Women and Community in Oman 9780814722947

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Women and Community in Oman

Women and Community i n Oman CHRISTINE EICKELMA N

New Yor k University Pres s New Yor k and London 1984

Copyright © 1984 by New York University All rights reserve d Manufactured i n th e United State s of America

Library of Congres s Cataloging in Publication Data Eickelman, Christine , 1944Women and communit y i n Oman . Bibliography: p. Includes index . 1. Women—Oman—Socia l conditions . 2 . Oman—Socia l life an d customs . I . Title . HQ1731.E35 198 4 305.4'2'90535 3 84-97 4 ISBN 0-8147-2165-6 (alk. paper ) ISBN 0-8147-2166-4 (pbk. )

Clothbound edition s o f New York University Pres s books are Smyth-sew n and printe d o n permanen t an d durabl e acid-free paper .

To Amal and Dale

CONTENTS

List of Tables and Illustrations Preface 1. BEGINNING S 2. TH E HOUSEHOL D The Organization o f Domestic Work The Social Role of Wate r Work and Statu s Social Spac e The Privacy of Meal s 3. TH E FAMILY CLUSTE R Privacy an d th e Famil y Cluste r Choosing a Spous e Marriage Negotiation s The Marriage Contrac t Weddings Polygyny 4. SOCIABILIT Y Avoiding Conflic t Ideas of the Perso n

ix xi 1 41 43 47 51 57 67 80 90 93 100 104 106 109 112 112 123

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CONTENTS

5. NEIGHBOR S 13 3 Clusters 13 8 Gossip 14 6 6. TH E COMMUNITY 15 0 Visiting After Childbirt h 16 1 Consolation o r Mourning 16 5 Quran Recital s 17 3 Formal Visiting : Analytical Implication s 17 5 7. CHILDRE N 18 0 Motherhood 18 0 Growing U p 18 5 Achieving Adulthoo d 19 5 Education 19 8 Traditional Medicin e 20 7 8. HAMRA : PAS T AND PRESEN T 21

6

Glossary 23 Bibliography 24 Index 24

7 1 7

LIST OF TABLES AND ILLUSTRATION S

Figure 1 . Ma p of Oma n xx Figure 2 . Ma p of Hamra 12 Figure 3 . " I soon bega n usin g th e falaj for wash ing m y clothes , jus t a s m y neighbor s did." 29 Figure 4 . Falaj an d house s o f Abriyi n notables . A mjaza, a washin g hous e fo r wome n buil t over the falaj , i s visible in the background. 48 Figure 5 . A nonshaykhly househol d 59 Figure 6 . A shaykhly househol d 63 Figure 7 . Woma n watching 'I d celebratio n 76 Figure 8 . "Durin g th e winter , som e adolescent s and youn g marrie d wome n o f shaykhl y de scent si t dail y i n a narro w sid e pat h wit h other youn g neighbor s . . . " 137 Figure 9 . Men' s guest roo m 25 4 Figure 10 . Woma n i n a guest roo m 158

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LIST O F TABLE S AN D ILLUSTRATION S

Figure 11 . "B y th e tim e the y reac h eigh t o r nin e years o f age , girl s begi n t o assis t i n house hold chores/ 7 194 Figure 12 . Commo n medicina l brand s i n inne r Oman 22 0 Figure 13 . Overvie w o f Hamra . Th e smal l mos que adjacen t t o th e hea d o f th e falaj is i n th e foreground. A cemen t hous e fo r on e o f th e shaykhs i s unde r constructio n behin d it . 22 7 Table 1 . Girls ' Schoo l Enrollment , Hamr a 20

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PREFACE

I arrive d i n Oma n i n earl y Septembe r 197 9 wit h m y husband an d nineteenth-mont h ol d daughter . M y husband, a n anthropologist , ha d receive d a Nationa l Science Foundatio n gran t t o d o researc h i n inne r Oman o n idea s o f leadership an d politica l authority . After a brief sta y in th e capita l area , w e moved t o Hamra, a n oasi s locate d o n th e wester n edg e o f th e Jabal al-Akhdar regio n o f inner Oman , wit h a population o f about 2,50 0 in 1980. Hamra i s the triba l capita l of the 'Abriyi n wher e th e leader o f the tribe and man y other notable s reside . I remaine d i n Hamr a throug h March 198 0 and returne d subsequentl y i n September October 1980. As i n man y part s o f th e Musli m world , me n an d women i n inner Oma n ar e separated fo r large parts of the day . I knew befor e w e left fo r Oma n tha t m y hus band coul d no t intervie w wome n no r participat e i n any of their socia l activities. I came to the oasis, there fore, wit h th e intention o f leaning about th e daily life , concerns and aspirations of women in the Omani inte-

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PREFACE

rior an d th e role s the y pla y i n th e community . I wa s also intereste d i n ho w the y interpre t an d accommo date to the rapid change s taking place in Arabian society today . This wa s my firs t tri p t o the Ara b Gul f bu t no t t o the Middl e East . I n 1968-7 0 I had live d wit h m y hus band in Egypt and i n Iraq and I had engaged with hi m in fiel d work i n Morocco . I ha d a backgroun d i n an thropology an d Middl e Eas t studie s an d coul d rea d modern literar y Arabic . Durin g m y tw o year s i n th e Arab world I had learne d colloquia l Morocca n Arabi c and som e Egyptia n Arabic . I was thu s abl e t o under stand Oman i Arabic very quickly after m y arrival . Fieldwork experienc e i n Morocc o ha d taugh t m e the extrem e importanc e o f keepin g fieldnotes , th e daily recording o f one's conversations, actions , obser vations and impressions . The greater part of this book is based o n daily notes I kept while in Oman. I n man y chapters I includ e quotation s fro m thes e note s i n order t o retai n a sens e o f detail , dialogu e an d imme diacy tha t i s ofte n los t i n anthropologica l analysis . I date thes e fieldnot e quotation s t o sho w th e impor tance of time in reconstructing th e past and m y recor d of understanding . Thes e quotation s als o attes t t o th e immense importanc e o f detail—smal l phrase s per haps made in passing, facia l expressions, persons an d social relations at first no t well known—whose signifi cance grows clea r ove r time . After livin g fo r severa l month s i n th e oasis , I began t o discer n th e meanin g an d contex t o f suc h basi c concepts as family, privacy, work, propriety, status and

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xiii

sociability. Thes e wer e th e notion s b y whic h peopl e made sens e o f thei r live s an d understoo d th e action s of others . Althoug h I came t o understan d thes e con cepts mostly throug h m y shared dail y life with Oman i women, I explain ho w the y ar e hel d i n larg e par t b y Omani me n a s well. In recen t year s th e relatio n o f anthropologist s with th e peopl e wit h who m the y liv e an d wor k an d the mutua l perception s o f anthropologist s an d thos e whose live s they see k t o interpret hav e been topic s of concern. Fo r thi s reason , th e firs t chapte r describe s my initia l reactio n t o Oman , ho w I became awar e o f Hamra's mai n socia l divisions , th e principa l event s that led t o the growth o f close ties with certain house holds an d ho w wome n o f th e oasi s perceive d m e an d my daughter. Later chapters introduce the social world of women . I begi n wit h th e small , intimat e circl e o f the household, the n th e wider family network , neigh bors, an d finally , forma l visitin g i n th e communit y a t large an d th e significanc e o f women' s visitin g net works fo r maintainin g oasi s unity . Chapte r 7 dis cusses children, motherhood and childrearing because these are such important aspect s of women's lives and of thei r identity . Once, whe n I wa s discussin g marriage s wit h a woman i n Hamra , someon e interrupte d u s t o ask , "Why doe s sh e wan t t o know this? " The woman wit h whom I had been conversing answered briefly, "Sh e is trying t o understand." I wrote thi s book wit h a sens e of obligatio n t o th e wome n o f Hamra , empath y fo r them a s persons , an d respec t fo r thei r trus t i n me . I

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am therefor e interpretin g thei r societ y a s muc h a s possible fro m wha t I perceiv e t o b e thei r perspectiv e and no t on e abstractl y derive d fro m th e concern s o f my own society . Despite it s contemporar y strategi c significance , Oman remain s les s wel l know n t o Westerner s tha n neighboring states , suc h a s Saud i Arabia . Henc e a brief descriptio n situate s my own experience wit h th e country i n a wide r context . Locate d i n th e south eastern par t o f th e Arabia n peninsula , Oma n i s sur rounded t o the nort h b y the Unite d Ara b Emirates , t o the west by Saud i Arabia an d t o the southwes t b y th e Peoples7 Democrati c Republi c o f Yemen . Geographically, ethnically , an d religiousl y Oma n is one of the mor e comple x state s o f th e Arabian pen insula. Its major regions include the southern provinc e of Dhofar ; th e Batin a coast , th e fertil e coasta l plai n of northern Oman ; an d inne r Oman , a strin g o f oasi s towns an d village s located i n th e valleys and foothill s of th e Haja r mountai n range . Th e coasta l port s an d oases along th e Batin a coas t hav e a multiethnic, poly glot population tha t ha s live d fo r generation s b y sea faring, trad e an d fishing . Th e town s an d oase s o f th e interior hav e almos t exclusivel y triba l populations . Until the advent of economic opportunities create d b y oil wealth i n Oma n an d neighborin g countries , mos t of th e tribe s o f the interior live d fro m agricultur e an d some livestoc k herding . Thi s subsistenc e livelihoo d was supplemented i n this century by migrant labo r t o East Africa an d t o Bahrain . Ibadism ha s been a major facto r i n distinguishin g

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XV

Oman fro m it s neighbors . Mos t o f th e populatio n o f the Oman i interio r i s Ibad i Muslim , togethe r wit h a significant par t o f th e coasta l population . Th e thir d major orientatio n i n Isla m togethe r wit h th e Sunn i and Shi'a , Ibadis m originate d i n th e eight h centur y C.E., i n th e cours e o f dispute s ove r successio n t o th e leadership o f th e Islami c community . Mos t Ibad i be liefs ar e simila r t o thos e o f Sunn i Muslims , bu t th e Ibadi hav e i n th e pas t firml y rejecte d th e notio n o f dynastic rule, eve n tha t of descendants o f the Prophe t Muhammad. Instead , the y selecte d th e perso n mos t qualified b y reaso n o f piet y an d religiou s trainin g a s their spiritua l an d tempora l leade r (imam) withou t regard t o descent . Althoug h th e imamat e cease d ef fectively t o exis t i n th e 1700s , whe n th e presen t dy nasty, th e Al Bu Sa'id, cam e into power, it was revived in the interior i n th e twentiet h century . Th e last thre e imams rule d i n Nizw a fro m 191 3 t o 1955 , whe n th e interior wa s assimilated int o th e administratio n o f th e late Sultan Sa'i d bin Taymur (r . 1932-1970). The second half o f Sultan Sa'id bin Taymur's reign was a period o f extrem e isolatio n fo r Oman , a n isola tion tha t wa s al l th e mor e strikin g whe n contraste d with th e transformation s tha t surroundin g Gul f na tions wer e undergoin g wit h thei r ne w oi l economy . The countr y wa s close d t o al l foreigner s sav e fo r a handful o f Britis h militar y official s an d oi l compan y personnel. Even after Oma n bega n t o receive oil revenues i n 1967 , th e forme r Sulta n refuse d t o us e thes e funds fo r th e development o f his country. Afte r 195 7 a growing numbe r o f Oman i me n emigrate d t o neigh -

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boring countries , seekin g work , educatio n and , fo r some, politica l refuge . I t wa s onl y i n 1970 , wit h th e coming t o powe r o f th e presen t Sulta n Qabu s bi n Sa'id, tha t Oma n opene d it s door s t o development . Sultan Qabu s ha s built a large infrastructure o f roads , schools, hospitals, communications , defens e an d gov ernment office s essentia l fo r a modern nation . The meanin g o f chang e i s a n importan t them e present throughou t m y book . Economi c an d politica l changes o f th e las t decade s ar e effectivel y transform ing oases o f th e interio r o f Oman int o satellite s o f th e coastal capital area . I n my last chapter I shift perspec tive from lookin g at Omani notions of community an d society t o a more genera l discussio n o f th e historical , economic an d politica l transformation s tha t Hamr a has undergon e i n th e las t decades , an d ho w thes e changes are clearly visible in the shifting spatia l layout of th e oasis . A t th e ris k o f disconcertin g academi c readers I have chose n no t t o discuss thes e issue s firs t because th e presen t orde r mor e accuratel y represent s how I cam e t o understan d Oman i societ y today . I n fact, i n retrospect , I strongly fee l tha t on e ca n under stand thes e change s onl y b y tryin g t o approximat e first ho w Omani s thin k o f thei r ow n societ y an d see k to explain thei r action s t o themselves an d t o others. At th e sam e time , th e oi l economy ha s not le d s o far t o dramati c transformation s i n ho w peopl e dea l with on e another . Th e concept s tha t I analyze i n thi s book continu e t o b e th e basi s o f daily , interpersona l relations. Th e fac t tha t thes e concept s ar e flexibl e enough t o accommodate and make sense of major eco-

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nomic and political shifts i s one reason for the strikin g self-confidence o f peopl e livin g i n th e interio r o f Oman. Fe w person s appea r disoriente d a t th e rapi d self-transformations o f thei r societ y i n th e wak e of oil revenues. In transliteratin g Arabi c words , I hav e use d th e system o f th e International Journal of Middle East Studies, withou t diacritics , excep t fo r word s commonl y used in English. Arabi c words and term s however, ar e fully transliterate d i n the glossary an d upo n thei r firs t occurrence i n th e text . Rathe r tha n burde n th e reade r with Arabi c plurals , I generally ad d a n s to the singu lar form . Many peopl e hav e helpe d m e i n th e cours e o f living in Oman an d i n writing this book. I am gratefu l for thei r encouragement , suggestion s an d comments . Elizabeth Warnock Ferne a o f the University o f Texas at Austin an d Hildre d Geert z o f Princeto n Universit y read a n earlie r versio n o f thi s boo k an d provide d in sightful comments . Farhad Kazem i o f Ne w Yor k Universit y wa s th e first t o invit e m e t o tal k o n m y wor k a t th e Hago p Kevorkian Cente r fo r Middl e Easter n Studie s o f Ne w York University. Fro m thi s lectur e an d other s tha t fol lowed I receive d man y suggestion s an d ideas . An nette B . Weine r an d Bayl y Winde r bot h o f Ne w Yor k University showe d continue d suppor t fo r m y wor k and provide d usefu l comments . William Beeman , Constanc e Cronin , Bonni e Glover, Willia m Royce , Marjori e Rutimann , Cons tance Sutto n an d Delore s Walter s hav e rea d version s

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of this book or parts of it and gave me helpful advice . I am gratefu l t o Michae l Bonin e o f th e Universit y o f Arizona wh o prepare d th e map s an d t o Birgitte Gru e of Aktuelt (Copenhagen) , fo r us e o f photograph s sh e took o f Hamr a whil e visitin g Oma n unde r th e aus pices of the Ministry o f Information . It is not possible t o thank individually all the people i n Oma n wh o hav e bee n helpfu l t o me . Le t m e thank i n particula r Hi s Excellenc y Khalfa n Nasse r al Wahaiby, Ministe r o f Socia l Affair s an d Labou r a t th e time of my stay in Oman. Most of my contact with hi m was through m y husband, bu t h e showe d a sustaine d interest in our work and gav e us intellectual and prac tical support whe n we needed i t most. I am also grateful t o Muhsi n Jum a o f th e Ministr y o f Socia l Affair s and Labou r an d hi s wife . The y generousl y gav e u s hospitality in their home each time we visited th e capital are a an d the y followe d ou r wor k wit h interest . I would like to thank Shaykh Abdalla Muhanna al-'Abr i and all the people of Hamra fo r their continued hospi tality, generosity , toleranc e an d patience . Sinc e th e polite Oman i ask s fe w direc t question s an d th e an thropologist ask s many, I must have seemed very rude or a t leas t indiscree t man y times . T o protect th e pri vacy o f person s wit h who m I worked , al l name s ar e fictitious sav e tha t o f Shayk h Abdall a wh o i s a publi c figure b y virtue o f his tribal responsibilities . This boo k woul d no t hav e been possibl e withou t the continue d suppor t o f m y husband , Dal e Eickel man. H e share d fiel d work wit h me , gav e me detaile d comments o n severa l versions o f the manuscript , an d

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XIX

allowed me the use of his notes and other materials. In a reversa l o f standar d acknowledgement s betwee n husband an d wife, in this instance, I can thank him for entering th e fina l versio n o f thi s boo k int o hi s wor d processor.

Figure 1. Ma p o f Oman . Adapted fro m a map i n the JOURNAL O F OMAN STUDIES , vol. 5, 1979.

1.

BEGINNINGS

A

GLARING, blindin g sun . Damp , clamm y heat . Dust ofte n a s thic k a s fog . Excep t fo r a narro w strip o f carefull y tende d shrub s an d flower s i n th e median stri p o f th e highwa y leadin g fro m th e airpor t to the capital, th e entire region seeme d devoi d o f vegetation. Odd-shape d rock y hill s an d plain s line d th e entire thirty-seve n kilometer s o f roa d linkin g Si b Air port wit h th e por t o f Matrah , th e capita l area' s olde r center o f trad e an d commerce , an d Muscat , th e old , walled administrativ e center . Elegan t villas , shops , and tal l apartment building s i n various stage s of com pletion ros e fro m thi s barren, moonlik e environment . The appearance o f Matrah's waterfront, a row of whit e buildings, moder n an d old , se t of f b y a newl y con structed cornich e an d th e blu e sea , wa s comfortin g because it was more familiar. Th e smell of fish mingle d with tha t o f ca r fumes . I n th e distance , I coul d jus t make ou t oi l tanker s ridin g a t anchor . I t wa s on e o'clock o n a da y i n earl y September , an d fe w peopl e were i n th e streets . Ou r gues t hous e i n Matrah , nin e

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WOMEN AN D COMMUNIT Y I N OMA N

years ol d bu t th e oldes t i n Oman , catere d mostl y t o Arab, Indian , an d Pakistan i businessmen . I t wa s ru n more like a rooming hous e tha n a hotel, an d th e staff , mostly Indian , wer e delighte d wit h th e presenc e o f our nineteen-month-ol d daughter . Guest s wh o brought childre n alon g wer e rare , an d th e familie s o f the staff wer e back in India . Three days later we moved temporaril y t o Ruwi, a new tow n create d i n th e earl y 1970 s in th e valley , in land fro m Matrah . Ther e we settled int o a comfortabl e apartment generousl y loane d t o us by a n Oman i wh o was on vacation. We remained ther e until we were able to make the necessary arrangement s fo r our move into the interior , wher e w e wer e t o conduc t anthropologi cal field work. I foun d Ruw i ver y differen t fro m othe r Middl e Eastern citie s tha t I knew . Barel y te n year s old , thi s extension o f Matra h depend s completel y o n moto r transport. Th e dust , th e uneve n ground , th e lac k o f sidewalks, large distances between buildings , an d th e heat mad e walkin g arduou s an d virtuall y impossibl e for women lik e me with smal l children. Sav e for som e Indian servant s an d workmen , fe w peopl e wer e o n foot. Lookin g ou t o f m y apartmen t windows , I coul d see barre n hills , a highway , an d th e sid e o f anothe r apartment building tha t was a replica o f ours. The city was silent . Wher e wer e th e stree t vendors , th e chil dren, th e small shops, th e crowds of men, th e blarin g radios, th e praye r calls , an d th e wome n o n thei r bal conies o r roo f terrace s s o characteristi c o f neighbor hoods i n othe r Middl e Easter n an d Nort h Africa n

BEGINNINGS

3

cities? Whil e m y husban d me t variou s official s an d arranged fo r housin g i n th e interior an d th e purchas e of a car , I remained alon e wit h m y daughte r fo r lon g stretches o f th e day . We were lonely . There wa s a modest bu t adequat e bu s servic e between Ruw i an d Matrah , use d mostl y b y Indians . I went a fe w time s t o th e Matra h market , carryin g Amal, m y daughter , an d a thermo s o f water . N o on e paid muc h attentio n t o m e i n m y cotto n blous e an d maxi skirt , wit h a kerchie f coverin g m y hair . Mer chants wer e courteous . Buyin g wa s straightforwar d with n o bargaining , unlik e elsewher e i n th e Middl e East. Th e sidewalk s wer e bus y withou t bein g overl y crowded. Man y me n wor e elegant , dazzlingl y white , long tunic s (dishdashas), thei r head s covere d wit h skullcaps o r turbans . Other s wrappe d a checkere d Madras skirt (wizar) around thei r waists, with a T-shirt above. Sav e fo r som e youn g Indian s wearin g Euro pean trouser s an d close-fittin g shirts , n o me n wor e Western-type clothes . A fe w wome n wer e i n th e downtown marke t are a a s well , som e wrappe d fro m head t o foo t i n lon g blac k cloak s ('abayas), bu t no t al l women wor e one . I have th e vivi d imag e i n m y min d of a woman o n Matrah' s mai n stree t carryin g a youn g child i n he r arm s an d walkin g a fe w fee t behin d a man. Sh e wor e a shaw l an d a boldly patterne d tuni c over embroidere d pantaloons . Th e brightnes s o f th e synthetic fabric s mad e m e observe he r a few seconds . Suddenly sh e turne d towar d m e an d gav e me a wide, friendly grin . I could no t ye t tel l fro m he r clothe s t o what ethni c o r religiou s grou p sh e belonged , bu t I

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knew tha t Oman' s coasta l populatio n wa s extremel y diversified. Ther e wer e Arabs , Baluchis , Liwatiya , Persians, Indians , an d peopl e o f Africa n origin . Th e population wa s als o divide d alon g religiou s lines : Sunni Muslims , Ibad i Muslims , Persia n Shi' i Mus lims, India n Shi' i Muslims , an d som e Hindus . Ther e were als o man y foreigners : Egyptians , Jordanians , Saudis, Eas t Africans , a se a o f Indians , Pakistanis , and Bangladeshis , and—rarel y o n th e streets— a scat tering o f European s an d Americans . Late afternoo n an d earl y evenin g ar e visitin g hours in the area around Muscat . We were invited an d received extremel y wel l b y man y peopl e durin g ou r first fe w day s i n Oman . I asked man y o f th e women I encountered fo r informatio n abou t wha t foo d an d supplies I woul d fin d i n th e interior , bu t n o on e seemed t o hav e spen t mor e tha n a fe w hour s awa y from th e coasta l area . Man y o f th e me n wer e equall y uninformed. Som e person s spok e o f th e hars h mate rial conditions we would find , th e poor distribution of food, th e heat , th e difficultie s o f livin g withou t elec tricity. I began t o worry . Soon I met m y clos e neighbor s i n th e apartmen t building. Ama l playe d regularl y i n th e lobby , whic h was cool and wel l ventilated, an d othe r children cam e to join her. I was immediately drawn t o my young an d smiling neighbo r Rayya , an d I think sh e reciprocate d my feelings . He r clothe s wer e a se a o f large, bol d de signs, i n th e brightes t colors , whic h t o me seeme d t o have bee n chose n t o compensat e fo r th e bleaknes s and lac k o f colo r i n th e natura l landscape . Rayy a wa s

BEGINNINGS

5

shy a t first , bu t soo n sh e becam e vivaciou s an d talk ative when sh e realized tha t I understood Arabic . Sh e came fro m Sur , a coasta l cit y t o th e south , ha d fou r children, an d ha d live d fo r fiv e year s wit h he r hus band i n Ab u Dhabi . Sh e invite d m e i n fo r tea , recog nized ho w lonel y I was , an d soo n introduce d m e t o her morning activities . No other "Europeans " lived i n the buildin g o r th e immediat e neighborhood . Sh e showed m e he r clothe s an d snapshot s o f her relative s in Sur, and taught me how to cook rice and fish Oman i style. W e discussed childre n a t length , an d I helpe d her prepar e schoo l clothe s fo r he r eldes t daughter , who was entering firs t grad e tha t fall . Rayya introduce d m e t o m y firs t coffee-drinkin g session wit h som e o f th e wome n o f th e apartmen t building. On e of these women wa s the wife o f Shayk h Sa'id o f Hamra , th e oasi s wher e w e were plannin g t o do ou r fieldwork. 1 September 19 . Shaykh Sa'id' s wif e an d daughte r again visite d on e o f the neighbor s o n ou r floor , a family fro m Qal'a . The y cam e around noon , when mos t o f the cookin g was done, bu t befor e their husband s wer e expecte d a t the en d o f th e government workda y o f two P.M . Shayk h Sa'id' s wife wa s wrapped loosel y i n a black 'abay a an d carried a large tray o f fresh date s on he r head . Her daughter , aroun d sixteen , wor e a light blu e veil, a tunic, an d machine-embroidere d pan taloons, an d carrie d a large thermo s o f coffee . The lady fro m Qal' a invite d Rayy a for coffee .

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Since I was present, I was also invited. W e ignored th e Western-style couc h an d armchairs , standard governmen t issue , an d sa t instead o n a large carpet . Ther e were n o introductions. We were serve d mouth-waterin g fres h yello w date s and slice d bananas . Coffe e wa s poured int o a small Chinese cup , and eac h of us took a tur n drinking. A s long as I did no t refuse th e cup, it was refilled an d returne d t o me. Par t of th e conversation wa s about a film o n televisio n th e night before, althoug h I had difficult y i n under standing som e o f the thing s said . Shayk h Sa'id' s daughter commente d o n m y clothe s and ho w plain the y were . There wa s also talk of eye infec tions. Rayy a brough t ou t he r daughter' s ne w school uniform, whic h everyon e admired . Shaykh Sa'id' s wife di d no t speak t o me directl y but seeme d t o find m y presence amusing . Ever y time I spoke sh e looked a t me with a twinkl e and seeme d t o suppress a peal o f laughter . Later I asked Rayy a whethe r sh e kne w man y wome n in th e building . "No, " sh e answered , "jus t thes e women." Ye t her balcon y ha d a vie w o f th e entranc e lobby t o ou r building , an d sh e coul d nam e m e man y others. Sh e di d no t thin k highl y o f th e famil y fro m Qal'a, althoug h sh e visited the m when Shayk h Sa'id' s wife came . Sh e privatel y complaine d t o me abou t th e children, thei r dir t an d thei r lac k of manners (adab). She tol d m e Shayk h Sa'id' s wif e wa s name d Miryam an d tha t wheneve r sh e visited , sh e brough t

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large tray s o f date s an d othe r fruit s tha t sh e lef t be hind. I ha d see n a simila r plat e o f date s i n Rayya' s refrigerator an d wondere d ho w man y peopl e Mirya m visited i n thi s flamboyan t manner . Wa s thi s distribu tion of fruit on e of the duties of being a shaykh's wife ? How di d on e become par t o f a visiting network ? In additio n t o Rayya' s famil y an d th e othe r fro m Qal'a livin g o n ou r floor , ther e wa s a bachelo r (ou r absent host ) an d a Jordanian famil y i n a fourth apart ment. Th e Jordanian s receive d u s ver y hospitably . Dale knew th e husband throug h hi s ministry friends , arid Ama l playe d wit h thei r children . Th e wife , a schoolteacher wh o wa s no t hom e fo r extensiv e por tions of the day , never too k par t in these coffee-drink ing sessions . The apartmen t buildin g nex t t o our s house d po lice officer s an d thei r families . A smal l playgroun d next to our house was reserved fo r thei r use. I used it , unaware a t firs t tha t i t wa s restricted . Ama l an d I found i t difficult no t to go out for long stretches o f th e day. I n th e lat e afternoon s i t was th e onl y are a wher e we coul d b e outsid e wit h othe r children . Withi n a week we became accepted a t the playground an d I met other wome n fro m th e interior . September 19 . On arrivin g a t the playground , women shak e hand s wit h thos e alread y sittin g down, exchangin g polite , barely audibl e greet ings. The y ar e quite formal , an d conversatio n i s general an d no t very intense. Man y wome n si t alone silently , som e embroiderin g hea d cap s

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(qimmas) fo r men . Toda y I went aroun d th e play ground an d shoo k hand s wit h everyone , jus t a s the others were doing . I spoke wit h tw o youn g sisters wh o cam e fro m Nizwa , th e largest oasi s of th e interior an d clos e to where w e wanted t o live. On e live s in Matrah, th e other in Ruwi, an d they visi t eac h othe r regularly . W e introduced ourselves an d talke d mostl y abou t ou r children . They see m t o return regularl y t o Nizwa . September 24 . Now I automatically receiv e th e ritual handshake s fro m ne w arrivals . Smal l tal k with som e wome n mor e talkativ e or curiou s than other s i s more frequen t tha n i t was a fe w days ago. D o I have only one child ? Am I pregnant? Wher e d o I come from ? Wha t doe s m y husband do ? Do I work? Today I was taken fo r an Egyptian , whic h surprise d me , give n m y thick accen t in Arabic with a French overlay . When I said I came from America , I heard some one sa y tha t American s wer e "good " (kwayyis), using th e Egyptia n word . September 27 . As soon a s I arrived i n th e play ground, a tall, handsom e woma n o f about m y age came u p an d invite d m e to her house . A Baluchiya fro m Matra h wit h si x children, sh e has been livin g in the polic e complex fo r th e las t five years. Sh e told m e that othe r wome n i n th e building cam e from al l over Oman. The y al l know on e anothe r an d visi t often . Sh e knew m y

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neighbor Rayy a by name, a s well as Rayya's eldest son . Afte r coffee , w e returned togethe r t o the playground , wher e w e shoo k hand s al l around. Som e women n o longer stare , an d on e woman eve n aske d m e where I had bee n fo r th e last tw o days. "W e have been visiting, " I answered, smiling . Rayya and I saw eac h othe r frequentl y durin g th e three week s precedin g ou r departur e t o th e interior . We drank coffee thre e times with Miryam, twic e in th e apartment o f Fadila , th e woma n fro m Qal'a . Th e las t time, th e visit took plac e on a lower floor i n the apart ment of a woman fro m Rustaq , a large oasis about on e hour awa y from Muscat . Thi s family wa s obviously of a highe r statu s becaus e th e coffee-drinkin g sessio n was more elaborate and formal . Thi s was to be my last contact with women o f the interior living in the capital before ou r mov e t o Hamra . October 2 . Around 11:3 0 A.M., Fadil a invite d Rayya an d m e t o drink coffe e downstair s wit h Miryam. Ou r host , a woman fro m Rustaq , ha d an olde r woma n a t her sid e who looked lik e he r mother. Thi s tim e th e fruit s wer e provided b y the peopl e fro m Rustaq—larg e tray s o f bananas, watermelons, dates , an d coffee . Mirya m was of fered th e firs t cu p o f coffee. Fadil a wa s offere d the secon d cu p but refused , insistin g tha t th e older woma n fro m Rusta q b e served first . The n Fadila wa s served , followe d b y me and Rayya .

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The television wa s on, an d som e childre n wer e crying, whic h mad e it difficult fo r m e to follo w the detail s o f the conversation . Mi r yam was talk ing about m e in a corner. The y als o discusse d clothes fo r th e coming feas t an d offere d tip s o n how t o take care of children's hair. "Yo u will eat a lot of meat durin g th e feas t i n Hamra," Mirya m ventured, addressin g m e directly fo r th e firs t time. Incens e wa s burned i n a small charcoa l brazier, an d a tray of perfume wa s placed befor e us. Everyon e applie d a little perfume o n them selves from eac h bottle. A s I was leaving th e apartment, I noticed tw o young girl s in thei r teens who ha d staye d quietl y in th e bedroo m and ha d no t take n par t i n th e coffee-drinkin g session. The y smile d a t me and Amal . We left fo r th e interio r o n a Friday morning . Ou r small ca r wa s packe d tightl y wit h suitcases , a type writer, tinne d an d drie d foods , pots , pans , an d othe r household goods , an d a month's suppl y o f disposabl e diapers. The road stretche d befor e u s in a straight lin e through a rocky plain wit h spars e vegetation, flanke d by hills of bare rocks. The road began to curve more as we entered th e Suma'i l Gap , the traditiona l rout e tha t cuts throug h th e Haja r mountai n rang e an d provide s access t o Nizwa. I still ha d littl e ide a o f wha t wa s behind thos e hills . As w e passe d smal l oase s wit h thei r mud-bric k houses an d tin y patche s o f gardens an d dat e palms , I tried t o imagin e wha t Hamr a woul d b e like . Traffi c

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was no t heavy , bu t occasiona l roadsid e shack s sellin g soft drink s an d gasolin e station s indicate d tha t th e road was regularly used. I had a n odd mixtur e of feel ings: relie f t o b e leavin g th e humi d hea t an d barre n landscape o f th e capita l area , sadnes s fo r leavin g some peopl e behind , an d anxiet y an d curiosit y ove r what woul d happe n next . Two-and-a-half hour s late r w e arrive d a t Nizwa , the largest oasis of the interior an d unti l 1955 the capital o f th e Ibad i imamate . Nizw a i s a vas t oasis , wit h gardens o f dat e tree s an d a t it s center , nex t t o th e crowded market , a large , ston e fortress . Nothin g I had see n earlie r o n th e roa d prepare d m e fo r it s size . The road skirte d th e market area, packed wit h people , animals, and flims y frui t an d vegetable stands in fron t of th e mos t establishe d shops . It s parkin g lo t wa s filled wit h car s an d trucks , an d traffi c slowe d t o a crawl. Just ove r twent y kilometer s pas t Nizwa , w e turned sharpl y t o the right . A green sig n marke d "al Hamra" pointed t o a feeder road , which , like the main one, wa s obviousl y new . Th e pave d roa d leadin g t o Hamra wa s no t ye t buil t whe n Dal e firs t visite d i t th e year before. B y now, i n addition t o the barren hill s o n either sid e o f th e road , w e coul d se e th e Jaba l al Akhdar, o r "Green " Mountains , i n fron t o f us . W e drove for abou t twent y minutes . Then th e paved roa d was replaced abruptl y by a gravel one. We climbed th e rough grave l road u p a hill. Just over its crest I got my first vie w o f th e oasi s o f Hamra , nestle d a t the foo t of an enormous , grayish-gree n roc k devoi d o f vegeta -

Figure 2. Ma p of Hamra. Based on sketch by Dale F. Eickelman from

a 1976 aerial photograph . Base : V5 SOAF98 6 50mm . x 2 .

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tion. Compare d wit h it s immediat e surroundings , Hamra appeare d lus h an d fertile , a small green jewel . We drov e on , passin g a smal l hil l wit h a dilapi dated ston e watchtower , a reli c o f a not-too-distan t period whe n triba l warfar e wa s endemic . Finally , w e reached th e date-pal m gardens . Onl y th e orchard s separated u s fro m th e mai n par t o f town . W e had t o circle th e garden s o n a narrow , dust y road , whic h followed th e falaj, o r irrigatio n canal , o n th e edg e o f the gardens . O n th e othe r sid e of th e roa d ther e wer e small houses . Man y seeme d t o hav e bee n buil t fairl y recently becaus e the y wer e mad e o f cement , bu t al l were modes t i n appearance . We arrive d i n Hamr a a t noon . Fe w peopl e wer e outside. A man wearin g a Madras cotto n wiza r an d a woman i n a large, fringe d colorfu l shawl , lon g tunic , and pantaloon s looke d a t ou r ca r curiously . W e stopped nex t t o a smal l whit e mosqu e shade d b y a n enormous tree . A fe w childre n wer e bathin g i n th e falaj nex t t o it . Th e wate r seeme d coo l an d inviting . We entere d th e garden s o n a narro w pat h wit h a branch o f the falaj an d hig h mud-bric k wall s on eithe r side. Fiftee n yard s i n w e cam e t o a ne w meta l door , brightly painte d i n gree n an d yellow . I t contraste d sharply with th e crumblin g mu d wal l in whic h i t wa s embedded. Thi s wa s th e entranc e t o ou r ne w home : three separat e building s wit h a smal l cemen t court yard. On e buildin g wa s a narrow , lon g roo m fo r re ceiving guests, th e sabla; it had a small private room at one end . Anothe r buildin g wa s a kitche n an d bath room. Th e thir d containe d a larg e room , whic h w e

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used for sleeping. The other rooms of this building, t o which w e di d no t hav e access , wer e reserve d fo r th e use o f th e landlord' s family . The y ha d earlie r bee n used by his grandsons, who were now studying in the capital area . The contras t betwee n ou r ne w hom e an d ou r Ruwi apartment o f the previous three weeks was staggering. Here we were surrounde d o n al l sides by vegetation. Lim e trees , banan a trees , an d dat e palm s shaded th e courtyar d an d building s an d mad e the m wonderfully cool . Becaus e repair s t o ou r compoun d were no t ye t completed , th e courtyar d wa s i n grea t disorder. Tool s wer e strew n about , an d ther e wa s a pile o f san d i n on e corner . A n enormou s kerosen e refrigerator tha t turned ou t to be broken lay on its side in another corner . Lime s had falle n fro m th e trees an d had no t yet been picke d up . Soon afte r w e arrived , w e wer e greete d formall y by Shaykh Abdalla Muhanna al-'Abri , the tribal leader of th e Abriyin , wh o wa s als o ou r landlord . Shayk h Abdalla wa s i n hi s sixties , wit h a whit e beard , an d dressed i n a spotles s whit e dishdash a girde d a t th e waist wit h a leathe r belt , a silve r dagger , an d a sub machine gun . Coffe e an d date s wer e served , an d w e were the n le d bac k t o hi s car , o n th e roa d nea r ou r house, fo r lunc h a t his house . Shaykh Abdalla , lik e man y othe r notable s o f th e Abriyin, live d in a large, fortresslike mud-bric k hous e that directl y face d th e orchard s an d wa s nex t t o th e falaj. A television aeria l wa s visibl e fro m hi s roo f ter race. We were led into a very dark first floo r an d int o a

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long, narro w gues t roo m wher e severa l men wer e sit ting. It looked like the beginning of a formal meal; so I immediately aske d th e shayk h t o introduc e m e an d my restless two-year-old t o his family. This turned ou t to b e th e righ t thin g t o do . A s I bega n t o follo w a young ma n u p a n extremel y narrow , dark , an d un even stone stairway, carrying Amal in my arms, someone whispered, "Sh e knows. " I entere d a large , poorl y li t roo m tha t ha d a dir t floor. A t on e en d lo w window s wit h meta l bar s gav e some light , an d carpet s ha d bee n sprea d nex t t o th e windows. Th e roo m looke d lik e a larg e vestibule . Doors on either sid e led int o side rooms. In the cente r stood a tan k o f wate r wit h a smal l ta p fo r washing . Save fo r th e carpets , probabl y o f India n origin , an d a ceiling fa n tha t wa s no t turne d o n bu t tha t indicate d the presenc e o f a n electri c generator , th e roo m wa s devoid o f furnishing s an d wal l decorations . Nothin g seemed t o point t o the high statu s of our host . Amal an d I were expected . Abou t te n wome n o f all age s immediatel y surrounde d us . Wha t I notice d first wa s tha t man y o f the m ha d thei r forehead s an d upper cheekbone s daube d wit h a dark re d substance , which I firs t too k t o b e henna . I t turne d ou t t o b e mahaleb (mahlab), an her b tha t i s th e sam e colo r a s henna whe n dilute d wit h water , but whic h washe s of f easily. On e slende r youn g woma n ha d draw n a thi n red lin e acros s he r forehead . I t contraste d sharpl y with he r pal e ski n an d kohl-blackene d eyes . Som e women wor e gol d nos e ring s i n on e nostril . Other s wore earrings. Everyone's hair was black, oiled, parte d

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in th e middle , an d covere d b y a light , gauzelik e syn thetic vei l {wiqaya, literall y protection) . Th e panta loons wer e extremel y tigh t a t th e ankles , requirin g a zipper t o allow th e foo t t o fit through . From th e beginnin g i t wa s clea r tha t w e wer e al l curious an d tha t I looke d a s extraordinar y t o thes e women a s the y di d t o me . October 5 . I met tw o older women wh o intro duced themselve s a s Shaykh Abdalla' s wives . They were wit h a large grou p o f younge r women. Som e o f them wer e th e shaykh' s daugh ters. Other s wer e hi s son' s wives, and stil l other s his granddaughter s o r grandsons' wives . Eac h woman greete d m e by a handshake an d intro duced hersel f quickl y a s "Ahmad' s wife " o r "Muhammad's daughter, " rathe r tha n b y he r personal name . A large numbe r o f children o f all ages were runnin g about , lendin g a n ai r of fes tivity and informalit y t o thi s firs t meeting . On e of the shaykh' s wive s pointed t o groups o f children, saying , "Thes e are Ahmad's sons, " or, "These ar e Muhammad's children. " I n respons e to my question, sh e pointed ou t he r own chil dren an d thos e o f othe r wome n an d tol d m e their persona l names . Th e wome n wer e talkativ e and patient , repeatin g th e informatio n a s muc h as I wanted . Two young wome n sa t whispering sid e by side. They appeared eage r t o talk to me. The on e with th e red ban d o f mahaleb acros s her fore -

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head wa s Sharif a, daughte r o f Shaykh 'Abdalla . Shaykha, sittin g next to her, wa s a daughter of Shaykh Ibrahim , on e o f Shayk h Abdalla' s broth ers. Sh e was married t o one of Shaykh Abdalla' s grandsons an d Sharif a t o a son o f Shayk h Ibrahim. I n spit e of her youth, Sharif a sai d sh e had give n birth fou r times . Shaykha ha d n o children an d wa s a student i n the local intermediat e school. Sh e had a Peace Corps voluntee r a s an English teache r an d spok e a few word s o f English. We talked abou t kinship , but ther e seeme d to be such multipl e way s people were relate d that I decided t o resume discussion s o f this topi c some othe r time . Some of the conversation centere d o n Ama l and me . To my surprise, Amal' s curly black hai r immediately dre w comments . "Sh e is differen t from you, " someon e said . I explained, a s best a s I could, tha t she was adopted. Question s flew . Did I have to pay fo r her ? Did I know he r mother? The first questio n puzzle d me , but I answered "no " to both questions . Som e wome n gave Amal great looks of pity when I said tha t I did no t know he r mother . Othe r wome n showe d surprise tha t I did no t wear makeup, that m y hair was short an d no t parted exactl y in th e middle, an d tha t neithe r Ama l nor I wore jewelry. Coffee an d fruit s wer e serve d i n trays on th e rug o f this large room. Ama l quickly helpe d herself t o some fruits. Ther e were many flie s

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buzzing aroun d th e fruits, an d I silently hope d that sh e would remai n healthy . Fo r lunch, w e were ushered int o a side room wher e a plate of rice cooked i n meat broth wit h a huge piec e of goat meat o n to p was waiting for us . A side dis h of stewe d onion s wa s spread ove r th e rice. On e of the shaykh' s wives , perhap s th e oldest , al though the y both looke d clos e in age, at e wit h us and cu t u p piece s of meat with he r fingers . I slowly began t o eat. I was unsure o f etiquett e and wante d t o see whethe r sh e ate certain food s first, perhap s th e ric e and onions , a s was th e case in Morocco, wher e mea t i s eaten afte r th e vegetables. Th e woman looke d u p a t me, sur prised a t the slownes s o f my eating, an d aske d whether th e foo d wa s good. "Yes, " I smiled, an d proceeded t o eat more quickl y sinc e I could dis cern n o pattern i n eating . Ama l licked happil y on a goat bone. W e spoke very little, an d I was then ushere d bac k into th e larg e room, wher e I rinsed m y hands, an d returne d t o the carpete d area. It was a t tha t firs t meetin g tha t I became Mirya m to the wome n o f Hamra . M y daughter's name , Amal , was easil y remembere d b y al l th e wome n becaus e i t was Arabic . Everyon e kep t forgettin g m y nam e an d made m e repea t it . Wome n i n Morocc o ha d th e sam e difficulty wit h my name. They spontaneously approx imated i t with Kristal , th e brand nam e o f a local cooking oil. My second nam e i s Marie (Mirya m i n Arabic),

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and I mentione d thi s t o on e o f th e wome n i n th e room. Sh e immediatel y said , "Mirya m i s a goo d name." Fro m the n o n I was calle d Mirya m i n Hamra . My firs t afternoo n i n Hamr a I wen t t o collec t drinking wate r fro m th e hea d o f th e falaj, ou r onl y source o f potabl e water . I t wa s barel y a three-minut e walk fro m ou r house , bu t w e wen t b y car . Ther e wa s no way I could carry , eve n fo r tha t shor t distance , ou r large plastic containers filled wit h water. Yet this was a woman's chore . M y husban d discreetl y stoppe d ou r car a short distance away in order not to infringe o n an area wher e onl y wome n coul d mov e freely . Man y women wer e walkin g bac k an d fort h wit h bucket s o f water gracefull y balance d o n thei r heads . Other s stood i n lin e waitin g thei r turn . I recognize d severa l faces fro m th e shaykhl y househol d I had visite d ear lier i n th e day . N o on e showe d surpris e a t m y pres ence, for news of our arrival had sprea d al l over town . I too k m y plac e i n line . Everyon e greete d m e wit h a smile and a firm handshake . There wa s a grea t dea l o f laughte r an d talkin g among women a s they waited thei r turn . On e woma n courteously too k m y tw o plasti c container s an d showed m e wher e t o stan d i n th e strea m i n orde r t o catch th e fastes t an d cleanes t runnin g water . Th e water tha t flowe d ou t fro m undergroun d wa s clea r and amazingl y warm . I coul d mak e ou t littl e fishe s swimming i n th e shadow s o f th e undergroun d canal . Another woma n pointe d ou t wher e th e washin g wa s done, a few fee t away . The self-confidenc e o f th e wome n wa s obvious . Going to the falaj wa s part of the oasis life. It was clear

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that i t I wa s t o liv e here , I was expecte d t o dra w m y own wate r a s soo n a s I learned ho w t o do i t properl y and t o handwas h m y ow n clothes * Hencefort h I di d just that ; however , I continue d t o carr y th e wate r home b y car . Onc e home , I poured par t o f thi s wate r into porou s cla y jars tha t hun g o n peg s i n ou r court yard. Thes e jar s wer e mad e i n Bahla , a neighborin g oasis know n fo r thei r manufacture , an d the y coole d water ver y effectively . The followin g da y m y immediat e neighbor s in vited me to their house. A slim young woman ushere d Amal and me into a courtyard shade d by an enormou s mango tre e an d the n int o a large , rectangula r room , one sid e o f whic h ha d lo w window s cu t fro m th e thick, cool mud wall . They provided a wonderful vie w of th e orchards . October 6 . My neighbor's househol d consiste d of a young woman, Nasra , he r husband , a daughter o f eighteen months , a n infant so n about si x weeks old, an d he r husband' s mother , Badriyya, a tall and large-bone d woma n i n he r early sixties . There may have been othe r peopl e living in th e hous e also , because othe r childre n and som e olde r wome n wer e presen t who m I found i t difficult t o identify. A woman i n he r early thirties , Rashida , wa s also there. Sh e ha d no living children (on e had died ) and live d i n the hous e nex t to mine o n th e othe r side . We had coffe e an d dates . I was also served home made yogur t spice d wit h a few grain s o f hot re d peppers and som e waferlike brea d (nkhal) that

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Nasra made . The children seeme d afrai d o f me. They clung to their mother s and olde r sister s and hi d unde r thei r hea d shawls . Infant mortalit y appear s t o have been ver y high i n the past. On e olde r woma n tol d m e wit h a sad fac e tha t sh e had te n children , bu t tha t only three wer e still alive. I also discovered tha t when I asked wome n th e numbe r o f childre n they had , the y usuall y include d thei r dea d chil dren. On th e thir d da y o f ou r stay , Shayk h 'Abdall a in vited u s t o lunc h a secon d time . H e wa s entertainin g tribesmen fro m Misfa , a neighborin g villag e i n th e mountains. October 7 . The women fro m Misf a wer e heavil y jeweled wit h gol d an d silve r and wor e wrist watches, and thei r foreheads wer e decorate d with re d mahale b an d yello w saffron . Onc e again I ate in a side room with th e tribal wome n and Nura , on e o f the shaykh's daughters . Th e meal consisted o f chickens boiled wit h onion s and tomat o paste ove r rice. Each person adde d hot peppers an d lim e juice to her ow n portio n of the communa l plate . When w e finished eating , w e returned t o th e central gues t roo m an d i n sequenc e wer e serve d coffee, dates , chickpeas , sweets , an d bananas . Eating patterns seeme d quit e complicated . Sev eral rice trays were prepared, an d differen t

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groups o f people apparentl y at e separately. Th e village women pai d littl e attention t o me. What ever the reaso n fo r thei r visit, i t was not discussed i n my presence. On e o f the villag e women onc e glance d a t Amal. On e o f th e shaykh's wive s immediately explaine d t o her tha t she was not my "natural " daughte r (ma bintha). "I didn't giv e birth t o her, but sh e is my daugh ter," I corrected. Withou t payin g any attention t o my remark, th e village woman replie d t o th e older shaykhl y woman , "Sh e is the daughter o f a descendant o f a slave (fern., khadima; pi., khuddam)." [At the tim e I took the ter m khadim a to mean "servant, " th e meanin g i n classical Ara bic, rathe r tha n th e local meaning o f "slave." ] "Oh, no , sh e is not," I interrupted a secon d time. Th e two women looke d a t me rather du biously, bu t sinc e I spoke categorically , th e shaykh's wife politel y change d th e topi c of con versation. Once th e tribal wome n left , I asked Shaykh a and Sharifa , wh o ha d jus t arrived , whethe r I could writ e dow n th e name s o f members o f thei r family. The y were ver y willin g because the y were proud o f the larg e siz e of their family . Zayna, wif e o f one o f Shaykh Abdalla' s sons, the n invite d Ama l an d m e to visit th e house o f her younge r brother . I followed he r along uneven an d narro w alley s t o another larg e house mor e i n th e cente r o f the town. W e entered a large, disorderl y roo m whose floo r wa s

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littered wit h nu t shells . I can't recal l the name of the nut , bu t i t came from "th e mountains" an d was used fo r th e hair . I t was also edible, fo r on e of the wome n at e som e o f the nut s tha t ha d fallen t o the floor . Th e wife o f Zayna's brother, a beautiful youn g woma n wit h hig h cheekbone s and a slender, aquilin e nose , was reclining o n a steel cot . Sh e had give n birth tw o weeks befor e to her fourt h child , a spn, wh o wa s nowhere i n sight. W e were serve d mor e food—oranges , ba nanas, chickpeas , pineapple , an d a sweet, a s well as many cup s o f coffee . Several women entere d th e roo m whil e w e were eating . T o my surprise, on e of them wa s Nasra, m y next-doo r neighbor . Sh e sat close t o the woma n wh o ha d give n birth an d spok e pri vately with he r whil e I remained wit h Zayn a an d the olde r wome n wh o ha d bee n shellin g nuts . Zayna brought a little dish wit h a yellow past e of saffron an d water . Sh e painted m y forehea d and Amal's , t o my daughter' s grea t delight . Zayna the n too k Ama l and m e t o a thir d house, tha t o f Shaykh Ibrahim . B y then I had had enoug h coffe e an d food . Ama l needed a nap, bu t I did no t know ho w t o refuse. I foun d this thir d mud-bric k hous e enormous . I t was built o n th e edg e o f the town , ful l o f light an d spotlessly clean . O n th e secon d floo r I was me t by Shaykha, he r mother , Sharifa , an d on e of Shaykha's si x sisters. W e drank coffe e an d at e chilled fruit s tha t ha d jus t com e out o f a re-

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frigerator. A t one poin t i n th e conversation , someone aske d m e why I was wearing a light scarf o n m y head. "T o cover my hair," I answered, puzzle d b y the question . "I t is n o good," someon e said . Shayhk a the n brough t m e a laysu, the colorfu l printe d shaw l tha t ever y woman i n Hamr a wor e whe n outsid e he r house . I took th e shawl , genuinel y touche d b y the gift . Shaykha showe d m e how t o place it on my hea d so that it covered m y hair, neck , an d shoulders . She and Sharif a the n accompanie d me , wearin g the ne w laysu , an d a truly tire d Ama l to m y home. On ou r wa y Sharifa laughingl y tol d m e tha t my husband migh t tak e a new wif e sinc e I had not given birth. I answered tha t a man coul d no t take two wives a t the sam e tim e in America . Shaykha, wh o di d no t yet have children, al though sh e ha d bee n marrie d fo r tw o years , nodded approvingl y an d sai d tha t sh e would no t want he r husban d t o take a second wife . Many aspect s o f m y firs t visit s i n Hamr a per plexed me : th e reactio n t o Ama l i n shaykhl y house holds, th e disorderl y stat e o f som e house s wher e people o f presumabl y hig h statu s lived , visitin g pat terns that 1 could no t understand, an d th e presence i n some household s o f a numbe r o f olde r wome n wit h unclear relation s t o th e household . Wer e the y ser vants o r nannies ? Whe n I firs t visite d Shayk h Ab dalla's, a wrinkle d ol d woma n passe d clos e behin d

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me, and I naively asked whethe r she was the shaykh's mother. A hoot o f laughter fro m a young gir l nearby , immediately repressed , tol d m e how wrong I was. There wer e evidentl y som e importan t statu s dif ferences amon g peopl e i n the oasis. A n obvious dif ference wa s that betwee n shaykh s an d nonshaykhs . Shakhly house s wer e muc h large r an d tende d t o be conveniently locate d clos e t o th e hea d o f th e fala j where the cleanest water was available. Shaykhs could regularly entertai n an d feed larg e numbers o f people. From th e question s I wa s aske d abou t Amal , the y seemed t o b e mor e concerne d abou t one' s descent . However, thes e socia l difference s coul d no t be see n clearly i n women' s clothes , o r eve n i n genera l stan dards of living, whic h varie d fro m hous e to house. While talkin g t o Nasra durin g m y first week s in Hamra, I learned of the social stigma attached to being the descendan t o f a slave. October 27 . I though I heard som e singing the day before. Whe n I mentioned thi s to Nasra, whom I met washing dishe s in the falaj, whic h was running in front o f her doorstep tha t morn ing, sh e was curious but concluded tha t it must have been a radio. Sh e told me that onl y wome n who are descendants o f slaves sing. Even the y sing only at night, durin g weddings . I asked her whether ther e would be any singing for the approaching Musli m holiday . Sh e replied tha t men who wer e descendant s o f slaves would danc e and bea t drum s i n public, but that women and other men would just listen. "Wha t do you

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mean b y khadim? " I asked. "Khudda m ar e jus t like India n [workers]/ ' sh e replied . ' T h e y wor k for yo u fo r a wage . The y ar e ofte n black , al though som e ar e not , bu t i f a perso n i s black, h e is certai n t o b e a khadim . The y ar e differen t from poo r people , becaus e no t al l k h u d d a m ar e poor. Som e ar e quit e rich . The y d o no t liv e wit h you bu t ar e calle d i n i f someon e i s sic k o r i f there i s a deat h i n th e family . The y wil l tak e ove r cooking, cleaning , an d washing. " I the n tol d he r tha t som e peopl e wer e takin g my daughter , Amal , fo r th e chil d o f a khadima . She stoo d up , quit e take n aback , frowned , an d said sharply , "Wh o sai d suc h a thing ? Who ? They ar e no t goo d peopl e wh o hav e sai d that. " I didn't answe r her , o f course . Sh e di d no t expect m e t o an d wen t bac k t o he r washing . Sh e was silen t fo r a fe w moment s an d the n sai d i n a musing tone , a s i f talkin g t o herself , "I t mus t b e because o f he r hai r . . . and he r nose. " It wa s clea r tha t Nasr a als o associate d m y daugh ter wit h a khadima , bu t i t wa s als o obviou s tha t sh e was angr y tha t som e peopl e ha d tol d m e s o directly . I t seemed t o he r t o b e a breac h o f goo d manner s an d hospitality. I think sh e guesse d wher e I had hear d th e term, but at the beginning o f our stay , my nonshaykhl y neighbors discusse d th e shaykhl y household s wit h great circumspection , a t leas t i n fron t o f me , becaus e they wer e uncertai n o f m y relationshi p wit h thes e households. Other socia l categorie s graduall y becam e clear .

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Some o f th e olde r wome n i n shaykhl y house s wer e described t o m e a s "poo r countr y women. " Muc h later I learned tha t person s s o describe d belonge d t o client (mawla) triba l groups o f the Abriyin . Th e subtl e social differences i n practice between wome n o f clien t status and th e descendants o f slaves remained unclea r to me for a long time . The logistic s o f maintainin g a househol d too k a great dea l o f my tim e durin g ou r firs t day s in Hamra . We ha d a fe w hour s o f electricit y eac h nigh t fro m a wire connecte d t o ou r landlord' s electri c generator , but durin g th e firs t mont h o f ou r sta y w e ha d n o re frigerator (w e eventuall y obtaine d a kerosen e one) . I was oblige d t o g o t o th e marke t daily . Ou r hous e seemed t o hav e som e moder n conveniences , bu t thi s was mor e appearanc e tha n reality . Wate r cam e whe n faucets wer e turne d o n an d ou r ne w toile t flushed , but wate r wa s availabl e i n limite d amount s onl y an d was not potable. A n uncovered cister n adjacen t t o our house filled u p each time water ran in the falaj outsid e our door . Usuall y thi s wa s onl y onc e a week an d les s frequent late r whe n wate r becam e scarce . Eac h eve ning, whe n w e ha d electricity , w e coul d pum p th e water int o a smaller tan k o n th e roo f o f our bedroom . Because ther e wa s s o littl e water , I soon bega n usin g the falaj fo r washing my clothes, just as my neighbor s did. I t ra n ever y othe r day . W e also ha d t o clea n ou r house an d courtyar d o f dat e pits , rust y nails , woo d shavings, mous e droppings , an d month s o f dust . Our hous e teeme d wit h reptile , mammal, an d in sect life . Lizard s live d i n th e crack s o f th e ceilin g an d

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Figure 3. " I soon bega n usin g the falaj fo r washin g m y clothes, just as my neighbor s did."

came out t o sun themselves . Frog s and toad s croake d incessantly a t night , especiall y nea r ou r wate r tank . Long column s o f ant s constantl y crosse d ou r court yard, an d chicken s roame d freel y i n th e adjacen t or chard. The y belonge d t o Zayna , wh o cam e ever y da y to fee d the m leftove r ric e an d sometime s t o collec t fruits fro m th e orchards. A family o f cats belonging t o my nonshaykhl y neighbor s wer e attracte d b y th e smell o f m y cooking . Vermi n an d al l insects wer e un welcome—the horde s o f flie s an d mosquitoes , th e huge spiders , th e scorpions , snakes , mice , and rats . I filled m y firs t week s i n Hamr a wit h har d physi cal work , worries , an d th e constan t parado x o f th e unfamiliar. Man y sight s an d sound s wer e initiall y ex otic because they were all new and unfamiliar. I had t o

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learn a differen t se t o f gesture s an d ne w rule s o f eti quette. I had t o establish a daily routine o f some sort . Images an d sound s spu n aroun d i n m y hea d eac h night, an d th e coffe e I ha d t o tak e eac h da y di d no t help m e sleep . Childre n chantin g Qurani c verses, th e rhythmic soun d o f wome n grindin g spices , donkey s braying, invitations—"Miryam , come , com e t o drin k coffee"—small gift s o f limes , garlic , an d chip s fo r Amal lef t a t ou r doo r whe n w e wer e away , cat s fight ing in the night, mic e scampering, th e gentle swayin g of date palms in the moonlight, a young child runnin g past wit h a bottl e o f mil k lace d wit h coffe e hangin g from he r lips , dishe s o f fresh , juic y date s swarmin g with flies , Badriyy a rockin g Abdalla , he r infan t grandson, softl y chantin g th e affectionat e diminutiv e of his name, "'Ubayd , 'Ubay d Allah. " In man y part s o f th e Middl e Eas t an d Nort h Af rica, mos t marke t activitie s ar e reserve d fo r men ; women o f higher statu s avoi d th e marke t completely . In Hamra, n o women ever went to the market. Being a foreigner, an d a mor e experience d shoppe r tha n m y husband i n any case, I decided t o ignore local practic e and sho p o n m y own . On e mornin g shortl y after m y arrival I walked int o th e marketplac e wit h a firm an d businesslike step . A grou p o f me n i n whit e tunic s were standin g i n a circle around a n auctionee r takin g bids fo r shee p an d goats . Th e Id al-Kablr, th e feas t commemorating th e sacrific e o f Abraham , wa s barel y a month away . All households tha t can afford t o do s o sacrifice a n anima l o n thi s feast . I t was a peak seaso n for th e buying and sellin g of animals .

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No on e turne d t o loo k a t m e directly , bu t fo r a couple o f second s ther e wa s complet e silenc e i n th e market, a s i f I were watchin g a market scen e an d th e film ha d suddenl y bee n cut . The n th e quie t hu m o f voices o f thos e engage d i n th e auctio n resumed . I searched fo r fres h fruit s an d vegetable s an d foun d a man with a pile of onions in front o f him. "Ma y I have two kilos, please, " I asked. H e replie d incredulously , "You don' t mea n tha t yo u wan t thes e weighed , d o you? Ther e i s n o scale. " I looked a t hi s pil e an d tol d him tha t I could no t carr y hom e o n foo t suc h a larg e quantity. H e finall y agree d t o sel l m e a small amoun t approximating tw o kilos. I entered th e covered area of the market . Mos t shop s wer e close d o r wer e sellin g only basi c tinne d an d dr y goods . N o fres h mea t wa s sold o n tha t day , bu t i n on e corne r a man wa s cuttin g slices from a large fish tha t had been transporte d fro m the coast by truck. I bought a piece. Prices were fixed , and I hear d n o on e bargaining . I circle d th e marke t again t o mak e sur e I ha d no t misse d anythin g an d found a n unattended, unopene d carto n that, on closer inspection, I found t o contain oranges . "Ar e thes e fo r sale?" I asked a n old man sittin g farther away . "Wher e is the merchant? I want t o buy som e oranges. " "H e i s out there, " the man replie d vaguely , withou t moving . After I repeated m y reques t severa l times , h e wen t t o fetch th e merchant , probabl y t o ge t ri d o f me . Whe n the owne r o f th e orange s returned , h e willingl y sol d me a dozen . H e ha d bee n awa y buyin g fis h fo r him self. No on e eve r openl y questione d m y presenc e i n

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the marketplace . Soo n I formed tie s wit h a fe w mer chants. I discovered tha t some of them had shop s wit h deep freezers , s o tha t I could supplemen t th e limite d quantities o f fres h produc e wit h froze n foods . Goin g to the marke t ever y da y wa s very tim e consuming fo r me an d m y husband , wh o ha d t o remai n hom e wit h Amal. W e wer e bot h happ y whe n ou r kerosen e re frigerator finall y arrived , delivere d throug h th e cour tesy o f m y husband's sponsorin g ministry . The mainsta y o f Hamra' s economi c activities — many men were wage earners elsewhere and returne d only on weekends—was irrigatio n agricultur e supple mented b y th e herdin g o f shee p an d goats . On e fala j provided wate r fo r th e entir e oasis . It s water wa s distributed b y a network o f subsidiary canal s to orchard s of date s an d lime s an d smal l patche s wher e othe r crops grew . Beyon d th e oasi s garden s ther e wer e fields o f alfalfa, suga r cane , sorghum, an d som e vegetables. Thes e wer e irrigate d b y mean s o f exces s fala j water i n som e years . A t othe r time s thes e field s wer e irrigated b y wel l water , almos t exclusivel y draw n b y animal powe r (camel s an d oxen ) unti l th e lat e 1950s . Since the n animal s hav e bee n progressivel y replace d by moto r pumps , whic h entirel y replace d anima l power b y the earl y 1970s. Much o f th e locall y grow n produce—mangoes , pomegranates, grapes , an d bananas—neve r reache d the loca l marke t bu t wer e consume d b y group s o f re lated households . Excep t durin g a few month s i n lat e winter, th e onl y fres h vegetable s t o b e foun d i n th e Hamra marke t wer e onion s an d a green , leafy , spin achlike vegetable , an d eve n thes e wer e no t t o b e

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found ever y day . Marke t activitie s wer e sporadi c be cause the y depende d fo r th e mos t par t o n unpredict able truc k deliverie s fro m large r cities . B y midmorn ing, mos t store s in th e marke t wer e already closed . Two ways of handling commercial transaction s existed sid e b y sid e i n th e market . Th e olde r syste m involved me n fro m Hamr a an d neighborin g village s seasonally sellin g loca l produc e b y auction , wit h n o weighing, littl e cash—smal l merchant s almos t neve r had change—an d barte r o r exchange . A more recen t way involve d truc k deliverie s o f goods , an d fresh , tinned, an d froze n food s previousl y unavailabl e i n the oasis . Ther e wer e fixe d price s fo r thes e transac tions. After th e initia l roun d o f invitation s durin g ou r first wee k i n Hamra , I wa s lef t mor e o r les s o n m y own. I t wa s m y tur n t o tak e th e initiative . Whe n I went fo r walk s wit h Ama l i n th e orchard s an d i n town, wome n ofte n invite d u s fo r coffee . I accepte d invitations whe n peopl e insisted , fo r everyon e w e met invited u s out o f politeness. But if I stayed home , no on e called . On e mornin g I stoppe d b y unexpect edly a t th e hous e o f m y immediat e neighbor . Nasr a and Badriyy a receive d m e courteously, althoug h I detected a movemen t o f surpris e o n m y arrival . I re mained jus t lon g enoug h fo r a cu p o f coffee . Th e following da y I visited agai n briefl y i n midafternoon . This time the tw o women appeare d t o expect m y visi t and greete d m e warmly . The pattern wa s set fo r frequen t neighborl y calls . Amal made friend s wit h severa l o f the children i n th e house wh o wer e he r age . The y quickl y outgre w thei r

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initial fea r o f me . Soo n I learned tha t a thir d woma n lived i n th e household . Sh e wa s Salma , th e wif e o f Badriyya's eldes t son . Sh e ha d bee n awa y mournin g her mother' s death . Th e olde r wome n I had see n o n my firs t visi t wer e famil y member s wh o helpe d tak e care o f tw o o f Salma' s sons , thre e an d fiv e year s old , whom sh e had left behind . Sh e took with her only th e youngest, si x months old . Salma an d Nasr a wer e wome n wit h contrastin g personalities. Nasr a wa s barely twent y year s old . Sh e loved t o move, talk , tease , and laugh . Diminutiv e an d wiry, sh e ran an d sometime s leape d behin d he r goat s to herd the m hom e a t nightfall. Sh e enjoye d explain ing to me some of her work—her sewin g and machin e embroidery, th e type s o f dishe s t o b e cooke d fo r th e coming holida y an d th e spice s tha t wer e goin g t o b e used. Sh e love d he r tw o childre n passionately , paint ing thei r forehead s yello w wit h saffron , fumigatin g their clothe s wit h incense , showerin g th e younges t with kisse s when fe w peopl e wer e around . " I want a t least te n children, " sh e woul d tel l me , smiling . A young Egyptia n bo y onc e hi t he r infan t son . Fo r th e first an d onl y tim e I found he r visibl y upse t an d con trolling hersel f onl y wit h difficulty , mumblin g unde r her breath an d shakin g he r head . Salma was older and mor e reserved. Nasr a woul d shake with laughte r at a joke; Salma would just smile . Her movement s wer e measured , he r word s weighed . When I first met her, she was still mourning the recent death of her mother, a grief sh e did not overtly express except in her avoidance of face painting, perfume, an d

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the wearin g o f elaboratel y embroidere d pantaloons . Over th e week s th e friendshi p tha t develope d be tween on e o f he r son s an d m y daughte r dre w u s to gether considerably . Nonetheless , sh e remaine d a quiet, withdraw n person , conveyin g som e of her feel ings in smal l action s rather tha n words . Both women appeared t o get along with Badriyya , their mother-in-law , wh o helpe d the m a grea t dea l with thei r children . A s th e week s passed , I was sur prised a t thi s continue d harmon y i n th e relation s among th e thre e women . Ther e wer e n o sign s o f strain, n o look s o f annoyance , frowns , o r impatien t words. Sinc e som e clas h o f will s seem s inevitabl e i n any society , ther e wa s obviousl y stron g socia l pres sure t o avoid ope n o r pett y squabbling , a t least whe n nonfamily member s suc h a s I were around . Ho w di d these women cop e wit h conflic t an d disagreement ? Except fo r m y brief busines s dealing s a t the mar ket, I had littl e opportunity t o meet and tal k to men in Hamra. A handshake, a nod, a few words at the most , and the y were gone. Women visitors avoided me n in a household b y leaving befor e me n returne d a t midda y or a t nightfall . The da y wa s divide d int o period s whe n person s of the sam e sex , whether famil y members , neighbors , or acquaintances, coul d wor k and tal k together. Othe r periods were strictly reserved fo r th e coming togethe r of clos e famil y member s o f bot h sexe s i n th e house hold. I n addition , i n bot h shaykhl y an d nonshaykhl y households, th e husband s o f man y o f th e younge r women worke d ou t o f town , eithe r i n th e capita l are a

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or i n Ab u Dhabi , fou r hour s awa y b y a n excellen t paved road . Thes e wag e earner s commute d bac k t o Hamra onc e a wee k i f the y worke d i n th e capita l an d usually onc e a mont h i f the y worke d i n Ab u Dhabi . The result wa s tha t durin g th e wee k ther e wer e man y more youn g wome n tha n youn g me n i n th e town . Among themselves , wome n i n general spok e very lit tle about men . While I continued t o be invite d regularl y fo r cof fee by shaykhly women, I found mor e initial difficult y in building informa l tie s wit h them . Olde r wome n o f high statu s seeme d t o be out visiting a great deal, an d I often foun d n o one home when I called unexpectedl y at our landlord' s house . A younger woma n would ru n in fro m anothe r par t o f th e hous e an d offe r m e th e obligatory coffee an d date s in the guest room; then off I would go , slightl y puzzle d tha t the y seeme d il l prepared fo r visitor s i f on e calle d unexpectedl y an d dis appointed no t to have been invited t o join in whatever the wome n wer e doin g i n th e man y room s o f th e larger households . O n m y wa y t o th e marke t on e morning, I me t on e o f th e wive s o f th e paramoun t shaykh, accompanie d b y tw o othe r women . The y were obviousl y visiting , bu t th e reason s for , th e fre quency, an d th e patter n o f thes e visit s stil l escape d me. I trie d exchangin g lesson s wit h on e o f th e younger women . Sh e wa s studyin g Englis h a t th e lo cal intermediate school , but the lessons soon stopped . The back rooms of our house, which ou r landlord ha d reserved fo r hi s grandsons , wer e use d regularl y b y one o f hi s wives , he r daughter , an d he r daughter-in -

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law. They cam e i n th e afternoo n t o si t an d pee l date s to mak e a swee t (halwa), chattin g informall y an d drinking coffe e whil e the y worked. I joined the m reg ularly. After a mont h thes e visit s stopped . Shayk h Ab dalla temporaril y rente d thes e room s t o a n Egyptia n schoolteacher, hi s wife , an d thei r youn g so n unti l a new apartmen t wa s complete d fo r the m i n a smal l housing comple x outsid e th e oasis , whic h th e shayk h owned an d rente d t o th e Ministr y o f Educatio n fo r foreign schoolteachers . I t wa s no t a happ y situation . Not onl y di d i t mea n a los s o f privacy—ever y wor d above a whisper carrie d fro m on e part o f the house t o another—but I was afraid tha t we would b e associate d in people's minds with schoolteachers, and with Egyptians i n particular , wh o wer e no t alway s highl y re garded becaus e o f thei r tendenc y t o conside r them selves vastly superio r t o Omanis . Many wome n ofte n faile d t o differentiat e clearl y between m y accent in speakin g Arabi c and othe r Ara bic dialects , especiall y Egyptia n an d Jordanian , wit h which the y ha d equa l difficulty . The y lacke d experi ence i n dealin g wit h non-Oman i Arabs . Th e initia l insistence b y man y oasi s wome n o f placin g m e an d our Egyptian neighbors in the same category annoye d the Egyptians a s well. Onc e a Hamra frien d aske d m e whether I fasted. I said tha t I did not . The n sh e aske d my Egyptia n neighbo r th e sam e question . Th e Egyp tian replied , "Bu t I am a Muslim! She i s a Christian! " She became even more upset when the Hamra woman , not quit e understandin g th e Egyptia n Arabic , the n

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politely replied , "S o you kne w eac h othe r befor e yo u came to Hamra. " Islam a s a way of life wa s s o taken fo r grante d b y most me n an d wome n o f th e oasi s tha t the y di d no t think spontaneousl y i n term s o f categorie s suc h a s Muslim an d non-Muslim . Instead , ther e wa s a ten dency t o categoriz e person s i n term s o f thos e wh o practiced Isla m versu s thos e wh o lapse d i n it s prac tice. Al l foreigners , includin g Musli m Arabs , tende d to be place d i n th e latte r category . Fo r many me n an d women i n Hamra , th e ide a tha t m y husban d an d I should liv e in th e oasi s and no t be Muslims appeare d incongruous. N o foreigners , Musli m o r non-Muslim , Arab o r non-Arab , live d i n th e mai n par t o f th e oasi s itself. A n olde r shaykhl y woma n shoo k wit h laughte r one da y a t th e though t tha t I woul d no t fas t durin g Ramadan, th e Islami c mont h o f fasting , s o tha t I would b e "jus t lik e an ol d woman. " Earlier , whe n m y husband visite d th e oasis alone and ha d t o sleep overnight i n th e shaykh' s sabla , h e woul d b e aske d whether h e wa s sic k whe n h e faile d t o ge t u p an d perform hi s predaw n ablution s wit h everyon e else . Once m y presenc e becam e mor e familia r -t o th e women o f Hamra, thos e I got to know bes t put a gen tle bu t persisten t pressur e o n m e t o b e mor e lik e them, t o let my hai r gro w an d par t i t like them i n th e middle, t o lear n t o rea d th e Qura n (the y wer e im pressed tha t I coul d rea d Arabic) , an d t o wea r pan taloons unde r m y skirts . I t was even suggeste d tha t I should arrang e fo r a reading of the Quran i n honor of my daughter .

BEGINNINGS

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One mont h after ou r arrival , th e oldes t so n of Shayk h Ibrahi m unexpectedl y died . Thi s even t changed m y relationshi p wit h man y perso n i n th e oasis. I t separate d m e clearl y fro m othe r foreigner s who di d no t tak e par t i n th e mourning . I t dre w m e much close r t o some of the shaykhl y household s wit h whom I then built informa l ties . It also introduced m e to a networ k o f forma l visitin g tha t include d wome n of all status in the oasis. I quickly began t o learn abou t the meanin g o f family ties , form s o f sociability, statu s differentiation, an d ho w thes e wer e visibl e i n mode s of greetings , seatin g arrangements , an d etiquett e i n serving food. I learned thes e as I took part in th e lon g period o f mournin g an d extensiv e visit s tha t followe d the death . I began t o accompany shaykhl y wome n o n visiting round s an d t o atten d publi c reading s o f th e Quran. The deat h als o change d m y relation s wit h m y nonshaykhly neighbors . I continued t o see them regu larly, bu t no w tha t the y sa w tha t I wished t o partici pate i n forma l visiting , the y bega n t o le t m e kno w o f births, deaths , an d illnesses , an d aske d m e t o accom pany the m o n thei r visitin g round s a s well. Soon m y neighbor s wer e regularl y knockin g a t my door. Whe n I answered, the y quickl y withdrew t o the sid e t o mak e sur e tha t m y husban d di d no t se e them whil e the y waite d fo r me . "Miryam , ther e i s coffee a t th e hous e o f so-and-so, " the y whispered , and of f the y went . I woul d pic k u p m y hea d shawl , take my daughte r b y th e hand , an d follo w them . To some exten t I had becom e par t o f th e commu -

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nity. I remained a n anomaly, a person with high statu s yet withou t relatives , on e wh o wa s learned , a mu'allima, yet could no t read th e Qura n properly , someon e with poor Arabic and lackin g experience in social matters, who did no t fast and wh o wore "Turkish clothes" with n o pantaloon s unde r he r skirts , a darin g an d slightly shockin g habi t i n th e Oman i interior . Bu t I was als o know n a s a friendl y perso n "wh o love s he r daughter a grea t deal. " Jus t befor e m y departure , a shaykhly woma n describe d m e t o a visito r a s on e "who visits us every day , eats our food, an d perfume s herself jus t lik e us. " NOTES 1. Th e ter m shayk h i s difficult t o defin e becaus e i t has man y partially overlappin g meanings . I t ca n b e use d t o designat e a religious scholar. A tribal leader is always addressed a s shaykh as are other members of his lineage. Member of lineages formerly promi nent wil l be addressed ofte n b y th e ter m a s will other individual s today wishing to challenge or lay claim to leadership of a tribe or a faction o f it .

2.

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LMOST everyon e i n Hamr a emphasize s th e im portance o f th e extende d family , ofte n speakin g as i f all household s ar e large . Ye t t o m y surpris e I found tha t almos t three-fourth s o f th e household s i n Hamra ar e composed o f "nuclear'' families: a man, hi s wife, an d children , o r a widow o r widower wit h son s and daughters . Som e o f thes e familie s includ e a n el derly parent o f either th e husban d o r the wife. 1 There is a tendency fo r household s relate d b y kinshi p t o be located near one another but nonetheless most remai n small. By speaking wit h man y wome n I learned tha t th e size o f household s varie s considerabl y ove r time . Most me n an d wome n marr y ver y young , usuall y i n their teens , an d fo r som e girl s by late childhood. Th e young husband frequentl y work s as a migrant laborer , returning t o Hamra weekl y o r once a month whil e hi s wife an d late r hi s smal l childre n remai n i n a large r household. Thi s househol d i s often th e husband' s fa ther's house , thoug h occasionall y th e coupl e live s

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with th e wife' s mothe r i f sh e i s a widow. I n shaykhl y households, th e husband ma y be a student in the capital are a o r abroad . Durin g ou r sta y i n Hamra , ther e was onl y on e cas e o f a man' s movin g int o th e hous e of hi s father-in-la w afte r marriage . Thi s practic e i s avoided becaus e mos t peopl e perceiv e th e relatio n o f father wit h son-in-la w a s a n especiall y tens e on e i f both me n liv e under th e sam e roof. Another commo n pattern i s fo r tw o o r thre e brother s o r half-brothers , related throug h eithe r fathe r o r mother , t o shar e a household wit h thei r wive s and children . Considerations suc h a s age, money , th e natur e of the husband' s wor k an d th e availabilit y o f housin g influence th e decisio n t o se t u p a ne w household . I n recent year s a n additiona l consideratio n i s th e in creasingly hig h cos t o f housing . Maintainin g olde r mud-brick houses has become prohibitively expensiv e for many Omanis . Only a declining number o f Oman i craftsmen kno w the construction techniques involved . Moreover, spac e i n th e mai n par t o f Hamr a i s limite d and man y o f its houses are inaccessible to motor vehi cles. Wit h mone y fro m emigran t labor , a growin g number o f household s buil d cemen t house s o n th e periphery o f th e oasis , especiall y alon g th e roa d con necting Hamr a wit h th e mai n Nizwa-'Ibr i highway . The cos t o f constructin g cemen t house s ha s rapidl y increased becaus e o f th e risin g salarie s o f th e India n and Pakistan i laborer s wh o buil d the m t o th e almos t complete exclusio n o f previousl y availabl e Oman i la bor (Birks and Sinclair , 1977b : 11) . Until recently , man y shaykhl y household s wer e extended households . Son s of a shaykh tende d t o re-

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main i n thei r father' s househol d fo r longe r period s of time. I n par t thi s wa s becaus e thes e house s wer e much larger tha n nonshaykhl y ones . Hence there wa s sufficient spac e to accommodate severa l married sons , or even grandsons , an d thei r families . Sinc e th e mid 1970s a handful o f young shaykhly men have moved t o the capital area with their families. I f the wife has only very young children , th e ne w househol d i s not se t u p until anothe r femal e relative , suc h a s a widowe d mother o r a n olde r siste r o f th e husband , i s foun d t o live wit h her . A n increasin g numbe r o f th e younge r shaykhly generatio n ar e hopin g t o mov e int o ne w housing i n Hamra . Significantly , man y o f th e ne w ce ment house s o f extende d famil y member s continu e t o be built whenever possibl e withi n walkin g distanc e of one another , an d clos e t o th e hea d o f th e fala j rathe r than o n th e peripher y o f th e oasis . The Organizatio n o f Domesti c Wor k Except fo r midda y whe n me n wh o wor k i n Hamr a return hom e t o ea t an d t o rest , th e househol d i s th e domain o f wome n an d childre n fro m mornin g unti l sunset. Withi n its walls women d o much o f their wor k and the y entertai n man y femal e guests , eithe r for mally o r informally . Wome n ar e responsibl e fo r th e smooth runnin g o f th e househol d an d the y see k t o ensure tha t thei r hous e i s know n fo r it s hospitality . The household i s also the area where famil y member s meet i n private . Shaykhly an d nonshaykhl y household s organiz e

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domestic work i n different ways , which I discuss her e using example s o f each . Th e difference s reflec t thei r respective idea s concernin g wor k an d money . M y im mediate neighbor, Nasi r Sa'id, shares a house with hi s younger half-brother by a different father , Muhammad , and thei r elderl y mother , Badriyya . Salm a an d Nasra , the wives of th e tw o brothers, hav e a total of fiv e chil dren, fou r boy s an d on e girl . Th e oldes t o f thes e i s barely fiv e year s old . Nasi r Sa'i d i s a soldie r {'askari) attached t o th e staf f o f th e governo r i n Hamra . Hi s younger brothe r work s th e land s tha t the y bot h own . A fe w year s ag o th e househol d move d fro m th e main par t o f town . Convenienc e an d bette r housin g were th e principa l reason s fo r th e move . Th e secon d house, shade d b y a large mang o tree , i s much coole r than th e othe r one . Mos t importan t o f all , i t i s close r to on e o f th e tw o mai n branche s o f th e falaj. I t is on e of th e olde r mud-bric k houses , an d i n 198 0 it still di d not hav e electricity . Jus t befor e I lef t Hamr a i n 1981, the household joined with several nonshaykhly neigh bors, bough t share s i n a n electri c generator , an d ha d electric lights installed i n thei r house . Many househol d chores , includin g th e washin g of clothe s an d dishes , nee d t o b e don e a t th e falaj . Nasra an d Salm a g o to th e strea m thre e o r four time s daily, eve n mor e frequentl y i n th e summer , carryin g large bucket s o f drinkin g wate r o n thei r head s fo r themselves an d thei r animals : on e cow , fou r goats , some chicken s an d cats . On e o f thei r youn g childre n usually trail s behin d o n thes e expeditions . Cookin g meals an d makin g brea d i s don e ever y othe r da y b y

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both women . Nasr a als o tend s th e goats , takin g the m to nearby pastur e just outsid e th e orchard s o n winte r mornings an d drivin g them hom e in the evening. Sh e collects forag e durin g th e summe r month s whe n fe w edible plant s surviv e th e hea t outsid e th e irrigate d gardens. Nasra an d Salm a ar e busiest i n th e summer . Thi s is th e seaso n whe n date s an d lime s ar e harvested , dried, an d prepare d fo r storage . Bot h wome n se w b y machine. The y mak e al l thei r clothe s an d man y o f their children's. Thei r husbands' tunic s are made by a local Indian tailo r because thes e require a zig-zag sewing machine, whic h th e wome n d o not own . Badriyya, a grandmother , i s nickname d "th e ol d one" {al-'ajuza) b y he r sons . Sh e ha s troubl e walkin g long distance s bu t continue s t o perfor m a n importan t share o f dail y chores . I n additio n t o milkin g th e co w and makin g yogur t a t daw n ever y morning , sh e per forms suc h sit-dow n task s a s peelin g onion s an d hand-grinding coffe e beans , grains , an d spice s wit h mortar and pestle . These dutie s require a great deal of strength. Sh e i s a substitut e mothe r t o Salma' s three year-old son , wh o finds i t difficult t o adjust t o the fac t that hi s mother i s often nursin g hi s youngest brother . She als o care s fo r Salma' s an d Nasra' s infan t son s when thei r mother s g o t o th e fala j o r mak e forma l visits t o other households . Salma and Nasr a supplemen t th e money that thei r husbands an d parent s giv e them by carrying o n mini businesses. Nasra sews women's clothes and machine embroiders pantaloon s an d children' s hea d caps .

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Nasra's busiest period s ar e just before th e tw o principal Musli m feasts . Th e pric e fo r sewin g eac h piec e of clothing is fixed an d quit e low , give n th e tim e neede d to do the work. Salm a boils a batch of rose water ever y day. This is a lucrative enterpris e tha t fe w wome n ca n afford t o undertak e becaus e o f th e initia l hig h capita l investment. Dr y ros e petal s ar e bought, washed , an d simmered fo r a n entir e da y over a wood fire . Th e ros e water i s the n poure d int o smal l bottles . Salm a sell s a few bottle s t o neighbors wh o cal l on her . Th e res t ar e sold i n th e marke t b y a n 'arab, or a nonrelate d man , who keep s a shar e o f th e profit . Salm a tol d m e he r profit wa s aroun d doubl e th e amoun t originall y in vested fo r th e dr y ros e petals . Nasra , hearin g this , laughed an d tol d m e tha t Salm a wa s a ric h woman . Both wome n us e th e cas h t o buy clothe s an d littl e extras such as sweets or plastic sandals for their children. Another wa y some wome n mak e mone y i s to sel l various objects , suc h a s piece s o f precu t cloth , pots , and children' s clothes , a t a smal l marku p ove r th e prices pai d i n th e market s o f Nizw a an d Muscat . Ei ther th e woma n hersel f buy s a rol l o f clot h fro m a n itinerant Baluch i merchan t wh o come s periodically t o Hamra, an d the n cut s th e fabri c int o smalle r sizes , o r she ha s he r husban d o r anothe r relate d ma n bu y he r items unavailabl e i n th e Hamr a market . Sh e the n re sells the m t o other wome n locally . Afte r th e birth o f a child ther e i s a one-mont h visitin g perio d calle d th e murabbiya, durin g whic h tim e wome n givin g birt h of ten displa y a fe w object s fo r sale . The y ar e simpl y placed i n th e roo m wher e visitin g take s place . Every -

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one know s th e reaso n fo r th e display , an d ther e i s n o bargaining. Intereste d wome n mak e polit e inquiries , and th e transactio n quietl y take s place . The Socia l Rol e o f Wate r In a country wher e wate r i s scarce and runnin g wate r was stil l unavailable , th e fala j i s essentia l t o mos t household tasks . Fo r mos t o f th e da y th e hea d o f th e falaj i s reserved fo r women . Wome n mak e thei r ablu tions her e an d pra y i n th e courtyar d o f th e smal l mosque adjoinin g th e hea d o f th e falaj . Her e the y fil l buckets wit h drinkin g water , whic h the y carr y hom e on thei r head . Along th e entir e lengt h o f th e falaj , wome n an d young girl s squa t a t its edg e o r stan d i n th e half-foot deep wate r throughou t th e da y an d earl y evening . They was h clothes , scru b pots , pans , an d ree d mats , and scrap e the earth jars that keep drinking water cool with pebble s an d water . Childre n bath e an d splas h i n the water o f the falaj fo r it s entire length . There ar e tw o mai n branche s o f th e falaj . Th e baldd branc h (sqiyit al-balad) border s th e edg e o f th e main cluste r o f mud-bric k house s i n Hamra , calle d simply "th e quarter " (al-hara). It als o define s on e o f the outermost edges of the gardens. The other branch, sqiyit as-Sahma, define s th e othe r limi t of the gardens . It take s it s nam e fro m a majo r mosque , use d espe cially o n feas t days , buil t o n it s edge . Unti l th e mid-1970s, housin g wa s spars e alon g th e edg e o f thi s

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Figure 4. Fala j and house s of 'Abriyi n notables . A mjaza, a washing house for women built over the falaj, is visible in the background. Photograp h b y Dary l Hill . Reprinte d with permis sion fro m TH E SULTANAT E O F OMAN : A HERITAG E b y Ann and Daryl Hill . Longman , London & New York, 1977.

branch o f th e falaj . Now , wit h mone y fro m emigran t labor, cemen t house s fil l almos t al l th e empt y space s there use d t o be between th e mud-brick houses .

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Mosques, wit h adjacen t washin g house s fo r me n (with cubicles for individual bathers inside) and wash ing house s fo r women , calle d mjdzas, alternat e a t in tervals alon g th e lengt h o f both branche s o f th e falaj . There ar e seventee n i n all , with a mosque a t the hea d of th e fala j an d a t th e en d o f th e tw o mai n branches . Shaykh 'Abdall a tol d m y husban d tha t mosque s al ways defin e th e limit s o f oase s s o tha t strangers — male—approaching th e oasi s fo r th e firs t tim e woul d know withou t askin g wher e t o pra y an d mak e thei r ablutions. I sa w wome n o f shaykhl y statu s washin g clothe s along th e fala j les s ofte n tha n othe r women . Thi s wa s because the y ofte n use d a mjaz a o r privat e bathin g areas buil t int o thre e o f th e shaykhl y house s (an d n o others) tha t straddl e th e falaj. Severa l of the wealthie r shaykhly families hav e recently bought electric pump s so that they can draw water at night, whe n th e electri c generator i s running , fro m th e fala j branche s int o roof tank s t o provid e thei r household s wit h limite d amounts o f runnin g wate r fo r privat e washing . Ser vant wome n fro m clien t triba l group s an d th e young est girl s o f th e households , thos e aroun d te n year s old, ofte n d o th e heavie r scrubbin g fo r th e shaykhl y households. The fetchin g o f a bucke t o f drinkin g wate r fro m the hea d o f th e fala j i s calle d gharrafa, a wor d tha t i n classical Arabi c mean s th e scoopin g o f enoug h wate r to b e hel d i n one' s hand . A t sunset , whil e som e women pray, others stand in line and wait their turn t o have access t o clean wate r just a s it emerges fro m un -

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derground. Thi s i s a tim e o f da y fo r handshaking , chatting, an d jokin g amon g wome n o f all statuse s from variou s parts o f the oasis. There is no hand kiss ing between shaykhl y wome n an d th e descendant s of slaves as there i s on s o many othe r occasions . Durin g the ten minutes it takes to fill the last bucket o f drink ing water before th e end o f the day, status distinction s in Hamra ar e least conspicuou s an d th e Ibadi ideal of equality come s closes t t o being realized . The importanc e o f th e hea d o f th e fala j a s a ke y meeting point fo r wome n o f all statuses in the oasis is lessening. The small amount o f rainfall i n inner Oma n in the last few years, and probabl y th e declining stan dards o f fala j maintenanc e (se e Birk s 1977b) , cause d the leve l o f fala j wate r t o dro p dangerousl y low . I n July 1980 the governmen t se t u p te n smal l communa l tanks fo r drinkin g wate r alon g th e lengt h o f bot h branches o f th e fala j an d supplie d thes e wit h wel l water delivered by a tanker. As a consequence/ wome n no longer ha d t o go several time s dail y t o the head of the fala j fo r drinkin g water . A second element in the decline of the head of the falaj a s a meeting point for wome n i s the shifting spa tial layou t o f th e oasis . Thi s i s occurrin g a s house holds inves t i n moder n cemen t house s buil t outsid e the older , falaj-define d limit s o f th e oasis . Thes e households obtai n thei r wate r fro m newl y du g wells . In late 1982, when my husband returne d t o Hamra, h e found tha t mos t wome n withi n walkin g distanc e o f the head o f the falaj stil l got water from i t at least onc e a day , confirmin g it s socia l significance . Wate r agai n

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became plentifu l i n 1982 , bu t th e patter n i n whic h I participated o f usin g th e hea d o f th e fala j a s the prin cipal sourc e fo r gatherin g wate r an d meetin g othe r women outsid e o f forma l visitin g wa s decidedl y i n decline. Work an d Statu s The lifestyl e an d wor k pattern s o f shaykhl y wome n are simila r t o thos e o f othe r women . Bot h engag e i n childcare, cooking , carryin g drinkin g water , an d washing clothes , althoug h shaykhl y wome n ca n per form som e o f thes e task s mor e privately . Som e shaykhly wome n als o d o som e wor k i n th e orchard s without impairin g thei r statu s i n an y way . M y shaykhly neighbo r Zayn a cam e dail y t o th e family' s orchard adjacen t t o ou r hous e t o fee d he r chickens , collect eggs, gather limes and dr y them, an d dry date s (which hav e t o b e collecte d b y me n sinc e onl y me n can clim b th e date-pal m trees ) o n th e roo f terrac e o f our share d house . I n th e sam e way I have seen al l but men o f th e highes t statu s wor k thei r lan d wit h pic k and shove l sid e by sid e wit h thei r laborer s i n orde r t o finish a task quickly; this is so because sufficien t labo r is no longer eas y t o find . Several thing s se t shaykhl y wome n apart . The y can openly hav e servants. They have markedly differ ent attitude s tha n nonshaykhl y wome n abou t buyin g and selling . The y als o g o ou t visitin g i n th e oasi s much mor e ofte n an d receiv e man y mor e guests. 2 I

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discuss the first tw o points in this chapter and reserv e the issue of visiting patterns fo r later . In wealth y shaykhl y households , wome n retain ers, bot h fro m clien t triba l group s an d fro m descen dants o f slaves , d o all th e wor k i n th e orchard s an d some housework . I n othe r households , shaykhl y women wor k sid e by side with thei r servants . M y immediate nonshaykhl y neighbors , i n contrast , ca n rel y only o n occasiona l hel p fro m on e o r tw o clos e neigh bors an d fro m som e kin . Whe n ther e i s to o muc h work, th e wome n simpl y hav e t o d o wit h les s sleep . Often durin g th e winte r I hav e see n the m workin g next to the irrigation strea m lat e in the evening by th e light o f a kerosene lantern . Because of their hig h status , shaykhl y wome n ar e barred fro m makin g pocke t mone y throug h buyin g and sellin g in their ow n homes, o r through preparin g clothes, rose water, o r other commodities for sale . It is not sewin g itsel f o r th e makin g o f ros e wate r tha t is frowne d upon . Shaykhl y wome n d o both . I t i s engaging i n the m fo r nonfamil y member s a t a profit , no matte r ho w nominal . Direc t involvemen t i n mar ket activitie s i s no t prestigious . Indeed , onl y a fe w shaykhly men g o in person t o buy in the market. The y usually engag e retainer s t o do s o on thei r behalf, an d these men , usuall y descendant s o f slave s o r India n migrant laborers , ar e als o entruste d wit h buyin g fo r certain shaykhl y women . I n 1980 , 4 7 percen t o f th e merchants i n Hamr a wer e o f slav e origi n (Eickelman , 1980a: 8) , althoug h a larg e numbe r o f merchant s ha d silent partnership s wit h shaykh s an d othe r wealthie r men wh o provide d the m wit h capital .

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Fewer women toda y are willing to work for nonrelated household s tha n wa s th e cas e i n th e past , an d even shaykhl y household s hav e difficult y engagin g servants. Wor k in a nonrelated househol d publicl y la bels a man or woman as a client of the shaykhly house hold. Clientshi p implie s explici t economi c an d socia l dependence. Migran t labo r ha s free d man y house holds, includin g thos e o f descendant s o f slaves , fro m this for m o f dependence . Fo r simila r reason s fe w young me n ar e willin g t o perfor m agricultura l labo r for others , eve n whe n the y ar e pai d hig h wage s fo r doing so . It is only during th e visiting period afte r a birth o r a death tha t wome n o f slav e origin ente r nonshaykhl y households t o hel p wit h housewor k an d serv e coffe e and fruit s t o femal e guests . Fo r thes e services , the y are pai d a smal l wag e i n cas h o r kind , suc h a s ne w clothes. Onl y me n an d wome n o f slav e origi n engag e in suc h tasks . In his stud y o f a South Arabia n town , Bujr a (1971 : 45) mention s tha t subyans, person s wh o onc e wer e attached t o certain wealthy families, bega n working in the 1950 s fo r anyon e wh o wa s willin g t o pay . Th e younger generatio n o f subyans , h e continues , refus e to do thi s typ e o f work an d hav e take n u p shopkeep ing instead. A similar change is taking place in Hamra . Persons of slave origin who have been moderately suc cessful i n recen t decade s hav e deliberatel y loosene d their ties with shaykhly households. Nonetheless , th e social stigm a o f slav e descen t stil l exists , an d man y younger descendant s o f slave s continu e t o b e client s of shaykhly household s ou t of necessity. Relation s be-

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tween wome n o f shaykhl y descen t an d wome n o f slave origin ca n often b e tense, a s will be seen later . Two occupations ar e performed alik e by shaykhl y and nonshaykhl y women . On e i s th e teachin g o f th e Quran t o young girls . Th e othe r i s the practic e o f tra ditional medical skills , including massages, medicina l branding, an d midwifery . Durin g m y sta y i n Hamra , there were two female Qurani c teachers. One, of non shaykhly status , taugh t full-tim e an d receive d a smal l stipend fro m th e government fo r eac h child a s well as a small customary fe e fro m th e parents. Sh e also sol d charms an d amulet s tha t wer e attache d aroun d chil dren's neck s t o war d of f evil . Th e othe r Qurani c teacher wit h shaykhl y statu s taugh t part-tim e only , and he r student s wer e shaykhl y girl s exclusively . The distinctio n betwee n th e tw o teacher s under scores the importance o f whether paymen t i s received for services . Thi s i s th e cas e amon g bot h shaykhl y women an d nonshaykhl y ones , bu t shaykhl y wome n more assiduousl y avoi d paymen t o f al l kinds . Th e question o f paymen t i s in al l cases a delicate on e an d depends largel y upo n th e relationshi p betwee n th e persons involved . I f a midwife, fo r example , i s a fam ily membe r o r a clos e neighbor , sh e i s no t paid . Women tr y t o arrang e fo r suc h service s fro m peopl e with who m the y ar e close. Women o f lower statu s ar e free t o accep t mone y an d i n fac t expec t a fe e o r gift s except fro m relative s an d clos e neighbors . Thu s m y neighbor Rashid a wa s midwif e fo r th e younges t chil dren of Salma and Nasra. She was not paid. Nasra also received the gift o f a charm for her infant so n from th e

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55

nonshaykhly Qurani c teacher because the teacher wa s a relative . I n contrast , a woma n fro m a clien t triba l group whos e massage s wer e though t t o cure infertil e women worke d fo r a fixed pric e fo r everyone . Women o f lowe r socia l statu s ten d t o be mor e active tha n thos e o f highe r statu s i n moneymakin g ac tivities. I n par t thi s i s out o f necessity . Havin g les s t o lose, an d possibl y bette r understandin g buyin g an d selling becaus e thei r husband s an d father s ar e mor e involved i n thes e activities , the y ar e free r t o pursu e economic gain . The y sel l more object s durin g th e visiting period afte r childbirth . The y ca n eve n engag e i n commerce i n restricte d context s awa y fro m th e mar ketplace. On e leadin g merchan t ha d a small sho p ad jacent t o th e triba l leader' s house . Neighborhoo d women coul d bu y directl y fro m thi s sho p becaus e i t was nearb y an d awa y fro m th e mai n market . A non shaykhly woma n wh o live d a few house s awa y se t u p a riva l mini-stor e i n a n ol d cabinet . Sh e sol d minut e quantities o f cand y an d cookie s t o neighborin g chil dren an d ha d a small stoc k o f cooking oil, detergents , and othe r basics . Sh e sa t at certain time s o f the da y in front o f her house , ofte n wit h th e cabine t closed . Sh e assumed tha t everyon e kne w sh e wa s sellin g an d would as k i f the y neede d anything . The women o f the lowes t status , th e descendant s of slaves , hav e a numbe r o f fairl y distinc t part-tim e economic activitie s i n additio n t o servin g a t othe r houses. Som e weav e straw , makin g th e fan s use d t o brush flie s away , brooms, an d th e hea d ring s tha t en able women t o carry heavy loads on thei r head. A few

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older wome n als o wor k nearl y full-tim e a s clot h ped dlers, goin g fro m househol d t o househol d wit h thei r goods. February 22 . Returning hom e thi s afternoon, I met Nasra an d Rashid a chattin g o n th e path tha t runs betwee n thei r houses . A n ol d woman ap proached wit h a bundle o n he r head . Sh e was asked t o open it . I t contained som e cloth , smal l packages o f saffron, an d littl e tube s o f vaporizer . Nasra too k one , sniffe d it , place d i t in he r pocket, bu t di d no t pa y the woman . Zayna , a neighbor whos e hous e wa s farther alon g th e path, passe d b y and looke d interested . Sh e wa s asked whethe r sh e wante d t o see the cloth . "No," sh e answered, "no t today , bu t com e b y tomorrow." Sh e inquired abou t a special kind of cloth tha t th e woman peddle r di d no t have tha t day but sai d sh e would brin g tomorrow . February 27 . There was another woman sellin g cloth a t Nasra's thi s morning . Rashid a wa s also there wit h he r coffe e an d dates . I am uncertai n why th e peddle r wa s there, becaus e n o one wa s prepared t o buy. Sh e may have just been invite d to chat, fo r sh e seeme d o n very goo d term s wit h Badriyya. Badriyy a wa s tempted b y one piece of cloth but returne d it , sayin g tha t sh e di d no t have any money . Th e woman merchan t insiste d she tak e it anyway an d pushe d th e cloth i n her lap .

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Women peddler s cal l b y invitatio n onl y an d ex pect the household tha t invites them t o bring togethe r a fe w persons , bot h relative s an d neighbors , inter ested i n thei r wares . Ther e i s neve r an y bargaining . Payment is usually made at an agreed tim e later in th e month. Coffe e an d date s ar e serve d afte r th e buyin g and selling , makin g th e occasio n a distinctl y socia l one. A similar patter n o f discretio n an d avoidanc e o f haggling ove r price s prevail s i n th e men' s market place.3 Women peddlers ar e a great sourc e of delight an d bearers o f new s fro m othe r part s o f town . Thei r sam ples o f cloth , precu t piece s o f syntheti c fabri c im ported fro m Indi a an d Japan , ar e no t ver y extensiv e but the y ca n fil l order s fo r othe r specifi c type s o f fab ric. Ofte n th e woma n peddle r buy s directl y fro m th e Nizwa market . Profi t pe r piec e doe s no t appea r t o b e very great , bu t peddler s see m t o sel l a fai r amount . They als o sel l t o wome n wh o com e t o Hamr a peri odically fro m th e surroundin g mountai n village s an d hamlets fa r awa y fro m th e mai n roads , place s wher e itinerant Baluch i peddler s neve r visit . Som e o f thes e countrywomen i n tur n sel l the fabri c i n their ow n vil lages a t a smal l profit , payin g th e tow n peddle r onc e they receiv e paymen t themselves . I f the y ar e unsuc cessful, the y retur n th e clot h t o the tow n peddler . Social Spac e "Societies have generated thei r own rules, culturally determined, fo r makin g boundarie s o n th e ground , an d hav e

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divided th e socia l int o spheres , level s an d territorie s wit h invisible fence s an d platform s t o be scale d b y abstract lad ders an d crosse d b y intangibl e bridges . . . . " (Ardener , 1981: 11-12.) The passag e I cite her e come s fro m a prefac e t o a collection o f paper s o n socia l space . I cite i t because i t so excellentl y encapsulate s wha t I cam e t o realiz e o f the centra l significanc e o f ho w peopl e us e spac e t o express an d ac t ou t basi c Oman i notion s o f sel f an d society. Th e separatio n o f me n an d wome n fo r muc h of th e day , th e privac y o f th e househol d w h e n famil y members ar e together , an d hospitalit y t o guest s orde r how spac e i s use d i n th e household . Thi s separatio n requires a carefu l coordinatio n o f movement s o n th e part o f househol d member s i n tim e an d space , th e implicit cooperatio n o f othe r households , an d carefu l attention t o nonverba l cue s indicatin g w h e n a house hold desire s privacy . Figure 5 i s a m a p o f th e hous e o f m y immediat e neighbor, Nasi r Sa'id . The men' s gues t roo m (A ) has a separate entranc e and i s neve r use d b y women . Ther e ar e thre e smal l rooms use d fo r sleepin g an d th e storin g o f clothes , mattresses, an d blankets . On e i s for Badriyy a (C) . Th e two other s ( D an d E ) ar e fo r he r tw o son s an d thei r respective families . Th e thre e wome n spen d mos t o f their tim e i n th e long , well-ventilate d roo m (B) , wit h windows openin g int o th e orchards , o r the y si t o n a mat unde r a mang o tre e i n th e courtyard . Th e roo f o f

T H E HOUSEHOL D 59

A NONSHAYKHLY HOUSEHOL D

Figure 5. A

nonshaykhl y household .

the house is used fo r drying clothes , limes, and dates . Except o n th e coldes t winte r days , i t i s to o ho t t o b e used a s a place t o sit . The segregatio n o f th e sexe s withi n th e house hold fo r muc h o f th e da y facilitates visitin g b y nonre lated male s an d females . Peopl e simpl y wil l not cal l if they know that a husband an d wif e are together in th e house becaus e thi s relationshi p i s considere d a ver y private on e tha t bar s al l bu t th e closes t famil y mem bers. Th e presenc e o f a ma n i n th e hous e prevent s visits by unrelated wome n an d vic e versa. Except for a two-hour perio d i n th e middl e o f th e day , th e tw o brothers ar e usuall y no t hom e i n th e daytime . Whe n Muhammad i s workin g i n th e orchard s aroun d hi s house, th e outsid e gat e i s closed. Wome n tak e thi s a s a cue and refrai n fro m calling . Likewise , if the outsid e gate is open mor e widely tha n usual , neighbor s kno w that th e househol d i s expecting a formal visit , usuall y of famil y members , an d d o no t call . I f a husban d comes hom e fro m wor k earlie r tha n expecte d an d

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finds a woma n visito r present , h e retire s int o a sid e room an d wait s for he r departure . Goo d manner s de cree that the woman wil l take her cue and cut her visi t short. Tact an d th e mutua l coordinatio n o f movement s allow th e househol d t o entertain guest s o f both sexe s at separat e time s withou t feelin g to o crampe d an d also t o b e alon e together . Whil e ther e ar e i n genera l more femal e guest s tha n mal e one s i n nonshaykhl y households, nearl y al l households receiv e many mal e guests durin g th e chie f Islami c holidays , marriages , periods o f mourning , an d publi c reading s o f th e Quran. Whe n ther e i s intens e visitin g b y peopl e o f both sexes , suc h a s fo r mournings , humbl e house holds sprea d mat s outsid e a neighborin g mosqu e o r nearby communa l guesthouse . Me n us e thi s spac e t o receive guest s an d wome n us e th e hous e itself . Like wise, i n household s wit h n o mor e tha n on e room , guests canno t b e entertaine d insid e b y eithe r sex . I n this case , wome n us e a ma t outsid e thei r hous e dur ing th e customar y hour s an d me n us e a nearby com munal guesthouse , o f whic h ther e ar e severa l i n Hamra. The house s o f shaykhl y familie s ten d t o be muc h larger tha n thos e o f mos t commoners . Th e additiona l space i n thes e house s allow s fo r guest s o f bot h sexe s to b e entertaine d separatel y a t th e sam e time . I t als o allows fo r privat e spac e fo r househol d member s no t occupied i n receiving guests. There is much les s nee d in thes e house s fo r a carefu l coordinatio n o f move ment. Ofte n smal l groups o f women, usuall y o f abou t the sam e age , gathe r separately .

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Most of the large shaykhl y household s hav e bee n built alon g the main roa d paralle l t o the orchard s an d close t o th e hea d o f th e irrigatio n stream . Unti l 1970, there wer e onl y tw o Landrover s i n th e entir e oasis , owned b y tw o o f it s leadin g shaykhs , wh o widene d the roa d i n fron t o f thei r house s t o allow fo r th e pas sage o f vehicles . Even visitors withi n Hamr a sometime s fin d i t difficult t o kno w whic h doo r o f a househol d t o ente r or , once sh e o r h e ha s passe d th e threshold , wher e t o turn afte r that . Som e household s hav e tw o entrances , one t o a men' s gues t roo m an d a secon d on e t o th e household proper . Thi s secon d entranc e i s als o use d by femal e guests . I n othe r larg e household s ther e i s only on e entrance , an d me n an d wome n immediatel y turn to separate sections of the house after passin g th e threshold. Man y o f th e olde r shaykhl y household s have section s tha t wer e buil t a t differen t times , whe n additional spac e wa s neede d t o hous e a secon d wif e and he r childre n o r the wife an d childre n o f a son. A s a consequence , th e floo r level s o f variou s subsection s are often highl y uneven , makin g for even more confu sion for visitors. In other households in which the firs t floor i s use d exclusivel y fo r storage , visitor s mus t b e guided t o th e barel y visibl e stairwa y leadin g t o th e men's guest room and living quarters above. Once on e enters a n are a reserve d fo r guests , goo d manner s oblige male an d femal e guest s t o remain i n thei r seat s and no t mov e t o anothe r par t o f th e hous e unles s in vited. Not al l room s ar e use d i n larg e shaykhl y house holds. Whe n cookin g wa s don e o n woo d fires , kitch -

WOMEN AN D COMMUNIT Y I N OMA N 62 ens wer e locate d clos e t o th e roo f terrace . No w tha t cooking ga s i s common , kitchen s hav e shifte d t o rooms close r t o the eatin g area. Som e rooms ar e use d only fo r part s o f th e year . I hav e see n a smal l cup boardlike an d windowles s roo m o n th e groun d floo r of a shaykhl y hous e tha t a woma n tol d m e wa s use d by herself , he r husband , an d thei r youn g childre n during th e coldes t month s o f th e winter . I n warme r weather, well-ventilated , large r room s o n th e secon d floor ar e used . Durin g th e hottes t months , nearl y everyone i n Hamra sleep s o n roo f terraces. 4 Figure 6 i s a diagra m o f th e hous e o f Shayk h Ibrahim. Th e shaykh' s househol d include s hi s wife , like himsel f i n he r fifties , tw o unmarrie d daughter s (Latifa, i n her mid-thirties , an d Fatima , abou t twenty five), Azza , th e widow of an older son who died whil e we wer e i n Hamra , Azza' s fou r children , a marrie d son wit h hi s wife , Sharifa , an d thei r smal l daughter . Shaykh Ibrahim has five other daughters, married an d living in Hamra , on e o f whom move d t o Muscat wit h her husban d durin g ou r stay . The hous e wa s buil t i n th e earl y 1960s , th e las t major mud-bric k hous e t o b e constructe d i n Hamra . Compared t o olde r homes , it s pla n i s simple . Th e men's guest roo m (A ) is immediately t o the left a s one enters an d i s slightl y mor e elevate d tha n th e res t o f the ground floor . It s windows overloo k th e main roa d rather tha n th e interio r courtyard— a featur e absen t from al l but a few o f the older shaykhl y houses. Fro m

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A SHAYKHLY HOUSEHOLD SECOND FLOO R

FIRST FLOO R

Figure 6. A shaykhly household.

his guest room , Shayk h Ibrahi m ca n monito r al l com ings an d going s i n thi s par t o f town . Excep t fo r clos e family members , mal e visitor s neve r ge t beyon d th e men's gues t room . A smal l privat e room , actuall y a n extension o f the gues t room , i s reserved fo r confiden tial discussions . Ther e i s onl y on e entranc e t o th e house, bu t becaus e th e men' s gues t roo m i s isolate d from th e res t o f th e house , bot h mal e an d femal e guests ca n be received separatel y a t the sam e time . The remainin g spac e o n th e groun d floo r i s re -

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served fo r storage , cooking , an d washing . Cookin g i s done i n th e roofed , half-ope n spac e ( C o n th e map ) next to the ope n courtyard . I t is both shade d an d wel l ventilated. Mos t cookin g i s don e o n a ga s stove , bu t one o f th e shaykhl y wome n i n th e hous e stil l make s bread ove r a wood fire . Room B was use d onl y twic e durin g m y sta y i n Hamra. It was set aside for mourning when the women first hear d o f th e deat h o f th e shaykh' s eldes t son . They als o too k refug e i n thi s roo m fo r a n afternoo n and evenin g durin g a violen t sandstor m tha t threat ened t o brea k ope n th e shutter s o n th e window s o f the upper floo r o f the house. The room was used after the firs t new s o f th e son' s deat h a s a n alternativ e t o ushering guest s t o the customary room s on the uppe r floor fo r receivin g female guests , where forma l hospi tality ha d t o be offered . Wome n o f slav e descen t nor mally serve guests during mourning ('aza'), but on th e first half-da y th e deceased wa s of such high status and the deat h s o unexpecte d tha t th e descendant s o f slaves mingle d wit h everyon e an d mourne d o n a n equal basis—a n extraordinar y circumstanc e whic h took plac e in a room normall y unoccupied . A stairwa y wit h high , irregula r step s lead s t o where th e wome n o f th e househol d receiv e visitor s most often (D) . It is not actually a room but part of th e wide corrido r tha t circle s th e ope n courtyard . A lo w railing i s o n on e sid e o f thi s corridor . Fro m i t th e ground floo r an d courtyar d ar e visible. The corridor is also ope n t o dayligh t an d give s a sens e o f opennes s often lackin g i n olde r housing . N o matte r wha t th e

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65

time o f day , a par t o f thi s corrido r i s alway s shade d and cool . Doors lead of f th e corridor t o side rooms . The area s o f th e secon d floo r o f th e hous e ar e subject to different understanding s o f privacy. The entire secon d floo r i s accessibl e onl y t o wome n an d t o close mal e relative s o f th e household , suc h a s th e shaykh, hi s sons , an d th e husband s o f hi s daughter s (all clos e relative s b y descent) . Som e o f it s area s ar e used exclusivel y t o receiv e femal e guests . Other s ar e reserved fo r househol d members , an d guest s neve r enter them . Fo r a woma n t o wal k int o a roo m unin vited an d joi n a smal l privat e grou p o f femal e house hold member s woul d b e considere d a breac h o f courtesy. Area D i s th e women' s equivalen t o f th e men' s guest room . I t i s calle d bayt al-'uruba, whic h mean s literally "hous e o f th e foreigners. " I t is a public spac e where al l femal e visitor s ar e received . I t i s als o use d for informa l coffe e drinkin g amon g famil y member s during visitin g hour s whe n guest s migh t com e by . Most femal e visitor s neve r se e an y othe r room s o f th e house. Fe w men , apar t fro m thos e wh o liv e i n th e house, ente r it . Husband s o f th e shaykh' s daughter s come here formall y t o greet thei r wives ' mother whe n they arriv e Thursda y evening s fo r thei r "weekend, " which last s until Saturda y morning. 5 The shaykhl y hostesse s an d thei r guest s si t clos e to the walls. Persons of high statu s tak e seat s near th e windows tha t overloo k th e mai n street . Thes e seat s not onl y ar e th e cooles t i n th e room , the y als o allo w the famil y member s an d preferre d guest s t o observe ,

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just lik e thei r mal e counterparts , movement s o n th e main road . Thi s vantag e als o give s person s o f hig h status mor e contro l ove r th e socia l situation . I t give s them advanc e notic e o f wh o i s abou t t o visit . Al though shaykhl y women hav e very few social contacts with me n outsid e thei r household , the y ar e abl e t o identify almos t ever y drive r by name o r household . The long , narro w room s tha t surroun d th e cor ridor are all considered privat e space. One room is for the shaykh' s survivin g son , wh o continue s t o liv e i n his father' s house , an d fo r hi s wif e an d thei r youn g child. Anothe r roo m i s for th e widow o f the decease d son and he r four children . Thes e multipurpose room s are use d fo r sleeping , eatin g (foo d i s carried upstair s by th e smal l staircas e i n th e back) , an d th e informa l gathering o f famil y members . The y ar e sparsel y fur nished—a carpe t o r ree d ma t o n th e floo r an d larg e wooden an d meta l trunk s fo r storin g clothes . Mat tresses an d blanket s ar e kep t i n on e corner . Shelve s with servin g trays , medicine bottles, and knickknack s line th e walls . Room s E an d J ar e mos t commonl y used b y younge r wome n an d childre n t o d o home work, sew , and tak e care of little children becaus e th e activities o f "mai n street " ca n b e monitore d a t th e same time . The televisio n set , a recen t acquisition , i s place d halfway betwee n th e public space reserved fo r wome n guests an d th e mor e privat e spac e o f th e bedroom sitting rooms . A t nigh t televisio n bring s togethe r young adult s an d school-ag e childre n a s well as som e older person s o f eac h sex . Everyon e listen s avidl y t o

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67

the Egyptian soa p operas . Som e o f th e youn g childre n brought togethe r b y televisio n viewin g ar e potentia l marriage partners . The Privac y o f M e a l s "It mus t b e indelicat e t o ea t i n public . Whe n th e momen t comes a sail is brought an d arrange d lik e a curtain aroun d me." (Stark , 1940 : 314.)6 As I mentioned earlier , guest s discreetl y leav e be fore mealtime s i n a household . Excep t o n th e ver y specific occasion s discusse d i n thi s section , peopl e rarely invit e on e anothe r fo r meals . Nonfamil y mem bers ar e instea d invite d fo r coffee-drinkin g sessions , which ca n b e quit e elaborat e an d includ e a grea t dea l of food . Ever y househol d i n Hamr a alway s ha s a ther mos o f coffe e an d a dish o f date s read y fo r unexpecte d guests. Howeve r elaborate , coffe e session s ar e sharpl y distinguished fro m meals . I n shaykhl y an d othe r houses wher e spac e i s abundant , thi s perceptio n i s confirmed b y th e fac t tha t coffe e an d whateve r foo d i s served wit h i t ar e take n i n th e roo m wher e guest s ar e received, wherea s a mea l (ghada') 7 i s alway s eate n i n one o f th e mor e privat e sid e rooms , eve n whe n guest s are present . In a larg e househol d suc h a s Shayk h Ibrahim's , cooking i s done communall y fo r th e entir e household , but th e foo d i s the n divide d u p t o fee d severa l group s of people . I n smalle r household s men , women , an d children usuall y ea t together . Thes e meal s ar e infor -

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mal, an d ther e i s considerable variatio n i n eatin g pat terns betwee n household s dependin g o n individua l convenience an d schedules . Eatin g i s quick . I hav e seen children in shaykhly households wolf dow n thei r evening mea l i n les s tha n fiv e minute s an d the n rus h back to the television t o avoid missing a popular Egyptian soa p opera . Eatin g pattern s brin g ou t th e famil y subclusters tha t exis t i n large r households . Fo r exam ple, i n polygynou s households , th e children , daugh ter-in-law, an d grandchildre n associate d wit h th e tw o wives eat separately . When out-of-tow n guest s arriv e i n shaykhl y households—a regula r occurrence—the y ar e ushere d at mealtime s int o a sid e roo m an d ea t eithe r alon e there or with a person from th e household. T o honor a guest, particularl y a lower-ranking one , th e host ma y occasionally be present. I f the guest is especially associated wit h on e o f the members o f the household, th e bedroom o f that person i s more likely to be chosen fo r eating. Fo r example , o n on e o f th e Islami c feast days , an Egyptia n schoolteache r an d I ate in the bedroom of a young marrie d woma n wh o was also a student . In th e shaykhl y houses , a simila r patter n exist s for mal e guests . Shaykh s us e thei r bedroom s occa sionally t o serv e meals , an d som e bedroom s ar e fur nished wit h thi s in mind. I once entered on e with m y husband (ordinar y rule s o f sexua l segregatio n wer e sometimes broke n fo r us) . It consisted o f a long, nar row roo m wit h a n elaborate , carve d woode n bed , probably importe d fro m India , an d a shelf o f books at one end. A Western-style couch and armchair stoo d at

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another side , togethe r wit h a tabl e an d chairs . Thre e beautifully carve d silve r dagger s attache d t o leathe r belts, a submachin e gun , an d a n ammunitio n bel t hung fro m peg s o n th e wall . Wal l shelve s wer e fille d with fancy china dishes, bottles of sweet orange drink , perfume, an d a n incens e burner . Th e floo r wa s cov ered with carpets, and other. s were hung from th e wall or rolled u p an d place d o n peg s t o protect the m fro m mice. Stack s o f grai n wer e store d i n a corner nea r th e door. This tendenc y fo r guest s t o ea t alon e an d apar t from th e famil y cluste r prevail s i n othe r Gul f commu nities. Hansen (1968:158) , who worked for four month s in a Shi'i village in Bahrain in 1960, noted the villagers' reluctance to share a meal with he r but attributed i t to a Shi' i unwillingnes s t o ea t wit h unbelievers . Havin g eaten man y time s wit h Shi' i friend s elsewher e i n Oman, I fin d he r argumen t unconvincing . Hamra' s population i s Ibadi , no t Shi'i , bu t Ibadis m i s well known fo r it s conservatism an d ha s been accused , un justly i n m y judgment , o f "fanaticism " an d xenophobia (see , fo r example , Barth , 1983 : 53). I wa s never stigmatized a s an unbeliever, althoug h I was th e only non-Musli m receive d regularl y a s a gues t i n th e oasis, an d wa s treate d i n th e sam e manne r a s othe r guests. I n par t thi s i s because , a s mentione d earlier , Islam i s no t though t o f i n contras t t o othe r religiou s traditions. I t i s s o muc h a fabri c o f everyda y lif e tha t people d o no t thin k o f categorizin g stranger s a s Muslims o r non-Muslims . Furthermore , thi s wa y o f han dling guest s wh o ar e nonfamil y member s ca n mor e

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readily b e explaine d b y a n analysi s o f wha t i s mean t by propriet y (khajal).8 The term khajal is hard t o translate because it is so rich i n contextua l meanings . Dictionar y translation s include "shame, " "bashfulness, " "diffidence, " an d "timidity," bu t a close r glos s appropriat e t o inne r Oman i s "constrain t cause d b y th e fea r o f doin g something improper; " henc e m y choic e o f th e ter m "propriety." Khaja l i s a learned , stylize d wa y o f be having tha t ma y o r ma y no t b e accompanie d b y emo tional feeling . Lik e the Javanese concep t o f "respect, " incisively analyze d b y Hildre d Geert z (1959 ) in a dis cussion o f th e vocabular y o f emotion , khaja l i s a cul tural concep t tha t become s internalize d i n childhoo d and tha t present s t o th e individua l a set o f suggeste d cues on ho w t o behave and ho w t o order sensibilities . Khajal i s a ter m use d i n a multitud e o f contexts . I n leading a gues t t o a sid e roo m wher e a mea l i s wait ing, th e hos t o r hostes s ofte n says , "Com e an d ea t here s o that you ar e not embarrassed" (fern. , la takhajjali). If the person wer e left t o eat in the guest area, h e or she would be obliged fo r reasons of propriety t o eat very little . I f a shaykhl y ma n enter s a n are a o f th e household wher e his women kin are receiving guests , his presence triggers behavior on the part of all women present tha t i s als o calle d khajal . Eye s ar e lowered , backs becom e straight , an d everyon e i s silen t unles s directly addressed . Wome n o f lo w statu s visitin g shaykhly household s ofte n maintai n a stif f postur e and answe r onl y i n monosyllable s throughou t thei r visit becaus e o f khajal . Thes e ar e bu t a few example s of ho w khaja l inform s socia l life . Khaja l frequentl y

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inhibits th e rang e o f possible socia l interactio n an d i t is relate d t o notion s o f status , a topi c I wil l discus s later. In th e contex t o f eatin g patterns , i t ca n bes t b e explained i n th e followin g way . Eatin g a meal, a s op posed t o drinkin g coffee , i s considere d t o b e a basic, almost a physiological activity. Relieving one's hunge r is a private affair, lik e sleeping. It is to be done prefer ably i n one' s ow n househol d amon g clos e kin , o r alone. The hostess, o r host i n the case of men, know s that i t woul d b e imprope r fo r a gues t t o ea t t o hi s o r her heart' s conten t i n fron t o f others . T o avoi d th e embarrassment o f wantin g t o ea t bu t o f bein g ham pered fro m doin g s o by propriety , th e gues t i s left t o eat alone i n a side room . The privat e natur e o f th e mea l i s also see n i n th e type o f food eate n an d ho w it s servin g contrast s wit h coffee drinking . Coffe e drinkin g i s th e symboli c ac t the cement s al l ties, thos e o f family cluster , neighbor , patron-client, an d th e fleetin g on e o f offerin g hospi tality t o a stranger . T o refus e t o drin k coffe e wit h someone signal s a n activ e desir e t o cu t existin g tie s with tha t person . I f n o prio r tie s exist , th e refusa l t o drink coffe e togethe r implie s tha t on e o r th e othe r i s unworthy o f consideration . Coffe e session s ca n b e elaborate i n etiquette . I n th e mor e lavis h ones , a se quence o f dishe s ar e offere d tha t ma y includ e severa l courses of fruit an d custard, chickpeas , and swee t vermicelli serve d i n succession. 9 A meal , o n th e othe r hand , alway s include s ric e with mea t o r fish . Sid e dishe s o f sauce , salad , an d limes migh t b e offere d a s well. Brea d i s not essential ,

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although i t ca n serv e a s a substitut e fo r rice . Al l th e food i s laid out at once, and ther e is little concern wit h procedure othe r tha n usin g one' s righ t han d an d tak ing food onl y fro m directl y i n front o f oneself. A host or perso n o f superio r statu s wil l sometime s selec t choice morsel s o f mea t an d offe r i t t o a n honore d guest. On e ca n begi n wit h mea t o r wit h rice , an d d o as one wishes. I found Oman i meals in direct contras t with Morocca n one s becaus e i n Morocc o th e mea l i s not perceive d a s privat e i n natur e an d a subtl e eti quette prevail s a s t o wha t i s eate n firs t an d ho w th e food i s eaten wit h one' s fingers. I n Oman, i n contrast , one eat s quickl y an d i s no t expecte d t o tal k muc h while eating . Th e te n o r fiftee n minute s tha t i t take s for a gues t t o ea t i n privat e resemble s a shor t res t during whic h h e o r sh e ca n rela x an d consum e foo d without restraint . Afte r washing , th e gues t the n re joins th e host s i n th e gues t roo m fo r frui t an d coffe e and t o take part i n the polit e genera l conversation . The separatio n o f guest s fro m mos t househol d members a t mealtime s als o reflect s th e reluctanc e o f both sexe s t o brin g nonfamil y member s int o house hold situation s wher e the y ca n shar e th e intimat e ac tivities o f th e household , althoug h occasionall y thi s may occur. 10 Once durin g m y sta y in Hamra, m y hus band wa s travelin g fo r si x day s t o bedoui n encamp ments. I was invited fo r lunch b y my neighbors Nasr a and Salma , t o whom I had b y then becom e close . March 5 . This morning I called o n Salm a an d Nasra. I gave them photograph s I had take n of

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themselves an d thei r children , a s well as som e knitting needles . The y liked th e pictures. Whe n they foun d ou t tha t m y husban d wa s still away, they spontaneousl y invite d m e to stay for lunch . We spent a pleasant mornin g choppin g vege tables, plentifu l jus t the n an d i n season . W e also had t o keep a n ey e on th e children becaus e the y got hold o f my knitting needle s an d wer e wav ing them abou t enthusiastically . Whe n th e foo d was ready, th e women briefl y hesitate d ove r whether the y shoul d giv e me a dish tha t I would eat alone i n my house . Whe n I said tha t I preferred t o eat with them , the y immediatel y agreed. Firs t th e childre n wer e serve d ric e an d stewed vegetable s (onions , tomatoes , and po tatoes cooke d wit h th e chicken) . Then a large dish o f rice was prepared, wit h choppe d ro maine lettuc e place d o n top . Badriyya carefull y divided th e chicken . A portion wen t t o all famil y members, includin g th e children , wh o had al ready eate n thei r rice . Whe n th e tw o husband s returned, the y coul d no t ea t with thei r wives , a s they normall y did , becaus e o f my presence. S o they wer e sen t ric e and portion s o f chicken t o the gues t room . The y shoute d bac k to thei r wives that thi s was not th e way to do thing s wit h a guest an d tha t al l the meat shoul d hav e bee n placed o n to p o f th e rice , in order t o allow th e guest t o take as much a s she wanted. Badriyy a apologized t o me, sayin g ther e wa s only on e chicken an d the y wer e many . I agreed, an d tol d

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her tha t women kne w bette r tha n men . The y al l nodded. Their spontaneou s invitatio n wa s generous . Thi s informal sharin g o f a mea l wit h househol d member s is extremely rare in inner Oman. I took it as one of th e warmest expressions o f friendship I encountered dur ing my stay in Hamra. The men remained i n the gues t room unti l I had lef t becaus e thi s was th e mos t polit e way o f dealin g wit h m y presenc e a s a nonrelate d woman. I knew the m ver y little and a m no t sur e the y were overjoye d b y thi s imprompt u invitatio n o n th e part o f their wives . There ar e time s whe n meal s ar e eate n a s a grou p with nonhousehol d members , bu t thes e ar e al l o n well-defined socia l occasions that make everyday practice al l th e mor e clea r b y bein g i n shar p contrast . These occasion s includ e forma l meal s t o make o r sea l agreements betwe n group s o f people . Th e mos t ob vious occasio n i s th e weddin g breakfast , als o calle d "lunch" (ghada') despit e it s early hour o f no later tha n six in the morning . Othe r occasion s fo r a formal mea l that occurred while we were in Hamra included a feast offered b y a tribesman wh o wanted t o secure the sup port o f th e shayk h fo r permissio n t o di g a well , an d the entertainin g o f guests o f high statu s i n th e Ministry o f th e Interio r an d securit y services . Som e forma l meals ar e onl y fo r men ; others , suc h a s weddin g breakfasts, includ e both me n and wome n eatin g sepa rately. Thes e occasion s ar e simila r i n tha t the y ar e open onl y to specific individual s o r groups, no t to the entire community .

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Other exception s t o everyday practic e involv e occasions tha t stres s th e unit y o f th e entir e community . These includ e th e tw o major feas t day s of the Musli m calendar, th e 'Id al-Fitr, th e feast tha t occurs at the en d of th e mont h o f Ramadan , an d th e 'I d al-Kabir , o r Great Feast, for which every household tha t can affor d to do so sacrifices a n animal. O n these two major holi days, ther e i s a daw n communa l praye r a t a nearb y promontory tha t serve s as a communal prayer-groun d (masalla) at th e edg e o f th e oasis . Bot h me n an d women attend , bu t th e wome n si t apar t an d d o no t participate i n th e publi c prayers . Thes e feas t day s ar e the onl y time s o f th e yea r whe n wome n fro m th e en tire communit y gathe r outdoors , rathe r tha n i n gues t rooms. On both of these occasions, there is also public dancing an d singin g b y me n wh o ar e descendant s o f slaves, an d a communa l roastin g o f sheep . A mea l i s served i n whic h al l loca l official s an d tribesme n par ticipate, an d muc h foo d i s als o take n hom e b y poo r households. Th e me n wh o d o th e cookin g ar e mostl y descendants o f slave s an d person s fro m clien t triba l groups, an d the y ar e pai d fro m triba l fund s fo r thei r services. Each o f thes e feast s last s fo r fou r days . Fo r eac h day there is a special dish served and all houses follo w the sam e progressio n o f foods. O n th e first day , ther e is a thick, porridgelik e dis h o f groun d cor n an d mea t ('arts); o n th e secon d day , a flat , pancakelik e brea d and grille d meat ; on th e thir d day , roast mea t and ric e (this i s th e da y o f th e communa l roast) ; an d o n th e fourth day , brea d an d sweets . Finally, wealthie r household s occasionall y orga -

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nize a publi c recita l o f th e Qura n {khatma), fo r whic h an anima l i s sacrifice d an d a feas t offered . Anyon e who walk s int o a hous e i s serve d a mea l o f ric e an d meat. Food may be served in the guest room—anothe r

Figure 7 . Woma n watchin g I d celebration .

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indication o f th e exceptiona l natur e o f thes e occa sions. March 15 . Around 9 this morning, Rashid a knocked a t my door carryin g a tray of spicy ric e and chunk s o f boiled lamb . Sh e said i t cam e from Nasra' s hous e an d tha t I should com e ove r to visit after I had finishe d eating . The gif t sur prised me . I joined the m hal f a n hou r later . A group o f women wer e bus y cookin g and wash ing dishes. Nasra' s mother wa s there an d tol d me she had slep t a t her daughter' s t o help wit h the work tha t wen t o n a t night an d earl y i n th e morning. Bashura , Salma' s sister, wa s also present, a s well as Rashida an d severa l older wome n who ofte n helpe d wit h th e children . I was tol d that th e occasion was a public reading o f th e Quran t o thank Go d tha t th e childre n wer e al l well. "Wh o is reading th e Quran? " I asked. I was surprise d becaus e earlie r Qurani c reading s I had attende d involve d wome n only , no t men a s well, an d neve r include d a meal o r the sacrific e of an animal . "Th e me n are, " Nasra answered . "Why didn' t yo u tel l m e you wer e organizin g this?" I asked Salma . I continued, " I spent th e entire afternoo n wit h you yesterday , an d yo u didn't sa y a word abou t this , tha t you wer e plan ning t o stay up al l night an d cook. " Salm a smiled, please d a t my surprise . Leftover s o f a large dish o f rice and mea t were next to her, a s well as oranges an d bananas . Nasr a an d Salm a were busy dividin g som e o f the rice with a little

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meat into smalle r dishes , whic h Rashid a the n placed o n a tray and carrie d o n her hea d t o distribute t o neighbors. I counted si x plates. Other wome n stirre d tw o huge copper caldron s of boiling water an d spice s over wood fires . A n enormous quantit y o f rice, som e thirt y pounds , was poured int o the caldrons . I asked fo r who m this food wa s intended. Nasr a tol d m e that al l their famil y (hayyan) wer e eatin g togethe r thi s afternoon. W e then sa t down t o have fruits, cof fee, an d sweets . Although th e cooking was don e at Nasra's, the eatin g was in the hous e o f anothe r relative. As can be seen from th e above description, publi c Quranic readings organized by individual household s are lavis h affairs . No t al l Qurani c reading s ar e tha t elaborate an d wil l be discusse d late r i n greate r detai l in Chapte r 6 , dealin g wit h forma l visitin g pattern s among women . M y poin t her e i s tha t Qurani c read ings are another occasion when eatin g rice and meat is no longe r a private ac t to be don e alon e o r wit h clos e household members . I t i s see n instea d a s a n ac t o f communion reinforcing tie s among the wider networ k of famil y an d neighbors . A n earnes t effor t i s als o made to distribute food t o as large a number of people as possible withi n th e communit y i n orde r t o sustai n one's reputation fo r hospitalit y an d generosity . NOTES 1. O f 354 households surveye d i n detai l by Eickelman (1980a : 12) 5 8 percen t wer e compose d o f nuclea r families . B y addin g

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households containin g a n elderl y paren t o f either th e husban d o r wife to this figure, th e proportion o f nuclear households increase s to 73 percent. 2. Compar e Wrigh t (1981 : 136-157), wh o describe s ho w influ ential women i n an Irania n villag e were more constrained i n thei r movements becaus e the y coul d onl y sen d othe r person s o n er rands. A t the same tim e these Irania n wome n ha d mor e extensiv e contacts and wide r socia l networks tha n othe r village women . 3. Thi s patter n appear s t o b e i n shar p contras t t o tha t de scribed b y Wika n (1982 : 134) fo r Suhar , a larg e tow n o n Oman' s northern coast . Wika n claim s that women swapped , bartered , an d sold fo r cas h a variet y o f item s an d tende d t o b e "avaricious " i n such sessions . 4. Th e practic e o f shiftin g roo m accordin g t o seaso n use d t o exist i n centra l Iran . I n th e Irania n case , rathe r tha n mov e up, th e household move d i n summer s t o a subterranea n basemen t roo m (Bonine, 1980: 197) . 5. Th e "weekend " i n th e Persia n Gul f begin s o n Thursda y afternoon an d end s o n Saturday morning . Fo r soldiers and Minis try o f Defenc e employees , th e workin g wee k end s o n Wednesda y afternoon an d resume s o n Saturda y morning . 6. Whe n she made this comment, Freya Stark was a passenger on an Oman i boat; hence th e concern fo r her eating i n privacy. 7. I n classica l Arabi c th e ter m mean s th e midda y meal . I n inner Oma n i t refer s t o an y occasio n a t whic h ric e an d mea t ar e served, regardles s o f th e hour . 8. Istihya' is sometimes used b y women as a synonym for kha jal. 9. Wikan' s (1982:130) definition o f a meal as "cooked food " a s opposed t o uncooke d "snacks " doe s no t appl y t o inne r Oman , where certai n foo d associate d wit h coffe e drinking , suc h a s custard, swee t vermicelli , an d a dat e dis h (sihh) ar e cooked . Sih h may even be serve d hot . 10. Wika n (1982 : 133 ) give s a n exampl e o f a woma n eatin g meals with he r husband separatel y from he r parents when visitin g her family . M y gues s i s tha t th e woma n ha d marrie d a nonkins man, henc e th e separatio n betwee n he r husban d an d he r parent s at mealtime. Unfortunately , sh e does not elaborate .

3.

THE FAMILY CLUSTER

T

HE concept o f family cluste r (hayyan) 1 is crucial t o understanding socia l lif e i n inne r Oman . Mar riage choices , th e forma l an d informa l visitin g pat terns o f bot h me n an d women , notion s o f publi c an d private, th e utilizatio n o f space within th e household , and male-femal e relation s ar e al l closel y linke d wit h the notio n o f hayya n an d th e fundamenta l distinc tions peopl e mak e betwee n famil y an d nonfamily . Family clusters are perceived a s forming mutuall y distinguished groups , eac h o f whic h i s boun d togethe r by socioeconomi c tie s an d th e sharin g o f informatio n that i s no t reveale d t o others . I n visitin g patterns , women visi t th e household s o f hayya n muc h mor e often tha n othe r households , wit h th e exceptio n i n some instance s o f a few clos e neighbors. O f mor e im portance, th e fac t o f hayya n relation s affect s ho w th e visit takes place: the room i n which the y are received , the topic s o f conversation , th e lengt h o f th e visi t an d the occasion , an d whethe r the y remai n fo r a meal . Topics such a s th e marriag e o f one's children an d dis -

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agreements withi n th e famil y cluste r ar e neve r dis cussed i n fron t o f nonfamil y members . Onl y withi n the family cluste r may a woman si t and tal k informall y with men who are also its members, in the privacy of a member household , an d wit h n o nonfamil y person s present. There i s n o singl e ter m b y whic h wome n labe l persons outsid e thei r famil y cluster . Ajnabt ("stran ger") is sometimes use d fo r persons livin g outside th e oasis community , parallelin g men' s usage , whic h dis tinguishes betwee n person s "fro m th e land " (min albilad or min al-watari) o r "fro m th e communit y (min ajjama'a) and thos e wh o ar e not . Th e ter m 'arab is occasionally use d t o labe l nonrelate d men , especiall y o f village origin , whethe r the y liv e i n Hamr a o r not . There i s n o ter m fo r nonrelate d wome n excep t th e negative one : "She is not fro m th e family. " As women i n Hamr a us e th e term , ther e ar e tw o contextual meaning s t o hayyan. I n formal usage , hay yan specifie s a fairl y wel l define d cluste r o f person s living in severa l household s tha t ar e often adjacen t t o one anothe r an d commonl y withi n walkin g distance . "If someon e fro m m y hayya n give s birth , I visi t he r house ever y day, " severa l wome n sai d t o me . Other s have pointe d ou t houses , instea d o f namin g specifi c persons, implyin g tha t everyon e livin g i n th e indi cated house is hayyan. A woman expects other wome n of her family cluste r to be at her side to receive visitor s for twenty-five day s after sh e gives birth or if there is a death i n he r household . Births , deaths , marriages , public reading s o f th e Quran , an d othe r occasion s

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bring hayya n together . Wome n explicitl y hop e tha t their childre n wil l marry withi n th e family cluster . In informal, everyda y usage , th e ter m hayya n of ten refer s t o that componen t o f the larger famil y clus ter with which a woman has particularly close practical ties. Size is an important consideration , sinc e a famil y cluster can vary from n o more than two dozen to more than two hundred person s in the case of the dominan t shaykhly lineage . "Sharif a ha s gon e t o visi t he r hay yan," a shaykhl y woma n onc e sai d t o me , althoug h both sh e an d Sharif a belonge d t o th e sam e forma l family cluster . I n this instance, sh e meant that Sharif a had gon e t o visi t he r father' s househol d an d tha t th e people livin g i n tha t househol d wer e he r particularl y close an d intimat e kin . A woma n informall y visit s such clos e member s o f th e famil y cluste r frequently , often daily . Sh e turn s t o them fo r protectio n o r mate rial hel p whe n necessary , an d the y ofte n hel p wit h housework an d childcare . A woman ideally forms he r most intimat e friendship s wit h thes e clos e kin , al though i n practice thi s ideal is easier to realize amon g shaykhly women because their numbers and hig h sta tus set them apar t fro m thei r nonshaykhl y neighbors . The formal an d everyda y contexts of hayyan ofte n are indistinguishable , especiall y i f th e famil y cluste r is no t larg e o r i f mos t o f it s member s liv e i n adjacen t households. Th e tw o contextua l meaning s ar e mos t clearly distinguished fo r the shaykhly lineage and cer tain other large family clusters , in which case subclusters are more likely t o form . A woman' s clos e hayya n ar e person s i n he r fa ther's household , he r mother , he r sisters , includin g

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married one s wh o regularl y visi t he r father' s house , and brothers ' wive s i f the y ar e als o kin an d wh o ma y be livin g i n he r father' s household . Marriag e ofte n means movin g onl y a fe w household s away . A mar ried woma n visit s her parents ' househol d a t least several time s a week . I t i s no t unusua l fo r a recentl y married woma n i n Hamra t o spend u p t o half th e da y at her parents ' house . I f necessary , a married woma n can see k protectio n an d economi c assistance fro m he r father. Onc e h e i s incapacitate d o r deceased , sh e ca n turn t o her brothers. One of my neighbors, Jukha, wa s a widow in her forties wit h a school-age son. She lived in a smal l hous e adjacen t t o tha t o f he r tw o brother s and thei r wive s an d children . A marrie d daughte r with tw o infants , whos e husban d worke d a s a truc k driver i n th e capita l area , als o live d wit h her . I f a woman's fathe r an d brother s ar e deceased , the n he r brothers' childre n ca n assume responsibilit y fo r he r if necessary. I knew a n elderl y woma n whos e childre n had al l die d wh o wen t t o liv e wit h he r brother' s chil dren after he r husban d divorce d he r t o marr y a younger wife . Family member s wit h who m a woma n i s clos e and informa l chang e ove r time . Whe n she' s young , a woman's socia l lif e focuse s o n he r parents ' house , al though sh e will also see her married sister s and broth ers' wives. With th e deat h o r disability o f her parents , the maturin g o f he r children , an d increasin g age , a woman's tie s wit h he r brothers ' wive s ofte n becom e more formal . Visitin g i s frequentl y limite d t o mar riages, births, deaths, sickness, and other family occa sions. Informalit y an d frequen t visitin g ar e reserve d

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for th e new generatio n o f daughters, sons ' wives, an d granddaughters wh o now , i n turn , com e t o visi t th e older woman' s household . I n tha t sense , a woma n whose parent s di e befor e he r ow n childre n ar e full y grown i s socially less well off. M y neighbor Salm a wa s home i n th e afternoo n muc h mor e ofte n tha n he r sis ter-in-law, Nasra . Whe n I aske d he r why , sh e ex plained tha t Nasr a wa s ofte n a t he r parents ' house , but tha t he r fathe r an d mothe r wer e bot h dead . An other neighbor , Rashida , wa s i n th e sam e situation , although th e fac t tha t sh e ha d n o childre n mad e he r situation eve n worse . December 23 . I asked Badriyy a wh o are her hay yan. Sh e began b y naming he r father, the n he r two brothers. Sh e paused an d the n name d he r mother, he r tw o sisters (stil l living in the nearb y mountain villag e of Misfa, si x kilometers awa y on a steep, winding road ) an d he r brothers' chil dren. "I s that all?" I asked. Sh e hesitated, the n gave me the name s o f her tw o husbands, bot h deceased. "Anyon e else? " I asked. "Th e father o f Salma i s from m y hayyan," sh e answered . "Salma's hayyan ar e mine. " We spoke o f Salma' s immediate family . "Ho w i s her famil y linke d with yours? " I asked. Badriyy a answere d tha t Salma's father share d a grandfather wit h her . "What i s his name?" I asked. "Muhammad. " Salma, wh o wa s listening t o our conversation , interrupted us , smiled , an d sai d softly , "Muhammad bi n ["so n of"] Sa'id . Sa'i d bi n Muhammad. Bot h are the sam e thing." I looked

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puzzled, bu t sh e onl y repeate d he r words . I then aske d abou t Nasra. "Yes, " Badriyya said , "Nasra's hayya n ar e also ours. Nasra' s fathe r i s a child o f a maternal uncl e [khdl]," but sh e coul d not give names. Actually , sh e hardly gav e an y information o n Nasra' s famil y sav e the name s of her fathe r an d mother . Nasr a ha s a half-siste r living in Nizwa an d marrie d t o an office directo r (mudir), but Badriyy a hesitate d befor e callin g he r a hayyan. "Fa r away," she said . February 22 . This afternoon I met Nasra , Salma , and Rashid a a s they wer e startin g o n a visitin g round. The y aske d m e t o join them . O n ou r way to visiting a woman wh o ha d jus t give n birth , we passed b y Nasra's an d Salma' s former hous e in the cente r o f town , no w vacan t mos t o f th e time. Badriyy a wa s in th e hous e poundin g corn , the main ingredien t o f 'aris . Then w e passe d Nasra's father's hous e nex t door. H e was sittin g at his doorstep talkin g t o a group o f men. He r mother wa s standing half-hidde n i n a corner , probably waitin g fo r us . W e left Nasra' s two year-old daughte r wit h her . Salma' s brother' s daughter live d in th e nex t house. Acros s th e street, Salma' s sister, wh o is the wife o f one of the Hamra shaykhs , greete d u s from a windo w and joine d u s for th e visit . Badriyya cam e t o Hamr a fro m Misf a som e fift y years ago . Lik e othe r migrants , he r famil y sough t t o settle i n Hamr a nex t t o person s the y coul d clai m a s

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distantly related . Significantly , after Badriyy a name d for me the persons i n her immediate hayya n cluster — her parents , brothers , sisters , an d tw o decease d hus bands—she bega n t o nam e th e household s i n Hamr a with who m sh e ha d activ e tie s an d wh o ha d give n wives t o he r tw o sons . Sh e neglecte d t o mentio n "close" kin in terms of descent who stil l lived in Misf a but who m sh e sa w onl y infrequently . Whe n I late r asked her about these relatives, including her paterna l and materna l uncle s an d aunts , sh e replie d tha t the y were al l dea d an d tha t i n an y cas e sh e kne w littl e about them . In man y nonshaykhl y household s suc h a s Bad riyya's, the exact kin relation of people who claim to be hayyan is imprecise o r forgotten. Suc h households of ten ar e located sid e by sid e and represen t themselve s to outsiders as having close family bonds—a social fact often demonstrate d b y intermarriag e amon g thei r children. Physica l proximity i s so important tha t peo ple prefer t o stretch the meaning of hayyan rather tha n marry thei r childre n outsid e th e oasi s community. A s in mos t o f th e Middl e East , descen t i s officially trace d patrilineally. Indeed , women * often nam e thei r father s and brother s firs t whe n the y ar e aske d wh o ar e the y hayyan. Nonetheless , th e ter m hayya n include s bilat eral relatives . I t i s applie d flexibl y t o a wid e rang e o f kin, includin g paterna l an d materna l aunt s an d un cles, thei r childre n an d grandchildren , half-brother s and half-sister s an d thei r descendants, descendant s of a join t grandfather , great-grandfather , an d occasion ally descendant s o f a commo n ancesto r goin g bac k three o r eve n fou r generations . Th e name s o f thes e

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ancestors ar e no t importan t i n themselves . I n fact , they ofte n alternat e fro m generatio n t o generatio n (e.g., Jabir ib n Muhsi n ib n Jabir ib n Muhsin) , makin g it difficul t fo r eve n nonspecialis t shaykh s t o kee p straight. Wha t i s importan t i s tha t th e famil y cluste r asserts a strong sens e o f unity ove r time. 2 Two thing s affect s th e siz e o f th e famil y cluster : physical proximity an d status . Family members prefe r to live whenever possibl e near one another i n order t o facilitate th e formal an d informal socia l visits expected of kin. Hayyan who d o not live in the same town com mute bac k an d fort h regularl y i n orde r t o maintai n active tie s with thei r communit y o f origin. Thi s is th e case among a few shaykhl y familie s wh o hav e move d since the mid-1970s into houses and apartment s in th e capital area . I f th e hayya n relatio n remain s dorman t for a lon g period , i t disappears . Thi s i s happenin g with Nasra' s half-siste r wh o live s in Nizwa . N o visit s were exchange d betwee n th e tw o sister s durin g m y entire sta y i n Hamra , i n par t becaus e o f th e difficult y of transportation , bu t als o becaus e th e siste r appear s to hav e marrie d someon e o f highe r statu s wh o i s no t actively intereste d i n maintainin g link s wit h he r half sister i n Hamra . I f th e sister s (a s the y ar e usuall y re ferred t o in Arabic without th e qualificatio n o f "half" ) were livin g i n th e sam e community , the y woul d se e each othe r regardles s o f difference s i n status . Salma' s youngest siste r i s secon d wif e t o a shayk h o f th e Abriyin. Th e differenc e i n statu s betwee n th e hus bands o f th e tw o sister s doe s no t preven t the m fro m seeing eac h othe r regularly . The siz e o f th e hayya n cluste r i s reflecte d b y it s

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status. Thi s i s see n clearl y b y th e larg e gathering s i n shaykhly household s afte r a death , whe n al l hayya n are oblige d t o mak e numerou s visits . A corollar y i s that person s o r household s tha t ar e upwardl y mobil e try t o build larg e hayya n cluster s (especiall y throug h the household s o f cooperatin g brothers ) o r to empha size th e cohesio n o f thei r cluste r b y organizing , fo r example, lavis h forma l reading s o f th e Quran . Thi s practice als o increase s th e tendenc y t o includ e i n th e family cluste r persons who are distant in terms of for mal descent but wh o liv e in the same community . One reaso n fo r th e larg e siz e o f th e shaykhl y lin eage is the wealth an d hig h statu s of some of the nowdeceased shaykh s throug h who m presen t member s of the shaykhl y famil y cluste r trac e thei r interrelation ships. There are practical benefits i n terms of propert y and governmen t recognitio n tha t are gained by assert ing tie s wit h th e cor e o f thi s shaykhl y cluster . A s a result, fe w person s allo w thei r tie s t o th e shaykhl y family cluste r t o fal l int o disuse . Bot h youn g an d ol d members o f the shaykhly descen t cluste r sho w a great interest i n genealog y an d ar e knowledgeabl e i n pre cisely ho w the y ar e relate d t o ke y person s i n th e shaykhly cluster . The y ca n trac e thei r descen t farthe r back i n tim e tha n ca n mos t member s o f nonshaykhl y households. I di d no t mee t eve n on e woma n fro m a shaykhly famil y wh o coul d no t specificall y pinpoin t the exact kinship o f her husband i n relation t o herself, even i f thi s mean t indicatin g relation s throug h an cestors thre e o r fou r generation s remove d fro m her self. I n contrast , person s fro m nonshaykhl y familie s

89 often lacke d specific kinshi p information beyon d thei r grandfathers' generation . Eve n if they d o have th e in formation, the y woul d no t us e i t to augment thei r so cial status. The y woul d simpl y be laughed at . THE FAMIL Y CLUSTE R

January 9 . One wa y of figuring ou t th e existenc e of hayyan subcluster s i n shaykhl y household s i s to observe when wome n begi n wearing jewelr y again afte r a death, o r painting thei r forehead s with mahale b o r saffron. 'Azza' s husband die d two months ago . Nura, he r sister , i s not ye t painting herself . Sharifa , anothe r sister , i s beginning t o daub yellow dot s on her young daughte r but no t on herself. H e father' s secon d wif e an d Zayna, wif e o f her half-brother , ar e paintin g themselves again . Just as with nonshaykhl y women , th e core grou p of family member s wit h whom a shaykhly woman ha s close informa l dail y contact s i s no t ver y large . I f a shaykh ha s severa l wives , eac h wife , he r daughters , daughters-in-law, an d granddaughter s for m separat e subclusters. I f thes e wome n d o no t liv e i n th e sam e household, the y are expected t o see one another dail y and t o ac t a s a group i n man y socia l context s suc h a s visiting togethe r an d sittin g togethe r a t forma l visits . Many detail s o f dail y life , suc h a s ho w soo n after a death a woman perfume s o r paints herself, o r the tim e and lengt h o f visitin g durin g mournings , ar e indica tions o f ho w wome n perceiv e thei r degre e o f close ness t o othe r individual s withi n thei r large r hayya n cluster.

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Privacy an d th e Famil y Cluste r The terms "private " and "public " have meanings spe cific t o Oman. Th e distinction betwee n th e tw o term s ought no t t o be inferre d fro m othe r cultura l contexts . Anthropologists, especiall y thos e concerne d wit h th e Arab and Mediterranea n worlds , ar e increasingly rec ognizing th e culture-boun d natur e o f notion s o f "public" and "private " and ar e expressin g dissatisfac tion wit h th e generalizatio n prevalen t i n muc h o f th e literature tha t th e socia l world o f women i s private a s opposed t o th e publi c socia l worl d o f me n (Nelson , 1974; Sciama, 1981 ; Joseph, 1983) . Privacy ha s a rang e o f contextua l meaning s i n Oman. Th e private sphere include s any activity or social occasio n fro m whic h nonfamil y member s ar e ex cluded o r an y informatio n tha t i s share d b y famil y members but kept secret from others . If, however , thi s information become s know n t o other member s o f th e community—a frequen t an d unavoidabl e occurrenc e in small , face-to-fac e communities—th e informatio n continues to be treated as private so long as everyone, both withi n th e famil y cluste r an d outsid e o f it , chooses no t t o discuss it in public . One way of understanding th e meaning o f famil y in Oma n i s t o loo k a t th e activitie s o r occasion s tha t are perceived as private to the family cluster, the type s of informatio n tha t ar e kep t secret , th e socia l mecha nisms use d t o maintai n privac y an d secrecy , an d when an d ho w som e event s an d informatio n becom e public. I n th e previou s chapter , I alread y discusse d

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how peopl e coordinat e thei r movement s t o ensur e privacy. Grea t car e i s also take n t o maintain secrec y i n planning o r preparin g fo r activitie s importan t t o th e family cluster , suc h a s marriage s an d publi c reading s of th e Quran . Dispute s withi n th e famil y cluste r an d many persona l problem s ar e no t discusse d outsid e the famil y cluster . Wome n als o hol d a s secre t certai n events, suc h a s pregnancies . One reaso n fo r secrec y i s tha t i t reduce s th e pos sibility o f outsid e interferenc e i n th e activitie s o f th e family cluster . I t als o lessen s th e effect s o f gossi p i f family disagreement s o r refusa l i n marriag e negotia tions becom e publicl y known . Ideally , me n an d women withi n th e famil y cluste r tr y t o hid e al l inter nal dissen t an d t o presen t a s smoot h a fron t a s possi ble t o th e res t o f th e community . I n this , mos t famil y clusters ar e amazingl y successful . Simmel (1964 : 335 ) describe s th e secre t a s some thing tha t "constantl y receive s an d release s content : what originall y wa s manifes t become s secret , an d what onc e wa s hidde n late r shed s it s concealment. " He continue s wit h th e paradoxica l ide a that : . . . unde r otherwis e identica l circumstances , huma n col lective lif e require s a certai n measur e o f secrec y whic h merely change s it s topic : while leavin g on e o f them , socia l life seize s upo n another , an d i n al l thi s alternatio n i t pre serves a n unchange d quantit y o f secrecy . (Simmel , 1964 : 335-336.) Simmers insigh t i s usefu l i n understandin g se crecy i n Oman . Som e event s becom e publi c onl y o n

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the day the y actuall y occur , suc h a s the reading o f th e marriage contract (malka), the birth of a child, the public recital o f th e Quran . Sometime s th e bes t effort s t o conceal family dispute s from outsider s are unsuccessful. I n th e nex t chapter , I discuss th e consequence s if such dispute s becom e public . An essentia l mechanis m fo r maintainin g th e pri vacy of th e famil y cluste r i n inne r Oma n i s what Sim mel (1964 : 321) calls "discretion 7' o r "th e stayin g awa y from th e knowledg e o f al l that th e othe r doe s no t ex pressly revea l t o us. " Person s i n th e communit y sh y away fro m askin g direc t question s o n matter s per ceived a s privat e t o th e famil y cluster . O r i f the y dis cuss thes e matters , the y d o s o obliquel y throug h th e use of a neutral thir d party, suc h as an adolescent girl , who canno t b e hel d full y responsibl e fo r raisin g th e matter. Discretio n o r tact also takes th e for m o f a general avoidanc e b y everyon e o f person s o r situation s seen a s conflict-ridden . Confrontatio n i s avoide d whenever possible . Peopl e attemp t t o avoi d conflict s within thei r ow n household s fo r fea r tha t thes e wil l culminate, i f th e conflic t get s ou t o f bounds , i n th e public disclosure o f family problems . Disputes withi n the communit y ar e likewis e averte d wheneve r possi ble because ope n fightin g detract s from th e public image most person s see k to maintain o f polite neutralit y with th e consequences , onc e again , o f a los s o f pri vacy. Many o f the qualitie s o f the family cluste r ar e no t unique t o Oman : th e importanc e o f physica l prox imity of component households , th e elasticity an d se lectivity o f wha t "family " means , th e large r siz e o f

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family cluster s amon g high-statu s families , an d th e concern fo r privac y as a boundary-maintaining mech anism withi n th e famil y cluster . Thes e qualitie s hel p define famil y i n many othe r Middle Eastern and Med iterranean societies . Likewise , secrec y usuall y play s an importan t rol e i n small-tow n lif e an d face-to-fac e communities elsewhere . Wha t distinguishe s Oma n i s the shar p line s o f exclusivenes s distinguishin g th e family cluster , th e extrem e car e everyon e take s t o avoid ope n conflic t withi n th e famil y cluste r an d i n the community , an d th e mixtur e o f tact , civility , an d circumspection wit h whic h famil y member s neutral ize thei r meeting s wit h person s outsid e th e famil y cluster. Famil y cluster s see k t o represen t themselve s as separate socia l islands, wit h member s meeting oth ers o n prescribe d socia l occasion s onl y an d the n ad hering t o a stric t cod e o f civilit y tha t exclude s topic s likely t o trigge r contention . Thi s imag e i s obviousl y idealistic, but for some family cluster s such as those of shaykhly lineage , i t approximate s realit y becaus e o f its siz e an d hig h status . Eve n amon g nonshaykhl y family clusters , wher e famil y cluster s ar e smal l an d can maintai n autonom y onl y wit h difficulty , wome n build close , informal tie s with onl y a few selec t neigh bors an d kin . Choosing a Spous e Eickelman's (1980a : 17 ) socia l surve y o f Hamr a indi cates that 87 percent o f Hamra marriage s occur withi n the communit y (jama'a). Of thi s number , 2 6 percen t

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are t o a perso n self-describe d a s "close " kin , ofte n a father's brother' s daughte r (bint 'amm) o r a mother' s brother's daughte r (bint khal). Unles s person s ar e asked i n detail , ther e i s a tendenc y t o self-describ e bint khal marriages as bint 'amm marriages in order to bring actual practice more in conformity wit h the ideal of patrilinea l descen t groups . Th e remainin g 6 1 percent o f in-communit y marriage s occu r wit h "known " households o f approximatel y th e sam e socia l rank. A mere 1 3 percent o f marriage s ar e entere d int o wit h spouses outsid e th e trib e o r community. 3 December 1 . "Why d o you want t o marry hay yan?" I asked Nasr a an d Badriyya . " A woma n likes to be near he r relatives, " Nasra answered . Badriyya added , "I f a man mistreat s her , sh e ca n return t o her relative s easily. " To live near kin-related household s has significan t advantages fo r a woman. I t gives he r status , compan ionship, security , hel p i n childcare , an d protectio n from he r husband o r mother-in-law i f a quarrel arises . I kno w severa l youn g wome n wh o reduce d tension s with thei r husband' s mothe r b y spendin g larg e por tions o f thei r tim e wit h thei r ow n parent s instead . I n discussions wit h m y husband , me n i n Hamr a sai d that marriag e i s risk y t o someon e fro m outsid e th e family cluste r o r t o someon e o f a differen t tribe . A father want s abov e all someon e o f goo d characte r fo r his daughter . A family membe r i s th e bes t choic e be cause he is personally know n an d ha s the same publi c image t o maintain . Th e bridewealt h (mahr) is muc h

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smaller fo r marriage s withi n th e famil y cluster . Occa sionally i t i s eve n merel y toke n i f tw o household s have made a n agreemen t t o intermarry thei r son s an d daughters. Economi c factor s alon e compe l man y peo ple t o marr y relatives . Marriag e b y equa l exchang e (qiyad) i s frequen t i n bot h shaykhl y an d nonshaykhl y households. Befor e th e 1950 s ther e wer e a fe w mar riages by qiyad among shaykhly families with shaykh s of different tribe s for political reasons. With the cessa tion o f triba l warfar e an d th e diminishe d importanc e of triba l politics , marriag e outsid e th e trib e i s no w infrequent. Moreover , fo r shaykhl y marriage s outsid e the tribe, ther e wer e limitations t o the extent tha t affi nal relative s coul d participat e i n th e hayyan cluster . If one's mother, fo r example, was from a different tribe , a hayyan relatio n wa s maintaine d wit h th e mother' s brothers and sister s (akhzvdl) and with th e first genera tion o f thei r childre n (arham). Then th e relatio n wa s dropped. Finally , a relativ e i s preferre d a s a spous e because bot h me n an d wome n i n shaykhl y an d non shaykhly familie s ar e unwilling t o break famil y bond s by allowin g a woma n t o marr y a "stranger. " Ther e i s also a n unwillingnes s t o allo w a "stranger, " ma n o r woman, t o ente r int o th e privat e real m o f th e famil y cluster. Me n tol d m y husban d tha t suc h a n in-law, eve n i f o f goo d character , woul d remai n a "stranger" fo r lif e an d b e treate d wit h th e formalit y offered unrelate d guests . Fo r thi s reason , shaykh s prefer no t t o have their daughter s marr y i f no suitabl e spouse is available within th e family cluster , an d som e shaykhly wome n ar e remaining unmarried . It i s mostl y person s o f nonshaykhl y statu s wh o

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marry outsid e th e famil y cluste r o r th e community . There were high-status political marriages of shaykhly men an d wome n outsid e th e communit y i n th e past , but suc h marriage s ar e rar e today . I n fact , I am awar e of onl y on e shayk h wh o ha s married outsid e hi s fam ily cluste r ove r th e las t decade . I n tha t case , th e woman wa s fro m a neighborin g househol d an d sh e became th e shaykh' s secon d wife . Descendant s o f exslaves tend t o marry outsid e thei r famil y cluster s an d even outsid e th e community , i n par t becaus e o f th e small size of most of their family clusters . Bridewealt h for "outside " marriage s i s muc h higher . Ofte n suc h marriages ar e contracte d b y me n wh o wor k i n th e capital are a o r i n Ab u Dhabi , becaus e onl y thes e me n earn wages high enough to amass the necessary funds . If anythin g goe s wron g i n a marriag e betwee n non family member s an d become s publicl y known , suc h as a flagran t cas e o f adulter y (on e suc h inciden t oc curred durin g ou r sta y i n Hamra) , the n everyon e agrees tha t th e derelictio n ca n partl y b e explaine d b y the fact tha t th e spouse s d o not shar e th e sam e famil y cluster. There is an implicit assumption tha t the famil y cluster no t onl y protect s it s me n an d wome n bu t tha t it effectivel y steer s the m awa y fro m imprope r behav ior. March 9 . "Ho w di d yo u ge t to marry you r hus band?" I asked Shamsiyya , whos e husban d i s not o f her famil y cluster . Sh e blushed, visibl y embarrassed, an d answered , "M y husband's sis ter wa s a wet nurs e t o someone i n my family ,

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and I visited the m whe n young . M y husban d saw me and aske d fo r m e / ' Sh e appeared s o uncomfortable tha t I changed th e topi c of con versation. Shamsiyya cam e fro m th e neighborin g oasi s o f Bahla an d wa s no w livin g wit h he r youn g chil d i n a house share d b y thre e brother s an d thei r wive s an d children. He r husban d worke d i n Ab u Dhab i an d re turned hom e monthly . Th e househol d wa s o f non shay khly statu s bu t ver y well-to-do . Shamsiyya' s mother and othe r female relatives visited her regularl y in Hamra . He r confusio n a t m y questio n wa s cause d in part because I had unintentionall y aske d he r a very private question . I n Morocco , wome n woul d hav e been delighte d t o answe r m y question . Besides , he r status in Hamra wa s precarious because, although sh e had bee n i n th e oasi s fo r si x years , sh e arrive d a "stranger" an d remaine d on e in th e eyes of most per sons. He r on e so n ha d die d i n infancy , an d he r six month-old daughte r wa s sickly . I notice d tha t eac h time 1 visited th e household , Shamsiyya' s tw o sisters in-law emphasized , mor e s o tha n di d othe r house holds, ho w the y al l forme d "on e family. " "Al l o f u s are one," they kep t repeating . The mil k ti e a s a bon d facilitatin g marriag e out side o f th e famil y cluster , o r th e communit y i n thi s case, deserve s specia l mention . I n a recen t stud y o f elite urba n wome n i n Saud i Arabia , Altork i (1980 : 233-244) show s ho w mil k kinship , o r th e practic e o f breastfeeding someon e else' s chil d an d one' s ow n a t

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the same time, served t o broaden th e network o f kinsmen. A s Altork i argues , mil k tie s i n th e pas t hav e been discusse d largel y i n term s o f ho w the y preven t marriages between certai n persons. This tie, however , can equally be used to broaden the number of "known" households and , a s i s th e cas e i n inne r Oman , t o broaden membershi p i n th e famil y cluster . Formal announcemen t o f th e marriag e contrac t often occur s a t a ver y youn g ag e fo r bot h sexe s an d well befor e the y ar e capabl e o f establishin g separat e households. I n Hamr a I hav e me t marrie d girl s a s young a s eight an d marrie d boy s o f eleven o r twelve . Consummation i s delayed unti l th e physica l maturit y of th e boy , bu t no t necessaril y fo r th e girl . Severa l young women tol d me that they had not had their firs t period befor e thei r weddin g night . February 20 . At Shaykh Ibrahim's , Shari f a pointed t o my daughter , Amal , the n tw o year s old, playin g wit h he r three-year-ol d nephew . She laughingly asked , "Wil l you marry Ama l t o Faysal?" I smiled, no t answerin g ye s or no, an d then aske d whethe r i t was common t o talk abou t marriage a t such a young age. "Yes, " she an swered. "Wome n sometime s tal k about marry ing their childre n later , bu t suc h tal k is not bind ing and the y ar e not obliged t o marry. " All mothers who m I asked directl y firml y denie d having take n an y par t i n th e actua l choosin g o f a spouse fo r thei r childre n o r participating i n th e nego -

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tiations. Though formally th e responsibility for choosing a spous e i s solel y th e father's , th e kin d o f half joking conversatio n I had wit h Sharif a appear s t o b e common amon g wome n wh o ar e friends . Sinc e har mony amon g famil y member s i s highl y prized , mar riages are more easily negotiated betwee n household s whose wome n se e one anothe r regularl y an d wh o ge t along together . Altork i (1977 : 277-287) show s ho w ur ban elit e wome n i n Saud i Arabi a exercis e powe r b y having acces s to information o n th e prospectiv e brid e that is necessary s o that men ca n make marriage deci sions. Whe n tw o house s ar e unrelated , thi s informa tion is especially helpful. Althoug h mos t marriages i n Hamra ar e between household s tha t are kin-related o r that already hav e strong workin g tie s with eac h other , the fact that a significant numbe r o f men spend a large amount of time outside the oasis makes women's visiting network s al l th e mor e importan t i n arrangin g marriages. It i s difficul t fo r childre n themselve s t o choos e their ow n marriag e partner s whe n the y ar e young . If a ma n i s alread y mature , h e wil l tak e a mor e activ e role in hi s choic e o f a spouse, althoug h eve n i n thes e cases th e decisio n i s effectivel y "framed " fo r hi m b y members of his family cluster . Onc e a marriage choic e is made , bot h shaykhl y an d nonshaykhl y wome n agree tha t i t is impossible fo r th e prospective brid e o r the groom to contest their father's decisio n and openl y refuse t o marry . Me n explaine d t o m y husban d tha t the optio n o f refusa l wa s formall y ope n t o bot h me n and women , bu t the y admitte d tha t suc h person s

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would nee d exceptionall y stron g will s an d woul d b e characterized a s rebels if they objected .

Marriage Negotiation s October 15 . I paid a brief visi t to Nasra thi s afternoon. Ou r mai n topi c of conversation wa s that Shayk h Ibrahi m ha d take n on e of his mar ried daughter s bac k home (shalha; literally, "h e took he r away") , although sh e had childre n an d wished t o remain wit h he r husband . "Why? " I asked. A t first Badriyya , wh o wa s with us , sai d that sh e di d no t know . Becaus e I had onl y ar rived i n Hamra tw o weeks earlier, sh e was stil l uncertain abou t m y relation wit h th e shaykhl y households. The n sh e volunteere d tha t Shayk h Ibrahim wa s trying t o marry anothe r daughter , aged twenty-five , a n ol d mai d b y Hamra's stan dards, int o th e sam e famil y cluster , an d th e shaykh wa s meeting resistance . Marriage negotiation s ar e kept ver y secret. I n th e Omani interior , the y rarel y involv e th e us e o f go betweens fro m outsid e th e famil y cluster . Onl y whe n something goe s wron g i n negotiation s an d become s public knowledge , a s wa s th e cas e wit h Shayk h Ibra him, d o peopl e discus s suc h affairs . Even the n the y do so discreetly among intimates, especially when th e topic o f discussio n i s a shaykhl y househol d o f muc h higher status . Shayk h Ibrahim' s tacti c evidentl y wa s

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unsuccessful; th e marrie d daughte r returne d t o he r husband som e tim e later , an d th e olde r siste r re mained unmarried . Public knowledge o f pending negotiations is most unusual. I t is more commo n t o hear rumor s concern ing possible marriage partners , followed b y vehemen t denials from th e family o f the women involved . Thes e rumors ar e usually carrie d b y the youngest wome n of the town, thos e in their teens or early twenties. Whe n these youn g wome n discus s potentia l marriag e part ners, the y usuall y jok e an d giggle , hidin g behin d their shawls , s o a s t o evad e responsibilit y fo r thei r words. Sometime s th e marriage s talke d abou t tak e place; more ofte n tha n not , n o wedding take s place . February 21 . I joined a group o f young women , both marrie d an d unmarried , wh o si t every da y in a shaded passagewa y of f th e main road , where the y ea t snacks an d watc h thei r childre n or younger brother s an d sisters . There was som e joking about 'Azza' s being pregnant . Sh e denie d it, gigglin g and coverin g he r face , sayin g tha t she was only sixteen . [I n September I learned that sh e had indee d bee n pregnant. ] Ther e wa s also some joking about marriage . 'Aysh a laugh ingly pointe d a t Thariya, a shaykhly gir l abou t fourteen, an d tol d me , "Thariy a i s to be marrie d to Sultan bi n Hamud , an d he r siste r Fatima wil l marry Sultan' s brother/ 7 Thariy a vigorousl y de nied this , sayin g t o me, "Miryam , don' t believ e them. I t is not true. " More laughin g an d gig gling.

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Young girls in Hamra ofte n firs t lear n o f marriag e arrangement affectin g the m throug h th e seemingl y light an d informa l bante r o f neighbors an d peers . Except fo r th e firmnes s o f he r denial , Thariy a di d no t appear t o be particularly bothered . Th e young man i n question i s he r materna l cousin , a possibl e marriag e partner, an d sh e ha d undoubtedl y hear d th e gossi p before. Afte r all , Hamr a i s no t a larg e oasis , an d th e range o f appropriat e spouse s i s limited . Even i f sh e thought thi s rumor t o be true, propriet y require d tha t she den y th e possibilit y an d refrai n fro m engagin g i n speculation with her neighbors over so intimate a matter a s marriage . Even i n a household , propriet y pre vents a fathe r fro m talkin g abou t marriag e possibili ties with hi s daughters . Mother s avoi d th e topi c unti l they kno w tha t thei r daughte r ha s learne d th e new s from elsewhere . In part this is because of reluctance to speak abou t a potentially explosiv e topic ; in par t i t i s sorrow t o se e thei r daughter s leav e th e household , even if they d o remain withi n th e community . When I have asked youn g wome n wha t was thei r reaction o n hearin g th e new s tha t the y wer e t o b e married, I receive d tw o differen t answers , th e firs t describing a n immediat e reactio n an d th e secon d de picting a mor e genera l notio n o f wha t on e "should " feel. "I crie d a lot, " sai d Muza , whos e marriag e con tract was read when sh e was nine and whose marriag e took plac e whe n sh e wa s twelve , "becaus e I felt I was too young t o get married." Muza , wh o was about six teen whe n I met her , wa s the n stil l withou t children .

103 She wa s attendin g intermediat e schoo l an d spen t more than hal f he r tim e at her father' s house . Becaus e of this , he r lif e after marriag e showe d n o clea r brea k with her life before. Just before I left Hamra , however , she wa s beginning t o have seriou s problem s wit h he r husband's mothe r becaus e sh e wa s no t gettin g preg nant. "Girl s ar e happ y t o hea r the y ar e gettin g mar ried," sai d Nasra , talkin g i n a mor e genera l way , "because al l girl s wan t t o ge t married . Why ? Al l women wan t children. " Taken together, Muza' s and Nasra' s statements reflect th e mixe d feeling s o f mos t youn g wome n a t th e time o f thei r marriage . T o some exten t th e contras t i n their two statement s i s also due t o the degree o f satisfaction the y hav e foun d i n thei r particula r marriage . The alternative of remaining unmarrie d i s not a realistic or desirabl e on e fo r them . I t i s onl y throug h mar riage an d childre n tha t a youn g girl' s statu s i s firml y secured. I f sh e give s birth t o man y health y sons , sh e can better he r socia l position considerably . Women ofte n sa y tha t the y ha d neve r see n thei r husbands befor e th e weddin g nigh t (zifaf). This i s a n ideal tha t i s no t literall y tru e i n Hamr a fo r mos t women. B y th e tim e marriag e negotiation s begin , most childre n o r youn g peopl e hav e probabl y bee n aware fo r quit e som e tim e wh o thei r possibl e mar riage partners will be. They may have played with on e another whe n the y wer e younger . Sinc e the n the y have had opportunitie s t o catch glimpses at a distance of likel y mates . Whe n I pointe d ou t t o wome n tha t they mus t hav e see n thei r husban d befor e marriage , THE FAMIL Y CLUSTE R

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since so many marry relatives who live next door, the y replied that they had seen their future spouse , if at all, only in the stree t an d tha t once a marriage agreemen t was signed, th e young man and woman involved wer e expected t o avoid eac h othe r and refrai n fro m visitin g in eac h other' s household . Thi s perio d o f avoidanc e lasts severa l year s i f th e potentia l spouse s ar e ver y young. Girls who marry nonrelated me n from outsid e their immediat e neighborhoo d o r me n fro m outsid e the communit y ofte n hav e n o opportunit y t o kno w their spous e befor e marriage . The Marriag e Contrac t Wedding arrangements becom e public knowledge th e day o f th e readin g o f th e marriag e contrac t (malka). This usually take s plac e early in th e morning , aroun d six, in order no t t o disrupt th e day's work. Wome n d o not participat e i n th e forma l reciting , an d i n inne r Oman, n o music , singing , o r dancin g accompanie s the event. Afte r coffe e an d sweets , the men of the tw o households hav e th e triba l leader , judge , o r othe r qualified notabl e rea d th e marriag e contract . Th e es sential element s i n al l marriag e contracts , th e onl y ones specifie d b y Islami c law , ar e th e name s o f th e two parties and th e amount of the bridewealth (mahr) . The groo m kneel s i n fron t o f th e notabl e a s th e con tract i s rea d an d repeat s afte r hi m th e word s o f th e contract i n classica l Arabic . Th e fathe r o r guardia n o f the bride the n come s in front o f the notable . The con -

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ditions o f th e contrac t ar e rea d t o him . O n behal f o f the bride, he repeats the word t o signal consent t o th e agreement. December 28 . While goin g t o the market , I noticed a crowd o f people gatherin g in on e house. I met Nasra' s mother , wh o tol d m e tha t they wer e celebratin g th e readin g o f a marriag e contract. Sh e led m e into a room thic k with th e smoke o f incense. Wome n fille d th e room. Som e were sitting ; som e were standin g because the y were read y t o leave; some carried larg e tray s of fruits an d bottle s of perfumes . I recognized on e shaykhly woma n an d aske d he r who was th e bride. A t first, sh e sai d sh e didn' t kno w he r name. Thi s surprised me . The n sh e pointed t o the bride's mother an d tol d m e her name . Nasra's mother returne d an d tol d m e this wa s the house o f one o f her hayyan . Sh e pointed ou t three o r four house s nex t t o one another an d emphasized tha t the y wer e all interrelated. The n she le d m e into a sideroom wher e a young gir l of about fiftee n wa s squatting , cuttin g u p or anges fo r th e guests . "Thi s is the bride," sh e volunteered. Th e young girl , dresse d i n her or dinary clothes , looke d u p an d smile d a t me while continuin g t o work . After th e early-morning reading of the contract by the men, th e women celebrate it separately later in th e morning wit h a lavis h coffee-drinkin g sessio n wit h

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fruits, perfume , an d incense . Famil y member s an d neighbors atten d thi s celebration . Th e brid e clearl y plays onl y a passiv e rol e o n th e da y o f th e contrac t reading. Sinc e many marriage s occu r withi n th e fam ily cluster , th e contrac t readin g provide s a n occasio n to reaffir m th e existenc e o f th e group . Neithe r th e bride nor the groom is a central figure then . The olde r woman wh o firs t invite d m e t o th e part y fo r th e con tract readin g repeatedl y emphasize d t o m e tha t th e houses involve d fo r th e occasio n al l forme d on e fam ily cluster . He r voic e ran g ou t lou d an d clea r wit h pride a s she spok e t o me about th e numbe r o f peopl e present, becaus e a larg e famil y cluste r i s associate d with hig h status . No t unti l th e birt h o f he r firs t chil d does th e bride hersel f becom e th e center o f attention . Weddings Contrasted wit h mos t othe r countrie s o f th e Middl e East an d Nort h Africa , o r eve n wit h coasta l Oman , most wedding s i n th e Oman i interio r ar e unosten tatious an d s o littl e remarke d b y nonfamil y member s that it is difficult fo r a n outside r lik e me even t o know when on e i s takin g place . I n contras t t o Morocco , where a wedding i s an occasio n fo r musi c an d publi c display eve n i n modes t households , ther e wer e fe w public indication s i n Hamra . "Ar e ther e n o wome n marrying righ t now? " I aske d quit e often . "Perhap s there i s a specia l seaso n fo r marriages? " No , peopl e answered, ther e are weddings taking place, but we do

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not g o t o them . Sinc e th e brid e i s prepare d fo r he r wedding nigh t an d i s take n t o th e groom' s hous e i n the evening , afte r sunset , a tim e whe n visitin g out side th e famil y cluste r i s rare , peopl e ar e hesitan t t o invite a neighbor o r a nonfamily membe r int o th e pri vacy o f thei r household . Th e parent s o f th e brid e d o not, o f course , accompan y thei r daughte r t o he r ne w house, no r ar e the y presen t a t th e weddin g breakfas t the nex t morning . Th e numbe r o f peopl e attendin g most wedding s i s fairl y small . Sinc e I was earlie r fa miliar wit h th e lavishness , exuberance , an d public ness o f Morocca n weddings , th e intimac y an d shee r silence of weddings in inner Oman wa s astonishing t o me. No r i s ther e an y publi c displa y o f blood t o prov e the bride's virginity. A young married woma n tol d m e that a bride would be too "embarrassed" (sh e used th e verb takhajali) t o have suc h a n intimat e par t o f hersel f shown i n public . I n an y case , virginit y i s take n fo r granted becaus e th e brid e i s ofte n s o youn g an d be cause the two households, especiall y if they are of th e same family cluster , trus t eac h other . November 27 . I walked pas t th e hous e o f Nasr a and Salm a thi s afternoo n an d foun d thei r fron t door unusuall y wid e open . I took th e ope n doo r as an invitation t o enter. I n th e kitchen, Badriyy a and Salm a smile d a t me while stirrin g th e con tents o f a large po t cookin g on th e gas stove . They were making sihh , a dish o f cooked dates , butter, an d blac k pepper. A few minute s late r a group o f women walke d in . Nasr a tol d me the y

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were Badriyya' s hayyan . The y include d th e tw o wives of Badriyya's brothers an d som e younge r women, on e o f whom ha d a small child. Th e formality o f th e visit surprise d me . We sat on a mat outside th e house , wit h Badriyy a an d th e older woma n sittin g sid e by side and doin g mos t of the talking . Nasr a sa t a little apart, nursin g young Abdalla . Salm a served . Hospitalit y wa s lavish: the deliciou s ho t dat e dish , coffee , or anges, tinne d fruits , mor e coffee , sweet smelling groun d spice s tha t were powdere d o n clothes, incense , saffro n o n th e forehead an d cheeks, an d perfumes . A few day s later Nasr a explained t o me tha t Salma' s brother's daughte r had recentl y marrie d Badriyya' s brother's son ; hence th e forma l visit . One mont h after th e weddin g ther e i s a serie s of visits by women livin g in the groom's household t o all other households considere d t o be part of their famil y cluster. Thes e visit s are privat e i n tha t n o on e outsid e the family cluste r is present unless , like me, they have misread th e cue s an d unintentionall y staye d on . Pri vacy does not necessarily imply informality. Althoug h the women involve d i n the visit described abov e wer e close ki n an d sa w on e anothe r regularly , th e reaso n for th e visi t wa s perceive d a s a forma l one . Everyon e was ver y reserved . Th e younge r wome n le t th e olde r ones do most of the talking. The subjects were genera l ones, s o tha t conversatio n coul d procee d gracefully . The brid e kep t a lo w profil e an d sai d nothing . With -

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out Nasr a tellin g m e wh o sh e was , I coul d no t hav e guessed he r identity .

Polygyny A Muslim ma y legall y hav e a s man y a s fou r wives . I knew o f no one i n Hamra wit h fou r wives , although a small bu t significan t numbe r o f me n ha d two . Th e data collected for the 1980 Hamra Social Survey (Eickelman, 1980a ) indicat e tha t polygyn y i s mos t commo n among shaykh s an d amon g descendant s o f slaves . The rate of polygyny i s roughly thre e time s higher fo r them tha n th e rat e foun d amon g th e remainin g non shaykhly population . I n th e pas t som e shaykh s too k additional wive s t o cemen t politica l alliance s wit h other triba l groups . Shaykh s remai n unde r pressur e to hav e a s man y son s a s possibl e t o maintai n th e nu merical strengt h o f thei r households . Wome n openl y deplore th e righ t o f th e husban d t o hav e severa l wives. Som e marrie d shaykhl y wome n withou t chil dren fea r th e possibilit y o f a secon d wife , bu t the y concede that if a man ha s no children by his first wife , he ha s n o choic e bu t t o remarry . Th e highe r rat e o f plural marriage s amon g descendant s o f slave s i s i n part the result of well-paid jobs in the Gulf an d in par t an attempt t o gain status by forming larg e family clus ters. Having children an d bettering one's status are not the onl y reason s fo r takin g a secon d wife . Som e me n never ha d childre n b y thei r wive s an d neve r remar -

WOMEN AN D COMMUNITY I N OMAN 320 ried. Othe r me n wit h severa l son s di d so . Secon d wives ten d t o b e muc h younge r tha n thei r husband s and often , a t leas t th e fe w tha t I knew , wer e ver y handsome. Obtainin g a n attractive , younge r secon d wife appear s t o b e th e reaso n behin d som e secon d marriages an d a n adde d reaso n fo r women' s hostilit y to them . Divorce i s rare becaus e o f its repercussion s upo n the complex , interlockin g tie s withi n th e famil y clus ter. I n th e cas e o f a secon d marriage , th e firs t wif e might remai n i n her husband' s household . I f the ma n cannot affor d t o provid e fo r tw o wive s an d ther e ar e no children by the first marriage , th e couple separate s and th e firs t wif e return s t o liv e i n th e househol d o f her father , he r brothers , o r he r brothers ' children . When th e tw o wive s remai n an d liv e unde r th e sam e roof, there is enormous pressur e o n the m to appear t o live harmoniousl y regardles s o f thei r feelings . Th e household's prestige i s at stake if they quarrel openly . If th e househol d i s a larg e one , a s man y shaykhl y houses ten d t o be, i t is easy fo r th e tw o wives t o lea d separate live s outsid e o f forma l occasions . Eve n o n these occasions , co-wive s neve r si t together . On e o r more persons ar e always between them .

NOTES 1. Hayya n i s a colloquia l Oman i ter m no t foun d i n classica l Arabic dictionaries . Th e closes t classica l ter m i s hayy, whic h ca n mean "organism, " "tribe/ ' or "quarter." In this account I use hayyan as it is used b y both me n and wome n in inner Oman . A more

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formal ter m sometime s use d b y me n i s qurba, the plura l o f qarlb, meaning literall y "clos e ones." 2. I n Morocco also, some families self-consciousl y construc t a chain o f alternatin g names , suc h a s Muhamma d bi n 'A H bi n Muhammad bin AH , to indicate partrilineal continuity . The restriction i s tha t a so n wil l be name d onl y afte r a deceased ancestor . I t would be considered a n ill omen to name a child after a relative still alive. See Eickelman (1977 : 48-50). 3. Marriag e in Omani coasta l communities follow s a differen t pattern fro m tha t whic h I describe, an d wedding s ar e muc h mor e public. Wika n (1982 : 189-211), who worke d i n th e coasta l tow n o f Suhar i n th e mid-1970s , report s a tendenc y fo r marriage s t o b e between person s no t relate d wh o ar e neithe r neighbor s no r mem bers o f th e sam e communit y o f origin . Bart h (1983 : 129), her hus band, draws the same conclusion. Of a sample of 365 marriages, he writes that 14 percent have married "firs t an d secon d cousins" and 86 percen t hav e marrie d "strangers. " Unfortunately , Bart h doe s not defin e "stranger, " althoug h h e place s th e ter m i n quotatio n marks. It is also unclear from hi s account whether Suharis perceive of family members as only those persons who are "first and secon d cousins" or whether it is Barth who has introduced thi s criterion to distinguish between "relatives " and "strangers. " Nor do Barth and Wikan loo k a t th e meanin g o f intermediat e terms , suc h a s "community" (jama'a) , whic h ar e essential t o understanding mar riage patterns . Hanse n (1968) , on th e othe r hand , describe s a pat tern o f marriages i n a Shi'i village in Bahrai n fo r th e 1960s similar to that which I have described fo r inne r Oman .

4.

SOCIABILITY "A quarrel was a serious matter, as one could see by the anxiety o f everyone t o stop it." (Stark, 1936:107. ) "During my whole stay on the island I never witnesse d a singl e quarrel , no r anythin g tha t i n th e slightes t de gree approached eve n a dispute. The natives appeare d to for m on e household , whos e member s wer e boun d together by the ties of strong affection. " (Melville, 1983 [orig. 1846]: 240.)

Avoiding Conflic t

T

he mos t strikin g characteristi c o f dail y lif e i n Oman, i n contras t t o man y othe r Middl e Easter n and Mediterranea n societies , i s th e lac k o f ope n con flict an d th e pervasiv e civilit y an d tac t tha t mar k al l social conduct. I n the preceding chapter, I have show n how oasi s dweller s generall y see k t o avoi d situation s that the y perceiv e a s potentiall y leadin g t o conflict . One o f th e highes t compliment s tha t ca n b e sai d o f a person i s tha t h e o r sh e ha s th e skil l t o avoi d suc h

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situations. Th e consequence s o f ope n confrontatio n can b e extremel y serious . I t ca n lea d t o physica l as sault o r eve n homicide , althoug h killin g someon e rarely occur s i n contemporar y Oman . Conflic t withi n the famil y cluste r i s a matte r o f particula r concern . Once a disput e withi n th e famil y cluste r become s known t o outsiders, th e famil y cluste r becomes a subject o f gossip . Th e result i s a loss o f privac y an d pres tige for tha t particula r famil y cluster . January 9 . I was coming home from a murabbiy a with a group o f shaykhl y women . O n th e pat h we met an ol d woma n wh o wa s the mother o f a man wh o ha d recentl y caugh t hi s wife wit h a lover. The man ha d gon e t o the governor {wall), who ha d bot h th e love r and hi s wife sen t t o prison. Th e old woma n conducte d u s t o th e nearby hous e wher e th e scanda l too k place . As we climbed th e stair s t o the entrance o f th e house, ther e wer e littl e laugh s fro m som e o f th e shaykhly wome n i n anticipation o f the full ver sion o f th e spic y story w e were bound t o hear. The family i n question, descendant s o f slaves , were no w fairl y prosperou s becaus e th e hus band worke d i n Abu Dhabi . Th e shaykhl y women inspecte d th e house wit h grea t care , especially th e terrac e and th e windo w int o whic h the husban d climbe d a t night t o catch th e lovers . There was a great dea l o f moving bac k and fort h from on e room t o another. Wome n freel y touched object s lyin g on shelve s around th e

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room. Other s eve n opene d close d cardboar d boxes. I was surprised a t this conduct because i t contrasted s o radically with th e propriety or dinarily show n durin g visits . After thi s inspection, w e sat down t o coffee an d frui t whil e the husband's mothe r gav e her version o f th e scandal. In th e abov e incident , th e fac t tha t th e famil y in volved wa s o f lo w statu s precipitate d th e indiscree t behavior o f th e shaykhl y women . I n spit e o f th e household's lo w status , th e women woul d neve r hav e behaved with suc h a lack of restraint ha d th e husban d not made publi c his marita l problems , i n thi s case hi s wife's adultery , b y involvin g th e governor . Thi s wa s the only case of adultery discovered durin g our stay in Hamra. An obvious way to cope with conflict i s to deny its existence o n a n abstrac t leve l i n orde r t o sav e th e "face" o f th e community , th e famil y cluster , o r th e household. February 2 . I asked Asil a whether ther e wer e people i n Hamra wh o sometime s wer e angr y with on e another an d wh o di d no t visit. "No, " she answered seriously . "Ange r i s bad [ma zayn], and n o on e doe s bad thing s here. " Because I looked dubious , he r sister , Fatima , acknowl edged tha t som e people d o not visit one anothe r because o f bad feelings , bu t sh e did no t elabo rate.

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Conflict i s conceale d s o fa r a s possibl e i n orde r not t o detrac t fro m th e imag e o f harmon y tha t ever y meaningful socia l groupin g seek s t o present . Shar p words are rare; the raising of voices in anger i s almost unknown. Asil a hersel f wa s havin g seriou s disagree ments wit h he r daughter-in-law , Muza , wh o sh e wa s saying wa s infertile . Bot h wome n sough t t o concea l the tensio n betwee n them , bu t i t wa s quit e evident , through smal l movement s o r comment s whe n the y were together , t o friends wh o knew the m both . March 11 . When I visited Asil a an d som e o f he r sisters, Muz a cam e t o greet u s quite late , afte r having take n a nap. Sh e looked unhappy . I was aware of a tension i n the air between he r an d her mother-in-law . Muz a di d no t shak e hands , which sh e was not expecte d t o do, but sh e wa s hardly smiling . Th e tw o women sa t close to each other, th e conduc t expecte d o f a mother an d daughter-in-law, bu t Muz a turne d he r bod y slightly awa y from Asila , a movement tha t coul d not fail t o be noticed b y others i n the room . When I returned t o Hamra i n th e fall o f 1980 afte r an absenc e o f severa l months , Asil a spok e openl y with m e abou t he r attitud e towar d Muza . Followin g Hamra etiquette , I asked Asil a fo r new s o f her daugh ter-in-law. Sh e answere d abruptly , "Muz a i s like you . She doe s no t ge t pregnant. " I mad e th e appropriat e comments abou t Muza' s yout h bu t fel t sorr y fo r th e two wome n becaus e o f th e unyieldin g attitude s the y

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assumed towar d eac h other . Asil a wa s als o obviousl y chiding m e fo r havin g aske d abou t Muz a i n th e firs t place. Sh e kne w tha t I was awar e o f th e tension s be tween them , an d fel t tha t I should no t hav e aske d fo r any "news " of Muza . Fighting an d marita l problem s ar e mor e likel y t o become publi c knowledg e i f a househol d i s o f lo w status. This is so in large part because th e family clus ters o f whic h suc h household s for m a par t lac k th e resources o f personne l t o protec t the m fro m scanda l and t o mediat e conflic t amon g themselves . The y ar e more likel y t o hav e recours e t o th e governor , whic h members o f a shaykhl y cluste r woul d neve r do , eve n in seriou s disputes . January 27 . While 1 visited m y neighbors fo r coffee thi s morning, ther e wa s talk of a woman , a descendant o f a slave, whose husban d bea t he r after h e trie d t o have se x with her . Sh e refuse d because sh e was having he r period. Sh e went t o the governor , showe d hi m th e marks o n he r body, an d aske d tha t he r husban d b e punished . The governor di d no t as k for corroboration . H e ordered hi s soldiers t o bring th e husban d an d had hi m beaten o n th e sole s of his feet wit h a n iron rod . M y neighbors conclude d thei r discus sion o f th e incident (whic h on e o f them learne d about fro m he r husband , wh o worked i n th e governor's office ) b y saying tha t th e man wa s crazy. February 4 . In my best gossip y form , I related the incident o f wife beatin g t o Asila an d aske d

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her whethe r a shaykhly woma n woul d hav e recourse t o the governor i f she was abused b y he r husband. "Shaykh s d o no t beat thei r wives/' sh e answered sententiously . "Tha t is only done b y the descendant s o f slaves . The governor wil l ask the man t o pay a fine t o the woman o f twent y ryals [$60] , or he wil l have him beaten o n th e soles of his feet." "I n othe r words, " I replied, "i f a man i s rich, h e pays , and i f he is poor, h e get s beaten." Sh e laughed . Here is an example of the most openly aggressive , and therefor e mos t highly atypical, conversation tha t I had i n Hamra . February 29 . A neighbor u p th e road just gav e birth. I went wit h Salma , Nasra , an d th e children t o visit. Othe r neighbor s wer e leavin g a s we entered. W e had barel y sa t down whe n som e seven o r eight shaykhl y wome n entered . Ther e was an immediate shufflin g o f persons t o give the best seat s to the newcomers. I noticed tha t Nasra, wh o ha d bee n sittin g next t o me, move d very far away . Salm a staye d i n he r corne r wit h two of her sons . I remained i n m y seat, an d th e place next t o mine wa s taken b y Zayna, m y shaykhly neighbor . Th e atmosphere, whic h a few moment s ag o had bee n informa l an d friendly, becam e stif f an d circumspect . As I stood u p t o get my skirt incensed, som e women smile d becaus e I was not wearing lon g Omani pantaloon s unde r m y ankle-length skirt . One shaykhl y woman , i n her forties , who m I did

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not know well, looked a t me sternl y an d asked , "Why don' t yo u wea r a tunic and pantaloon s lik e us? It is forbidden [haram] b y th e Qura n no t t o wear pants. " I maladroitly answere d tha t sh e could no t sa y it is haram becaus e it is not writte n anywhere i n th e Quran. I asked he r t o show m e the passage. "Yo u are in Oman," sh e insisted , "and shoul d wea r Oman i clothes, " by which sh e meant th e clothes worn b y the women o f Hamra . I was irritated b y her ton e an d replied , "I f yo u went t o America, woul d yo u wea r America n clothes? Would you tak e off you r hea d shaw l an d wear shor t skirt s because thi s is what peopl e wear?" The woman shoo k he r head vigorousl y t o indicate tha t sh e would no t dress like that. I continued, "Becaus e I am in Oman, I am wear ing long skirts, long sleeves , an d a head shawl . And tha t is enough." At this point Zayna mad e conciliatory comment s o n how beautiful m y clothes were, and th e matter was dropped . After thi s exchange, very little was said, an d the coffee sessio n wa s perfunctory. I had barel y selected a date when th e dish wa s pulled away . No other fruit s wer e served , bu t w e were offere d a very good swee t drin k mad e from dates , fol lowed quickl y by perfume . I wa s upse t wit h th e woman , no t fo r criticizin g my clothes , bu t fo r choosin g t o d o s o a t a publi c gathering, somethin g I had neve r hear d don e before . The shaykhl y woman' s annoyanc e wa s probabl y trig -

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gered no t onl y b y m y clothe s bu t b y th e fac t tha t I , a person o f hig h socia l ran k i n th e oasis , wa s makin g visits i n th e communit y wit h nonshaykhl y neighbor s who sough t t o avoi d bein g client s o f th e shaykh s an d who were known t o belong to a family cluste r that was upwardly mobile . Attackin g me , a n outsider , wa s a n indirect way of criticizing my nonshaykhly neighbors . The reaction s o f th e othe r wome n presen t i n th e room reflected th e extreme uneasiness of people whe n faced wit h ope n conflic t an d th e car e the y tak e no t t o become involved , eve n i n witnessin g th e encounter . When th e quarre l erupted , th e incensin g o f guests ' clothes wa s interrupte d an d everyon e listened , mo tionless an d passive . A s soo n a s m y ange r becam e visible by my using a slightly loude r voic e an d b y th e fact tha t I began t o gestur e a s I spoke, Zayna , sittin g next t o me, who m I knew well , gav e a signal fo r bot h of us to stop by praising my clothes. The fumigation o f skirts an d th e servin g o f foo d t o gues t resumed , bu t our nonshaykhl y host s implicitl y expresse d thei r de sire fo r thi s awkwar d visi t t o en d a s rapidl y a s possi ble b y quickenin g th e pac e o f hospitality . A n unex pected consequenc e o f thi s encounte r wa s that Salm a and Nasra , wh o were present in the room, i n informa l gatherings becam e mor e ope n wit h m e abou t thei r own ambivalent feelings towar d shaykhly households . The mos t commo n mean s o f curbin g conflic t i s avoidance. I aske d variou s wome n wha t the y di d i f they got angry a t their husbands . Th e almost invaria ble answe r was , " I d o no t spea k t o him. " I knew sev eral young wome n wh o avoide d thei r mothers-in-la w

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and spen t mos t o f thei r tim e a t thei r parents ' house hold instead , returnin g t o their husbands ' househol d and thei r mothers-in-la w onl y whe n thei r husband s returned fro m Musca t fo r th e weekend . Person s wh o are no t actuall y fightin g bu t whos e socia l positio n i s seen a s potentially conflict-ridde n avoi d eac h othe r a s well. A man's co-wives eat and slee p in different part s of the house, visit separately, an d never sit next to one another whe n propriet y oblige s the m t o atten d th e same socia l occasion . Another way of dealing with potentially tens e sit uations i s to let a third person , ofte n a n adolescen t o r other immature person, communicat e information o f a gossipy nature . I n thi s way adult s avoi d assumin g di rect responsibility for the information conveyed . New s on wh o i s pregnant , wh o ha s ha d a miscarriage , po tential marriage partners, and who is being treated fo r infertility i s sprea d b y girl s o r youn g wome n i n thi s manner.1 Som e o f m y unintentionall y awkwar d ques tions (fo r example , whe n I asked question s o f th e tra ditional medica l practitione r performin g mino r sur gery o n a n infant ) wer e answere d b y th e younges t persons presen t a t the time instead o f by the oldest a s would b e s o fo r les s sensitiv e topics . M y firs t ques tions abou t medicina l branding , a practic e tha t mos t women realiz e foreigner s don' t approve , wer e als o answered i n thi s way . October 5 . I was at a murabbiya a t a shaykhl y household. Zayn a wa s perfuming m y skirt wit h incense. I noticed a woman i n a side roo m strug -

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gling wit h a three-week-old infant . A t first I thought tha t sh e was trying t o forcefeed th e child som e medicine. Th e child wa s wailing . This seemed t o be suc h extraordinar y behavio r that I stepped int o th e sid e room, th e doo r of which wa s ajar. T o my dismay, I found tha t th e woman ha d a pair o f nai l clippers in her hand s and tha t sh e was cutting somethin g i n the child' s mouth. A few drop s o f blood dribble d out . "What ar e you doing? " I asked a s calmly as I could. Th e woman smile d i n an embarrasse d way. So did th e mother , wh o wa s sitting at he r side, bu t neithe r woma n answere d me . I repeated m y question. On e o f the younger wome n in the room explaine d t o me that sh e was cuttin g the child's mouth s o that th e chil d woul d tal k properly. I still did no t understan d an d aske d whether thi s was done fo r ever y child. "No, " she continued , "onl y t o children whos e tongu e is attached b y a membrane t o the floor o f th e mouth i n such a way that he canno t stic k hi s tongue out . I f this lower membrane i s not cut , the child wil l not tal k well. " By now th e woma n had stoppe d cuttin g and wa s pouring oliv e oil on th e cu t inside th e mouth . Th e nail scissor s were on th e carpet a t her side . During thi s oper ation, excep t fo r acknowledgin g m y presence , the mother sa t expressionless nex t t o her child . Finally, th e chil d stoppe d cryin g an d Nura , th e mother, too k hi m i n he r arm s an d bega n t o anoint hi s forehead wit h saffron . Th e woma n

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who ha d operate d o n th e chil d seeme d unhapp y at the results, mumblin g tha t ther e was stil l some membrane lef t t o be cut. Someon e i n th e room aske d n o on e i n particular whethe r th e child woul d b e seen b y a doctor, a questio n probably induce d b y my presence. N o one an swered. Eithe r anothe r attemp t wil l be made t o cut th e child' s membrane whe n th e mothe r an d the practitioner ar e alone, withou t a foreigne r watching, o r the child will be taken t o a hospita l for what appear s t o be very minor surgery . I describ e thi s inciden t i n detai l becaus e i t indi cates th e socia l contex t i n whic h traditiona l medicin e is practiced, a subject discusse d late r in greater detail . I introduce th e subjec t her e a s a n exampl e o f a socia l situation tha t wa s perceive d a s potentiall y ver y vol atile. Sinc e I was loosel y associate d wit h school s an d hospitals, place s wher e Omani s i n th e interio r ar e most likel y t o com e int o contac t wit h foreigners , i t was expecte d tha t I woul d automaticall y criticiz e ac cepted loca l medicine . I was assume d no t t o approv e o f wha t wa s goin g on. Th e strai n wa s onl y somewha t ease d b y my effor t to kee p m y question s a s neutra l a s possibl e an d t o limit mysel f t o knowin g wha t wa s wron g wit h th e child an d wha t wa s being done . Onc e i t became clea r that I was not going to interrupt th e operation, a third person, mor e disengage d tha n th e mothe r an d th e medical practitioner , answere d m y questions . Sinc e I was insisting o n receiving an answer, someon e ha d t o

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respond t o ensure that , a s a guest, m y feelings woul d not b e hurt . The behavio r o f th e mothe r i s wort h noting . Sh e sat rigi d an d impassiv e whil e he r chil d screame d i n pain an d too k grea t car e no t t o displa y he r ow n emo tions. Th e dividin g lin e betwee n publi c an d privat e comportment ca n b e ver y thin . A gues t wh o i s no t a member o f th e famil y cluste r ma y sho w u p a t an y time, an d i t woul d b e mos t imprope r fo r suc h guest s to witness a n emotiona l outburst , eve n i n th e contex t of mino r surgery . Onc e th e operatio n wa s over , how ever, th e mothe r too k th e child , rocke d him , an d painted hi s forehead wit h saffron—al l sign s o f love. Ideas o f th e Perso n An individual' s wil l i s respecte d i n principle . Ther e appear t o b e fe w sanction s fo r doin g wron g o r fo r behaving differentl y fro m others , althoug h suc h con duct rarel y occurs . Peopl e d o no t repriman d other s openly and indee d see k t o avoid witnessin g imprope r conduct. Joking , especiall y amon g younge r women , silence, an d look s o f disapprova l ar e th e onl y sanc tions I witnessed . I n actuality , th e ver y indirectnes s with whic h conflic t i s deal t wit h an d th e grea t car e with whic h everyon e trie s t o maintai n a surfac e ami ability magnif y ever y smal l detai l o f socia l interactio n and rende r i t significant . Th e knowledg e tha t ever y detail o f sociabilit y i s scrutinize d curtail s th e action s of individual s an d oblige s person s t o conform jus t a s

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effectively a s mor e direc t sanction s do . No t t o visi t certain household s fo r a few day s o r not t o sit next t o certain person s i s rea d immediatel y a s a signa l tha t something i s amiss . Within th e limit s circumscribe d b y propriety , in dividuals sh y awa y fro m a n ope n expressio n o f thei r feelings. A s i s no t s o i n othe r Middl e Easter n coun tries, women' s hand s remai n motionles s i n thei r lap s while they converse and ther e is very little touching of other persons . Th e kissin g o f othe r adul t wome n o n the cheek s i s rare . February 7 . Karima, daughte r o f Shayk h Ibrahim, ha s move d t o Muscat with he r hus band, he r child , an d a n olde r unmarrie d siste r of her husband . Thre e weeks after th e move, sh e returned t o Hamra fo r a brief visit . Whe n th e ca r carrying he r showe d u p aroun d 5 P.M., ther e wa s a sti r of excitement i n the gues t roo m abov e where w e were sitting . A few younge r girl s sai d the nam e o f Karima's two-year-ol d son . H e di d not com e with hi s mother. Becaus e he was sick , he was left i n Muscat wit h hi s aunt. Whe n Ka rima entere d th e room, I was struck by th e extreme formalit y o f her greeting s t o her mother , sisters, an d sisters-in-law . Ther e was no kissin g or hugging. Everyon e stoo d up , and Karim a for mally wen t aroun d th e room , shakin g hands , although I was the onl y outside r present . Sh e then sa t down an d wa s served coffee , dates , an d fruits lik e a guest o f honor. Onl y the n di d th e

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formal etiquett e relax . Sh e began t o talk abou t her apartment i n Muscat, luxuriou s by Hamr a standards, an d abou t he r aunt' s visit t o her i n the cit y to see a dentist. B y then i t was close t o sunset, th e en d o f visiting tim e for neighbors ; s o I left . March 11 . "Yo u do very little kissing," I said t o a group o f women a t Shaykh Ibrahim's . "Wh y i s that? D o you eve r kiss your mother o r your sis ters?" Everyone laughe d a great dea l at my question. Someon e replie d that , a s adults, the y do not kiss other s becaus e peopl e woul d laug h a t them. Fatim a volunteered tha t the y migh t kis s the han d o f their mothe r o r their siste r if the y had no t see n eac h othe r fo r a long time. I replied that the y ha d no t don e s o when thei r siste r Karima cam e on a visit from Muscat . "True, " sh e answered. "W e don't d o much kissing. " Both shaykhl y an d nonshaykhl y wome n cop e with emotional situation s throug h formality . O n som e emotionally charge d occasions , women' s bodie s wil l visibly stiffe n i n a n attemp t t o spea k th e appropriat e conventional word s withou t showin g persona l feel ings, whether th e occasion is one of happiness o r sad ness at seeing a person leave. The rigidness of postur e lasts fo r onl y a fe w minutes , jus t lon g enoug h fo r emotions t o be checked. The n th e atmosphere relaxe s considerably. Self-contro l i s also expected o f a woman if he r chil d die s soo n afte r birth . Afte r all , th e lif e o r

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death o f a child is , like everything else , a n expressio n of God's will. The woman continues to receive visitors as if nothing ha d happened . In dres s a s i n emotions , Oman i wome n cove r themselves completel y a t al l times . Everyon e alway s wears a head shaw l excep t fo r a fe w younge r wome n who allo w i t t o sli p fro m thei r head s t o thei r shoul ders at home. The public bath (hammam) so beloved b y women i n Morocco, whic h I have described t o Oman i women, i s considere d t o b e shocking , becaus e i t in volves women seein g each othe r in a state of undress . Similarly, th e wearin g o f a miniskir t unde r a blac k 'abaya, which I saw in Iraq and Iran in the late 1960s, is unthinkable i n inner Oman . Th e laysu o r thicker hea d shawl i s neve r take n of f o n visits . Onc e whe n I wa s alone with Badriyya, I took off my head shaw l to wrap it aroun d m y daughter , wh o wa s cold . Badriyy a sai d nothing directl y t o me, bu t th e sigh t o f m y bare hea d and m y short-sleeve d blouse , whic h th e shaw l ha d covered, mad e her s o visibly uncomfortable tha t I was careful neve r t o remove i t again . Clothes ar e an extensio n o f the body, a n observa tion als o mad e b y Wika n (1982 : 106 ) an d Kanafan i (1983: 70) , wh o describ e ho w th e fac e mas k (burqu') worn b y wome n i n th e coasta l area s o f th e Ara b Gul f is simultaneousl y perceive d a s a beautifyin g devic e and a s a n integra l par t o f a woman' s self . I n Hamra , clothes are washed daily , just as the body, and often a t the same time. Men also wash thei r own clothes regu larly. Subtl e variation s i n clothe s allo w fo r som e indi rect expressio n o f persona l feelings . A woma n wh o

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continues t o mour n a love d on e after th e officia l mourning period end s can choose to wear simple, un adorned clothes . Hea d veil s ar e ofte n pulle d ove r th e face i f a woman fear s sh e wil l lose control of her emo tions. Personal feeling s ar e ofte n expresse d obliquel y through joking . October 19 . Shaykha ha s been marrie d fo r tw o years an d Muz a fo r a year an d a half. Neithe r woman ha s children. Muza , age d fifteen , sai d that if she had n o childre n b y the tim e sh e wa s twenty, he r husban d woul d tak e a second wife . Shaykha, wh o wa s seventeen, laughe d an d agreed. Al l this was said i n a light, jokin g man ner, an d I am no t sur e ho w t o interpret i t yet. "Has your husban d tol d yo u this? " I asked Muza. "Yes, " she answered, "bu t h e wa s onl y joking." "D o you wan t children? " I asked the m both. "No t yet," Muz a answered , "bu t ou r hus bands wan t them. " This exchang e too k plac e no t lon g afte r I had ar rived i n Hamra . B y the tim e I left, bot h wome n wer e being massage d regularl y fo r infertility . Member s o f their famil y cluste r persuade d the m t o hav e thes e treatments. Discussin g th e highl y volatil e matte r o f children i n a humorou s manne r wa s th e onl y wa y i n which the y coul d expres s concer n fo r thei r infertility , an extremel y seriou s conditio n i n Hamra . Possibl e marriage partners , divorce , an d pregnanc y ar e othe r topics discusse d i n a similar manner .

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Young women ten d t o tal k o f relation s wit h thei r husbands i n a jokin g manne r tha t emphasize s sex . This i s no t becaus e the y perceiv e thei r tie s t o thei r husbands a s primaril y sexua l i n nature . Rather , i t i s because i t i s imprope r t o tal k i n publi c abou t tie s o f friendship betwee n a ma n an d a woman eve n i f the y are husban d an d wife , althoug h suc h tie s ofte n exis t between spouses . Bot h propriet y an d th e fea r o f jok ing, a form o f socia l control , restric t discussio n o f th e opposite se x and determin e th e styl e of these conver sations. A woman's statu s significantl y affect s he r styl e of comportment. I n shaykhly households, young women tease on e anothe r abou t thei r husbands . Ther e wer e giggles whe n I wa s onc e show n th e bedroo m an d Western-style be d o f on e o f them . The y jok e abou t how happ y som e o f the m ar e o n Thursda y evening s when thei r husband s arriv e fro m th e capital . A s women grow older, suc h joking ceases, principally because of the high socia l rank o f many o f the husband s and the perceived inappropriateness of these shaykhl y men becoming th e object o f sexual joking. Among nonshaykhl y women , spontaneou s an d casual sexua l joking i s more likel y t o continue regard less o f age , a t leas t i n informa l coffee-drinkin g ses sions amon g clos e neighbors . Som e women o f cours e feel mor e comfortabl e wit h suc h humo r tha n other s do. January 30 . I was sipping coffe e wit h Jukha, he r daughter, th e wives of her tw o brothers, an d

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Nasra. Someon e sai d tha t tomorro w wa s th e Prophet's birthday. Nasr a laughingl y sai d tha t all of them wer e going t o make love tonight, be cause it was a good nigh t t o conceive a child. Sh e said t o me, "Tel l your husband! " The y all agree d that the y were goin g t o be intimate wit h thei r husbands tha t night , excep t fo r on e woma n whose husban d wa s away and anothe r wh o sai d her husban d di d no t wish t o make love to he r because sh e ha d n o teeth . Everyon e giggled . Someone laughe d an d sai d tha t sh e could bu y false teet h i n th e Matra h market . Someon e els e said tha t th e irrigatio n cana l woul d b e dirt y tonight becaus e everyon e woul d b e washing i n it after havin g made love. On e woma n the n sai d that sh e use d th e men's washhous e nex t to he r house togethe r wit h he r husban d i n the middl e of th e nigh t becaus e n o on e els e would b e around. The n sh e sai d t o me, "Yo u can use it with you r husband, too. " In th e sam e way , shaykhl y wome n behav e i n th e stylized manne r induce d b y khaja l i n th e presenc e of thei r mal e relative s muc h mor e ofte n tha n non shay khly women . January 11 . Shaykh Ibrahi m walke d int o th e room wher e som e o f th e women o f his house hold an d I were sitting . H e sa t down onl y a shor t distance fro m us . As soon a s he arrived, al l conversation stopped . Shawl s were straight -

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ened, tunic s were pulled down , an d backs wer e straightened. I was struck by this extreme reaction because, excep t fo r me , thi s was an informa l gathering wit h onl y the shaykh' s wife, hi s daughters, an d on e daughter-in-la w present . H e was in an unusuall y jovia l mood an d sai d thing s that made all the women laugh . When the y di d so, the y tilte d thei r head s t o the sid e s o as not t o be looking directl y a t him an d giggle d nervousl y with thei r hand s read y t o cover their mouths . The shaykh tol d m e I had a great deal of merc y to be raising an orphan . The n h e encouraged u s to sit in the sunligh t wher e i t was warmer an d admonished a young girl whose head wa s un covered, sayin g tha t it was too cold t o go bareheaded. Afte r drinkin g coffee , h e left . A simila r reserv e occur s whe n younge r brother s and husband s pa y brie f courtes y call s o n thei r aunt s and female in-law s when the y return fro m th e capital. In thes e shor t meetings , th e youn g me n ac t a s un comfortable a s th e women . I n contrast , nonshaykhl y women d o not appear demonstrabl y il l at ease if thei r husband, father , o r a brother enters unexpectedly int o the room where the y ar e sitting. They exchange a few words wit h him , perhap s takin g somethin g h e ha s brought the m fro m th e market . Afte r a brie f no d to ward whateve r wome n visitor s happe n t o be present , the ma n take s hi s leav e an d sit s in a sid e roo m unti l everyone leaves . Women recogniz e thes e difference s i n style s o f comportment, althoug h the y d o not attribut e the m t o

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status. The y simpl y sa y tha t som e person s sho w kha jal mor e ofte n tha n others . Thi s acknowledgmen t does no t impl y tha t thos e wh o sho w mor e khaja l ar e somehow mor e respectable . Makin g joke s o r simpl y avoiding th e issu e ma y b e use d t o achiev e privac y o r propriety, o r t o dampe n situation s o f potentia l con flict. A woman's status , her mood, an d he r perceptio n of the particular social situation all play a role in determining ho w sh e behaves. 2 A sens e o f trus t i n th e predictabl e comportmen t of other s i n th e communit y i s a reassurin g aspec t o f oasis life . Onc e I aske d Nasr a whethe r sh e ha d tol d her husband wher e w e were going to visit. Sh e shoo k her head negatively . The n sh e smiled an d added , "H e knows," meanin g tha t h e kne w tha t sh e wa s makin g one o f her regula r socia l call s and tha t h e truste d her . When Asil a tol d me in a deadpan wa y that no one di d bad thing s i n Hamra , sh e wa s alludin g t o th e wide spread sens e o f trus t tha t i s an essentia l par t o f com munity lif e i n inner Oman . Oasis societ y i s characterize d b y marke d socia l inequality an d seriou s tension s amon g som e catego ries o f people . Nonetheless , thes e interna l division s are overridden b y the share d perceptio n tha t the peo ple o f Hamr a for m par t o f on e trib e an d on e commu nity, separat e fro m others . I t i s th e reaso n wh y m y neighbors merel y pushe d a bol t throug h thei r doo r before leavin g their homes, a token way of preventin g intrusions sinc e anyon e coul d pus h th e doo r open . A shared sens e o f communit y i s also manifeste d i n th e continued existenc e o f women' s forma l visitin g net works. Thi s sense o f trus t i n the comportmen t o f oth -

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ers in th e community give s women considerabl e free dom withi n th e oasis—freedo m t o organiz e thei r workday an d thei r visitin g a s the y se e fit . Paradox ically, the people of Hamra plac e a high value on individual responsibility and noninterference i n the affair s of others. At the same time, the range of comportmen t in public , an d eve n withi n th e househol d an d famil y cluster, i s sharpl y limite d b y a stric t cod e o f conduc t that everyon e i s assume d t o kno w an d accept . Th e consequent necessit y fo r indirectnes s i n dealin g wit h others magnifie s th e mos t minut e detail s o f socia l in teraction. NOTES 1. A similar rol e ma y b e playe d b y youn g men . Se e Gilsena n (1982:120-23) fo r th e way s youn g me n i n a Lebanese villag e shar e information o n male-femal e relation s an d marriage . 2. Fo r a discussio n o f th e stylize d communicatio n betwee n some Afghan i me n an d wome n whe n the y mee t i n public , se e Anderson (1982) .

5.

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OT all neighbors ar e kin. Som e unrelated neigh bors form clos e bonds of friendship an d visit one another a s clos e famil y members . Nonetheless , mos t of th e inhabitant s o f Hamr a sa y tha t developin g clos e ties wit h unrelate d neighbor s i s decidedl y les s desir able tha n th e idea l o f formin g clos e tie s withi n th e family cluste r alone . Badriyy a fel t th e nee d t o justify , at least t o me, Rashida' s frequen t informa l visiting . "Rashida come s t o visit u s ofte n becaus e sh e ha s no children an d fe w family members . He r parents ar e dead, an d she ha s jus t on e brother . He r husband' s parent s ar e als o dead, an d h e ha s on e brothe r wh o doe s no t liv e wit h them." The rol e o f neighbo r i s ambiguous . The y ca n b e helpful an d even indispensable whe n help or advice is needed an d n o family membe r lives close by. They are potential ki n sinc e marriag e int o a "known " house hold i s ver y important . Ye t neighborl y tie s ar e pre -

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carious becaus e thei r initia l bas e i s solel y physica l propinquity. Onc e a househol d move s away , a phe nomenon increasingl y commo n i n th e post-197 0 era , women ceas e t o maintai n informa l visitin g tie s wit h former neighbors . I n addition, whil e women wh o ar e neighbors tr y t o maintai n friendl y relation s wit h on e another, opportunitie s fo r quarrel s abound . Finally , not al l neighborin g household s ar e equa l i n status . Although sligh t difference s i n statu s ca n b e se t asid e in som e socia l contexts , th e informalit y an d implici t equality expecte d i n interaction amon g neighbor s ca n be extremely difficul t t o maintain i f status distinction s are to o pronounced . Shaykhly wome n ar e rarel y informa l wit h per sons outside thei r family cluste r because o f their hig h status an d th e fac t tha t a larg e numbe r o f shaykhl y households ar e situate d clos e t o on e another . Non shaykhly person s wh o ar e immediat e neighbor s o f shaykhly household s ten d t o adop t activ e clien t ties , performing informa l service s fo r th e shaykhl y house holds an d i n tur n receivin g assistanc e o f on e for m o r another. Th e maintenanc e o f clien t ties , jus t a s thos e of family cluste r and neighbor , take s the form o f dail y visiting an d coffe e drinking . Som e wome n o f clien t status make formal visiting rounds with their shaykhl y neighbors. However , person s wh o ar e no t client s o f shaykhly household s ar e i n a n awkwar d position . They d o no t mak e join t visit s wit h thei r shaykhl y neighbors les t the y compromis e themselve s a s bein g of client status . Because o f my own anomalou s rol e in Hamra, I was th e onl y perso n ther e wh o after a fe w

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weeks coul d informall y visi t shaykhl y house s o n a n equal footin g withou t bein g mysel f o f shaykhl y de scent. During th e winte r som e adolescent s an d youn g married wome n o f shaykhl y descen t si t dail y i n a nar row sid e pat h wit h othe r youn g neighbors , som e o f whom ar e daughter s o f clients . Togethe r the y watc h over younge r brother s an d sisters . Thi s kin d o f infor mal sittin g togethe r cease s whe n the y ar e older . I t i s significant tha t th e informa l settin g o f thes e gather ings an d th e yout h o f th e participant s lea d t o antago nisms bein g ver y thinl y disguised . December 8 . I was sittin g wit h th e grou p o f young girl s an d marrie d wome n babysittin g i n a side passagewa y whe n Ibtisam a arrived , carry ing he r younges t child . Sh e i s a young woma n o f slave descent . O n seein g me , sh e joine d th e group. On e youn g woma n turne d t o m e an d asked, "Miryam , wh o ha s th e pretties t child ? This woma n [sh e pointe d t o Ibtisama , wh o i s clearly o f Africa n origin ] o r thi s woma n [sh e pointed t o a youn g shaykhl y woma n wit h a ver y white-skinned chil d o f abou t th e sam e age]? " "What a question!" I answered. "Al l babie s ar e beautiful." M y answe r please d Ibtisam a s o muc h that sh e turne d t o m e wit h a gri n o f triump h an d invited m e fo r coffe e a t he r house . I accepte d and walke d awa y wit h Ibtisam a ami d dea d si lence.

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February 4 . I met agai n wit h th e circle of youn g women wh o were carin g for th e smal l childre n in th e passageway . Someon e ha d prepare d a dish o f marsa, a liquid sauc e similar t o sala d dressing int o which gree n onion s wer e dippe d after foldin g ove r the ste m severa l times. Th e green onion s wer e first presente d i n a dish, bu t there wa s so much laughing , joking, an d push ing to get at the sauc e that th e gree n onion s soo n scattered al l over the ground . Tharaya , a youn g girl of shaykhly descent , turne d towar d m e an d said, " I don't lik e green onions, " and sh e refused t o eat from th e dish . Ibtisam a cam e alon g just the n an d greete d m e cheerfully. Sh e mad e room fo r hersel f withi n th e circle and bega n t o eat, complainin g tha t ther e wa s dirt in th e onions, whic h indee d ther e was . Tharaya an d another youn g gir l said nothing , bu t the y frowned slightl y at Ibtisama. Agai n silence . The secon d inciden t i s interesting fo r th e obliqu e manner i n whic h thes e wome n expresse d thei r statu s consciousness an d sens e of disapproval. Tharay a ma y not have cared fo r gree n onions, but sh e was also separating hersel f fro m wha t sh e perceive d a s extremel y poor an d unshaykhl y manners . Sh e wa s als o furiou s at Ibtisama fo r joining th e grou p i n such a n ope n an d aggressive manner , usin g her ti e with me , and fo r he r criticism o f th e food , whic h implie d indirectl y tha t she, Tharaya , o r someon e els e in the group wa s capa ble of preparing and eatin g dirty food. Ye t disapproval of her was expressed b y no more than a muted glance .

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Figure 8. "Durin g th e winter, som e adolescents an d youn g marrie d women of shaykhly descent sit daily i n a narrow sid e path with othe r youn g neighbors . . . ." Photograp h b y Birgitt e Grue.

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Clusters Here I want briefl y t o sketc h th e tie s tha t Salm a an d Nasra hav e wit h thei r neighbor s i n orde r t o pinpoin t more precisel y th e distinctiv e characteristic s o f suc h ties an d sho w ho w peopl e cop e wit h subtl e differ ences i n status . Rashid a i s i n he r thirtie s an d child less. He r husban d work s locall y fo r on e o f th e minis tries. The y liv e a t th e edg e o f th e orchar d i n a mud brick house . A s a midwife , Rashid a assiste d i n th e births o f Salma' s an d Nasra' s younges t children . I of ten sa w her cradlin g the infants i n her arm s while th e two mothers sa w to household tasks . She helps Salm a wash rose petals in the falaj. Becaus e Salma and Nasr a have a large r an d busie r household , Rashid a visit s them mor e ofte n tha n Salm a an d Nasr a visi t her . Th e three wome n ofte n g o togethe r o n forma l visit s t o people no t relate d t o them . B y the en d o f m y sta y i n Hamra, th e tw o household s wer e sharin g th e us e o f an electri c generato r tha t provide d the m wit h ligh t i n the evening. Whe n Rashida' s husband goe s out in th e evening, she spends the time at Nasra's and Salma's in order no t t o be alone. I n fact , sh e is the onl y exampl e of which I am awar e o f a nonrelated woma n visitin g a household durin g th e evenin g whe n husban d an d wife ar e together . Jukha, another neighbor, cam e to Hamra with he r husband an d chil d fro m a neighborin g villag e abou t fifteen year s ago . A widow an d quit e poor , sh e live s with he r marrie d daughter , he r daughter' s children , and a young so n in a small house next to the road tha t

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borders th e orchard . Adjacen t t o he r hous e ar e thos e of he r tw o brother s an d thei r families . Jukh a come s during th e summe r month s t o hel p Nasr a an d Salm a dry date s an d limes . Durin g th e winte r Nasra' s fou r goats pastur e nex t t o Jukha's house , an d Jukh a keep s an eye on the animals. Nasra and Badriyy a sometime s give her mone y an d gift s o f frui t fo r he r services , bu t payment i s always discree t an d th e wome n neve r de scribe thei r relationshi p i n term s o f work . A friend ship ha s develope d amon g Nasra , Jukha , Jukha' s daughter, an d Jukha' s tw o sisters-in-law . Durin g th e cool winte r month s Nasr a ofte n bring s a thermo s o f coffee an d a dish o f dates t o Jukha's house and share s them wit h th e fou r women , wh o si t o n a mat in fron t of the house. On e of Jukha's sisters-in-law ha d a yearold mentall y retarde d chil d wh o wa s i n poo r health . Nasra helpe d th e woma n se e someon e t o hav e th e child branded , a for m o f traditiona l medicin e tha t i s still used for serious illness in Omani villages. Despit e their close ties, Jukha neve r makes formal visit s in th e community wit h Nasr a because o f thei r difference s i n status. A few week s after m y arriva l in Hamra, I became an accepte d membe r o f th e visitin g grou p o f Nasra , Salma, an d Rashida . Nasra' s an d Salma' s childre n played togethe r constantl y wit h m y daughter , an d this serve d t o dra w u s together . A n Egyptia n woma n who live d behin d ou r hous e wit h he r husban d an d child fo r a fe w week s als o visite d Salm a an d Nasr a regularly, although sh e did not accompany us on visiting round s i n th e community . Significantly , Salm a

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and Nasr a d o no t hav e informa l neighborl y tie s wit h the shaykhl y wome n wh o use d th e par t o f our hous e adjacent t o our ow n befor e th e arrival of the Egyptia n family an d afte r thei r departure . Visitin g shaykhl y households occur s onl y o n forma l occasions , suc h a s births, deaths , an d seriou s illnesses . No on e explicitl y call s thei r neighbor s "friends, " although i t is clear that som e neighbors develo p clos e ties o f friendship . Neighbor s instea d describ e thei r relationships wit h on e anothe r i n term s o f need— a need fo r companionship , fo r example , o n th e par t o f Rashida, wh o ha s n o childre n an d littl e family. Whe n I onc e aske d Nasr a wh y sh e wa s visitin g Jukh a a s often a s ever y afternoo n a t on e point , sh e answere d unconvincingly tha t sh e wen t t o su n herself . Nasra' s courtyard wa s indee d shade d an d coo l i n th e winter . What sh e di d no t wan t t o say , o r coul d not , wa s tha t perhaps she was enjoying th e company of these neighbors more than she did that of her sister-in-law, Salma , who tende d t o b e withdrawn . On e mus t provid e a specific reaso n fo r visitin g neighbor s a t least when a n outsider lik e me asks; this is not the case for member s of one's own famil y cluster . Neighborly tie s extend onl y to households imme diately next to one another so that, while there is some overlap, cluster s o f neighbor s ar e fairl y distinct . A woman canno t choos e to build clos e ties with a neighbor farther u p the road, skippin g the women of households closer to her own house. Wikan (1982:139) notes a similar pattern fo r th e coastal tow n o f Suhar. Neigh borliness i s base d strictl y o n residentia l proximit y rather tha n o n "persona l evaluations, " although ther e

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is some room for maneuver. No t all women of a household visi t thei r neighbor s wit h equa l frequency . Thu s Salma visite d Jukh a muc h les s often tha n di d Nasra . February 8 . This afternoon, a Friday, a n olde r woman wh o i s related t o Rashida cam e to visit at Nasra's. Sh e was full o f news about peopl e I did not know. Anothe r neighbor , wh o lives farthe r up th e road, droppe d i n for coffe e an d the n quickly left, carryin g a bottle of rose water sh e bought fro m Salma . N o money wa s exchanged . Nasra the n aske d m e if I would joi n he r o n a visit t o Jukha's. I accepted, an d Badriyy a sai d that sh e migh t joi n u s later. Badriyya' s legs wer e hurting. S o she limite d he r visit s to necessar y ones. Afte r Nasr a ha d left , I asked Salm a wh y she never seeme d t o accompany u s t o Jukha's. She gave a quiet, embarrasse d laug h an d di d no t answer. I asked agai n a little later, an d sh e an swered tha t sh e wasn't angr y a t Jukha bu t tha t she ha d visite d he r yesterday . [Thi s was not th e case. I had see n Nasr a returnin g hom e alon e from Jukha' s th e day before.] Sh e then sai d t o me, "Tak e Sa'id [he r eight-month-ol d son] . Go to Jukha's with him . I will join you later. " I took the child , wh o mad e n o protes t becaus e I had often hel d him , an d I went. Salm a neve r joine d us. Whe n I returned a n hou r later , I found he r sewing. My question place d Salm a i n a dilemma, compel ling her to answer me at least in a roundabout way . On

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the one hand, i t was a serious matter t o say in Hamr a that a certai n hous e wa s "no t visited/ ' Suc h a state ment woul d b e interprete d a s anger o r ope n fightin g between th e households , a situatio n tha t peopl e see k to avoid a t all costs . Salma' s immediat e respons e wa s to assure m e tha t sh e wa s not angr y a t Jukha. O n th e other hand , Salm a ma y hav e bee n seekin g t o avoi d Nasra, o r sh e ma y hav e fel t tha t ther e wa s to o muc h status differenc e betwee n hersel f an d Jukh a t o visi t often. Sh e may simply have preferred t o be alone for a few hour s ever y day . Thi s woul d hav e bee n anothe r reason tha t woul d no t b e confide d t o anyon e else . Since Salma an d I were close and ou r childre n playe d together frequently, sh e decided to give me the care of her younges t so n fo r a n hour , a sig n o f grea t trus t i n Oman, s o tha t I woul d no t b e hur t b y he r obliqu e answer t o m y question , an d t o hav e th e chil d visi t Jukha i n he r place . I neve r foun d ou t exactl y wh y Salma appeare d t o avoi d thes e afternoo n visit s t o Jukha. Afterward , perhap s a s a direc t resul t o f m y unintentionally awkwar d question , sh e joine d u s more often . Salma an d Nasr a ha d som e latitud e i n determin ing who were their neighbors because their house wa s in th e orchards , wher e housin g i s dispersed . I n on e direction, thei r hous e i s separate d fro m th e nex t house b y severa l smal l fields , s o tha t i t i s beyon d seeing an d hearin g range . Fo r months, wome n o f th e two household s limite d thei r interactio n t o cordia l greetings whe n the y passe d on e anothe r alon g th e

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narrow orchar d paths . Finally , jus t befor e m y depar ture fro m Hamra , the y exchange d visit s t o whic h Rashida an d I were also invited. Th e food offere d wa s elaborate sinc e the two households di d no t know eac h other wel l an d th e atmospher e wa s on e o f cordia l for mality. I n private , I aske d Nasr a severa l time s wh y these exchange s too k place , an d sh e denie d ther e wa s any reason beyond ordinar y hospitality . I left th e oasi s shortly afte r thes e visits , an d s o I neve r learne d th e reasons behind them . Still, these visits show how people ca n manipulat e an d redefin e th e boundarie s o f neighborhood clusters . On e possibl e reaso n fo r th e decision o f th e tw o house s t o initiat e close r tie s wa s the fac t tha t bot h wer e fairl y prosperou s an d non shaykhly i n status . A neighbor makin g a n unexpecte d arriva l usuall y brings a thermos of coffee an d a dish of dates with her . The gestur e implie s tha t n o specia l preparatio n nee d be made fo r her . Onc e a visit begins, on e o r two othe r neighbors, includin g me , ma y b e calle d i n t o partici pate i f the y ar e know n t o hav e informa l tie s wit h th e household. Th e coffee an d date s brought b y the gues t are firs t served , followe d b y thos e o f th e hos t house hold. Conversatio n i s extremely relaxe d whe n wome n know on e anothe r wel l an d ther e ar e n o wid e dis crepancies o f status. Som e days there is a great deal of joking, ofte n abou t husband s an d sex . Occasionall y the invitation i s for a specific purpose , suc h as visiting someone wh o i s sic k o r meetin g a woma n wh o sell s cloth.

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February 26 . I went t o my neighbors s o tha t Amal could pla y with thei r children . I was greeted warmly . Afte r coffe e an d dates , Nasr a and Salm a sai d tha t the y were goin g to Jukha's. She was ill with a n absces s on he r thigh . We took alon g a thermos o f coffee an d som e dates . Jukha's daughte r wa s there a s usual, an d th e wives of Jukha's two brothers joined us . The n Rashida arrive d wit h he r coffe e an d dates , fol lowed b y Asim a an d he r mother , wome n o f a client triba l grou p wh o live d nex t door t o Jukha, and thre e othe r neighbor s fro m house s farthe r up th e road . Thi s was an unusuall y larg e neigh borly gatherin g becaus e Jukha wa s ailing . Seating was informal, bu t Jukha wa s at the cen ter. At least fiv e differen t dishe s o f dates wer e offered wit h coffee . Th e date s were first serve d to Badriyya an d t o Asima's mothe r becaus e the y were the oldest . Ther e wa s a lot of joking abou t a neighbor wh o was takin g a second wif e an d about th e amoun t o f the bridewealth. Jus t the n the ma n wa s working onl y a few yards away , constructing a n extr a roo m fo r a house. Ther e was additional whisperin g an d gigglin g at th e thought tha t h e migh t hav e heard wha t wa s being said. On e neighbo r talke d t o Nasra abou t her child , wh o ha d jus t bee n branded . W e also talked abou t clothes , perhap s becaus e th e women wer e expectin g th e Baluch i cloth mer chant t o drive by soon . Th e coffee-drinkin g session ende d whe n th e Baluchi's truck arrive d and th e women stoppe d hi m o n th e road s o the y

245 could loo k at his fabrics. Th e women marvele d a t the colors as they touche d th e bright, syntheti c fabrics. Asim a bough t a roll of cloth, whic h sh e intends t o cut up an d sel l piecemeal. Ther e wa s no bargaining, an d sh e paid th e merchant imme diately i n cash . NEIGHBORS

March 12 . Around 4:3 0 P.M. , Salma , Nasra , an d Rashida knocke d lightl y a t my door an d invite d me t o join the m o n a visit to a neighborin g woman wh o ha d jus t been hi t by a car earlie r that da y in Bahla . W e found th e elderly woma n lying down wit h a heavy blanket ove r her i n spite o f the heat . I t was unclear wha t wa s wron g with her . Soo n othe r wome n arrive d an d fille d up th e room . Date s and a sesame di p wer e of fered wit h th e coffee , an d juic e was brought ou t for th e children . Incens e wa s burned an d per fume wa s offered. S o the conditio n o f th e injured woma n mus t no t hav e been ver y serious . Some smal l bottles o f perfume fo r sal e wer e passed aroun d an d wer e sniffe d a great deal , although n o one bought any . W e talked mostl y about th e accident . March 14 . I went t o Rashida's fo r coffe e wit h Nasra, Salma , an d Badriyya , a s well as one of their olde r relative s who i s deaf. It was my firs t time in Rashida's house. O f course we brough t dates an d a thermos o f coffee wit h us . Then w e had Rashida' s coffee , dates , an d tinne d pineap ple. Rashid a burne d variou s kind s o f incense. I

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had a cold an d wa s told t o breathe som e of th e smoke deeply . Afterwar d w e painted ourselve s with saffro n dilute d wit h a little water. I was given to o much saffro n an d aske d Nasr a wha t t o do with th e rest, whic h wa s in my hand. Sh e said, "Wip e it on your clothe s so that you smel l good whe n yo u slee p with you r husban d tonight."

Gossip There i s often a n undercurren t o f gossi p i n conversa tion among close neighbors. Gossi p has the attractiveness o f th e forbidden , fo r i n gossi p a woma n come s close to invading th e privacy o f another perso n o r an other famil y cluster . Whe n i t occurs , i t take s plac e only amon g thos e fe w neighbor s wh o ca n b e truste d not t o repea t conversation s an d reinforce s th e inti macy of socia l ties . February 23 . The talk this morning a s I was sipping coffee wit h Rashida , Salma , Nasra , an d Badriyya concerne d th e hig h cemen t wal l tha t was being built aroun d ou r garden . I did no t know th e reasons fo r buildin g th e wall, but on e of the shaykh' s wives onc e complained t o m e that Salma' s child at e fruits of f thei r trees — something I had neve r see n the child do . Yesterday Zayna showe d m e her chicke n coo p behin d our house and complaine d tha t sh e was n o

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longer findin g egg s in it. "D o you kno w wha t has happened t o the eggs?" she asked me . "No," I answered, "bu t I will try t o see if anyon e comes into the garden. " I mentioned Zayna' s problem t o my neighbors thi s morning, an d there wer e exclamation s fro m al l the wome n present. "Ho w coul d yo u kno w about he r eggs? " Badriyya said . "Besides, " Nasra adde d sar castically, "doesn' t sh e kno w tha t chicken s change hom e fro m tim e t o time? We don't kno w about he r eggs , an d yo u don't , either. " Badriyy a complained tha t i n the pas t thei r hen s lai d egg s in Zayna's garden . The y lost the eggs and coul d do nothing abou t it . Conversatio n the n turne d t o Shaykh Ibrahim' s daughter s an d ho w ol d wer e the tw o tha t wer e stil l unmarried. Badriyy a could giv e approximations i n relation t o whe n other peopl e wer e born, bu t no t in years. I was asked whethe r Zayna' s son s eve r used th e room s behind ou r house . "No , n o one is there at night," I answered, "bu t Zayn a come s in th e afternoon t o make ros e wate r and t o sew wit h her husband's mother. " Everyon e wa s inter ested, an d Rashid a added , "Yes , she ha s tw o sewing machine s i n there. " March 5 . I saw Zayna an d a woman helpe r fro m a client triba l grou p walkin g around Rashida' s garden thi s evening. Afte r the y left , I talked t o Rashida ove r th e wal l between ou r houses . Sh e told m e tha t Zayn a ha d bee n lookin g fo r he r

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eggs and ha d foun d tha t her chickens had bee n laying their egg s in her [Rashida's ] garden . Rashida laughed . Ther e was no egg thief afte r all. The teno r o f Salma' s an d Nasra' s relation s wit h their shaykhl y neighbor s wa s ambivalent . I t encom passed a mixture o f curiosity, grudgin g recognitio n of superior status , caution , an d censure . The y wer e fas cinated b y event s i n shaykhl y household s bu t weighed thei r word s carefull y whe n speakin g unles s in th e compan y o f truste d persons . I n such company , they lost their reserve and voiced criticism of shaykhl y actions. I n fact , th e onl y person s I hear d criticize d were persons of shaykhly status , which I took to be an indication o f socia l distance . Fo r th e mos t part , thes e criticisms wer e oblique , usuall y n o mor e tha n a brief exclamation a t some turn o f events or a curt statemen t followed b y a brie f silence . I n a discussio n o f neigh borly gathering s i n a n Irania n village , Wrigh t (1981 : 150) describe s a simila r cautio n amon g wome n wh o avoided direc t comments , whethe r favorabl e o r un favorable, i n discussin g household s wit h whic h the y had direc t and frequen t socia l relations. It was only in talking abou t a more distan t par t o f th e villag e o r an other settlemen t tha t comment s were , thoug h onl y slightly, mor e direct . I n a similar way , th e hig h statu s of shaykhl y person s mad e the m sociall y distan t fro m the nonshaykhl y populatio n an d thu s mor e vulnera ble t o discreet criticis m an d gossip . At the sam e time , their hig h ran k wa s acknowledged an d envied . Whe n

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Badriyya onc e fel l ill , Salm a an d Nasr a wer e ver y pleased a t a n unexpecte d visi t fro m thei r shaykhl y neighbors. Th e promptnes s wit h whic h the y tol d m e of the visit and thei r tone of voice made thei r pleasur e clear.

6.

THE COMMUNITY ". . . it is charming to see the women come in and gree t the compan y assemble d o n th e floor : the y d o no t straighten themselve s betwee n on e greetin g an d th e next, bu t wal k gracefull y i n a stoopin g positio n fro m hand t o han d a s i t reache s u p t o them , trailin g thei r gowns among the teacups which, lik e small coracles in the wake of a steamer, hav e t o do th e best the y can. If the perso n t o b e greete d happen s t o b e absorbe d i n conversation, th e newcomer , stil l stooping , snap s he r fingers a s noisil y a s sh e ca n t o dra w attention , an d having obtaine d he r hand-kiss , move s on . Th e cere mony goe s al l aroun d th e room , unti l th e circl e of th e slaves is reached. " (Stark, 1940: 37-38.)

F

REYA STAR K travele d i n th e Hadhramau t i n th e 1930s and provide s on e o f the few account s by Eu ropean visitor s t o th e Arabia n peninsul a tha t recog nize th e importanc e o f women's visitin g networks . I n inner Oman , women' s tunic s ar e shorte r an d d o no t trail an d ther e i s no finge r snappin g o r han d kissing , but at any formal gathering of women there is the same slow ritua l o f goin g aroun d th e roo m an d greetin g

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everyone individually , th e sam e circle s o f descen dants o f slave s clearl y distinguishe d fro m th e free born, and , fo r women o f lesser status, the same stooping fro m han d t o hand . Thi s practic e o f handshakin g everyone individuall y i s prevalen t a t gathering s o f men o r wome n i n man y part s o f th e Middl e Eas t an d North Africa . Seating orde r i s importan t a t thes e gathering s because i t is a public statemen t o f status . On e sid e of the room , usuall y b y th e windows , i s reserve d fo r women o f higher status , suc h as the elderly women of shaykhly families . Othe r peopl e ar e seate d i n de scending order on either sid e of the women o f highes t status. Ag e and earl y arriva l affec t seatin g t o a certain extent, bu t ther e ar e implici t rule s tha t resul t i n a reshuffling o f seatin g orde r a s ne w person s arrive . A person o f slave origin o r client status , fo r example , n o matter ho w old , neve r sit s directl y nex t t o a shaykhl y woman i n a formal gathering . Even foreigner s ar e assimilate d int o loca l order s of precedence. In the finely calibrate d seatin g pattern s prevalent i n men' s forma l gatherings , m y husban d was invariabl y seate d nex t t o th e triba l shayk h bu t ahead o f the shaykh' s brother, o r just afte r th e shayk h and th e provincia l governor . I f police or army officer s were present , fo r seatin g purpose s h e wa s ranke d above captai n bu t belo w colonel . O n hi s retur n t o Oman in 1982 after a n absence of nearly two years, hi s status was slightl y elevated . There i s neve r an y rushin g t o a specifi c sea t o r area. Women seem t o know immediately wher e t o ori-

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ent themselves . Guest s wh o ar e no t awar e o f th e town's socia l order , suc h a s I was a t first , ar e guide d into a sea t appropriat e t o thei r status . I f a n olde r woman o f a shaykhl y famil y arrive s late , wome n sit ting i n seat s appropriat e fo r th e high-rankin g woma n will stan d o r shif t t o th e sid e t o mak e roo m i n th e appropriate area . Sometime s tw o o r thre e person s must chang e position . Mistakes ar e occasionall y mad e an d subtl e chal lenges t o seatin g order s sometime s occur . Onc e a t a public Quranic reading, a young woman wh o was in a seat intended fo r persons of high statu s did not rise to make way for a n elderl y woma n o f high rank . N o on e said anythin g directl y t o her , bu t th e perso n nex t t o the young woman immediatel y ros e and gav e her sea t to th e newcomer , althoug h sh e wa s hersel f o f hig h status. Ther e wa s a brief discussio n abou t thi s ac t between th e tw o women . Finally , enoug h spac e wa s found fo r bot h wome n t o si t i n th e sam e area . Te n minutes later someone called the young woman away , perhaps intentionally. He r seat was immediately take n by the elderl y shaykhl y woman . November 23 . In a manner appropriat e fo r th e mourning tha t wa s still going on , whil e we wer e talking quietl y a t Shaykh Ibrahim's , a guest ar rived. Sh e was the daughte r o f a client-trib e bidar, a day laborer wh o works in the orchards . Since she had bee n awa y visiting in Rustaq, thi s was her firs t visi t t o the shaykh' s family after th e death o f his son. Sh e circled th e room twice ,

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once awkwardl y squattin g whil e walking, hold ing the hand s o f each family membe r an d cryin g loudly i n a high-pitched tone . The second tim e around, stil l squatting a s she moved, sh e jus t shook hands . Sh e was unsure wha t t o do wit h me and finall y shoo k hand s wit h m e once . Rank a t a larg e forma l gatherin g i s indicate d b y how ne w arrival s ar e greeted . Th e mai n decisio n a person mus t mak e i s whethe r t o stan d u p o r remai n seated whe n greeting . T o make thi s decision , on e ha s to kno w th e nuance s o f loca l statu s an d ho w recen t prior gathering s hav e ranke d participants . Masterin g this etiquett e wit h precisio n wa s alway s difficul t fo r me. Shaykhl y wome n ris e t o gree t on e another ; eve n older women do so for younger ones. Shaykhly women also stan d fo r olde r wome n o f slightl y lesse r status . However, the y remai n seate d t o greet wome n o f ver y low status, n o matter ho w ol d the y are , suc h a s thos e of slav e descent , o r fro m clien t triba l groups , o r fro m the families o f their retainers . There i s n o forma l introductio n o f persons , an d names ar e neve r directl y asked . Wome n ar e expecte d to know wh o i s present; i f the y d o not , the y ca n onl y ask discreetly after th e gathering. Salutation s are brief but personal . Eac h woman say s th e nam e o f a perso n when sh e shake s he r hand , i f sh e know s it . N o on e greets a grou p collectively . Th e perso n bein g greete d replies, "Yo u hav e come. " Th e newcome r the n sit s down an d remain s seate d withou t changin g he r plac e until sh e leaves . A t departure , th e sam e roun d o f

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Figure 9. Men' s guest room. Photograph b y Birgitt e Grue.

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handshaking occurs , wit h th e remainin g person s re plying, "Yo u are leaving/' Claspin g one's left han d o n top o f th e tw o claspe d righ t hand s b y th e perso n o f lesser statu s indicate s a high degre e o f inequalit y be tween th e handshakers . Food serve d a t formal gathering s varies in qualit y and quantit y dependin g upo n th e wealt h o f th e hos t household an d th e statu s o f th e guests ; th e orde r i n which th e food i s served show s little variation. A poor household ma y serv e canne d rathe r tha n fres h fruit , but stil l i t serve s fruit . Excep t fo r extremel y larg e gatherings, whe n tw o dishes may circulate separately , one larg e dis h i s firs t presente d t o th e highest-rank ing person s i n th e room . Th e dis h i s the n circulate d slowly around th e room, together with a small bowl of water fo r rinsin g fingers . Afte r eac h swee t dish , un sweetened coffe e spice d wit h cardamo m i s offered . The smal l cu p i s fille d an d hande d t o th e drinke r a s many time s a s i t i s no t refused . Th e gues t communi cates tha t sh e ha s ha d enoug h b y shakin g th e cu p slightly fro m sid e t o side when sh e return s it . Good manner s requir e tha t onl y on e o r tw o cup s be accepte d a t a tim e an d tha t th e coffe e b e drun k quickly sinc e i t i s serve d thre e o r fou r time s t o al l guests durin g th e cours e o f a visit , an d onl y a fe w cups are circulating. Sometime s ver y swee t te a i s als o offered. I t i s no t necessar y fo r a gues t t o drin k ever y time sh e i s offere d coffee . Afte r a fe w cups , a gues t can refus e subsequen t one s b y saying , " I do no t wan t it." The filled cu p is then offere d t o the woman sittin g next t o her .

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Serving i s ofte n don e b y th e younges t marrie d woman o f th e househol d or , o n forma l occasions , b y descendants o f slaves . A youn g woma n o f shaykhl y descent neve r serve s person s o f ver y lo w rank . Sh e merely place s th e platte r o f foo d an d th e thermo s o f coffee i n fron t o f them , an d the y hel p themselves . After eatin g and drinking, persons of low status sometimes stand an d serv e members of the shaykhly famil y and othe r guest s on e mor e time . If the occasion is a celebration, wome n pain t thei r faces wit h saffro n an d mahaleb . Eac h woman i s given a handfu l o f th e herb s dilute d i n a littl e wate r wit h which sh e paint s he r forehead , he r temples , an d sometimes he r cheeks . Younge r wome n sometime s use a pocke t mirro r t o ensur e th e nea t applicatio n o f the paste . Occasionall y a da b i s place d nex t t o th e nostrils. Th e rich , yellow-orang e colo r o f th e saffro n and th e dar k re d o f th e mahale b ar e considere d t o b e beautiful o n th e skin . Wome n sa y tha t th e smel l o f these herb s i s sexually stimulating . Wome n appl y th e leftover herba l paste s t o th e face s an d ear s o f thei r children. Fac e painting is a highly valued activity , an d some youn g shaykhl y wome n pain t thei r forehead s daily. I t i s ofte n don e a t bot h forma l an d informa l gatherings i f th e wome n involve d ca n affor d it . Th e colors flak e of f th e ski n withi n a fe w hours , an d women ar e carefu l no t t o distur b th e pain t whe n washing themselve s s o tha t i t remain s o n th e ski n a s long a s possible . Onc e Salm a reprimande d m e i n a friendly way for washin g i t off to o quickly . Aromatics als o pla y a n importan t par t i n socia l life. Som e aromatics are dry, groun d herbs , a pinch of

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which i s taken , sniffed , an d the n rubbe d o n one' s clothes. Incens e i s burned o n a charcoal brazier . Eac h woman comes up to the brazier in turn, lift s her tunic, and perfume s he r pantaloons . Again , incens e ca n b e used a t an y gatherin g regardles s o f th e leve l o f for mality, an d wome n ofte n fumigat e thei r children' s clothes wit h it . Finally , a tra y o f perfume s i s brough t out, signalin g that the tim e for departure i s near. Eac h woman take s a da b fro m th e variou s bottle s an d hands i t to her neighbor . Thes e rang e fro m expensiv e French o r India n perfume s t o men' s Vaselin e hai r tonic, whic h i s dabbed o n th e hand s an d face. 1 Gatherings var y i n siz e and formality , bu t al l fol low mor e o r les s th e sam e format . Conversation s re main o n a genera l plane—wh o ha s recentl y give n birth o r ha d a miscarriage , wha t preparation s ar e be ing mad e fo r th e holidays , a ne w embroider y stitc h for pantaloons. Olde r women an d thos e of higher sta tus tend t o dominate the conversations. Other wome n usually remain silen t until they are spoken t o directly. The reason fo r th e gatherin g i s usually obviou s t o th e participants an d i s in an y cas e almos t neve r explicitl y mentioned. Participation i n forma l visitin g indicate s tha t a woman ha s becom e a n adul t capabl e o f representin g her househol d i n th e community . A s a n adult , sh e i s no longer confined solel y to the more private world of members o f th e famil y cluste r an d clos e neighbors . Age, th e master y o f appropriat e etiquette , an d a household's compositio n ar e th e principa l considera tions tha t com e int o pla y i n decidin g whe n a woma n may begi n t o participat e i n forma l visiting . Youn g

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Figure 10. Woma n i n guest room. Photograph b y Birgitt e Grue.

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brides usuall y refrai n fro m takin g par t unti l a year o r two afte r marriage , b y whic h tim e the y ofte n hav e given birt h t o a firs t child , bu t i f a woma n remain s unmarried, sh e begins to participate in formal visitin g by he r mid-twentie s a t th e latest . Schoolin g ofte n de lays participatio n i n forma l visitin g patterns , espe cially amon g shaykhl y families . High statu s i n Hamr a doe s no t guarante e greate r seclusion an d confinemen t t o th e household , a s i s the case , fo r example , i n wealth y household s i n th e smaller town s o f Morocco . Th e opposit e i s tru e o f Hamra. Shaykhl y wome n wh o hav e th e leas t house hold an d outsid e labo r t o perfor m pla y prominen t roles in formal visitin g networks. They have more visiting obligations tha n nonshaykhl y wome n because of their large r famil y cluster s an d thei r loftie r status . Two notable event s that call for at least one forma l visit fro m femal e representative s o f ever y househol d in Hamr a ar e births , fo r whic h ther e i s a three-wee k visiting period , calle d th e murabbiya , an d deaths , fo r which ther e i s a perio d o f condolenc e ('aza') , whic h ranges fro m a wee k t o ove r fou r months , dependin g on the age, sex , an d statu s o f the deceased. Th e num ber o f time s wome n visi t durin g thes e occasion s depends o n th e statu s o f th e household , whethe r the neighborl y tie s ar e maintained , an d whethe r the househol d i s par t o f th e sam e famil y cluster . A shaykhly woma n wa s mathematically precis e wit h m e in explainin g th e numbe r o f visit s required : on e visi t for a househol d o f slav e descent , tw o visit s fo r al l other nonshaykhl y households , an d dail y i f a house -

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hold belong s t o th e sam e famil y cluster . Wome n o f nonshaykhly descen t visit once at births and death s of the descendants o f slaves, three or four time s for clos e neighbors, an d dail y fo r member s o f th e sam e famil y cluster. Not al l women i n a househol d nee d sho w u p fo r every birt h o r death ; i n fact , ther e i s a tendenc y fo r older wome n t o represen t thei r household s fo r con dolences, and fo r younger women to visit after births . This divisio n o f labo r ma y relat e i n par t t o cohor t groups, sinc e olde r wome n ar e mor e likel y t o kno w adults who have died and o f course older women hav e more statu s tha n younge r ones . I f th e deat h i s o f a person o f high status , all women o f a household visit , but no t a t th e sam e time , becaus e o f th e respon sibilities o f childcare . As mentione d earlier , a neighbo r neve r accom panies a woma n i f sh e i s visitin g he r family , bu t sh e may b e include d i n a visi t t o unrelate d households . Nonshaykhly wome n usuall y prefe r t o visi t house holds with which the y are unfamiliar i n groups of two or three , wit h eithe r relative s o r clos e neighbors . Shaykhly wome n ofte n visi t i n larg e group s o f seve n or eight, thei r greater numbers making their arrival all the mor e formidable . Formal visitin g i n th e communit y occur s fre quently. Ove r a perio d o f tw o month s Nasr a wen t t o eight murabbiyas , tw o condolences , an d on e mar riage-contract celebration . He r ow n househol d hel d a large publi c readin g o f th e Quran , t o which me n an d women wer e separatel y invited .

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As I have indicate d earlier , fo r som e o f thes e for mal occasions , ther e ar e separate , paralle l visit s fo r men. Certain agreements among men or even the visit of a perso n o f hig h statu s ma y trigge r forma l coffee drinking sessions among women wh o have nothing t o do with th e agreement an d wh o d o not meet or spea k to the guest. Th e tribal leader once entertained a minister fro m Muscat . Th e visi t occasione d a n elaborat e coffee-drinking sessio n amon g th e mos t importan t older shaykhl y wome n o f th e oasis . The y use d th e men's guest room of a shaykhly household adjacen t t o where th e gues t wa s being entertained . I was invite d because b y chance I happened t o be walking wit h m y daughter nea r th e house . Thi s particula r occasio n i s analytically significan t becaus e i t suggest s tha t me n and women ar e implicitly perceived a s occupying par allel socia l positions . I t als o implie s a recognitio n b y men o f th e socia l importanc e o f women's , formal cof fee-drinking sessions . Visiting Afte r Childbirt h Birth is a strictly private affair. Wome n conceal the fac t of pregnanc y unti l th e las t possibl e moment . Mos t women giv e birth a t home, assiste d b y their mothers , a midwife , an d clos e famil y members . Immediatel y after a birth, new s spread s al l over town . A period o f intense visitin g by women o f the communit y last s fo r the next twenty-five days . The new mothe r is served a tonic of fenugreek (hulba) and i s fed a diet rich in meat

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for the next three weeks. She is made to lie down o n a steel co t a t th e hea d o f th e roo m wher e wome n ar e received. Sittin g or lying down, sh e greets all visitors. The child is swathed and placed , ofte n i n a small cardboard box , i n a separat e room . Th e infant' s hea d i s anointed wit h saffro n o r mahaleb , an d hi s eye s ar e blackened wit h kohl . Ver y littl e attentio n i s give n t o the infan t i n public , regardles s o f it s sex . Unles s I asked, th e se x an d nam e o f infant s wer e rarel y men tioned t o me, and ther e are no differences i n women' s visiting pattern s whethe r th e chil d i s mal e o r female , the firstbor n o r th e tent h child . Th e chil d i s often no t seen, althoug h occasionall y th e cardboar d bo x wit h the infan t i n i t i s place d i n th e la p o f a shaykhl y woman o f hig h status . Sh e look s a t th e chil d wit h n o comment, an d th e infant i s then quickl y returned t o a separate room . It is clear tha t th e foca l poin t o f th e murabbiy a i s not the child but th e woman wh o has given birth. Sh e is place d i n a bed i n a sea t o f hono r an d highe r tha n everyone else. Surrounded by her closest family mem bers, sh e ma y res t an d le t he r famil y gree t th e guest s as they come and go . She may actively take part in th e conversation. Wome n visi t he r becaus e sh e ha s give n birth, no t t o se e th e child , an d the y expec t t o se e he r close family member s next to her. If the child become s sick an d die s soo n afterward—thi s happene d severa l times durin g m y sta y i n Hamra—th e deat h doe s no t prevent th e visitin g fo r th e allotte d thre e weeks . Im plicitly, th e child' s deat h doe s no t diminis h th e fac t that th e mothe r ha d give n birt h t o a liv e child . Thi s

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event i s kep t separat e fro m condolences . Ther e i s n o public mournin g fo r th e deat h o f infants , becaus e a child o f only a few day s or weeks is too young to have made any social impact in the community. A neighbor confided onc e t o m e tha t sh e an d he r husban d crie d when thei r firs t so n died , bu t the y di d s o only whe n they wer e alone . Whe n infan t death s occur , mother s never she d tear s publicl y o r sho w othe r sign s o f mourning. I t is an ac t of God, whic h i s not t o be challenged. Visitor s avoid mentio n o f the child' s death . The usual patter n o f coffee gathering s i s followe d for murabbiyas : th e servin g o f fruits , dates , an d cof fee; the burning o f incense; the offering o f mahaleb o r saffron and , finally , perfumes . Onc e the crowds of the first fe w day s thi n out , th e atmospher e become s les s formal. S o long as no visitor o f high statu s i s present , seating etiquett e i s relaxed . Onc e shaykhl y an d non shaykhly wome n fin d themselve s together , visit s be come more formal. Sometime s th e tension i s obvious. January 9 . I accompanied m y shaykhl y neighbo r Zayna, he r mother-in-law , tw o o f her sisters-in law, and thre e othe r women , on e o f whom wa s the wife o f a bidar, an d henc e o f client status , t o a murabbiya. W e walked t o an are a nex t t o th e market wher e les s wealthy peopl e an d descen dants o f slaves live. Ou r grou p wa s large, an d we walked i n file dow n narro w alley s t o avoid the mai n roa d clos e t o the market. O n ou r ar rival, ou r host s exchange d greeting s wit h u s in a routine manner . Th e young mothe r la y back o n

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her couc h an d pretende d t o sleep during th e entire visit. Th e shaykhl y wome n talke d amon g themselves. Th e women o f the hos t househol d remained silen t i n th e background. Afte r a quick serving o f tinned pineapple s an d mangoes , cof fee an d dates , mahale b wa s offered, followe d b y incense an d perfume . Th e infant, no w fiftee n days old, swaddle d an d wit h eye s heavily black ened wit h kohl , wa s brought i n and place d i n a bundle i n the lap s o f some o f the shaykhl y women, bu t littl e attention wa s paid t o her . The bidar's wife stoo d u p an d hande d vari ous pots, pans , mirrors , an d blanket s tha t wer e on th e shelve s i n th e roo m t o the shaykhl y women s o that the y coul d examin e them . I asked our hostes s wher e sh e ha d bough t these . "I n Muscat," sh e replied . A price was quoted fo r one o f the objects . Ther e wa s no bargaining , although on e of the shaykhl y wome n remarked , "One ca n ge t a bigger tra y fo r tha t price. " On e shaykhly woma n too k a blanket. Zayn a too k a few dishes . N o money wa s exchanged . On ou r wa y home, w e walked alon g th e las t row o f houses a t the uppe r edg e of the oasis , also an are a wher e poo r peopl e an d descendant s of slaves live. The ground wa s littered wit h ope n tin cans and garbag e wher e cat s prowled. Man y older wome n cam e ou t o f their homes t o gree t us. Ther e wa s handshaking wit h bowed head s and eve n han d kissing . W e were offered man y invitations t o come and hav e coffee. Zayn a gav e

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a ryal, approximatel y thre e dollars , t o an ol d woman. Anothe r ol d woman , black , mumble d audibly behind ou r backs, "The y don' t wan t t o come an d visi t us. " There is an economic side to the murabbiya tha t is not an essential feature but that is present in almost all households excep t thos e o f shaykhl y status . Host esses place a few objects the y wish t o sell on their wall shelves. Visitor s ar e alway s delighte d t o look a t thes e objects an d touc h the m althoug h ther e i s n o obliga tion to buy. In general, nonshaykhl y wome n buy ver y few item s o n thes e occasions . Sometime s onl y on e o r two object s ar e offere d fo r sale ; a t othe r time s ther e are entir e shelve s o f objects . Price s ar e quote d o n re quest, bu t n o mone y i s exchange d durin g th e visit . Settlement i s always later . Visits t o unrelate d household s rarel y las t mor e than thirt y or forty minutes . Th e various stages of th e visit al l procee d a t a bris k pace . Ver y ofte n wome n attend tw o o r eve n thre e murabbiya s i n th e sam e af ternoon, o r the y migh t atten d a murabbiy a an d the n go t o a condolence , i n whic h cas e the y d o no t pain t their faces . Consolation o r Mournin g Unlike murabbiyas , whic h las t a s lon g an d tak e th e same form i n shaykhl y an d nonshaykhl y households , the period of mourning or consolation varies consider -

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ably i n length , dependin g o n th e age , sex , an d statu s of the deceased . A s mentioned earlier , infant s ar e no t publicly mourned , becaus e the y hav e no t ye t becom e socially important . Youn g children wh o di e a t the ag e of fou r o r fiv e ca n b e mourne d publicl y fo r a week , although i n practice thi s may last no more than tw o or three days . A ma n formall y mourn s th e los s o f hi s wife fo r fiftee n days ; a wido w pas t childbearin g mourns he r husban d betwee n fiftee n day s an d a month, dependin g o n hi s status . A younge r wido w mourns he r husban d fo r th e full , Quranicall y sanc tioned perio d o f four month s and te n days. This latter period i s muc h longe r becaus e unde r Islami c la w a woman canno t remarr y fo r thi s perio d o f tim e t o en sure tha t sh e i s no t pregnan t b y he r firs t husban d a t the time of remarriage. A widow i n inner Oma n doe s not g o outside he r househol d fo r th e entir e perio d o f mourning, eve n t o fetc h a bucke t o f drinkin g wate r from th e head o f the falaj . Both me n an d wome n acknowledg e tha t privat e mourning may go on for much longer than the formal , public periods . Thi s i s especiall y tru e i n th e cas e o f the death of children. Women spoke with me privately with grea t sadnes s abou t thei r childre n wh o die d i n infancy. I f I aske d a woma n ho w man y childre n sh e had, sh e invariabl y include d th e decease d one s a s well an d specifie d thei r sex . A husban d an d mothe r may also be mourned privatel y for long periods, year s in some cases. Such private mourning becomes appar ent becaus e a woma n doe s no t perfum e herself, dy e her hand s wit h henna , o r pain t he r fac e wit h saffro n or mahaleb .

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Just a s fo r th e murabiyya , th e numbe r o f day s a woman attend s a n 'aza ' depend s o n he r relatio n wit h the deceased' s household . Famil y member s com e every day . A t leas t on e woma n fro m eac h househol d in Hamr a come s onc e durin g th e mournin g period . For th e longe r mournin g period s fo r widows , tw o o r three visit s are considered appropriate . Shortly afte r ou r arriva l i n Hamra , th e oldes t so n of Shayk h Ibrahi m die d unexpectedly . I attended th e mourning fo r thi s individua l o f hig h statu s almos t daily. November 5 . Around noon , m y husband tol d me of th e deat h o f Ahmad, Shayk h Ibrahim' s son, an d tol d m e he sa w women walkin g i n th e direction o f Shaykh Ibrahim' s house . I fed Ama l her lunch , the n wen t wit h he r t o the shaykh' s house. A s I approached th e house , I could hea r a low, sing-son g hu m tha t neve r becam e lou d but fille d th e entrance an d th e entire courtyard . The men's gues t roo m wa s filled wit h people , and som e me n pointe d m e t o a room o n the firs t floor o f the hous e wher e man y wome n wer e sitting, fo r onc e in no discernibl e order , sobbin g quietly. Thi s was the onl y occasio n i n Hamr a when I did no t se e a clear order i n the seating . Indeed, som e women wer e standin g i n th e mid dle of the room, an d th e descendant s o f slave s mixed freel y wit h th e others . Some women embrace d on e another a s the y cried. Other s hi d thei r face s behind thei r veils. Some softly chanted , "M y father [abuyi, i.e. , m y

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God], Ahma d ha s left, m y father/ 7 an d thei r bodies swaye d bac k and forth . Th e room wa s dark, bu t afte r a while I noticed tha t som e of th e sisters o f the decease d wer e lying on mattresse s on th e groun d wit h blanket s wrappe d aroun d them, i n spit e o f the heat , a s if they wer e dea d or asleep. 'Azza , th e widow , sa t half-wrapped i n a blanket, beatin g he r fist s agains t he r chest , rocking back and forth , an d crying . Sh e wa s attended b y severa l olde r wome n wh o als o of fered wate r t o members o f the immediate family . The whole scen e was extraordinarily moving , and m y eyes filled wit h tears . In th e afternoon, aroun d 4 P.M., I returned to Shaykh Ibrahim' s house . B y now, th e mourn ing was much mor e formal . Everyon e ha d moved t o the larg e guest roo m upstairs . 'Azz a and som e o f her husband' s sister s were on mat tresses at one fa r sid e of the room. Th e descendants o f slaves were at the opposit e sid e of the room . Triba l women ha d begu n t o arriv e by pickup truck s fro m th e entire area . The y sa t all around th e room . Th e descendants o f slave s were roasting coffe e beans , bu t I did no t sta y long enoug h t o drink any . The immediate rela tives of th e decease d too k shift s i n mourning ou t loud. Asil a began, the n someon e els e took over . Most o f th e women presen t wer e older, an d I noticed ver y fe w childre n present . Befor e leav ing, I shook hand s al l around. Azz a mad e a point o f extending he r han d t o shake mine .

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November 6 . I went briefl y t o the mourning thi s afternoon. Som e older shaykhl y women , th e mother o f Shaykh Ahmad , 'Azza , an d som e of Ahmad's sister s sa t in th e gues t roo m receivin g guests wh o cam e fro m th e entire region . Fe w women wer e talking ; the atmospher e wa s ver y formal. Coffee , dates , and fruit s wer e served b y descendants o f slaves , wh o als o cooked meal s for person s wh o ha d travele d fro m afar . Som e of the famil y member s appeare d exhausted . In deed, the y too k turn s t o lie down an d rest . I n a side room, othe r famil y member s o f Shayk h Ibrahim wer e sittin g apart. I accepted thei r invi tation t o sit with them . Befor e leaving , I asked where Shayk h Ahmad' s mothe r was . I was the n ushered bac k into th e mai n room , wher e sh e lay on a mattress a t one en d o f th e room. I had no t recognized he r before , becaus e sh e was unabl e to speak. I shook hand s wit h he r an d left . November 7 . The atmosphere a t the 'aza ' is much more relaxe d tha n yesterday , an d ther e ar e fewe r people. Som e women laughe d becaus e Ama l trailed behin d me , seriousl y shakin g hand s wit h everyone presen t i n good Oman i style . Again I was invited int o a side room wher e mos t o f th e younger shaykhl y famil y member s wer e sitting , including som e wome n wit h youn g children . The handful o f children presen t wer e playin g with balloon s an d eatin g cookies . Thi s room wa s a sor t o f makeshift nurser y t o keep th e younge r

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children busy an d t o prevent the m fro m disturb ing people in the mai n mourning area . Shayk h Ahmad's mother i n th e main gues t roo m wa s holding a child i n her lap. 'Azza, dresse d i n black from hea d t o foot, wa s breastfeeding he r youn gest daughter . Lif e was going on . Intensive visitin g b y wome n fro m Hamr a an d surrounding town s an d village s continue d fo r ove r a week an d the n diminished . Al l household s o f th e shaykhly famil y cluste r ha d someon e visi t dail y fo r about a mont h an d the n a t interval s space d furthe r apart unti l th e en d o f th e mournin g period . Azza' s mother, he r tw o sisters , he r father' s secon d wife , o r stepmother, he r half-sister , he r half-brother' s wife , and th e sister s o f her husband wh o no longer live d i n their father's household visite d daily during the entir e period. On e sister , hersel f a widow, move d bac k int o her father' s hous e fo r th e mournin g period . On e sub cluster o f clos e ki n tha t becam e eviden t durin g th e mourning wa s Azza's half-sister , he r stepmother , an d her half-brother' s wife , al l o f who m visite d dail y bu t for a short period , usuall y towar d th e en d o f th e day . After a month, tw o of the deceased's sisters who wer e attending intermediat e schoo l i n Hamr a cease d at tending th e 'aza ' i n th e afternoo n s o tha t the y coul d study. After th e firs t fe w weeks , a s th e uninterrupte d flow o f visitor s diminishe d t o a trickle , th e 'aza ' be came muc h mor e sedate . Th e wido w wa s usuall y ac companied b y on e o r tw o o f he r fou r children . Sh e

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and som e o f he r sisters-in-la w bega n t o embroide r caps fo r thei r son s o r husbands . Occasionall y some one picke d u p a Qura n an d chante d a chapter . Con versation wa s subdued , bu t ther e wa s som e laughte r and a great deal of playing with children. Sometimes a woman arrive d wh o fo r som e reaso n o r anothe r ha d not visite d before . The n face s woul d b e hidde n be hind veil s a s th e visito r wen t aroun d th e roo m shak ing hands . Soo n th e wome n presen t bega n t o so b again. Four month s an d te n day s i s a lon g tim e t o b e confined t o a household, eve n a large one , t o be idle , and t o b e prepare d t o receiv e guest s a t an y time . Toward th e end o f the mourning period , th e widow con fided t o m e tha t sh e wa s findin g he r immobilit y difficult. Onc e th e officia l perio d o f mournin g wa s over, on e o f th e firs t thing s sh e di d wa s t o resum e doing som e o f th e housework . On e afternoo n jus t after th e mourning , I foun d he r happil y makin g bread. Clos e famil y member s als o fin d th e lon g pe riod o f mournin g t o b e difficul t becaus e i n principl e they canno t sho w themselve s t o b e cheerful , wea r beautiful clothe s o r makeup , o r pain t mahale b o r saf fron o n thei r forehead. Abou t a month befor e th e en d of th e mourning , I encountered on e o f 'Azza' s sister s at a murabiyya, wher e sh e was rubbing saffro n o n he r forehead an d lookin g a t herself i n a small pocke t mir ror. Sh e rubbed i t off immediatel y afterward . On th e evenin g o f th e las t da y o f mourning , th e widow formall y washe s he r hai r an d discard s he r black clothes . Sh e wear s whit e garment s fo r abou t a

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week, durin g whic h tim e ther e i s a final wav e of visi tors fro m all th e neighborin g town s an d villages , a s well a s fro m Hamra . Agai n ther e i s a grea t dea l o f "formal" crying . Person s o f slav e origi n n o longe r cook an d serv e guests , an d al l housework i s resume d by the women o f th e household . An 'aza ' o f th e siz e o f tha t fo r Shayk h Ahma d contrasts sharply with those for persons of more mod est status . A ma n o f lowe r statu s i s mourne d b y a handful o f persons . Afte r th e initia l coupl e o f days of intensive visitin g fro m peopl e o f th e community , th e 'aza' become s littl e mor e tha n a waitin g perio d unti l normal dail y routine s ca n be resumed . February 21 . Jukha tol d m e with a sad fac e tha t her sister' s husband ha d die d yesterday . I visited the family o f the decease d o n m y own. Hi s fam ily lived hig h u p o n th e hill, close to an are a where man y descendant s o f slaves lived. Th e widow wa s in th e mai n room , dresse d i n black , together wit h som e fiftee n women . Ther e wa s no cryin g ou t loud . Visitor s just shoo k hand s and maintaine d a serious look . I sat down an d talked generalitie s wit h m y neighbors. Th e atmosphere wa s such tha t a t times one almos t forgot i t was a mourning. Mourning s ar e als o expensive. Oranges , bananas , coffee , an d te a were serve d ever y half-hour . Ibtisama , a descen dant o f a slave who live d nex t door, serve d th e guests. He r fou r childre n hun g aroun d th e door . She constantly ha d t o tell them t o play farthe r

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away. The hous e wa s too small to accommodat e men a s well as women; s o the men sa t outsid e on a mat in th e shad e o f a nearby guesthouse . The humbl e statu s o f th e decease d i s obviou s from accumulate d details—th e smal l numbe r o f ki n present, th e locatio n o f th e house , eve n th e lac k o f restraint on the part of the children present. Nonethe less, n o matter ho w modes t th e household , a descen dant o f a slav e is called i n t o serv e guests , a t least fo r the initia l fe w day s o f th e mournin g period . Thi s ac tion distinguishe s th e household s o f "th e freeborn " (al-ahrar) fro m thos e o f slav e origi n an d clien t triba l groups. Quran Recital s A publi c recita l o f th e Qura n take s plac e whe n a n individual o r househol d wishe s t o than k Go d fo r good fortun e o r t o ensur e continue d goo d fortune . One may occur if someone escape s uninjured fro m a n automobile accident , i f on e recover s fro m a seriou s illness, i f a woman wishe s t o be pregnan t o r i s preg nant an d wishe s al l t o g o well , o r i f a househol d ha s several health y childre n an d wishe s the m t o continu e to grow u p strong . A woma n wh o organize s a khatma—me n orga nize them, too—call s on the wife of the tribal leader or some othe r leadin g shaykhl y woma n t o set up a date. Quranic recital s usuall y occu r i n th e morning . Th e

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news then spreads by word of mouth among shaykhl y women an d neighbors . Mos t o f th e shaykhl y wome n who kno w ho w t o read an d wh o d o not have conflict ing obligations attend. Olde r women nearl y always do so, a s well as younger one s wh o ca n arrang e t o leav e their children with someone. The one full-time femal e Quranic teache r i s always invited. Literac y is not nec essary in order to attend, bu t it is of course very pres tigeful t o be able t o participate b y reading a chapter . As eac h woma n enter s th e roo m wher e th e Quranic recita l wil l b e held , sh e take s a printe d sec tion o f th e Qura n fro m a bo x kep t i n a prominen t place fo r th e occasion , whic h contain s th e entir e Quran bu t i n separatel y boun d sections . Afte r a brief greeting t o thos e present , eac h woma n sit s in a plac e appropriate t o he r ran k an d begin s t o rea d ou t loud . Soon th e entir e roo m ring s ou t wit h wome n readin g the Qura n individually , eac h separatel y an d withou t any attemp t t o rea d i n unison . Whe n a woma n finishes a chapter, sh e may begin another or wait until all th e recital s ar e completed , usuall y after a n hour . Afterward, coffee , fruit , an d othe r swee t dishe s ar e served. Incens e i s sometime s burne d throughou t th e entire reading . Onc e th e perfume s ar e offered, every one goe s home . Seating arrangement s ar e ver y importan t a t Quranic recital s becaus e thes e ar e forma l gathering s that ar e attende d b y person s o f th e highes t statu s i n the community , th e wives , sisters , an d daughter s o f prominent shaykhs . Th e househol d organizin g th e Quranic recital makes sure that everyone is seated ap propriately. I f ther e ar e severa l roomful s o f people ,

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then ther e ar e cluster s o f high-ranking , literat e indi viduals, capabl e o f recitin g th e Quran , i n eac h room . If th e tw o wive s o f on e shayk h attend , the y ar e di rected t o separat e rooms , eac h wit h thei r respectiv e daughters an d daughters-in-law . Mos t Qurani c reci tals involv e wome n only , bu t som e elaborat e one s have men readin g th e Qura n an d involv e th e sacrific e of a n anima l fo r a feast . O n thes e occasion s wome n busy themselve s cookin g an d distributin g foo d t o a s large a numbe r o f peopl e a s possibl e i n a lavis h dis play o f hospitality . The purpose o f a Quranic recital on one level is to have the entire Quran rea d i n one's home because thi s reading i n itsel f i s see n a s a wa y o f continuin g one' s good fortune . A Quranic recital is only possible, how ever, by calling upon shaykhl y women becaus e to date they continu e t o b e th e bes t educate d wome n o f th e community. There needs t o be a fairly larg e number of persons readin g simultaneousl y i n orde r t o finis h th e entire Qura n withi n a n hour . Th e ver y presenc e o f these wome n an d th e fac t tha t the y ar e divide d int o known subcluster s tha t riva l on e anothe r fo r powe r and prestig e mak e seatin g arrangement s especiall y important, an d wome n kno w this . Household s ar e not oblige d t o offer Qurani c recitals , but doin g s o is a means o f enhancing househol d prestige . Formal Visiting : Analytica l Implication s Simmel (1950 : 12 ) characterize s a "party " o r larg e gathering a s possessin g (1 ) a specifi c externa l setu p

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(i.e., food , dress , an d specifi c form s o f behavior), (2 ) the curtailing of individuality, (3 ) the intensification o f external an d sensuou s attractio n t o mak e u p fo r thi s curtailment, an d (4 ) the formatio n o f subgroups . Th e formal gathering s o f wome n i n Hamr a fi t Simmel' s characterization: a n emphasi s o n foo d and , excep t fo r mournings, scents , th e curtaile d expressio n o f per sonal feelings , th e avoidanc e o f privat e o r persona l topics o f discussion , an d th e formatio n o f subgroup s of conversin g women . Thes e subgroup s ten d t o con sist o f wome n o f more o r less equa l socia l rank , sinc e seating i s b y orde r o f statu s an d shee r distanc e pre vents person s o f highl y divergen t rank s fro m readil y speaking wit h on e another. Throughou t thes e gather ings, wome n remai n i n on e plac e an d d o no t chang e groups quickly , a s would b e th e cas e in Western-styl e parties wher e etiquett e pressure s peopl e t o mov e among cluster s o f individuals. Th e departure o f som e women an d th e arriva l o f other s produc e som e cir culation o f individuals , bu t becaus e th e principl e o f seating by order o f status is preserved, thi s circulatio n is fa r fro m random . Person s o f lowe r statu s never , even i f a gues t roo m i s nearl y empty , si t i n place s understood t o be set aside for persons of much highe r status. It i s no t to o far-fetche d t o se e a resemblanc e be tween thes e gathering s an d Simmel' s descriptio n (1950:114) of a "modern" ball, which h e describes as a sublimated for m o f a larg e party , i n whic h ther e i s a "momentary peculia r intimac y o f couple" (i n th e cas e of Hamra, a temporary juxtaposition o f women of dif -

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ferent famil y o r neighbo r clusters ) an d a "constan t change amon g couples " (visitor s i n th e cas e o f Hamra). Simme l adds : . . . the physical nearness between tota l strangers is made possible by two factors. O n th e one hand, al l participant s in th e bal l ar e guest s o f a host who , howeve r loos e thei r relations may be to him, nevertheless guarantee s a certain reciprocal securit y an d legitimation . O n th e othe r hand , relations ar e impersona l an d a s i t wer e anonymous , be cause o f th e magnitud e o f th e grou p an d th e associate d formalism o f behavior. Obviously, mos t guest s ar e no t "tota l strangers " in th e cas e of Hamra, excep t o n occasion s suc h a s th e mourning fo r Shayk h Ahmad , fo r whic h man y visi tors wer e unknow n t o man y o f th e guest s an d cam e from th e capita l and outsid e th e region. Nonetheless , mutually know n statu s distinction s i n Hamra an d th e tightly knit and exclusiv e nature of family clusters an d even some smal l groups o f close neighbors creat e suf ficient socia l distance amon g th e populace fo r th e for mal analog y t o hold . Excep t fo r brie f meeting s whe n passing one another in the streets or at the falaj, man y women se e one another onl y o n thes e forma l visits . The atmospher e o f thes e socia l gathering s be comes relaxe d o r forma l dependin g o n th e status , number, an d relationship s o f th e wome n present . When th e circl e o f wome n presen t i s small an d fairl y equal i n status , halfwa y betwee n a small grou p an d a "party" (i n Simmel' s sense) , th e gatherin g ca n b e re laxed and almos t intimate. When person s of disparat e status are present togethe r an d number s increase , th e

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"party" become s highl y stylized . Thes e case s ar e th e two pola r extreme s o f wha t actuall y take s place . A range of intermediate situation s occur that depend no t only on the status of the persons involved but to some extent o n thei r personalitie s o r chanc e topic s o f com mon interest . M y daughter an d th e ide a o f adoption , unknown i n a forma l sens e i n Oman , wer e suc h top ics. Employment opportunitie s awa y fro m Hamr a have ha d a direc t impac t o n women' s visitin g net works becaus e i t has mad e man y household s les s de pendent economicall y o n shaykhl y patron s an d ha s provided alternative s t o local patron-clien t ties . Som e nonshaykhly me n hav e bee n ver y successfu l i n thei r work awa y fro m th e oasis . Th e me n an d wome n o f these household s hav e partiall y withdraw n fro m for mal visitin g becaus e o f th e disparit y betwee n th e higher statu s the y hav e achieve d elsewher e an d th e lower statu s the y ar e expecte d t o displa y wit h th e shaykhs o f th e oasis . Othe r household s continu e t o behave a s client s whe n the y visi t shaykhs , bu t the y make suc h visit s les s frequentl y tha n the y di d i n th e past, whe n suc h visits were ofte n daily . Nonetheless , no househol d i n Hamr a ha s a s yet cease d completel y to tak e par t i n forma l visiting . Eac h socia l gatherin g represents a practica l manifestatio n o f socia l rankin g in Hamra . T o ceas e visiting , fo r bot h shaykhl y an d nonshaykhly persons , i s t o withdra w fro m th e com munity. Givin g and receiving visits is an essential par t of acquirin g an d maintainin g statu s i n th e oasis . These relations are far from fixed , an d there are recent

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dramatic shift s o f statu s fo r som e persons . Thus , on e person o f slav e origi n wh o ha s rise n t o hig h ran k i n the army sits with th e shaykhs when h e returns t o the oasis fo r th e mos t importan t Musli m holidays . Nev ertheless, th e syste m o f social ranking ha s not yet un dergone drasti c redefinition . NOTES 1. Fo r a detaile d stud y o f th e variou s aromatic s use d i n th e United Ara b Emirates, see Kanafani (1983) . The use of spices, per fumes, dyes , jewelry and embroidered clothe s is intended t o beautify th e food an d bod y and t o foster positiv e communication .

7.

CHILDREN "All wome n wan t t o marry . Why ? Becaus e the y wan t children." —Hamra, age d twenty , a mother of two children.

Motherhood

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OTHERHOOD i s b y fa r a woman' s mos t hon ored rol e i n inne r Oman . I t i s onl y durin g th e visiting period occurrin g after childbirt h that a woman obtains he r firs t socia l recognitio n amon g th e wome n of th e community . Havin g man y children , especiall y sons, increases a woman's status considerably by making he r late r i n lif e th e femal e hea d o f a larg e famil y cluster.1 Having matur e brother s o r son s significantl y facilitates a woman' s chance s fo r achievin g promi nence in the oasis community. Just as a woman retain s close tie s wit h he r parents , especiall y he r mother , there are very strong bonds between he r and he r children, whic h las t throughou t he r life . A s a woman be comes ol d herself, sh e i s awar e o f th e likelihoo d o f

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spending he r las t day s i n th e househol d o f one o f he r children. A woman pays dearly in health for the social prestige o f havin g man y children . Man y wome n becom e physically exhauste d fro m s o man y childbirth s an d frequent an d dangerou s complication s tha t arise fro m pregnancy, includin g miscarriages . Infan t mortalit y rates i n Oma n hav e staye d hig h unti l recently . A UNICEF repor t (1973 : 41 ) estimate d tha t i n 197 2 i n Nizwa, th e larges t oasi s i n th e Oman i interior , 17. 6 percent o f childre n die d i n thei r firs t year , an d 23. 4 percent o f childre n die d befor e th e ag e o f two . Thes e figures ar e tentativ e becaus e o f a tendenc y t o under report infan t deaths . Nonetheless , the y ar e i n lin e with estimate s i n Egyp t fo r th e 1940s, where approxi mately 23 percent o f village children die d i n their firs t year, wit h anothe r 2 5 percent dyin g betwee n th e age s of one and fou r (Ammar , 1954:112) . Infant mortalit y i s decreasing i n Oma n becaus e o f th e openin g o f hospi tals and clinics throughout th e country. Oman' s popu lation i s expecte d t o doubl e b y th e yea r 200 0 (Birk s and Sinclair , 1977b : 71) . Nonetheless , wome n stil l acutely sens e th e precariousnes s o f thei r children' s lives in their firs t years . In spit e o f the health hazard s attendan t o n givin g birth s o frequently , wome n continu e t o desir e man y children, no t onl y fo r th e status , prestige , an d futur e security associate d wit h strong , health y children , bu t because childre n ar e value d i n themselves . Th e mother-child relationshi p i s th e mos t ope n an d re laxed on e tha t a woma n ca n maintain . I n a societ y

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where th e direc t expressio n o f one' s feeling s i s frowned upon , excep t i n privat e amon g clos e famil y members, lov e fo r one' s childre n ca n b e publicl y ackowledged. I often hear d wome n say , "I love her (or him) ver y much, " a s the y fe d a child a choice morse l of foo d o r dresse d th e child . Whe n onl y relative s o r close neighbor s ar e present , wome n spontaneousl y caress their children. Bot h Nasra an d Salm a occasion ally sat a little aside from othe r wome n an d showere d their infant s wit h kisse s o n suc h occasions . Shaykhl y women als o sho w ope n affectio n fo r thei r children , both girl s and boys . One o f th e firs t question s I was alway s aske d o n meeting a ne w grou p o f wome n wa s ho w man y chil dren I had . I n almos t ever y case , thei r reactio n wa s identical: "Jus t one ? Yo u poo r thing . Ar e yo u preg nant? No? Don't yo u wan t a t least five?" When I have asked wome n ho w man y childre n the y wanted, som e just laughe d an d treate d m y questio n a s a joke. Oth ers answere d wit h number s tha t range d fro m fou r t o ten. Stil l others, ofte n olde r marie d wome n wit h sev eral childre n o f thei r own , wer e startle d b y m y ques tion an d the n seriousl y answered , "A s man y a s I can." Som e wome n hav e hear d o f moder n birt h con trol techniques, suc h as the Pill, but none used famil y planning method s an d fe w wishe d t o d o so . Som e women tol d m e tha t childre n wer e "tiring, " but I met no on e wh o sai d sh e wante d fewe r tha n four . Birth control i s perceived a s somethin g a woman ma y con sider onl y i f sh e ha s severa l childre n an d i f havin g another chil d woul d endange r he r life .

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To m y question , "Ho w man y childre n d o yo u have?" wome n o f Hamr a answere d b y tellin g m e th e number of times they gave birth t o a live child, regard less o f whethe r th e chil d wa s stil l aliv e o r not . The y also disclosed th e se x of their children. I n some cases, I had t o rephras e m y question s t o fin d ou t tha t onl y one ou t o f fou r wa s stil l aliv e o r thre e ou t o f ten ; i n other cases , wome n volunteere d whic h o f thei r chil dren wer e the n stil l alive . Thi s wa y o f answerin g a t first surprise d m e because it was so different fro m tha t of women in rural Morocco, who often answere d simi lar question s fro m m e b y listin g th e name s o f thei r living children o n their fingers, countin g as they wen t along, a s i f the y ha d neve r counte d the m before . I n Oman th e numbe r o f time s a woma n ha s give n birt h and th e sex of each child ar e the important thing s tha t are remembered . Name s o f livin g childre n ar e neve r given unles s the y ar e specificall y requested . Adoption a s i t i s know n i n th e West—th e lega l granting o f rights , includin g inheritance , t o a chil d who i s no t biologicall y one' s own—i s no t acknowl edged i n Islami c la w an d i s unknown i n Oman . Rais ing a child who belongs to neither paren t is done onl y in case s o f necessity , suc h a s whe n bot h th e child' s parents die . Even then , i t i s usuall y don e onl y b y other relatives . M y husban d ha s recorde d instance s from intertriba l raidin g i n th e 1940 s i n th e Dhahir a region, nea r th e borde r wit h th e present-da y Unite d Arab Emirates , wher e triba l shaykh s hav e raise d th e children o f assassinated allies . Such occurrence s wer e extremely rare. If the child has no family cluster , h e or

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she become s th e war d o f th e governmen t and , unde r current arrangements , i s raise d b y hospita l staff . Some wome n tol d m e o f a chil d livin g a t th e Nizw a hospital i n thi s way . Whe n wome n hear d tha t m y child wa s adopted— a concep t tha t I tried carefull y t o explain—they pitie d m e fo r no t havin g give n birth . Many neve r cam e t o accep t th e ide a tha t I regarde d Amal as truly my daughter. On e woman from a neighboring hamle t i n th e mountains , wh o ha d tw o smal l children o f he r own , exclaime d i n amazement , "Ho w can you raise a child tha t is not your own? I would no t want t o rais e on e o f those/ 7 Sh e pointe d t o a nearb y group of children, wh o happened t o be from he r fam ily cluster . M y neighbo r Rashida , wh o wa s childless , nonetheless envie d m e an d sai d sh e woul d gladl y have an adopte d daughter , bu t sh e realized i t was impossible fo r he r t o d o so . A s in othe r matters , Oman i attitudes towar d raisin g childre n wh o ar e no t biolog ically one' s ow n diffe r greatl y fro m attitude s i n Nort h Africa, wher e wome n regularl y rais e childre n fro m infancy, whethe r the y ar e relative s unde r Islami c la w or aren't , an d wher e thes e childre n ar e ofte n wel l in tegrated i n the famil y group . February. 2 0 At Shaykh Ibrahim' s I mentioned that I had receive d a letter fro m m y mother . I was asked t o translate it . Th e letter concerne d my younger sister , wh o ha d jus t give n birth t o a son. Afterwar d Shari f asaid t o me softly, "You r mother mus t lov e you ver y much. Sh e must lov e you mor e tha n you r sister. " "Wh y d o you sa y

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that?" I asked. "Becaus e you hav e no children . Mothers lov e their daughter s wh o have no children more. " This conversation stick s in m y mind , no t onl y because i t indicate s ho w deepl y roote d wa s th e notio n that an "adopted " chil d ca n neve r completel y becom e one's ow n i n Oman , bu t becaus e i t als o point s t o th e importance women attach to having at least one daughter. B y implyin g tha t I mus t b e ver y clos e t o m y mother, Sharif a wa s als o payin g m e a compliment . Mothers an d daughter s se e eac h othe r constantl y i n Hamra. A mother i s usually a woman's mos t intimat e confidante an d th e on e perso n who m sh e ca n trus t completely. Daughter s hel p wit h housewor k an d childcare. The y ar e assure d companion s onc e a woman grow s old . " I wil l massag e you r fron t an d your back , an d I promis e yo u a handsom e girl, " a n older woma n wh o specialize d i n massagin g infertil e women onc e suggeste d t o me . Son s ar e fine , bu t women withou t daughter s ar e regarde d a s unfortu nate. Growing U p Until i t i s thre e o r fou r month s old , a n infan t i s ex pected onl y t o drink an d sleep . Th e chil d i s bound i n cloth mos t o f th e tim e t o preven t movemen t o f hi s arms an d leg s an d spend s larg e portion s o f tim e i n a wooden cradle , sometime s a rockin g one , hangin g

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from th e ceilin g b y a rope . Th e cradl e i s completel y covered with a cloth to protect the child from flie s an d mosquitoes. A small Quran is usually kept at the hea d of th e cri b a s protectio n (hifaz) agains t harm ; charm s are obtaine d fro m on e o f th e femal e Qurani c school teachers. The cradle is hung in a side room (i f there i s one), awa y from visitors . Th e mother o r grandmothe r comes t o wash , change , fee d an d cuddl e th e chil d there. Sometime s makeshif t disposabl e diaper s ar e used, suc h as little strips of cloth that are placed unde r the chil d an d the n throw n away . I f possible , wome n breastfeed, bu t man y no w supplemen t breastfeedin g with bottles of milk that they place in the crib with th e child. Th e breastfed chil d i n Oman ha s a great advan tage ove r th e bottle-fe d on e becaus e o f th e mor e fre quent bod y handling . Bottle-fe d babie s ar e subjec t t o diseases arisin g fro m th e us e o f unboile d wate r an d unsterilized bottle s i n a ho t climate . However , i f a woman discovers that she is pregnant again, she stop s breastfeeding, becaus e combinin g th e tw o activities is considered t o be harmfu l t o th e unbor n child . I f sev eral childre n ar e bor n i n clos e succession , som e women find tha t they can no longer provide their ow n milk. Forty day s after birth , ther e i s a ceremony calle d the "changin g o f clothes and bedding, " durin g whic h the child is formally washe d in the presence of women from th e famil y cluster . I f the child i s a boy, money i s placed o n hi s chest , hi s hand s an d fee t ar e hennaed , and wome n "mak e a grea t dea l o f noise " s o tha t h e will gro w u p strong . Fo r a girl , th e ceremon y i s les s

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elaborate. Wome n d o no t "mak e noise/ ' an d n o money i s place d o n he r ches t b y relatives , bu t he r hands an d fee t ar e hennaed . A shaykhly woma n tol d me o f thi s ceremony , whic h I didn' t se e durin g m y stay. Whe n I aske d nonshaykhl y wome n abou t th e "noisemaking" a t the ceremony, the y sai d i t was don e only in shaykhly households , no t in thei r own . Women are very concerned abou t infants wh o cr y a grea t deal . The y attribut e constan t cryin g t o coli c and stomac h ailments , whic h indee d occu r regularly . The mos t commo n remed y fo r stomac h ailment s when I wa s i n Hamr a wa s a gripp e syru p mad e i n India; i t wa s on e o f th e fe w remedie s availabl e i n th e local market . Th e lis t o f ingredients , liste d bot h i n English an d Arabi c o n th e bottle , include d variou s fragrant oil s suc h a s anise , bicarbonat e o f soda , chlo roform, an d alcohol . Thi s syru p wa s indee d effectiv e in putting childre n t o sleep . When childre n ar e fou r o r fiv e month s old , the y begin t o b e see n muc h mor e o n th e lap s o f thei r mother o r grandmothe r durin g th e neighbors ' visits . Mothers als o begi n t o tak e thei r chil d o n visitin g rounds, especiall y t o household s withi n th e famil y cluster. Fro m no w unti l th e tim e th e chil d learn s t o walk, h e receive s a grea t dea l o f attention , handling , and caressin g fro m hi s mother. Thi s is also the perio d when an older relative or a close neighbor often come s to hold an d distrac t th e chil d whil e th e mothe r work s at some o f he r househol d chores , eithe r i n th e hous e or a t th e falaj. Th e chil d i s no t allowe d t o craw l ver y far. I n general , walkin g rathe r tha n crawlin g i s en -

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couraged fro m th e outset . Olde r shaykhl y wome n tend no t t o tak e car e o f thei r grandchildren , an d ex cept fo r occasiona l cuddling , d o no t lik e youn g chil dren t o b e aroun d the m an d t o interrup t thei r conversation. In household s wher e ther e ar e severa l youn g women wit h children , eac h woma n i s responsible fo r her own child . I f she hears a child othe r than he r ow n crying, sh e does not go to comfort hi m but says to th e mother, "You r chil d i s crying. " Once , o n a n informa l visit to a shaykhly household, I picked u p a screaming infant gir l that had bee n left alon e in a side room. Th e infant immediatel y stoppe d cryin g i n m y arms , an d I waited fo r he r mothe r t o return, whic h sh e di d a fe w minutes later. The mother, who m I knew well, was not annoyed b y my action, bu t th e young adolescent wh o was accompanyin g he r quickl y represse d a slightl y mocking pee l o f laughter . The grea t amoun t o f attentio n tha t mother s giv e their younges t chil d ofte n create s emotiona l traum a for th e childre n jus t a yea r o r tw o older . I have see n some children age d tw o or three throw violent tempe r tantrums or go through long periods of whining whe n their mothe r pai d littl e attentio n t o the m whil e sh e tended t o the younger chil d o r did he r housework . I n such cases , som e othe r househol d member , ofte n th e grandmother, take s ove r an d care s fo r th e olde r chil d until h e reache s an ag e when h e can fen d fo r himself , usually aroun d th e ag e o f fou r o r five . The n th e pee r group absorb s him . Fro m birt h unti l th e ag e o f thre e or four , bot h boy s an d girl s frequentl y clin g t o th e

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mother o r mother' s surrogat e (suc h a s a grand mother), hidin g unde r thei r veils , especiall y i n un familiar situations . Younger children ofte n too k week s to relax in my presence . Once childre n lear n t o wal k an d talk , me n tak e a more visibl e interes t i n them . Nasra' s fathe r ofte n took hi s two-year-ol d granddaughte r fo r ca r ride s i n the afternoon . Th e girl' s fathe r als o playe d wit h he r frequently a t home. O n Thursday afternoons , Salma' s husband too k hi s tw o olde r son s o f thre e an d fiv e to was h i n th e men' s bathin g are a nex t t o a nearb y mosque. In Oma n i t i s th e girl s wh o wea r pants . A girl' s legs are covered fro m th e time she is born. Fro m birt h onward, girl s ar e dresse d i n brightl y colore d tunic s while boys wea r tunic s o f soli d colors , ofte n i n paste l shades. I n th e past , childre n o f bot h sexe s wor e jew elry whe n young , bu t thi s custo m i s changing . Mos t children, especiall y boys , n o longe r d o s o excep t i n rural areas. In the cool winter months, young childre n of both sexe s wear head cap s decorated wit h machine embroidered geometri c designs . I n recen t years , im ported bab y clothes , mostl y knits , hav e become avail able i n th e market , bu t girl s continu e t o wea r lon g pants, an d childre n o f bot h sexes , regardles s o f th e weather, wea r long-sleeved clothin g so that almost th e entire bod y i s covered . Young childre n ar e calle d "unknowing " (jahil) and sometime s eve n "crazy " (majniin), an d the y ar e not hel d responsibl e fo r thei r word s o r actions . I f a child doe s somethin g sociall y unacceptable , suc h a s

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removing all his clothes, he is admonished an d force d immediately t o pu t hi s clothe s o n again . "Wha t yo u have don e i s shamefu l \'ayb]," a mothe r scolds . Bu t more often , if , fo r example , a child break s somethin g or grabs morsels of food fro m th e common plate whe n women drin k coffe e together , h e i s no t scolded . I t i s the mothe r wh o i s reprimande d b y he r peer s i f sh e shows to o much disapprova l o f her child' s bad behav ior. "Le t hi m eat, " a woma n migh t say . "Th e poo r child. H e doe s no t know. " Socia l knowledg e i s ex pected o f a chil d b y th e ag e o f fiv e o r six , bu t eve n then scoldin g o r corporal punishmen t i s rare. A child is neve r pushe d aroun d o r lie d to ; h e i s allowe d hi s own will so long as he hurts no one. If the child is too boisterous o r throw s a tempe r tantru m tha t disturb s adult activities , someon e take s hi m int o a separat e room. Adult s seldo m los e thei r temper . November 3 . Around 1 1 A.M. , Muz a cam e to my house an d accompanie d Ama l and m e to Shayk h Abdalla's, t o which w e had bee n invited fo r th e holiday meal . She told m e she was first goin g t o Suhayr's (a n Egyptian wh o wa s our neighbo r fo r several weeks) t o invite he r as well. Muz a showed obviou s sign s o f trepidation a s sh e knocked a t the doo r an d whispere d t o me, "Miryam, I am afraid." I reassured her . Neithe r Suhayr no r her husband , wh o taugh t a t the loca l intermediate school , wa s expecting th e invita tion. W e had t o wait in the gues t are a whil e Suhayr dresse d an d fe d he r three-year-ol d so n a

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bottle of milk, whic h I thought strang e sinc e w e were invited fo r a meal. Muz a wa s extremel y uncomfortable an d squirme d a great dea l whe n she wa s seated. Thi s was due i n part t o Suhayr' s husband, wh o remaine d wit h u s t o serve u s oranges. Muz a wa s not use d t o sitting with a n unrelated man . At the shaykh's , th e atmospher e wa s extremely formal . Susan , a n America n Peac e Corps voluntee r wh o live d wit h he r husban d i n a house mor e tha n a kilometer outsid e Hamra , sat beside on e o f the shaykh' s wives . I sat next t o the other . Suhay r wa s placed nex t to the wif e of the shaykh' s eldes t son . Th e shaykh' s fou r mar ried daughter s an d hi s two daughters-in-la w were als o present . Having alread y eate n separatel y wit h he r husband, Susa n lef t afte r coffe e an d fruit . Suhayr an d I were the n ushere d int o Shaykha' s bedroom, wher e w e were offere d a meal of skewered meat , roas t meat , rice , and a green sauce made wit h lemon . Suhay r di d no t touc h the ric e and ha d constantl y t o be urged t o eat the othe r dishes . Afte r th e mea l we returned t o the gues t room , wher e te a wa s served, probabl y in Suhayr' s hono r becaus e Egyptian s wer e known t o prefer it , bu t sh e refuse d t o drink it . [Out o f earshot o f Omanis, man y Egyptian s ex pressed constan t concer n fo r th e cleanlines s of food i n Oman i houses. ] Suhayr' s son , excite d b y the large numbe r o f children present , too k som e

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straw fan s an d bega n hittin g othe r childre n wit h them. Ther e was laughter fro m som e olde r Omani childre n an d tear s fro m th e younger one s and m y Amal. Suhay r scolde d he r son , bu t h e did no t stop . Then sh e lost her temper , slappe d him, picke d u p a nearby stic k from th e floor, an d threatened hi m wit h it . Th e atmosphere i n th e room becam e glacia l and everyon e stare d i n silence. Som e shaykhly wome n turne d thei r head s to the side, frownin g slightl y and avertin g thei r eyes. The silence continued fo r a few minutes . Fortunately, Suhayr' s husban d cam e t o fetch he r a few minute s later , an d everyon e left . To Omani women, Suhayr' s loss of temper in public at a formal gatherin g an d he r reachin g th e poin t of hitting he r so n indicate d a scandalou s lac k o f self control. Th e fact tha t Suhayr' s so n wa s only thre e an d too young t o be held responsibl e fo r hi s actions mad e his mother' s conduc t al l th e mor e shocking . Th e inci dent als o reflect s ho w coo l socia l relation s ca n b e be tween Omani s an d Egyptian s wh o com e t o wor k i n Oman an d ho w mutuall y incomprehendin g the y ca n be o f one another . As a child matures, th e peer group exerts an ever increased influence , th e separatio n o f th e sexe s be comes more pronounced , an d forma l educatio n a t th e Quranic school s an d a t governmen t school s become s more important . Fro m th e ag e o f five, al l children ar e expected t o sta y clea r o f adult s o n forma l occasions , including thos e time s whe n wome n receiv e visitors .

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This i s tru e eve n i f th e guest s ar e fro m th e famil y cluster, except of course for special occasions and feas t days when childre n eithe r si t quietly in groups a little apart fro m adults , listenin g an d watchin g intentl y the action s o f thei r elders , o r i n a sid e room , wher e they whisper s o as not to make too much noise. Moth ers constantl y admonis h olde r childre n wh o remai n around them , "G o and play/ ' Since family cluste r member s ten d t o live side by side, a child' s playmate s ar e ofte n thos e relate d t o him, an d a friendship begu n i n childhoo d likel y con tinues throug h a lifetime. Childre n o f differen t socia l status pla y together . Th e childre n atten d th e sam e government primar y school , and th e boys play on th e same socce r team , an d thu s thi s mixin g i s encour aged. Statu s barriers , however , stil l exist , especiall y between th e childre n o f shaykhly familie s an d others . My husband notes , fo r example , tha t onl y childre n of slave descen t sin g o r danc e a t th e schoo l pageant s organized b y Egyptia n schoolteachers . Th e son s o f shaykhs rea d th e Quran . Amon g youn g girls , th e jokes and shar p comment s a t informal gathering s ca n often b e cruel when differen t statu s groups are mixed. At th e ag e o f five , boy s an d girl s ar e expecte d t o begin formin g separat e pla y groups , althoug h sexua l segregation i s no t ye t strictl y enforced . Girl s pla y i n the immediate vicinit y o f thei r ow n house s an d thos e of clos e famil y member s an d neighbors . The y als o walk alon g th e path s t o th e falaj. Boys , o n th e othe r hand, usuall y pla y farthe r awa y fro m th e house . Many g o t o th e bal l fields an d othe r ope n space s sur -

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Figure 11 . "B y th e tim e the y reac h eigh t o r nin e year s o f age , girl s begin t o assis t i n househol d chores. " Photograp h b y Birgitte Grue .

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rounding th e oasis . Fe w boy s an d n o girl s g o t o th e market, whic h i s ope n onl y i n th e mornin g whe n school-age childre n ar e i n school . I f boy s sho w to o much interes t i n wha t wome n ar e doin g o r talkin g about, an d m y presenc e occasionall y awakene d thei r curiosity, the y ar e shooe d away . By the tim e the y reac h eigh t o r nin e yea r o f age , girls begi n t o assis t i n househol d chores . The y carr y water on thei r heads , swee p floors , was h clothes , an d take car e of younger children . B y the ag e of ten, the y begin wearin g a hea d shawl , althoug h the y ofte n al low i t t o sli p off . Boy s may replac e thei r father s i f th e family ha s a sho p i n th e market . I f n o on e els e i s available, the y ma y als o car e fo r thei r younge r broth ers and sisters . After sunset , childre n o f both sexe s in the sam e househol d ar e togethe r again . I n wealthie r households tha t ha d television s an d (pre-1982 ) th e generators t o ru n them , youngster s clustere d aroun d the televisio n se t t o watch Egyptia n soa p operas . Achieving Adulthoo d Childhood i s i n essence th e perio d whe n a n individ ual begin s t o maste r th e nuance s o f prope r adul t comportment an d judgment : ho w t o conduc t onesel f in public , whe n t o visit , ho w t o talk . Th e adul t i s expected no t onl y t o kno w thes e convention s bu t t o have sufficien t self-contro l t o abid e b y them . Adult s are hel d responsibl e fo r th e consequence s i f the y do not .

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Children routinel y mak e social blunders, but the y are rarely scolde d i n public . They are expected t o recognize thei r ow n mistake s a s they mature. Fo r a week or two, a ten-year-old gir l who live d u p th e falaj fro m us bega n followin g m e whe n I went ou t visitin g an d also calling at my house. She perceived me as a schoolteacher, as did many people since schoolteachers wer e the only female foreigner s i n the oasis at that time. She pleaded wit h m e t o visit he r hous e an d invite d m e a t unusual time s whe n visitor s ar e no t expected . On e day sh e calle d a t m y hous e a t noon , too k m e b y th e hand, an d insiste d tha t I come to her house for coffee . She was not satisfied whe n I promised tha t I would g o after th e afternoo n prayer , a mor e appropriat e tim e for visiting . Sh e continue d t o pul l m e b y th e hand . Unused t o such insistence, I finally wen t with her an d took Amal along. The girl's mother showed n o eviden t surprise a t our arrival and seeme d t o be expecting us . She offere d u s ric e an d fis h i n a separat e roo m an d coffee an d date s o n a mat outsid e th e house . Sh e di d not admonish he r daughter tha t this was not a time for visiting neighbor s ( I late r learne d tha t ou r visi t too k the mother entirel y by surprise), and sh e was hospita ble t o me . This reluctanc e t o poin t ou t mistake s eve n t o one's own children, s o long as no one is hurt or upset , certainly ha s n o equivalen t i n Egyp t o r Morocco, tw o Arab countrie s i n whic h I have live d fo r lon g period s of time . I neve r hear d a woma n i n inne r Oma n say , "This is not right; tr y it this way," or, "Yo u might hur t yourself i f yo u d o this"—familia r admonition s t o an y

197 woman wh o ha s sa t with he r childre n i n an America n playground. Th e child is left alon e to experiment. Th e mother wil l intervene onl y whe n sh e think s th e chil d might injur e himsel f o r brea k something . Th e sam e attitude o f noninterferenc e i n th e affair s o f other s i s carried throug h int o adulthood . Although a chil d i s seldo m scolde d fo r miscon duct, h e i s rewarde d fo r prope r behavior . Whe n I returned t o Hamra i n th e fal l o f 1980 after a n absence of several months , Salma' s five-year-ol d so n greete d m e with a larg e smile . H e the n rushe d t o th e family' s orchard, wher e h e picke d handful s o f limes , som e ripe an d other s no t s o ripe, whic h h e poure d int o m y lap. His mother and grandmother watched him, laugh ing a littl e a t hi s boyis h enthusias m an d als o ex tremely prou d o f his sho w o f hospitality . Formal schooling , wit h it s associate d notio n o f clearly delineated grades , and th e idea of calendar ag e are still recent phenomena . Childhoo d i s not a clearly demarcated interval , an d th e concep t o f adolescence , a perio d o f experimentatio n whe n a perso n i s n o longer a chil d bu t no t ye t full y adult , i s unknown, a t least in th e Oman i interior . For girls , visitin g i n th e communit y i s th e sig n that on e ha s achieve d ful l adul t status . Th e timin g o f the shift fro m chil d to adult depends not only on physical and socia l maturity bu t als o on when a househol d is in nee d o f anothe r adul t t o assum e certai n respon sibilities. Th e shif t generall y take s plac e afte r a woman ha s give n birt h t o he r firs t child. 2 Childles s women an d person s wh o remai n unmarrie d als o as CHILDREN

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sume adul t visitin g responsibilities , generall y a t a later ag e tha n marrie d persons . A s a consequence , girls of equal ag e and socia l maturity fin d themselve s assuming significantl y differen t role s i n th e commu nity. Thariyya was fifteen, unmarried , a student at the local girls' school, and no t treated a s an adult for mos t formal socia l occasions . Muza , als o fifteen , wa s mar ried an d a student. Withou t childre n o f her own , sh e continued t o sit apart with other schoolgirls on forma l occasions. Raqiya , sixteen , wa s marrie d an d ha d a one-year-old daughter . Sh e participate d full y i n th e formal visitin g network . Al l thes e wome n ar e fro m shaykhly families , bu t individual circumstance s allo w some t o be considered a s adults whil e other s ar e not . Hansen (1968 : 114) describes th e difficul t situatio n o f the "adolescent " gir l an d he r socia l isolatio n i n Bah rain. I t is basically a time o f waitin g for marriag e an d children, th e marks o f adult status . Education Until 1971, Quranic school s were the onl y educationa l institutions available in Hamra (see Eickelman, 1980b). Quranic school s ar e stil l th e onl y one s availabl e i n some remote villages, but in Hamra the y have become preschools, which childre n atten d unti l the age of six, when the y ente r th e firs t grad e o f th e governmen t schools. Becaus e o f th e crowdin g i n thes e schools , there ar e tw o separat e sessions , mornin g an d after noon.

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In 1979 there wer e tw o Qurani c school s fo r boys . Each wa s locate d nex t t o a mosqu e an d finance d jointly b y loca l resource s an d a smal l gran t fro m th e Ministry of Pious Endowments. Girl s were taught by a woman teacher in her own house. She received a small monthly salar y fro m th e Ministr y o f Piou s Endow ments an d a small monthl y fe e pai d b y th e parent s of the students . A secon d woman , o f shaykhl y status , also too k students , mostl y th e daughter s o f shaykhs . Because girls have to pay tuition t o learn ho w to recite the Quran, i t is mostly th e daughter s o f shaykhl y an d well-to-do families tha t master its proper recitation . For households of higher status in Hamra, Qurani c schools i n th e pas t hav e been fairl y effectiv e i n teach ing prope r Qurani c recitation . Childre n learne d t o master writin g skill s primarily i n thei r hom e environ ment, no t i n Qurani c schools . I n Morocco , literac y among wome n wa s directl y relate d t o th e availabilit y of governmen t schools , an d almos t al l wome n ove r a certain age , regardles s o f thei r status , wer e illiterate , but I woul d estimat e tha t i n Hamr a i n 1980 , som e 50 percen t o f adul t wome n o f shaykhl y statu s wer e literate an d tha t thi s rat e o f literac y remaine d fairl y constant acros s th e generations . A fe w nonshaykhl y women coul d als o read th e Quran. B y literacy, I do no t necessarily mea n tha t persons coul d full y understan d what the y read , especiall y i n th e cas e o f th e Qura n and othe r religiou s texts . Learnin g th e prope r recita tion of the Quran doe s not necessarily imply an ability to understan d it s contents , sinc e th e languag e o f th e Quran differs substantiall y from contemporary Oman i

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spoken Arabic and modern standar d Arabic . Nor doe s an abilit y t o recit e th e Qura n necessaril y impl y the abilit y t o write . Ful l literac y amon g th e younge r shaykhly generatio n wa s o f cours e muc h mor e com mon. Young shaykhly women coul d and di d read text books an d occasiona l magazine s i n additio n t o th e Quran. Man y youn g girl s o f nonshaykhl y statu s als o attended schoo l bu t were , a s I shal l explain , muc h more likel y t o dro p ou t after a fe w year s tha n thei r shaykhly counterparts . Women conside r th e abilit y t o rea d th e Qura n o f great value . Th e Qura n i s no t onl y recite d publicly . Shaykhly wome n als o chant i t privately togethe r wit h other religiou s books , eithe r alon e o r wit h a smal l group of listeners. For most women, learnin g Qurani c recitation i s still the mai n motivatio n fo r becomin g lit erate. Th e incentiv e t o lear n t o rea d i s stron g amon g shaykhly women , ol d and young , sinc e they ca n the n actively participat e i n publi c reading s o f th e Qura n with other women of high status. I know one shaykhl y woman, abou t fift y year s old, who learned t o read th e Quran onl y fiv e year s befor e I was introduced t o her . The firs t governmen t primar y schoo l i n Hamr a opened wit h tw o Jordanian teacher s in 1971. It was fo r males only . I n 197 5 th e firs t primar y schoo l classe s were mad e availabl e fo r females , an d b y 1979 the firs t two year s o f intermediat e schoo l wer e als o taugh t i n Hamra. No w th e ful l three-yea r intermediat e cycl e i s locally available , an d th e firs t tw o years o f secondar y school. A t firs t thes e governmen t school s admitte d students regardles s o f age. Today only children o f th e

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appropriate ag e ma y atten d regula r classes . Sinc e many parent s ar e uncertai n o f th e calenda r ag e of their children, a n Indian docto r issues certificates tha t establish th e age of children fo r school purposes . School statistic s fo r 1979-1980 indicat e tha t mor e than twic e as many boy s as girls attended school : 597 boys an d 26 0 girls. O f these , 22 2 boys an d 9 1 girls were fro m rura l village s nea r Hamra ; th e remainde r were fro m Hamr a itself . Tabl e 1 shows attendanc e a t the girls ' school . Fro m it s opening unti l 1979 , enroll ment was fairly steady. The sharp increase in 1979-1980 is directl y attributabl e t o th e openin g o f a separat e girls' schoo l and the employment o f more teachers . Table 1 Girls' Schoo l Enrollment , Hamr a Academic Yea r

Students

1975 (Vi year only) 1975-1976 1976-1977 1977-1978 1978-1979 1979-1980

175 175 not availabl e 188 169 260

Source: Interview, headmistress, girls' school, Hamra, June 15,1980.

One difficult y wit h th e available schoo l statistic s for Hamr a i s that the y provid e neithe r th e age of students i n eac h grad e no r the high degre e o f attritio n among student s fro m grad e t o grade . Man y girl s in their teen s entere d i n the first year s afte r th e school opened, onl y t o drop ou t after a year o r two in order to get married. Accordin g to the school's headmistres s

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and wome n i n Hamra , earl y marriag e fo r girl s con tinues t o b e th e principa l caus e o f th e hig h dropou t rate among primary schoo l girls as opposed t o the rate among boys. Thus, in 1979-1980, forty-two girl s in primary schoo l droppe d out , bu t onl y fou r boy s di d so . The statu s o f th e familie s o f childre n attendin g school i s unavailabl e fro m officia l sources , bu t i t ap pears tha t childre n fro m shaykhl y an d wealth y fami lies are muc h mor e likel y t o complet e primary , inter mediate, and, increasingly, secondary schooling; other students ar e muc h mor e pron e t o drop ou t o f school . Of the eight girls studying a t the intermediate leve l in Hamra i n 1979-1980 , I knew fiv e personally , an d the y were all from th e shaykhly-descen t cluster . The heav y dropout rat e among girl s accounts fo r th e nearly con stant enrollmen t betwee n 197 5 and 1979 , rathe r tha n an overal l increas e i n th e numbe r o f student s a s ear lier enrollees moved to the upper grade s and new stu dents entere d th e system . Among th e shaykhl y families , marriag e i s no t necessarily a n impedimen t t o attendin g school . Tw o of th e fiv e shaykhl y girl s attendin g th e intermediat e school wer e married . Th e fac t tha t th e schoo l bu s fo r the girls ' schoo l wa s owne d an d drive n b y a youn g man fro m th e shaykhly-descen t cluster—on e o f thei r relatives—facilitated thei r mobility. The girls' school is located i n th e comple x o f government building s awa y from th e mai n oasi s and o n th e othe r sid e o f the mar ket, makin g i t virtuall y inaccessibl e fo r femal e stu dents o n foot . Despit e th e growin g universalit y o f access to education, person s o f shaykhly descen t con -

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tinue t o b e mor e likel y tha n other s t o complet e thei r schooling. Nonetheless—and thi s is a recent change— the childre n o f person s o f th e lowes t status , thos e o f slave descent , si t sid e b y sid e wit h thos e o f shaykhl y descent i n governmen t schools . Since education fo r wome n wa s introduced s o recently t o Hamra , i t i s stil l to o soo n t o se e it s conse quences fo r wome n afte r the y hav e lef t school . Fo r those wh o atten d schoo l onl y a yea r o r two , a s ha s been tru e fo r man y women , th e impac t i s minimal . Nasra, on e o f m y neighbors , wen t t o schoo l fo r tw o years. Durin g tha t tim e sh e bega n learnin g ho w t o read an d writ e moder n Arabic . Sinc e he r marriag e and the birth of her children, sh e has used her readin g skills onl y i n publi c recital s o f th e Quran , a skil l sh e acquired earlie r fro m attendanc e a t a Quranic school . She ha s n o acces s t o newspaper s o r magazine s be cause they ar e not distribute d i n Hamra . Education appear s t o hav e a greate r effec t o n those fe w wh o manag e t o atten d th e ful l primar y school cycle and th e intermediat e one . I learned fro m conversations wit h thes e women , al l o f shaykhl y de scent, tha t possessio n o f a diplom a i s see n a s pres tigious, somethin g associate d wit h hig h socia l rank . Attending schoo l als o provide d the m relie f fro m th e boredom an d frustratio n associate d wit h th e d e fact o waiting perio d betwee n thei r statu s o f chil d an d tha t of full adult. The idea of using skills acquired in school for any practical purpose, suc h a s government servic e or highe r studie s elsewher e i n Oman , i s stil l to o re mote a possibility fo r thes e youn g wome n t o discuss .

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Some individual reaction s make clear this uncertaint y about th e result s o f acquiring an education . Thariyya spend s he r morning s i n schoo l an d he r afternoons carin g fo r he r numerou s younge r broth ers. He r attitud e towar d schoo l i s negative. Sh e find s nearly all subjects equall y boring. Onl y English is less so, because th e American Peac e Corps volunteer doe s not hi t her ; corpora l disciplin e i s a pedagogica l tech nique commonl y employe d b y man y o f th e Egyptia n teachers. Sociall y Thariyy a i s stil l treate d a s a non adult an d thu s ha s fe w visitin g obligations . Whe n guests sho w up , sh e ofte n doe s no t offe r the m date s and ready-mad e coffe e herself . Instead , sh e take s ad vantage of her immature status and calls upon anothe r adult i n th e household . O n othe r occasions , suc h a s when he r paterna l grandmothe r an d aun t cam e visit ing fro m Muscat , sh e showe d hersel f t o b e graciou s and a smooth conversationalist . Adolescent gossi p sai d tha t sh e is to marry a maternal cousin. I n her conversation wit h other girls and women, sh e seem s somewha t withdrawn , althoug h very consciou s o f he r shaykhl y status . Obviousl y bright, sh e feels restricte d b y her nonadult status , he r childcare responsibilities , an d he r indeterminat e sta tus a s a n educate d woma n wh o i s stil l unmarried . Although unintereste d i n school , sh e continues t o attend fo r th e prestig e i t brings an d fo r th e lack of any thing bette r t o do . Shaykha, als o of shaykhly descent , ha s been mar ried fo r tw o year s bu t i s stil l childless . He r husban d works i n Musca t an d return s onc e a week t o Hamra .

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Unlike Thariyya, Shaykha likes certain subjects. Math ematics in particular gives her intellectual stimulation . Her househol d responsibilitie s ar e minimal , an d sh e spends a lot of her time studying in the afternoon an d sewing bot h fo r hersel f an d fo r he r hom e economic s class. She has no plans for continuing her studies pas t the intermediat e leve l (n o highe r leve l wa s availabl e for women in Hamra a t the time). Nor does she expec t to work i n a n offic e o r i n teaching . Sh e enjoy s study ing and ha s the free tim e to do so . Muza ha s als o bee n marrie d fo r tw o years . Sh e lives wit h Asila , he r husband' s mother , i n on e o f th e few newly constructed cemen t houses in Hamra's "ol d town/' He r husband return s onc e a week from hi s job in the capita l area . Durin g th e las t months d f my sta y in Hamra , i t wa s clea r tha t il l feeling s an d tensio n were building between Muza and Asila, a widow wit h an onl y son , wh o wante d Muz a t o bear a child. Muz a is a bright studen t an d intereste d i n he r studies . At tending schoo l provide s he r relie f fro m a tens e do mestic situation , an d sh e ca n mak e lon g visit s t o he r mother ever y day . Young women i n Hamra hardl y ever think of continuing thei r educatio n beyon d wha t i s availabl e i n Hamra itself , no r d o the y vie w educatio n a s a mean s of enterin g a career , suc h a s teaching . Th e ide a o f residing fa r fro m th e famil y cluste r i n orde r t o com plete studie s i n th e capita l i s simply no t conceive d a s possible now, although hostel s exist for male student s to liv e awa y fro m thei r families . A shayk h i n Hamr a once tol d m y husban d tha t women , includin g hi s

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daughters, woul d b e allowe d t o stud y abroa d i f th e government coul d guarante e a n adequatel y "pro tected" environment. S o far, h e felt, suc h a n environ ment doe s no t exist . Ye t h e welcome d th e ide a o f advanced educatio n fo r women . Once married, wome n are under heavy social and psychological pressur e t o becom e pregnan t quickly . Muza once said to me, "I must have a child by the time I am eighteen , o r else m y husband wil l take a secon d wife. An d me n must d o s o i f the y d o no t hav e chil dren." Muz a accept s men' s desir e t o hav e sons , an d for thi s reaso n sh e i s worrie d becaus e sh e i s no t ye t pregnant. 3 Havin g a child , however , doe s no t neces sarily preven t a woma n fro m attendin g school , pro vided tha t he r famil y cluste r ca n assum e som e o f he r household an d childcar e responsibilities . A final important consideration is that these young women constitut e th e firs t generatio n t o atten d gov ernment schools ; therefore, ther e ar e no locally available model s fo r wha t wome n ca n d o wit h education . All th e teacher s a t th e girls ' schoo l ar e foreigners . Most o f the m openl y loo k dow n o n th e lifestyl e o f people i n th e oasi s an d rarel y initiat e socia l contac t with Omanis . Increase d contac t betwee n th e youn g women of the interior and women of the coastal cities, where there is a fairly large number of Omani women , often o f Baluchi, Luwati, or East African origin , work ing a s teacher s an d administrator s ma y eventuall y provide suc h models . Interview s b y Helg a Graha m (1978) among th e firs t generatio n o f Qatar i wome n i n professions suc h a s teaching , socia l work , an d medi -

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cine indicat e tha t th e mai n ingredient s fo r academi c success ar e suppor t fro m famil y member s t o stud y abroad, money , a stron g personality , an d a n aware ness o f specifi c jo b openings, usuall y i n government . Once a fe w wome n succee d i n obtainin g advance d degrees an d thei r possessio n becom e prestigeful , i t will become easie r for othe r wome n t o follow . Traditional Medicin e Traditional medicin e i s i n man y way s relate d t o th e importance o f childre n an d childbearing , on e o f th e main topics of this chapter. What are the options ope n to wome n i f the y d o no t hav e children ? Ho w d o women cop e with sick children? Until what age does a mother hav e control over the typ e o f treatment a child will hav e i n cas e o f illness ? Ho w d o wome n evaluate the available alternatives ? As th e precedin g discussion s o f schoolin g an d the achievemen t o f ful l adul t statu s b y wome n indi cate, th e pressur e o n wome n t o bear childre n i s enor mous an d make s ever y othe r pursuit , includin g edu cation, secondary . A fe w olde r women , ofte n o f lo w status, giv e massages o f th e abdome n an d lowe r bac k to women wh o wan t t o have children. I f this doe s no t work, the next recourse is a visit to a doctor, usually of Indian o r Pakistani origin , wh o specialize s i n cases of infertility. Ther e ar e suc h doctor s a t Nizwa , som e forty minute s awa y fro m Hamr a b y automobile . I d o not know fo r certai n th e treatmen t use d b y these doc -

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tors, mos t o f who m ar e a t a disadvantag e becaus e o f their havin g onl y a ver y rudimentar y comman d o f Arabic, but i n some cases the medicine they prescrib e is sai d t o work . Othe r wome n terminat e thei r treat ments afte r a fe w visits , citin g th e expens e involve d and th e lac k o f results . Fo r thes e women , th e las t re course for infertility (an d for other maladies) is medicinal branding (wasm; pi., wusum) o f the abdome n an d lower back , a metho d tha t continue s t o b e highl y re garded b y me n an d wome n i n th e oasis . Althoug h Omani wome n recogniz e tha t me n ca n b e infertil e (and mos t wome n reminde d m e o f thi s onc e the y found ou t tha t m y child wa s adopted), I learned o f n o traditional treatmen t fo r mal e infertility . December 3 . I went t o the mournin g a t Shayk h Ibrahim's. Ver y few visitor s were present. On e woman who m I did no t know aske d m e what t o do when on e catches a cold. I told he r abou t th e most commo n remedies—aspirin , lot s of liquids , and rest . Sh e said tha t thes e remedie s wer e no t very effectiv e an d adde d tha t Omani s hav e a much mor e effectiv e wa y of dealing with dis ease—branding, o r burning wit h fire . I had no t heard o f the practice unti l then, an d m y astonishment showe d o n m y face . I made he r repeat he r word s t o make sur e tha t I understood her correctly . The n I commented, "Wha t an extraordinary ['ajib] remedy! " The younger wome n were delighte d b y my reaction, i f for n o othe r reason tha n i t offered a distraction fro m th e lon g

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days of mourning. Everyon e i n th e room bega n explaining t o me how th e treatmen t worked . Some younger wome n showe d m e the scar s o n their bodies. On e wen t t o a side room an d cam e back with a brand t o show m e what the y loo k like. Most Omani s believ e tha t medicina l brandin g i s unique t o Oman , althoug h i t i s a for m o f treatmen t practiced elsewher e o n th e Arabia n peninsul a an d i n the Middle East and North Africa: in Bahrain (Hansen , 1968:127), Saudi Arabia (Katakura , 1977:66), the Hadhramaut (Stark , 1936 : 139-140), an d th e Suda n (Boddy , 1982: 694). I t i s prevalen t o n Oman' s Batin a coast , in cluding Suhar , a s wel l a s i n th e interior . A techniqu e that migh t b e relate d t o branding i s medicinal tattoo ing, practice d i n Ira n b y bot h pastora l nomad s an d villagers.4 Wome n i n Hamr a tol d m e tha t brandin g i s employed fo r a whole range of serious diseases (amrdd thaqila) i n case s where th e Western-typ e medica l hel p is unavailabl e o r i s unsuccessful . Hospital s ar e be lieved by many women t o be most suitable for the les s serious disease s (amrad khaflfa). Given th e limite d fa cilities o f man y hospital s an d thei r uneve n quality , this observation i s not unrealistic . For a wasm, a small brandin g iro n i s heated wit h matches until it is red-hot. Wher e the brand i s applied on th e body , an d th e siz e an d shap e o f th e bran d used, depen d upo n th e diagnosis , th e gravit y o f th e illness, an d whethe r th e patien t i s a child o r an adult .

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Ear diseases: Two long wasms on temples. Pimples: One tiny wasm done with the head of a pin on the tip of the nose. Malaria: Two long wasms on sides of neck. Jaundice and hepatitis: Two wasms, one on each upper arm. High fevers and heart ailments: Four wasms, tw o long ones in the shape of a cross and two below. They must be above the navel. Intestinal disorders: Two wasms above and below navel. Sterility (women only): Two wasms on lower abdomen and two others on lower back.

Headaches and colds: One wasm on center of skull. Swelling of the throat: One long wasm on back of neck. Cold fevers: Two parallel long wasms. Sterility (women only): Two wasms on lower back and two others on lower abdomen. Paralysis of legs: Two long wasms, one on each leg. Sciatica: One long wasm on left leg. Figure 12. Common medicina l brand s in inner Oman.

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Figure 1 2 illustrates th e location , shape , an d numbe r of brands necessar y fo r commo n diseases . Serious diseases, suc h as sterility an d hear t prob lems, requir e mor e brand s tha n othe r diseases . Onc e the ski n i s burned, oliv e oi l is poure d o n th e wound , which i s lef t t o hea l b y itself , usuall y leavin g small poxlike scar s o n th e body . Wome n tol d m e tha t i f th e branding is successful, ther e is an improvement i n th e patient's healt h a s early a s two or three day s later. I f a patient show s n o improvemen t afte r th e firs t treat ment, a second on e may then be given. The efficacy o f treatment i s rarel y questioned . Younge r educate d shaykhly wome n suc h a s Fatim a acknowledge d tha t branding ca n b e dangerous , bu t sh e adde d tha t i t seemed t o wor k i n man y instances . I f th e treatmen t fails, i t is because th e brand i s not applied i n the righ t places or because th e disease is more serious tha n wa s initially believed , requirin g additiona l branding . I knew tw o women i n Hamra, bot h older women , who wer e considere d expert s i n branding . On e wa s from a prominen t shaykhl y househol d an d als o per formed mino r surgery . Th e othe r practitione r wa s from a low-status clien t triba l group, but sh e attracte d patients regardless o f their statu s because of her repu tation fo r success . Ther e wer e als o me n skille d i n branding, althoug h m y husband learne d o f no man of shaykhly statu s wh o possesse d suc h skills . The incident involvin g mino r surger y depicte d i n Chapter 4 indicates th e socia l contex t i n whic h tradi tional medicin e i s practiced . N o stric t privac y sepa rates th e sic k person , th e mothe r o r guardia n i f th e patient i s a minor , an d th e medica l practitione r fro m

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other persons. Traditional medicine is practiced withi n the famil y cluster . Famil y member s ar e fre e t o sho w an interes t i n wha t i s goin g o n an d eve n t o pla y a n active role, as is the case for branding. Th e operation I witnessed too k plac e i n a sid e roo m bu t wit h som e younger member s o f the famil y cluste r watching . Th e door wa s lef t open , s o tha t wome n i n th e nex t roo m were awar e o f wha t wa s goin g o n i n there . N o on e paid particula r attentio n t o th e crie s becaus e thei r help wa s no t needed . Onl y a fe w curiou s youn g women watche d th e operation . There ar e similaritie s betwee n th e scen e I wit nessed an d th e description s o f brandin g tha t I wa s given, althoug h I wa s unabl e t o se e on e durin g m y stay i n Hamra . Famil y member s ar e ofte n activel y in volved. Severa l youn g marrie d shaykhl y wome n tol d me ho w the y wer e caugh t b y surpris e b y thei r moth ers, sisters , o r othe r clos e famil y member s an d ho w they were forced int o being branded. Ther e was a hint of prid e i n thei r voice s a s the y describe d ho w u p t o twenty wome n ha d t o hol d the m dow n becaus e the y screamed s o har d an d trie d t o wrenc h free . I did no t live within hearin g distanc e o f a house wher e brand ing occurred ; s o I cannot attes t t o thes e screams . M y guess i s that thes e account s o f loud screamin g ar e exaggerated. Nonetheless , i n a country wher e on e usu ally speaks in a soft tone and where emotional displays are muted i f they occu r a t all, be it in the marketplac e or a t coffee-drinkin g sessions , wher e on e trie s no t t o hinder the will of another, and where the body is completely covered and considere d ver y private, these de-

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scriptions o f th e us e o f forc e o n youn g adults , ofte n already married, an d o f the uncovering of parts of th e body i n orde r t o bran d the m ar e dramati c occur rences. Whether a femal e i s a chil d age d twent y month s or a woma n twent y year s old , th e mothe r maintain s control ove r her body. B y various tactics , including i n some cases the use of force, sh e can oblige her daugh ter to be treated eithe r for specifi c disease s of for mor e general ailments. "M y daughter crie d a lot," a woman answered when I asked why she had had her branded. The six-month-ol d infan t ha d bee n sufferin g fro m in testinal disorders , an d soo n afterwar d th e mothe r re ported tha t he r healt h improved . "M y daughte r i s weak," another woman answered, talkin g of a twentyyear-old woman. He r daughter had give n birth to fou r children in rapid succession , thre e of whom ha d died . She seeme d anemi c an d frail , an d sh e showe d m e parts o f he r bod y tha t wer e covere d wit h th e scar s of past brandings . Men, o n th e othe r hand , tol d m y husban d tha t they alway s gav e thei r consen t befor e undergoin g treatment, a t leas t onc e the y wer e n o longe r infants , and denied ever being tricked or forced int o it. A plausible explanation for the fact that some young shaykhl y women mad e suc h a point o f their resistanc e t o bein g branded an d o f the large number o f persons wh o ha d to restrai n the m i s tha t i t demonstrate d th e siz e o f their famil y cluste r an d it s willingnes s t o com e t o their assistance. No t all women i n Hamra hav e famil y clusters wit h twent y o r s o femal e member s availabl e

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to restrain the m i f they strenuously resis t a branding. Most nonshaykhl y wome n wer e reticen t wit h m e about thei r experience s wit h branding . They , too , claimed t o b e pressure d int o i t b y thei r mother s an d other famil y members , bu t the y di d no t emphasiz e this aspec t o r elaborat e o n th e numbe r o f person s present. Many wome n i n Hamr a ar e awar e tha t ther e are better medical facilities i n the capital area and out side of Oman . I returned t o America wit h ou r daugh ter earlier than expected because Amal had develope d an intestina l disorder , a proble m sh e share d jus t then wit h man y Oman i children . Wome n o f th e oasi s easily understoo d m y decisio n t o leave . Indeed , on e shaykhly woma n quietl y aske d m e whethe r I woul d take wit h m e he r infan t daughte r wh o ha d th e sam e problem. I looke d a t her , carefull y containin g he r emotions behin d a blan k fac e an d slightl y rigi d pos ture as she cradle d he r sickl y daughter. "Yes , I would like to," I began. W e then both remained silent , know ing that words were useless. Two years later, I learned from a student fro m Hamr a wh o wa s studyin g i n th e U.S. tha t th e child ha d bee n treate d a t the Nizwa hos pital and wa s doing well. An older son , however , ha d died o f scarlet fever . NOTES 1. Compar e Wright (1981:138) , who reports that in a village of central Iran , familie s havin g man y brothers and son s have greate r potential strength , althoug h i t is more difficul t fo r the m t o main tain the mutual confidence upo n whic h tha t strength rests .

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2. Compar e Siegel's (1969:161-162) study of a Muslim commu nity i n Atjeh , Sumatra , wher e wome n ar e considere d adult s onl y after th e birth o f their firs t child . 3. I received a letter in 1983 from a shaykhly woman announc ing that Muza and Shaykha had both given birth to daughters. The two wome n wer e als o plannin g t o continu e thei r studie s i n th e secondary schoo l i n Hamra . 4. Loi s Beck, personal communication .

8.

HAMRA: PAST AND PRESEN T

I

N a book intende d onl y fo r a n academi c audience , an historica l sectio n normall y come s first . I n thi s study, it seems more natural to put it at the end. It was only after experiencin g th e societ y an d communit y of Hamra fo r som e time that I could interpret th e signifi cance o f historical change . Fifteen year s ag o Hamr a forme d a tightl y kni t community. Th e unity an d cohesivenes s hav e not disappeared, bu t th e oasis is rapidly losin g its social an d spatial compactness . I n th e recen t past , oasi s inhabi tants wer e linke d b y a common lifestyle , dependenc e on th e fala j fo r wate r an d thei r livelihood , a share d tribal identity , an d intricate , overlappin g tie s o f kin ship, neighborliness , an d patron-clientship . Thi s co hesiveness was clearly visible in the physical layout of the oasis, with mos t o f its households locate d clos e t o one another i n th e hara , th e main par t o f town .

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Figure 13 . Overvie w o f Hamra . Th e smal l mosqu e adjacen t t o th e head of the falaj I s in the foreground. A cement house for one of the shaykhs is under constructio n behin d it .

Until the mid-twentieth century , Hamr a wa s a regional center of some importance. I n 1826, the leadin g lineage o f th e 'Abriyi n tribe , th e Awla d Zahran , moved fro m 'Iraqi , a n oasi s nea r th e tow n o f 'Ibri , t o settle i n Hamr a (Wilkinson , 1969 : 157), thereby estab lishing Hamra a s the tribal capital. Since the late eighteenth century , member s o f the Awlad Zahran lineag e have constitute d th e tribe' s political , economic , an d religious elite . Hal f a dozen individual s fro m thi s lin eage ar e toda y th e larges t landowners , possessin g half th e agricultura l lan d i n Hamr a itsel f an d larg e tracts of land elsewhere . Severa l shaykhly me n earlie r played leading roles in the administration o f the twen -

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tieth-century Ibad i imamate (1913-1955) , the cente r o f which wa s locate d i n Nizwa. 1 Until ver y recently , th e majority o f educate d person s wer e o f shaykhl y de scent. The remainin g populatio n o f th e oasi s belongs t o other, les s powerfu l lineage s o f th e Abriyi n an d t o client triba l groups . Clien t triba l group s ar e weake r tribes tha t a t som e tim e i n th e pas t sough t protectio n from th e 'Abriyi n i n exchang e fo r paymen t i n good s and labor . Anothe r categor y o f client s o f shaykhl y households ar e th e da y laborer s (bidars ) wh o tak e care of the falaj an d date-pal m trees . Many are said t o be non-Ara b descendant s o f peasan t cultivator s wh o traditionally tende d th e irrigate d orchard s i n inne r Oman an d wh o graduall y becam e incorporate d int o the present-da y triba l syste m (Wilkinson , 1977 : 142). Most oasi s dweller s ar e highl y uncertai n abou t suc h matters. Som e bidar s sa y tha t the y belon g t o th e Abriyin tribe, although when the y are in the presenc e of shaykhs , the y ar e mor e likel y t o specif y tha t the y are actuall y fro m a clien t triba l group . Finally , ther e are th e khuddam , slave s wh o wer e acquire d b y shaykhly me n t o serve a s laborers an d a s reliable an d trusted retainers . I n th e nineteent h century , som e slaves wer e presente d b y th e sulta n t o prominen t shaykhs in order t o gain their politica l support. Man y slaves were free d afte r a lifetime o f faithfu l servic e o r on th e deat h o f thei r maste r (Cooper , 1977 : 34-37) . Even whe n formall y se t free , however , ex-slave s an d their descendant s continue d t o be regarde d a s khud dam an d retaine d a low status i n the community .

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Not al l slave s wer e o f Africa n origin . Afte r 1902 , when slavetradin g wit h Eas t Afric a wa s virtuall y halted, som e coasta l town s o n th e Gul f importe d slaves instead fro m Baluchista n (Landen , 1967:152) . A few wer e from othe r region s o f Oman , includin g per sons capture d b y maraudin g Bedoui n group s wh o were subsequentl y sol d int o slaver y (Wikan , 1982 : 43 ; Barth, 1983 : 175, 184-187) . I n spit e o f severa l treatie s signed i n th e nineteent h centur y betwee n Oma n an d the Britis h government , traffi c i n slave s and domesti c slavery continue d i n som e part s o f th e Gul f are a unti l the 1950s (Hawley, 1970:136) . By the 1860s , the Gul f economi c environmen t be came seriousl y undermine d b y th e introductio n o f Western-controlled good s an d stea m navigation . These innovation s rapidl y altere d economi c condi tions i n coasta l Oman . I n th e interior , changin g pat terns o f trad e an d politica l dominatio n contribute d t o the declin e an d eventua l disappearanc e o f loca l eco nomic activities , includin g th e cultivatio n o f cotto n (Nizwa) an d th e productio n o f cotto n textiles , th e making o f brasswar e an d copperware , an d th e man ufacture o f firearms . Chea p cotto n fro m Bomba y an d the Unite d State s an d superio r firearm s importe d from th e Wes t totall y displace d loca l manufactur e o f these product s (Landen , 1967 : 145-146 ; als o Miles , 1910: 176). Oman, includin g th e interior , wa s furthe r hur t economically b y th e declinin g deman d fo r dates , on e of it s chie f agricultura l exports . Som e cause s o f thi s decline wer e competitio n fro m othe r date-producin g

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areas (includin g Nort h Africa , Iraq , an d California) , currency fluctuations , an d change s i n eatin g habit s (Wilkinson, 1977 : 29-31). Al l th e oase s i n Oma n suf fered fro m thes e economi c currents . Before th e introductio n o f moto r transpor t i n th e mid-1950s, Hamr a wa s a caravan entrepot . Date s an d limes wer e gathere d ther e fo r expor t t o th e coas t an d abroad eithe r throug h th e Suma'i l Ga p o r throug h a much shorte r footpath , to o dangerou s fo r animal s along par t o f th e way , whic h le d fro m Hamr a t o Rustaq, o n th e othe r sid e of the mountains. Importe d goods wer e redistribute d throug h th e Hamr a marke t to it s hinterland . Wit h th e introductio n o f moto r transport, Hamra' s rol e a s a n economi c entrepo t be gan t o shrin k rapidly . Th e oasi s wa s no t astrid e an y major moto r route , an d came l caravan s an d trad e o n foot vanished almos t immediately. Excep t for villager s in Hamra' s immediat e hinterland , mos t tribesme n found good s i n neighborin g market s les s expensiv e and o f greater variety. 2 To supplemen t a livelihoo d tha t ofte n wa s littl e more tha n subsistence , an d tha t i n year s o f drough t could b e eve n less , fo r ove r a centur y me n fro m Hamra hav e bee n compelle d t o migrat e t o obtai n work. Unti l th e 1950s , migration s wer e necessaril y long-term, wit h th e favore d destination s bein g Bahrain an d Kuwait , Zanziba r an d th e Eas t Africa n littoral. Zanziba r an d coasta l Eas t Afric a wer e unde r Omani rule , an d late r unde r a dynast y o f Oman i ori gin, since the eighteenth century , making the region a logical destinatio n fo r person s fro m th e Oman i inte -

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rior. Man y emigrant s secure d capita l fro m triba l shaykhs befor e the y left , s o tha t eve n separate d b y such grea t distances , patron-clien t an d triba l tie s re mained firm. 3 I n general , however , person s o f shaykhly lineage di d no t seek t o migrate. This patter n began t o change b y th e lat e 1930s. In 1939, a religiou s scholar and triba l leader of the 'Abriyin left th e interior to accep t appointmen t a s a qadi for Sulta n Sa'i d bi n Taymur in Muscat. I n th e summe r month s th e shayk h returned t o Hamra, wher e he saw after hi s estates an d resolved loca l dispute s (Eickelman , i n press) . Fo r many years few persons o f shaykhly descen t followe d his lead, bu t after 1980 , many shaykh s sough t govern ment sinecure s i n Musca t an d elsewhere , commutin g back to the oasis on weekends to see their families an d look afte r thei r land s an d othe r enterprise s i n Hamr a itself. Several event s i n th e 1950 s drasticall y affecte d matters i n inne r Oman . Th e firs t wa s Sultan Sa'i d bi n Taymur's dramati c roya l progres s t o Nizw a an d th e other principa l town s o f th e interio r i n 1955. The sul tan's visit , hi s firs t (an d last ) t o th e region , signale d the collaps e o f th e imamat e an d th e beginnin g o f th e sultan's direc t administratio n o f th e region . Thi s rein tegration of the interior with th e coast was followed i n 1957 by a rebellion i n th e interior , intende d t o restor e rule b y th e imamate . I t wa s effectivel y quelle d onl y with the aid of British forces in 1959. Finally, there was the rapi d economi c transformatio n o f neighborin g Gulf state s b y th e discover y an d large-scal e exporta tion o f oil. The insecurity an d economi c stagnatio n of

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Oman, especiall y i n th e interior , an d th e economi c opportunities mad e possible by oil revenues in neigh boring state s le d t o extensiv e emigration . Fro m th e mid- to late 1950s, Saudi Arabia was the primary desti nation o f Oman i emigrants . Saud i Arabi a supporte d the imamat e movement , accommodate d man y politi cal refugees, an d provide d economi c an d educationa l opportunities t o man y others . Bahrain , Kuwait , an d Qatar were other favored destinations , followe d i n th e 1960s by Duba i an d Ab u Dhabi . Wome n an d childre n remained behin d i n Oman . A n immediat e resul t o f the accelerated emigratio n o f this period wa s a furthe r decline i n dat e agricultur e cause d b y a shortag e o f manpower. Anothe r result , no t a s visible a t first , was the loosenin g o f patron-clien t tie s betwee n shaykhl y households an d person s fro m clien t triba l group s o r the descendants of slaves who were migrant laborers. 4 The las t fiftee n year s o f th e reig n o f Sulta n Sa'i d bin Taymur were a period of hardship and isolation fo r the majorit y o f th e Oman i population . Foreig n trave l for Omani s t o pursu e a n educatio n wa s almos t al ways forbidden . Eve n muc h o f th e emigratio n fo r "coolie" wor k elsewher e i n th e Gul f ha d t o b e clan destine. The only foreigners allowed to visit the Omani interior i n th e 1950s and 1960 s were a handful o f contract Britis h officer s an d oi l compan y employees . Once commercia l quantitie s o f oi l were discovere d i n Oman i n 1964 and export s go t unde r wa y in 1967, th e sultan chos e t o mov e ver y slowl y an d no t t o embar k on a progra m o f rapi d developmen t lik e thos e tha t were takin g plac e i n th e neighborin g Gul f states . I n

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1959, as a condition for lending military support to the sultan to quell the rebellion in the interior, th e British insisted tha t he establish a Development Department , for whic h th e British bor e th e entire financia l respon sibility. I n larg e par t becaus e o f th e sultan' s indif ference or active opposition, the achievements throug h "development" a decad e late r wer e slim : a fe w hun dred kilometer s of graded tracks , a primary schoo l for boys that lacked both a curriculum and textbooks, and two experimental farm s ru n by foreigners (Townsend , 1977: 68). In Hamra itself , throug h 1970 , there wa s little t o sho w o f "development. " Th e triba l shayk h ob tained permissio n fro m th e sulta n t o impor t a t hi s own expens e a small , gasoline-drive n moto r fo r a flour mil l and a Land Rover , th e only one in the oasis. A brother o f the shaykh , a governor o f the neighbor ing oasi s o f Bahla, possesse d a second vehicle . A few persons owne d portabl e radi o receivers . The coming to power of Sultan Qabu s bin Sa'id in July 197 0 brought rapi d change s t o th e interior . Th e way wa s ope n t o intensiv e investmen t i n infrastruc ture an d development project s fo r the entire country . From a long-term perspective, the changes initiated in 1970 consolidate d transformation s unde r wa y sinc e the 1950s . Hamr a an d othe r oase s i n th e interio r quickly becam e mino r administrativ e satellite s o f th e government i n Muscat. 5 Sinc e th e constructio n o f a network o f paved road s linkin g Hamr a t o other citie s of th e interior an d th e coast an d t o neighboring Ab u Dhabi, merchant s i n Hamr a ca n no longer effectivel y compete wit h large r marke t center s elsewhere . Loca l

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crafts ar e rapidl y disappearing , an d agricultura l pro duction i s likewise decreasin g owin g t o a shortag e of agricultural manpower . Fala j agricultur e ha s suffere d in particula r fro m th e los s o f manpowe r sinc e fe w young me n ar e willin g o r eve n abl e t o maintai n th e complex irrigatio n system . Repair s are stil l made, bu t everyone hope s tha t extensiv e repair s wil l no t b e re quired. Man y smal l oases , includin g som e i n th e re gion of Hamra, ar e dying ou t because o f the villagers ' inability t o repair thei r fala j o r to cope with lon g periods of drought (compar e Birks, 1977a, 1977b). The diet of muc h o f th e populatio n ha s als o been altered . For mer staple s o f th e interio r include d drie d shar k mea t (Cox, 1925 : 198) and frie d locust s (Miles , 1910 : 422). I have see n som e childre n ea t locust s a s snacks , bu t now a variety o f fres h an d froze n food s ar e available , brought fro m th e coast by refrigerated trucks . Canne d food i s also available . As opportunitie s fo r wor k hav e become availabl e in Oma n ove r th e las t decade , th e numbe r o f me n leaving i n searc h o f wor k elsewher e ha s declined . Nonetheless, mos t attractiv e opportunitie s fo r wor k are awa y fro m th e interior . I n 1980 , 4 3 percen t o f Hamra's mal e adult s wer e employe d awa y fro m th e oasis: i n th e army , i n th e capital , o r i n neighborin g Abu Dhabi (Eickelman, 1980a: 7). Improved communi cations enabl e mos t o f thes e migrant s t o retur n t o Hamra weekly or monthly. Man y young men, descen dants o f slave s i n particular , wer e quic k t o joi n th e police an d th e arm y i n th e earl y 1970s , althoug h recruitment no w appear s t o b e roughl y equa l fro m

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all sector s o f th e Oman i population . Man y other s have take n advantag e o f educationa l opportunitie s i n Oman, an d a few hav e gone t o Abu Dhabi . Some per sons, mostl y thos e o f shaykhly descent , bu t other s a s well, have obtained wor k a s administrators an d clerk s in th e burgeonin g governmenta l apparatus . Th e ma jority, however , hav e accepte d semiskille d an d un skilled wor k a s drivers an d guards . In 197 2 a direc t presenc e o f th e centra l govern ment was established i n Hamra wit h th e appointmen t of a governor . Th e fac t tha t th e governor' s hous e wa s on the lands of the tribal shaykh and was connected t o his electricit y generato r suggeste d tha t th e governo r had a n uphill struggl e t o establish hi s authority. Rela tions betwee n th e triba l shayk h an d th e governo r were cordial , bu t th e triba l shayk h maintaine d a decisive loca l influence . I n 1980-198 1 the governo r wa s a young ma n i n hi s twentie s fro m a shaykhl y famil y o f another oasi s i n th e interior . H e consulte d wit h th e tribal shaykh o n every major decision , deferre d t o th e local shaykh' s knowledg e o f th e nuance s o f loca l af fairs, an d spen t muc h o f his time lobbying for a transfer t o Muscat . In Hamra itself, the governor is the only "modern " employer. A tota l o f ninety-fou r Omani s worke d fo r the government i n Hamra i n 1980, and th e majority o f these employee s wer e fro m Hamr a itsel f (Eickelman , 1980a: 9). The ministrie s o f th e Interior , Lan d Affair s and Municipalities, Health, Justice, and Pious Endowments, Agriculture , an d Educatio n al l ha d loca l of fices. B y 198 2 a smal l pos t offic e wa s established . I n

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some case s th e governmen t ha s supplemente d rathe r than replace d locall y provide d institutions , suc h a s pious endowments , Qurani c schools , an d traditiona l medicine, whic h coexist s with moder n healt h care . I n other case s the governmen t ha s provided service s no t previously available , includin g garbag e removal , ma laria prevention , an d som e agricultura l assistance . The establishmen t o f moder n governmenta l ser vices has altere d ho w th e peopl e o f Hamra vie w thei r previously existin g institutions . Th e Qurani c school , for example , ha s becom e i n essenc e a preschool , which childre n atten d briefl y befor e enterin g govern ment school . I f an illnes s is not cured o r alleviated b y modern medica l care , the n olde r form s o f medicin e are employed . Likewise , som e peopl e stil l prefe r t o start firs t wit h traditiona l curin g an d t o us e moder n facilities (no t alway s staffe d locall y wit h personne l o f the highes t caliber ) a s a last resort. I n the past, a prolonged drough t woul d hav e entaile d extrem e hard ship. In the summer o f 1980, when suc h a drought le d to a dangerous fal l in the level of the falaj, th e govern ment se t u p tank s fo r drinkin g wate r a t strategi c points alon g th e falaj, fillin g the m wit h wate r carrie d by tanker truck s from nearb y wells . A large foreign communit y no w lives in Oman. I n 1980,16 percent of the population was foreign, bu t thi s proportion i s still low when compare d wit h neighbor ing countries i n the Gul f region . Th e foreig n commu nity fall s int o thre e mai n categories . Mos t skille d advisers an d senio r managemen t com e fro m Europe . Middle-ranking official s an d teacher s are mostly fro m

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India, Jordan , an d Egypt , wit h th e Egyptian s pre dominating i n governmen t employment . Commercia l enterprises generall y prefe r middle-leve l employee s from th e India n subcontinent . Unskille d an d semi skilled constructio n workers , servants , an d genera l laborers ar e almost al l recruited fro m India , Pakistan , Bangladesh, an d Sr i Lank a (Birk s and Sinclair , 1977a : 43). Althoug h man y Omani s ar e capabl e o f fillin g these posts , the y prefe r t o wor k i n neighborin g Gul f states, wher e salarie s ar e significantl y higher , leavin g foreigners t o fil l th e equivalen t post s i n Oman . Th e distribution o f thes e foreigner s throughou t Oma n i s uneven. I n the capital area, populatio n estimate s indicate, ther e i s nearl y on e foreigne r fo r ever y Oman i national. I n Nizwa , i n contrast , th e foreig n popula tion, mostl y unskille d worker s an d shopkeepers , i s estimated a t n o mor e tha n on e i n thirtee n (Directo rate-General o f Statistics , 1980). 6 In Hamra, ther e were 150 foreigners i n 1980 (Eickelman, 1980a : 9) . Two-third s o f thi s numbe r wer e Egyptian an d Jordanian schoolteacher s an d thei r fam ilies. The y live d i n specia l housin g outsid e th e oasi s proper an d returne d eac h summe r t o thei r countrie s of origin . Th e remainin g foreigners , wh o als o live d outside th e oasi s proper , wer e contrac t worker s fro m India an d Pakista n wh o wer e electricians , carpenters , mechanics, an d barber s o r were engage d i n construc tion work . On e serve d a s driver fo r th e triba l shaykh . In recen t year s tw o shaykh s hav e pioneere d i n usin g Indian an d Pakistan i labor t o tend cas h crops in field s irrigated b y wel l wate r outsid e th e oasis . Thi s tren d

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toward usin g foreig n labo r i n field s no t fe d b y fala j water is becoming prevalent throughout Oman . Ther e is stil l stron g resistanc e t o employin g foreigner s i n areas serve d b y fala j irrigation . Th e peopl e o f Hamr a say thi s i s du e t o foreigners ' lac k o f th e knowledg e necessary t o wor k i n falaj-irrigate d field s an d wit h date-palm trees . Furthe r compellin g reason s ma y b e that suc h field s ar e adjacen t t o Oman i housing , ar e worked sometime s b y Oman i women , an d ar e criss crossed wit h path s use d intensivel y b y women . Al lowing foreig n me n int o thi s par t o f th e oasi s i s a n innovation tha t the people of the oasis are unwilling to accept. There have been significan t shift s i n Hamra's spa tial layou t sinc e th e earl y 1970s . Hal f a mil e fro m th e oasis proper , th e roa d leadin g awa y t o Nizw a an d Bahla intersect s wit h on e goin g t o th e mountai n vil lage of Misfa. Mos t of the government office s ar e clustered aroun d thi s crossroad. Thes e include the office s of th e governor , th e qad i (wh o sinc e 1980 was himsel f of th e Awla d Zahra n shaykhl y lineage) , housin g fo r these tw o officials , an d primar y an d intermediat e schools fo r boy s an d girls . A fe w shop s ar e nearby , and b y 198 3 a bank an d a post offic e ha d bee n adde d to this cluster . By th e lat e 1970s , man y shopkeeper s ha d begu n to abandon the old market, itself located at the edge of the falaj-irrigate d oasi s an d mud-bric k "ol d town. " The ol d locatio n wa s inaccessibl e t o moto r traffic . Shops no w ar e locate d alon g th e mai n roa d betwee n the ol d marke t an d th e cluste r o f governmen t build -

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ings no t fa r away , bu t i n cement-bric k building s wit h metal shutters . Th e ol d marke t i s stil l th e cente r fo r the auctio n o f animals , loca l agricultura l produce , water rights , an d bul k sale s o f fruit s an d vegetable s trucked i n from elsewhere . Th e new shop s hav e fixe d prices, although som e clients can be favored ove r others and it is common to grant extensive credit to retain loyal customers. Thes e shop s carr y a range o f canne d and cold-stor e goods , package d ric e fro m Pakistan , plastic and hardware goods, building materials, readymade clothes, and bicycles and sewin g machines fro m the People' s Republi c o f China . Ther e i s even a shop , capitalized b y a n Oman i entrepreneu r bu t manage d by th e husban d o f a n Egyptia n schoolteacher , tha t carries the foo d preferre d b y Egyptians. Ther e are In dian barber s an d tailors , workin g o n contrac t t o loca l Omanis, an d th e old , shaykh-owne d flou r mill , no w run by an Indian contrac t worker . By laws establishe d soo n afte r th e "ne w era " in augurated b y Sulta n Qabu s bi n Sa'id , ever y Oman i citizen i s entitled , upo n toke n payment , t o plot s o f land fo r housing, agriculture , an d commerce . The immediate consequenc e fo r Hamr a i s tha t muc h o f th e land alon g th e mai n roa d an d alon g it s mai n tribu taries has been staked ou t into plots. Competition wa s intense fo r acquirin g commercia l plot s aroun d th e new governmen t quarters , whic h loca l entrepreneur s rightly sense d woul d quickl y appreciat e i n value . A s for the land stake d ou t for residential use, some of th e best plots and th e most imposing houses have gone to persons o f shaykhl y descent , som e o f who m occup y

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high posts in the judiciary and the palace bureaucracy. Other house s ar e muc h mor e modest , thei r owner s seeking t o ren t the m t o th e governmen t fo r us e b y foreign schoolteacher s s o tha t the y ca n us e th e reve nues t o pursu e othe r projects . Mos t house s ar e i n various stages of completion. Eac h time the owner ha s the capita l t o ad d par t o f a wall , iro n door s o r shut ters, o r other conveniences , anothe r additio n i s mad e to the house . Nonshaykhly household s ar e th e mos t avi d t o take advantag e o f ne w housin g awa y fro m th e mud brick ol d town . Th e exten t o f relocatio n ca n b e see n indirectly fro m th e 1980 census o f Hamra (Eickelman , 1980a: 15). At tha t time , 6 0 percent o f th e household s surveyed i n Hamr a ha d no t move d i n th e lifetim e o f the hea d o f th e household , 1 2 percent ha d move d t o nearby location s i n th e hara , an d 2 8 percen t ha d moved t o th e peripher y o f th e oasis , wher e th e plot s for ne w housin g ar e located. Sinc e cement-block con struction wa s prohibite d befor e 1970 , wel l wate r wa s much scarce r befor e then , an d ther e wer e ver y fe w mud-brick house s i n periphera l locations . Almos t al l the moves to peripheral location s hav e occurred sinc e 1970. Man y o f th e familie s wh o chos e t o mov e lef t their housin g i n th e cente r o f th e hara , a n are a wit h poor access to water. By 1980, much of this section was in a stat e o f disrepair , wit h man y house s abandone d or in danger o f collapsing . Shaykhly households, in direct contrast with non shaykhly ones, invest in repairing their old, imposin g mud-brick house s an d construc t adjacen t o r nearb y

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cement additions . Thei r ol d locatio n i s a n excellen t one. I t i s locate d nex t t o th e hea d o f th e falaj , th e traditional sourc e o f al l drinkin g water . Fala j wate r i s cleanest nea r th e head , makin g i t muc h mor e con venient fo r washin g clothe s and dishes . Moreover , th e tall pal m tree s o f th e oasi s garden s coo l som e o f th e nearby housing , an d th e shaykhl y household s al l have smal l house s i n th e orchards , whic h the y ca n choose t o us e i n th e hea t o f th e afternoon . Th e mod ern cemen t house s a t th e ne w periphera l location s have n o suc h amenitie s an d affor d littl e protectio n against th e heat . Inhabitant s o f th e shaykhl y house holds continu e t o live within walkin g distanc e o f on e another. The y ar e able t o engage i n th e frequent visit ing necessary fo r maintainin g stron g famil y ties . The recen t shift s i n Hamra' s spatia l layou t ar e di rectly related t o wider currents of economic and socia l change. Economically , th e rol e o f migrator y labo r i s much mor e importan t tha n i t was even a decade ago . Likewise, good s an d service s previousl y unavailabl e or sporadically obtainable only by the elite of the oasis are no w take n fo r grante d b y th e entir e population . The falaj stil l plays a n importan t rol e in oasi s life, bu t access to its irrigation wate r is no longer an overridin g concern fo r man y households . Triba l warfar e cease d many decades ago, and wit h it the necessity vanishe d for housin g t o b e protectivel y clustered . Ne w divi sions are also beginning t o emerge among the popula tion. As Wilkinson (1980:129) notes, there is an emerging distinctio n betwee n thos e wh o benefi t fro m th e income derive d fro m wag e labo r elsewher e an d thos e

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who d o not . Person s wit h stead y wag e labo r else where ca n afford ne w housing , moto r transport , gen erators, an d refrigerators . Th e standar d o f livin g o f other household s remain s muc h a s i t wa s te n year s ago. Thi s ne w economi c differentiatio n crosscut s th e old categorie s base d o n descen t an d freeman/slav e status. Moreover , patron-clien t tie s wit h shaykhl y households ar e beginning t o erode. Onc e th e mainte nance o f suc h tie s wa s a necessity . Thi s i s n o longe r the case . Nonetheless, inhabitant s o f Hamra maintai n wit h pride their common identity as 'Abriyin. On e way that descendants o f slave s asser t highe r statu s (upo n pro motion in the ranks of the police or army, for example ) is to place banners outsid e thei r house s o n feas t day s proclaiming thei r bes t wishe s fo r th e inhabitant s o f the oasis , an d the y sig n thei r name s i n suc h a way as to indicate that they are members of the 'Abriyin tribe, not jus t it s ex-slaves . Suc h a n assertio n o f ne w statu s would have been unheard of a decade ago. Now it occasions comment fro m som e oasis dwellers, but never in public. Other s hav e sough t t o challeng e th e leader ship of the Awlad Zahran lineage, but not to challenge the notio n o f tribal identit y itself . There ha s bee n onl y minima l permanen t emigra tion fro m Hamr a sinc e 1970. The high cos t o f housin g in th e capita l area , th e continue d valu e place d o n th e strength o f famil y ties , an d th e explici t desir e t o liv e close t o "known " an d truste d person s hav e induce d most households t o remain in Hamra. Onl y a few me n have move d thei r household s t o th e capita l area , an d

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even thes e commut e bac k t o Hamr a regularly . Rarel y are the y gon e fo r ove r a month . Fo r household s tha t now live primarily i n the capital, par t of their prestig e and statu s derive s fro m maintainin g a residenc e an d agricultural land s i n Hamra. 7 On e o f the reasons wh y the costs of falaj-irrigated land , water , an d dat e palm s have skyrockete d i n recen t year s i s that the y hav e become important a s symbols o f social status . Women's visitin g network s continu e t o b e a n important sourc e o f oasi s unity . Eve n whe n excellen t housing is available elsewhere, as is the case for work ers in Abu Dhabi, most men prefer t o leave their wives and childre n i n Hamra , an d mos t wive s agre e wit h this decision . Onc e I aske d a woma n whethe r sh e wanted t o tak e he r childre n an d g o t o liv e wit h he r husband i n Ab u Dhabi . He r answe r wa s vehementl y negative: "I do not want t o live alone. I have no famil y there, no people t o visit." Her ton e and th e quicknes s of he r respons e suggeste d tha t sh e ha d alread y con sidered th e possibilit y o f movin g an d ha d rejecte d it . For mos t oasi s dwellers , women' s visitin g network s are to o valued t o be abandoned . The continue d presenc e an d influenc e i n Hamr a of th e shaykhl y famil y cluste r contribut e t o th e on going unit y o f th e oasis . Par t o f th e incom e o f mos t shaykhly household s no w derive s fro m th e wor k of som e famil y member s i n th e capita l area . Som e shaykhs hav e investe d i n land s an d housin g i n th e capital area . Bu t ther e the y compet e fo r wor k an d prestige with many other persons, not all of whom ar e of triba l origin . I n Hamr a the y remai n a t th e to p o f

WOMEN AN D COMMUNIT Y I N OMA N 234 local society . The y continu e t o b e th e larges t land owners, an d the y predominat e i n suc h loca l activitie s as th e marketin g o f cas h crops , th e constructio n o f government buildings , an d th e contractin g o f govern ment services , suc h a s th e minibuse s t o delive r chil dren an d teacher s t o school. The y als o furnish capita l to man y loca l shopkeeper s an d manag e othe r loca l enterprises. Th e shaykhl y lineag e continue s t o b e o f pivotal importanc e i n Hamra , bot h t o th e client s o f shaykhs an d thei r household s an d t o thos e house holds antagonisti c t o them . Hamra i s clearl y no t a dyin g oasis , bu t it s loca l economy continue s t o stagnat e an d t o depen d mor e and mor e o n wag e labo r elsewhere . Give n th e hig h birthrate i n Oma n an d th e lac k o f loca l economi c op portunities, permanen t an d semipermanen t emigra tion is bound t o increase in coming years. The peopl e most likel y t o leav e firs t ar e thos e wit h n o lan d o r economic futur e i n th e oasis , thos e wit h th e leas t t o lose. Th e childre n o f shaykhl y household s hav e bee n the firs t t o realiz e th e advantag e o f completin g thei r education instea d o f leavin g schoo l earlie r t o obtai n ready employmen t a s driver s o r low-leve l clerks . Those who complete higher educatio n necessaril y se e their career s awa y fro m th e oasi s an d hav e becom e oriented mor e towar d nationa l concern s tha n loca l ones. As higher education is increasingly valued by all levels o f society , th e tren d towar d movin g awa y fro m the oasi s b y choic e o r t o see k a caree r wil l n o doub t accelerate. The people o f Hamra hav e held o n to their way of life an d vie w i t a s th e "right " one . The y continu e t o

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value th e primac y o f stron g famil y tie s an d residenc e in th e mids t o f relative s an d truste d neighbors . Thei r notions o f Islam , sociability , an d propriet y remai n meaningful interpretation s of , an d guide s for , th e so cial world . Despit e th e rapidl y changin g economi c context i n whic h the y live , the y d o no t fee l tha t thei r basic values are being threatene d o r eroded. Thei r so cial an d economi c environmen t i s rapidl y changing , but th e values by which the y make sense o f their live s are self-renewin g an d remai n a s vita l toda y a s the y were i n th e past .

NOTES 1. Fo r a n analysi s o f th e triba l syste m o f inne r Oma n an d it s relationship t o th e Ibad i imamate , se e Wilkinso n (1969 ; cf . Eickel man, 1980b) . Fo r a discussio n o f th e changin g relation s amon g tribal shaykhs , th e imamat e government , an d th e sultanate , se e Eickelman (i n press) . 2. Speec e (1982 ) provides a n analysi s o f economic life in Oma n in th e nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centuries . 3. Compar e Bujra' s (1971 : 75) commen t tha t emigran t labo r from Sout h Arabi a befor e Worl d Wa r I I t o Malaysi a an d southeas t Asia wa s provide d mostl y b y th e weathie r member s o f th e sada class, descendant s o f th e Prophet , wh o coul d affor d th e travelin g expenses. 4. Compar e Lindhol m (1982:102-103) , wh o state s tha t despit e the increasin g importanc e o f emigran t labo r an d remittance s among th e Swa t Pukhtun , som e emigran t worker s continu e t o work a t least part-tim e fo r th e khans, thei r patrons . I t is the patron s themselves wh o complai n abou t th e burde n o f clien t tie s an d see k ways t o brea k awa y fro m them . Wit h th e growin g importanc e o f a cash econom y an d th e increase d cost s o f labor , th e cos t o f provid ing food , shelter , gifts , an d protectio n t o client s ha s becom e to o much o f a burden fo r them .

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5. Se e Wilkinson' s (1980 ) an d Eickelman' s (1983 ) analyse s o f changes i n th e structur e o f village life i n Oman . Eickelma n (1983 ) discusses a village in the immediate vicinit y of Hamra . 6. Especiall y fo r th e interior regions , thes e estimates are ten tative and mus t b e treated wit h caution . 7. Th e valu e place d upo n housin g an d lan d i n one' s oasi s of origin i s also prevalent i n Saudi Arabia. I n discussin g my work i n 1983, a Saud i studen t commente d tha t Jidda , hi s ow n town , be comes empty of Saudis on major Muslim holidays as people return to thei r village s o f origin , wher e the y maintai n house s an d prop erty.

GLOSSARY

Terms ar e define d according t o principa l loca l usag e i n Oman. A long, blac k cloa k tha t cover s th e 'abaya entire body ; wor n b y wome n o f some group s i n Oman . Period o f consolation , o r mourn 'aza' ing. bayt al-'urub a Literally, "hous e o f foreigners. " Term use d primaril y b y wome n t o denote a guest room . Se e sabla. Agricultural da y laborer . bidar; pi., bayadi r Long, neck-to-ankl e tunic . dishdasha Irrigation syste m o f gently slopin g falaj; pi. , afla j tunnels an d narro w conduit s tha t conduct wate r to lands suitabl e fo r cultivation. Literally, "quarter. " I n Hamra , de hara notes th e mai n cluste r o f mud brick houses . Family cluster. Used as both singu hayyan lar an d plural . Religious holiday markin g th e en d 'Id al-Fit r of Ramadan .

238 'Id al-Kablr , al imam jama'a khadim; pi. khudda m khajal khatma laysu mahr malka mawla; pi., mawal i mjaza masalla murabbiya qadi qiyad

Ramadan sabla wali wasm; pi., wusu m wizar

GLOSSARY

Literally, "th e Grea t Feast" ; com memorates th e sacrific e o f Abra ham. Spiritual an d tempora l leade r o f the Ibad i communit y (unti l 1955) ; prayer leader . Community; group . Person descende d fro m slav e an cestors. Constraint cause d b y concern ove r doing somethin g improper ; shy ness. Public recital of the Quran . Multicolored shaw l wor n b y women. Bridewealth. Reading o f a marriage contract . Person o r triba l grou p wit h clien t status. Washing hous e fo r women . Place of prayer . Twenty-five-day visitin g perio d after th e birth o f a child. Religious judge . Literally, "exchange. " Als o de notes a n agreemen t whereb y tw o households eac h exchang e a so n and a daughter in marriage to minimize payment o f bridewealth . Lunar mont h o f fasting . Guest room. See also bayt al-'uruba. Governor. Medicinal brand . Long cotto n o r polyeste r clot h wrapped b y me n aroun d thei r waists. Wor n withou t dishdash a

GLOSSARY

zifaf Weddin

239

for informa l occasion s o r unde r dishdasha fo r mor e forma l ones , g ceremony .

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thesis, Universit y o f Arizona, Departmen t o f Oriental Studies , 1982. Stark, Freya . The Southern Gates of Arabia: A Journey in the Hadhramaut. London : John Murray , 1936. A Winter in Arabia. New York : E . P . Dutton an d Co., 1940. Sultanate o f Oman , Directorate-Genera l o f Statistics . 1980. Unpublished censu s estimates . Townsend, John . Oman: The Making of a Modern State. New York : St Martin's Press , 1977. UNICEF, Gul f Are a Office . "Belief s an d Practice s Re lated t o Health , Nutritio n an d Chil d Rearin g i n Two Communitie s o f Oman . Par t I . A Demo graphic Overvie w o f Household s i n Nizw a an d Sohar." Ab u Dhabi : UNICE F Gul f Are a Office , 1973, mimeo . Wikan, Unni. Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman. Baltimore an d London : Th e John s Hopkin s Uni versity Press , 1982. Wilkinson, Joh n C . "Ara b Settlemen t i n Oman : Th e Origins an d Developmen t o f th e Triba l Patter n and It s Relationshi p t o th e Imamate. " Un published Ph.D . dissertation , Universit y o f Ox ford, 1969 . Water and Tribal Settlement in South-East Arabia: A Study of the Aflaj of Oman. Oxford : Clarendo n Press, 1977. "Changes i n th e Structur e o f Villag e Lif e i n Oman." In Social and Economic Development in the Arab Gulf edite d b y Ti m Niblock , pp . 122-134 . London: Croo m Helm , 1980 .

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INDEX

al-'Abri, Shayk h 'Abdall a Muhanna, 15-16 , 22 , 37 , 49 , 74 , 190-191, 223 , 22 5 Abu Dhabi , 5 , 36 , 96 , 97,113 , 222 , 223, 224 , 225 , 23 3 Adoption, 18 , 23 , 178 , 183-18 5 Adultery, 96,113-11 4 Adulthood, 157 , 195-19 8 Altorki, Soraya , 97 , 9 9 Ammar, Hamad , 18 1 Anderson, Jon , 132 n Ardener, Shirley , 57-5 8 Aromatics, 10 , 22 , 24 , 46 , 56 , 69 , 89,105, 106,108 , 117,118 , 119 , 121, 123, 145-146 , 156-157,162 , 163 , 164, 165 , 166 , 171 , 174 Azza, 62 ; mourning husband , 89 , 168-172

Birth, 24 , 92 , 106 , 125-126 , 138 , 161-162, 183-185 , 197 ; attitude s toward, 25 , 103 , 109, 127,180,181 , 206; buying an d sellin g afte r a , 46-47, 164-165 ; privacy of , 92 , 161; visiting perio d (murabbiya) after, 46-47 , 53 , 81 , 83, 85,113 , 117-118, 159-160 , 161-165,171 . See also Adoption; Children ; Infan t mortality; Infertilit y Birth control , 18 2 Boddy, Janice , 20 9 Bonine, Michael , 79 n Branding, medicinal . See Medicine, traditional: brandin g Bridewealth (mahr), 94-95, 96,104 , 144. See also Marriag e Bujra, Abdall a S. , 53 , 235 n

Badriyya, 21 , 33, 35 , 44 , 45 , 56 , 73 , 85, 100 , 133 , 141, 146-147; on fam ily cluster , 84-86 , 9 4 Bahla, 97 , 145 , 223 , 22 8 Barth, Fredrik , 69 , llln , 21 9 Bidar (agricultural da y laborer) , 152, 163 , 164, 218 . See also Client (maivla) tribal group s Birks, J.S. , 42 , 50 , 181 , 224, 22 7

Capital area , 1-10 . See also Hamra, changing tie s wit h coas t of ; La bor, migran t Children, 22 , 44 , 45-46 , 47 , 49 , 66-67, 68 , 77, 120-123 , 156 , 161-163, 169-170 , 180-215 ; care of , 66, 85 , 124 , 135 , 138 , 187-188 , 195 , 204; deat h of , 125-126,162-163 , 166; desire for , 34 , 103 , 181-182.

248

INDEX

Children—continued See also Birth; Clothing: o f chil dren; Education ; Famil y cluster , relationships within ; Televisio n Client (mawla) triba l groups, 28 , 53 , 134-135, 147,151,152,153 , 163-164, 218 , 222 ; work of , 49 , 52 , 55, 75 , 211 . See also Social catego ries; Socia l mobilit y Clothing: i n capita l area , 3 ; of chil dren, 189-190 ; of men , 14,15 ; of women, 14,16-17 , 25,117-118 , 126-127; th e makin g of , 45-4 6 Coffee drinkin g sessions , 71 , 134-135, 143 ; compared t o meals , 67, 71-72 ; etiquette a t formal , 150-157; formal , 18-19 , 22 , 24-25 , 105-106, 107-108,114,117-118 , 124, 130 , 163-164 , 168-170 , 172-173,174,191-192,196; i n capi tal area , 5-6 , 8-10 ; informal , 21-22, 33 , 36-37 , 39 , 57,128,139 , 143-147. See also Visiting net works Community, 39-40 , 78 , 81 , 90, 91, 92, 93-94 , llln ; marriag e within , 86, 93-96 , 102 ; unity of , 75 , 131-132, 216 , 232-235 ; visitin g within, 150-179 . See also Famil y cluster; Hamra ; Sociability ; So cial categories ; Socia l mobilit y Conflict, avoiding , 35 , 91-93 , 94 , 110, 112-123 , 131 , 141-142, 205 ; examples of , 113 , 119,146-148 , 190-192. See also Discretion; Pri vacy: of famil y cluste r Cooper, Frederick , 21 8 Cox, Si r Percy , 22 4 Descendants o f a slave . See Khuddam Discretion, 60 , 92 , 100-101 , 112; when buyin g an d selling , 46-47 ,

57,165. See also Conflict, avoid ing; Privacy, o f famil y cluste r Divorce, 83 , 110 , 127 Education, 198-207 , 222 , 223 , 234 ; at government schools , 192 , 200-203; a t Quranic schools , 192 , 198-200; 226; effect o n wome n of , 203-207. See also Quran, teachin g of; Shaykhs , an d education ; Youth (women ) Eickelman, Dal e E , 78-79n , 93-94 , 109, l l l n , 198 , 221 , 224, 225 , 227 , 230, 235 , 23 6 Emotions, contro l of , 121 , 123, 124-127,163,190-192. See also Discretion Falaj (irrigation canal) , 12 , 28 , 32 , 43, 47-51,129,138,177,187,195 , 196, 216 , 224 , 228 , 231 , 233; branches of , 48-49 ; collectin g water at , 20 , 44 , 47 , 49-50,166 ; low wate r level of , 50-51 , 226. See also Housin g Family cluste r (hayydn), 41-43, 54 , 58, 62-63 , 65-66 , 69 , 72 , 77-78 , 80-111, 123 , 127, 146 , 177 , 212-214; conflict within , 113-116 , 205; subclusters of , 68 , 82-84 , 89,130 , 170, 171 , 175; visiting within , 76-78, 105-106 , 107-109 , 124-125 , 159-161, 167-170 , 187 . See also Household; Neighbors , com pared t o family ; Privacy , o f family cluste r Family cluste r (hayydn), relation ships within : father-child , 99-100, 102 , 104-105 , 189 ; husband-wife, 59-60 , 96-97,113-114 , 116-117, 119-120 , 127 , 128-130 , 131, 138,144,146,163,166 (see also Khajal; Privacy); mother-child ,

INDEX

44, 46, 121,123,166,180-182, 186-193; mother-daughter, 102, 124, 161, 180, 184-185, 205, 213-214 Foreigners: in capital area, 4, 7, 226-227; in Hamra, 37, 39, 139, 189-192,193, 200-201, 204, 206, 227-228, 229; in Omani interior, 207, 222, 227; perception of , 37-38, 40,118-119, 122,196 Geertz, Hildred , 7 0 Gilsenan, Michael , 132n Gossip, 91,101-102,113, 120, 146-149, 204 Governor (wali), 44,113,114 , 116-117, 225, 228 Graham, Helga, 206-20 7 Guest room: for men (sabla), 14 , 38, 58, 60, 61, 62, 73, 76,161,167; for women (bayt al-'uruba), 16 , 64-66, 76, 168. See also Coffee drinkin g sessions; Household, socia l space within Hamra, 11-12, 216-236; changing ties with coast of, 221 , 223-226; communal prayer ground in, 75; economy of, 32-33 , 219-220, 223-224, 227-228, 234; emigration from, 43, 62, 87,124, 232-233, 234; government office s in, 202, 225-226, 228; mosques in, 49; social survey of, 78-79n , 93-94,109, 224, 225, 227, 230. See also Falaj; Housing; Labor, migrant; Market Hansen, Henn y Harald , 69, llln, 198, 20 9 Hawley, Donald, 219 Hayyan. See family cluste r Household, 41-79 , 157-160,197; domestic work within, 43-45, 51,

249

147, 171; social spac e within, 57_69, 71-72, 76, 80,162,167, 168,169,186,191,196. See also Guest room; Family cluster; Housing; Meals; Privacy Housing, 43,163-164 , 216; high cost of, 42 , 227-228; of shaykhs, 15-16, 23-24, 26, 61, 62; relocation of, fo r non-shaykhs, 12, 42, 44, 48, 49, 230; relocation of, fo r shaykhs, 43 , 205, 229-230, 230-231 Ibadism, 50, 69. See also Imamate, Ibadi; Islam Ibrahim, Shaykh, 18,100-101, 124-125, 129-130; household of , 24, 62-6 7 Imamate, Ibadi , 218, 221-222, 235n Infant mortality, 22, 125-126, 162-163, 181, 213 Infertility, 25,110,115-116,127 , 184-185, 197-198, 205, 207-208, 211 Irrigation canal. Se e Falaj Islam, 38, 69, 75. See also Ibadism; Quran Joking, 101-102, 123,127-129, 131, 143, 144,193 Joseph, Suad, 90 Kanafani, Aid a Sami, 126, 179n Katakura, Motoko, 209 Khajal (propriety), 70-71,102,107 , 128; and status, 129-131 Khuddam (descendant s o f slaves), 23, 26-28, 116-117, 151,153, 159, 160, 163, 193, 203, 218-219, 232; marriage patterns of, 96 , 109; re lation to shaykhly households of , 52-53, 65 , 113-114,135-136, 164-165,167,168,172,179, 218,

250

INDEX

Khuddam—continued 222, 232; work of, 52-53 , 55-56, 75, 224. See also Mourning, serving of guests during; Social categories; Social mobility Labor, migrant, 32, 35-36, 41, 42, 96, 97, 109,113,178, 204, 205, 220-221, 222, 224-225, 231, 235n Landen, Robert G., 219 Lindholm, Charles, 235n Market, 30-33, 46, 52, 55, 57,187, 189,195; changes in, 33, 220, 223-224, 228-229. See also Discretion, when buying and selling; Hamra, economy of; Peddlers; Work, moneymaking, of women Marriage, 60, 80-81, 82, 83, 93-110, 127, 133, 151; by equal exchange (qiydd), 95 ; contract (malka), 92 , 95,104-106; negotiations, 91, 98-104. See also Weddings Meals, 19, 22-23, 67-79, 80,191,19 6 Medicine, traditional, 54 , 120-122, 185, 207-214, 226; branding (wasm), 54 , 120,139,144, 208-214; midwifery, 54 , 138 Melville, Herman , 112 Miles, S.B., 219 , 224 Milk tie, 97-98 Misfa, 22 , 84, 85, 86, 228 Motherhood. See Birth Mourning ('aza'), 39 , 60, 64, 159, 160,165-173; lack of formal, for infants, 125-126,162-163; serving of guests during, 53, 64, 156,168, 172,173; signs of, 34-35,126-127 , 166 Muscat, 1, 46, 62,120,124,125,161, 164, 204, 221, 223, 225 Muza, 102-103, 115-116,127,

190-191, 198, 205 Nasra, 21-22, 26-27, 33-35, 44-46, 94,100, 103, 203; visiting in community, 24,117,119,160; with family cluster, 34-35, 44, 72-74, 77-78, 84, 85, 87,107-108,131, 182,189; with neighbors, 54, 56, 138-149 Neighbors, 33, 57, 80, 93,125,128, 131, 133-149,160,174,187; clusters of, 138-146 , 177; compared to family, 107,133-134,140,16 0 Nelson, Cynthia , 90 Nizwa, 8,10,11, 46, 57, 85, 87,181, 184, 207, 214, 218, 219, 221, 227 , 228 Patron-client ties. See client (mawla) tribal groups; Social categories: Social mobility Peddlers: itinerant, 46, 57,144-145; women: 56-57, 143 Polygyny, 25, 109-110,120, 175, 206 Privacy: of family cluster, 35, 58, 59-60, 65, 66, 81, 90-93, 96-97, 108-109, 113-114,123,131, 146, 161; of meals, 66, 67-74 Propriety. See Khajal Quran, 118, 171, 186, 193, 199-200; recitals {khatma) of, 38 , 60, 69-78, 81, 91, 92, 152, 173-175, 200, 203; teaching of, t o women, 54, 174, 186,199. See also Education, at Quranic schools; Islam Rashida, 22, 56, 77, 78, 84, 133, 184 ; as midwife, 54 , 138; with neighbors, 138, 139,143, 144-148 Rustaq, 9, 152, 220 Salma, 34-35, 44-46, 117,119,156;

INDEX

with famil y cluster , 72-74 , 77-78 , 85, 107-108,182,189,197 ; wit h neighbors, 54 , 138-14 9 Saudi Arabia , 97 , 99 , 209 , 222 , 236 n Sciama, Lidia , 9 0 Secrecy. See Discretion; Simmel , Georg Separation o f me n an d women , 35 , 58, 59-60 , 63 , 191, 193-195 Sharifa, 18 , 23, 25, 62 , 89 , 184-18 5 Shaykha, 18 , 23, 24-25, 127 , 215 Shaykhs, 25-26 , 40n , 128 , 129-130 , 182, 183 , 193, 217, 223, 227, 229-230, 233 , 234; education of , 103,159,170, 199-200 , 202-205 , 215n, 218 ; family cluste r of , 82 , 87-89, 93,116,117,124-125,175 , 186-188, 212-213 ; marriage pat terns of , 95-96 , 109 ; relation s with non-shaykh s of , 113-114 , 117-119, 134-136 , 140 , 146-148, 162, 163-165 ; visiting obligation s of, 36 , 51,151-153 , 156, 159,161, 173-175; wor k of , 29 , 49 , 51-52 , 54,147, 211 , 221, 234. See also Khuddam, relatio n t o shaykhl y households of ; Socia l categories ; Social mobility ; Work , an d statu s Siegel, James , 215 n Silence, 164 , 214; as sanction , 123 , 135, 148,19 2 Simmel, Georg , 91-92 , 175-17 8 Sinclair, C.A. , 42 , 181 , 227 Sociability, 93 , 112-132, 150-15 7 Social categories , 25-26 , 27-28 , 39 , 51-55, 119 , 128-131 , 134-135, 138-140, 148-149 , 150-156 , 163 , 165, 168 , 172-173 , 174-175, 176-178, 193 , 216-218. See also Client (mawla) triba l groups ; Khuddam; Shaykhs ; Socia l mobility

251

Social mobility , 53-54 , 88, 106 , 109, 119, 178-179 , 222 , 224-225 , 231-233 Social space . See Household, socia l space withi n Speece, Mark , 235 n Stark, Freya , 67 , 79n , 112 , 150, 20 9 Suhar, l l l n , 140 , 20 9 Sultanate o f Oman , Directorat e General o f Statistics , 22 7 Television, 7 , 10 , 15, 67, 68 , 19 5 Townsend, John , 22 3 Veiling. See Clothin g Visiting networks : o f men , 60 , 151, 161; of women , 23-24 , 36 , 39 , 51, 80, 99 , 107-108 , 113-114 , 131-132 , 141-145, 150-179 , 23 3 Weddings, 74 , 98 , 101,103, 106-109. See also Marriag e Wikan, Unni , 79n , l l l n , 126,140 , 219 Wilkinson, Joh n C , 217 , 218, 220, 231, 235n , 236 n Work: an d status , 43-44 , 49 , 51-57 ; moneymaking, o f women , 45-47 , 55, 141 , 145,165. See also Khuddam, wor k of ; Shaykhs , work o f Wright, Susan , 79n , 148 , 214n Youth (women) , 101-103,120-122 , 135-136, 197-198 , 203-207 , 197-198, 212-213 . See also Adulthood; Famil y cluster , relationships withi n Zayna, 23-24 , 29 , 51 , 89, 117-118, 146, 163-16 5

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