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INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH
DEPARTMENT
W H A R T O N S C H O O L OF F I N A N C E A N D UNIVERSITY
COMMERCE
OF P E N N S Y L V A N I A
PHILADELPHIA
RESEARCH STUDIES XVIII
WORKERS' EMOTIONS IN SHOP AND HOME
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS OF T H E INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH DEPARTMENT I. Earnings and Working Opportunity in the Upholstery Weavers' T r a d e in 25 Plants in Philadelphia, by Anne Bezanson, $2.50. II. Collective Bargaining A m o n g Photo-Engravers in Philadelphia, by Charles Leese, $2.50. III. T r e n d s in Foundry Production in the Philadelphia Area, by Anne Bezanson and Robert Gray, $1.50. I V . Significant Post-War Changes in the Full-Fashioned Hosiery Industry, by George W . T a y l o r , $2.00. V . Earnings in Certain Standard M a c h i n e - T o o l Occupations in Philadelphia, by H . L . Frain, $1.50. V I . A n Analysis of the Significance and Use of H e l p - W a n t e d Advertising in Philadelphia, by Anne Bezanson, $2.00. V I I . A n Analysis of Production of Worsted Sales Yarn, by A l f r e d H . Williams, Martin A . Brumbaugh and Hiram S. Davis, $2.50. V I I I . T h e Future Movement of Iron Ore and Coal in Relation to the St. Lawrence Waterway, by Fayette S. Warner, $3.00. IX. Group Incentives—Some Variations in the Use of Group Bonus and G a n g Piece Work, by C . C . Balderston, $2.50. X . Wage Methods and Selling Costs, by Anne Bezanson and Miriam Hussey, $4.50. X I . W a g e s — A Means of Testing T h e i r Adequacy, by Morris E . Leeds and C . C . Balderston, $1.50. X I I . Case Studies of U n e m p l o y m e n t — C o m p i l e d by the Unemployment Committee of the National Federation of Settlements, edited by Marion Elderton, $3.00. X I I I . T h e Full-Fashioned Hosiery W o r k e r — H i s Changing Economic Status, by George W . T a y l o r , $3.00. X I V . Seasonal Variations in Employment in Manufacturing Industries, by J. Parker Bursk, $2.50. X V . T h e Stabilization of Employment in Philadelphia through the Long-Range Planning of Municipal Improvement Projects, by W i l l i a m N . Loucks, $3.50. X V I . H o w Workers Find J o b s — A Study of Four Thousand Hosiery Workers, by Dorothea de Schweinitz, $2.50. X V I I . Savings and Employee Savings P l a n s — A n Analysis of Savings and T y p e s of Plans to Encourage Savings and T h r i f t among E m ployees of Industrial Firms in Philadelphia, by W i l l i a m J. Carson, $1.50.
WORKERS' EMOTIONS IN SHOP AND HOME A STUDY O F INDIVIDUAL WORKERS F R O M PSYCHOLOGICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL
STANDPOINT
BY
REXFORD B. HERSEY Research Associate Industrial Research Department and Assistant Professor of Industry Wharton School of Finance and Commerce University of Pennsylvania
PHILADELPHIA UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS 1932
THE
Copyright, 1931 by the U N I V E R S I T Y OF P E N N S Y L V A N I A
PRESS
Printed in the U N I T E D S T A T E S OF A M E R I C A
DEDICATED TO
THE
SHOPMEN
AND
OF
THE
PENNSYLVANIA
SUPERVISORS
RAILROAD
SYSTEM
WHOSE COOPERATION
AND
CONFIDENCE
MADE THIS
STUDY
POSSIBLE
PREFACE This volume embodies the findings from a year's intensive study of individual male workers from the psychological and physiological standpoint. The first study was confined to manual workers in one company only. This was supplemented by three years' additional study of workers in nonmechanical occupations and in other companies. This series of studies could never have been successfully completed, had it not been for the unselfish, whole-hearted, and unbiased support which was received from practically every one whom the investigator approached for aid or advice. Most particularly are my acknowledgments due to the eminent group of scientists who served as advisers during both the inception and continuation of the work: Dr. Adolf Meyer, Psychiatrist-in-Chief, T h e Johns Hopkins Hospital. Dr. L . L . Thurstone, Professor of Psychology, University of Chicago. Dr. A. J. Carlson, Head of the Department of Physiology, University of Chicago. Dr. S. DeWitt Ludlum, Professor of Psychiatry, Graduate School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Morris S. Viteles, Assistant Professor of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania. Dr. W . V. Bingham, Director of Personnel Research Federation. Of practically equal assistance were the following officers and men of the Pennsylvania Railroad System whom I cannot praise more highly than by stating that we have worked together for over five years in a very difficult field without the slightest friction: Elisha Lee, Vice-President. R. V. Massey, Vice-President in Charge of Personnel. vii
viii
PREFACE
H . A. Enochs, Acting Chief of Personnel. J. O. Hackenberg, General Superintendent of the P. T . General Division. H . L. Nancarrow, Master Mechanic of the P. T. General Division. T. H . Davis, General Chairman, Shop Crafts Association, Eastern Region and New York Zone. John J. Gluntz, General Chairman, Shop Crafts Association, Altoona Works. Joseph R. Sage, Division Chairman, Shop Crafts Association, P. T. Division. I would like to add at this point that all of the factual material referring to working conditions, shop practices, etc., contained in this report has been read and approved as correct by the representatives of both the men and the Management. In addition, Dr. J. H . Austin, Director of Medical Research, University of Pennsylvania 3 Dr. S. S. Kuznets, Assistant Professor of Statistics, University of Pennsylvania; Miss Florence Thorne of the American Federation of Labor; Dr. C. M. Hincks, Chairman of the National Committee for Mental Hygiene; Dr. George Pratt, Medical Director of the National Committee for Mental Hygiene; Dr. Stuart Rice, Professor of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania; O. Milton Hall, Personnel Research Federation; Robert Lynd, Social Science Research Council, read all or parts of the manuscript and offered valuable suggestions. The following graduate students, Marian Elderton, Richard Mead, William R. Van Meter, Russell L. Hiller, Robert Arnold, Russell Horn, and Oscar D. Amey, aided in the compilation and verification of part of the data. Florine G. Miller and Helen R. Spitz facilitated the work by the excellence of their secretarial assistance. Miss Miriam Hussey is to be especially thanked for her assistance in proof reading and her arrangement of the tabular material and general set-up of the book. I must also not neglect to mention the kindness of the
PREFACE
ix
Editors of the following Journals in allowing me to reprint all or part of articles that have appeared in their pages. The Journal of Mental Science. The Personnel Journal. The Journal of Industrial Hygiene. The American Federationist. Engineers and Engineering. Finally, I would like to mention my indebtedness to Dr. Joseph H . Willits, Director of the Department of Industrial Research, for his general help and encouragement. In addition to these there are many others too numerous to mention whose kindly encouragement and support smoothed over many a rough spot. In spite of all the precautions possible on the part of both the investigator and those who assisted him some errors, very few I hope, may have crept into this work. For them I assume entire responsibility. Rexford B. Hersey
CONTENTS CHAPTER
PAGE
FOREWORD
BY
DR.
ADOLF
P A R T I II III
V VI VII
SHOP
HOW
THE
A
ENVIRONMENT
CASES
SOME GOALS IS
A LOW
29
A N D
THEIR
SIGNIFICANCE
MAN
41
EFFECT DREAD
A
A
OF A N U N H A P P Y
HOME
. . . .
LIFE
FOREMAN—A
LEADER
143
S T U D Y IN B E H A V I O R SENSE
XIV
EMOTIONS AND PRODUCTIVITY RELATION
197 217
CONTROLS
DISSOLVES
P A R T
CRISIS
OR A D R I V E R
COMMON
242
CONFLICT
III—HAPPINESS
BETWEEN ZEST
265 A N D
W O R K 289
FOR A C T I V I T Y A N D P H Y S I C A L
CON-
DITION XVI XVII
110
176
J O B IN A N E M O T I O N A L
XIII
THE
84 OR E M P L O Y E R ?
SPECTRE—UNEMPLOYMENT
MONOTONOUS
THE
62
IN S H O P A N D H O M E
I . Q . A H A N D I C A P TO W O R K E R
THE
X V
US
Y O U T H AND ITS PROBLEMS
THE
XII
INFLUENCES
II—INDIVIDUAL
CONTENTED
IX
XI
3 11
VIII
X
I — I N T R O D U C T O R Y
INTRODUCTION THE
P A R T IV
XVII
MEYER
305
RECURRENT
EMOTIONAL
F L U C T U A T I O N S IN M E N
338
INFERENCES AND SUGGESTIONS
373
A P P E N D I X A
PROBLEMS
B
RESULTS
AND TECHNIQUES
409
C
C O M P A R I S O N OF P R O D U C T I O N , F A T I G U E , A N D S L E E P D U R I N G " H I G H S "
OF P S Y C H O L O G I C A L T E S T S
OF T W E L V E
SUBJECTS
. . . .
A N D " L O W S " OF R E P R E S E N T A T I V E G R O U P OF I N D I V I D U A L W O R K E R S
422
425
BIBLIOGRAPHY
432
INDEX
437
xi
TABLES TABLE
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
PAGE
Comparison of the Major Sources of Crisis Relation Between Average Production and Emotional States Number of Periods in Which Emotional Tonus Coincided with Heightened, Lowered, and Unchanged Rate of Production Periods of Heightened or Lowered Production Seemingly Influenced by the Emotional State of Individual Workers The Degree of Ascendance-submission in the Various Workers . . . . Periods Influenced by the Different Causes of Variations in Production Variations in Productivity Induced by Both Objective and Subjective Elements of the Physical Condition The Causes of Tiredness of Individual Workers Relative Importance of Causes of Fatigue for Entire Group of Workers Relative Importance of Plant and Non-plant Factors in Causation of Fatigue Measures for Reduction of Fatigue Caused by Plant Factors Summary of Production, Fatigue, and Sleep for a Representative Group of Individual Workers Blood Pressure Readings of Individual Workers Factors or Incidents Which M a y Account for Deviations from Expected Emotional State * . Relation of Age to the Average Span-length Comparison of Average Span-length on Basis of Occupation and Performance in Morgan Mental Test Comparison of Average Span-length on Basis of Rating in A-S Reaction Test
xiii
35 290 292 296 300 303 307 326 330 331 334 351 354 360 369 371 372
CHARTS CHART
PAGE
I II
Average Weekly Percentage of Tiredness of Two Male Workers The Emotions of Worker " Y " as Determined by Four Daily views III Average Weekly Emotional States of Ten Male Workers IV The Emotions of Worker " I " as Determined by Four Daily views V Average Weekly Emotional States of Four Male Workers VI Relation of Average Span-length to Age of Worker
xv
. . . 319 Inter340 and 341 343 Inter344 and 34J 348 370
FOREWORD The whole turn of investigation in the social sciences is in the direction of concrete and direct observation, such as has laid the foundations in the natural sciences that have given us most help. Such work requires unusual labor, persistence, and in this case unusual intuition and critical control of the facts. To have brought these into a study of men at work and their output and personal reactions is the great merit of the author of this study. It is the first time that adequate observation and description of workers and working conditions have been undertaken on any such terms of intimacy. Yet this is what is needed if one desires more than superficial insight into the problem. There have been many discussions of labor turn-over, industrial fatigue and recuperation, and numerous studies of particular events, such as strikes, but what is after all most essential is to learn about the actual normal conditions and their variations and fluctuations. Larger problems may arise out of these unless there is a more adequate understanding. The present study shows clearly that the internal working of the individual depends to no small degree on working conditions and self-adjustment. It undoubtedly depends also, to a great extent, upon the situational factors outside of the work proper. The correlation of these factors during periods extending over weeks at a time has disclosed material with which employers, foremen, and workers should have a chance to become familiar, and which the student of these matters has to learn to see from the human as well as the purely matter-of-fact angle. It is obvious that a good many of the points that count cannot be reduced to rule of thumb. Yet the systematization which Mr. Hersey has found in them and given to the reader is bound to be a valuable contribution for general application. It would seem of particular xvii
xviii
FOREWORD
value to realize the occurrence of fluctuations in the worker's non-rational motivations. An appreciation of the relative regularity with which these appear, as well as the power of the environmental relationships to induce temporarily unaccountable moods, should act as a check upon those who take too critical a view of the worker. One may merely be dealing with general human reactions. Quite apart from those encountered in the experience of physicians, there are evidently fluctuations in mood and efficiency within the normal person which deserve recognition and a knowledge of which will preserve one from hasty judgment and unjust criticism. Having followed the work from its inception, I have had an opportunity to watch the careful and most meticulous handling of the data. It is to be hoped that the industrial engineer and all who think seriously of the ultimate success of our industrial world and the workers' adjustment to it— the social scientist, the psychiatrist, and others with a real desire to understand the complex patterns of behavior—will find this study of real human interest. The well considered elaboration and deductions should prove this enterprise a scientifically valuable and stimulating achievement. ADOLF
MEYER
PART I
INTRODUCTORY
C H A P T E R
I
INTRODUCTION WHY
STUDY M A N
FURTHER?
There are still many problems in the world about which we know very little. There are many more of which we possess some knowledge, but not enough to make control efficient. Man falls into this latter class. W e have had him with us thousands of years, but our exact and correlated knowledge of the factors that control and inspire his activity has only recently begun to assume effective proportions. In most individuals there are still dark spots into which we have difficulty in probing with the present available methods. These gaps become even more noticeable when we take the industrial problems that confront us and endeavor to solve them with any degree of accuracy. For few investigations in the industrial field have been conducted with the depth of penetration into human nature and with the exactness necessary for basic conclusions about the human machine and its relations to the job. T h e most exact work has been that of the experimental psychologists; but the very nature of their work has tended to prevent deep penetration or a consideration of the individual as a whole. T h e work of those who have attempted to get underneath the surface, on the other hand, has not been exact. Observers have usually gone into an industry either as workers or as onlookers and noted down various incidents. Later they have attempted to fit them together into a probable picture of what really has taken place in the worker's mind. Such pictures may be true, but one is often left with a doubt. Many other writers have taken the excellent work that has been done in the field of abnormal psychology and attempted to apply it to industry. Such work has without doubt 3
4
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
been of very great value in helping us apprehend those conditions under which abnormal mental and emotional traits may develop. Unfortunately its direct application to the problems that arise particularly in industry has not been possible, because, as a rule, the writers have not possessed sufficient knowledge of the effects of crises peculiar to industry to formulate definite conclusions concerning them. This difficulty, more than any other, has prevented a complete carry-over of the findings of clinical psychology and mental hygiene into industry. Only within the past ten years have consistent efforts been made to utilize in industry the results of clinical experience; but the methods of the abnormal psychologists have been found more directly applicable than their findings. A l l of these attempts to understand man better have been worth while. Each method has added to the sum total of our knowledge of human nature in industry. Now the problem is that of building upon the results of the past. Past research, as we have seen, stressed three aspects: ( i ) the isolation and measurement of the part as contrasted with the whole, illustrated by the development of psychological tests for certain traits and abilities and the study of the effect of single elements in the worker's environment, such as hours of work, rest pauses, etc.; ( 2 ) superficial observation and extensive interviewing of many workers; ( 3 ) analysis of the abnormal as contrasted with the normal. On the other hand, the recent work of Anderson, Bingham, Mayo, Viteles, Kornhauser and others in the United States, and of Myers and his co-workers in England, shows clearly a changing emphasis toward a study of the individual and his environmental situation as a whole as well as an increasing exactness of method. Industrial research is putting itself on a par with that of the laboratory and the clinic. In the next fifty years it seems likely that the students of human nature will unearth in industry more worth while data on human reactions than workers in any other field of research. Industry is still an unplumbed well for research
INTRODUCTION
5
into many of the factors making for a happy or pitiable life. This study and others of a somewhat similar character constitute but a beginning. Many industrialists are becoming more and more cognizant of the importance of their workers' mental and emotional attitudes. Business cycles come and go, but the men in industry must live and work together through both good times and hard times. A knowledge of all the factors that cause men to work cheerfully and willingly at all times is then a necessity for truly efficient management. Though this knowledge is growing, further investigation must be carried on to supply the information needed for satisfactory industrial guidance and leadership. Consequently the study upon which much of this book is based resulted from the desire of a large public utility corporation to learn more about those factors influencing the emotions and efficiency of men at work. The purpose of this study was to discover and formulate, through intensive analysis of a group of representative men, general prerequisites for successful adjustment which would in turn apply in principle to all groups of male workers. T o attain this purpose four essential formulae were stressed: ( i ) specialization on the "normal" worker as contrasted with the problem case; ( 2 ) analysis of each man as a unit in his total environmental and organic setting; ( 3 ) search for the factors actually making men happy and unhappy; (4) determination of, if possible, under what conditions each man was most efficient and what role his emotions played in his adjustment. Efficiency was not defined as "the greatest production possible no matter what the cost," as it often is, but instead as "the greatest production possible under conditions compatible with a satisfactory and healthful life." T h e writer devoted an entire year to the observation of a group of "normal" workers of various occupations, ages, personality types, and nationalities. T h e following items were stressed:
6
WORKERS'
BEHAVIOR
BEHAVIOR
Emotional
Objective Efficiency (actual percentage of daily average) Feeling of Effort (percentage of average) Reasons
own
Sickness Kind Cause Absenteeism Cause Lateness Accidents Kind Cause Verbal (or physical) outbursts with fellows or against foremen. Cause Constructive ideas, discipline, etc. Verbal outburst of praising nature Miscellaneous
EMOTIONS
happy
or
Happy Hopeful Interested Talkative Joking Cooperative Neutral plus Neutral Tense Excited Mixed Neutral minus Angry Peevish Suspicious Disinterested Disgusted Pessimistic Sad ( h u r t ) Apprehensive Perplexed Worried BEHAVIOR
Mental Dominant Reveries BEHAVIOR
Physiological Pains Blood Tests Blood Pressure Chylomicron content Weight Tired Sleep
Special emphasis was laid on the analysis of the relationships existing between these items and environmental conditions or personality traits. T h e items listed were the result of ten years' study and experience on the part of the investigator, the advice and criticism of the advisors of the study and several evenings'
INTRODUCTION
7
discussion regarding the items which the workers chosen as subjects deemed both important and measurable. No cut and dried definition of "emotions" was attempted. The matter was discussed with the men studied. Most of them had similar ideas about what the different emotions on the list meant. The only point necessary to emphasize was that the subject must classify his emotional state according to his actual internal feeling-tone rather than his idea of what he thought he should feel under the circumstances. The best intimation of the meaning of the various emotional terms can be gained from the descriptions of actual instances of these emotions and correlative overt and inner behavior, contained in Part I I . So far, no test has been worked out which will readily distinguish when a man is worried, indifferent, or happy. T h e only method, then, which could be used, was the common-sense interpretation of his feelingtone. The observer first watched the man's actions and general behavior, his appearance and attitude. From these he attempted to decide in what general emotional state the subject was. If the man's own analysis of his feelings coincided with the opinion of the observer, his emotional state as given was accepted 5 if there was any doubt, the matter was again brought up later in the day and this later analysis almost always brought agreement. Naturally, such a method cannot fathom completely all the different emotions a man may have, but it would seem to portray with sufficient accuracy the major emotions of men at work. Such a study involved many real difficulties as to both the technique of fact finding and the interpretation of the data. 1 Since the number of men who could be kept under observation at one time was restricted to some twelve or fifteen at most, the limitation of the number of cases had to be overcome by the thoroughness of the analysis in each case. This called for cooperation in a number of different fields of 1 F o r a f u l l discussion of the problems and techniques involved in this study, see Appendix A , pp. 4.09-4.21.
8
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
knowledge, and the writer was very fortunate in securing as advisors such eminent leaders as have given him help. After the fact-finding technique had been roughly agreed upon, the next step was to present the idea of the study to the representatives of the workers and secure their cooperation. T h e y were willing to assist in every way after they had convinced themselves of the investigator's impartiality. T h e next two weeks were spent in visiting the various departments accompanied by the chairman of the workers' committee in order to find the best laboratory for the study. T w o departments lying contiguous to each other and involving different working conditions and hours of work were finally chosen. After six weeks more had been spent in these departments to allow the observer to become a part of the scenery, so to speak, and after the workers had begun, of their own accord, to relate intimate problems of their lives, a number of men were picked by the foremen, the workers' representatives, and the investigator. Each man picked twenty-five workers and out of the various lists it was found that agreement had been reached on some nineteen workers. T h e basis for the choice was as follows: the men were to be of average intelligence, and to like their jobs fairly well, possibly a little better than would usually be the case. T h e y had no important personality difficulties or physical handicaps tending to prevent proper adjustment. In more than one sense of the word, they could be looked upon as " n o r m a l " workers, the type of men who do not usually come under one's observation in the clinic. T h e investigation was first pursued for a period of thirteen weeks. Each day was divided into four periods, and a man was usually interviewed four times each day. Shortly after the study began all of the men were given a thorough physical examination through the cooperation of the Graduate School of Medicine of the University of Pennsylvania. Some time later most of them were put through a series of psychological tests in the psychological clinic of the University of Pennsylvania. These tests consisted of the W i t m e r
INTRODUCTION
9
Cylinder Test, M a z e C, Memory Span, Dearborn Form Board, Stenquist Mechanical Aptitude Test, A - S Reaction Study, Morgan Mental Test, and Personal Inventory C-2.2 In general, the chief result of the tests which is of importance here is that various normal personalities were well represented, ranging from introvert to extrovert, and from aggressive to submissive personalities. T h e scores in the intelligence test also varied sufficiently for the workers to be termed a representative group as to intellectual abilities. Physically they were all in good health, only two minor imperfections being found. One man had an abscessed tooth and another much enlarged tonsils. After thirteen weeks it seemed best to give the workers a rest. I f one goes to a man early in the morning and asks him about everything that has occurred since one last saw him and then comes around again about eleven o'clock to find if there is any change in his emotional state, and again about two o'clock, and later just before it is time to go home, such questioning has to be handled very carefully if the proper relationship between the analyst and the subject is to be preserved. In other words, the investigator must not allow himself to become a nuisance; he should observe the workers as much as possible and let them tell him their stories rather than be always asking questions. Besides the working day, spent in almost constant contact with the workers studied, much of the time after work was also employed with them either in their homes or elsewhere in order to obtain a complete picture of their whole lives. All of them had complete knowledge of the purpose of the study and cooperated fully both in describing and analyzing their behavior. After eight weeks' rest, the study was resumed for ten more weeks. Another rest period of four weeks followed. T h e third and final period of the study covered thirteen weeks. Seventeen men were included in the original study and since that time twelve more engaged in various types of professional or non-mechanical occupations have been studied 2
For tabulation of results see Appendix B, pp. 422-424.
10
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
somewhat less intensively. 3 Of the entire group it was possible, however, to measure obj ectively the production of only twelve. 4 Eleven of these were studied for almost a year and utilized as the chief source of descriptive case material given in Part I I . T h e work of the others—an artist, a laboratory technician, a storeroom attendant, students, teachers, etc.—was of such nature that no objective standard of performance could be set. In addition to these twenty-nine cases studied intensively by the method of daily interview and observation, over 500 cases have been studied from time to time to throw light on certain points suggested by the intensive method. The knowledge thus gained is not specifically presented but has served to give to the investigator a broader perspective. It is plain that the number of cases intensively studied, only twentynine, is not sufficient to warrant unqualified generalization. Nevertheless the evidence in every case is complete enough to suggest the answers to certain hitherto untouched psychological laws and problems in such a way that a statement of the facts as discovered seems imperatively demanded. ' Ten others kept records of their emotional life f o r periods varying f r o m four months to a year without daily observation and interview. 4 A definite standard of production, measured in money return by jobs, was set f o r each worker as 100 per cent or "average" and variations from it were measured in percentages f o r each period.
CHAPTER II THE SHOP
Before our drama formally opens, we must describe the stage where most of the action occurs. It will be recalled that the two departments chosen involved different working conditions. Thus one served as a check on the other. Smug and dirty beside the railroad track, with the smoke from many engines often blowing down upon them, lay the buildings that comprised these two departments. Grimy and stalwart were the men who worked there. Conditions were not like those surrounding many factories, housed, as they are, in the midst of a tenement district and surrounded on all sides by ragged urchins of a city slum. Except for the engine smoke, the air was clean and sweet and the shops were open in many ways to the winds that blew from the four corners of the earth. All the buildings were one story and there was a feeling of elbow room and light and freedom, especially in Department " A " 5 the chief drawback in that department was that a goodly portion of the work was in the open. Department " B " did not have so satisfactory conditions, though practically all the work in that department was performed under cover. More smoke and more foreign particles were in the air. The light was not good for certain parts of the heavier repair work, especially on dark and gloomy days. The work in both departments was not the type that a physical weakling could either enjoy or endure, yet those who were able to stand it seemed to find it more to their liking than work under less natural conditions, provided they did not develop rheumatism, colds, and other ailments from the inclemencies of the weather. In spite of all their disadvantages there was a lure about both places that eventull
12
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
OBVIOUS ITEMS IN T H E P L A N T Department " A "
SITUATION Department
"B"
Purpose of work
Repairing of freight cars. R e p a i r i n g of locomotives, U t i l i t y o f w o r k and necessity for high standards apparent to all.
N a t u r e of work
Skilled and varied types of craftsmanship for the most p a r t inv o l v e d , requiring both helpers and mechanics; a knowledge o f m a n y tools, operations, and materials necessary; relatively few monotonous or repetitive tasks-. A p p r o x i m a t e l y half the workers on piecework (car repairmen); others (day-workers) assisting t h e m as m a c h i n i s t s , b l a c k smiths, carpenters, in repairing and s u p p l y i n g parts and keeping material and machines in shape.
M o s t l y all d a y w o r k ; piece w o r k recently abolished; most i m p o r t a n t crafts in departments those of machinists and boiler makers.
H e a v y and d i r t y ; also at least half of actual car repair w o r k done in the open.
H e a v y and dirty.
P r o b l e m s numerous. T r a i n i n g and intelligence required. centrated thinking necessary. Wages
Con-
Mechanics: 7O0 to 78^ per hour Helpers: 530 t 0 550 per hour
Mechanics: 70 0 to 780 per hour Helpers: 530 to 550 per hour Pieceworkers: M e c h a n i c s : $50 to $110 per h a l f - m o n t h l y p a y period depending on ability and nature of j o b s . Helpers: $30 to $75.
W a g e s for t y p e s of w o r k represented the highest in the U n i t e d States, only one other railroad even equalling. Since the close of the original s t u d y , w a g e s raised 40 above those listed. Supervisory force
F o r e m a n , assistant and g a n g foremen.
H o u r s of work
A l l except wrecking crew 7-4, w i t h half hour for lunch; on S a t u r d a y 7 to 12:30; a 48-hour w e e k . W r e c k i n g crew: 7 to 3; 20 minutes for lunch with p a y ; no other time off except b y special permission; 56-hour week.
T h r e e shifts. M e n studied on 7 - 3 shift; 20 minutes for l u n c h w i t h p a y , e v e r y other S u n d a y off, alternate 48- and 56-hour week.
C h a n g e s during y e a r
P r a c t i c a l l y none, though likelihood of r e m o v a l of one t y p e o f w o r k to another shop apparent during last few m o n t h s of study.
N o n e , except change of forem a n after first three m o n t h s ,
foreman,
F o r e m a n , assistant and g a n g foremen.
foreman
A definite effort w a s m a d e to m a k e no changes w h i c h m i g h t prejudice the s t u d y in eyes of the workers or arouse their suspicions.
THE
SHOP
13
OBVIOUS ITEMS IN T H E P L A N T SITUATION Department " A "
(Continued)
Department
"B"
Security
Sick benefit and medical attention for those voluntarily j o i n i n g the " r e l i e f . " Old age (retirement) pensions. Seniority system.
R e w a r d s for more than average effort
L i t t l e opportunity for promotion or increased w a g e after rank of mechanic is reached. Possibility of h a v i n g good work rewarded in other w a y s , i.e., b y praise; special mention not a plank of c o m p a n y ' s personnel program.
Understanding o f each other's problems and policies b y Management and M e n
Excellent cooperation and s y m p a t h y between higher m a n a g e m e n t and labor leaders b u t no concerted effort as w a s made in regard to the S a f e t y M o v e m e n t to carry this h a p p y situation to lowest ranks of both groups.
T h e workers in D e p a r t m e n t " A " are designated b y letters, " G , " " L , " those in D e p a r t m e n t " B , " b y numbers, as # i , #2, etc.
etc.;
ally appealed even to me, that made me wonder if ideal working conditions, while very beneficial in themselves, are the ultimate goal toward which we should aim in attempting to solve the problems of industrial life. T h e summary on page 12 presents in the briefest possible form the information usually required in any description of plant conditions. T h e physical and economic factors in the shop environment of the workers in the study have been set forth. T h e y are definite' and easy to describe. It goes without saying they are important, but their definiteness and the ease of describing them and making an issue concerning certain of them, such as higher wages, shorter hours, etc., have tended to exaggerate their importance at the expense of the human factors in the plant environment. These are less definite and less likely to arouse group discussion and conflict. In our description of the human factors in the plant environment, we shall confine our attention to those fairly general reactions of a man to other men in the midst of which our "candidates" 1 spent their plant life. T h o u g h the reactions to be described may very rarely 1
N a m e g i v e n to the men in the study.
14
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
have touched the candidates as results of definite crises, they were always in the background of their minds, and constituted a definite constellation of forces which both workers and foremen had to face in one form or another. LACK
OF
COOPERATION
One of the first points to strike the observer was the ruthlessness with which the workers often seemed to look after their own interests. Individualism appeared to be at its height. Newcomers versus Older
Workers
An incident which happened shortly after the study started threw a particularly clear light on the sort of treatment a newcomer might expect. A reduction in the personnel of the freight car inspection department made it necessary for a number of the men to be transferred to car repairing. Though they were acquainted with the theory of the work, few of them seemed to have had much practice. For a week or so, as a period of learning, they were put on the day rate. After that they were given piece work and forced to depend on the quantity they could produce. It was hard for them and they needed all the advice and assistance possible from the older and more experienced repairmen. Did they get it? Possibly in rare instances, but usually they had to battle against the almost open antagonism of the other workers. Many instances of the general hostility of the latter can be given. The heater for rivets was taken when about to be used. The air hammer was not given up, though the "old man" was not going to use it for a couple of hours. Tools were removed from the boxes of the new men. Many times, moreover, it seemed as if the gang foremen were not so helpful as they might have been in assisting the new men to adapt themselves to the exigencies of their new positions. Certain reasons make this a very likely attitude for a gang foreman to take. H e does not wish to change the status quo of his relations with the older men.
THE
SHOP
15
H e knows their strong and weak points. H e knows whom to watch and whom to trust. His work with them is comparatively easy. The entrance of a group of new men adds much to the problems and difficulties of his work in both its human and material aspects. Unless suitable rewards provide a strong incentive, we all resent being forced out of our ease into difficulties. This resentment must be expressed in some way. Thus a foreman, unless he makes a particular effort, will certainly not take pains to favor the awkward, inexperienced newcomer as he needs to be favored. This effort to help the newcomer need not lead to the giving of easier jobs but rather to especially considerate handling, and actual assistance or instruction carried on in a kindly, not an overbearing or insulting, manner. However, all the blame for the undercurrent of bitter competition cannot be laid on the shoulders of the more experienced men. Some of the new men picked up tools belonging to the old men. A particular case in point is that of a wrecker who left his tools lying and hurried to a wreck. On his return some of them were gone. H e found them in the box of a new man working near by. Other instances of the same sort occurred. The question to be asked is whether such actions represent primary attempts to achieve supremacy ruthlessly or merely efforts at retaliation. Attention may be drawn to the fact that the situation here depicted is often duplicated in every industrial establishment. The lot of the newcomer is hard unless the conditions of his entrance and his personality command the respect and liking of the other workers without arousing their suspicion or fear. It was the entrance of a comparatively large group of new workers into Department " A " that threw the newcomer's problem into such clear relief. Among the Workers in General Lack of cooperation among the men who had been employed for a long while in both departments was also the
16
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
cause of much difficulty and unhappiness. W e can broaden this statement to include all workers at large. In fact, it is so sadly true that one often is led to believe that the workers are their own worst enemies. The day workers sometimes manifested an unwillingness to assist the pieceworkers, even though such help may have been no more than they were supposed to render. In order to clarify the significance of that statement a further word or two about the organization of work in Department " A " may be necessary. T h e main function of the Department is to repair all kinds of freight cars. T h e actual repairs on these cars are made by the pieceworkers. In fact, the department as a whole is built around their endeavors; it is supposed to furnish them with material, with new or repaired parts, etc. For this purpose there is a storeroom and storage yard, a blacksmith shop, a machine shop, and a carpenter shop. T h e workers in these cooperating services, if we may call them that, are not pieceworkers, though at other points on the road, where there is a large volume» of work, such work is also done on a piecework basis. Their rate of work is largely dependent on the extent of repairs to parts which the pieceworkers require. For instance, a car repairman (pieceworker) confronts the task of putting in a coupler. Instead of going to the storage yard and getting a new one, he must take the old one to the blacksmith shop and have it repaired. Naturally he loses money if he has to remain idle while he is waiting for the coupler. His gang foreman must then see to it that he has other work to do in the meantime and the machinist, blacksmith, carpenter, or helper in the service shops must see to it that he is not kept waiting after the other work is finished. One would think that these "service" men would always be glad to help increase their buddies' earning power as much as possible and be eager to cooperate. A few of them always are. All of them sometimes are. Often one does cooperate but in such a grouchy manner that the pieceworker feels like "giving him a bat in the eye." So
THE SHOP
17
far one might be led to think that the blame is to be placed entirely on the day worker. The pieceworker is, however, often to blame. H e comes rushing in from his car, all in a hurry or grouchy from worry over whether the job will "turn out right," or possibly not the possessor of a particularly gracious manner under any circumstances. H e bursts out with, " F i x this floor sill up for me right away." I f the man to whom he is talking is not of a saintly disposition or in a mellow mood, the result can hardly be entirely satisfactory. The next instances of lack of cooperation have to do with individuals doing the same type of work, whether pieceworkers or day workers. Here the cases are not so noticeable and are at the same time more understandable, particularly with reference to the pieceworkers. I f one of these stops to give another man a lift, he feels that he is losing money. Naturally he hesitates, unless he is pretty certain that he will get a similar lift at some future date. T h e day worker, on the other hand, may just be lazy, or he may righteously feel that he has finished his job and given the company as much as it is entitled to. Let the other man finish his own work. Or a refusal to expend more energy than is absolutely necessary to hold the job may come from the feeling that no one will appreciate the extra effort. H e will only work himself or somebody else out of a job. " H e l l ! What's the use? We'll likely be the ones to get laid off next week," is a common explanation of the workers' lack of effort. T h e workers in Departments " A " and " B " were less frequent offenders in this respect than those in other departments which I visited. Sometimes only the man himself is to blame. In fact, the perversity of human nature will account for some lack of cooperation and helpfulness in the best managed shop. But when such a condition is very general, the question is whether the fault lies so much in the men as in the plant conditions surrounding them.
18
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
T H E CRITICISM
COMPLEX
An even more vicious reaction of men to men, which was not so obvious but even more general, may be termed the "Criticism Complex," and may be defined as the tendency to criticize the actions of another individual, gang, department, shop, etc. in a prejudiced and emotional manner, without waiting for a logical or rational cause. Plant # i thinks that nothing good can come out of Plant # 2 of the same company and criticizes every bit of work from it. Plant # 2 has the same opinion regarding Plant # i . Inside Department " A " the Carpenter Shop was ready to criticize the Machine Shop when men from there did a job in the Carpenter Shop. " W h y don't they learn their work?" T h e same attitude was prevalent when the carpenters or the blacksmiths did a bit of work in the Machine Shop. It is not a conscious reaction at all. It has its roots in the hidden workings of the mind and seems to persist as a sort of professional jealousy even though the men or foremen concerned may be personally the very best of friends. It was also discernible in the relations between individuals in the same shop, between the men and the foremen, between the higher officials and the foremen. In fact, this complex apparently had taken such a strong hold on the imagination of the higher officials that they used it as the major management device for achieving efficiency among the lower ranking officials. I f the foremen had passed on to their men all the "bawlings out" they received, and in the same terms, the attitude of the men toward the company would have been much less cordial. This complex, in fact, forms such a basic plank in the efficiency methods of most large corporations that special attention should be paid it during the progress of our study. Let us set forth tentatively some of the premises on which the exclusive use of the criticism complex is founded. T h e first is the theory that a big corporation must drive its
THE
SHOP
19
men every minute of the day and that the best whip to use is that of fear—fear ultimately of loss of position. Second, the reactions of the workers and officials to such a policy are of minor significance. This study should prove whether these premises are correct, and if not, should indicate what more progressive measures may be adopted and what emotions stimulated to gain cooperation as well as efficiency from president to laborer. Hair-trigger criticism calls forth willy-nilly a desire to fight back. T h e worker tends to withhold any unusual effort or constructive idea that would benefit the company, unless he thinks it will lead to his individual advantage in some way. TALEBEARING
Talebearing was another human factor which at times affected various workers. One of them, in reality a very conscientious man, had been doing a job, and at its conclusion found that he had a small quantity of scrap on hand in which there were three or four good nuts and a small bolt. T h e scrap heap was at the far end of the yard and he hesitated to lose the time which it would take to carry the scrap there and turn in the few usable articles. After making certain that none of the bosses was around, he threw both the scrap and the good material into a nearby car. T h e next day one of the gang foremen came to him and asked him if he had thrown the material into the car. On answering that he had, he was told to get it and do with it as he was required to do by shop orders. T h e boss could have become aware of his slight infringement of the rules only by some one's carrying the tale to him. O f course at once arises the question—how could a good employee of the company have done otherwise? L e t us counter this question by asking another. Should not the good employee have first remonstrated with the breaker of the company rule, if he were truly interested in the welfare of the company and did not merely wish to ingratiate himself with the boss or maliciously injure his fellow-worker?
20
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
Even I was not immune from the effects of talebearing. One of the workers in Department " B " , not a candidate, had become quite confidential with me, mostly about his home troubles. T h e statement was made to one of the bosses that this man had said he was only playing up to me in order to " g e t " one of the gang foremen. This was only a few weeks after I came to the shop and the suspicions of the men as to my purpose in the plant had not yet been overcome or the candidates chosen. I did not care to ask the worker if he had made such an assertion but gave him every opportunity to criticize the foreman. Yet at no time did he make even more than casual reference to the foreman in question. I cannot do otherwise than conclude that the talebearer was maliciously lying. Another instance of talebearing involved the telling of the boss that the daughter of an employee was working when she was not. In consequence, though entitled to it, he was refused a pass for his daughter. Such talebearing magnifies any maladjustment tenfold and if the foreman gives ear to it, will tend to create of itself a state of suspicion and unrest. J E A L O U S Y OF O T H E R S ' A D V A N C E M E N T OR A C H I E V E M E N T
T h e workers in both departments who endeavored to advance through unusual efficiency or by becoming of special value to management were usually disliked and hindered as much as possible by their fellows. In Department " A " some of the piece work gangs that were particularly efficient and made more money than the average even incurred the enmity of the other gangs. On one occasion two gangs almost came to blows, when it was intimated that the larger earnings of one of them were due to more favorable treatment at the hands of one of the gang foremen. In fact, even the slightest suspicion of favoritism seemed especially to inflame the feelings of those apparently slighted. This reaction of jealousy is so typical of plant, office, and home, that no more than mere mention is needed.
THE
SHOP
P E R S O N A L L I K E S AND
21 DISLIKES
It is to be regretted but not denied that men and women who live and work together develop very peculiar and far from logical attitudes toward each other. Minor personal idiosyncrasies, such as a manner of talking or eating or way of blowing one's nose, may get so on the nerves of a man's fellow worker that he will refuse to work beside him, or certainly to eat with him at lunch time. One usually associates such aversions with neurotic women, living in social hothouses and unaccustomed to lifting a finger except to beckon a servant. It was then surprising to come across this same tendency to become very disagreeable over some detail in another individual's personality among those who were often crude and rough themselves. W e have often recognized how important a role these little mannerisms and these seemingly illogical likes and dislikes play in keeping relationships inside the family adj usted or maladj usted. None of our books on plant conditions, however, has dealt with this important problem to any extent whatsoever. T h e authors endeavored, of course, to portray situations which possessed more objectivity and more amenability to a clearly recognized technique of correction. But it would be very cowardly to hesitate to describe a situation which seems so important just because it offers very great difficulty in both analysis and correction. The importance of this item can well be summed up by the following remark, which one of the workers in Department " A " made after becoming quite annoyed with several of his fellow workers: " I t ain't the work. It's the damn pigs you got to work with." One of the peculiarities of this problem of human interrelationship is that the social and intellectual standards of the workers do not seem to be a very important feature. Workers of the supposedly highest type often have as many or more difficulties arising between them as the most lowly group of unskilled laborers. I f difficulties and bickering arise those involved merely express themselves somewhat differ-
22
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
ently in the two groups. T h e more educated group is usually less direct in settling its personal animosities and not quite so ready ordinarily to resort to physical means. Personalities and Nationalities In both the departments where the study was conducted, the workers could be said to include practically all the major types of personalities and nationalities that we find working in American factories today. Some of them were very refined and quiet 5 others, very boisterous and aggressive. It is likely that the quality of men employed had deteriorated somewhat on account of a strike that had occurred some five or six years before, for after it a number of the men who had been with the company for a long time refused to return because their seniority rights had been taken away. Echoes of this former disturbance were still to be heard, when many of the men who had not gone out on the strike, would complain that those who were working with them were not such good workmen as their old buddies. T h e foremen, too, would often complain about the lack of thorough training which many of their men revealed. In Department O c o ^ ' - o O co r--oo w->oo d O n ^JOn r h s o
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too long or too short. Such a possibility of error does not, however, invalidate the method, since the evidence, although showing that the average fluctuations in emotions are fairlyregular and likely characteristic of the individual, does not indicate an absolute periodicity. Chart I I seemingly needs no further explanation, but a word or two of description concerning Chart I I I may be helpful. In this chart the top row of numbers indicates each week of the year during which the original plant investigation took place, while each point in the graph represents an average emotional state for a week. It will be noted that no observations were made from the fourteenth to the twentyfirst week inclusive, and from the thirty-second to the thirtyfifth week inclusive. A weekly emotional state is taken, as a rule, from the arithmetic average of 22 analytical interviews, Sundays and Saturday afternoons not being included. If we take Worker G , we find the first span from the end of the first low week to the end of the second to be nine weeks. As a check on the hypothesis of periodic emotional fluctuations one should be able to construct for those periods when no observations were made, hypothetical spans from " l o w " to " l o w " of the same lengths as the observed weeks and have them fit correctly when joined to the next series of weeks under observation. T h e numbers in parentheses represent the results of such an effort. The next span-lengths for Worker G then run: ( 9 ) , 9, ( 1 0 ) with a span at the close of the study that is probably not complete. Worker G, it will be remembered, is the oldest man in the study—nearly 60. H e claimed, all through the investigation, that he never changed as other men did. It may be that many of us have the same sort of very long, gradual emotional change; so gradual, in fact, that we do not realize when we are slipping and when we are down and when we come up. On the whole, he was very happy, practically always above the neutral line. His low periods were marked chiefly by a refusal to joke with his buddies, by a withdrawal
RECURRENT
EMOTIONAL
FLUCTUATIONS
34-7
into himself, and by a willingness to criticize his superiors that was never seen at any other time. T h e next man, L , is one of the youngest men in the group, 22 years of age, and unmarried. H i s emotional life shows little variability and the average span from " l o w " to " l o w " is little over three weeks. Once, his observed spanlength goes to four and one-half weeks. T h e interpolated spans seem to run over twice, once to four and one-half weeks, another time to five weeks. This is no more than a woman's menstrual period might vary, when affected by some unusual cause. During his low periods his usual emotional state was indifference. H e had little interest in the way his work was going and little desire to carry on his art work at home in the evening. Of the other men, the responses of F , M , H , # i , #2, and S to a long-run major crisis in each of their lives have previously been analyzed. T h e graphical presentation corroborates in general the day-by-day analysis, in spite of the fact that a week was chosen arbitrarily as the unit of measurement and a " l o w " is not necessarily contained entirely in the week described as low. T h e remaining workers in Chart I I I show the same sort of recurrent variation. X ' s span runs between five and six, and #3's, between five and seven. A study of the list, man by man, thus shows that these apparently periodic changes almost never vary more than one week from the worker's individual average, and that each man would seem to have a time span from " l o w " to " l o w " peculiar to himself. In other words, if my usual time span from " l o w " to " l o w " is five weeks, I may have one of six weeks or of four weeks. If your span is usually seven weeks, you may have one of eight weeks or of six weeks. But almost never, in spite of all the buffets of misfortune, in spite of difficulties at home, in spite of great pleasure and unusual success, does the length of any particular span depart more than one week either way from the usual span length.
348
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
RECURRENT
EMOTIONAL
FLUCTUATIONS
349
So far, instances of manual workers have been cited. A m o n g the other twelve cases studied since my first investigation was brought to a close, were included an artist, two students, two insurance salesmen, three teachers, a laboratory technician, a clerical worker, a draftsman, and myself. In all of them, the same regularity in average emotional fluctuations was clearly manifested. Five of them were studied for a year or more and each of the others for slightly over four months. T h e actual emotions of one of these ( W o r k e r I ) is shown in Chart I V , where the same method was used as in the case of Y (Chart I I ) . T h e average weekly emotional states of the other four, as in the case of the first ten workers, are shown in Chart V. O f the five studied for a year, K's spans show the greatest variations. This graph, as will be noticed, runs from the week beginning April i , 1929, until the week beginning July 7, 1930. T h e spans run clearly between five and a half and seven and a half weeks, the average being slightly over six weeks. During this time this subject's environmental relationships were very different and yet, in spite of all those varying changes, his span did not vary by more than two weeks. During that whole time, likewise, only two weeks were thrown out of line. These regularly recurrent fluctuations in emotional resistance have been found in every one of the 29 cases studied —without exception. This fact is surprising. It is really difficult to realize that here in this complex civilization of ours, there can be a sort of law and order moving through all our tangled emotional lives. T h e question now arises: W h a t do the " h i g h s " as contrasted with the " l o w s " mean in terms of functions and activities other than mood or attitude? T h e changes in the attitudes and general behavior of those workers who faced long-run crises have previously been portrayed. It would seem wise to supplement these accounts with records of the more measurable behavior of all the men with whom we have become familiar through previous analysis. T h e analy-
350
WORKERS'
EMOTIONS
sis of the twelve cases studied later brought no significant changes in these findings. T h e figures for production, feeling of tiredness, and sleep are given in summary form in Table 12, and in more detail in Appendix B, while those for blood pressure are found in Table 13. These tables cannot be considered as statistical analyses alone; they are rather the expression in statistical terms of certain features of the cases previously analyzed. Considering the large number of factors which may influence production and fatigue, it is surprising that the results are so consistent. From the table just preceding and from the previous intimate analysis of the various workers, a general picture of likely differences between a typical "high" and " l o w " may now be drawn, with the understanding that the details of these high and low periods vary not only for the different individuals but also for the different periods in the case of the same person. GENERAL
SUMMARY
OF
LIKELY
"HIGH"
AND
DIFFERENCES
BETWEEN
"LOW"
Production H I G H : A person's drive toward activity in general is greater. H e usually goes at his work with a vim and often does those things which may have been waiting two or three weeks and which have been put off from day to day. T h e work comes easily. Production can readily be kept at the average rate and is often higher. Relatively fewer complaints are made about the way the work is going, though one may accomplish less than he is really capable of doing because his interest is attracted by all sorts of extraneous stimuli and because of his willingness to take his work and its importance relatively less seriously. H e is often ready to stop and tell the other men how to do their work. T h e analysis of the final series of cases—those not in manual work—leads to the inference that jobs such as teaching, selling, consultation work, etc., which require tact, understanding, and pa-
RECURRENT
EMOTIONAL
FLUCTUATIONS
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Total score T score (Median 42 for 15mos. level)
Median 125 First Trial
Average 8—t Average 7 Not standardized f< year level
Median 44 seconds* Second Trial
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