio between ff. 202 and 203. Folio 202b ends with the passage on vol. 5, p. 2I, verse 228 of the critical

edition of the Shahndmaby Bertels,and f. 203abegins with 25:284.The 56 missing couplets would havefilled slightly morethan one full page of text, which normallycontains 25 lines written in four columns. 31

SeeAppendixB fora translationof the notes.The Ma'asiral-Umardi: 668-69, recounts that IlahwardiKhan, who presumablyis the sameas IlahwardiCela(Chela),was previously knownby the title Mu'taqidKhan,receivingthe title of IlahwardiKhanonly after the death ofJahangirin I627. His brother'snameis listed as Mukhlis Khan.Hence, the word "brother"in IlahwardiCela'sinscriptionmay be a mereterm of affectionforsomeone outside his immediate family.

32

Losty, The Art of the Book in India, pp. I22-23. Beach, The ImperialImage,pp. I52, 154; and

Asok Das, Mughal Painting duringJahangir'sTime(Calcutta:Asiatic Society, 1978), p. 255, cite this manuscript as belonging to a group firmly associatedwith 'Abd alRahim. Both had dated the manuscriptto ca. i600. 33

Losty,TheArt of theBookin India,p. 123.

34

This inscriptiondoes not match 'Abdal-Rahim'shandwriting,which is knownfromthe flyleafnote of the Rdmdyanaas well as frommany of the inscriptionsdiscussedin Chapter 2. Moreover,'Abd al-Rahim'sdeath in i626 precludesa referenceto Jahangir(died i627) as deceased.Foursealson folio ib indicatethat the manuscriptpassedthroughthe

hands of 'Arif Din ibn Muhammad Sa'id, 'Adil ibn Hast (?), and Sayyid Khan 1101/1689-90.

35

Original compositionsarevisible from reverseon ff. i56b, 2znb,and 338b.

36

Folios ii6b, i83b, i89a, 2znb, and 314b.

37

Losty, The Art of the Book in India, p. 123, claims that several verses of the text are painted

over on f. 372a.This assertionis controvertedby a comparisonof the text in the manuscript with the critical edition of the Shahnama.The last verse on f. 37Ib (vol. 7, p. 87,

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verseI472) is followedproperlyby the firstverseon f. 372b (87:I473),althoughthe catchwordis curiouslyout of sequence(88:I503).A segmentof the horizontaltext ruling is visible in the upper left cornerof the painting, and one of severaldiagonal rulings is seen above the bricklayer'shead. The scribe left these lines blank, and absorbedthe verses intended for them on the reverseof the folio. Therearealso some signs of changein the painting, specificallyin the shapeof the forge and the position of the figurewielding a mallet. 38

Forexample,ff. I28a,I34a,234b,and 236b.

39

Theseareff. I2b, 42b, 65b, 75b, 78b, 84b, Io7b, I39b,I47b, 154b,I97b, 2oob, 269b, 277b, 304b, 3Iob, 343b,344b, 372a,385b,387b,404b, 4o8b, 4iib, 477b, 483b,488b, 538b,548a, 55ib, 555b,562b, 573b, 578b. Many of these illustrationsappeartowardthe end of the manuscript,including the last sevenpaintings.

40

When these folios areheld up against the light and inspectedfrom the reverse,there is an unequivocalcorrespondencebetween areasof varyingopacityand certainshapesand colorsin the composition.Conversely,when the folios that havehad an additionallayer of paperattachedto the painting field areinspectedin this samemanner,the entire rectangularof the painting field is completely imperviousto light.

41

Folios 446b, 517b, 522b, and 542b.

42

Only twenty-threeof these folios should have had rubrics.These areif. 42a, 78a, I07a, I39a,I97a, 269a, 277a, 304a,343a,344b, 364a,385a,387a,404b, 4o8a, 4iia, 477a, 483a-b, 488b, 548b,555a,562a,and 578b.In some cases,the rubricpanelappearson the opposite side of the folio.

43

Threeexceptionsto the otherwiseabsolutecoincidenceareff. i88b, 396a,and 4o0ia.

44

By contrast, the differencein script and paper is readilyapparentin the replacement folios of the BerlinKhamsaof Amir Khusraw,which is discussedbelow. The telltale feature of the BL Shahnamais the length of the text area;this averagesI6.5 centimetersin the originalfolios, and I7.2 centimetersin the replacementfolios. Once this featurewas established,one could detect subtle differencesin the paper,but not in the writing.

45

Two paintings by Qasim in the Ramayana(if. 22ob, 244a) areascribedin this manner. The ascriptionoff. 288bof the Shahnamaappearsbetweenthe text columnson the lower left, probablybecausethe ascriptionwould be lost against the black carpetand throne base.

46

The date and signatureon f. 274a arehidden, therebyconfirmingthe largerascription written below in the usual manner.

47

Losty,TheArt of theBookin India,p. I24.

48

Losty,TheArt of theBookin India,p. I23; Seyller,"Modeland Copy,"pp. 52-53.

49

Reproducedin Seyller, "Modeland Copy," fig. 27, and Gahlin, The Courtsof India, no. I2. Khemais identifiedas a waterkeeper(abdir).

50

Among these area figureseen in profileview with a sloping noseandlong pointed beard, anda much morestandardround-facedtype whoseprominentnostrilsarerenderedwith a peculiarwrinkledline. The palm treeandoblique doorway- both of which areunusual elements - in the painting in the collection of the FondationCustodiamay be found in if. 3I2b and 3I3aof the Ramayana;the jagged riverbankin the foregroundof the same

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painting appearsin severalof Kamal'slaterworks, notablythe I616-I7 Razmndma page in the British Museum. 51

Another possibility, of course, is that the 1589-99 Razmndmawas made for 'Abd alRahim.As I havearguedin Chapteri, this is madeextremelyunlikely by the largenumbersof imperialartistswhose namesappearin the manuscript.

52

See the Ma'asir-Rahm?3: I682; and Haq, "The Khan Khananand His Painters,"pp. 626-27.

53

Forthese paintings, see Seyller,"Modeland Copy,"Appendix A, nos. 59, 70, and 71.

54

RoyalLibrary,Windsor RCIN 1005039(formerlyB.20), ff. 7a, iib.

55

Staatsbibliothekzu Berlin -PreussischerKulturbesitz,OrientabteilungOr. fol. I278.ff. 225, 31.5 x 20.5 cm., 2I

lines of nasta'liq. The sevenpaintings in the manuscriptarelisted

in Stchoukine et al., IlluminierteIslamischeHandschriften,pp. I63-64. Four of the Khamsa's

paintings arereproducedin Arnold and Grohmann,TheIslamicBook,pls. 84-87. 56

See AppendixC for a complete translationof 'Abd al-Rahim'sinscription.

57

Indeed,the presenceof this deviceat two points in the originaltext ofKhusrawwa ShirTn is a reliableclue that illustrationswere removedfromthe manuscript.See, for example, ff. 65b and 73b. Therearesome exceptionsto this generalrule, such as ff. 7Ia-b in which oblique passagesoccurfor no apparentreason.

58

The only new folio in these sections is f. I95, which also resortsto diagonalpassagesfor the reasonsdiscussed above. The written surfaceof the replacementfolios is slightly largerthan that of the original manuscript,i.e., I7 x ii.6 cm. as comparedto I6.2 x io.8 cm.

59

See Thomas Lentz and Glenn Lowry,Timurand the PrincelyVision(Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, I989), p. 237 for a comparableillumination from a Bustanof Sa'diin Cairodated I488.At least fourpaintings in the manuscriptarereliably ascribedto Bihzad.

60

A similarrectangularbandappearsimmediatelybelow the text panel in the illustration on folio I47b (fig.

6i

201).

When examined under high magnification,severalsuspiciousareasin three detached Khamsaillustrations in the British Museum turned out to be no more than later retouching. Most notably, the original layerof paperin FigureI98 is visible in the painting's corners,eachof which once containedtwo versesof text. The discrepanciesin color between these four patches and the adjacentareassuggests that the text panels were painted over by someoneother than Nadim. This practicewould have been practically unthinkablein 'Abd al-Rahim'stime, but was common in Europein the earlytwentieth century.

62

They would also have to match exactly the eight remaininglacunaein the text of the manuscript.A complete reconstructionof the manuscriptis providedin AppendixD.

63

The damagecausedby dampnessis evident in smudged text passagesor tracesof paint on a numberof folios which once appearedimmediatelyopposite illustrations,notably ff. 7ia, 73b (fig.

220),

i67a, and I83a. The present paintings do not show any sign of de-

terioration. 64

My surveyof approximately40 illustratedmanuscriptsof the Khamsaproducedonly two such presentationscenesin the Matla' al-Anwdr,neitherof which appearsat this point

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in the text. A very similar scene from a dispersedKhamsawritten in Balkh (Iran)in I503-04 falls in the prefatorysection of the poem beforethe firstof the 20 didactic discourses.The painting is reproducedin Glenn LowryandSusanNemazee,AJeweler'sEye: IslamicArts of theBookfromthe VeverCollection (Washington, D.C.: SmithsonianInstitution, I988),no. 36. 65

The paintings are now in the British Museum and are listed in Titley, Miniaturesfrom Persian Manuscripts, nos. 307, 330, and 325. They were formerly thought to belong to a

Khamsaof Nizami, but areeasilyconnectedto the fourlarge-formatpaintingsstill in the BerlinKhamsaby size, writing, andpainting style. SeeAppendixD fora reconstruction of their exactposition in the BerlinKhamsa. 66

It is certainthat the illustrationfell on side B of the folio becausethe three couplets in the upperright (HashtBihisht57:5-7)precedeimmediatelythoseat the top off. I35a.The gold ornamentationof the text on f. I35ais also in keeping with this position, for it appearsprimarilydirectlyopposite illustratedor illuminatedpages. Finally,the foliation of the individualbooks of the Khamsaconsistentlyappearson the recto side. The number 8 between the two columns of text on the page accordsexactlywith the sequenceof folios within the HashtBihisht,which begins on folio i28b.

67

A painting of a princesmoking ahuqqa,signed 'amal-iMushfiqanddated1016/I607-08, was sold at Sotheby's (London) on I9 October 1994, lot I51.

68

This idea was firstproposedby Beach,TheImperialImage,p. I43.

69

The painting, which is now in a privatecollectionin Italy,was firstpublishedin Terence McInerney, Indian Painting I525-I825 (London: David Carritt Ltd.,

I982),

pp. 32-33,

where it was erroneouslyconsideredto be a part of an imperialShdhndmamanuscript. Anothersubimperialillustrationof this samesubjectis discussedin ChapterI (fig. IO). 70

The manuscript,also known as the Zafarndma(Book of Victories)was sold at Sotheby's on i DecemberI969, lot I96. 152 ff., 26 x I5.7 cm., text areaI7.5 x 7.5 cm. The nasta'liq text was written in double columns of I5 lines by Mahmudibn IshaqSiyawushani.Becausethe manuscript'spresentwhereaboutsareunknown,I havebeen able to study the manuscriptonly from slides, which were kindly provided by CatherineBenkaim and Milo Beach.

71

The long-facedfigureoppositeTimQris particularlyclose to one figurein Shamal'swork on f. 5o6aof the Shahndma.The sovereignand gardenin that samepainting arealso related to their counterpartsin the Timurndma illustration.

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VI

Border Decorations and Bindings

The embellishmentof a Mughalmanuscriptdid not end with the additionof illustrations.At this stage in productionthe workshopusually supplied abstractilluminationsat prescribedpoints in the manuscript,suchas at the very beginning of the FreerRdmdyana,above each of the five books of the Berlin Khamsa,or even betweenthe columnsof text on folios immediatelypreceding illustrations.As a comparisonof two Berlin Khamsailluminationsexecuted morethan a centuryapartdemonstrates,these illuminationswerea very conservativeart form: the geometric medallions within the panels varied only conslightly in shape,andthe limited rangeof colorsremainedextraordinarily stant (figs. I92, I94).

Somewhatless standardwas the decorationof the bordersof the folios of a manuscript.In manymanuscripts,eachfolio consistsof at least two separate sheets of paper:one, usually white and somewhat translucent,for the text proper,and another,often layeredand almost alwaysthickerand coarser,for the borders.Often the bordersof only a few folios weresingled out for special treatment.The borderpaperwas dyed anothercolor, usually a rich shadeof blue or green. The text sheet was then set securelybetweenthe two sheets of borderpaper.Finally,the laminatedborderwasornamentedwith floralmotifs renderedin gold. The TTmgrndma illustratedfor 'Abdal-Rahimexemplifiesthis combination of unobtrusivedecorativefeatures,which was quite common in Islamic manuscriptsof the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Only the borders aroundthe ten illustrationsare decorated.The three folios reproducedhere (figs. 205-07) areadornedwith representativeornamentation,which normally consistsof sparsevegetal sprays,largeblossomsand petals, or a densepattern of sinuousbranchesandleaves.A few ducksandinsectsoccasionallycreepinto this decorativescheme.All formswere firstsketchedfreehand,then outlined in gold, and finally modeled lightly with thin washesof gold. The uniform tonalityand relativelysmall scaleof theseelementshavethe effectof reducing the assertivenessof anygiven motif in the overallpattern. The ChesterBeatty LibraryPanj Ganj ofJadm

An entirelynew aestheticin borderdecorationappearsin two manuscriptsin the libraryof 'Abdal-Rahim:the ChesterBeattyLibraryPanjGanj(FiveTreasures)ofJami, and the BerlinKhamsaof Amir Khusraw.1The firstof these is a well-known Persianpoetical text containing five of seven poems written by Jami (I414-92) in homage to the Khamsaof Nizami.2 The layout of the text,

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which was penned by the renownedSult.an'All in 1520, contributes to the sumptuousnessof the manuscript.Two of the five books were written in the innertwo columns, and the remainingthree bookswerewritten obliquely in a narrowbandwrappedaroundthis. The original illuminatorsfilled the narrow spaces between these columns of text with delicate floral scrolls, but passedoverthe triangularwedges createdby the angle of the text in the outer band. 'Abd al-Rahimdid not inscribethe manuscriptpersonally,but he must havebeenextremelypleasedto acquirethis valuableandapparentlycomplete book, which he later presentedto Jahangir.3It is noteworthy,however,that the Khankhananshowedhis high regardfor the book not by preservingit in its original state, but by orderinghis workshopto alter the manuscript'sappearancequite profoundly.His artistsbegan by filling in the threespacesleft empty on each folio with paintings less than three centimetersin size. The greatmajorityof imagesdepict single flowers,birds,or animalsagainsta simple gold or green background;othersreducethe miniaturescale still further and set the creatureswithin rudimentarylandscapes.The paintings' purely ornamentalnatureemulatesthe decorationof a select group of contemporary imperialmanuscripts.4The initial choiceof the subjectsof thesetiny paintings was an arbitraryaffair,usually being completely unrelatedto the text, but their subsequentuse shows considerablecalculation.5While no image is repeated exactly, the illuminationsareoften pairedso that an animal such as a jackalor monkey, or a specifictype of bird is representedonce on each of the two pages of an opening.6This conceptionof an opening in the manuscriptas a single, coherentvisualunit is developedfurtherin the decorationof the bor-

208. Folio with miniature paintings and border decorations. Painting ascribed to Mushfiq. Panj Ganj. Dated ioI2/ I603-04.

Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, Ms. 20, f. 54a.

32.2 x 20.I cm.

ders. The imageryof the PanjGanjilluminationsis morevariedthananyother manuscriptdecoratedin this manner.Most remarkableof all is the appearance of minusculefigureson a numberof folios. These figuresinclude not only the courtiers and hunters who frequent the bordersof contemporaryimperial manuscripts,but also types encounteredonly rarelyelsewhere,such as blueskinned asceticsand noblewomen.The figuresare alwayspresentedin isolation, although in at least one casethereis a suggestionof interactionbetween two figureson opposite pages.7Anotherpainting in the Panj Ganj, a woman derivedfrom an image of the Madonnaseatedin a European-stylechair(fig. 209), recalls the style and inspiration of the earliest known work from the Khankhanan'satelier(fig. 210). Below the ten lines of pseudo-writingon the book held by the muse are Mushfiq's signature and the date I004/1595-96,

or

two yearsbeforethe earliestdatedRamayanaillustration.The heavymodeling of the muse's blue cloak and its peculiarextensionaboveher shoulderreveal the sourceof this figureto be a Europeanangel, making these two paintings by Mushiq the only known adaptationsof Europeanimagery to come from 'Abdal-Rahim'satelier.Although the figures'miniaturisticdimensionsallow little room for the personalstylistic idiosyncrasiesof 'Abd al-Rahim'sartists

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to come to full flower,their modeling, costumes,andpalette areentirelyconsistent with the other manuscriptsillustrated by the Khankhanan'sartists, particularlywith the highly polished paintings of the Berlin Khamsa.This generalattributionis confirmedby a marginalpainting in the Panj Ganjbearing the dateof 101O2/1603-04 andanascriptionto Mushfiq,whoseworkappears in the Ramadyana, Khamsa,and Razmndma(fig. 208).8 With its strong contours

andattentiveglance,Mushfiq'slively goat could easilyblend into this sceneof a herdserenadedby a shepherdin the BerlinKhamsa(fig. I97). Two recentlydiscoveredpaintings from the Panj Ganj manuscriptalso name Mushfiq as the artist, and supply the date of 1015/1606-07.

.,

These as-

cribedand datedpaintings allow us to inferthat Mushfiqwas responsiblefor all the paintings in the manuscript,which had begun by I603-04 and was

.

probablycompletedby I607. The largenumberof paintingsand the four-year spanof this assignmentmay explainMushfiq'sabsencefromthe last sectionof the Rdmdyana.

209.

A Europeanized woman. Attributed to Mushfiq. Panj Ganj. ca. 16O3-o4. Chester Beatty Library, Ms. 20, detail of f. 34b.

I.o.

I5 .'.'i.

.....

'

210.

A muse. By Mushfiq. Dated Ioo4/1595-96. British Museum 1947-IO-II-02. 8.6 x 4.2 cm.

This additive natureof the two large-formatpaintings in the Panj Ganj is indicated by their position in the manuscript.The first painting fills the spaceoccupiednormallyby the centraltext panel, but which in this casewas left blankwhen the text of the firstpoem, Subhatal-Abrar,concludedon the previousfolio (f. iozb), and that of the fourthpoem, Khiradndma-yi Iskandart, commencedon the verso side of the following folio. 'Abd al-Rahim'sworkshop seized upon this areaas an opportunityto decoratethe manuscriptstill further.Ratherthanelecting to depict a subjectentirelyunrelatedto the text, as 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsdid at similarpoints in the BerlinKhamsa,Mushfiq took the unusualstep of illustratingan episoderecountedin the outertext column, that is, Yusufgreeting a haggardandagedZulaykhi in a roomdecorated with wall paintings showing the pair together in happiertimes (fig. 2II). Between the muralpanels, cheetahspursueand devourdeer in a style and scale reminiscent of those of the marginal animals. The artist maintains his predilectionfor documentinghis work by embedding his name and the date in a minorarchitecturalelement in the upperleft. The secondpainting, which surroundsthe manuscript'scolophonandadjoinstwo tiny panelsof a shepherd tending his flock,portraysthe venerablepoetJami standingbesidea fountain while a gardenerworksnearby(fig. 212). On the terraceand in the niches behind are writing instruments and numerous books inscribed with minute labels:these are the author'sassortedworks, including the Panj Ganj itself, placedcleverlyimmediatelyabovethe poet's head. Again Mushfiqsigns and dateshis work, this time on the rightmostdadopanel. Given Mushfiq'shabit of including discreetreferencesto himself, the beardedpoet maywell be a surreptitiousself-portrait. Flanking the opening sarlawhof the Panj Ganj is a tiny painting of a figurekneeling beforea bookanda penbox(fig. 2I3). If the conventionsof border illuminationsof imperialmanuscriptsareany model, it is quite probable that this image at the very beginning of the book is a sly self-portrait of

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212.

211.

The poet Jami before his works. By Mushfiq. Dated I015/I606-07. Colophonpage of the PanjGanj.Chester

Yusuf beholds the haggard Zulaykhi. By Mushfiq. Dated 1015/I606-07. Detachedpainting from the Panj

Beatty Library 1994.3. 30 x i8.5 cm.

Ganj. Collection of Catherine and Ralph Benkaim. Folio 31.6 x 20.4 cm.

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21I3.

Sarlawh and illuminated border. Panj Ganj. ca. I603-04. ChesterBeatty Library,Ms. 20, f. ib. 32.2 x 20.1 cm.

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Mushfiqor anotherof 'Abdal-Rahim'sartists.9The sarlaw.hitself is easily the most spectacularof the illuminationsin the manuscript.Its style suggeststhat it too was part of the atelier'sembellishmentof the manuscript.The illuminator made a virtue of the constrictionsof the narrowareaoccupied by the centraltext. Bringing togetherthe two blue bandsthat springfromthe lower cornersof the sarlawh,he fashioneda beribbonedfleur-de-lis,whose upward thrustis reiteratedby the thin cuspedline aboveit. The organicquality of the formsof this sarlawhand the patchesof bright red-orangewithin it arevery reminiscentof the illuminationsaddedto the Berlin Khamsaand the British LibraryShahndmaby 'Abd al-Rahim's artists (fig. 194).Io

Once the triangularpaintings and illuminations were completed, the atelierturnedits attention to the manuscript'sborders,which wereprobably plain originally.The membersof the workshopbegan by excising the catchwords, which ensure the correctorderof the folios when the manuscriptis assembled;these small bits of paperwould havebeen put asideuntil the new borderswere finished,when they could be reattached.'" Then 'Abd al-Rahim'sartists set about designing and implementing a wholly new decorativescheme for the bordersof the Panj Ganj. They abandoned the static medallions and tendrils found in the Yusufwa Zulaykhd manuscriptfor imagery which was aggrandizedand invigorated to an unprecedenteddegree.In one rareexample,huge carpswarmaboutthe deepblue borders(fig. 208); in a morecommondesign, a flockof equallyimposingcranes vie forinsectsandspace(fig. 213).Although thesecreatures'bodiesaredetailed with a light reddishcolorand a patternof golden scalesor feathers,the combination of their large scaleand the virtuallyunarticulatedblue background accentuatestheir contoursaboveall else. The result is a high-key ornamental patternwhich overpowersthe delicatetext andpaintings that it encircles. The utter originalityof these designs is made clearby comparisonwith the borderdecorationsof the finest contemporaryimperialmanuscripts.The first folio of the I595 Bahdristdnof Jami bears an unusually fine sarlawh signed

by Mansur and richly decoratedbordersattributed to Madhava (fig. 2I4).12 Madhavacreateda pictorialeffectin the border,which featurestime-honored imageryof realandfantasticanimalspreyinguponone another.He did this by establishingspatiallycrediblesettings for individualanimal encountersand by minimizing unconnectedvegetal decoration.Most important of all, he used modulationsin the tone and directionof the gold detailing to drawattention to formratherthan shape. In the sole casein which someof this samecombativeimageryappearsin the Panj Ganj,all similaritybetweenthe two bordersendswith the motif of a leopardpouncingupona stag (fig. 2Is).The largescaleof the formsis the most obviousdifference.A thicket of oversizedvegetationengulfs the two beastsin the lowerleft, andan immenseleafthreatensto swallowup a lynx in the upper right. A seriesof gargantuanlotus blossomssupportandshelterthe numerous birds in the design. Without outcropsor ridges to mitigate the spatialcom-

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214. (above,left) Sarlawh and illuminated border. Sarlawh signed by Mansuir;borderattributed to Madhava.Bahdristdnof

Jami. Dated I595. Bodleian Library,Ms. Elliott 254,

pression abetted by the dark blue background, all the foliage seems to rise to the surface of the folio, where it competes with the various animals for attention. The resulting visual density of this and other examples of border decora-

f. ib. 28.5 x I7.5 cm.

tion in the Panj Ganj is more characteristic of textile patterns than of traditional manuscript borders.

(above,right) Borderdecorationwith a leopardattackinga stag. Panj

Color plays an important role in the design of the Panj Ganj borders. In many folios, 'Abd al-Rahim's artists adopted a simple two-color scheme to

Ganj. ca. I603-04.

heighten the contrast between the motifs and the background. In others, how-

215.

f. 75a. 32.2 x

20.1

Chester Beatty Library, Ms.

cm.

20,

ever, they achieved a more complicated visual rhythm through the use of three or more colors. One particularly striking border demonstrates the effectiveness with which an artist could wield color to demolish the solidity of individual forms, thereby alleviating the density of the overall pattern (fig. 216). A few narrow blades of grass, which spread across much of the border, receive the strongest color accent - a dark blue. Yet with this same color the artist picked out details of other elements, such as the tailfeathers of the birds in the upper left, or the series of pinwheel blossoms in the lower right. This choice is quite non-naturalistic: large leaves are arbitrarily divided in half, and flowers are pierced by a solitary dark petal. Conversely, the artist applied a deep red to two

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lotus blossomsto distinguishthe flowers'centralhollowfromthe blue sections that frameit, and used pinks and ochresto differentiatethe rest of the design fromthe moss-greenbackground. The inventivenessof this use of color is highlighted by the completely differenttreatmentof an identical borderdesign elsewherein the Panj Ganj (fig. 217). Once again,the long bladesof grassanda few pinwheelblossomsare renderedin darkblue. But otherpatchesof blue areredistributedfreelyacross the design. The color now alights, for example,on the bodies of two screeching birds in the upperborderratherthan on their tailfeathers.It completely bypassesthe thirdbird in this group,whoseuprightformcounterbalancedthe plunging body of his adjacentcompanionin Figure 216; without this color accent,the creaturepracticallydisappearsfromthe design. Similarly,the reallocationof colorrestructuresmanyblossoms,so that a formerlysolid lozengeshapedelement becomesa delicate diaphanousone. Changesin the gold de-

216. (above,left) Borderdecorationwith birds and flowers.

Panj Ganj.ca.1603-04. ChesterBeattyLibrary,Ms. 20, f. ii6a. 32.2 x 20.1 cm.

(above,right) Borderdecorationwith birds and flowers. 217.

Panj Ganj.ca.1603-04. ChesterBeattyLibrary,Ms. 20, f. 3ia. 32.2 x 20.1 cm.

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tailing also contributeto this kind of transformation.The most obvious exampleoccurson the blue cup-shapedleaf in the uppercorner,wherethe delicateveins of the firstborderarereplacedby a separatefloralpattern. The remarkablyvariedeffectproducedby this manipulationof colorand detail should not obscurethe fact that the overalldesign is absolutelyidentical in eachcase.This recurrenceis hardlyexceptional;in fact, the samedesign appearsno fewerthannineteentimes in the PanjGanj.Sucha repetitionpoints inevitablyto the use of stencils in these borderdecorations.This is not altogether surprising,for the history of Islamic manuscriptillumination offers many examples of stencilled borders.Nonetheless, the bordersof 'Abd alRahim'smanuscriptsstandout both for theirunusualnumberof differentdesigns, and for what they revealabout the atelier'sworkingmethods. The Panj Ganj containstwenty-onedifferentborderdesigns, which are very consistentin imageryand composition.All but three include some sort of combinationof foliageandbirds,which arefeaturedto the virtualexclusion of anyotherkind of creature,includinghumanbeings.Although the existence of stencils allowed 'Abd al-Ra.him'sartiststo repeatany borderat will, they clearlypreferredsomedesignsto others.Two designs,forexample,appearonly fourtimes in the manuscript,while anotheroccursas manyas forty-sixtimes. The variousdesigns are scatteredthroughoutthe manuscriptwithout a discerniblerelationshipeitherto eachotheror to the gatheringsof folios. Almost without exception,however,they arepairedso that a single design and color schemearemaintainedon both sides of anygiven opening.This insistenceon the visual coherenceof an opening departsfrom the practiceof the imperial workshop,which, asoftenas not, pairedbordersbearinggeometricmedallions with those havinganimatedesigns. The Berlin Khamsaof AmZrKhusraw

The BerlinKhamsa,which now hasaboutfiftymorefolios thanthe Panj Ganj, displaysan even more impressiveset of borders.The Khamsadisplaysthirtyone differentdesignswith the samekinds of imagery,density, and colorvariations as those in the Panj Ganj. This consistencyis more than coincidental; indeed,eight of the Khamsabordersareactuallyidenticalto thosefoundin the workshopemployedthe samestencilsin two PanjGanj.That 'Abdal-Rahhim's manuscriptsseparatedby more than a decadeconfirmsour expectationsthat purelydecorativeelementswould changeless rapidlythan artists'individual painting styles. The forty-fourdifferentbordersemployedby 'Abdal-Rahim'satelierin the two manuscriptsreveala design processwhich was unlike that of the imperial illuminators.To judge from the borderilluminations of three of the highest quality imperial manuscriptsof the I59os, imperial artists limited their use of stencils to geometricmedallions,and renderedthe moreplentiful and complicatedoutcrops,animals,and figureswithout resortingto this device.I3While artistsof the imperialworkshoppressedstencils into serviceto

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218.

Border decoration with birds and flowers. Khamsaof Amir Khusraw.ca. i6io-iI. Staatsbibliothekzu Berlin, Or. fol. I278, f. 23a. 3I.6 x 2I cm.

It

it

determinethe structureand size of an individualmedallion,they did not use them to fixthe positionof thesemotifseitherin relationto eachotherorwithin the overalldesign of the border.In short,they built up the borderdecorations of contemporaryimperial manuscriptsfrom a series of discrete motifs producedfromsmall stencils. 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsapproachedthe design of theseborderpatternsin a farmorecomprehensivefashion.All the elementsof a given borderwereapparentlycut into a single sheet of paper,which was applied to the whole surface of the border.Such a sheet stencil would have compelled the atelier to makethe new bordersof the PanjGanjandKhamsathe samesize, which might

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Because accountfor the nearlyidenticaldimensionsof the two manuscripts.14 a full-scalesheet stencil was designedto fill the bordersof a regulartext folio, any significantexpansionof the areanormallyoccupiedby the text disrupted some elementsin the design. This is evident in two examplesfromthe Berlin Khamsawith illuminationsor illustrationswhich extendinto the usualborder area.In Figure 194, the upper band of the 'unwdancausedboth ducks in the uppermarginto be truncated;likewise,the prisontowerthat soarsbeyondthe confinesof the areareservedfor the text or a standardillustrationafflictedone of the pairof birdsin a similarmanner(fig. 201). The elongatedsarlawhof the Panj Ganjprovokeda moreradicaladaptation of an establisheddesign (fig. 213). The stencil that providedthe basisfor this borderdesign is knownfromthirty-sevenotherexamplesin the PanjGanj and thirteenfolios in the Khamsa(fig. 218).These bordersareabsolutelyconsistent in composition, regardlessof whether the stencil was applied to the recto(sideA) orverso(sideB) of a folio. The stencilwassimply reversedso that the broadverticalpartof the stencilalwaysfell on the outermarginof the folio. Naturally,all the motifs would also be reversed,and thus would facethe opposite direction.

The bordersof the Panj Ganj sarlawhdeviate from this logical use of a sheet stencil, which ensuredthe visual symmetryof an opening. The lower bordermaintainsthe motifs of the Khamsaborder:a swoopingbirdconfronted by a menacingleaf,two long symmetricalfrondsrisingfroma clusterof stems and flowers,and a large cranebeating its wings. Yet unlike all the other examples of this design, this first folio of the Panj Ganj kept these motifs oriented in the same directionas they were when the stencil was applied to the rectoof a folio, when they would normallybe the mirrorreverseof Figure218. The processgrowsstill morecuriousas we follow the design up the outerborder. There,we find a floweringplant with threelargeleavesseen in profile,a bird turnedbackupon itself, facing right, and a secondfloralensemble.This same sequenceof motifs appearsin the outer borderof the Khamsafolio. Yet once again the two sequencesaresimilarlyorienteddespite their presenceon opposite sides of their respectiveopenings. The match between the two borders collapsesin the uppercorner,not coincidentallyabout wherethe diagonal bandof text on the Panj Ganjends. Finally,althoughit is obviousthat the narrowupperand innerbordersof the Panj Ganjbearno resemblancewhatsoever to the correspondingareasof the Khamsaborder,we realizeonly slowly that the left half of the Panj Ganj folio's upper borderrepeatsa plant motif fromits lowerborder. The perplexing discontinuities of this example suggest that the artist brokedown the integrityof the stencil in this instanceto accommodatethe reducedsize of the upperborder.Mostprobablyhe did this by repositioningthe stencil three times so that the design of its lower and outer borderscould be transferredseparately.Yet this example also opens the possibility that the

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basic unit of the stencil was not a single full-scalesheet, but four physically separatebandswhose designs interlockedeasilyaroundthe normaltext area. Differencesin the detailing of these two examplesshed some light on how these stencils wereactuallyused. The sheet or strip formatof the stencils ensured a uniform configurationof motifs. Using brush and ink, 'Abd alRahim'sartistsquickly tracedthe cutout shapesof the stencil. But the multiple versionsthat these shapesassumeon variousfolios indicatethat the artists were content to coax from the stencils only general forms, which they later nurturedinto distinctivespeciesof leaves,insects,andbirds.In the lowerborder of these same two folios, for example, the frondsare alternatelythin or thick, andthe birdin the lowerright hasan elongatedorstumpytail. Whereas the lowerof the two floweringplantsin the outerborderof the Khamsafeatures a thin twisted form and a bird perchedon a triangularleaf, the sameplant in the Panj Ganjproducesa downturnedbirdgraspinga stem, anda leafwith an extrapetalwherethe firstbirdoncestood.Ultimately, then, it wasthe careand inventivenessthat artistsbroughtto the finalstageof the processthatprovided a measureof creativityto even the most tightly prescribedaspect of manuscript illumination. The bordersof the Panj Ganj and the Khamsadiffer in two interesting technicalaspects.The first is that the backgroundcolor of the Khamsafolios was often applied in a much streakiermanner,with long wiping marksstill visible. Paradoxically,this is especiallytrue when the backgroundcolor was light, andwould not haverequiredmuchpigment to producean opaquefield. This kind of technicalirregularitycontinuedoccasionallyin the firstlayerof colorappliedto the motifs proper.The darkblue favoredin most designswas quite susceptibleto bleeding, which can be seen, forexample,in the foliageof FiguresI97 and 202. The randomposition of these flawedpassagespoints not so much to later water damage as to carelesshandling of secondarystencils while the paint was still wet. Second,formost of the Khamsaborders,'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsreturned to a traditionaltechniqueof adding bits of coloredpaperto supplycertaindetails of the design. The differencebetween this applique technique and the applicationof colorsby stencil or by handin the Panj Ganjis a subtleone. The latterapproachmust haveencouragedthe useof variouscolorswithin the overall design as well as gradationswithin individualformssuch as a bird'sbody or wings. By contrast, the more time-consuming technique of the Khamsa probablyoccasioneda reductionin the numberof internaldetailsrenderedby patchesof coloredpaper.The patchesthemselvesare strongerand more uniform in color;indeed, borderswith details in two colors,such as FiguresI97 and 201oi, arequite exceptionalin the Khamsa.The abruptedges of the patches, which aredetectableboth physicallyandvisually,furtheraccentuatethe pronouncedshapesand contoursof variousmotifs, such as segments of wings or flowers.15

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The structure of the Khamsamanuscript provided 'Abd al-Rahim's artistswith good reasonto abandonstencilsaltogetherin the decorationof certain pages. Without exception, the freehanddesigns appearon transitional pages or folios between the end of one of the Khamsa'spoems and the beginning of another.Lackinga text panelat their core,these six folios would have been ill-servedby standardborderdesigns, which wereorganizedaroundthe rectangularareacustomarilyreservedfor the text. The workshop'sresponseto this challengedemonstrateshow little their decorativeinstinctswereconstrainedby the formalismof stencilledborderdesigns. 'Abd al-Rahim'sartiststreatedthe panel usuallyoccupiedby the text and the bordersproperas one continuousfield, even when the two areaswere distinguishedphysicallyby paperand color.The workshopgenerallydid not take advantageof the expanded field to increasethe scale of the birds and plants;indeed, the sole exceptionto this conservativeapproachis folio 44a of the Khamsa,which featuresa flying cranewhosebodyandwingspangrowwell beyondthose of a nearlyidentical creaturefound in one borderdesign in the Panj Ganj. The atelier'sdecorativerepertoirechangedonly slightly in these open-fielddesigns. On one folio (f. I7Ia),a tiny two-storybuilding - a motif knownfromthe Rdmaiyana and the Khamsa- is installedbehinda ridge in the uppercorner,a positionwhich invokesthe notionof a horizonandthus betrays a pictorialorigin. But for the most part, these designs areentirelyfamiliar,as ducks and other fowl flit among the usual assortmentof plants. Some motifs straycarelesslyacrossthe nominal boundaryseparatingthe borderfrom the centralpanel,declaringin both positionandpose theirphysicalindependence fromthe stencils that shapedtheir counterpartsin ordinaryKhamsaborders. Perhapsbecausetheirimageryis so similar,the freehanddesignsdrawattention to some fundamental,but easily overlookedfeaturesof the stencilled borders.A pairof overlappingcranesin one design points up the total absence of overlappingcreaturesin the stencilledborders,a featurewhich underscores the latter'srelentlessvisual clarity(fig. 195).Likewise,the meticulousdetailing in gold of all forms in the freehanddesigns contrastsmarkedlywith the simplerdetailing, strongercontours,and bright colorsof the borders- all of which impart an overwhelminglydecorativequality to the borders.Finally, the sudden appearanceof an unusuallymuted bordertreatmentof an illustratedfolio at this point in the Khamsacomes almost as a relieffrom the raucous assertivenessof the stencilled borders,whose visual dominanceover the illustrationsis truly a radicalinnovationwithin the Islamictradition. The BerlinKhamsafollows the model of the Panj Ganjin two otherareas of illumination.On fourfolios, 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsfilled the empty triangular spacescreatedby the obliquely written lines of text with abstractilluminations.'6The selection of these particularfolios for embellishmentwith minute colorfulpatternswas hardlyan arbitrarymatter.In eachcase,the illuminated page immediately precedesan illustration, appearingonce on the reverseof an illustratedfolio, but morecommonlydirectlyoppositethe illus-

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219.

Folio with miniaturepaintings and borderdecorations. Khamsaof Amir Khusraw.ca. i6io-iI. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. 1278, f. 73b. 31.6 x

tration.17Hence, aside from the 'unwins, whose position is restricted to the beginning of major text sections, the illuminations in the Khamsa functioned exclusively as a rich visual prelude to the paintings. Another decorative interest seen in the Panj Ganj resurfacestwice in the Khamsa(fig. 2I9). Once again, the irregular configuration of text on a page provides the opportunity for one of 'Abd al-Rahim's artists to indulge his predilection for decorative flourishes, this time in animated form. Tiny birds peck and prowl among the triangular crevices in the text area, while aquatic fowl splash about in the two diamond-shaped ponds formed cleverly in the center of the page. Together with the addition of gold around every line of text, these birds assume the same role as the illuminations above, that is, they build up to the decorative climax of an illustration."8The inherently subordinate re-

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2I cm.

lationshipof two differenttypes of illuminationsto illustrationsconfirmsour expectationsof the primacyof the latterin the hierarchyof decoration. The Laud Rdgamald

A new set of decorativeborderpatternsappearsin the LaudRagamaldAlbum. Surroundingapaintingascribedto KalaPahara,anartistknownfromhis work in the Rdmdyana, is a borderwhichevokesthe compositionandstyle of the borders of the Panj Ganj and BerlinKhamsa(fig. 176). In the lower border,two ducksfloatby plantswith stringystems andlargeblossoms;in the upperborder, two compactbirdsaremounted on long gracefulstems. Contraryto our expectations,however,this borderdoes not match any of the bordersof the Panj GanjorKhamsa.Nor is its strikingcolorcombination,a dull purpleover a pale ochrefield, foundin any otherborder. This kind of minorinnovationwithin a well-defineddecorativeaesthetic continues in four other folios in the LaudRdgamaldAlbum. Two folios (ff. 4ob-4Ia) maintainidenticalbordersacrossan opening, therebyfollowing the practiceseen in the Panj Ganjand Khamsa,but again supplementthe known decorativerepertoirewith the depictionof a simurghin the upperoutercorner, and a fantasticcreaturebelow. Anotherfolio (f. 38a)assemblesthe stock motifs of two runningdeerand largeflying birdsinto yet anothernew configuration, and rendersthem in the novel combinationof green on red. An unremarkableassortmentof birds, flowers,and rocks in the bordersof folio z6b constitutes the finaladdition to the corpusof borderpatternsin the atelier's holdings, bringing it to a total of forty-eightseparatestencils.i9 Bookbindings

No book was complete without a binding. Most Islamic manuscriptswere boundbetweentwo boardscoveredin thick leather,andhadthe exposededge of the book opposite the spine protectedby an additionaltriangularflap attached to the back cover. The leather covers were usually decoratedwith stampeddesignsof medallionsandotherpatternsdrawnfromcarpets,oftenin the arrangementof a central lozenge surroundedby smaller cornerpieces. Other manuscriptshad pasteboardcoversadornedwith coloredornamental designsorpictorialscenes,presumablydesignedandexecutedby paintersand then preservedunderlayersof lacquer.Since the binding was the part of the manuscriptmost susceptibleto damage,it was often replacedwhen the book was rebound. the Timzirndma,andthe BeattyPanj Unfortunately,the FreerRdmdyana, Ganjarenot among the few Islamicmanuscriptsto haveretainedtheiroriginal bindings. The firsttwo havebeen reboundin nondescriptmodernleather bindings, but the Panj Ganjis now adornedwith splendidlacquerpanels,albeit ones gracedby the typically saccharinebirds and flowersof nineteenthcenturyPersia.The binding of the BerlinKhamsais a moremodestaffair.Two nearlyfull-size lacquerpanels with identical floraldesigns are set into the

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modern blue leatherbinding as doublures(the inside face of a book cover). These doubluresfeaturedense arabesquesissuing from a centralflower.The all-overdesign and minute detailing of the foliageareveryunlike the borders of the Khamsamanuscript,and appearto be eighteenth-centurywork.20 The British LibraryShahndmaprovidesa glimpse of the technicalskill and creativeability of'Abd al-Rahim'sworkshopin bookbinding.Set into an eighteenth-centurytooled leatherframe,the slightly damagedoriginalcovers aredecoratedin a techniquewhich is relativelyunusualforpictorialbindings (figs. 220-21). Its finely detailed images are renderednot in paint, as are the outer faces of the finest contemporaryimperial manuscripts, but in gold alone.2'This techniquewasseenearlierin the freehanddesignson the foliosbetween the poems of the Berlin Khamsa,and aroundthe one illustration(fig. 195).Whereasthe golden formson those folios are barelylegible against the pinkishpaper,herethey standout vividly againstthe blackbackgroundof the outer coversand the deep red of the inner covers.The result is a particularly luxuriouscombinationof the developedpictorialsettings that we haveseenin the illustrationsof severalof 'Abdal-Rahim'smanuscriptsand the decorative motifs common in the illuminated borders of the Panj Ganj and Berlin Khamsa. The front coverof the manuscriptis filled with a seriesof vignettes (fig. The foregroundis dominated by a scene of a snarling lion poised to attacka water buffalo.The arcof the two large creaturesis echoed by an undulating riverbankwhich delimits this firstzone of the composition.Beyond the riverand its ubiquitous waterfowl,the landscapebreaksdown into ever 220).

smallervisual units. The S-shapedcentralsection includes a cluster of rocks framinga lion in an impossiblytwistedpose, a damagedareasupportinga pair of gazelles,anda tall, boulder-cappedoutcropservingas a pedestalforan ibex. Above this is a trio of swooping birds surroundedby trees and a miniature cityscape.These elements,which connotedistanceby sky and scale,normally occupythe uppermoststretchesof a composition.But herethe artistseemsto haveunderestimatedthe amountof spaceat his disposal,andbroughtthe composition to a prematureend with the miniaturecityscape.Thus he was compelled to begin anothercompositionalsequence,which is organizedby two intersectingridgesspanningthe compositionalfield.The open spacesbelow are filledwith pairsof runningdeerandoversizedrabbits,and threemoreclusters of buildings and treesarewedged into the narrowstrip above. The artistemploysmuch the sameimageryon the rearcover(fig. 221). A lion andan Indianbull, now considerablysmallerin size, areactivelyengaged in combat,as if to realizethe classicconfrontationof beastscommencedon the frontcover.Meanwhile,the ibex resumeshis perch,a pair of mountaingoats pose front to back,and two deerbound awayin the upperright. The composition followsa developmentsimilarto that of the mainpartof the frontcover, with a toweringoutcropspouting a waterfalland a rock-linedrivermeander-

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220. (above,left) Front cover. i6i6 Shahnama.British Library, Add.

5600. 30 x I6.7 cm.

30 x i6.7 cm.

composition to the rearcover by positioning the massive outcrop along the left edge, that is, closest to the spine, and the airier parts toward the open edge of

(above,right) Rearcover.I616Shdhndma. BritishLibrary,Add. 5600. 221.

ing across the field. But the artist demonstrates a painter's eye as he tailors the

the book. And even as he avoids the pitfall of the front cover by maintaining a relatively constant scale across the composition, he takes pains to fill potential voids with an assortment of trees and fronds. Although the Ma'dsir-i Rahimi singles out Muhammad Husayn and Muhammad Amin for their mastery in bookbinding, these gold-painted scenes were surely created by one of'Abd al-Rahim's painters. In the absence of figures, the rocks and ridges on both covers and the flap are the most distinctive elements. The combination of broad, heavily outlined arcs of the ridges with a series of leaf-ringed rocks is a favorite device of Kamal, who contributed many illustrations to the Shdhndma.Yet the closest comparison to these covers is not a painting in the Shdhndmamanuscript itself, but a work ascribed to Kamal in the Razmndma,its contemporary counterpart.22This unexpected correspondence suggests that the Persianate mode used by all of'Abd

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al-Rahim'sartists in the illustrations of the Shdhndmatext was not carried throughto the decorationof the coversof the manuscript.Painting alonewas apparentlydeemedto possessthe generalconnotativecapacitythat I havedescribed;conversely,bordersand bindings, whoserelationshipto the text is inherently more physical than interpretative,were probablyconsideredpure decoration,and thus incapableof enhancinganything but the materialpresence of the book. Accordingly,their imagerywas more catholic in scope, inand Indianwater buffalo,as well as swarmsof cluding both Persianstmurghs birds,and theirstyle wasless susceptibleto the pressuresof self-consciousculturalpoles. The doubluresof the Shahndmapresent no such conceptualdifficulties, for they clearlyenlist a series of discrete motifs drawnexclusively from the repertoireof motifs employedin borderdecoration(fig. 222). The most obvious of these is a largecranewith outstretchedwings bendingto stabat the watersthat it patrols.This verysamemotif appearsin one of the most commonly used bordersin the Panj Ganj and Berlin Khamsa,albeit in a more central position in the field and without a developedpond as a setting (fig. 202). The tall standingcraneoppositeandthe two birdsclinging to largeblossomsabove are excerptsof still other borderpatternsin these manuscripts.The isolation of individualmotifs hereparallelstheiruse in the decorationof the foliosat the end of eachpoem of the Khamsa.Once again, the use of a stencil is a possibil222. ity, though the selectionof individualmotifs fromthe well-establisheddecoDoublure of the front cover. I6i6 Shdhndma.British rative sequencesof separatesheet patterns would be yet a third mannerin Library, Add. 5600. 29 x I6.7 cm. which these known stencilswereadapted.It seemsmorelikely, however,that in both these casesand in the amalgamof equallyfamiliarimages above,the motifs are really freehandversions of a stock repertoireof birds and plants createdby membersof 'Abd al-Rahim'satelier. Indeed, the appearanceof a slightly modifiedpairof cranes,renderedin a greatlyreducedscalein the lower right of the rearcoverof the manuscript,suggests that paintersand illuminators not only sharedshareda commonvocabularyof motifs, but also set about using it in similarways. Artists such as Kamil and MuhammadAmin, who wasprobablyreponsibleforthe bordersof the PanjGanjandthe Khamsa,both adapteda growing set of forms and motifs developedby the atelier in their work,arrangingin endlesslyvariedcombinationsvisualunits as largeas riverine settings or as small as a single crane.In the end it was the formalconventions of their ultimate destination- whetherpainting, border,or cover- that probablydictatedsuchpracticalmattersas the additionof figuresand the use of stencils, and determinedmore generallythe degree of complexity and coherencethat the artistwas expectedto achieve.

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Notes

I

See Chapter2, note 72, for a physical descriptionof the ChesterBeatty Librarymanuscript.

2

Of the seven poems that constitute the full text of Jaml's Haft Awrang(The Seven Thrones), the Beatty manuscript omits the poems of Silsilat al-Zahaband Layla wa Majnzn.Suhbatal-Abrdrbegins in the innersectionoff. ib; Tuhfatal-Ahrdrcommences on the outer bandof the same folio. Yusufwa Zulaykhdstartsin the outer band of text on f. 46b andendson f. i45b, whereit yields to Saldmdnwa Absal.The illuminatedheadwhich was the folio missing betweenff. I02 IskandarZ, ing of the poem of Khiradndma-yi and 103in the manucript,was sold at Christie's(London)on i8 OctoberI994, lot 9, and is now in the Benkaimcollection.

3

See AppendixE fora translationofJahangir'snote acknowledgingreceiptof the manuscript in I624-25.

4

Useful comparisonsmay be drawn to the Royal Asiatic Society Gulistdnof Sa'di (Ms. Pers.5)datedI582-83,the ChesterBeattyLibraryDiwin of Hafiz(P. I50) of ca. I6oo, and the "Bute"Diwdnof Hafizdated I604-05 (BLOr. 14139).

5

One exception to this generalrule is the figureof Yusuf, identifiedby his courtlydress and flaminghalo, on f. 5oa,whose outer band of text containsJami's poem of Yusufwa Zulaykha.

6

An opening is a term used to indicatetwo pages of opposing folios, e.g., 36b-37a.

7

A courtieron f. 36b receivesthe gesture of obeisanceof a supplicanton f. 37a.

8

I am gratefulto CatherineBenkaimandLindaLeachfor bringing this date to my attention.

9

SeeLosty,"The'ButeHafiz'andthe developmentof borderdecorationin the manuscript studio of the Mughals,"BurlingtonMagazine127,no. 993 (DecemberI985):855-71.

10

See especiallyff. 2b and 3aof the BLShahndma.These formsmay be contrastedwith the much more structuredones of the original illumination of the BerlinKhamsa(fig. 192). Additional illuminationsappearin the outer bandof text on ff. Ia, 46b, and I45bof the Panj Ganj.

II

Catchwords,which arethe firstwordor two of the text on the following page, arealways written in the lower marginof side B of a given folio. A desireto preserveeven snippets of Mir 'Ali'swriting probablymotivatedthe atelierto removethe catchwordsin this deliberatemanner.Yet the confusionthat inevitablyoccurredwhen the catchwordswere physically removedfrom the folios must have underminedtheir original function. Indeed, some were lost and were rewrittendirectlyon the new borders.

12

BodleianLibrary,Ms. Elliott 254.SeeLosty,TheArt oftheBookin India,no. 64, andidem, "The 'Bute Hafiz."'The signatureof Mansur,a painter who becameprominent under Jahangir,appearsat the bottom centerof the sarlawhproper.The 27 ascriptionsin the

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bordersof the Baharistdnmake it possible to attributemost borderdesigns in this manuscriptand its immediate contemporaries.There is no reasonto believe that this Madhavais the sameartistwhose work appearsin the I616Shdhndma. 13

The 1595BodleianBahdristanof Jami, the 1595BL Khamsaof Nizami, and the 1597-98 Walters Art GalleryKhamsaof Amir Khusraw.

14

Khamsafolios measure31.6X 2I cm., with a text areaof 16.2 x io.8 cm. Thesedimensions compareclosely to thoseof the PanjGanj,with measurements of 32.2 x 20.1 cm. andI7.4 x 9 cm. respectively.There is no discernibledifferencein the completenessof the border designs.

15

This same applique technique appearsunexpectedlyin the wings of the birds in Fazl's illustrationsof the HindolaRdga(fig. I69).

i6

Folios I46b, I47a, and I52a-b.

17

The illumination on f. I47a is linked to the illustrationon the folio's reverse(fig. 201).

i8

The orangestainson the upper,inner,andlowersectionsof the text indicatethe onetime presenceof an illustrationimmediatelyopposite.This deficiencyis corroboratedby a gap in the text, which describesthe arrivalof an old woman beforeShirinas she and Khusrawlie unconscious.

19

A drawingin the IndianMuseum, Calcutta(RS 553)may be anotherstencilled product of 'Abd al-Rahim's atelier. It measures40 x 25.5 cm., making it slightly larger than those used in the Panj Ganj and Khamsamanuscripts.

20

See DavidJames, Qur'ansand BindingsfromtheChesterBeattyLibrary(London:World of Islam FestivalTrust, I980), no. 100, for a comparablebinding.

2I

For example, the I595British LibraryKhamsaof Nizami and the 1597-98 Walters Art GalleryKhamsaof Amir Khusraw.Referencesto both manuscriptsareprovidedin Losty, TheArt of theBookin India,nos. 65-66.

22

Barrettand Gray, Indian Painting,p. io6, reproducethe Razmnamapainting (British MuseumI958 7-12-019). The ridge of FigureI73 also bears a strong resemblance to those of the covers.

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VII 'Abd al-Rahim as a Patron

The elaborate paintings, illuminations, and borders of the seven manuscripts discussed in this study make it clear that the acquisition, restoration, and production of fine copies of various texts by 'Abd al-Rahim's library establishment were means for the Khankhanan to indulge his exceptionally keen interest in poetry and literature. But does this adequately summarize the nature of'Abd al-Rahim's patronage of art? Is there reason to believe that he ever considered paintings to be something more than the mere material embellishment of the written word - the true realm of human intellectual and creative energies? By way of addressing this fundamental issue, let us review the context in which images appeared, the selection of texts to be illustrated, and the relationship of 'Abd al-Rahim with his team of painters. First, although most of the images we have examined fall within the purview of manuscript illustrations, the presence of twelve independent paintings in the Laud Ragamdld Album and the existence of two others by the Khankhanan's artists leave little doubt that 'Abd al-Rahim valued paintings in their own right. But for what kinds of qualities? These images, which are greatly outnumbered by calligraphic specimens in the Laud RdgamaldAlbum, include such prosaic scenes as a hawk attacking a duck, a nude woman, and a woman with a musical instrument (fig. I74). These works offer no obvious intellectual meaning in themselves and, aside from the scene of Hamza slaying a dragon (fig.

22),

lack

any reference to literature, which customarily provides a crucial layer of meaning. In this context, paintings were probably viewed primarily as marvels of craftsmanship. As objects of aesthetic contemplation, then, paintings of such obviously banal subjects would resemble the isolated aphoristic phrases that generally form the substance of calligraphy: frequently trite in themselves, they were elevated to the level of art primarily by their sheer technical virtuosity. The independent images in the Laud Rdgamdald Album rarely rise above traditional subject matter, with only a scene of an anthropomorphic swing representing a uniquely Indian theme. We see only the barest trace of the new genres pioneered in the imperial atelier at the end of the sixteenth century, such as portraits or natural history paintings, and nothing of the court's sophisticated adaptation of European symbolism of the second decade of the seventeenth century. The very traditionalism of these stray subjects is testimony that 'Abd al-Rahim's workshop lagged behind its imperial counterpart in visual imagination as well as in technical skill.

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What does 'Abd al-Rahim's choice of texts to receive illustrations tell us about the direction and depth of his interest in the visual arts? 'Abd al-Rahim's range of interests in visual matters appears to have been much more limited than his literary taste. His avid sponsorship of contemporary poets notwithstanding, no contemporary text was adorned with paintings. Likewise, for all the poets who composed qasidas in 'Abd al-Rahim's honor, no supplicant painter was ever moved to fashion a visual tribute to his prospective benefactor. And despite the examples of the illustrated versions of the Akbarndmaand Jahaingirndma,'Abd al-Rahim refrained from commissioning paintings to accompany the description of his own life and triumphs in the Ma'dsir-i Rahimi.' Courtly protocol cannot have been more than a very minor factor in 'Abd alRahim's reticence to use pictorial means to celebrate himself, for it did not curb the conspicuous egotism of the unprecedented full-length biography that he alone among the nobility presumed to commission. Nor did it restrain another important Mughal noble, Zafar Khan, from using images for this selfpromoting purpose about twenty years later, when he ordered a dozen illustrations added to a volume of verses which he composed to record his life.2 In short, although 'Abd al-Rahim maintained a large group of painters within his library establishment, he was generally content to experience paintings through the mediation of literature, and displayed a relative indifference to the power of images in their own right. Most of 'Abd al-Rahim's illuminated manuscripts were copies of texts often illustrated in the Islamic world. Two of the best-known texts in his library, the Shdhnama and the Khamsa of Amir Khusraw, already contained paintings at the time they were obtained by 'Abd al-Rahim, and so do not manifest a conscious decision on his part to add images. In both cases, 'Abd alRahim's true exercise of patronage was his tacit approval of his workshop's refurbishment of these defective two manuscripts in a careful but ambitious manner, even to the point of covering over the older illustrations or adding dedicatory or decorative paintings where no images had been. The former course of action in particular reflects 'Abd al-Rahim's high estimation of the skill of his own artists, as well as some disregard for the merit of paintings from an earlier time. The Khankhanan was not unique among Mughal patrons in this respect, for even undamaged manuscripts were frequently retouched by Mughal painters, especially during Jahangir's reign.3 'Abd al-Rahim's workshop also supplied illustrations to the Timgrnama, a somewhat less common historical text. Once again, his artists filled in spaces originally reserved for paintings and left vacant when the manuscript was written some ninety years earlier by Mahmud ibn Ishaq Siyawushani, a notable calligrapher whose writing is among the examples collected in the Laud Ragamala Album. With the number and subjects of the illustrations predetermined, the atelier had little choice as to the type of scenes they produced, but somewhat more latitude in the style they selected. The Panj Ganj presented a different situation. As was the case with the Yisuf wa Zulaykhd man-

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uscript given to Jahangir,the remarkablerenownof the calligrapherSultan 'All probablyplayeda majorrole in the initial decision to summonartiststo embellish the Panj Ganj manuscript.The blank triangularspacesalong its outer text column were too small to accommodateany sort of narrativeillustration,but they did arousethe decorativeinstincts of the atelier,which producedinnocuouspaintingsof individualbirdsandanimalsalongsidethe more ornamentaldesigns of the borders. The one truly innovativeaspectof 'Abd al-Ralhim'spatronageof the visualartswashis sympatheticresponseto Akbar'sdirectiveto havecopiesmade of importantHindu texts in orderto promotereligious and social goodwill. The Khankhananwas not the sole memberof the nobility to own suchmaterial, but he was in a uniqueposition to implement this policy actively.Unlike the Islamic texts discussed above, these illustrated copies of the Persian were new commissions, which meant that Rdmdyanaand the Mahdbhdrata 'Abd al-Rahim or a member of his library staff was free to choose which episodeswould receivethe emphasisof illustrations. In this respect,however,the Khankhanan'sworkshopprovedto be quite unoriginal,adheringclosely to the cycle of images of the presentationcopies of the two texts, whicharenow inJaipur.This generalimitationof specificimperialmodels may havebeen perceivedas a formof flattery,but it was almost certainlyinstigatedasa practicalmeansof expeditingthe designphaseof'Abd al-Rahim'stwo Hindu projects.Curiously,the imperialartistswho illustrated the I594 Rimdyanaandthe I598-99 Razmndma did not availthemselvesof this contrivance, though they must have had easier access to the presentation copies.Yet 'Abdal-Rahim'sartistsdid not extendthis derivativerelationship to the twoJaipurmanuscriptsbeyondthe subjects of the illustrations.This suggests that a memberof the librarytook note of the episodesthat had been illustrated in the Jaipur manuscript, and conveyed this information to the scribe,who systematicallyinterruptedhis writing of the text at the prescribed points in the narrative.ApartfromGhulam 'All, who had been involvedon a limited basis in the illustrationof the imperialRaimdayana, 'Abd al-Rahim's artistsprobablyhad little or no opportunityto referto the imperialillustrations themselves.Their own visual formulationsof the variousepisodes are generallysimple but fresh,and show no formaldebt to the paintings of the That 'Abdal-Rahimtwice sponsoreda manJaipurRamdyanaandRazmndma. uscript with a series of illustrations parallel to that of Akbar's own copy demonstratesthat the cycle of imagesin a given Mughalmanuscriptis an unreliableindicatorof a patron'saestheticinterests. 'Abdal-Rahim'sone forayinto Indiansubjectmatterwithout an imperial visualprecedentas a modelwashis partialset of Rdgamaldpaintings.These allusive paintings, which representa highly codifiedIndian system of emotional states, are consonantwith the Khankhanin'sown poetical interest in Hindi.

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Morerevealingthanthe mereselectionof Indiansubjectsis the visualinterpretationgiven to them by 'Abd al-Rahim'spainters,who certainlyemand phasizedthe entertainingnarrativeaspectof the storiesof the Ramaya.na Razmndma,just as their imperial counterpartshad done before them. Like artistseverywhere,they preferredto adapta stock compositionaltype to the episodeat hand,grafting only as many detailson to the main structureof the painting as was necessary.For the Rdmdyanaand Razmndma,they enlisted minoriconographicfeatures- costumes,architecture,andthe occasionalidentifying attributeof a divinity - as cues to the Indiansetting of the action.This approachhad been employedeffectivelyby imperialartists,who imparteda flavorof geographicaland temporalremotenessto similarscenesin the Jaipur Rdmdyanaand the dispersedJamial-Tawdrikhmerelyby supplyingthe protagonistswith the floralcrownsof Hindu kings in one caseand the feathered headdressesof Mongol chieftainsin the other. Yet 'Abd al-Rahim'sartists used more subtle means as well to distinguish their illustrationsof Indian subjects from those dedicated to Persian themes.As I havedemonstrated,they almostalwaysselecteda simplifiedcomposition, a strongpalette, and a coarsepainting techniquefor indigenousIndian subjects,and reservedtheir most ambitiouscompositionaland coloristic arrangementsfor Persianliterarytexts. These sets of featuresconstitute nothing less than two distinct modesof painting. Their consistentand simultaneous use by virtuallythe entireworkshopis the strongestindicationyet that in 'Abd al-Rahim'scircle, painting style was considereda meaningfulelement, that it was understoodto havethe capacityto lend a resonanceof intellectual associationto the rawimageryof illustration. How did these two modesof painting come to be associatedwith Indian and Persianculturesin 'Abdal-Rahim'slibrary?Thereis only a semblanceof this associationin imperialpainting. It can be discernedin the fact that the most luxuriousimperialMughal manuscriptsof the late sixteenth and early seventeenthcenturiesareinvariablyPersianpoeticaltexts. Evenso, moreroutinely ornamentedcopiesof this literarygenrewereproducedas well. Instead, it seems that the imperialateliervariedits work from manuscriptto manuscriptlargelyby the selectionof talentassignedto the projectand the amount of time artistsweredirectedto investin theirpaintings,ratherthanby anyprescribedcorrespondenceof mode to subject.The JaipurRam,ayana and Razmnamamanuscripts,for example, cannot be distinguished stylistically from most illustratedcopies of Mughal historicaltexts of the I58osand 159os,and standout primarilyby virtue of their unusualimagery. The associationof certainmodes of painting with subjectsdefinedprimarily in geo-culturalterms becomesmore pronouncedin the more limited numberof manuscriptsproducedfor 'Abdal-Rahim.Although the inclusion of Hindu literatureamong the texts to be acquiredand illustratedby his libraryshould be seen as part of a generaltrend in PopularMughal painting, 'Abd al-Rahim'spersonalinterestin Indianculturesurelyfosteredthe accep-

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tance of an Indianvisual aestheticas well. This phenomenonwas also the result of broaderhistoricaldevelopments.As new patronsexhaustedthe supply of formerimperialartists,they recruitedIndianartistswhoseonly trainingwas in indigenousIndianstyles. The Cleveland.Tgtndmais testimony that these two kindsof artistshadcoexistedbrieflyin the imperialatelier,but by the time 'Abdal-Rahim'sworkshopwasformeda generationlater,the tremendousimbalancebetweenthe two groupshad moderatedconsiderably,and the assimilation of the latterwas no longerautomatic. Exposureto this greatbut alien tradition,as it was representedby artists like Fazl, seems to havebroughtabout a new appreciationof the Indianstyle as an aestheticalternative,much as ethnic and naYveart havebeen embraced enthusiasticallyby the West in the late twentieth centuryas complementsto mainstreamartistic traditions. Most of 'Abd al-Rahim's artists were fully capableof working in both manners,though some were clearlymore accomplished in one or the other.Yet since in Islamicculturea painter'sfamemost often restedon his ability to produceexquisiteworkon a scaleminute beyond belief, it is reasonableto concludethat the notion of two modeswas boundup with a confidentsenseof culturalsuperiority,with the refinedPersianaesthetic traditions of the majority of the Mughal ruling class overshadowing the rougher,morevigorousones of their Indiansubjects.Finally,we must admit that only the unusuallydetailed documentationon 'Abd al-Rahim'smanuscriptsallowsus to recognizethe deliberateuse of two distinct modesof painting for what it is; lacking this, we may well have continued to overlookthe coexistenceof manuscriptsillustratedin these two manners,and proposedifferencesin chronology,artists,and patronto accountfor their disparity. Did 'Abd al-Rahimhimself sharethis understandingof style? Our earlier discussionof the staffand holdings of 'Abdal-Rahim'slibraryhasmadeit clearthat 'Abdal-Rahimrarelyeven noted the presenceof paintings,let alone commented upon them directly. Thus we are forced to approachthis issue somewhatmorebroadlyby examiningthe natureof'Abd al-Rahim'sinteraction with his artists. For this, we must rely on his hagiographer,and return oncemoreto the biographicalsketchesof fivepaintersin the Ma'dsir-iRahim. Having studiedall sevenof'Abd al-Rahim'sillustratedmanuscripts,we come to the realizationthat 'Abdal-Baqi'sselectionof artistsas being worthy of discussion probablywould not correspondto our own, which normally would be determinedby the artists'prolificnessor proficiency.To judge from extantvisualevidence,thesefiveartists- Nadim, Bihbud,Mushfiq,Madhava, and Ibrahim- played relativelyminor roles in the actualexecutionof paintings for 'Abd al-Rahim. The chroniclerdoes not seem especiallyconcerned with a descriptionof the currentstateof affairsin the library,forhe focuseshis attention on Nadim and Ibrahim, both of whom he describesas deceased, ratherthan on the morefamiliarfiguresof Fazl,Qasim, and Banavari- all of whom were active at the time when the Ma'adsr-iRahJmiwas written. Moreover, he defies our expectationsthat prior experiencein the imperialatelier

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would accordan artist greaterprestige within 'Abd al-Rahim'satelier, and that this would be reflectedin his remarksaboutthat institution. Of the seven formerimperial artists, 'Abd al-Baqi mentions only Ibrahim,and then primarily becauseof his administrativeposition.4Thus, his abbreviatedlist of paintersseems completelyarbitrary,and in the end tells us little about 'Abd al-Rahim'sown view of his artists.This situationshouldcautionus aboutthe validity of readinga similarlist of artistsin the A'in-i Akbarias a hierarchical rankingof talent in the imperialatelier. How involved was 'Abd al-Rahim with his artists?One quality which 'Abd al-Baqi extols repeatedlyin the Ma'asir-i Rahimiis the transforming effectthat 'Abdal-Rahimhadon all who cameinto contactwith him. He often invokesthe metaphorof alchemyto explainhow the "copperof the talent"of a certain poet or artist became gold under the nurturing eye of the Khankhanan.5 Both Nadim and Mushfiq,for example,are said to have been trainedpersonallyby 'Abdal-Rahim,andwereraisedup to theirlevel of mastery by his attention. Such a fruitful and harmoniousrelationshipbetween artist and patron wouldprobablybe the idealof everypatron,not only becauseit would be likely to produceworkssuitable to his own purposes,but also becauseit would inevitablyandproperlydirectglory to himself.The attractivenessof this conceit certainlydid not escapethe notice of Islamiccourteulogists, who werealways quick to blur the distinction betweenpolitical aspirationand fact. Thus it is no accidentthat this kind of tutelaryrelationshipbetween patronand artist becomesa virtualleitmotif in the briefcontemporaryaccountsof Mughalpatronage.Abu al-Fazl,forexample,claimsthat Akbarhada similareffecton his artists:

Among the forerunnerson this high roadof knowledgeis MirSayyid'All of Tabriz.He had learnta little from his father.When he obtainedthe honourto serveHis Majestyand thus gained in knowledge, he became renownedin his professionand bountiful in good fortune.Next thereis Khwaja'Abdal-Samad,the shirfn qalam(lit., sweetpen/brush)of Shiraz. Though he knew this art beforehe joined the royal service, the transmuting glanceof the king hasraisedhim to a moresublimelevel andhis images havegained a depth of spirit.6 Jahangir,too, offersthe hackneyedcomparisonof his artist Abu al-Hasanto the legendaryBihzad,and assumesdirect responsibilityfor the increasein his artisticskill: At presenthe has no rival or equal. If at this day the masters'Abd-u-lIHayyand Bihzad were alive, they would have done him justice...My connectionwasbasedon my havingrearedhim. Fromhis earliestdaysup

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to the presenttime I havealwayslookedafterhim, till his arthasarrived at this.7 As the strong similarities in language used to describethe relationshipbetween threedifferentpatronsand theirartistsmakeclear,these contemporary remarksare little more than formulaicexpressionsof patronage,and should not be taken literally.One would be misguided to construethem as evidence that 'Abdal-Rahim- or any otherMughalpatron- was directlyand personally involvedwith his artists. Is thereany evidencethat 'Abdal-Rahimwas truly attentiveto the craft of painting?A charminganecdotein a late seventeenth-centurycompendium of poets, the Kalimdtal-Shu'arad, has been cited to demonstratethe Khankhanan'sappreciationfor the subtletiesof painting: They saythat a paintershoweda painting of a womanbathingand a servant rubbingthe sole of herfoot with a pumice-stone.Having drawnup the lead horseman,he (the Khan Khanan)took one glance at the painting, which he put on the palanquin,and went to the privatechamberof the king. Upon returning,he summonedthe painterand orderedthat fivehundredrupeesbe given to him. The paintersaid, "Mypictureis not worth five rupees,but I have employed one artistic device in it. If the nawabdisplaysan understanding(wdqif)of my work,I will accept."[The KhanKhanan]said, "Theartisticdevice is that thereis a pleasantsensation on the foot when it is rubbedwith a pumice-stone,and you have shown a trace of that in the face in this painting." The painter went aroundthe palanquinof that connoisseur(daqiqa-ydb).8 Taken at face value, this story seems to offerconvincingproof that 'Abd alRahim was fully awareof the painter'ssubtle evocationof innocent sensory pleasure,and suggests that he was acutelysensitiveto otherkinds of painting as well. Yet this anecdoteis a much-travelledone. BrijinderNath Goswamy relatesthat a similarexpressionof aestheticappreciationenjoyedwidespread popularityin the PunjabHills, wherea painter'sslight at a wealthyraja'sperfunctoryresponseto his work is laterassuagedby the properlycultivatedresponseof an anonymousgoldsmith.9Ratherthan describinga specificaction of a historicalfigure,then, this anecdoteof connoisseurshipshouldbe regarded as yet anotherimaginative,ahistoricaltribute to 'Abdal- Rahim'sexemplary qualities,which werealreadythe stuff of legend. Fromthe vantagepoint of our own culture,which is so utterly deluged with visual information,it may be difficultto imaginea time when the visual arts held a much less conspicuousposition in society, and did not routinely provokea discriminatingresponsefromeven the most cultivatedpatron.Yet oncewe set asideourown modernpreconceptionsaboutart,we canadmit that this may indeedhavebeen the situationat the Mughalcourtat the beginning

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of the seventeenthcentury.ContemporaryPersianand Mughal historicalaccountsyield few statementsaboutpainting, and togetherthese offeran astonishingly impoverishedcritical vocabulary.Almost without exception, these observationsaddressan artist'ssheertechnicalskill, which most often is measured by his ability to render many forms in a small space, such as on a metaphoricalgrainof rice.'0The rareremarksthatgo beyondthis level aregenerallythoseof othercalligraphersorpainters.This suggeststhat in the Mughal world, paintings were held up to more complex aesthetic judgment only by thosewho wereintimatelyfamiliarwith the actualtechniqueof painting, that is, paintersandtheirsupervisors.Patronsandotherviewersrevelledin the material splendor of art, and were content to laud the incomparablytalented artistsat theirdisposal,orto note occasionallythe subjectsdepicted.But without a developedlanguageto assessartand to describethe changesthey might wish to see, they could exert influenceover the creativeprocessonly by very indirectmeans.They might rewardan individualartistwith specialremuneration, for example,but such a gesturewould still leaveit to the painterto decide which qualities had elicited the patron'sappreciation.Thus, painters would inevitablylook to one anotherforideaswhich they coulduse to improve their work still further,and therebycontinue to benefit from their patron's favor. 'Abd al-Rahim was not alone in the relative detachment that he displayedtowardthe atelier.His supportof as manyas twenty-onepaintersover a periodof somethirtyyearsleavesno doubt that paintingwasan integralpart of his culturalinterests.He probablyapplaudedthe finestworkhis workshop could produceon manuscriptswhich he held most dearby reasonof theirsubject and calligraphers,and maywell havebeen led to appreciatethe fact that a suitablepainting style hadbeenemployed.But it is almostcertainthat he had nothing to do with the conceptionof these two modes in painting. This distinction surelyoriginatedin the workshopitself, whereartistswereconstantly involved with the formalelements of painting, and collectively honed their use.

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Notes

I

is discussedin Beach,"Jahangir'sJahdngir-Nama," pp. TheJahangirndma 224-34; and idem,The ImperialImage,pp. I72-73.

2

SeeLosty,TheArt of theBookin India,no. 83.

3

See Seyller,"RecycledImages:Overpaintingin EarlyMughal Art," in SheilaCanby,ed., Humayun'sGardenParty.Princesof theHouseof Timur and Early Mughal Painting (Bombay: Marg Publications, 1994), pp. 49-80.

4

The artistswith experiencein the imperialworkshopare'Abdullah,Banavari,Bhagavati,Ghulam 'Ali, Ibrahim,Kamal,and SyamaSundara.

5

Schimmel, "A Dervish in the Guise of a Prince,"p. 216. Naik, 'Abdu'rand His LiteraryCircle,p. 203, relatesan anecdote RahimKhdn-i-Khanan in which a womanrubbeda tin panagainstthe Khankhananto see if this metaphor were literally true.

6

SeeNaim's translationof this sectionof the A'?n-iAkbar in Chandra,The .T.ti-Ndma,p. 183.

7

Tzuzuk-i-Jahdngir-2:20.

8

Muhammad Afzal Sarkhwush, Kalimdt al-Shu'ard,ed. Muhammad Husayn Mahvi (Madras:University of Madras,I95I), pp. 65-66. For a looser translationof this story, see Haq, "The Khan Khananand His Painters," pp. 622-23.

9

BrijinderNath Goswamy,"ThePainterNainsukh and His PatronBalwant Singh,"in BarbaraStolerMiller,ed., ThePowersofArt, pp. 242-43.

10

Forexamplesof these remarks,see Chandra,The Tu.t.-Ndma, pp. I79-8I.

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Appendices

I Bibliography

I Glossary

I Index

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Appendix A Illustrations of the Jaipur Rdmdyana

A.G. I85I

PTG.No. I

A fowlerkills a bird and the cry of its mate gives Valmiki the measurein which he composes the Rdmdyana.Artist: KesavaKhurd(Kesavathe younger).

I852

2

I853 I854

4

King Lomapadaattemptsto haveRsyasrngabroughtto his city by sending girls to entice him. Artists:Mukunda,Tara.(fig. 30).

I857

RajaDasarathareceivesRsyasrnga.Artists:Lala,Bhora. Dasarathaperformsa sacrifice.Artists:Lala,Dhanfin(Dhanavan). 5 Brahmansdecoratethe sacrificialpavilion. Artist:Tulasi. 6 Dasarathaperformsthe sacrificefor a son. Artists:Basavana,HusaynNaqqash. 7 A god emergesfromthe firewith a vesselof celestialfood. Artists:Basavana,HusaynNaqqash.

1858

8

1859 i86o

10

Dasarathameets with Vasisthato namehis foursons. Artist: Kesava.

86I

ii

Visvamitratakes Ramaand Laksmanainto the forest.Artists:Bh6ra,Kesava.

I862

I2

Visvamitraexplainsto RamaandLaksmanathe soundproducedat the confluenceof the Sarayuf and Ganges Rivers.Artist: KesavaKhurd. RamaslaysTiraka. Artist: KesavaKalan(Kesavathe elder). The mantragods beg Rama'sleave.Artist:N/A.

I855 I856

3

9

Rsya'srngadepartsafterthe sacrifice.Artist: Bh6ra. Ramais born. Artists:Kesava,KesavaKhurd.

1863

13

I864

I4

I865 I866 1867

I5 Visnu appearsin the dwarfincarnation.Artist: Mindu Kalan. I6 RamaslaysMaricaand Subahu.Artists:Jagana,Isar. I17 The daughtersof Kusanabhatell their fatherhow Vayu has tormentedthem. Artist: Bh6ra.

I868

i8

(fig. 45). The sons of Sagaradig up the white horse.Artist: Ramadasa.

1869

I9

The gods andasuraschurnthe oceanof milk. Artist: Ramadasa.

1870

20

The sacrificeby Indraand the demonsproducesthe divine nectar.Artist: Ramadasa.

187I

21

Indra meets Diti. Artist: Parasa.

I872

22

Indradestroysthe embersof Diti. Artist: Parasa. Ramaand Laksmanameet RajaParamitra.Artists:Kesava,Mahesa. Ramaand Laksmanameet Rajajanaka.Artist: Bhagavana.

I873

23

I874

24

1875 1877

25 Visvamitrameets Vasistha.Artist: CitaraBh6ja(Chatarbhuja). 26 Visvamitrafights with Vasisthafor the cow Sabala.Artist: BanavariKalan. 27 Visvamitraaids RajaTrisafiku.Artist: Ramadasa.

I878

28

Indra causes Trisafiku to become suspended between heaven and earth. Artists: Kesava, Mahesa.

I879

29

The youth gunahsephatakes refugewith Visvamitra.Artist:Mahesa.

I88o

30

Visvamitracurseshis children.Artist: Mahesa.

i88I

3I

The apsarasMenakacomes to seduceVisvamitrafrom his austerities.Artist: Miskin.

I882

32 Visvamitracomes upon the apsarasRambhaat the soundof the cuckoo.Artist: Mukunda.

I876

I883

Artist:Miskin. 33 Brahmaand othergods grantVisvamitrathe title of brahmdrsis. King Janaka'sbow is drawnin a cart.Artists:KesavaKalan,gankara.

1884

34

I885 i886

35 RamabreaksJanaka'sbow. Artists:KesavaKalan,Sankara. 36 Janaka'smessengerscome to Dasarathato tell him the news of Rama'sfeat. Artists: Kesava Kalan, Mandu Kalan.

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I887

I888

37 Janakagreets Dasarathain Videha. Artists:KesavaKalan,Khemakarana. 38 Janakaoffersa bountiful gift of cows to brahmans.Artist: Tira. Ramais marriedto Sita. Artist: Tulasi Kalan.

1890

39 40

I891

4I

Parasuramaappearsbefore Rama to test the youth's strength on his bow. Artists: Miskina, KesavaKhurd.

I892

42

RamabreaksParasurama's bow. Artists:Kesava,Ghulam 'All. (fig. 51).

I893

43

Dasarathaand his sons are welcomed back to Ayodhyaby their wives and the women of the

I889

Dagarathaencountersevil omens on his returnjourney.Artists:Miskina,KesavaKhurd.

harem.Artist: Ramadasa. I894

44

Dasarathasummons Ramato tell him of his coming investiture.Artist: Bhagavana.

I895

45

I896

46

DasarathaadvisesRama.Artists:KesavaKalan,CitaraMuni. Dasarathaswoonsat Kaikeyi'sdemands.Artists:KesavaKalan,ManduFirangi(the foreigner).

I897 1898

47 48

Sumantrasummons Ramato the courtof Dasaratha.Artist: Narayana. Ramaarrivesat Dasaratha'spalace.Artists:KesavaKalan,Jagajivana.

I899

49

Dasarathaswoonsagain. Artists:Kesava,Bh6ra.

I900

50

I901

Ramabegs leaveof Kausalya.Artists:KesavaKalan,Dhanun. 5I Ramabids farewellto his mother. Artists:Kanha,Mani.

1902

52 Sita falls at Rama'sfeet and asks to accompanyhim. Artist:Jagana.

I903

53 Sita gives awayher belongings to brahmans.Artist:Jagana. 54 Laksmanarequestspermissionto accompanyRama.Artists:Miskin, ManduFirangi.

I904 I905 I906

55 Laksmanagives awayhis belongings. Artists:Mukunda,CitaraBh6ja. 56 Ayodhya's inhabitants express their sorrow at Rama's impending departure. Artists: Mukunda,TaraKalan.

I909

SumantraescortsRama,Laksmana,and Sita into the forest.Artists:Kesava,ManduKhurd. 58 LaksmanawashesRama'sfeet. Artists:Miskin, KesavaKhurd. 59 The Bhil king Guha meets Rama.Artists:Mukunda,Bhagavana.

1910

60

19 11

6I

Laksmanabrings wild fruits to Ramaand Sita. Artist: Miskina. Rama'spartyarrivesat Bharadvaja'shermitage.Artist:Miskina.

1912

62

Ramacrossesthe YamunaRiver.Artists:Miskina,Narayana.

I907 I908

57

1913

63

SumantrainformsDagarathaof Rama'ssituation.Artists:Kanha,Parasa.

1914

64

Women mournthe death of Dasaratha.Artists:Miskina,Bh6ra.

1915

65 66

Bharataand Satrughnameet Kausalya.Artists:KesavaKalan,Mandu.(fig. 86).

I916 I918

67 68

I919

69

I920

70

I92I

7I

19I7

Bharatafaints at the sight of Dagaratha'scorpse.Artists:Kanha,Banavari. Dagarathais cremated.Artists:Tulasi Kalan,Bhavani. Bharataleavesto see Ramaagain.Artists:Miskina,Citara,Bh6ja. BharataencountersKing Guha. Artists:Kesava,Mahesa. Bharatacrossesthe riverin a boat. Artists:Lala,Sanvala. BharadvajaentertainsBharata.Artists:Lala,Jagajivana. Bharatameets Rama.Artists:Mandu,Bhagavana.

I922

72

I923

73

I924

74

Rama'spartymeets Kausalya.Artists:Mandu,Bhagavana. Bharatatakes Rama'sleave. Artists:Lala,Jagajivana.

I925

75

Ramaand Laksmanakill the demon Viradha.Artists:Lala,Sanvala.

1926

76

I927

77

1928

78

Ramafights Khara.Artists:Lala,KesavaKhfird. Ramaslays Khara.Artists:Tulasi, MeghaGujarati. Ramakills Marica,who had assumedthe form of a magic deer and lured him awayfrom Sita. Artists: Kesava,BanavariKhurd.(fig. 101).

I929

I930

79 80

1931

8I

1932

82

I933

83

RavanaabductsSita. Artists:Basavana,Dharmadasa. Ravanabattles the vultureJatayus.Artists:Tulasi, Bhagavani. Indrabrings Sita food in the asokagrove. Artists:Lala,BanavariKalan. Ramaand Laksmanafight the demon Kabandha.Artists:Lala,Dhanu. Ramaand Laksmanameet Sugrivathrough Hanuman.Artists:Lala,Nama.

324

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1934 I935 I936

Ramakills Sugriva'sbrotherVali. Artists:Jagana,Banayari. Laksmana conferswith Sugriva.Artists:Lala,ManduKalan. 85 86 Hanumanmeets Prabha.Artists:Basavana,Dhaniu. 84

87 88

Vulturesguide Hanumanto Lafika.Artist: Mani. HanumanencountersSuparsva.Artists:Miskina,Sravana.

89 90

Hanumanwitnessesthe arrivalof Ravanain the asokagrove. Artists:Lala,Banavari.

I940 194I

9I

Hanuman kills the demon guards. Artists: Miskina, Kesava Khfrd. Dated IOOO1/I591-92.

1942

92

I937 1938 I939

HanumanconveysRama'smessageto Sita. Artists:Basavana,Dhanfu. (fig. 25).

1943

93

Hanumanreturnsto Lafka. Artists:Lala,KesavaKhurd. RamamarchestowardLafika.Artists:Lala,Sravana.

I944

94

The monkeysconstructa causewayacrossthe oceanto Lafika.Artists:Tulasi, MeghaGujarati.

1945

95

The lord of the sea surrendersto Rama.Artists:Kesava,Sankara.

I946

96

1947 1948

97 98

Monkeysconstructa bridge to Lafika.Artist:BhavaniKalan. Demons informRavanaof the arrivalof Rama'sarmy.Artists:KesavaKalan,CitaraMuni.

1949

99

I950

100

195I

Ramaand his armyspy on Ravana'sforces.Artists:Lala,KesavaGujarati. Ravanashows Sita an illusoryheadof Rama.Artists:Lala,Nanda. Ramadevisesa plan of attackas he surveysLafka (doublepage). Artists:Kanha,Nanha.

IOI Samesubject(double-page).Artists:Lala,SuryaGujarati. Sugrivacarriesoff Ravana'scrown.Artists:Jagana,Sravana.

I952

I02

1953

I03

Battle scene. Artists: Jagana, Meghajyu Gujarati.

1954

I04

IndrajitaensnaresRamaand Laksmanawith a magic arrow.Artists:Basavana,Sfirajyu(Sfirya)

9 55 1956

105

Gujarati.(fig. Ino). Sita is shown the woundedRamaand Laksmana.Artists:Basavana,Nanda Gvaliyari.

io6

GarudarevivesRamaand Laksmana.Artists:Lala,Narayana.

I957

I07

The rdksasa army. Artists: Lala, Banavari Kalan.

1958

io8

Kumbhakarnasleeps(doublepage). Artists:Lala,BanavariKalan. Rdksasasbring food for Kumbhakarna(doublepage). Artists:Lala,Dhanfu.

I959

109

I960

Ino

Kumbhakarnaagrees to join the fight against Rama (double page). Artists: Lala, Banavari Kalan.

I96I

III

Kumbhakarna'schariotis readiedfor battle (doublepage). Artists:Jagana,Ibrahim. Kumbhakarnabattles Dvivida and the monkeys.Artists:Lala,SurajyfGujarati.

I962

II2

I963

II3

I964

II4

Sugrivabites off Kumbhakarna'snose and ears.Artists:Jagana,Dhaniu. RamabeheadsKumbhakarnawith his arrows.Artists:Tulasi Kalan,KaramCanda.

i965

I5

Trisirasproceedsto the battlefield(doublepage). Artist: Khemakarana.

I966

ii6

Samesubject(doublepage). Artists:Tulasi Kalan,Bhavani.

I967

II7

1968

ii8

Afgada fells Narantakawith a blow to the chest (doublepage). Artists:Lala,SurajyfGujarati. Samesubject(doublepage). Artists:Lala,SurajyfiGujarati.

I969

ii9

Afgada strikesdown Devantakawith the tusk of Mahodara'selephant.Artists:KesavaKalan, Tulasi Khfrd.

I970

12o

Hanumankills Trisiras.Artists:Lala,Bhagavana.

I97I

12I

Hanuman prepares to depart for the Himalayas to find the four healing plants. Artists: Basavana,Paramajiva(Premji)Gujarati.

1972

I22

Hanumanbrings the mountain top with the fourhealing plants and Ramaand Laksmanaare restoredto health (doublepage). Artists:Jagana,BanavariKalan.

1973

123

The monkeysacclaimHanuman'sdeed (doublepage). Artists:Jagana,KesavaGujarati.

1974

124

RamashattersLafka'sgate with an arrowand the monkeysput the city to the torch. Artists:

I975

125

Jagana,Isar. Vdnarasarmedwith club and rockattackthe rdksasas.Artist:N/A.

I976

I26

I977

I27

Samesubject.Artists:N/A. At Sugriva'sblow, Kumbhafalls from the sky. Artists:Mahesa,Devaji Gujarati.

325

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1978

I28

Rima and Laksmanabattle Indrajitawhile Hanumin wrenchesoff Nikumbha'shead.Artists: KesavaKalan,CitaraM-uni. Rima slaysMahiraksawith a fieryarrow.Artists:KesavaKalin, MadhavaKalan. Maharaksa'sallies flee to Lanka.Artists:KesavaKalin, CitaraMuni.

I979

I29

I980

130

I98I I982

131 Indrajitaoffersa sacrificeto assurevictoryover Rama.Artists:Tulasi Kalan,Narayana. I32 Indrajitaslays the illusoryimage of Sita beforeHanuman.Artists:Mahesa,Sankara.

I983

I133 Hanuman and the monkeys attack the demons and force Indrajitato breakoff his sacrifice.

Artists:KesavaKalan,KaramCanda. I984

I34 Vibhisanajoins in the battle againstIndrajita.Artists:KesavaKalan,CitaraMuni.

1985 I986

I35 Indrajitarides into battle. Artists:KesavaKalan,DevajyuGujarati. I136 Indrajitaadvances.Artists:KesavaKalan,Bhavani.

I987 I988

I37 LaksmanabeheadsIndrajita.Artists:KesavaKalan,MadhavaKalan. I38 SuparsvapersuadesRavanato spareSita'slife. Artists:Basavana,Dharmadasa.

I989

I39

Ramadevastatesthe raksasaarmy.Artists:Lala,Dhanu.

I990

140

Indrajitaand his forcesstorm through the gate by which Rama and Laksmanaareencamped (doublepage). Artists:Basavana,Citara.

I99I

I41

I992

I42

Rama'sforcesrespondto the attack(doublepage). Artists:Lala,BhavaniKalan. Ravanasees ill omens on the way to battle. Artists:Basavana,Bhora.

I993

I43

I994

144

1995

I45 Rama draws out the great spear with which Ravana wounded Laksmana.Artists: Lala, Dharmadasa.

I996

I46

Ramaslays Ravana(doublepage). Artists:Jagana,KesavaKhurd.

I997

I147

Same subject (double page). Artists: Jagana, Parasa.

I998

I48

Vibhisanais installedas king of the raksasas.Artists:Lala,Sfirajyiu Gujaratl.

1999

I149

Sita undergoes the fire ordeal. Artist: N/A.

2000

I50

Bharataand othersdo obeisanceto Rama.Artist: N/A.

200I

I5I BharatarequestsRamato ascendthe throne(doublepage). Artists:Kesava,Jagajivana. I52 The peopleof AyodhyacelebrateRama'saccession(doublepage).Artists:Kesava,CitaraMuni.

2002

2003

2004

Ravanafiresmagicalbeast-headedarrowsat Rama(doublepage).Artists:TulasiKalan,Parasa. Rama'sforcesareattackedby magic arrows(doublepage). Artists:Tulasi Kalan,Nanda.

153 Ramais crownedking. Artists: KesavaKalan,Ramadasa. I54 NarayanabeheadsMali with his discus (doublepage). Artists:Lala,Bhavani.

2006

Samesubject (doublepage). Artists:Lala,Bhavani. 156 Kumbhakarna,trickedinto asking for the boon of sleep by Brahma,slumbersin the dwelling preparedfor him by Ravana.Artists:Lala,Dhanfu.

2007

I57 Ravanaseizes the chariotPuspakafrom Kuvera.Artists:Tulasi Kalan,Bhavani.

2005

2008

I55

I58 Ravanaduels with Arjuna.Artists:Lala,KesavaGujarati. Vali travelsto the fouroceanswith the captive Ravanaat his belt. Artists:Mahesa,Citara.

2009

I59

2010

I6o

Brahmaintercedesto stop Yamafromkilling Ravana.Artists:KesavaKalan,MadhavaKalan.

2011

I6I

Ravanaencountersa fearsomedoorguardianin Vali's palace.Artists:KesavaKalan,Madhava

20o2

I62

Indraseizes Ravanain battle (doublepage). Artists:Miskina,KesavaKh-urd.

2013

I63

Indrajitaliberateshis fatherand binds Indraby magic (double page). Artists: Miskin, Jaga-

2014

I64

jivana. Mahajambunadafells Ravana.Artists:Basavana,TaraKalan.

Kalan.

Ravanasees the threeworldsrevealedin Kapila'sbody. Artists:Basavana,Mani. Indrastrikesdown Hanumanwith a thunderbolt.Artists:Lala,Jagajivana.

20o5

I65

20o6

I66

2017

I67

20o8

I68 One of the women of Svetadviparises into the sky with Ravanaand drops him into the sea. Artists:Lala,MadhavaCela.

Indra and Surya see Rksaraja,who was metamorphosed as a woman, and beget Vali and Sugriva.Artists:Basavana,Bh6ra.

326

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2019

I69

Dasarathaasks Durvasasand Vasistha about the fate of his lineage. Artists: Lala, Madhava Kalan. Satrughna kills Lavana.Artist:N/A.

2020

170

2021

17I Ramarestoresrighteousnessto the realmwhen he kills the fudraSambukha.Artist:N/A.

2022

I72

SukracaryacursesDanda'skingdom to be destroyedby a dust storm.Artist: N/A. Lavaand Kusa recitethe Rdmdyana. Artist: N/A.

2023

I173

2024

I174 Sita'svirtue is affirmedas she is welcomed and taken into the earthby Madhavi.Artist:N/A.

2025

I75

2026

176

Ramadepartsfor heaven(doublepage). Artist:N/A. BrahmareceivesRama(doublepage). Artist:N/A.

327

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Appendix

B

Shdhnama,f. Ia British Library, Add. 5600

(top)

The Shahamabook. At the desire of the refuge of the shaykhs, he whose slogan is bravery, Muhammad Habiballah,we gave one thousandand five hundredrupeees in our own money. Be it so attested.

(seal)

'Abd al-'Azim Khan II68 (I754-55).

(top of centralpanel)

God is almighty.

(gold inscription)

On the date of the eighth of the month of Amurdadin the year 20

(20

July I625)of the auspiciousreign, [this

book] was given to Mu'tamadMu'taqidKhan. (centralinscription)

The late lordJahangirPadshahhadgiven this Shahndma to the least of his slaves, IlahwardiCela, on the first of the month of Azar Ilahi in the year 8 (23 November I613).Sinceit belongedto me, I passedit on to [my] dear brother,KhwajaMuhammadRashid.

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Appendix C Khamsaof Amir KhusrawDihlawi, f. Ia Staatsbibliothekzu Berlin- PreussischerKulturbesitz Orientabteilung,Ms. Or. 1278

Praisebe to God, who sent down the Book to his slave.Written by Shihabal-Din Muhammad ShahJahanPadshah. God is almighty. (medallion)It was completed by the kitabkhdnaof Nawab Khankhanan'Abd al-Ra.himibn KhankhananMuhammadBayramKhin in the year1026 [I617]. In the yearI012 [I603-04], Mir Baqi of SamarqandbroughtfromGujaratseveralfolios of this rareKhamsa,whereuponthey wereobtained.I askedhim aboutthe restof the book.Aftermuch inquiry about the remainderof the book, it was ascertainedthat a book with severalother folios was in the possessionof Mirza'Abdal-Malik,who generouslypresentedit to me. We took it and the remainderof the book fromhim. Afteraskingmanyquestions,we heardfromeveryone that everyonein Gujarathad some folios. Mir Baqi was sent againwith two or threethousand rupeesso that he could buy whateverhe wanted from whomeverhad [some folios], and thus he put his handson severalfolios. In that way it happenedby divine gracethat all these five bookswereacquiredsaveforseveralpageswhich had been lost. Among these [people],one personhadfourteenor fifteenfolios, thinking that if he broughtthem himselfwith a few other books ... set out fromAgra.Thosewerethe dayswhen this humble servant,who togetherwith MahabatKhanwas accusedthroughthe artificesof slanderers,hadgone to courtand thenceto petition the king. Becausemy intentionswerejust and I went in truth and in a solicitousmanner, I appearedin the court of His MajestySulaymanMakani(Akbar)and was deliveredfrom those afflictions.If the swordof the world should move from its place, it would not cut even a vein unlessGod so willed it. I haveseen the meaningof this. In brief,the man who hadbrought the folios kept bringing others ... He brought those ten or twelve folios. Anyhow, this book ... whosewriting is by MawlanaSultan'Ali and whosepaintings areby Bihzad,was complete ... The paintings that hadfallenout were [orderedto be] restored,andthose otherfolios ... too which had fallen out, MuhammadMfu'minwas orderedto rewrite.The binding was tooled in gold and the borderswere embellished. The work was done in ten or eleven yearsso that it reachedcompletion on the date I026 [I617]. Written by 'Abd al-Rahim son of Muhammad Bayram,may the two of them be forgiven. Value I,200 [rupees]. (seal)'AlamgirPadshahMuhammad,Revivorof the Faith

329

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D

Appendix

Reconstruction of the Khamsaof Amir Khusraw Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin - Preussischer Kulturbesitz Orientabteilung, Ms. Or. I278

Eachbookof the Khamsawasoriginallyfoliatedseparatelyin the narrowspacebetweenthe central columns of text. At the time they refurbishedthe manuscript,'Abd al-Rahim'slibrarians addeda new set of folio numbersto the upper left cornerof the recto side of each folio, numbering all five poems of the manuscriptconsecutively.Informationfrom these two sequences indicatesthat the refurbishedKhamsamanuscripthad 245 folios, or twenty morethan the present manuscript.Fromthe numberof versesmissing at each lacuna,we areable to determine how much of eachof these folios was occupiedby text. This, in turn, allows us to establishthat fourteenof the folios were illustrated,forwhat had been a total of twenty-onepaintings in the manuscript.In many cases,minute fragmentsof paint on the facingpage even indicatewhich side of the folio was illustrated. One peculiarityin the manuscriptis especiallynoteworthy.A gap of forty lines of text and two titles between ff. II9 and 120 coincideswith a disruptionin the internalnumberingsequence of the poem. Togetherthese featuresbecome irrefutableevidencethat a folio is missing at this point in the manuscript.Yet the overallfoliation addedin 'Abdal-Rahim'slibraryis uninterrupted, and the borderson both sides of the opening match as usual. This strongly suggests that the atelieroverlookedthis loss when they restoredthe manuscript. Other disturbancesin the manuscriptarecertainlymodern.Lacunaein the atelier'sfoliation indicatethat decoratedfolios without text wereexcisedfromthe manuscriptat the end of severalpoems, i.e., at ff. 95/96 (originalfolio no. 105),ff. 127/I28,

(originalfolio nos. 138-139),and afterf. i66a, which is out of place and should follow f. I70 (originalfolio no. I88). Folio 224a (originalfolio no. 243) is also out of order,and belongs aftermodernfolio 222.

Illustrations (A gap in the manuscriptis indicatedby consecutivefolios separatedby a slash) FOLIO 5b/6a

Illustrationto the preface,probablya scene of dancing dervishes.Original folio no. 9. Locationunknown.

36b/37a An old Sufi approachesa youth in a garden.Artist: Nadim. Original folio no. 41. British Museum I1920-9-I7

43a

0259. (fig. i98).

Amir Khusrawpresentsthe Khamsato 'Alaal-Din Khalji.Originalfolio no. 48. (fig. I92).

65b/66a

The disguised Khusrawcomes to Farhadon Mt. Bisitun. Artist: Nadim. Original folio no. 71. British Museum 1920-9-I7

0267. (fig. I99).

7ob/7Ia

Farhaddies out of love forShirin.Originalfolio no. 77. Locationunknown.

73b/74a

An old woman comes to Shirin as Khusrawand Shirin lie unconscious. Original folio no. 8I. Locationunknown.

95b

Presentationscene. Artist: Nadim. Original folio no. 103. (fig. I95).

330

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ioob/ioia

Two divs are orderedto fill the sea with sand and the desert with water. Original folio no. Ino. Locationunknown.

Ii6b/II7a

Majnfinbefriendsa dog who lived nearLayli. Original folio no. I26. Location unknown.

I27a

A hunterwatchesa jackalchasetwo rabbits.Originalfolio no. 137.(fig. I96).

I34b/I35a BahramGur displayshis hunting prowessbeforeDilaram.Artist: Nadim. Original folio no. I47. British Museum I920-9-17 0258. (fig. 200). 137b/I38a The storyof the Princessof the BlackPavilion:The threeprincesof Ceylon. Original folio no. 151.Locationuncertain,probablyTeheranArchaeological Museum.

147b

The storyof the Princessof the Yellow Pavilion:The foolishwife of the dishonestgoldsmith is trickedinto changingplaceswith her imprisonedhusband.Artist:Qasim.The folio is originalfolio no. I57,andproperlybelongs between ff. 142and 143,but is now out of order.(fig. 201).

i46b/I47a

The story of the Princessof the Green Pavilion:The king whose body was occupiedby his evil vizier during a demonstrationof transmigrationreoccupies his body and ordersthe executionof the vizier,who was trickedinto assumingthe body of a bird.Artist:Nadim. Originalfolio no. I62. Teheran ArchaeologicalMuseum. Published:LuborHajek,IndianMiniaturesof the MogulSchool,pl. i.

152b/I53a The story of the Princessof the Rose-coloredPavilion:The king's favorite courtesanis abducted by sea. Original folio no. I68. FreerGallery of Art 45.28. (fig. 203).

i57a

The story of the Princessof the Blue Pavilion:A youth from Rum learns from a reclusethat the beings who had enchantedhim the previousnight were fairies.Artist: Mushfiq.Original folio no. I73. Published:Arnold & Grohmann,TheIslamicBook,pl. 87. (fig. 204).

i65b/I66a

The story of the Princessof the White Pavilion. Exact subject unknown. Originalfolio no. I82. Locationunknown.

i66b

A shepherdfluting. Attributed to Mushfiq.The folio is original folio no. 187, and properlybelongs aftermodernfolio I70, but is now out of order. (fig. I97).

i82b/I83a Alexanderbattles the Khaqanof China.Originalfolio no. 201. Locationunknown. I93b/I94a Alexanderordershis men to build a wall againstthe inhabitantsof Gog and Magog. Artist: Mushfiq. Dated II19/I6Io-II. collection. (fig. 204).

225b

Original folio no. 213. Private

Threegazelles in a landscape.Artist: Qasim.

331

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Appendix

E

Panj Ganj, f. Ia Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, Ms. 20

(top)

God is almighty.

(centralinscription)

This Panj Ganj of Mawlana'Abd al-Ra.hmanJami who ... the late Sult.an 'All Mashhadi;verily it appearsto be his calligraphy.In the matchlessarea of Kashmirin the year20 of the propitiousreign, 1034 Hijri [A.D. I624-25], of this [this book] from the books of 'Abd al-Rah.m enteredthe kitdbkhdna indigent of the divine court. Written by Nur al-Din JahangirShah,son of Akbar.

(centralseal)

Shihabal-Din MuhammadShahJahanPadshah

(left seal)

Abu Zafar Muhy al-Din Muhammad 'Alamgir Padshah 1070 [i659-60]

332

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336

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Glossary

'Abd al-BaqiNihawandi Authorof the Ma'asir-Rahimi,

asoka A kind of tree.

an accountof the life of 'Abd al-Rahimcompleted in I616.

device ensuresthe continuity of asrama

A'Tn-iAkbart accountof the institutions of

Blouse.

Akbar'scourt written by Abu al-Fazl.

Mirrorof Alexander,the fifth book of the Khamsaof Amir Khusraw. Akbar Mughal emperor,reigned 1556-i605.

compensation.

asvamedha Vedic horsesacrifice. Ayodhya Capitalof Dasaratha'skingdom. AyodhyaKanda Book of Ayodhya,the second

Dasaratha King of Kosala,and father of Rama,Laksmana,Satrughna, and Bharata. Devanagari Scriptin which the Sanskritand

History of Akbar,composedby Abu al-Fazlbetween I589and I595;severalillustratedcopies of this text areknown.

Loinclothworn by Hindu men.

also called the Adi Kanda.

div Demon.

basmala Long scarfwornabout

Persianword markinga con-

nameof God, the mercifuland

the shouldersby Hindu men.

temporaryascriptionof a

compassionate."

painting to a particularartist.

Jambhavan King of the bears,and an ally of Rama. Janaka King of Mithila, and fatherof Sita. Jatayus Vulturewhich struggles to stop

Brotherof Rama,son of

Rose Garden,a collection of didacticstoriesin proseand

Dasarathaand Kaikeyi;he re-

poetrycompletedby Sa'di

to see her son Bharatainstalled

luctantly occupiedthe

in 1258.

on the throneprecipitates

Kaikeyi

Wife of Dasaratha;her desire

Rama'sexile. Hanuman

canddla Outcaste.

tion of the Rdma-yana.

period.

Sita'sabduction.

throneduring Rama'sexile.

AranyaKanda Book of Ayodhya,the third sec-

by men during the Mughal

Gulistan Bharata

apsaras Celestialmaiden.

jama Tunic-like garmentworn

dupatta

usuallytranslated"Inthe

Angada Righteous son of the evil vdnara Vali.

I605-27.

The firstbook of the Ramdyana;

A pious Islamic invocation, 'amal

of EmperorAkbar;reigned

Hindi languagesarewritten.

section of the Rdmayana. BalaKanda

Jahangir

Eldest son and successor

dhoti Akbarnama

Landholding given by the crownas a form of monetary

darogha Supervisor,deputy librarian.

A'znah-iSikandari

by Laksmana. jagir

choli

asura Type of demon.

Indrajita Son of Ravanawho was slain by

the text.

Secludedresidenceof a religious teacher.

The Annalsof Akbar,an

manuscriptwritten in the lower marginof the right page; this

catchwords

Vdnarachief who locatesthe

Kausalya

abductedSita and assists

Wife of Dasaratha,and mother

Ramain manyways in recover-

of Rama.

ing her.

Firstword or two of the text on the left page of an opening in a

337

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Khamsa

Ma'adsr-iRahimi

Quintet, a collection of five epic romanceswritten by the

Account of the life of 'Abd al-

Persianpoet Nizami (1141-1209); the most famousof

Nihawandi.

the many imitations is that of Amir Khusraw. Khankhanan Lordof Lords,commander-

raga Musicalmode (masculine).

Rahim, written by 'Abd al-Baqi

Mahabhdrata GreatBharata,the nationalepic of India, known as the Razmnama(Book of Wars)in its Persian translation.

Ragamdla Garlandof MusicalModes, seriesof paintings basedupon musicalmodes.

Mughal nobility. kirttimukha

mansab Rank in Mughal bureaucracy definedby personalrank and the numberof horsemen

Demon- or animal-facedmace; an apotropaicmotif often ap-

battle.

ragint Musicalmode (feminine).

masnawi Seriesof distiches rhyming in

Book of Kiskindha,the

pairs;the majorformof Persian

kitdbkhdna Libraryworkshop;the institution normallychargedwith the productionof manuscripts.

Matla' al-Anwdr

hierarchyof the Hindu castes.

Satrughna Brotherof Rima, son of

Shahndma by Firdawsi about

I000

which glorifiesthe lineage and featsof ancient Persiankings.

raksasi Demoness.

shamsa Decorativeroundelin a manuscript.

Son of Dasarathaand Kausalya;consideredto be an incarnationof Visnu. Ramayana Storyof Rama,a Hindu epic

Rising of the Luminaries,

translatedfromSanskrit

the firstbook of the Khamsaof

into Persianin the late iS8os.

simurgh Mythicalpredatorybird resemblinga phoenix. Sita Daughterof King Janaka,and wife of Rama.

Amir Khusraw. Ravana Mithila CapitalofJanaka'skingdom.

ksatriya Warriorcaste, the second in the

Demon.

poetry.

monkey citadel, the fourthsection of the Rdmayana.

raksdsa

Rama

plied to macesand architectural

KiskindhaKanda

of a manuscript.

Book of Kings, a text written

one was expectedto field in

capitals.

Largedecorative illuminationat the beginning

Dairathaand Sumitra.

in-chief of the Mughal armies, the highest title among the

sarlawh

Muntakhabal-TawarTkh Bada'uini'sunofficialand

Leaderof the raksdsaswho was given the boon of invincibility againstall but lowly mortals;he assailssages,abductsSita, and tries in vain to defeatRama.

suba Mughal imperialprovince. Sugriva Vanarachief, and principalally of Rama.

often criticalhistoryof Akbar's Kumbakarna

reign, completed in I595.

Gigantic demon-brotherof Ravana.

naskh Commoncursivescript.

Laksmana Brotherof Rama,son of Dasarathaand Sumitra;com-

Razmndma Book of Wars, the Persian

Charioteerwho conveyedRama

translationof the Mahabhdrata

into exile.

made at the Mughal court between 1582 and I584.

panionof Ramain exile.

rsis

of the Ramayana.

Vedic sages. nazim

Lafika

SundaraKanda BeautifulBook, the fifth section

nasta'liq Elegantcursivescript.

Sumantra

Supervisor.

Islandabodeof Ravana. odhani Scarfworn by women. pataka Sashworn about the waist by

Tzmuzrnama Rsyasrfiga Young, caste brahmanluredto

History of Tmufir,also known as Zafarnama(Book of

Ahga by women sent by King

Victories),written by Hatifi

Lomapada.

(died

Sabala Magicalcow of abundance.

men.

338

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1520-2I).

Trisiras The three-headedson of Ravana.

Tzitindma

Tales of a Parrot,a collection of fifty-two storiescompiled by Nakhshabi (died 1350); two

illustratedMughal copies are known. 'unwan

Small headpieceof an illuminated manuscript. UttaraKanda FinalBook, the seventhand last section of the Ramayana Vali Evil vdnarachief, and brother of Sugriva. vdnara

Forest-dwellersusuallyconsideredto be monkeys. Vasistha Spiritualteacherof Janakaand Dasaratha. Vibhisana

Pious youngerbrother of Ravanawho becameking of Lafka upon Ravana'sdemise. Viradha Firstdemon killed by Ramain the forest;his body imprisoned the spirit of the sage Tumburu. Visvamitra Sage bornof the ksatriyacaste who instructedRima in the use of variousdivine weapons. YuddhaKanda Book of War, the sixth section of the Riamyana.

339

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Index

'Abd al-BaqiNihawandi authorof Ma'aszr-iRahimi 47, 50, 52-53,

comparisonof workshop practicesand style with imperialatelier Io, ir,

58, 141

'Abd al-Rahim

84, 255, 257, 260,

activities in Agra region 46 and the I598-99 Razmnama 26,

268-69, 272, 301, 313, 316

memberswith experiencein imperialatelier 26, 58,

290

269,

262,

areasheld as sfbas 45-47 as art patron

II,

84, 92,

26, 48, 52, 82,

282, 285, 313-I4,

3I7-20

121, 124, 178, 252,

255, 270-72, 3I7-18, 321

refurbishmentof manu-

as Khankhanan 45-46, 48 as military commander 45-47,

scripts 51, 251, 264-65, 273-78, 288-90, 294

poet in Persianand Hindi 48,

56

birth 45 chastisementat court 46, 59 commissionedMa'asir-iRahimi 47, 314

depictionsof 45, 48, 6o father,MuhammadBayram Khan 45, 48, 6o generosity of 48-50, 54, 6o, 251 inscriptions by 54-55, 62, 67, 82, 251, 273, 288, 329

interest in Indianculture 251, 258, 314-I6 location and size 54, 56-58, 63

relationshipwith Jahangir

45, 54

'Abd al-Rahim,calligrapher52 'Abd al-Samad I7-I8,

'Abdullah I54,

34, 318

2I,

286,

252,

321

Abu al-Fazl

painting atelier

78,

Burhanpur 46-47, 51, 56-58

92

Amir KhusrawDihlawi

13,

273,

278

Anwar-iSuhayli I600-OI manuscript 30-31, 33, 42, 57

Candiyana painting style

19-20

Chandra, Pramod 24, 33, 37

Awrangzeb 55, 62, 68, 273 'Aziz Koka 27, 31-32, 46-47

British Librarymanuscript 27, 4I

Babur 17, 48, 62

dates written backwards80

Baburndma

Diwdn of HasanDihlawi 30

ca. 1590 British Librarymanuscript 78, 248, 286 Bada'uni 14-I5, 39, 65, 74

318, 321

Agra 22, 30, 33, 35-36, 46, 51,

BodleianLibrarymanuscript

Ettinghausen,Richard Io, I2 European influenceof artisticconventions 19, 21, 313

298-99, 31-I2

BalaKanda 66 Banavari

55-57, 63, 273 Ahmadabad 31, 45, 54, 56

A'inah-iSikandari(Mirrorof Alexander) 276

asartpatronII,

DaraShikuh 29, 41 Ddrdbndma

BahadurKhan 29-30

and the I598-99 Razmndma 26, 269

membershipin imperialatelier 26 178, 249, 270, 32I

artists'choiceof style 87, 251, Akbar 255-57, 263, 266, 272,

I54, 271

Bulaqi 271

1596-97 manuscript 24-25,

Bahdristan

A 'n-i Akbari 9-10, 318

mansab 47, 49

Akbarndma

Akbarl 23, 27-28, 39, 41,

translationof Hindu texts I4

6o

Bula, paintings by see also Bulaqi

size of imperiallibrary 57

1597-99 manuscript 25, 40, 270

unillustratedmanuscriptsin

literary circle 47-48, 50-52, 54,

bookbinding 53, 307

14-I5

Khankhanan46 victoryoverSult.anMuzaffar

officialchronicler 28, 49

linguistic proficiency 48

318

relationshipwith Bada'uni

AyodhyaKanda 66, 78

45-48, 63

religious background 48 removedfromposition as

staff 50-53, 58, 317 54-55, 6i-62

I7

Bihzad 52-54, 62, 273, 276-78, 290,

AranyaKanda 66, 78, I75

315

accountof painting in the A'in-i

library

establishespainting workshop

paintings by I78, 266, 269-70, 19, 22-23,

272

Fattu and I598-99 Razmndma 24-25,

40 Fazl absencefrom British Library Shdhndma

272

278-79, 281-82, 284-85,

25-29, 41, 318

Beach, Milo C. I0, 34

and the 'Iydr-iDdnish 286

309-10, 314, 316-17, 320

eclectic faith I4, 48

Bhagavati 271-72, 321

paintings by LaudRdgamdld 258-59, 282,

centralization 86-87, 257, 28i,

283-85

Bihbud biography 52, 317

312

paintings by 58

341

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Ramayana85, 87, ii8,

I22,

141, I52, 158-62, i68, I73,

Jahan Ara 29, 41, 62

refurbishmentin 'Abd al-

Jahangir

Rahim'satelier 51, 273-78,

I78, I84, 187, I8, I95,

and the Tuzuk-i-Jahangirt

289-90,

I97, 200, 206, 208, 212,

22, 39, 54-55, 3I8, 32I

329-30

215, 219, 221, 225, 229,

as art patron 22, 314, 318

233, 246

inscriptions by 55-56, 80, 311,

Razmndma229,

pre-accessionnameof Salim 45-46, 52

Ghulam 'Ali

stylistic developmentsof paint-

employment in imperialatelier 124, I41, 248, 271, 315, 321

ing during reign 22-23

G6vardhana 71, 85-86, 91-92, 94,

Kala Pahara,paintings by LaudRagamalaAlbum

248, 255

Gujarat 31-32, 45-46, 54-57, 273

55, 287

MuhammadHusayn 53,309 MuhammadMa'sum 55,62 borders 207

MuhammadMtu'min51, 273 MuhammadSalih 62, 68-69

calligraphicspecimens 257, 263,

Mulla ShakibiImami 48, 51,75,

288, 314

82, 283

continuitywith FreerRdmayana Mu'min

262, 307

Ramayana 85, I39-40, I45, 162, I65-66, 169,I71, 255, 262, 307

date and provenanceof paint-

Murad 46, 52

ings 258, 286-87 producedin 'Abd al-Rahim's

Mushfiq

atelier 258-60, 262, 287 subjects 257, 260, 287, 313 Losty,Jeremiah 263-64, 288

79, 269

294-95

HashtBihisht(Eight Paradises) 276, 279, 281

263, 309

FreerGalleryRdmdyana85,

Hatifi and Timurndma 283-84

87, I6i, 230, 234-35, 244,

Hindu

256

iconography 34, 83, 105, 131, 182, 217, 226, 236, 271, 316

1616-I7

illustratedcopies of sacred religious texts 14, 15, 2I subjects

22,

68, 258, 315

Humayun I7, 63

Razmndma 260-61,

Rahim 50, 53, 6o, 317-I8 Ilahwardi Cela 263-64, 288, 328 illuminated borders 53, 273, 287, 293, 298-305, 307-08,

310, 312

indigenousIndianpainting styles I6, I8, 31, 33-35, 317

252-53, 257, 277-78,

and British LibraryShdhndma biography 53, 79, 317

MddhavanalaKdmakandald

Nadim

I603 manuscript 36

biography 52, 58, 3I7-I8

Khusraw wa Shirtn 274, 290

Mir Baqi 51, 273

Kiskindha Kanda 66, 76, 78, 184,

Mir Sayyid'Ali I7-I8, 21, 34, 318

paintings by BerlinKhamsa262, 274-75, 290

278-79,

and Freer Rdmdyana 83, 85,

Berlin Manuscript

I29-3I, I34-35, 137,

Mughal painting

273, 276, 282

flyleafnotes 6o, 273,

25-27, 29, 83-84, 316 282,

290, 329

indigenous Indian elements in I8, 20, 3I7

paintings 272, 275-82, 290-91,

diffusion of 20, 23, 35-38, 270 imperial atelier 10, 20-21,

308, 310, 312

295, 306-07,

329-331

I53-I54, I83, 191, 279

LaudRdgamdldAlbum 26o0-62

89-90, 105, 114, 143-44, I65 and the 1598-99 Razmndma 26

stylistic developments in during Akbar's reign 19, 2I, 35, 260, 269, 282, 313, 316

purchase 51, 273, 329

342

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28I, 290, 330-3I

Freer Rdmayana 85, oo00,I26,

Mohana

date

281-82,

295, 331

Matla' al-Anwdr 273, 278-79,

borders 273, 293, 301-05,

employmentwith 'Abd al-

317-I8

Madhava

Khankhanan 10, 29, 45

309, 312

Khamsa(Quintet) of Amir KhusrawDihlawi

51, 60, 318, 321

and Khamsa85, io8, 114, 132,

Kamran 29

289-90,

Kitdb-iSd'dt 27

employment in imperial atelier

self-portrait 295-96 worksin Rdmdyana,Razmnama

63, 193, 263, 271, 288, 290, 309,

Majnunwa Layld 276 Maryam-Makani29

287,

i86

Ibrahim Naqqash

Ma'dsir-i RahZmi 50-52, 55-56, 58-

154, 263, 271

LaudRdgamaldAlbum 260 1598-99 Razmnama26, 270

epics 14, 252

books 15, 33, 315-i6

294-95

270, 321

paintings by British LibraryShdhndma

291,

Europeanimagery 294 paintings in Panj Ganj 55,

employmentin imperialatelier Hanna, Henry 9, I2, 69

biography 52, 318

dated paintings 59, 281-82,

Kamal Hamzanama20-21,

see MuhammadMfu'min Mun'im Khan 29, 54

263, 287

O50,I82, 248

96, 98, 100, 102, 105, II0, 120-21,

MuhammadBayramKhan 45, 48,

and I616-17 Razmndma 258,

293, 295, 311

Jami

paintings by 69, 85, io6, 124, i28, I41,

295, 312, 314,

LaudRdgamdlaAlbum

painting atelier 22, 31

83 Muhammad Amin 53, 309-10

332

253, 255-58

treatmentof Hindu iconography

range of style 86, 114, 130, I35

Nadir (Bihbud),paintings by 85, I90-93

Nadir al-Zaman(Wonderof the Age) 57, 193

Nala Damayanti 14, 34 Naqib Khan 74 NurrJahan 29, 41

Panj Ganj ChesterBeatty Librarymanuscript

bordersand illuminations 55, 293-94, 298-308, 310, flyleaf notes 55-56, 63, 332

Razmndma(Book of Wars) 1584-86manuscriptin Jaipur

1594 manuscript 29, 41, 65, 77,

manuscript

Parwez 46-47, 6i Persian

I605 manuscript 32, 42

33-34, 43

of project 10, 51, 74-76,

artistic traditions I8-19, 124,

I616-17 manuscript 154, 229, 252-53, 255-57, 263, 272, 282-83,

286-87,

309, 312

I56, 270, 282

279, 317

Popular Mughal painting

II,

24,

270

flyleafinscriptionby 'Abd

marginalnotations 65,

263, 266, 268, 289 Raimdyana 85, 87, 144, 177, 194, 204,

208,

211, 216,

2I8-19,

227-28,

239-40,

247, 256, 260,

280-81,

237,

73, 75, 79

289

reader'smarks 67 rebindingin Delhi 9, 65, 69 selection of subjects for illustration 8I-83, 89 supervisionof Mulla Shakibi textual gaps 70-73, 75, I32,

titular inscriptions 67-68,

Timmurndma 284

Safawid

SyamaSundara

287

dispersedseriesdated 1605 ManleyRdgamdal35-36, 43,

ShahTahmasp I7 Shdhndma(Book of Kings) British Librarymanuscript

date 263, 282, 288 flyleafinscriptions 263-64,

I77, i8o-8i, 183, 196, I98-99,

204, 207, 219, 222,

231-32,

242,

256

Razmndma266-67 range of style 86-87, 114, 130, I46, I63, 167, i8o

Timirndma

list of illustrations 323-27

Rahim'satelier 263-65,

ca. I6i0-I5 manuscript 283-85,

relationshipto Freermanu-

276-78, 288-89, 298, 3II,

291, 293, 307, 314

script 10-II, 71, 75-76,

104-o6,

stylistic relationshipwith

108, 110, 112,

I6I6-17

134,

I37, I39-48, 150-51,

Titundma

314 Razmndma

manuscript 43

166-78, I80-84, i86, 189-90,

I80-84, i86, 189-92, 194-

I60o

195, 200, 202, 204, 207-o8,

200,

I605 manuscript 45

210-I2,

210-2I,

214-28,

236-37, 239-40, 242, 244-48,

238-40,

242, 246-47,

256, 323-27

252, 315

205, 207-08, 230-36,

19-20, 34, 124, 128, 248, 317

266-67, 271-72

ca. I6oo manuscript 32, 42

202,

ClevelandMuseumof Art

RoyalAsiatic Society

66, I69-72, I74-78,

Rasikapriya34, 43

136, 138, 142,

264, 266, 272, 284

I54, I56, I58-6I, I63, I65-

229,

121,

163, I67-68, 170, 172-75,

binding 308-10

139, 141, 144-54, I56, 158-62,

217-27,

iI6,

I46-51, I54, I56, I58, i6i,

83-84, 89, 91, 96, 124, I34-36,

214,

Ramdyana 70-71, 85, 104,

29, 47, 6i

refurbishmentin 'Abd al-

116, I20, 129, I3I-32,

287

Rama 34, 65-66, 70-71, 73-74,

266-68

328

81-84, 92, 94, 96, 98, oo00,

35-36, 43

paintings by British LibraryShahndma

Persianatestyle of paintings

Jaipurmanuscript date 75, 77, 8o

Chunar Rdgamald 34-35, 43,

employmentin imperialatelier 121, 24 8, 32I

Salivahana36-37, 43-44 ShahJahan

I26

valuation 9, 69 Ragamald 34, 257, 315

subimperialMughalpainting

dated I616

I86

256-57, 287

23-25,

29, 33-34, 37

inscriptionsby 55, 62, 329 pre-accessionname, Khurram

number of folios 70-73

Imami 75, 82

Razmndma 237,

30

socialstatus of patrons i6,

Sadi, artist 85, 154

Salim Quli 30-31, 42

67-69, 132, i6i, 183

British LibraryShahndma

ShaykhFayzi 14, 49 Silsilatal-Zahab(Chainof Gold)

Sahibdin 36

numberof paintings 9, 68,

Berlin Khamsa 278-81, 33I

Bukhari 30, 42

Sultanatepainting 19-20 SundaraKanda 66, 76, 78, i86

artistictraditions I7-i8

82, I56

paintings by

ShaykhFaridMurtazaKhan

63, 273, 278, 294, 315

Sad Pand-i Luqmdn55

al-Rahim I0, 62, 73-75,

Qasim

Shastri,Hari Prasad 71, 79

Sultan 'Ali Mashhadi 54-56, 62-

i56, I87, 204, 242, 256,

31-34, 36-38, 57, 253, 258, 3I6

ShashRisalaof Sa'di 55

23-25, 30-31, 33, 40, 287, 29I

dated paintings in 75-76,

literature 13, 251, 273, 316

I6I6-17

252, 286, 315

31-32, 40, 269, 271

FreerGallerymanuscript beginning and completion

paintings 63, 294, 295

9, 24-25,

I598-99 manuscript 24-26,

79, 8i, 92, 175, 312 ca. I595-I600

312, 314

Sanskritrecensions 65

Ramayana authorValmiki 65-66 date of composition 65

manuscript 42

UttaraKanda(FinalBook) 65-66, 78

ca. i605 manuscript 33 Shamal, pajntings by 263-64, 266-67, 284-85, 291

Persiantranslationby Bada'ini 65-66, 74

Valmiki 66, 74, 89, 91, 245-46 valuationsof books 55-56, 62, 278, 329

343

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YuddhaKanda 66, 76, 78, i86 Yusuf 'Ali paintings by

LaudRdgamala Album

260,

287 Rdmayana 85-86, 89, 200, 210, 214,

223-24,

217, 220,

226, 236, 238, 245

Razmncama 253, 255

religion 83

Zayn al-'Abidin,paintings by 85, 154, 202, 205

Zayn Khan Koka 260-61, 287

344

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