Women in British Buddhism: Commitment, Connection, Community 2019016471, 9781138087460, 9781315110455, 9781351616102

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Women in British Buddhism

Based on detailed ethnographic research, this book explores the varied experiences of women who have converted to Buddhism in contemporary Britain and analyses the implications of their experiences for understanding the translation and transference of Buddhist practices temporally and geographically. This book examines how women initially engage with Buddhist groups, their perspectives on religious discipline, and their relationships to ideas of gender equality and feminism. Whilst the recent study of Buddhism outside Asia has tended to emphasise the transnational and the global, this book de-centres this, highlighting the significance of locality and immediate community in contemporary women’s faith practices. Showcasing the narratives and life stories of 25 ordained women across seven different Buddhist groups connected to Britain, the research in this book challenges uncritical assumptions made about ‘Western’ women who engage with Buddhist practices, and provides a new framing of contemporary ordination through a detailed and holistic examination of a group of Buddhist practitioners that have received little focused attention. The first multi-­tradition study of ordained Buddhist women in Britain, this book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of Buddhist studies, religious studies, gender studies, Asian studies, and the sociology of religion.

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Caroline Starkey is Associate Professor of Religion and Society at the University of Leeds, UK.

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Routledge Critical Studies in Buddhism Edited by Stephen C. Berkwitz Missouri State University, USA

Founding Editors: Charles S. Prebish, Utah State University, USA

and Damien Keown

Goldsmith’s College, London University, UK

Routledge Critical Studies in Buddhism is a comprehensive study of the Buddhist tradition. The series explores this complex and extensive tradition from a variety of perspectives, using a range of different methodologies. The series is diverse in its focus, including historical, philological, cultural, and sociological investigations into the manifold features and expressions of Buddhism worldwide. It also presents works of constructive and reflective analysis, including the role of Buddhist thought and scholarship in a contemporary, critical context and in the light of current social issues. The series is expansive and imaginative in scope, spanning more than two and a half millennia of Buddhist history. It is receptive to all research works that are of significance and interest to the broader field of Buddhist studies.

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Editorial Advisory Board: James A. Benn, McMaster University, Canada; Jinhua Chen, University of British Columbia, Canada; Rupert Gethin, University of Bristol, UK; Peter Harvey, University of Sunderland, UK; Sallie King, James Madison University, USA; Anne Klein, Rice University, USA; Lori Meeks, University of Southern California, USA; Ulrich Pagel, School of Oriental and African Studies, UK; John Powers, Australian National University, Australia; Juliane Schober, Arizona State University, USA; Vesna A. Wallace, University of California, Santa Barbara, USA; Michael Zimmermann, University of Hamburg, Germany Theravada Buddhism in Colonial Contexts Edited by Thomas Borchert Buddhism, Meditation and Free Will A Theory of Mental Freedom Rick Repetti Women in British Buddhism Commitment, Connection, Community Caroline Starkey

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Women in British Buddhism Commitment, Connection, Community

Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

Caroline Starkey

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 Caroline Starkey The right of Caroline Starkey to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-­in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-Publication Data Names: Starkey, Caroline, author. Title: Women in British Buddhism : commitment, connection, community / Caroline Starkey. Description: 1 [edition]. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge critical studies in Buddhism Identifiers: LCCN 2019016471| ISBN 9781138087460 (hardback) | ISBN 9781315110455 (ebook) | ISBN 9781351616102 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Women in Buddhism–Great Britain. | Woman–Religious aspects–Buddhism. Classification: LCC BQ4570.W6 S73 2019 | DDC 294.3082/0941–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019016471 ISBN: 978-1-138-08746-0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-11045-5 (ebk)

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Typeset in Times New Roman by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

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This book is dedicated to my Gran, Joan Stapleton Diolch yn fawr iawn

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

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Contents



List of illustrations Acknowledgements

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1 Introduction, context and method

viii ix 1

2 Buddhism in Britain

20

3 British Buddhist women and narratives of conversion

57

4 Deepening commitment: the path to ordination

81

5 Buddha couture: ordained Buddhist women and dress

105

6 Loaded words: attitudes to feminism and gender equality

134

7 Pioneers and volunteers: women building British Buddhism

165

8 Conclusion: commitment, connection, community

194



Glossary Index

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

201 203

Illustrations

Figures 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 7.1

Living situation Prior feminist orientation Perceived discrimination Centre and periphery Jizo at Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey, Northumberland

138 139 141 142 166

Tables

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3.1 Religious background of participants 3.2 Paths of entrée 4.1 Age range of participants at the time of interview

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60 63 86

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Acknowledgements

This book would not have been possible without the support, guidance and advice of a number of people and institutions. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the Spalding Trust, and the University of Leeds, each of whom provided vital funding. The School of Philosophy, Religion and History of Science at the University of Leeds has always been extremely supportive and I am lucky to have found such a friendly intellectual environment, particularly in the Centre for Religion and Public Life. I would like to offer a very special and truly heartfelt thank you to Professors Kim Knott and Emma Tomalin. This book has its origins in my PhD thesis, and under their supervision I was shown such care and attention, both in relation to my work and to me as a researcher. In my post-­doctoral period, Professor Grace Davie has been the most wonderful mentor – kind, critical, encouraging. I, like many others, owe her a great deal. Thank you to many academic colleagues and friends, some of whom commented on chapters of this book, others who were available to help me think through theories and methods and to provide motivation; in particular, Anna Halafoff, Ann Gleig, Rachel Muers, Sarah Shaw, Stefania Palmisano, Naomi Appleton, Cristina Rocha, Wendy Dossett, Alice Collett, Martin Seeger, Ann Heirman, Jo Sadgrove and Hollie Gowan. I am especially grateful to Adriaan van Klinken and Léa Salje – their knowledge, humour and friendship have made being at work such fun. I am also very grateful to my two PhD examiners, Dr Hiroko Kawanami and Professor Philip Mellor. I hope you will see that the suggestions you made are fundamental to the way I shaped this book. I also want to thank my editors at Routledge, particularly Dr Steven Berkwitz, Dorothea Schaefter and Alexandra de Brauw, as well as the anonymous readers who provided such helpful recommendations. I am grateful to the UK Association for Buddhist Studies, where I have served as treasurer for the past six years, to the American Academy of Religion Buddhism in the West Program Unit, and to the British Sociological Association Sociology of Religion Study Group. Thank you to Professor Dr Ute Hüsken for hosting the most wonderful international workshop in Heidelberg on women’s agency in Buddhism and Hinduism in July 2018. This was an intellectually rigorous event and, ultimately, provided me with the impetus to finish this book.

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

x   Acknowledgements

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I also wanted to thank Robert Bluck, Louise Marchant, Richard Ollier, Munisha, Dhivan Jones and the Anukampa Bhikkhunī Project (particularly Venerable Candā and Helen Hanke), all of whom have helped deepen my understanding of the transmission of Buddhism to Britain. A debt of gratitude is owed to all of the Buddhist women in Britain and beyond who gave me their time and attention, answered my questions (and asked me questions in return) and who supported this project – I hope that I have done you justice. Personally, I am very glad for the companionship of the SocRel Netflix crew for all the support, laughter and GIFs. To Peter Harvey, Deborah Raikes and the Samatha Trust – thank you for sharing a practice that has helped me immeasurably. To my Ravens: I’m not sure I could have completed this book without running around a netball court every Wednesday night with you all – you are truly inspirational women. Finally, to my family, my two boys, and particularly, Tom. Words cannot express how pleased I am that we are on this journey together. Anumodanā

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1 Introduction, context and method

On the 21st June 2016, during an uncharacteristically balmy evening in Chorlton, a leafy suburb of Manchester, north-­west England, a group of about 40 men and women are gathered in front of an imposing Buddha rupa to meditate, chant, and listen to a dhamma talk. They have met in an adapted Christian spiritualist church, now the home of a Thai Theravāda lay Buddhist group. At the front of the room, to the right of the Buddha, is a British bhikkhunī, a fully ordained Theravāda Buddhist nun, dressed in the brown robes of her Forest tradition. She is visiting this Manchester group from Dhammasara Monastery in Perth, Western Australia. She had arrived here at the culmination of a week of tudong spiritual walking practice originating in Derbyshire, some 50 miles away, with a female lay companion, herself a former nun. It is the first time that the bhikkhunī has addressed this audience and she is talking fluidly and precisely about compassion and what it might mean for contemporary Buddhist practitioners. Three days prior to the UK referendum on membership of the European Union, this topic provides a moment of calm in a climate of national political turmoil and uncertainty. Yet, this was not simply a routine dhamma talk, the like of which might take place at any of the Buddhist centres or temples that are now well established across the British Isles. This bhikkhunī, Venerable Candā, was on a homecoming with a mission: to establish the first Theravāda bhikkhunī monastery in the UK, under the auspices of the Anukampa Bhikkhunī Project. She has been encouraged in this endeavour by Ajahn Brahmavamso, another British Buddhist monastic living in Australia. He was catapulted to global notoriety in 2009 when he was, in his words, ‘excommunicated’ from the Thai Forest Sangha hierarchy following the controversial bhikkhunī ordinations that took place at his monastery, Bodhinyana, in Perth, Western Australia. Although Ajahn Brahmavamso, or Ajahn Brahm as he is more commonly known, was not the preceptor at this ordination ceremony (this role was taken by the American bhikkhunī Ayya Tathālokā), he was criticised by the Thai Forest Sangha authorities for not publicly repudiating the newly ordained bhikkhunī when asked to do so. In taking this stance, Ajahn Brahm stood in open challenge to the Thai monastic hierarchy. They maintain a restriction on bhikkhunī ordination, arguing that as the female lineage had become extinct it is impossible to revive authentically in line

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2   Introduction, context and method with the conservative Thai Theravāda tradition. Despite this breaking of formal bonds with the Forest Sangha, Ajahn Brahm continues to give vocal support to the idea of gender equality within Buddhism alongside practical help for the Anukampa Project by raising funds through annual talks and retreats. His commitment and personal backing for the project is clear in a YouTube video clip, posted on the Anukampa website in May 2016, calling for people to ‘get off their arses’ to support the fledgling bhikkhunī community. As someone with nearly a decade of interest in female ordination within British Buddhist groups, witnessing the quiet dhamma talk in Manchester was a powerful reminder of the gender politics that influence the shape of Buddhism in the contemporary world. This unassuming event, noticed perhaps by only a handful of Buddhists in Britain, nevertheless raised critical questions for me. Who are the women who might want to ordain and live at Anukampa? Where do they come from, and what paths led them to Buddhist practice in Britain, and later to ordination? Where do these women stand in relation to Buddhist hierarchies and nexus of power, both within and without the UK? How do they relate to issues of gender inequality raised on the global Buddhist stage, and how will their spiritual practice be shaped by the contemporary British context? What can British women’s practices and experiences tell us about the varieties of religious translation and adaptation within contemporary Buddhist communities in the West? In seeking to answer these questions, this book weaves together a narrative that is principally about relationships and intimate connections. I use the term intimate, not with any sexual overtone, but in the sense of the close, the local, the personal and the meaningful. This might seem unusual given the popular conception of Buddhist practice as austere, world-­transcendent and attachment-­ rejecting. In one sense this is true, but as I will show throughout this book, intimate local connections and relationships are vitally important in the lives of British Buddhist women, particularly when they have made formal commitments to Buddhist groups through ordination. The specific and particular focus of this book are the personal dhamma stories of 25 convert Buddhist women, across seven different Buddhist traditions and groups based in England, Scotland, and Wales. Each of the women had taken ‘ordination’ (as it is variously conceived by the groups they affiliate with) and had made a formal, sometimes life-­long, commitment to Buddhism. In detailing strategic points of relation and connection that include their initial contact with Buddhist teachings, the decision to take ordination, and their dynamic engagement with Buddhist disciplinary practices, women’s voices are woven closely into the theoretical analysis in each of the chapters. Ultimately, this book provides a critical examination of the trajectories of women’s engagement with Buddhism in Britain in conversation with wider inter-­related themes of modernity and tradition, individuality and community, locality and transnationalism, and innovation and continuation. In paying close attention to the stories that ordained Buddhist women tell us about their lives, motivations, concerns, and inspirations, we gain insight into the significant contribution that women have made to the establishment of Buddhism on British

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Introduction, context and method   3 shores and begin to more fully understand the meaning of ordination in this context. This book is the first multiple-­tradition study that gives concentrated and sustained consideration to the experiences of ordained Buddhist women in Britain. Despite their growing numbers, women who have taken Buddhist ‘ordination’ in Britain have received limited academic attention, often only from the perspective of one or two Buddhist groups or as a small part of wider scholarly work looking at the development of Buddhism in Britain more generally. As I show in Chapter 2, some of these studies are now several decades old, and while they provide useful historical evidence of the development of traditions and lineages in Britain, an updated examination of the contemporary experiences of women and the contributions that they continue to make in shaping British Buddhism is now timely. Although ordained men, such as bhikkhu Ananda Metteya (born Henry Allan Bennett), have dominated the pages of history books in relation to the formation of Buddhism in Britain, women, too, have played central roles in establishing and maintaining Buddhist traditions. They have helped to pioneer unique forms of ordination, such as the sīladharā in the Forest Sangha tradition, and they have established new lineages and orders, including the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives spearheaded by Reverend Master Jiyu Kennett (born Peggy Kennett). Behind these high-­profile movements and figure heads, women have, quietly and conscientiously, renovated dilapidated buildings and helped to develop and support Buddhist communities, successfully teaching the dhamma in monasteries, centres and hired rooms and halls all across the British Isles. They have weathered tense storms and scandals in relation to gender inequality in their respective traditions but their voices are still not adequately represented in the principal studies of British Buddhism on our bookshelves. Of course, one of the reasons why ordained women may perhaps have had less attention in studies of Buddhism in Britain relates to their comparatively low numbers in relation to the population of Buddhists. Bluck (2006: 194) states that ‘only 2 per cent of the convert British Buddhist community is ordained’ and this figure includes both men and women who have taken monastic ordination and those who have taken other types of ordination, for example the Triratna dharmachari/dharmacharini. Yet, ordained Buddhist women warrant greater focused attention in this context, not least because ordination (particularly monastic ordination) has a highly salient role in Buddhist history, remaining deeply meaningful for those who choose this path and the communities which surround them. According to the 2011 census, in England and Wales there are proportionally more female than male Buddhist adherents, reflecting broader sociological expectations about women’s increased religiosity (Trzebiatowska and Bruce, 2012; ONS, 2012). Equally, the number of ordained practitioners has been growing, albeit not to the same extent as lay adherents. An investigation of their experiences will contribute directly to complexifying and adding much needed nuance to our picture of the adaptation and expansion of Buddhist practice in the British context. Furthermore, giving focus to the experiences of ordained Buddhist women illuminates issues that are of scholarly interest far

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4   Introduction, context and method beyond the localised study of Buddhism in Britain. In particular, understanding wider patterns of religious change, adaptation and belonging in super-­diverse and religiously plural contexts. As will become clear throughout the chapters of this book, the paths taken by ordained Buddhist women Britain are intimately shaped by, and in turn shape, global social and cultural forces, and they are part of a history of women’s engagement with Buddhist practice that stretches back to the time of the Buddha. As such, it is necessary to first give some attention to the broader context within which they are a part, including the developments surrounding ordination for women in Buddhism, as well as the ways in which ‘Western’ Buddhist women are typically represented.

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Women and Buddhism: a focus on ordination Following his journey to spiritual practice and his enlightenment under the Bodhi tree, Siddhārtha Gautama (known as the Buddha) was encouraged to teach what he had discovered by the god, Brahmā Sahampati (Harvey, 1990: 22). His first teaching (the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, or the Setting the Wheel of the Dhamma in Motion) was delivered to five male ascetics, former acquaintances of the Buddha. Each of the five attained enlightenment on hearing these and subsequent teachings and they were ordained by the Buddha into the first monastic community (saṅgha). Although these early ordinations occurred, in Rupert Gethin’s (1998: 87) terms, ‘without much ceremony’, as the saṅgha grew, the method and process of ordination was made more elaborate. Following the Buddha’s death, ordination (for men) or ‘going forth into homelessness’ (pabbajjā), consisted of a preliminary novice ordination (samanera) and then later the ‘full ordination’ (upasampadā) of a bhikkhu (monk). To ‘go forth into homelessness’ involves relinquishing marriage and sexual relationships, ceasing working for money and instead being reliant on alms donated by lay supporters – ultimately, ‘leaving the household life’ (Tsomo, 1999: 5). The instigation of the bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī (fully ordained nuns) order is thought to have occurred several years after the enlightenment of the Buddha and his initial ordinations of male monks. This origin story has been well documented within scholarly literature (Harvey, 1990: 221–224; Sujato, 2006; Tsomo, 2006; Bancroft, 1987; Murcott, 1991; Schuster Barnes, 1987; Wijayaratna, 2010; Williams, 2005 – to cite just a few examples). The Buddha’s step-­mother, Mahāpajāpatī, seeing the growing male saṅgha and along with 500 of her female followers, is said to have asked for ordination as bhikkhunī. The Buddha is portrayed as being reluctant and initially refusing, requiring his assistant and cousin, Ānanda, to convince him to accept Mahāpajāpatī’s request. After his agreement, the vinaya (monastic code) texts depict the Buddha stating that with the addition of a women’s order, the length of time in which his sāsana (or teachings) would be extant would be shortened. At this point, in order to ameliorate this, the Buddha was said to have initiated a set of additional rules for the bhikkhunī (variously known as the ‘8 Heavy Rules’, the ‘8 Special Rules’ or garudhamma/gurudharma). These rules arguably placed the nuns as inferior to

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Introduction, context and method   5 the monks and even the most senior nun would have a lower position in the hierarchy than a novice monk. This has continued to cause some anxiety within contemporary Buddhist communities, including those connected to Britain. As I explore in more detail in Chapter 6, some bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī agreed to the garudhamma on ordination, and others did not. This has an impact on how some perceive the legitimacy of their ordination. It is said that when Mahāpajāpatī agreed to the garudhamma, an order of bhikkhunī was thus initiated by the Buddha, later to be transmitted from India to Sri Lanka, to China and beyond. Yet, although the bhikṣuṇī ordination continues to exist in China, Taiwan, Korea and Vietnam within the Mahāyāna school of Buddhism, a female order was seemingly never transmitted to Tibet, Thailand or Cambodia, and the Theravāda bhikkhunī lineage died out in Sri Lanka from the eleventh century and in Myanmar from the thirteenth (Kawanami, 2007: 229).1 Despite this, there have been high-­profile moves to reinstate the Theravāda bhikkhunī saṅgha, with, in the early days, Mahāyāna bhikṣuṇī assisting in the conferral of ordinations (for example, in the United States in 1988, India and Sri Lanka in 1996, Bodhgaya in 1998, and in the United States again in 1997).2 However, these ordinations, sometimes referred to as ‘full’ or ‘higher’ ordination, have inspired consternation and dispute from within some quarters.3 Critics argue that the bhikkhunī lineage is impossible to (re)establish in accordance with the Theravāda tradition with assistance from Mahāyāna bhikṣuṇī, even though ordinations can now be officiated by Theravāda monastics alone (Hüsken, 2018: 261). They see these bhikṣuṇī as following a different vinaya (monastic code) and valid ordinations cannot be held unless there are the requisite numbers of both bhikkhu and bhikkhunī presiding over the ceremony, connecting back to the Buddha through a continuous lineage of monastic inheritance. What is the most commonly available religious options for women within the Theravāda tradition is either to remain a committed lay-­woman, or to take between eight and ten precepts and become a mae chi/chee/ji (Thailand), a thiláshin (Myanmar), a don chee (Cambodia), a dasa sil mātā (Sri Lanka), or a maekhao (Laos). As bhikkhunī follow 311 precepts (and lay Buddhists generally follow five), these women have been described as holding a ‘marginalised’ or ‘ambiguous’ official position by a number of scholars (Kabilsingh, 1988: 228; Tomalin, 2006: 387; Lindberg Falk, 2007: 8; Tsomo, 2010: 87; Salgado, 1996: 62). Some have even asserted that women taking eight to ten precepts within countries such as Thailand are akin to ‘servants’ within monastic institutions (Williams, 2005: 199). Others indicate that these institutional circumstances have the potential for a deleterious effect, both on the opportunities available for women, in terms of religious education, prospects for practice and study, and in their broader social standing (Tomalin, 2006; Khuankaew, 2002; Tsomo, 2010: 103; Kabilsingh, 1991). Although the rationale given by individual women for wanting to re-­ establish ‘full’ ordination for women where it is currently unavailable will inevitably be varied, Tsomo (1988: 215–216) has argued that it is ‘a tremendous opportunity for advancement on the path’ and that without it, ‘women are at a distinct disadvantage’. Although a number of assumptions have been made about

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6   Introduction, context and method Western women’s views about on gender roles in Buddhism, contemporary British Buddhist women hold multifarious perspectives on this issue, which complicate an increasingly polarised global debate. Indeed, the arguably negative image of women who have taken eight to ten precepts is increasingly being questioned, including by British Buddhist women, as I show in Chapter 6 (see also, Lindberg Falk, 2007; Seeger, 2009, 2010, 2013; Cook, 2010; Salgado, 2013; Kawanami, 2013). The idea that women who have not taken full bhikkhunī ordination are unilaterally unable to achieve spiritually or are always perceived by the laity or male monastics in less than positive terms has been challenged. The aspiration to take bhikkhunī ordination does not motivate all women who currently hold eight to ten precepts, even where it is currently available (Tomalin, 2013: 111; Salgado, 2013; Kawanami, 2013: 235; Lindberg Falk, 2007). The reasons given for this are varied, although Kawanami (2013: 235) indicates in her study of thiláshin in Myanmar that most did not seek bhikkhunī ordination because this might ‘jeopardize the position they already had in society’, including impacting on existing associations with the laity and male monastics, which they valued more highly than institutional equality with men. Beyond the traditions of Theravāda or Southern Buddhism, the ordination situation is different for women in Tibetan lineages even though the full bhikṣuṇī (gelongma) ordination is also not currently available in accordance with the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya.4 There is an ongoing debate about the establishment of a bhikṣuṇī lineage within the Tibetan schools, the various ways in which this might be achieved, and the benefits of taking such a step (Chodron, n.d.; Gyatso, 2010; Mohr and Tsedroen, 2010). The ways in which these historical and cultural conditions affect Buddhist women in contemporary Britain remains an important issue for consideration within this book. However, it is also essential to take note of the fact that whilst the ‘full ordination debate’ is given certain prominence within academic scholarship on Buddhist women, it is not directly relevant to all Buddhist groups in Britain (or, indeed, beyond). This includes those who might not follow the vinaya as traditionally expressed and whose ordination practices have developed in different directions. Nonetheless, the controversy over women’s access to equal ordination has caused significant divisions within some Buddhist communities, including those in the UK, and thus cannot be glossed over.

Western Buddhist women and Buddhist ordination The 1980s onwards was witness to a groundswell of academic interest in the subject of women and Buddhism. This coincided with an invigorated curiosity about the roles that women play (and how they are represented) within various religious traditions, buoyed by the second wave of the feminist movement. How women have been perceived and characterised throughout Buddhist history, alongside their experiences in contemporary Buddhist settings, have been explored using textual, scriptural, historical, and archaeological modes of

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Introduction, context and method   7 analysis. Women who have taken ordination or follow a renunciant path within different Buddhist traditions have piqued this curiosity most strongly. There are a number of detailed scholarly, often ethnographic, studies which focus on ordained or renunciant Buddhist women in specific geographical contexts, including Myanmar/Burma (Kawanami, 2007, 2010, 2013), Japan (Arai, 1999), Laos (Tsomo, 2010), Sri Lanka (Salgado, 1996, 2004, 2013; Sasson, 2010; Bartholomeusz, 1994; Cheng, 2007), Taiwan (Crane, 2004; Cheng, 2003), Thailand (Lindberg Falk, 2007; Cook, 2010; Kabilsingh, 1991), Tibet (Havnevik, 1989; Tsomo, 1987; Willis, 1995; Mackley, 2005), Vietnam (Freeman, 1987), Zangskar (Gutschow, 2001, 2004). Despite this spread, there remains a paucity of research into Buddhist ordination in a Western context. Although, overall, Western women who take a Buddhist ordination remain under-­ researched subjects, within the limited number of existing studies that do mention them, a particular picture of their experiences and motivations is painted. This, I will argue, demands reconsideration when looking at evidence from Britain. In her much-­cited work focusing on Sri Lankan Buddhist dasa sil mātā (‘lay nuns’ who have taken eight to ten precepts), Tessa Bartholomeusz (1994) gives some attention to Western women who have taken ordination and who live in Sri Lanka. Although she is concerned not to polarise ‘Western’ and ‘Sinhala’ dasa sil mātā too strictly, she does draw a noticeable division between these two groups (Bartholomeusz, 1994: 156, 174). Bartholomeusz (1994: 156) states that this distinction is made because ‘their background and outlook are radically different’. Here, a Western nun is depicted as someone who is concerned more typically with furthering her individual meditative practice as opposed to the approach of ‘service and devotion’ of the Sinhala nuns (Bartholomeusz 1994: 170). Whilst meditation has a great importance (both in terms of attracting women to Buddhism and also in terms of the structure of daily practice) for many of the participants in my study, ‘service and devotion’ remain an equally core aspect of religious life. Indeed, creating too rigid a distinction between them might miss the subtle complexities of their Buddhist practice. Yet, it is not only Bartholomeusz who draws attention to a perceived individual meditation/service and devotion binary. In some ways, a similar picture of Western nuns can be drawn from Hanna Havnevik’s (1989) study, which focuses on nuns in Tibet and Tibetan exiled communities in India. Like Bartholomeusz, Havnevik also draws boundaries between groupings of Western and Tibetan women and nuns. She presents ‘Western Buddhist women’ interacting with Tibetan communities in India as frequently influenced by ‘feminist ideas’, and as attempting to translate these ideas to Tibetan cultural settings to try to ameliorate their concerns about the status of Tibetan women in society (Havnevik 1989: 190–191). As a result, she highlights that Western women (both ordained and lay) are often at the forefront of transforming ‘Tibetan culture’ to allow for increased space for ordained women’s practice, improved educational opportunities, and have championed bhikṣuṇī ordination (Havnevik, 1989: 192, 195, 199). Whilst she does identify Tibetan women working to this end, she highlights ‘the western nuns have made

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

8   Introduction, context and method some of the problems visible’ (Havnevik, 1989: 194). However, Havnevik goes on to state that Western nuns are sometimes perceived by the Tibetan laity as lax (particularly in relation to monastic dress and discipline), and they are portrayed as at times bringing an attitude of ‘aggressiveness and … open criticism of the Tibetan tradition’ because of their concerns about gender inequality (Havnevik, 1989: 193, 204). Ploos van Amstel (2005: 17), in her doctoral study investigating Western nuns in Tibetan traditions across various geographic settings, also highlights the potential for culture clash between Western practitioners and their adopted Tibetan religious tradition. Like Havnevik, Ploos van Amstel (2005: 179) points out that feminism appears to be a non-­specific, yet ever-­present cultural spectre, stating:

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Western women experience the growing freedom for women in Western countries, or at least they live in countries whose society and culture are affected by feminist thought. (Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 189) Although Ploos van Amstel recognises differing attitudes towards feminism within her sample, she still maintains that there are valid distinctions to be made between Western and ethnically Tibetan nuns, particularly in relation to their ‘values’. She consistently uses and reinforces the ‘Western’ label, despite also recognising its limitations as a category and the lack of coherent ‘group’ identity between the nuns that she studied. The idea that some Western women (either ordained or lay) might find it difficult to accept what they perceive as unequal gender roles within certain Buddhist communities is a point also made strongly by Williams (2005) in her research that considers the opportunities for women within Theravāda Buddhist communities including Thailand, Sri Lanka, Britain, the United States and Australia. Although her study uses textual analysis, she does draw on interview data with contemporary Buddhists, including some ordained women, and she alludes to ‘the tensions between Buddhism and Western cultural assumptions’, particularly in relation to feminism (Williams, 2005: 198). She argues that Western women’s ideas about the validity of feminism and the promotion of gender equality can be a point of contention when they become involved in Buddhist groups, and she states: Western women often find the cultural aspects of traditional Buddhism in conflict with their ideas of freedom of expression, human rights and gender equality. Indeed, Kawanami (2013: 7) argues that ‘many Western Buddhist nuns and feminist scholars’ are, in fact, ‘preoccupied with secular power and formal status within the institutional structure’. Kawanami draws a clear distinction between ‘Western Buddhist nuns’ and ‘Asian nuns’, who she states are more concerned with ‘fulfilling their religious duties and serving the community’ (Kawanami, 2007: 242, 2013: 8). The particular relationship with religious hierarchy that

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Introduction, context and method   9 these scholars identify amongst Western Buddhist nuns is reflected in the ways that some British Buddhist women engage with authority, but importantly, not all. As I will show, several women I spent time with (across the spectrum of Buddhist traditions) did not necessarily want to challenge hierarchies of power, even when these offered unequal opportunities with men. Understanding why this might be and being able to reflect the very real complexity contained within contemporary Buddhist groups is a key concern of this book. That there may be variation between the attitudes of Buddhist women influenced by different cultural locations is a point that has been clearly made by Nirmala Salgado (2013), although here, too, a particular impression of Western nuns can be ascertained. By way of context, Salgado (2013: 23) states that there has been what she calls a ‘narrative disjunction’ between a number of scholars who have studied nuns or renunciant women in Buddhism and the perspectives of some of these nuns themselves, particularly those who are situated outside of a Western cultural context. She asserts that the scholars and practitioners who are shaped, even perhaps unconsciously, by liberalism do not adequately reflect the alternative perspectives of the renunciant women that she has interacted with (mainly in Sri Lanka, but also elsewhere), who commonly appreciate the world and their place in it with reference to Buddhist philosophical ideas such as dukkha (‘questions of suffering or dis-­ease’) and sīla (‘moral or disciplinary practices’) (Salgado, 2013: 5, 10). As a result, Salgado (2013: 3) highlights a division between those Buddhist renunciant women who she argues are influenced by liberal political values (whom she often refers to as ‘globalatinized’), and those who she states are not. She uses the Derridean term ‘globalatinized’ as she does not want to prescribe an immutable division between ‘Asian’ and ‘Western’ nuns, but instead wants to draw attention to those nuns who do not communicate in English and who do not understand the world using ‘the conceptual vocabulary of Christianity, modernity, secularism’ (Salgado, 2013: 1, 3). Although she states that the binary terms ‘non-­Asian origin or Western origin’ and ‘Eastern or Asian’ should be seen as ‘far from adequate’, she does, in fact, utilise them at various points in her work (Salgado, 2013: 213, 237). Arguably, although one assumes there may be Western Buddhist nuns who are not ‘globalatinized’, she does not draw attention to these. She does, however, indicate quite strongly the potential for diversity present between renunciant women of ‘Asian origin’ (Salgado, 2013: 269). Salgado (2013: 213) suggests that those nuns and scholars who are influenced by a ‘globalatinized’ perspective are more likely to understand women’s roles in Buddhism in relation to a discourse of ‘rights’ and ‘equality’. In addition, ‘globalatinized’ nuns and scholars may typically be more likely to seek out, and highlight, ‘transnational’ connections between Buddhist women and emphasise the need for equal access to bhikkhunī or bhikṣuṇī ordination as part of a ‘social movement’ (Salgado, 2013: 123, 211). In her argument, the global campaign for full ordination is itself an idea rooted in liberal goals and, as a result, is one which overlooks the ‘everyday concerns’ of some nuns who might not share this inspiration (Salgado, 2013: 2). Although not without its critics, Salgado’s postcolonial analysis is evidence of a maturing

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10   Introduction, context and method discourse in relation to understanding the diverse and complex experiences of Buddhist women in the contemporary world, giving voice to women who may be neither involved in transnational movements nor interested in challenging Buddhist hierarchies in overt ways. Although I will continue to challenge any simplistic assumptions about ‘Western’ Buddhist women and their attitudes, my analysis in this book remains engaged with, and indeed indebted to, scholarship which raises critical questions about dominant and seldom heard voices. My intention within this book is to re-­assert the significance of the local and the contextual, pushing against any generalising tendencies in relation to the experience of Buddhism in ‘the West’.

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Methodological considerations Whilst many of the broad questions that concern me in this book are sociological in nature, the research methods I use are derived principally from anthropological ethnography, shaped broadly from within religious studies. Using participant observation and multiple interviewing, I immersed myself in the lives, attitudes, experiences, and practices of 24 ordained and 1 formerly ordained women within seven convert-­focused Buddhist groups in Britain. The groups and traditions that my participants were connected to were Amida (Pureland), the Forest Sangha (Thai Theravāda), Tibetan Gelug, Karma Kaygu and Nyingma, Triratna (formerly known as the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order), and the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives (Sōtō Zen). As Brenda Brasher (1998: 6) argues, ‘a cardinal goal of any religious ethnography … is to advance our understanding of lived religion’, and it was to this end that I consciously strived. In order to do this, I foreground women’s narratives. In a powerful call to take ‘stories’ seriously, Mary-­Jo Neitz (2004: 397) argues that ‘narrativity offers a way of conceptualizing identity that is neither universal nor essentialist, but rather temporally and culturally specific’. Most of the chapters in this book give a large amount of space to women’s own words, life-­histories, and their interpretation of events. As a result, I am able to bring their varied perspectives to life. This is particularly important when groups of women might have been spoken about (including popularly and online) but may not have been given the opportunity to talk publicly themselves. For this reason, I remain interested in the ‘rank and file’ women in British Buddhism. Whilst my sample are ordained (and thus, at least in theory, take a particular institutional position and status), they are not always women who are high profile or well known. Through a critical analysis of their narratives, I am able to draw out some alternative perspectives about Buddhism in Britain, demonstrating the varied ways in which women’s religious practices take shape and develop in the contemporary world. As Nancy Ammerman (2013: 10) argues: Stories are important, in part, because they are not merely personal. They exist at the intersection of personal and public … Each story is situated in a context, with circles of listeners who play a role, sacred or otherwise.

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Introduction, context and method   11 In encouraging careful listening to British Buddhist women’s own words and stories, I am able to theorise about the roles of commitment, discipline, gender equality, and the adaptation of traditions, without sanitising the analysis or distancing it too far from the living, breathing, women themselves. The fieldwork for this book began in 2011 and has, at its heart, four principal research questions: 1 2 3

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4

Who are the women who choose to take Buddhist ordination in Britain and what does ordination mean to them? How do ordained women in contemporary Britain understand and operationalise Buddhist discipline? How do ordained Buddhist women in Britain relate to ideas of gender equality and feminism? What relationships do ordained British Buddhist women have with their locality?

Whilst the specific focus of the research was with women who had taken ordination, our discussions were not limited to their experience of ordained life. Our conversations tracked their earliest involvements with Buddhism, their engagement as lay women and, later, their deepening formal commitments. As such, their testimonies provide an insight into the roles and experiences of women in convert British Buddhism more generally. It is important to note that although I might use the terms ‘convert’ or ‘diaspora-­focused’, I recognise that these are contested and may themselves be overly dualistic, not reflecting some of the complex realities of space, practice and teaching sharing that occur in contemporary Buddhism in Britain. As I have argued previously in work on Buddhist buildings in England, it is difficult to maintain too rigid and final a distinction between ‘convert’ and ‘diaspora’ Buddhist groups, particularly in terms of the experiences of second, third and later generations (Starkey and Tomalin, 2016; see also, Bluck, 2006: 16). However, there remain certain Buddhist groups in Britain who appear to market themselves to, and subsequently attract, those people who were not born into Buddhist families. Whilst I do not want to falsely polarise two ‘types’ of Buddhism in the British context (to refer to Paul Numrich’s terms), making a distinction between convert and diaspora can be a heuristic device to help articulate some of the differing motivations of Buddhist groups and practitioners (Numrich, 2003).5 The empirical research for this book took place in various locations: urban Buddhist centres, rural retreat centres, monastic communities, domestic houses, cafés, and on the telephone or Skype, and by email. During my fieldwork, I attended and participated in an array of retreats, teachings, meditations, communal gatherings, and ritual events. I met women at Buddhist conferences, meditation classes and events. I contacted potential participants directly through Buddhist groups I found online or in The Buddhist Directory, and then, the first women I met told me about others, or circulated my details to networks that they had.6 Thus, my sample of women grew somewhat organically. Participant

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12   Introduction, context and method observations enabled me to build rapport with women as I joined in communal rituals, meditations, and work periods. At Throssel Hole, the principal monastery in the Serene Reflection Meditation tradition in Britain, I learnt how to behave during a communal meal and how to greet people in the corridors (gasshō, a ritual ‘bow’ with hands in prayer position). I followed guidance on mindfulness during mundane practices such as cleaning my teeth or showering. I maintained periods of silence when instructed to do so, and participated in communal work periods with monks, nuns, and lay people, including once, memorably, digging a ditch. Alongside observing communal or individual practices, I joined various email mailing lists and discussion forums (including the Network of Buddhist Organisations) and signed up to receive email newsletters from the Buddhist groups involved in my study, where these were available. Whilst I did not engage in any formal observation and analysis of discussion forums (nor did I post many comments), they were useful to keep abreast of news because, as I will demonstrate throughout this book, the Buddhist scene in Britain is fluid and dynamic. To be included in this study women had to be ordained (or formerly ordained) within the definition of their tradition, they had to be over 18 years old, and either be British or have a strong connection to Britain, most commonly having lived here for an extended period of time. My focus is on ‘converts’ to Buddhism rather than those who have been raised in Buddhist families, as I saw this as one way of teasing out the relationships between the British cultural location and Buddhist practices. This will occlude some perspectives, and equally will bring others into sharper relief. Of the sample, 22 women were British nationals (including Scottish, Welsh, and English), although the 3 who were not British were from Western Europe or North America and had spent significant, formative time in the UK. Only one of my participants was not ethnically white. This was not a deliberate exclusion but a reflection of the individuals who agreed to participate. Yet, in truth, it is also a reflection on scholarship which has typically overlooked Black, Asian and and Minority Ethic Buddhists in Britain (Smith et al., 2016). Therefore, whilst my research speaks to the experiences of mostly white British convert women in British Buddhism who have themselves been overlooked in scholarship, there are some ordained women in diaspora Buddhist groups in Britain whose experiences may be very different from those I write about here. However, unlike in the United States or Australia, for example, the numbers of these women in Britain are currently relatively low. There are, for example, a small group of Taiwanese nuns living in a Fo Guang Shan temple in London, at least one fully ordained bhiksuni living at the Nipponzan-­Myōhōji Peace Pagoda temple in Milton Keynes, and several Thai and Sri Lankan temples run programmes of temporary or longer-­term ten-­precept ordination and may support visiting nuns from outside the UK on a short-­term basis. In August 2017, at the Kingsbury Sri Sadhatissa International Buddhist Centre, Ajahn Sundara, a senior sīladharā at Amaravati Buddhist Monastery, presided over a ten-­precept ordination for a woman of Sri Lankan origin. Therefore, although female ordination is, at present, numerically

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Introduction, context and method   13 dominant in ‘convert-­focused’ movements in Britain and this has inevitably shaped the focus of this book, too rigid a distinction between ‘convert’ and ‘diaspora’ Buddhism risks obscuring realities of practice which are more inter-­ related than is often assumed. I did not set out to undertake a study that would be entirely representative of all Buddhist women in Britain, ordained or otherwise. Indeed, there are other convert-­focused Buddhist groups in Britain where women ordain that are not included in this study (for example, the New Kadampa Tradition or the Community of Inter-­Being). Indeed, given the heterogeneity present just within my sample, I could argue that a representative study would be impossible. However, the women featured in this book were a range of ages (albeit many were over 50), had a variety of living situations (for example, some in monastic communities, some in lay communities and some living alone), and were connected to different Buddhist traditions, large and small, well established and relatively new. Their perspectives are, of course, shaped by the fact that they had all committed formally (some through monastic ordination) to a Buddhist group, which remains a non-­normative choice in the British context. I did interview women who had been ordained for different lengths of time (including one woman who had disrobed), women who had taken different numbers of precepts, and women who held various roles within their organisations in order to provide a range of standpoints. Numerically, the largest group in my sample were women in the Triratna Order, where I interviewed nine participants in six different locations. This reflects the fact that Triratna are one of the most sizable Buddhist groups in Britain (Bluck, 2006: 16). As Triratna have an ordination which is seen to be ‘neither lay nor monastic’, they are, in some ways, a very different group in comparison with the monastic traditions in this study (Vishvapani, 2001: 29–30; Vajragupta, 2010: 108; Bluck, 2006: 167, 172). However, they are an important inclusion here, reflecting the spectrum of practices housed under the umbrella term ‘ordination’ in the contemporary British context. When researching participants from small communities where they may be potentially identifiable, as was the case for this book, it has been necessary to consider carefully the boundaries of anonymity. I discussed this with participants, both before and during their interviews, and I continued to closely work with many of them to ensure that they were described and represented in a satisfactory way. Each participant was given a randomly selected pseudonym and although most were happy to be directly linked to their particular Buddhist groups, some were not. Therefore those who requested an extra level of anonymity are linked only to a broad tradition, such as ‘Tibetan’. Throughout this book, I adopt, at times, a more inclusive writing style, referring to ‘a number’ or ‘some’ women, for example. Occasionally, I might use a participant quotation that is not attributed. This is not because I am being unwittingly imprecise, but to give some measure of disguise to women where exact numbers or use of specific pseudonyms do not aid the discussion as a whole. I offered a completed interview transcript to the majority of my interviewees and allowed them to make changes to it. Eleven women did so. When I was writing certain parts of

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14   Introduction, context and method the research, particularly those which dealt with sensitive or controversial issues, I also sent these sections to various participants to comment further. Taking this more collaborative approach allowed me to build the trust of those involved, with the aim of helping them to feel comfortable discussing sensitive issues, improving the accuracy and analytical depth of my work. However, there was a cost to this style of research interaction. During interviews, I was sometimes told interesting anecdotes and information that would have been useful to include, but in order to protect my participants I chose not to. This does not mean that I see myself as a mouthpiece for Buddhist women in Britain at the expense of rigorous critical analysis, but simply that affording my participants the protection and respect they deserve remained a chief consideration. Can we speak of ‘ordination’ as a singular concept?

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In both this contextual introduction, and the book as a whole, I routinely and repeatedly use the universal term ‘ordination’. During my fieldwork, I realised quickly that this word is used to reflect a range of commitments, both between and within Buddhist groups in Britain. It is a term that demarcates those who have taken various monastic vows (which encompass novice and ‘full’ or ‘higher’ ordination) as well those who have made specific lay commitments (for example, jukai or ‘lay ordination’ in the Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition). In the case of Triratna, ‘ordination’ refers to a commitment which is ‘neither lay nor monastic’ (Vishvapani, 2001: 29). Some scholars have questioned the use of the term ‘ordination’ in relation to Buddhism more generally, arguing that it is loaded with Christian connotations and subsequently does not adequately reflect a Buddhist perspective (Gabaude, 2010; Wijayaratna, 2010: 150). In addition, others have indicated that the English terms ‘monk’, ‘priest’, ‘nun’, ‘monastic’, and ‘lay’ do not reflect sufficiently the types of commitment made by Buddhists and the subsequent lifestyles that they adopt (Havnevik, 1989: 44; Spiro, 1982: 279–280; Salgado, 2013: 55; Bell, 1991: 159; Hüsken, 2018: 257). This has led Salgado (2013: 55) to state that: formulating a cogent language to talk about who nuns are and what they do is one of the biggest challenges we face in trying to understand female renunciation in Buddhism. Whilst I recognise that ordination certainly incorporates a range of commitments, activities, and lifestyles, and I am cognisant of the difficulties in the translation and interpretation of Buddhist terms from Pāli, Sanskrit, or other languages of Asian origin, I do adopt the terms ‘ordination’ and ‘ordained’ within here. This is principally because each of my participants, speaking in English, typically used these words themselves to describe their commitment and status. This reflects the wider use of the term ordination amongst Buddhist groups in Britain, including as published on their websites. Yet, ordination is still a limited term, particularly in its comparative application across different

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Introduction, context and method   15 Buddhist traditions. Therefore, in Chapter 2, I dedicate time to exploring what it means to each of the Buddhist groups involved in this study and I do not adopt the term uncritically or without awareness of these multiple connotations. In the final chapter of the book, I offer a new framework for ordination appropriate for the plural British Buddhist convert context, drawing on the ideas of commitment, connection and community, which have been central to the structure and argument of this book as a whole.

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Chapter overview and structure The body of this book is organised into seven chapters. Chapter 2 examines the existing scholarly literature in relation to the establishment and development of Buddhist groups in Britain, exploring history, growth, and adaptation. I pay particular attention to the different institutional attitudes towards female ordination and women’s roles taken by the Buddhist groups in focus within my research. This chapter sets the stage for the empirical data that I analyse in the book as a whole. Chapter 3 is the first of five thematic data analysis chapters. Here, I investigate the ways in which women initially come into contact with Buddhism in Britain and why they decide to commit to a Buddhist path. Whilst an emphasis on individual questioning and dissatisfaction with life-­as-lived propels women to engage initially with Buddhist philosophy and practice, just as important are the connections that they make with individuals and communities. In Chapter 4, I analyse the rationales underpinning women’s decisions to both ask for and take ordination within Buddhist groups. Here, I am principally concerned with thinking through why women in Britain, across different Buddhist traditions, choose to take Buddhist ordination, and how they narrate their initial experiences. I focus particularly on the meaning of ordination in this context, analysing this in relation to the experiences of women outside of the UK as a comparison, in order to tease out some of the significant similarities and differences. Giving specific attention to the understanding and practice of Buddhist discipline in contemporary Britain, in Chapter 5 I examine the function and significance of religious dress practices. I will show that a detailed examination of these practices, which include robes, tonsure and name changing, provokes salient questions regarding the points of diversity between my participants in relation to their approach to Buddhist discipline, and provides an original angle through which to assess the ways in which living in Britain might shape Buddhist practice. I will argue that whilst Buddhist dress (as it is variously conceived in this context) certainly has a symbolic function, it is also understood as a physical practice of dedication to Buddhism – a way through which to put Buddhist teachings into action. In Chapter 6, I explore ordained women’s attitudes to feminism and gender equality – issues that have been at the forefront of both scholarly and practitioner concern in relation to Buddhist communities situated within the contemporary West. The aim of this chapter is to directly challenge the (conscious and unconscious) stereotypes and assumptions that are made about ‘Western’ Buddhist women and their

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16   Introduction, context and method attitudes to gender roles and inequalities in Buddhist hierarchies. Here, I aim to provide a nuanced analysis that reflects the deep complexities inherent in the ways in which ordained women navigate gender-­based roles and relationships in their everyday lives. Whilst global flows of information, individuals, teachings and practices mean that Buddhism in Britain, or indeed any transnational religious practice, should never be considered in glorious isolation, this must not be at the expense of understanding the importance of the local and the immediate in the lives of individuals. In Chapter 7, I investigate this, exploring the relationships that Buddhist women in Britain have with community and locality, and the impact that this has on their daily lives and lived experiences. Finally, in the Conclusion, I focus attention on the central themes and issues of the book and address the implications of British Buddhist women’s commitments, their connections to people and place, and their relationships to communities of practice.

Notes 1 The three principal Buddhist schools in existence today are Theravāda, or Southern Buddhism (in Thailand, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Myanmar), Mahāyāna (in China, Japan, Taiwan, Korea) and Vajrayāna (in Tibet, Mongolia and Tibetan communities in exile). Each of these schools has spread to the West, and the diversity between them shapes the landscape of contemporary British Buddhism, as I demonstrate in Chapter 2. 2 Tathālokā (2017) provides a history of the early ordinations in the 1980s. 3 See, for example, discussions in Bodhi (2010: 99), Kawanami (2007: 228), Sasson (2010), Tomalin (2006), Fenn and Koppedrayer (2008: 58), Anālayo (2013). 4 There are three vinaya texts that are followed today. The Mūlasarvāstivāda (in Tibetan Buddhism), the Dharmaguptaka (in China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Korea), and the Theravāda (Southern Buddhism of Thailand, Sri Lanka, Myanmar). 5 For a discussion of the perceived complexity of polarising two distinct ‘types’ of Buddhism (e.g. convert and diaspora) see, for example, Cadge (2005). 6 The Buddhist Directory is a listing of Buddhist organisations in the UK and Ireland. It is published by the Buddhist Society.

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References Ammerman, N. T. 2013. Sacred Stories, Spiritual Tribes: Finding Religion in Everyday Life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Anālayo. 2013. The Revival of the Bhikkhunī Order and the Decline of the Sāsana. Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 20, 110–193. Arai, P. K. R. 1999. Japanese Buddhist Nuns: Innovators for the Sake of Tradition. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Buddhist Women Across Cultures: Realizations. New York: State University of New York Press. 105–122. Bancroft, A. 1987. Women in Buddhism. In: King, U. (ed.) Women in the World’s Religions, Past and Present. New York: Paragon House. 81–104. Bartholomeusz, T. J. 1994. Women Under the Bo Tree: Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bell, S. 1991. Buddhism in Britain – Development and Adaptation. Unpublished PhD, University of Durham.

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Introduction, context and method   17 Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge. Bodhi, B. 2010. The Revival of Bhikkhuni Ordination in the Theravada Tradition. In: Mohr, T. and Tsedroen, J. (eds) Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Buddhist Nuns. Boston, MA: Wisdom. 99–142. Brasher, B. E. 1998. Godly Women: Fundamentalism and Female Power. New Brunswick, NJ and London: Rutgers University Press. Cadge, W. 2005. Heartwood: The First Generation of Theravada Buddhism in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cheng, W.-Y. 2003. Luminary Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan: A Quiet Feminist Movement. Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 10, 39–56. Cheng, W.-Y. 2007. Buddhist Nuns in Taiwan and Sri Lanka: A Critique of the Feminist Perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Chodron, T. n.d. A New Possibility: Introducing Full Ordination for Women into the Tibetan Buddhist Tradition. Available at: www.thubtenchodron.org/BuddhistNuns MonasticLife/a_new_possibility.html [Accessed 14 April 2014]. Cook, J. 2010. Meditation in Modern Buddhism: Renunciation and Change in Thai Monastic Life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crane, H. 2004. Resisting Marriage and Renouncing Womanhood: The Choice of Taiwanese Buddhist Nuns. Critical Asian Studies, 36, 265–284. Fenn, M. L. and Koppedrayer, K. 2008. Sakyadhita: A Transnational Gathering Place for Buddhist Women. Journal of Global Buddhism, 9, 45–79. Freeman, J. M. 1987. Turnings in the Life of a Vietnamese Nun. In: Mahdi, L. C., Foster, S. and Little, M. (eds) Betwixt and Between: Patterns of Masculine and Feminine Initiation. La Salle, IL: Open Court. 264–278. Gabaude, L. 2010. L’historire du term buat permet de légitimer son utilisation en thaï à propos des arbres dans les expressions buat tonmai or buat pa. Aséanie: Sciences Humaines en Asie du Sud-­Est, 93–119. Gethin, R. 1998. The Foundations of Buddhism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gutschow, K. 2001. What Makes a Nun? Apprenticeship and Ritual Passage in Zangskar, North India. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 24, 187–217. Gutschow, K. 2004. Being a Buddhist Nun: The Struggle for Enlightenment in the Himalayas. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Gyatso, J. 2010. Female Ordination in Buddhism: Looking into a Crystal Ball, Making a Future. In: Mohr, T. and Tsedroen, J. (eds) Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Nuns. Somerville, MA: Wisdom. 1–21. Harvey, P. 1990. An Introduction to Buddhism: Teachings, History and Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Havnevik, H. 1989. Tibetan Buddhist Nuns: History, Cultural Norms and Social Reality. Oslo: Norwegian University Press. Hüsken, U. 2018. Translation and Transcreation: Monastic Practice in Transcultural Settings. In: Edzard, L., Borgland, J. W. and Hüsken, U. (eds) Reading Slowly: A Festschrift for Jens E. Braarvig. Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag & Wiesbarden. Kabilsingh, C. 1988. The Role of Women in Buddhism. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 225–235. Kabilsingh, C. 1991. Thai Women in Buddhism. Berkeley, CA: Parallax Press. Kawanami, H. 2007. The Bhikkhuni Ordination Debate: Global Aspirations, Local Concerns, with Special Emphasis on the Views of the Monastic Community in Burma. Buddhist Studies Review, 24, 226–244.

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18   Introduction, context and method Kawanami, H. 2010. The Politics of Gender Identity amongst Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar. In: Thapan, M. (ed.) Contested Spaces: Citizenship and Belonging in Contemporary Times. Hyderabad, India: Orient Black Swan. 212–229. Kawanami, H. 2013. Renunciation and Empowerment of Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar-­ Burma: Building a Community of Female Faithful. Leiden: Brill. Khuankaew, O. 2002. Buddhism and Domestic Violence. World Fellowship of Buddhists Review, XXIX, 22–27. Lindberg Falk, M. 2007. Making Fields of Merit: Buddhist Female Ascetics and Gendered Orders in Thailand. Copenhagen: NIAS Press. Mackley, C. E. 2005. The Body of a Nun: Nunhood and Gender in Contemporary Amdo. In: Gyatso, J. and Havnevik, H. (eds) Women in Tibet. New York: Columbia University Press. 259–284. Mohr, T. and Tsedroen, J. (eds) 2010. Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Buddhist Nuns. Somerville, MA: Wisdom.  Murcott, S. 1991. The First Buddhist Women: Translations and Commentary on the Therigatha. Berkeley, CA: Parallax. Neitz, M. J. 2004. Gender and Culture: Challenges to the Sociology of Religion. Sociology of Religion, 65, 391–401. Numrich, P. 2003. Two Buddhisms Further Considered. Contemporary Buddhism, 4, 55–78. ONS. 2012. Religion in England and Wales 2011 [online]. ONS. Available at: www.ons. gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census/key-­statistics-for-­local-authorities-­in-england-­andwales/rpt-­religion.html [Accessed 7 January 2016]. Ploos van Amstel, T. 2005. Sandpaper Sisterhood: Western Nuns in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions. PhD thesis, University of Utrecht. Salgado, N. S. 1996. Ways of Knowing and Transmitting Religious Knowledge: Case Studies of Theravada Buddhist Nuns. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 19, 61–81. Salgado, N. S. 2004. Religious Identities of Buddhist Nuns: Training Precepts, Renunciant Attire and Nomenclature in Theravada Buddhism. Journal of the American Academy of Religion, 72, 935–953. Salgado, N. S. 2013. Buddhist Nuns and Gendered Practice: In Search of the Female Renunciant. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sasson, V. R. 2010. Peeling Back the Layers: Female Higher Ordination in Sri Lanka. Buddhist Studies Review, 27, 77–84. Schuster Barnes, N. 1987. Buddhism. In: Sharma, A. and Young, K. K. (eds) Women in World Religions. Ithaca, NY: State University of New York Press. 105–133. Seeger, M. 2009. The Changing Roles of Thai Buddhist Women: Obscuring Identities and Increasing Charisma. Religion Compass, 3, 806–822. Seeger, M. 2010. ‘Against the Stream’: The Thai Female Buddhist Saint Mae Chi Kaew Sianglam (1901–1991). South East Asia Research, 18, 555–595. Seeger, M. 2013. Reversal of Female Power, Transcendentality and Gender in Thai Buddhism: The Thai Buddhist Female Saint Khun Mae Bunruen Tongbuntoem (1895–1964). Modern Asian Studies, March, 1–32. Smith, S., Munt, S. and Yip, A. K.-T. 2016. Cosmopolitan Dharma: Race, Sexuality, and Gender in British Buddhism. Leiden: Brill. Spiro, M. E. 1982. Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and its Burmese Vicissitudes. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

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Introduction, context and method   19 Starkey, C. and Tomalin, E. 2016. Building Buddhism in England: The Flourishing of a Minority Faith Heritage. Contemporary Buddhism, 17, 326–356. Sujato, B. 2006. Bhiksunis in Theravada. Available at: www.congress-­on-buddhist-­ women.org/fileadmin/files/bhikkhuniforTibet2.pdf [Accessed 9 April 2011]. Tathālokā. 2017. Honoring Those Worthy of Honor. Contributions of the Late Ven Dr. Havanpola Ratnasāra and Other Early Preceptors Reviving the Theravada Bhikkhuni Sangha through the Groundbreaking Ordinations of Buddhist Women in the 1980s. Present: The Voices and Activities of Theravada Buddhist Women, 2600 Commemorative Edition. Tomalin, E. 2006. The Thai Bhikkhuni Movement and Women’s Empowerment. Gender and Development, 14, 385–397. Tomalin, E. 2013. Gender, Buddhism, and the Bhikkhuni Ordination: Transnational Strategies for the Feminist Transformation of Religion in the 21st Century. In: Reilley, N. and Scrivener, S. (eds) Religion, Gender and the Public Sphere. New York and Abingdon: Routledge. 108–119. Trzebiatowska, M. and Bruce, S. 2012. Why Are Women More Religious Than Men? Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tsomo, K. L. 1987. Tibetan Nuns and Nunneries. In: Willis, J. D. (ed.) Feminine Ground: Essays on Women and Tibet. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 118–134. Tsomo, K. L. 1988. The Bhiksuni Issue. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 215–224. Tsomo, K. L. 1999. History of Buddhist Monasticism and its Western Adaptation. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 3–16. Tsomo, K. L. 2006. Buddhist Nuns in the Global Community. Available at: www. congress-­on-buddhist-­women.org [Accessed 22 November 2006]. Tsomo, K. L. 2010. Lao Buddhist Women: Quietly Negotiating Religious Authority. Buddhist Studies Review, 27, 85–106. Vajragupta. 2010. The Triratna Story: Behind the Scenes of a New Buddhist Movement. Cambridge: Windhorse Publications. Vishvapani. 2001. Introducing the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order. Birmingham: Windhorse Publications. Wijayaratna, M. 2010. Buddhist Nuns: Birth and Development of a Women’s Buddhist Order. Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society. Williams, L. 2005. Women’s Ordination in Theravada Buddhism: Ancient Evidence and Modern Debates. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sunderland. Willis, J. D. (ed.) 1995. Feminine Ground: Essays on Women and Tibet. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 

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2 Buddhism in Britain

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The aim of this chapter is to contextualise the empirical research in this book in relation to wider scholarly work on Buddhism in contemporary Britain, especially as it relates to women. I begin by taking a more historical perspective, looking at the growth and development of Buddhist practices on British shores, moving on to examining issues surrounding adaptation and diversity. Although, as I will argue, women so often have been a secondary consideration in our normative understanding of the ways in which Buddhism has developed in Britain, being able to situate their experiences in a social and cultural trajectory is formative in constructing a more holistic picture of their ongoing engagement and contribution. In the second part of the chapter, I look in more detail at the specific Buddhist groups and traditions within which the participants of this study were connected, with particular attention given to institutional perspectives on women’s roles, especially through ordination. The information presented here has been compiled using published academic sources, alongside grey literature, including brochures, books, or pamphlets published by the Buddhist groups in question that I was given or picked up during fieldwork, as well data from their public websites. This was supplemented by information given to me by my participants (regarding the number of ordained women in each group and their dress practices, for example), as this is not always publicly available.

History, growth, and demographics Looking at the history of Buddhism in Britain, the typical starting point for most scholarship is the initial Victorian intellectual interest in translating Pāli texts, shaped particularly by the colonial careers of key figures such as T.W. Rhys-­ Davids, who founded the Pāli Text Society in 1881 (Oliver, 1979: 21; Waterhouse, 2004: 53; Humphreys, 1968: 72; Bluck, 2006: 5–6; Deegalle and Sumana, 2008: 181). Alongside this intellectual trajectory, there are stories of pioneering European Buddhist monastics, particularly around the turn of the twentieth century, some of whom had strong connections to the British Isles. According to Alicia Turner et al. (2010), ‘there was no shortage of early European monks in Asia’ in this period. Some of these monastics were intellectuals and scholars and others were sailors, policemen, and doctors, travelling to Ceylon, Burma, Japan

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Buddhism in Britain   21 and Singapore to take ordination and also to work with organisations such as the International Buddhist Society (Turner et al., 2010: 127–128). Interestingly, Turner et al. (2010) challenge the prevailing idea that the early European Buddhist monastics were all upper-­class intellectuals, and they have worked to recover the lesser-­known stories of ‘beachcomber’ monks such as the working-­class Irishman U Dhammaloka, ordained in Burma and who gained significant notoriety at the time, challenging the colonialist hierarchy (see also Turner, 2013; Cox, 2010; Bocking et al., 2015). Some of these early European monastics attempted to establish a saṅgha in Britain: Ananda Metteyya (born Henry Alan Bennett), for example, who ordained in Burma in 1902 and who returned to Britain in 1908 but who eventually disrobed due to problems with maintaining monastic vows (Bell, 2000a: 8; Bluck, 2006: 7, 10; Batchelor, 1994a: 40, 1994b; Waterhouse, 2004: 56). However, there were successes – the London Buddhist vihara, for example, founded in 1926 by Sri Lankan Anagarika Dharmapala. Although it has moved properties and was on hiatus during the Second World War, it remains the oldest functioning Buddhist monastic community in Britain (Scott, 1981). Slightly earlier, in 1907, the Buddhist Society of Great Britain and Ireland was founded, and Robert Bluck (2006: 7–8) details the changing fates of this organisation (forerunner to the Buddhist Society) and the ways in which practice and intellectual scholarship were fused, giving way to what he calls ‘the gradual transition from academic interest to personal involvement’. Although this very brief foundational history typically covers the contributions made by men, women were by no means absent. There seem to be few known tales of Victorian British women taking ordination in Asia that might echo the life of Portuguese Miranda de Souza Canavarro (also known as Sister Sangamitta), who ordained in New York in 1897 (Bartholomeusz, 1994; Turner et al., 2010). Yet, key female figures, such as CAF Rhys Davids (also known as Caroline Augusta Foley), Mabel Bode, and IB Horner were expert translators of texts, and CAF Rhys Davids (with her husband) was instrumental in founding the Pāli Text Society (Collett, 2006; Oliver, 1979: 35–37). Women were also engaged in the wider Victorian fascination with Buddhism in popular culture in England, beginning in the 1830s (Franklin, 2005). It was, however, post-­1950s where the interest in Buddhism in Britain grew exponentially. This coincided with the steady decrease in Christian church affiliation post-­World Wars, an increase in availability of international leisure travel, the political situation within Tibet which saw certain exiled monks and Lamas moving to Britain, and a burgeoning popular interest in alternative religious forms (Bell, 1991: 3, 2000a: 399; Baumann, 2002a: 92; Bluck, 2006: 7–11; Kay, 2004: 5; Waterhouse, 2004; Cantwell and Kawanami, 2002: 64; Puttick, 1993: 6). Importantly, women played a key role in establishing Buddhist organisations in Britain post-­Second World War. Notable in this endeavour was Reverend Master Jiyu Kennett (1924–1996), founder of the Sōtō Zen Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, whose story I tell later in this chapter. The key pioneering female figures and Buddhist teachers of post-­1950s Britain also include Venerable Myokyo-­Ni (Austrian-­born Irmgard Schloegl, 1921–2007), the founder of the London Zen Centre (Waterhouse, 1997: 44; Bluck, 2006: 19).

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22   Buddhism in Britain Whilst it is not my intention to present a detailed history of Buddhism in Britain, as this has been done elsewhere (for example, Bell, 1991; Puttick, 1993; Oliver, 1979; Bluck, 2006; Almond, 1988), a key point to note is that, unlike other Western countries (including Australia and the United States), the earliest history of Buddhism on British shores was not primarily shaped by immigration, although this of course would have more influence at a later date (see Barker and Rocha, 2011, in relation to Australia; Puttick, 1993: 5; Cush, 1990: 12; Bluck, 2006: 189, 2012: 131; Parsons, 1993: 281). However, it is important not simply to see the early British engagement with Buddhism as one-­sided. Whilst Martin Baumann (2002a: 86) argues that ‘Buddhism was not exported from abroad by Asian emissaries; it was imported from within by European Orientalists’, Sandra Bell (2000a: 6) is keen to highlight ‘a quite sophisticated pattern of interaction’ between early Buddhist pioneers in Britain and Asian Theravāda monks, something that the essays in Brian Bocking et al. (2015) and the early establishment of the London Buddhist vihara also demonstrate. This close sharing of practices, teachings and teachers and a more iterative process of religious development remains a central means by which contemporary women’s religious experiences are shaped. Shifting focus to the contemporary era, Bluck (2006: 1) states that ‘the main Buddhist traditions and sub-­traditions are now firmly established in Britain’. He identifies that at the time of his writing, there were approximately ‘1,000 Buddhist groups and centres’ across the UK (Bluck, 2006: 3) and the biggest groups numerically were Soka Gakkai International, Triratna (Friends of the Western Buddhist Order, or FWBO) and the New Kadampa Tradition (Bluck, 2006: 16). Phil Henry (2013: 4) shows that this continues to increase further, and he argues that there were approximately 1,600 Buddhist groups and associated organisations in 2010–2011. In the first national survey of Buddhist buildings in England (conducted by myself and Emma Tomalin), we found that there were 189 public­facing Buddhist buildings in England alone, which represents a notable increase in building development and ownership over the past four decades (Starkey and Tomalin, 2016). Indeed, the growth in popularity of Buddhism in Britain since the 1960s has frequently been noted within academic literature (for example, Waterhouse, 1997: 1; Bell, 2000b: 397; Henry, 2008: 2; Cantwell and Kawanami, 2002: 64). In terms of the number of Buddhists in Britain, 2011 census data shows that, in England and Wales, there were 247,743 people who recorded their religion as Buddhist.1 In Scotland, there were 12,795 Buddhists recorded, and in Northern Ireland there were 1,046.2 Taking Bluck’s (2006: 15) analysis of the 2001 census data as a comparison, we can see that since 2001, 103,290 more people have self-­defined as Buddhist in England and Wales.3 In addition, in the 2011 census there were also over 14,000 more female than male Buddhists listed in England and Wales.4 Although Bluck (2006: 15) does indicate that census data might not always accurately reflect the number of practising Buddhists, a comparison between the 2001 and 2011 figures indicates that Buddhism is a religion that is steadily growing in popularity in Britain. Furthermore, Buddhism has attracted a significant number of ethnically white adherents (who may have

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Buddhism in Britain   23 converted to Buddhism, or may be second- or third-­generation Buddhists), which shows a divergent pattern from other religions of Asian origin in Britain, such as Sikhism or Hinduism (Tomalin et al., 2015).5 As I discuss in more detail in the last chapter of this book, women have played a key role in developing Buddhism on British shores, contributing to this proliferation of Buddhist groups, buildings, spaces, organisations, monasteries and centres. One example is Reverend Yoshi Maruda, who was involved in the development of Milton Keynes Peace Pagoda, the first Peace Pagoda in the West, completed in 1980. Another example can be found when, in 1992, a group of Taiwanese nuns and their lay supporters established a Fo Guang Shan branch temple and nunnery near Oxford Street in London. They went on to receive a prestigious Heritage Lottery grant in 2016 to renovate the former 1890s Anglican clergy training school where the nunnery and temple are housed. This was the first time Heritage Lottery funds (under the Grants for Places of Worship scheme) had been given to a temple (HLF, 2016). British women have become prominent Buddhist teachers, such as Lama Shenpen Hookham, founder of the Awakened Heart Sangha in Wales.6 They have played key roles, such as Jacquetta Gomes, the first female Buddhist Fire Chaplain, based in the North of England (Zahn, 2016). Women affiliated with Buddhist groups in Britain have broken new spiritual ground – for example, Danish-­born Lama Zangmo, the first person in the UK to be designated a Lama. British Buddhist women have travelled and settled outside the UK and received international recognition, including Freda Bedi (1911–1977), the first Western woman to take Tibetan Buddhist ordination (Mackenzie, 2017) and Tenzin Palmo, who left the East End of London in 1964 to work in Freda Bedi’s school for Tibetan reincarnated lamas in India.7 She later ordained as a nun in the Drugpa Kagyu school, taking bhikṣuṇī ordination in 1973 in Hong Kong, going on to spend 12 years in solitary meditative practice in a Himalayan cave (Mackenzie, 1998). She has since founded a nunnery (Dongyu Gatsal Ling in Himachal Pradesh) and is now the President of Sakyadhita, the International Association of Buddhist Women (www.sakyadhita.org/home/jetsunma-­letter.html). More recently, another British woman, Emma Slade, has published a book about her experience as the first Western woman to be ordained in Bhutan, and she has received international attention and several awards for her charity work (Slade, 2017).8 There are several first-­person accounts written by Buddhist women, many of whom had taken ordination and either were from, or practised within, Britain (for example, Candasiri, 2012; Sundara, 1999; Jiyu-­Kennett, 2002; Sanghadevi, 1999; Palmo, 1999; Maitreyi, 1997), and these give rich narrative detail to the history of Buddhism in this context. It is clear, even in this partial summary, that these prominent women with connections to Britain have made significant contributions to the development of Buddhism at home and abroad, a leitmotif for this book as a whole.

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24   Buddhism in Britain

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Adaptation and diversity The theme of adaptation has dominated research on Buddhism in Britain and in the West more generally. Ideas about tradition, continuity, change and diversity arise in each of the chapters of this book in different ways, and therefore providing a scholarly framing of these concepts and the ways that they relate specifically to Buddhist practice in Britain is essential. As Buddhism was transported away from its Indian birthplace, it subsequently adapted and changed in response to new surroundings (Peacocke, 2000: 115; Batchelor, 1994a: 277; Baumann, 2002b: 54; Green, 1989: 278; Mellor, 1991). Indeed, the issue of Buddhism’s adaptation throughout history and in various geographic locales has been given significant attention from scholars, not least those concerned with Buddhism in the contemporary British setting (Kay, 2004: 218; Waterhouse, 1997: 20; McKenzie, 2011; Bluck, 2006; Mellor, 1991; Bell, 1991; Green, 1989; Batchelor, 1994a; Henry, 2013). Typically, scholars agree that the reason why Buddhism has been subject to change was to make it palatable for an indigenous population (Waterhouse, 1997: 239; Kay, 2004: 22). However, as I will detail in this section, the ways in which Buddhism has been made ‘palatable’ differ significantly between the different Buddhist traditions and groups, and the issue of Buddhism’s perceived adaptation to a contemporary British social and cultural location is highly complex. It is important to note, however, that in the examples considered below, most consciously relate to organisations or groups that are predominantly populated by those who have converted to Buddhism, focusing on evidence from practitioners who are white British. Whilst this is useful framing for my research, given that my participants themselves are, in the main, white British converts, it does little to challenge the ongoing bias in existing scholarship in favour of this section of the Buddhist population (Bluck, 2006: 16).9 In an early paper examining the adaptations that various Buddhist groups make to British cultural values, Deirdre Green (1989: 283) questions whether certain Buddhist groups are either ‘selling out’ or using ‘skilful means’ to interpret Buddhist teachings for a new audience. She recognises the diversity present between different Buddhist groups in Britain, and argues that, as a result, they might ‘usefully be placed along a continuum’ ranging from ‘wholesale adherence to traditional’ to ‘cognitive surrender’ in terms of the ways in which they have attempted to adapt to their new cultural environment (Green, 1989: 283). In relation to the groups whose members were involved in my research, she places the English Sangha Association (Forest Sangha) closest to the ‘traditional end’, as she sees them as having made fewer allowances for British values. She places both the FWBO (now, Triratna) and the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives in the middle, as she sees them as taking tradition and contemporary British norms in tandem, and she sees the Tibetan groups as fluctuating between positions (Green, 1989: 283–286). Those at the ‘pole of cognitive surrender’ are those groups which Green (1989: 286) argues have concerned themselves too readily with attuning Buddhism to ‘science’ and ‘rationalism’, although none of these

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Buddhism in Britain   25 are groups involved in my research. Stephen Batchelor (1994a: 337) supports this idea of a ‘spectrum of adaptation’, although he argues that ‘adaptation is not so much an option as a matter of degree’. However, he does state that the FWBO should be placed towards the end of the spectrum which indicates a desire to challenge received ‘tradition’, which he sees as less prevalent in other Buddhist groups (Batchelor, 1994a: 337–338). Although the idea of a ‘continuum’ or ‘spectrum’ has been criticised as unable to adequately reflect what is a complex and plural picture, it does show that there is the potential for diversity in the approach to adaptation taken by different Buddhist groups in Britain. This needs to be examined more closely in relation to women, and in particular, their opportunities for ordination. Considering the FWBO (or Triratna) at the ‘non-­ traditional’ end of the spectrum is common in academic writing, although what I will show throughout the book is that the reality, at least for women, is more complicated and there are a number of similarities in practice, experience and approach between Triratna women and those from groups who are usually considered more ‘traditional’. However, paying attention to the different ways in which Buddhist groups might have developed on British soil and the range of values and practices that they adhere to remains an important consideration in any analysis. That there are differences between Buddhist groups in how they are influenced by the cultural norms dominant within Britain is a formative contribution made by Philip Mellor’s examination of ‘Protestant Buddhism’ in England (Mellor, 1991). In this article, Mellor considers the experiences of two Buddhist groups in England – the FWBO and the Forest Sangha – and highlights the points of similarity and difference between them in relation to the ways in which they interact with certain ideals that he deems are rooted in Protestant thought and practice. Mellor (1991: 76–78) presents the FWBO as deeply shaped by Protestant ideals, particularly in relation to what he sees as their unease about ritual, their emphasis on lay involvement, discovering core and fundamental Buddhist beliefs and practices, and their focus on self-­development. Although Mellor (1991: 77) notes points of difference between the FWBO and the Forest Sangha, he views both groups as influenced by a broadly Protestant trajectory of thought. As a result, Mellor prefers to see the interpretation of Buddhism in England as a result of a process of ‘translation’ rather than ‘transferral’ (Mellor, 1991: 90). Mellor’s theory has not been without its critics. Indeed, a book was written by Sangharakshita, the founder of the Western Buddhist Order, in response (Sangharakshita, 1992), and there was an exchange between Mellor and Dharmachari Kulananda in the scholarly journal, Religion (Mellor, 1992; Kulananda, 1992). Notwithstanding this debate, there are important points raised by Mellor that help frame my examination of the relationship between ordained Buddhist women and the British location. A key facet of Mellor’s argument is the declaration that ‘religions are always and everywhere embedded in social and cultural realities’ and that the social, cultural, geographical and temporal setting within which Buddhist groups operate is deserving of close attention (Mellor, 1991: 73, 76). Mellor highlights particular ways in which Buddhist groups in England might differ from each other but states that ‘any

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26   Buddhism in Britain simple interpretation of the cultural translation of Buddhism to England is problematic’ (Mellor, 1991: 88). Indeed, the rationale that he provides here is that ‘it is difficult to isolate the “Buddhism” which is being translated’, emphasising the complexity involved in assessing how religions interact within different settings and contexts (Mellor, 1991: 88). In other words, it is not just the geographic location which provides complexity in an analysis of adaptation, but Buddhism itself. Although few of my female Triratna participants were explicitly uneasy about ritual (for some – far from it), an emphasis on lay involvement (particularly blending relationships, work, children and strong commitment), discovering core and ‘fundamental’ Buddhist beliefs and practices, and a focus on self-­ development were tropes that could be teased out of their narratives. However, my evidence shows that growing commitment through ordination (even though this is a lay ordination) appears increasingly important for this movement, and their emphasis on community and interconnectivity between practitioners (including on a global scale) does pose some challenge to the idea of a dominant individualism, at least from the perspectives of women. What can go under-­recognised in scholarly work on Triratna, too, is that although their ordination is not a monastic one, there are a growing number of monastic-­inspired practitioners within the Triratna movement (anagarika) which challenges a simplistic analysis of their status and roles in the contemporary Buddhist world. In her 1991 PhD thesis and subsequent publications, Sandra Bell also investigated the process of adaptation using the FWBO and the Forest Sangha as case studies, although she is concerned to emphasise the experience of ‘mutual modification’ and ‘intricate patterns of exchange’ between Buddhist traditions and the British cultural context (Bell, 1991: 42, 44). Like Mellor, she identifies differences between the FWBO and the Forest Sangha in terms of the ways in which they have adapted to Britain, and of particular relevance for my research, draws attention to their ‘diametrically opposed perspectives … over the relevance of monasticism to the spread of Buddhism to the West’ (Bell, 1991: 6). Whilst she discusses how the FWBO are a ‘totally lay organisation’, she highlights the respect and support for Theravāda monastic practice within the Forest Sangha (Bell, 1991: 6). Nevertheless, she shows that there is a complex picture of ‘tradition’ and ‘novelty’ within the Forest Sangha which helps to problematise any simplistic binary between traditional and non-­traditional groups (Bell, 2000a: 17). Whilst she, like Mellor, emphasises the strong links between the Forest Sangha in Britain and Thailand and the sense of connection that Forest Sangha members feel to the Ajahn Chah lineage, she also detects some of the ‘small readjustments’ that have been implemented as this Theravāda tradition has become established in Britain (Bell, 2000a: 21).10 Although she states that these alterations to practice might be ‘small’, she is clear that their importance should not be overlooked. These changes include a preliminary anagārika ordination, and the idea of giving (dāna) without wholeheartedly embracing the concept of traditional Buddhist ideas about merit-­making (puñña) (Bell, 1998, 2000a: 18–19). However, Bell (1991: 289) identifies what she describes as a ‘major innovation’ with regards to the establishment of the order of sīladharā, which I will discuss in more detail in

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Buddhism in Britain   27 the next section of this chapter. What is prevalent in Bell’s work (2000b: 397) is the sense of global connections upheld by Buddhists in Britain and, as a result, she questions any uncritical application of the category ‘British’, given that group members may practise in Britain but may not be British, or may have more influential connections to lineages in Asia or in other parts of the West. Influenced by this, particularly in Chapters 6 and 7, I examine the transnational connections made by British Buddhist women and the global gender politics shaping their experiences. Yet, I will also emphasise the significance of the local and the immediate in shaping women’s practices and the need to prioritise the formative role of different British localities, including at a very micro level. Prominent in academic scholarship on Buddhism in Britain (and indeed, the West more broadly) is the theme of diversity. As different Buddhist communities, groups and teachers have travelled to set up home in Britain, the range of teachings and practices is striking. Ensuring that this complexity is part of scholarly analysis is a feature of the detailed work of Helen Waterhouse (1997: 24, 26). Whilst Waterhouse, in the main, agrees with Mellor about the influence of prevailing cultural norms on Buddhist practice in Britain, she asserts that placing Buddhist groups within a ‘spectrum of adaptation’, in the manner of Green or Batchelor, for example, is rather unsophisticated and does not reflect the diversity that she sees is inherent within Buddhist groups in Britain, a point also made by Bluck (2006: 189). Waterhouse (1997: 26) states: Some elements may be substantially adapted within a group while others remain broadly traditional, in a complex mix. She goes on to argue that:

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This suggests that the variety of British Buddhism is much more than the variety of the organizations and their leader. (Waterhouse, 1997: 239) In her PhD thesis, which takes Buddhism in Bath as a focus, and her later publications, Waterhouse contributes to the analysis of adaptation presented so far by giving attention to British Buddhist adherents’ attitudes to ‘authority’. She emphasises that, whilst Buddhist groups in Britain ‘do not “do their own thing” ’ (Waterhouse, 1997: 213), it is possible to discern an attitude to authority amongst some ‘western practitioners’ in Britain that reveres ‘authenticity’ (meaning someone who has directly experienced Buddhist truths) over ‘legitimacy’ (for example, along traditional lineage lines), although they are both respected (Waterhouse, 1999: 19, 27). Indeed, she states: western practitioners are not usually interested in custom and tradition per se but in the extent to which traditional structures can enable authentic experience of Buddhist truths. (Waterhouse, 1999: 35)

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28   Buddhism in Britain Although ‘authenticity’ and ‘legitimacy’ could be used interchangeably, Waterhouse (1999: 21) is quick to point out that there are varied attitudes amongst different Buddhist groups, so much so that she states that ‘no one group or person can represent British Buddhism’ (Waterhouse, 1997: 240). She particularly cites the Tibetan traditions as having ‘more fluid and open lines of authority’ in comparison with the Theravāda Forest Sangha (Waterhouse, 1999: 24–25). Being able to communicate the sense of intricacy and diversity across and within Buddhist groups in Britain, particularly at the level of individual practitioner experience, is of foundational significance for this book. Of specific relevance too, Waterhouse (1997) also gives attention to gender issues within the five Buddhist groups in Bath which were engaged in her doctoral study. Whilst she does not focus on the experience of female ordination (most of her participants are lay Buddhists) she does identify that there are different approaches to women’s roles in Buddhism in Britain amongst the groups of her study. She posits that some women, particularly those ordained in the Forest Sangha, appear more ‘obviously disadvantaged’ in relation to gender equality than others, such as those ordained within Tibetan groups (Waterhouse, 1997: 231). However, she highlights that although women’s roles in Buddhism have become the focus of global attention and activity, this was not always of interest to her lay research participants, who were ‘largely unaware of the feminist debates about the status of women within Buddhism which are taking place elsewhere’ (Waterhouse, 1997: 232). Nonetheless, she states that ‘the issue of gender is just part of the challenge which Western Buddhists face as they try to understand an eastern religion in a western cultural setting’ (Waterhouse, 1997: 29). A thorough understanding of the different ways in which Buddhist women in Britain, particularly those who have made strong institutional commitments, approach this ‘challenge’ is a core part of the analysis in Chapter 6. A further relevant argument made by Waterhouse is that Buddhism in Britain (and she particularly refers to Tibetan Buddhism in this instance) is shaped by ‘political and economic processes’ that continue to characterise Buddhist traditions outside Britain, and that in any analysis of adaptation, these cannot be overlooked (Waterhouse, 1997: 211). This is a point that is strongly supported by David Kay (2004), in his analysis of the adaptation processes in relation to Tibetan and Zen Buddhism in Britain (focusing particularly on the New Kadampa Tradition and the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives). In fact, Kay (2004: 37) goes as far as to argue that the danger of focusing our attention solely on experiences within Britain is that ‘the continuing importance of broader historical and cross-­cultural contexts’ is overlooked. For Kay, the ‘transplantation process’ is highly complex and variable, with some Buddhist groups deliberately trying to modify certain ideas and practices, but with others less inclined to do so (Kay, 2004: 12). Kay (2004: 10) also questions what he sees as the ‘axiomatic’ approval of Mellor’s ‘Protestant Buddhism in England’ theory. He is supportive of the stance taken by Bell, and argues that amongst Tibetan and Zen  groups it is important to acknowledge the complex interaction between British and ‘traditional Buddhist precedents and influences’ (Kay, 2004: 219).

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Buddhism in Britain   29 Furthermore, he contends, in relation to the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives in particular, that some of the issues that could be seen as ‘Protestant’ are actually Japanese in origin (Kay, 2004: 219). This exposes a rather nuanced picture of the development of Buddhism in Britain, and one that the evidence I discuss throughout this book supports wholeheartedly. This variety in relation to adaptation is certainly mirrored in the work of Robert Bluck (2006). In what is the most recent overview of Buddhism in Britain, Bluck uses Ninian Smart’s dimensional framework of religion to analyse the patterns of adaptation of seven different Buddhist groups in Britain. Bluck (2006: 3) describes these ‘dimensions’ as ‘practice’, ‘doctrinal’, ‘narrative’, ‘experiential’, ‘ethical’, ‘social’ and ‘artistic’. As well as providing detailed exploration of the history and practices of each of the seven groups, Bluck (2006) is concerned with ascertaining how far within each of the seven dimensions that adaptations have occurred. He suggests that this framework allows for a more nuanced exploration of differences ‘within’ and ‘between’ groups, given that, in his view, ‘neither minimal nor complete adaptation is normally found’ (Bluck, 2006: 182). Indeed, Bluck (2006: 191) posits that ‘there is no simple polarity between traditional organizations and new Buddhist movements’ in the contemporary British context, a point that the evidence from the women I spent time with supports. Although Bluck (2006: 184) highlights that ‘the overall pattern here is a highly complex one’, he does draw some conclusions, finding ten ‘family resemblances’ between the groups in his study. These include an emphasis on ‘silent meditation’, an interest in ‘largely traditional devotional activities’, a respect for ‘traditional teachings’ and the development of ‘increased lay participation’ (Bluck, 2006: 192). He highlights significant changes to Buddhist practice in Britain in the light of what he deems to be ‘Western’ cultural norms, including closer relationships between monastic and lay practitioners, and various new roles that have been developed both for women (including through ordination) and lay and monastic community members (Bluck, 2006: 183). Although he indicates that there are greater difficulties faced by women (ordained and lay) in certain Buddhist groups in relation to gender equality (notably, the Forest Sangha and Triratna), he also argues that, in general, ‘there is relatively little gender bias in much of British Buddhism, with both women and men becoming respected ordained and lay teachers’ (Bluck, 2006: 183). As will become clear throughout this book, I suggest that this is a rather generous analysis and not one that is wholeheartedly supported by all women, including those in ‘gender-­equal’ Buddhist traditions such as the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives. Some women have been able to take leadership roles and to teach in British Buddhism, but an understanding of the intricacies of gender relations in diverse organisations is more complex than the picture presented here. To draw this together, Buddhism in Britain is presented in the literature as a religion that has grown significantly in popularity since the 1950s and 1960s. We are faced with a picture of differing levels of perceived ‘adaptation’ that exposes the diversity between Buddhist groups in this context. Certainly, a key

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30   Buddhism in Britain feature within much of the scholarship includes recognition of the complexity amongst Buddhist groups and between Buddhist practitioners in Britain and the term ‘diversity’ is frequently used (Williams, 1989: 1; Baumann, 2001: 2, 2002a: 94; Kay, 2004: 3; Bluck, 2006: 24, 185; Waterhouse, 1999: 20; Bell, 2000b: 398). Waterhouse (1997: 2) goes so far as to highlight what she refers to as ‘sectarian attitudes’ between Buddhist organisations in Britain, and this is a point also made by Bell (2000b: 398). Furthermore, as Bluck (2006: 189) and Bell (2000b: 418) both suggest, many Buddhist groups are no longer recent arrivals on the British religious scene, some having been established for over 40 years (for example, the Forest Sangha or the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives). Therefore, it is likely that they will now face different issues in relation to adaptation than they did at their inception, and different issues in comparison with those groups who are relative newcomers (for example, Amida). Nevertheless, there are some typical features of Buddhism in Britain that can be ascertained from the work presented. For example, an emphasis on lay involvement, a greater awareness of including and involving women, a focus on meditation and respect for individual realisation and practice of Buddhist philosophical truths. If one looks to wider scholarship on Buddhism in ‘the West’, these features also seem to be applicable (Coleman, 2001; Prebish and Baumann, 2002; Wallace, 2002). This is deftly summarised by Michelle Barker and Cristina Rocha (2011: 10) in the introduction to their edited collection on Buddhism in Australia:

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In the past two decades, scholars have identified a set of characteristics that are present in the development of Buddhism in the West; the plurality of Buddhist traditions in a single country, a diversity of practice for those who converted and those who were born into the religion, blurring of monasticism and lay practice with the consequent diminished role of Buddhist monastics, equality for women, application of democratic principles, emphasis on ethics, secularization (this includes emphasis on the rational nature of Buddhism and its congruence with Western science), linkage to psychological concepts and social engagement … Yet the presence and emphasis on each of these characteristics changes from country to country. How some of these broad trends might impact women practising within Buddhist groups in contemporary Britain, particularly those who have taken ordination, will be examined as this book progresses.

Female ordination in Buddhism in Britain: the groups in this study In the light of important discussions about organisational diversity and the role of culture and geography in shaping Buddhist practice, understanding the forces that impact on women’s experiences is vital. An appreciation of any Buddhist group’s specific historical trajectory, particularly how they have positioned women in relation to spiritual hierarchies and formal organisational structures, is

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Buddhism in Britain   31 central to this. Given that, in most cases, the general histories of the various groups and traditions in Britain have been previously published, in the next sections I will focus on issues relating to women and their roles, including through ordination. I will also explore some practical details supporting the later analysis in this book, including in relation to dress. For brevity, I will refer to the three Tibetan schools involved in this study in one section, and will also consider the different Theravāda groupings in another, given the shared histories. However, I will refer to Amida, the Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition/Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, and Triratna separately.

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Amida The Amida Trust was established by Dharmavidya (David Brazier) and his wife, Caroline, in England in 1996 (Henry, 2013: 57). Dharmavidya had been involved previously with other Buddhist groups in Britain, including the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives and the Community of Inter-­being, and had a strong interest in the relationship between Buddhism, social engagement, and psychotherapy (Henry, 2013: 58). Two years later, the Amida Order, the associated religious community, was founded, after Dharmavidya gave three women (Reverend Prasada, Reverend Modgala and Reverend Amrita) the opportunity to take bodhisattva vows as a means to ‘affirm their commitment to full time Buddhist training in a socially engaged context’ (Amida, 2015, 2016a).11 As Henry notes in his study of Socially Engaged Buddhism in Britain (2013: 58), the Amida Trust went through a period of reorganisation between 2010 and 2012, following the separation of Caroline and David Brazier, and Caroline now runs the Tariki Trust, another group operating at the intersections of Buddhism and psychotherapy (Tariki, n.d.). The movement is usually referred to by adherents simply as ‘Amida’, so I shall follow this. The history and development of Amida, including key practices, doctrine, and approach (with a particular focus on attitudes towards social engagement), has been well documented by Henry (2008, 2013) and Kaspalita Thompson and Satya Robyn (2015), although Amida also receives a brief mention in Kay (2004: 32) and Bell (2000b: 409). Aside from this, given that it is a relatively new organisation following a Pure Land practice which has not historically gathered much support in the UK (Cush, 1990: 9; Henry, 2013: 62), Amida has received little detailed academic attention to date. Amida have developed an institutional structure, consisting of the Amida Trust as an overarching charitable body helping to support the Amida-­Shu – the Amida community who practise this form of Pureland Buddhism,12 following the teachings of Japanese masters Hōnen and Shinran, and Chinese scholar Shan-­ Tao (Henry, 2008: 89–90, 121). This is focused on the practice of nembutsu13 and a commitment to a socially engaged form of Buddhism which has, in the past, included establishing and supporting social welfare and development projects both in the UK and overseas in locations such as Bosnia, Africa and India (Henry, 2008; Amida, 2016e). According to their website and my informants, there are currently 11 Amida-­Shu groups or centres in the UK (the main centre

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32   Buddhism in Britain being in Malvern), 4 in Europe (Spain, France, the Netherlands, Belgium) and 5 worldwide (Hawai’i, Baltimore, Ontario, Israel, India) (Amida, 2016c). Rather than focus primarily on buildings or centres, Amida encourage the development of what they call ‘home groups’ to be set up by those who want to study and practise Amida-­Shu Buddhism but who do not live near an already established centre. Their public website contains information about how to set up a ‘home group’, what to study, and some guides for meeting structure (Amida, 2016d). At the centre of the Amida-­Shu is the Amida Order – the ‘religious community’ (Amida, 2016a; Henry, 2013: 57). Within the structures of Amida (which allows for both lay and ordained members), ‘ordination’ is conceived and practised in two distinct ways, referred to as ‘tracks’ (Amida, 2016a).14 In brief, these include a ‘ministry track’ and an ‘amitarya track’. Those who ordain following the ministry track initially begin as aspirants, later practising as gankonin (chaplains), before taking ordination as ministers. Both gankonin and ministers follow 156 precepts (Henry, 2013: 75). The role of a minister in the Amida Order is one that is most typically fixed in one geographic location, providing spiritual support for the surrounding community. Those following the amitarya track initially express a wish to be a postulant (often after some time as a trainee, living in one of the communities), and then after a year of training take ordination as a novice, and then, finally, as an amitarya. Within the Amida Order, an amitarya follows 238 precepts (the 156 of a minister, and others in addition), lives a communal lifestyle and is committed to a more geographically itinerant practice supporting the various communities and projects around the globe (Amida, 2016a). Dharmavidya describes the amitarya life in the following way:

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These brothers and sisters are dedicated to going anywhere and doing whatever is needed for the benefit of sentient beings. They are thus committed to lives of service – lives that are mobile and simple and that are filled with devotion and humanitarian activities. (Brazier, 2001: 196) Ministers do not take a vow of celibacy, and can be married. If an amitarya begins training as part of a married couple (and both are committed to the amitarya track), they are permitted to remain married and non-­celibate (Amida, 2016a). However, those who set out on the amitarya path as single people take a vow of celibacy. After undertaking four years of preparation and following ordination, amitaryas can choose whether to retain this vow of celibacy or not. As Henry (2013: 76) states, the precepts followed by both the minister and the amitarya are not vinaya precepts, but have been developed with regard to bodhisattva vows, with awareness of what is needed to support Buddhist practice and the community in the contemporary world. A full list of precepts taken by those ordained into the Amida Order is currently available online (Amida, 2008). Ordinations are most frequently presided over by Dharmavidya as the preceptor, although, at present, they can be conferred by male or female senior ministers and amitaryas (Henry, 2013: 77). In addition, since 2010, those who

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Buddhism in Britain   33 have been ordained as ministers or amitaryas for over ten years are now given senior teacher, or acharya, status, and there are currently four people who hold this title (Amida, 2016a). Those who have taken ordination, both as minister and amitarya, also adopt specific dress practices. In relation to any material changes following ordination, both ministers and amitaryas wear robes, including a tunic and trousers, an outer shawl or zen, and a wagessa, a strip of fabric worn around the neck which is white for postulants, red for amitaryas or ministers, and purple for senior teachers or acharya. Those who are members of the Amida-­Shu wear a yellow wagessa. The dominant colour in each of the robes is red, the colour of Amitābha. Ministers wear red and yellow robes, and amitarya wear red. Those who follow a celibate path shave their heads (although non-­celibate ministers might also do this as a contribution to their spiritual practice). Once ordained as a gankonin or novice, individuals are given a new Sanskrit name by Dharmavidya to signify the changes that they have made and their commitment, as well as providing inspiration on their spiritual path. The ways in which individual women relate to these practices form a key part of the analysis in Chapter 5. In March 2017, there were 33 Amida-­Shu members worldwide, and 24 Order members (12 of which were men and 12 were women).15 Eleven of the Order members live in the UK (six of which are women), as do four acharya (three of which are women). Worldwide, there were eleven ministers (three of which are women based in the UK, and a further two female ministers outside of the UK). There are two male gankonin worldwide (one living the UK). Both amitarya and gankonin/ministry tracks are equally open to men and women, both taking the same precepts, and gender equality is a value that is highly prized within Amida organisation, including amongst the women whom I interviewed.16 Indeed, one of the foundational principles is:

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In the Amida Shu there is to be no discrimination on the basis of sex, race, age, sexual orientation or worldly status. (Amida, 2015) The participants I spoke to described the Amida-­Shu and Order as ‘evolving’ and the structures that are currently in place as open to modification as the organisation develops and becomes increasingly established. Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition/the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives In comparison with Amida, the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives (OBC), which practises within the Japanese Sōtō Zen Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition (SRM), has certainly received more academic attention (for example, see Morgan, 1994; Bluck, 2006; Kay, 2004; Oliver, 1979; Cush, 1990; Batchelor, 1994a, 1994b; Waterhouse, 2004).17 The SRM and the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives (their monastic order) were established in Britain at Throssel Hole

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34   Buddhism in Britain Abbey in Northumberland by Reverend Master Jiyu-­Kennett (born Peggy Kennett) in 1972 (Oliver, 1979: 179). Jiyu-­Kennett had taken ordination first in Malaysia and later in Japan in the early 1960s and, after a difficult period of time training in Japan, which she documents in her autobiography, The Wild White Goose (Jiyu-­Kennett, 2002), she travelled first to the United States to establish a monastic training centre at Shasta Abbey in California in 1970 (after setting up the San Francisco Zen Mission Society) before supporting the founding of Throssel Hole Abbey two years later (Oliver, 1979: 181; Bluck, 2006: 65–66; Kay, 2004: 124). A full and detailed history of the SRM tradition in Britain is provided by Bluck (2006), Kay (2004) and Ian Oliver (1979), and they detail the practices, doctrines, and approaches taken, alongside charting the development of the movement. In organisational terms, the OBC is no longer officially connected to Japan (although does maintain friendly ties in Malaysia), and there have been a number of changes to Sōtō Zen practice as the tradition has become established on British (and American) shores (OBC, n.d.; Bluck, 2006: 65). Bluck (2006: 70) and Kay (2004) devote attention to examining potential areas of adaptation to British cultural norms, including chanting in a style reminiscent of ‘medieval plain-­song’, for example. However, both identify that a combination of ‘traditional Sōtō Zen and adapted elements’ are a feature of SRM practice (Bluck, 2006: 87). There are different ways in which an individual might get involved in SRM/OBC practice in Britain. For lay followers, they can take ‘lay ordination’ at a retreat called jukai, which formally marks their commitment to the tradition (Bluck, 2006: 70). It is also possible to become a ‘lay minister’, which is a different level of engagement in meditation and ceremony, which is described in detail by Kay (2004: 184) and Bluck (2006: 84). The focus of this study, however, has been on those women who have taken monastic vows. Kay (2004: 186) and Bluck (2006: 83) describe the process of becoming a monk within the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives. Monastic men and women are both referred to as ‘monks’ (Kay, 2004: 135). The first stage of monastic commitment begins with the individual asking to be accepted as a postulant (often after a period of time living as a lay trainee at Throssel Hole). A postulant wears borrowed robes, and clips (but does not shave) their hair. According to Kay (2004: 186), the postulancy period is between six and twelve months. However, some of my participants indicated that it was not unheard of for this period to be extended, even up to two years, until the postulant is deemed ready for the next stage. At the end of the postulancy, an individual is told that they are ready to prepare for ordination and they begin sewing their robes. Prior to the ordination ceremony, a candidate’s head is shaved, leaving a small tuft to be offered during the ceremony. At the ordination ceremony the abbot is preceptor, and the candidate begins the ceremony wearing white under-­robes. After taking their ordination vows they are given their robes, a bowing mat, their formal bowl set, and a new name (Kay, 2004: 186). Names in the OBC are either English or Celtic, although a few have Japanese names. This choice of English/Celtic names is another facet of the OBC’s interest in adapting Buddhist practices to

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Buddhism in Britain   35 the British context. The names chosen have a specific meaning that can reflect a Buddhist intention, but they sound, culturally, more familiar. This process and meaning of name changing is discussed in detail in Chapter 5. Following the ordination ceremony is a noviciate period, which usually lasts for about 12 months, and thereafter is ‘transmission’, a private process between a monk and their master (Kay, 2004: 128). This is offered when a monk has progressed further along the path and this is recognised by the master and they are subsequently able to teach (Bluck, 2006: 83; Kay, 2004: 186–187). A monk may be considered a ‘master’ themselves (and therefore be able to attract disciples) when they have had a kenshō (enlightenment) experience (Bluck, 2006: 83). Sixteen precepts (including ten bodhisattva vows) are followed both by those who have made a monastic or a lay commitment, and monks, vow to maintain celibacy, live communally, not work for money, and not drink alcohol. They also follow monastic rules which have Zen, Mahāyāna and Theravāda roots (Bluck, 2006: 80–81). There are a number of practical changes to daily living following monastic ordination, including the adoption of robes and tonsure, and vegetarianism. Although Throssel Hole is entirely vegetarian, some of my participants did state that if they were offered meat outside the monastery by a lay supporter who was not aware of the dietary rules, they would accept this out of compassion (see also, Cush, 1990: 27). Monks do not have to give up handling money and are not required to dispose of their financial resources either (Morgan, 1994: 146). There is a precise daily schedule followed at Throssel Hole, and this is described by Cush (1990: 24–25), Kay (2004: 198), Bluck (2006: 71) and MacPhillamy (2000: 259). The different stages of monastic commitment are reflected in the colour of the robes that are worn by monks, as well as the communal roles that are taken (Hollenbeck, 2010; Bluck, 2006: 83; Kay, 2004: 187). The robes reflect a traditional Japanese style, and there are both day and ceremonial robes (Hollenbeck, 2010). The day robes consist of a white under-­robe and a long tunic which is belted by a 4-inch piece of fabric called a cincture. A rakkhusu is worn around the neck, which was described by one of my participants as a ‘bib-­like’ piece of fabric, and a large square kesa is worn around the shoulders on ceremonial occasions or for meditation. I was told that all the robes are made in square, rectangular or triangular shapes so that they may be unpicked and reversed to enable them to be used for longer. The ceremonial robe (koromo) has wide sleeves, and is also worn over a white robe the same style as the day robe (Hollenbeck, 2010). When a monk dies, they are buried in the ceremonial robe with the kesa. A postulant wears black robes; a novice black with white trimming; a transmitted monk wears black with gold rakkhusu and kesa; and seniors wear brown with a purple rakkusu and kesa (Bluck, 2006: 83; Hollenbeck, 2010). When a monk becomes a master, the robes remain the same, although a red brocade piece is worn during ceremonial occasions (Hollenbeck, 2010). According to Bluck (2006: 84), ‘gender issues have always been important in the SRM tradition’. Both men and women take the same precepts and have the same opportunities and roles available to them within the monastic community

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36   Buddhism in Britain (Kay, 2004: 135). The Abbot of Throssel Hole, Reverend Master Leandra Robertshaw, is female, and she was elected to the position in January 2019, replacing Reverend Master Daishin Morgan. In his time as abbott, according to my participants, Reverend Master Daishin Morgan recognised five women as masters and two men. Men and women live and train together, including having rooms within the same building complex. At the time of my research there were 25 monks at Throssel Hole, of which approximately half were women. There are also 11 priories, temples or retreat spaces across the UK, supported by either male or female monks (OBC, 2012). Bluck (2006: 88) highlights that the attitude towards equal opportunities for men and women in the OBC is considered to be rooted in the work of Dōgen (the initiator of the Sōtō Zen tradition), but at the same time he argues that it also compatible with prevailing British cultural norms. Of interest to this study, particularly in my consideration of attitudes to feminism and gender equality in Chapter 6, is Jiyu-­Kennett’s own perspective. When discussing feminism, she stated:

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I’m not a feminist in the usual sense of the term: the ‘struggle for women’s equality’ doesn’t go far enough; it doesn’t step outside the brain washing. Behave like an equal, dammit, and then they will stop. (MacPhillamy, 2000: 234) Furthermore, reflecting on the rationale for referring to both men and women as ‘monks’, Jiyu-­Kennett challenged the idea that this was underpinned by ‘feminist’ values, but instead stated it reflected the appropriate translation of the Japanese terms ‘osho’ (‘monk and priest’) and ‘no-­osho’ (‘female monk and priest’) (MacPhillamy, 2000: 285). Although it is clear that gender equality has been a consideration from the outset, not all those involved in the OBC in Britain adhere to the same perspective on this issue. Although there is a dominant narrative about equality of opportunity, not all of the women I spoke to felt themselves aligned with this in neat ways. Even within seemingly ‘gender equal’ Buddhist organisations, there is a need to understand the ways in which dominant narratives shape women’s daily practices and the points where disagreement and questioning occur, even if this isn’t always articulated loudly or publicly. Theravāda/Thai Forest Sangha The Forest Sangha in Britain is part of the Theravāda Thai Forest tradition and follows the teachings and practices of Ajahn Chah. As stated on the Forest Sangha website, ‘the Forest tradition … most strongly emphasizes meditative practice and the realization of enlightenment as the focus of monastic life’ (Forest Sangha, n.d.-b). The Forest Sangha in Britain is managed by the English Sangha Trust, which was founded in 1956 in order to support the development of a Theravāda monastic community in England (Oliver, 1979: 102). The establishment of the Forest Sangha in Britain alongside their key practices has been

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Buddhism in Britain   37 well documented by several scholars, including Bell (1991, 1998, 2000a), Bluck (2006, 2008, 2012), Goswell (1988), and Waterhouse (1997, 2004). The Forest Sangha are currently associated with several monastic communities and hermitages across England and Scotland; at Amaravati (near Hemel Hempstead), Cittaviveka/Chithurst (Hampshire), Aruna Ratnagiri (Northumberland), Forest Hermitage (Warwickshire), Hartridge (Devon). Milntuim (Scotland) is an associated community for sīladharā and anagārikā (Forest Sangha, n.d.-a). These monastic communities are part of a larger international network of Forest Sangha monasteries in Europe, Canada and North America, Australia and New Zealand and, of course, Thailand (Forest Sangha, n.d.-a). Despite the geographical distance, the Forest Sangha’s strong connection to Thailand has been heavily emphasised, and according to Bell (1991: 164) bhikkhu in the Forest Sangha in Britain value this highly, alongside the sense of connection to a lineage that stretches back to the Buddha (Forest Sangha, n.d.-b). In terms of the opportunities available for women within the Forest Sangha in Britain, whilst the male monastic community was established first, shortly afterwards in 1979, four women were enabled to take eight precepts and wear white, following a path akin to that of the mae chi in Thailand (Angell, 2006a: 97).18 In 1983, after some discussion with the Thai saṅgha authorities, these same women were given permission to take ten precepts, thus joining the monastic renunciant community, and the order of sīladharā was born (Angell, 2006a: 99). Jane Angell (2006a: 99) refers to this as ‘an innovative step for Western women’ and Bell (1991: 97) describes the order of sīladharā as a ‘radical modification’. Whilst the rules that the sīladharā live by took some time to be established, at present the sīladharā continue to follow ten precepts alongside 120 training rules (Angell, 2006a: 99, 2006b: 229).19 These training rules are based on the bhikkhu and bhikkhunī vinaya, although they have been adapted to suit the contemporary situation (Bell, 1991: 98, 276; Angell, 2006a: 103; Bluck, 2008: 140). The sīladharā, whilst considered monastic renunciants, have not taken bhikkhunī or higher ordination given that this is seen by the Thai monastic authorities as no longer being available for women (Bell, 1991: 98). As a point of comparison, the male bhikkhus (fully ordained monks) within the Theravāda tradition take 227 precepts, leading Angell (2006b: 234) to write that, notwithstanding the backing given to the sīladharā by the monastic community, ‘theirs is not an equal ordination’. The ordained life for the sīladharā begins with a period of up to two years as an anagārikā (eight precept novice): anagārikā wear white, shave their heads and eyebrows (as is the Thai tradition) and are celibate (Bell, 1991: 103; Goswell, 1988: 2/166; Angell, 2006a: 97). After this period, the novices are able to take sīladharā ordination, where they adopt brown robes, a Pāli name, and the sīladharā precepts, which include not cooking, handling money, or driving (Angell, 2006a: 100). The sīladharā robes are known as the cattucivara, and include a lower robe or ‘skirt’ (antaravāsaka), a jacket (kancukka), an outer robe (uttarāsaṅga) and an additional upper robe (pavurana). As I was informed by one of my participants, the jacket and upper robe have been designed specifically

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38   Buddhism in Britain for the sīladharā, and the lower robe and outer robe are the same as those worn by bhikkhu and bhikkhunī and are made using the traditional ‘rice paddy’ pattern as commended by the Buddha (also see Angell, 2006a: 100). Within the Forest Sangha, following the Thai tradition, Pāli names are selected to correspond to the letter of the Thai alphabet relating to the day of the week you were born. During the ordination ceremony itself, sīladharā take dependency on the bhikkhu saṅgha (Angell, 2006a: 226; Bell, 1991: 275). Their preceptor is the (male) abbot, currently Ajahn Amaro, who took over from Ajahn Sumedho (who established the Forest Sangha in the UK) in 2010. One becomes a senior sīladharā (and can adopt the title ajahn) after being ordained for ten vassa (rains retreats) (Angell, 2006a: 110). According to Amaravati’s website at the time of writing, there are nine sīladharā and seven anagārikā currently residing in Britain and living within three of the monastic communities (Amaravati, Chithurst, and Milntuim) (Amaravati, n.d.). Three of the sīladharā are British nationals, and others are European, or originate from various parts of south-­east Asia. A number of scholars have discussed what they perceive as potential areas of tension in the creation, establishment, and development of the order of sīladharā within the Forest Sangha (Goswell, 1988; Angell, 2006a, 2006b; Williams, 2005; Bell, 1991; Bluck, 2006). Indeed, the sīladharā, more than any other group of ordained women in Britain, have received attention in relation to issues of gender and gender equality (Bluck, 2006: 37). One of these areas of tension was a concern that the ‘Asian’ laity may be less willing to support female renunciants than fully ordained male bhikkhu, although Angell (2006b: 223) highlights that as the order of sīladharā becomes more established this is altering. As early as 1991, Bell (1991: 287) indicated that there were tensions between what she calls ‘the need to accommodate Western feminist perspectives by admitting women’ and the traditional Thai position on women’s roles in the saṅgha.20 Fifteen years later, Bluck (2006: 37) continues to highlight this particular issue, drawing attention to the perceived divide between ‘traditional practice’ and what he calls ‘the legitimate expectation of gender equality’. One issue which has increasingly become part of the debate when considering the situation for the sīladharā has certainly been that of the bhikkhunī ordination, which is currently not open to the sīladharā within the Forest Sangha tradition (Angell, 2006b: 229; Bluck, 2006: 38). Certain scholars (and, indeed, the published first-­person accounts of sīladharā themselves, such as Candasiri, 2012) highlight that the sīladharā hold a variety of views on the subject of gender equality and access to bhikkhunī ordination, with several indicating that the sīladharā, whilst cognisant of the various issues, have typically been more concerned with implementing Buddhist practice within the parameters set out by the Forest Sangha than challenging their institutional circumstances (Bell, 1991: 280, 286; Angell, 2006b: 233; Shaw, 2008: 159; Cush, 1990: 60; Williams, 2005: 217; Candasiri, 2012; Bluck, 2006: 38). Williams (2005: 235) goes as far as to state that the sīladharā ‘seem superficially content with their position’ and she argues that they had little incentive to challenge institutional inequality, as their requirements for daily living are supported within the monastic communities in Britain. Indeed, the

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Buddhism in Britain   39 views of sīladharā I spoke to were also varied on this issue, although making the assumption that they only experienced ‘superficial contentment’ seems somehow rather disparaging. However, two situations have arisen since scholars such as Angell, Bell and Williams were writing: namely, in 2009, the implementation of the ‘Five Points’ and the bhikkhunī ordinations in Perth, Australia. These events have had a substantial impact on the order of sīladharā in Britain (Weinberg, 2010). The ‘Five Points’, which Emma Tomalin (2013: 115) highlights received a great deal of attention on the internet, were presented to the sīladharā in Britain by the bhikkhu saṅgha in 2009. They consisted of a list of five statements that the sīladharā had to agree to in order to remain within the monastic communities, and for sīladharā ordinations to continue to take place (Weinberg, 2010: 20).21 The ‘Five Points’ clearly express the institutional hierarchy within the Forest Sangha and situate the order of sīladharā as subordinate to the male bhikkhu saṅgha in terms of community living and the ritual practices that are undertaken (Weinberg, 2010: 24). In addition, the ‘Five Points’ clearly state that the sīladharā ordination is not intended to be an interim stage before bhikkhunī ordination, and that, as such, it is all that will be offered to women within the Forest Sangha lineage (Tomalin, 2013: 114; Weinberg, 2010: 21). In addition, as I mentioned in the Introduction to this book, just months following the implementation of the Five Points, an Australian branch monastery of the Forest Sangha tradition was involved in a bhikkhunī ordination which led to their expulsion from the Forest Sangha lineage (Barker and Rocha, 2011: 15; Tomalin, 2013: 114). Although the abbott, Ajahn Brahmavamso (Ajahn Brahm), was not acting as the bhikkhunī preceptor (and instead this role was taken by an American bhikkhunī, Ayya Tathāloka), he refused to repudiate the newly ordained bhikkhunī when asked to by the Forest Sangha authorities and was informed subsequently that he was no longer officially part of the Forest Sangha tradition (Tomalin, 2013: 114).22 Weinberg (2010: 21) states that as a result of these two events, ‘seismic shifts’ occurred within the Forest Sangha lineage. This included, in 2009, a temporary moratorium on sīladharā ordinations in Britain. Furthermore, in response to the Five Points and the issues in relation to gender inequality within the lineage, a significant proportion of the sīladharā living in the British monasteries left the Forest Sangha, either to disrobe, live independently, or to take bhikkhunī ordination outside the UK. However, as Tomalin (2013: 115) highlights, there has been little attention given to the perspectives of the sīladharā themselves, who remain ‘barely audible’ within the controversy raging on the internet. In preparation for this book, I interviewed both sīladharā (either living within the Forest Sangha monasteries or independently) and women who had taken bhikkhunī ordination outside of the Forest Sangha tradition.23 Western women have taken bhikkhunī ordination in various locations across the globe, including Australia, North America, India, and Sri Lanka, and they live either alone or in one of the growing number of bhikkhunī communities in the West. Some of these were founded by, or include, women who are British or who were

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40   Buddhism in Britain originally affiliated with the Forest Sangha monasteries in Britain. The first bhikkhunī ordination in Europe took place in 2015 in Germany, officiated by Theravāda bhikkhunī from the USA, Germany and Sri Lanka (Hüsken, 2018). To date, there have been no bhikkhunī ordinations on British shores and there are no established communities for bhikkhunī. However, as I indicated in the introduction to this book, planning for the first bhikkhunī monastery in Britain, under the auspices of the Anukampa Bhikkhunī Project and the spiritual guidance of Ajahn Brahm, is now under way. Bhikkhunī Venerable Candā, a British national, now spends much of her time in the UK, returning to Australia for vassa or the annual rains retreat periods.24 Bhikkhunī take 311 precepts, shave their heads, adopt Pāli names, and wear saffron-­coloured robes. According to one of my participants, the bhikkhunī robes consist of five pieces, including an outer robe (saṅghāṭi) either worn over one shoulder or as a cloak; an upper robe (uttarāsaṅga); a lower robe (antaravāsaka); and a jacket (saṅkaccikaṃ). In addition, they also have a cloth for bathing (udakasāṭikā). The stages of ordination differ from those followed by the sīladharā, although they do begin with a period as an eight-­precept anagārikā, but this is then followed by a ten-­precept noviciate period (sāmaṇerī) and two years as a probationary novice (sikkhamānā), before full bhikkhunī upasampadā (ordination) is undertaken, with candidates taking dependence on the bhikkhunī saṅgha.25

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Tibetan tradition In this study, the women who ordained within the Tibetan Buddhist tradition were drawn from three schools: Gelug, Karma Kagyu, and Nyingma.26 The participants from within the Gelug school were typically associated with the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT) and the various Jamyang centres across the UK. At the time of writing, these are Jamyang London and Leeds, a retreat centre (the Land of Joy in Northumberland) and several associated study groups (FPMT, 2018). Those involved with the Karma Kagyu school usually had some connection to Samye Ling monastery in Scotland (or its associated centres) – Samye Ling being the largest Tibetan Buddhist institution in the UK, established in 1967 (Waterhouse, 2004: 61). Those who ordained within the Nyingma school I spoke with were mostly associated with the Palyul Dzogchen lineage. Each of the schools, unsurprisingly, have had a different historical trajectory in Britain and their growth, development and key practices can be charted in works by Bluck (2006), Kay (1997, 2004), Oliver (1979), McKenzie (2011), Henry (2008), Batchelor (1994a), and Waterhouse (1997). There are currently a large number of Tibetan Buddhist centres in Britain, from each of the four principal schools (Gelug, Kagyu, Nyingma and Sakya), although as Kay (2004: 27) and Bluck (2006: 21) indicate, the Gelug have become the most popular of the four.27 Within the FPMT, the first ordinations of Westerners (including men and women) occurred at Kopan monastery in Nepal in 1974 (Kay, 2004: 54). FPMT

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Buddhism in Britain   41 ordinations do currently take place on British shores. In terms of the Karma Kagyu school, the first ordinations in Britain (again, for both men and women) took place prior to a four-­year retreat at the Purelands Retreat Centre at Samye Ling monastery in 1984 (Khandro, 2007: 51).28 However, for those following the Tibetan Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, women are not permitted to take ordination beyond the level of novice (getsulma/śramaṇerīkā), which is a ten-­precept ordination (divided into 36), as the bhikṣuṇī ordination was deemed never to have been transmitted to Tibet (Gutschow, 2004: 173).29 However, some women (including a number of high-­profile Western women) have taken śikṣamāṇā (two-­year probationary novice) and bhikṣuṇī (higher) ordination from the Mahayana Dharmaguptaka lineage, typically in Taiwan, Vietnam and Korea (Chodron, 2000: 85). They continue practising in the Tibetan tradition, although the issue of bhikṣuṇī or gelongma ordination remains controversial (for example, see Mohr and Tsedroen, 2010; Mrozik, 2009). This controversy was prominent at the 2007 International Congress on Buddhist Women’s Role in the Sangha, held in Hamburg, Germany. This conference, which I attended, was arranged with the Dalai Lama in order to discuss the possibility of establishing bhikṣuṇī ordination in the Tibetan tradition. Both Nirmala Salgado (2013) and Susanne Mrozik (2009) highlight the tensions that were palpable at this Congress, including between those who had hoped a decision would be made about establishing the bhikṣuṇī lineage, and those who had questions. These differences of opinion are sometimes presented as divisions ‘between East and West’ – in Salgado’s (2013: 221) terms, a ‘yawning divide’ – with the Western practitioners seen more often in favour of bhikṣuṇī ordination (Mrozik, 2009: 370). Although as both Salgado and Mrozik note, it is not always as simple as this. Indeed, one of the British attendees I spoke with also had questions about higher ordination she felt were unanswered, whilst another was frustrated at the lack of agreement on this issue, feeling bhikṣuṇī ordination was the only fitting option. There have been recent developments in this area, and in 2015, the 17th Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje (of the Kagyu lineage), promised to establish the gelongma ordination, through supporting probationary novice training for Tibetan nuns (Karmapa, 2015). In March 2017 in Bodhgaya, 18 women took what the Karmapa himself described as ‘special shramaneri vow(s)’ as a ‘preliminary step to restoring the bhikṣuṇī ordination in our tradition’ (Karmapa, 2017). Of the participants in this study, two had taken bhikṣuṇī ordination (248 precepts) and both had travelled outside the UK for this, with support from their teachers. Indeed, this support for bhikṣuṇī ordination was given strongly by Lama Yeshe, the abbott at Samye Ling, who, in 1998, arranged for 11 nuns who had previously taken novice ordination to travel to Bodhgaya and receive bhikṣuṇī vows at a large international ceremony hosted by a Taiwanese Buddhist organisation (Khandro, 2007: 81; Bluck, 2006: 122). Lama Yeshe has also named a Danish bhikṣuṇī based in Britain as a lama, the first time that this has happened in the UK (Samye Ling, n.d.; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 125; Bluck, 2006: 123). In addition to those who had taken bhikṣuṇī ordination, the other participants in this study had taken either rabjungma vows (five precepts, plus

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42   Buddhism in Britain celibacy and wearing robes, described by one of my participants as ‘pre-­novice’, see also Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 17) or getsulma (ten precepts), and all had previously taken refuge and the five lay precepts.30 My participants described the various ordination ceremonies that they had undertaken. Typically, the rabjungma vows were taken with one officiating preceptor, but the getsulma and bhikṣuṇī ceremonies were often much larger and more intricate affairs, with the bhikṣuṇī ordination requiring a female community to officiate. If a person is interested in taking the first steps towards ordination, the FPMT in particular provides detailed advice on their website, including the need to have some years’ experience of various Buddhist practices and the support of a recognised Buddhist teacher (FPMT, n.d.). A number of my participants discussed waiting for requested letters of support from their teachers, many of whom were based outside the UK. Prospective candidates are encouraged to talk through their plans with those who have already taken ordination, and to consider its significance and the changes that it will bring, as within the FPMT ordination is envisaged as ‘a life-­long commitment’ (FPMT, n.d.).31 A ‘pre-­ ordination course’ is also available at Tushita Meditation Centre in Northern India (Tushita, n.d.; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 88). In terms of the changes to appearance following ordination, nuns typically shave their heads, wear robes, and adopt Tibetan names given to them by their preceptor. The robes, which are predominantly maroon and yellow, include a shanthap (skirt), a tongak (blouse), a ngulen (vest), a meyok (petticoat), a zen (shawl), a belt and a dingwa (sitting cloth). In addition, the getsulma have a chugou, an additional yellow shawl that is worn with the zen for formal events. The women involved in my study from the Tibetan schools each referred to themselves as ‘nuns’, some adding ‘gelongma’ or ‘bhikṣuṇī’ if they had taken these vows. Some were known as ‘ani’, a Tibetan word for ‘aunt’, and a term that my participants informed me is frequently used for nuns (see also, Havnevik, 1989: 44). In terms of practicalities, all of the nuns within the Tibetan lineages in my study handled money (even though some had taken vows not to) and many drove cars and kept possessions, particularly those living outside the monastic environment. I had some difficulty ascertaining how many nuns there currently were in each of the Tibetan schools in Britain. This was particularly the case for those lineages which do not have a central monastery or nunnery in the UK, such as the Gelug or Nyingma, and where nuns will, in the majority of cases, live alone, some with very little connection to each other. In addition, I noticed a level of geographic mobility amongst my participants, with nuns travelling outside the UK for retreats or teaching, and indeed, some nuns disrobing alongside others taking ordination. I was informed that, at the time I undertook my principal fieldwork, there were approximately 13 nuns at Samye Ling, and several more living outside the main monastery, either in smaller centres, or alone. Although I did not gather statistics directly from the FPMT and instead was reliant on information from my participants, I estimate that there are fewer than ten FPMT nuns who permanently reside in Britain, and all of these live outside a monastic environment, although some may have connections to particular FPMT centres

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Buddhism in Britain   43 where they might work and teach. I was not able to estimate the number of Nyingma nuns; however, I would expect this to also be a very small number given that there is no Nyingma nunnery or monastic community for women in Britain. There has been little attention given to Tibetan nuns in Britain, quite possibly due to their low numbers. In fact, Kay (2004: 37) has highlighted that in general, Tibetan Buddhism in Britain is under-­studied. Whilst scholars such as Bluck (2006: 122) and Kay (2004: 54) do mention monastic ordination in Tibetan Buddhism in Britain, there has, to date, been only Thessa Ploos van Amstel’s (2005) doctoral work which explored contemporary female ordination amongst Westerners in the Tibetan schools in any depth and which includes some participants in Britain, particularly focusing on Samye Ling as a fieldwork site. However, the UK was not the only geographic location included in her study and she focused more generally on Western women taking ordination in the Tibetan tradition. Whilst I have mentioned this work in the Introduction to this book, there are a couple of additional points that warrant further consideration here. Alongside a brief history of both the FPMT and the Karma Kagyu tradition at Samye Ling, Ploos van Amstel (2005: 128–131) describes in some detail the development of the nuns’ community at Samye Ling, the relationships that nuns in Tibetan lineages have with their teachers and male monks, the sometimes tense interactions between nuns and the lay community, and the Buddhist practices ordained women follow, including tantric observances and the long retreats undertaken by those in the Karma Kagyu tradition, which since 2006 have been held at the retreat centre at Holy Island (Khandro, 2007: 113). Ploos van Amstel’s study focuses primarily on the interaction between ‘Tibetan’ and ‘Western’ culture in the lives of Western nuns, but she emphasises, crucially, the diversity between the nuns themselves (Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 17, 35, 195–196). She shows how the ordination requirements for Western women in Tibetan traditions have become more stringent since the 1970s, and states that there is now more institutional observation and regulation, a point which was reinforced by one of my participants (Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 88; see also, McKenzie, 2011: 7). Whilst she cites that there were more monks than nuns at Samye Ling at the time of her fieldwork, this was not the case when I undertook interviews. It appears, therefore, that between 2005 and 2010, the nuns’ community increased and there are now more nuns than monks (Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 130). One of the important points raised by Ploos van Amstel (2005: 89, 147, 151) is the issues that certain nuns face, particularly those living alone and balancing the precepts that they have taken with life outside a monastic environment where they might receive limited financial support. This is an issue that has also been raised within the first-­person accounts of Tibetan-­tradition nuns in relation to Western locales more generally, and I will consider the specific ramifications for British women in Chapter 7 (Chodron, 1996; Palmo, 1999; Tsedroen, 1988).

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44   Buddhism in Britain

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Triratna The Triratna Buddhist Order and Community, which, until 2010, were known as the Western Buddhist Order (WBO) and Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (FWBO), is, according to Vishvapani (2001: 5), ‘a modern Buddhist movement that applies the universal insights of the Buddha in the new conditions of the modern world’. A history of the movement, which was founded by Urgyen Sangharakshita (1925–2018) in London in 1967, has been provided by a number of academics, including Batchelor (1994a, 1994b), Bell (1991), Bluck (2006), Henry (2008), and Oliver (1979).32 Academic sources are complemented by published work from Triratna ‘insiders’ such as Vishvapani (2001), Vajragupta (2010), and Sharon Smith (2008), who was an ordained female member of the WBO and also conducted doctoral research into the movement. In Britain, Triratna is one of the most popular and geographically widespread Buddhist organisations, and its practices are seen to have roots in ‘a range’ of different Buddhist traditions (Bluck, 2006: 16, 152, 158). Triratna has commonly been seen by scholars as an organisation that undertakes some of ‘the most conspicuous adaptation’ of Buddhist practices to the British cultural context (Bluck, 2006: 177). In 1968, Sangharakshita performed the initial ordinations of followers into his new Western Buddhist Order, which included both men and women (Vajragupta, 2010: 9, 109; Vishvapani, 2001: 19; Oliver, 1979: 163). As Vajragupta (2010: 110) highlights, these followers were given ‘upāsaka’ and ‘upāsikā’ lay ordination and, although Sangharakshita originally planned to have several ‘grades of ordination’, including monastic, this changed, and in 1982 Sangharakshita suggested one level of ordination, namely dharmachari for men and dharmacharini for women (also see Bell, 1991: 111; Bluck, 2006: 153). A dharmachari or dharmacharini ordination is ‘neither lay nor monastic’, and a commonly used idiom is ‘commitment is primary, lifestyle secondary’ (Vishvapani, 2001: 29–30; Vajragupta, 2010: 108; Bluck, 2006: 167, 172). In practice, this means that Order members can be married or celibate, live in Buddhist communities or live with partners, alone, or with families (Sanghadevi, 1999: 271; Cush, 1990: 90; Vishvapani, 2001: 30). They can work either in the Buddhist centres or associated ‘Right Livelihood Businesses’, or they can continue working in the job they held prior to ordination, providing that it does not contradict the precepts that have been taken.33 What is held in common, according to Vishvapani (2001: 29), is that ‘Order members have made going for Refuge to the Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha the centre of their lives’. Despite the potential for variation in living circumstances, Vajragupta (2010: 69) notes that more recently there have been more Order members living what he calls ‘a forest renunciate’ lifestyle, and there have also been fewer people living within designated Triratna Buddhist communities (see also Bluck, 2006: 171). In addition, according to my participants, most Order members will be vegetarian, unless health problems preclude this (see also Cush, 1990: 94). The ordination process in Triratna has been described and discussed in published work, particularly by Moksananda (2004). On ordination, individuals take

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Buddhism in Britain   45 the three refuges (in the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Saṅgha) and subsequently follow ten precepts (also known as ‘ethical principles’ or ‘ethical guidelines’) (Bell, 1991: 111; Bluck, 2006: 167; Moksananda, 2004: 22; Vishvapani, 2001: 31; Nagasuri, 2011: 121).34 Ordinations commonly occur during several months of retreat, and this is often outside of the UK at one of the designated retreat centres (Moksananda, 2004: 13; Vishvapani, 2001: 31). My participants mentioned several places that have been used for women’s ordinations, including Il Convento (Italy), Tiratanaloka (Wales), Butterstone (Scotland) and, most recently, the purpose-­built women’s retreat centre Akashavana (Spain) (Vajragupta, 2010: 77). Ordination retreats are typically three months long for women, and four months for men. One of my participants informed me that this was because three months is seen as the most appropriate amount of time that women might be able to take away from their jobs and familial responsibilities. As Bell (1991: 296) states, although the earliest ordinations to the WBO were conducted by Sangharakshita, in 1990 the women’s wing of the Order began to conduct ordinations themselves and now it is only women who ordain other women. The College of Public Preceptors have responsibility for ratifying all ordinations, ensuring uniformity and parity worldwide (Smith, 2008: 82). There are two ordination ceremonies: first, a private ceremony involving only the candidate and their preceptor, which for women is a senior female order member (Moksananda, 2004: 61; Vajragupta, 2010: 107). The second, a public ceremony, which occurs after a further period of silent retreat, involves the welcoming of the newly ordained members into the Order community, and friends, family, and the Triratna community are invited (Moksananda, 2004: 98; Vajragupta, 2010: 107). A Pāli or Sanskrit name is selected for the newly ordained person by their preceptor, and is given during the private ceremony and announced during the public (Vajragupta, 2010: 107; Vishvapani, 2001: 31). In addition, a mantra and a visualisation practice (sādhana) are also chosen by the ordinand (Bluck, 2006: 157; Cush, 1990: 91; Moksananda, 2004: 103). One of my participants informed me that: ‘a sādhana here is a regular personal meditation practice, traditionally but not always the visualisation of an archetypal Buddha or bodhisattva.’ Although Order members are not required to shave their heads or wear Buddhist robes, during the ordination retreat candidates are encouraged to wear blue, and I was told that some make their own blue robes from a pattern that is available within the Order to wear on the retreat. For formal and ritual occasions, dharmacharinis and dharmacharis wear a white kesa which has the Triratna emblem of ‘the Three Jewels’ embroidered on each end to symbolise the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha (Moksananda, 2004: 71). Initially, both men and women make a commitment to Triratna as a mitra (or friend) and then after a period of time, they might ask for ordination (Vajragupta, 2010: 17). The ordination process in Triratna is typically lengthier than for the other groups considered in this study, and includes attending a series of retreats as part of the preparation. Some of my participants mentioned periods of approximately six years or more, although for some it was less depending on whether

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46   Buddhism in Britain they were deemed ready by their kalyana mitras – two Order members who have been ordained for at least two years (Sanghadevi, 1999: 271; Smith, 2008: 82). In addition to the kalyana mitras, according to my participants other ‘Order friends’ are also selected to form a kula, a group of people who provide support through the ordination process. Some Order members choose subsequently to take anagārika/ā precepts, described as a strengthened version of their third precept to avoid sexual misconduct, although this is not a particularly widespread practice. Those who choose this path remain celibate, and an anagārika/ā in Triratna is described by Nagasuri (2011: 121) as ‘moving increasingly towards careerlessness, homelessness and possessionlessness’ (see also, Vishvapani, 2001: 39). There is an additional small ceremony, where the white kesa is placed on the shrine, and the anagārika/ā takes a gold kesa in its place. There were 36 female anagārikā in Triratna at the time I conducted my fieldwork. In terms of ongoing organisational support following ordination, each dharmachari or dharmacharini is a member of a local ‘chapter’ and the importance of community is emphasised in the ordination (Moksananda, 2010: 76, 78; Vishvapani, 2001: 31). Order members may choose to live in a community of other Order members, typically, but not necessarily, single-­sex, and they are encouraged to meet regularly with others, both at the Buddhist centres where they might practise or teach and at annual national and international gatherings. A feature of Triratna is that ordination, and any subsequent roles or opportunities, are equally available to both men and women (Maitreyi, 1997: 120; Sanghadevi, 1999: 271; Vishvapani, 2001: 29). Although Vajragupta (2010: 73, 109) is clear that both men and women ‘have access to the teachings (and) … receive exactly the same ordination as men’, he also shows that the FWBO initially had more male than female Order members and supporters (also see Bell, 1991: 115). However, this has now changed and, according to Vajragupta (2010: 76), there are now more women being ordained than men. One of my participants informed me that, in April 2012, there were 362 dharmacharinis in the UK (and a further 177 outside of the UK, with many of these in India), which shows a significant increase from the 60 women that Bell (1991: 115) identified as being ordained in 1990 (see also Bluck, 2006: 156; Henry, 2008: 282). In spring 2018, there were 450 female Order members in the UK (compared with 583 men) and worldwide, there were 860 dharmacharinis and 1,317 dharmacharis. The prediction that by 2014 there will be equal numbers of men and women in the Order hasn’t quite materialised, but this appears to be the direction of travel.35 Although Bell (1991: 113) states that in 1991, there were no female chairs of FWBO Buddhist centres in the UK, this has also changed, with a number of large Buddhist centres led by women (including two women-­only and women-­run retreat centres). An emphasis on single-­sex activities (following Triratna’s ‘single-­sex principle’; now referred to as the ‘single-­sex idea’) is characteristic of Triratna (Bell, 1991: 141; Bluck, 2006: 170; Smith, 2008: 96). Vishvapani (2001: 34) describes the process of evolving women- and men-­only ‘activities’ as ‘experimental’, but it is a feature that continues to be popular within Triratna, principally because

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Buddhism in Britain   47 working in this way is seen to be ‘relatively free of sexual tension and distraction’ and thus more beneficial to spiritual development (see also Bell, 1991: 139). However, one of my participants highlighted that the idea of single-­sex activities as ‘free of sexual tension and distraction’ would not necessarily be the case for lesbian, gay, or bisexual Triratna members. Instead, she stated that ‘the true function of single-­sex activities is to afford everyone a break from the tendency to slip into traditional gender roles and see through the fixed-­self views associated with them’. The efficacy of this idea is also emphasised by Vajragupta (2010: 77), although he also states that the application of ‘single-­sex activities’ has not been without difficulty and that currently ‘a more relaxed practice’ is operational, which endeavours to balance single-­sex events with male and female interaction. Despite this, Triratna has not been immune to controversy in relation to gender equality (Bluck, 2006: 171; Coleman, 2001: 144).36 Highlighted by Vajragupta (2010: 80–81) was an issue surrounding the publication of Subhuti’s (1995) book, Women, Men and Angels, which was written to describe Sangharakshita’s perspectives on gender and Buddhist practice and which ‘gained the FWBO a reputation of being anti-­women’. This text contended: that women’s biological conditioning made it harder for them to tread the earliest stages of the path to enlightenment. (Vajragupta, 2010: 80)

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Vajragupta (2010: 81) highlights that the publication of this text certainly caused significant consternation, particularly amongst female Order members, with some deciding to no longer be involved with the WBO as a result. However, he also suggests that in allowing for discussion about the contents of this text, there was a ‘positive side’, which included frank dialogue about gender and ‘feminism’ in the movement, and that only a small percentage of Order members currently agree with the sentiments expressed by Subhuti (Vajragupta, 2010: 82). Subhuti has since offered a public apology (Subhuti, 2017). I shall consider the attitudes of contemporary Triratna dharmacharini to this text, and also wider issues in relation to gender and feminism, in Chapter 6.

Conclusion The purpose of this chapter has been to provide a contextual grounding for the empirical data analysed in this book. I have considered the history, growth and adaptation of Buddhism in contemporary Britain, paying particular attention to issues that concern women or relate to female ordination. By providing specific and detailed information on the groups within which my participants are connected, I not only present essential background and history, but have indicated issues of importance that I will consider as the book progresses. These include the status of women in particular organisations, the opportunities available to them, the practices that they might undertake, the role of discipline and material culture (in particular the changes after ordination), and the different ways in

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48   Buddhism in Britain which Britain, and specific locations and settings within Britain, have figured in shaping women’s Buddhist practices. In the next chapter, I introduce my participants and discuss their stories of initial involvement and commitment to Buddhist groups in Britain.

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Notes   1 Data from the 2011 census cited here was gathered from the Office of National Statistics website, which was last accessed on 15 August 2018: www.ons.gov.uk/ons/ rel/census/2011-census/key-­statistics-for-­local-authorities-­in-england-­and-wales/rpt-­ religion.html#tab-­Changing-picture-­of-religious-­affiliation-over-­last-decadel.   2 I have purposefully not added these figures together to give an overall UK figure. This is because, first, it is useful to see a difference between the various areas that make up the United Kingdom, and second, because, as Bluck (2006: 15) indicates, the census questions were asked in different ways in Scotland and Northern Ireland in comparison with England and Wales and therefore might not be automatically comparable.   3 Bluck (2006: 15) does not break down the individual statistics for Scotland and Northern Ireland from the 2001 census data, but combines them into a UK-­wide figure. Although subtracting his UK figure from the England and Wales statistics gives a figure of 7,547 Buddhists in Scotland and Northern Ireland for 2001. As with the England and Wales statistics, this also shows an increase between 2001 and 2011.   4 Data on gender and religion was taken from (and last accessed on 15 August 2018): www.nomisweb.co.uk/census/2011/DC2107EW/view/2092957703?rows=c_sex& cols=c_relpuk11.   5 Of Buddhists in the 2011 census, 83,635 have given their ethnicity as white, 9,855 as mixed/multiple ethnicity, 147,796 as Asian/Asian British, 2,809 as Black/African Caribbean/Black British, and 3,648 as ‘other’ (www.nomisweb.co.uk/census/2011/ LC2201EW/view/2092957703?rows=c_ethpuk11&cols=c_relpuk11, last accessed 15 August 2018).   6 http://hermitageoftheawakenedheart.org/lama-­shenpen (last accessed 15 August 2018).   7 Tenzin Palmo’s story is detailed in Mackenzie (1998), Haas (2013) and on her website: http://tenzinpalmo.com/jetsunma-­tenzin-palmo/ (last accessed 15 August 2018).   8 Emma Slade (or known as her Buddhist name, Ani Pema Deki) has a detailed website that outlines her work and achievements: www.emmaslade.com/ (last accessed 15 August 2018).   9 This is a point made similarly by Baumann (2002a: 101), who argues that ‘scholarly attention has strongly focused on convert Buddhists’. However, in relation to the focus on ‘white Buddhists’ in Britain, one more recent exception to this would be the PhD study by Sharon Smith (2008), which focused on the experiences of black and minority ethnic converts in two Buddhist movements in East London and the subsequent book, published posthumously (Smith et al., 2016). 10 Ajahn Chah, a Thai monk in the Forest tradition, founded a number of monasteries both inside and outside Thailand, including in Britain (see: http://forestsangha.org/ biography-­of-ajahn-­chah/, last accessed 16 August 2018). 11 See Lopez (2001: 148) in relation to a description of bodhisattva vows. He states, ‘The most important vows for the bodhisattva is the commitment to achieve Buddhahood for the sake of all beings in the universe.’ 12 According to Ollier (2018), Dharmavidya uses ‘Pureland’ to refer to his organisational practice, and Pure Land in reference to ‘Buddhist cosmology’. 13 The nembutsu (‘namo amida bu’) is a ritual and meditative chant giving reverence to Amitābha, used within the Pure Land traditions (Henry, 2013: 61). It is chanted regularly, and in various ways, by members of the Amida Order and Shu. According to

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Buddhism in Britain   49 one of my participants, chanting the nembutsu is the ‘blood and bone’ of their practice (see also, Thompson and Robyn, 2015; Amida, 2016b). 14 One of my participants informed me that, since 2008, those who are part of the Amida-­Shu and wish to make a deeper commitment (but not as ministers or amitaryas) can also become Lay Order members, known as mitras (see also, Amida, 2015). They also wear red wagessas. 15 The figures here were given to me by an Amida member, in personal correspondence (August 2018). 16 For an outline of the role of women and nuns in the Pure Land tradition more generally, see Dobbins (2004). 17 For a discussion of the roles available to women within the Sōtō Zen tradition in Japan, see Arai (1999), Faure (2003) and Uchino (1983). 18 A comprehensive history of the sīladharā order is provided by several scholars, including Angell (2006a, 2006b) Bell (1991), Bluck (2006), Goswell (1988), Cush (1990), Shaw (2008), and Williams (2005). There are also a small number of first-­ person historical accounts written by some of the sīladharā themselves. For example, see Sundara (1999) and Candasiri (2012). In addition, the Forest Sangha in Britain produced an anniversary newsletter in celebration of 25 years of sīladharā ordination, including reproducing interviews with certain sīladharā, relating particularly to history and practice (Forest Sangha, 2007). 19 A list, and discussion, of sīladharā precepts is available from Bell (1991: 276–278). Also see Cush (1990: 56) and Williams (2005: 252). Sundara (1999: 61) also provides a précis of the sīladharā daily schedule, and Bluck (2006: 28–32) describes daily life at the main Forest Sangha monasteries. 20 Of interest to this study, several of the authors writing about the sīladharā mention potential tensions in relation to ‘feminism’ (for example, see Bell, 1991; Goswell, 1988: 2/221; and Angell, 2006b: 233), although what this means in practice and to the sīladharā is not discussed in any particular detail. 21 A full list of the ‘Five Points’ is available online at: www.leighb.com/nuns.htm (last accessed: 16 August 2018) and www.bhikkhuni.net/wp-­content/uploads/2013/08/5Points-­for-the-­UK-Siladharas.pdf. (last accessed 16 August 2018). As Tomalin (2013: 119) indicates, there are parallels between the ‘Five Points’ and the eight garudhamma (or Eight Special Rules) that have traditionally been followed by bhikkhunī. 22 A detailed exploration of the Perth ordination can be found on Ajahn Sujato’s blog: http://sujato.wordpress.com/2009/10/31/how-­australia%E2%80%99s-first-­theravadabhikkhuni-­ordination-happened/ (last accessed 16 August 2018). Also see Barker and Rocha (2011: 15). 23 In order to protect the anonymity of my participants, I have decided not to state where they received bhikkhunī ordination, or where they currently live. 24 For more details about the Anukampa Bhikkhunī Project, see: https://anukampa project.org/ (last accessed 16 August 2018). 25 For more detail about the stages of Theravada bhikkhunī ordination, see: www.­ bhikkhuni.net/entering-­into-monastic-­life-and-­ordaining-as-­a-bhikkhuni-­in-theravada-­ buddhism/ (last accessed 16 August 2018). Also see Wijayaratna (2010: 38). 26 Throughout this book, I shall use the anglicised spellings of the Tibetan schools. Both my participants and the literature in English (including on organisations’ own websites) commonly use these spellings. Kay (2004) highlights that there are difficulties in rigidly separating the schools, and indeed, some of my participants had affiliations with more than one Tibetan school (see also, Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 38). However, I characterised individuals as being associated with a particular school depending on who they had taken their most recent ordination with. Throughout the book, I refer to those in the Karma Kagyu tradition as ‘Kagyu’ for brevity. In addition, some participants did not want me to identify which Tibetan school they were part of and therefore, when using their data, I simply refer to them as ‘Tibetan’. It is important to note that

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50   Buddhism in Britain these are not the only organisations representing the Tibetan Buddhist lineages in Britain and, in particular, there are other Gelug and Kagyu organisations which also exist. 27 As Bluck (2006: 21) states, this is likely to be because of the large number of New Kadampa Tradition (NKT) centres in Britain, which have been affiliated with the Gelug school. For a detailed history of the NKT, and the conflict between the NKT and the FPMT, see Kay (1997, 2004). The NKT, according to Bluck (2006: 16), are, in Britain, one of the three biggest groups. They were, however, not involved in this study. 28 I was not able to ascertain when the first Nyingma ordinations took place in Britain, and if indeed any have. My participants travelled outside the UK to take their ordination with teachers from this school. However, more information about the Palyul lineage and their associated centres is available from: www.palyul.org/. 29 For a list of the getsulma (śramaṇerīkā) precepts, see Chodron (n.d.). This website also provides details of the various ordination ceremonies in the Tibetan traditions for women, and gives advice to potential monastics. The regulations surrounding ordination and the associated stages of ordination for women in the Mahayana traditions are detailed by Wu (2001) and Chodron (2001: 33). 30 Ploos van Amstel (2005: 76) states that there are eight to ten rabjung precepts and lists them; however, this was not how my participants described it. Instead, they stated that they had taken 5 precepts, alongside robes and celibacy, and that getsulma was 10 precepts, divided into 36 rules. 31 This is different at Samye Ling, where a temporary ordination can be taken (Bluck, 2006: 122; Khandro, 2007: 79; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 77). 32 Sangharakshita was born Dennis Lingwood, but was given a Buddhist name following his Theravāda monastic ordination in India in 1949 (Vajragupta, 2010: 2–3; Bluck, 2006: 152; Oliver, 1979: 161). 33 For a discussion of Triratna ‘Right Livelihood Businesses’ see Bluck (2006: 170), Henry (2013: 155) or Vajragupta (2010: Chapter 5). 34 Bluck (2006: 167) lists the ten precepts taken by ordained Triratna members and notes that they are not the same precepts taken by novice monastics (see also, Moksananda, 2004: 116). 35 This prediction was made following a survey of Triratna Order members in 2007. See Triratna (2009) and Vajragupta (2010: 76). Also see Henry (2008: 259). 36 There have been other issues of significant controversy surrounding Triratna in relation to allegations about Sangharakshita’s sexual activity with group members, and these are noted by Bluck (2006: 155), Henry (2008: 262), Smith (2008: 82) and Vajragupta (2010: 132–136), as well as through media articles in British newspapers such as the Guardian. Whilst these discussions were aired first in the 1990s, in 2016 this was covered again by the BBC, with a former FWBO member requesting formal apologies from Triratna (www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-­england-hampshire-­37432719; last accessed 23 March 2019). In January 2017, following a statement by Sangharakshita, a letter from Triratna’s College of Preceptors was issued and was published on their website (https://thebuddhistcentre.com/news/letter-­triratnas-college-­preceptors; last accessed 23 March 2019).

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54   Buddhism in Britain Kulananda. 1992. Correspondence: Protestant Buddhism. Religion, 22, 101–103. Lopez, D. S. 2001. The Story of Buddhism: A Concise Guide to its History and Teachings. New York: Harper Collins/Harper One. Mackenzie, V. 1998. A Cave in the Snow: Tenzin Palmo’s Quest for Enlightenment. New York and London: Bloomsbury. Mackenzie, V. 2017. The Revolutionary Life of Freda Bedi: British Feminist, Indian Nationalist, Buddhist Nun. Boulder, CO: Shambhala Publications. MacPhillamy, D. 2000. Roar of the Tigress: The Oral Teachings of Reverend Master Jiyu-­ Kennett: Western Woman and Zen Master. Mount Shasta, CA: Shasta Abbey Press. Maitreyi. 1997. Feminism and Buddhism. In: Kalyanavaca (ed.) The Moon and the Flowers: A Woman’s Path to Enlightenment. Birmingham: Windhorse. 111–120. McKenzie, J. S. 2011. Keeping It Real! Constructing and Maintaining Traditional Authenticity in a Tibetan Buddhist Organisation in Scotland. Sociological Research Online, 16, 1–12. Mellor, P. A. 1991. Protestant Buddhism? The Cultural Translation of Buddhism in England. Religion, 21, 73–92. Mellor, P. A. 1992. The FWBO and Tradition: A Reply to Dharmachari Kulananda. Religion, 22, 104–106. Mohr, T. and Tsedroen, J. (eds) 2010. Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Buddhist Nuns. Somerville, MA: Wisdom. Pages. Moksananda. 2004. Ordination: Living a Buddhist Life. Birmingham: Windhorse Publications. Morgan, R. D. 1994. Soto Zen Buddhism in Britain. In: Clarke, P. B. and Somers, J. (eds) Japanese New Religions in the West. Kent: Japan Library/Curzon Press. 133–149. Mrozik, S. 2009. A Robed Revolution: The Contemporary Buddhist Nun’s (Bhiksuni) Movement. Religion Compass, 3, 360–378. Nagasuri. 2011. Ordaining Women in Australia. In: Rocha, C. and Barker, M. (eds) Buddhism in Australia: Traditions in Change. London and New York: Routledge. 119–123. OBC. 2012. United Kingdom Temples [online]. Order of Buddhist Contemplatives. Available at: https://obcon.org/temples-­and-meditation-­groups/uk-­temple-locations/ [Accessed 16 August 2018]. OBC. n.d. The Order of Buddhist Contemplatives. Leaflet. Northumberland: Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey. Oliver, I. P. 1979. Buddhism in Britain. London: Rider. Ollier, R. (2018). Dharmavidya’s Engagement with Hōnen: How a Contemporary British Pureland Buddhist Teacher Retrieves his Japanese Spiritual Heritage. Journal of Global Buddhism, 19, 45–59. Palmo, T. 1999. The Situation of Western Monastics. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Western Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 183–187. Parsons, G. 1993. Expanding the Religious Spectrum: New Religious Movements in Modern Britain. In: Parsons, G. (ed.) The Growth of Religious Diversity: Britain from 1945. London: Routledge and the Open University. 275–303. Peacocke, J. 2000. Representing Buddhism. Contemporary Buddhism, 1, 115–118. Ploos van Amstel, T. 2005. Sandpaper Sisterhood: Western Nuns in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions. PhD thesis, University of Utrecht. Prebish, C. S. and Baumann, M. 2002. Introduction: Paying Homage to the Buddha in the West. In: Prebish, C. S. and Baumann, M. (eds) Westward Dharma: Buddhism Beyond Asia. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 1–15.

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Buddhism in Britain   55 Puttick, E. 1993. ‘Why has Boddhidharma Left for the West?’: The Growth and Appeal of Buddhism in Britain. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 8, 5–10. Salgado, N. S. 2013. Buddhist Nuns and Gendered Practice: In Search of the Female Renunciant. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Samye Ling. n.d. Lama Zangmo [online]. Available at: www.samyeling.org/buddhism-­ and-meditation/teaching-­archive-2/lama-­zangmo/ [Accessed 16 August 2018]. Sanghadevi, D. 1999. A Model for Laywomen in Buddhism: The Western Buddhist Order. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Buddhist Women Across Cultures: Realizations. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. 267–275. Sangharakshita, 1992. The FWBO and ‘Protestant Buddhism’: An Affirmation and a Protest. Glasgow: Windhorse Publications. Scott, A. 1981. Anagarika Dharmapala: The Founder of the London Buddhist Vihara and  Maha Bodhi Society [online]. Available at: www.londonbuddhistvihara.org/­ Dharmapala.htm [Accessed 26 July 2017]. Shaw, S. 2008. The Development of the Theravada Order of Nuns in Britain. In: Deegalle, M. (ed.) Dharma to the UK: A Centennial Celebration of Buddhist Legacy. London: World Buddhist Foundation. 151–169. Slade, E. 2017. Set Free: A Life-­Changing Journey from Banking to Buddhism in Bhutan. Chichester: Summersdale. Smith, S. 2008. Buddhism, Diversity and Race: Multiculturalism and Western convert Buddhist Movements in East London – A Qualitative Study. Unpublished PhD thesis, Goldsmiths, University of London. Smith, S., Munt, S. and Yip, A. K.-T. 2016. Cosmopolitan Dharma: Race, Sexuality, and Gender in British Buddhism. Leiden: Brill. Starkey, C. and Tomalin, E. 2016. Building Buddhism in England: The Flourishing of a Minority Faith Heritage. Contemporary Buddhism, 17, 326–356. Subhuti. 1995. Women, Men and Angels: An Inquiry Concerning the Relative Spiritual Aptitudes of Men and Women. Birmingham: Windhorse. Subhuti. 2017. Women, Men and Angels: A Personal Statement by Subhuti [online]. Adhisthana Kula. Available at: https://thebuddhistcentre.com/adhisthana-­kula/women-­ men-and-­angels-personal-­statement-subhuti [Accessed 30 August 2018]. Sundara, A. 1999. The Theravada Sangha Goes West: The Story of Amaravati. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 61–73. Tariki. n.d. Welcome to Tariki Trust [online]. Available at: http://buddhistpsychology. typepad.com/tariki/ [Accessed 16 August 2018]. Thompson, K. and Robyn, S. 2015. Just As You Are: Buddhism for Foolish Beings. Malvern: Woodsmoke Press. Tomalin, E. 2013. Gender, Buddhism, and the Bhikkhuni Ordination: Transnational Strategies for the Feminist Transformation of Religion in the 21st Century. In: Reilley, N. and Scrivener, S. (eds) Religion, Gender and the Public Sphere. New York and Abingdon: Routledge. 108–119. Tomalin, E., Starkey, C. and Halafoff, A. 2015. Cyber Sisters: Buddhist Women’s Online Activism. Annual Review of the Sociology of Religion, 5, 11–33. Triratna. 2009. Some Statistics on the Western Buddhist Order [online]. Triratna Buddhist Community. Available at: http://fwbo-­news.blogspot.co.uk/2009/12/some-­statistics-on­western-buddhist.html [Accessed 27 July 2014]. Tsedroen, J. B. 1988. Living by the Vinaya in the West. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 202–213.

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56   Buddhism in Britain

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Turner, A. 2013. The Bible, the Bottle and the Knife: Religion as a Mode of Resisting Colonialism for U Dhammaloka. Contemporary Buddhism, 14, 66–77. Turner, A., Cox, L. and Bocking, B. 2010. Beachcombing, Going Native and Freethinking: Rewriting the History of Early Western Buddhist Monastics. Contemporary Buddhism, 11, 125–147. Tushita. n.d. Pre-­Ordination Course [online]. Available at: http://tushita.info/programs/ pre-­ordination-course/ [Accessed 23 July 2014]. Uchino, K. 1983. The Status Elevation Process of Soto Sect Nuns in Modern Japan. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 10, 177–194. Vajragupta. 2010. The Triratna Story: Behind the Scenes of a New Buddhist Movement. Cambridge: Windhorse Publications. Vishvapani. 2001. Introducing the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order. Birmingham: Windhorse Publications. Wallace, B. A. 2002. The Spectrum of Buddhist Practice in the West. In: Prebish, C. S. and Baumann, M. (eds) Westward Dharma: Buddhism Beyond Asia. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 34–50. Waterhouse, H. 1997. Buddhism in Bath: Adaptation and Authority. Leeds: University of Leeds (Department of Theology and Religious Studies). Waterhouse, H. 1999. Who Says So? Legitimacy and Authenticity in British Buddhism. Scottish Journal of Religious Studies, 20, 19–36. Waterhouse, H. 2004. Buddhism in Britain: A Brief History. In: Harris, E. and Kauth, R. (eds) Meeting Buddhists. Leicester: Christians Aware. 53–66. Weinberg, T. M. 2010. ‘Take it or Leave it’ and the Ground Between. Present: The Voices and Activities of Theravada Buddhist Women, Spring 2010, 20–28. Wijayaratna, M. 2010. Buddhist Nuns: Birth and Development of a Women’s Buddhist Order. Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society. Williams, L. 2005. Women’s Ordination in Theravada Buddhism: Ancient Evidence and Modern Debates. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sunderland. Williams, P. 1989. Mahayana Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations. London: Routledge. Wu, Y. 2001. Choosing Simplicity: A Commentary on the Bhiksuni Pratimoksa. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. Zahn, M. 2016. Q&A with Jaquetta Gomes: First Female Buddhist Fire Chaplain. Tricycle [online]. Available at: https://tricycle.org/magazine/qa-­jacquetta-gomes/ [Accessed 15 August 2018].

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3 British Buddhist women and narratives of conversion

When I began interviewing ordained Buddhist women living in Britain, I included a question about their early contact with Buddhism as a conversational ice-­breaker. I thought it might help open out the conversation to enable us to talk more readily about ordination and deeper commitment. As the interviews progressed, despite some idiosyncratic differences in biography, it became abundantly clear that there were marked similarities in the stories that I was told. These stories fascinated me on their own terms. Similarities were present along demographic lines and also in the explicit and implicit weaving of selected Buddhist concepts into the re-­telling of women’s lives. The articulation of these concepts into personal narrative tell us a great deal about what might be important to British Buddhist women and the groups they are connected to, particularly through the lens of their subsequent ordination. Although Bluck (2006: 191) states that there has been a lack of focus on the individual background narratives of those choosing to engage with Buddhism in Britain, what has received more attention is the reason why Buddhism has begun to attract an increasing number of convert followers, both in Britain and beyond. These reasons include a general feeling of discomfort with mainstream British society and established religion and the sense of exoticism and excitement surrounding Buddhism; the feeling that Buddhism is in tune with rational, scientific values and that it is subsequently less dogmatic than other religious traditions; and that Buddhism is a peaceful faith that provides practical guidance for living a good life (Waterhouse, 1997: 21; Kay, 2004: 5–7; Bell, 1998: 155; Clarke, 1997: 98; Green, 1989: 277–278; Mellor, 1991: 89; Bluck, 2006: 136–137). The growing public profile of mindfulness, even in secular forms which have been adapted by the National Health Service and other statutory health and social care providers, has given Buddhism increased attention in the British public sphere (Cook, 2016). Indeed, this is something which certain Buddhist groups have begun to capitalise upon, offering secular mindfulness meditation classes to non-­ Buddhist audiences. Two decades ago, Bell (1998: 155) was certain that an interest in learning how to meditate as part of a wider programme of ‘self-­help and self-­cultivation’ propelled British audiences towards Buddhist groups. However, whilst this remains a key factor in the initial interest that some British Buddhist women show, it is not the complete picture. A sense of wanting and

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58   Narratives of conversion needing to be part of a wider ‘community of practice’ remains of primary significance (Wenger, 1998). This chapter is divided into three main sections. In the first, I explore the different backgrounds and biographies of my participants, paying particular attention to how they became involved with Buddhist groups and teachings. In the second section, I build on this biographical data, and investigate why women decided to become involved in Buddhist groups. In the final section, I analyse the ways in which ordained women articulate their ‘conversion’ experience and consider the implications of this for our understanding of religious change in the British and Western Buddhist context. Connecting with Buddhism

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Biography and background Of the 25 women who were at the heart of this study, 10 recalled their first contact with Buddhism when they were in their twenties – a time of questioning previously held assumptions and practical independence (including through global travel). Five of the women were in their thirties, and four in their forties, having experienced careers, romantic relationships and, for some, motherhood. Two women had their initial contact with Buddhism in their fifties, and four in their teenage years. None recalled being exposed, in any significant way, to Buddhism prior to their adolescence and, although Sumitra (Triratna) remembers being taken to the London Buddhist Society as a child by her mother, who was interested in spirituality and mysticism, she did not place much weight on this.1 None of the women in this study were born into families where Buddhism was the sole religion practised. If the sample is divided up into sub-­sets according to Buddhist group or tradition, the age when women made initial contact with Buddhism appears to be fairly evenly spread, apart from within the Forest Sangha/ Theravāda, where all the women had initial contact with Buddhism in their late teenage years or twenties. This perhaps reflects the relative austerities of Forest Sangha practice, which might be more attractive to a younger audience. All but three of the women in this study first came across Buddhism whilst they were living in Britain. Of those who were outside Britain, two were travelling in Asia, and one was in the United States. Although Priyarati (Triratna) was already part of a Buddhist group where she practised meditation, it was only following a six-­month long work trip outside of the UK that she decided that she wanted to be more involved with Triratna and make a formal commitment as a mitra. This formal commitment process in Triratna will be discussed in more detail in due course. For most, their first significant contact with Buddhism occurred immediately prior to sustained involvement with a particular group or community. However, four described reading books or watching documentaries about Buddhism or Buddhist monks at an earlier stage that had what Suvanna (Forest Sangha) describes as ‘a deep resonance’. Lobsang (Kagyu) had studied religion at university and

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Narratives of conversion   59 recognised that she felt an affiliation with Buddhist doctrine (it ‘struck a chord’), although it was some years before she investigated further and committed to a particular group and teacher. So, although this initial exposure did not always lead to an immediate search for a Buddhist group to practise within, or indeed even prompt an inquiry about other reading or viewing material about Buddhism, it was highlighted as an important moment in retrospect. However, not every woman’s initial involvement with Buddhism could be categorised as smooth or linear. For example, Charumati (Triratna) made initial contact with Triratna in the 1990s, but this was then followed by a period of years when she was not involved, before she returned to the group in early 2000. Furthermore, three of the women also described some early exposure to Buddhism that they did not think was particularly significant. Edwina (OBC) explains that she first read a book about Buddhism when she was 17, but ‘couldn’t make head nor tail of it’; Dalha (Tibetan) describes how she had some exposure to Zen Buddhism through popular culture and the ‘beat poets’ but hadn’t really engaged with the philosophy any further. Elizabeth (Gelug) had come across images of the Buddha but they ‘just came into (her) visual field and then left’. This was only really seen as significant in the light of their later commitments to Buddhism, and, for many, this was just one of many experiences that that they had on their spiritual journey. Twenty of the women in this study had their initial contact with Buddhism in the 1980s or 1990s, and one in the 2000s. Although there are not many discernible differences in the paths that they took as defined by the era of their first contact, those who became involved with Buddhist groups in Britain in the 1980s or earlier do mention that in the early days their group approached newcomers in different ways than they might today. Buddhist groups in Britain were seen to have become more organised as the decades have progressed, including offering formal introductory training, workshops, and retreats that were not previously widely available. Indeed, for Chandrakala (Triratna), as there was no Triratna group in her city at the time she became interested in Buddhism, she had to set one up herself, which she describes as ‘hard work at first’ but also ‘quite exciting as well’. Having to set up your own Buddhist group because there is nothing available for you in your city would be, now, a fairly unusual experience given the proliferation of Buddhist groups across Britain. However, in the 1970s and 1980s, engaging with Buddhism might also entail establishing your own group or small community connected to a wider movement (either UK-­ based or beyond) in order to further your interests. With no access to the internet, or even books about Buddhist practice in a public library, the journey of these initial female pioneers are tied closely with the early histories of Buddhist groups and communities in a way that was certainly not the case even 20 years later. Being a pioneer of a minority religion within a mainstream culture makes you particularly connected and committed to the maintenance of individual local Buddhist communities. This means that if tensions develop over the years (for example, in relation to gender equality), these are felt all the more keenly. If communities eventually fall apart and women no longer feel welcome, there is a period of grieving, something I discuss in more detail in Chapter 7.

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60   Narratives of conversion Table 3.1 shows a breakdown of the religious backgrounds of participants. In this context, this refers to the religion that their immediate families were practising at the time of their birth and childhood, as reported by the women themselves. Here, there does not seem to be any obvious link between affiliation to a particular religion in childhood and the later choice of Buddhist tradition (for example, a preponderance of former Catholics in Tibetan traditions, for example). Although both Bluck (2006: 190) and Henry (2008: 341) highlight that a number of convert Buddhist practitioners in contemporary Britain are likely not to have a discernible Christian background, the majority of the women in this study were raised in families where Christianity was the practised religion. Indeed, the vast majority of my participants indicated some form of religious upbringing, even though this might be nominal, with only one stating that she was brought up with ‘no religion’. This is very likely to be a reflection of the ages of my participants, many of whom were over 50 at the time of interview. This generation were arguably more likely to have a Christian family environment in Britain. Given the rise in those professing ‘no religion’ over the past 20 years, this experience is likely to change for future generations of British Buddhist women. Indeed, in a recent study of Buddhist young people, Sarah-­Jane Page and Andrew Yip (2017) indicate that a significant proportion of British Buddhists aged 18–25 are now brought up in households where there is no religious affiliation and this in turn shapes their early patterns of engagement. Many of the women in my study described a feeling of having to challenge or unpick Christian religious upbringings and doctrines, which was sometimes a painful and difficult experience. Some narrated a sense of loss of personal and communal identity when they removed the practices associated with Christian festivals such as Christmas (including sending Christmas cards) from their lives. This affected their earliest engagements with Buddhist groups and underpinned an initial reluctance to become formally committed. By Triratna members I was told that some local groups had tailored their introductory courses in response to this, playing down the ritual elements of Buddhist practice so as not to dissuade people who wanted a break from organised (Christian) religion or who didn’t feel ready to question existing religious and cultural practices. However, they recognised that this was now becoming a somewhat redundant approach, with newcomers over the last five years or so more eager to learn about Buddhism and ritual practice from the outset than they had been in previous generations. Starting your engagement with Buddhism with no overt religious background Table 3.1  Religious background of participants Religious background

Number of women

Catholic Church of England/Church of Scotland Other Christian (Baptist, Christian Scientist) Other/not stated No religion

6 10 4 4 1

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Narratives of conversion   61 will create a generation of Buddhist practitioners that are likely to be very different from their parents and grandparents. For a few women, however, like Ailith (OBC) and Prasanna (Theravāda), although they had some family ties to a particular religious group, they highlight that this was fairly limited and they only went to church for weddings, funerals, and occasionally Christmas. Others, such as Ceola (OBC), Sumitra (Triratna), and Charumati (Triratna), describe religion as being clearly present throughout their childhoods. Charumati described how she had, since childhood, ‘a very strong sense of a spiritual path’ and had, at one point, wanted to be a Catholic nun. However, whether or not they had any formal links to a particular religious tradition, a number of participants described an early interest in religion and had raised spiritual questions, perhaps unsurprising for a group of women who later made formal commitments to a religious path. This is exemplified by Kalinda (Tibetan), who states: I suppose I was always interested in … Who am I? What’s the meaning of life? Dolma (Gelug) reinforces this by saying:

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I’d been interested in spiritual things all my life, I can’t remember not being. Perhaps unsurprisingly, in the testimonies of the participants in this study there are two common reactions to the religion of childhood – ambivalence or outright rejection. Dhatri (Amida) recalls being ‘angry with religion’, which led her to strongly adhere to an atheist position. Similarly, Aarya (Amida) went through a period of rejecting her parents’ Christian faith as ‘too closed minded’. The majority of women began to question their religious backgrounds in their teens or early twenties, and often whilst at university. For example, Charumati (Triratna), who had described herself as ‘full of faith’ as a child, began to question Catholicism after taking a Sociology of Religion class. Several describe reaching university and not liking the Christian groups or societies on offer there, and deliberately distancing themselves from them as a consequence. However, others had more mild reactions, for example Lobsang (Kagyu), although brought up in a Christian household, states, ‘I didn’t really rebel against it, I just didn’t take it on’, or Ailith (OBC), who felt that Christianity ‘just didn’t work for me’. As I shall explore later, a concern with finding answers to certain questions about life is significant for these women in their early contact with Buddhism. The feeling that inherited childhood religion did not provide these answers is clear from a number of the testimonies. For Elizabeth (Gelug), a former Catholic, ‘things didn’t really make … sense, certain parts of dogma didn’t seem realistic to me’. Similarly for Alura (OBC), who, although had enjoyed attending church, particularly Sunday school, felt that in her teenage years ‘it just didn’t make sense anymore’. Yet, several of those who had rejected their religion of childhood felt that that something was missing. As Charumati (Triratna) states:

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62   Narratives of conversion I gave up Catholicism because I couldn’t believe in God any longer, but I kind of missed it. This adds some weight to the findings in Andrew Kennedy’s (2004: 144) study of British Buddhists, where several of his participants had, what he called, ‘undirected and unfulfilled childhood religiosity’. Having deeply rooted questions about life and death (and a desire to make sense of these) is a factor leading British women towards Buddhism, and, as I will explain next, this was sometimes via other (non-­ Buddhist and Buddhist) religious communities and practices. Yet alongside questions of religiosity, one key unifying factor for this sample of women is socio-­economic background. Convert Buddhists, both in the British and wider global contexts, are typically presented as highly educated and ‘middle class’, with relatively high incomes (Baumann, 2002: 100; Waterhouse, 1997: 8; Bluck, 2006: 190; Page and Yip, 2017). In general terms, the majority of women I interviewed fit this broad picture. Sixteen of the sample were university educated (two of these to master’s or PhD level) and a further three undertook vocational, art or drama school training after leaving school. Fifteen of the participants had high-­profile careers: five were teachers or in professions related to teaching, four were in nursing or health professions, four were in artistic professions, and two were in IT. At least 15 women had been (or continued to be) home-­owners and had some independent financial security. This shaped how they engaged with Buddhism, the ways in which they made initial contact with Buddhist groups, and has bearing on the issues they encountered in making formal commitments through ordination.

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Initial contact After rejecting the religion practised in their childhood, and before making initial contact with a Buddhist group, five women in this sample involved themselves first with another religion. For two of the five women, this was with the Quakers, and the remaining three both explored a number of major world religions, including Hinduism. A further two became aware of Buddhism through yoga, although for both of these participants, these practices were done not as part of a concerted spiritual search, but for physical health. All but two of the participants had a period of no particular religious affiliation before visiting a Buddhist group for the first time. Only 9 out of 25 women in this study visited or tried out the practices of different Buddhist groups or traditions before making a commitment to the group that they later ordained within. What is important to recognise here is that, for most women, their initial contact with Buddhist groups appears unintentional, rather than as a result of a deliberate pursuit of a new religious group to join. Lynn Davidman and Arthur Greil’s (1993: 89) three ‘paths of entrée’ amongst converts to Modern Orthodox Judaism is a useful framework through which to consider this (see Table 3.2). Those participants who fall under the ‘accidental contact’ path, forming the majority of the sample, describe becoming aware of Buddhist groups almost

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Table 3.2  Paths of entrée Mode of initial contact with religious group

Number of ordained women

Accidental contact Casual search Committed search

16 4 5

without meaning to.2 As Davidman and Greil (1993: 89) describe, they were ‘not deliberately or self-­consciously seeking a spiritual path’. These women were not looking for a religious group to join (although this doesn’t preclude asking general questions about the meaning of life). They were typically introduced to particular traditions through existing friendship networks, including romantic partners. To cite one example, whilst travelling in Asia, Elizabeth (Gelug) became ill and was advised by a friend to travel to a Tibetan monastery to recover. Although she hadn’t been initially keen to do so, distancing herself from so-­called ‘1970s spiritual seekers’ she knew (and stating clearly that since her rejection of her religion of childhood, she was not immediately interested in finding another spiritual practice), she did go to the monastery to recuperate. Although she thought, at first, this would just be a good dinner party conversation topic, she was strongly affected by the teachings being given and very quickly committed to this group as a result, asking for refuge within two weeks.3 Those whom I’ve placed under the title of ‘casual searcher’ had, like Ceola (OBC), been interested in learning meditation techniques for some time (she describes being attracted to meditation, although not necessarily the Buddhist form, early in life), and had done a few sesshins (an intensive period of meditation in the Zen tradition) with some other Sōtō Zen groups. However, she felt that it was difficult to establish a meditation practice where the teachers were not based permanently in Britain. She later met a friend who informed her about Throssel Hole and the Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition, and she attended a weekend introductory retreat, which ‘sat right’ with her. Although she later visited two or three other Buddhist centres, she said she felt immediately attracted to the community at Throssel Hole and the way they taught meditation, so did not feel the need to give much attention to these other groups. Those whom I have placed within the ‘committed search’ category were, like Dalha (Tibetan), deliberately and actively searching for a Buddhist group to join (in Dalha’s case, after she read a book about Buddhism). Dalha wrote a list of all the Buddhist groups in her area and made an organised plan to visit them before making a commitment to one that ‘felt right’. Why women like Dalha chose Buddhism, and how they became increasingly involved, will be explored in the following sections. However, although Padma (Gelug) has been placed within the ‘committed search’ category (as she made a deliberate attempt to research Buddhism and Buddhist groups), she did not feel that she ‘became’ a Buddhist, but instead felt that she had always been one – a point about past life connections that I will return to.

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64   Narratives of conversion By examining the data using the framework provided by Davidman and Greil, it is clear that only a small number of women participated in a committed search for new religious affiliation. So, although Elizabeth Puttick (1993: 6) presents Buddhist converts in the West as ‘active seekers’, evidence from these women provides some challenge to this. Instead, there are a variety of trajectories of initial engagement with Buddhism, a point also made by Thubten Chodron (1999: xxvii) in relation to the experiences of ‘western Buddhist nuns’ more generally. Amongst the participants in this study, affiliation to a particular Buddhist tradition has typically as much to do with circumstances as a conscious, methodical choice to select one tradition over another. Yet, why women choose to get involved with Buddhist groups remains a question that requires specific focus.

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Dukkha: dissatisfaction, stress, and suffering Six women explained that it was a period of significant personal crisis and stress which directly influenced their decision to get involved with a Buddhist group. This included divorce, death of friends or family members, and periods of mental ill-­health (including post-­natal depression). Dolma (Gelug) sought out a Buddhist group following the death of her father and a close friend, principally because ‘she had heard the Tibetans were quite good on death and dying’. For Prasanna (Theravāda) it was after the untimely death of her mother that ‘questions about life … just exploded into (her) face’ and led her to want to connect with someone who could help her make sense of this. A further four women described acute events like these as having some formative impact on their lives more generally, although they did not explicitly connect these to the choice to join a particular Buddhist group at one specific moment. Feelings of stress, dissatisfaction and suffering as motivating forces which propel an individual towards involvement with Buddhism in Britain are experienced in various guises, ranging from severe crisis to a more general unsettled feeling that something is missing from life-­as-lived. These feelings were part of the narrative in some way, almost without exception, of every woman in this study. This is part of a now familiar trope in studies of conversion more generally, and Buddhism (including in Britain and the West) specifically (Kennedy, 2004; Page and Yip, 2017; Goswell, 1988; Ploos van Amstel, 2005; Ullman, 1982). Yet, a deeper investigation into the testimonies of British Buddhist women indicates that not all those who have experienced crisis or suffering always engage in a ‘committed search’ for a Buddhist group. Henry Finney (1991: 381–382), in his study of Zen Buddhism in America, is keen to point out that conversion should not be positioned solely in terms of ‘personal pathology and stress’, as this has the tendency to overshadow all other potential causes of religious change. Whilst Tanirika (Triratna) made a concerted effort to find a group that would teach her meditation following a period of depression, others were by no means looking for a resolution to crisis through a change in religious affiliation. One woman I spoke to was looking for somewhere to live and a

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Narratives of conversion   65

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friend recommended a Buddhist organisation that might be able to help, which she later became more closely connected with. For Siladakini (Triratna), her concerns were driven also by the practical. Following her graduation from college, she explains: ‘I had a whole crisis around how I worked … what I could do in terms of jobs.’ This was experienced at the same time as a period of questioning her relationship with her parents and she credits this as significant in her decision to explore a Buddhist path. For another, although she experienced major crisis in the form of the death of a family member and this inspired her to attend a Buddhist meditation retreat, she did not really understand what was being taught as a result of her emotional distress (although she did recognise that it was supportive). It was some time before she made a more regular commitment to a specific Buddhist group. It does not always indicate, therefore, that an immediate crisis invariably provides the impetus for religious change in this context. Indeed, Vasundara (Triratna) had what could be termed a significant life crisis after her initial contact with the Buddhist group. She had been attending a regular Buddhist meditation class, but then experienced the death of her mother and close friend in quick succession. Whilst she was already in contact with the group, she explains that the reaction of other group members (particularly, their ability to openly talk about death) more deeply integrated her into the group. This may be the first, but is certainly not the last, indication that relationships and group dynamics are significant in the convert British Buddhist context. What appears most common amongst women is a more general sense that something was missing from life. A feeling of sustained dissatisfaction, however successful an individual might be in terms of career or financial security, was described as both a rationale for initial involvement in Buddhism, and a later desire to ordain. This is best exemplified in the narrative provided by Delia (OBC). Whilst Delia had a secure job, a house, financial security and a romantic relationship, she described a ‘vague restless unhappiness’ that couldn’t be appeased using ways often adopted by people in mainstream British society, such as going to the cinema, taking up a hobby, going out drinking with friends, going on holiday, or getting a new job or relationship: I’d always had a sense that there was something I was looking for, but you know, life was fine, nice career, nice house, nice friends, whatever, but something was missing and I’d had that pretty much all my life to be honest, just feeling, just sort of slightly, you know, the things which were nice, just weren’t complete. This is mirrored by both Chandrakala (Triratna) and Suvanna (Forest Sangha): I was in my mid-­forties, and everything was going pretty well really, got a job I enjoyed, family, husband, children, everything, but I felt that there was something missing … How it came to me was, ‘is this all it is?’ (Chandrakala)

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66   Narratives of conversion I was pretty secure and comfortable but I was looking for something else, I wasn’t fulfilled. (Suvanna) Although Delia, Suvanna and Chandrakala report being aware of this feeling of dissatisfaction with life prior to their involvement with Buddhist groups, Lobsang (Kagyu) reports only noticing that something wasn’t quite right after she met a Buddhist teacher and listened to him speak. She explains:

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I’d done all the things that you do, you know, grown up, gone to university, got a job, a relationship, got married, I had my own flat and got a job that gave a car, so I was alright, but I wasn’t, you know, exactly satisfied … although I wasn’t really aware of that. In fact, Lobsang only made initial contact with a Buddhist group through a friend who persuaded her to come along to a teaching given by a Tibetan monk. She explained that she hadn’t been particularly keen to go and hadn’t known much about Buddhism, although when she got there she was so moved by the teachings that she took refuge on the same night. This sense of what I call ‘rear view mirror dissatisfaction’ highlights that not all fit the model of ‘active seeker’, who, following some personal crisis, single-­mindedly pursue a new religious affiliation. Yet, although the timing of when dissatisfaction, suffering and stress are realised by British Buddhist convert women might vary, its presence in acute and non-­acute forms is almost ubiquitous. This should come, perhaps, as no surprise. Acknowledging the pervasiveness of dissatisfaction, stress and suffering is one of the cornerstones of Buddhist teaching. The First Noble Truth that the Buddha discovered in meditation under the Bodhi tree is that all life is subject to suffering, dissatisfaction and stress, or dukkha/duḥkha. As Lopez (2012: 108) highlights, ‘this sense of dissatisfaction is regarded as an essential prerequisite for progress on the Buddhist path.’ An awareness of one’s own (or others’) suffering or dissatisfaction is, therefore, likely to be prioritised in Buddhist adherents’ narratives as this reflects their understanding of a key facet of the Buddha’s teaching. Acknowledging the role that suffering plays is not a recent phenomenon in British Buddhism, for Goswell (1988: 2/76) also found these types of explanatory testimonies in her study of British Forest Sangha monks and nuns in the 1980s. Although only a minority of women in my study might be categorised as committed religious seekers, the majority described a subtly different search that propelled them towards Buddhism – one that was underscored by a resolve to answer pressing questions raised by the realisation of the presence of dukkha, both personally and more universally.

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Narratives of conversion   67 Saṃvega and pasada: shock, meaning, and clarity For most of the women featured in this book, the initial reason for their attraction to Buddhism was because Buddhist teachings, as they understood them, provided immediate answers to pressing questions about life and living. These answers could not be found solely through advancing their careers or by engaging with the religions with which they had affiliated in childhood. For some, this was described in terms of feeling shocked and dismayed at the suffering either they experienced personally, or that they had witnessed. For example, Rajana (Forest Sangha) found it difficult to think through existential questions that had been posed to her by others who were in acute turmoil, despite her previous involvement with several different religious traditions and a good understanding of their approaches. She was drawn to Buddhism because: it seemed to provide answers and just a way of dealing with the suffering of humanity that was incredibly practical. For Dalha (Tibetan), her first connection with Buddhist teachings was profound and, as she explains, ‘answered every question I ever had about … life and why do I exist’. Including Dalha, seven women defined these types of ‘life questions’ in terms of a conscious ‘search for meaning’.4 As Suvanna (Forest Sangha) explains:

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I got on with my life, and went through getting a career and a house and stuff like that. And the more I got the less satisfied I was, the less it gave me a sense of meaning or the gratification I was looking for. I realised (pause) I needed to understand that. Of course, not all of the women articulated this active search for meaning in the same way. Chandrakala (Triratna) explains that whilst she felt there had to be ‘more to life than survival’, she felt very unclear exactly what questions might need answering or, indeed, what might make life more meaningful. Indeed, both Vasundara and Charumati (Triratna) preferred to couch their motivations in terms of wanting a purpose or a more clearly defined direction in life (which they both distinguished from a more deliberate search for meaning). Dolma (Gelug) felt that she clearly desired a particular spiritual path to follow, with the structure and the clarity that she thought would come from that. Tanirika (Triratna) felt that it was either ‘carrot’ or ‘stick’ which typically motivated engagement with Buddhism in Britain. Whilst she acknowledged that some people might be looking for meaning or explanations (the ‘carrot’), she personally related more strongly to the ‘stick’ – feeling anxious or unhappy and needing to feel better. Although Tanirika divides these motivations, the reality is that both the ‘carrot’ and the ‘stick’ are often rather blurred in women’s narratives more generally, suggesting that they operate in tandem in the psychology of British Buddhist converts.

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68   Narratives of conversion Even though women might have initially approached Buddhist groups in diverse ways and with different motivations in mind, overall Buddhism was believed to be more able to provide adequate solutions to the issues they were facing more effectively than any other resources at their disposal. The feeling that Buddhism ‘made sense’ was prominent in many of the narratives. Indeed, as Rajana (Forest Sangha) explains: I didn’t actually realise it was Buddhism, it just sounded like good sense. This rather pragmatic (some might argue quintessentially British) rationale is provided in very clear terms by six of the women. Within two weeks of her first stay at a Buddhist monastery, Elizabeth felt that the meditation techniques she was learning were very ‘practical’ (and the importance of meditation being immediately useful in dealing with negative emotions such as anxiety is also emphasised by Aarya, Priyarati and Charumati). Elizabeth describes her early reflections in everyday terms:

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I thought to myself, if I really applied myself to this, it doesn’t matter what happens in my life, the most horrible thing could happen or the most wonderful and I would be able to cope with it. Is there anything that could happen that this path doesn’t show a way through? And I couldn’t think of any. These feelings of shock, connected at first to personal and then global suffering, followed by a sense of clarity and meaning found within Buddhist teachings, reflect the Buddhist concepts of saṃvega and pasada. These are, in the words of Thanissaro (1997), ‘the emotions most basic to the Buddhist tradition’. Samvega refers to the feelings of shock and surprise when suffering is observed or realised, and pasada is the sense of confidence in (Buddhist) teachings as a way out of this state. Although none of the women in this study used these exact terms, they described quite clearly the same overarching feelings and the subsequent impact they had on their life choices. It is saṃvega that drove the Buddha to his renunciant path, filled with the sureness of pasada in the direction he eventually carved out (Thanissaro, 1997). Both these emotions come to the fore when women decide to commit further through an ordained path, but they are given prominence, too, at the start of the journey. Yet, it was not only the teachings or the practices that drew and continued to attract British women to Buddhist groups. Equally significant were the connections made to individuals and communities. Connection: Kalyāṇa-mittatā and saṅgha When I questioned how women initially connected with and were drawn to particular Buddhist groups, I was struck by the number who mentioned the role played by other people. Relationships and social connections are foregrounded

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Narratives of conversion   69 in many scholarly analyses of religious conversion, particularly amongst women (for example, Davidman and Griel, 1993: 96). So, although Goswell (1988: 2/89) and Kennedy (2004: 147) also highlight the role of relationships in drawing people to Buddhism in Britain, studies on Buddhism in the West such as those undertaken by Alasdair Gordon-­Finlayson and Michael Daniels (2008), James Coleman (2001) and Glenys Eddy (2012) give some emphasis to more intellectually driven and praxis-­based early engagement. The sense of connection with others that my participants described was present in their narratives in various forms, including in relation to powerful associations with particular individuals (including their teachers); a feeling of being attracted to a particular group or community and their ethos; and a sense of personal resonance with the Buddha’s teachings. Although these relationships do shift and change over the life-­course, a sense of strong connection with individual people who might be described as spiritual friends (kalyāṇa-mittatā/mitratā) or with a Buddhist community (saṅgha/saṃgha)5 motivate many women to become involved with Buddhism in Britain and, furthermore, support them as they become increasingly committed and begin to consider ordination. Fourteen women stated that they were alerted initially about the existence of particular Buddhist groups and encouraged to visit them by people that they already knew. For six women, this person was a romantic partner. Those who encouraged this early interest in Buddhism were either already connected to particular Buddhist groups, or they were at a similar stage of involvement and curiosity as the women themselves. For example, Ailith (OBC) explained that although she was ‘initially reluctant’ to visit a Buddhist monastery, her husband at the time was very keen to find out about Buddhism, and she recognised that visiting a monastery for the first time and learning how to meditate was a ‘nice thing to do together’. Rajana described how both a friend and her boyfriend attended a teaching given by the Forest Sangha. Although she felt she was ‘initially snooty’ about their burgeoning interest in Buddhism, she noticed a positive difference in their attitude following the teaching. This encouraged her to attend a couple of weeks later. Interestingly, both Rajana and Ailith recognise they were initially reluctant to follow their friend’s encouragement. Echoing this, Lobsang (Kagyu) in particular spent a number of months refusing a friend’s suggestion to visit Samye Ling, and even told her friend ‘no thank you … sounds very weird, not really for me!’ However, although Sumitra (Triratna) felt her initial connection to Buddhism occurred because she ‘fell in love with a Buddhist’, she is careful to highlight that, although this was what sparked her initial interest, it wasn’t the reason why she became a Buddhist, which had more to do with her attraction to the teachings, particularly the ethical precepts and the way they might guide a moral life. This would, no doubt, be mirrored by all the women who mentioned the role of other people as significant. Friends and acquaintances, particularly for those women who became involved with Buddhist groups before the advent of the internet, were a vital source of information about newly established Buddhist communities in Britain.

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70   Narratives of conversion Beyond initial contact and information provision, it is the Buddhist communities themselves, and the people that they meet within them, that become intensely attractive. Over half of the participants in this study reported feeling drawn to the people within the Buddhist communities. Comments such as ‘the people struck me’, or ‘they listened to me’ were frequently given as reasons for initial attraction. Priyarati (Triratna) exemplifies this feeling: I was so impressed by the women, I still didn’t want to be a Buddhist (but) I kept going back because they had something that I wanted. This ‘something’, for Priyarati, was described as peacefulness, a lack of anxiety, and a way of relating to others that she felt was deficient in her existing ways of relating to life events. The feeling of being immediately ‘accepted’ by the communities themselves was emphasised, as Delia (OBC) describes:

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I know the first time I’d been down the corridor (at Throssel Hole), somebody made gasshō to me, I nearly fell over! I thought … wow, but they don’t know me, why are they doing that? Of course, I realised that that’s something that you just do to everybody. I found that quite stunning, that kind of acceptance. For Elizabeth (Gelug) and Prasanna (Theravāda) it was the initial connection that they made with a particular Buddhist teacher that was important. For Suvanna (Forest Sangha), although she had regularly attended a meditation group, it was only on meeting one particular teacher that she felt her commitment to Buddhist practice deepen as he very effectively explained the Buddha’s teachings. Indeed, it is this sense of feeling an immediate connection to particular aspects of the Buddha-­dharma that also provided what Elizabeth (Gelug) describes as the initial ‘hook’ that piqued their interest. For Dalha (Tibetan) this was a description of bodhicitta; for Elizabeth it was an account of karma, which she states went ‘straight through into my heart’.6 Four women described a sense of feeling immediately ‘at home’ in the Buddhist group they later joined. Dalha, who had undertaken a deliberate search for a Buddhist group to join, stopped visiting other centres after she attended a particular Tibetan group, and she recalled thinking, ‘I’m home, I’m home. I’ve found it, this is the one!’ This feeling of a very strong affiliation with a particular place or group is described by several of the women as a kammic/karmic or past-­ life connection, and these are often experienced in a very intense and powerful way.7 For example, Dhannadipa (Theravāda) described a ‘very strong connection’ with a particular Buddhist monastery; Padma (Gelug) similarly when she first heard Tibetan longhorns; and Suvanna (Forest Sangha) felt a strong ‘sense of resonance’ on seeing images of monks. Dolma articulates her first experience of a Tibetan Gelug centre and teachings in similar terms: It felt very familiar, it felt very comforting, and it felt very good.

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Narratives of conversion   71 This feeling of connection to people and place, however, isn’t always described explicitly in relation to past-­life or karmic experiences. Three women were attracted to particular Buddhist groups because the values they openly promoted (notably, gender equality and social engagement) accorded with their own principles. As Dhatri (Amida) explains:

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I had looked at other traditions, and I’ve very deliberately selected this one because it was engaged and because of the equality, in all ways there’s total equality in this tradition, which is not there in others. This sense of targeted selection was prominent in the narratives of women in the more socially engaged Buddhist groups of Amida and Triratna. These groups are clear about their ethical stance and values in relation to gender and the prominence given to social welfare work (including through ‘Right Livelihood’ businesses). It is more likely that anyone joining would also be motivated by this type of societal approach. Despite the significance given to relationships and feelings of connection, there were some women in this study whose very first contact with Buddhism did reflect the more ‘intellectual’ approach described by Coleman (2001: 197–199) and Gordon-­Finlayson and Daniels (2008: 118). Although the sense of connection with other people (both in terms of the behaviour of the community and the ‘karmic’ connection) became important to Dalha (Tibetan) when she chose a Buddhist community to practise within, her first meaningful contact with Buddhism (and the motivation to find out more) came through reading about Tibet. Similarly, Padma (Gelug) initially learnt about Buddhism through reading an encyclopaedia. Although Padma then went on to describe how she had a past-­ life experience which further propelled her to enquire more about Buddhist teachings, it was her reading which piqued this curiosity, rather than a con­ nection with specific people or a community. This was not generally such a prominent approach for the other women whose narratives tend to prioritise relationships and the attraction of communities or lifestyles. However, those women who prioritised reading about Buddhism as a means of initial engagement were, with the exception of Padma, involved prior to the 1980s when there were fewer accessible Buddhist groups across Britain and books were likely to be the best way to find out about teachings, histories and practices. There are differences in how women initially found out about different Buddhist groups that are dependent on the methods employed by that particular group to attract new members. For example, as Bell (1991: 170) has highlighted, Triratna takes a rather more proactive approach to advertising their retreats and centres and therefore this becomes a significant means by which certain women find out about Buddhism. Priyarati, for example, found a leaflet in a health service building advertising a Triratna retreat centre and was intrigued enough to visit. Dhatri also found out about Amida thorough a psychotherapy course which they were facilitating that she attended through her job. Some of the women attended formal introductory courses and meditation ‘taster’ sessions run by

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

72   Narratives of conversion Buddhist groups which were open to the general public, particularly those who got involved with Buddhist movements in more recent times where the courses on offer were becoming increasingly well structured and widely advertised. Others attended weekend retreats, or one-­off talks given by Buddhist teachers affiliated with particular groups. These means of contact do not minimise the value of connections between individuals, communities and teachers, but highlight that there are different ways that women initially find out about, and subsequently get involved with, Buddhism in Britain, and these bear some relation to the style adopted by the groups in question.

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A light in the dark? The implications of ordained women’s narratives of religious change In many definitions of the term, religious conversion necessitates an absolute change in ‘world-­view’ (Numrich, 2000: 195), an intense, pivotal time that concludes with ‘a change of mind, and a change of heart’ (Gooren, 2010: 10; Buckser and Glazier, 2003: xvi). In his often-­quoted study, Richard Travisano (1970: 600) states unequivocally that ‘conversions are drastic changes in life’, and this is supported by Virginia Hine’s (1970: 63) assertion that ‘commitment … is generated by an identity-­altering experience and a bridge-­burning act’. However, this assumption about the necessity of absolute change may only mirror Christian understandings of conversion (for example, using Paul’s dramatic conversion on the road to Damascus as a universal model) that may not be applicable more broadly (Anderson, 2003: 124). Indeed, Gordon-­Finlayson and Daniels (2008: 112–114) indicate that rather than breaking with the past in a dramatic ‘conversion’ moment, potential converts to Buddhism in Britain are involved in a process of ‘test-­for-fit’ – relating and integrating the values that they currently hold to the doctrines and practices of the new group. Although not discounting the importance of the new religious doctrines or practices, this indicates that religious change in this context should be seen as a development of previously held perspectives rather than an effort to entirely distance oneself from them. Henry (2013: 73) supports this and, in his study of socially engaged Buddhist groups in Britain, he discusses the different ways in which members of Amida came into contact with the organisation, which included reading books by group members, finding out about their social projects, and also through seeing their information on the internet. He highlights that the reason why individuals are initially attracted to this particular group, with its emphasis on social engagement, is often as a direct result of their earlier interest in promoting social change, creating a strong trajectory between current and previously held views (Henry, 2013: 74). Kennedy’s study of converts to Buddhism in Britain further supports this theme of continuity as opposed to radical change. Kennedy (2004: 143, 144) prefers to use the term ‘discover’ in this context, reflecting his emphasis on the ‘on-­going process’ which individuals are engaged in. He argues, in support of the findings in Robert Exon’s (1999) study of Western Hindu converts, that

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Narratives of conversion   73 models of conversion presented to date do not adequately reflect the experiences of people involved in non-­Christian religious movements, where complete personal change is not generally reported to occur (Kennedy, 2004: 144). In Buddhist philosophy ‘radical transformation’ typically occurs when one reaches enlightenment, rather than on initial contact with the Buddha-­dharma (Kennedy, 2004: 144). In relation to this, moving briefly beyond the British context to Australia, Eddy (2012: 205) also emphasises a ‘gradual and cumulative’ progression rather than overnight religious transformation for convert Buddhists. Whilst scholarship has increasingly recognised the significance of the ‘process’ in an analysis of religious change (Austin-­Broos, 2003; Brasher, 1998; Rambo, 1993), Eddy argues that the term ‘commitment’ instead of ‘conversion’ should be used in relation to Western Buddhism, as this better elucidates a style of interaction between the individual and the group which is engaged and dynamic, and is one that does not entail ‘radical personal change’ (Eddy, 2012: 7). A key question, therefore, is how far does this image of gradual, increasing commitment fit the experiences of British Buddhist women and, if it does not, what does this tell us about religious change in this context? All of the participants in this study were able to identify the time where they first came across the teachings of the Buddha, or Buddhist communities, and were able to narrate how they progressed from this experience to ordination and beyond. However, none of the participants independently referred to their experiences as ‘conversion’. I did not directly use the term ‘conversion’ either, preferring a more broad approach that enquired about what drew women to particular Buddhist groups. Although my choice of words may have impacted on theirs, I assume that if the term ‘conversion’ was widely utilised by the participants, then it would feature, at least occasionally, in their narratives. Terms such as ‘discovery’, ‘met the movement’ (particularly for those in Triratna), ‘was drawn to’, ‘I became more involved’ or ‘found the true way ahead’ were used instead. A description of steady involvement over a period of time was certainly a feature of some of the narratives given by women. This is well described by Ailith (OBC), who began her introduction to Buddhism after being shown round a monastery with her husband, then progressed to attending an introductory retreat. This involvement increased exponentially, over an extended time period, until she was spending all her weekends at the monastery. Dhatri (Amida) also describes a process of increasing involvement over a period of years, where she states she ‘got more and more hooked’ the more courses and practice evenings she attended. Delia explains that her involvement in the OBC ‘wasn’t like a big flash of lightning’, but instead, she was drawn to the people and the teachings and therefore started attending retreats more regularly, using her weekends and annual leave. In these accounts, the precise moment that one ‘becomes a Buddhist’ is somewhat downplayed in favour of a picture of steady and increasing interest, akin to progressing through Coleman’s (2001: 187) ‘circles of involvement’ from informal to committed participation. However, as in Eddy’s (2012: 205–206) study, these more steady narratives of commitment do contain particular moments that are significant for the

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74   Narratives of conversion

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individuals and communities involved. The act of making a formal commitment to Buddhism, either through taking refuges and precepts (including lay ordination – jukai – or as a mitra, for example) is one such moment for my participants.8 There is no one overarching conversion ceremony or process that all Buddhists in all traditions participate in, and Christopher Lamb (1994: 10) goes as far as to argue that Buddhism is ‘remarkably deficient in rites of passage’. However, the importance of ‘taking refuge’ in the Three Jewels (the Buddha, the dharma, and the saṅgha) is usually identified as the primary marker of commitment to Buddhist practice, even though it may be articulated differently within the various Buddhist traditions (Bodhi, 1994; Lamb, 1994: 12, 1999: 79; Lopez, 2001: 167; Gombrich, 1988: 1).9 Yet, as Coleman (2001: 186) highlights, not everyone attending Buddhist groups (even those who may have been involved for many years) will have had formal refuge ceremonies. Furthermore, ‘going for refuge’ does not automatically indicate a complete agreement with all aspects of Buddhist philosophy and doctrine, nor an absolute rejection of all other perspectives (Robinson et al., 2005: 132). Whilst not all women mentioned their participation in a formal ceremony, for those who did, the event (and what it signified) was described as highly meaningful. Whilst the ceremonies themselves were not seen as the most important part of their commitment to Buddhism (and in fact, a private commitment would, for most, have occurred prior to participating in a communal ritual), they do mark a change, particularly in terms of formally connecting individuals to a particular Buddhist group or tradition. Formal commitment ceremonies are also important within some organisations as they enable access to retreats or study groups that are not open to individuals who have not made such a commitment. This was most recognisable in the accounts from Triratna Order members, several of whom asked to be mitras in order to study and practise Buddhism in greater depth. Ailith (OBC) describes her experience of jukai in terms of the connection that she made with the community, and states that after participating in this ceremony, ‘it is like I have a family’. However, this formal commitment ceremony (in whatever way it is enacted) is often described as the beginning rather than the apex of one’s relationship with Buddhism. As Dhatri (Amida) explains: affirming (the refuges and precepts) and knowing I was embarking on a path … was incredibly scary and powerful, and meant a lot (to) me this affirmation. Yet, this description of a path of gradual involvement is not the only narrative present. For some women, it was one precise moment (and experience of pasada) that heralded significant change, reminiscent of the more conventional understanding of ‘conversion’. Dhannadipa (Theravāda) describes her initial reaction to the Four Noble Truths: When I read them, it was really like a light streaming into a mind that had been dark for a long time.

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Narratives of conversion   75 As a result, this created: a huge kind of epiphany really; a life-­changing moment. From that moment I had confidence in the Buddha as one who knows the way out of suffering. In a similar way, Elizabeth (who initially had not wanted to go to a Buddhist monastery and was persuaded by her friend) describes her reaction to hearing Buddhist teachings as ‘startling’. She joked that she wondered whether or not they were ‘putting something in the food’ because she had not expected to have such an intense initial reaction which led her to ask for refuge almost immediately:

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For the first time, I was listening, and it was almost like it was going straight through into my heart, and first of all I distrusted that totally because it was so out of character for me … I was having all these strange thoughts and ideas, I was having vivid dreams that had nothing to do with my experience so far … spontaneously bursting into tears when I heard certain names, it was all very odd. Furthermore, unlike in Eddy’s (2012: 18–19) study, where ‘commitment’ to Buddhist groups comes typically after a more measured experience of the practice and a reasonable understanding of the doctrine, women like Elizabeth felt sure they wanted to make a formal commitment to Buddhism (including taking refuge in public) before acquiring any in-­depth knowledge. Dalha (Tibetan), for example, describes how she had a formal refuge ceremony within two weeks of her initial connection with a Tibetan group. She recalled some friends who questioned her decision and who asked ‘how can you know so quickly when you knew so little?’, yet, she felt that she ‘just knew’ it was what she wanted to do. Those who described an intense experience also identify making substantial changes to their lives as a result. The best example of this is provided by Edwina (OBC), who describes a process of ‘dismantling everything’ in a significant restructure of her life (including changing her career and living situation) after attending her first introductory course at a Buddhist centre. Lobsang (Kagyu) explains that, whilst she had a ‘minimal’ amount of knowledge about Buddhism before she took refuge for the first time, it was after listening to the teachings that same day that she experienced what she called a ‘cataclysmic change in life’, and within a few months had progressed from no substantial involvement, to visiting her local Buddhist monastery every weekend: (Life) just went from fine, plodding along, a bit aimless … to just being spectacularly happy, and feeling motivated and totally involved. This ‘cataclysmic change’ appears less reminiscent of the ‘interior and gradual change of mind-­set’ described by Lamb (1999: 85) or the ‘quiet illumination’ prioritised by Eddy (2012: 205) and more akin to turning on a powerful

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

76   Narratives of conversion headlamp which immediately lights up a dark room and changes the way that you see that room forever. While the universality of these ‘cataclysmic’ moments shouldn’t be overstated, their very presence challenges the idea that commitment to Buddhism in every convert context is always traversed through a careful, unhurried, intellectually dominated process. As a result, classical understandings of conversion as a key moment of personal change might not be entirely unsuitable here. Examining women’s narratives through the lens of Buddhist ideas of saṃvega and pasada demonstrates that significant moments of clarity provoking intense, wholehearted spiritual change are not solely Christian concepts. Of course, adding complexity to the picture, each of the women featured in this book grew up influenced, to a greater or lesser extent, by descriptions of Christian religious experience and this, intertwined with the Buddhist teachings adopted in adulthood, have shaped the way that they narrate their past. Whilst adopting the term ‘conversion’ is not necessarily inappropriate here, the evidence given by the women in this book does not fit neatly into either a model of gradual commitment-­building or all-­encompassing, comprehensive spiritual change. Features of both are present, which belies simple classification. Furthermore, as each of the women later took ordination, they are relating their initial involvement with Buddhism through this prism, as they are through their majority Christian upbringing. This is not to say that those who have made further religious commitments necessarily have more vivid initial responses, but that their contact with Buddhism did change substantially the trajectory of their lives, giving their accounts a more intense flavour in retrospect.

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Conclusion In this chapter, I have introduced the women whose life stories and experiences are at the centre of this book. Through a presentation of their biographical details and background narratives, I have explored how women first find out about and later get involved with Buddhist groups in Britain. In beginning to get more closely acquainted with the accounts given by my research participants, I discuss why these women in modern Britain choose a spiritual path of belonging that deviates from their family background and from that of the majority population. What this ‘conversion’ experience means and how women articulate it has been central to the thrust of analysis in this chapter. Throughout, I have highlighted the points of similarity and difference in women’s narratives, thinking through the impact of ‘meeting’ Buddhism in different eras and through the lenses of diverse Buddhist groups. Perhaps as a result, both sudden and more gradual experiences of religious change are discernible. Understanding this is particularly pertinent at a time when Buddhist groups are increasing in number in the UK and Buddhism continues its firm grip on the British consciousness. One of the key questions in this chapter is why Buddhism might be attractive to contemporary British women. What these conversion narratives expose most readily is the need for institutionally structured spirituality, meaning and personal connection that is felt to be missing from some (mostly middle-­class,

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Narratives of conversion   77 educated, white) British women’s lives. This unmet need might once have been fulfilled by the Anglican Church, although this is increasingly no longer the case in contemporary Britain, with sharply declining church attendance and struggling Anglican affiliation rates. However, women’s interest in Buddhism is not just related to Anglican decline or arguments about secularisation. Buddhism is attractive to British women as it has been articulated to respond closely to pressures in wider society that relate to women’s roles at work, home, with partners and children, and the need to question life’s meaning in an increasingly fractured social milieu. For these women in particular, a search for meaning is better served by an institutional structure and a pragmatic response, and Buddhist groups are able to provide this in a seemingly more attractive way than the established churches. Local Buddhist groups and communities provide a sense of support, belonging and connection whilst at the same time enabling individual exploration and experimentation within a less mainstream religious framework that is, at one and the same time, exotic and familiar. This sense of local connection and interpersonal relationships are given the highest priority by women, and Buddhist groups in Britain recognise the need to support this in order to become firmly established. It is the local and the personal that is significant, beyond individual intellectual engagement with teaching or philosophy. As a point of note, there appears to be little discrimination on the grounds of gender or sexuality apparent in British Buddhist groups as perceived by women, at least at this early stage in their involvement. This is likely to shape their initial interactions, although this is less formally articulated at this stage. However as I explore in  Chapter 6, this situation changes dramatically for some as they consider, and  take, ordination and deepen their connections to Buddhist groups and communities. If we take seriously James A. Beckford’s (1978: 250) assertion that conversion narratives tell us more about the salient values of particular religious groups rather than the ‘objective’ truth of individual reality, what appears to be paramount for these British Buddhist groups is the alleviation of suffering, the importance of interpersonal connection, and the sense of belonging in place. These principles are not unique to Buddhist groups in Britain, but it is interesting to see which ideals are prioritised as this reflects how Buddhism has been adapted to the British setting. It is perhaps no surprise that women’s testimonies can be organised using Buddhist concepts and emotions, such as dukkha, saṃvega and pasada. This connection with the Buddha, his experience and his teachings highlights the initial salience of Buddhist lineage and heritage for those women who later choose ordination as a path. As well as local and personal connections, women make a connection back to the Buddha or his followers, consciously and sub-­consciously mirroring his journey in their narratives. For the women themselves, they tread an age-­old Buddhist path, as well as a modern British one. The importance of the lineage of this path comes into stark relief when one examines women’s motivations for ordination.

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78   Narratives of conversion

Notes

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1 As discussed in Chapter 2, the Triratna community was, until 2010, called the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order (FWBO). Although the participants in this study sometimes used the term FWBO when talking about events that occurred prior to 2010, I will use the term Triratna for expediency. 2 This idea of ‘accidental’ contact might be questioned by those who understand kamma/ karma as influencing life choices and circumstances (including several of my participants). If a kammic/karmic explanation is invoked, nothing is ‘accidental’, but is instead a result of actions in current and past lives. However, I adopt Davidman and Greil’s term in order to highlight the differences between those who make a very committed and deliberate effort to find a Buddhist group to get involved with and those for whom the initial contact was seemingly more unplanned. 3 I discuss the concept of ‘taking refuge’ in the final section of this chapter. 4 This echoes Kennedy’s (2004: 145) findings amongst Western Buddhists in Leeds, where, following a sense of ‘crisis’ (albeit variously construed), individuals became engaged in ‘a search for explanation and meaning’. A desire to understand ‘the meaning of life’ was also present in Goswell’s (1988: 2/78) analysis of Forest Sangha monks and sīladharā in Britain. This connects my participants to others through time and local geographies, providing evidence of concerns that are maintained across generations of British Buddhist converts. 5 Saṃgha is the Sanskrit spelling, but in this book I will utilise the Pāli spelling, saṅgha, as this appears more commonly in scholarship. 6 Harvey (1990: 91) describes ‘bodhicitta’ as ‘the heartfelt aspiration to strive for full Buddha-­hood, by means of the bodhisattva path’. 7 Ploos van Amstel (2005: 45) also recognises this in her study of Western nuns in the Tibetan tradition, but refers to it as a ‘dharmic connection’ where ‘they instantly felt at home and familiar’. 8 ‘Jukai’ is the ‘lay ordination’ ceremony undertaken in the Sōtō Zen tradition (see Bluck, 2006: 70). ‘Mitra’ is a Sanskrit term meaning ‘friend’ and it is used for those who have made an official commitment to the Triratna community (Bluck, 2006: 157; Hayes, 2008: 125–126; Smith, 2008), see also Chapter 2. 9 For example, in addition to taking refuge in the Three Jewels, those in the Tibetan schools also take an additional refuge in the Guru or spiritual teacher (see Harvey, 1990: 179; Lamb, 1994: 15). Members of Amida are also able to take additional refuges in Amida and the Pure Land. Different stages of ‘Going for Refuge’ are given particular emphasis in Triratna (Smith, 2008: 88–89; Bluck, 2006: 160–161).

References Anderson, R. T. 2003. Constraint and Freedom in Icelandic Conversions. In: Buckser, A. and Glazier, S. G. (eds) The Anthropology of Religious Conversion. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield. 123–131. Austin-­Broos, D. 2003. The Anthropology of Conversion: An Introduction. In: Buckser, A. and Glazier, S. G. (eds) The Anthropology of Religious Conversion. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield. 1–12. Baumann, M. 2002. Buddhism in Europe: Past, Present, Prospects. In: Prebish, C. S. and Baumann, M. (eds) Westward Dharma: Buddhism Beyond Asia. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 85–105. Beckford, J. A. 1978. Accounting for Conversion. British Journal of Sociology, 29, 249–262. Bell, S. 1998. British Theravada Buddhism: Otherworldly Theories and the Theory of Exchange. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 13, 149–170.

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Narratives of conversion   79 Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge. Bodhi, B. 1994. Going for Refuge and Taking the Precepts [online]. Access to Insight. Available at: www.accesstoinsight.org/lib/authors/bodhi/wheel282.html [Accessed 14 May 2012]. Brasher, B. E. 1998. Godly Women: Fundamentalism and Female Power. New Brunswick, New Jersey and London: Rutgers University Press. Buckser, A. and Glazier, S. G. 2003. Preface. In: Buckser, A. and Glazier, S. G. (eds) The Anthropology of Religious Conversion. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield. xi–xviii. Chodron, T. 1999. Introduction. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. xxv–xxxvi. Clarke, J. J. 1997. Oriental Enlightenment: The Encounter Between Asian and Western Thought. London: Routledge. Coleman, J. W. 2001. The New Buddhism: The Western Transformation of an Ancient Tradition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cook, J. 2016. Mindful in Westminster: The Politics of Meditation and the Limits of Neoliberal Critique. HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory, 6, 141–161. Davidman, L. and Greil, A. L. 1993. Gender and the Experience of Conversion: The Case of ‘Returnees’ to Modern Orthodox Judaism. Sociology of Religion, 54, 83–100. Eddy, G. 2012. Becoming Buddhist: Experiences of Self-­Transformation in Two Australian Buddhist Centres. London and New York: Continuum. Exon, R. S. 1999. Biographical Continuity, Identity and Agency in the Self-­accounts of Western Devotees of Two Modern Hindu Movements in Britain. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Leeds. Finney, H. C. 1991. American Zen’s ‘Japan Connection’: A Critical Case Study of Zen Buddhism’s Diffusion to the West. Sociological Analysis, 52, 379–396. Gombrich, R. 1988. Theravada Buddhism: A Social History from Ancient Benares to Modern Colombo. London and New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Gooren, H. 2010. Religious Conversion and Disaffiliation: Tracing Patterns of Change in Faith Practices. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Gordon-­Finlayson, A. and Daniels, M. 2008. Westerners Converting to Buddhism: An Exploratory Grounded Theory Investigation. Transpersonal Psychology Review, 12, 100–118. Goswell, M. 1988. Motivational Factors in the Life of a Religious Community and Related Changes in the Experience of Self. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Bath. Green, D. 1989. Buddhism in Britain: Skilful Means or Selling Out? In: Badham, P. (ed.) Religion, State and Society in Modern Britain. Lampeter: Mellen. 277–291. Harvey, P. 1990. An Introduction to Buddhism: Teachings, History and Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hayes, R. P. 2008. FWBO’s Adaptation of Buddhism to the West. In: Deegalle, M. (ed.) Dharma to the UK: A Centennial Celebration of Buddhist Legacy. London: World Buddhist Foundation. 110–130. Henry, P. 2013. Adaptation and Developments in Western Buddhism: Socially Engaged Buddhism in the UK. London and New York: Bloomsbury. Hine, V. H. 1970. Bridge Burners: Commitment and Participation in a Religious Movement. Sociological Analysis, 31, 61–66. Kay, D. N. 2004. Tibetan and Zen Buddhism in Britain: Transplantation, Development and Adaptation. London: RoutledgeCurzon.

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80   Narratives of conversion Kennedy, A. 2004. Reflections on Buddhism in Leeds: Identity, Practice and Experience. Contemporary Buddhism, 5, 143–156. Lamb, C. 1994. Buddhism. In: Holm, J. and Bowker, J. (eds) Rites of Passage. London: Pinter. 10–40. Lamb, C. 1999. Conversion as a Process Leading to Enlightenment: The Buddhist Perspective. In: Bryant, M. D. and Lamb, C. (eds) Religious Conversion: Contemporary Practices and Controversies. London and New York: Cassell. 75–88. Lopez, D. S. 2001. The Story of Buddhism: A Concise Guide to its History and Teachings. New York: Harper Collins/Harper One. Lopez, D. S. 2012. The Scientific Buddha: His Short and Happy Life. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Mellor, P. A. 1991. Protestant Buddhism? The Cultural Translation of Buddhism in England. Religion, 21, 73–92. Numrich, P. D. 2000. How the Swans Came to Lake Michigan: The Social Organization of Buddhist Chicago. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 39, 189–203. Page, S.-J. and Yip, A. K.-T. 2017. Understanding Young Buddhists: Living Out Ethical Journeys. Leiden: Brill. Ploos van Amstel, T. 2005. Sandpaper Sisterhood: Western Nuns in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions. PhD thesis, University of Utrecht. Puttick, E. 1993. ‘Why has Boddhidharma Left for the West?’: The Growth and Appeal of Buddhism in Britain. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 8, 5–10. Rambo, L. R. 1993. Understanding Religious Conversion. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Robinson, R. H., Johnson, W. L. and Thanissaro, B. 2005. Buddhist Religions: A Historical Introduction (5th Edition). Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth. Smith, S. 2008. Buddhism, Diversity and Race: Multiculturalism and Western Convert Buddhist Movements in East London – A Qualitative Study. Unpublished PhD thesis, Goldsmiths, University of London. Thanissaro, B. 1997. Affirming the Truths of the Heart: The Buddhist Teachings on Samvega and Pasada [online]. Access to Insight. Available at: www.accesstoinsight. org/lib/authors/thanissaro/affirming.html [Accessed 21 August 2018]. Travisano, R. V. 1970. Alternation and Conversion as Qualitatively Different Transformations. In: Stone, G. P. and Faberman, H. (eds) Social Psychology Through Symbolic Interaction. Waltham, MA: Ginn-­Blaisdell. 594–606. Ullman, C. 1982. Cognitive and Emotional Antecedents of Religious Conversion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 43, 183–192. Waterhouse, H. 1997. Buddhism in Bath: Adaptation and Authority. Leeds: University of Leeds (Department of Theology and Religious Studies). Wenger, E. 1998. Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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4 Deepening commitment

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The path to ordination

What motivates a woman with a high-­profile career, a house, friends, hobbies, and all the trappings of a ‘regular’ life in twenty-­first-century Britain to abandon everything and become a Buddhist nun? What is the attraction of a remote Buddhist monastery, where rules regulate your every waking moment, and your sense of individuality, style and independence is seemingly curtailed? Why might one feel the need to ask for ordination when involvement in Buddhism as a lay person is a more conventional choice in Britain? My aim in this chapter is to think carefully about these kinds of questions, analysing the various journeys from conversion to ordination that are taken by some British Buddhist women. I am interested in the variety of individual life stories and the dimension that they add to our picture of British Buddhism, and I am equally concerned with a broader comparative analysis which will be conducted here in three interconnected ways. The first involves thinking about points of similarity and difference between women of different Buddhist traditions in Britain. The second aims to compare this data with the limited number of existing studies which include a consideration of women’s motivations for ordination in the British context (notably, Goswell, 1988, and Ploos van Amstel, 2005) in order to pay attention to the changes that may have occurred over time within a developing and dynamic British Buddhism. Finally, I will draw some comparisons between my participants and the motivations given by ordained or renunciant women in ethnographic studies of different geographical settings, particularly in parts of Asia but also elsewhere the West. This comparative approach, woven into the discussion throughout the chapter, will allow for a multidimensional investigation of the rationale for Buddhist ordination amongst women in contemporary Britain. Through this, I will begin to give some substance to an examination of the role of the British location in shaping Buddhist women’s religious practice, a central theme of this book. In addition to this comparative analysis of motivation, I will also consider the overall meaning and significance of ordination and the ways that women in Britain continue to narrate their experiences of religious change and deepening commitment. For the particular British Buddhist women whose life stories are the centrepiece of this book, ordination is perceived as the best (and for some, the only) opportunity to follow the Buddha’s teachings with sufficient focus and purpose.

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82   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination Making these kinds of formal institutional commitments are seen as a chance to give full attention to one’s personal Buddhist practice, which for many included some form of silent meditation. However, my participants’ interest in belonging to, and serving, a specific local Buddhist community were also equally significant motivating factors, which provides a challenge to the stock image of Western Buddhists as concerned primarily with their individual spiritual development. What I am keen to emphasise are the points of commonality and diversity in relation to motivations for ordination between the participants in this study. I will show that these do not occur only along the lines of Buddhist group affiliation and there are some reasons for ordination which are held in common between participants in monastic and non-­monastic traditions in Britain and also beyond. Before I consider this in more depth, I will outline the individual trajectories of deepening commitment from conversion to ordination taken by the women I introduced in the previous chapter.

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From conversion to ordination: location, time, and process Twenty-­one out of the twenty-­five women in my study took their first formal steps on the path to ordination (taking postulant or novice vows, or Triratna dharmacharini ordination) on British shores. They did so because they had connections to particular communities or teachers in Britain, and they were able to take their ordination from them. Some participants, most notably in the Tibetan traditions that did not have existing monastic communities in the UK, took ordination in Britain when particular teachers were visiting, even if these teachers were not ordinarily resident locally. However, there were four Triratna participants who had asked for ordination in Britain and who undertook most of their preparation in the UK, but had their ordination ceremonies on retreat in either Spain or Italy. Generally, Triratna ordination retreats and ceremonies are held outside of the UK, in dedicated retreat centres for men and women, and last three to four months, as I discussed in Chapter 2. In the words of one of my participants, this assists ordinands to ‘leave behind their current concerns’. The same woman explained, aligning herself with traditional Buddhist ideas, that this represents ‘a “going forth” from everyday life as one knows it’. For ordinands from the UK, the location of the women’s retreat centre, Akashavana, in the Spanish countryside, offers a secluded environment that provides a significant change from everyday life. However, some Triratna participants did not attend an overseas ordination retreat and instead took their ordination in Britain. This was either because they had family commitments that would prevent them from being abroad for an extended period of time, or because particular retreat centres were not available at the time. Beyond Triratna, six participants, following earlier ordinations in the UK, took further vows outside Britain (for example, getsulma, sikkhamānā/śikṣamāṇā, bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī). This was because they were either unable to take the ordination that they wanted in communities in Britain (as is currently the case with bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination), or because they wanted a particular

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   83 teacher to ordain them who lived in a different country, necessitating their travel to them. The time between someone’s first involvement with a Buddhist group and their taking initial ordination varies in Britain. When I refer to ‘initial ordination’ here, I mean anagārikā ordination within the Forest Sangha; novice ordination in the OBC, Amida, and Tibetan schools (and I also include rabjungma ordination; the stage before novice for the Tibetan tradition). For those ordained in Triratna, I am referring to the dharmacharini ordination. Each of these ordinations were described in detail in Chapter 2. For those women who join the Triratna Order, the time between their early involvements in a Buddhist group, their becoming a mitra and subsequent ordination is often comparatively lengthy. This is because those who have asked for ordination in this movement are involved in a relatively long process of preparation which includes study, attendance at various retreats, and a deepening engagement with Buddhist philosophy and practice before they are considered ready to be ordained. Although those who were ordained in the early days of the Order described shorter timescales, in the main, Triratna women take at least six years from asking for ordination to participation in their private and public ceremonies. Some (for example, Chandrakala, Tanirika and Vasundara) took between seven and twelve years. This was in addition to a period of at least two years’ regular involvement, attending a Triratna Buddhist centre in the town where they lived and going to Triratna retreat centres on a regular basis prior to asking for ordination. This differs from the process for participants in the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, Amida and in the Forest Sangha, who typically describe a shorter time before ordination, with the focus falling more on preparation during a postulancy or noviciate period. For example, of the five participants in this study who were ordained into the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, it was only Ailith who was involved with the organisation for more than six years prior to asking for ordination. Most had, on average, three years of involvement with the Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition before moving to live at a monastery, as a lay person in the first instance. There was then between a year and two years postulancy before ordination as a novice. Within the Forest Sangha, most women identified a period of involvement with Buddhism of between two and six years prior to moving to a monastery as a lay person and then becoming an anagārikā, and then between two and five years before ordaining as sīladharā. Of the two women in this study who took ordination within Amida, one was involved for approximately four years, and the other took the first steps towards ordination within a year of her initial involvement. Some participants connected to Tibetan schools show a much longer pattern of participation prior to taking rabjungma (renunciant) and then getsulma (novice) ordination, although this appears more to do with personal circumstance than institutional practice. Although Dalha requested rabjungma ordination after a year of being connected to a Tibetan group and Lobsang (Kagyu) took her novice ordination six years after her first refuge, Elizabeth (who took refuge in India in the 1970s) was involved with a Gelug group for approximately 30 years

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84   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination before taking rabjungma vows. Kalinda, Padma and Dolma also describe a period of interaction with Buddhism of approximately 12 to 15 years. For some women, the decision to ask for ordination was reasonably straightforward, but for others the journey they undertook was far less linear and involved several moments of indecision and uncertainty. Although both Goswell (1988: 2/130–136) and Ploos van Amstel (2005: 83) identify that several of their participants reported a certain predictability in their decision to ask for ordination, it was certainly not a universal experience in this study. Whilst Padma (Gelug) highlights that rabjungma ordination, although important, was experienced as ‘the combination of … where I am going’ and Edwina (OBC) described feeling completely convinced that the monastic path was appropriate for her, Prasanna (Theravāda) found the idea of being a celibate nun far more challenging. Subsequently, she had a far longer period as an anagārikā than some others. Consequently, alongside what is customary practice for different groups, these personal factors also contribute to the variation in times between initial contact and ordination that were reported. Although I have already provided some basic biographical details in Chapter 3, it is worth highlighting in addition that, at the time of ordination, 22 participants were divorced or had previously been in long-­term relationships and seven had children (although only one woman in this study had a child under the age of 18 when she requested ordination). The impact of these familial responsibilities on women’s religious lives will be discussed further in the final chapter of this book. At the time of their ordination, three women were married or were in long-­term relationships. As I described in Chapter 2, it is not a requirement for all ordained women in either Triratna or Amida Trust to be celibate, therefore some women maintained relationships through asking for ordination and beyond, and some women started new relationships following ordination. Even though this might not reflect organisations in entirety, it is still relevant to note that none of the women from the OBC or the Forest Sangha had children, and fewer women from these groups had been married prior to ordination. This is quite possibly because both of these groups include women who entered onto the ordained path at a younger age, who arguably had less time to marry and raise a family. For example, amongst the Forest Sangha group, Dhannadipa took sīladharā ordination when she was 24 years old and Rajana, Prasanna and Suvanna were each in their early thirties, a demographic pattern that has continued from the early days of the movement (Goswell, 1988: 2/18). Monastic practice, particularly within the Forest Sangha, is physically arduous (including only eating one meal a day) and this might possibly account for a younger audience who feel more able to practise within these circumstances. From the OBC, Ceola, Edwina and Alura were all in their late twenties to mid-­thirties when they ordained. Although Ailith was in her fifties and Delia her mid-­forties, they both connected with Buddhism when they were comparatively older and Ailith did not decide to follow an ordained path until after her marriage had dissolved. In general terms, by comparison, those within the Triratna movement tended to be older on ordination, with only Priyarati and Siladakini in their mid- to late

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   85 thirties. The remainder of the Triratna participants were in their forties and fifties (with Vasundara ordaining in her sixties). This may be because the Triratna ordination process is lengthy, but also may be because there is seen to be an increasing number of older women attracted to Triratna communities in Britain and comparatively fewer younger women being ordained. I was informed by one of my participants that this pattern of older women’s ordination was becoming fairly common within Triratna and it was thought to be a result of older women (who may have retired and have adult children) feeling that they had more time to focus on Buddhist practice. A pattern of ordination at an older age can also be discerned between British women ordained in the Tibetan schools. Whilst Dalha took her rabjungma ordination in her mid-­thirties, Elizabeth, Kalinda, Dolma, Padma and Lobsang were all between the ages of 40 and 60 when they first took ordination vows. For some, this was because they had not come into contact with Buddhism until later in life and for others it was because they were initially happy to integrate Buddhist practice with their lay responsibilities, such as marriage and children. They only later began considering ordination as an option when their children had grown up and when they no longer had responsibilities to husbands or partners, either because of death or divorce. Whilst it would be incorrect to argue that ordination for women at this life stage is a unique feature of Buddhism in the British context (indeed, in other countries such as Myanmar there are women ordaining later in life, as noted by Hiroko Kawanami, 2013), it is important to acknowledge that there seems to be, in general, far fewer very young adults (for example, women in their early twenties) opting for ordination in Britain, at least among the convert-­focused groups I studied. This provides a more mature demographic picture. This is likely to be because Buddhism is still in relative infancy in Britain and none of the women in this sample were introduced to it as their familial religion in childhood. It takes time to explore an alternative religion as an option in adulthood and further time to decide to make a formal commitment through ordination. However, in Myanmar, according to Kawanami (2013: 61), alongside the older renunciant women are a set of younger nuns, many of whom take vows as teenagers, and this is a pattern that is reflected across Buddhist Asia. None of the groups participating in this study indicated that they offered ordination to children or teenagers, even temporarily, thereby shaping a particular demographic for ordained practice in Britain. As a point of information, at the time of interview, the majority of the women who participated in this study were over 50 years old, with a high proportion over 60 (see Table 4.1).1 There were no participants under the age of 30, even though I did not deliberately exclude any age group. At least two of my participants (in different traditions) mentioned that they felt part of an ageing population, showing Buddhist groups mirroring wider demographic trends in British society. In terms of the era in which they ordained, only one woman took initial ordination prior to the 1980s. Six took ordination in the 1980s, nine women in the 1990s, and a further nine women after 2000. Therefore, the majority of the

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86   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination Table 4.1  Age range of participants at the time of interview Age range

Number of women

30s 40s 50s 60s 70s 80s

1 2 10 10 1 1

women in this study had over 20 years’ experience of ordained life, and some were involved in the early days of particular Buddhist communities in Britain, a point I shall explore further in the final chapter of this book. With these biographical details in mind, I will now analyse the reasons why women asked for ordination.

Why ordain? Aims and motivations Questions about a person’s motivation for Buddhist ordination, particularly in relation to celibate, monastic commitment, often feature in ethnographic studies of monks and nuns (Crane, 2004; Cook, 2010; Kawanami, 2013; Spiro, 1982; Gutschow, 2004; Goswell, 1988; for example, Chodron and Kacho, 2001; Havnevik, 1989; Lindberg Falk, 2007; Gutschow, 2001; Ploos van Amstel, 2005). Here, several prominent themes arise. Catherine Cantwell and Hiroko Kawanami (2002: 45) state:

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Integral to Buddhism from the start, most Buddhist schools view monasticism as a superior way of life since it enables its members to avoid worldly concerns and concentrate single-­mindedly on spiritual practice. A person does not, strictly speaking, have to be an ordained monastic in order to make ‘spiritual progress’ in Buddhism, even though monastic ordination is sometimes seen as a prerequisite for enlightenment (Numrich, 2009: 64; Schober, 2007: 360; Sharma, 1977: 242; see also, Bodhi, 2010: 100; Bluck, 2006: 187). However, according to Edward Conze (1982: 20), ‘the purpose of the vinaya rules, adopted on ordination, is to provide the ideal conditions for meditation and renunciation’. The suggestion that one reason to ordain might be increased ‘time’, ‘freedom’ and ‘space’ to follow ‘the Dhamma/Dharma’ (the teachings of the Buddha) is apparent within much of the literature, including in the written testimonies of some Western nuns (Chodron and Kacho, 2001: 41; Chodron, 1999: xxxi, Tsomo, 1988a: 297; 1988b: 56; 2006; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 73; Shaw, 2008). Indeed, as Jampa Tsedroen (1988: 205), a German bhikṣuṇī in the Tibetan tradition asserts, ‘being ordained is something which should make life very easy, giving time for the practice and spread of the Dharma’. However, Karma Lekshe

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   87

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Tsomo (1988a: 58) indicates that there are multiple reasons why someone might want to ordain, and these include so-­called ‘mundane’ explanations, such as ‘poverty’ and ‘death of a loved one’, as well as difficulties at work or in relationships. Although she states that ‘in some countries, frankly speaking, ordination is seen as an above-­average job opportunity’, she does emphasise that the common justification for ordination includes ‘a sincere wish to practise the Buddhist teachings full-­time’ (Tsomo, 1988b: 58). Recognising that a range of rationales for ordination features in individual decision-­making is also reflected in Joanna Cook (2010: 67)’s work on men and women renunciates in a Northern Thai monastery. She identifies multiple motivations, including educational aspirations and promises made to family members during times of ill-­health, as well as those that have a more overt spiritual flavour. However, in her study, ‘ordination is conceptualized as an opportunity to “do work” on oneself through meditation’ (Cook, 2010: 6), reflecting the same ultimate inspiration noted elsewhere. Similarly, Kawanami (2013: 45), in her study of thiláshin in Myanmar, gives focused attention to their motivations, and highlights that, for a few of the women who became nuns later in life, taking these vows were ‘a convenient way to escape abuse and drudgery’. Drawing on the testimony of one of her participants, Kawanami acknowledges that there are a range of possible stimuli which are cited by renunciant Buddhist women. These are divided into four chief factors: ‘fear’, ‘desire’, ‘knowledge’ and ‘faith’ (Kawanami, 2013: 54). Whilst ‘fear’ included stark concerns about getting married or giving birth, ‘knowledge’ or ‘education’ motivated others, particularly those at a younger age, and some were driven by an ambition to study Buddhist texts in order to eventually be ‘dhamma teachers’ (Kawanami, 2013: 52, 61, 68). However, for at least one of the participants in Kawanami’s study, living as a thiláshin was a ‘much more meaningful and a worthy way of living’ (Kawanami, 2013: 74). This point is emphasised by Salgado (2013: 15), who argues that the Sri Lankan Buddhist renunciant women she interviewed were not typically motivated to follow a religious path because of a lack of social opportunity and that ‘renunciation is not the only means of “livelihood” or “vocation” open to them.’ Furthermore, Kawanami (2013: 52) highlights: women’s renunciatory motives tend to be more philosophical compared to those of men. Many of my nun informants alluded retrospectively to the urge to escape ‘suffering’, an essential Buddhist concept, as a primary motive for their decisions to leave the secular world. The wish to ‘avoid the hardships and suffering in lay life’ is also recognised as a motivation for some Tibetan women to become nuns, as noted by Havnevik (1989: 154, 155, 157), although she too indicates the multiple reasons for ordination that are possible, including for ‘a religious career’ and to deepen Buddhist practice. Like Kawanami, Wei-­Yi Cheng (2007: 101) challenges the idea that women who choose to become Buddhist nuns are driven solely by ‘social’ incentives. Indeed, she warns scholars not to attribute mundane rationales to women, at least

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88   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination not in isolation. In Cheng’s (2007: 107) study of nuns in Taiwan and Sri Lanka, she argues that most women turned to monasticism because they ‘wanted to live a spiritual life’ and were ‘convinced by the Dharma’. Further problematizing the idea that women choose to become nuns because they ‘have failed in the world’, Hillary Crane (2004: 266–267) argues that women who take monastic ordination in Taiwan had ‘bright futures’ and had not necessarily experienced extreme poverty or hardship. Indeed, they had achieved career and corresponding social accomplishments. She asserts that the prime motivation for these Taiwanese women was spiritual – expressly removing oneself from being ‘stuck in the wheel of reincarnation’ (Crane, 2004: 273). Yet, she highlights that this was experienced in conjunction with a strong feeling of not wanting to get married, presenting marriage as being the sole socially acceptable option for women in this context. This leads Crane (2004: 273–277) to argue that ‘this desire to resist marriage is a major motivation for many of the young women in Taiwan today who become nuns.’ Indeed, women’s concerns about unwanted marriage and child-­bearing are also highlighted by Kim Gutschow (2004: 136) in her study of Buddhist nuns in Zangskar. In terms of the British context, Goswell (1988) devotes a chapter of her PhD thesis to detailing the reasons why men and women might take ordination in the Forest Sangha. She describes the reasons for seeking ordination, in particular the concern that ‘worldly goals’ were not felt to be ultimately rewarding, leading to a feeling of being ‘dissatisfied with what lay life offered’, and a sense that monasticism offered a practical and attractive alternative (Goswell 1988: 2/19, 3/8–9). Whilst she doesn’t actively analyse her data in this area using gender as a lens, she states that men and women cited both ‘rational’ and ‘intuitive, emotional, almost unconscious impulses’ as explanations for their wish to take ordination within the Forest Sangha tradition (Goswell, 1988: 2/122). Of those that she considers ‘rational’, Goswell (1988: 2/123–125) includes unhappiness with ‘worldly life’, a desire to concentrate on Buddhist practice, particularly meditation and a ‘need for discipline’. Of the ‘intuitive and emotional’ she lists the lure of community members (which she calls ‘a tremendous emotional attraction’), a ‘sense of vocation’, and for some a feeling that the path of the monastic was an inexorable and ‘inevitable’ part of their spiritual journey (Goswell, 1988: 2/130–136). Ultimately, though, the participants in Goswell’s study emphasise that a monastic lifestyle and community was the most effective context for Buddhist practice, providing the necessary structure particularly for meditation and to gain some ‘relief from suffering’ (Goswell, 1988: 2/19, 3/8). In her study of Western nuns in the Tibetan schools, some of which were based in the UK, Ploos van Amstel (2005: 83) notes that although there might be a variety in her participants’ pathways to ordination, she argues that ‘on a spiritual level’, there are profound similarities between them. This includes the desire to give greater focused attention to Buddhist practice – a recurring theme in the literature as a whole. Reflecting some of the specificities of Tibetan soteriology, ordination was also seen as a means by which to best ‘help all sentient beings’ (Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 83).

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   89 From the scholarly work surveyed, the motivations that Buddhist women have for ordination share a number of similarities, regardless of where in the Buddhist world one is situated. In some contexts (particularly in Buddhist-­majority countries of South and South-east Asia) there is some sense that ordination as a nun or renunciant is recognised as an alternative social choice, particularly for women who might worry about being defined by marriage and child-­bearing and who might also suffer the effects of poverty. However, this is far from the primary motivation given, whether in Myanmar, Thailand, Taiwan or elsewhere. Overall, there is a strong sense from existing ethnographic work that the purpose of Buddhist renunciant or monastic life is to give increased time and space to religious practice, not least in order to improve soteriological prospects and because of a firm commitment to the dhamma/dharma. Of course, what also might account for these similarities in motivations for ordination could relate to the preoccupations of researchers themselves in asking religious women similar questions (that perhaps don’t always get asked of men in the same ways). However, as I will explore next, whilst the social rationales for ordination are not typically a feature of British Buddhist women’s narratives, the desire to dedicate life to living out the Buddha’s teachings and a perception that ordination (particularly monastic ordination) brings the freedom to do this has remained stable as Buddhism has developed in Britain across different traditions, schools and lineages. In many ways, the rationales for ordination offered by British Buddhist women (dissatisfaction with life as lived, the Buddhist path providing the best answers to life’s questions, and the importance of saṅgha and relationships) are developments of the reasons they gave for their attraction to Buddhist groups and teachings initially. These questions are deepened, sharpened and become more urgent for some women, but the acknowledgement of suffering and the desire to work towards ending it, are part of a longer trajectory of concern that stretches back beyond the decision to seek ordination itself.

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Dissatisfaction and dukkha Dissatisfaction with specific events, responses to stress and anxiety and moderate feelings of disquiet with life-­as-lived variously shape the trajectories of British women’s initial involvement with Buddhism. These feelings of ‘dissatisfaction’ again come to the fore and are intensified when women describe the reasons why they decided to consider ordination. The reason for ordination given by the vast majority of the participants in this study is the aspiration to concentrate with maximum attention on Buddhist practice and teachings, which for many (although not all) is centred on increasing time for meditation. This echoes the themes in other ethnographic work on motivation for Buddhist ordination described earlier. For example, Rajana (Forest Sangha) explains: I put a lot of energy into … attending meditation groups and stuff like that, but the idea of just being able to make a whole-­hearted commitment to one thing was very attractive and that’s one of the things that really drew me to monastic life and keeps me going.

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90   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination

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Making this commitment to a monastic lifestyle was also important for Delia (OBC), as it supported her ‘to make practice (her) life’. Similarly, Kalinda (Tibetan) explained that she wanted to take ordination to give attention to ‘spiritual development’, which she felt was difficult to do when she had many other interests vying for her attention and she ‘didn’t feel as though (she) was getting (her) teeth into (Buddhist practice) properly’. Although Kalinda had made a connection to Buddhism a number of years prior to making this decision, she described herself as ‘just so unhappy’ and subsequently was motivated to focus intensely on spiritual practice as a response. Ailith (OBC) explained that, although she was a regular visitor to a Buddhist monastery and going on retreats almost every weekend, she felt as if she was ‘living on the fence’. As a result, she was not paying much attention to her life outside the Buddhist community and felt she had to ‘either pull back a bit, or just jump in the whole way’ and ask for ordination as a monk. Dalha (Tibetan) felt that whilst she had found benefit in learning about Buddhist teachings and practices as a lay person, she was dissatisfied with what she called ‘worldly life’, particularly in terms of the emphasis on social status through work or career. For four women, the ‘dissatisfaction’ preceding their consideration of ordination was rather more acute and arose after an experience of a challenging life event, such as a period of ill-­health.2 For these four, the experience of a traumatic life event occurred after their initial connection with Buddhism and was attributed, by them, as an element in their decision to ask for ordination. As Kawanami (2013: 63) writes, drawing on experiences of renunciant Buddhist women in Myanmar, ‘the impulse to renounce seems to become especially appealing when one is confronted with a personal grief or an experience that is deeply traumatic.’ In this regard, some British Buddhist women noted a similar experience. However, these events in themselves were not the reasons they gave for ordination, but rather they were seen as prompting a questioning of priorities. Perhaps unsurprisingly given the average age of the participants in this study, several cited ‘ageing’ as a factor which made them consider ordination. This wasn’t expressed as dissatisfaction with ageing per se, or because they felt that they might face infirmity and wanted institutional support, but was articulated as a realisation that life was short and it should not be wasted. As Elizabeth (Gelug) explains: there was a kind of small determination that really grew when I was getting ill, who’s to say when it was going to end? Suddenly all the concepts and the teachings of death that I’d had, came to fruition and it … was a window into my own mortality, and looking at the rest of my life and what I really wanted to do. This fear of ‘wasting life’ wasn’t just expressed by those over 50. For example, both Aarya (Amida) and Alura (OBC) were in their thirties when they made the decision to ask for ordination and both described a similar underlying feeling that they wanted to use their life in a way that they perceived as most effective. This is best exemplified in Alura’s testimony:

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   91 I realised I could make a nice life for myself (without being a monk) but I’d just be filling in time until I died and that’s genuinely what it felt like, I’d just be filling in time. However, the desire to focus in totality on religious practice is not only a feature of the narratives of women in monastic traditions living in communal environments (such as Alura). Although there are different considerations made by those asking for ordination in Triratna, who are able to combine marriage, children, and career with ordination, the wish to dedicate focused attention to Buddhism and Buddhist communities remains prominent. There are clear parallels between Ailith’s (OBC) desire to stop sitting ‘on the fence’ and the following statement from Siladakini (Triratna), who questioned, in relation to asking for ordination: why would you bother doing a bit, why not just do the whole thing? Charumati (Triratna) echoes this sentiment, showing clear similarity to the motivation expounded by Rajana (Forest Sangha):

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I didn’t want my Buddhist practice to be just part of my life, I wanted it to be the main thing in my life and so I wanted to commit myself as fully as I possibly could and so that meant being ordained. None of the women in this study cited reasons for their ordination which might be considered ‘mundane’ as described in some of the literature on renunciant women in the Buddhist-­majority contexts in Asia. Although some mentioned experiencing events such as divorce prior to ordination, these were not attributed much significance beyond the practical and logistical. For example, for those who had divorced it meant they were able to commit to celibate monastic life in a communal setting when previously they had had other responsibilities. There was no sense that those in this study opted for ordination out of concern about having to get married and not wanting to, as in Crane’s (2004) and Gutschow’s (2004) work. The element of social ‘fear’ and the desire to be free from ‘abuse and drudgery’ noted by Kawanami (2013: 59–61, 45) is also entirely absent here. Indeed, none of my participants described having had these experiences in life. In addition, none were motivated to ordain to ameliorate the experience of financial problems or because of career difficulties, as identified as possible factors by Tsomo (1988b: 58). In fact, as several of the women in this study explained (including Alura, above), life would actually be quite ‘nice’, and certainly comfortable if they chose not to take ordination. How, then, might these differences in motivation across the Buddhist world be accounted for? It is certainly possible that the women that I interviewed played down the ‘mundane’ reasons for ordaining, whilst simultaneously highlighting the more ‘spiritual’ reasons such as deepening Buddhist practice. Whilst I cannot discount this possibility, my participants were typically extremely honest with me about their experiences and I got little sense that they only

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92   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination wanted to adhere to a ‘party line’ in their narratives. What is more likely is that the differences are related to circumstance and context. The women I met were generally highly educated prior to ordaining, living in a country where extreme and widespread poverty is minimal and they were mostly financially secure, many having had stable careers. This mirrors the experiences of Western nuns more generally (Chodron, 2000: 81). Each of the participants in my study opted for ordination as adults (and for the majority this was when they were over 30 years old). None mentioned concerns about being unmarried or divorced, nor did they identify that they felt pressured in the eyes of family and friends to marry. For white, middle-­class women in contemporary Britain, the stigma surrounding being divorced or unmarried may not necessarily be as severe as in other contexts, such as in Taiwan as presented by Crane (2004), for example. Each of the participants in Britain described having the choice, to a greater or lesser extent, about what to do with their lives, even from a relatively young age. Furthermore, none of the women were raised in a country where Buddhism is the religion of the majority, and their attitude towards their religious observances and their ordination will certainly be coloured by this. This is also likely to account for the age profile of many of my participants. Although an interest in Buddhism is increasingly common in contemporary Britain, taking ordination (particularly monastic) is still a non-­mainstream life choice. It is a very significant decision and one with few role models, particularly for those trail-­blazing women in the 1960s and 1970s. In this context, women are more likely to come to ordination at an older age. As a result, they also have very specific ideas about what a religious life will look like. Interestingly, Kawanami (2013: 45) notes that the desire ‘to escape abuse and drudgery’ was most typically expressed by Myanmar women who became thiláshin at a later stage in life, after being married. Often these women conceptualised their aspiration in terms of ‘an opportunity to fulfil their spiritual aspirations’ (Kawanami, 2013: 52). Younger nuns, according to Kawanami (2013: 52), were more typically motivated by a ‘utilitarian’ rationale, including being teachers of Buddhism. I did not note any clear differences in the way motivation was described between the participants in my study who took ordination at a younger age without having been married, and those who were older and divorced or widowed. Divorce or widowhood is not necessarily seen as a taboo in contemporary Britain, including within convert-­focused Buddhist groups, such as those involved in my study. A further example of contextual difference appears in relation to the role of ‘merit-­making’ through ordination. Whilst Gutschow (2004: 135), Havnevik (1989: 158) and Kawanami (2013: 76) highlight that accruing ‘merit’ in order to work towards a better rebirth is central in the rationale given by women in various Asian contexts for following a religious path, this was not explicit in the testimony of my participants. Whilst ordination was viewed as a spiritually worthy choice, it is possible that merit was not cited as a reason for ordination because of different attitudes to ‘merit-­making’ amongst some Buddhists in Britain. Bell (1998) has argued that a concern about ‘merit’ or puñña is less significant to convert British Theravada Buddhists than those with family origins

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   93 in Buddhist communities in Thailand, Cambodia and Laos, for example. For Bell, it is meditation that is given prime status in Western Buddhist communities, rather than support for the Buddhist saṅgha through offerings or works. In recent research I undertook into British Buddhist buildings, some of our interviewees indicated that this picture was shifting, with an increasing number of converts interested in religiosity through merit (Starkey and Tomalin, 2016). However, none of the ordained women in this study mentioned making merit as a motivating factor for their decision. In fact, echoing Bell’s findings, this desire to have more space to focus on Buddhist practices, including meditation, appears to be typical in the desire to seek ordination, as it was in earlier decisions to connect with Buddhist groups. This reflects the typical picture of the centrality of meditation in Western Buddhist communities, particularly for monastics (Crosby, 2014; Bluck, 2006; McMahan, 2008). However, although wanting more space to focus on Buddhism and Buddhist teachings was a motivating factor for women, this doesn’t solely refer to silent meditation. Whilst all of the women in this study did have a meditation practice, this loomed larger for some more than others. For example, those women connected with the Pure Land tradition explained that whilst their Buddhist group taught silent meditation, it hadn’t shaped their decision to ordain and they were more typically motivated by ethical or other devotional practices (indeed, these were seen as meditative practices, just not in the silent, seated form) (Starkey, 2019). The importance of community connection and commitment to service are also significant in shaping decision-­making processes. Although allowing for this level of nuance, so far through these narratives of motivation a typical picture is emerging of a group of women who want to ordain because they feel that it is the most appropriate spiritual route for them and they feel relatively free in Britain to make these kinds of alternative, non-­conventional life choices. I am wary of making too bold a statement about the differences in motivation between women in the British context and those in other countries such as Myanmar or Thailand. It is clear from the literature that it is not only the ‘mundane’ reasons that motivate women in other geographic locations to ask for ordination but the ‘spiritual’ reasons too (and indeed, there is no sense from the ethnographic literature that the ‘mundane’ reasons are given priority in women’s narratives). The need to explore the ‘suffering’ that is seen as inherent in life is a primary motivating factor (both for initial attraction to Buddhism, and for ordination) that is shared across studies of ordained or renunciant Buddhist women in Britain and beyond. For example, Kawanami (2013: 52, 66) highlights that a number of her participants had the aspiration to ‘escape suffering’ and this was not simply on a physical basis, as they were not all exposed to extremes of poverty prior to ordination. Similar to this, when asked about her inspiration, Prasanna (Forest Sangha) stated, ‘my suffering basically motivates me’. Consequently, she chose to commit to Buddhist practice in order to investigate this further. All of these threads need to be held together in a sophisticated way, allowing for the identification and critical untangling of similarities and differences in approach to contemporary Buddhist life whilst restricting too reductive

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94   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination or essentialist an analysis that posits inexorable differences between women in ‘the West’ and ‘the East’: a theme that will re-­emerge when I consider attitudes to gender equality in Chapter 6.

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An answer to life’s questions For some British Buddhist women, a feeling of dissatisfaction and a desire to investigate this is closely related to the sense that ordination (particularly the disciplinary regime which might accompany it) provides answers to the difficulties that they may have been having in putting the teachings of the Buddha into practice. Although an initial engagement with Buddhist teachings and practices was certainly seen to provide some answers, different issues arise for women after they have been practising Buddhism for some time. Here, the ideas of saṃvega and particularly pasada introduced in the previous chapter come into even sharper relief. Both Dalha (Tibetan) and Kalinda (Tibetan) recognised that they needed ‘boundaries’ and that taking ordination might be an effective response to this. Whilst Dolma (Gelug) was not wholly clear as to all the reasons why she was attracted to ordination, she did feel that it would ‘simplify things’ and help minimise ‘distraction’, particularly with her meditation, and she subsequently hoped it would act as ‘a wake-­up call’ to help her realign her priorities in life. This was also noted by Goswell (1988: 3/8–9), who asserts that the reason why both men and women typically opted for ordination in the Forest Sangha was because although they had tried to operationalise the Buddha’s teachings in conjunction with work and family life, it had not been a wholly successful integration and ‘the need is seen for a discipline, a guide and a form, and for supportive companions in leading the spiritual life’. Whilst I will discuss in more detail the relationship that ordained women in the British context have with the various disciplinary practices (focusing, in the next chapter, on dress), it is important to note that ordination is attractive not because it is, in and of itself, an answer to difficulties, but because it can provide a helpful structure to guide Buddhist practice. Prasanna (Theravāda) felt that monastic ordination and the lifestyle which accompanied it as a ‘strong holding’ that helps to manage and facilitate the process of ‘transformation’ experienced by those following the Buddhist path. Although she described it as having both ‘limitations and opportunities’, she felt that, ultimately, it was ‘geared towards liberation from confusion’, which had become her ultimate aim. However, there exists a slight variation in perspective between the participants of different Buddhist groups. Although monastic discipline was seen as providing an answer to the difficulties experienced by some, this was not viewed in the same way by those in Triratna. In general, Triratna members did not emphasise the attraction of any particular disciplinary structure in influencing their decision to take ordination. However, Charumati (Triratna) did stress that the ‘ethical framework’ which underpins the Triratna approach was attractive to her. Therefore, although the practices might be explored in different ways between the different Buddhist groups, the aspiration to engage deeply with

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   95 these types of guidelines remains a factor in decision-­making. Additionally, not every participant within the monastic traditions described being predominantly attracted to the lifestyle. Although Delia (OBC) explained that following an ordained path was ‘the greatest opportunity that I’ve had’, also noting ‘a sense of having found what I needed to do, a true way ahead’, this was not about being attracted to being a monk per se, but instead, a chance to address questions that she had about life. As she explains: Why I became a monk, it’s not actually all that significant to me, because my life is just about practice. I suppose the main thing it means I’d given my life to practice … I didn’t particularly want to be a monk; it just seems to go with what you need to do. None of the women suggested that ordination was the only efficacious spiritual trajectory that should be followed in terms of commitment to Buddhism. Yet, the perception that an ordained path was appropriate for them at the time remains a feature of all of their narratives. As Ceola (OBC) explains:

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the doors happened to open for me in that way, at that stage, and came about in this form, if you like. For Priyarati (Triratna), asking for ordination gave her access to retreats and study groups that she was not able to participate in whilst she was a mitra and, by accessing these, she hoped to further her understanding of the dharma. There are parallels in this regard with the renunciant women in Myanmar featured in Kawanami’s (2013: 52) study, particularly with the younger women who were drawn to studying Buddhist texts. Similar patterns also emerge from Goswell’s (1988: 3/10) and Cook’s (2010: 6) studies, where Goswell identifies ordination as ‘an opportunity to go deeper into oneself ’ and, for Cook’s Thai participants, ‘ordination is conceptualized as an opportunity to “do work” on oneself through meditation’. Amongst these British Buddhist women, across the spectrum of traditions, the sense that the Buddha’s teachings continue to provide answers to fundamental questions was both a reason for being attracted to Buddhism initially and also a reason for wanting to make further commitments through ordination. Rajana (Forest Sangha) described a process of ‘falling in love’ when she began to increasingly spend time within the monastic communities. However, this love was not with a person, but with, as she explains, ‘the whole way of practice’, including meditation, chanting, study, devotion, and service to community. These aspects of ordained Buddhist life shouldn’t be artificially separated and should instead be seen as parts of a whole picture of spiritual practice. Similarly, Siladakini (Triratna) asked for ordination after realising that the Buddhist path really provided the most significant answers for her. She described a period of time when she was exploring her connection to Buddhism and ultimately realised that it was ‘the only thing that gives my life meaning’, which then provided

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96   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination an aspiration to further commit to the practices and community that had helped her. Other women did not articulate their initial motivations for ordination with quite the same clarity. For example, Priyarati (Triratna) states that when she initially asked for ordination: I don’t really think I knew what I was asking for on a rational level … I knew that I wanted something, but I didn’t really know what I wanted … I don’t know … if I knew what I was asking for.

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This idea that a motivation for ordination might not be wholly ‘rational’ was identified by Goswell (1988: 2/123–125) amongst her male and female Forest Sangha participants, and evidence from my study indicates that this could equally be applied to women across different Buddhist groups in Britain some 30 years later. Indeed, in asking Ceola (OBC) about her motivations for ordination, she questioned how difficult it was to have absolute certainty about the origins of a decision that was likely to be shaped in complex and multifaceted ways by individual people’s backgrounds and experiences, alongside other factors that were perhaps difficult to put into words. Four participants stated that they did not feel that their decision to ordain was a deliberate ‘choice’ but was instead, as Tanirika (Triratna) explained, ‘something I had to do’. Dhannadipa (Theravāda), Prasanna (Theravāda), Dhatri (Amida) and Alura (OBC) each describe their decision to ordain as ‘a calling’ and indeed, Prasanna felt that rather than choosing to be a nun, ‘the nun’s life (chose) me’. The sense of ordination as a vocation was particularly emphasised by Dhatri, who, as I described in the previous chapter, chose to get involved and later take ordination in Amida because she was attracted by their commitment to social engagement. For the women in this study, therefore, ordination can facilitate both personal and communal development. Whilst an individual wish to, in Rajana’s words, ‘make a whole-­hearted commitment’ is of great importance to this group, this does not preclude the importance of helping others and contributing to a community. Saṅgha and relationships In terms of their initial attraction to Buddhism, a substantial proportion of the participants in this study were drawn by the people and the communities. This sense of attraction that women feel towards individuals and groups remains significant when they describe their motivations for ordination. For example, although Priyarati (Triratna) was unable to ascertain precisely her initial incentive for ordination, she felt that coming into contact with other female Order members was a powerful motivating force. She explains: I wanted what they had, I wanted to be like them – they were calm, they were centred, they were kind, they gave wonderful talks and were eloquent teachers of the Dharma.

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   97 For Priyarati, her connection with Order members fostered her initial interest in Buddhism (which I discussed in the previous chapter), yet this feeling that she ‘wanted to be like them’ intensified after she became a mitra and began engaging more intensely with the group and the practices. In a similar way, Dalha (Tibetan) explained that after she had been involved with her Buddhist group for a short time, she saw a group of Western nuns in the Tibetan tradition who had come to visit her centre and she explains that she was ‘drawn, very drawn’ to them. This sense of interest in other Buddhists, particularly ordained monastics, was also recognised by Ploos van Amstel (2005: 110) and Goswell (1988: 3/8–9). Given that seeing a Buddhist nun in a British context is still far from common, the times where this happened loom large in the memories of some women and are perhaps given more prominence than for women in settings where there are more Buddhist nuns. However, this interest wasn’t a wholly comfortable feeling for Dalha (Tibetan). She explains she was ‘terrified’ when she had such a strong connection to the nuns and their practice because she did not understand why she might be interested in such a dramatic change in lifestyle. Several women, particularly those linked with the Tibetan schools, described feeling motivated by a connection to specific teachers. This included wanting to be ordained by them personally, although it was more common for women to feel an association with the idea of ordained life more broadly and an affiliation to specific individuals as a representation of this. Only Chandrakala (Triratna) mentioned that this connection with others and the desire to be like them contained an element of wanting, as she puts it, ‘to be important’ or ‘to be notice(d)’. She states that this feeling was ‘weeded out very fast’, so it is likely that these types of motivations for ordination will come under scrutiny, particularly during the lengthy Triratna ordination process, or the postulancy periods within the other groups. However, motivations are complex, as Ceola (OBC) identifies, and it is impossible to say whether this desire for status featured more widely than I have been able to ascertain. Nevertheless, the reality of ordained life for some women in contemporary Britain (particularly, although not exclusively, those without financial support, as I will detail in the last chapter of this book) is a challenging one and it is unlikely that individuals would remain ordained if ‘wanting to be noticed’ or ‘important’ were their only motivating factors. For women in Britain, ordination was seen not only as part of a furthering of personal practice, but also as a contribution to the development and maintenance of Buddhist communities. Suvanna (Forest Sangha) reported feeling strongly connected to the monastic community at Amaravati and wanting to contribute to the ethos that they were promoting. The desire to help others (both Buddhist, and non-­Buddhist) was a strong motivation for three-­quarters of the women in this study and the element of vocational service has also been attributed to Western Buddhist monastics in other settings (Tsomo, 1999: 10; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 173). Although the relationship that some women have with their  communities changes over the years (and not always positively, as I will discuss later), the sense of community spirit (particularly in the early days of

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98   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination organisational development) is experienced by many as compelling. Aspiring to belong to a group of people who share your values, particularly when those values and practices are not necessarily mainstream, is a key motivating factor for Buddhist ordination amongst women in the British context. Sumitra (Triratna) explained that one of the ordination vows that they take within Triratna was ‘in company with friends and brethren, I accept this ordination’. She felt she was very much committing to a group of people and to what she called her ‘personal part in communal awakening’. This is echoed by Delia (OBC), and she states that when she took her novice ordination, even though she had been living at the monastery as a postulant, ‘it felt like I was really joining something’. It is to the process of ordination and it’s meaning for women that I will now turn.

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The meaning of ordination When considering how Buddhist ordination might be experienced by British women, what I will not do is describe in detail the ritual involved in the various ordination ceremonies of the different traditions. Despite the benefits of the narrative ethnographic approach I have taken in this book, one difficulty I encountered was unravelling the precise ordination rituals and timelines in all of the testimonies of my participants equally. Some women clearly described their time as lay woman, then a postulant, and then as a novice and as an ordained person; however, for others, these time periods and experiences were discussed in a more indistinct and general way. Some could explain in detail what happened during the various ceremonies that they participated in, who said what, how, and when, but others were more vague – both because of difficulty remembering (significant time had passed since some ceremonies, and the day was fraught with emotion) and also because of a desire and (for some) a requirement to keep the intricacies of this ritual process a secret. The focus of this section, therefore, is on the ways in which the process of ordination is described and felt, and what this tells us about its significance for women.3 For Elizabeth (Gelug), her initial rabjungma ordination was an extremely happy occasion and one where she felt ‘complete joy’. She explains that this was because: There wasn’t anywhere else I wanted to be, there wasn’t anything else I wanted to do, there was no ifs or buts, or whatever, I couldn’t wait. In fact, they had to get me to slow down! Although Elizabeth later went on to take novice ordination, it was her description of taking the rabjungma precepts that really stood out in her narrative, not least because it was the first time she put on monastic robes. Both Aarya (Amida) and Dolma (Gelug) echoed this, and reflected that their ordinations were happy and highly significant occasions for both them and their communities. For Dolma, taking her rabjungma vows in front of her family, friends and her

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   99 Buddhist community was a celebratory occasion and one where ‘there was a huge feeling of joy in the gompa’.4 Aarya (Amida) explained that each of their ordination ceremonies is meaningful because they reflect, through taking certain precepts and vows, what is most important to community members. As a result, she says:

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It’s hard to sit through the ceremony and not be moved to tears because this is … devoting your life to the Dharma. As the Triratna ordination ceremony consists of two separate events, a private and a public ceremony, participants articulated slightly different feelings at each. The private ceremony was typically described in terms of being personal, reflective, and poignant, and the public, whilst certainly still poignant, was more communal and celebratory for the whole group. However, both were felt to be very happy and positive occasions. Goswell (1988: 2/177–179) notes this element of ‘joy’ experienced on ordination in the Forest Sangha that is also mirrored in other parts of the Buddhist world (Kawanami, 2013: 52). However, Goswell (1988: 2/134) emphasises that following anagārika/ā ordination, some men and women also experienced early challenges in their religious lives, a point also made by Ploos van Amstel (2005: 97) in relation to Western nuns in the Tibetan tradition. A number of women in my study, across each of the Buddhist groups, likewise mentioned early periods of difficulty, either as postulants or novices or for those in Triratna either in the time building up to the ordination, on their ordination retreat, or just after returning home. For some, ordination ceremonies were not conducted in a language that they could easily follow and, therefore, their experience was not always one of unbridled joy. Indeed, quite a few women mentioned rather mixed emotions about their ordination ceremonies, including nervousness, worry and also excitement, likening their ordination ceremony to other ‘big days’ that occur in life. Therefore it is important not to over-­romanticise the experience either of an ordination ritual, or of the process leading up to it. For example, Ceola (OBC) described her postulancy period as akin to ‘being out to sea’ as a result of the changes she was making in her life (see also, Starkey, 2014). She explains further: I wouldn’t (think) anybody would probably say ‘oh I had a plain sailing postulancy’ … You literally have so much (that) is … getting left behind and you are sort of in a state of general turmoil of some kind or another. Lobsang (Kagyu), who took novice ordination as part of a four-­year closed retreat, described the experience as ‘every part of it life-­changing’. Rajana also followed this narrative trajectory but she stated that it was her sīladharā ordination and the subsequent lifestyle changes which heralded a ‘very significant shift’ from her previous eight-­precept ordination. However, others mentioned a  range of issues they had with various aspects of ordination. Whilst Rajana

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100   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination highlighted not being able to drive or cook as a sīladharā as salient for her, Ailith (OBC) stated that the monastic schedule, particularly of eating at regimented times each day, was a significant ‘adjustment’ that impacted immediately after she moved to the monastery. What was most significant for Delia (OBC), however, was giving up her job, and the security that accompanied it. From the testimonies provided by women in this study, reactions to the process of ordination are clearly not standardised. Whilst those who join the Triratna Order do not have to undergo the types of physical and lifestyle changes mentioned by those who relocate to monastic communities, the need for a period of adjustment following the ordination retreat, including at work, amongst their family and with their Buddhist community, featured in several of the narratives. Moreover, the feeling of ‘dying to the world’, highlighted by Goswell (1988: 2/134) in relation to the experience of anagārika/ā ordination in the Forest Sangha, was also present in the narratives of some participants in this study, and not just limited to those in monastic traditions. In fact, amongst the Triratna Order members, it was a rather commonly reported experience, particularly during the ordination retreat itself, and is best exemplified in the narratives of Siladakini and Tanirika.5 Just prior to her public ordination ceremony, Siladakini describes walking around a graveyard and seeing a headstone on which was inscribed the first name she had been given at birth. She sat for some time in this graveyard with the strong sense that ‘your old self is going to stop on some level’. Tanirika highlighted a similar experience. On her ordination retreat, she ate her breakfast in the enclosure that also contained the communal compost bin and she felt that this symbolised her own personal ‘composting down’ before she was ‘turned into something else’ through ordination. Ordination, in this sense and in this context, is certainly a significant personal journey. Yet, conspicuous within the narratives of several Triratna Order members was the idea that ordination was also, in Charumati’s words, ‘a recognition of my commitment, a recognition of my practice’. Priyarati describes feeling ‘really seen’ by senior Order members when her ordination was approved and Sumitra defines the experience as one which gave her ‘an enormous vote of confidence as a person’. No doubt this is particularly the case within Triratna where the period of time between asking for ordination and being accepted is generally lengthier than in other groups. Thus, when women are eventually invited to take ordination there is a feeling of achievement, although not withstanding the recognition that Buddhist practice continued after ordination. Although these descriptions of ordination appear more prevalent amongst Triratna participants, Delia (OBC) narrates both becoming a postulant and later her transmission6 using similar terms of ‘recognition’ and ‘acceptance’. She acknowledges that she felt touched to become part of a community of people whose practice she valued so highly.

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   101

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Conclusion Although Buddhism in Britain is characterised by strong lay involvement, there remains a core of people in many traditions or groups who want to commit to Buddhist practice by following an ordained path, however that is conceived and where that is available. The number of people taking this approach in Britain, particularly women, are not substantial by any means but their ranks are growing, particularly in movements such as Triratna. Whilst understanding lay involvement and the apparent ‘democratisation’ of Buddhist traditions in the West is vital, so too is a more holistic appreciation of the path to ordination and the lifestyles that renunciants lead in this context. Seeking to understand why women might want to connect more closely, including in strongly institutionally sanctioned ways to Buddhist groups, tells us a great deal about what is valued within Buddhist teachings in the contemporary world. Indeed, it also illuminates what is seen to be missing in other religious traditions or more conventional ways of living life. In Britain, Buddhist ordination is a non-­conventional, non-­ mainstream choice that is initiated by a highly significant event, both for individuals and their families and also the communities around them in Britain and beyond. Monastic or renunciant ordination means a separation from lay life and although the lived realities of this can be variable (as I discuss in the last chapter of this book), it remains a momentous point of social and personal change. For British women, monastic and non-­monastic ordination signifies a chance to channel and distil spiritual energy in one direction, living out the Buddha’s teachings and trying to get to grips with the realities of suffering and the causes of suffering. The importance of making a firm spiritual commitment, in a country where this is apparently on the wane, is not unacknowledged by British Buddhist women. What I have shown in this chapter is that although there are different pathways taken by women across the varied Buddhist groups in Britain, there are a number of strong similarities in their narratives of motivation. Chief of these is a wish to prioritise Buddhist practice, and make it a primary focus of life’s activities, in a way that is not seen as possible outside the boundaries of ordained vows, commitments and lifestyles. Ordination means an opportunity to enhance one’s commitment to Buddhism, dedicating oneself to Buddhist teachings, and furthering one’s spiritual (including meditational) practice, particularly to challenge personal and interpersonal suffering. However, what ordination also provides is a chance to be part of, and contribute through service to, a community of like-­minded others. It is a chance to belong and help build alternative spiritual communities in contemporary Britain, an idea I will return to in the final chapter of this book. Importantly, a sense of connection with individuals and communities was not just a feature of the narratives of those women ordaining in monastic traditions in Buddhism, but across the board. In many ways, this combination of individual and communal motivation unites contemporary British Buddhist women with previous generations of ordained practitioners, at home and abroad. Yet, in seeking to identify the points of similarity, one cannot

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102   Deepening commitment: the path to ordination overlook the differences between (and within) groups of practitioners who are shaped by their social, cultural and economic contexts. In Britain, particularly within Buddhist convert-­focused movements, women who ask for ordination are often older than those in Buddhist-­majority countries, with significant life experience. This shapes their attitudes to spiritual practice, and, indeed, contributes to some of the difficulties that they might encounter living out an ordained Buddhist life in contemporary Britain. Furthermore, although motivations might be broadly similar, there are also different considerations to take into account between women choosing ordination in monastic as opposed to non-­ monastic lineages. Although Triratna female order members certainly narrate a significant change in life on ordination (and in the build-­up to it), they can remain married, living with their families, and maintain previous careers. This is not the same for women choosing a renunciant path, where they are required to relinquish money and possessions, relationships, jobs and (where possible) live in a communal monastic setting following a strict code of discipline. The impact of one element of this discipline – that of dress and appearance – is the focus of the next chapter.

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Notes 1 Participants’ dates of birth were not routinely sought, or given, during the interviews. When precise dates of birth were not collected, I was able to extract information about participants’ age from the information that they provided about how old they were when they ordained and how long they had been ordained for. 2 These were not the same women for whom an acute ‘crisis’ prompted initial attraction to Buddhism. 3 Other scholars do provide highly useful accounts of the ordination process for women and of the various ceremonies, drawing on Buddhist textual sources and ethnographic data (for example, Gutschow, 2001; Wu, 2001; Heirman, 2008; Cook, 2010). Goswell (1988: 2/Chapter 12) also describes the anagārika/ā ordination ceremony within the Forest Sangha in Britain, which is a useful reference point, notwithstanding any changes that might have taken place over the intervening years. 4 ‘Gompa’, a Tibetan word, refers here to the shrine room where the ordination took place. 5 Bluck (2006: 165) argues that ‘spiritual rebirth’ through ordination has been a commonly articulated theme within Triratna narratives and it also features in the description of the Triratna ordination ceremonies provided by Moksananda (2004: 97). 6 Transmission within the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives was discussed in Chapter 2.

References Bell, S. 1998. British Theravada Buddhism: Otherworldly Theories and the Theory of Exchange. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 13, 149–170. Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge. Bodhi, B. 2010. The Revival of Bhikkhuni Ordination in the Theravada Tradition. In: Mohr, T. and Tsedroen, J. (eds) Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Buddhist Nuns. Boston, MA: Wisdom. 99–142.

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Deepening commitment: the path to ordination   103 Cantwell, C. and Kawanami, H. 2002. Buddhism. In: Woodhead, L., Fletcher, P., Kawanami, H. and Smith, D. (eds) Religions in the Modern World. London: Routledge. 47–81. Cheng, W.-Y. 2007. Buddhist Nuns in Taiwan and Sri Lanka: A Critique of the Feminist Perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Chodron, T. 1999. Introduction. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. xxv–xxxvi. Chodron, T. 2000. Western Buddhist Nuns: A New Phenomena in an Ancient Tradition. In: Findly, E. B. (ed.) Women’s Buddhism, Buddhism’s Women: Tradition, Revision, Renewal. Boston, MA: Wisdom. 81–96. Chodron, T. and Kacho, T. 2001. The Motivation and Benefits of Monastic Ordination. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Choosing Simplicity: Commentary on the Bhikshuni Pratimoksha (by Venerable Bhikshuni Wu Yin). Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 39–45. Conze, E. 1982. A Short History of Buddhism. London: Unwin. Cook, J. 2010. Meditation in Modern Buddhism: Renunciation and Change in Thai Monastic Life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crane, H. 2004. Resisting Marriage and Renouncing Womanhood: The Choice of Taiwanese Buddhist Nuns. Critical Asian Studies, 36, 265–284. Crosby, K. 2014. Theravada Buddhism: Continuity, Diversity and Identity. Malden: Wiley Blackwell. Goswell, M. 1988. Motivational Factors in the Life of a Religious Community and Related Changes in the Experience of Self. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Bath. Gutschow, K. 2001. What Makes a Nun? Apprenticeship and Ritual Passage in Zangskar, North India. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 24, 187–217. Gutschow, K. 2004. Being a Buddhist Nun: The Struggle for Enlightenment in the Himalayas. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Havnevik, H. 1989. Tibetan Buddhist Nuns: History, Cultural Norms and Social Reality. Oslo: Norwegian University Press. Heirman, A. 2008. Becoming a Nun in the Dharmaguptaka Tradition. Buddhist Studies Review, 25, 174–193. Kawanami, H. 2013. Renunciation and Empowerment of Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar-­ Burma: Building a Community of Female Faithful. Leiden: Brill. Lindberg Falk, M. 2007. Making Fields of Merit: Buddhist Female Ascetics and Gendered Orders in Thailand. Copenhagen: NIAS Press. McMahan, D. L. 2008. The Making of Buddhist Modernism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Moksananda. 2004. Ordination: Living a Buddhist Life. Birmingham: Windhorse Publications. Numrich, P. D. 2009. The Problem with Sex According to Buddhism. Dialog: A Journal of Theology, 48, 62–73. Ploos van Amstel, T. 2005. Sandpaper Sisterhood: Western Nuns in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions. PhD thesis, University of Utrecht. Salgado, N. S. 2013. Buddhist Nuns and Gendered Practice: In Search of the Female Renunciant. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Schober, J. 2007. Famous Buddhists and Ideal Types. In: Keown, D. and Prebish., C. S. (eds) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. London and New York: Routledge. 356–365. Sharma, A. 1977. How and Why Did the Women in Ancient India Become Buddhist Nuns? Sociological Analysis, 38, 239–251.

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Shaw, S. 2008. The Development of the Theravada Order of Nuns in Britain. In: Deegalle, M. (ed.) Dharma to the UK: A Centennial Celebration of Buddhist Legacy. London: World Buddhist Foundation. 151–169. Spiro, M. E. 1982. Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and its Burmese Vicissitudes. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. Starkey, C. 2014. Experiencing the Liminal: Understanding Separation and Transition Amongst Buddhist Monastic Women in Contemporary Britain. In: Jonveaux, I., Pace, E. and Palmisano, S. (eds) Sociology and Monasticism: Between Innovation and Tradition. Leiden: Brill. 206–226. Starkey, C. 2019. Meditation in Contemporary Monastic Life. In: Farias, M., Brazier, D. and Lalljee, M. (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Meditation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Starkey, C. and Tomalin, E. 2016. Building Buddhism in England: The Flourishing of a Minority Faith Heritage. Contemporary Buddhism, 17, 326–356. Tsedroen, J. B. 1988. Living by the Vinaya in the West. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 202–213. Tsomo, K. L. 1988a. Living as a Nun in the West. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca: Snow Lion. 297–303. Tsomo, K. L. 1988b. Ordination as a Buddhist Nun. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 53–65. Tsomo, K. L. 1999. History of Buddhist Monasticism and its Western Adaptation. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 3–16. Tsomo, K. L. 2006. Buddhist Nuns in the Global Community. Available at: www. congress-­on-buddhist-­women.org [Accessed 22 November 2006]. Wu, Y. 2001. Choosing Simplicity: A Commentary on the Bhiksuni Pratimoksa. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion.

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5 Buddha couture Ordained Buddhist women and dress1

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I like to say, my designer is the Buddha!

(Lobsang, Kagyu)

When women such as Ceola (OBC), Rajana (Forest Sangha) and Lobsang (Kagyu) talked about the preparation they had made for ordination and their early days as renunciants, they told a story of joy but also of change and upheaval. In relating how it felt to ask for ordination and eventually become monastics, they described a process of transformation in relation to how they saw themselves and their social and spiritual roles. One of the ways in which this transformation is shaped is through the adoption of training rules or precepts which exist to mandate personal conduct and how a renunciant should relate to ordained and lay communities (Tsomo, 1988b: 54, 59). Of course, precepts are not solely held by ordained members of Buddhist communities. Lay Buddhists commonly take five precepts (Pāli: pañca sīlanī), which include vows not to kill, steal, lie, take intoxicants, or commit sexual misconduct. These precepts form the bedrock of most monastic and renunciant vows. The origins of the precepts taken by many ordained Buddhist women in Britain today rest with the Buddha and his early followers. Precepts and rules governing daily life were given by the Buddha as the saṅgha developed and as issues arose for the growing community (Lopez, 2001: 140). Although early instructions and rules were given orally, they were later written to form the vinaya piṭaka scriptures, with a list of specific ordinances for monastics to adhere to, known as the pāṭimokkha/prātimokṣa (Harvey, 1990: 224). These were eventually interpreted in various ways by different Buddhist schools, although there are areas of significant agreement. The generally accepted translation of the word vinaya is ‘discipline’ (Holt, 1995: 2), and it is one aspect of this discipline – dress – that is the focus of this chapter. As I discussed in Chapter 2, not all ordained women in Britain follow the same precepts after ordination, and there are differences in practices between women who are part of those groups that aim to follow the vinaya closely (the Tibetan and Theravāda traditions), and those that do not but whose disciplinary practices are, in different ways, shaped and influenced by it (such as Triratna, Amida or the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives).2 As Buddhism came into

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106   Buddha couture contact with different cultures, so the rules and practices for ordained saṅgha were consequently affected.3 As Charles Prebish (2007: 660) notes: as Buddhism moved through South, Southeast, Central and East Asia, an enormous variety of quite distinct Buddhist sectarian sanghas developed, radically altering the Buddhist landscape, and turning the study of the overall Buddhist sangha into a profoundly multifaceted, highly variegated pursuit.

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Buddhist monastic precepts have been described as ‘aids to spiritual training’ (Harvey, 1990: 224), ‘a means to salvation and the nucleus of communal identity’ (Holt, 1995: 1) and ‘very useful guidelines for daily behaviour’ (Tsomo, 1988b: 59). Of course, the same could be said for lay precepts, although arguably to a lesser extent given that the number of precepts taken by ordained monastics is often far greater than those taken by lay Buddhists, and vinaya precepts are rigorous in specifying appropriate behaviour in an array of different circumstances.4 Tsomo (1996: 9) is clear that the vows taken on ordination also ‘intentionally … set (monastics) apart from laypeople who enjoy a different way of life’. Instead of perceiving vinaya precepts as a rigid ‘code of conduct’, Lopez (2001: 144) argues that they should be seen as ‘an ideal to aspire to’. This does not mean that there are not strict consequences for behaviour and certain activities would automatically entail dismissal from the monastic community, for example, murder (Wu, 2001: 132). As Wu Yin (2001: 48) highlights, however, ‘the precepts are not an external ideal being forced upon us, but points for training that we voluntarily undertake’. Whilst Wu (2001: 55), herself a bhikṣuṇī, lists the Buddha’s ‘ten advantages of precepts’ which include a support for spiritual attainment and to encourage concord within the saṅgha, she argues that the ‘ultimate purpose’ of putting monastic vows into practice is the achievement of enlightenment. As such they are an important ‘ethical discipline’ (Wu, 2001: 76). This is also emphasised by Tsomo (1988a: 196), who argues that: Regulating outward behaviour in accordance with vinaya discipline is considered essential for fostering inner development … Thus inner discipline and outer discipline go hand in hand. Understanding ‘inner’ and ‘outer discipline’ and the relationship between them is essential in any analysis of the lives and experiences of ordained Buddhists. The women I interviewed described a variety of approaches to daily discipline, governed, at least in part, by the regulations adopted by the Buddhist tradition with which they were involved. Although in the time I spent with British Buddhist women we discussed a number of disciplinary aspects to daily life, including diet, ritual practices, sleep and celibacy, we returned naturally but repeatedly to religious dress, tonsure, and Buddhist naming practices. Almost without exception, ordained women appeared to enjoy telling me about their attitudes to

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Buddha couture   107 appearance following ordination, particularly explaining the meaning of the names they were given. I, in turn, enjoyed listening to the stories. Our conversations about the different robes they wore, how they felt when they first had their head shaved, and the difficulties family members had in pronouncing ‘exotic’ Buddhist names were often funny, poignant and highly personal. In many ways, in talking about dress we were talking about life: what it means, how it changes as you age, what you hold on to and what you let go of. While the precise focus of this chapter is the meaning, function and significance of the dress practices of ordained Buddhist women in Britain, my analysis here has broader implications: to try to get to the heart of the changes that are made to British women’s lives when they ordain into a Buddhist tradition, and to appreciate the ways in which this ultimately situates them in time, space and culture.

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(Religious) dress: Buddhism and beyond In this chapter, I employ the term ‘dress’ to include robes or monastic clothes and also styles of head-­shaving (tonsure), incense scars on the head,5 various items given or made within certain traditions on ordination such as a mat, bag and alms bowl, and the adoption of a Buddhist name (often, although not exclusively in this context, in Pāli or Sanskrit).6 In taking this inclusive approach, I am influenced by the foundational work of Roach-­Higgins and Eicher (1992: 1). They argue that ‘dress’ should be adopted over other similar terms, for example, ‘clothing, adornment and costume’, as it is more comprehensive and can subsequently incorporate ‘an assemblage of modifications of the body and/or supplements to the body’, comprising hairstyles and other changes or additions to the fabric of the body. Some might argue that, in Buddhist terms, naming isn’t the same as robes or tonsure. Indeed, on the surface it is a less physical, less material practice. However, it is woven into the analysis here because the ordained ‘outfit’ is, in many Buddhist traditions and groups, more than the fabric of the robes. Many women spoke to me about their Buddhist names and changes in dress or hair simultaneously, connecting these aspects of outward presentation and the ways that they shaped the ordained self together. What is more, each of these aspects of ‘dress’ often facilitate corresponding ‘inner’ spiritual changes in similar ways. This does not mean, however, that there are no differences between robes, tonsure and naming, only that they share some similarities of function for women in the British locale. As Triratna Order members change their names on ordination, but are not required to wear robes or shave their heads (although do wear a white or gold kesa for formal occasions or teaching), the term ‘dress’ in the context of British Buddhism needs to be as inclusive as possible. This level of inclusivity may well need revision when one is looking at examples from elsewhere in the Buddhist world, but in this chapter the different aspects of ‘dress’ are taken together rather than analysed separately. This reflects the ways in which women narrated their experiences to me and also my desire to move back and forth between the micro detail of specific dress practices and an examination of the role of dress and appearance more generally for British

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108   Buddha couture Buddhist women. The varied robes, hair and naming practices adopted by the Buddhist groups involved in this study were given close attention in Chapter 2, therefore the specifics will only be repeated here when necessary. While dress is only one part of an ordained person’s disciplinary life, in this chapter I argue that it is a significant one, warranting detailed investigation. As Linda B. Arthur (1999: 1) argues:

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Dress provides a window through which we might look into a culture, because it visually attests to the salient ideas, concepts and categories fundamental to that culture. In terms of Buddhist practice, Mohan Wijayaratna (1990: 32) argues that ‘the clothes worn by monks and nuns are one of the most important symbols of the religious life’. This symbolic role becomes increasingly important in a British context, where the choice to wear a Buddhist robe and shave your head and eyebrows is one which makes you stand out, even in a multicultural city. Even though, as Tsedroen (1988: 210) highlights, ‘to wear robes is not a major rule’ within the vinaya, she argues that robes remain significant and they are one of the ‘four requisites’ of clothes, food, shelter and medicine offered to monastics. The vinaya regulations on dress are precise, determining what robes should look like, how they should be worn, and how many each monk or nun should own. The vinaya also discusses hair and tonsure practice. The rule of thumb is that hair, after shaving, should have no longer than two inches of re-­growth before being shaved again. In addition, there are regulations about perfume and jewellery and the use and ownership of other items, such as umbrellas and footwear (Wijayaratna, 1990: 40). The ways in which these traditional regulations are performed and adapted (and sometimes, challenged) in the British context underpins much of the analysis in this chapter. In the discussion that follows, I will explore the symbolic and representative functions of dress in the British Buddhist context, showing that dress is a material means by which to identify those who have taken ordination and a way of visually connecting ordained women to their traditions, to the Buddha, and to his teachings. Yet dress in this context also has a role beyond the symbolic and must be seen as a physical practice through which one dedicates oneself to Buddhism and through which one is helped to become an ordained Buddhist, particularly in an unfamiliar cultural context. Described from another angle, Buddhist dress can help put Buddhist teachings into practice in a particular temporal and geographic location and is key in fashioning the ordained British Buddhist self. Yet, at the same time, the centrality of dress for ordained Buddhist women in Britain should not be over-­stated. This is both as a result of the differences of opinion amongst women in relation to what they wear and do, but also because dress is understood as a form of expression that is useful, but to which one should not become too attached. In this context, material religion operates on two simultaneous spheres: the everyday or conventional, where dress is significant, and the ultimate, where dress is inconsequential. How ordained women

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Buddha couture   109 navigate these simultaneous (and sometimes apparently contradictory) meanings in their daily lives and what this means for our understanding of material religion will be explored throughout this chapter.

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Symbolism and representation A change in dress, whether it involves adopting robes and shaving your head, taking a Buddhist or dhamma/dharma name, or wearing a particular kesa or wagessa for a ceremonial occasion, symbolises the change in life made by ordained Buddhist women in Britain (see also, Starkey, 2014: 216). This is not particular to the British context. Wu (2001: 253) argues that Buddhist dress is symbolic of commitments made at ordination and sets monastics and the laity apart, ensuring that all those who recognise the robe understand what a monk or nun has taken on in terms of their vows and lifestyle. This is to be found in common with other forms of religious dress beyond the Buddhist and according to William Keenan (1999: 391), ‘to be dressed religiously is to wear one’s faith on one’s sleeves’. For Dhannadipa (Theravāda) the robes she wears, in conjunction with her shaved head, are an important ‘symbol of renunciation and simplicity’. When she initially changed out of lay clothes and cut her hair, ‘it was just a very clear statement of leaving behind my old life and persona and cultivating a new way of living’, which included adopting a celibate lifestyle. In some Buddhist traditions, one enters the ordination ceremony in under-­clothes (a white under-­robe in the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, or the yellow petticoat or mayok in the Tibetan schools). As part of the ceremony, one is given a set of robes alongside other items, such as mat, bowl or bowl set, or kesa. These are, as Ailith (OBC) explains, the ‘pieces of clothing that make you a monk’. Indeed, amongst many of the participants in this study who wear robes, these ‘pieces of clothing’ separate them from those who are not ordained and also from those who are not affiliated with Buddhism.7 In the OBC, as you move from a postulant to a novice through to a transmitted monk and then to being a senior and master, the dress that you wear also correspondingly changes, most notably in its colour (Bluck, 2006: 83; Kay, 2004: 187; Hollenbeck, 2010). As Delia (OBC) explains, this helps you to see ‘where somebody’s at’. For Edwina (OBC), the adoption of robes and clipped hair in her period of postulancy was significant of major life adjustments, even prior to her official ordination. As she describes: I think becoming a postulant … is more significant for me than my ordination, because the day I became a postulant, was the day that my hair was cut and I put on robes, and that to me just made that big difference … that was when my life changed. Robes, a shaved head, and indeed a new Buddhist name go some way to letting other people know what you are doing – highlighting the primary motivation of your life. This role for dress in communicating values and identity, particularly

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110   Buddha couture around key life changes (such as an ordination), is widely recognised in both religious and secular contexts (see, for example, Entwistle, 2000; Roach-­Higgins et al., 1995; O’Neal, 1999; Arthur, 1999; Michelman, 1999; Trzebiatowska, 2010; Campbell-­Jones, 1979; Craik, 2005). Hairstyle (and expressly, a shaved head) is itself significant in identifying someone who has taken monastic vows and in symbolising their celibate status (Olivelle, 1998: 20; Synnott, 1987: 402; Leach, 1958: 156–159; Gutschow, 2004: 177; Lang, 1995; Hallpike, 1987). For some British Buddhist women, dress was one means to make a statement about beliefs and values, representing a visible alternative to materialism, capitalism and consumerism in contemporary Britain. Aarya (Amida) exemplifies this: It’s important to pin your colours to a mast sometimes. It’s important to stand up and actually say what you are, what your foundations are; and what you are willing to wear represents that. Rajana (Forest Sangha) echoes this sentiment: I think the benefits of actually your whole appearance making a clear statement about what you’re interested in, I think they far outweigh the possible benefits of looking like everybody else. Furthermore, Dhannadipa (Theravāda) explains that through wearing robes, shaving her head and using a Buddhist name, it is, in actuality, ‘like being a living symbol’ of Buddhist values, strongly representing ‘another way of doing things’. As Aarya (Amida) emphasises: One of our precepts is to wear red, as an outer layer, just to show that we are part of a religious order.

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In wearing a particular style of dress, ordained Buddhist women in Britain are symbolising their affiliation to religious communities and to their particular saṅgha. As Dhannadipa explains, when you take an ordination name: so you become part of a different family … you leave your blood family and become part of the saṅgha family, the monastic family. This holds true for the practice of eyebrow shaving, which signifies a specific affiliation with the Thai saṅgha, and is not usual in other Theravāda monastic contexts. Using Emma Tarlo’s (1996: 318) terms, dress and visual symbols classify who is in (‘identification’) and who is out (‘differentiation’) in relation to a social group, even if the intention is not one of deliberate rejection. However, for Buddhist women in Britain, it is not just identification with specific local religious communities that are represented in dress, but also the sense of being aligned and connected to the Buddha and his teachings. Several women mentioned the importance of the ‘lineage’ of the robes that they wore

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Buddha couture   111 and the fact that they were designed by the Buddha and have been used by numerous monks and nuns, in various guises, throughout Buddhist history. Even though Lobsang (Kagyu) explained that the robes she adopted on ordination were culturally unfamiliar, she felt secure wearing them as a result of this pedigree. Furthermore, Kalinda (Tibetan) also indicated she felt a ‘sense of a blessing’ in wearing robes and in their connection to her lineage and to Buddhist tradition and practice. In fact, this strong feeling of connection to the Buddha and Buddhist teachings through dress is also highly significant for Dhatri (Amida), who explains: The precepts hold me; the robe holds me as if I’m clothing myself in the Buddha’s words and the Buddha’s teachings. The blessings woven into the cloth are actual as well as imagined. For many of the women I spoke to, the robes that they wore had been blessed by their teachers and are ritually sanctified objects. As a result, there are prescribed ways of storing and disposing of the robes when they wear out and a strong sense that through these blessings, women have a physical and ongoing connection to their teachers. This is particularly important when principal teachers reside outside of the UK and women may only see them annually. To ‘wear’ this blessing every day is all the more salient and can help provide inspiration and support through difficult times. The idea of dress representing the change following ordination is significant even amongst participants who did not wear robes on a daily basis. Both Charumati and Priyarati, ordained within Triratna, emphasised the sense of transformation that they felt during their ordination ceremonies, which was then represented in the new name that they were given.8 As Charumati explains further:

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The giving of the name is … a kind of spiritual death and rebirth; you’re … dying to your old identity, your old way of being and kind of being reborn with a new name. In addition to dress reflecting a life change, several women also identified very specific aspects of their dress that are particularly symbolic, either to them as individuals or to their Buddhist group. For example, Delia (OBC) explains that the small kesa that she wears around her neck represents the precepts that she has taken. As a result, she described being very mindful of it when eating – wanting to ensure that nothing is spilt on it because it ‘symbolise(s) what it means to be a monk’. Furthermore, the bowing mat that is given to newly ordained monks within the OBC has four corners, representative of Guardian Kings, and when you place the mat on the floor, it signifies ‘a willingness to sit on it together with all beings’. For Dhatri (Amida) the act of offering a tuft of hair for the preceptor to cut during her ordination ceremony is a ‘symbolic offering to the Buddha of ourselves as service’ – very salient within a Buddhist group which is characterised by its social engagement (Henry, 2013).

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112   Buddha couture There is also deep symbolism in the colour of religious dress in this context. During the retreat where Triratna ordinations are conferred, participants are encouraged to wear blue clothes, which can include traditional-­style robes. This is deemed important both for simplicity and aesthetic reasons and also because blue is seen here to be the colour of the dhamma/dharma, thus symbolising a connection to the Buddha’s teachings. This is similar within Amida, whose ordained members wear red – this being the symbolic colour of Amida and the Pure Land. Similarly in the Forest Sangha, the sīladharā chose to wear brown as a connection to the forest and the earth – a reflection of their roots in the forest monastic tradition (Angell, 2006: 100). There is also symbolism in the embroidery on the kesa and wagessa within the traditions which use these garments. Within Triratna, the embroidery on the front of white or gold kesa that they wear for ceremonial occasions is of the Three Jewels (the translation of Triratna, and representative of the Buddha, the Dharma and the Saṅgha). For Amida, the embroidery on the back of their wagessa is of the sun and the clouds – the sun being highly significant within the Pure Land tradition and, according to Dhatri, the clouds symbolising ‘obstructions’ to be overcome. For those in the OBC, a large and small mountain is sewn onto the back of the kesa, representing Mount Shasta (and a smaller mountain, Black Butte) in the United States, where Throssel Hole’s sister abbey is located. In summary, the changes to dress practices in the lead up to and following ordination are described as symbolic of deeper changes made within women’s lives and reinforce the strength of their affiliation to particular communities and traditions, some of which are particular to Britain. Here, dress is a way of advertising a change in status and role and communicating the commitments that have been made, both within and without the Buddhist group. However, dress practices are also used by women, deliberately and self-­consciously, to support their Buddhist training, including increasing attentiveness to points of attachment, craving, and clinging, as I will now explain.

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Obstruction and release: dress as practice In their first- and second-­person writing on Buddhist nuns, Tsomo (1999: 8) and Chodron (2001: 29) state that wearing monastic robes aids the development of ‘mindful awareness’ (Tsomo, 1999: 8) and helps ‘lessen our attachment to appearance’ (Chodron, 2001: 29). Although not in these exact words, they appear to be giving dress a ‘dynamic’ and generative function (Tarlo, 1996: 1, 8). Although robes are ubiquitous across the Buddhist world, it remains important to view Buddhist dress in a lived context, exploring how this dynamism is experienced by and ‘situated’ on individual women’s bodies in particular temporal and cultural contexts (Entwistle, 2000: 11). In order to do so, this section is divided into two. The first part concentrates on the idea of dress as a ‘reminder’ and a means to focus attention on the practice of Buddhist precepts and ethics. The second explores the appreciation of Buddhist dress as both practical and simple, affording ordained women more time to concentrate on

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Buddha couture   113 meditation, chanting or other aspects of Buddhist practice. In Britain, dress is an active, physical, lived expression of a commitment to the Buddhist path and as such is integrated into ordained women’s daily experience of religious practice. An active reminder For a number of ordained British Buddhist women across the spectrum of Buddhist traditions, dress is a repeated ‘reminder’ of their Buddhist commitments and thus has an active role to play in helping to put Buddhist teachings into practice. Indeed, eight participants used the exact term, ‘reminder’, sometimes repeatedly, when referring to the function of their dress in daily life. For these women, looking in the mirror to see a shaven head, being called your Buddhist name or putting on robes (and indeed, adjusting them throughout the day) repeatedly emphasises the changes that you have made in life and the direction in which you are travelling, spiritually and socially. Subsequently, this focuses your attention on what you are doing and thinking and helps to refine your concentration, a key aspect of Buddhist practice. As Ailith (OBC) explains: I think wearing robes is important because … it’s a reaffirmation that this is what I’m doing, this is the life I’m living, these are the choices I’ve made, which … for me it’s a reminder. This is mirrored by Dhatri (Pure Land), who indicates that wearing red is ‘a reminder of what I took up this life for, to be of service’. Dhannadipa (Theravāda) also follows this theme in discussing what robes mean to her:

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They are a constant reminder that I’ve orientated my life towards awakening and towards the Dhamma. And whatever else is going on, I only have to look down and there’s this robe and it’s a reminder. This idea of Buddhist robes functioning as a ‘reminder’ is a familiar trope. Tsomo (1988b: 57), for example, writes that following Buddhist precepts and wearing robes are a ‘reminder of one’s decision’ (see also, Cush, 1990; Moksananda, 2004; Hollenbeck, 2010). This places the experiences of British Buddhist women as consistent with those of other Buddhist monastics, male and female, in different contexts, for example in Vietnam (Freeman, 1987) or in Tibet (Lopez, 2001: 132). Yet for many ordained British Buddhist women, using dress as a reminder isn’t merely symbolic; it directly affects and influences spiritual practice, on an ongoing basis. As Edmund R. Leach (1958: 147) attests, ‘symbolic behaviour not only “says” something, it also arouses emotion and consequently “does” something’. Anthony Synnott (1987: 402) recognises this when he states that: Shaven heads effect what they symbolize. They symbolize rejection of the world and its values, but also perhaps inspire a reciprocal rejection.

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114   Buddha couture There are parallels here with women’s religious dress in other settings – for example, with Catholic nuns and their habits (Trzebiatowska, 2010), or Muslim women and the hijab and other forms of female veiling. Drawing on both Saba Mahmood (2005) and Joanne Entwistle (2000: 11), particularly the latter’s idea of dress as ‘situated bodily practice’, Banu Gökariksel asserts that the Islamic veil ‘transforms (the) self, physically and emotionally’ because ‘through veiling, belief is formed, enacted and embodied’ (Gökariksel, 2009: 661). Indeed, as Entwistle (2000: 9) states, ‘dress in everyday life cannot be separated from the living, breathing, moving body it adorns’. Therefore, understanding dress, particularly religious dress, necessitates an analysis which incorporates not only symbolic significance but also the way that the material form shapes the body and the self and ultimately facilitates ‘the means by which individuals orientate themselves to the social world’ (Entwistle, 2000: 39, 66). In this way, Ailith (OBC) calls her Buddhist dress ‘a physical acknowledgement’ of her Buddhist commitment and Delia (OBC) refers to her dress as an ‘active expression’ of her Buddhist practice:

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From the place of the willingness and deep wish to give oneself to monastic life, to keep shaving the head is both a symbol of this aspiration – and actually an expression of the active doing of it. It is for reasons similar to these that Gutschow (2001: 192) refers to changes in appearance and dress amongst Buddhist nuns when they take ordination as ‘deeply transformative’. For some Buddhist women in the British context, the connection between dress and spiritual practice begins even before the act of ordination where robes are put on, and is initiated when the robes are being made. Although members of other Buddhist traditions can and do make their own robes, it was in the testimonies of women from the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives where the links between dress-­making and Buddhist practice are made particularly clear. Several of the women connected to the OBC commented that making their robes (and their bags before they became postulants) was an essential preparation for monastic life. For some, the practicalities of sewing their robes and using a sewing machine (sometimes for the first time) was challenging. However, following the discipline of the dress pattern, even when it might not seem to make sense, is seen as the key to success. This emphasises the importance of maintaining trust in the teachings, even when they seem difficult – a material allegory for Buddhist practice. This is the point and purpose of the activity, as Ceola explains: (Sewing the robe is) the place where you really see what (monastic life) is about, because it can be a nice grand idea to go and be a monk, but when it comes down to the actual nitty-­gritty detail of trying to actually tussle with the practicalities … that’s where it actually plays out the vow and the wish.

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Buddha couture   115

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Here, Ceola is reflecting on a much longer tradition of Sōtō Zen practice and robe making and the way that this helps to make Buddhist teachings physical and visceral (Riggs, 2004). Indeed, through any times of difficulty (which I will explore in more detail later in this chapter), becoming aware of any less than positive reactions and responses to dress (and the discipline in general) is described as a means of investigating and understanding upādāna (attachment), taṇhā (craving) and dukkha (suffering, dissatisfaction). The significance of making a physical commitment to Buddhism through dress is further exemplified through the incense scars on Lobsang’s shaven head, which were made as part of a bodhisattva vow taken during her bhikṣuṇī ordination. Lobsang (Kagyu) described these marks as a highly significant physical manifestation of her dedication to the liberation of all sentient beings, an aspiration that she then seeks to put into action every day. For many of the women in this study, therefore, the dress that they adopt in the process of ordination is a way that they can embody Buddhist teachings, put the discipline into practice and, indeed, become ordained Buddhist women. Buddhist names, although not a material phenomenon, also act as very particular ‘active reminders’ in this context. Priyarati (Triratna) referred to her name as her ‘daily reminder’ and something that she found useful in strengthening her focus and resolve, helping her to ‘be her best’. She highlighted that at the times when she felt she was responding to situations in less helpful ways, she dubbed these moments as ‘Jane moments’, referencing the name given to her at birth.9 A dharma name, therefore, is perceived as a helpful ‘jolt’ to re-­orientate one’s self to Buddhist practice, precepts and ethics should attention to these wane (even if only momentarily). As Dolma (Gelug) states, ‘I need reminding because I am very distractible.’ Both uniform dress and her Buddhist name help her to effectively ‘concentrate’ and take good advantage of the opportunities afforded to her as someone focused on spiritual practice. As a name given on ordination in the British Buddhist context is often selected to provide a source of inspiration and encouragement on the spiritual path, it can also be a device of motivation in itself. Aarya (Amida) explained that in her tradition names are chosen because they reflect: an aspect of our personality that’s there but nascent or weak or dormant and that needs to be brought out to the surface. Several others mentioned the very profound impact of hearing your Buddhist name for the first time, and the sense of inspiration and aspiration that accompanies it. As Lobsang (Kagyu) explains, ‘it means you can aspire towards it’. Using an ordained name can challenge a fixed or rigid sense of identity and self-­hood as something given at birth. As Suvanna (Forest Sangha) explains: I think anything that helps you see where you have become familiar with a certain condition is useful.… So when the form works, it helps displace some of those default positions … to see where you just take things for granted.

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116   Buddha couture Indeed, Dhatri (Amida) mentioned how effective she felt her ordained name had been in pointing her in the direction she needed to go in – so much so that she mentioned she might need a new name, in order to help her in an alternative direction. For those ordained within Triratna, and to a lesser extent Amida and the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, names are selected to reflect positive character traits that a person has already developed. As such, they can be helpful reminders of a person’s potential, of what effort needs to be made and what efforts have already been made along the Buddhist path. Delia (OBC) explains this process clearly: Your name is chosen by your master, and he tends to pick a name that either … already expresses who you are, or a name that expresses a direction he wants you to move in. Changing your name on ordination, therefore, does not just advertise a shift in social role but can be an integrated part of Buddhist practice and one that is operationalised on an ongoing basis. However, there are some apparent tensions here between becoming a Buddhist nun and taking on a new fixed sense of identity and letting go of attachments, which I will return to before the end of the chapter. Practicality and simplicity For several of the women involved in this study, the changes made to dress following (or leading up to) ordination were experienced as very practical. A number mentioned the simplification of daily routine that accompanied having a uniform dress, a shaved head, and not wearing make-­up. This allowed them to focus more quickly and deeply on what had become most important to them, namely Buddhist practice including meditation. As Delia (OBC) explains, a shaved or closely cropped head means that each day:

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you don’t have to mess with your hair! That’s one sensible thing … it simplifies life because you just get up and have a wash and, you know, that’s it. Suvanna (Forest Sangha) echoes this, and articulates that: For me it’s pretty simple, I don’t have to think about what I am going to wear in the morning.… I don’t have to think about how I look. It saves energy. And it helps me focus on what I want to do. If I wasn’t a nun, I would invest quite a lot of energy into how I look. The design and material of the robes themselves is also seen, by some, in very practical terms. As Lobsang (Kagyu) explains, the multiple folds of fabric allow her to sit comfortably in meditation, particularly keeping warm in the winter months, with her lighter-­weight robes allowing her to feel cool in summer. There

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Buddha couture   117 are also practical benefits to tonsure, to which Lobsang also testifies. She describes that when she shaves her hair, her head feels very cold and wet as it is exposed to the elements. This is of direct benefit during long periods of meditation, as feeling cold can assist one to stay awake. This sense of practicality around robes and tonsure is also experienced elsewhere in the Buddhist world. Kawanami (2013: 86), for example, describes how shaving the head is experienced as ‘freeing’ by renunciant women in Myanmar. Chodron (1999: xxxi), an American bhikṣuṇī, writes that wearing monastic robes means ‘we do not need to spend time buying a variety of clothes, deciding what to wear, or worrying about how we look’. More than this, Chodron (2001: 29) claims that adopting uniform Buddhist dress ‘lessen(s) our attachment to appearance’. This idea was echoed in Dhatri’s experiences of her first head-­shaving. She explains that whilst her hair was being cut10: I was thinking to myself, ‘Oh I hope it looks alright, I hope he’s not making a mess of it.’ And that’s when I realised how proud I was of it! And that’s what made me realise why it’s done, one of the reasons is to cut through pride. Furthermore, this ‘cutting through pride’ through the adoption of uniform dress practices was often experienced as ‘freeing’ and as a ‘relief ’ for women within the British context. Both Dhannadipa (Theravāda) and Alura (OBC) explain in more detail: I felt an immense relief, at … not hav(ing) to be somebody through my clothing and my image (Dhannadipa)

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Shaving the head was a great relief, personal relief.… It’s (a) very interesting thing but actually it feels very, very free to have no hair. (Alura) In fact, several ordained women were at pains to highlight that although the regime of discipline that they followed (including their dress codes) might seem oppressive and repressive in a modern, capitalist context where choice and individuality are paramount, this was not their experience.11 Prasanna (Theravāda), for example, emphasised that although discipline (particularly religious discipline) ‘does not have a good PR’, she saw her practices as a ‘support system’ and one that she chose to engage with freely and without coercion. Lobsang (Kagyu) was clear that she had actively chosen to follow the disciplinary regulations of her tradition, and Delia (OBC) supported this, highlighting that: There is no trace of submitting, because it is in no way an imposition. For Prasanna (Theravāda), discipline, including regulation around dress, ‘keeps you on the ball’, and she describes her robes as a supportive ‘container’ that

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118   Buddha couture physically hold together the ‘powerful emotions’ experienced during monastic life. Indeed, rather than a practice with negative connotations, dress discipline is deemed particularly effective in moving women (and, indeed, men) to a state of mind conducive to Buddhist practice. Both Delia (OBC) and Dolma (Gelug) highlighted that when they put on their robes they felt they were, as Delia describes, ‘functioning in meditation mode’. As a result, they felt ‘more grounded’ and, arguably, more effective. Dolma stated, ‘I definitely feel differently when I’m wearing them,’ and even though, as Alura (OBC) highlights, in following a particular code of discipline, one is being ‘rein(ed) in’, this is viewed in positive and productive terms. To cite one example, Dhannadipa (Theravāda) explains:

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I just find it a very beautiful thing to be able to live within. Yet, the connection between dress and Buddhist practice for ordained women in this context is not always so straightforward. Ceola (OBC) emphasised that adopting robes, a shaved head and a Buddhist name can also be a hindrance on the Buddhist path, particularly if one gets too attached to the image. This led her to describe dress as having the potential to both ‘obstruct’ and ‘release’. Prasanna (Theravāda) echoed this, identifying that ‘this form has certain limitations and certain opportunities’.12 On the whole, while British Buddhist women felt that their dress practices were important in practical ways and in representing their values and commitments, they described that becoming too wedded to any form of dress or identity marker (be it robes, tonsure, or names) might be a hindrance on the Buddhist path which emphasises awareness of, and subsequently letting go of, attachments and a fixed sense of self. This is navigated by women in broadly similar ways. Aarya (Amida) emphasised that, although her Buddhist name was chosen to ‘bring out’ an area of personality that warranted development in order to support progress on the Buddhist path, ultimately ‘it isn’t who we are’. Mirroring this, Dhannadipa (Theravāda) explains that whilst the image of a robed nun is a ‘strong one’, for her, it is generic rather than individual. This afforded her a level of disassociation with her new monastic identity, allowing her to perceive it as ‘not personal, it’s just the image of a Buddhist nun’. She claims that whilst uniform dress can be helpful, she does not view the robes as important in and of themselves, because: the practice is internal. It’s not about what you are wearing, but it’s a support to … practice. This does not mean that the form of the robes is insignificant to the women in this study, only that they do not feel the need to identify completely with them or attribute all their practice to them. Indeed, Ceola (OBC) described that, in putting on her robes each day, there is not ‘any great meaning’ going through her head, and that for her ‘wearing robes is not a matter of any ideal or thinking about being a Buddhist’. When she initially began training as an ordained monk,

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Buddha couture   119 she attributed more significance to the form of her robes, but this changed over two decades of Buddhist practice. She acknowledged that robes continue to be useful in practical terms so she didn’t have to think about what she needed to wear, and she recognised the different effects of wearing a scruffy pair of jeans or a formal robe for ceremonial. Although this might seem somewhat contradictory, particularly when in Britain, where wearing Buddhist robes and shaving one’s head is such a public statement, it sustains the idea that while dress might not be important ultimately, it remains useful in everyday or conventional life. Any understanding of Buddhist dress in Britain must be cognisant of this dual meaning, which sees women using the material to ultimately transcend the material. They are not alone in managing this apparent incongruity. Fabio Rambelli (2007: 3), in his study of Japanese Buddhist material culture, highlights that the world of things and the world of the spirit have often been in tension within Buddhist thought and practice and he posits that within Buddhism, there is an ‘internal ambivalence towards objects’. Practitioners need to strike a balance between ‘attachment’ and ‘renouncement’ – the Buddha’s ‘Middle Way’ – but equally scholars need to pay serious attention to the role that objects and things play in Buddhist religious life (Rambelli, 2007: 3, 6). Ceola’s words illustrate this balance well:

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I think you don’t realise that liberation can’t be had in a vacuum; it’s precisely that it has to come out of embodied existence. So if you try to extract everything out and sort of have it in this pure, clean place where you basically don’t get involved in anything, don’t, in quotes, ‘wear anything’ if you like, well that’s no good. This sense of dual meaning reflects what has become known as the ‘Two Truths theory’ in Buddhist thought. This philosophical approach, as articulated by the 2nd–3rd CE Mahāyāna scholar-­monk Nāgārjuna, posits that it is possible to perceive ‘two truths’: a ‘conventional’, everyday truth, and an ‘ultimate’ truth (Harvey, 1990: 98). In thinking through these potential contradictions in the role of dress, this distinction is useful, particularly to help unpick the multi-­layered meaning of robes or tonsure to a contemporary Buddhist practitioner. However, one of my participants was keen to point out on reading a draft of this chapter, that what was important in her practice was to see how these distinctions between ‘conventional’ and ‘ultimate’ actually dissolved. Zen training, she explained ‘was directed at realising the ultimate in the conventional’, thereby problematising too rigid a distinction between the ‘two truths’. So whilst I retain the distinction in this chapter in order to highlight the different ways in which ordained women interacted with the discipline of dress, it is important to note that the categories that I might find valuable are not always perceived in exactly the same way by women themselves.

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120   Buddha couture

Buddhist dress in Britain: diversity and difficulty Buddhist dress, particularly for women in the contemporary British context, must not be understood in a ‘one-­size-fits-­all’ way. In the following sections, I will examine this diversity more closely by exploring the different ways that Buddhist women ‘wear’ their dress in the contemporary British context, paying particular attention to the difficulties that they describe in living out this particular aspect of Buddhist discipline. I will also look specifically at the experiences of the Triratna Order members, as their approach to Buddhist dress differs, at least on the surface, from the other women in this study. Diversity Perhaps unsurprisingly given the range of Buddhist traditions and practices that the women in this study adhere to, there is a level of diversity in their attitudes towards dress. Whilst there is a clear division between women who wear robes and shave their heads and those who do not, the perspectives on dress between ordained women in Britain are more varied than this. For example, even amongst those traditions which support tonsure and the wearing of robes amongst the ordained saṅgha, not all require the robe to be worn at all times. In the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, monks are allowed to wear what they refer to as ‘town clothes’ when they are leaving the monastery or temple or for certain activities (Cush, 1990: 26). One woman explained the practical nature of the rationale behind this:

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If I’m doing something where I’m absolutely being a monk … the robes are on. If it’s pouring with rain and I’m going to Tesco or I’m going to the dentist, then, no, I don’t because the robes soak up all the rain, it’s very simple. This monk lives out her ordained life within an urban environment and is able to make a practical, pragmatic decision about what she wears when she engages with wider, non-­Buddhist, society at large. This is a result of her Buddhist group allowing an element of choice, but also reflects her circumstances, including the demands of being ordained whilst living alone and still having to maintain other responsibilities, such as needing to do the supermarket shopping. Several of those who had taken monastic ordination in the OBC mentioned that they were allowed to grow their hair (or wear a wig) when on family visits, although not all actually did this. One highlighted that her mother found it rather distressing to see her with a shaved head, and therefore, the wearing of a wig on visits home was seen as a compassionate action. Similarly, one Tibetan tradition nun gained permission from her teacher to wear ‘civilian clothes’ when with her parents so as not to ‘disturb their mind too much’, although she did keep to wearing maroon, the Tibetan monastic colour. Adjustments are therefore made to dress practices to reflect and support a populace who do not have a long cultural

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Buddha couture   121 history of ordained Buddhist practice. In addition, and as I will discuss in more detail in the next sub-­section, those ordained within Triratna wear their kesa on ritual or formal occasions rather than every day. Within other Buddhist groups (such as the OBC and Amida), there are different robes that are worn for ceremonial occasions. This highlights a level of plurality even amongst those who regularly robe. There are, of course, British Buddhist women who wear the same style of robes every day and always shaved their heads, most notably those in the Theravāda affiliated groups. Even amongst other British Buddhist monastics, it was the sīladharā who were described as practising the discipline par excellence. Yet, the level of diversity within dress practices in this context is not simply demarcated along the lines of organisational affiliation and, in reality, is influenced by the location and circumstances of women themselves. There was less obvious diversity, however, in the adoption of a Buddhist name following ordination. Of the participants in this study, only Elizabeth (Gelug) chose not to change her name following her refuge or ordination. She explained that this was because other Western women in her tradition had set a precedent for not publicly adopting a dharma name (although they were given names on refuge and ordination). However, more than this, whilst she recognised that other people might see adopting a Buddhist name as ‘liberating and a mark of their change’, Elizabeth did not feel particularly comfortable doing so. Ultimately, in her view, changing one’s name was not an integral part of being a Buddhist nun. Illuminating a further level of diversity, Padma explained that she was given a Tantric name in addition to her refuge and ordination names, but she did not use this in public only in particular ritual practices. Although the remaining 24 women did change their names, they were not always changed legally by deed poll and some used their lay name when they were involved in non-­ Buddhist settings, such as work, when paying bills, or when seeking medical treatment in hospital. This does not indicate a lack of commitment to Buddhism, but instead shows that dress codes are not fixed and rigid and can be adapted in response to the circumstances and environment in which they are practised. It is not always easy for women to use a Buddhist name in one sphere and a lay name in another. Lobsang (Kagyu) explained that on one occasion when she was admitted to hospital under her lay name, it was difficult for other members of her community to telephone for updates when using her Buddhist name for identification. Beyond practical considerations, Padma (Gelug) explained that by using her lay name in the world of work and her Buddhist name at all other times, she felt she was ‘getting quite schizophrenic’ and that this was having negative repercussions on her perceptions of herself as a nun. This was the catalyst which led her to apply to change her name on her passport. Triratna: the question of Buddhist dress in modern Britain As I discussed in Chapter 2, the Triratna ordination is ‘neither lay nor monastic’ (Vishvapani, 2001: 29). Ordained dharmacharinis are not asked to wear robes or shave their heads following ordination (although, of course, they could choose to

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122   Buddha couture do so). They are given a Buddhist name (in Pāli or Sanskrit) and for ceremonial or formal occasions, wear a white or gold kesa around their neck with the Three Jewels embroidered on it.13 This approach to dress practices for Order members distinguishes Triratna from the other groups in this study, and therefore warrants specific attention. Following institutional practice, none of the Triratna dharmacharinis I spoke to either wore robes on a daily basis or shaved their heads. The rationale they each gave was remarkably similar. They described feeling that robes would not be practical and would not suit a lifestyle which included work outside a Buddhist centre in contemporary Britain. As Charumati explains: (Wearing robes all the time) didn’t seem very practical and why bother … except to mark you out … sometimes it’s nice to be marked out but actually for gardening, even for working in the Buddhist centre, it’s just not very practical really. Many raised concerns that wearing robes would actually be quite awkward and difficult and might restrict the activities that they undertook. For example, Vasundara explained: When I tried wearing the robes that some women have worn for ordination, they just used to fall about and I couldn’t do anything.

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However, beyond this concern with the practical, there was a clear emphasis from these participants that they did not feel it was necessary to wear robes to be committed to Buddhist practice. Monastic robes were seen as very much a part of the temporal and geographic context of India at the time of the Buddha and thus not appropriate in contemporary Britain, particularly for those not taking a traditional monastic ordination. As one woman explained, a robe was worn by a bhikkhu because it was ‘an extension of what men in particular wore at the time’ but just made out of rags in order to make a statement about the spiritual direction of the wearer. As a result, robes were just ‘normal stuff ’. She therefore questioned: Maybe we should just be wearing our normal stuff, only we just shouldn’t be so invested in what we do? In relation to their attitudes towards religious dress, Triratna Order members are shaped by their movement, which arose intending to translate Buddhism for ‘the modern world’, emphasising ‘ethics’ over specific ‘lifestyles’ (Triratna, n.d.; Vishvapani, 2001: 5). Several of the women were concerned that if they wore robes, it might segregate them from ‘the world’, which would have a negative impact on their practice as they understood it. As Priyarati explained: My practice is very, very much about practising in the world.

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Buddha couture   123 Although, as I describe later in this chapter, to see Buddhist robes as ‘awkward’ or potentially problematic when worn in contemporary Britain is not unique to Triratna, for those ordained in the other groups of this study, upholding Buddhist dress practices is seen as an important continuation of Buddhist tradition in a new home. However, on the whole, Triratna dharmacharinis felt more comfortable adopting the tradition of Pāli or Sanskrit names on ordination, even though this practice might still separate them from ‘the world’ and wider contemporary British society. Whilst robes were generally seen as somewhat impractical, particularly for hands-­on work (both within and without a Buddhist centre), names were not described in the same way. This may be because an Order member can choose when to reveal their name or whether to change it on legal documents, for example. Furthermore, being given an ordained name (more frequently than, say, a robe or shaved head) was understood as useful in emphasising aspects of spiritual aspiration and signifying a commitment to a Buddhist path, and this was a meaningful part of the experience of ordination. In writing about the FWBO, Mellor (1991: 88) states, ‘Sanskrit names are appealing because they are exotic; that is, they are attractive because they are culturally alien.’ However, as I explore in the next section, some women emphasised difficulties they had with the ‘culturally alien’ aspects of names (including pronunciation and certain assumptions that might be made about you) and instead, almost all highlighted that Buddhist names were attractive because they related to aspects of spiritual development. Whilst an emphasis on being ‘in the world’ and the usefulness of ‘civilian’ dress in facilitating this was a common feature in Triratna testimonies, a concern about being artificially separated by the adoption of uniform dress was also mentioned by other women, most notably Aarya from Amida. Both Triratna and Amida have certain commonalities as organisations, most notably the prominence given to social engagement. However, none of the Triratna Order members mentioned a wish to shave their heads, as is the common practice amongst Amida amitarya. As tonsure is commonly associated with celibacy and the restriction of sexual relationships and this is not enforced amongst all Triratna order members, it is perhaps no surprise why this practice is not universally adopted. Yet, there is also a level of variety within the testimonies of those ordained in Triratna in relation to dress which adds nuance to this picture. Three of the Triratna dharmacharinis in this study wore blue robes on their ordination retreat and the remainder wore blue clothing of various types and styles. The use of blue clothing is generally suggested on ordination retreats for simplicity, aesthetics, and because blue is seen to be the colour of the dhamma/dharma. These robes worn on retreat were often made following a pattern that was shared around the Order, and is, I found out, also available more widely online. Of the three who wore robes on their ordination, each described this as a useful, and sometimes powerful, experience and the reasons behind wearing robes at this time look very similar to the reasons why women choose to robe every day. For example, Sumitra explains that she enjoyed wearing what she called the ‘lower

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124   Buddha couture robe’ whilst on retreat (referring to the skirt-­like piece of fabric worn on the bottom half of the body) and that it did have some impact on her deportment, manner, and attitude: I did enjoy very much wearing a lower robe … it’s very comfortable to wear, and you can wear a t-­shirt and a fleece over the top of it … it does make a difference. This was also recognised by Priyarati, who explained that by wearing robes on her ordination retreat she was simplifying her life and giving herself more space to focus on practice and the experience of ordination. In addition, although Siladakini emphasised that she did not want to wear robes on the grounds of practicality, she did recognise that in certain social circumstances, uniform monastic dress more readily explains your choice of spiritual path to others which wearing ‘ordinary clothes’ does not. Here, she begins to articulate a difficulty inherent in explaining a Buddhist ordination that sits between the lay and monastic categories. Looking at attitudes to name-­changing also indicates a number of points of similarity between those involved in Triratna and those involved in other Buddhist movements or traditions in Britain. As I have shown, changing your name on ordination is typically seen as a representation of your commitment to Buddhist practice, and for most, is seen as containing an element of aspiration. This is certainly also the case within for Triratna dharmacharini. One difference, however, is that in Triratna names are more commonly chosen to reflect personal characteristics and achievements, as well as aspirations. This was mentioned as important in the OBC and Amida, but was certainly more common within Triratna. This may be because the Triratna ordination process takes several years and one cannot be ordained unless one is seen to have made some progress along the spiritual path. This was not described in the same way by those in the Tibetan or Theravāda traditions. As Sumitra explains, on hearing her name for the first time:

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It was like this incredible moment when you think, someone has really seen my deepest, best self. In summary, whilst there are parallels to be made between British Buddhist women’s attitudes towards dress, there are also important distinctions in their approaches. This indicates that women’s experiences of ordination are not always rigidly shaped by organisational affiliation and there are very different ways of ‘wearing’ Buddhist dress in Britain. Difficulty For some women, the dress adopted following ordination is not done without difficulty. Not all women in this study felt wholly positive about wearing robes, shaving their head or changing their name. This is particularly the case when

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Buddha couture   125 they are first ordained (or commit to a period of postulancy, for example), but beyond this, some continue to find dress practices an acute point of tension. Robes seem to cause the most discomfort, at least initially. So, whilst Elizabeth explained that she liked ‘what the robes represented’ in terms of connection to tradition and the dharma, and she had never received any negative public attention as a result of her dress, she sometimes found them ‘awkward’ to wear. This was because she saw monastic robes as being designed for slim men and not comfortably fitting for women who were not slender, a point which was also made by Padma (Gelug). Dolma (Gelug) recognised that going bare-­armed was a challenge in a UK environment. She described feeling often quite cold and therefore having to adapt her robes with a jumper or sweatshirt, although these remained in regulation maroon. Padma (Gelug) also made some adaptations to her robes to suit the British climate and her lifestyle needs. She did not feel that this affected her identity as a nun, but instead was seen as a practical response to her environment. As she explains further: I’m sure if the Buddha had started in England or Scotland, raincoats would be the order of the day … Robes are important, but it’s important to make them appropriate at the same time. The Tibetan zen (the large shawl) is described by some as unwieldy (especially when doing certain tasks, such as driving). Although, of course, as the zen frequently needs to be adjusted, Dolma explained that this was another sartorial point of spiritual ‘reminder’. For Ailith (OBC), the initial difficulty she had with her robes was not down to style, but colour. Prior to her ordination, she had enjoyed wearing bright colours, so she had a significant adjustment to make when she was required to wear brown robes:

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At first it was really hard for me, it was like, I want that colour … I want this … teal sweater! Because I’ve always been visually orientated … and I like colour. Ailith also found her initial head-­shaving to be challenging, describing her hair as ‘one of her biggest vanities.’ Adapting to a closely shaved head was a rather difficult transition to make. She worked through this initial concern, and the reasons underpinning her perseverance will be discussed at the end of this section, but her experience indicates that an element of social control manifesting itself through dress might raise difficulties for contemporary British women unused to these types of regulation of form. In fact, the ‘dress as control’ motif is well established in the scholarly literature. Here Arthur (1999: 1) argues that: Strict dress codes are enforced because dress is considered symbolic of religiosity. Hence, dress becomes a symbol of social control as it controls the external body.

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126   Buddha couture Similarly, Christopher Hallpike (1979: 103, 1987) theorises that ‘cutting the hair equals social control’. Whilst he recognises that hairstyles should be acknowledged as having multiple connotations, he argues that ‘social discipline or restraint’ is the primary symbolic effect of shaving the head (Hallpike, 1987: 155). This line of argument is also furthered by Jennifer Craik (2005: 207), who states that religious uniform dress is concerned principally with:

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restraint, ritual, authority and the regulation of action, emotion and attitude. There are echoes of this within Gutschow’s (2001: 194–195) study of Buddhist nuns in Zangskar, for she states that head-­shaving ‘is a form of disciplinary control by which the apprentice is brought under the monastic gaze’, and this is reflected in Ailith’s experiences in British communities. For Aarya (Amida) too, the changes she made to her dress were a particular sticking point, although not because of the style or colour, but because of how she felt she was perceived. She described feeling concerned that, through her distinctive dress, she was artificially ‘set apart’ from lay people (many of whom might also have been very committed to Buddhist practice) and she worried that she was being given unnecessary ‘special treatment’. Whilst she felt it was important to make a statement about what she believed in through her dress, she equally did not feel that she should be afforded privileges solely as a result of what she was wearing. One ordained woman in a Tibetan school also felt that her robes increased her feelings of self-­consciousness, which made her feel uneasy living in a setting where a woman in Buddhist dress is still an uncommon sight. Some women highlighted that when they went out with a shaved head, they were presumed either to be gay, or to have had chemotherapy.14 Whilst this was not seen as a significant problem, several mentioned it, suggesting that certain dress practices continue to be interpreted in particular ways in the contemporary British context, despite Buddhism’s increasingly established presence. One particular difficulty raised was the feeling that, when in robes, they were at all times ‘representing Buddhism’, even when they might not have felt capable of doing so. Thus, it was incumbent on robed women to make a good impression, which added a certain pressure, particularly acute when one might have only just taken ordination. Although, arguably, a woman in Buddhist robes (particularly, for example, a bhikkhunī in a Thai Theravāda context) is not without controversy, robes in Buddhist-­majority countries are a more common sight. There is likely to be a different burden of pressure if you are not the only person wearing robes and ‘representing Buddhism’ in your town or village. Not least, the feeling of standing out each time you leave your front door will be significantly decreased. This affects the relationship that ordained women in Britain have with their robes and shaved head, particularly if they live alone. This is another reason underpinning Ceola’s (OBC) rationale for describing dress as being able to both ‘obstruct’ and ‘release’, depending on your approach and perspective. Whilst the vast majority of women described feeling pleased at hearing their Buddhist name for the first time and glad to use it in public, Charumati (Triratna)

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Buddha couture   127 mentioned a process of adjustment before feeling fully comfortable in her new name. She explained that, ‘you’ve … kind of got to grow into it, really’, highlighting that becoming an ordained person is more akin to an ongoing activity, stretching out beyond the ritually sanctioned conferral of a new social status. Ceola (OBC) echoed this, mainly because she did not especially like her name when she first heard it. Two participants also mentioned particular difficulties that their families had with their Buddhist names, and this is exemplified by Siladakini (Triratna):

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My (family) are generally at ease with my name, although because they don’t hear it they sometimes don’t know how to say it, and then it’s weird having a sister or a daughter whose name you don’t know how to pronounce. This indicates a point of difference between adopting a Buddhist name in the British context and doing so in a setting where the Pāli or Sanskrit terms may be more familiar. It also makes ordained women stand out in contemporary Britain, including at times when they are interacting with officials who, on hearing an  ‘Eastern’ sounding name, might make incorrect assumptions about their ethnicity. Charumati (Triratna) explained that this put her in the position of having to be very up front about her religious affiliation in a setting where she might not have ordinarily deemed it necessary to do so, such as when trying to pay a utility bill. In the main, however, despite any difficulties or tensions associated with dress, each woman continued to work within the structure of the dress regulations imparted by their respective traditions, lineages, and organisations. There was never a strong sense that they wished to deliberately subvert these regulations or a perception that uniform dress was oppressive or restrictive. Indeed, during the research, when examples of subversion were not forthcoming from my participants, I specifically looked for them. I expected subversion to occur because, to me, at least initially, the discipline seemed strict, particularly for women who had grown up with a free rein in terms of their dress choices. Yet, I still did not find any, at least not in any significant way. The overwhelming reason given for this was that Buddhist discipline (as it is variously interpreted) was seen by the participants as trustworthy. Women respected the lineage and pedigree and they had faith that despite any minor difficulties, this was the path they had chosen and was one that either worked, or would work, for them. This did not mean that they never experience discomfort, miss certain things (such as perfume, for example) or do not make minor adaptations to their dress. Yet their commitment to Buddhist practice is paramount and it is this which drives their decisions. Suvanna (Forest Sangha) explains this clearly: There are things that I want, but there are also the things that I want more. So there is a hierarchy of wants. This gives me the opportunity to live in a way that gives me space to deepen in a way that I value.

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128   Buddha couture Indeed, Delia (OBC) strongly undercuts the whole question of difficulty: If you were to say to a loving mother, ‘why do you care for your child when you could be out doing what you want?’ the response would be likely to be wordless astonishment, as the whole thing of being a mother is so huge. They might say, ‘You just don’t understand’, or ‘How could I not?’ The depth and breadth of the monastic wish is, from my viewpoint, similar and even greater as it is not restricted to any event of my life, or to any person.… From this context and viewpoint, the usual sense of freedom and doing what one wants is seen so differently. The participants in this study, exemplified by Suvanna and Delia’s testimonies, follow the discipline because they believe that the ultimate importance of doing so outweighs what they perceive as minor inconveniences or immediate preferences.

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Conclusion Dress (including robes, hair and a dharma name) takes a prominent role in shaping the disciplinary life of an ordained Buddhist woman in Britain. Analysing women’s dress practices illuminates several themes and issues that are salient for this book, particularly the public display of ordained women’s commitment to Buddhist communities, the significance of Buddhist teachings and practices in shaping the direction of their lives and the ways in which choices about dress subsequently help Buddhist women to embody these teachings in a very lived sense in contemporary Britain. As part of the process of ordination, dress is important as a means to symbolise and represent a change of direction in life and also in fashioning an ongoing sartorial connection to individual communities, to Buddhist teachings, and also to the Buddha himself as the original ‘dress designer’. British Buddhist women engage with dress practices in various ways. For some, this is personal choice or necessity, for others this is mandated by the group with which they are affiliated. Using the different aspects of dress as a lens, we can see clearly how Buddhist traditions are variously adapting to Britain and how women work with this on a day-­to-day basis. Central to this chapter has been a demonstration of how dress and religious practice are intertwined and shape each other. There is an apparent tension between the conventional and the ultimate role of dress for Buddhist women, but how they navigate these tensions (or, indeed, don’t see them as tensions at all) gives us a clear indication of the lived realities of Buddhist spiritual life, particularly how religious practices are embodied across British Buddhist communities. At this juncture, where understanding ‘material religion’ is increasing in prominence within scholarly discourse, including in studies of Buddhism,15 it remains critical to see materiality not only in its lived context – how this materiality is worn and lived on the bodies of women – but also to articulate the ways in which the material is dynamic and generative. As Birgit Meyer et al. (2010: 209) state:

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Buddha couture   129 Materialising the study of religion means asking how religion happens materially, which is not to be confused with asking the much less helpful question of how religion is expressed in the material form. For Buddhist women in Britain, dress isn’t simply a covering of cloth, or a choice of hairstyle. Dress helps to shape ordained Buddhist practice in this context – it is an active reminder of commitment, it can help orientate an individual in a spiritual direction, and it is a material ‘container’ for complex emotions that arise during a lifetime of committed Buddhist affiliation. A change in dress (including in name) marks the transition from lay Buddhist to ordained or monastic. This is worthy of special attention in an environment where Buddhist dress (and, indeed, Buddhist ordination) is still culturally unfamiliar. Robes, a shaved head, or a dharma name make a statement about the orientation of your life and this, in turn, can help to sharpen your mind about the vows that you have taken and the ethical and lifestyle choices that you have made. Equally, though, through paying attention to the difficulties related to uniform Buddhist dress that are experienced in contemporary Britain and the diversity of practice within British Buddhist groups, we can begin to understand in greater detail the process of change women go through on ordination, where some of the tensions lie, and how these might shift over time. Dress, as it is variously interpreted in the British Buddhist context, remains a physical, tangible feature of being ordained; it not only symbolises commitment but through discipline is a way of living and interacting with that commitment each and every day.

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Notes   1 In one section of Starkey (2014), drawing solely on data from monastic women, I first developed arguments relating to the significance of dress. The arguments I make here are substantially enhanced but appear here with kind permission from Brill.   2 The sīladharā of the Forest Sangha tradition, although a Theravāda group, do not follow the bhikkhunī vinaya. As discussed in Chapter 2, they take ten precepts on ordination and over a hundred training rules. However, the sīladharā training rules were developed with a consideration of the bhikkhunī vinaya, and share points of similarity (see Angell, 2006).   3 An example which is often cited is of the rejection of the alms round in Tibetan context due to the extensive mountainous terrain (Lopez, 2001: 133).   4 There are exceptions to this. For example, in terms of this study, both lay and ordained members of the SRM/OBC take 16 precepts. Ordained monastics adopt particular lifestyles (including celibacy) but the actual precepts taken are the same.   5 The burning of three cones of incense into the front/top of the shaved head leaving small round scars is sometimes undertaken during ordinations in Mahāyāna schools in countries such as China, Taiwan and Vietnam (Freeman, 1987: 277).   6 Within the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, names given on ordination are neither Pāli nor Sanskrit, but are generally English/Celtic names, or occasionally Japanese.   7 An exception to this would be the giving of refuge names to lay people within the Tibetan traditions. Not all the women in this study from the Tibetan groups used their refuge names, and most received new names when they took novice (getsulma) ordination and used those. One of my participants also identified that, within some Tibetan schools, lay teachers can also wear robes, although this doesn’t undermine the

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130   Buddha couture

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significance of dress and appearance changes in the testimonies of British Buddhist women.   8 For a more complete discussion of the practice of name-­changing in the Triratna/ FWBO, see Hayes (2008: 118–119).   9 As with all the names used in this study, this has been changed for the purposes of anonymity. 10 For the women in this study who lived communally, head-­shaving was usually done by another person. The rituals around this differ between the different Buddhist groups, and range from formal to more informal. As part of an ordination ceremony, tonsure occurs in a highly ritualistic fashion, accompanied by the chanting of blessings. On a more routine basis, in the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, for example, I was told that once one becomes a senior monastic, you select someone to shave with each time and this can be a good opportunity to catch up with someone in the community who you might not have seen or spoken to for a while. So, whilst the practice is spiritual and practical, it is also communal. For those women who live alone, one would typically shave oneself, or ask for the assistance of another monastic if they were able to meet together. 11 Kawanami (2013: 88), in her study of Burmese thiláshin, also recognises this. She argues that ‘a monastic life of a nun may appear restrictive and harsh from the viewpoint of a bystander, but nuns themselves do not see it in that way’. 12 There are interesting parallels here in the description of the effects of dress practices amongst British Buddhist women and those described by Catholic nuns in work by Trzebiatowska (2008, 2010). She argues that whilst some Polish nuns felt ‘empowered’ through their religious dress, others did not wholly agree (Trzebiatowska, 2008: 92). This led Trzebiatowska (2010: 62) to assert that dress in this context ‘liberates and … restricts’. 13 The gold kesa is worn by those who have taken anagārika/ā precepts, which include a vow of celibacy and simplicity. 14 This mirrors experiences of other ordained Buddhist women in Western locales, such as Chodron (1996: 228) and Palmo (1999: 186). 15 A number of nuanced and detailed works on aspects of contemporary and historical Buddhist material culture have been published over the last decade or so. See, for example, Rambelli (2007) and chapters on Buddhism in edited volumes on material religion, such as those in Morgan (2010) and Fleming and Mann (2014). One might also turn to articles published on Buddhist material culture in the journal Material Religion. This upsurge in interest has led to academic conferences focusing entirely on the relationship between Buddhism and the material, such as the 2018 UK Association for Buddhist Studies (UKABS) conference on Buddhism and Material Culture, held at the University of Bristol, UK.

References Angell, J. 2006. Women in Brown: A Short History of the Order of Siladhara, Nuns of the English Forest Sangha, Part One. Buddhist Studies Review, 23, 93–112. Arthur, L. B. 1999. Introduction: Dress and the Social Control of the Body. In: Arthur, L. B. (ed.) Religion, Dress and the Body. Oxford: Berg. 1–7. Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge. Campbell-­Jones, S. 1979. In Habit: An Anthropological Study of Working Nuns. London and Boston: Faber and Faber. Chodron, T. 1996. You’re Becoming What? Living as a Western Buddhist Nun. In: Dresser, M. (ed.) Buddhist Women on the Edge: Contemporary Perspectives from the Western Frontier. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 223–234.

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Buddha couture   131 Chodron, T. 1999. Introduction. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. xxv–xxxvi. Chodron, T. 2001. A Contemporary Cultural Perspective on Monastic Life. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Choosing Simplicity: Commentary on the Bhikshuni Pratimoksha (by Venerable Bhikshuni Wu Yin). Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 27–37. Craik, J. 2005. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford and New York: Berg. Cush, D. 1990. Buddhists in Britain Today. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Entwistle, J. 2000. The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress and Modern Social Theory. Cambridge: Polity. Fleming, B. and Mann, R. (eds) 2014. Material Culture and Asian Religions: Text, Image, Object. London: Routledge. Pages. Freeman, J. M. 1987. Turnings in the Life of a Vietnamese Nun. In: Mahdi, L. C., Foster, S. and Little, M. (eds) Betwixt and Between: Patterns of Masculine and Feminine Initiation. La Salle, IL: Open Court. 264–278. Gökariksel, B. 2009. Beyond the Officially Sacred: Religion, Secularism, and the Body in the Production of Subjectivity. Social and Cultural Geography, 10, 657–674. Gutschow, K. 2001. What Makes a Nun? Apprenticeship and Ritual Passage in Zangskar, North India. Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 24, 187–217. Gutschow, K. 2004. Being a Buddhist Nun: The Struggle for Enlightenment in the Himalayas. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Hallpike, C. 1987. Hair. In: Eliade, M. (ed.) The Encyclopedia of Religion. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Hallpike, C. R. 1979. Social Hair. In: Lessa, W. A. and Vogt, E. Z. (eds) Reader in Comparative Religion. New York: Harper and Row. 99–104. Harvey, P. 1990. An Introduction to Buddhism: Teachings, History and Practices, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hayes, R. P. 2008. FWBO’s Adaptation of Buddhism to the West. In: Deegalle, M. (ed.) Dharma to the UK: A Centennial Celebration of Buddhist Legacy. London: World Buddhist Foundation. 110–130. Henry, P. 2013. Adaptation and Developments in Western Buddhism: Socially Engaged Buddhism in the UK. London and New York: Bloomsbury. Hollenbeck, O. R. M. 2010. The Buddhist Kesa: Clothes of Enlightenment [online]. Eugene Buddhist Priory (Order of Buddhist Contemplatives). Available at: https://­ terebess.hu/zen/szoto/kesa.pdf [Accessed 16 August 2018]. Holt, J. C. 1995. Discipline: The Canonical Buddhism of the Vinayapitaka. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Kawanami, H. 2013. Renunciation and Empowerment of Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar-­ Burma: Building a Community of Female Faithful. Leiden: Brill. Kay, D. N. 2004. Tibetan and Zen Buddhism in Britain: Transplantation, Development and Adaptation. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Keenan, W. 1999. From Friars to Fornicators: The Eroticization of Sacred Dress. Fashion Theory, 3, 389–410. Lang, K. C. 1995. Shaven Heads and Loose Hair: Buddhist Attitudes toward Hair and Sexuality. In: Eilberg-­Schwartz, H. and Doniger, W. (eds) Off With Her Head! The Denial of Women’s Identity in Myth, Religion and Culture. Berkeley and London: University of California Press. 32–52. Leach, E. R. 1958. Magical Hair. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 88, 147–164.

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132   Buddha couture Lopez, D. S. 2001. The Story of Buddhism: A Concise Guide to its History and Teachings. New York: Harper Collins/Harper One. Mahmood, S. 2005. The Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Mellor, P. 1991. Protestant Buddhism? The Cultural Translation of Buddhism in England. Religion, 21, 73–92.  Meyer, B., Morgan, D., Paine, C. and Plate, S. B. 2010. The Origin and Mission of Material Religion. Religion, 40, 207–211. Michelman, S. O. 1999. Fashion and the Identity of Women Religious. In: Arthur, L. B. (ed.) Religion, Dress and the Body. Oxford: Berg. 135–146. Moksananda. 2004. Ordination: Living a Buddhist Life. Birmingham: Windhorse Publications. Morgan, D. (ed.) 2010. Religion and Material Culture: The Matter of Belief. London: Routledge. Pages. O’Neal, G. S. 1999. The Power of Style: On Rejection of the Accepted. In: Johnson, K. K. P. and Lennon, S. J. (eds) Appearance and Power. Oxford and New York: Berg. 127–139. Olivelle, P. 1998. Hair and Society: Social Significance of Hair in South Asian Traditions. In: Hiltebeitel, A. and Miller, B. D. (eds) Hair: Its Power and Meaning in Asian Cultures. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. 11–50. Palmo, T. 1999. The Situation of Western Monastics. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Western Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 183–187. Prebish, C. S. 2007. Sangha. In: Keown, D. and Prebish, C. S. (eds) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. London and New York: Routledge. 653–661. Rambelli, F. 2007. Buddhist Materiality: A Cultural History of Objects in Japanese Buddhism. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Riggs, D. E. 2004. Fukudenkai: Sewing the Buddha’s Robe in Contemporary Japanese Buddhist Practice. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 31 311–356. Roach-­Higgins, M. E. and Eicher, J. B. 1992. Dress and Identity. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 10, 1–8. Roach-­Higgins, M. E., Eicher, J. B. and Johnson, K. 1995. Introduction. In: Roach-­ Higgins, M. E., Eicher, J. B. and Johnson, K. (eds) Dress and Identity. New York: Fairchild. 1–6. Starkey, C. 2014. Experiencing the Liminal: Understanding Separation and Transition Amongst Buddhist Monastic Women in Contemporary Britain. In: Jonveaux, I., Pace, E. and Palmisano, S. (eds) Sociology and Monasticism: Between Innovation and Tradition. Leiden: Brill. 206–226. Synnott, A. 1987. Shame and Glory: A Sociology of Hair. British Journal of Sociology, 38, 381–413. Tarlo, E. 1996. Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India. London: Hurst and Company. Triratna. n.d. What is the Triratna Buddhist Community? [online]. Available at: https:// thebuddhistcentre.com/text/what-­triratna-buddhist-­community [Accessed 19 February 2014]. Trzebiatowska, M. 2008. Vocational Habit(u)s: Catholic Nuns in Contemporary Poland. In: Vincett, G., Sharma, S. and Aune, K. (eds) Women and Religion in the West: Challenging Secularization. Hampshire: Ashgate. 83–98.

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Trzebiatowska, M. 2010. Habit Does Not a Nun Make? Religious Dress in the Everyday Lives of Polish Catholic Nuns. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 25, 51–65. Tsedroen, J. B. 1988. Living by the Vinaya in the West. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 202–213. Tsomo, K. L. 1988a. Living by the Vinaya in the Present Day. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 195–201. Tsomo, K. L. 1988b. Ordination as a Buddhist Nun. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 53–65. Tsomo, K. L. 1996. Sisters in Solitude: Two Traditions of Buddhist Monastic Ethics for Women: A Comparative Analysis of the Chinese Dharmagupta and the Tibetan Mulasarvastivada Bhiksuni Pratimoksa Sutras. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Tsomo, K. L. 1999. History of Buddhist Monasticism and its Western Adaptation. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 3–16. Vishvapani 2001. Introducing the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order. Birmingham: Windhorse Publications. Wijayaratna, M. 1990. Buddhist Monastic Life According to the Texts of the Theravada Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wu, Y. 2001. Choosing Simplicity: A Commentary on the Bhiksuni Pratimoksa. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion.

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6 Loaded words Attitudes to feminism and gender equality1

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I have to ask myself, am I after doing feminist politics, or am I after doing (Buddhist) practice? (Nun, Tibetan tradition)

In the introduction to this book, I described the ways in which Western women who take Buddhist ordination are depicted within existing scholarly literature, particularly in relation to their attitudes towards feminism and gender equality. Although there is some variation, Western Buddhist women (including nuns) are often presented as being concerned about gender inequality, focused on individual spiritual attainment at the expense of communal obligations, and as champions of equality in Buddhist hierarchies. Western Buddhist women are positioned at the forefront of international efforts to reinstate the bhikkhunī/ bhikṣuṇī (full/higher) ordination, not least in their involvement in and leadership of global Buddhist women’s organisations such as Sakyadhita.2 This dedication to global gender-­based activism is, in part, seen as a result of the prevalence of feminist movements and institutional gender equality in Western Buddhist women’s countries of origin, shaping their views, attitudes and approaches to social and religious life. In the limited writing on British Buddhist women, particularly those in the Forest Sangha, scholars have recognised that not all ordained women share the same perspectives. However, in this work, one discerns an underlying assumption that gender inequality will be a sticking point that will lead to tensions in women’s relationships with Buddhist traditions (Bell, 1991; Bluck, 2006; Angell, 2006; Shaw, 2008; Williams, 2005). This scholarship as a whole, and the picture that is being painted of Western Buddhist women, triggers a number of questions that I wish to confront in this chapter, not least: how do British Buddhist women across the range of traditions engage with ideas about feminism and gender equality? Are they motivated by an aspiration for social equality with men? Are they comfortable being labelled ‘feminist’ and do they align themselves with feminist movements? How are they positioned in relation to broader debates about the bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination and the international networks which support this? In examining these questions closely, I want to interrogate whether the composite image of the Western Buddhist

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Loaded words   135 woman championing gender equality is borne out in the lived experiences of Buddhist women in Britain. If it isn’t, how can we account for this and begin to add more nuance to our scholarship on this diverse group of Buddhist practitioners? In order to examine this fully, this chapter is divided into three principal sections. The first investigates my participants’ attitudes towards feminism whilst the second explores their views on gender equality, identifying three ‘modes of engagement’ that can be drawn out of their narratives. The final third of the chapter will bring into sharp relief the pertinent issues faced by women in  specific Buddhist groups in the British context and how the three modes of engagement are shaped and influenced by group context and dynamic, highlighting what issues might be shared and where the points of contextual divergence lie. Although ‘feminism’ and ‘gender equality’ are frequently presented in conjunction with each other both in popular and academic discourse, I have deliberately separated them in terms of the initial analysis within this chapter. This is because, whilst recognising that they are interlinked, my participants themselves often made a distinction between the two concepts. I felt that it was important to reflect this and, furthermore, to investigate why it was the case. What I will argue is that attitudes to feminism and gender equality are highly diverse among British Buddhist women and this undermines any simplistic representation. In order to demonstrate this attitudinal plurality in relation to feminism most effectively, I will be adapting a perceptual mapping technique drawn from Kim Knott and Sajda Khokher (1993). This will complement the more traditional style of ethnographic data presentation and discussion which I have used to this point and will provide an alternative analytical framework in order to examine women’s narratives. By way of a brief aside, in parts of this chapter, there is deliberately more participant anonymity, including the use of quotations not attributed to specific people. This is primarily because both gender equality and feminism remain ‘loaded words’ for many of the women in this study and few engaged in debate about them with complete confidence and comfort. Throughout my research, my priority has been to protect my participants’ identities, vital when researching small and potentially identifiable communities. This is brought to the fore in this chapter. What has been most interesting is that of all the topics covered in my research with ordained British Buddhist women, my own attitudes and assumptions were most strongly challenged in conversations about feminism and gender equality. To be honest, in the beginning, I expected that most if not all of my participants would have sympathy for a feminist position and all would want structural gender equality within each of their Buddhist traditions – an assumption that I made both from (limited) personal experience and from the literature I had read. I was initially perplexed as to the lack of feminist sympathies and to the varying positions on gender equality in Buddhism displayed by those I was interviewing. Typically, the women in this study prioritised what they saw as ‘Buddhist practice’ over ‘feminist politics’, to use the words of the Tibetan-­tradition nun quoted at the start of this chapter. Many women were, in terms I will come to explain,

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136   Loaded words more likely to purposefully distance themselves from these debates about equality in Buddhist traditions. They prioritised community relationships and the building and maintaining of Buddhism in their particular localities rather than fostering international alliances and attempting to challenge Buddhist hierarchies on the issue of women’s role and status. Those who did feel more affinity with championing gender equality and who took pioneering (and sometimes transnational) roles didn’t always like the label ‘feminist’ and, equally too, prioritised Buddhist practices and the building of local communities. What I aim to do in this chapter, therefore, is to provide a space to air and interrogate closely the diversity of views amongst Buddhist women in the British context, particularly giving voice to those views seldom heard in the contemporary debate about Buddhist gender roles. I provide a concrete, empirically based corrective to any uncritical or overly binary assumptions being made about Western women (particularly those who take ordination) and their relationships to ideas of feminism and gender equality.

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Feminism Discussing gender equality in relation to religion can be a complex task, requiring nuance and sensitivity. Yet, perhaps strangely, one of the easiest ways I found I could begin a conversation with Western Buddhist women was asking about their attitudes to feminism. I am by no means the first ethnographer to ask Buddhist nuns (or any religious women, for that matter) about their feelings towards feminism – it is by now a common trope in scholarship.3 Whether the question should be continually asked, however, is something else – and this is an issue I return to at the end of the chapter. One of the questions that I posed directly to my participants was whether or not they considered themselves to be feminist, how they felt about feminism and what they thought feminism was. I deliberately remained non-­committal when I was asked for my definition of feminism, but wanted instead to see how women themselves understood the term. In doing this, I discovered a variety of views and definitions and a range of affiliations to a feminist identity. In very broad terms, through analysing the interview data, I identified that 10 of the participants in this study described themselves as more positively orientated towards feminism and 13 participants described being more negatively inclined.4 However, as I analysed the data in more depth, this division between ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ became increasingly difficult to draw cleanly. A too simplistic binary occludes us from seeing the finely grained variety in perspectives, even amongst those who described themselves as more positive towards feminism. No one felt unequivocally comfortable labelling themselves as a feminist without some qualification. Some felt happy with certain aspects of feminism but still did not want to be overtly affiliated with any particular movement or label. Others seemed more contented to be labelled a feminist, but explained equally that they sometimes questioned the suitability of asserting a rigid feminist identity for their Buddhist practice and community. Others rejected a

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Loaded words   137 feminist orientation in entirety. What is important to emphasise is that women within the same Buddhist groups held very different opinions. As my interviews progressed, it rapidly became far too unsophisticated to say x is a feminist and y isn’t, without recognition of the heterogeneity of perspectives housed within these two positions and of the qualifications and justifications that many of the ordained women themselves made. In order to dig deeper into these complexities, I adapted a perceptual mapping technique, drawn from Knott and Khokher’s (1993) work on young women in Bradford. By using perceptual maps to chart women’s perspectives between four opposing ‘continuum’ points, Knott and Khokher (1993: 598) assert that they are more usefully able to reflect the overall diversity inherent within multiple testimonies in a qualitative study, as opposed to a more traditional thematic analysis. The maps that I present here differ from those used by Knott and Khokher, however. Whilst they worked between two axes and placed participants within four quadrants, my maps have one perceptual vertical axis (feminist orientation/ not feminist orientation) and one biographical horizontal ‘binary’ axis (such as living alone/living communally). Instead of presenting a single map and then discussing in more detail the various perspectives housed within each quadrant, I will present four maps with differing horizontal axes in order to investigate the issue of feminist affiliation through multiple thematic lenses. As is perhaps clear, each of the squares on the map represents one participant. Whilst I mapped my participants onto more than four maps during the data analysis stage (and, indeed, there are a number of horizontal axes that could be used), I have selected the most fruitful for discussion here. It is important to state that whilst I am interested in the relationships between women’s situations and correlation, I am not arguing that each of these particular factors is causal in any inevitable way. Whilst cognisant of this, in using this mapping method, I can give an immediate representation of attitudinal plurality, and I have been able to chart and present patterns and groupings far more readily than in more traditional ethnographic qualitative analysis.5

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Living situation In each of the maps, I positioned participants first on a continuum between ‘feminist orientation’ (at the top of the map) and ‘no feminist orientation’ (at the bottom). As one travels up the continuum, women described holding an increasingly clear feminist identification and were less conflicted about being associated with the feminist movement, as they defined it. As one travels down the continuum, they describe being less and less ready to affiliate with a feminist orientation and feminist goals as they perceived them. These positions in relation to feminist orientation stay the same in each of the maps that I will present. The first map, shown in Figure 6.1, charts women’s feminist orientation against their living situations.6 As I will explore in more detail in Chapter 7, the ordained women in this study lived in various settings, including communal monasteries, in smaller groups of other ordained women, with families and

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138   Loaded words Feminist orientation

Alone

Communal

No feminist orientation

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Figure 6.1  Living situation.

partners or alone, including both as homeowners/renters or in smaller priories, temples, and centres that are connected with the different Buddhist organisations to which they are affiliated. In this map, participants have been positioned along the horizontal axis to reflect their particular circumstances, with those living alone at the far left of the continuum, those living with families and partners moving further to the centre (but still to the left of the vertical mid-­line), those living in smaller communities of ordained women to the right of the vertical mid-­line, and those living in larger, communal settings at the far right of the map. The picture demonstrated in this map is complicated. At first glance, the participants seem to be fairly evenly divided into each of the four quadrants of the map and it would seem that living situation is not a factor which has any bearing on their affiliation to feminism. However, of those six participants who are clustered to the far right of the bottom right quadrant, as they express the strongest negative reaction to a feminist orientation, five live in communities that also house ordained men. To provide a little more context to this, in the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives both male and female monks share living quarters (although in separate rooms). Similarly, for Amida, both ordained men and women can live in the same community building. At the monastic institutions affiliated with the Tibetan Karma Kagyu tradition (Samye Ling, specifically) and the Forest Sangha (namely, Amaravati or Chithurst monasteries), ordained men and women live in separate buildings. In Triratna, communities are typically although not exclusively single-­sex.

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Loaded words   139 Only one woman who was positive about having a feminist orientation lived in a communal situation with men. Therefore, according to this map, as an ordained women you are unlikely to live in a large, communal environment that also houses a male community and also describe yourself as having a feminist orientation or sympathies. This may be for a number of reasons. First, holding an overt feminist orientation was seen by several women as having the potential to challenge the harmonious community relations that attracted many women in the first place to Buddhist organisations. Second, participants living in communal situations might not see any particular need to align themselves with feminism. Finally, someone affiliating strongly with a feminist position may also choose deliberately to live alone or in communities only with women. All these reasons, therefore, contribute to a lack of feminist affiliation amongst those living in communal situations that also include men. Prior feminist orientation In this map, I chart whether or not current feminist orientation is affiliated with any feminist sympathies held by participants prior to ordination. Although I did not routinely ask about a history of feminist orientation in all the interviews, more often than not this information was volunteered by participants when I discussed whether they felt currently orientated to feminism (see Figure 6.2). Those participants who had an earlier orientation to feminism indicated that  prior to ordination (and often, although not exclusively, prior to their

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Feminist orientation

No prior orientation

Prior orientation

No feminist orientation

Figure 6.2  Prior feminist orientation.

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140   Loaded words

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engagement with Buddhism) they would have considered themselves to be feminist. They either appreciated the intention behind a feminist analysis of the world (particularly that women had been discriminated against and that this should be challenged), or alternatively, they may have been involved in groups or social action which they described as supportive of a feminist cause. This map shows that, of the participants who were currently more positive towards a feminist orientation, a greater number had been sympathetic towards feminist thought and action prior to ordination. Particularly, of those who had the strongest current orientation to feminism, all had been involved in some kind of feminist adherence prior to ordination. Of those with the most negative orientation to feminism, a majority (8/13) had no prior interest in feminist thought, or involvement in feminist social action. Whilst there are exceptions to this finding (particularly the three participants who were positive towards feminism, albeit not strongly, who had no prior orientation, and the five participants who had had some prior interest in feminism but were not currently orientated to it), it appears from the data charted in the map that a current feminist orientation has some correlation to previously held inclinations, ideas, and perspectives. Of particular interest here are those eight participants who stated that they had changed their affiliation to feminism after they had taken Buddhist ordination. The reasons given for this shift in attitude were typically related to circumstances. Those who ceased affiliating with a feminist perspective did so because they felt it was currently unnecessary in their life and because they did not perceive they faced discrimination in their Buddhist groups. In addition, some began to question what they saw as the limitations of interpreting society and social relationships solely through a feminist lens. Of those who had not been particularly orientated to feminism but who became more interested after ordination, this was mainly because they perceived discriminatory attitudes in relation to women in their respective Buddhist groups and felt forced to question this. I will look in more detail at specific experiences in relation to gender equality in the various Buddhist groups involved in this study in the second section of this chapter. However, this map indicates that perceptions of discrimination relating to personal experiences appear to be highly salient in relation to attitudes towards feminist affiliation, and they are the subject of the next map. Perceptions of discrimination The final two maps that I will present here are based on two perceptual axes rather than one perceptual, one biographical axis. The first of these (see Figure 6.3) explores the relationship between a self-­defined feminist orientation and whether participants perceived they faced discrimination as women. I placed participants on the right of the map if they expressed concerns about discrimination on the grounds of gender within their Buddhist tradition, and on the left if they did not describe this as meaningful to their direct experience. As shown on the map in Figure 6.3, there is a correlation between the perception of gender discrimination and feminist orientation. Whilst this is perhaps a

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Loaded words   141 Feminist orientation

No perceived discrimination

Perceived discrimination

No feminist orientation

Figure 6.3  Perceived discrimination.

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fairly unsurprising finding, it shows that a feminist orientation amongst this sample seems to be connected to concerns about gender discrimination. Seen from the reverse perspective, those who perceive no discrimination also tend to see feminism as irrelevant. In addition, what this suggests is that if one has an existing feminist orientation, gender discrimination may be more readily identified and emphasised. However, as Figure 6.2 shows, this does not preclude the possibility of changing affiliation to feminism if it is no longer deemed relevant. This offers a nuanced picture of ordained women’s affiliation with feminism, which will be further discussed as this chapter progresses. Centre and periphery The final map is perhaps the most subjective. I charted women’s perspectives in relation to whether they were strongly connected to the centre of power and authority within each of their organisations (see Figure 6.4). This was not a connection drawn in terms of number of years ordained or involved in Buddhist communities, but in terms of the relationship they described with the established organisational hierarchy of their particular organisations and the roles that they played within them. A placement closer to what I have defined as the ‘centre’ (on the right of the vertical mid-­line) indicates, for example, a participant who had an institutional position integrated into the organisational structure of a particular Buddhist group and who expressed a strong and supportive connection to

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142   Loaded words Feminist orientation

Periphery

Centre

No feminist orientation

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Figure 6.4  Centre and periphery.

organisational hierarchy. It is not necessarily about living situation, as those who expressed strong support for organisational hierarchy were not always living within communities associated with certain organisations, but more an integration in terms of attitude and perspective. Those whom I deemed more peripheral in terms of hierarchical connections were those who were more questioning of the established structure and hierarchy of a particular group and who seemed to be less strongly integrated into an organisational structure. They would be less likely to hold specific hierarchical positions or be spokespersons for that tradition. Whilst this was without doubt a subjective exercise, the results of this map are the most striking. Here, there appears to be a relationship between feminist orientation and the strength (or weakness) of integration into a group or organisational structure. Those whom I judged more central to an organisational hierarchy were significantly less likely to affiliate to feminism. Those I deemed more peripheral to established institutions were conversely more likely to express feminist sympathies. Of course, there are some exceptions to this correlation, highlighting that even within this model there is the potential for diversity. It is possible that this pattern has arisen because feminism was typically seen as having the potential to challenge harmonious community relations, particularly between men and women. As a result, those strongly integrated into organisational structures and hierarchies might be less likely to want to endanger community relationships or they may not feel they needed to if they already were

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Loaded words   143 part of the hierarchy within an organisation. This map also exposes that those who hold feminist positions and may in turn be concerned about gender discrimination, might also deliberately distance themselves from (or feel less welcome within) the organisational centres of groups. British Buddhist women and ‘the F word’ The data from these maps visually attests to the argument that no universal position in relation to feminist orientation can be gleaned from this sample of British Buddhist women. Despite the apparent diversity shown in the maps, there are a number of significant factors that appear to cluster together with a feminist orientation. These include perceiving that you experience discrimination on the grounds of gender; that you have had a prior engagement or involvement with feminist thought and action; and that you take a more peripheral position in relation to organisational hierarchy. From these maps, it also seems that there is a negative relationship between a strong feminist orientation and living in communities that also include men. Yet, even for those who share a broad affiliation with feminism, there remains a plurality of understanding of what it means to have a feminist orientation, and what values and motivating factors might underpin this. As I have indicated, there is evidence of participants changing their affiliation to feminism in response to particular circumstances, showing that attitudes are usually far from static. For a small number of women in this study, a strongly positive orientation to feminism arose because they felt they wanted, and needed, to challenge situations where women had been discriminated against. This position is well summarised by one participant, who stated: I do believe that for whatever reason in our society, women have been somewhat at a disadvantage and … I’m going to look out for that and help it to be less the case.

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Another claimed: I’m a feminist as I believe utterly in gender equality and I think it can sit side by side with Buddhism, where Buddhism is not operated by fundamentalists. Of those who described themselves as having a feminist orientation, the idea that there should be equality between men and women was routinely highlighted as a motivating factor. However, understanding what gender equality means in practice to the women in this study is more complicated, as I will describe in the next section. A number of participants who stated that they had a feminist orientation were also aware that combining both Buddhist and feminist perspectives was sometimes challenging. To cite one who was orientated towards feminism:

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144   Loaded words if you analyse the whole of existence in terms of women’s oppression by men … then that’s clearly at odds with Buddhism, because Buddhism says  … the fundamental characteristics of all things are caused by conditionality. What my participant was referencing here is the Buddhist idea that all things that arise are inexorably conditional on other things (the idea of dependent origination, or pratītya-samutpāda/pratītya-samutpāda). This, for Buddhists, is the fundamental nature of existence: no phenomenon is unconnected from other phenomena (Harvey, 1990: 54). Using women’s oppression as the only lens through which to view the relationships in society, she argues, misses this fundamental truth. Therefore, even amongst those who would describe themselves as feminist, this is not done uncritically or without some depth of thought. Indeed, even those who were positively orientated to feminism recognised that the term ‘feminism’ was indeed a ‘loaded’ one, and that a number of negative assumptions arose if you were an ordained Buddhist woman who also was seen as a feminist. In fact, one participant explained to me:

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People misunderstand if you write (I am feminist) in your thesis. This was because, in general terms, feminism is perceived (including by a number of participants in this study) as political, as somewhat forceful and aggressive, as unhelpful in terms of following a Buddhist path as it mires you in a fixed and rigid understanding of the world, and as potentially dangerous for harmonious community relations, specifically relations with ordained men. This is why, with a nod to Kristen Aune and Catherine Redfern (2010) and Michela Haas (2013), feminism becomes ‘the F word’. This perception of feminism is also raised by Cheng (2003: 44) in her study of Buddhist nuns in Taiwan, who observed that the nuns she interviewed did not describe themselves as ‘feminist’, with the rationale that ‘the label feminist may draw unnecessary political orientated attention upon to oneself ’. Building on this, a few women in my study (particularly those in more contemplative traditions) highlighted that they did not feel their purpose was to make the wider ‘social changes’ which feminism was seen as championing. Whilst some indicated that this definition of feminism might be unjust and wondered if it should be challenged, others were explicit in their disregard of feminism altogether as inappropriate and irrelevant to what they were trying to do as Buddhist practitioners. Of those women who described themselves as not being inclined to a feminist orientation, a frequent rationale given was that they did not feel that it was necessary in their current circumstances. As one stated: Feminism is like an extreme that you need when something’s out of balance. If it’s not out of balance, then there’s no need. So, I haven’t ever been involved with that kind of thing and I don’t feel the need for it … I feel like if (I) were to start something like that … it would actually be destructive.

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Loaded words   145 As a result, several highlighted that they didn’t spend time thinking about feminism or gender discrimination, a point to which I shall return later in the chapter. Of course, as I did not offer a definition of feminism, there was a sense that the term was confusing and unclear. I recognise, with Chandra Mohanty (1991: 4), that ‘the very meaning of the term feminism is continually contested’, and this certainly provides some account for the lack of clarity sometimes expressed by my participants (and, at times, myself ). Whilst most of my participants made a distinction between ‘feminism’ and ‘gender equality’, it was not always clear where the boundaries between them should be drawn. Overall, even amongst those who were positively orientated towards it, feminism was seen as a political statement, and an affiliation which needed to be clarified and explained. It seems that taking an overtly ‘feminist activist’ position in this context would require some strident justification. In the words of one participant: I think going beyond narrow perspectives is important to me and feminism is a way of doing that. But it can also become a narrow perspective in itself. It really depends on how we hold these things, doesn’t it? To conclude, for the ordained Buddhist women in this study, feminism is a loaded word and is not an affiliation adopted without significant questioning. Whilst some British Buddhist women appear more comfortable navigating between feminism and Buddhism and holding both orientations in tandem, others were clear that a feminist orientation might be damaging to the community relations that they very much wanted to foster, and this took priority. This therefore provides evidence to support a complex, and multi-­dimensional, picture of feminist adherence in this context.

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Gender equality and modes of engagement Many of the women I spoke to made clear distinctions between ‘feminism’ and ‘gender equality’ as topics for consideration. Whilst they were typically uncomfortable with the former label, most felt less apprehensive talking critically about women’s roles in Buddhist hierarchies and wondering how women might best be supported along the Buddhist path. Although it was relatively easy to ask ‘are you a feminist’ and get a particular response, I wanted to dig far deeper than this into women’s relationship to ideas of gender equality and inequality in British Buddhism (and their particular tradition) more broadly. What I found when analysing their testimonies and thinking through their life stories were three broad ‘modes of engagement’ with gender inequality. These I categorised as active campaigning, discreet concern, and purposeful distancing. What will follow is a brief overview of each of these three approaches, before I take a detailed contextual look at women’s perspectives through the lens of their particular Buddhist group, considering how these modes operate in practice. This is important because although there is individual variation and a sharing of perspectives between women across the boundaries of Buddhist tradition, many of the issues

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146   Loaded words they were engaging with on a daily basis were shaped by specific contextual and institutional circumstances, some of which are local and others of which have arisen in response to wider global trajectories.

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Active campaigning Of the sample of 25, there were 7 women I categorised as ‘active campaigners’ in relation to gender equality and inequality. They were drawn from four Buddhist groups – Tibetan Gelug, Theravāda, Amida and the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives – all monastic traditions, although rather different in history, focus and orientation. These women typically spoke out publicly about gender inequality in Buddhism (and more broadly) and they were either engaged in high-­profile efforts to try to change opportunities for women from within their particular Buddhist groups or they had left established Buddhist communities to live alone or in smaller groups because they were concerned about gender inequality. The rationale that they each gave for this approach was broadly similar, emphasising that men and women were equally able to follow Buddhist teachings but that they had suffered discrimination as a result of patriarchal assumptions about women’s spiritual capacity, rooted in the cultural bias of some of the countries where Buddhism is dominant. Ultimately, they argued that not only did patriarchal assumptions need to change, but that they would take personal steps towards this end, including seeking higher ordination where it was not routinely available. As will be demonstrated in the next sections, ‘active campaigners’ are not only drawn from those Buddhist groups which offered different ordination options to men and women. Even in the organisations where structural gender equality was established, some women highlighted that they still felt it was necessary to challenge existing practice, including promoting gender-­neutral language in ceremonial readings and ensuring that women were supported to take on particular organisational roles. Taking a position of public campaigning for gender equality was not always comfortable for ordained women. Several only took a more adversarial attitude when they felt that they had no other option but to challenge an organisation which did not enable women’s full participation. This was not without pain or tension for the women involved, especially when they had not intended, on taking ordination, to engage in an outspoken public defence of women’s rights in Buddhist traditions and had spent many years contributing to the development of Buddhist communities in Britain. Those who took a more active approach to challenging gender inequality recognised that it was not always an easy stance to maintain and they might face criticism from within their own communities. It is significant, to this end, that only one of the ‘active campaigners’ lived in a communal setting with men. Curiously, perhaps, only two of the ‘active campaigners’ were strongly affiliated with a feminist identity, and only four had any meaningful connection to international networks of Buddhist women, such as Sakyadhita. I return to looking at the issue of transnational connections and their relationship with local action in the final chapter of this book.

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Loaded words   147 Discreet concern

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The second approach to gender equality I discerned amongst my participants was ‘discreet concern’. Six women were placed in this category, drawn from the Tibetan, Theravāda and Triratna groups. These participants were concerned about issues facing women within Buddhist communities for many of the same reasons given by the ‘active campaigners’, but although some felt that change might be necessary, none felt compelled to take direct action either in their personal lives or more broadly within their Buddhist communities. The rationales given for not wanting to take a more campaigning role were varied. For some, while they felt opportunities for men and women in terms of ordination should be equitable, they did not want to take higher ordination themselves, either because of the physical or linguistic challenges in travelling outside of the UK to access those willing to offer the vows or because of concerns that they would be unable to maintain a larger number of ordination precepts. Others felt they might not be able to cope with the stresses and strains of stepping outside established community structures and hierarchies. Few women in the ‘discreet concern’ group felt completely comfortable being labelled a ‘feminist’, most commonly because they were concerned that being too fixated on gender would limit their Buddhist practice and lead to a rigidity of views, something I unpicked in the previous section. It is noteworthy that, in comparison with those who took a more publicly active stance, those with discreet concerns were more typically living in a communal situation which also included ordained men and were also more likely to be closer to the organisational hierarchy, although not necessarily taking senior roles. Whilst the majority of this group of women did have some knowledge of international networks championing gender parity in Buddhism, they chose not to participate with any regularity in these. In fact, most focused their concern on their immediate communities, and whilst one or two had developed supportive relationships with other ordained women from different traditions (both in the UK and beyond), this was not seen as a priority. This concern with the local over the global becomes even more acute when discussing those women who chose to distance themselves from campaigns for gender equality in Buddhism. Purposeful distancing The final approach was ‘purposeful distancing’. Unlike those whom I have placed in the ‘discreet concern’ category, these 12 women chose to actively disengage from how gender equality had been championed in Buddhist and non-­ Buddhist contexts. However, they did this in varying ways. A few appeared rather more indifferent when asked questions about gender equality. Some of these, particularly those in organisations with gender-­equal opportunities, knew little about the issues facing Buddhist women across the globe and had given only passing thought to gender discrimination. Gender inequality was not seen as something that troubled them in their everyday lives, even though several

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148   Loaded words

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recognised the importance of what previous generations of women had achieved and the positive impact of this. There were also women in this category who had deliberately selected a Buddhist group to join based on whether or not it offered equality for women and therefore did not want to spend too much time engaging with issues that did not affect them directly. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the women in the ‘purposeful distancing’ category as a whole were more likely to be living in a communal environment which could be mixed-­sex and they were also more likely to hold positions of seniority within Buddhist groups. None of these women felt positive towards any sort of feminist identity. What many of the women placed in this category prioritised was good relations with their immediate and local Buddhist community (which included ordained men and lay people) and this was considered to be more important than championing gender equality. For some, this was given explicitly Buddhist underpinning – with a clear indication that a focus on seeing gender discrimination might hinder Buddhist practice. For others taking this type of approach, the concerns with championing gender equality related to how they saw their own gender and the fixity of it. As Nancy Auer Falk (2001: 204) explains, there is a sense when following a Buddhist path that a person should be moving beyond rigid gender identification in the process of becoming realised, given that gender is one aspect of identity that is fluid, non-­fixed and changeable over lifetimes. This may be even more acute amongst those who have taken monastic ordination, where one might be seen as having a ‘saṅgha-gender’, to adopt Keyes’ (1986: 86) terms.7 Janet Gyatso (2010: 19) has also raised a question in relation to the gender identity of Buddhist monastics, stating, ‘it is yet to be understood whether the Buddhist monastic has a gender at all, and, if so, of what that consists’. Indeed, Salgado (2013: 6–7) indicates that at least one of her Sri Lankan participants did not see herself as a woman, and instead identified as a ‘renunciant’. Echoes of this ideal are reflected in British Buddhist women’s testimonies, particularly those who distance themselves from debates about gender equality and inequality. I will pick this up again in the next section.

Divergences and convergences: British Buddhism and gender equality In order to examine how these modes might be operationalised, the following section examines women’s experiences through the lens of the various Buddhist traditions and groups which make up this study. Although I will make specific reference to the three modes of engagement, I will not limit myself to only discussing these, in order to resist the urge to reduce the finely grained texture of women’s experiences to a constructed typology. This is not least because a feminist self-­ identification does not always map predictably onto the ‘modes’ (i.e. one can be positive about feminism without being in the ‘active campaigner’ category). This, therefore, calls for a sharper and more locally contextualised lens. In the first section, I explore the attitudes of ordained women connected to the Tibetan schools. In the second, I explore attitudes amongst those affiliated with the groups

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Loaded words   149 associated with Theravāda tradition. In the final section, I analyse the perspectives of participants drawn from the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, Amida, and Triratna. The reason that I will consider these last three groups together is that, unlike the Tibetan or Theravāda traditions in this study, there are no institutional differences in what is offered for men and for women in terms of ordination. Therefore, they warrant being examined together in this instance, although this does not automatically imply that they all approach the issue of gender equality identically.

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Tibetan tradition As within all the groups covered in this study, among those who ordained within the Tibetan tradition (which, for this study, include Karma Kagyu, Gelug, and Nyingma lineages), there were a variety of different views on the issue of gender equality and each of the modes of engagement are represented across this sub-­ sample of women. In terms of practicalities, as I discussed in Chapter 2, women in the Tibetan tradition are currently able to take up to novice (getsulma) ordination using the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, but if they wish to take bhikṣuṇī (gelongma) ordination, this can only be taken from bhikṣuṇī using the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, commonly operational in Taiwan, Vietnam, or Korea. Amongst my sample, there were those who had done just this and had taken bhikṣuṇī/gelongma precepts, and there were also those who had taken novice (getsulma) ordination (which consists of 35 precepts). In addition, there were also participants who had taken rabjungma ordination (five precepts, in addition to celibacy and wearing robes).8 Of those women who raised more vociferous concerns about gender inequality from within the Tibetan schools (and were grouped within the first two modes of engagement, but primarily the active engagers), the rationale they gave was broadly similar. As one participant stated when asked about whether she perceived there was gender inequality in her tradition, she fervently agreed, and explained, ‘it’s a wrong that needs to be righted’. Several of the participants in this category described the Tibetan Buddhist tradition in general as ‘totally patriarchal’ and there was certainly a level of dissatisfaction at the spiritual and organisational limitations that they felt were placed on women and the subsequent ‘lower status’ that they felt women were forced to occupy in the religious hierarchy. Amongst these participants, gender equality was of great importance, and it was mostly described in terms of access to bhikṣuṇī ordination. However, gender equality was also defined as women being recognised as spiritually able. For example, as one participant highlights: I think that (the) original question that Ānanda, the Buddha’s cousin, asked him is, is … there any difference in a man or a woman’s enlightenment, and he said no. And I think the rest is just pure cultural prejudice. Yet, interestingly, even those who did raise concerns and were more outspoken about them still wanted to remain as nuns in the Tibetan tradition. This was

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150   Loaded words because, as they explained, being engaged in Buddhist practice was of the utmost importance. As one stated, whilst she perceived discrimination in her Buddhist tradition: ‘it’s still better to be a nun … than not be a nun’. Moreover, even though gender inequality was described as a significant tension, not all of them raised concerns with their teachers directly. They might discuss their understanding of gender inequality with other Westerners (both lay and ordained) but, in general, most described not wanting to seem ‘disrespectful’ when discussing these issues with Tibetans. Of those participants who had more affinity with the second mode of engagement (being aware of concerns, but not wanting to directly campaign), most prioritised an examination of their own responses to the opportunities available to women, as opposed to getting involved with any campaign for any systemic change. For example, one Tibetan getsulma nun explains: You can either go this is not fair and we need to change this (but) then there’s the practice … You think, ‘what an amazing teaching, I now have the opportunity … where I am now watching my mind. What does my mind do when I’m told, ‘no you can’t sit there because only the men go there’.

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For this participant, she was worried about what she perceived as inequality, but felt that, as a nun, what she needed to do was lean into this worry in her meditative practice, rather than group together with others to take action on an epistemic level. It was deemed, for this participant as well as others who had similar views, that this was the more appropriate action for a committed Buddhist practitioner. Beyond this, there were others who did not engage directly with the issue of gender inequality (the ‘purposeful distancers’). Interestingly, amongst the Tibetan-­tradition nuns, those with this approach were mostly affiliated with the Karma Kagyu tradition, linked with Samye Ling monastery.9 One participant explained that she felt women and men were given similar opportunities and did not feel at any particular disadvantage on the grounds of gender, and it is this experience that structured the attitudinal response. Although she acknowledged differences between men and women, she highlights certain spiritual benefits to traditionally ‘feminine’ qualities: Humility … caring for others, the love that a mother naturally feels for her children, the lengths that mothers go to, to protect their children, to give them health, to teach them, to give them every opportunity, the sacrifices they make; that’s like the example of a bodhisattva. Another emphasises the importance of equality for all, rather than just for women, which demonstrates that some participants preferred to see themselves as not championing women over men: Gender equality is just equality of human being to human being, irrespective of whether you are male or female.

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Loaded words   151 In terms of attitudes towards bhikṣuṇī ordination, again a variety of perspectives can also be discerned from those affiliated to the Tibetan traditions, a point also highlighted by Ploos van Amstel (2005: 180) in her work on Western Tibetan nuns. Some were very supportive of being able to take bhikṣuṇī ordination and felt strongly about wanting it to be available in the Tibetan tradition, both for other women as well as themselves. Some raise concerns about having to travel to Taiwan or China to take bhikṣuṇī ordination, the difficulties they had in finding out where it was available, and getting support to go. One explained that it had become more difficult in the past five years to garner this as the controversy over bhikṣuṇī ordination had gained increasing global recognition. Of those taking this position, there was a palpable concern that the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy were not really interested in changing the situation for women. As a result, one nun describes feeling ‘a lack of trust’ and indeed a ‘slight despair’, which, from her perspective, had increasingly evolved amongst Western nuns who wanted to take bhikṣuṇī ordination and the Tibetan hierarchy. She explains that this sometimes caused tension between certain nuns and monks:

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If someone remains a getsul or a rabjung, it should be because they choose to and when I get monks saying to me, ‘it makes no difference’ … I say, that’s great, so you’ll be handing back your ordination too then? And they look at me as if I’m mad! What do you mean? Well, it makes no difference! So, I’ll be expecting to hear fairly soon that you’ve handed back your robes and taken getsul? However, other Tibetan-­tradition nuns, whilst recognising that it was a shame that the bhikṣuṇī ordination was not routinely available to those in Tibetan traditions, explain that they did not want to take it themselves. The reasons given were primarily centred on concerns about being able to uphold all the precepts, particularly when living outside a monastic environment, as do a number of participants affiliated with the Tibetan tradition in Britain. Beyond these more pragmatic reasons, there was also one nun in this study who, whilst valuing her bhikṣuṇī ordination, did not emphasise she had taken it to make a point about gender inequality in Buddhism or because she wanted to champion equal rights for women, but because she was encouraged to do so by her teacher. What she described as important was the meditation and ritual practice she was involved in, and working to build and support her immediate Buddhist community. However, it is critical not to assume that those ordained women who took a more activist approach to championing bhikṣuṇī ordination were somehow less interested in Buddhist practice. Of those who raised concerns about gender inequality in terms of the availability of bhikṣuṇī ordination, several couched their wish for bhikṣuṇī ordination in an arguably Buddhist rationale, rather than in terms of wanting ‘equal rights’ or ‘status’. To cite one example: I personally don’t want to die not being fully ordained. I want to live this life as a fully ordained nun because there are benefits of being fully

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152   Loaded words ordained, there are good purification benefits, there are merit benefits, and your ability to help others increases. Structuring your rationale in close connection with Buddhist principles, doctrine and values was felt to be more appropriate (and, indeed, more in line with what participants were trying to achieve through their lives) than drawing on what they perceived as ‘secular’ or ‘feminist’ philosophical perspectives. Theravāda A similar plurality of attitudes can be discerned amongst those I interviewed who were affiliated with the Theravāda tradition. As I discussed in Chapter 2, these participants were either sīladharā associated with the Forest Sangha or those who had taken bhikkhunī ordination outside the UK. Of the participants in this study, some raised very strong concerns about gender inequality in the Theravāda tradition as it is manifest in Britain and beyond, and this affected their involvement in the lineage. There were also those who, whilst cognisant of some of the difficulties that had faced the nuns’ community (particularly since the Five Points were drawn up), approached the issue of gender equality in a different way. For example, one emphasised some of the difficulties for the sīladharā and the power that she thought rested firmly in the hands of the male hierarchy: The way I perceive it, the nuns have really struggled from the beginning in terms of being marginalised; not really understood in the particular challenges their position in the community presented to them; and their endeavours to cope with and meet those challenges.… I think the monks just could not put themselves in our shoes and understand our experience.… I think the place of women within this tradition has been corrupted by prejudice from the very beginning.

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Another highlights: I could see that the women had a lower status than the men in the community and my take on it was that this was an Asian form that was still relatively new in the West, and over time it would just naturally change. I just assumed. So, I was aware of the imbalance, but it wasn’t something that I thought would continue for years. I was wrong about that. Some participants explained that they experienced a tension between the values of gender equality that they respected, and the inequality that they perceived they faced as sīladharā: I think I was kind of born with a sense of equality and through my life, banged up against inequality again and again, and I don’t really understand, I feel it needs to change.

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Loaded words   153

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The issues facing the Forest Sangha in Britain in relation to gender equality, which had been building in the lead-­up to the issuing of the Five Points, were perceived by some as a clash between British and Thai Theravāda values, and as a result were described as ‘an accident waiting to happen’ – reflecting some of the concerns raised in the academic writing on this group explored in Chapter 2. This caused tensions that for some sīladharā were insurmountable (see also Weinberg, 2010: 23). They subsequently left the Forest Sangha, either disrobing, to (eventually) take bhikkhunī ordination, or to remain as sīladharā but not live within a monastic community. The impact of these decisions, particularly in relation to how the dissolution of long-­established community ties is experienced by women, will be picked up in the next chapter. Yet, there were also those who saw the situation in relation to gender within the Forest Sangha in Britain somewhat differently. They emphasise that the sīladharā ordination was pioneering, given that a ten-­precept female renunciant path had previously not been available in the Ajahn Chah lineage. They also recognised its rapid evolution in a short period of time. One participant highlighted that it had the potential to offer a great deal in terms of supporting renunciant Buddhist practice for women in Britain. She emphasised that, whilst there are differences in what men and women were enabled to do within the Forest Sangha in Britain, rather than enforcing structural gender equality she would prefer to foster good relations between the communities of monks and sīladharā more organically. Like those within the Tibetan tradition, some sīladharā preferred to work within what was currently available for women whilst equally recognising that the situation would most likely continue to shift and change. Here, there was a strong sense that fostering good community relationships was more important than organisational gender equality, something that has been reflected in scholarship of Buddhist women outside of the UK, for example in Myanmar (Kawanami, 2013) and in Sri Lanka (Salgado, 2013). One sīladharā explained: What I realise is that if you have a kind of equality, but a huge amount of suspicion and mistrust, I don’t want to live like that.… I don’t mind if it’s not equal if there’s that sense of mutual respect and friendliness, you know those are things that are much more important to me … I’ve always known we have a place and I’ve always known that we have a place and an equivalence. As she goes on to say: I think as long as there is a sense of confidence and awareness of one’s own value … you can make all the appropriate gestures of respect, standing aside for the monks and so on – and yet, actually, there is a reciprocity in terms of respect.… I feel that the monks have a tremendous respect for the nuns. This highlights that whilst some sīladharā very much felt that they were forced into a marginalised position in what they described as a male-­dominated institution, this was not the view expressed by all.

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154   Loaded words Amidst these variant perspectives, I also discerned (perhaps unsurprisingly) several views on the bhikkhunī ordination, ranging from very positive to a feeling that it wasn’t appropriate or possible in the current climate. For example, one participant who was supportive of the bhikkhunī ordination stated: I think women should have the same support for practice as men because they have the same capacity for liberation. So it’s really very simple, you know. I want to see equality for the sake of balance … and because (bhikkhunī ordination) was what the Buddha originally offered for women. One sīladharā approached the issue in a different way:

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Although I fully support the movement to re-­establish the bhikkhunī order, this is not something I am currently choosing to undertake. Mainly because, having recently spent many years involved in attempting to address the (Forest Sangha’s) community dynamics regarding gender, I simply didn’t have the inner resources to face the inevitable challenge of being one of those at the forefront of this movement. In continuing to live as a sīladharā, I feel as though I support the visibility of women’s practice. One of the issues with bhikkhunī ordination raised by this participant was the garudhamma – the Eight Special Rules. She was worried about directly signing up to them, but equally, she was curious about those bhikkhunī who had taken ordination without them, citing fears that this would invalidate their ordinations, at least in the eyes of some people.10 Indeed, two of the participants in this study who had taken bhikkhunī ordination had not taken the Eight Special Rules. In justifying this, they cited (academic) scholarship which asserted these were a later invention and not part of the original intentions of the Buddha. Whilst this sīladharā was concerned about gender inequality within the Theravāda tradition, she equally did not want personally to be a champion of structural change. She preferred to operate within the boundaries of the sīladharā training, which she felt worked for her, and concentrate her attention on living a life focused on her Buddhist practice. However, she did support the idea of bhikkhunī ordination in principle – actually, a rather complicated mental balancing act providing further support to the need for careful analysis on these issues. It is important to note, however, that those in this study who supported bhikkhunī ordination also saw  themselves as focused on monastic life and equally prioritised Buddhist practice in their narratives, but they wanted to do this within different forms and parameters. It is clear from the testimonies of my participants that the events surrounding the 2009 implementation of the Five Points polarised the Forest Sangha and the sīladharā, which caused a great deal of unrest within the communities. Although earlier, Liz Williams (2005: 235) highlights that she perceived little incentive for sīladharā to challenge the institutional hierarchy; in the immediate wake of the Five Points this was clearly no longer the case, with a number of sīladharā

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Loaded words   155 opting to disrobe or leave the monastic community, some citing gender discrimination as one of the reasons which provoked their decision. In part, these institutional events and the responses of individual women to them have gone on to contribute to the rapid development of new bhikkhunī communities across the world. As the dust settles on these high-­profile events, it is also important to remember that not all the sīladharā decided to leave. Amongst those who stayed, I encountered an enduring commitment to continue working within the parameters of the sīladharā ordination within the Forest Sangha communities in Britain. Yet, it remains important not to over-­simplify a complex situation by suggesting that those who chose to stay are wholly unconcerned with gender inequality and those who left are somehow less interested in Buddhist practice. Viewing the subtle gradations of my participants’ perspectives through this rigid binary undermines the complexity of the situation and their responses to it. Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, Triratna, and Amida In comparison with the Tibetan and Theravāda groups, there was much less of a range in attitudes towards gender equality amongst ordained women within the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives (OBC), Triratna, and Amida. Each of these three organisations offers men and women the same ordination, and this was strongly valued by all the participants within these groups. For example, one OBC monk11 stated: That idea that we are all monks, male, female, it’s not just an idea that’s written into the rules, I think it’s actually true, it’s actually how things operate.

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For some participants, the emphasis on structural gender equality was a key reason why they initially chose their Buddhist group, and several highlighted that they did not think they would have been able to live happily within an organisation that appeared to prioritise men’s practice, opportunities, and spiritual attainment over women’s. Another OBC monk explained: I just sort of fell into this Order, but when I look at it … I’m not sure I would have become a nun. Because I think, no matter what you do, it’s second class. It’s like being a nurse instead of a doctor. That’s the closest thing to me. And I think … I would have rebelled against it. A participant from Amida reinforced this: One of the things that was already important to me before becoming a Buddhist was sexual equality and gender equality and to actually learn that … some Buddhist organisations have a very funny idea of gender equality and actually have structures that reinforce the inequalities is shocking … I just think that’s just, that’s not Buddhism, that’s something else.

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

156   Loaded words Of all the groups in this study, only Triratna has established women ordaining other women as a matter of course.12 The value of this was highlighted by many of the Triratna Order members, alongside the importance of ‘single-­sex’ activities. Some questioned the dominance of what has been called in Triratna ‘the single-­sex principle’ or ‘idea’, and would have liked to have more connections with the men’s community. However, most enjoyed having a female-­focused environment within which to practise, as they felt that this allowed women the space to develop spiritually, without having to conform to traditional gender roles or patterns of behaviour. This was also mirrored in a 2007 survey of the Triratna Order, where Vajragupta (2010: 79) tells us that ‘over 80% of respondents still valued single-­sex situations’. Whilst I did not routinely ask all participants about their views on the other Buddhist groups which did not offer gender-­equal ordinations, some mentioned this as a concern. The overwhelming view from these participants was that organisational inequality between ordained men and women is not appropriate in contemporary Britain. Furthermore, they typically did not think that it was in line with Buddhist values:

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I hope that organisations like ours can you know at least throw up a light into what’s happening to other organisations and say well it doesn’t have to be that way, you know, the most junior monk shouldn’t automatically surpass the most senior nun, just because it’s written down in the text, change it! However, there was not always a comprehensive awareness of the issues facing women in other Buddhist traditions, which indicates that interest typically lies more with local issues in individual communities, a point that I will return to in the next chapter. Yet, despite an overwhelming support for gender equality amongst the women in these three groups, it does not automatically follow that there are a large number of women who self-­define as feminist, or indeed were particularly concerned with ‘active campaigning’. In fact, amongst the women ordained in Triratna, there were very few who described themselves as comfortable being considered feminist. This is possibly because, institutionally, although discussion about gender equality and feminism has been encouraged in Triratna – for example, see Maitreyi (1997), Suvarnaprabha (2008), and Richard Hayes (1995) – Sangharakshita himself was openly critical of elements of feminist thought and practice (Hayes, 1995: 1). One of the participants in this study explained that she understood Sangharakshita differentiated between feminism with a small ‘f ’, and feminism with a large ‘F ’ and, despite strongly supporting gender equality, she felt far less comfortable with what she saw as the blinkered ‘large F ’ approach, which took women’s oppression as a dominant analytical theme. It is important to note here, however, that despite the institutional attitude to feminism, none of the participants expressed that they felt marginalised by this or unable to hold a divergent perspective. Indeed, their attitudes towards feminism, they explained, were more likely to be shaped by their current experiences.

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Loaded words   157 Some women felt that discussing gender inequality was rather ‘old hat’ and not particularly relevant to their daily lives, most likely because of the equality of opportunity for men and women in terms of ordination which was established in these three organisations. They did not feel discriminated against in their ordination practices or within their respective communities and therefore didn’t feel they had to ‘bang a drum’ for gender issues. One Triratna dharmacharini stated that she didn’t feel the need to think about gender equality mostly because she had come to the Order after some difficult issues had already been navigated by other women. These issues included the publication of, and response to, Subhuti’s (1995) text, Women, Men, and Angels, which was referred to by most of the Triratna participants, and which I introduced in Chapter 2. Of those who were involved in the Triratna Order at the time this book was published, some described being strongly affected by its contents as they felt it was an inaccurate reflection of women’s spiritual practice and ability. Others, whilst questioning the way the book was written and argued, did highlight that in the wake of its publication, the book had a galvanizing effect within the women’s wing of the Order. This led one participant to wonder whether the text was, in Buddhist terms, ‘skilful means’. Some had more sympathy with the content of the text, and pointed out that women had been at a spiritual disadvantage given that they generally bore the brunt of child-­care and could spend less time meditating on retreat, for example. What this case highlights is that, within Triratna, attitudes and experiences in relation to gender equality have changed over the decades since the group was established. The issues that faced women at the beginning (when the men’s wing of the Order was arguably predominant) are generally not seen to be faced by women joining the Order now, when gender equality is, according to one participant, ‘such a given’. Yet, even in these organisations where structural equality was established, there were women who continued to highlight their concerns about certain issues facing ordained women, and a number of participants who very much wanted to support the ongoing development of women’s Buddhist practice. The concerns they raised included: questions about the impact of a male/female disciple relationship (within the OBC); whether ceremonial readings should be changed to reflect gender-­neutral language; how to navigate teaching Buddhist sutta/sūtra that contained less than positive images of women; whether single-­ sex or mixed-­sex groups are most supportive of women’s practice (within Triratna); and the ingrained habits of women in terms of deferring to men to complete certain tasks within mixed-­sex communities, which could include practical tasks, or making recordings of teachings for distribution. In addition, particularly in Triratna, where women are able to ordain and be married and have a family, there were also issues raised as to the difficulties of balancing Buddhist practice with the responsibilities of family life, which were seen to affect women in different ways from men. Furthermore, whilst the majority of the participants within Triratna, the OBC, and Amida described gender equality as vitally important, some began to question how useful it was to invoke a rigid idea of ‘equality’:

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

158   Loaded words I think well, everyone isn’t equal, people are different, so people should have access to the things that they need, but I’m not quite sure whether that means a sort of blanket equality. One questioned whether always being concerned with gender discrimination actually hindered Buddhist practice: Just sit still with what you’ve got on your plate and work with it … you’ve got to deal with the process of disease and death at some point, so how do you deal with that if you are getting upset about being a woman and being not whatever it is, being given (something). These types of rationales are reminiscent of those shared by practitioners in Tibetan groups, connecting women along the lines of modes of engagement, rather than group affiliation. Several of the women, across Amida, OBC and Triratna, were clear that they did not want to promote women above men, and instead prefer to look at gender equality as equality for all: I might say (I was a feminist), but I would have to add a caveat that what I’m more interested in is the equal, fair, just treatment of human beings, because I’m trying to save beings, not women at the expense of anything else. Taking this even further, two of the participants explained carefully that their ‘purposeful distancing’ attitudes towards gender equality were rooted in the view that becoming too attached to a fixed gender identity was a hindrance on the Buddhist path. For example, one OBC (female) monk states: I’m not particularly thinking of myself as a self … I’m not primarily involved with the sense of me being a woman and the problems that being a woman has caused me.

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This was mirrored in the testimony of one Triratna dharmacharini, who asserts: (Being a woman) is important to me, of course … because that’s who I am, but I think it’s more important that I’m a Buddhist.… I just take it as identified too much with a particular physical manifestation … holding too much to a particular conditioning … it can hold you back. Yet, another OBC monk questions whether it was possible to ever completely remove your identification with your physical characteristics: There will always be a male/female dynamic.… If you think you are past it, or its going to go away, you are the one who is going to … get into trouble, sexually, and otherwise. We don’t look at men and women the same …

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Loaded words   159 I may … act very differently with different women, I may act very differently with different men, I’m always aware that they are male or female. While it might be assumed that those ordained in traditions that give equality to men and women (particularly those with monastic leanings) might be the ones who were more likely to narrate a sense of transcending conventional gender division, this was not necessarily the case amongst British Buddhist women. Indeed, one Theravāda bhikkhunī explained that prior to her ordination she was not particularly concerned with gender identity, but she only became increasingly aware of being female after living in a monastic environment which segregated men and women. As I have demonstrated in this chapter, one’s approach to gender equality (and, indeed, feminism) is shaped by a complicated entanglement of current and past experiences and group dynamics, intimately woven together with Buddhist philosophy, doctrine and localised practice.

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Conclusion: British Buddhist women, gender equality, and ‘the F word’ In this chapter, through qualitative analysis and using the ‘modes of engagement’ categorisation and four perceptual maps, I have demonstrated that both feminism and gender equality continue to be confronting and contested issues within most British Buddhist communities, particularly for ordained women. This contestation is acutely felt within traditions that do not offer a parity of ordination for women and men, but an interest in women’s practices and a critical questioning of systemic marginalisation remains of interest even within groups which offer institutional gender equality. While this is the case, my principal argument is that perceptions about British Buddhist women’s strong feminist sympathies or their desire to challenge Buddhist structural inequality on the lines of gender are not borne out in empirical evidence, at least not in entirety. What the detailed analysis in this chapter has uncovered are the finely grained differences in approach to gender and equality/inequality taken by British Buddhist women. Not every participant wished to give their gender identity or their role as an ‘ordained woman’ much attention. In turn, this affected their attitudes both to gender equality overall and feminism specifically and whether they made efforts to connect with other Buddhist women on the ‘gender ticket’, including through international fora, such as Sakyadhita. I have shown that, whilst there are certainly some who cite women’s rights and equality as motivating factors (particularly for seeking bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination) and those that are very willing to challenge Buddhist hierarchies in relation to gender inequality, this was far from a universal position. Not all ordained women in Britain see themselves as champions for the bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination, and even those who do approach their ‘activism’ in rather different ways. The range of views I have described in this chapter, principally through giving substantial air to women’s own words, challenges the idea that ordained women in the British context are all unequivocally and uniformly concerned

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160   Loaded words with enforcing the principle of gender equality within Buddhist institutions. Although ordained women are often placed centrally within the debate about gender equality in Buddhism (in both scholarly and practitioner-­led circles), this was not a positioning that all British Buddhist women felt entirely comfortable with. Of course, some of the differences between ordained women’s perspectives are rather subtle and their narratives therefore need a careful analytical approach. It is far too easy to polarise women’s perspectives when in reality they are subtly different, even among women who broadly support bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination, for example. From the evidence of this study, it remains crucial to afford British ordained Buddhist women a level of attitudinal diversity and recognise that they have varying approaches to the contested issues of feminism and gender equality, particularly as they relate to Buddhist traditions. By investigating these narratives through ‘modes of engagement’ it is possible to see where the similarities arise between Buddhist women and also where they diverge – helping to move beyond any overly reductive impressions of women’s attitudes. This needs to be taken further, however, and more questions arise from this data. Although my interest in this book has been with Buddhist convert women who take ordination, it goes almost without saying that this is only a partial view. Would lay Buddhist women, across the spectrum of traditions, feel the same way as the ordained women I spent most of my time with? Does age and time connected to Buddhist groups shape attitudes? There is some evidence (for example, in a recent study by Page and Yip (2017)) that amongst young British Buddhist lay people, equity between men and women in terms of access to Buddhist hierarchies, teaching and opportunities is now ‘non-­negotiable’ and their involvement in Buddhist groups is contingent on women and men being offered parity. So, perhaps, as women take ordination in particular traditions, age with their Buddhist groups, and become part of the saṅgha hierarchy, these issues become increasingly tricky to navigate (Page and Yip, 2017: 112). At this stage, more detailed work is required to tease out these differences and I am resistant to reifying a hard-­and-fast lay/ordained division in attitude before having this tested in empirical work. A further question centres on whether the ‘modes of engagement’ fit the experiences of non-­convert ordained Buddhist women in Britain, including those of Asian heritage. Although I cannot answer this with precision here, it remains important to highlight potential lines of synergy and difference going forward. Given the varied perspectives on gender equality held by, for example, Sri Lankan, Taiwanese and Burmese Buddhist nuns in different geographical contexts (now a well-­established feature of scholarship), there is every reason to think that this range and variation would also be reflected amongst women from these groups here. What the evidence I have analysed does is provide a deeper and more contextualised representation of the range of women’s views on issues that have caused great concern in particular British Buddhist movements and to establish firmly the complexity of the terrain. In finalising this chapter and thinking through the implications of the data, I  began to ask myself whether my question about feminist engagement and

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Loaded words   161 attitudes to gender equality was, in itself, rather limiting. These are questions that are asked repeatedly of Buddhist nuns (and, indeed, other religious women) the world over. No matter how generally or gently I asked the question about equality or women’s roles in Buddhism, I felt I was already setting up a binary and an opposition – forcing my participants to choose a perspective or a position and stick to it. The reality is far more complex. Even for those women who were, to many extents, ardent ‘campaigners’, their priority was living out Buddhist teachings in their local area and with a community of practice that they wanted to foster and develop. Those who wanted to distance themselves from the issue in entirety continued to differ in their approach, shaped in part by the institutional histories of different Buddhist groups in Britain. Although challenging simplistic assumptions about who British Buddhist women are and what motivates them is important, continually reducing this to ‘the F word’ is a blunt instrument, and doesn’t get us very far in appreciating the entirety of women’s daily lives, their relationships with communities, and the commitments that they make.

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Notes   1 Sections of this chapter (particularly ‘the modes of engagement’ which I previously called ‘ways of engagement’) were printed in Italian in an earlier version in Giorgi, A. and Palmisano, S. (eds) 2016. Di Come Donne, Di Come Dio. Milan: Mimesis (Starkey, 2016). They appear here in substantial revision and in greater detail, with kind permission from Mimesis.   2 Sakyadhita, an international network for Buddhist women, was established in 1987 to connect Buddhist women across the globe and to ‘work for gender equity in Buddhist education, training, institutional structures, and ordination’ (www.sakyadhita.org/ home/ourwork.html, last accessed 30 August 2018).   3 One could turn to work by Klein (1995), Cheng (2007), Gross (1993), Senf (1996), Schneiderman (1999), Kabilsingh (1991), Koppedrayer (2007), Watson (2003), or more recently by Langenberg (2018).   4 Two of the participants in this study were excluded from the analysis in this section because I did not ask them directly about their affiliation with feminism. This was because the interviews naturally went in a different direction in the time that we had available. They have both been re-­incorporated into the data analysis in the section exploring attitudes to gender equality.   5 Using this perceptual mapping technique, any number of different axes could be used. In addition to the maps presented here, I also plotted attitudes in two additional maps that did not show particularly significant patterns. The first of these was in relation to the age of participants at interview. Broadly speaking, the older a participant was, the less likely she was to describe a strong affiliation to feminism. However, given that the number of women under the age of 50 in my sample was comparatively low, it is difficult to assume an inevitable connection between age and feminist affiliation. The second map charted feminist orientation against whether the women’s Buddhist tradition was considered socially engaged or contemplative. Whilst I assumed that those ordained in a socially engaged movement would be more likely to express feminist affiliation, this was not necessarily the case. I suggest that this pattern has arisen as a  result of particular organisational positions taken on feminism within Triratna (who make up a large percentage of those in my sample involved in socially engaged Buddhist groups). I will discuss Triratna’s engagement with feminism later in this chapter.

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162   Loaded words   6 I have taken the decision here, as part of my commitment to participant anonymity, not to identify which women are connected to which Buddhist group. Whilst this would, no doubt, have added an extra analytical layer to the map, I felt that this might compromise women’s identities. In order to compensate for this, I have delved into more detail about women in different Buddhist groups and their trajectories in relation to gender equality in the latter part of the chapter.   7 Further discussion about ‘sangha gender’ and whether it is a neutral or masculine ideal and how this relates to Buddhist nuns and monastics in other geographic contexts can be found in the work of Mackley (2005).   8 There was very little mention of the eight garudhammas/gurudharma or Special Rules amongst British Tibetan-­tradition nuns. Although I asked, I was not always given a clear response as to whether these rules were taken on ordination or followed by my participants. This uncertainty is not unusual – Ploos van Amstel (2005: 78) found similarly with her Western Tibetan practitioners.   9 This Buddhist group, as I discussed in Chapter 2, has taken a particular stance on gender equality. Lama Yeshe, their abbott, supported a number of women to take bhikṣuṇī ordination in a large ceremony run by Chinese nuns in Bodhgaya in 1998 and has also named women as Lamas (Khandro, 2007: 81, Bluck, 2006: 122; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 125; Samye-­Ling, n.d.). 10 For a more in-­depth discussion of the history of the garudhammas in relation to the Forest Sangha in Britain, see Angell (2006: 106). 11 As I explained in Chapter 2, the term ‘monk’ is used for both men and women within the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives. 12 The Order of Buddhist Contemplatives and Amida would also allow for women ordaining women (and, certainly, in the OBC, this role was taken by Reverend Master Jiyu-­Kennett before she died). Although at the time of my interviews, the most senior person in each of these organisations was male and he would act as the preceptor, this changed for the OBC in January 2019, when Reverend Master Leandra Robertshaw was elected as the new abbott, replacing Reverend Master Daishin Morgan.

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References Angell, J. 2006. Women in Brown: A Short History of the Order of Siladhara, Nuns of the English Forest Sangha, Part One. Buddhist Studies Review, 23, 93–112. Aune, K. and Redfern, C. 2010. Reclaiming the F Word: The New Feminist Movement. London: Zed Books. Auer Falk, N. 2001. The Case of the Vanishing Nuns: The Fruits of Ambivalence in Ancient Indian Buddhism. In: Auer Falk, N. and Gross, R. (eds) Unspoken Worlds: Women’s Religious Lives (3rd Edition). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. 196–206. Bell, S. 1991. Buddhism in Britain: Development and Adaptation. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Durham. Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge. Cheng, W.-Y. 2003. Luminary Buddhist Nuns in Contemporary Taiwan: A Quiet Feminist Movement. Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 10, 39–56. Cheng, W.-Y. 2007. Buddhist Nuns in Taiwan and Sri Lanka: A Critique of the Feminist Perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Gross, R. M. 1993. Buddhism After Patriarchy: A Feminist History, Analysis and Reconstruction of Buddhism. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

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Loaded words   163 Gyatso, J. 2010. Female Ordination in Buddhism: Looking into a Crystal Ball, Making a Future. In: Mohr, T. and Tsedroen, J. (eds) Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full Ordination for Nuns. Somerville, MA: Wisdom. 1–21. Haas, M. 2013. The F Word in Buddhism: ‘Daughters of the Buddha’ Discuss How Buddhist Women Can Achieve Equality. Huffington Post [online]. Available from: www. huffingtonpost.com/michaela-­haas/daughters-­of-the-­buddha-discuss-­how-buddhist-­ women-can-­achieve-equality_b_2421834.html [Accessed 2 August 2018]. Harvey, P. 1990. An Introduction to Buddhism: Teachings, History and Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hayes, R. P. 1995. Androgyny Among Friends. Available at: www.discussion.fwbo.org [Accessed 13 May 2014]. Kabilsingh, C. 1991. Thai Women in Buddhism. Berkeley, CA: ParallaxPress. Kawanami, H. 2013. Renunciation and Empowerment of Buddhist Nuns in Myanmar-­ Burma: Building a Community of Female Faithful. Leiden: Brill. Keyes, C. F. 1986. Ambiguous Gender: Male Initiation in a Northern Thai Buddhist Society. In: Bynum, C., Harrell, S. and Richman, P. (eds) Gender and Religion: On the Complexity of Symbols. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. 56–96. Khandro, A. R. 2007. Kagyu Samye Ling: The Story: Celebrating 40 Years of the First Tibetan Buddhist Monastery and Cultural Centre in the West. Eskdalemuir, Scotland: Dzalendara Publishing. Klein, A. C. 1995. Meeting the Great Bliss Queen: Buddhists, Feminists and the Art of the Self. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. Knott, K. and Khokher, S. 1993. Religious and Ethnic Identity Among Young Muslim Women in Bradford. new community, 19, 593–610. Koppedrayer, K. 2007. Review Essay: Feminist Applications of Buddhist Thought. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 23, 121–140. Langenberg, A. P. 2018. An Imperfect Alliance: Feminism and Contemporary Female Buddhist Monasticisms. Religions 9, 190. Mackley, C. E. 2005. The Body of a Nun: Nunhood and Gender in Contemporary Amdo. In: Gyatso, J. and Havnevik, H. (eds) Women in Tibet. New York: Columbia University Press. 259–284. Maitreyi 1997. Feminism and Buddhism. In: Kalyanavaca (ed.) The Moon and the Flowers: A Woman’s Path to Enlightenment. Birmingham: Windhorse. 111–120. Mohanty, C. T. 1991. Introduction: Cartographies of Struggle: Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. In: Mohanty, C. T., Russo, A. and Torres, L. (eds) Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 1–50. Page, S.-J. and Yip, A. K.-T. 2017. Understanding Young Buddhists: Living Out Ethical Journeys. Leiden: Brill. Ploos van Amstel, T. 2005. Sandpaper Sisterhood: Western Nuns in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions. PhD thesis, University of Utrecht. Salgado, N. S. 2013. Buddhist Nuns and Gendered Practice: In Search of the Female Renunciant. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Samye-­Ling. n.d. Lama Zangmo [online]. Available at: www.samyeling.org/buddhism-­ and-meditation/teaching-­archive-2/lama-­zangmo/ [Accessed 16 August 2018]. Schneiderman, S. 1999. Appropriate Treasure? Reflections on Women, Buddhism and Cross-­Cultural Exchange In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Buddhist Women Across Cultures: Realizations. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. 221–238.

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164   Loaded words

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Senf, M. 1996. Unlearning Silence: A Further Feminist Revaluation of Buddhist Practice In: Dresser, M. (ed.) Buddhist Women on the Edge: Contemporary Perspectives from the Western Frontier. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 69–80. Shaw, S. 2008. The Development of the Theravada Order of Nuns in Britain. In: Deegalle, M. (ed.) Dharma to the UK: A Centennial Celebration of Buddhist Legacy. London: World Buddhist Foundation. 151–169. Starkey, C. 2016. Practica Buddhista vs Politiche Femministe? Linee di frattura e punti d’inctontro per le Buddhiste ‘Ordinate’ in Gran Bretagne. In: Giorgi, A. and Palmisano, S. (eds) D come Donne, D come Dio. Milan: Mimesis. Subhuti. 1995. Women, Men and Angels: An Inquiry Concerning the Relative Spiritual Aptitudes of Men and Women. Birmingham: Windhorse. Suvarnaprabha. 2008. Tearing Open the Dark: Inquiries Into being Female in the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order. Available at: http://discussion.fwbo.org/wp-­content/ suvannaprabha-­tearing-open-­the-dark-­088.pdf [Accessed 2 March 2012]. Vajragupta. 2010. The Triratna Story: Behind the Scenes of a New Buddhist Movement. Cambridge: Windhorse Publications. Watson, G. 2003. Buddhism and the Feminine Voice. Contemporary Buddhism, 4, 25–31. Weinberg, T. M. 2010. ‘Take it or Leave it’ and the Ground Between. Present: The Voices and Activities of Theravada Buddhist Women, Spring 2010, 20–28. Williams, L. 2005. Women’s Ordination in Theravada Buddhism: Ancient Evidence and Modern Debates. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sunderland.

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7 Pioneers and volunteers

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Women building British Buddhism

When I was about 11 weeks pregnant with my second child, I paid a visit to Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey in Northumberland. I had become quite attached to this relatively remote Sōtō Zen monastery during my doctoral fieldwork, and very fond of some of the female monks who lived there. At the time of this particular visit, I was doing research for the first national survey of Buddhist buildings in England (Tomalin and Starkey, 2016), and was being shown around the buildings and grounds of the monastery, situated on former farmlands which had been bought by the monastic community in the early 1970s. As I walked through the combination of wild and well-­tended grounds, feeling nauseous with morning sickness and more than a little tired, I came across a small animal cemetery and paused to catch my breath. In and amongst the tiny headstones dedicated to well­loved pets such as Charlie, Bliss and Shep, was a statue of Jizo or Kṣitigarbha, the bodhisattva protector of children (including those unborn) and travellers.1 I was drawn to the little stone figure, dressed in monk’s robes with his hands in prayer and slightly worn away by the weather, perhaps because I was carrying a child whose own life had hung in the balance more than once. As I stared at the Jizo bosatsu, and the inscriptions on the head stones, I thought about the statue and about the pets. Who had placed them there? What connections did they have to this land, this place, and this monastic community? How had the owners of these pets helped to bring Buddhism to this secluded Northumberland hillside? I wondered how many of their individual stories of Buddhist practice in this particular corner of Britain were remembered and how many were forgotten as new people arrived and others moved on. Later in the day, these thoughts continued when I was talking to Ceola about her involvement in the development of Throssel Hole. Although she hadn’t been involved at Throssel’s inception, she had contributed to the building of the ceremony hall, the Hall of Pure Offerings, in the 1980s. On retreat, I had meditated and participated in ceremonial in this very hall, and at night, I had gone to sleep looking at the imposing Guardian King statues in the four corners of the room. Ceola’s description of being one of few women in a team of young ‘strapping’ male monks piqued my curiosity. She described how most of them had never done any building work before starting to construct a rather complicated communal space which had been designed by the former abbot, Reverend Master

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

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Figure 7.1  Jizo at Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey, Northumberland. Source: Photograph by Caroline Starkey.

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Pioneers and volunteers   167

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Daishin Morgan. They had to learn about plastering, plumbing, brick-­laying and electrics, developing practical skills they didn’t necessarily have before moving to the monastery. As we looked at the hall from the outside, Ceola thought she could identify which bricks she had put in, and added with a smile which of them might have needed re-­doing. There was no plaque, dedication or public commemoration of Ceola’s handiwork at Throssel, or indeed anyone else’s, aside of course from the continuing existence of the building itself. The monastery buildings seemed to have always been there, having become part of the rugged, rural landscape, but the perspectives of the individual builders themselves somehow had become hazier in the passage of time, at least to an outsider. The stories Ceola told me of her personal role in building British Buddhism weren’t private, but they weren’t particularly public either. Looking at the section on the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives in Bluck’s (2006: 67) book, British Buddhism, he writes of the development of Throssel Hole and the completion of the Hall in 1988, noting succinctly that the hall was built, and following it, other construction projects were undertaken. There are some wonderful photographs of early building work on Throssel’s own website, but few pictures of Ceola or any other female monks, aside from Jiyu Kennett holding one of the monastery dogs.2 The narratives of women’s building work, vision, hardship and learning have not always been prioritised in the published scholarly history of British Buddhism.3 Yet, stories like Ceola’s are moulded, wordlessly, into the fabric of British Buddhist buildings – these local and particular experiences an integral part of the development of British Buddhism. Recovering them, and putting them at the forefront of our analysis, enables a more holistic understanding of new Buddhist community growth, development and change. The purpose of this chapter is to investigate the relationships that Buddhist women in Britain have with community and locality. I will be layering stories of female monks learning to brick-­lay in the remote Northumbrian countryside, pioneering dharmacharinis putting in underfloor heating in rural Wales, and women performing Buddhist protection rituals around a northern English city. Although the terms ‘place’, ‘locality’ and also ‘space’ have at times been interchangeable in scholarship, each have a specific history and focus. As Kim Knott (2005: 29–30) argues: Places [are] parts of dynamic and relational space, and locations [are] situated positions vis-­à-vis others. Both place and location are conceived in social, mental and physical terms, and, as concepts, are used to identify hierarchical and political positions and stances. Although an appreciation of the ‘local’ and of ‘locality’ moves in and out of scholarly fashion in the study of religion (Knott, 2009: 154), I argue that using this lens allows for a deeper understanding of the close and deeply rooted relationships that British Buddhist women have with immediate communities of practice, and enables us to better appreciate the contributions that women have made to the growth of Buddhism in the British context.4 Influenced by Knott’s

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

168   Pioneers and volunteers (2005, 2009: 159) spatial approach, I do not see the ‘location’ of British Buddhist women as ‘mere context or backdrop’, but ‘as a plural, dynamic and engaged part of a complex social environment or habitat that is globally interconnected and suffused with power’. Throughout this chapter, the significance of local and immediate communities will be stressed, both in terms of their presence, but also in terms of their absence. Here, I will explore the impact on ordained women of a lack of immediate supportive community and what happens to women when relationships within established communities change. What I am concerned to understand are women’s practices of ‘dwelling’ or ‘home-­making’, to adopt Thomas Tweed’s (2006) phraseology. For Tweed, religions are shaped by various movements that people engage with (‘crossings’) which can be physical (for example, changing country) and also emotional (for example, referring to ultimate meanings and understandings of one’s place in the world). Yet, they, at the same time, are stabilised by practices which help them take root or belong in particular places (‘dwelling’). This refers to how and where religious people are situated (and situate themselves) in various localities and how they go about making those localities familiar through a process of ‘mapping, building and inhabiting’ (Tweed, 2006: 82).5 To appreciate how British Buddhist women ‘dwell’ in a particular location is to recognise the process by which their religion is rooted, changed, and made appropriate for a particular environment, but also how specific localities shape and influence religious practices.6 In this chapter, I examine ‘location’ in a multifaceted way and will incorporate within its boundaries an analysis of women’s connections with the development of specific buildings, places and landscapes and their connection to immediate geographical communities and also communities of practice and Buddhist hierarchies. This appreciation of the complexity of location is noted by Knott (2005: 1), who states:

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For some, the focus on location may signal a consideration of geographical places, material objects, the built environment, perhaps social institutions; for others it may be read metaphorically to imply ‘imaginary sites’, ‘cultural spaces’, and ‘ideological positions’. The flexibility behind this idea of ‘location’ is attractive, and I draw on many of these concepts throughout this chapter. What interests me most are the micro-­ practices of building, ‘dwelling’ and belonging, and the intimate relationships between people and place. In understanding what ‘locality’ means to British Buddhist women, I give most attention to the adjacent and nearby – the place where one lives and spends the most time, the immediate people that make up your day-­to-day community, the physical spaces and landscapes that one sees every day. It is these things, I argue, that give structure and meaning to ordained British Buddhist women’s lives. In order to better understand how women are intimately bonded to particular localities, I am concerned not with the stories of high-­profile female founders of British Buddhist movements, such as Reverend

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Pioneers and volunteers   169 Master Jiyu Kennett or Venerable Myoko-­Ni (founder of London Zen Centre), but those who I consider the more ‘rank and file’ ordained women. Their names might not be mentioned in the official history books, but they nevertheless play a central role in developing and maintaining local British Buddhist communities. With this in mind, the chapter is structured in three sections – first I look at the experiences of the (mostly) lesser-­known ‘builder and pioneer’ women. Second, I explore the experience of specific local communities of practice that have been important for Buddhist women in Britain, examining the different living situations that ordained women seek out, or find themselves in. Finally, I analyse location in a more global way, questioning the types of transnational connections and movements that might be made by ordained British Buddhist women and the ways in which they support particular types of religious belonging, particularly when local communities (or women’s relationships to them) are rendered unsatisfactory or fall apart. A key argument within this chapter is that whilst global flows of information, individuals, and practices mean that Buddhism in Britain should never be considered in isolation, this should not be at the expense of understanding the importance of the local, the intimate, and the immediate. In the experiences of the ordained women in this study, local communities of practice and close personal connections with like-­minded others (male or female, lay or ordained) need to remain paramount in the analysis – they are what inspire women to join and commit to Buddhist groups, they help to keep them connected, and, importantly, their absence and loss are felt keenly.

Bricklayers and meditators

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It was (difficult) … people were living on a shoe-­string, and there were times that we didn’t think that we had enough money to feed people … there were times when the finances were really stretched. And there was a lot of concern and worry about actually completing what we needed to do. (Ordained Woman, Triratna, talking about the development of an urban Buddhist centre in the mid-­1990s) When thinking about the establishment of Buddhism in Britain, sufficient consideration needs to be given to the challenges, difficulties, worries, hopes, hard work and joy experienced by early community members and those trying to build new spaces for practice. Once buildings have been constructed or renovated and lived in for some time, it is all too easy to forget the effort and difficulty that was an inexorable part of their development. For many of the women who were involved in the building of Buddhist spaces in Britain, establishing a Buddhist community, opening a retreat centre, or running a successful meditation class, took effort and vision.7 For some of the women in this study, particularly those who took ordination in the early days of their respective movements’ establishment in Britain, an important element of their practice was to assist in physically planning, constructing, and developing the sites that would become either monasteries, community living spaces, or retreat centres. Sometimes they

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

170   Pioneers and volunteers did this together with men, sometimes solely with other women. As we have heard from the experience of Ceola, women learnt to build and plaster, lay flooring and help put in windows, as well as paint and decorate. One of the early residents of Taraloka, a Triratna retreat centre for women, told me how in the beginning, the land and buildings that they had purchased were ‘a bit rough’, comprising a farm house and cow sheds in the Welsh countryside. The location was chosen as it was reasonably easy to get to from different parts of the country, important when creating a space that would be popular with British women, and it was to form the first women-­only retreat space for Triratna (then, the FWBO), opening in late 1985. Much of the work to develop this space was undertaken by women, either those living at the centre or those who were on retreat, and this is a model that continues, albeit with paid assistance. As Dayanandi (1997: 219) writes:

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Women on working retreats had begun to strip out the barns, removing concrete cattle troughs and cement rendering using pneumatic drills. They did as much as they could without calling in professional builders. This challenged their ideas about their supposed capabilities as women; they found they could do far more than they had imagined. Although the men involved in building British Buddhist spaces may also have experienced a similar stretch to their perceived capacities, this aspect of place-­ making was noted by several of my participants as particularly significant for women. The sense of challenge was felt by those working on women-­only projects, and also those working to develop spaces in collaboration with men. In both these situations, women working on British Buddhist centres were challenged to hone skills they might not have had the opportunity to develop before. I was told that an extra issue arises for some women when collaborating with men, and that is resisting the socially conditioned urge to retreat to the more domestic sphere of the kitchen whilst men completed the more physically demanding tasks. I noted that whilst I was on retreat at Throssel, working tasks for volunteers were divided evenly between men and women. Although at the time I felt my skills might have been better placed indoors, spending time learning how to dig a ditch with a group of other people and navigating the inevitable community dynamics that arose, helped me to think about where I felt my limits were, and why, and begin to break these down. However, undertaking this kind of physical work, despite the commitment to the vision, isn’t always straightforward. One of the women who was at Throssel Hole in the very earliest days told me about sleeping in a barn with no heating, having to manage with infrequent, cold showers – physically demanding in the long and brittle Northumberland winter. She described: In the winter, you’d go to bed, all you did was take your robe off and put your night dress on and get into the sleeping bag … and put a hat on to sleep with because you were so cold.… You got a shower once a week and the

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Pioneers and volunteers   171 shower sometimes wasn’t hot, it was cold and not deliberately, it just kind of, it wasn’t deliberate cold showers, it was just inefficient. And so that was challenging, and tears have been shed over that. Another explained: And then that old meditation hall upstairs, you know, that old barn – that used to have snow blowing in in the winter onto your sleeping bag. And I remember that it was blooming chilly.

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These types of hardship and difficulties, albeit laced here with typically British understatement, were noted by Angell (2006a) in her description of the early development of Chithurst/Cittaviveka Forest Sangha monastery in the late 1970s. She explained that in the process of refurbishing the house that would become the monastic community in Sussex, some of the vinaya regulations around meals needed to be relaxed (with the introduction of a light breakfast) as ‘the cold climate and hard manual work were taking their toll on the community’ (Angell, 2006a: 98).8 This sense of hard graft isn’t only related to adapting or renovating spaces, but also to the process of setting up new meditation groups or classes. Several of my participants highlighted that when they became interested in Buddhism, they didn’t have any local groups available to join. They might have visited groups in other UK locations, but the feeling was that in order to get more involved, having a local group for practice was imperative. As a result, they had to establish groups on their own, in their local areas, sometimes before they felt ready. This was a great learning curve and came replete with difficulty. There was uncertainty about how many people would turn up or whether they would be interested at all, where they would go and where they might find spaces to hire or borrow for regular meetings (including other people’s living rooms). One of my participants who set up a Triratna group in her local area explained: In the early days, it was a bit stark.… It was a bit hard work at first, but great, I mean, it’s different being in a big saṅgha, you can kind of sit back a bit, but then, you know, if you didn’t do it, it didn’t happen! Here, then, this sense of difficulty is seen as a benefit – something that made you take responsibility and action – vital in burgeoning British Buddhist movements and particularly in fostering women’s involvement and deepening one’s Buddhist practice. One of the early Forest Sangha sīladharā echoed this and explained that they were given the opportunity to teach very early on and in a much more unstructured way than would happen now. However, as she describes, ‘that was what’s needed’: And I remember I gave my first talk up at Manchester University after a couple of years, which would be unthinkable now! You know, to go off and

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

172   Pioneers and volunteers give a public talk. But that’s what we did, that was what’s needed, that’s what we did. What can be gathered from the narratives of women involved in the development of burgeoning Buddhist communities in Britain is the sense that one pitched in, learnt on the job, and had to work to tailor Buddhist structures and teachings to the environment that surrounded them. For the early female pioneers, there wasn’t much, if any, training or guidance available. According to one sīladharā:

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Each of us kind of had our own idea of what the training was, but it had never been confirmed or explained to us very much. I mean, occasionally, a monk would take me aside and say, well, look, this is what you do with your bag … or this is … what you do with your bowl, this is how you fold (your robe). For some women, their early successes in developing spaces for practice were attributed to a kind of mental toughness and tenacity that was associated with a particular generational disposition. Alura (OBC) referred to her ‘baby boomer’ generation as ‘tough old women’.9 Similarly, Dolma, who got involved with Tibetan Buddhism in the 1990s when she was in her fifties, described her generation as ‘rebellious’. Elizabeth (Gelug), who first experienced Buddhist teachings in a monastery in Nepal in the 1970s and who had been involved with British Buddhist groups since then, pointed out that when faced with difficulty, ‘I just tend to get on with things’. Whilst I agree that the ‘pioneer’ generations of British convert Buddhists most certainly had a physical and mental strength to withstand some of the hardships they faced, and a sense of social rebelliousness partly fuelled their interest in non-­mainstream religious forms, many of the women I interviewed, regardless of their age, seemed to share similar personality traits. They were determined, persistent, pragmatic, hard-­working, thoughtful and tenacious. This was rarely expressed in a loud or demonstrative manner (although sometimes it was), but was more often revealed in how they approached difficulties and the ways that they described their connections to monastic or community life. As Edwina (OBC) explained, ‘you have to be pretty self-­sufficient and a stable person, to do this.’10 Building these types of new communities can be exhausting, particularly if women are in the minority in the movements as a whole. Sumitra (Triratna) explained that, for the first generations of FWBO women, most likely because there were so few female Order members, many suffered from chronic stress trying to build the women’s wing of the movement: … the minute you got ordained … you became someone who taught and served others, and that’s what I saw. I saw that the earliest generation of women Order members were quite exhausted a lot of the time, or quite compromised, so that they very often did things they didn’t want to do … out of generosity and a feeling of duty and obligation.

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Pioneers and volunteers   173 Himavaddhi (Triratna) supported this position, stating:

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Living and working in the same situation is not easy … people had to really be committed to do it. This sense of commitment and duty can be difficult for women to bear, particularly on their own. However, without wishing to valorise exhaustion, their dedication to building and developing communities made many of the women that I interviewed very deeply enmeshed within particular places. The ‘spiritual homes’ for most British Buddhist women I spoke to weren’t temples in Nepal or Thailand, even if these were the ‘home monasteries’ of their traditions and they may have spent formative time there. ‘Home’ is the space that they had worked to envision, build, furnish, paint, and renovate. As they pointed out the underfloor heating that they had put in, or the brick walls that they had built, these women demonstrated a strong sense of their commitment to establishing their specific Buddhist community in cities, towns and rural areas across the various regions of Britain. Ordained women not living in communal settings also participated in forms of Buddhist ‘home-­making’, albeit different from the physical construction of monasteries or retreat centres. For example, in all of the private houses that I visited, women had constructed shrines and meditation rooms and kept images of the Buddha, bodhisattvas and their teachers in prominent positions, making Buddhism a key feature of their domestic space.11 One Triratna Order member explained that although she lived alone, formative for her had been a ceremonial practice where Buddhist shrines were ritually placed around the city she lived in, marking out and creating a space of meditation and protection. Through this ritual, they gave Buddhism a ‘home’ in this specific location, increasing a sense of spiritual connection to place for those individuals participating in the ritual. Another woman discussed how much she enjoyed creating communal rituals incorporating the Vajrayāna Buddha, Amoghasiddhi, that were centred on a tree near the place where she lived. So, whilst the development of new spaces was (and is) a challenge, it is also full of possibility for women, who gained a deeper experience of Buddhist teachings through helping to build new, local communities in the ‘domestication’ of Buddhist practice, to use Sally McAra’s (2007: 6) term.

Creating home, serving community As part of the expansion of Buddhism on British soil, certain structural changes were made in relation to women’s roles within emerging communities. New orders were initiated (the order of sīladharā in the Forest Sangha, for example) and new ordination traditions were established for both women and men, for example, the amitarya in Amida or the dharmachari/dharmacharini in Triratna. Each of these ‘new’ ordinations and the development of their precepts have roots or connections in various ways to other ordination traditions or practices that

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

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174   Pioneers and volunteers exist in Buddhism, so perhaps it is incorrect to refer to them as all entirely ‘new’. However, each heralded significant changes which arose in response to the needs of Buddhist communities in Britain. For those ordaining in the Order of Buddhist Contemplatives, Triratna, and Amida, women were given the same status and community responsibilities as men, and for the OBC, male and female monks live and train together, which would arguably be unusual outside this particular setting in Britain (or the West more generally).12 At Kagyu Samye Ling, whilst initially following the Tibetan monastic establishment by allowing women to take no more than getsulma or novice precepts, Lama Yeshe did provide direct and personal support for some women to take bhikṣuṇī ordination in Bodhgaya in 1998, including accompanying them to India for the ceremonies (Khandro, 2007: 81). According to one of my participants, Samye Ling provided the largest single contingent of women practising with a Tibetan lineage at this ordination event. In addition, as I discussed in Chapter 2, Lama Yeshe has also named female Lamas and has also allowed a temporary ordination for both men and women. These changes, which were initiated from the monastery’s base in Scotland, have allowed women to practise Buddhism in arguably unconventional ways, certainly within their particular tradition. According to one of my participants, one of the reasons underpinning Lama Yeshe’s ability to make these types of changes is the fact that he isn’t ‘high profile’ in the Tibetan monastic hierarchy, which allows him more flexibility to be a ‘trail-­blazer’. Quite possibly, it is also because he runs a well-­established monastery that is geographically some distance from the homeland of the Buddhist school it is part of. In different ways, therefore, Britain has provided a platform for changes to ordained women’s roles which has enabled a particular way of community living. It is the significance of community, and the challenges faced by ordained women in different living situations in Britain, that are the focus of this section. For Ceola, although the practical work to build Throssel was physically difficult, what was more challenging was ‘dealing with yourself ’ and your daily relationship to the people around you: your Buddhist community, other practitioners, your teachers. ‘Practical work’, she explained, ‘is easy’ (especially when you are young and energetic), but ‘dealing with your own outrage at having the world go the way you don’t want it to’, which comes into sharp relief when living cheek-­ by-jowl with other people, is the real test. Rajana (Forest Sangha) takes this further, referring to the early development of the sīladharā community: We just had to make a lot of mistakes and that’s never a very pleasant experience … the whole process of learning how to work together, learning how to be in community, wasn’t easy. The idea of community was described by ordained British Buddhist women in varied ways, although, typically, with emphasis on the pragmatic and practical. For the majority, their ‘community’ was those people who lived immediately around them (or who regularly visited the places where they lived) and who followed the same Buddhist practices and teachings that they did. This included not

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Pioneers and volunteers   175 only other ordained women, but also ordained men and lay followers.13 A few had a rather more global understanding of community, wishing to foster and maintain connections with other Buddhist practitioners, including teachers, outside of Britain, and a more limited number had a strong sense that they wanted to be united with other ordained women, including those in different geographic locations, something I will discuss in the next section. However, for most, a strong sense of connection and commitment to particular places and people in Britain was evident. Although Western Buddhist practitioners are often presented as being driven by a desire to further personal meditative practice over other aspects of Buddhist life, this is not necessarily the case with ordained women in Britain. This is not to say that attitudes to community always remain the same over time, but that, overall, finding, joining, contributing to, and working out your role within immediate Buddhist communities of spiritual practice was an important concern for women. Contributing to community, in many ways, is practice.

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Service and sharing These ‘communities of practice’ (Wenger, 1998) are built through the construction of physical spaces, and, as I have argued earlier, the establishment of centres, temples and monasteries have a key part to play in minority-­faith community development in Britain (Tomalin and Starkey, 2017: 163).14 Beyond the adaptation, renovation and purpose-­building of designated Buddhist spaces, ordained women described a longer-­term process of community-­building that was a little more indeterminate and which was predicated on the development of relationships between individuals at a micro level. Women living in community settings (mixed or single sex) practised different ways to build group dynamics. This included following a structured, routinised day, often rising at a set time, fixed periods of meditation and time for meals, undertaking set responsibilities of work tasks and cleaning, rest periods and further periods of meditation, chanting, and ritual ceremonial. A sense of community could arise from a particular teacher or teaching (including a focus on social or community work). It also arose in the guidance and support of others – lay people coming to ordained women for teachings or advice, regular meditation classes being offered or the facilitation of retreats, both short and long, or supporting newly ordained members and postulants. One of my participants described the practice of monastic head-­shaving at Throssel Hole in terms of its community benefits. She explained that a monk picks a partner to shave with, choosing someone perhaps that they hadn’t spent time with recently. By shaving together, they had an opportunity to bond, to talk, or to be quiet together, building connections and trust in the rather intimate activity of tonsure. This small action, connecting individuals together and helping to break down barriers, is an important part of community-­building: It just kind of seems nice, if you had a chat the other day and then while you are having a chat, you say, ‘do you want to shave tomorrow?’, because you are just kind of connecting with someone.

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

176   Pioneers and volunteers The sense of shared experience with like-­minded individuals often needs a specific space as a fulcrum around which activities can take place, but the strength of the community relates more to the relationships developed within these spaces. As Edwina (OBC) explained, the ongoing attraction of monastic life is: just (the) support of living with people who are doing the same practice … to live full-­time with people and a teacher, and practising. The importance of building spiritual communities of practice wasn’t restricted to monastic communities or even those women living in one shared space. For example, amongst some Triratna female order members, there was a strong sense of wanting to develop the saṅgha, even if one lived alone or with a partner. As Charumati (Triratna) explained, connecting with others is vital for her urban, non-­residential Buddhist centre: I think for most of us here, actually, we’ve got a very strong sense here of, well, what we are about is building saṅgha and teaching the dharma, and the saṅgha is in a way, the saṅgha is the first of the three jewels for me, they are inextricable really, but my practice is building saṅgha.

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Not all the women I spoke with related to building community, living in a communal environment or, in particular, the sense of daily schedule in positive ways. Aarya (Amida) described communal living as ‘not everyone’s cup of tea’ and other women told me that they found rising early, sticking to particular meal times or fixed meditation periods trickier. A small number felt that they wanted to spend more time alone, in contemplative practice, and sometimes seemed a little strained when this did not materialise. However, as I discussed in Chapter 4, providing service to communities of practice (including through social welfare and community projects in the UK and abroad, offering teachings, one-­to-one support for laity or other ordained colleagues, and helping specific Buddhist communities run more smoothly) was a deeply valued part of life for most. Buddhist hotel management, responsibility and isolation However, there isn’t just one form of community, or one form of community living, for British Buddhist women. British Buddhist groups prioritise and enable different ways of life, from the communal to the individual, as I detailed in Chapter 2. Some of my participants lived in relatively remote monasteries, others in smaller one-­person priories, and others lived alone, with partners or families in cities and towns. Your geographical location, particularly if you are in a busy city or a quiet, rural area, influences whom you connect with, what you do each day and the roles that you take as an ordained member of a British Buddhist community. For example, a monk or nun living in a monastery or retreat centre in a more isolated area has a different relationship with the non-­ordained supporters (who may only visit on retreat) than those monastics in busy urban

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest

Pioneers and volunteers   177 Buddhist centres, where members of the lay community might visit daily. To cite one example, several women I spoke to who had ordained within the OBC had had the experience of living at different times both at Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey, as well as living alone in smaller priories or temples which are typically located in cities across Britain. I was told that, when living at Throssel, there is more space for ‘formal practice’ and less pressure to have to manage alone all the issues necessary to keep a building and community functioning, as well as ministering single-­handedly to lay supporters. Whilst Ceola, who had spent time at one of the smaller priories as well as at Throssel, explained that she sometimes found it difficult to detach from the needs of the building and the community when she was the only monk on-­site; she also felt this experience helped her ‘let go and be present’. This was particularly the case when finances were stretched and monastics with responsibilities for particular centres or communities need to find ways of keeping afloat. One of these ways is through providing teachings and retreats, either as regular classes or weekend retreats, or longer.15 Some women I interviewed lived in communities that mostly existed to provide retreats, for Buddhists and non-­Buddhists. For some, this brought a tension between wanting to have more time for personal contemplative practice, but at the same time, valuing deeply the sense of purpose and support to others that they were able to provide. One of my participants described the multiple roles she held:

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Sometimes I might say, I’m living like a nun, or I might say, I’m doing hotel management! And you can choose which one you want. We are running 54 events a year.… Here it’s all emails, it’s bed linen, it’s making sure the food’s in the right place, it’s ordering food, it’s databases … This is not unique to Britain, or to the West, or indeed to any contemporary Buddhist practitioners, but it remains a particular facet of life for minority religious groups in the West without state support who need to provide a service to the wider community for survival.16 For this participant, although she jokingly mused about ‘hotel management’, this for her was a key part of her practice. She felt a strong pull towards service, supporting both Buddhists and non-­Buddhists, and did not want to envisage her ordained life in any other way. Although it is no doubt a challenge to manage an OBC priory or Triratna regional centre alone or in a small group, there remains a structure of institutional support to assist people who live this way. For other women in this study, particularly the Tibetan Gelug and Nyingma nuns who have no monastery or nunnery in Britain, many have no choice but to live alone and manage a domestic household and attempt to integrate this into their ordained lives (see also, Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 89, 135). Of the 25 participants in this study, 9 lived alone and 4 others had also lived alone for a period of time in their ordination careers.17 Of this number, eight had taken monastic ordination vows, and five of these were ordained within the Tibetan schools. For some women living alone (again, notably in the Tibetan tradition), their teachers did not always live

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178   Pioneers and volunteers in the UK, and not all had lay community members living near to them providing financial and practical assistance. The difficulty of living alone and providing for yourself whilst also trying to uphold monastic vows has been previously noted in work on Western Buddhist nuns in other parts of the world, and evidence from this study highlights that this remains a particular issue for some ordained women in Britain (Tsomo, 1999: 11–13; Chodron, 2000: 82; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 190; Chodron, 1996: 227; Choedron, 2013; Tsomo, 2002: 263; Starkey, 2014a: 220). One participant in this study who was ordained in a Tibetan school emphasised:

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I think it is very hard having to actually be in a lay situation where I am earning a living, basically being a householder. The problems that women who lived alone had were varied, but ranged from a very basic concern about being able to pay household bills, to worries about continuing to work whilst wearing robes, to practical home maintenance issues such as what one might do with an ant infestation which was threatening the fabric of the house and needed urgent attention whilst not breaking a precept. Whilst FPMT (n.d.) guidance, for example, states that ordained monastics should not ‘work in worldly jobs to support themselves’, this was perceived as being highly difficult by the participants in this study, as well as those cited in other studies (Tsedroen, 1988: 209; Ploos van Amstel, 2005: 89, 190; Chodron, 1996: 227; Fenn and Koppedrayer, 2008: 68). Additionally, several British women connected with the Tibetan tradition in Britain noted that they did not feel particularly supported in resolving these issues by the monastic hierarchy or by the lay communities in Britain. The feeling was that male teachers, particularly those travelling from outside of the UK, might be supported more readily and invited to teach retreats, or give talks, and that this left women in a particular quandary: trying to make their ordination vows work in situations that weren’t necessarily ready and willing to accommodate this. However, there is an interesting tension here – not all of the women who questioned the lack of support from certain British Buddhist communities actively wanted to live communally, even if monasteries had been available in their traditions. For some, this was related to their personal circumstances. Converting to Buddhism as adults and having previous relationships and careers does, in Chodron’s (2000: 81) words, mean many Western ordained women ‘bring habits and expectations that have been well polished through years of interactions in the world’. This was a point reinforced by a number of my participants, and although some put little emphasis on the impact of this, others explained that they found it difficult to adapt to a communal monastic environment and schedule. Notably, two participants in my study, most conspicuously in the Tibetan schools, were given a monastic ordination when they still had primary responsibility for children under the age of 18. In addition, one was also permitted to ordain whilst she was living in the same house as a long-­term partner, but maintaining a celibate relationship. There are scholars who emphasise that, in

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Pioneers and volunteers   179 various geographic locations, women who take ordination or who live a renunciant lifestyle do not necessarily dissolve their family connections in entirety (see, for example, Chodron, 1996: 225; Salgado, 2013: 3; Chodron, 2009).18 However, maintaining primary caring responsibilities for a partner or children (particularly when living with them instead of in a monastery or nunnery) is arguably unusual for those who have taken monastic vows which emphasise the rejection of the householder lifestyle. Yet, some women have been allowed to combine ordination with motherhood or other family responsibilities and this has a significant impact on their experiences. Some of those who had ordained in these circumstances praised their teachers for their ‘broad-­mindedness’ in permitting ordinations, and the recognition that, in contemporary Britain, it is more likely that there will be those who have less than traditional living situations. However, others felt that it was extremely difficult to balance their caring responsibilities with their ordination. Whilst not monastic, some of the Triratna Order members highlighted that they too had to balance their relationships and caring responsibilities with their commitments to the Order.19 Although there were no doubt ordained men who also had to do this, most of the participants discussed this in terms of the effects on women. Whilst no one in Triratna indicated that these responsibilities were impossible to overcome, and, indeed, some mentioned the positive benefits for their Buddhist practice, their acknowledgement of the issue does indicate that personal circumstances continue to have a formative effect on their experiences as ordained women. Although the difficulties of balancing Buddhist practice with daily life and other responsibilities such as motherhood, work or relationships were mentioned by Triratna order members, it was the Tibetan Gelug and Nyingma nuns in particular who were the most concerned about their liminal social situation, living as nuns and trying to uphold monastic vows but without the support of a monastery or a defined lay community. Several spoke candidly to me about the loneliness that they felt, about their worries about making ends meet, about wanting very much to keep to the vows and to the practices given to them by their teachers, but wondering whether or not this was possible in contemporary Britain, when they also had to work and (for some) raise their children. Here, they echoed the sense of ‘aloneness and a lack of supportive community’ that was earlier noted by Tsomo (2002: 263) in relation to the experience of Buddhist ordination in the West. Listening back to the audio recordings of these interviews, I was struck by the importance of community in absentia and the very strong need that these women had to find supportive communities of practice that, for them, were not always readily forthcoming. Yet, living alone or with familial responsibilities was not a tension for all of the women in this study. One sīladharā I spoke with was able to live outside a monastic community in Britain and continue to uphold her vow of not handling money, not least because she had a group of close lay supporters. Some had saved money and ordained in retirement, and others had sufficient support, including from within the structures of organisations that had deliberately established ordination traditions allowing marriage, children and work. Most ordained

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180   Pioneers and volunteers women living alone also managed their financial issues in carefully considered pragmatic ways. For example, although Padma (Gelug) handled money, which was contrary to the vows she had taken, she tried to balance this by good financial management – always opting for the ‘2 for 1’ deal in the supermarket, for example. As I previously stated, not all those who lived alone actually wanted to live in monasteries, reinforcing something that Ploos van Amstel (2005: 71) also found when looking at Western Tibetan nuns more broadly. One participant in the Tibetan tradition, who lived alone, did not think a full-­time monastic environment for women was appropriate in a contemporary British setting, as the idea of a nunnery was currently ‘not really in our psyche’. She felt that, despite a strong history of Christian monasticism for women in Britain, support was not necessarily forthcoming here amongst those in the Tibetan tradition for nunneries, perhaps as a result of an emphasis on lay practice, an issue I detailed in Chapter 2. However, she did want to consider adapting the communal monastic model for contemporary Britain, and suggested it would perhaps be useful to have a ‘home monastery’ where those who lived alone could visit, but which could also accommodate those who preferred a more communal environment on a longer-­term basis. However, another participant raised a further issue in relation to not wanting to live within a monastic community, stating: It’s too late now to be a community person, I’m too old. Although several women recognised the benefit of having a supportive community around them as they aged or got ill, there was also the sense that living in close proximity to other people and following a strict daily routine might be a ‘young person’s game’. As Ute Hüsken (2018: 268) argues, ‘an “exemplary monastic life” … can look rather varied’. More broadly, so can the ‘ordained’ life, especially in the British Buddhist context.

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Movement and transnational connection The purpose of the final section in this chapter is to look at the relationship between the local and the transnational in terms of ordained women’s practices of community-­building and belonging. As I highlighted in Chapter 2, scholars have warned against seeing Buddhism in Britain in isolation from wider global, social, political and cultural influences (Kay, 2004: 34, for example), and Bell (1991: 43) highlighted ‘intricate patterns of exchange’ between Britain and Asia in the development of Theravāda Buddhism in the UK. More broadly, much attention has been given to the development of ‘global Buddhism’ (Baumann, 2001: 5), where ‘the transnational and transcontinental flow of Buddhist ideas and practices and the global travel of Buddhist teachers and students’ arguably connects people and places more intimately than ever before. As part of this current, Tweed (2011) has called for ‘translocative analysis’: a scholarship (on Buddhism, or any other religion) that follows the ‘flows’ of people, thoughts, ideas, practices, things beyond a static location. Other scholars have made efforts

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Pioneers and volunteers   181 to directly answer that call, for example the edited collection by Scott Mitchell and Natalie Quli (2015) on US Buddhism. As Tweed (2006: 123) specifies, ‘religions … are not only about being in place, but also about moving across … they prescribe and proscribe different types of movements’. In this section, I will be looking at some of the ‘movements’ that ordained British Buddhist women make, and the impact that they have on a sense of community, starting with physical movement across geographical boundaries. ‘Movement’ is a key part of the story for ordained British Buddhist women. Indeed, one of the reasons why their ‘location’ cannot simply be reduced to one geographically bounded place is because many of my participants regularly moved around, both within Britain and globally.20 Some women, whilst born in Britain, were introduced to Buddhism whilst travelling in Asia and then brought home their newly acquired interest. There were those who came into contact with Buddhism on British shores, but who relocated both within Britain and around the globe either prior to, or following, their ordinations. There were some who were not born in Britain, but who moved here because of their wish to take ordination in particular movements, with certain teachers, or to live in particular communities. Others, although not British nationals, came across Buddhist teachings whilst they were living in Britain, and they remained in the UK after they had taken ordination. There were also women who travelled outside of the UK to take particular ordinations (including bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination) and who subsequently returned home or relocated elsewhere. Finally, some women, who at one stage had lived in particular Buddhist communities in Britain, later moved away from them to live more independently. Several of my participants moved either in Britain or globally during the course of my fieldwork, and there were multiple temporary relocations, including travelling to teach or connect with teachers, lay supporters and friends, work in particular projects around the world, visit places of Buddhist significance (including on pilgrimages), see other ordained women (either within or without their traditions), go on retreat (sometimes for lengthy periods), go on holiday, or to see family members. Some might be asked by their teachers to relocate to particular places (for example, monks in the OBC who are given the opportunity to manage the various temples or priories across the UK) and others might adopt a more itinerant lifestyle as part of their ordination vows, such as the amitarya in Amida or those who had taken anagārikā precepts in Triratna. This large number of longer- and shorter-­term movements or ‘crossings’ is evidence that ordained Buddhist women are far from geographically static, even if they continue to maintain connections with particular places or people (Tweed, 2006). As well as taking part in the physical movement themselves, a number of the women in this study also moved religious things that they had purchased or been given outside of Britain. This could include artefacts, Buddhist statues, pictures, and robes and their patterns. Some of the women in this study made their robes with cloth purchased or donated in Britain. Many of them used traditional patterns which had been brought to Britain by the founders of the Buddhist groups, or they used aspects of traditional patterns which then were adapted to suit the British climate.

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182   Pioneers and volunteers

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However, some women, particularly those in Tibetan schools, purchased their robes outside Britain and then brought them back to wear in the UK. These material items also make ‘crossings’ and they are important in helping Buddhism to ‘dwell’ in ordained women’s homes and communities. However, they also provide an ongoing physical connection between ordained women, people and communities living outside Britain. Before any of these individual movements could take place, Buddhist traditions and practices originally crossed numerous terrestrial borders before emerging in the UK (Baumann, 2001: 5). Ideas, practices, and lineages were transported with and by founding members, undergoing a process of establishment in Britain, albeit in varied ways, as I highlighted in Chapter 2. Some Buddhist groups in Britain remain strongly connected to the religious hierarchies and structures of power and influence within countries outside Britain (Bell, 2000: 397; Kay, 2004: 37; Waterhouse, 1997: 211). These connections have a significant impact on the lives of ordained women within these organisations. One example of this is within the Forest Sangha. The Forest Sangha in the UK remain strongly integrated within the Thai Forest Sangha monastic hierarchy in Thailand and are connected to other groups of affiliated monasteries in the West. Permission was sought from Thailand before the order of sīladharā was initiated, and the limits of what sīladharā are permitted to do in terms of their ordination (particularly with regards the bhikkhunī ordination) is shaped in an ongoing way by the Thai Forest Sangha hierarchy (Angell, 2006a: 99). This connection was made particularly clear after the Perth ordinations and the implementation of the Five Points, which I discussed in the previous chapter. It is vital, therefore, when examining ideas of location, not to overlook that some Buddhist groups in Britain are essentially part of multinational organisations. Even for Triratna, which maintains no official connection with ‘traditional’ Buddhist monastic hierarchies outside Britain, the idea of being part of a ‘global Order’ was a feature in the narratives of a number of participants and Triratna, although founded in Britain, are now a global movement with centres in 30 countries (Baumann, 2001: 23).21 As Priyarati (Triratna) explains: I love the Order, I love being part of this body that has as its symbol the thousand-­armed Avalokiteśvara, and being one of those arms that make the world a better place. Some emphasised how it was important to be part of a tradition which had a strong sense of lineage and to be involved in the passing on of ordination through the generations, connecting them to the Buddha and situating themselves in a wider religious ‘family’ (Chodron, 2001: 33).22 For example, Ailith (OBC) explains: The idea that … the chain has never been broken; passed down, passed down, passed down. It’s very nice, and it makes you feel like you are doing something worthwhile; it’s not something that was just made up at some point in the twentieth century.

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Pioneers and volunteers   183 However, different views on lineage were certainly apparent in this study, particularly from those ordained in Triratna. Rather than relating to one particular lineage, several of the Triratna participants explained how they drew on ‘a lineage of Buddhist practice’ which incorporated a number of teachers and teachings, and which was pictorially represented in a ‘refuge tree’. This tree included images of Sangharakshita, as well as the Buddha, bodhisattvas and arahants, and teachers from Tibetan, Chinese, Japanese and Theravāda schools, highlighting the range of influences that this Buddhist group draws on to shape what they do (Bluck, 2006: 162). What these examples show is that being ordained in Britain and having a strong sense of place does not automatically mean that you are permanently bonded to one geographical, or indeed, temporal location. Personal, institutional and doctrinal movements continue to exert a strong influence on the lives of women; through them they learn new things, connect with old and new friends and teachers, and continue to be shaped by traditions, religious hierarchies and power structures based outside the British Isles. This is, however, not to say that immediate community is less relevant, but that those communities are not entirely isolated within the borders of the UK.

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Nuns online: transnational connections and women’s networking A further example of movement and transnational connection relates to the use of communication technology and social media. Most of the ordained women I spent time with used the internet, particularly for email, thus connecting them to friends, family and teachers both inside and outside the UK. Two of my participants who were living alone in Britain told me that they had actively sought out well-­known Buddhist nuns living outside the UK who they had read about online, and emailed them to ask practical questions about daily living and monastic practice. Long-­term relationships weren’t developed in these cases, but both women explained that this help was vital at the time and gave them a sense of connection to like-­minded others when they were feeling lonely, isolated, or lacking in direction. As Tomalin (2014: 112) has argued, for Buddhist women, ‘transnational networks have become significant in providing space for dialogue and scholarship, financial and emotional support, and the exchange of ideas and different experiences’. Some ordained women I spoke with used social media such as Facebook, although this was far from universal and was, without doubt, more controversial. Not all felt that using social media was compatible with the vows and lifestyles that they had adopted, especially in relation to monastic precepts. However, this wasn’t the view shared by all. There is a growing social media engagement (including on Facebook, but also, to a lesser extent and more recently, on Instagram) among Western Theravāda bhikkhunī, particularly those based within new communities in the US, but also now in Europe and the UK.23 Social media channels are used to connect these bhikkhunī with family, friends, supporters and interested parties, and to keep others up to date with activities in their communities. Posts are typically written on a range of topics, such as women’s roles

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184   Pioneers and volunteers in Buddhism, environmentalism, ritual practices, retreats, travels, and new building projects for their communities. More ethnographic work is certainly needed to unpick the different ways in which ordained Buddhist women, including those in the West, are now engaging with social media and the internet. What role might these sites have in helping to foster feelings of community for women who have stepped away from traditional Buddhist hierarchical structures? Yet, although the internet may well be building new types of Buddhist community online (Prebish, 1999) where ‘geographic isolation can be overcome’ (Ray, 1994), for ordained (especially monastic) women this isn’t likely to replace local bonds and connections as it may for some non-­ordained practitioners who use Buddhist online groups without having an offline community.24 Two women I interviewed who lived alone and who struggled to find supportive local communities still felt that connections online could not replace a more immediate community of spiritual practice. Although some ‘online’ Facebook friends may well be ‘offline’ supporters too (emotionally and practically), others will be living across the world, time zones away. Without material needs being catered for, food offered on a daily basis for those having taken particular monastic vows, people visiting to support and listen to teachings, communities to discuss monastic issues and to conduct ritual with, close interpersonal listening being offered and a space being carved out in a particular locality, these women felt it was difficult to maintain a good life as a British Buddhist nun. Whilst new Western bhikkhunī may be connecting online, they are also building places in specific localities, putting down roots, and getting to know immediate neighbours and their local area. Although the question of the relationship between the online and offline in terms of religion has certainly been asked before (Campbell and Lövheim, 2011), the newly emerging intersections of these two modes of community-­building for ordained Buddhist women, including women in Britain, warrant much closer scholarly analysis. To further the point about the role of the local in light of the global, I will now look briefly at my participants’ relationships with established transnational networks for Buddhist women, in particular, Sakyadhita. Sakyadhita is an international Buddhist women’s organisation which has branches in several countries, including in the UK (although, recently, the UK branch has not been particularly publicly active). Their activities including holding regular conferences (and publishing from them), compiling resources for Buddhist women (including online, www.sakyadhita.org) and supporting women’s access to resources, including for the bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī ordination (Halafoff and Rajkobal, 2015; Fenn and Koppedrayer, 2008; Tomalin, 2009, 2014). I had expected that most of my participants would have known about or been involved in Sakyadhita given that its primary objective is ‘to establish an international alliance of Buddhist women’.25 Yet out of the 25 women I interviewed, only 6 had any ongoing connections with Sakyadhita, and all but one of these were living outside of the boundaries of established Buddhist organisational hierarchies. Those who were involved (or had been in the past) valued the connection that it gave them to other ordained women, and in particular, the sense of support for

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Pioneers and volunteers   185 those women living alone, or in newer communities. The reasons given for non-­ involvement included a perception that whilst Sakyadhita conferences and publications were potentially interesting, they were not providing what was felt to be needed, including detailed information about where and how to access higher ordination, for example. Those women in British Buddhist groups which give equal access to ordination for men and women didn’t always feel a strong need to join groups actively campaigning for women’s equality in Buddhism, as they felt that they already had this. Others felt that they had a lack of time, and would prefer to focus the energy they had on their immediate communities. Yet, as I explored in the previous chapter, there were also those who felt that they did not want to connect with other women internationally solely on the grounds of gender because they did not feel a strong connection to what they referred to as ‘women’s issues’. These women stated they were more interested in spending time with people locally who were involved in the same Buddhist practices as they were. Although Salgado (2013: 211) sees a ‘transnational sisterhood’ as driven by a Western Buddhist agenda, it is clearly not thought about in the same way by all Western nuns or ordained women. This sense of local as opposed to global connectivity amongst British Buddhists was earlier highlighted by Sarah Shaw (2008: 167) and Angell (2006b: 238) in relation to the sīladharā, who are seen to develop stronger relationships within Britain (including with Christian nuns) rather than in Thailand, due to the distinctive nature of their ordination tradition. This sets them aside from the male monastics who have a more fruitful relationship with Thailand, sharing experiences on a more level platform. So, although ‘networking’ and engagement across national borders, including digitally, has been crucial in helping to establish bhikkhunī ordinations and new communities (Tomalin, 2009: 96; Hüsken, 2017), this sense of global interconnectedness isn’t as central to the ways of being of all ordained Buddhist women in Britain, particularly those who are part of already established organisations with very strong British roots.

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Post-­script: falling apart The significance of the immediate and the local comes into sharp relief when ordained women discussed the breakdown of community relationships. Among the women I spent time with, this happened when they decided to ‘disrobe’ or give back their vows to return to lay life. It also happened when they decided to leave communities they had helped to build to live more independently, or to take ordinations (including bhikkhunī/bhiksuni) elsewhere (often out of the UK). Although those who had taken bhikṣuṇī ordination and continued to practise in Tibetan schools did not part from their original teachers, and indeed they often had their support to take this step, those who took bhikkhunī ordination were making a life-­altering move away from their former lineage in the Forest Sangha. They did so not only because they felt that it was the right thing to do in developing personal practice, but also in order to support these opportunities for  Buddhist women more generally. These ‘movements’, which were often

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186   Pioneers and volunteers international, took women away from the homes that they had once built, the places they called home, and the communities that they had been deeply committed to. This was experienced, for many, as a trauma. One woman who had disrobed described a very significant experience when she made the decision to give back her vows – and one that was fraught with emotion. Whilst she explained that she needed to make this decision because she was struggling to balance living independently with her nun’s vows, she also described feeling ‘a sense of failure’ at the decision that she had made even though she felt that it was the correct one. Indeed, complex emotions are writ large through the letters published by sīladharā when they made the decision to leave the Forest Sangha following the implementation of the Five Points. In these letters, published openly online, the sīladharā describe a sense of ‘broken heart’ combined with deep sadness that accompanied their decisions to leave.26 The sense of pain that they narrate appears partly to do with feeling alienated as women, but is also bound up in a sense of loss of local community, structure, friends and place. For these women, Amaravati and other British Forest Sangha monasteries were ‘home’: they helped to build and maintain them, and moving from them is mourned as a loss. In paying attention to women’s roles in the development of Buddhist communities and spaces in Britain, their shifting nature comes regularly to the fore. British Buddhist communities change, develop, fall apart and come together again, and so do the people within them. Some women’s feelings about ordination and their attitudes to practice and community are also subject to change as the years progress. One reason for this was the natural ageing process. Most of the participants in this study were aged over 50 at the time I met them, and 16 women had been ordained for over 20 years. Those who participated in the initial building work that I discussed earlier in this chapter stated that they were now involved in community life in less physical ways, and that their practice had a different tenor as a result. The impact of the physical changes associated with the menopause were also mentioned, and the effect of this on group dynamics when women can ‘change their character’. As many of the original female community members in Buddhist groups in Britain do not have any saṅgha ‘mothers’ or ‘grandmothers’ to help them, this created, as one participant explained, ‘a very interesting challenge’ that has to be navigated by women in British Buddhist communities. I wish to end this chapter by returning to the Jizo in the grounds of Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey. Jizo is a popular Japanese Buddhist figure, associated with travelling and travellers. This statue has a transnational aspect – it has travelled – but this Jizo’s work in this Buddhist community in the Northumberland hills is very much intimate, immediate and localised. In thinking about the presence of this Jizo statue in a small corner of the Buddhist world, I have carved out space to analyse some of the seldom-­heard experiences of British Buddhist community development. I have sought to centre the narratives and experiences of ordained women in the way we think about the development of Buddhism in Britain, in particular the building of places, spaces, and communities. Whilst not

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Pioneers and volunteers   187 denying the importance of movement and global connectivity, I have focused on the significance of the immediate, the adjacent, and the personal. This is not to say that close community relationships do not become strained to the point of breaking, or that all ordained women in Britain relate to the idea of their local community in the same way, but that having immediate support, meaningful connections with others, and being able to grow deep roots in specific local places remains a recurring theme. Taking this type of focused spatial approach, concentrating on the different aspects of building and place-­making, allows us to see the ways in which local spaces and immediate relationships are indispensable to new Buddhist communities, particularly for women. Their experiences of developing and maintaining local British Buddhist groups, although not always commemorated in a public way, are central to the development of communities that have now become an established part of the British religious landscape.

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Notes   1 For more about Jizo and his history, and particularly his presence in Western Buddhist practice, see Chozen Bays (2002).   2 The early pictures of Throssel Hole, alongside those taken more recently, are available on Throssel’s website: http://throssel.org.uk/gallery/ (last accessed 30 July 2018].   3 A focus on the experience of built space is a concern within the works published by British Buddhist communities themselves, no doubt as part of a desire to preserve their stories of origin but also because of the importance of the construction of physical space in community development, as I will argue in this chapter and in previous work (Starkey and Tomalin, 2016). To cite three examples, see Dayanandi (1997), Vajragupta (2010), and Khandro (2007).   4 My interest in the importance of ‘locality’ is perhaps unsurprising given my connection to Theology and Religious Studies at the University of Leeds and the associated Community Religions Project, which Knott (2009) refers to as central in her own work (see also Prideaux and Merrygold, 2014). Professor Kim Knott taught my first MA ‘Research Methods’ course, which I now teach, and she later supervised my PhD. Our scholarly lineage, in my case influenced strongly by the ‘Leeds approach’, clearly shapes who we are as researchers and the ways in which we think religion should be studied.   5 Viewing religion in this way has been influential in my work, and I dedicated a chapter of my PhD to exploring his theory in more detail (Starkey, 2014b). He has influenced other scholars, too, including those of Buddhism in Britain (such as Page and Yip, 2017: 15), who draw on his approach to help theorise about the religious lives of young British Buddhists.   6 Jeff Wilson (2015) calls for an increased appreciation of the ‘regionalism’ of American Buddhism and an understanding of the ways in which Buddhist practices are shaped variously by specific locations. He argues that: ‘After all, no one really lives in America as a whole: we live in Oakland, California; Salt Lake City, Utah; Denver, Colorado; San Antonio, Texas; Kansas City, Missouri; Rockford, Illinois; Waynesville, North Carolina; or New Britain, Connecticut.’ Although I have not sought to apply a regional approach here, I support Wilson’s call for greater specificity in our methodological tools. I also strongly agree that this level of particularity could be applied to the study of British Buddhism. What are the differences between Buddhist groups in cosmopolitan Brighton, for example, and those in rural Scotland? It is unclear, and there may be fewer regional differences across the UK in comparison

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188   Pioneers and volunteers with the US given the size differential. However, it may well be an interesting question to ask in order to get a deeper sense of what it is that makes up Buddhist practice in the British context.   7 With Emma Tomalin, I have written previously about the building of Buddhist faith spaces, in research funded by Historic England. In this project, the first national survey of Buddhist buildings in England, we explored the role and function of the built environment. Although we interviewed women (and some of their testimonies have contributed to this chapter), we did not look at this through the lens of women’s experiences, as I am doing here. We did emphasise the overall significance of hard work, hardship and vision, and also the connection between Buddhist building, community development and spiritual practice (see Starkey and Tomalin, 2016; Tomalin and Starkey, 2017).   8 A fascinating film about the early development of Cittaviveka can be seen on YouTube, entitled The Buddha Comes to Sussex. Here, the film-­makers have captured the sense of hard physical work undertaken by the early (male) monastic community, and it is worth watching, not least for the rather quaint presentation and audio commentary: www.youtube.com/watch?v=JznA4ueq2vE (last accessed 31 July 2018), see also Bluck (2006: 25) for a description of the development of the Forest Sangha monastic communities in the UK.   9 The ‘Baby Boomers’ were a generation of children born as the Second World War came to a close and typically refers to those born between 1946 and 1964. See also Gleig (2019) for a discussion of this in the US Buddhist context. 10 Hüsken (2018: 268) refers to the women pioneering contemporary bhikkhunī lineages as ‘strong individuals’. 11 As I mentioned in Chapter 1, I interviewed most of the women who lived alone in their own homes rather than in Buddhist centres. 12 It is important to note here that Reverend Master Jiyu-­Kennett established Shasta Abbey in California prior to Throssel Hole in Northumberland, so that the developments within the OBC in terms of ordination have occurred in both the United States and Britain. 13 Ploos van Amstel (2005: 129) notes that the more senior nuns in the Tibetan traditions in different ‘Western’ locations also understand the concept of community in this way. 14 Writing from within the field of learning theory, Wenger (1998: 73) argues that ‘communities of practice’ arise through three interconnected spheres of activity: ‘joint enterprise, shared repertoire, and mutual engagement’. It is this productive and dynamic model of community creation that relies on purposeful interactivity between people that is relevant here. 15 I have written about the financial aspects of providing meditation retreats in a chapter about meditation in contemporary monastic life (Starkey, 2019). 16 The issue of the relationship that ordained Buddhists, particularly monastics, have with wider society has been subject to some scholarly debate, and not only in contemporary contexts. Scholars have shown that although the Buddhist monastic tradition seems to imply a withdrawal from wider society (Gethin, 1998: 88), in actuality and throughout history, monks and nuns have engaged in political and financial interactions with non-­monastics (Harris, 1999; Schopen, 2004; Robson, 2010: 8). This is not least because, as Collins (1988: 109) argues, monastics require the support of lay society in order to survive, as they traditionally vow not to handle money (see also, Conze, 1982: 32; Gethin, 1998: 94, 107; Silber, 1995: 67; Wijayaratna, 2010: 88). Furthermore, in Japan and Tibet, ordained clergy have not always had to reject sexual relationships, marriage and children (Covell, 2005; Faure, 1998: 189; Heinemann, 1984: 212; Kvaerne, 1984: 255).What is important to draw from this discourse is that, we require, as Silber (1995: 45) suggests, an understanding of monasticism (and, I argue, Buddhist ‘ordination’ more generally) that is not ‘monolithic’.

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17 This figure includes those who, at the time of interview, lived in OBC temples or priories. It does not include those living with husbands or partners, although does include those living with children under the age of 18. 18 Lopez (2004: 329) highlights that in early Buddhist communities connections were still maintained between those who had taken ordination and their families. 19 For some time, there has been a discussion within Triratna about the relationship between motherhood (or parenthood) and Buddhist practice. There are two published articles in the FWBO edited collection, The Moon and the Flowers: A Woman’s Path to Enlightenment, which deal with motherhood (Vajrapushpa, 1997; Samata, 1997) and one which looks at abortion (Navachitta, 1997). In January 2018, the Adhisthana Kula (a group of Triratna order members established to examine sensitive issues in the wake of controversies within the Triratna movement, some of which I discussed in earlier chapters) published a series of personal blogs and vlogs about issues to do with parenthood, family life, and abortion (see: https://thebuddhistcentre.com/ adhisthana-­kula [last accessed 2 August 2018]). There are also several family retreats, or retreats for mothers, run by Triratna, and family retreats, camps and workshops run by other British Buddhist groups (for example, Amaravati’s family camp). 20 This mobility was also noted by Shaw (2008: 161) in her chapter on sīladharā in Britain, and Ploos van Amstel (2005: 32) in relation to Western nuns in Tibetan schools. See also, Starkey (2014a: 221). 21 https://thebuddhistcentre.com/text/triratna-­around-world (last accessed 2 August 2018). 22 For a brief explanation of the role of lineage in Buddhist traditions, see Bell (1991: 57). 23 Salgado (2013: 270, fn 10) calls these ‘specific kinds of transnational conversations’ and she argues these are exclusionary as not everyone is able to afford the internet or afford the time to engage in these types of dialogue. There is a body of scholarship which examines the role of religion online, and specifically Buddhism online. For a brief summary, see Tomalin et al. (2015). 24 For a detailed compendium of theoretical and empirical case-­study-based work on Buddhism and digital media, see Grieve and Veidlinger (2015). 25 http://sakyadhita.org/home/ourwork.html (last accessed 3 August 2018). 26 These letters were published online on the West Wight Sangha blog: http://west-­ wight-sangha.blogspot.com/2010/08/sister-­kovida-to-­leave-chithurst.html, http://west­wight-sangha.blogspot.com/2010/07/sister-­thitamedha-to-­disrobe-because-­of.html and http://west-­wight-sangha.blogspot.com/2010/08/yet-­another-nun-­to-disrobe.html. The situation is also discussed by Weinberg (2010).

References Angell, J. 2006a. Women in Brown: A Short History of the Order of Siladhara, Nuns of the English Forest Sangha, Part One. Buddhist Studies Review, 23, 93–112. Angell, J. 2006b. Women in Brown: A Short History of the Order of Siladhara, Nuns of the English Forest Sangha, Part Two. Buddhist Studies Review, 23, 221–240. Baumann, M. 2001. Global Buddhism: Developmental Periods, Regional Histories, and a New Analytical Perspective. Journal of Global Buddhism, 2, 1–43. Bell, S. 1991. Buddhism in Britain: Development and Adaptation. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Durham. Bell, S. 2000. A Survey of Engaged Buddhism in Britain. In: Queen, C.S. (ed.) Engaged Buddhism in the West. Boston, MA: Wisdom Books. 397–422.  Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge.

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190   Pioneers and volunteers Campbell, H. and Lövheim, M. 2011. Introduction: Rethinking the online–offline connection in the study of religion online. Information, Communication and Society, 14, 1083–1096. Chodron, T. 1996. You’re Becoming What? Living as a Western Buddhist Nun. In: Dresser, M. (ed.) Buddhist Women on the Edge: Contemporary Perspectives from the Western Frontier. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 223–234. Chodron, T. 2000. Western Buddhist Nuns: A New Phenomena in and Ancient Tradition. In: Findly, E. B. (ed.) Women’s Buddhism, Buddhism’s Women: Tradition, Revision, Renewal. Boston, MA: Wisdom. 81–96. Chodron, T. 2001. A Contemporary Cultural Perspective on Monastic Life. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Choosing Simplicity: Commentary on the Bhikshuni Pratimoksha (by Venerable Bhikshuni Wu Yin). Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 27–37. Chodron, T. 2009. Buddhist Education for Nuns in Western Countries: A Paper Presented at the 2009 International Conference for Buddhist Sangha Education [online]. Available at: www.thubtenchodron.org/BuddhistNunsMonasticLife/luminary_conf.pdf [Accessed 17 September 2018]. Choedron, K. T. 2013. Buddha’s Lone Rangers: Vajrayana Nuns of Contemporary Suvarnabhumi. Buddhism at the Grassroots: 13th Sakyadhita International Conference on Buddhist Women. Vaishali, India. Chozen Bays, J. 2002. Jizo Bodhisattva: Modern Healing and Traditional Buddhist Practice. Boston, MA: Tuttle. Collins, S. 1988. Monasticism, Utopias and Comparative Social Theory. Religion, 18, 101–135. Conze, E. 1982. A Short History of Buddhism. London: Unwin. Covell, S. G. 2005. Japanese Temple Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Dayanandi. 1997. Building Tara’s Realm: The Story of Taraloka Retreat Centre. In: Kalyanavaca (ed.) The Moon and the Flowers: A Woman’s Path to Enlightenment. Birmingham: Windhorse. Faure, B. 1998. The Red Thread. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Fenn, M. L. and Koppedrayer, K. 2008. Sakyadhita: A Transnational Gathering Place for Buddhist Women. Journal of Global Buddhism, 9, 45–79. FPMT. n.d. How to Become a Monk or Nun: Preparing for Ordination [online]. Available at: http://fpmt.org/centers/sangha/firstletter/ [Accessed 16 August 2018]. Gethin, R. 1998. The Foundations of Buddhism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gleig, A. 2019. American Dharma: Buddhism After Modernity. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Grieve, G. P. and Veidlinger, D. (eds) 2015. Buddhism, the Internet and Digital Media: The Pixel in the Lotus. New York and Abingdon: Routledge.  Halafoff, A. and Rajkobal, P. 2015. Sakyadhita International: Gender Equity in Ultramodern Buddhism. Feminist Theology, 23, 111–127. Harris, I. 1999. Buddhism and Politics in Asia: The Textual and Historical Roots. In: Harris, I. (ed.) Buddhism and Politics in Twentieth Century Asia. London and New York: Continuum. 1–25. Heinemann, R. K. 1984. This World and the Other Power: Contrasting Paths to Deliverance in Japan. In: Bechert, H. and Gombrich, R. (eds) The World of Buddhism: Buddhist Monks and Nuns in Society and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson. 212–230. Hüsken, U. 2017. Theravāda Nuns in the United States: Modernization and Traditionalization. In: Havnevik, H., Hüsken, U., Teeuwen, M., Tikhonov, V. and Wellens, K. (eds) Buddhist Modernities: Re-­Inventing Tradition in the Globalizing Modern World. New York and London: Routledge. 243–258.

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Pioneers and volunteers   191 Hüsken, U. 2018. Translation and Transcreation: Monastic Practice in Transcultural Settings. In: Edzard, L., Borgland, J. W. and Hüsken, U. (eds) Reading Slowly: A Festschrift for Jens E. Braarvig. Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag & Wiesbarden. Kay, D. N. 2004. Tibetan and Zen Buddhism in Britain: Transplantation, Development and Adaptation. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Khandro, A. R. 2007. Kagyu Samye Ling: The Story. Celebrating 40 Years of the First Tibetan Buddhist Monastery and Cultural Centre in the West. Eskdalemuir, Scotland: Dzalendara Publishing. Knott, K. 2005. The Location of Religion: A Spatial Analysis. London: Equinox. Knott, K. 2009. From Locality to Location and Back Again: A Spatial Journey in the Study of Religion. Religion, 39, 154–178. Kvaerne, P. 1984. Tibet: The Rise and Fall of a Monastic Tradition. In: Bechert, H. and Gombrich, R. (eds) The World of Buddhism: Buddhist Monks and Nuns in Society and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson. 253–270. Lopez, D. S. (ed.) 2004. Buddhist Scriptures. London: Penguin.  McAra, S. 2007. Land of Beautiful Vision: Making a Buddhist Sacred Place in New Zealand. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Mitchell, S. A. and Quli, N. E. F. (eds) 2015. Buddhism Beyond Borders: New Perspectives on Buddhism in the United States. New York: SUNY.  Navachitta 1997. Abortion: A Buddhist View. In: Kalyanavaca (ed.) The Moon and the Flowers: A Woman’s Guide to Enlightenment. Birmingham: Windhorse. Page, S.-J. and Yip, A. K.-T. 2017. Understanding Young Buddhists: Living Out Ethical Journeys. Leiden: Brill. Ploos van Amstel, T. 2005. Sandpaper Sisterhood: Western Nuns in Tibetan Buddhist Traditions. PhD thesis, University of Utrecht. Prebish, C. S. 1999. Luminous Passage: The Practice and Study of Buddhism in America. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Prideaux, M. and Merrygold, J. 2014. What the Community Religions Project Can Tell Us About the Study of Religious Diversity in the UK. DISKUS, 16, 34–46. Ray, G. 1994. A Resource Roundup for the Cybersangha. Tricycle [online], Summer 1994. Available at: https://tricycle.org/magazine/resource-­roundup-cybersangha/ [Accessed 2 August 2018]. Robson, J. 2010. Introduction: ‘Neither too Far, Nor too Near’: The Historical and Cultural Contexts of Buddhist Monasteries in Medieval China and Japan. In: Benn, J. A., Meeks, L. and Robson, J. (eds) Buddhist Monasticism in East Asia: Places of Practice. London: Routledge. 1–17. Salgado, N. S. 2013. Buddhist Nuns and Gendered Practice: In Search of the Female Renunciant. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Samata 1997. Buddhism or Motherhood? In: Kalyanavaca (ed.) The Moon and the Flowers: A Woman’s Guide to Enlightenment. Birmingham: Windhorse. Schopen, G. 2004. Buddhist Monks and Business Matters: Still More Papers on Monastic Buddhism in India. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Shaw, S. 2008. The Development of the Theravada Order of Nuns in Britain. In: Deegalle, M. (ed.) Dharma to the UK: A Centennial Celebration of Buddhist Legacy. London: World Buddhist Foundation. 151–169. Silber, I. F. 1995. Virtuosity, Charisma, and Social Order: A Comparative Study of Monasticism in Theravada Buddhism and Medieval Catholicism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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192   Pioneers and volunteers Starkey, C. 2014a. Experiencing the Liminal: Understanding Separation and Transition Amongst Buddhist Monastic Women in Contemporary Britain. In: Jonveaux, I., Pace, E. and Palmisano, S. (eds) Sociology and Monasticism: Between Innovation and Tradition. Leiden: Brill. 206–226. Starkey, C. 2014b. In the Stream of Blessings: Ordained Buddhist Women in Britain. PhD thesis, University of Leeds. Starkey, C. 2019. Meditation in Contemporary Monastic Life. In: Farias, M., Brazier, D. and Lalljee, M. (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Meditation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Starkey, C. and Tomalin, E. 2016. Building Buddhism in England: The Flourishing of a Minority Faith Heritage. Contemporary Buddhism, 17, 326–356. Tomalin, E. 2009. Buddhist Feminist Transnational Networks, Female Ordination and Women’s Empowerment. Oxford Development Studies, 37, 81–100. Tomalin, E. 2014. Gender, Buddhism and the Bhikkhuni Ordination: Transnational Strategies for the Feminist Transformation of Religion in the 21st Century. In: Reilley, N. and Scrivener, S. (eds) Religion, Gender and the Public Sphere. New York and London: Routledge. 108–119. Tomalin, E. and Starkey, C. 2016. A Survey of Buddhist Buildings in England [online]. Historic England. Available at: https://historicengland.org.uk/images-­books/publications/ survey-­of-buddhist-­buildings-in-­england/ [Accessed 30 July 2018]. Tomalin, E. and Starkey, C. 2017. Buddhist Buildings in England: The Construction of ‘Under-­Represented’ Faith Heritage in a Multi-­cultural and Post-­Christian Setting. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 23, 156–172. Tomalin, E., Starkey, C. and Halafoff, A. 2015. Cyber Sisters: Buddhist Women’s Online Activism. Annual Review of the Sociology of Religion, 5, 11–33. Tsedroen, J. B. 1988. Living by the Vinaya in the West. In: Tsomo, K. L. (ed.) Sakyadhita: Daughters of the Buddha. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion. 202–213. Tsomo, K. L. 1999. History of Buddhist Monasticism and its Western Adaptation. In: Chodron, T. (ed.) Blossoms of the Dharma: Living as a Buddhist Nun. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. 3–16. Tsomo, K. L. 2002. Buddhist Nuns: Changes and Challenges. In: Prebish, C. S. and Baumann, M. (eds) Westward Dharma: Buddhism Beyond Asia. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 255–274. Tweed, T. A. 2006. Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press. Tweed, T. A. 2011. Theory and Method in the Study of Buddhism: Toward a ‘Translocative’ Analysis. Journal of Global Buddhism, 12, 17–32. Vajragupta. 2010. The Triratna Story: Behind the Scenes of a New Buddhist Movement. Cambridge: Windhorse Publications. Vajrapushpa. 1997. Motherhood: From Myth to Reality. In: Kalyanavaca (ed.) The Moon  and the Flowers: A Woman’s Guide to Enlightenment. Birmingham: Windhorse. Waterhouse, H. 1997. Buddhism in Bath: Adaptation and Authority. Leeds: University of Leeds (Department of Theology and Religious Studies). Weinberg, T. M. 2010. ‘Take it or Leave it’ and the Ground Between. Present: The Voices and Activities of Theravada Buddhist Women, Spring 2010, 20–28. Wenger, E. 1998. Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Wijayaratna, M. 2010. Buddhist Nuns: Birth and Development of a Women’s Buddhist Order. Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society. Wilson, J. 2015. Regionalism within North American Buddhism. In: Mitchell, S. A. and Quli, N. E. F. (eds) Buddhism Beyond Borders: New Perspectives on Buddhism in the United States. New York: SUNY.

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8 Conclusion

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Commitment, connection, community

The aim of this book has been to bring into focus the life histories, experiences, and perspectives of women who put Buddhism into practice in contemporary Britain. They are by no means a unified group – in fact, in many ways, they are rather disparate. They don’t all know each other, or practise in the same way. Throughout each of the chapters in this book, I have teased out these differences and highlighted examples of diversity allowing for a multifaceted representation of contemporary Buddhist women’s religious experiences in Britain. At the same time, I have also paid close attention to the commonalities between women. A concern arising in each of the chapters relates to the ways in which a specific geographic, cultural and temporal context can shape women’s religious practices. My empirical data is drawn specifically from 25 women who had taken ordination within seven different Buddhist groups, all of whom either lived or had spent substantial formative time in England, Scotland or Wales. Four research questions underpinned my ethnographic research with these women, none of whom were brought up with Buddhism as their natal religion. These questions focused on their lives and experiences, including their backgrounds, why they connected to Buddhism and later chose an ordained path, how they operationalise Buddhist discipline, how they relate to gender equality, and the significance of locality. These are varied questions, each substantial in their own right. Together, they enable a detailed and holistic picture of women’s roles in British Buddhist communities to emerge. What has been important throughout this book is allowing women’s voices and stories to be heard clearly on their own terms, rather than as an addition or an aside. Although my role has been to provide critical analysis, this was not undertaken at the expense of women’s own words and narratives. As has been demonstrated amply throughout this book, the ordained women who participated are articulate, insightful, and eloquent. Listening to these voices gives a deeper texture to our picture of Buddhism in Britain, and furthers our understanding of the ways in which a religious tradition adapts, adjusts, and changes. In this closing chapter, I take each of the three interlinked themes incorporated into the subtitle of this book – commitment, connection, and community – and summarise my key findings and conclusions. Through this, I offer a new framework for ordination, appropriate to the British Buddhist convert context, but

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Conclusion   195 also, perhaps, beyond. As I highlighted at the very start of this book, ordination remains the most common word used in English by each of my participants to describe their status, reflecting terminological norms within their Buddhist groups. Even when they referred to someone who had made commitments in a different Buddhist tradition, the same word was chosen. Yet, as I have shown throughout this book, this term masks some very real differences in hierarchical status, lifestyles, and institutional roles for women, and it remains difficult to use it in an easily comparative way. Although, at times, I felt I wanted to abandon the term completely, I struggled to find a satisfactory replacement. So, whilst I have chosen, ultimately, to retain the word, it requires careful contextual definition and re-­framing. Whilst there are clear differences between ordained women and their lifestyles in Britain, the points of unity converge to offer a critical space for new understandings of ordination. Here particular issues and experiences are foregrounded, namely, the commitment to Buddhist practice; making the teachings of the Buddha (as variously interpreted) the central focus of life; service to developing communities of practice in specific localities; and a desire to balance commitments to self, others, teachers and traditions, trying to make Buddhist practices available and accessible to people in Britain and beyond. Of course, many of these motivations and experiences form the bedrock of Buddhist monastic commitment in other temporalities and locales, but in Britain, a definition of ordination needs to extend beyond what has been seen as traditionally monastic. As I have demonstrated throughout the book, even for those women who had taken monastic ordination, their lifestyles, approaches and experiences do not fit neatly into predetermined categories. The three unifying frames which I have identified – commitment, connection, and community – distil what it means for women in convert-­focused Buddhist movements in Britain to take ordination, reflecting the complex lived realities of their experiences.

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Commitment The subject of British women’s commitment to Buddhism, charted through their engagement with particular groups, people and practices, arose repeatedly in this book. My first research question, which centred on the backgrounds of my participants, their initial connections to Buddhism, and their later reasons for ordination, provided a primary focus for this theme. In Chapter 3, in introducing my participants’ backgrounds and life-­story narratives, I argued that women in the British Buddhist context are attracted to Buddhism because of the sense of meaning and personal connection that groups and traditions offered. Buddhist groups were seen as better able to provide an inclusive spirituality, bridging individual investigation into suffering and the causes of suffering with institutional traditions and established practices, than the (Christian) religions of childhood. Buddhist teachings were seen as providing reasonable answers to help deal with a sense of dissatisfaction in life, whether this was experienced as acute or rather more nebulous. This was deepened when women began to consider more formal commitments to Buddhist groups through ordination. In Chapter 4, I argued that

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196   Conclusion a typical rationale for ordination given by women was the aspiration to prioritise Buddhist practice in one’s life and to make it a primary focus of activity and attention. For some Buddhist women in Britain, ordination is a means to investigate religious teachings deeply, providing a path to help focus the mind. Ordination provides an opportunity to concentrate on Buddhist practices, to belong to and contribute to the development of particular Buddhist communities in Britain, and to enable these to be the hub of one’s life. Of course, there are significant differences in the ways in which some women and the groups they are affiliated with approached ordination and the ordained lifestyle. For example, Triratna dharmacharini do not have to practise celibacy and have flexibility in terms of their family circumstances, living situation, and career choices. However, the divisions between the participants in this study should not be seen as solely drawn on organisational lines, and I have shown that even some of those who had taken monastic ordinations lived alone, worked in full-­time employment outside a Buddhist centre, or had responsibilities for children and families. Furthermore, whilst my participants readily narrated their initial rationales for ordination, it was clear from some that what it means at the start is not necessarily what it means subsequently. Indeed, there are some determinative factors, such as perceived difficulties in relation to gender inequality, which do alter some women’s attitudes to ordination, either propelling them to seek bhikkhunī/ bhikṣuṇī ordination outside their lineage, choosing to live outside monastic communities, or feeling no other option but to disrobe. For British Buddhist women, therefore, the meaning of ordination specifically, and commitment more generally, is by no means static. Although Buddhism is growing in popularity in Britain, formal commitment through ordination (particularly monastic ordination) remains a bold step. It is not one that is taken lightly by the women I spent time with, and it represents a desire to live in a way that is seen as personally authentic, whilst at the same time contributing to communities and connections that go beyond sex, marriage, and children (even if they sometimes include them). Buddhist ordination, often as a lifelong commitment, stands as a representation of an alternative way of living, and a different means of prioritising social relationships. Although navigated in different ways, this remains true for those taking monastic and non-­ monastic ordinations. It is thus seen as freeing, socially and spiritually. British women do not tend to narrate this idea of social freedom in exactly the same ways as women in majority-­Buddhist countries, but ordination remains a way of being liberated from mainstream options for social life in Britain, at least in theory. Whilst the everyday realities of ordained practice in Britain differ between women, the significance of making and honouring commitments remains paramount.

Connection Thinking about commitment raises a further question that I have sought to answer in this book, namely: what does it mean to be an ordained Buddhist

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Conclusion   197 woman in contemporary Britain? The idea of connection is fundamental to this – connection with groups and people, with teachings and teachers, with communities, with traditions, with discipline, and with places. Material and material culture has been of particular significance here. I have been curious about the material changes that are made when a woman takes ordination, particularly changes in dress, hair and name, and what this means. In Chapter 5, motivated by my second research question, I argued that Buddhist dress was a key means by which women were able to put Buddhist discipline into action in the British context. Although conventions are varied across the different Buddhist traditions, dress is symbolically important, marking particular commitment changes within and without a group, connecting women to other Buddhist practitioners through time and space. Dress marks a transition for women, but it is more than this. It has a dynamic functionality, reminding women of the commitments that they have made and orienting them in a spiritual direction, connecting and re-­ connecting them with their commitments on a daily basis. It is thus a personal and intimate lens through which to view the intricacies and realities of everyday religious discipline for Buddhist women in Britain. The idea that women’s connections to people, places and practices might be under threat at various points is a key feature of the work in Chapter 6, which is rooted in my third research question. Here, I explored the affiliations that British Buddhist women have with ideas of gender equality and feminism – how they positioned themselves in relation to these issues and whether this shifted and altered over time. I argued that ordained Buddhist women in Britain hold a complex plurality of perspectives on gender equality and feminism. Through a selection of perceptual maps and a complementary thematic analysis, I showed that there were some who self-­define as feminist, who are concerned about the perceived gender inequality within their Buddhist traditions and who take action to counter this. However, there were others who rejected the feminist label entirely and felt, for various reasons, that a concern with gender inequality did not feature in their lives. For some, this was because they felt they had achieved complete equality of opportunity within their Buddhist groups. For others it was because they preferred to maintain a connection to a form of Buddhist practice within the specific communities that they respected, even if this did not offer parity between women and men. For these women, organically developed community relationships were more significant than the implementation of institutional gender equality. However, both feminism and gender equality are controversial and contested subjects for British Buddhist women, including for those who had ordained within traditions which offered institutional equality between men and women. Throughout this book, offering a corrective to simplistic assumptions about Western women who take Buddhist ordination has been a driving motivation. I have foregrounded the complex and messy realities of social life and, as a result, the conclusions are not always neat. Although in Chapter 6 I highlighted three modes of engagement (active campaigning, discreet concern, purposeful distancing), these are subject to change over time, as women’s interactions with hierarchies, authorities and institutions shift.

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198   Conclusion How, then, should one interpret the types of connections that British Buddhist women are making? Are they old or new, traditional, modern (or post-­modern), adapted or not adapted? Through the experiences I have discussed in this book, it is clear that fixing women’s lives within any one of these binaries is problematic. The lived realities of their experiences resist categorisation in this way. Ordained Buddhist women in Britain trouble an overly simplistic analysis – to begin with, they don’t always seem to follow in the typical ‘Western convert Buddhist’ model. Most prioritise relationships and intimate connections over intellectual, independent engagement with Buddhist doctrine. While lay participation is a feature of Buddhism in the West, these women chose a different path: one that centres on formal institutional initiation, service to community-­ building, and the maintenance of daily discipline. Yet, equally, they are not necessarily ‘traditional’ in that they have had to adapt religious practices and lifestyles in order to be successful in a context which has not always been supportive of monastic practice, particularly for women. Indeed, because of the diversity between Buddhist groups and their practices in Britain, it is difficult to pinpoint exactly what ‘traditional’ is – at least, not in a single, unified way. This questioning of categories, borders and boundaries has been raised by scholars of Buddhism in the West, for example, Ann Gleig (2019), Ute Hüsken (2017), Anna Halafoff and Praveena Rajkobal (2015), and Natalie Quli (2009). In different ways and using different evidence, each of these scholars highlights the problem of rigid binaries, including ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’. In reality, Buddhist women in Britain (especially those who have taken ordination) are both, and neither. Examining the contours of this complexity is a key contribution of this book.

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Community As is clear from this summary so far, the interconnected themes of community, relationships and locality have been significant throughout the book. It is the people and the communities of practice who draw women to Buddhism, provide inspiration for their increasing involvement and commitment, and who provide a focus for effort and for attention. Yet, for women, communities are also sites for contestation and for grief. In examining how service to community variously shapes the lives of British Buddhist women, the significance of the material is further highlighted. In Chapter 7, drawing on data prompted by my final research question, I explored how women have helped to build Buddhism and Buddhist communities in Britain, including physically in terms of the construction of dedicated spaces. Through this sometimes arduous contribution, women increased their commitment to Buddhism in specific places and localities in Britain, a further role for material culture in this setting. Although ‘community’ is experienced in different ways, ordained women are not only inspired by their private spiritual questions and concerns but also by their relationships to, and roles within, specific Buddhist communities and groups. The idea of community is important even in its absence for those who

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Conclusion   199 live alone and who might have limited financial and emotional support from Buddhist institutions. Relationships within Buddhist communities are not without tension, but the importance of the local and the immediate in developing and maintaining Buddhist practice for women remains key. This highlights that, even in a world which is highly connected as a result of travel and technology, the people and places around you have a formative role in relation to religious practice. Women’s connections (or lack of ) to specific communities have a direct impact on their lives and the ways that they interpret and embody Buddhism in this context. Yet, as the diversity of practice and experience detailed within this book demands, the term ‘British Buddhist woman’ requires consideration. In each of the chapters, including this one, I have adopted this phrase when referring to my participants. This was, in the main, a semantic decision, as writing ‘women in Buddhist groups in Britain’ is rather long-­winded. However, whether there is such a thing as a singular ‘British Buddhist woman’ is questionable and, indeed, as Bluck (2006: 196) points out, ‘no dominant British Buddhism has yet emerged, though there are many who would call themselves British Buddhists’. In our interviews, I asked some of my participants whether they thought there was such as a thing as ‘British Buddhism’ (as opposed to ‘Buddhism in Britain’). None of them thought there was, and they preferred to emphasise the diversity of practice apparent on these shores. One or two women thought a ‘British way to do Buddhism’ might be developing, although they didn’t agree on what this looked like. Interestingly, however, they used food-­related examples to describe what might be held in common. For one, the ‘British way’ involved always eating porridge for breakfast on retreat, even in searing Spanish heat. For another, ‘British Buddhism’ was exemplified by the array of teas (including fruit, herbal, and ‘builder’s’) always on offer in Buddhist centres or at meditation classes. Although these might seem trivial examples (and, indeed, they were offered with a smile), what they expose is the importance of developing familiarity within convert Buddhist groups, perhaps shaped by the social class of many of my participants. The similarities between the women I spoke to (in background, but also in motivation and commitment) make it legitimate to talk of ‘British Buddhist women’, but this should only be done whilst also acknowledging the potential for lack of uniformity, particularly when considering the range of Buddhist groups, communities and practitioners in Britain as a whole. Indeed, although their numbers appear small at present, further research exploring non-­convert ordained women in Britain would form an important ­comparative, deepening our picture of Buddhist practice and commitment in this context.

Final considerations I began this book with an anecdote about plans for the first bhikkhunī monastery in Britain. In October 2015 this project was launched, and it quickly began to gather public attention. As I finish writing this book, Anukampa has facilitated

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200   Conclusion numerous public talks and high-­profile retreats with peak Western Buddhist figures (such as Ajahn Brahm and Ajahn Bramali) and has been fundraising for the monastery. When this book goes to press, it may well be that the first bhikkhunī monastery in Britain has been opened, albeit perhaps in temporary accommodation. The British Buddhist scene, particularly as it relates to women, is changing. In fact, it has never been static. The picture painted in any book about Buddhist women in Britain can be neither conclusive nor final – it is a story of groups, practices and people in development. By the time I finished the research for this book, some of my participants had disrobed. Different reasons were given for what can be a highly fraught decision, and one not taken lightly. Institutional gender inequality was cited as a reason, but also very real practical and logistical difficulties in upholding ordination vows whilst trying to survive without the support of a monastic community. Some women had taken different ordinations, moving away from Britain and the Buddhist communities that they had originally made homes within. Others had founded alternative centres of practice, including in Britain, whilst some took positions of greater seniority within established lineages. More ordination ceremonies have been held, and these women now shape their groups in more diverse ways than I have been able to envisage here. This book reflects a series of moments in the story of Buddhism in contemporary Britain. They are important moments and have sometimes been overlooked, but the picture I paint is by nature a transitory one. Nevertheless, making sense of these movements and what they represent establishes the vital part that women play in fostering the growth of Buddhist practice.

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References Bluck, R. 2006. British Buddhism: Teachings, Practice and Development. New York: Routledge. Gleig, A. 2019. American Dharma: Buddhism After Modernity. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Halafoff, A. and Rajkobal, P. 2015. Sakyadhita International: Gender Equity in Ultramodern Buddhism. Feminist Theology, 23, 111–127. Hüsken, U. 2017. Theravāda Nuns in the United States: Modernization and Traditionalization. In: Havnevik, H., Hüsken, U., Teeuwen, M., Tikhonov, V. and Wellens, K. (eds) Buddhist Modernities: Re-­Inventing Tradition in the Globalizing Modern World. New York and London: Routledge. 243–258. Quli, N. 2009. Western Self, Asian Other: Modernity, Authenticity, and Nostalgia for ‘Tradition’ in Buddhist Studies. Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 16, 1–38.

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Glossary

Acharya  A senior teacher; used especially in Amida. Amitarya  Used in Amida to refer to those who have made a commitment to peripatetic communal living. anagārikā  Novice ordination, typically eight precepts, including not driving/ handling money/cooking. In Triratna, an anagārikā ordination denotes someone who has made a commitment to work to living without a permanent home or job, with fewer belongings, and with celibacy. Bhikkhunī/Bhikṣuṇī  Full or higher ordination for women, involves taking 311 precepts (bhikkhu/bhikṣu is the male variant). Bodhisattva  A being who aims for enlightenment (nibbāna/nirvāṇa) for themselves and for all sentient beings (for example, Kwan Yin). Dhamma/Dharma  The teaching of the Buddha. Dharmacharini  Used in Triratna as a prefix to denote ordination (dharmachari is the male variant), following ten precepts or guidelines. Dukkha  Suffering, stress, dissatisfaction. The first noble or holy truth that the Buddha discovered under the Bodhi Tree – that all life is subject to dukkha. Gankonin  Used in Amida, denoting initial ordination on the ministry trajectory or track; chaplain. Garudhamma/Garudharma  The eight ‘special’ or ‘heavy’ rules that bhikkhunī were asked to follow. Gasshō  A ritual bow, used in the Zen tradition, with hands in prayer position. Gelongma  In Tibetan, a fully ordained nun (see bhikṣuṇī). Getsulma  In Tibetan, novice ordination, following ten precepts (see śramaṇerīkā). Jukai  Lay ordination (formal reception of precepts and refuge) in the Zen traditions. Kenshō  Enlightenment experience, used in Zen traditions. Kesa  A rectangular piece of fabric, worn covering the shoulder by those who have made a commitment within a Buddhist tradition (typically, zen); represents the Buddha’s robes. In Triratna, the Kesa is a strip of ceremonial fabric worn around the neck. Maechi/ji/chee  Eight- to ten-­precept nun in the Theravada tradition, referring particularly to Thailand.

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202   Glossary

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Mitra  From kalyāṇa-mittatā, meaning spiritual friend. In Triratna, used to denote a level of commitment. Nembutsu  In Pure Land Buddhism, the central chanting practice of Namo Amida Bu. Pabbajja  Going forth from home to homelessness; used to refer to monastic ordination. Rabjungma  A woman who has taken five precepts in addition to a vow of celibacy in Tibetan schools, considered renunciant vows. Rupa  A statue or figure of the Buddha. Saṅgha  In early Buddhism, used to refer to the monastic community. In the West, often used to denote any intentional spiritual community of Buddhist practitioners. Sīladharā  Ten-­precept ordination for women in the Theravada Forest Sangha; a renunciant ordination where practitioners vow to renounce possessions. Śramaṇerīkā/sāmaṇerī  Novice ordination; ten precepts (male variant, samanera), see also getsulma (Tibetan). Sutta/Sutra  Scriptures, containing the teachings of the Buddha. Tudong  Thai; a group of 13 ascetic practices (from the Pāli dhutanga), including spiritual walking. Upasampadā  Full or higher monastic ordination ritual for bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī. Vihara  A monastic dwelling. Vinaya  The monastic code of practice, rules and discipline. Wagessa  A strip of cloth, worn around the neck, to denote a level of commitment within a Buddhist group (particularly in Zen traditions). Symbolically represents the robe worn by the Buddha.

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Index

acharya (senior teacher status, Amida Trust) 33 activism 134, 159; in championing bhikṣuṇī ordination 151; global genderbased 134 activities 14, 29, 32, 46–7, 101, 106, 120, 122, 156, 176, 183–4; humanitarian 32; intimate 175; single-sex 46–7, 156; traditional devotional 29 affiliation 59–60, 64, 97, 110, 112, 136, 138, 140, 143, 145, 158, 197; Buddhist group 82; changing 141; organisational 121, 124; religious 60, 62, 64, 66, 127 age range 85–6 Akashavana (women’s retreat centre, Triratna) 45 Amaravati monastic community 12, 37–8, 97, 138, 186 Amida Order (Pureland) 10, 31–2, 72 Amida-Shu 31–3; groups 31; members 33; Amida Trust 31, 84 Amitābha 33 amitarya 32–3, 173, 181; precepts 32, 32; celibacy 32; robes 33 anagārikā 26, 37, 38, 83–4; ordained life for the 83, 100; sīladharā (form of ordination) 37 Angell, Jane 37–9, 112, 134, 171, 182, 185 Anukampa Bhikkhunī Project 1, 40 Arthur, Linda B. 108, 110, 125 Asia 20–1, 27, 58, 63, 81, 91, 180–1 attitudes 8–10, 27, 36, 92, 94, 120, 122, 124, 134–6, 140, 142–3, 148, 151–2, 155–7, 159–61; to gender equality 36, 134–5; institutional 15, 156; sectarian 30; Aune, Kristen 144 Australia 1, 8, 12, 22, 30, 73; and the bhikkhunī ordinations in Perth 39; Buddhist groups 37; monastic

communities 37; and the vassa or the annual rains retreat period 40 Barker, Michelle 30 Batchelor, Stephen 27 Baumann, Martin 21–2, 24, 30, 62, 180, 182 Bedi, Freda 23 beliefs 25–6, 110, 114; fundamental Buddhist 25–6 Bell, Sandra 26, 28, 39 bhikkhu (monk) 4–5, 37–9, 122 bhikkhunī 1, 4–5, 9, 37–8, 40, 126, 134, 154, 183, 196; British 1; lineage 5; new Western 184; ordained 1, 39; order 154 bhikkhunī ordination 1, 6, 38–40, 152–4, 182, 185; controversial 1; first in Europe 40 bhikṣuṇī 41, 106; American 117; ceremonies 42; Danish 41; German 86; lineage 6, 41; Mahāyāna 5; vows 41 bhikṣuṇī ordinations 5–6, 9, 41–2, 106, 115, 134, 149, 151, 174, 185, 196; championing of 7; establishing 41; in Hong Kong 23 Bluck, Robert 29 Bode, Mabel 21 Bodhgaya 5, 41, 174 Bodhi Tree 4, 66 Brahmavamso, Ajahn (known also as Ajahn Brahm) 1–2, 39–40, 200 Brazier, David 31–3; see also Dharmavidya Britain 1–8, 10–16, 20–48, 57–60, 71–2, 76–7, 81–3, 85–6, 92–3, 101–2, 107–13, 151–3, 169, 172–87, 194–200; Buddhist communities in 172, 174, 198; Buddhist dress in 120–1, 124; issues faced in relation to gender equality 153

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204   Index British Buddhism 1–4, 9–12, 15–16, 20–48, 57, 66–7, 72–3, 81, 106–8, 128–9, 159–61, 167–73, 176, 184–6, 194–200; building up of 167; commitment to 2, 59, 74, 76, 95, 101, 121, 198; history of 20, 22; and research into buildings 93, 167; and ritual practices 60; and women 57–78, 199 British Forest Sangha monks and nuns 66, 186 British women 23, 43, 62, 68, 77, 85, 89, 98, 101, 107, 170, 178, 196; and Buddhism 77; commitment of 195; contemporary 76, 125; practices 2 Buddha 1, 4–5, 37–8, 44–5, 66, 68, 70, 73–5, 77, 105–6, 108, 110–12, 119, 154, 182–3; archetypal 45; death of 4; stepmother (Mahāpajāpatī) 4; teachings of 66, 69–70, 81, 89, 94–5, 101, 111–12 Buddhism 2, 4–12, 14–15, 22–31, 57–69, 71, 74–7, 83–6, 89–93, 95–7, 105–9, 143–7, 173–4, 194–6, 198–200; adaptation throughout history 24; development of 23, 30; and feminism 145; initial connections to 69, 195; introduction to 73; ‘meeting’ 76; ‘practising’ 94; Tibetan 28, 40, 43, 151, 172; traditional 8 Buddhist: adherents 3, 66; centres 1, 44, 46, 63, 75, 122–3, 177, 196, 199; communities in Britain 21; development of women’s practice 157; discipline 11, 15, 120, 127, 194, 197; families 11–12; monastics 30, 113, 148; nuns 87–8, 97, 112, 114, 126, 136, 144, 161, 183; ordinations 7, 11, 15, 81, 86, 89, 98, 101, 124, 129, 134, 140, 179, 196–7; ordinations, and Western Buddhist women 6–10; organisations 12, 30, 44, 65, 138–9, 155; philosophy 15, 73–4, 83, 159; practices in Britain 2, 24, 27, 29; precepts 112–13; robes 45, 113, 119, 123, 126; teachers 21, 23, 42, 66, 72, 180; teachings 15, 66–8, 71, 76, 87, 90, 93–4, 101, 108, 111, 113, 115, 128, 173, 181; traditions 9, 113 Buddhist communities 6, 8, 15, 69–71, 73, 90–1, 97, 99–100, 105, 141, 147, 169, 174, 176, 199–200; in Britain 86, 172, 174, 181, 196, 198; contemporary 2, 5; development of 146, 186; established 69, 146; and groups 198; individual local 59; local 82, 148; new 187; in Thailand 93

Buddhist dress 15, 108–9, 112, 114, 119–20, 124, 126, 129, 197; adopting uniform 117, 129; in Britain 120–1, 124 Buddhist groups 1–3, 11–15, 22–5, 27–31, 57–60, 62–6, 68–77, 93–4, 111–12, 140–1, 145–6, 160–1, 181–3, 194–5, 197–9; and associated organisations 22; mirroring wider demographic trends in British society 85; in relation to gender equality 29, 134–62 Buddhist hierarchical structures 2, 10, 16, 134, 145, 160, 168, 184 Buddhist names 113, 115, 118, 121–2, 126–7; acting as active reminders in strengthening focus and resolve 115; adoption of (in Pāli or Sanskrit) 107; attractive as they relate to aspects of spiritual development 123; chosen to ‘bring out’ an area of personality 118; use of 110 Buddhist women 6, 13–14, 23, 64, 89, 108, 110, 128, 146, 153, 160, 169, 183–5, 196–8, 200; and access to bhikkhunī or bhikṣuṇī ordination 9; across different Buddhist traditions and groups in England, Scotland, and Wales 2; championing gender equality 135; and the connection between dress and spiritual practice 114; contemporary 8; contemporary British 6, 101; ethnic 12; male 22; ordained 105–6, 108, 196, 198; ordained British 11, 113, 135, 168–9, 174, 181; practising 22; renunciant 7, 87, 90, 93; and their differing attitudes influenced by different cultural locations 9; and their dress in contemporary Britain 120, 129; and their relationship with community and locality 16, 167; and their strong feminist sympathies 159; and the traditions of Theravāda or Southern Buddhism 6; third-generation 23; traditional 184; understanding an eastern religion in a western cultural setting 28 Buddhist groups: Amida (Pureland) 10, 31–2, 72; Forest Sangha (Thai Theravāda) 10, 24–6, 28–30, 36–40, 58, 67–70, 83–4, 88–9, 93–5, 99–100, 115–16, 152–5, 173–4, 182, 185–6; Karma Kaygu 10, 40–1, 43, 149–50; Nyingma 10, 40, 42–3, 149; The Order of Buddhist Contemplatives (Sōtō Zen) 28–31, 33–4, 36, 61, 73–5, 83–4, 90–1, 95–100, 109, 111–14, 116–18, 120–1,

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124–8, 155, 157–8; Tibetan Gelug 10, 70, 146, 177, 179; Triratna (formerly known as the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order) 24–6, 44–7, 58–9, 61, 64–5, 67, 69–71, 82–5, 94–102, 121–4, 126–7, 155–8, 172–4, 176–7, 181–3 Catholic nuns 114 celibacy 32, 37, 42, 44, 46, 84, 86, 106, 123, 149, 196; and Buddhist groups 84; and the monastic life 35, 91; status of 110 ceremonies 5, 34, 82, 98–9, 109, 174; and British Buddhism 74; conversion 74; formal commitment 74 ceremonies. and Triratna ordination retreats 82 Charumati (Triratna) 59, 61, 67–8, 91, 94, 111, 122, 126–7, 176 childhood 60–3, 67, 85, 195 children 26, 65, 77, 84–5, 91, 150, 165, 178–9, 196 cities 59, 173, 176–7; and British Buddhists 176; Buddhist community in 173; and Buddhist groups 59; multicultural 108 Cittaviveka/Chithurst monastic community 37 colour 33, 35, 109–10, 123, 125–6; Buddha’s teachings concerning 112; of hair 112, 125; at ordination 125; postulants 109; of religious dress 112; of robes 109, 125; saffron-coloured 40; symbolic 112 commitment 2, 14–16, 31, 33–5, 44–5, 57, 59, 62–3, 72–6, 81–102, 112–13, 123–4, 129, 173, 194–9; Buddhist monastic 195; enduring 155; family 82; formal 2, 11, 58, 61, 74–5, 82, 85, 195–6; honouring 196; institutional 26, 28; lifelong 42, 196; monastic 34–5, 86; ordained women’s 128; private 74; religious 76; spiritual 101 communities 13, 15–16, 31–2, 43–4, 46, 58–9, 68–72, 95–6, 100–1, 138–9, 152–4, 167–9, 173–9, 182–7, 194–9; Buddhist 86, 172, 174, 181, 196, 198; individual 128, 156; local 136, 169, 173, 186–7; monastic 11, 13, 35, 37–9, 43, 95, 97, 100, 153, 155, 165, 176, 179–80, 196, 200; new 172, 183, 185; religious 31–2, 62, 110; supportive 179–80 conversion 57–78, 81–2; ceremonies 74; experiences 58, 76; narratives of 57–78; religious 69, 72

countries 5, 8, 30, 83, 85, 87, 92–3, 101, 134, 146, 170, 182, 184; majorityBuddhist 89, 102, 126, 196; Western 8, 22 Crane, Hillary 88, 91–2 Dalha 59, 63, 67, 70–1, 75, 83, 85, 90, 94, 97 Daniels, Michael 69, 71–2 Davidman, Lynn 62–4 decisions 2, 41, 64–5, 75, 84, 87, 89–90, 93, 96, 113, 127, 155, 186; and the role of meditation 93–4; to take vows 186 dharmachari ordination (for men) 44, 46 dharmacharini ordination (for women) 44 dharmacharinis 44–6 dharmacharis 45 Dhatri (Amida) 61, 71, 73–4, 96, 111–13, 116–17 discipline 8, 11, 47, 94, 102, 105, 114–15, 117–18, 121, 127–9, 197; Buddhist 11, 15, 120, 127, 194, 197; daily 106, 198; dress 118–19; ethical 106; inner 106; monastic 94; religious 117, 197 diversity 9, 15, 20, 24–5, 27–30, 43, 82, 120–1, 136–7, 142–3, 194, 198; attitudinal 160; levels of 120–1; organisational 30; of practice 30, 129, 199; of views among Buddhist women 136 Dorje, Ogyen Trinley 41 dress 31, 94, 102, 105, 107–20, 123–9, 170, 197; Buddhist 15, 108–9, 112, 114, 119–20, 124, 126, 129, 197; changes in 109, 129, 197; codes 117, 121; discipline 118–19; religious 106, 109, 112, 114, 122 dress practices 20, 33, 107, 112, 118, 120–2, 125–6, 128; religious 15; uniform 117; upholding Buddhist 123; women’s 128 Elizabeth (Gelug) 59, 61, 63, 68, 70, 75, 83, 85, 90, 98, 121, 125, 172 England 2–3, 11, 21–3, 25–6, 28, 31, 36–7, 125, 194; Buddhist buildings in 11, 22, 165; Buddhist groups in 25; first national survey of Buddhist buildings in 22, 165 equality 9, 30, 71, 134, 136, 143, 148, 150, 152–4, 157–9, 161; achieving complete 197; feminism and gender 134–6, 159–60, 197; gender 8, 11, 15, 28–9, 33, 36, 38, 134–6, 140, 143, 145–50, 152–3,

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equality continued 155–61, 194, 197; institutional 6, 197; of opportunity 36, 157; sexual 155; social 134; structural 157; women’s 36, 185 eyebrow shaving 110 fabric 33, 35, 107, 116, 124, 167, 178 families 44–5, 58, 60, 65, 84, 92, 98, 100–2, 110, 120, 127, 137–8, 157, 176, 182–3; blood 110; Buddhist 11–12; immediate 60 female monks 36, 165, 167, 174 female ordination 2, 12, 15, 28, 47 feminism 8, 11, 15, 36, 47, 134–6, 138–45, 148, 156, 159, 197; and Buddhism 145; definition of 136, 144–5; and Western women 8, 136 feminists 36, 134, 136–7, 140, 143–4, 147, 156, 158, 197; identity 136, 146, 148; movements 6, 134, 137; politics 134–5; self-identification 148; sympathies 135, 139, 142; thought 8, 140, 143, 156; values 36 figure heads 3 ‘Five Points’ 39, 152–4, 182, 186 five precepts (rabjugma vows) 41, 105, 149, 176 Forest Sangha 24–6, 28–30, 36–40, 58, 65, 67–70, 83–4, 88–9, 93–5, 99–100, 115–16, 152–5, 173–4, 182, 185–6; austerities of 58; British 66, 186; female participants 96; sīladharā 171; Thai hierarchy 1, 36; Theravāda 10, 24–6, 28–30, 36–40, 58, 67–70, 83–4, 88–9, 93–5, 99–100, 115–16, 152–5, 173–4, 182, 185–6 Forest Sangha monastic communities: Amaravati 37–8, 97, 138, 186; Aruna Ratnagiri 37; Cittaviveka/Chithurst 37; Forest Hermitage 37; Hartridge 37; Milntuim 37–8 Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition 40, 42–3, 178 FPMT see Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition Friends of the Western Buddhist Order 10, 22, 24–6, 44–7, 123, 170 FWBO see Friends of the Western Buddhist Order gelongma ordination 41 Gelug school 40, 42, 59, 61, 63–4, 67, 70–1, 84, 90, 94, 98, 115, 118, 121, 125

gender 28, 38, 47, 71, 88, 147–8, 153–4, 159 gender discrimination 140–1, 143, 145, 147–8, 155, 158 gender equality 8, 11, 15, 28–9, 33, 36, 38, 134–6, 140, 143, 145–50, 152–3, 155–61, 194, 197; and Britain in relation to 153; and British Buddhism 148; ideas of 2, 11, 145; institutional 134, 159, 197; and modes of engagement 145; organisational 153; structural 135, 146, 153, 155; supporting 156 gender inequality 3, 8, 39, 134, 145–7, 149–52, 154–5, 157, 159, 196–7; institutional 200; issues of 2, 150; perceived 197 getsulma (precepts) 42, 82–3, 149, 174 global gender-based activism 134 Gomes, Jacquetta 23 Goswell, Marilyn. 88, 94–7, 100 grandparents 61, 186 Greil, Arthur 64 group dynamics 65, 159, 175, 186 groups 2–3, 6–15, 22–32, 57–64, 68–9, 71–7, 84–5, 92–7, 99–102, 146–9, 155–61, 171–2, 181–2, 184–7, 194–200; accessible Buddhist 71; contemporary Buddhist 9; convert-focused Buddhist 10, 13, 85, 92, 199; ‘diaspora’ Buddhist 11–12; engaged Buddhist 71–2; mixedsex 157; socially engaged Buddhist 71–2, 110 guidance 12, 172, 175, 178; practical 57; spiritual 40 Gutschow, Kim 88 hair 33, 34, 37, 40, 42, 45, 59, 107–9, 111, 114, 116–17, 117–24, 120, 125–6, 128, 197; clipped 109; colour 112, 125; cropped 116 hairstyles 107, 110, 126, 129 Halafoff, Anna 198 hardships 87–8, 167, 171–2 Hartridge monastic community 37–8 Havnevik, Hanna 7–8, 87 head-shaving 107, 117, 125–6, 175 headstones 100, 165 health 150; physical 62; problems 44; professions 62 Henry, Phil 31 hierarchies 5, 9, 127, 142–3, 147, 182, 197; colonialist 21; established Buddhist organisational 182, 184; institutional 39, 154; male 152; religious 8, 149, 182–3; spiritual 30

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hijab 114 Himavaddhi (Triratna) 173 Hinduism 23, 62 history 4, 15, 20, 23–4, 29, 31, 34, 43–4, 47, 71, 121, 139, 146, 167; books 3, 169; early 22, 59; foundational 21; general 31; institutional 161 HLF see Heritage Lottery Fund hobbies 65, 81 holidays 65, 181 Holy Island retreat centre 43 home 1, 23, 27, 70, 77, 101, 120, 173, 181, 186, 200; and Buddhist traditions in a new 123; monasteries 173, 180; ordained women’s 182; returning 99, 181; spiritual 173 homelessness 4, 46 Hookham, Lama Shenpen 23 householders 178 houses 65, 67, 81, 138–9, 171, 178; domestic 11, 177; farm 170; private 173 humility 150 identity 109, 115–16, 125, 135, 148; conceptualizing 10; new monastic 118; old 111 identity marker (dress) 118 images 59, 70, 73, 117–18, 173, 183; composite 134; negative 6; positive 157; stock 82 immigration 22 independence 58, 81 India 5, 7, 23, 31–2, 39, 46, 83, 122, 174 individuals 12, 15–16, 33, 44, 68–9, 72, 74, 96–7, 101, 111, 169, 173, 175; connecting 74; connecting to a particular Buddhist group or tradition 74, 175; like-minded 176; orientating themselves to the social world 114 inequality 16, 145–6, 148, 150, 152, 155; gender 3, 8, 39, 134, 145–7, 149–52, 154–5, 157, 159, 196–7; institutional 38; organisational 156; structural 159 informants 31, 87 initial ordinations 4, 44, 83, 85 inner development 106 inner spiritual changes 107 institutional 5–6, 8, 10, 28, 31, 38–9, 76–7, 82–3, 146, 154–6, 159, 161, 195, 197–8, 200; circumstances 5, 38, 146; observations 43; perspectives 20; position 10, 141; structure 8, 31, 77 intellectuals 20–1, 71 interactions 22, 43, 73, 84, 178; complex

28; initial 77; tense 43; women’s 47, 197 international alliances 136, 184 International Association of Buddhist Women see Sakyadhita International Buddhist Society 21 International Congress on Buddhist Women’s Role in the Sangha 41 internet 39, 59, 69, 72, 183–4 intoxicants 105 involvement 25–6, 30, 64, 66, 69, 73, 77, 81, 83, 101, 134, 140, 143, 160, 165; circles of 73; gradual 74; increasing 73, 198; initial 48, 59, 65, 76, 83, 89; personal 21; regular 83; steady 73; substantial 75; sustained 58 Jamyang centres 40 Japan 7, 20, 34; Buddhist material culture 119; and teaching of masters Hōnen and Shinran 31 Japanese Sōtō Zen Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition 33 Jiyu-Kennett, Revd Master (born Peggy Kennett) 23, 34, 36, 167 Jizo 165–6, 186 Jizo statue 186 joy 40, 98–9, 105, 169 jukai (lay ordination) 14, 34, 74 Kagyu Samye Ling 174 Karma Kagyu school 10, 40–1, 43, 58, 61, 66, 69, 75, 83, 99, 105, 111, 115–17, 121, 149–50 Kalinda (Tibetan) 61, 84–5, 90, 94, 111 kalyāṇa-mittatā/mitratā (spiritual friends) 69 karma 70 Kawanami, Hiroko 5–8, 21–2, 85–7, 90–3, 95, 99, 117, 153 Kay, David 28, 34 Keenan, William 109 Kennedy, Andrew 72 kesa 35, 109, 112, 121; gold 46, 107, 112, 122; small 111; white 45–6 Kingsbury Sri Sadhatissa International Buddhist Centre 12 Knott, Kim 135, 137 knowledge 75, 87, 147 Kopan monastery (Nepal) 40 Korea 5, 41, 149 laity 6, 109, 176 Lamas 21, 23, 41, 174

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Lamb, Christopher 74 languages (gender-neutral) 146, 157 Laos 5, 7, 93 lay ordination (jukai) 14, 34, 74 Leach, Edmund R. 113 learning 57, 68, 90, 174; and British Buddhism 167; meditation techniques 63; and monasteries 69 life 61–8, 72, 75, 85–96, 99, 101–2, 106–7, 109, 113, 116, 128–9, 151–2, 154, 176–7, 195–6; amitarya 32; ‘cataclysmic change in’ 75; choices 68, 93; daily 105–6, 113, 179; family 94, 157; histories 10, 194; meaning of 61, 63, 95; moral 69; religious 7, 92, 108, 119, 134; wasting 90; worldly 88, 90 life stories 76, 81, 145 lifestyles 14, 44, 71, 94–5, 97, 101, 109, 122, 125, 183, 195, 198; celibate 109; householder 179; itinerant 181; ordained 196; renunciant 179; and vows 109, 183 lineages 3, 27, 37, 39, 42, 77, 89, 111, 127, 152, 182–3, 185, 196; and Buddhist groups 182; non-monastic 102; and wearing robes 110 literature 29, 88, 91, 93, 135; concerning meditation 86; concerning ordination 82, 86, 134, 159, 181, 184; scholarly 4, 15, 125, 134 local communities 136, 169, 173, 186–7 localities 2, 11, 16, 167–8, 184, 194–5, 198; British 27; particular 136, 168, 184 Mahāpajāpatī 4–5 Mahāyāna Dharmaguptaka lineage 41 Mahāyāna school of Buddhism 5 marriage 84–5, 88–9, 91, 196; allowing 179; relinquishing 4; resisting 88 meditation see also meditative practice 7, 11–12, 30, 34–5, 58, 63–4, 66, 68, 71, 86–8, 93–5, 113, 116–17, 173, 175; classes 11, 169, 199; groups 70, 89, 171; practice 45, 63, 93; silent 29, 82, 89, 93; techniques 68 meditative practice 7, 23, 36, 93, 150, 175 Mellor, P.A. 25–8 Meyer, Birgit 128 Milntuim monastic community 37–8 Milton Keynes 12 ministers 32–3 Mitchell, Scott 181 mitra (friend) 45–6, 58, 74, 83, 95, 97 Mohanty, Chandra 145 monasteries 1, 3, 12, 35, 42, 63, 69, 73, 83,

98, 100, 165, 167, 169, 172–80; affiliated 182; central 42; first bhikkhunī 40, 199–200; first Theravāda bhikkhunī 1; remote 176 monastic clothes 107 monastic code see vinaya monastic communities 11, 13, 35, 37–9, 43, 95, 97, 100, 153, 155, 165, 176, 179–80, 196, 200 monastic discipline 94 monastic dress 8, 124 monastic environment 42–3, 151, 159, 180 monastic life 36, 89, 114, 118, 154, 176, 180 monastic lifestyle 88, 90 monastic ordination see also ordination 3, 13, 43, 86, 88–9, 94, 120, 148, 178, 195–6; daily living following 35; traditional 122 monastic vows 14, 21, 34, 106, 110, 177–9, 184 monasticism 26, 30, 86, 88 monastics 14, 20, 26, 29, 34–5, 88, 92–3, 101–2, 105–6, 108, 128–9, 172, 176–7, 179, 184; early European 21; male 6, 185; ordained 86, 97, 106, 178 monks 4–5, 12, 14, 34–6, 43, 90–1, 95, 108–9, 111, 114, 120, 151–3, 155, 172, 175–6; ‘beachcomber’ 21; early European 20; exiled 21; female 36, 165, 167, 174; junior 156; male 4, 43, 165; novice 5; ordained 37, 111, 118 motivations 2, 7, 11, 67–8, 71, 81–2, 86–9, 91–3, 96–7, 102, 115, 195, 197, 199; initial 96; multiple 87; narratives of 93, 101; for ordination 82, 89, 96–7; person’s 86; primary 89, 109; strong 97 movements 26, 31, 34, 44, 47, 83–4, 101, 122, 154, 168–9, 172, 181, 183, 185, 187; convert-focused 13, 102; doctrinal 183; global 182; high-profile 3; social 9; transnational 10 Muslim women 114 Myanmar 5–6, 85, 87, 89–90, 93, 95, 117, 153 Nāgārjuna (Mahāyāna scholar-monk) 119 names 15, 34–5, 75, 107, 111, 115–16, 118, 121, 123–4, 127, 129, 169, 197; first 100; new 34, 111, 116, 127; ordained 115–16, 123 narratives 26, 29, 66, 68–9, 71, 73, 77, 89, 91–2, 95, 100–1, 160, 167, 182, 186; of conversions 57–78; life-story 195; of women 67, 76, 93, 135

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Nepal 40, 172–3 networks 11–12; international 37, 134, 146–7; women’s 183 new Buddhist movements 29 New Kadampa Tradition 13, 22, 28 NKT see New Kadampa Tradition non-Buddhists 97, 120, 177 novice ordinations 4, 41, 83, 98–9 novice vows 82 novices 14, 32–5, 37, 41, 82–3, 98–9, 109, 114, 149, 175 nunneries 23, 42, 177, 179–80 nuns 4, 7–9, 12, 14, 41–3, 66, 86–8, 97, 108, 111, 114, 134, 144, 149, 151–3; Buddhist 87–8, 97, 112, 114, 126, 136, 144, 161, 183; Nyingma 10, 40, 42–3, 149, 177, 179; ordained 4; Sinhala 7; Taiwanese 12, 23; Tibetan 8, 41, 43; Tibetan tradition 43, 150–1; travelling outside the UK for retreats or teaching 42; Western 7–9, 43, 86, 88, 92, 97, 99, 151, 185 Nuns, Catholic 114 Nyingma nuns 10, 40, 42–3, 149, 177, 179 Nyingma school 40 OBC see Order of Buddhist Contemplatives Oliver, Ian 34 online 10–11, 123, 183–4, 186; availability 32; connecting 184; Facebook friends 184 ordained Buddhist women: and dress 105; and their attitudes 160; and their salient role in Buddhist history 3 ordained life 37, 97, 120, 177, 180 order members 33, 44–7, 97, 122–3 The Order of Buddhist Contemplatives (Sōtō Zen) 28–31, 33–4, 36, 61, 73–5, 83–4, 90–1, 95–100, 109, 111–14, 116–18, 120–1, 124–8, 155, 157–8 ordination 2–7, 13–15, 25–6, 29–34, 40–2, 44–7, 76–7, 81–102, 105–11, 121–6, 139–40, 149, 159–60, 181–2, 194–8; anagārikā 83, 100; anagārika/ā 100; bhikkhunī 1, 6, 38–40, 152–4, 182, 185; bhikkhunī/bhikṣuṇī 82, 134, 159, 181, 184; dharmachari (for men) 44, 46; dharmacharini (for women) 44, 83; early 4; experiences of 123–4; female 2, 12, 15, 28, 47; gelongma 41; gender-equal 156; ‘higher’ 5, 14, 37, 41, 146–7, 185; lay 14, 34; meaning of 3, 15, 98, 196; monastic 3, 13, 43, 86, 88–9, 94, 120, 148, 178, 195–6; motivations for 82, 89,

96–7; names 110, 121; non-monastic 101, 196; novice 4, 41, 83, 98–9; older women’s 85; preliminary anagārika 26; process of 44–6, 98, 100, 115, 128; rabjungma 83–5, 98, 149; renunciant (monastic) 101; retreats 45, 82, 99–100, 123–4; rituals 99; sīladharā 3, 26, 37–40, 83–4, 99–100, 112, 121, 152–5, 172–3, 179, 182, 185–6; temporary 174; ten-precept 12, 41; traditions 6, 157, 173, 179, 185; Triratna 85, 97, 124; vows 34, 85, 98, 178, 181 ordination ceremonies 1, 34–5, 38, 42, 45, 82, 98–9, 109, 111, 200; public 100; Triratna 85, 97, 99, 112, 121, 124 organisations 13, 21, 23–4, 29, 33, 72, 74, 83–4, 123, 127, 141–3, 146–7, 155–7, 179, 182; established 185; global Buddhist women’s 134, 184; lay 26; multinational 182 Padma (Gelug) 63, 70–1, 84–5, 121, 125, 180 Pāli 14, 45, 105, 107, 122–3, 127 Pāli names 37–8, 40 Pāli Text Society 20–1 pasada (sense of confidence) 67–8, 74, 76–7, 94, 153 past life connection (kammic/karmic) 70 pavurana (upper robe) 37, 40 postulancy periods 34, 97, 99, 109, 125 postulants 32–4, 82, 98–9, 109, 114, 175; becoming part of a community 100; and novice ordinations 98; and the significance of the position 109; wearing borrowed robes and clips 34; see also novices poverty 87–9, 92–3 Prasanna (Theravāda) 61, 64, 70, 84, 93–4, 96, 117 pre-ordination courses 42 Prebish, Charles 106 precepts 5–7, 13, 32–3, 35, 37, 40–6, 74, 99, 105–6, 110–11, 115, 149, 151, 173, 178; anagārikā 181; anagārika/ā 46; bhikṣuṇī/gelongma 149; Buddhist monastic 106, 112–13; ethical 69; five 41; ordination 147; sīladharā 37; vinaya 32, 106 ‘Protestant Buddhism’ 25 Quli, Natalie 181, 198 rabjungma ordinations 83–5, 98, 149

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210   Index rabjungma vows 41–2, 84, 98 Rajana (Forest Sangha) 67–9, 84, 89, 91, 95, 99, 105, 110, 174 Ratnagiri, Aruna 37 refuge 42, 75, 83, 121 refugees 45 relationships 2, 11–12, 16, 25–6, 29, 65–6, 69, 96–7, 136–7, 140–2, 167–8, 175–6, 179–80, 184–5, 198–9; celibate 178; community 142, 185, 197; immediate 187; interpersonal 77; intimate 168; long-term 84, 183; negative 143; prioritising 71, 198; romantic 58, 65; sexual 4, 123; and social connections 68, 140, 196; supportive 147; women’s 134, 145, 169 religion 22–3, 25–6, 29–30, 58, 60–2, 67, 85, 92, 129, 136, 167–8, 180–1, 184, 195; angry with 61; British society and established 57; of childhood 61, 63, 195; eastern 28; inherited childhood 61; material 108–9, 128; minority 59; natal 194; studying 58 religious affiliations 60, 62, 64, 66, 127 religious changes 4, 58, 64–5, 72–3, 76, 81 religious communities 31–2, 62, 110 religious conversions 69, 72 religious discipline 117, 197 religious duties 8 religious groups 61–3, 77, 177 religious practices 10, 16, 81, 89, 91, 113, 128, 168, 194, 198–9 religious traditions 6, 8, 57, 61, 67, 101, 194 renunciant paths 7, 68, 102, 153 renunciant women 9, 81, 85, 91, 95, 117 renunciants 83, 89, 101, 105, 148 renunciation 86–7, 109 research 7–8, 11–12, 14–15, 24–6, 36, 93, 127, 135, 165, 199–200; Buddhism 63; empirical 11, 20; ethnographic 194; interactions 14; methods 10; participants 28, 76 retreats 34, 38, 41–2, 45, 71, 73–4, 82–3, 90, 95, 123–4, 165, 170, 175–7, 181, 184; closed 99; high-profile 200; long 43; silent 45; teaching 178 rituals 12, 25–6, 98, 121, 126, 173; ordination 98; performing Buddhist protection 167; processes 98 Roach-Higgins, M.E. 107, 110 robes 15, 33–5, 42, 107–26, 128–9, 149, 151, 170, 172, 178, 181–2; adoption of 35, 109, 118; bhikkhunī 40; black 35;

blue 45, 123; brown 1, 37, 125; Buddhist 45, 113, 119, 123, 126; ceremonial 35; formal 119; monastic 98, 122, 125; monk’s 165; outer 37–8, 40; saffron-coloured 40; sīladharā 37; traditional-style 112; worn on a daily basis 122–3; yellow 33 Rocha, Cristina 22, 30, 39 sādhana (visualisation process) 45 Sakya school 40 Sakyadhita (The International Association of Buddhist Women) 23, 134, 146, 159, 184–5 Samye Ling monastery 40–3, 69, 138, 150, 174 Saṅgha 4, 21, 38–9, 41, 44–5, 68, 74, 89, 96, 105–6, 112, 171, 176, 186 Sangharakshita 25, 44–5, 47, 156, 183 Sanskrit names 33, 45, 123 scholarship 10, 12, 20, 24, 30, 73, 134–6, 153–4, 160, 167, 180, 183; academic 6, 27; intellectual 21; wider (on Buddhism) 30 sense 27–8, 57, 61–2, 64–9, 77, 88–9, 93–7, 110–11, 114–15, 152–3, 158–9, 170–3, 176–7, 179–80, 185–6; of confidence (pasada) 67–8, 74, 76–7, 94, 153; of connection 26, 37, 69, 71, 101, 183; of dissatisfaction 66, 195; of failure 186; of loss 60, 186; of support 77, 184 Serene Reflection Meditation tradition 12, 14, 31, 33, 63, 83 sexual equality 155 sexual relationships 4, 123 shaven heads 109–10, 113, 116, 118, 120, 123, 125–6, 129 shaving see also head-shaving 33–4, 37, 40, 42, 45, 107–10, 114, 117, 119–21, 123–4, 126, 175 shawls 42 Siladakini (Triratna) 65, 84, 91, 95, 100, 124, 127 sīladharā ordinations 3, 26, 37–40, 83–4, 99–100, 112, 121, 152–5, 172–3, 179, 182, 185–6 Sinhala nuns 7 Slade, Emma 23 Sōtō Zen tradition 36 spiritual life 88, 94, 128 Sri Lanka 5, 7–9, 39–40, 88, 153 Sri Lankan temples 12, 148, 160 SRM see Japanese Sōtō Zen Serene Reflection Meditation Tradition

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statutory health and social care providers 57 suffering 9, 64, 66–8, 75, 77, 87, 89, 93, 101, 115, 195; one of the cornerstones of Buddhist teaching 66; relief from 88 Suvanna (Forest Sangha) 58, 65–7, 70, 84, 97, 115–16, 127 Taiwan 5, 7, 41, 88–9, 92, 144, 149, 151; Buddhist organisations 41; nuns 12, 23; women 88 Tanirika (Triratna) 64, 67, 83, 96, 100 teachers 27, 29, 41–3, 59, 62–3, 82–3, 111, 150–1, 173–7, 179, 181, 183, 185, 195, 197 teachings 3–4, 11, 62–3, 66, 68–71, 73, 75, 77, 89–90, 107–8, 110, 172, 174–6, 183–4, 195 teenagers 85 temples 1, 12, 23, 36, 120, 138, 173, 175, 177, 181 ten-precept novitiate period 40, 153 ten-precept ordination 12, 41 tensions 8, 38, 41, 59, 119, 125, 127–9, 134, 146, 151–3, 177–9, 199; Forest Sangha (Thai Theravāda) 153; sexual 47; significant 150; for women between becoming a nun and assuming a new identity 116, 125, 151, 178–9 Thai Forest Sangha 1, 36 Thailand 5, 7–8, 26, 37, 89, 93, 173, 182, 185 Theravāda: bhikkhunī 40, 159; bhikkhunī lineage 5; Buddhism 1, 8, 180; groups 31, 155; monastic community in England 36; monastics 5, 26, 110; Southern Buddhism6, 58, 61, 64, 70, 74, 84, 94, 96, 109–10, 113, 117–18, 121, 146, 152; Thai Forest tradition 28, 36; traditions 2, 5–6, 26, 37, 105, 124, 149, 152, 154; and Triratna groups 147 thiláshin (Myanmar) 5–6, 87, 92 Thompson, Kaspalita 31 Throssel Hole Buddhist Abbey 12, 33–6, 63, 70, 112, 165–7, 170, 174, 177, 186 Tibet 5, 7, 21, 41, 71, 113 Tibetan 7, 13, 23, 28, 59, 61, 63–4, 67, 70–1, 75, 90, 94, 97, 147, 149–50; communities 7; culture 7; Gelug 10, 70, 146, 177, 179; getsulma nuns 150; groups 24, 28, 70, 75, 158; Karma Kagyu tradition 138; lineages 6, 42–3, 174, 174; monastic establishments 63,

120, 174; nuns 8, 41, 43; schools 6, 31, 42–3, 83, 85, 88, 97, 109, 126, 148–9, 177–8, 182, 185; and Theravāda groups 105, 155; traditions 8, 28, 40–1, 43, 60, 82–3, 86, 97, 99, 120, 149, 151, 153, 177–8, 180; and Zen groups 28 Tibetan Buddhists 28, 40, 43, 151, 172; institutions 40; ordinations 23; traditions 40, 149 Tibetan Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya 41 Tibetan-tradition nuns 43, 150–1 Tomalin, Emma 22, 39 Tonsure see head shaving, shaven heads, shaving 15, 35, 106–7, 117–19, 123, 175 traditions 2–3, 10–13, 24–7, 34, 62, 71, 74, 107–8, 112, 120–1, 123–5, 159, 181–3, 195, 197; contemplative 144; Forest monastic 1, 36, 112; institutional 195; monastic 13, 91, 95, 100–1, 146; nonmonastic 82 training 32, 106, 118, 172; rules 37, 105; supporting probationary novice 41 Triratna 24–6, 44–7, 58–9, 61, 64–5, 67, 69–71, 82–5, 94–102, 121–4, 126–7, 155–8, 172–4, 176–7, 181–3; dharmacharini ordination 82; dharmacharinis 122–4, 157–8, 196; female participants 26; groups 59, 147, 171; movement 26, 84; ordination ceremonies 85, 97, 99, 112, 121, 124; participants 82, 85, 100, 157, 183; in relation to dress 123; retreat centres 71, 83, 170; women 25, 83 Triratna groups, and Theravāda 147 Triratna Order 13, 74, 83, 100, 107, 122–3, 156–7, 173, 179; differing approach to Buddhist dress 120; formerly known as the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order 156; ordination retreats 82 Tushita Meditation Centre 42 Tweed, Thomas 168 UK see Britain uniform dress 115–16, 118, 123, 127 United States 5, 8, 12, 22, 34, 58, 112 universities 58, 61–2, 66 upper robe (pavurana) 37, 40 Vajrayāna Buddha 173 van Amstel, Ploos 8, 41–3, 64, 81, 84, 86, 88, 97, 99, 151, 177–8, 180 vinaya 4–6, 37, 41, 105, 108 Vasundara (Triratna) 65, 67, 83, 122

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212   Index vinaya discipline 106 vinaya precepts 32, 106 vows 35, 42, 82, 85, 87, 99, 105–6, 114, 129, 147, 179–80, 185–6; bhikṣuṇī 41; bodhisattva 31–2, 35, 115; and lifestyles 109, 183; monastic 14, 21, 34, 106, 110, 177–9, 184; novice 82; ordination 34, 85, 98, 101, 181, 200; rabjungma 41–2, 84, 98; renunciant 105

Yip, Andrew 60 Zen Buddhism 28, 33, 35, 42, 59, 63–4, 125

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WBO see Western Buddhist Order Western Buddhist Order 44 Western Buddhist women see also Western women 4, 6, 8–10, 15, 28, 58, 82, 93, 97, 134, 136, 175, 178, 185 Western Buddhist nuns 7–9, 43, 64, 86, 88, 92, 97, 99, 151, 185 Western women 7, 43; and the birth of the order of sīladharā 37; experiencing freedom for women in Western countries 8; high-profile 41; ideas about the validity of feminism 8; perceiving unequal gender roles within certain Buddhist communities 8; perspectives on gender roles in Buddhism 6; not publicly adopting a dharma name 121;

taking bhikkhunī ordination 39; taking Buddhist ordination 7, 197; taking ordination in the Tibetan tradition 43; and their relationships to ideas of feminism and gender equality 136; transforming ‘Tibetan culture’ 7 wigs 120 The Wild White Goose 34 Williams, Liz 154 women 1–13, 15, 20–1, 23, 28–31, 33–47, 57–77, 81–102, 105–8, 110–28, 135–40, 142–61, 167–70, 172–87, 194–200; and Buddhism 4, 6; Buddhist 6, 13–14, 23, 64, 89, 108, 110, 128, 146, 153, 160, 169, 183–5, 196–8, 200; individual 5, 33, 155; narratives of 67, 76, 93, 135; older 85; oppression of 144, 156; ordinations of 45; practices 154, 157, 159, 168; religious 136, 161; renunciant 9, 81, 85, 91, 95, 117; roles of 9, 15, 20, 28, 38, 77, 136, 145, 161, 173, 183, 186, 194; Tibetan 7, 87; Western 7, 43

Starkey, Caroline. Women in British Buddhism : Commitment, Connection, Community, Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. ProQuest