Werke, Artikel, Entwürfe März bis November 1871

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KARL MARX FRIEDRICH ENGELS GESAMTAUSGABE (MEGA) ERSTE ABTEILUNG WERKE • ARTIKEL · ENTWÜRFE B A N D 22

Herausgegeben v o m I n s t i t u t für M a r x i s m u s - L e n i n i s m u s b e i m Z e n t r a l k o m i t e e der K o m m u n i s t i s c h e n Partei d e r S o w j e t u n i o n u n d v o m I n s t i t u t für M a r x i s m u s - L e n i n i s m u s beim Z e n t r a l k o m i t e e der Sozialistischen Einheitspartei D e u t s c h l a n d s

KARL MARX FRIEDRICH ENGELS WERKE ARTIKEL ENTWÜRFE MÄRZ BIS NOVEMBER 1871 TEXT

DIETZ VERLAG BERLIN 1978

Redaktionskommission der Gesamtausgabe: Günter Heyden und Anatoli Jegorow (Leiter), Erich Kundel und Alexander Malysch (Sekretäre), Rolf Dlubek, Heinrich Gemkow, Lew Golman, Sofia Lewiowa, Michail Mtschedlow, Richard Sperl. Redaktionskommission der Ersten Abteilung: Rolf Dlubek (Leiter), Erich Kundel, Alexander Malysch, Richard Sperl, Inge Taubert. Bearbeitung des Bandes: Hans-Dieter Krause (Leiter), Liselotte Hermann, Brigitte Rieck, Rosie Rudich, unter Mitarbeit von Irma Baude, Mathias Engel und Edith Voigt. Gutachter: Nikita Kolpinski und Erich Kundel.

Text und Apparat Mit 36 Abbildungen © Dietz Verlag Berlin'1978 Lizenznummer 1 LSV 0046 'V Technische Redaktion: Friedrich Hackenberger, Heinz Ruschinski und Waltraud Schulze Korrektur: Hanna Behrendt, Renate Kröhnert und Gerda Plauschinnat Einband: Albert Kapr Typografie: Albert Kapr/Horst Kinkel Schrift: Times-Antiqua und Maxima Printed in the German Democratic Republic Gesamtherstellung: INTERDRUCK Graphischer Großbetrieb Leipzig Papierherstellung: VEB Druck- und Spezialpapiere Golzern Best.-Nr.: 7448021 DDR 135,-M

Inhalt Text Einleitung

19*

Editorische Hinweise

51*

Verzeichnis d e r Abkürzungen, Siglen und Z e i c h e n

Apparat

767

KARL M A R X · F R I E D R I C H E N G E L S : W E R K E · ARTIKEL E N T W Ü R F E · M Ä R Z BIS N O V E M B E R 1871 Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " . March 20 or 21, 1871

3

771

Karl Marx • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " and o t h e r p a p e r s

4

775

„Zukunft"

5

779

Karl Marx • A la rédaction du « W e r k e r » . 31 m a r s 1871

9

782

Karl Marx • An d i e Redaktionen d e s „ V o l k s s t a a t s " und d e r

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " . April 3, 1871

10

783

Friedrich Engels • Der Streik d e r Z i g a r r e n a r b e i t e r in Antwerpen

11

785

Karl Marx • Mitteilung ü b e r Karl Vogt

12

787

Draft a n d A d d r e s s o f t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l )

13

789

Karl Marx • T h e Civil W a r in F r a n c e . (First Draft)

15

805

Karl Marx • T h e Civil W a r in F r a n c e . (First Draft, S e c o n d

T h e G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e

17

5*

Inhalt Text Dufaure Lecomte and C l é m e n t T h o m a s T h e National Assembly Chanzy, Archbishop of Paris e t c . Thiers T h e Assembly and t h e Paris Revolution T h i e r s ' finest Army Thiers The Commune Paris T h e Province Trochu, Jules Favre, et T h i e r s ' Provinciais The Commune a) M e a s u r e s for t h e Working Class 2) M e a s u r e s for Working Class, but mostly for t h e Middle C l a s s e s 3) G e n e r a l M e a s u r e s 4) M e a s u r e s of Public Safety 5) Financial M e a s u r e s La C o m m u n e T h e Rise of t h e C o m m u n e and t h e Central C o m m i t t e e T h e C h a r a c t e r of t h e C o m m u n e Peasantry Union (Ligue) Républicaine T h e C o m m u n a l Revolution as t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of all C l a s s e s of Society not living upon foreign labour Republic only possible as avowedly Social Republic W o r k m e n and C o m t e T h e C o m m u n e (Social M e a s u r e s ) Decentralization by t h e Ruraux and T h e C o m m u n e Comtist view Thiers on t h e Rurals G o v e r n m e n t of Defence T h e G e n d a r m s and Policemen Republican Deputies of Paris V e n d ô m e affair e t c . Karl Marx · T h e Civil W a r in France. (Second Draft) 1) G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e . Trochu, Favre, Picard, Ferry 2) T h i e r s . Dufaure. Pouyer-Quertier 3) T h e Rural Assembly 5) O p e n i n g of t h e Civil War. 18 March Revolution. Clem e n t T h o m a s . Lecomte. T h e Affaire V e n d ô m e

6*

Apparat

22 24 27 27 28 28 29 30 39 40 41 43 45 45 46 47 48 50 50 50 53 60 63 63 64 65 65 69 73 74 74 75 75 76 83 85 88 91 93

890

Inhalt Text 94 99 99 106 108 112

Apparat

Karl Marx • T h e Civil W a r in France. A d d r e s s of t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association I. II. III. IV. Notes I. II.

119 123 131 137 149 160 160 161

972

Friedrich Engels • Outline of an appeal to t h e W e a v e r s ' and S p i n n e r s ' T r a d e Unions of M a n c h e s t e r for a s s i s t a n c e of t h e Spanish textile w o r k e r s ' strike

163

1002

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Resolution of t h e G e n e r a l Council expelling Henri Louis Tolain from t h e International Working M e n ' s Association

165

1004

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Résolution du Conseil g é n é r a l sur l'expulsion de Henri Louis Tolain de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels

166

1008

Friedrich Engels · A b e r m a l s „ H e r r V o g t "

167

1009

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " . June 8, 1871

174

1014

Friedrich Engels • M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n eral Council. June 11, 1871. M i n u t e s

175

1017

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on Jules Favre's Circular

176

1019

Karl Marx • Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich. A d r e s s e d e s G e n e ralrats d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation an alle Mitglieder in Europa und d e n V e r e i n i g t e n S t a a t e n . Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels

179

1023

C l e m e n t T h o m a s . Lecomte e t c . T h e Affaire at Belle-Epine 6) T h e C o m m u n e 7) Schluß T h e lies in Thiers bulletins Revised p a s s a g e s to part 5 and 6 of t h e Second Draft

I. II.

183 192

7*

Inhalt Text 198 212 224 224 225

Apparat

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l C o u n cil to t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s "

227

1040

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels · S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l C o u n cil to t h e Editor of " T h e S t a n d a r d "

228

1043

Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by G e o r g e Jacob Holyoake's l e t t e r

229

1045

Friedrich Engels Letter from t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor of t h e " S p e c t a t o r " (resp. " E x a m i n e r " )

230

1048

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e " E c h o " . Probably June 20 or 2 1 , 1871

233

1050

Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e "

234

1051

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e "Daily N e w s " . June 26,1871

237

1053

III. IV. Beilagen I. II.

the

General

Council on

Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e

Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on t h e l e t t e r s of G e o r g e Jacob Holyoake and Benjamin Lucraft

238

1055

Karl Marx • An d i e Redaktion d e r „ N e u e n Freien P r e s s e " . 30. Juni 1871

240

1058

Friedrich Engels • „ T h e Civil W a r in F r a n c e " und d i e e n g lische P r e s s e

241

1061

Karl Marx • Letter to t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " , Frederick G r e e n w o o d

243

1064

Friedrich Engels • Aufzeichnungen von z w i s c h e n Karl Marx und Robert Reid

244

1067

246

1071

11, 1871

253

1077

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of " T h e S t a n d a r d " . July 13, 1871

254

1078

Friedrich Engels • Notizen ü b e r G i u s e p p e Mazzini

255

1079

Karl Marx • Mr. W a s h b u r n e , Paris

einer

Unterredung

t h e American A m b a s s a d o r in

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e " M o r n i n g A d v e r t i s e r " . July

8*

Inhalt Text

Apparat

256

1081

1871

260

1085

Karl Marx • Au r é d a c t e u r de « L'International». 17 a o û t 1871

262

1087

1871

263

1090

Karl Marx · Au r é d a c t e u r du « G a u l o i s » . 24 a o û t 1871

264

1093

Karl Marx • Letter to t h e Editor of t h e " S u n " , C h a r l e s Dana

265

1095

Karl Marx · T h e C o m m u n e and Archbishop Darboy

268

1099

Karl Marx • Au r é d a c t e u r de «La Vérité». 30 a o û t 1871

271

1102

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e "Evening S t a n d a r d " . S e p t e m ber 4, 1871

272

1106

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Propositions to t h e G e n e r a l Council c o n c e r n i n g p r e p a r a t i o n s for t h e London C o n f e r e n c e

275

1107

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Propositions to be s u b m i t t e d to t h e C o n f e r e n c e by t h e G e n e r a l Council

276

1109

Friedrich Engels • M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n eral Council S e p t e m b e r 9, 1871. M i n u t e s

278

1112

282

1114

a s s o z i a t i o n i n L o n d o n . 1 7 . b i s 2 3 . S e p t e m b e r 1871

283

1116

Friedrich Engels • Proposal on t h e m e e t i n g - p l a c e s and t h e o p e n i n g of t h e s e s s i o n s of t h e London C o n f e r e n c e

285

1130

Friedrich Engels · Notizen von d e n Sitzungen d e r Londoner Konferenz

286

1131

Friedrich Engels · Procès-verbal de la s é a n c e de la C o m m i s sion pour les affaires de Suisse du 18 s e p t e m b r e 1871

292

1140

Friedrich Engels • Propositions du Conseil g é n é r a l a d o p t é e s par la C o n f é r e n c e

300

1157

Friedrich Engels · L'intervento di G i u s e p p e Mazzini c o n t r o l'Associazione Internazionale degli O p é r a i . Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen von Carlo Cafiero Friedrich Engels • To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " . August 7,

Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of "Public O p i n i o n " . August 19,

Friedrich Engels · M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n eral Council S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 1871. M i n u t e s

Delegiertenkonferenz

der

Internationalen

Arbeiter-

9*

Inhalt Text

Apparat

Friedrich Engels • D o c u m e n t pour le r a p p o r t d e s finances du Conseil g é n é r a l

301

1161

Friedrich Engels • Résumé de la g e s t i o n financière du Conseil g é n é r a l du 1 s e p t e m b r e 1869 au 31 août 1870

302

1163

Friedrich Engels • Gestion financière du Conseil g é n é r a l pour l'année du 1 s e p t e m b r e 1870 au 31 août 1871

304

1164

Karl Marx • N o t e s sur la résolution Vaillant (Extrait d e s n o t e s de Marx à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres)

306

1165

Friedrich Engels • Über die politische Aktion d e r Arbeiterklasse. Rededisposition für die Sitzung d e r Londoner Konferenz am 2 1 . S e p t e m b e r 1871

307

1166

Friedrich Engels • Sur l'action politique de la classe o u v r i è r e . N o t e m a n u s c r i t e du discours p r o n o n c é à la s é a n c e du 21 s e p t e m b r e 1871 de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres

308

1168

Friedrich Engels · Projet de la résolution de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres relative à la lettre de Paul Robin à la C o n f é r e n c e

311

1170

Karl Marx • C o m p l é m e n t à u n e proposition d'André Bastelica

312

1172

Karl Marx • Résolution de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs relative au différend e n t r e les fédérations d a n s la Suisse r o m a n d e

315

1173

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Résolutions d e s d é l é g u é s de la C o n f é r e n c e d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Réunie à Londres, du 17 au 23 s e p t e m b r e 1871. (Circulaire publiée par le Conseil général de l'Association)

321

1182

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Resolutions of t h e C o n f e r e n c e of D e l e g a t e s of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association. A s s e m b l e d at London from 17th to 23rd S e p t e m b e r 1871. (Circular issued by t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e Association)

335

1207

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Beschlüsse d e r D e l e g i e r t e n k o n ferenz d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation, a b g e h a l t e n zu London vom 17. bis 23. S e p t e m b e r 1871. Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e d e r französischen und d e r e n g l i s c h e n A u s g a b e b e a r b e i t e t

347

1209

Karl Marx • To t h e Editors of " W o o d h u l l G Claflin's W e e k l y " . Covering letter to t h e letter from Jenny Marx to " W o o d hull & Claflin's W e e k l y "

359

1212

e r

e r

10·

Inhalt

Karl Marx • G e n e r a l Rules and Administrative Regulations of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association. Official edition, revised by t h e G e n e r a l Council G e n e r a l Rules of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association Administrative Regulations, revised in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e Resolutions passed by t h e C o n g r e s s e s (1866 to 1869), and by t h e London C o n f e r e n c e (1871) Appendix Karl Marx • Statuts g é n é r a u x et r è g l e m e n t s administratifs de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Édition officielle, r é v i s é e par le Conseil g é n é r a l . Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e d e r englischen A u s g a b e b e a r b e i t e t von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels Statuts g é n é r a u x d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs R è g l e m e n t s administratifs, r é v i s é s c o n f o r m é m e n t aux r é s o lutions d e s c o n g r è s successifs (1866 à 1869) et de la Conf é r e n c e de Londres (1871) Appendice Karl Marx • Allgemeine Statuten und V e r w a l t u n g s v e r o r d n u n g e n d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Amtliche d e u t s c h e Ausgabe, revidiert d u r c h d e n G e n e r a l r a t . Auf d e r Grundlage d e r e n g l i s c h e n und d e r französischen A u s g a b e b e a r b e i t e t von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels Allgemeine Statuten d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation V e r w a l t u n g s v e r o r d n u n g e n revidiert im Einklang mit d e n Beschlüssen d e r Kongresse (1866—69) und d e r Londoner Konferenz 1871 Anhang

Text

Apparat

361

1213

365

368 373

379

1238

383

386 392

397

1241

401

404 410

Friedrich Engels · Resolution of t h e G e n e r a l Council expelling G u s t a v e Durand from t h e International Working M e n ' s Association

416

1245

Friedrich Engels • Résolution du Conseil g é n é r a l sur l'expulsion de G u s t a v e Durand de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. V e r m u t l i c h e Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen

417

1248

Friedrich Engels • Resolution d e s G e n e r a l r a t s ü b e r d e n Ausschluß von G u s t a v e Durand aus d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen von Karl Marx

418

1249

11*

Inhalt

Text

Apparat

Friedrich Engels • Risoluzione del Consiglio G e n e r a l e sulla e s p u l s i o n e di G u s t a v e Durand dall'Associazione Internazionale degli O p é r a i . Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen, u n t e r Berücksichtigung d e r französischen Textfassung

419

1251

Karl Marx · Declaration of t h e G e n e r a l Council on N e c h a e v ' s m i s u s e of t h e n a m e of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association

420

1253

Karl Marx • Déclaration du Conseil g é n é r a l sur l'usurpation par N e t c h a ï e v du nom de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. V e r m u t l i c h e Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels

423

1256

Karl Marx · Résolution du Conseil g é n é r a l sur les s t a t u t s de la Section française de 1871 a d o p t é e à la s é a n c e du 17 o c t o b r e 1871

424

1258

Friedrich Engels · On t h e p r o g r e s s of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association in Italy and Spain

427

1265

Karl Marx · Dichiarazione del Consiglio G e n e r a l e sull'abuso del n o m e dell'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai da p a r t e di Neciaiev. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen, u n t e r Berücksichtigung d e r französischen Textfassung, von Friedrich Engels

429

1267

Karl Marx • Erklärung d e s G e n e r a l r a t s zum M i ß b r a u c h d e s N a m e n s d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation d u r c h Netschajew. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen

430

1268

Friedrich Engels · S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council conc e r n i n g Alexander Baillie C o c h r a n e ' s l e t t e r

431

1269

française de 1871

433

1272

Friedrich Engels • Der G r ü n d u n g s s c h w i n d e l in England

438

1281

440

1283

Karl Marx • Résolutions du Conseil g é n é r a l sur la Section

Friedrich

Engels · G i u s e p p e

Garibaldi's

effects on t h e Working C l a s s e s in Italy

12*

S t a t e m e n t and

its

Inhalt Text

Apparat

zeichnungen von Reden

445

1291

Lettre au r é d a c t e u r du « C o u r r i e r de l'Europe»

447

1293

Karl Marx • Aan de r e d a c t i e van «De W e r k e r » . T u s s e n 1 en 7 april 1871. Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Französischen

448

1295

Account of an i n t e r v i e w with Karl Marx published in t h e "World"

451

1296

Resolution t h a t t h e C o n f e r e n c e of D e l e g a t e s from t h e local federations of t h e Spanish region, held at Valencia t h e 10th S e p t e m b e r 1871, p r e s e n t s t o t h e International Confer e n c e of London. Von Friedrich Engels r e d i g i e r t e Ü b e r s e t zung aus d e m S p a n i s c h e n

459

1302

Proposition p r é s e n t é e à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres par la C o n f é r e n c e de d é l é g u é s de la f é d é r a t i o n e s p a g n o l e à Valenc e , le 10 s e p t e m b r e 1871. Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m S p a n i s c h e n von Friedrich Engels

465

1 308

Friedrich Engels • Traduction française de l'article 10 d e s «Provisional Rules of t h e Association» de Karl Marx

468

1310

Jenny Marx · To t h e Editor of " W o o d h u l l G Claflin's W e e k l y " . Not after S e p t e m b e r 23, 1871

469

1312

The S e v e n t h Anniversary of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association. Account of t h e c e l e b r a t i o n s held in London Sept e m b e r 25, 1871

477

1314

Resolution on t h e Central C o m m i t t e e of t h e International's sections in t h e United S t a t e s . Drawn up by t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e

480

1316

Karl Marx • La G u e r r e civile en F r a n c e . A d r e s s e du Conseil g é n é r a l de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Von Karl Marx r e d i g i e r t e Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen I II III IV

481 485 491 496 506

1319

ANHANG

Artikel, D o k u m e n t e und Ü b e r s e t z u n g e n , d i e u n t e r Mitwirkung von

Marx und

E n g e l s v e r f a ß t w u r d e n , Auf-

13*

Inhalt

Protokolle

Text 517

Apparat 1345

519

1347

T h e minute book of t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association. March 21 - N o v e m b e r 7,1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council March 21, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council March 28, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council April 4, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council April 11, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council April 18, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council April 25, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 2, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 9, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 16, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 23, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 30, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 6, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 13, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 20, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 27, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 4, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 11, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 18, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 25, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council August 1, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council August 8, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council August 15, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e General Council August 22, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council August 29, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 5, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 12, 1871 Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 16,1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 26, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 2, 1871 Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 7, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 10, 1871 Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 16, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 17, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 24, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e G eneral Council O c t o b e r 31, 1871 M e e t i n g of t h e General Council N o v e m b e r 7, 1871

14*

521 525 528 531 536 539 544 547 551 555 558 559 562 565 568 570 573 576 580 585 589 593 595 598 600 604 608 610 615 618 620 624 627 631 633 637

Inhalt

Procès-verbaux de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs r é u n i e à Londres du 17 au 23 s e p t e m b r e 1871 S é a n c e du 17 s e p t e m b r e 1871 S é a n c e du 18 s e p t e m b r e 1871 S é a n c e du 19 s e p t e m b r e 1871 (après-midi) Séance Séance Séance Séance Séance Séance Séance

du du du du du du du

19 20 20 21 21 22 22

septembre septembre septembre septembre septembre septembre septembre

1871 (soir) 1871 (après-midi) 1871 (soir) 1871 1871 1871 1871

Text

Apparat

641 643 650 664

1397

674 682 693 704 709 719 735

Verzeichnis nicht ü b e r l i e f e r t e r Arbeiten

1459

REGISTER Literaturregister I. Arbeiten von Marx und Engels II. Arbeiten a n d e r e r A u t o r e n III. Periodica

1463 1463 1466 1478

Namenregister

1487

Sachregister

1526

Verzeichnis der Abbildungen

Der Volksstaat. Leipzig Nr. 26, 29. März 1871. Titelblatt

7

Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (First Draft). Seite 19 der Handschrift

71

Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (Second Draft). Seite 7 der Handschrift

101

Karl Marx. The Civil War in France. Third edition. [London] 1871. Titelblatt

121

Karl Marx: Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich. Leipzig 1871. Titelblatt

181

Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels: Entwürfe von Erklärungen an das „Echo" und die „Pall Mall Gazette" The Eastern Post London. Nr. 144, 1. Juli 1871. Titelblatt

231 235

15*

Inhalt Text

Karl Marx: To the Editor of the "Daily News". June 26, 1871. The Eastern Post. London. Nr. 144, I.Juli 1871. Seite 5

236

Karl Marx: Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris. Erste Seite des Flugblatts

247

Friedrich Engels: Notizen über Giuseppe Mazzini

257

Karl Marx: Au rédacteur de la Vérité. Erste Seite der Handschrift Friedrich Engels: Meeting of the Subcommittee of the General Council September 9, 1871. Minutes. Zweite Seite der Handschrift

273 279

Friedrich Engels: Notizen von den Sitzungen der Londoner Konferenz. Zweite Seite der Handschrift

287

Friedrich Engels: Notizen von den Sitzungen der Londoner Konferenz. Dritte Seite der Handschrift

288

Friedrich Engels: Procès-verbal de la séance de la Commission pour les affaires de Suisse du 18 septembre 1871. Erste Seite der Handschrift

293,

Friedrich Engels: Über die politische Aktion der Arbeiterklasse. Rededisposition für die Sitzung der Londoner Konferenz am 21. September 1871

309

Karl Marx: Complément à une proposition d'André Bastelica. Handschrift von Bastelica und Marx

313

L'Égalité. Genève. Nr. 20, 21. Oktober 1871. Titelblatt

317

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels: Résolutions des délégués de la Conference de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Londres 1871. Titelblatt

323

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels: Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International Working Men's Association. London 1871. Titelblatt

337

Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels: Beschlüsse der Delegiertenkonferenz der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation... Leipzig [1872]. Titelblatt

349

Karl Marx: General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the International Working Men's Association. Official edition, revised by the General Council. London 1871. Titelblatt

363

Karl Marx: Statuts généraux et règlements administratifs de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Édition officielle, révisée par le Conseil Général. Londres 1871. Titelblatt

381

Karl Marx: Allgemeine Statuten und Verwaltungsverordnungen der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Amtliche deutsche Ausgabe, revidiert durch den Generalrat. Leipzig [1872]. Titelblatt

399

16*

Apparat

Inhalt Text

Italienische Übersetzung der Resolution des Generalrats über den Ausschluß von Gustave Durand aus der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. La Plebe. Lodi. Nr. 122, 19. Oktober 1871

421

De Werker Antwerpen. Nr. 35, 22. Juli 1871. Titelblatt

449

Resolution that the Conference of Delegates from the local federations of the Spanish region, held at Valencia the 10th September 1871, presents to the International Conference of London. Von Friedrich Engels redigierte Übersetzung aus dem Spanischen. Erste Seite der Handschrift von Nicolas Alonso Marselau mit Änderungen von Engels' Hand

461

Karl Marx. La Guerre civile en France. Troisième édition revue. (Bruxelles [1872].) Titelblatt

483

Protokollbuch des Generalrats der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Seite 284. Handschrift von John Haies, mit Unterschrift von Karl Marx

605

Protokoll der Sitzung der Londoner Konferenz vom 18. September 1871. Erste Seite der Handschrift von Charles Rochat

651

Protokoll der Abendsitzung der Londoner Konferenz vom 19. September 1871. Neunte Seite der Mitschrift von Constant Martin

679

Apparat

Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (Second Draft). Seite 1 der Handschrift (S. 85.1-88.21 des Edierten Textes)

895

Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (Second Draft). Seite 6 der Handschrift (S. 93.6-98.12 des Edierten Textes)

923

Karl Marx: The Civil War in France. [London] 1871. Titelblatt der Erstausgabe

973

Korrekturfahne zu Karl Marx' Arbeit „La Guerre civile en France" (Bruxelles 1872) mit Korrekturen von Marx' und Charles, Longuets Hand (S. 485.31-489.42 des Edierten Textes)

1327

Protokollbuch des Generalrats der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. S.232. Handschrift von John Haies

1369

17*

Editorische Hinweise D e r v o r l i e g e n d e Band w u r d e b e a r b e i t e t v o n H a n s - D i e t e r K r a u s e (Leitung), Liselotte H e r m a n n , Brigitte Rieck und Rosie Rudich. An d e r V o r b e r e i t u n g des

Bandes haben mitgearbeitet:

Voigt.

I r m a B a u d e , M a t h i a s E n g e l u n d Edith

Wissenschaftlich-technische

Waltraud

Schulze

und

Katharina

Arbeiten

Kühl.

Das

wurden

ausgeführt

von

Literaturregister w u r d e von

Irma Baude, d a s N a m e n r e g i s t e r von Rosie Rudich und Liselotte H e r m a n n , d a s S a c h r e g i s t e r von W a l d t r a u t Opitz und Jutta Nesler, u n t e r Mitarbeit von Sabine

Edeling und

Brigitte

Rieck, z u s a m m e n g e s t e l l t . F e r n e r w a r e n b e -

teiligt: Jo Koch, Maria L e h m a n n und Käthe S c h w a n k . D e r Band w u r d e s e i t e n s d e r R e d a k t i o n s k o m m i s s i o n b e t r e u t und b e g u t a c h t e t von

Erich

Kundel.

Gutachter des

IML b e i m Z K d e r KPdSU w a r

Nikita Kolpinski. A n d e r B e g u t a c h t u n g d e s G e s a m t m a n u s k r i p t s w a r b e t e i ligt I n g e T a u b e r t ; T e i l g u t a c h t e n z u e i n z e l n e n A r b e i t e n s o w i e S t e l l u n g n a h men

zu

bestimmten

Sachgebieten

erfolgten

durch

Mercedes

Alvarez

( M a d r i d ) , B e r t A n d r e a s ( G e n f ) , M a r y A s h r a f (Berlin), J e a n B r u h a t (Paris), M a deleine

Burgaleta

University,

(Paris),

Pennsylvania),

N i n a C a t a c h (Paris), Ernesto

Gatta

P h i l i p S . F o n e r (Lincoln

(Berlin),

Beatrice

de

Gerloni

( T r e n t o ) , J o a c h i m H ö p p n e r (Berlin), M o t o m i Itizyo ( T o k i o ) , J o h a n n e s K l a r e (Berlin), V i v i e n M o r t o n ( C l a r e , Suffolk), J o h n P e e t ( B e r l i n ) , A r v i d S p r e u (Berlin),

H a n s W e t z l e r (Berlin) s o w i e d u r c h d e n V e r l a g

Éditions sociales

(Paris). Die

Herausgeber danken

allen

wissenschaftlichen

Einrichtungen, die

bei d e r V o r b e r e i t u n g d e s B a n d e s U n t e r s t ü t z u n g g e w ä h r t e n . Die Einsichtn a h m e in die Originale von Marx und Engels ermöglichten das Internationale

I n s t i t u t für S o z i a l g e s c h i c h t e i n A m s t e r d a m

u n d — für e i n e H a n d -

s c h r i f t — d i e K i n k i - U n i v e r s i t ä t , O s a k a . F e r n e r ist z u d a n k e n d e r D e u t s c h e n Staatsbibliothek,

Berlin, d e r U n i v e r s i t ä t s - und L a n d e s b i b l i o t h e k S a c h s e n -

A n h a l t , H a l l e / S . , d e r S ä c h s i s c h e n L a n d e s b i b l i o t h e k , D r e s d e n , d e r Bibliot h è q u e N a t i o n a l e , P a r i s , d e r British L i b r a r y , L o n d o n u n d d e m F e l t r i n e l l i Institut in M i l a n o .

58*

KARL M A R X FRIEDRICH

ENGELS

WERKE - ARTIKEL · E N T W Ü R F E M Ä R Z BIS N O V E M B E R 1871

Karl M a r x / F r i e d r i c h Engels To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " March 20 or 2 1 , 1871

To the Editor of the Times Sir In your impression of the 1 6 M a r c h y o u r Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n t states: "Karl Marx h a s written a letter to o n e of his principal affiliés in Paris, stating that he is n o t satisfied with t h e attitude which t h e m e m b e r s of t h a t society (the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " ) h a v e t a k e n up in that city e t c . " This s t a t e m e n t your c o r r e s p o n d e n t has evidently taken from the Paris Journal of the 14 M a r c h w h e r e also t h e publication, in full, of the p r e t e n d e d letter is promised. T h e Paris J o u r n a l of t h e 19 M a r c h does indeed contain a th

5

th

th

10

th

letter dated L o n d o n 2 8 F e b r u a r y 1871 and purporting to be signed by m e , the c o n t e n t s of w h i c h agree with t h e s t a t e m e n t of your c o r r e s p o n d e n t . I n o w beg to declare that this letter is, from beginning to end, an i m p u d e n t forgery. |

3

Karl Marx S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " and o t h e r papers

The Times. Nr.27018, 23. März 1871

To the Editor of The Times. Sir,—I am directed by t h e General Council of t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association to solicit your favour to publish the following in the columns of your journal:— A s t a t e m e n t has gone the r o u n d of the English p r e s s that the Paris 5 m e m b e r s of the International Working M e n ' s Association h a d in so far joined the so-called Anti-German L e a g u e as to declare all G e r m a n s to be h e n c e f o r t h excluded from our association. This statement is the very r e v e r s e of fact. Neither the Federal Council of our association in Paris, nor any of the Paris sections r e p r e s e n t e d by 10 that council, h a v e ever p a s s e d any such resolution. T h e so-called AntiG e r m a n L e a g u e , as far as it exists at all, is t h e exclusive w o r k of t h e u p p e r and middle classes; it was started by the J o c k e y Club, and kept up by the adhesions of the A c a d e m y , of the S t o c k E x c h a n g e , of some b a n k e r s and m a n u f a c t u r e r s , e t c . T h e working-classes h a v e nothing w h a t e v e r to do 15 with it. T h e object of these calumnies is evident. A short time before the outb r e a k of the late w a r the International w a s m a d e the general scapegoat for all u n t o w a r d e v e n t s . This is n o w repeated over again. While the Swiss and the Prussian press accuse it of having created the late outrages u p o n Ger- 20 m a n s in Zurich, F r e n c h p a p e r s , such as the Courrier de Lyon, Courrier de la Gironde, La Liberté, etc., tell of certain secret meetings of Internationals having b e e n held at G e n e v a and B e r n e , the Prussian A m b a s s a d o r in t h e chair, in which meetings a plan w a s c o n c o c t e d to h a n d over L y o n s to the united Prussians and Internationals for the sake of c o m m o n plunder. 25 Y o u r s respectfully, J. GEORGE ECCARIUS, General S e c r e t a r y of the International Working M e n ' s Association. 256, High H o l b o r n , M a r c h 22.

4

30

Karl Marx An die Redaktionen d e s „ V o l k s s t a a t s " und der „Zukunft"

Der Volksstaat. Nr. 26, 29. März 1871

An die Redaktion des „VolksStaat".

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Das Paris-Journal, eines der gelungensten Organe der Pariser Polizeip r e s s e , veröffentlichte in seiner N u m m e r v o m 14. M ä r z einen Artikel unter d e m sensationellen Aushängeschild: „ L e G r a n d Chef d e l'Internationale." („Grand Chef" ist wohl die französische U e b e r s e t z u n g des S t i e b e r ' s c h e n „ H a u p t - C h e f " ) . „ E r " , beginnt der Artikel, „ist, wie b e k a n n t , ein D e u t s c h e r , was schlimmer ist, ein P r e u ß e . Er n e n n t sich K a r l M a r x , w o h n t zu Berlin etc. N u n wohl! Dieser Karl M a r x ist unzufrieden mit der Haltung der französischen Mitglieder der Internationalen. Dies spricht schon für ihn. Er findet, daß sie sich unendlich zu viel mit Politik und nicht genug mit den sozialen Fragen beschäftigen. D a s ist seine Ansicht, u n d er hat sie so eben sehr entschieden formulirt in einem Brief an seinen B r u d e r u n d F r e u n d , den Bürger Serraillier, einen der Pariser H o c h p r i e s t e r der Internationalen. Karl M a r x bittet die französischen Mitglieder, i n s b e s o n d e r e die Pariser Affiliirten, nicht aus d e m A u g e zu verlieren, d a ß ihre Gesellschaft einen einzigen Z w e c k hat: die Organisation der Arbeit und die Zukunft der Arbeitergesellschaften. Aber m a n desorganisirt die Arbeit, statt sie zu organisiren, u n d er glaubt die Delinquenten z u m R e s p e k t der Statuten der Assoziation zurückrufen zu m ü s s e n . Wir erklären uns im Stand, diesen merkwürdigen Brief des H e r r n Karl M a r x publiziren zu k ö n n e n , sobald er den Mitgliedern der Internationalen mitgetheilt w o r d e n sein w i r d " . In seiner N u m m e r v o m 19. M ä r z hat das Paris-Journal in der T h a t einen angeblich von mir u n t e r z e i c h n e t e n Brief, der sofort von der g e s a m m t e n Pariser R e a k t i o n s p r e s s e n a c h g e d r u c k t w a r d u n d dann seinen W e g in L o n doner Blätter fand. Mittlerweile j e d o c h h a t t e Paris-Journal ausgewittert, daß ich in London h a u s e u n d nicht in Berlin. Es datirt daher diesmal den Brief von L o n d o n , im W i d e r s p r u c h zu seiner ersten Ankündigung. Diese nachträgliche K o r r e k t u r leidet j e d o c h an dem Mißstand, daß sie mich mit meinem zu L o n d o n befindlichen F r e u n d e Serraillier über den U m w e g v o n Paris korrespondiren läßt. D e r Brief, wie ich bereits in der Times erklärt h a b e , ist von Anfang bis zu E n d e eine u n v e r s c h ä m t e Fälschung.

5

Karl Marx Dasselbe Paris-Journal u n d a n d e r e Pariser Organe der „guten P r e s s e " verbreiteten das G e r ü c h t , der Pariser F ö d e r a l r a t h der Internationalen h a b e den außerhalb seiner K o m p e t e n z liegenden B e s c h l u ß gefaßt, die D e u t schen von der Internationalen Arbeiterassociation auszuschließen. Die L o n doner Tagesblätter griffen die willkommene N a c h r i c h t hastig auf u n d erging e n sich in schadenfroh gerührten Leitartikeln über den endlich vollzogenen Selbstmord der Internationalen. L e i d e r bringt die Times h e u t e folgende Erklärung des Generalraths der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation: „ E i n e Mittheilung, w o n a c h die Pariser Mitglieder der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation den A u s s c h l u ß aller D e u t s c h e n aus der Internationalen erklärt, also im Sinne der antideutschen Ligue gehandelt hätten, m a c h t die R u n d e in der englischen Presse. Die Mittheilung steht im schreiendsten W i d e r s p r u c h z u den T h a t s a c h e n . W e d e r der F ö d e r a l r a t h u n s e r e r A s s o ziation zu Paris, n o c h irgend eine der Pariser Sektionen, die er repräsentirt, h a b e n jemals von einem solchen Beschluß geträumt. Die sogenannte antid e u t s c h e Ligue, so weit sie ü b e r h a u p t existirt, ist ausschließlich das W e r k der Aristokratie u n d der Bourgeoisie. Sie w a r d ins L e b e n gerufen d u r c h den Jockey-Club u n d in Gang gehalten d u r c h die Z u s t i m m u n g e n der A k a d e m i e , der B ö r s e , einiger Bankiers u n d Fabrikanten u. s. w. Die Arbeiterklasse h a t t e nie damit zu schaffen. — Der Z w e c k dieser V e r l e u m d u n g e n springt ins Auge. K u r z vor dem A u s b r u c h des neulichen Krieges m u ß t e die Internationale als S ü n d e n b o c k für alle mißliebigen Ereignisse herhalten. Dieselbe T a k t i k wird jetzt wiederholt. W ä h r e n d z . B . Schweizer u n d p r e u ß i s c h e Blätter sie als U r h e b e r der Unbilden gegen die D e u t s c h e n in Zürich denunziren, berichten gleichzeitig französische Blätter, wie der „Courrier de L y o n " , der „Courrier de la G i r o n d e " , die Pariser „ L i b e r t e " u. s. w. v o n gewissen geheimen Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t e n der „Internationalen" zu Genf u n d Bern, unter dem Vorsitz des preußischen Gesandten, worin der Plan ausgeheckt w o r d e n sei, den vereinigten P r e u ß e n u n d Internationalen Lyon zum Behuf g e m e i n s a m e r Plünderung zu überliefern".

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So weit die Erklärung des Generalraths. Es liegt in der N a t u r der S a c h e , daß die G r o ß w ü r d e n t r ä g e r u n d h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e n der alten Gesellschaft, w e l c h e ihre eigne M a c h t u n d die Exploitation der p r o d u k t i v e n V o l k s m a s s e n nur n o c h d u r c h nationale K ä m p f e u n d G e g e n s ä t z e erhalten k ö n n e n , in der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation ihren g e m e i n s a m e n 35 Gegner e r k e n n e n . Ihn zu vernichten, sind alle Mittel gut. L o n d o n , 23. M ä r z 1871. Karl Marx, Sekretär des Generalraths der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation für Deutschland.

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Der Volksstaat. Leipzig. Nr. 26, 29. März 1871. Titelblatt

Karl Marx A la r é d a c t i o n du « W e r k e r » 31 mars 1871

General Council of the International Working Men's Association, 256, High Holborn, London, W.C.

5

, Citoyen,

L o n d r e s , 31 M a r s , 1871

Ma soi-disante lettre, a d r e s s é e a u x Internationaux de Paris, est t o u t b o n n e m e n t , c o m m e je l'ai déjà déclaré d a n s le Times du 2 2 Mars, une fabrication du Paris-Journal, un de ces j o u r n a u x de m a u v a i s lieu c o u v é s dans l'égout, impérialiste. Du r e s t e , tous les organes de la « b o n n e p r e s s e » 10 en E u r o p e ont, à ce qu'il paraît, r e ç u le m o t d ' o r d r e d'employer le faux c o m m e leur grand i n s t r u m e n t de guerre contre l'Internationale. A u x y e u x de ces h o n n ê t e s s o u t e n e u r s de la religion, de l'ordre, de la famille et de la propriété, [le cr]ime de faux n ' e s t pas m ê m e u n e peccadille. Salut et fraternité 15 Karl M a r x . è m e

9

Karl Marx To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " April 3, 1871

The Times. Nr.27028, 4. April 1871

To the Editor of The Times. Sir,—Will y o u allow me to again intrude u p o n y o u r c o l u m n s in order to contradict widely-spread falsehoods? • A L o m b a r d telegram, dated Paris, M a r c h 30, contains an e x t r a c t from the Gaulois which, under the sensational heading, "Alleged Organization 5 of the Paris Revolution in L o n d o n , " has a d o r n e d the L o n d o n p a p e r s of S a t u r d a y last. H a v i n g during the late W a r successfully rivalled the Figaro and the Paris Journal in the concoction of M u n c h a u s i a d e s that m a d e the Paris petite presse a b y w o r d all over the world, the Gaulois seems m o r e t h a n ever convinced that the news-reading public will always cling to t h e 10 tenet, "Credo quia absurdum est." B a r o n M u n c h a u s e n himself, would he h a v e u n d e r t a k e n to organize at L o n d o n "in the early p a r t of F e b r u a r y , " w h e n M. Thiers did not yet hold any official post, " t h e insurrection of the 18th of M a r c h , " called into life by the attempt of the same M. Thiers to disarm the Paris National G u a r d ? N o t content to send M M . Assi and Blanqui on 15 an imaginary voyage to L o n d o n , t h e r e to conspire w i t h myself in secret conclave, the Gaulois adds to that conclave t w o imaginary persons—one "Bentini, general agent for I t a l y , " and o n e " D e r m o t t , general agent for E n g l a n d . " It also graciously confirms the dignity of " s u p r e m e chief of the Internationale," first b e s t o w e d u p o n me by the Paris Journal. T h e s e t w o 20 worthies notwithstanding, the General Council of the International Working M e n ' s Association will, I am afraid, continue to t r a n s a c t its business without the i n c u m b r a n c e of either "chief" or " p r e s i d e n t . " I h a v e t h e h o n o u r to b e , Sir, your obediently, KARL MARX. L o n d o n , April 3.

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Friedrich Engels Der Streik der Zigarrenarbeiter in A n t w e r p e n

Der Volksstaat. Nr. 30, 12. April 1871 In Antwerpen sind 500 Cigarrenarbeiter außer Arbeit. Die F a b r i k a n t e n stellten ihnen die W a h l : e n t w e d e r ihre (zur Internationalen-Arbeiter-Assoziation gehörige) G e w e r k s c h a f t aufzulösen oder entlassen zu w e r d e n . Alle o h n e A u s n a h m e w i e s e n diese Z u m u t h u n g entschieden zurück, u n d 5 so schlössen die F a b r i k a n t e n ihre W e r k s t ä t t e n . Die Arbeiter h a b e n 6 0 0 0 F r . (1600 Thaler) in ihrer K a s s e ; sie h a b e n sich mit d e n Cigarren-Arbeitern v o n Holland u n d England bereits in V e r b i n d u n g gesetzt und jeder Z u z u g v o n dort ist verhindert. V o n England w e r d e n sie nicht u n b e d e u t e n d e G e l d u n t e r s t ü t z u n g erhalten, 176 Pfund St. (1200 Thlr.) 10 sind bereits abgegangen u n d für w e i t e r e Hülfe wird gesorgt. Die A n t w e r p e r verlangen übrigens nur Vorschuß, da sie erklären, im S t a n d e zu sein, j e d e geleistete Hülfe z u r ü c k z u e r s t a t t e n . Sollten die d e u t s c h e n Cigarrenarbeiter oder andere G e w e r k s c h a f t e n im S t a n d e sein, ihren A n t w e r p e r B r ü d e r n U n t e r s t ü t z u n g z u w e n d e n zu k ö n n e n so ist zu hoffen, daß sie nicht damit 15 zurückhalten. G e l d s e n d u n g e n sind zu m a c h e n an Ph. Coenen, B o o m g a a r d s straat 3, A n t w e r p e n . Jedenfalls aber ist es ihre Pflicht, d e u t s c h e Cigarrenarbeiter v o n allem Z u z u g n a c h A n t w e r p e n abzuhalten, solange die F a b r i k a n t e n dort auf ihren F o r d e r u n g e n b e h a r r e n .

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Karl Marx Mitteilung über Karl V o g t

/ i n den jezt offiziell veröffentlichten „Papiers et Correspondance de la famille impériale" findet sich unter dem B u c h s t a b e n V (die G e l d e m p fänger sind nämlich alphabetisch aufgeführt) verbotenus: „ Vogt, il lui est remis en août 1859 4 0 0 0 0 f r . " /

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Karl Marx T h e Civil W a r in France (First Draft, S e c o n d Draft and A d d r e s s of t h e G e n e r a l Council)

Karl Marx T h e Civil W a r in France (First Draft)

The Civil War in France (First Draft)

111 The Government of defence.

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Four m o n t h s after the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the war, w h e n the G o v e r n ment of Defence had t h r o w n a sop to the Paris National Guard by allowing them to show their fighting capabilities at Buzenval, the G o v e r n m e n t considered the o p p o r t u n e ntoment c o m e to p r e p a r e Paris for capitulation. To t h e a s s e m b l y of t h e maires of Paris for capitulation, Trochu, in p r e s e n c e of u[nd] supported by Jules F a v r e and others of his colleagues, revealed at last his "plan". He said literally: " T h e first question, addressed to me by my colleagues on the evening of the 4 September, w a s this: Paris can it stand, with any c h a n c e of success, a siege against the Prussian a r m y ? I did not hesitate to answer in the negative. Some of my colleagues here p r e s e n t will w a r r a n t the truth of t h e s e my w o r d s , and the persistence of my opinion. I told t h e m in these v e r y t e r m s that, under the existing state of things, t h e attempt of Paris to maintain a siege against the Prussian a r m y would be a folly. Without doubt, I added, this might be a heroical folly, b u t it would be nothing e l s e . . . The events have not given the lie to my prevision. " H e n c e T r o c h u ' s plan, from the v e r y d a y of t h e proclamation of the Republic, w a s the capitulation of Paris and of France. In point of fact he w a s the c o m m a n d e r in chief of the Prussians. In a letter to G a m b e t t a , Jules F a v r e himself confessed so m u c h that the e n e m y to be p u t d o w n , was not the Prussian soldier, but the Paris " d e m a g o g u e revolutionist". T h e highsounding promises to the p e o p l e , by the G o v e r n m e n t of Defence, w e r e therefore as m a n y deliberate lies. Their " p l a n " t h e y systematically carried out by entrusting the defence of Paris to Bonapartist generals, by disorganizing t h e National G u a r d and by organizing famine u n d e r the maladministration of Jules F e r r y . T h e attempts of t h e Paris w o r k m e n on the 5 of O c t o b e r , t h e 3 1 of O c t o b e r e t c , to supplant these traitors by the C o m m u n e , w e r e p u t down as conspiracies with t h e Prussian! After the capitulation the m a s k w a s t h r o w n off (cast aside). T h e th

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Karl Marx capitulards b e c a m e a g o v e r n m e n t by the grace of Bismarck. Being his prisoners, they stipulated with him a general armistice the conditions of which disarmed F r a n c e and rendered all further resistance impossible. Resuscitated at B o r d e a u x as the G o v e r n m e n t of the Republic, t h e s e very same capitulards through Thiers, their e x - A m b a s s a d o r , a n d Jules F a v r e , their Foreign minister, fervently implored Bismarck, in the n a m e of t h e majority of the socalled National A s s e m b l y , and long before the rise of Paris, to disarm and o c c u p y Paris and put d o w n "its canaille", as B i s m a r c k himself sneeringly told his admirers at Frankfurt on his return from F r a n c e to Berlin. This occupation of Paris by t h e Prussians—such w a s the last w o r d of the " p l a n " of the g o v e r n m e n t of defence. T h e cynical effrontery with which, since their instalment at Versailles, the same m e n fawn u p o n and appeal to the armed intervention of Prussia, has d u m b f o u n d e d e v e n t h e venal p r e s s of E u r o p e . T h e heroic exploits of the Paris N a t i o n a l G u a r d , since they fight no longer under but against the capitulards, h a v e forced e v e n the most sceptical to b r a n d the w o r d " t r a i t o r " on the b r a z e n fronts of the T r o c h u , Jules F a v r e et Co. T h e d o c u m e n t s seized by t h e C o m m u n e , h a v e at last, furnished the juridical proofs of their high treason. A m o n g s t t h e s e papers t h e r e are letters of the Bonapartist sabreurs, to w h o m the execution of T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " had b e e n confided, in w h i c h t h e s e infamous w r e t c h e s crack j o k e s at and m a k e fun of their o w n " d e f e n c e of P a r i s " , (cf. for instance the letter of Alphonse Simon Guiod, s u p r e m e c o m m a n d e r of the artillery of the a r m y of defence of Paris and G r a n d Cross of t h e Legion of H o n o u r , to Suzanne, General of division of artillery, published by the Journal officiel of the C o m m u n e . )

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It is, therefore evident, that the m e n w h o n o w form the g o v e r n m e n t of Versailles, can only be saved from the fate of convicted traitors by civil war, the death of the Republic and a monarchical restauration u n d e r the shelter of Prussian b a y o n e t s . But—and this is m o s t characteristic of the m e n of t h e E m p i r e as well 30 as of the m e n w h o but on its soil and within its a t m o s p h e r e could grow into mock-tribunes of the people—the victorious republic would not only brand t h e m as traitors, it would h a v e to surrender them as c o m m o n felons to the criminal court. L o o k only at Jules Favre, Ernest Picard, and Jules Ferry, the great m e n , u n d e r Thiers, of the g o v e r n m e n t of d e f e n c e ! 35 A series of authenticated judiciary d o c u m e n t s spreading over about 20 y e a r s , and published by M. Minière, a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e to the National Assembly, p r o v e s that Jules Favre, living in adulterous concubinage with the wife of a drunkard resident at Algiers, had, by a most complicated concatenation of daring forgeries, contrived to grasp in the n a m e of his 40 b a s t a r d s , a large succession that m a d e him a rich m a n a n d that t h e conniv-

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The Civil War in France (First Draft)

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ance only of t h e B o n a p a r t i s t tribunals saved him from e x p o s u r e in a law-suit u n d e r t a k e n by t h e legitimate claimants. Jules F a v r e , t h e n , this u n c t u o u s m o u t h p i e c e of family, religion, p r o p e r t y , and order, h a s long since b e e n forfeited to the Code Pénal. Lifelong penal servitude would be his unavoidable lot u n d e r e v e r y h o n e s t g o v e r n m e n t . Ernest Picard, t h e p r e s e n t Versailles h o m e minister, appointed b y himself o n t h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r H o m e minister of t h e g o v e r n m e n t of defence, after he had tried in vain to be appointed by L. B o n a p a r t e , this E r n e s t Picard is t h e b r o t h e r of one Arthur Picard. W h e n , together with Jules F a v r e and Co., he had the i m p u d e n c e to p r o p o s e this w o r t h y b r o t h e r of his as a c a n d i d a t e in t h e Seine et Oise for the Corps législatif, t h e Imperialist g o v e r n m e n t published t w o d o c u m e n t s , a r e p o r t of t h e Prefecture of Police (31 July, 1867) stating that this A r t h u r Picard w a s e x c l u d e d from t h e B o u r s e as an " E s c r o c q " , and a n o t h e r d o c u m e n t of t h e 11 December 1868, according to w h i c h A r t h u r had confessed t h e theft of 300,000 fcs, committed by him as a director of o n e of t h e b r a n c h e s of t h e Société Générale, rue P a l e s t r o , Ν» 5. E r n e s t m a d e n o t only his w o r t h y A r t h u r t h e editor in chief of a p a p e r of his own, t h e Electeur Libre, f o u n d e d u n d e r t h e E m p i r e a n d c o n t i n u e d to this day, a paper, in w h i c h t h e republicans are daily d e n o u n c e d as " r o b b e r s , b a n d i t s , a n d partageux", b u t o n c e b e c o m e t h e h o m e minister of t h e " D e f e n c e " , E r n e s t e m p l o y e d A r t h u r as his financial m e d i u m b e t w e e n t h e h o m e office t o t h e S t o c k E x c h a n g e , t h e r e t o discount t h e State secrets e n t r u s t e d t o him. T h e w h o l e " f i n a n c i a l " c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n E r n e s t and A r t h u r h a s fallen into t h e h a n d s of t h e C o m m u n e . Like t h e l a c h r y m o s e J u l e s F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, t h e J o e Miller of t h e Ver­ sailles G o v e r n m e n t , is a m a n forfeited to t h e Code Pénal and t h e galleys! To m a k e up this trio, Jules Ferry, a p o o r briefless barrister before 4 S e p t e m b e r , not c o n t e n t to organize the famine of Paris, had contrived to j o b a fortune out of this famine. T h e d a y on w h i c h he would h a v e to give an a c c o u n t of his peculations during t h e Paris siege would be his day of judgment! N o w o n d e r t h e n that t h e s e m e n w h o can only hope t o e s c a p e t h e hulks in a m o n a r c h y , p r o t e c t e d by P r u s s i a n b a y o n e t s , w h o b u t in t h e turmoil of civil w a r can win their ticket of leave, that t h e s e d e s p e r a d o e s w e r e at o n c e chosen by Thiers and a c c e p t e d by t h e Rurals as the safest tools of the Counterrevolution ! No w o n d e r that w h e n in t h e beginning of April captured N a t i o n a l G u a r d s w e r e e x p o s e d at Versailles to t h e ferocious outrages of Piétri's " l a m b s " and the Versailles m o b , M. E r n e s t Picard, " w i t h his h a n d s in his t r o u s e r s p o c k e t s , walked from g r o u p to group cracking j o k e s " while th

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Karl Marx " o n the balcony of the Prefecture M a d a m e Thiers, M a d a m e Jules F a v r e and a | | 2 | b e v y of similar Dames, looking in excellent health and spirits", exulted in that disgusting scene. No w o n d e r t h e n , that while o n e p a r t of F r a n c e winces under t h e heels of the c o n q u e r o r s while Paris, the heart and head of F r a n c e , daily sheds streams of its b e s t blood in self-defence 5 against t h e h o m e traitors, t h e Thiers, F a v r e s et C o . indulge in revelries at the Palace of Louis X I V , such f. i. as the grand fête given by Thiers in honour of Jules F a v r e on his return from R o u e n (whither he had b e e n sent to conspire with t h e Prussians). It is t h e cynical orgy of evaded felons! 10

If the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e first m a d e Thiers their Foreign A m b a s s a d o r , going a begging at all C o u r t s of E u r o p e t h e r e to b a r t e r a king for F r a n c e for their intervention against Prussia, if, later on, they sent him on a travelling tour throughout the F r e n c h p r o v i n c e s , t h e r e to conspire w i t h t h e 15 Châteaux and secretly p r e p a r e the General elections which together with the Capitulation would take F r a n c e by surprise—Thiers, on his side, m a d e t h e m his ministers and high functionaries. T h e y w e r e safe m e n . T h e r e is one thing rather mysterious in the p r o c e e d i n g s of Thiers, his recklessness in precipitating the revolution of Paris. N o t c o n t e n t to goad Paris by the Antirepublican d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of his rurals, by the threats to decapitate and decapitalize Paris, (by D u f a u r e ' s (Thiers' minister of justice) law of the 10 of M a r c h on the échéances of bills w h i c h i m p e n d e d b a n k r u p t c y on the Paris c o m m e r c e ) , by appointing Orleanist a m b a s s a d o r s , by t h e transfer of the A s s e m b l é e to Versailles, by an imposition of a n e w t a x on n e w s p a p e r s , by t h e confiscation of the Republican Paris j o u r n a l s , by the revival of the State of Siege, first proclaimed by Palikao and annulled with the downfall of the Imperialist g o v e r n m e n t on the 4 of September, by appointing Vinoy, the Décembriser and E x s e n a t o r governor of Paris, Valentin, the Imperialist G e n d a r m e Prefect of Police, and Aurelle de Paladines, the Jesuit General C o m m a n d e r in chief of the Paris National Guard—he o p e n e d the civil w a r with feeble forces, by V i n o y ' s attack on the Buttes M o n t m a r t r e , by the attempt first to r o b the N a t i o n a l G u a r d s of C a n n o n s which belonged to t h e m and w i c h w e r e only left to t h e m by the Paris convention, b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e their p r o p e r t y , and thus to disarm Paris.

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W h e n c e this feverish eagerness d'en finir? To disarm and p u t d o w n Paris w a s of course the first condition of a monarchical counterrevolution, but an astute intriguer like Thiers could only risk the future of the difficult enterprise in undertaking it without d u e preparation, with ridiculously insufficient m e a n s , e x c e p t u n d e r t h e s w a y of s o m e overwhelmingly 40

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) urgent m o v e . T h e m o t i v e w a s this. By the agency of Pouyer-Quertier, his finance minister, Thiers had c o n c l u d e d a loan of t w o milliards to be paid immediately d o w n and s o m e m o r e milliards to follow at certain terms. In this loan transaction a truly royal pot-de-vin (drinkmoney) 5

w a s reserved for those grand citizens Thiers, Jules F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, Jules Simon, Pouyer-Quertier etc. But t h e r e w a s o n e hitch in t h e t r a n s action. Before definitively sealing the treaty, the c o n t r a c t o r s w a n t e d one guarantee—the tranquillization of Paris. H e n c e t h e reckless p r o ceedings of Thiers. H e n c e the savage hatred against the Paris w o r k m e n

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perverse e n o u g h to interfere with this fine j o b . As to the Jules F a v r e s , Picards etc, we h a v e said e n o u g h to p r o v e t h e m the w o r t h y accomplices of such a j o b b e r y . As to Thiers himself, it is notorious that during his t w o ministries u n d e r Louis Philippe he realized 2 millions, and that during his p r e m i e r s h i p (dating M a r s 1840) he 15 was taunted from the tribune of the C h a m b r e of Deputies with his B o u r s e peculations, in a n s w e r to which he shed t e a r s , a commodity he disposes of as freely as Jules F a v r e and t h e celebrated comedian Frederick L e m a î t r e . It is no less notorious that the first m e a s u r e taken by M. Thiers to s a v e F r a n c e from the financial ruin, fastened upon her by the war, was—to 20

endow himself with a yearly salary of 3 Millions of francs, exactly the sum L . B o n a p a r t e got in 1850 as an equivalent from M . T h i e r s and his troop in t h e Legislative Assembly for allowing t h e m to abolish the general suffrage. This e n d o w m e n t of M . T h i e r s with 3 millions was the first word of " t h e economic republic" the vista of which he had o p e n e d to 25 his Paris electors in 1869. As to Pouyer-Quertier, he is a cottonspinner at Rouen. In 1869, he w a s the leader of the millowners' conclave t h a t proclaimed a general reduction of wages n e c e s s a r y for the " c o n q u e s t " of the English market—an intrigue, then baffled by the International. PouyerQuertier, otherwise a fervent and e v e n servile partisan of the E m p i r e , 30 found only one fault with it, its commercial treaty with England damaging to his o w n shop interests. H i s first step as M . T h i e r s ' finance minister was to d e n o u n c e that " h a t e f u l " treaty and to p r o n o u n c e the necessity of reestablishing the old p r o t e c t i v e duties for his o w n shop. His s e c o n d step w a s the patriotic a t t e m p t to strike Alsace by the reestablished old 35

protective duties on the p r e t e x t that in this c a s e no international treaty stood in the way of their re-introduction. By this m a s t e r s t r o k e his o w n shop at R o u e n would h a v e got rid of t h e d a n g e r o u s competition of t h e rival shops at Mülhausen. His last step w a s to m a k e a p r e s e n t to his son-inlaw, M . R o c h e L a m b e r t , of the receveur-generalship of the Loiret, o n e 40 of the rich booties falling into the lap of the governing bourgeois, and which Pouyer-Quertier had found so m u c h fault with his Imperialist

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Karl Marx p r e d e c e s s o r M. M a g n e , endowing his o w n son with that big jobbing place. This Pouyer-Quertier w a s t h e n exactly the m a n for the perpetration of the above-said j o b . 30 Mars. Rappel. Jules F e r r y , ex-maire de Paris, a défendu, par u n e circulaire du 28 M a r s , aux e m p l o y é s de l'octroi, de continuer t o u t e perception for the city of Paris.

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Small state-rogueries,—a little c h a r a c t e r . . . cankering c o n s c i e n c e . . . everlasting suggester of Parliamentary i n t r i g u e . . . p e t t y e x p e d i e n t s and d e v i c e s . . . rehearsing his homilies of liberalism, of the "libertés 10 n é c e s s a i r e s " . . . eagerly b e n t o n . . . strong r e a s o n s t o weigh against the c h a n c e s of f a i l u r e . . . cogent arguments which c o u n t e r p o i s e . . . kind of heroism i n exaggerated b a s e n e s s . . . lucky parliamentary s t r a t a g e m s . . .

M. E. Picard est un malandrin, qui p e n d a n t toute la durée du siège a tripoté à la B o u r s e sur les défaites de nos a r m é e s .

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massacre, trahison, incendie, assassinat, calomnie, mensonge. In his speech to the assembly of maires etc. ( 2 5 April) Thiers says himself that the "assassins of Clément T h o m a s a n d L e c o m t e " are a 20 handful of criminals « e t c e u x qui p o u r r o n t à j u s t e titre être c o n s i d é r é s c o m m e complices de ces crimes par conspiration ou assistance, c. à. d. un très petit nombre d'individus ».\ th

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Dufaure.

Dufaure w a n t s to put d o w n Paris by p r e s s p r o s e c u t i o n s in the provinces. 25 M o n s t r u o u s to bring journals before a jury b e c a u s e preaching "Conciliation ". D u f a u r e plays a great part in t h e Thiers intrigue. By his law of the 10 of M a r c h , he r o u s e d all the indebted c o m m e r c e of Paris. By his law on Paris h o u s e r e n t s , he m e n a c e d all Paris. Both laws w e r e to punish 30 Paris for having saved the honour of F r a n c e and delayed the surrender to B i s m a r c k for 6 m o n t h s . D u f a u r e is an Orleanist, and a " L i b e r a l " , in the parliamentary sense of the w o r d . Consequently, he has always b e e n the minister of repression and of the State of Siege. th

He accepted his first portefeuille on the 13 M a y , 1839, after t h e defeat

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) of the dernière prise d ' a r m e s of t h e Republican p a r t y , w a s therefore the minister of the pitiless repression of the July g o v e r n m e n t of that day. Cavaignac, forced on the 2 9 O c t o b e r (1848) to raise the state of siege, called into his ministry t w o ministers of L o u i s Philippe (Dufaure, for the Interior, and Vivien). He appointed t h e m on the d e m a n d of the rue Poitiers (Thiers), which d e m a n d e d guarantees. He thus h o p e d to secure t h e support of the dynasties for the impending election of president. Dufaure employed the m o s t illegal m e a n s to secure Cavaignac's candidature. Intimidation and electoral corruption had never b e e n exercised on a larger th

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scale. Dufaure inundated F r a n c e with diffamatory prints against the other candidates, and especially of L o u i s Bon., w h a t did not p r e v e n t him to b e c o m e later on Louis B o n a p a r t e ' s minister. Dufaure b e c a m e again t h e minister of the state of siege of 13 June 1849 (against the d e m o n s t r a t i o n of the National G u a r d against the b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e etc by t h e F r e n c h

15

army). He is n o w again the minister of t h e state of siege, proclaimed at Versailles (for d e p a r t m e n t of Seine et Oise). P o w e r given to Thiers to declare any d e p a r t m e n t w h a t e v e r in a state of siege. D u f a u r e , as in 1839, as in 1849, w a n t s new repressive laws, n e w p r e s s laws, a law to "abridge the formalities of the Courts M a r t i a l " . In a circular to t h e P r o c u r e u r s - G é n é r a u x he

20

denounces the cry of "conciliation " as a p r e s s crime to be severely p r o s e cuted. It is characteristic of the F r e n c h magistrature that only o n e single Procureur Général (der of M a y e n n e ) w r o t e to Dufaure to " r e s i g n . . . I cannot serve an Administration w h i c h orders m e , in a m o m e n t of civil war, to r u s h into p a r t y struggles and p r o s e c u t e citizens, w h o m my c o n s c i e n c e 25 holds innocent, for uttering the w o r d conciliation". He belonged to t h e " U n i o n L i b é r a l e " in 1847 w h i c h conspired against Guizot, as he belonged to the " U n i o n l i b é r a l e " of 1869 w h i c h conspired against Louis B o n a p a r t e . With r e s p e c t to the law of 10 M a r c h and the law of h o u s e r e n t s , it ought t o b e r e m a r k e d that b o t h D u f a u r e ' s a n d P i c a r d ' s , b o t h a d v o c a t e s , b e s t 30 clients are amongst the h o u s e p r o p r i e t o r s and the big bourses averse to losing anything by the siege of Paris.

N o w as after the Revolution of F e b r u a r y 1848, these m e n tell t h e Republic, as the executioner told D o n Carlos, «Je vais t'assassiner, mais 35 c'esf pour ton bien ». (I shall m u r d e r thee, b u t for thy o w n good.)

23

Karl Marx

Lecomte and Clément Thomas. th

After V i n o y ' s attempt to carry the Buttes M o n t m a r t r e (on the 18 M a r c h , they w e r e shot in the g a r d e n s of the C h â t e a u R o u g e , 4 o'clock, 18 ) General L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s w e r e taken prisoners and shot by the same excited soldiers of t h e 8 1 of the line. It w a s a s u m m a r y act of L y n c h justice performed despite the instances of some delegates of the Central Committee. L e c o m t e , an epauletted cut-throat, had four times c o m m a n d e d his t r o o p , on the place Pigalle, to charge an u n a r m e d gathering of w o m e n and children. Instead of shooting the people, t h e soldiers shot him. Clement T h o m a s , an ex-quartermaster, a " g e n e r a l " extemporized at the eve of the J u n e m a s s a c r e s (1848) by the m e n of the National, w h o s e gérant he had b e e n , had never dipped his sword in the blood of any other e n e m y but that of the Paris working class. He w a s one of the sinister plotters w h o deliberately p r o v o k e d the J u n e insurrection and one of its most atrocious executioners. W h e n on t h e 31 October 1870, the Paris Proletarian N a t i o n a l G u a r d s surprised the " G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e " at the H ô t e l de Ville and t o o k them prisoners, these m e n , w h o had [been] appointed by t h e m s e l v e s , t h e s e gens de paroles, as one of them, Picard, called them recently, gave their word of honour that they would m a k e place to the Commune. T h u s allowed to e s c a p e scot free, t h e y launched T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s on their too-confident c a p t o r s . O n e of them, however, M. Tamisier, resigned his dignity as c o m m a n d e r in chief of the National Guard. He refused to break his w o r d of h o n o u r . T h e n the hour had again struck for Clement T h o m a s . He w a s appointed in Tamisier's place c o m m a n d e r in chief of the National Guard. He w a s the true m a n for T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " . H e never m a d e w a r u p o n the Prussians; h e m a d e w a r u p o n the National Guard, w h o m he disorganized, disunited, calumniated, weeding out all its officers hostile to T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , setting o n e set of National G u a r d s against the other, and w h o m he sacrificed in " s o r t i e s " so planned as to cover t h e m with ridicule. H a u n t e d by t h e spectres of his J u n e victims, this m a n , without any official charge, m u s t n e e d s again r e a p p e a r on [the] t h e a t r e of w a r of the 18 of M a r s , w h e r e he scented another m a s s a c r e of the Paris people. He fell a victim of L y n c h justice in the first m o m e n t of popular exasperation. T h e m e n w h o had surrendered Paris to the tender mercies of the Décembriseur Vinoy, in order to kill the Republic and p o c k e t the pots-de-Vin stipulated by the Pouyer-Quertier contract, shouted n o w : Assassins, Assassins! Their howl w a s re-echoed by the p r e s s of E u r o p e so eager for the blood of the " P r o l e t a r i a n s " . A farce of hysterical "sensib l e n c e " was enacted in the rural A s s e m b l é e , and, as n o w as before, the th

st

5

10

15

20

25

30

th

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The Civil War in France (First Draft)

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corpses of their friends w e r e m o s t w e l c o m e w e a p o n s against their e n e m i e s . Paris and the Central C o m m i t t e e w e r e m a d e responsible for an accident out of their control. It is k n o w n h o w in the d a y s of J u n e 1848 the " m e n of o r d e r " shook E u r o p e with t h e cry of indignation against t h e Insurgents because of the assassination of the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris. E v e n at t h a t time they k n e w perfectly well from the e v i d e n c e of M . J a c q u e m e t , t h e vicaire général of the A r c h b i s h o p , w h o had a c c o m p a n i e d him to t h e barricades, that t h e Bishop h a d b e e n shot by t h e t r o o p s of " C a v a i g n a c " , and not by the insurged, b u t his d e a d corpse served their turn. M. D a r b o y ,

10

the p r e s e n t A r c h b i s h o p of Paris, o n e of t h e hostages t a k e n by the Commune in self-defence against t h e savage atrocities of the Versailles government, h o w e v e r s e e m s , as a p p e a r s from his letter to Thiers, to h a v e strange misgivings [that] Papa Transnonain be eager to speculate in his dead b o d y , as an object of holy indignation. T h e r e p a s s e d hardly a day, 15 in which the Versailles journals did not a n n o u n c e his execution, which t h e continued atrocities, a n d violation of t h e rules of w a r on the side of " o r d e r " , would h a v e sealed on the part of e v e r y g o v e r n m e n t b u t that of the C o m m u n e . T h e Versailles g o v e r n m e n t had hardly realized a first military success, w h e n Captain D e s m a r e t s , w h o at t h e head of his g e n d a r m e s 20 assassinated the chivalrous F l o u r e n s , has b e e n d e c o r a t e d by Thiers. Flourens had saved t h e lives o f the " d e f e n c e m e n " o n t h e 3 1 October. Vinoy, the r u n a w a y (runagate), w a s appointed grand cross of the Legion of H o n o u r , b e c a u s e h e h a d our b r a v e c o m r a d e D u v a l , w h e n t a k e n prisoner, shot inside the r e d o u b t s , b e c a u s e as a s e c o n d instalment, he had shot s t

25

some dozen captive troops of the line w h o had joined the Paris people and inaugurated this civil w a r by the " m e t h o d s of D e c e m b e r " . General Galliffet—"the h u s b a n d of that charming M a r c h i o n e s s | | 4 | w h o s e c o s t u m e s at the masked balls w e r e o n e of t h e w o n d e r s of the E m p i r e " , as a L o n d o n p e n n y a liner delicately p u t s it, " s u r p r i s e d " near Rueil a captain, lieutenant,

30

and private of National G u a r d s , h a d t h e m at o n c e shot, and immediately published a proclamation to glorify himself in t h e deed. T h e s e are a few of the murders officially narrated and gloried in by the Versailles government. 25 soldiers of the 8 0 Regiment of the line shot as " r e b e l s " by the 7 5 . " E v e r y m a n wearing t h e uniform of the regular a r m y w h o w a s th

th

35

captured in the r a n k s of the C o m m u n i s t s w a s straightaway shot without the slightest m e r c y . T h e g o v e r n m e n t t r o o p s w e r e perfectly f e r o c i o u s . " "M.Thiers communicated the encouraging particulars of Flourens' death to the Assembly. " Versailles 4. April. Thiers, that m i s s h a p e n dwarf, r e p o r t s on his p r i s o n e r s 40 brought to Versailles (in his p r o c l a m a t i o n ) : " N e v e r had m o r e degraded c o u n tenances of a degraded d e m o c r a c y m e t the afflicted g a z e of honest

25

Karl Marx m e n . " (Piétri's men!) officers or line men. "

"Vinoy

protests

against

any mercy

to

insurgent

th

On t h e 6 of April decree of the Commune on reprisals (and hostages): "Considering that the Versailles g o v e r n m e n t openly t r e a d s u n d e r f o o t t h e laws of humanity and t h o s e of war, and that it h a s b e e n guilty of h o r r o r s such a s e v e n t h e invaders o f F r a n c e h a v e n o t d i s h o n o u r e d t h e m s e l v e s b y . . . it is d e c r e e d e t c . " (Folgen die Artikel)

5

April 5. Proclamation of the Commune: " E v e r y d a y t h e banditti of Versailles slaughter or shoot our prisoners, and e v e r y h o u r we learn that another m u r d e r has b e e n c o m m i t t e d . . . T h e p e o p l e e v e n in its anger, 10 detests bloodshed, as it detests civil w a r , b u t it is its duty to p r o t e c t itself against t h e savage a t t e m p t s of its e n e m i e s , and w h a t e v e r it m a y cost it shall be an e y e for an e y e , a tooth for a t o o t h . " « L e s sergents de ville qui se b a t t e n t c o n t r e Paris ont 10 fcs par jour». 15 Versailles, 11 A ρ r i 1. M o s t horrible details of t h e cold-blooded shooting of p r i s o n e r s , not d e s e r t e r s , related w i t h an e v i d e n t gusto by general officers and other e y e w i t n e s s e s . In his letter to Thiers, D a r b o y p r o t e s t s " a g a i n s t t h e atrocious e x c e s s e s w h i c h add to the h o r r o r of o u r fratricidal w a r " . In t h e s a m e strain writes 20 D e g u e r r y (curé de la Madeleine): « T h e s e e x e c u t i o n s r o u s e des grandes colères à Paris et p e u v e n t y produire des terribles représailles. » « Ainsi l'on est résolu, à c h a q u e nouvelle exécution, d'en o r d o n n e r d e u x des n o m b r e u x otages q u e l'on a entre les mains. Jugez à quel point ce q u e [je] v o u s d e m a n d e c o m m e p r ê t r e est d ' u n e rigoureuse et absolue nécessité. » 25 In midst of t h e s e horrors Thiers writes to t h e P r e f e c t s : « L ' a s s e m b l é e siège paisiblement. » (Elle aussi a le c œ u r léger.) Thiers and la commission des q u i n z e of his rurals had t h e cool impud e n c e to " d e n y officially" the " p r e t e n d e d summary executions and reprisals attributed to the troops of Versailles". B u t P a p a T r a n s n o n a i n , in his 30 circular of 16 April on the bombardment of Pans: "If s o m e c a n n o n - s h o t s h a v e been fired, it is not the deed of t h e a r m y of Versailles, but of some insurgents wanting to m a k e believe that they are fighting, while t h e y do not dare show t h e m s e l v e s . " Thiers has p r o v e d that he surpasses his h e r o , N a p o l e o n I, at least in o n e thing—lying bulletins. (Of c o u r s e , Paris b o m b a r d s 35 itself, in order to be able to calumniate M. Thiers !) th

To these atrocious p r o v o c a t i o n s of t h e B o n a p a r t i s t blacklegs, t h e C o m m u n e has c o n t e n t e d itself to t a k e h o s t a g e s a n d to t h r e a t e n reprisals, b u t its threats h a v e remained a dead letter! N o t e v e n t h e G e n d a r m e s m a s k e r a d e d into officers, not even t h e captive sergents de ville, u p o n 40 w h o m explosive b o m b s h a v e been seized, w e r e placed before a court

26

The Civil War in France (First Draft) martial! T h e C o m m u n e has refused to soil its h a n d s with the blood of these b l o o d h o u n d s ! A few d a y s before the 1 8 M a r c h , C l é m e n t T h o m a s laid before t h e w a r minister Le Flô a plan for t h e d i s a r m a m e n t of trois quarts of the National G a r d e . « L a fine fleur de la canaille, disait-il, s'est c o n c e n t r é e autour de M o n t m a r t r e et s'entend a v e c Belleville. » th

5

The National Assembly L ' a s s e m b l é e élue le 8 février sous la pression de l'ennemi, aux mains desquels les h o m m e s qui g o u v e r n e n t à Versailles avaient remis t o u s les forts et livré Paris sans défense, l'Assemblée de Versailles avait un b u t unique et clairement d é t e r m i n é par la C o n v e n t i o n même, signée à Versailles le 28 Janvier — de décider si la guerre pouvait être continuée ou traiter la paix; et, d a n s ce cas, fixer les conditions de cette paix et assurer le plus 15 p r o m p t e m e n t possible l'évacuation du territoire français.

10

Chanzy, Archbishop of Paris etc.

20

Liberation of Chanzy t o o k p l a c e almost simultaneously with the retreat of Saisset. T h e Royalist journalists w e r e u n a n i m o u s in decreeing the death of the General. T h e y desired to fix that amiable proceeding on the R e d s . T h r e e times he had b e e n ordered to execution, and n o w he w a s really going to be shot.

After the Vendôme affair: T h e r e was consternation at Versailles. An attack on Versailles w a s e x p e c t e d on 23 M a r c h , for the leaders of the C o m m u n a l agitation had a n n o u n c e d that they would m a r c h on Versailles, 25 if the Assembly t o o k any hostile action. T h e assembly did not. On the contrary, it voted as urgent a proposition to hold C o m m u n a l Elections at Paris e t c . By the concessions t h e A s s e m b l y admitted its p o w e r l e s s n e s s . At t h e same time Royalist Intrigues at Versailles. Bonapartist Generals and the D u e d'Aumale. F a v r e a v o w e d he had received a letter from Bismarck, 30 announcing that unless order w e r e restored by the 26 M a r c h Paris would be occupied by the G e r m a n t r o o p s . R e d s saw plainly through his little artifice. Die V e n d ô m e affaire p r o v o q u é e by le faussaire, ce jésuite infâme J. Favre, qui le (21 Mars?) est m o n t é à la tribune de l'Assemblée de Versailles

27

Karl Marx pour insulter ce peuple qui l'a tiré du n é a n t et soulever Paris contre les départements. 30 March Proclamation of the Commune: « Aujourd'hui les criminels, q u e v o u s n ' a v e z pas m ê m e voulu poursuivre, a b u s e n t d e v o t r e magnanimité pour organiser aux portes m ê m e s de la cité un foyer de conspiration monarchique. Ils invoquent la guerre civile, ils m e t t e n t en œ u v r e t o u t e s les corruptions, ils a c c e p t e n t toutes les complicités, ils ont osé mendier j u s q u ' à l'appui de l'étranger. »j

5

|5| Thiers. th

On t h e 2 5 April, in his reception of the maires, adjuncts, and municipal 10 councillors of the suburban c o m m u n e s of the Seine, Thiers said: « La république existe. Le chef du pouvoir exécutif n'est q u ' u n simple citoyen. » T h e progress of F r a n c e from 1830 to 1871, according to M . T h i e r s , consists in this: In 1830 L o u i s Philippe w a s " t h e b e s t of R e p u b l i c s " . 15 In 1871 the ministerial fossil of L o u i s Philippe's reign, little Thiers himself, is the best of Republics. ( M . T h i e r s c o m m e n c e d his regime by an usurpation. By the N a t i o n a l Assembly he w a s appointed chief of the ministry of the A s s e m b l y ; he appointed himself chief of the executive of F r a n c e . ) 20

The Assembly and the Paris Revolution. ( ( T h e Assembly, s u m m o n e d at the dictate of the Foreign invader, w a s , as is clearly laid d o w n in t h e Versailles c o n v e n t i o n of t h e 2 8 J a n u a r y , but elected for o n e single p u r p o s e : To decide the continuation of w a r or settle t h e conditions of p e a c e . In their calling t h e F r e n c h people to electoral 25 u r n s , the Capitulards of Paris t h e m s e l v e s plainly defined that specific mission of the Assembly a n d this a c c o u n t s to a great p a r t for its very constitution. T h e continuation of the w a r having b e c o m e impossible t h r o u g h the v e r y terms of the armistice humbly a c c e p t e d by the capitulards, the Assembly had in fact but to register a disgraceful p e a c e and for this specific 30 p e r f o r m a n c e the worst m e n of F r a n c e w e r e best. th

th

T h e Republic w a s proclaimed on t h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r , not by the pettifoggers w h o installed themselves at the H ô t e l de Ville as a g o v e r n m e n t of defence, b u t by the Paris people. It w a s acclaimed t h r o u g h o u t F r a n c e without a single dissentient voice. It c o n q u e r e d its o w n existence by a five 35

28

The Civil War in France (First Draft)

5

m o n t h s ' w a r w h o s e c o r n e r s t o n e w a s the prolonged resistance of Paris. Without this war, carried on by the Republic and in the n a m e of t h e Republic, the E m p i r e w o u l d h a v e b e e n restored by Bismarck after t h e capitulation of Sedan, the pettifoggers with M. Thiers at their head would h a v e had to capitulate not for Paris, b u t for personal guarantees against a voyage to C a y e n n e , and the rural A s s e m b l y w o u l d n e v e r h a v e b e e n h e a r d of. It met only by the grace of the Republican revolution, initiated at Paris. Being no constituent A s s e m b l y , as M . T h i e r s himself has r e p e a t e d to n a u s e o u s n e s s , it would, if n o t as a mere chronicler of the p a s s e d incidents

10

of the Republican Revolution, not e v e n h a v e h a d the right to proclaim t h e destitution of the Bonapartist dynasty. T h e only legitimate p o w e r , therefore, in F r a n c e is the Revolution itself, centring in Paris. T h a t revolution w a s not m a d e against N a p o l e o n the little, b u t against t h e social a n d political conditions, w h i c h e n g e n d e r e d t h e Second E m p i r e , which received 15 their last finish u n d e r its sway, and w h i c h , as t h e w a r with Prussia glaringly revealed, would leave F r a n c e a cadaver, if they w e r e n o t superseded by t h e regenerating p o w e r s of the F r e n c h working class. T h e attempts of the Rural A s s e m b l y , holding only an A t t o r n e y ' s P o w e r from the Revolution to sign the disastrous b o n d h a n d e d over by its p r e s e n t 20

" e x e c u t i v e " to the Foreign invader, its a t t e m p t to treat the Revolution as its o w n capitulard, is, therefore, a m o n s t r u o u s usurpation. Its w a r against Paris is nothing b u t a c o w a r d l y C h o u a n n e r i e u n d e r t h e shelter of Prussian b a y o n e t s . It is a b a s e conspiracy to assassinate F r a n c e , in order to s a v e the privileges, the monopolies and the luxuries of t h e degenerate, effete,

25

and putrefied classes that h a v e dragged her to t h e a b y s s from w h i c h she can only be saved by the H e r c u l e a n h a n d of a truly social R e v o lution.))

Thiers' finest army E v e n before he b e c a m e a " s t a t e s m a n " , M . T h i e r s had p r o v e d his lying p o w e r s as a historian. But t h e vanity, so characteristic of dwarfish m e n , has this time b e t r a y e d him into t h e sublime of the ridiculous. His a r m y of order, the dregs of the B o n a p a r t i s t soldatesca, freshly reimported, by the grace of B i s m a r c k from Prussian prisons, the Pontifical Z o u a v e s , t h e C h o u a n s of Charette, the V e n d e a n s of Cathelineau; the " m u n i c i p a l s " of 35 Valentin, the ex-sergents de ville of Piétri and t h e Corsican G e n s d a r m e s of Valentin w h o u n d e r L. B o n a p a r t e w e r e only the spies of the a r m y b u t u n d e r M . T h i e r s form its warlike flower, the w h o l e u n d e r the supervision of epauletted m o u c h a r d s and u n d e r t h e c o m m a n d of the r u n a w a y D e c e m b r i s t 30

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Karl Marx Marshals w h o had no h o n o u r to lose—this motley, ungainly, hangdog lot, M. Thiers d u b s "the finest army France ever possessed"] If he allows the Prussians still to quarter at St. D e n i s , it is only to frighten t h e m by the sight of the "finest a r m y " of Versailles.

Thiers. Small state rogueries. Everlasting suggester of Parliamentary intrigues, M . T h i e r s w a s never anything else b u t an " a b l e " journalist and a clever " w o r d f e n c e r " , a m a s t e r of parliamentary roguery, a virtuoso in perjury, a craftsman in all the small stratagems, b a s e perfidies, and subtle devices of Parliamentary party-warfare. This mischievous g n o m e c h a r m e d the F r e n c h bourgeoisie during half a century b e c a u s e he is t h e truest intellectual expression of their o w n class-corruption. W h e n in the r a n k s of the opposition he over and over r e h e a r s e d his stale homily of t h e "libertés n é c e s s a i r e s " , to stamp t h e m out w h e n in p o w e r . W h e n out of office, he used to t h r e a t e n E u r o p e with the sword of F r a n c e . A n d w h a t w e r e his diplomatic p e r f o r m a n c e s in reality? To p o c k e t in 1841 the humiliation of the L o n d o n treaty, to h u r r y on the w a r with Prussia by his declamations against G e r m a n unity, to c o m p r o m i s e F r a n c e in 1870 by his begging t o u r at all the C o u r t s of E u r o p e , to sign in 1871 t h e Paris capitulation to a c c e p t a " p e a c e at any p r i c e " and implore from P r u s s i a a concession: leave and m e a n s to get up a civil w a r in his own d o w n t r o d d e n country. To a m a n of his stamp the u n d e r g r o u n d agencies | | 6 | of m o d e r n society r e m a i n e d of course always u n k n o w n , b u t e v e n the palpable changes at its surface he failed to understand. F. i. any deviation from the old F r e n c h protective system he d e n o u n c e d as a sacrilege and, as a minister of Louis Philippe, w e n t the length of treating disdainfully the construction of railways as a foolish chimera and even u n d e r Louis B o n a p a r t e he eagerly o p p o s e d every Reform of the rotten F r e n c h a r m y organization. A m a n without ideas, without convictions, a n d without courage. A professional " R e v o l u t i o n i s t " in that s e n s e , that in his eagerness of display, of wielding p o w e r and putting his h a n d s into the N a t i o n a l E x c h e quer, he never scrupled, w h e n banished to the b a n k s of the opposition, to stir the popular passions and p r o v o k e a c a t a s t r o p h e to displace a rival; he is at the same time a m o s t shallow m a n of routine, e t c . T h e working class he reviled as "the vile multitude". O n e of his former colleagues in the legislative assemblies, a c o t e m p o r a r y of his, a capitalist, and h o w e v e r a m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e , M. Beslay thus a d d r e s s e s him in a public a d d r e s s : " T h e subjugation (asservissement) of labour to capital, such is

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the 'fonds' of y o u r politics (policy), and t h e day you saw t h e Republic of L a b o u r installed at the Hôtel-de-Ville, you h a v e n e v e r ceased to cry to F r a n c e 'They are c r i m i n a l s ! ' " N o w o n d e r that M . T h i e r s has given orders b y his h o m e minister E r n e s t Picard t o p r e v e n t " t h e International A s s o c i a t i o n " from communicating w i t h Paris. (Sitting of Assembly. 28 Mars.) Circulaire de Thiers, aux préfets et sous préfets: " T h e good w o r k m e n , so n u m e r o u s as c o m p a r e d to the b a d o n e s , ought to k n o w , that if b r e a d flies again from their m o u t h s , t h e y o w e it to t h e adepts of the International, w h o are the tyrants of labour, of w h i c h t h e y p r e t e n d themselves t h e l i b e r a t o r s . "

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Without the International (Jetzt die Geldgeschichte) (Er u n d F a v r e h a b e n ihr Geld n a c h L o n d o n übersiedelt.) It is a p r o v e r b t h a t if rogues fall o u t truth c o m e s out. We can therefore not better finish t h e picture of Thiers t h a n by t h e w o r d s of t h e L o n d o n Moniteur of the m a s t e r of his Versailles generals. S a y s t h e 15 Situation in its n u m b e r of t h e 21 M a r s : " M . Thiers has never b e e n minister without pushing t h e soldiers to t h e m a s s a c r e of t h e people, he the parricide, the m a n of incest, the peculator, the plagiarist, t h e traitor, the ambitious, t h e impuissant. " shrewd in cunning devices, and artful dodges. 20

B a n d e d with the republicans before the Revolution of July, he slipped into his first ministry u n d e r L o u i s Philippe by ousting Laffitte, his old protector. H i s first deed w a s to t h r o w his old collaborator A r m a n d Carrel into prison. He insinuated himself with Louis Philippe as a spy u p o n a n d 25 the gaol-accoucheur of the D u c h e s s e of B e r r y , b u t his activity centred in the m a s s a c r e of the insurgent Paris Republicans in the R u e T r a n s n o n a i n and t h e S e p t e m b e r L a w s against t h e p r e s s , to be then cast aside as an instrument b e c o m e blunted. H a v i n g intrigued himself again into p o w e r in 1840, he planned the Paris fortifications o p p o s e d as an attempt on the 30

liberty of Paris by the whole d e m o c r a t i c p a r t y , e x c e p t t h e Bourgeois Republicans of the National. M. Thiers replied to their outcry from the Tribune of the C h a m b r e des D é p u t é s : « Q u o i ! imaginer q u e des ouvrages de fortification quelconque p e u v e n t nuire à la l i b e r t é . . . C'est se placer hors de t o u t e réalité. Et d'abord, c'est calomnier un gouvernement quel qu'il soit de 35 supposer qu'il puisse un jour c h e r c h e r à se maintenir en b o m b a r d a n t la capitale. Quoi ! A p r è s avoir b e r c é de ses b o m b e s la voûte des Invalides ou du P a n t h é o n , après avoir i n o n d é de ses feux la d e m e u r e de vos familles, il se présenterait à v o u s p o u r v o u s d e m a n d e r la confirmation de son existence ! Mais il serait cent fois plus impossible après la victoire qu 'aupara40 vant. » Indeed, neither the g o v e r n m e n t of L o u i s Philippe nor t h a t of t h e

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Karl Marx Bonapartist R e g e n c y dared to withdraw from Paris a n d b o m b a r d it. This e m p l o y m e n t of the fortifications w a s reserved to M. Thiers, their original plotter. W h e n King B o m b a of N a p l e s b o m b a r d e d Palermo in J a n u a r y 1848, M . T h i e r s again declared in the C h a m b r e of D e p u t i e s : 5 « V o u s savez, Messieurs, ce qui se p a s s e à P a l e r m e : v o u s a v e z tous tressailli d'horreur en a p p r e n a n t q u e p e n d a n t 48 h e u r e s u n e grande ville a été b o m b a r d é e . Par q u i ? Etait-ce par un ennemi étranger, exerçant les droits de la g u e r r e ? N o n , m e s s i e u r s , par son propre gouvernement. Et p o u r q u o i ? Parce que cette ville infortunée demandait des droits. Eh b i e n ! 10 pour la d e m a n d e de ses droits, il y a eu 48 h e u r e s de b o m b a r d e m e n t . Permettez moi d'en appeler à l'opinion e u r o p é e n n e . C'est un service à r e n d r e à l'humanité que de venir, du haut de la plus grande tribune peut-être de l ' E u r o p e , faire retentir quelques paroles d'indignation contre de tels actes. Messieurs, lorsque, il y a 50 ans, les Autrichiens e x e r ç a n t les droits de la 15 guerre, pour s'épargner les longueurs d'un siège, voulurent b o m b a r d e r Lille, lorsque plus tard les Anglais, qui exerçaient aussi les droits de la guerre, b o m b a r d è r e n t C o p e n h a g u e ; et tout r é c e m m e n t , quand le régent Espartero, qui avait rendu des services à son p a y s , pour réprimer une insurrection, a voulu bombarder Barcelone ; d a n s t o u s les p a r t s , il y a eu une générale 20 indignation. » Little m o r e than a year later, Thiers acted the m o s t fiery apologist of t h e b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e by the troops of the F r e n c h republic, and exalted his friend, General Changarnier, for sabring d o w n the Paris National G u a r d s protesting against this b r e a c h of the F r e n c h Constitution. 25 A few d a y s before the Revolution of F e b r u a r y 1848, fretting at the long exile from place to which Guizot had c o n d e m n e d him, scenting t h e growing c o m m o t i o n of the m a s s e s , w h i c h he h o p e d would enable him to oust his rival and impose himself u p o n L o u i s Philippe, Thiers exclaimed in the C h a m b r e of Deputies: 30 «Je suis du parti de la Révolution, tant en France qu'en Europe. Je souhaite q u e le g o u v e r n e m e n t de la Révolution r e s t e d a n s les mains des h o m m e s m o d é r é s . . . Mais q u a n d c e g o u v e r n e m e n t p a s s e r a d a n s les mains d ' h o m m e s ardents, fut-ce des radicaux, je n ' a b a n d o n n e r a i pas ma cause pour cela. Je serai toujours du parti de la Revolution. » 35 To put d o w n the F e b r u a r y Revolution w a s his exclusive occupation from t h e day w h e n the Republic w a s proclaimed to t h e C o u p d'Etat. T h e first d a y s after t h e F e b r u a r y explosion he anxiously hid himself, b u t the Paris w o r k m e n despised him too m u c h to hate him. Still, with his notorious cowardice w h i c h m a d e A r m a n d Carrel a n s w e r to his b o a s t " h e 40 would o n e day die on the b a n k s of the R h i n e " , " T h o u wil'st die in a gutter"—he

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dared not play a part on the public stage before the popular forces w e r e b r o k e n d o w n t h r o u g h the m a s s a c r e of the Insurgents of J u n e . He confined himself first to t h e secret direction of the Conspiracy of the R e u n i o n of the R u e de Poitiers w h i c h resulted in the R e s t a u r a t i o n of the E m p i r e , until the stage had b e c o m e sufficiently clear to reappear publicly on it.

During the siege of Paris, on the question w h e t h e r Paris was about to capitulate, Jules F a v r e a n s w e r e d that, to utter the w o r d capitulation, t h e b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris w a s w a n t e d ! This explains his melodramatic p r o t e s t s against the Prussian b o m b a r d m e n t , and w h y the latter w a s a mockb o m b a r d m e n t , while the Thiers b o m b a r d m e n t is a stern reality. | |7| Parliamentary mountebank. He is for 40 y e a r s on the stage. He has never initiated a single useful m e a s u r e in any d e p a r t m e n t of state or life. Vain, sceptical, e p i c u r e a n : He has never written or s p o k e n for things. In his eyes the things t h e m selves are only pretexts for the display of his p e n or his tongue. E x c e p t his thirst for place a n d pelf and display t h e r e is nothing real about him, not even his chauvinism. In the true vein of vulgar professional journalists he n o w sneers in his bulletins [at] the bad looks of his Versailles prisoners, now c o m m u n i c a t e s that the rurals are "à leur a i s e " , n o w covers himself with ridicule by his bulletin on the taking of " M o u l i n - S a q u e t " (4 of Mai), w h e r e 300 prisoners were taken. « L e reste des insurgés s'est enfui à toutes j a m b e s , laissant 150 morts et blessés sur le c h a m p de bataille», and snappishly a d d s : « Voilà la victoire q u e la C o m m u n e p e u t célébrer demain dans ses bulletins. » «Paris sera sous peu délivré de ces terribles tyrans qui l'oppriment.» (Paris—the " P a r i s " of the m a s s of the Paris people fighting against him is not " P a r i s " . "Paris—that is t h e rich, the capitalist, the i d l e " (why not t h e cosmopolitan stew?) This is t h e Paris of M. Thiers. T h e real Paris, working, thinking, fighting Paris, the Paris of the people, the Paris of the C o m m u n e is a "vile m u l t i t u d e " . T h e r e is t h e w h o l e case of M. Thiers, not only for Paris, but for F r a n c e . T h e Paris that s h e w s its courage in the "pacific p r o c e s s i o n " and Saisset's " e s c a p a d e " , that throngs n o w at Versailles, at Rueil, at St. Denis, at St. G e r m a i n - e n - L a y e , followed by the C o c o t t e s sticking to the " m e n of religion, family, order, and p r o p e r t y " (the Paris of t h e really " d a n g e r o u s " , of the exploiting and lounging classes) ("the franc-fileurs") and amusing itself by looking by t h e telescope at the battle going on, for w h o m " t h e civil w a r is but an agreeable diversion"—that is the Paris of M . T h i e r s , as the emigration of C o b l e n z w a s the F r a n c e of M. de C a l o n n e . ) In his vulgar journalist vein he k n o w s n o t e v e n to o b s e r v e sham dignity,

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Karl Marx but he m u r d e r s the wives and girls, and children found under the ruins of Neuilly not to s w e r v e from the etiquette of "legitimacy". He must n e e d s illuminate the municipal elections he has ordered in F r a n c e by the conflagration of Clamart burnt by petroleum b o m b s . T h e R o m a n historians finish off N e r o ' s character by telling us that the m o n s t e r gloried in being a 5 r h y m e s t e r and a comedian. B u t lift a professional m e r e journalist and parliamentary m o u n t e b a n k like Thiers to p o w e r , and he will o u t n e r o Nero. He acts only his part as the blind tool of class interests in allowing the Bonapartist " g e n e r a l s " to revenge themselves on Paris; b u t he acts his 10 personal part in t h e little byplay of bulletins, s p e e c h e s , a d d r e s s e s , in which the vanity, vulgarity, and lowest taste of the journalist creep out.

He c o m p a r e s himself with Lincoln and the Parisians with the rebellious slaveholders of the South. T h e S o u t h e r n e r s fought for t h e slavery of labour 15 and the territorial secession from the U n i t e d States. Paris fought for the emancipation of labour and the secessionf rom p o w e r of Thiers stateparasites, of the wouldbe slaveholders of F r a n c e !

In his speech to the Maires: « O n p e u t c o m p t e r sur ma parole à laquelle je 20 n'ai jamais m a n q u é ! » « L ' a s s e m b l é e est u n e des plus libérales qu'ait n o m m é la F r a n c e . » Er wird die Republik retten « p o u r v u q u e l'ordre et le travail ne soient pas perpétuellement c o m p r o m i s par c e u x qui se p r é t e n d e n t les gardiens particuliers du salut de la république ». 25

In der Sitzung der A s s e m b l é e vom 27 April sagt er: « L ' a s s e m b l é e est plus libérale q u e lui-même ! »

He w h o s e rhetorical t r u m p c a r d w a s always the denunciation of t h e 30 Vienna treaties, he signs the Paris treaty, not only t h e d i s m e m b e r m e n t of o n e part of F r a n c e , not only t h e occupation of almost l of it, but t h e milliards of indemnity, without e v e n asking B i s m a r c k to specify and p r o v e his w a r e x p e n s e s ! H e does not e v e n allow t h e A s s e m b l y a t B o r d e a u x to discuss the p a r a g r a p h s of his capitulation! 35 l

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) to the allies occupying F r a n c e after the conclusion of p e a c e , he asks nothing from Bismarck in the treaty b u t o n e concession: 40,000 t r o o p s to subdue Paris (as Bismarck stated in the Diet). Paris w a s for all p u r p o s e s of internal defence a n d Foreign aggression fully secured by his armed 5 National Guard, b u t Thiers s u p e r a d d e d at o n c e to the capitulation of Paris to t h e Foreigner t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e capitulation of Paris to himself and C o . This stipulation w a s a stipulation for civil war. That w a r itself he o p e n s not only with the passive permission of Prussia, but by the facilities she lends him, by t h e captive F r e n c h troops she magnanimously d e s p a t c h e s 10 him from G e r m a n d u n g e o n s ! In his bulletins, in his a n d F a v r e ' s speeches in t h e Assembly, he crawls in the d u s t before Prussia and threatens Paris every eight days with her intervention, after having failed to get it, as stated by Bismarck himself. T h e B o u r b o n s w e r e dignity itself c o m p a r e d to this m o u n t e b a n k , this grand apostle of Chauvinism! 15 After the d o w n b r e a k of Prussia (Tilsit p e a c e 1807), its g o v e r n m e n t felt that it could only save itself and the c o u n t r y by a great social regeneration. It naturalized in Prussia—on a small scale, within the limits of a feudal monarchy—the results of the F r e n c h revolution. It liberated the peasant 20 etc. After t h e Crimean defeat, w h i c h , h o w e v e r Russia might h a v e saved her h o n o u r by the defence of S e b a s t o p o l and dazzled the Foreigner by her diplomatic triumphs at Paris, laid open at h o m e the r o t t e n n e s s of her social and administrative system, her g o v e r n m e n t e m a n c i p a t e d the serf and her whole administrative and judicial system. In b o t h countries t h e daring social 25

reform w a s fettered and limited in its c h a r a c t e r b e c a u s e it w a s o c t r o y e d from the t h r o n e a n d n o t c o n q u e r e d by t h e people. Still t h e r e w e r e great social changes doing a w a y with the w o r s t privileges of the ruling classes and changing the economical basis of t h e old society. T h e y felt that t h e great malady could only be cured by heroic m e a s u r e s . T h e y felt that they could only

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answer to the victors by social reforms, by calling into life elements of popular regeneration. T h e F r e n c h c a t a s t r o p h e of 1870 stands unpa alleled in t h e history of the m o d e r n w o r l d ! It s h e w e d official F r a n c e , the F r a n c e of Louis B o n a p a r t e , t h e F r a n c e of the ruling classes and their state parasites—a putrescent cadaver. And w h a t is the first a t t e m p t of the infamous men, w h o 35 had got at her g o v e r n m e n t by a surprise of the people and w h o continue to hold it by a conspiracy with the Foreign invader, w h a t is their first a t t e m p t ? T o assassinate, u n d e r Prussian p a t r o n a g e , b y L . B o n a p a r t e ' s soldatesca a n d Piétri's police, the glorious w o r k of popular regeneration c o m m e n c e d at Paris, to summon all the old legitimist s p e c t r e s , beaten by the July R e v o 40 lution, the fossile swindlers of Louis Philippe, b e a t e n by the revolution of

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Karl Marx F e b r u a r y , and celebrate an orgy of counterrevolution! S u c h heroism in exaggerated self d e b a s e m e n t is u n h e a r d of in the annals of history! But, w h a t is most characteristic, instead of arousing a general shout of indignation on the part of official E u r o p e , and A m e r i c a , it e v o k e s a current of s y m p a t h y and of fierce denunciation of Paris! (fossiles, vilains, h o m m e s t a r é s ) 5 This p r o v e s that Paris, true to its historical a n t e c e d e n t s , seeks the regeneration of the F r e n c h people in making it t h e champion of the regeneration of old society, making the social regeneration of m a n k i n d the national business of F r a n c e ! It is the emancipation of t h e producing class from t h e exploiting classes, their retainers and their state parasites w h o p r o v e 10 the t r u t h of the F r e n c h adage, that "les valets du diable sont pire q u e le diable himself." Paris has hoisted the flag of mankind! 18 March. G o v e r n m e n t laid " s t a m p of 2 centimes on e a c h c o p y of e v e r y periodical, w h a t e v e r its n a t u r e " , "forbidden to found n e w journals until the raising of the state of siege". | | 8 | The different fractions of the F r e n c h bourgeoisie had successively their reigns, the great landed proprietors under t h e Restoration (the old B o u r b o n s ) , the capitalists u n d e r the parliamentary m o n a r c h y of July, (Louis Philippe), while its Bonapartist and republican elements kept rankling in the background. Their p a r t y feuds and intrigues w e r e of course carried on on p r e t e x t s of public welfare, and a popular revolution having got rid of t h e s e monarchies, the other set in. All this changed with the Republic (February). All the fractions of the Bourgeoisie combined together in t h e Party of Order, that is the p a r t y of Proprietors and Capitalists, b o u n d together to maintain the e c o n o m i c subjugation of labour and the r e p r e s s i v e state machinery supporting it. Instead of a m o n a r c h y , w h o s e v e r y n a m e signified the prevalence of o n e bourgeois fraction over the other, a victory on one side and a defeat on the other, (the t r i u m p h of one side a n d the humiliation of the other) t h e Republic w a s t h e a n o n y m o u s joint-stockc o m p a n y of the combined bourgeois fractions, of all t h e exploiteurs of t h e people clubbed together, and indeed, Legitimists, B o n a p a r t i s t s , Orleanists, Bourgeois Republicans, Jesuits, and Voltaireans, e m b r a c e d e a c h other. N o longer hidden by the shelter of the crown, no longer able to interest the people in their party feuds by m a s k e r a d i n g t h e m into struggles for popular interest, no longer subordinate the one to the other. Direct and confessed antagonism of their class rule to the emancipation of the producing masses,—order the n a m e for the economical and political conditions of their class rule and the servitude of labour, this a n o n y m o u s or republican form of t h e bourgeois regime—this Bourgeois Republic, this Republic of the Party of Order is the m o s t odious of all political regimes. Its direct b u s i n e s s , its only raison d'être is to c r u s h d o w n the people. It is t h e

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terrorism of class rule. T h e thing is d o n e in this way. T h e people having fought and m a d e the Revolution, proclaimed the Republic, and m a d e room for a National A s s e m b l y , the Bourgeois w h o s e k n o w n R e p u b l i c a n p r o f essions are a guarantee for their " R e p u b l i c " , are p u s h e d on t h e foreground of the stage by the majority of the A s s e m b l y , c o m p o s e d of the v a n q u i s h e d and professed enemies of the Republic. T h e Republicans are entrusted with the task to goad the people into the trap of an insurrection to be crushed by fire and sword. This p a r t w a s p e r f o r m e d by the p a r t y of t h e National w i t h Cavaignac at their head after the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , (by the J u n e Insurrection) By their crime against the m a s s e s , these Republicans lose then their sway. T h e y h a v e d o n e their w o r k and, if yet allowed to support the party of order in its general struggle against the Proletariate, they are at the same time displaced from the g o v e r n m e n t , forced to fall back in the last r a n k s , a n d only allowed " o n s u f f e r a n c e " . T h e combined royalist

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bourgeois t h e n b e c o m e the fathers of t h e Republic, the true rule of the " P a r t y of O r d e r " sets in. T h e material forces of the people being b r o k e n for the time being, t h e w o r k of reaction—the breaking d o w n of all t h e concessions c o n q u e r e d in four revolutions—begins piece by piece. T h e people is stung to m a d n e s s n o t only by t h e deeds of the party of order, b u t 20 by the cynical effrontery with which it is treated as the vanquished, w i t h which in its o w n n a m e , in the n a m e of the Republic, that low lot rules it s u p r e m e . Of c o u r s e , that spasmodic form of anonymous class despotism c a n n o t last long, can only be a transitory phasis. It k n o w s that it is seated on a revolutionary volcano. On the other hand, if t h e p a r t y of order is united 25 in its w a r against the w o r k i n g class, in its capacity of the party of order, the play of intrigue of its different fractions the o n e against t h e other, each for the prevalence of its peculiar interest in the old order of society, each for t h e Restoration of its o w n p r e t e n d e r and personal ambitions, sets in in full force as soon as its rule seems secured (guaranteed) by the 30

destruction of the material revolutionary forces. This combination of a c o m m o n w a r against the p e o p l e and a c o m m o n conspiracy against the Republic, combined with the internal feuds of its rulers, and their play of intrigues, paralyses society, disgusts and bewilders the m a s s e s of the middleclass and " t r o u b l e s " b u s i n e s s , keeps t h e m in a chronic state 35 of disquietude. All t h e conditions of d e s p o t i s m are created (have b e e n engendered) under this regime, b u t despotism without quietude, despotism with parliamentary a n a r c h y at its head. T h e n the hour has struck for a Coup d'Etat, and t h e incapable lot has to m a k e room for a n y lucky pretender, making [an] end of t h e anonymous form of class rule. In this 40

w a y Louis B o n a p a r t e m a d e an end of the Bourgeois Republic after its 4 y e a r s of existence. During all that time Thiers w a s the " â m e d a m n é e " of the p a r t y

37

Karl Marx of order, that in the n a m e of the Republic m a d e w a r u p o n t h e Republic, a class w a r u p o n t h e people, and, in reality, created t h e E m p i r e . He played exactly the same part n o w as he played then, only then but as a parliamentary intriguer, n o w as the Chief of the Executive. Should he not be c o n q u e r e d by t h e Revolution, he will n o w as t h e n be a baffled tool. W h a t e v e r countervailing g o v e r n m e n t will set in, its first act will be to cast aside the m a n w h o surrendered F r a n c e to Prussia and b o m b a r d e d Paris.

5

Thiers had m a n y grievances against L. B o n a p a r t e . T h e latter had u s e d him as a tool and a d u p e . He had frightened him by his arrest after t h e C o u p d'Etat. He had annulled him by putting d o w n the parliamentary regime, the 10 only o n e under which a mere state-parasite, like Thiers, a mere talker can play a political part. L a s t n o t least, Thiers having b e e n the historic shoeblack of N a p o l e o n had so long described his d e e d s as to fancy he had enacted t h e m himself. T h e legitimate caricature of N a p . I w a s in his e y e s not N a p . the little, but little Thiers. With all that there w a s no infamy c o m - 15 mitted by L. B. which had not b e e n b a c k e d by Thiers, from the occupation of R o m e by the F r e n c h troops to t h e w a r with Prussia.

Only a m a n of his shallow head can fancy for o n e m o m e n t , that a Republic with his head on its shoulders, with a National A s s e m b l y half legitimist, 20 half Orleanist, with an a r m y under Bonapartist leaders, will, if victorious, not p u s h him aside.

T h e r e is nothing m o r e grotesquely horrid than a T o m P o u c e affecting to play the Timur T a m e r l a n e . With him the d e e d s of cruelty are not only 25 a m a t t e r of business, but a thing of theatrical display, of phantastical vanity. To write his "bulletin's", to show his " s e v e r i t y " , to h a v e " h i s " t r o o p s , " h i s " strategy, " h i s " b o m b a r d m e n t s , " h i s " p e t r o l e u m - b o m b s , t o hide " h i s " cowardice under the coldbloodedness with w h i c h he allows t h e D e c e m brist blacklegs to take their revenge on Paris ! This kind of heroism in exagge- 30. rated b a s e n e s s ! He exults in the i m p o r t a n t p a r t he plays and the noise he m a k e s in the world! He quite fancies to be a great m a n ! and h o w gigantic (titanic) h e , the dwarf, the parliamentary dribbler, m u s t look in the e y e s of the world ! Inmidst the horrid scenes of this war, o n e c a n n o t help smiling at t h e ridiculous capers Thiers Vanity c u t s ! M . T h i e r s is a m a n of lively 35 imagination, there r u n s an artist's vein through his blood, and an artist's vanity able to gull him into a belief of his o w n lies, a n d a belief in his o w n grandeur.

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) T h r o u g h all the s p e e c h e s , bulletins etc. of Thiers, r u n s a vein of elated vanity.

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that affreux Triboulet. Splendid B o m b a r d m e n t (with p e t r o l e u m b o m b s ) from M o n t Valerien on o n e part of the h o u s e s in the T e r n e s within t h e r a m p a r t , with a grandious conflagration and a fearful t h u n d e r of c a n n o n shaking all Paris. B o m b s purposely t h r o w n into T e r n e s and t h e C h a m p s E l y s é e s quarters. Explosive b o m b s , p e t r o l e u m b o m b s .

The Commune.

T h e glorious British p e n n y a liner has m a d e t h e splendid discovery t h a t this is not w h a t we u s e to u n d e r s t a n d by selfgovernment. Of c o u r s e , it is not. It is not the selfadministration of t h e t o w n s by turtle-soup guttling aldermen, jobbing vestries, and ferocious w o r k h o u s e guardians. It is 15 not the selfadministration of the counties by the holders of b r o a d a c r e s , long purses and e m p t y h e a d s . It is not the judicial abomination of " t h e Great U n p a i d " . It is n o t political selfgovernment of the country t h r o u g h the m e a n s of an oligarchic club and the reading of the Times n e w s p a p e r . It is the people acting for itself by itself. 20 Within this w a r of cannibals t h e m o s t disgusting, the " l i t e r a r y " shrieks of t h e hideous g n o m e seated at the head of the g o v e r n m e n t ! T h e ferocious t r e a t m e n t of the Versailles prisoners w a s not interrupted o n e m o m e n t , and their coldblooded assassination w a s r e s u m e d so soon as 25 Versailles had convinced itself t h a t the C o m m u n e w a s too h u m a n e to e x e c u t e its decree of reprisals ! T h e Paris Journal (at Versailles) says that 13 line soldiers m a d e prisoners at the railway station of Q a m a r t w e r e shot offhand, and all prisoners wearing the line uniforms w h o arrive in Versailles will be executed w h e n e v e r 30 doubts about their identity are cleared up ! M. Alexander D u m a s , fils, tells that a y o u n g m a n exercising the functions, if not bearing the title, of a general, w a s shot after having m a r c h e d (in custody) a few h u n d r e d y a r d s along a r o a d . 5 Mai. Mot d'Ordre: D ' a p r è s la Liberté, qui paraît à Versailles « t o u s 35 les soldats de l'armée régulière qui ont été t r o u v é s à Clamart parmi les insurgents ont été fusillés séance t e n a n t e » (by Lincoln Thiers !) (Lincoln

39

Karl Marx acknowledged the belligerent rights) " T h e s e a r e t h e m e n denouncing on t h e walls of all F r e n c h c o m m u n e s the Parisians as a s s a s s i n s ! " T h e banditti! Desmarets. Deputation de c o m m u n e à Bicêtre (27 April) p o u r faire u n e e n q u ê t e sur les 4 gardes nationaux du 185 bataillon de m a r c h e de la garde nationale, où 5 ils ont visité le survivant (grièvement blessé) Scheffer. Le malade a déclaré q u e le 25 Avril, à la belle E p i n e , p r è s de Villejuif, il était surpris avec trois de ces c a m a r a d e s par les c h a s s e u r s à cheval, qui leur ont dit de se r e n d r e . C o m m e il leur était impossible de faire une résistance utile contre les forces qui les entouraient, ils j e t è r e n t leurs armes à terre et se rendirent. L e s 10 soldats les entourèrent, les firent prisonniers sans exercer a u c u n e violence ni a u c u n e m e n a c e envers eux. Ils étaient déjà prisonniers depuis quelques instants, lorsqu'un capitaine des chasseurs à cheval arriva et se précipita sur eux le revolver au poing. Il fit feu sur l'un d ' e u x sans dire un seul mot et l'étendit raide mort, puis il en fit autant sur le garde Scheffer qui 15 reçut u n e balle en pleine poitrine et t o m b a à côté de ses c a m a r a d e s . L e s d e u x autres gardes se retirèrent effrayés de cette infâme aggression, mais le féroce capitaine se précipita sur les d e u x prisonniers et les tua de d e u x autres coups de revolver. L e s c h a s s e u r s après les actes d'atroce et de féroce lâcheté, se retirèrent a v e c leur chef, laissant leurs victimes é t e n d u e s sur 20 le sol. e

N e w York Tribune outdoes the London papers. M. T h i e r s ' " m o s t liberal and most freely elected National assembly that ever existed in F r a n c e " is quite of a piece with his "finest a r m y that 25 F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " . T h e municipal elections, carried on under Thiers himself on the 3 0 of April, show their relations to t h e F r e n c h people ! Of 700,000 councillors (in r o u n d n u m b e r s ) returned by the 35,000 c o m m u n e s still left in mutilated F r a n c e , 200 are Legitimists, 600 Orléanists, 7,000 a v o w e d Bonapartists, and all the rest Republicans or C o m m u n i s t s . (Versailles 30 Cor. Daily News, 5 May) Is any other proof w a n t e d that this A s s e m b l y with the Orleanist m u m m y Thiers at its head r e p r e s e n t only an u s u r p a t o r y minority? th

Paris. M . T h i e r s represented again and again the C o m m u n e as the instrument of a handful of " c o n v i c t s " and "ticket of leave m e n " , of the scum of

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) Paris. And this " h a n d f u l " of d e s p e r a d o e s holds in check since m o r e t h a n 6 w e e k s the "finest a r m y that F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " led by t h e invincible M a c M a h o n and inspired by the genius of Thiers himself! T h e exploits of the Parisians h a v e not only refuted him. All e l e m e n t s 5 of Paris h a v e spoken. « Il ne faut point confondre le m o u v e m e n t de Paris avec la surprise de M o n t m a r t r e , qui n'en a été q u e l'occasion et le point de départ ; ce m o u v e m e n t est général et p r o f o n d dans la conscience de Paris; le plus grand n o m b r e de ceux-là m ê m e s qui, pour u n e cause ou pour u n e autre, s'en sont t e n u s à l'écart, n ' e n d é s a v o u e n t point p o u r cela 10 la légitimité sociale.» W h o says this? T h e delegates of the Syndical chambres, m e n w h o speak in the n a m e of 7—8,000 m e r c h a n t s a n d industrials. T h e y h a v e g o n e to tell it at Versailles . . . T h e Ligue de la réunion républicaine... the manifestation of the Francs Maçons e t c .

The Province. 15

Les provinciaux espiègles. If Thiers fancied o n e m o m e n t that the p r o v i n c e s w e r e really antagonistic to the Paris m o v e m e n t , he would do all in his p o w e r to give the p r o v i n c e s the greatest possible facilities to b e c o m e acquainted with that m o v e m e n t and all "its h o r r o r s " . He would solicit t h e m to look at it in its naked 20 reality, to convince themselves with their o w n e y e s and ears of w h a t it is. N o t h e ! H e and his " d e f e n c e m e n " try t o k e e p the provinces d o w n , t o prevent their general rising for Paris, by a wall of lies as t h e y k e p t out t h e n e w s from the provinces in Paris during t h e Prussian siege. T h e P r o v i n c e s are only allowed to look at Paris through the Versailles camera obscura. (les 25

mensonges et les calomnies des j o u r n a u x de Versailles p a r v i e n n e n t seuls a u x d é p a r t e m e n t s et y font loi.) Pillages and m u r d e r s of 20,000 ticket of leave men dishonour the capital. «La Ligue se d o n n e p o u r premier devoir de faire la lumière et de rétablir les relations normales e n t r e la province a n d Paris. » As they w e r e , w h e n besieged in Paris, thus they are now in besieging 30 it in their turn. « Le mensonge, comme par le passé, est leur arme favorite. Ils suppriment, saisissent les j o u r n a u x de la Capitale, interceptent les communications, sift the letters, de telle sorte q u e la Province est réduite aux nouvelles qu'il plaît a u x Jules F a v r e , Picard et Consorts de lui donner, sans qu'il soit possible de vérifier l'exactitude de leur dire. » T h i e r s ' 35

bulletins, P i c a r d s ' circulars, D u f a u r e s ' . . . T h e placards in the C o m m u n e s . T h e felon press of Versailles and the G e r m a n s . T h e petit moniteur. T h e reintroduction of p a s s p o r t s for travelling from o n e place to another. An army of m o u c h a r d s spread in every direction. A r r e s t s (in R o u e n e t c u n d e r

41

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Karl Marx Prussian authority) etc. L e s milliers de commissaires de police r é p a n d u s d a n s les environs de Paris o n t r e ç u du préfet g e n d a r m e Valentin l'ordre de saisir tous les j o u r n a u x , à quelque n u a n c e qu'ils appartiennent, qui s'impriment dans la ville insurgée, et de les brûler en place publique c o m m e au meilleur t e m p s de la Ste Inquisition. 5 T h i e r s ' g o v e r n m e n t first appealed to t h e p r o v i n c e s to form battalions of National G u a r d s and send t h e m to Versailles against Paris. " T h e Provi n c e , " as the Journal de Limoges says, " s h o w e d its discontent by refusing the battalion of volontaires w h i c h w e r e asked from it by Thiers and his r u r a u x . " T h e few B r e t o n idiots, fighting u n d e r a white flag, e v e r y 10 o n e of t h e m wearing on his b r e a s t a J e s u s h e a r t in ||10| white cloth and shouting " v i v e le r o i ! " are the only " p r o v i n c i a l " a r m y gathered r o u n d Thiers. The elections Vengeur 6 Mai. M.Dufaure's presslaw (8 April) confessedly directed against the 15 " e x c e s s e s " of the Provincial p r e s s . T h e n the n u m e r o u s arrestations in the Province. It is placed under the laws of suspects. Blocus intellectuel et policier de la province. April 23 Havre: T h e municipal council has d e s p a t c h e d t h r e e of its m e m b e r s to Paris and Versailles with instructions to offer mediation, with 20 the view of terminating the civil w a r on the basis of the m a i n t e n a n c e of the Republic, and t h e granting of municipal franchises to the w h o l e of F r a n c e . . . 23 April delegates from Lyon received by Picard and Thiers— "guerre à tout prix " deren A n t w o r t . A d r e s s e des délégués de L y o n p r é s e n t é e à l'assemblée p a r G r e p p o 25 24 Avril. T h e municipalities of the provincial t o w n s committed the great i m p u d e n c e to send their deputations to Versailles in order to call u p o n t h e m to grant what d e m a n d e d by Paris; not o n e C o m m u n e of F r a n c e has sent an a d d r e s s approving of the acts of Thiers and the rurals; the provincial p a p e r s , like 30 t h e s e municipal councils, as Dufaure complains in his circular against Conciliation to the Procureur Général « m e t t e n t sur la m ê m e ligne l'Assemblée issue du suffrage universel et la p r é t e n d u e c o m m u n e de P a r i s ; r e p r o c h e n t à la première de n'avoir pas accordé à Paris ses droits municipaux etc » and w h a t is w o r s e , t h e s e municipal councils, f. i. that of Auch 35 " u n a n i m e m e n t lui d e m a n d e n t de proposer immédiatement un armistice avec Paris and that the A s s e m b l y c h o s e n on the 8-th of F e b r u a r y , dissolves itself b e c a u s e its m a n d a t e h a d e x p i r e d " . (Dufaure, l'assemblée de Versailles 26 April) It ought to be r e m e m b e r e d that t h e s e w e r e t h e old municipal councils, 40 not t h o s e elected on 3 0 April. Their delegations so n u m e r o u s , t h a t Thiers th

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The Civil War in France (First Draft)

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decided no longer to receive t h e m personally, but address t h e m to a ministerial subaltern. Lastly the elections of 30 April the final judgment of the A s s e m b l y a n d the electoral surprise from w h i c h it h a d sprung. If t h e n , the provinces h a v e till n o w only m a d e a passive resistance against Versailles without rising for Paris, to be explained by the strongholds t h e old authorities hold h e r e still, the t r a n c e in w h i c h the E m p i r e merged and the w a r maintained t h e Province. It is evident that it is only t h e Versailles army, g o v e r n m e n t , and Chinese wall of lies, that stand b e t w e e n Paris and the p r o v i n c e s . If t h a t wall falls, they will unite with it. It is m o s t characteristic, that t h e s a m e m e n (Thiers et Co.) w h o in M a y 1850 abolished by a parliamentary conspiracy (Bonaparte aided t h e m , to get t h e m into a snare, to h a v e t h e m at his m e r c y , a n d to proclaim himself after the c o u p d'état as t h e r e s t o r a t o r of t h e universal suffrage against t h e party of order and its A s s e m b l y ) t h e universal suffrage, b e c a u s e u n d e r t h e Republic it might still play t h e m freaks, are n o w its fanatical a d e p t s , m a k e it their " l e g i t i m a t e " title against Paris, after it had received u n d e r Bonaparte such an organization as to be the m e r e plaything in the h a n d of t h e E x e c u t i v e , a m e r e m a c h i n e of cheat, surprise, a n d forgery on t h e p a r t of the E x e c u t i v e . C o n g r è s d e l a L i g u e d e s V i l l e s (RappeloMai!)

Trochu, Jules Favre, et Thiers' Provincials. It m a y be asked h o w t h e s e s u p e r a n n u a t e d parliamentary m o u n t e b a n k s and intriguers like Thiers, F a v r e , D u f a u r e , G a m i e r Pages (only strengthened 25 by a few rascals of the same stamp) continue to r e a p p e a r , after e v e r y revolution, on the surface, and u s u r p t h e e x e c u t i v e p o w e r ? these m e n t h a t always exploit and b e t r a y the Revolution, shoot d o w n the people t h a t m a d e it, and sequester t h e few liberal c o n c e s s i o n s c o n q u e r e d from former governm e n t s ? (which t h e y o p p o s e d t h e m s e l v e s ? ) 30 T h e thing is v e r y simple. In t h e first instance, if very unpopular, like Thiers after the F e b r u a r y Revolution, popular magnanimity spares t h e m . After every successful rising of the people the cry of conciliation, raised by t h e implacable enemies of the people, is r e e c h o e d by the people in t h e first m o m e n t s of the e n t h u s i a s m at its o w n victory. After this first m o m e n t 35

men like Thiers and D u f a u r e eclipse t h e m s e l v e s as long as t h e people hold material p o w e r and w o r k in t h e dark. T h e y r e a p p e a r as soon as it is disa r m e d and are acclaimed by t h e bourgeoisie as their chefs de file. Or, like F a v r e , G a m i e r P a g e s , Jules Simon e t c (recruited by a few y o u n g e r

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Karl Marx t h

ones of similar stamp) and Thiers himself after the 4 of S e p t e m b e r , w e r e t h e " r e s p e c t a b l e " republican opposition under Louis Philippe: afterwards t h e parliamentary opposition u n d e r L. B o n a p a r t e . T h e reactionary regimes they h a v e themselves initiated w h e n raised to p o w e r by the Revolution, secure for t h e m the r a n k s of t h e opposition, deporting, killing, exiling the true Revolutionists. T h e people forget their past, the middleclass look u p o n them as their m e n , their infamous p a s t is forgotten, and thus they r e a p p e a r to r e c o m m e n c e their treason a n d their w o r k of infamy.

5

Night of 1 to 2 May: the village of Clamart had b e e n in the hands of the 10 military, the railway station in that of the insurgents, (this station d o m i n a t e s the F o r t of Issy.) By a surprise (their patrouilles being let in by a soldier on guard, the watchword having been betrayed to them) the 23 Bataillon of C h a s seurs got in, surprised the garrison m o s t of them sleeping in their bed, m a d e only 60 prisoners, bayoneted 300 of the insurgents. D a z u line soldiers 15 afterwards shot offhand. Thiers in his circular to the Prefects, civil and military authorities of 2 May has t h e i m p u d e n c e to say: " I t (the C o m m u n e ) arrests generals (Cluseret!) only to shoot them, a n d institutes a c o m m i t t e e of public safety which is utterly u n w o r t h y ! " T r o o p s u n d e r General Lacretelle took the redoubt of Moulin Saquet 20 situated betwixt F o r t Issy and M o n t r o u g e , by a coup de main. T h e garrison was surprised by treachery on the p a r t of t h e c o m m a n d a n t Gallien, w h o had sold the p a s s w o r d to the Versaillese troops. 150 of the Federals b a y o n e t e d and over 300 of t h e m m a d e prisoners. M . T h i e r s , says the Times c o r r e s p o n d e n t w a s w e a k w h e n he ought to 25 h a v e b e e n firm (the c o w a r d is always w e a k as long as he has to apprehend danger for himself) and firm, w h e n everything w a s to be gained by s o m e concessions, (the rascal is always firm, w h e n the e m p l o y m e n t of material force bleeds F r a n c e , gives great airs to himself, b u t w h e n h e , personally, is safe. This is his whole cleverness. Like A n t h o n y , Thiers is an " h o n e s t m a n " . ) 30

Thiers' bulletin über Moulin-Saquet (4 Mai) «Délivrance de Paris des affreux tyrans qui l'oppriment» («les Versaillais étaient déguisés en gardes nationaux. ») (« le plus grand n o m b r e des fédérés dormaient et ont été frappés ou saisis d a n s leur sommeil. ») « B l a n q u i , enseveli m o u r a n t dans un c a c h o t , F l o u r e n s h a c h é p a r les g e n d a r m e s , Duval fusillé par Vinoy, les ont t e n u s dans leurs mains au 31 O c t o b r e , et qu'ils leur ont rien faits. »

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1111 The Commune. a) M e a s u r e s for the Working Class.

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nightwork of journeymen bakers suppressed. (20 April) the private jurisdiction, u s u r p e d by the Seigneurs of mills etc (manufacturers) (employers, great and small) being at the same time judges, executors, gainers and parties in t h e disputes, t h a t right of a penal code of their own, enabling t h e m to r o b the l a b o u r e r s ' wages by fines and deductions, as p u n i s h m e n t e t c , abolished in public and private w o r k s h o p s ; penalties impended u p o n the employers in case they infringe u p o n this th

law; fines and deductions e x t o r t e d since the 18 of M a r c h to be paid b a c k to the w o r k m e n ; (27 April) Sale of p a w n e d articles at P a w n Shops s u s p e n d e d ; (29 M a r c h ) A great lot of w o r k s h o p s and m a n u f a c t u r e s h a v e b e e n closed in P a r i s ; their o w n e r s having run a w a y . This is the old m e t h o d of the industrial 15 capitalists, w h o consider themselves entitled " b y the s p o n t a n e o u s action of the laws of political e c o n o m y " not only to m a k e a profit out of labour, as the condition of labour, b u t to stop it altogether and throw the w o r k m e n on the pavement—to p r o d u c e an artificial crisis w h e n e v e r a victorious r e v o lution t h r e a t e n s the " o r d e r " of their " s y s t e m " . T h e C o m m u n e , very wisely, 20 has appointed a C o m m u n a l commission which in cooperation with delegates chosen by the different t r a d e s will inquire into t h e w a y s of handing over the deserted w o r k s h o p s and m a n u f a c t u r e s to c o o p e r a t i v e w o r k m e n societies with some indemnity for the capitalist d e s e r t e r s ; (16 April) (this commission has also to m a k e statistics of the a b a n d o n e d w o r k s h o p s ) ; 25

C o m m u n e has given order to the mairies to m a k e no distinction b e t w e e n the f e m m e s called illegitimate, the m o t h e r s and widows of national guards, as to the indemnity of 75 c e n t i m e s ; the public prostitutes till n o w kept for the " m e n of o r d e r " at Paris but for their " s a f e t y " kept in penal servitude under the arbitrary rule of the 30 police; the C o m m u n e has liberated the prostitutes from this degrading slavery, but swept away the soil upon w h i c h , and the m e n by w h o m , prostitution flourishes. T h e higher prostitutes—the cocottes—were of c o u r s e , under the rule of order, not the slaves, b u t the m a s t e r s of the police and the g o v e r n o r s . 35 T h e r e w a s , of c o u r s e , no time to reorganize public instruction (education); but by removing the religious a n d clerical element from it, the C o m m u n e has taken the initiative in the mental emancipation of the people. It has appointed a Commission for t h e organization de l'enseignement (primary and

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Karl Marx professional) (28 April). It has ordered that all tools of instruction like b o o k s , m a p s , paper etc b e given gratuitously b y t h e schoolmasters w h o receive them in their t u r n from the r e s p e c t i v e mairies to w h i c h they belong. No schoolmaster is allowed on a n y p r e t e x t to ask p a y m e n t from his pupils for t h e s e instruments of instruction. (28 April) 5 Pawnshops: toute r e c o n n a i s s a n c e du M o n t de Piété antérieure au 25 Avril 1871, p o r t a n t e n g a g e m e n t d'effets d'habillement, de m e u b l e s , de linge, de livres, d'objets de literie et d'instruments de travail nicht ü b e r 20 fcs p o u r r a être dégagée gratuitement à partir du 12 M a i courant. (7 May) 10 2) M e a s u r e s for working class, b u t mostly for the middle classes. Houserent for the last 3 quarters up to April wholly remitted: W h o e v e r had paid a n y of t h e s e 3 q u a r t e r s shall h a v e right of setting that sum against future p a y m e n t s . T h e same law to prevail in the case of furnished 15 a p a r t m e n t s . No notice to quit coming from landlords to be valid for 3 m o n t h s to c o m e . (29 Mars) échéances (Payment of bills of exchange due): (expiration of bills): all p r o s e c u t i o n s for bills of e x c h a n g e fallen d u e s u s p e n d e d . (12 April) All commercial p a p e r s of that sort to be repaid in r e p a y m e n t spread 20 over two y e a r s , to begin n e x t July 15, the d e b t s being not chargeable with interest. T h e total a m o u n t of the s u m s d u e divided in 8 equal coupures, payable by trimestre (first trimester to be dated from July 15). Only on t h e s e partial p a y m e n t s w h e n fallen d u e judicial p r o s e c u t i o n s permitted. (16 April) T h e Dufaure laws on leases and bills of e x c h a n g e entailed t h e b a n k r u p t c y of the 25 majority of the respectable s h o p k e e p e r s of Paris. T h e notaries, huissiers, auctioneers, bum-bailiffs a n d other judicial officers making till n o w a fortune of their functions t r a n s f o r m e d into agents of t h e C o m m u n e receiving from it fixed salaries like o t h e r w o r k m e n ; As t h e Professors of the Ecole de M é d e c i n e h a v e run a w a y , the C o m m u n e 30 appointed a Commission for the foundation of free universities, no longer stateparasites; given to t h e students t h a t h a d p a s s e d their examination m e a n s to practise i n d e p e n d e n t of D o c t o r titles; (titles to be conferred by the faculty). Since the judges of t h e Civil tribunal of the Seine, like t h e other magis- 35 trates always ready to function u n d e r a n y class g o v e r n m e n t , h a d r u n away, C o m m u n e appointed an a d v o c a t e to do the m o s t urgent business until the reorganization of tribunals on t h e basis of general suffrage; (26 April)

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The Civil War in France (First Draft)

3) General M e a s u r e s . Conscription abolished. In the p r e s e n t w a r every able m a n (National Guard) m u s t serve. This m e a s u r e excellent to get rid of all traitors and cowards hiding in Paris (29 Mars)

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J Games of hazard suppressed. (2 April) \ C h u r c h separated from State; the religious budget s u p p r e s s e d ; all clerical estates declared national properties, (3 April). T h e C o m m u n e , having m a d e inquiries c o n s e q u e n t u p o n private informations, found that beside the old Guillotine the "government of order" had c o m m a n d e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a new guillotine (more expeditive a n d portable), and paid in a v a n c e . T h e C o m m u n e ordered b o t h the old and the new guillotine to be b u r n e d publicly on the 6 of April. T h e Versailles journals, reechoed by the press of o r d e r all over the world, narrated t h e Paris people, as a d e m o n s t r a t i o n against the bloodthirstiness of the C o m m u n a l s , had b u r n t t h e s e guillotines ! (6 April) All political prisoners w e r e set free at o n c e after t h e Revolution of the 1 8 of M a r c h . But the C o m m u n e knew that under the régime of L. Bonaparte and his w o r t h y successor of the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e m a n y people w e r e simply incarcerated on no charge w h a t e v e r as political suspects. C o n s e q u e n t l y it charged o n e of its members—Protot—to m a k e inquiries. By him 150 people set free w h o being arrested since six m o n t h s , had not yet u n d e r g o n e any judicial e x a m ination; m a n y of them, already arrested u n d e r B o n a p a r t e , h a d b e e n for a year in prison without any charge or judicial examination. (9 April) This fact, so characteristic of the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e , | | l 2 | enraged them. T h e y asserted the C o m m u n e had liberated all felons. But w h o liberated convicted felons? T h e forger Jules F a v r e . H a r d l y got into p o w e r , he hastened to liberate Pic and Taillefer, c o n d e m n e d for theft and forgery in the affaire of the Etendard. O n e of t h e s e m e n , Taillefer, daring to return to Paris, has b e e n reinstated into his c o n v e n i e n t a b o d e . But this is n o t all. T h e Versailles g o v e r n m e n t has delivered in the Maisons Centrales all over F r a n c e convicted thief s on the condition of entering M . T h i e r s ' army! th

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Decree on the demolition of the column of the place Vendôme as "a m o n u m e n t of barbarism, symbol of brute force a n d false glory, an affirma35 tion of militarism, a negation of international right". (12 April) Election of Frankel (German m e m b e r of the International) to the C o m m u n e declared valid: "considering that the flag of the C o m m u n e is that of the Universal Republic and that foreigners can h a v e a seat in i t " ;

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Karl Marx (4 April) Frankel afterwards chosen a m e m b e r of t h e executive of the C o m m u n e ; (21 April) T h e Journal officiel has inaugurated the publicity of the sittings of the C o m m u n e . (15 April) D e c r e e of Paschal G r o u s s e t for the protection of Foreigners against 5 requisitions. N e v e r a g o v e r n m e n t in Paris so c o u r t e o u s to Foreigners. (27 April) T h e C o m m u n e has abolished political and professional oaths. (27 April) Destruction of the monument dit "Chapelle expiatoire de Louis XVI" rue d'Anjou St. H o n o r é (œvre de la C h a m b r e introuvable de 1816) (7Mai) 10

4) M e a s u r e s of public safety. D i s a r m a m e n t of the " l o y a l " National G u a r d s ; (30 Mars) C o m m u n e declares incompatibility b e t w e e n seats in its r a n k s and at Versailles ; (29 Mars). Decree of Reprisals. N e v e r executed. Only t h e fellows arrested, Arch15 bishop of Paris and Curé of the Madeleine; w h o l e staff of t h e college of Jesuits ; I n c u m b e n t s of all the principal c h u r c h e s ; Part of these fellows arrested as hostages, part as conspirators with Versailles, part b e c a u s e they tried to save c h u r c h p r o p e r t y from the clutches of the C o m m u n e . (6 April) " T h e Monarchists wage war like savages; they shoot prisoners, they m u r d e r the 20 w o u n d e d , they fire on a m b u l a n c e s , t r o o p s raise the butt-end of their rifles in the air and then fire traitorously." (Proclamation of Commune) In regard to t h e s e d e c r e e s of Reprisals to be r e m a r k e d : In the first instance men of all layers of the Paris society—after the e x o d u s of the capitalists, the idlers, and t h e parasite—have interposed at 25 Versailles to stop the Civil war—except the Paris clergy. T h e A r c h b i s h o p and t h e curé de [la] Madeleine h a v e only written to Thiers b e c a u s e averse to "the effusion of their own blood", in their quality as hostages. Secondly: After the publication by the C o m m u n e of the D e c r e e of reprisal, the taking of hostages etc, the atrocious t r e a t m e n t of the Versailles 30 prisoners by Piétri's lambs and Valentin's G e n d a r m e s did not c e a s e , but the assassination of the captive Paris soldiers and N a t i o n a l Guard w a s stopped to set in with r e n e w e d fury so soon as the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t had convinced itself that t h e C o m m u n e w a s too h u m a n e to e x e c u t e its decree of the 6 of April. T h e n the assassination set again in wholesale. T h e 35 C o m m u n e did not e x e c u t e one hostage, not o n e prisoner, not e v e n some G e n d a r m e officers w h o u n d e r the disguise of National G u a r d s had entered Paris as spies and w e r e simply arrested. th

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) Surprise of the Redoute of Clamart (2 May.) Railway Station in the hands of the Parisians, m a s s a c r e , bayonetting, t h e 2 2 Battalion of C h a s seurs (Galliffet?) shoots line soldiers offhand without any formality. (2 Mai) Redoubt of Moulin Saquet, situated b e t w e e n F o r t Issy and M o n t r o u g e , surprised in the night by t r e a c h e r y on the part of the c o m m a n d a n t Gallien w h o had sold the p a s s w o r d to the Versaillaise t r o o p s . Federals surprised in their b e d s asleep—massacred great p a r t of them. (4 May?) 25 April 4 National guards (this constated by Commissaries sent to Bicêtre w h e r e the only survivor of t h e 4 m e n , à Belle E p i n e , près Villejuif. His n a m e Scheffer.) T h e s e m e n being surrounded by horse C h a s s e u r s , on their order, unable to resist, surrendered, disarmed, nothing d o n e to them by the soldiers. B u t then arrives the captain of the c h a s s e u r s , and shoots them down o n e after the other with his revolver. Left them on the soil. Scheffer fearfully w o u n d e d survived. 13 soldiers of the line m a d e prisoners at the railway Station of Clamart w e r e shot offhand, and all prisoners wearing the line uniforms w h o arrive in Versailles will be e x e c u t e d w h e n e v e r d o u b t s a b o u t their identity are cleared u p . (Liberté at Versailles.) A l e x a n d e r D u m a s fils, now at Versailles, tells that a y o u n g m a n exercising t h e functions, if not bearing the title, of a general, w a s shot, by order of a B o n a p a r t i s t general, after having m a r c h e d in custody a few 100 y a r d s along a r o a d Parisian troops and National G u a r d s surrounded in h o u s e s by G e n d a r m e s , inundate the house with Petroleum and then fire it. S o m e c a d a v e r s of National G u a r d s (calcinés) h a v e b e e n transported by the a m b u l a n c e of the press of the T e r n e s . (Mot d'ordre 20 April) " T h e y have no right to a m b u l a n c e s " . Thiers. Blanqui. Archbishop. General Chanzy. (Thiers s a i d h i s B o n a p a r t i s t s should h a v e liked to be shot.) Visitation in Houses, etc. Casimir Bouis n o m m é président d'une commission d ' e n q u ê t e in the doings of the dictators of 4 September. (14 April) Private houses invaded and p a p e r s seized, but no furniture has b e e n carried away and sold by auction. (Papers der fellows v o m 4. September, des Thiers etc und bonapartistischer Polizeileute), f. i. in Hotel of Lafont, inspecteur général des prisons. (11 April) T h e h o u s e s (properties) of Thiers et Co. as traitors sealed but only the papers confiscated. Arrest among themselves: This shocks t h e bourgeois w h o w a n t s political idols and "great m e n " immensely. " I t is provoking" (Daily News 6 May. Paris Correspondence), " h o w e v e r , and discouraging, that w h a t e v e r be t h e authority p o s s e s s e d by the C o m m u n e , it is continually changing h a n d s , and we k n o w n o t to-day with w h o m t h e power m a y rest t o - m o r r o w . . . In all these eternal changes one sees m o r e nd

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Karl Marx than ever the w a n t of a presiding mind. T h e C o m m u n e is a c o n c o u r s e of equivalent atoms, each o n e jealous of another and none endowed with supreme control over the others. " Journal suppression!

5) Financial M e a s u r e s . (See Daily News. 6 may) Principal outlay for war! Only 8,928 fcs. from saisies—all t a k e n from ecclesiastics etc Vengeur 6 Mai.

1131 La Commune. T h e rise of the C o m m u n e and the Central C o m m i t t e e . T h e C o m m u n e had b e e n proclaimed at L y o n s , then Marseilles, T o u l o u s e etc after Sedan. G a m b e t t a tried his b e s t to b r e a k it d o w n . T h e different m o v e m e n t s at Paris in the beginning of O c t o b e r aimed at the establishment of the C o m m u n e , as a m e a s u r e of defence against t h e Foreign invasion, as t h e realisation of t h e rise of t h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r . Its establishment by the m o v e m e n t of the 31 O c t o b e r failed only b e c a u s e Blanqui, F l o u r e n s and the other then leaders of the m o v e m e n t believed in the gens de paroles w h o had given their parole d'honneur to abdicate and m a k e r o o m to a C o m m u n e freely elected by all the a r r o n d i s s e m e n t s of Paris. It failed b e c a u s e they saved the lives of those m e n so eager for the assassination of their saviours. H a v i n g allowed T r o c h u and F e r r y to e s c a p e , they [were] surprised then by T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s . It ought to be r e m e m b e r e d that on the 3 1 of O c t o b e r the self imposed " g o v e r n m e n t of d e f e n c e " existed only on sufferance. It had not yet g o n e e v e n t h r o u g h the farce of a plebiscite. U n d e r the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h e r e w a s of course nothing easier t h a n to misrepresent the character of the m o v e m e n t , to decry it as a treasonable conspiracy with t h e P r u s s i a n s , to i m p r o v e the dismissal of the only m a n amongst t h e m w h o would n o t b r e a k his w o r d , for strengthening T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s w h o w e r e for the G o v e r n m e n t of the D e f e n c e w h a t the Corsican spadassins had b e e n for L. B o n a p a r t e by the appointment of Clément T h o m a s as C o m m a n d e r in Chief of the National G u a r d ; there was nothing easier for t h e s e old panic-mongers than—appealing t h

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) to the cowardly fears of the middleclass w o r k i n g bataillons w h o had t a k e n the initiative, throwing distrust a n d dissension amongst the w o r k i n g bataillons t h e m s e l v e s , by an appeal to patriotism—to create o n e of t h o s e d a y s of blind reaction and disastrous misunderstandings by w h i c h t h e y 5 h a v e always contrived to maintain their u s u r p e d p o w e r . As t h e y had slipt into p o w e r the 4 of S e p t e m b e r by a surprise, they w e r e n o w enabled to give it a m o c k sanction by a plebiscite of the true Bonapartist p a t t e r n during days of reactionary terror. T h e victorious establishment at Paris of t h e C o m m u n e in t h e beginning of t h

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N o v e m b e r 1870 (then already initiated in t h e great cities of the country a n d sure to be imitated all over F r a n c e ) would not only h a v e t a k e n the d e f e n c e out of the h a n d s of traitors a n d imprinted its enthusiasm as the p r e s e n t heroic w a r of Paris s h o w s , it would h a v e altogether changed the character of the war. It would h a v e b e c o m e the w a r of republican F r a n c e , hoisting t h e

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flag of the social Revolution of the 1 9 century, against Prussia, the b a n n e r bearer of the c o n q u e s t and counterrevolution. Instead of sending the h a c k n e y e d old intriguer a begging at all c o u r t s of E u r o p e , it w o u l d h a v e electrified t h e producing m a s s e s in the old and the new world. By t h e escamotage of the C o m m u n e on O c t o b e r 3 1 , the Jules F a v r e et Co

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secured the capitulation of F r a n c e to Prussia and initiated t h e p r e s e n t civil war. But this m u c h is s h o w n : T h e revolution of*the 4 S e p t e m b e r w a s n o t only t h e reinstalment of the Republic b e c a u s e t h e place of the usurper h a d b e c o m e v a c a n t by his capitulation at Sedan,—it not only c o n q u e r e d that

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republic from the Foreign invader by the prolonged resistance of Paris although fighting under the leadership of its enemies—that revolution w a s working its w a y in the h e a r t of the w o r k i n g classes. T h e republic had c e a s e d to be a n a m e for a thing of the past. It w a s impregnated with a n e w world. Its real t e n d e n c y veiled from the eye of the world through t h e 30 deceptions, the lies and the vulgarizing of a p a c k of intriguing lawyers and w o r d fencers, c a m e again a n d again to the surface in the s p a s m o d i c m o v e m e n t s of the Paris working classes (and t h e S o u t h of F r a n c e ) w h o s e w a t c h w o r d w a s always the s a m e : t h e Commune! T h e Commune—the positive form of the Revolution against the E m p i r e 35 and the conditions of its existence—first e s s a y e d in t h e cities of S o u t h e r n F r a n c e , again and again proclaimed in the spasmodic m o v e m e n t s during the siege of Paris and escamotés by t h e sleights of h a n d s of t h e G o v e r n m e n t of Defence and the Bretons of T r o c h u , the " p l a n of capitulation" hero—was at last victoriously installed on the 2 6 M a r c h , b u t it had not suddenly 40 sprung into life on that day. It w a s t h e u n c h a n g e a b l e goal of the w o r k m e n ' s revolution. T h e capitulation of Paris, the o p e n conspiracy against the R e p u b th

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Karl Marx lie at B o r d e a u x , the C o u p d ' E t a t initiated by the nocturnal attack on M o n t m a r t r e , rallied a r o u n d it all the living elements of Paris, no longer allowing the defence m e n to limit it to the insulated efforts of the m o s t conscious and revolutionary portions of the Paris working class. T h e g o v e r n m e n t of defence w a s only u n d e r g o n e as a pis aller of the first surprise, a necessity of the war. T h e t r u e answer of the Paris People to the Second E m p i r e , the E m p i r e of Lies—was the C o m m u n e . T h u s also the rising of all living Paris—with t h e exception of the pillars of Bonapartism and its official opposition, t h e great capitalists, the financial j o b b e r s , the sharpers, the loungers, and the old stateparasites—against the government of D e f e n c e does n o t date from t h e 1 8 of M a r c h , although it c o n q u e r e d on that day its first victory against the conspirators, it dates from the 31 J a n u a r y , from the very day of the capitulation. T h e N a t i o n a l Guard—that is all the a r m e d m a n h o o d of Paris—organized itself a n d really ruled Paris from that day, independently of the u s u r p a t o r y g o v e r n m e n t of the capitulards installed by t h e grace of Bismarck. It refused to deliver its arms and artillery, which was its p r o p e r t y and only left them in t h e capitulation b e c a u s e its p r o p e r t y . It w a s not t h e magnanimity of Jules F a v r e that saved t h e s e arms from Bismarck, b u t the readiness of armed Paris to fight for its a r m s against Jules F a v r e and Bismarck. In view of the Foreign invader and the p e a c e negotiations Paris would not complicate the situation. It was afraid of civil war. It o b s e r v e d a mere attitude of defence and content with the de facto selfrule of Paris. B u t it organized itself quietly and steadfastly for resistance. ( E v e n in the t e r m s of t h e capitulation itself the capitulards had unmistakeably s h o w n their t e n d e n c y to m a k e t h e surrender to Prussia at the same time the m e a n s of their domination over Paris. T h e only concession of Prussia, t h e y insisted u p o n , a concession, w h i c h Bismarck would h a v e imposed u p o n t h e m as a condition, if they had not begged it as a concession—was 40,000 soldiers for subduing Paris. In the face of its 300,000 national guards,—more t h a n sufficient for securing Paris from an attempt by the Foreign e n e m y , and for the defence of its internal order—the d e m a n d of these 40,000 men—a thing which w a s besides avowed—could h a v e no o t h e r p u r p o s e . ) On its existing military organisation it grafted a political federation according to a v e r y simple plan. It w a s the alliance of all the guard nationale, put in connection the one with t h e other by the delegates of each c o m p a n y , appointing in their turn the delegates of the bataillons, w h o in their turn appointed general delegates, generals of legions, w h o w e r e to r e p r e s e n t an arrondissement and to c o o p e r a t e with the delegates of the 19 other a r r o n d i s s e m e n t s . T h o s e 20 delegates, c h o s e n by the majority of the bataillons of the National Guard, c o m p o s e d the Central Committee, which on the 18 of M a r c h

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initiated the greatest revolution of this c e n t u r y a n d still holds its p o s t in the present glorious struggle of Paris. N e v e r w e r e elections m o r e sifted, n e v e r delegates fuller representing t h e m a s s e s from which they had sprung. To the objection of the outsiders that they w e r e unknown—in point of fact, that they only w e r e k n o w n to t h e working classes, b u t no old stagers, no m e n illustrated by the infamies of their past, by their c h a s e after pelf and place—they proudly a n s w e r e d : " S o w e r e the 12 A p o s t l e s " and they a n s w e r e d by their deeds.

The character of the Commune.

T h e centralized s t a t e m a c h i n e r y which, with its ubiquitous and complicated military, bureaucratic, clerical a n d judiciary organs, entoils (inmeshes) the living civil society like a b o a constrictor, w a s first forged in the days of absolute m o n a r c h y as a w e a p o n of n a s c e n t m o d e r n society in its 15 struggle of emancipation from feudalism. T h e seignorial privileges of the medieval lords and cities and clergy w e r e transformed into the attributes of a unitary state power, displacing t h e feudal dignitaries by salaried statefunctionaries, transferring t h e a r m s from medieval retainers of the landlords and the corporations of townish citizens to a standing army, 20 substituting to t h e c h e c k e r e d (party coloured) a n a r c h y of conflicting medieval p o w e r s t h e regulated plan of a s t a t e p o w e r , with a systematic and hierarchic division of labour. T h e first F r e n c h Revolution with its task to found national unity (to create a nation) had to b r e a k d o w n all local, territorial, townish and provincial i n d e p e n d e n c e s . It w a s , therefore, forced to 25

develop, w h a t absolute m o n a r c h y h a d c o m m e n c e d , t h e centralization and organization of state p o w e r , and to e x p a n d the circumference and the attributes of the state power, t h e n u m b e r of its tools, its i n d e p e n d e n c e of, and its supernaturalist sway of real society w h i c h in fact t o o k the place of the medieval supernaturalist h e a v e n with its saints. E v e r y minor solitary 30 interest engendered by the relations of social groups was separated from society itself, fixed and m a d e i n d e p e n d e n t of it and o p p o s e d to it in the form of stateinterest, administered by state priests with exactly determined hierarchical functions. | |.14| This parasitical [ e x c r e s c e n c e upon] civil society, pretending to 35 be its ideal counterpart, grew to its full d e v e l o p m e n t u n d e r the s w a y of the first B o n a p a r t e . T h e restauration and the m o n a r c h y of July added nothing to it but a greater division of labour, growing at the same m e a s u r e in which the division of labour within civil society created new groups

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Karl Marx of interest, and, therefore, n e w material for state action. In their struggle against the Revolution of 1848, the parliamentary republic of F r a n c e and the g o v e r n m e n t s of all continental E u r o p e , w e r e forced to strengthen, with their m e a s u r e s of repression against the popular m o v e m e n t , the m e a n s of action and the centralization of that g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r . All revolutions t h u s only perfected the state machinery instead of throwing off this deadening incubus. T h e fractions and parties of the ruling classes which alternately struggled for supremacy, considered the o c c u p a n c y (seizure) and t h e direction of this i m m e n s e machinery of g o v e r n m e n t as t h e main booty of t h e victor. It centred in the creation of i m m e n s e standing armies, a h o s t of state vermin, and huge national d e b t s . During the time of the absolute m o n archy it w a s a m e a n s of the struggle of m o d e r n society against feudalism, c r o w n e d by the F r e n c h revolution, and u n d e r the first B o n a p a r t e it served not only to subjugate the Revolution and annihilate all popular liberties, it w a s an instrument of the F r e n c h revolution to strike abroad, to create for F r a n c e on the Continent instead of feudal m o n a r c h i e s more or less states after t h e image of F r a n c e . U n d e r the Restauration and t h e M o n a r c h y of July it b e c a m e not only a m e a n s of the forcible class domination of the middleclass, and a m e a n s of adding to the direct e c o n o m i c exploitation a s e c o n d exploitation of the people by assuring to their families all t h e rich places of the State household. During the time of the Revolutionary struggle of 1848 at last it served as a m e a n s of annihilating that Revolution and all aspirations at the emancipation of the popular m a s s e s . B u t the state parasite received only its last d e v e l o p m e n t during the second E m p i r e . T h e governmental p o w e r with its standing a r m y , its all directing b u r e a u c r a c y , its stultifying clergy and its servile tribunal hierarchy, h a d grown so independent of society itself, that a grotesquely mediocre adventurer with a hungry band of d e s p e r a d o e s behind him sufficed do wield it. It did no longer want the pretext of an a r m e d Coalition of old E u r o p e against the m o d e r n world founded by the Revolution of 1789. It a p p e a r e d no longer as a m e a n s of class domination, subordinate to its parliamentary ministry of legislature. Humbling under its sway e v e n to the interests of the ruling classes, w h o s e parliamentary s h o w w o r k it supplanted by selfelected Corps Législatifs and self-paid senates, sanctioned in its absolute sway by universal suffrage, the acknowledged necessity for keeping up " o r d e r " , that is the rule of the landowner and the capitalist over the p r o d u c e r , cloaking u n d e r the tatters of a m a s k e r a d e of the past, the orgies of the corruption of t h e p r e s e n t and the victory of the m o s t parasite fraction, the financial swindler, the debauchery of all the reactionary influences of the past let loose—a p a n d e m o n i u m of infamies—the Statepower had received its last and supreme expression in the S e c o n d E m p i r e . Apparently the

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) final victory of this g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r over society, it w a s in fact t h e orgy of all the corrupt e l e m e n t s of that society. To the e y e of the uninitiated it appeared only as the victory of the E x e c u t i v e over the legislative, of the final defeat of the form of class rule pretending to be the a u t o c r a c y of 5

society under its form pretending to be a superior p o w e r to society. B u t in fact it was only the last degraded and the only possible form of t h a t class rule, as humiliating to those classes themselves as to the w o r k i n g classes which they kept fettered by it. T h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r w a s only the revindication of the Republique th

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against the grotesque a d v e n t u r e r that had assassinated it. T h e t r u e antithesis to t h e Empire itself— that is to the state p o w e r , the centralized executive, of which the Second E m p i r e w a s only the exhausting f o r m u l a was the Commune. This state p o w e r forms in fact the creation of the middleclass, first a m e a n s to b r e a k down feudalism, then a m e a n s to crush 15 the emancipatory aspirations of the p r o d u c e r s , of t h e working class. All reactions and all revolutions had only served to transfer that organized power—that organized force of the slavery of labour—from one hand to the other, from o n e fraction of the ruling classes to the other. It had served the ruling classes as a m e a n s of subjugation and of pelf. It h a d sucked n e w 20

forces from every n e w change. It had served as the instrument of breaking down every popular rise and served it to crush the working classes after they had fought and b e e n ordered to secure its transfer from one part of its o p p r e s s o r s to the others. This w a s , therefore, a Revolution not against this or that, legitimate, constitutional, republican or Imperialist form of 25 State Power. It w a s a Revolution against t h e State itself, of this supernaturalist abortion of society, a r e s u m p t i o n by t h e p e o p l e for t h e people, of its o w n social life. It w a s not a revolution to transfer it from one fraction of t h e ruling classes to t h e other, but a Revolution to b r e a k down this horrid machinery of Classdomination itself. It w a s not o n e of t h o s e dwarfish struggles 30 b e t w e e n the executive and t h e parliamentary forms of class domination, but a revolt against b o t h t h e s e f o r m s , integrating e a c h other, and of w h i c h the parliamentary form w a s only the deceitful b y w o r k of the E x e c u t i v e . T h e Second Empire was the final form of this State usurpation. T h e C o m m u n e w a s its definite negation, and, therefore the initiation of the 35

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social Revolution of the 19 c e n t u r y . W h a t e v e r therefore its fate at Paris, it will m a k e le tour du monde. It was at o n c e acclaimed by the working class of E u r o p e and t h e U n i t e d States as the magic w o r d of delivery. T h e glories and the antediluvian deeds of the Prussian c o n q u e r o r seemed only hallucinations of a bygone past. 40 It was only the working class that could formulate by the w o r d " C o m m u n e " and initiate by the fighting C o m m u n e of Paris—this n e w aspiration. E v e n

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Karl Marx the last expression of that state p o w e r in the Second E m p i r e although humbling for the pride of the ruling classes and casting to the winds their parliamentary pretentions of selfgovernment, had b e e n only the last possible form of their class rule. While politically dispossessing t h e m , it w a s the orgy under which all the economic and social infamies of their régime 5 got full sway. The middling bourgeoisie and the p e t t y middleclass w e r e by their economical conditions of life excluded from initiating a n e w revolution and induced to follow in the tracks of the ruling classes or the followers of the working class. T h e p e a s a n t s w e r e the passive economical basis of the Second Empire, of that last triumph of a State separate of and independent 10 from society. Only the Proletarians, fired by a n e w social task to accomplish by t h e m for all society, to do a w a y with all classes and class rule, w e r e the m e n to b r e a k the instrument of that class rule—the State, t h e centralized and organized governmental p o w e r usurping to be the m a s t e r instead of the servant of society. In the active struggle against them by the ruling classes, 15 supported by the passive a d h e r e n c e of the p e a s a n t r y , the Second E m p i r e , the last crowning at the same time as the most signal prostitution of the State—which had taken the place of the medieval church—had been engendered. It had sprung into life against them. By them it was b r o k e n , not as a peculiar form of centralized governmental p o w e r , b u t as its most power- 20 ful, elaborated into seeming i n d e p e n d e n c e from society expression, and, therefore, also its most prostitute reality, c o v e r e d by infamy from top to b o t t o m , having centred in absolute corruption at h o m e and absolute powerlessness abroad. | |l5j Parliamentarism in F r a n c e had c o m e to an end. Its last t e r m and 25 fullest sway was the parliamentary Republic from M a y 1848 to the C o u p d'Etat. T h e Empire that killed it, w a s its o w n creation. U n d e r the E m p i r e with its Corps Législatif and its Senate—and in this form it has b e e n reproduced in the military monarchies of Prussia and Austria—it had b e e n a mere farce, a m e r e b y w o r k of Despotism in its crudest form. Parliamentarism 30 then was dead in F r a n c e and the w o r k m e n ' s Revolution certainly was not to a w a k e n it from the death. But this o n e form of class rule had only b r o k e n d o w n to m a k e the E x e c utive, the governmental statemachinery t h e great and single object of attack to the Revolution.

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T h e Commune—the reabsorption of the State p o w e r by society, as its o w n living forces instead of as forces controlling and subduing it, by the popular masses themselves, forming their o w n force instead of the organized force of their suppression—the political form of their social emancipation, 40

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) instead of the artificial force (their o w n force o p p o s e d to and organized against them) of society wielded for their oppression by their enemies. T h e form w a s simple like all great things. T h e Reaction of former Revolutions—the time w a n t e d for all historical d e v e l o p m e n t s , a n d in the past always lost in all 5 Revolutions in the very d a y s of popular triumph, w h e n e v e r it had r e n d e r e d its victorious a r m s , to be t u r n e d against itself—first by displacing t h e army by the National guard. " F o r the first time since the 4 S e p t e m b e r the republic is liberated from the government of its enemies... to the city a national militia that defends t h e citizens against t h e p o w e r (the government) th

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instead of a permanent army that defends the government against t h e citizens." (Proclamation of Central C o m m i t t e e of 22 Mars.) (the people had only to organize this militia on a national scale, to h a v e d o n e a w a y with the Standing armies; the first economical condition sine qua for all social i m p r o v e m e n t s , discarding at o n c e this source of t a x e s and state debt, a n d

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this constant danger to g o v e r n m e n t usurpation of class rule—of the regular class rule or an a d v e n t u r e r pretending to save all classes); at t h e same time the safest guarantee against Foreign aggression and making in fact the costly military a p p a r a t u s impossible in all other states; the emancipation of the p e a s a n t from the bloodtax and the m o s t fertile source of all state 20 taxation and state debts. H e r e already the point in which the C o m m u n e is a bait for the peasant, the first w o r d of his emancipation. With t h e " i n d e p e n d e n t p o l i c e " abolished, and its ruffians supplanted by servants of t h e C o m m u n e . T h e general suffrage, till n o w abused either for the parliam e n t a r y sanction of the H o l y State P o w e r , or a play in the h a n d s of the 25

ruling classes, only e m p l o y e d by t h e p e o p l e to c h o o s e the instruments of parliamentary class rule o n c e in m a n y y e a r s , adapted to its real p u r p o s e s , to c h o o s e by t h e c o m m u n e s their o w n functionaries of administration a n d initiation. T h e Delusion as if administration and political governing w e r e mysteries, t r a n s c e n d e n t functions only to be trusted to the hands of a trained 30 caste, stateparasites, richly paid s y c o p h a n t s and sinecurists, in t h e higher p o s t s , absorbing the intelligences of the m a s s e s and turning them against themselves in the lower places of t h e hierarchy. Doing away with the state hierarchy altogether and replacing the h a u g h t e o u s masters of the people into its always removable servants, a m o c k responsibility by a real r e s p o n 35 sibility, as they act continuously u n d e r public supervision. Paid like skilled w o r k m e n , 12 p o u n d s a m o n t h , t h e highest salary n o t exceeding 240 £ a year, a salary s o m e w h a t m o r e t h a n Vs, according to a great scientific authority, Professor H u x l e y , to satisfy a clerk for the Metropolitan School Board. T h e whole sham of statemysteries and statepretensions w a s d o n e 40 away by a C o m m u n e , mostly consisting of simple working m e n , organizing the defence of Paris, carrying w a r against t h e Pretorians of B o n a p a r t e , secur-

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Karl Marx ing t h e approvisionment of t h a t i m m e n s e t o w n , filling all t h e p o s t s hitherto divided b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t , police, a n d Prefecture, doing their w o r k publicly, simply, under the most difficult and complicated c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and doing it, as Milton did his Paradise L o s t , for a few p o u n d s , acting in bright daylight, with no pretentions to infallibility, n o t hiding itself behind 5 circumlocution office, not a s h a m e d to confess blunders by correcting t h e m . Making in o n e order the public functions,—military, administrative, political— real workmen's functions, instead of the hidden attributes of a trained c a s t e ; (keeping order in the turbulence of civil w a r and revolution) (initiating m e a s u r e s of general regeneration). W h a t e v e r the merits of the single 10 m e a s u r e s of the C o m m u n e , its greatest m e a s u r e w a s its o w n organisation, extemporized with the Foreign E n e m y at o n e door, and the class e n e m y at the other, proving by its life its vitality, confirming its thesis by its action. Its a p p e a r a n c e w a s a victory over the victors of F r a n c e . Captive Paris r e sumed by o n e bold spring t h e leadership of E u r o p e , not depending on brute 15 force, b u t by taking the lead of the Social M o v e m e n t , by giving b o d y to the aspirations of the working class of all countries. With all the great t o w n s organized into C o m m u n e s after the m o d e l of Paris no g o v e r n m e n t could repress the m o v e m e n t by the surprise of sudden reaction. E v e n by this p r e p a r a t o r y step the time of incubation, the guarantee 20 of the m o v e m e n t , w o n . All F r a n c e organized into selfworking and selfgoverning c o m m u n e s , the standing a r m y replaced by the popular militias, the a r m y of stateparasites r e m o v e d , the clerical hierarchy displaced by the schoolmaster, the state judges transformed into C o m m u n a l organs, the suffrage for the National representation not a m a t t e r of sleight of h a n d s for 25 an allpowerful government, b u t the deliberate expression of organized comm u n e s , the statefunctions r e d u c e d to a few functions for general national purposes. S u c h is the Commune—the political form of the social emancipation, of the liberation of labour from the usurpation of t h e monopolists of the m e a n s 30 of labour, created by the labourers themselves or forming t h e gift of nature. As the state machinery and parliamentarism are not the real life of the ruling classes, b u t only the organized general organs of their dominion, the political guarantees and forms and expressions of the old order of things, so the C o m m u n e is not the social m o v e m e n t of the working class and 35 therefore of a general regeneration of mankind b u t the organized m e a n s of action. T h e C o m m u n e does not away with the class struggles, t h r o u g h which the working classes strive to the abolition of all classes and, therefore, of all class rule (because it does not r e p r e s e n t a peculiar interest. It r e p r e s e n t s the liberation of " l a b o u r " , that is the fundamental and natural condition of 40 individual and social life which only by usurpation, fraud, and artificial

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contrivances can be shifted from t h e few u p o n the m a n y ) , b u t it affords t h e rational m e d i u m in w h i c h t h a t class struggle can run through its different p h a s e s in the m o s t rational and h u m a n w a y . It could start violent reactions and as violent revolutions. It begins the emancipation of labour—its great goal—by doing a w a y with t h e u n p r o d u c t i v e a n d mischievous w o r k of t h e state parasites, by cutting a w a y t h e springs w h i c h sacrifice an i m m e n s e portion of t h e national p r o d u c e to the feeding of t h e statem o n s t e r , on the o n e side, by doing, on the other, the real w o r k of administration, local and national, for w o r k i n g m e n ' s w a g e s . It begins therefore with an i m m e n s e saving, with economical reform as well as political transformation.! |16| T h e c o m m u n a l organization o n c e firmly established on a national scale, the catastrophes it might still h a v e to u n d e r g o , would be sporadic slaveholders' insurrections, which, while for a m o m e n t interrupting t h e w o r k of peaceful p r o g r e s s , would only accelerate the m o v e m e n t , by putting t h e sword into the hand of t h e Social Revolution. T h e working class k n o w that t h e y h a v e to pass through different p h a s e s of class struggle. T h e y k n o w t h a t t h e superseding of the economical conditions of the slavery of labour by the conditions of free and associated labour can only be t h e progressive w o r k of time, (that economical transformation) that t h e y require n o t only a change of distribution, b u t a n e w organization of production, or r a t h e r t h e delivery (setting free) of the social forms of production in p r e s e n t organized labour, (engendered by p r e s e n t industry) of t h e t r a m m e l s of slavery of their p r e s e n t class character and their h a r m o n i o u s national and international coordination. T h e y know that this w o r k of regeneration will be again and again relented and i m p e d e d by t h e r e s i s t a n c e s of v e s t e d interests and class egotisms. T h e y know that the p r e s e n t " s p o n t a n e o u s action of the natural laws of capital a n d landed property"—can only be s u p e r s e d e d by " t h e s p o n t a n e o u s action of the laws of the social e c o n o m y of free a n d associated l a b o u r " by a long p r o c e s s of d e v e l o p m e n t of n e w conditions, as w a s the " s p o n t a n e o u s action of t h e e c o n o m i c laws of s l a v e r y " and t h e " s p o n t a n e o u s action of t h e economical laws of s e r f d o m " . But they k n o w at the same time t h a t great strides m a y be taken at o n c e t h r o u g h the C o m m u n a l form of political organization and that the time has c o m e to begin that m o v e m e n t for themselves and mankind.

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( Peasantry {(War indemnity). E v e n before the instalment of the C o m m u n e , the Central Committee had declared through its Journal Officiel: "the greater part of the war indemnity should be paid by the authors of w a r . " T h i s is the great "conspiracy against Civilization" t h e m e n of order are most 5 afraid of. It is t h e most practical question. With the C o m m u n e victorious, the authors of the w a r will h a v e to pay its indemnity; with Versailles victorious, the producing masses w h o h a v e already paid in blood, ruin, and contributions, will h a v e again to p a y , and the financial dignitaries will even contrive to m a k e a profit out of the transaction. T h e liquidation of the 10 w a r costs is to be decided by the civil war. T h e C o m m u n e r e p r e s e n t s on this vital point not only the interests of the working class, the petty middleclass, in fact, all the middleclass with the exception of the bourgeoisie (the wealthy capitalist) (the rich l a n d o w n e r s , and their stateparasites). It r e p r e s e n t s above all the interest of the French peasantry. On t h e m the 15' greater p a r t of t h e w a r t a x e s will be shifted, if Thiers and his " R u r a u x " are victorious. A n d people are silly enough to repeat the cry of the " r u r a u x " that they—the great landed proprietors—represent the p e a s a n t , w h o is of course, in the naivety of his soul exceedingly anxious to p a y for these good " l a n d o w n e r s " t h e milliards of the w a r indemnity w h o m a d e him 20 already p a y the milliard of the Revolution indemnity! T h e same men deliberately c o m p r o m i s e d the Republic of F e b r u a r y by the additional 45 Centimes tax on the p e a s a n t , but this t h e y did in the n a m e of the Revolution, in the n a m e of the "provisional g o v e r n m e n t " , created by it. It is n o w in their o w n n a m e that t h e y w a g e a civil w a r against 25 t h e C o m m u n a l Republic to shift the w a r indemnity from their o w n shoulders upon those of the peasant! He will of course be delighted by it! T h e C o m m u n e will abolish Conscription, the party of order will fasten the bloodtax on the peasant. T h e party of o r d e r will fasten u p o n him t h e taxcollector for the p a y m e n t of a parasitical and costly statemachinery, 30 the C o m m u n e will give him a cheap g o v e r n m e n t . T h e p a r t y of order will continue [to] grind him d o w n by the townish usurer, t h e C o m m u n e will free him of the incubus of the mortgages lasting upon his plot of land. T h e C o m m u n e will replace the parasitical judiciary b o d y eating the h e a r t of his income—the notary, the huissier etc—into C o m m u n a l agents doing their 35 w o r k at w o r k m e n ' s salaries, instead of enriching himself out of the p e a s a n t s ' work. It will b r e a k d o w n this w h o l e judiciary c o b w e b w h i c h entangles the F r e n c h p e a s a n t and gives a b o d e s to the judiciary b e n c h and maires of the bourgeois spiders that suck its blood! T h e p a r t y of order will

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keep him u n d e r t h e rule of t h e g e n d a r m e , the C o m m u n e will r e s t o r e him to i n d e p e n d e n t social a n d political life! T h e C o m m u n e will enlighten him by the rule of the schoolmaster, the p a r t y of o r d e r force u p o n him t h e stultification by t h e rule of t h e p r i e s t ! B u t t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t is a b o v e all a m a n of r e c k o n i n g ! He will find it exceedingly r e a s o n a b l e t h a t t h e p a y m e n t of t h e clergy will no longer [be] e x a c t e d from him by t h e tax-collector, but will be left to t h e " s p o n t a n e o u s a c t i o n " of his religious i n s t i n c t s ! The F r e n c h p e a s a n t had elected L. B o n a p a r t e President of the Republic, b u t t h e party of O r d e r (during t h e a n o n y m o u s Regime of the Republic u n d e r

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t h e assembly c o n s t i t u a n t e , and législative) w a s t h e creator of t h e E m p i r e ! W h a t t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t really w a n t s , he c o m m e n c e d to show in 1849 and 1852 by opposing his maire to t h e G o v e r n m e n t ' s prefect, his schoolm a s t e r to the g o v e r n m e n t ' s p a r s o n , himself to the g o v e r n m e n t ' s g e n d a r m e ! T h e nucleus of the r e a c t i o n a r y laws of t h e P a r t y of Order in 1849—and

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peculiarly in J a n u a r y and F e b r u a r y 1850—were specifically directed against t h e F r e n c h P e a s a n t r y ! I f t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t had m a d e L . B o n a p a r t e president of t h e Republic b e c a u s e in his tradition all the benefits he h a d derived from the first Revolution w e r e phantastically transferred on t h e first N a p o l e o n , t h e a r m e d risings of P e a s a n t s in s o m e d e p a r t m e n t s of

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F r a n c e and t h e g e n d a r m hunting u p o n t h e m after t h e C o u p d ' E t a t p r o v e d that that delusion was rapidly b r e a k i n g d o w n ! T h e E m p i r e was f o u n d e d on t h e delusions artificially nourished and traditional prejudices, t h e C o m m u n e would be founded on his living interests and his real w a n t s ! T h e h a t r e d of t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t c e n t r e s on t h e " r u r a l " , t h e m e n of t h e

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C h â t e a u , t h e men of t h e Milliard of indemnity and t h e townish capitalist, m a s k e r a d e d into a landed proprietor, w h o s e e n c r o a c h m e n t u p o n him m a r c h e d n e v e r m o r e rapidly t h a n u n d e r t h e S e c o n d E m p i r e , partly fostered by artificial state m e a n s , partly naturally growing out of the very developm e n t of m o d e r n agriculture. T h e " r u r a l s " k n o w that three m o n t h s rule of

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t h e Republican C o m m u n e in F r a n c e w o u l d be t h e signal of t h e rising of t h e p e a s a n t r y and t h e agricultural Proletariat against t h e m . H e n c e their ferocious hatred of t h e C o m m u n e ! W h a t they fear even m o r e than t h e emancipation of t h e townish proletariat is t h e emancipation of the p e a s a n t s ! T h e p e a s a n t s would soon acclaim t h e t o w n i s h proletariat as their o w n leaders

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and seniors ! T h e r e exists of c o u r s e in F r a n c e as in m o s t continental Countries a d e e p antagonism b e t w e e n t h e t o w n i s h and rural p r o d u c e r s , b e t w e e n the industrial Proletariat and t h e p e a s a n t r y . T h e aspirations of t h e Proletariat, the material basis of its m o v e m e n t is labour organized on a grand scale, alt h o u g h n o w despotically organized, and t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n central-

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ized, although n o w centralized in t h e h a n d s of t h e monopolist, not only as a m e a n s of production, but as a m e a n s of t h e exploitation and e n s l a v e m e n t of

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Karl Marx the p r o d u c e r . W h a t the proletariat has [to] do is to transform t h e p r e s e n t capitalist character of that organized labour a n d t h o s e centralized m e a n s of labour, to transform t h e m from the m e a n s of class rule and class exploitation into forms of free associated labour and social m e a n s of p r o d u c tion. On the other hand, the labour of the p e a s a n t is insulated, and t h e m e a n s of production are parcelled, dispersed. On t h e s e economical differences rests superconstructed a w h o l e world of different social and political views. B u t this p e a s a n t r y proprietorship has long since o u t g r o w n its normal p h a s e , that is the p h a s e in which it w a s a reality, a m o d e of production and a form of p r o p e r t y which r e s p o n d e d to the economical w a n t s of society and placed the rural p r o d u c e r s themselves into n o r m a l conditions of life. It has entered its period of decay. On the o n e side a large proletariat foncier (rural proletariat) has grown out of it w h o s e interests are identical with those of the townish w a g e s labourer. T h e m o d e of production itself has b e c o m e superannuated by the m o d e r n progress of agronomy. Lastly—the peasant proprietorship itself has b e c o m e nominal, leaving to the p e a s a n t the delusion of proprietorship, and expropriating him from the fruit of his o w n labour. T h e competition of t h e great farm p r o ducers, the bloodtax, t h e statetax, the u s u r y of t h e townish mortgagee and the multitudinous pilfering of t h e judiciary system t h r o w n a r o u n d him, | |17| h a v e degraded him to t h e position of a H i n d o o R y o t , while e x p r o p riation—even expropriation from his nominal proprietorship—and, his degradation into a rural proletarian is an every d a y ' s fact. W h a t separates the p e a s a n t from the proletarian is, therefore, no longer his real interest, b u t his delusive prejudice. If the C o m m u n e , as we h a v e s h o w n , is t h e only p o w e r that can give him immediate great b o o n s even in its p r e s e n t economical conditions, it i s the only form of g o v e r n m e n t that can secure to him the transformation of his p r e s e n t economical conditions, r e s c u e him from expropriation by the landlord on the o n e hand, from grinding, trudging and misery on the p r e t e x t of proprietorship on t h e other, that can convert his nominal proprietorship of the land in the real proprietorship of the fruits of his labour, that can c o m b i n e for him t h e profits of m o d e r n a g r o n o m y , dictated by social w a n t s , and every day n o w e n c r o a c h i n g u p o n him as a hostile agency, without annihilating his position as a really i n d e p e n d e n t p r o d u c e r . Being immediately benefited by the c o m m u n a l Republic, he w o u l d soon confide in it. )

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The Civil War in France (First Draft)

Union (Ligue) Républicaine. T h e party of disorder, w h o s e régime t o p p e d under the corruption of the Second E m p i r e , has left Paris ( E x o d u s from Paris), followed by its appurt e n a n c e s , its retainers, its menials, its stateparasites, its m o u c h a r d s , its 5 " c o c o t t e s " , a n d the whole b a n d of low bohème (the c o m m o n criminals) that form t h e c o m p l e m e n t of that bohème of quality. B u t the t r u e vital elements of the middle classes, delivered by the w o r k m e n ' s revolution from their sham r e p r é s e n t a n t s , has for t h e first time in the history of F r e n c h Revolution, separated from it and c o m e out in its true colours. It is t h e 10 " L i g u e of Republican L i b e r t y " acting t h e intermediary b e t w e e n Paris a n d the Provinces, disavowing Versailles and marching u n d e r the b a n n e r s of the C o m m u n e .

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The Communal Revolution as the Representative of all classes of society not living upon foreign labour. We h a v e seen that the Paris Proletarian fights for the F r e n c h P e a s a n t , and Versailles fights against him; t h a t the greatest anxiety of the " r u r a u x " is that Paris be heard by the P e a s a n t s a n d no longer separated by him through the b l o c k a d e ; that at t h e b o t t o m of its w a r u p o n Paris is t h e attempt to k e e p the p e a s a n t r y as its b o n d m a n and treat him as before as its matière "taillable à merci et m i s é r i c o r d e " . F o r the first time in history the p e t t y and moyenne middleclass h a s openly rallied round t h e w o r k m e n ' s Revolution, and proclaimed it as the only m e a n s of their o w n salvation and t h a t of F r a n c e ! It forms with t h e m the bulk of t h e National guard, it sits with t h e m in the C o m m u n e , it mediates for t h e m in the U n i o n Républicaine! T h e principal m e a s u r e s t a k e n by the C o m m u n e are t a k e n for the salvation of the middleclass—the d e b t o r class of Paris against the Creditor class! T h a t middleclass had rallied in the J u n e insurrection (1848) against the Proletariat u n d e r the b a n n e r s of t h e capitalist class, their generals, a n d their stateparasites. It w a s p u n i s h e d at o n c e on the 19 S e p t e m b e r 1848 by the rejection of the " c o n c o r d a t s à l'amiable". T h e victory over t h e June insurrection s h o w e d itself at o n c e also as the victory of the creditor, t h e wealthy capitalist, over the debtor, the middleclass. It insisted mercilessly on its p o u n d of flesh. On t h e 1 3 J u n e 1849 the national guard of that th

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Karl Marx middleclass w a s disarmed and sabred d o w n by the a r m y of the bourgeoisie! During the Empire the dilapidation of the State R e s o u r c e s , upon which the wealthy capitalist fed, this middleclass w a s delivered to the plunder of the stockjobber, the Railway kings, the swindling associations of the Crédit Mobilier etc and expropriated by Capitalist Association (Joint Stock 5 C o m p a n y ) . If lowered in its political position, attacked in its economical interests, it w a s morally revolted by the orgies of that regime. T h e infamies of the w a r gave the last shock and r o u s e d its feelings as F r e n c h m e n . T h e disasters b e s t o w e d u p o n F r a n c e by that war, its crisis of national d o w n b r e a k and its financial ruin, this middle class feels that not the corrupt class of 10 the would be slaveholders of F r a n c e , but only the manly aspirations and the herculean p o w e r of the working class can c o m e to the r e s c u e ! T h e y feel that only the workingclass can e m a n c i p a t e t h e m from priestrule, convert science from an i n s t r u m e n t of class rule into a popular force, convert t h e m e n of science themselves from the p a n d e r e r s to class 15 prejudice, place hunting state parasites, and allies of capital into free agents of thought! Science can only play its genuine part in the Republic of L a b o u r .

Republic only possible as avowedly Social Republic.

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This civil w a r has destroyed the last delusions a b o u t " R e p u b l i c " as the E m p i r e the delusion of unorganized "universal suffrage" in the h a n d s of the State G e n d a r m and the p a r s o n . All vital elements of F r a n c e acknowledge that a Republic is only in F r a n c e and E u r o p e possible as a "Social R e p u b l i c " , that is a Republic w h i c h disowns the capital and landowner 25 class of the State machinery to s u p e r s e d e it by the C o m m u n e , that frankly a v o w s "social e m a n c i p a t i o n " as the great goal of the Republic and g u a r a n t e e s thus that social transformation by the C o m m u n a l organisation. T h e other Republic can be nothing b u t the anonymous terrorism of all monarchical fractions, of t h e combined legitimists, orleanists, and b o n a - 30 partists to land in an E m p i r e q u e l c o n q u e as its final goal, the anonymous terror of class rule which having d o n e its dirty w o r k will always burst into an Empire ! T h e professional republicans of the rural assembly are m e n w h o really believe, despite the experiments of 1848—51, despite the civil w a r against 35 Paris—the republican form of class despotism a possible, lasting form, while the " p a r t y of o r d e r " d e m a n d s it only as a form of conspiracy for fighting the Republic and reintroducing its only a d e q u a t e form, m o n a r c h y

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) or rather Imperialism, as the form of class despotism. In 1848 t h e s e voluntary dupes w e r e p u s h e d in the foreground till, by the insurrection of J u n e , they had p a v e d t h e w a y for t h e anonymous rule of all fractions of t h e would be slaveholders in F r a n c e . In 1871, at Versailles, they are from 5 beginning p u s h e d in the b a c k g r o u n d , t h e r e to figure as the " R e p u b l i c a n " decoration of T h i e r s ' rule a n d sanction by their p r e s e n c e the w a r of t h e Bonapartist generals u p o n Paris! In u n c o n s c i o u s self irony t h e s e w r e t c h e s hold their p a r t y meeting in t h e Salle des Paumes (Tennis-Court) to show h o w they h a v e degenerated from their p r e d e c e s s o r s in 1789! By their 10 Schoelchers etc they tried to coax Paris in tendering its a r m s to Thiers and to force it into d i s a r m a m e n t by the National G u a r d of " O r d e r " under Saisset! We do not speak of t h e socalled Socialist Paris deputies like L o u i s Blanc. T h e y undergo m e e k l y the insults of a Dufaure and the r u r a u x , dote upon T h i e r s ' " l e g a l " rights, and whining in p r e s e n c e of the banditti 15 cover themselves with infamy!

Workmen and Comte. If the w o r k m e n h a v e o u t g r o w n the time of Socialist Sectarianism, it ought not be forgotten that t h e y h a v e never b e e n in the leading strings of 20 Comtism. This sect has n e v e r afforded t h e International b u t a branch of about half a dozen of m e n , and w h o s e p r o g r a m m w a s rejected by the General Council. C o m t e is k n o w n to the Parisian w o r k m e n as t h e p r o p h e t in politics of Imperialism (of personal Dictatorship), of capitalist rule in political e c o n o m y , of hierarchy in all spheres of h u m a n action, e v e n in the 25

sphere of science, and as the author of a n e w catechism with a n e w p o p e and n e w saints in place of the old o n e s . If his followers in England play a more popular part than t h o s e in F r a n c e , it is not by preaching their Sectarian doctrines, but by their personal valour, and by the a c c e p t a n c e on their part of the forms of w o r k i n g m e n class struggle created without 30 them, as f. i. the tradeunions and strikes in England which by the by are d e n o u n c e d as a heresy by their Paris coreligionists. |

1181 The Commune (Social Measures). That the w o r k m e n of Paris h a v e t a k e n the initiative of the p r e s e n t R e v o lution and in heroic self sacrifice b e a r t h e brunt of his battle, is nothing 35 new. It is the striking fact of all F r e n c h revolutions! It is only a repetition

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Karl Marx of the past! T h a t the revolution is m a d e in the name and confessedly for the popular m a s s e s , that is the producing m a s s e s , is a feature this Revolution has in c o m m o n with all its p r e d e c e s s o r s . T h e new feature is that the people, after the first rise, h a v e not disarmed themselves and surrendered their p o w e r into the hands of the Republican m o u n t e b a n k s 5 of the ruling classes, that, by the constitution of the Commune, t h e y h a v e taken the actual m a n a g e m e n t of their Revolution into their o w n h a n d s and found at the same time, in the case of success, the m e a n s to hold it in the hands of the People itself, displacing the Statemachinery, the governmental machinery of the ruling classes by a governmental machinery 10 of their own. This is their ineffable crime! W o r k m e n infringing upon the governmental privilege of the u p p e r 10,000 and proclaiming their will to b r e a k the economical basis of that class despotism, which for its o w n sake wielded the organized Stateforce of society! This is it that has t h r o w n the respectable classes in E u r o p e as in the U n i t e d States into the p a r o x y s m 15 of convulsions and a c c o u n t s for their shrieks of abomination, it is blasp h e m y , their fierce appeals to assassination of the people, and this Billingsgate of abuse and calumny from their parliamentary tribunes and their journalistic s e r v a n t s ' hall! T h e greatest m e a s u r e of the C o m m u n e is its o w n existence, working, 20 acting u n d e r circumstances of u n h e a r d of difficulty! T h e red flag, hoisted by the Paris C o m m u n e , c r o w n s in reality only t h e g o v e r n m e n t of w o r k m e n for Paris! They h a v e clearly, consciously proclaimed the E m a n c i p a t i o n of L a b o u r , and the transformation of Society, as their goal! B u t the actual " s o c i a l " character of their Republic consists only in this, that w o r k m e n 25 govern the Paris C o m m u n e ! As to their m e a s u r e s , they must, by the nature of things, be principally confined to the military defence of Paris and its appro visionment! S o m e patronizing friends of the working class, while hardly dissembling their disgust e v e n at the few m e a s u r e s t h e y consider as "socialist" although 30 there is nothing socialist in t h e m e x c e p t their tendency—express their satisfaction and try to coax genteel sympathies for the Paris C o m m u n e by the great discovery that after all w o r k m e n are rational men and w h e n ever in p o w e r always resolutely turn their back u p o n Socialist enterprises ! T h e y do in fact neither try to establish in Paris a phalanstère nor an Icarie. 35 Wise m e n of their generation! T h e s e b e n e v o l e n t patronizers, profoundly ignorant of the real aspirations and the real m o v e m e n t of the working classes, forget one thing. All the Socialist founders of Sects belong to a p e r i o d in w h i c h the working class themselves w e r e neither sufficiently trained and organized by the m a r c h of capitalist society itself to enter as historical agents upon 40 the world's stage, nor w e r e the material conditions of their emancipation

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The Civil War in France (First Draft)

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sufficiently m a t u r e d in the old world itself. Their misery existed, b u t the conditions of their o w n m o v e m e n t did n o t yet exist. T h e Utopian f o u n d e r s of sects, while in their criticism of p r e s e n t society clearly describing the goal of the social m o v e m e n t , the supersession of the w a g e s system with all its economical conditions of class rule, found neither in society itself the material conditions of its transformation n o r in the working class t h e organized p o w e r and the conscience of t h e m o v e m e n t . T h e y tried to c o m p e n s a t e for the historical conditions of the m o v e m e n t by p h a n t a s t i c pictures and plans of a new society in w h o s e p r o p a g a n d a t h e y saw the true m e a n s of salvation. F r o m the m o m e n t the w o r k i n g m e n class m o v e m e n t b e c a m e real, the phantastic Utopias e v a n e s c e d , n o t b e c a u s e the working class h a d given up the end aimed at by t h e s e U t o p i s t s , b u t b e c a u s e t h e y had found the real m e a n s to realize them, but in their place came a real insight into the historic conditions of the m o v e m e n t and a m o r e and m o r e gathering force of the military organization of the workingclass. B u t the last 2 e n d s of t h e m o v e m e n t proclaimed by the U t o p i a n s are the last ends proclaimed by the Paris Revolution and by the International. Only the m e a n s are different and the real conditions of the m o v e m e n t are no longer clouded in Utopian fables. T h e s e patronizing friends of the Proletariat in glossing over the loudly proclaimed Socialist tendencies of this Revolution, are therefore but the dupes of their o w n ignorance. It is not the fault of t h e Paris proletariat, if for t h e m the U t o p i a n creations of the p r o p h e t s of t h e w o r k i n g m e n m o v e m e n t are still t h e "Social R e v o l u t i o n " , that is to say, if t h e Social Revolution is for them still "Utopian".

25 Journal officiel of the Central Committee 20 Mars: " T h e proletarians of the capital, in midst the défaillances and the t r e a s o n s of the governing (ruling) classes, h a v e u n d e r s t o o d (compris) that the hour was arrived for t h e m to save the situation in taking into their 30 own hands the direction of public affairs (the Statebusiness)." T h e y d e n o u n c e " t h e political incapacity and the m o r a l decrepitude of the b o u r g e o i s i e " as the source of " t h e misfortunes of F r a n c e " . " T h e w o r k m e n , w h o p r o d u c e everything and enjoy nothing, w h o suffer from misery in the midst of their accumulated p r o d u c t s , the fruit of their w o r k and their sweat, . . . shall 35 they never be allowed to work for their emancipation?... T h e proletariat, in face of the p e r m a n e n t m e n a c e against its rights, of the absolute negation of all its legitimate aspirations, of the ruin of the c o u n t r y and all its h o p e s , has understood that it w a s its imperious duty and its absolute right to take into its hands its o w n destinies and to assure their triumph in seizing 40 the state p o w e r (en s'emparant du p o u v o i r ) . "

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Karl Marx It is here plainly stated that the g o v e r n m e n t of the working class is, in the first instance, necessary to save F r a n c e from the ruins and the corruption impended upon it by the ruling classes, that the dislodgment of these classes from P o w e r (of these classes w h o have lost t h e capacity of ruling France) is a necessity of national safety. B u t it is no less clearly stated that the g o v e r n m e n t by the working class can only save F r a n c e and do the national b u s i n e s s , by working for its own emancipation, the conditions of that emancipation being at t h e same time the conditions of t h e regeneration of F r a n c e . It is proclaimed as a w a r of labour upon the monopolists of t h e m e a n s of labour, upon capital. [ T h e chauvinism of the bourgeoisie is only the s u p r e m e vanity, giving a national cloak to all their o w n pretentions. It is a m e a n s , by p e r m a n e n t armies, to perpetuate international struggles, to subjugate in each country the p r o d u c e r s by pitching t h e m against their b r o t h e r s in e a c h other country, a m e a n s to p r e v e n t the international cooperation of the working classes, the first condition of their emancipation. T h e t r u e c h a r a c t e r of that chauvinism (long since b e c o m e a m e r e phrase) has c o m e out during t h e war of defence after Sedan, e v e r y w h e r e paralysed by t h e Chauvinist bourgeoisie, in the capitulation of F r a n c e , in the civil w a r carried on u n d e r that high Priest of Chauvinism, Thiers, on B i s m a r c k ' s sufferance! It c a m e out in the petty police intrigue of the Anti-German league, Foreigners hunting in Paris after the capitulation. It was h o p e d that the Paris people (and the F r e n c h people) could be stultified into the passion of National hatred and by factitious outrages to the Foreigner forget its real aspiration and its h o m e betrayers!

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H o w has this factitious m o v e m e n t disappeared (vanished) before the b r e a t h of Revolutionary Paris! L o u d l y proclaiming its international t e n d e n cies—because the cause of the producer is every[where] the same and its e n e m y e v e r y w h e r e the same, w h a t e v e r its nationality (in w h a t e v e r national 30 garb)—it proclaimed as a principle the admission of Foreigners into the C o m m u n e , it chose even a Foreign w o r k m a n (a m e m b e r of the International) into its E x e c u t i v e , it decreed [the destruction of] the symbol of F r e n c h chauvinism—the V e n d ô m e column! A n d , while their bourgeois chauvins have d i s m e m b e r e d F r a n c e , and act 35 u n d e r the dictatorship of the Foreign Invasion, t h e Paris w o r k m e n h a v e b e a t e n t h e Foreign e n e m y by striking at their o w n class rulers, h a v e abolished frontiers, in conquering the post as the v a n g u a r d of the w o r k m e n of

all nations!I |19| T h e genuine patriotism of the bourgeoisie—so natural for the real 40 proprietors of the different " n a t i o n a l " estates—has faded into a m e r e s h a m

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) c o n s e q u e n t u p o n t h e cosmopolitan c h a r a c t e r imprinted upon their financial, commercial, and industrial enterprise. U n d e r similar c i r c u m s t a n c e s it would be exploded in all countries as it did in F r a n c e .

Decentralization by the Ruraux and The Commune. 5

It has b e e n said that Paris, and w i t h it t h e o t h e r F r e n c h t o w n s , w e r e o p p r e s s e d by the rule of the p e a s a n t s , and that its p r e s e n t struggle is for its e m a n c i pation from the rule of the p e a s a n t r y ! N e v e r w a s a m o r e foolish lie uttered! Paris as t h e central seat and t h e stronghold of the centralized governto ment machinery subjected the p e a s a n t r y to the rule of the g e n d a r m e s , t h e tax collector, the Prefect, and the priest, and t h e rural m a g n a t e s , that is to the despotism of its e n e m i e s , and deprived it of all life (took the life out of it). It repressed all organs of i n d e p e n d e n t life in the rural districts. On the other hand, the g o v e r n m e n t , the rural m a g n a t e s , the gendarm and the 15 priest, into w h o s e hands the w h o l e influence of the provinces w a s thus t h r o w n by the centralized s t a t e m a c h i n e r y centring at Paris, brought this influence to bear for the g o v e r n m e n t and the classes w h o s e g o v e r n m e n t it w a s , not against Paris [of] t h e g o v e r n m e n t , the parasite, the capitalist, the idle, the cosmopolitan stew, b u t against t h e Paris of the w o r k m e n and t h e 20 thinker. In this w a y , by the g o v e r n m e n t centralization with Paris as its b a s e , the p e a s a n t s w e r e s u p p r e s s e d by t h e Paris of the g o v e r n m e n t and the capitalist, and the Paris of the w o r k m e n w a s suppressed by the provincial p o w e r h a n d e d over into the h a n d s of the enemies of the peasants. 25

T h e Versailles Moniteur (29 M a r s ) declares " t h a t Paris c a n n o t be a free city, b e c a u s e it is the capital". This is the t r u e thing. Paris, the capital of the ruling classes and its g o v e r n m e n t , c a n n o t be a "free city", and the provinces c a n n o t be " f r e e " , b e c a u s e such a Paris is the capital. T h e p r o v inces can only be free with the Commune at Paris. T h e party of order is

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still less infuriated against Paris b e c a u s e it has proclaimed its o w n emancipation from t h e m and their g o v e r n m e n t , than b e c a u s e , by doing so, it has sounded the alarm signal for t h e emancipation of the peasant and the provinces from their sway. Journal officiel de la Commune, 1 April: " t h e revolution of the 1 8 M a r c h 35 had not for its only object the securing to Paris of c o m m u n a l representation elected, but subject to the despotic tutelage of a national power strongly centralized. It is to conquer, and secure independence for all the communes of F r a n c e , and also of all superior groups, d e p a r t m e n t s , and p r o v i n c e s , th

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Karl Marx united amongst themselves for their c o m m o n interest by a really national p a c t ; it is to guarantee and p e r p e t u a t e the R e p u b l i c . . . Paris has renounced her apparent omnipotence which is identical with her forfeiture, she h a s not r e n o u n c e d that moral p o w e r , that intellectual influence, w h i c h so often has m a d e her victorious in F r a n c e and E u r o p e in her p r o p a g a n d a . "

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' T h i s time again Paris w o r k s and suffers for all F r a n c e , of which it p r e p a r e s by its c o m b a t s and its sacrifices the intellectual, moral, administrative and e c o n o m i c regeneration, the glory and the p r o s p e r i t y . " (Programme of the Commune de Paris sent out by balloon) * Mr. Thiers, in his tour t h r o u g h the p r o v i n c e s , managed the elections, and a b o v e all, his o w n manifold elections. B u t there w a s o n e difficulty. T h e Bonapartist provincials had for the m o m e n t b e c o m e impossible. (Besides, he did not w a n t them, nor did they w a n t him.) M a n y of t h e old Orleanist stagers had merged into the Bonapartist lot. It w a s , therefore, n e c e s s a r y , to appeal to the rusticated legitimist l a n d o w n e r s , w h o had k e p t quite aloof from politics and w e r e just the m e n to be duped. T h e y h a v e given the apparent character to the Versailles assembly, its c h a r a c t e r of the " c h a m b r e i n t r o u v a b l e " of Louis X V I I I , its " r u r a l " character. In their vanity, they believed of course, that their time had at last c o m e with the downfall of the S e c o n d Bonapartist E m p i r e and u n d e r the shelter of Foreign invasion, as it had c o m e in 1814 and 1815. Still they are m e r e d u p e s . So far as t h e y act, t h e y can only act as elements of the " p a r t y of o r d e r " , and its " a n o n y m o u s " terrorism as in 1848—1851. Their o w n p a r t y effusions lend only t h e comical character to that association. T h e y are, therefore, forced to suffer as president the jail-accoucheur of the D u c h e s s of Berry and as their ministers the p s e u d o republicans of the g o v e r n m e n t of defence. T h e y will be p u s h e d aside as soon as t h e y h a v e d o n e their service. But—a freak of history—by this curious combination of circumstances they are forced to attack Paris b e c a u s e of revolting against " t h e Republique u n e et indivisible" (Louis Blanc e x p r e s s e s it so, Thiers calls it unity of F r a n c e ) , while their very first exploit w a s to revolt against unity by declaring for the "decapitation and decapitalization" of Paris, by w a n t i n g the A s s e m b l y to t h r o n e in a provincial town. W h a t they really w a n t is to go b a c k to w h a t p r e c e d e d the centralized statemachinery, b e c o m e m o r e or less independent of its prefects and its minister, and put into its p l a c e the provincial and local domanial influence of the C h â t e a u x . T h e y w a n t a reactionary decentralization of F r a n c e . W h a t Paris w a n t s is to supplant that centralization which has done its service against feodality, b u t h a s b e c o m e the m e r e unity of an artificial b o d y , resting on g e n s d a r m e s , red and black armies, repressing the life of real society, lasting as an incubus u p o n it, giving Paris an " a p p a r e n t o m n i p o t e n c e " by enclosing it and leaving the provinces out-

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Karl M a r x : T h e Civil W a r in France (First Draft). S e i t e 19 d e r Handschrift

The Civil War in France (First Draft) door—to supplant this unitarian F r a n c e w h i c h exists besides the F r e n c h society—by t h e political union of F r e n c h society itself t h r o u g h the C o m m u nal organization. T h e true partisans of breaking up the unity of F r a n c e are therefore t h e 5 rurals, opposite to the united s t a t e m a c h i n e r y so far as it interferes with their o w n local i m p o r t a n c e (seignorial rights), so far as it is the antagonist of feudalism. W h a t Paris w a n t s is to b r e a k up that factitious unitarian system, so far as it is the antagonist of the real living union of F r a n c e and a mere m e a n s of 10 class rule.

Comtist view. M e n completely ignorant of the existing economical system are of c o u r s e still less able to c o m p r e h e n d the w o r k m e n ' s negation to that system. T h e y 15 can of course not c o m p r e h e n d t h a t the social transformation the w o r k i n g class aim at is the n e c c e s s a r y , historical, unavoidable birth of t h e p r e s e n t system itself. T h e y talk in d e p r e c a t o r y tones of the threatened abolition of " p r o p e r t y " b e c a u s e in their e y e s their p r e s e n t class form of property—a transitory historical form—is p r o p e r t y itself, and t h e abolition of t h a t 20

form would therefore be the abolition of p r o p e r t y . As they n o w defend the " e t e r n i t y " of capital rule and the w a g e s s y s t e m , if they had lived in feudal times or in times of slavery they would have defended t h e feudal system and the slavesystem as f o u n d e d on the n a t u r e of things, as springing from nature, fiercely declaimed against their " a b u s e s " , b u t at 25 the same time from the height of their ignorance answering to the prophecies of the abolition by the d o g m a of their " e t e r n i t y " righted by " m o r a l c h e c k s " , (constraints) Poor m e n ! T h e y do not e v e n k n o w that e v e r y social form of property has " m o r a l s " of its o w n , and that the form of social p r o p e r t y which m a k e s 30 property the attribute of labour, far from creating individual " m o r a l constraints" will e m a n c i p a t e t h e " m o r a l s " of the individual from its class constraints. T h e y are as right in their appreciation of the aims of the Paris w o r k i n g classes, as is M . B i s m a r c k in declaring t h a t w h a t the C o m m u n e w a n t s is 35 the Prussian municipal order.

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Karl Marx j20J H o w the breath of the popular revolution has changed Paris! T h e revolution of F e b r u a r y w a s called t h e Revolution of moral c o n t e m p t ! It w a s proclaimed by the cries of the p e o p l e : "à bas les grands voleurs! à bas les a s s a s s i n s ! " S u c h w a s the sentiment of the people. B u t as to the bourgeoisie, they w a n t e d broader sway for corruption! T h e y got it u n d e r Louis Bona5 p a r t e ' s (Napoleon the little) reign. Paris, t h e gigantic t o w n , the t o w n of historic initiative, w a s transformed in the Maison dorée of all the idlers and swindlers of the world, into a cosmopolitan stew! After the e x o d u s of the " b e t t e r class of p e o p l e " , the Paris of the w o r k i n g class r e a p p e a r e d , heroic, selfsacrificing, enthusiastic in the sentiment of its herculean task! No 10 c a d a v e r s on the Morgue, no insecurity of the streets. Paris w a s never m o r e quiet within. Instead of the C o c o t t e s , the heroic w o m e n of Paris! Manly, stern, fighting, working, thinking Paris! M a g n a n i m o u s Paris! In view of the cannibalism of their e n e m i e s , making their prisoners only dangerless ! . . " W h a t Paris will no longer stand is yet t h e existence of t h e C o c o t t e s and 15 C o c o d è s . W h a t it is resolved to drive away or transform is this useless, sceptical and egotistical race which has taken possession of the gigantic t o w n , to u s e it as its o w n . No celebrity of the E m p i r e shall h a v e the right to say, Paris is very pleasant in the b e s t q u a r t e r s , b u t there are too m a n y p a u p e r s in the o t h e r s . " (Vérité: 23 April) " P r i v a t e crime w o n d e r - 20 fully diminished at Paris. T h e a b s e n c e of thieves and c o c o t t e s , of assassinates and streetattacks: all the c o n s e r v a t e u r s h a v e fled to Versailles!" " T h e r e has not been signalized o n e single nocturnal attack e v e n in the most distant and less frequented q u a r t e r s since the citizens do their police business t h e m s e l v e s . " 25

Thiers on the rurals: "This p a r t y k n o w s only to e m p l o y three m e a n s : Foreign invasion, civil war and a n a r c h y . . . such a g o v e r n m e n t will never be that of F r a n c e " . (Chambre des Députés of 5 Janvier 1833.) 30 th

Government of Defence. And this same T r o c h u said in his famous p r o g r a m m e : " t h e governor of Paris will never capitulate" and Jules F a v r e in his circular: " N o t a stone of our fortresses, nor a foot of our t e r r i t o r i e s " same as D u c r o t : "I shall never 35

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return to Paris save dead or v i c t o r i o u s . " He found afterwards at B o r d e a u x that his life w a s n e c e s s a r y for keeping d o w n t h e " r e b e l s " of Paris. ( T h e s e w r e t c h e s k n o w that in their flight to Versailles they h a v e leftbehind the proofs of their crimes, and to d e s t r o y t h e s e proofs, t h e y would not recoil from making of Paris a m o u n t a i n of ruins b a t h e d in a sea of b l o o d ) (Manifeste à la Province, by balloon).

" T h e unity which has b e e n i m p o s e d u p o n us to the present, by t h e E m p i r e , the M o n a r c h y , and Parliamentary G o v e r n m e n t is nothing b u t 10 centralization, despotic, unintelligent, arbitrary and o n e r o u s . T h e political unity as desired by Paris, is a voluntary association of all local i n i t i a v e s . . . a central delegation from the F e d e r a l C o m m u n e s . . . E n d of the old governmental and clerical world, of military s u p r e m a c y and b u r e a u c r a c y a n d jobbing in monopolies and privileges to which the proletariat owed its slavery 15

and the country its misfortunes and disasters. " (Proclamation of C o m m u n e 19. April.)

The Gendarms and Policemen.

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20,000 G e n d a r m e s d r a w n to Versailles from all F r a n c e (im G a n z e n 30,000 unter d e m E m p i r e ) u n d 12,000 Paris policeagents,—basis of t h e finest army F r a n c e ever had.

Republican Deputies of Paris. The Republican deputies of Paris " h a v e not protested either against the b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris, nor t h e s u m m a r y e x e c u t i o n s of the prisoners, n o r the calumnies against the People of Paris. T h e y have on the contrary by their p r e s e n c e at t h e assembly a n d their m u t i s m e given a consecration to all these acts supported by the notoriety the republican p a r t y has given those men. " H a v e b e c o m e the allies and conscious accomplices of t h e 30 monarchical party. Declares t h e m traitors to their m a n d a t e and the R e p u b l i c " . (Association générale des défenseurs de la République) (9 May) 25

"Centralization leads to apoplexy in Paris and to a b s e n c e of life e v e r y where e l s e " (Lamennais).

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Karl Marx « Aujourd'hui t o u t se r a p p o r t e à un centre, et ce c e n t r e est, p o u r ainsi dire, l'Etat m ê m e . » (Montesquieu)\

J211 Vendôme affair etc. T h e Central Committee of the N a t i o n a l G u a r d , constituted by t h e nomination of a delegate of e a c h c o m p a n y , on the e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into 5 Paris, t r a n s p o r t e d to M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville and La Villette the c a n n o n s and mitrailleuses found by the subscription of the National guards t h e m selves, which c a n n o n s and mitrailleuses w e r e a b a n d o n e d by the g o v e r n m e n t of the National defence, e v e n in those q u a r t e r s which w e r e to be occupied by the Prussians. 10 th

On the morning of the 18 M a r c h the g o v e r n m e n t m a d e an energetic appeal to the National Guard, b u t out of 400,000 National G u a r d only 300 m e n a n s w e r e d . On the 18 M a r c h , at 3 o'clock in the morning, the agents of police, and some bataillons of the line w e r e at M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville, and La Villette to surprise t h e guardians of artillery and to t a k e it a w a y by force. T h e National Guard resisted, the soldiers of the line levèrent la crosse en l'air, despite the menaces and the orders of General Lecomte, shot the s a m e day by his soldiers at the same time as Clément T h o m a s , ("troops of t h e line threw the butts of their m u s k e t s in the air, and fraternized with the insurgents.") T h e bulletin of victory by Aurelle de Paladines w a s already printed, also p a p e r s found on the Decembrisation of Paris. On the 19 M a r c h the Central C o m m i t t e e declared t h e state of siege of Paris raised, on the 20 Picard proclaimed it for the d e p a r t m e n t of the Se/ne et Oise. 18 Mars (Morning: still believing in his victory:) proclamation of Thiers, placarded on the walls: " T h e G o v e r n m e n t has resolved to act. T h e Criminals w h o affect to institute a g o v e r n m e n t m u s t be delivered to regular justice, and the c a n n o n s taken a w a y m u s t be restored to t h e A r s e n a l s . " L a t e in the afternoon, t h e nocturnal surprise having failed he appeals to the National Guards: " T h e G o v e r n m e n t is not preparing a c o u p d'état. T h e G o v e r n m e n t of the Republic has not and c a n n o t h a v e any other aim than the safety of the R e p u b l i c . " He will only " d o a w a y with the insurgent c o m m i t t e e . . . almost all unknown to the population". L a t e in the evening, a third proclamation to the National Guard, signed by Picard and d'Aurelle: " S o m e misguided m e n . . . resist forcibly t h e National Guard and the a r m y . . . T h e G o v e r n m e n t h a s c h o s e n that your th

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) arms should be left to you. Seize t h e m with resolution to establish t h e reign of law and to save the Republic from anarchy. " (On the 17 S c h o e l c h e r tries to w h e e d l e t h e m into disarming.) Proclamation of the Central Committee of the 19 March, " t h e state of 5 siege is raised. T h e people of Paris is c o n v o k e d for its c o m m u n a l e l e c t i o n s . " Id. to the National Guards: " Y o u h a v e charged us to organize the defence of Paris and of y o u r r i g h t s . . . At this m o m e n t our m a n d a t e has expired; we give it b a c k to y o u , we will not t a k e the place of those w h o m the popular b r e a t h vient de r e n v e r s e r . " th

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T h e y allowed the m e m b e r s of the G o v e r n m e n t to withdraw quietly to Versailles (even such as they had in their h a n d s like F e r r y ) . T h e c o m m u n a l elections c o n v o k e d for the 22 M a r c h t h r o u g h the demonstration of the p a r t y of order r e m o v e d to t h e 2 6 M a r c h . 21 Mars. T h e A s s e m b l y ' s frantic r o a r s of dissent against t h e w o r d s " V i v e 15 la R é p u b l i q u e " at the e n d of a Proclamation " t o Citizens and Army". Thiers: " I t might be a v e r y legitimate proposal e t c " (Dissent of the rurals). Jules Favre m a d e a h a r a n g u e against the doctrine of the Republic being superior to universal suffrage, flattered t h e rural majority, t h r e a t e n e d t h e Parisians with Prussian intervention and provokes—the demonstration of th

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the Paris of Order. Thiers: "come what may he would not send an armed force to attack Paris. " (had no t r o o p s yet to do it.) Le comité central était si p e u sûr de sa victoire, qu'il a c c e p t a a v e c e m p r e s s e m e n t la médiation des maires et des d é p u t é s de P a r i s . . . L ' e n t ê t e ment de Thiers lui permit (au comité) de vivre un ou d e u x j o u r s : il eut alors 25 conscience de ses forces. F a u t e s sans n o m b r e des révolutionnaires. Au lieu de mettre les sergents de ville h o r s d'état de nuire, on leur ouvrit les p o r t e s ; ils allèrent à Versailles, où ils furent accueillis c o m m e les sauveurs ; on laissa partir le 43 de ligne ; on r e n v o y a d a n s leur foyers t o u s les soldats qui avaient fraternisé a v e c le p e u p l e ; on permit à la réaction de s'organiser 30

dans le centre m ê m e de Paris ; on laissa tranquille Versailles. Tridon, Jaclard, Varlin, Vaillant voulaient q u ' o n allait i m m é d i a t e m e n t d é b u s q u e r les r o y a l i s t e s . . . F a v r e et Thiers faisaient des d é m a r c h e s p r e s s a n t e s a u p r è s des autorités prussiennes d a n s le b u t d'obtenir leur c o n c o u r s . . . p o u r réprimer le m o u v e m e n t insurrectionnel de Paris.

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L ' o c c u p a t i o n c o n s t a n t e de T r o c h u et de Clément T h o m a s d ' e n t r a v e r toutes les tentatives d ' a r m e m e n t s et d'organisation de la garde nationale. La m a r c h e sur Versailles fut d é c i d é e , p r é p a r é e et entreprise par le Comité Central, à l'insu de la C o m m u n e et m ê m e en opposition directe avec sa volonté n e t t e m e n t m a n i f e s t é e . . . 40 Bergeret... au lieu de faire sauter le p o n t de Neuilly, q u e les fédérés ne

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Karl Marx pouvaient garder à cause du M o n t Valerien et des batteries établies à C o u r b e v o i e , il laissa les royalistes s'en e m p a r e r , s'y retrancher puissamm e n t et s'assurer par là u n e voie de c o m m u n i c a t i o n avec P a r i s . . . As M. Littré said in a letter (Daily News 20 April): " P a r i s d i s a r m e d ; Paris manacled by the Vinoys, the Valentins, the Paladines, the Republic w a s lost. This the Parisians understood. With the alternative of succumbing without fighting, and risking a terrible contest of uncertain issue, t h e y chose to fight; and I c a n n o t but praise them for i t . "

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T h e expedition to R o m e , the w o r k of Cavaignac, Jules F a v r e , and Thiers. 10 « Un g o u v e r n e m e n t qui a tous les avantages intérieurs du g o u v e r n e m e n t républicain et la force extérieure du g o u v e r n e m e n t m o n a r c h i q u e . Je parle de la République federative... C'est u n e société des sociétés, qui en font u n e nouvelle qui p e u t s'agrandir par des n o m b r e u x associés, j u s q u ' à ce q u e sa puissance suffise à la sûreté de ceux qui se sont unis. Cette sorte 15 de r é p u b l i q u e . . . peut se maintenir d a n s sa g r a n d e u r sans que l'intérieur se c o r r o m p e . La forme de cette société prévient tous les inconvénients. » (Montesquieu, Esprit des lois, 1. IX. ch. I). Constitutions de 1793 § 78) Il y a d a n s chaque commune de la république u n e administration municipale. D a n s chaque district, u n e administration 20 intermédiaire, dans chaque département u n e administration centrale. § 79) les officiers municipaux sont élus par les assemblées de la c o m m u n e . § 80) L e s administrateurs sont n o m m é s par les assemblées électorales de d é p a r t e m e n t et de district. § 81) L e s municipalités et les administrations sont renouvelées tous les ans par moitié. 25 Conseil exécutif '§ 62) c o m p o s é de 24 m e m b r e s . 63) L ' a s s e m b l é e électorale de c h a q u e d é p a r t e m e n t n o m m e un candidat. Le corps législatif choisit sur la liste générale, les m e m b r e s du conseil. 64) Il est renouvelé par moitié à c h a q u e législature, dans le dernier mois de sa session. 65) Le conseil est chargé de la direction et de la surveillance de l'administration générale. 30 66) Il n o m m e , hors de son sein, les agens en chef de l'administration générale de la république. 68) C e s agens ne f o r m e n t point un conseil; ils sont séparés, sans r a p p o r t s immédiats entre e u x ; ils n ' e x e r c e n t a u c u n e autorité personnelle. 73) Le Conseil r é v o q u e et r e m p l a c e les agens à sa nomination. | 35 |22| R o u s e d on the o n e h a n d by J. F a v r e ' s call to civil w a r in the Assembly—he told that the Prussians had t h r e a t e n e d to interfere, if the Parisians did not give in at once,—encouraged by t h e f o r b e a r a n c e of t h e people and the passive attitude t o w a r d s t h e m of the Central C o m m i t t e e , the " P a r t y of O r d e r " at Paris resolved on a coup de main w h i c h c a m e off 40 on the 22 M a r c h under the etiquette of a Peaceful Procession, a peaceable

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) d e m o n s t r a t i o n against the R e v o l u t i o n a r y G o v e r n m e n t . And it was a peaceful d e m o n s t r a t i o n of a very peculiar c h a r a c t e r . " T h e whole m o v e m e n t s e e m e d a surprise. T h e r e w e r e no p r e p a r a t i o n s to m e e t i t . " A riotous m o b of " g e n t l e m e n " , in their first r a n k t h e familiars of t h e E m p i r e , t h e H e e c k e r e n , 5

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Coëtlogon, and H. de P ê n e e t c , illtreating and disarming national guards d e t a c h e d from a d v a n c e d sentinels (sentries) w h o fled to the Place V e n d ô m e w h e n c e t h e National G u a r d s m a r c h a t o n c e t o t h e R u e N e u v e d e s Petits C h a m p s . Meeting the rioters, they received o r d e r not to fire, but t h e rioters a d v a n c e u n d e r t h e c r y : " d o w n with t h e A s s a s s i n s ! d o w n with t h e C o m m i t t e e ! " insult t h e g u a r d s , grasp at their m u s k e t s , shoot with a r e v o l v e r citizen Maljournal (lieutenant d'était major de la place) ( m e m b r e du C o m i t é c e n tral). General Bergeret calls u p o n t h e m to w i t h d r a w (disband) (retire). During a b o u t 5 minutes t h e d r u m s are b e a t e n and t h e s o m m a t i o n s (replacing t h e English reading of the riot acts) m a d e . T h e y reply by cries of insult. T w o national guards fall severely w o u n d e d . M e a n w h i l e their c o m r a d e s hesitate and fire into t h e air. T h e rioters try to forcibly break through the lines and to disarm them. Bergeret c o m m a n d s fire a n d t h e c o w a r d s fly. T h e émeute is at o n c e dispersed and t h e fire c e a s e s . S h o t s w e r e fired from h o u s e s on t h e national guard. T w o of t h e m , Wahlin and F r a n ç o i s w e r e killed, eight a r e w o u n d e d . T h e streets through w h i c h t h e " p a c i f i c " disband are s t r e w n w i t h revolvers and s w o r d - c a n e s " , ( m a n y of t h e m picked up in t h e R u e de la Paix) V i c o m t e de Molinet, killed from b e h i n d (by his own people) found with a dagger fixed by a chain. Rappel was beaten. A n u m b e r of cane s w o r d s , revolvers, and daggers lay on t h e streets by w h i c h the " u n a r m e d " d e m o n s t r a t i o n had p a s s e d . Pistol shots w e r e fired before t h e insurgents received orders to fire on t h e c r o w d . T h e manifestors w e r e t h e aggressors (witnessed b y G e n e r a l Sheridan from a w i n d o w ) . This w a s then simply an a t t e m p t to do by t h e reactionists of Paris, armed with revolvers, c a n e s w o r d s , and daggers, w h a t Vinoy had failed to do with his sergents de ville, soldiers, c a n n o n and mitrailleuse. That t h e " l o w e r o r d e r s " of Paris allowed t h e m s e l v e s not e v e n to be disarmed by t h e " g e n t l e m e n " of Paris, w a s really t o o b a d ! W h e n on t h e 1 3 J u n e 1849 t h e N a t i o n a l G u a r d s of Paris m a d e a really " u n a r m e d " and " p a c i f i c " p r o c e s s i o n to p r o t e s t against a crime, t h e a t t a c k o n R o m e b y the F r e n c h t r o o p s , G e n e r a l Changarnier w a s praised b y his intimate Thiers for sabring and shooting them d o w n . T h e state of siege was declared, n e w laws of r e p r e s s i o n , n e w proscriptions, a new reign of terror! Instead of all that, t h e Central C o m m i t t e e and t h e w o r k m e n of Paris strictly kept on t h e defensive, during t h e e n c o u n t e r itself, allowed the assailers, the gentlemen of t h e dagger, to r e t u r n quietly h o m e , a n d , th

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Karl Marx by their indulgence, by n o t calling t h e m to a c c o u n t for this daring enterprise, encouraged them so m u c h , that t w o days later, u n d e r t h e leadership of admiral Saisset, sent from Versailles, rallied again and tried again their h a n d s at civil war. A n d this V e n d ô m e affair e v o k e d at Versailles a cry of "Assassination of u n a r m e d c i t i z e n s " reverberating throughout the world. Be it remarked that even Thiers while eternally reiterating the assassination of the t w o generals, has n o t o n c e dared to remind the world of this " A s s a s s i n a t i o n of u n a r m e d citizens".

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As in the medieval times the knight m a y use any w e a p o n w h a t e v e r against 10 t h e plebejan, b u t the latter m u s t not dare e v e n to defend himself. (27 M a r s . Versailles. Thiers: "I give a formal contradiction to t h o s e w h o accuse me of leading the w a y for a monarchical settlement. I found the Republic an accomplished fact. Before God and m e n I declare I will not betray it". ) 15 After the second rising of the p a r t y of Order, the Paris people t o o k no reprisals w h a t e v e r . T h e Central C o m m i t t e e e v e n committed the great blunder, against the advice of its m o s t energetic m e m b e r s , not to m a r c h at o n c e at Versailles, w h e r e , after the flight of A d m . Saisset and the ridiculous collapse of the National G u a r d of O r d e r , C o n s t e r n a t i o n ruled 20 s u p r e m e , there being not yet any forces of resistance organized. After t h e election of the C o m m u n e , the p a r t y of order tried again their forces at the ballot b o x , and, w h e n again b e a t e n , effected their E x o d u s from Paris. During the election handshaking a n d fraternization of t h e Bourgeois (in the courts of the Mayoralties) with the insurgent National 25 G u a r d s , while among themselves t h e y talk of nothing b u t "decimation en m a s s e " , "mitrailles", "frying at C a y e n n e " , " w h o l e s a l e fusillades". " T h e r u n a w a y s of yesterday think to-day by flattering the m e n of the Hôtel-deVille to keep t h e m quiet until the Rurals and Bonapartist generals, w h o are gathering at Versailles will be in a position to fire on t h e m . " 30 Thiers c o m m e n c e d the a r m e d attack on the National G u a r d for the second time in Affair of April 2. Fighting b e t w e e n C o u r b e v o i e and Neuilly, close to Paris. National G u a r d s b e a t e n , bridge of Neuilly occupied by T h i e r s ' soldiers. Several t h o u s a n d s of National G u a r d s having c o m e out of Paris and occupied Courbevoie et P u t e a u x a n d the bridge of Neuilly, 35 routed. M a n y prisoners taken. M a n y of the insurgents immediately shot as rebels. Versailles troops began the firing. Commune: " T h e G o v e r n m e n t of Versailles has attacked u s . N o t being able to count upon the army, it has sent Pontifical Z o u a v e s of Charette, B r e t o n s of T r o c h u , and G e n d a r m e s of Valentin, i n o r d e r t o b o m b a r d N e u i l l y . " 40 On 2 April the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t had sent forward a division chiefly Dd

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The Civil War in France (First Draft) consisting of Gendarmes, Marines, Forest Guard, and Police. Vinoy with two brigades of infantry, a n d Galliffet at the head of a brigade of cavalry a n d a battery of artillery a d v a n c e d u p o n Courbevoie. Paris. April 4. Millière (Declaration) " t h e people of Paris w a s not making any aggressive a t t e m p t . . . w h e n the G o v e r n m e n t o r d e r e d it to be attacked by the ex-soldiers of the E m p i r e , organized as pretorian troops, u n d e r the C o m m a n d of e x - S e n a t o r s . " |

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Karl Marx T h e Civil W a r in France ( S e c o n d Draft)

The Civil War in France (Second Draft)

111 1) Government of Defence. Trochu, Favre, Picard, Ferry. t h

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[ T h e republic, proclaimed on the 4 S e p t e m b e r by the Paris w o r k m e n , w a s acclaimed through all F r a n c e w i t h o u t a single voice of dissent. Its right of life w a s fought for in a 5 m o n t h s ' defensive w a r (centring in) b a s e d u p o n t h e resistance of Paris. W i t h o u t t h a t w a r of defence w a g e d in the n a m e of t h e Republic, William the " C o n q u e r o r " would h a v e restored the E m p i r e of his "good b r o t h e r " Louis B o n a p a r t e . T h e cabal of barristers, with Thiers for their statesman, and T r o c h u for their general, w h o installed themselves at the Hôtel-de-Ville at a m o m e n t of surprise, w h e n the real leaders of t h e Paris working class w e r e still shut up in Bonapartist prisons and t h e Prussian a r m y w a s already marching u p o n Paris. So deeply w e r e t h e Thiers, the Jules F a v r e , t h e Picard t h e n i m b u e d with the belief in the historical leadership of Paris, that to legitimate their title as the g o v e r n m e n t of

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national defence they founded their claim exclusively upon their having b e e n chosen in the elections to the C o r p s Législatif, in 1869, as the Deputies of Pans. [ In our S e c o n d a d d r e s s on t h e late war, five days after the a d v e n t of those m e n , we told y o u w h a t t h e y w e r e . If they had seized the g o v e r n m e n t 20 without consulting Paris, Paris had proclaimed the republic in the t e e t h of their resistance. A n d their first step w a s to send Thiers begging about at all courts of E u r o p e t h e r e to b u y if possible Foreign mediation bartering the Republic for a king. Paris did b e a r w i t h their a s s u m p t i o n of power, b e c a u s e they highly professed on their solemn v o w to wield that p o w e r for t h e 25

single p u r p o s e of national defence. Paris, h o w e v e r , w a s not to be seriously defended without arming the working class, organizing t h e m into a National Guard, and training their r a n k s t h r o u g h the w a r itself. B u t Paris a r m e d w a s the social Revolution armed. T h e victory of Paris over its Prussian besieger would h a v e been a victory of t h e Republic over F r e n c h classrule. In this

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Karl Marx conflict b e t w e e n national duty and class interest, the G o v e r n m e n t of national Defence did not hesitate one m o m e n t to turn into a g o v e r n m e n t of national defection. In a letter to G a m b e t t a , Jules F a v r e confessed that w h a t T r o c h u stood in defence of, was not the Prussian soldier, but the Paris w o r k m a n . F o u r m o n t h s after the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the siege, w h e n they 5 thought the o p p o r t u n e m o m e n t c o m e for breaking the first w o r d of capitulation, T r o c h u , in the p r e s e n c e of Jules F a v r e and others of his colleagues, addresses the reunion of the maires of Paris in t h e s e t e r m s : " T h e first question, addressed to me by my colleagues, on the very evening of the 4 September, w a s this: Paris can it, with any c h a n c e of 10 success, stand a siege against the Prussian a r m y ? I did not hesitate to answer in the negative. Some of my colleagues here p r e s e n t will w a r r a n t the truth of my w o r d s , and the persistence of my opinion. I told t h e m , in these very t e r m s , that under the existing state of things, the attempt of Paris to maintain a siege against the Prussian a r m y would be a folly. Without doubt, I added, 15 th

it might be a heroic folly, b u t it would be nothing m o r e The events (managed by himself) have not given the lie to my prevision. " (This little speech of T r o c h u ' s w a s after t h e armistice published by M. C o r b o n , one of the Maires present.) T h u s , on the very evening of the proclamation of the Republic, T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , k n o w n to his colleagues, w a s nothing else but the capitulation of Paris and France. To c u r e Paris of its " h e r o i c folly", it had to undergo a t r e a t m e n t of decimation and famine, long enough to screen the u s u r p e r s of the 4 of S e p t e m b e r from the v e n g e a n c e of the D e c e m b e r men. If t h e "national d e f e n c e " h a d been m o r e than a false p r e t e n c e for " g o v e r n m e n t " , its self appointed m e m b e r s would h a v e abdicated on the 5 of September, publicly revealed T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , and called u p o n the Paris people to at o n c e surrender to the c o n q u e r o r or t a k e the w o r k of defence in its own hands. Instead of this the imposters published highsounding manifestoes w h e r e i n T r o c h u " t h e governor will never c a p i t u l a t e " and Jules F a v r e the Foreign minister "not c e d e a stone of o u r fortresses, n o r a foot of our territory". T h r o u g h t h e w h o l e time of t h e siege T r o c h u ' s plan was systematically carried out. In fact, the vile Bonapartist cut-throats, to w h o s e trust they gave the generalship of Paris, c r a c k e d in their intimate c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ribald j o k e s at the well u n d e r s t o o d farce of the defence. (See f.i. the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of Alphonse Simon Guiod, s u p r e m e comm a n d e r of the artillery of the army of defence of Paris and Grand Cross of the Legion of H o n o u r , to Suzanne, General of Division of Artillery, published by the Journal Officiel of the C o m m u n e . ) T h e m a s k of imposture w a s d r o p p e d at the capitulation of Paris. T h e "government of national defence" u n m a s k e d itself as the "government of France by Bismarck's prisoners"—a p a r t which Louis B o n a p a r t e himself at Sedan had considered too infamous

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The Civil War in France (Second Draft) even for a m a n of his stamp. On their wild flight to Versailles, after the events of the 18 M a r c h , the capitulards h a v e left in the hands of Paris the d o c u m e n t a r y e v i d e n c e of their t r e a s o n , to destroy which, as t h e C o m m u n e says in its Manifesto to the Provinces, " t h e y would not recoil from 5 battering Paris into a heap of ruins w a s h e d in a sea of b l o o d " . th

S o m e of the most influential m e m b e r s of the government of defence had m o r e o v e r urgent private r e a s o n s ' o f their o w n to be passionately b e n t upon such a c o n s u m m a t i o n . L o o k only at Jules F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, and Jules F e r r y ! 10

[ Shortly after t h e conclusion of the armistice, M.Millière, o n e of the representatives of Paris to the National A s s e m b l y , published a series of authentic legal d o c u m e n t s in proof t h a t Jules Favre, living in concubinage with the wife of a drunkard, resident at Algiers, had, by a most daring concoction of forgeries, spread over m a n y y e a r s , contrived to grasp, in 15 the name of the children of his adultery, a large succession which m a d e him a rich man, and that, in a law suit u n d e r t a k e n by the legitimate heirs, he only escaped e x p o s u r e through the connivance of the Bonapartist tribunals. Since those dry legal d o c u m e n t s w e r e not to be got rid of by any h o r s e p o w e r of rhetorics, Jules F a v r e , in the same heroism of self20

abasement, remained for o n c e tongue-tied until the turmoil of the civil w a r allowed him to b r a n d the Paris people in the Versailles assembly as a band of " e s c a p e d c o n v i c t s " in utter revolt against family, religion, order and property! (Pic affaire). This very forger had hardly got into p o w e r w h e n he sym25 pathetically hastened to liberate t w o brother forgers, Pic and Taillefer, under the Empire itself convicted to the hulks for theft and forgery. One of these men, Taillefer, daring to return to Paris after t h e instalment of the C o m m u n e , was at o n c e returned to a convenient a b o d e ; and then Jules F a v r e told all E u r o p e that Paris was setting free all the felonious inhabitants 30 of her prisons! Ernest Picard, appointed by himself t h e homeminister of the F r e n c h Republic on the 4 of September, after having striven in vain to b e c o m e the homeminister of L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , is the brother of o n e Arthur Picard, an individual expulsed from t h e Paris b o u r s e as a blackleg (Report of the th

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Prefecture of Police d. d. 13 July 1867) and convicted on his o w n confession of a theft of 300,000 fcs while a director of o n e of the b r a n c h e s of t h e Société Générale, (see R e p o r t of the Prefecture of Police 11 D e c e m b e r 1868). Both these reports h a v e b e e n still published at the time of the Empire. This A r t h u r Picard was m a d e by E r n e s t Picard the rédacteur en chef 40 of his "Electeur libre" to act, during the whole siege, as his financial go-between, discounting at the B o u r s e t h e state secrets in the trust of

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E r n e s t and safely speculating on the disasters of the F r e n c h army, while the c o m m o n jobbers w e r e misled by the false n e w s , and official lies, published in the "Electeur libre", the organ of the h o m e minister. T h e whole financial c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n that w o r t h y pair of brethren has fallen into the h a n d s of t h e C o m m u n e . No w o n d e r t h a t E r n e s t Picard, 5 t h e Joe Miller of the Versailles g o v e r n m e n t , " w i t h his h a n d s in his t r o u s e r s ' p o c k e t s , walked from group to group cracking j o k e s " , at the first b a t c h of Paris National G u a r d s , m a d e prisoners, and e x p o s e d to the ferocious outrages of Piétri's lambs. Jules Ferry, a pennyless barrister before the 4 of S e p t e m b e r , contrived, 10 as the Maire of Paris, to j o b during the siege a fortune out of the famine which w a s to a great part the w o r k of his maladministration. T h e day on w h i c h he would h a v e to give an a c c o u n t of his maladministration w o u l d be his day of judgement. T h e d o c u m e n t a r y proofs are in the h a n d s of the Commune. 15 T h e s e m e n , therefore, are the deadly foes of t h e w o r k i n g m e n ' s Paris, not only as parasites of the ruling classes, not only as the betrayers of Paris during the siege, but a b o v e all as c o m m o n felons w h o b u t in t h e ruins of Paris, this stronghold of the F r e n c h Revolution, can h o p e to find their tickets of leave. These d e s p e r a d o e s w e r e exactly the m e n to b e c o m e the 20 ministers of Thiers. | t h

| 2 | 2) Thiers. Dufaure. Pouyer-Quertier. In the "parliamentary s e n s e " things are only a p r e t e x t for w o r d s serving as a snare for the adversary, an a m b u s c a d e for the people, or a m a t t e r of artistic display for the speaker himself. Their master, M . T h i e r s , t h e mischievous g n o m e , has c h a r m e d the F r e n c h bourgeoisie for almost half a c e n t u r y b e c a u s e he is the m o s t cons u m m a t e intellectual expression of their o w n class corruption. E v e n before he b e c a m e a statesman, he had shown his lying p o w e r s as a historian. E a g e r of display, like all dwarfish m e n , greedy of place and pelf, with a barren intellect but lively fancy, epicurean, sceptical, of an encyclopedic facility for mastering the surface of things, and turning things into a m e r e p r e t e x t for talk, a wordf encer of rare conversational p o w e r , a writer of lucid shallowness, a m a s t e r of small state roguery, a virtuoso in perjury, a craftsm a n in all the petty stratagems, cunning devices a n d b a s e perfidies of parliamentary party warfare, national and class prejudices standing him in the place of ideas, and vanity in the place of c o n s c i e n c e , in order to displace a rival, a n d to shoot the people, in order to stifle t h e Revolution, mischievous

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The Civil War in France (Second Draft) w h e n in opposition, odious w h e n in p o w e r , n e v e r scrupling to p r o v o k e revolutions t h e history of his public life is t h e chronicle of the miseries of his country. F o n d of brandishing with his dwarfish a r m s in the face of E u r o p e the sword of the first N a p o l e o n , w h o s e historical shoeblack he had b e c o m e , 5 his Foreign policy always culminated in t h e utter humiliation of F r a n c e , from t h e L o n d o n convention of 1841 to t h e Paris capitulation of 1871 and t h e p r e s e n t civil w a r he wages u n d e r the shelter of Prussian invasion. It need not be said that to such a m a n the d e e p e r u n d e r c u r r e n t s of m o d e r n society remained a close b o o k , b u t e v e n t h e m o s t palpable changes at its surface 10

w e r e a b h o r r e n t to a brain all w h o s e vitality had fled to the tongue. F. i. he n e v e r fatigued to d e n o u n c e a n y deviation from t h e old F r e n c h p r o t e c t i v e system as a sacrilege, railways he sneeringly derided, w h e n a minister of L o u i s Philippe, as a wild chimera, a n d e v e r y reform of t h e rotten F r e n c h a r m y system he b r a n d e d u n d e r L o u i s B o n a p a r t e as a profanation. W i t h all his

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versatility of talent and shiftiness of p u r p o s e , he w a s steadily w e d d e d to t h e traditions of a fossilized routine, and never, during his long official career, b e c a m e guilty of o n e single, e v e n the smallest m e a s u r e of practical u s e . Only the old world's edifice, m a y be p r o u d of being c r o w n e d by t w o s u c h m e n as N a p o l e o n t h e little and little Thiers. [ T h e socalled a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s

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of culture appear in such a m a n only as t h e refinement of d e b a u c h e r y and the of selfishness. [ Banded with t h e republicans u n d e r t h e restauration, Thiers insinuated himself with Louis Philippe as a spy u p o n and the jailaccoucheur of t h e D u c h e s s of Berry, but his activity w h e n he h a d first slipt into a ministry 25 (1834—35) centred in t h e m a s s a c r e of the insurgent Republicans at the r u e T r a n s n o n a i n and the incubation of t h e atrocious S e p t e m b e r laws against the press. [ Reappearing as the chief of the cabinet in M a r c h 1840, he c a m e o u t with the plot of the Paris fortifications. To the [outcry] of t h e Republican p a r t y , 30 against the sinister attempt on the liberty of Paris, he replied: " W h a t ! To fancy that any w o r k s of fortification could e n d a n g e r liberty! A n d first of all, you calumniate every Government whatever in supposing that it could one day try to maintain itself by b o m b a r d i n g the c a p i t a l . . . B u t it would be hundred times m o r e impossible after its victory than b e f o r e . " 35

Indeed no F r e n c h g o v e r n m e n t w h a t e v e r save that of M. Thiers himself with his ticket-of-leave ministers and his rural assembly r u m i n a n t s could h a y e dared upon such a deed! A n d this too in t h e m o s t classic form; o n e p a r t of his fortifications in the h a n d s of his Prussian c o n q u e r o r s and p r o tectors. 40 [ W h e n King B o m b a tried his h a n d s at P a l e r m o in J a n u a r y 1848, Thiers rose in the C h a m b r e of D e p u t i e s : " Y o u k n o w , gentlemen, w h a t p a s s e s at

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Karl Marx P a l e r m o : you all shook with h o r r o r " (in the " p a r l i a m e n t a r y " sense) " w h e n hearing that during 48 hours a great town has been bombarded. By w h o m ? w a s it by a Foreign e n e m y , exercising the rights of w a r ? N o , gentlemen, by its own government. " (If it had b e e n by its o w n g o v e r n m e n t , u n d e r the eyes and on the sufferance of the Foreign e n e m y , all would, of c o u r s e , h a v e 5 been right.) " A n d w h y ? Because that unfortunate town (city) demanded its rights. Well, then. F o r the d e m a n d of its rights, it has had 48 hours of bombardment." (If the b o m b a r d m e n t h a d lasted 4 w e e k s and m o r e all would h a v e been right) " . . .Allow me to appeal to the opinion of E u r o p e . It is doing a service to mankind to c o m e and m a k e r e v e r b e r a t e from t h e 10 greatest tribune p e r h a p s of E u r o p e some words of indignation (indeed! words!) against such a c t s . . . W h e n the regent E s p a r t e r o , w h o had r e n d e r e d services to his country, (what Thiers never did), in order to suppress an insurrection, wanted to bombard Barcelona, there w a s from all parts of the world a general shriek of indignation." 15 Well, about a year later this fine-souled m a n b e c a m e the sinister suggester and the m o s t fierce defender (apologist) of the b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e by the troops of the F r e n c h republic, u n d e r the c o m m a n d of the legitimist Oudinot. A few d a y s before the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , fretting at the long exile 20 from p o w e r to which Guizot had c o n d e m n e d him, smelling in the air the c o m m o t i o n , Thiers exclaimed again in the C h a m b r e of D e p u t i e s : "I am of the party of Revolution not only in F r a n c e , but in E u r o p e . I wish the g o v e r n m e n t of the Revolution to remain in the hands of m o d e r a t e m e n . . . B u t if that government should pass into the h a n d s of ardent m e n , e v e n 25 of the Radicals, I should not for all that desert (abandon) my cause. I shall always be of the party of the Revolution. " T h e Revolution of F e b r u a r y c a m e . I n s t e a d of displacing the cabinet Guizot by the cabinet Thiers, as the little m a n had dreamt, it displaced Louis Philippe by the Republic. To put down that Revolution w a s 30 M . T h i e r s ' exclusive business from the proclamation of the Republic to t h e Coup d'Etat. On t h e first day of the popular victory, he anxiously hid himself, forgetting that the c o n t e m p t of the people rescued him from its hatred. Still, with his legendary courage, he continued to shy the public stage until after the bloody disruption of the material forces of t h e Paris pro- 35 letariat by Cavaignac, the bourgeois republican. T h e n the scene w a s cleared for his sort of action. His hour had again struck. He b e c a m e the leading mind of the "Party of Order" and its "Parliamentary Republic", that a n o n y m o u s reign in which all the rival factions of the ruling classes conspired together to crush the working class and conspired against e a c h other each for the 40 restoration of its own m o n a r c h y . |

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| 4 | 3) The Rural Assembly. If this rural assembly, meeting at B o r d e a u x , m a d e this g o v e r n m e n t , the " g o v e r n m e n t of defence m e n " had b e f o r e h a n d t a k e n good care to m a k e that assembly. F o t that p u r p o s e they had dispatched Thiers on a travelling 5 tour through the p r o v i n c e s , t h e r e to f o r e s h a d o w coming e v e n t s a n d m a k e ready for the surprise of the general elections. Thiers had to o v e r c o m e one difficulty. Quite apart from having b e c o m e an abomination to the F r e n c h people the Bonapartists, if n u m e r o u s l y elected, would at o n c e h a v e r e s t o r e d the Empire and embaled M . T h i e r s and Co. for a voyage to C a y e n n e . T h e 10

Orleanists w e r e too sparsely scattered to fill their o w n places and t h o s e vacated by the Bonapartists. To galvanize the Legitimist p a r t y , had therefore b e c o m e unavoidable. Thiers w a s not afraid of his task. Impossible as a government of m o d e r n F r a n c e , and therefore contemptible as rivals for place and pelf, w h o could be fitter to be handled as the blind tool of Counter-

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revolution, than the p a r t y w h o s e action, in the w o r d s of Thiers, had always been confined to the t h r e e r e s o u r c e s of " F o r e i g n invasion, civil war, and a n a r c h y " . (Speech of Thiers at the Chambre of Deputies of January 5, 1833). A select set of the Legitimists, expropriated by the Revolution of 1789, had regained their estates by enlisting in the servant hall of t h e first 20 N a p o l e o n , the bulk of t h e m by the milliard of indemnity and the private donations of the Restauration. E v e n their seclusion from participation in active politics u n d e r the successive reigns of L o u i s Philippe and N a p o l e o n the little, served as a lever to the reestablishment of their wealth as landed proprietors. F r e e d from court dissipation and representation c o s t s at 25

Paris, they had, out of the very c o r n e r s of provincial F r a n c e , only to gather the golden apples falling into their c h â t e a u x from the tree of m o d e r n industry, railways enhancing the price of their land, a g r o n o m y applied to it by capitalist farmers, increasing its p r o d u c e , and the inexhaustible d e m a n d of a rapidly swollen t o w n population securing the g r o w t h of m a r k e t s for that 30 produce. T h e very same social agencies w h i c h reconstituted their material wealth and r e m a d e their i m p o r t a n c e as p a r t n e r s of that j o i n t s t o c k c o m p a n y of m o d e r n slaveholders, screened t h e m from the infection of the m o d e r n ideas and allowed them, in rustic i n n o c e n c e , nothing to forget and nothing to learn. Such people furnished the m e r e passive material to be w o r k e d upon by 35 a man like Thiers. While executing the mission, entrusted to him by the government of Defence, the mischievous imp o v e r r e a c h e d his mandataries in securing to himself that multitude of elections which w a s to convert the defence m e n from his o p p o n e n t m a s t e r s into his a v o w e d servants. [ T h e electoral traps being t h u s laid, t h e F r e n c h people w a s suddenly

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Karl Marx s u m m o n e d by the capitulards of Paris to c h o o s e within 8 d a y s a national a s s e m b l y with the exclusive t a s k by virtue of the t e r m s of the convention of the 3 1 January, dictated b y Bismarck, t o decide o n w a r o r p e a c e . Quite apart from t h e extraordinary c i r c u m s t a n c e s , u n d e r w h i c h that election o c curred, with no time for deliberation, with o n e half of F r a n c e u n d e r t h e s w a y 5 of Prussian b a y o n e t s , with its other half secretly w o r k e d upon by the g o v e r n m e n t intrigue, with Paris secluded from the p r o v i n c e s , the F r e n c h people felt instinctively that the very t e r m s of the armistice, u n d e r g o n e by t h e capitulards, left F r a n c o no alternative choice but t h a t of a p e a c e à outrance and that for its sanction the w o r s t m e n of F r a n c e would be the best. H e n c e the 10 rural a s s e m b l y emerging at B o r d e a u x . st

[ Still we must distinguish b e t w e e n t h e old regime orgies and t h e real historical business of the rurals. Astonished to find t h e m s e l v e s the strongest fraction of an immense majority, c o m p o s e d of t h e m s e l v e s a n d the Orleanists, with a contingent of Bourgeois republicans and a m e r e sprinkling of Bonapartists, they verily believed in t h e long e x p e c t e d a d v e n t of their r e t r o spective millennium. T h e r e w e r e the heels of the Foreign invasion trampling u p o n F r a n c e , there w a s the downfall of t h e E m p i r e and the captivity of a B o n a p a r t e , and there t h e y w e r e t h e m s e l v e s . T h e w h e e l of history had evidently turned round to stop at the Chambre introuvable of 1816, with its d e e p and impassionate curses against the Revolutionary deluge and its abominations, with its "decapitation a n d decapitalization of P a r i s " , its " d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n " breaking through the n e t w o r k of state rule by the local influences of the Châteaux and its religious homilies and its t e n e t s of antediluvian politics, with its gentilhommery, flippancy, its généalogie spite against the drudging m a s s e s , and its Oeil de Boeuf views of the world. Still in point of fact they h a d only to act their p a r t as joint stock holders of t h e " p a r t y of o r d e r " , as monopolists of t h e m e a n s of production. F r o m 1848 to 1851, they had only to form a fraction of t h e interregnum of the "parliamentary r e p u b l i c " , with this difference that then they w e r e r e p r e s e n t e d by their e d u c a t e d and trained parliamentary c h a m p i o n s , the Berryer, the Falloux, the Larochejaquelein, while n o w they had to ask in their rustic r a n k and file, imparting t h u s a different t o n e and t u n e to t h e assembly, maskerading its bourgeois reality u n d e r feudal colours. Their g r o t e s q u e exaggerations serve only to set off t h e liberalism of their banditti government. E n s n a r e d into an usurpation of p o w e r s b e y o n d their electoral m a n d a t e s , t h e y live only on the sufferance of their selfmade rulers. T h e Foreign invasion of 1814 and 1815 having b e e n the deadly w e a p o n wielded against them by the bourgeois p a r v e n u s , t h e y h a v e in injudicial blindness b e s t o w e d upon themselves the responsibility of this u n p r e c e d e n t e d surrender of F r a n c e to the Foreigner by their bourgeois foes. A n d the

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The Civil War in France (Second Draft) F r e n c h people astonished and insulted by the r e a p p e a r a n c e of all t h e noble P o u r c e a u g n a c s it believed buried long since, has b e c o m e a w a r e that beside making t h e Revolution of the 19 c e n t u r y it has to finish off t h e Revolution of 1789 by driving the r u m i n a n t s to the last goal of all rustic 5 animals—the shambles. | th

| 6 | 5) Opening of the civil war. 18 March Revolution. Clement Thomas. Lecomte. The Affaire Vendôme. [ T h e d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris, as a m e r e necessity of the contrerevolutionary plot might h a v e b e e n u n d e r t a k e n in a m o r e temporizing c i r c u m s p e c t m a n n e r , 10 but as a clause of the urgent financial t r e a t y with its irresistible fascinations it b r o o k e d no delay. Thiers had therefore to try his h a n d s at a coup d'Etat. He opened t h e civil w a r by sending V i n o y , the D é c e m b r i s e r , at the head of a multitude of sergents de ville and a few regiments of the line, upon the nocturnal expedition against t h e Buttes M o n t m a r t r e . T h i e r s ' felonious 15

attempt having b r o k e n d o w n on t h e resistance of t h e National G u a r d s and their fraternization with the soldiers, on the following day, in a manifesto, stuck to the walls of Paris, Thiers told t h e National G u a r d s of his magnanimous resolve to leave t h e m their arms with which he felt sure, they would be eager to rally r o u n d the g o v e r n m e n t against " t h e r e b e l s " .

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Out of 300,000 national guards only 300 r e s p o n d e d to his s u m m o n s . T h e glorious w o r k m e n ' s Revolution of the 1 8 M a r c h had t a k e n undisputed possession (sway) of Paris. [ T h e Central C o m m i t t e e , w h i c h directed the defence of M o n t m a r t r e a n d emerged on the d a w n of the 18 M a r c h as the leader of the Revolution, w a s 25 neither an expedient of the m o m e n t nor t h e offspring of secret conspiracy. From the v e r y day of the capitulation, by w h i c h the g o v e r n m e n t of t h e national defence had disarmed F r a n c e b u t r e s e r v e d to itself a b o d y g u a r d of 40,000 troops for t h e p u r p o s e of cowing Paris, Paris stood on the w a t c h . T h e national guard reformed its organization and entrusted its s u p r e m e 30 control to a Central C o m m i t t e e , consisting of the delegates of the single companies, mostly w o r k m e n , with their main strength in the w o r k m e n ' s suburbs, b u t soon a c c e p t e d by t h e w h o l e b o d y save its old Bonapartist formations. On the e v e of the e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into Paris, the Central committee took m e a s u r e s for t h e r e m o v a l to M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville, a n d th

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La Villette, of the c a n n o n s a n d mitrailleuses treacherously a b a n d o n e d by the capitulards, e v e n in those q u a r t e r s w h i c h the Prussians w e r e a b o u t to occupy. It thus m a d e safe of the artillery, furnished by t h e subscriptions of the National Guard, officially recognized as their private property in t h e

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convention of the 3 1 of J a n u a r y , a n d on that very title e x e m p t e d from t h e general surrender of a r m s . During t h e w h o l e interval from the meeting of t h e National Assembly at B o r d e a u x to t h e 18 of M a r c h , the Central C o m m i t t e e had been the p e o p l e ' s g o v e r n m e n t of the capital, strong enough to persist in its firm attitude of defence despite the provocations of the A s s e m b l y , the violent m e a s u r e s of the E x e c u t i v e , and the m e n a c i n g concentration of t r o o p s . th

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[ T h e defeat of Vinoy by the National G u a r d w a s b u t a c h e c k given to the Counterrevolution plotted by ruling classes, but t h e Paris people t u r n e d at o n c e that incident of their self defence into the first act of a social 10 Revolution. T h e revolution of the 4 S e p t e m b e r had r e s t a u r e d the Republic after the throne of the u s u r p e r had b e c o m e vacant. T h e tenacious resista n c e of Paris during its siege, serving as t h e basis for the defensive w a r in the provinces, had w r u n g from the Foreign invader the recognition of that Republic, b u t its true meaning and p u r p o s e w e r e only revealed on the 15 18 of March. It was to s u p e r s e d e the social and political conditions of class rule, upon which the old world's system rests, w h i c h had e n g e n d e r e d the Second E m p i r e and under its tutelage, ripened into r o t t e n n e s s . E u r o p e thrilled as under an electric shock. It seemed for a m o m e n t to d o u b t w h e t h e r its late sensational p e r f o r m a n c e s of state and war had any reality 20 in t h e m and w e r e not the m e r e sanguinary d r e a m s of a long b y g o n e past. T h e traces of the long e n d u r e d famine still u p o n their figures, and u n d e r the very eye of Prussian b a y o n e t s , the Paris working class c o n q u e r e d in o n e b o u n d the championship of progress etc. t h

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In the sublime enthusiasm of historic initiative, the Paris w o r k m e n ' s R e v o - 25 lution m a d e it a point of h o n o u r to keep the proletarian clean of the crimes in which the revolutions and still m o r e the counterrevolutions of their betters abound.

Clement Thomas. Lecomte etc.

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B u t the horrid " a t r o c i t i e s " that h a v e sullied this Revolution? So far as these atrocities imputed to t h e m by their enemies are n o t the deliberate calumny of Versailles or the horrid spawn of the p e n n y a liner's brain, t h e y relate only to two facts—the execution of t h e Generals L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s and the V e n d ô m e Affaire, of w h i c h we shall dispose 35 in a few w o r d s . O n e of the paid cut-throats selected for t h e execution of the nocturnal c o u p de main on M o n t m a r t r e , General L e c o m t e h a d on the place Pigalle four

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times ordered his t r o o p s of the 8 1 of the line to charge an u n a r m e d gathering, and on their refusal fiercely insulted t h e m . Instead of shooting w o m e n and children, some of his o w n m e n shot him, w h e n t a k e n prisoner in the afternoon of the 1 8 M a r c h , in t h e g a r d e n s of the C h â t e a u r o u g e . T h e inveterate habits acquired by t h e F r e n c h soldatesca u n d e r the training of the enemies of the working class, are of c o u r s e not likely to change t h e v e r y m o m e n t they change sides. T h e same soldiers e x e c u t e d Clement T h o m a s . " G e n e r a l " Clement T h o m a s , a discontent ex-quartermaster sergeant had, in the latter times of L o u i s Philippe's reign, enlisted in the " r e p u b l i c a n " National newspaper, t h e r e to serve in the double quality of s t r a w m a n (responsible Gérant) and bully. T h e m e n of the National having abused the F e b r u a r y Revolution, to cheat themselves into p o w e r m e t a m o r p h o s e d their old q u a r t e r m a s t e r serjeant into a " G e n e r a l " on t h e eve of the b u t c h e r y of J u n e , of which h e , like Jules F a v r e , w a s one of the sinister plotters and b e c a m e one of the m o s t merciless e x e c u t o r s . T h e n his generalship c a m e to a sudden end. He disappears only to rise again to t h e surface on t h e I ' N o v e m ber 1870. T h e day before t h e g o v e r n m e n t of defence, caught at the H ô t e l de Ville, had, u p o n their w o r d of h o n o u r , solemnly b o u n d themselves to Blanqui, Flourens and the other r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e working class to abdicate their usurped p o w e r into the h a n d s of a C o m m u n e to be freely c h o s e n by Paris. T h e y b r o k e , of c o u r s e , their w o r d of h o n o u r , to let loose the B r e t o n s of Trochu, w h o had t a k e n the place of the C o r s i c a n s of L. B[onaparte], upon the people guilty of believing in their h o n o u r . M. Tamisier alone refusing to b r a n d himself by such a b r e a c h of faith, tendering at o n c e his resignation of the c o m m a n d e r s h i p in chief of t h e National Guard, " G e n e r a l " C l e m e n t T h o m a s w a s shuffled into his place. During his whole tenure of office he m a d e w a r not upon the Prussians, b u t u p o n t h e Paris National Guard, | I proving inexhaustible in p r e t e x t s to p r e v e n t its general a r m a m e n t , in devices of disorganization by pitching its bourgeois element against its working m e n ' s elements, of w e e d i n g out the officers hostile to T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " and disbanding, u n d e r t h e stigma of cowardice, the very proletarian bataillons w h o s e heroism is n o w astonishing their m o s t inveterate enemies. Clement T h o m a s felt p r o u d of having r e c o n q u e r e d his J u n e p r e e m i n e n c e as the personal e n e m y of the Paris w o r k i n g class. Only a few d a y s before t h e 18 of M a r c h he laid before t h e warminister Le Flô a n e w plan of his own for finishing off "la fine fleur (the cream) of the Paris canaille". As if haunted by the J u n e s p e c t r e s , he m u s t n e e d s appear, in the quality of an amateur detective, on the scene of action after V i n o y ' s rout! T h e Central C o m m i t t e e tried in vain to r e s c u e t h e s e t w o criminals, L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s , from the soldier's wild lynch justice, of which they themselves and the Paris w o r k m e n w e r e as guilty as the lh

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Karl Marx Princess A l e x a n d r a of the people crushed to d e a t h on the day of her e n t r a n c e in L o n d o n . Jules F a v r e with his forged P a t h o s , flung his curses u p o n Paris, the den of assassins. T h e Rural A s s e m b l y mimicked hysterical contortions of "sensiblerie". T h e s e m e n n e v e r shed their crocodile tears but as a p r e t e x t for shedding the blood of t h e people. To handle respectable 5 c a d a v e r s as w e a p o n s of civil w a r has always b e e n a favourite trick with the p a r t y of order. H o w did E u r o p e ring in 1848 with their shouts of horror at the assassination of the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris by the insurgents of J u n e , and while they w e r e fully a w a r e from the evidence of an e y e w i t n e s s : M. J a q u e m e t , the A r c h b i s h o p ' s vicar, that the Bishop h a d b e e n shot by 10 Cavaignac's o w n soldiers! T h r o u g h t h e letters to Thiers of the p r e s e n t A r c h b i s h o p of Paris, a m a n with no m a r t y r ' s vein in him, t h e r e r u n s t h e shrewd suspicion that his Versailles friends w e r e quite the m e n to console themselves of his prospective execution in the violent desire to fix that amiable proceeding on the C o m m u n e ! H o w e v e r , w h e n t h e cry of " a s s a s s i n s " 15 had served its turn, Thiers coolly disposed of it by declaring from the tribune of the National A s s e m b l y , that the " a s s a s s i n a t i o n " w a s the private deed of a few, " v e r y f e w " o b s c u r e individuals. T h e " m e n of o r d e r " , t h e reactionists of Paris, trembling at the p e o p l e ' s victory as the signal of retribution, w e r e quite astonished by proceedings, strangely at variance with their o w n traditional m e t h o d s of celebrating a defeat of the people. E v e n the sergeants de ville, instead of being disarmed and locked u p , had the d o o r s of Paris flung wide o p e n for their safe retreat to Versailles, while the " m e n of o r d e r " , left not only u n h u r t , w e r e allowed to rally quietly and lay hold on t h e strongholds in the v e r y c e n t r e of Paris. T h e y interpreted, of c o u r s e , the indulgence of the Central C o m m i t t e e and the magnanimity of the a r m e d w o r k m e n as m e r e s y m p t o m s of conscious w e a k n e s s . H e n c e their plan to try u n d e r t h e m a s k of an " u n a r m e d " demonstration the w o r k which four d a y s before V i n o y ' s c a n n o n and mitrailleuses had failed in. Starting from their q u a r t e r s of luxury, this riotous m o b of " g e n t l e m e n " , with all t h e "petits c r e v é s " in their r a n k s and the familiars of t h e E m p i r e , the H e e c k e r e n , Coëtlogon, H. de P ê n e etc at their head, fell in m a r c h i n g order u n d e r the cries of " d o w n with the Assassins! d o w n with the Central C o m m i t t e e , Vive l'Assemblée N a t i o n a l e ! " illtreating and disarming the d e t a c h e d p o s t s of National G u a r d s they m e t with on their p r o g r e s s . W h e n then at last debouching into the place V e n d ô m e , t h e y tried, u n d e r shouts of ribald insults, to dislodge the National G u a r d s from their h e a d q u a r t e r s and forcibly b r e a k through the lines. In a n s w e r to their pistol shots the regular sommations (the F r e n c h equivalent of t h e English reading of the Riot acts) w e r e m a d e , but proved ineffective to stop the aggressors. T h e n fire w a s

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c o m m a n d e d by the general of t h e National G u a r d and t h e s e rioters dispersed in wild flight. T w o national guards killed, eight dangerously w o u n d e d , and the streets, t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e y disbanded, strewn with revolvers, daggers and c a n e swords, gave clear evidence of t h e " u n a r m e d " character of their " p a c i f i c " demonstration. W h e n , on the 1 3 J u n e 1849, the National guards of Paris m a d e a really " u n a r m e d " d e m o n s t r a t i o n of protest against t h e felonious assault on R o m e by F r e n c h t r o o p s , Changarnier, the general of the " p a r t y of o r d e r " , had their r a n k s sabred, trampled d o w n by cavalry and shot d o w n , the state of siege w a s at o n c e proclaimed, n e w arrests, n e w proscriptions, a n e w reign of terror set in. B u t the " l o w e r o r d e r s " m a n a g e these things otherwise. T h e r u n a w a y s of the 2 2 M a r c h being neither followed up on their flight nor afterwards called to a c c o u n t by t h e judge of instruction (juge d'instruction), w e r e able t w o days later to m u s t e r again an " a r m e d " d e m o n s t r a t i o n u n d e r Admiral Saisset. E v e n after t h e grotesque failure of this their second rising t h e y w e r e , like all other Paris citizens, allowed to try their h a n d s at t h e ballot b o x for the election of t h e C o m m u n e , and w h e n succumbing in this bloodless battle, they at last purged Paris from their p r e s e n c e by an u n m o l e s t e d E x o d u s , dragging along with t h e m the c o c o t t e s , the lazzaroni and t h e other d a n g e r o u s class of the capital. T h e " a s s a s s i n a t i o n of the u n a r m e d c i t i z e n s " on the 2 2 of M a r c h is a m y t h w h i c h e v e n Thiers and his rurals h a v e n e v e r dared to harp upon, entrusting it exclusively to the servant hall of E u r o p e a n journalism. th

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If there is to be found fault with in the c o n d u c t of the Central C o m m i t t e e and the Paris w o r k m e n t o w a r d s t h e s e " m e n of o r d e r " from 18-th M a r c h to the time of their E x o d u s it is an e x c e s s of m o d e r a t i o n bordering u p o n weakness.

L o o k n o w to the other side of t h e medal! After the failure of their nocturnal surprise of M o n t m a r t r e , t h e p a r t y of order began their regular Campaign against Paris in the c o m m e n c e m e n t of April. F o r inaugurating the civil w a r by the m e t h o d s of D e c e m b e r , the m a s s a c r e in cold blood of the captured soldiers of the line and infamous murder of our b r a v e friend D u v a l , Vinoy, the r u n a w a y , is appointed by 35 Thiers G r a n d Cro s s of the Legion of H o n o u r ! Gallif f et, the fancy m a n of that w o m a n so notorious for her shameless m a s k e r a d e s at the orgies of t h e Second E m p i r e , boasts in an official manifesto of his cowardly assassination of Paris National G u a r d s , their lieutenant and their captain, m a d e by surprise and treason. D e s m a r ê t s , the g e n d a r m e , is decorated for his 30

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Karl Marx butchery like chopping of the highsouled and chivalrous F l o u r e n s , the " e n c o u r a g i n g " particulars of w h o s e d e a t h are triumphatly c o m m u n i cated to the Assembly by Thiers. In t h e horribly g r o t e s q u e exultation of a T o m P o u c e playing the part of T i m u r T a m e r l a n e , Thiers denies t h e " r e b e l s " against his littleness all the rights and c u s t o m s of civilized warfare, e v e n the rights of " a m b u l a n c e s " . W h e n the C o m m u n e had published on the 7 April its decree of reprisals, declaring it its duty to p r o t e c t itself against the cannibal exploits of the Versailles banditti and to d e m a n d an e y e for an eye, a t o o t h for a tooth, the atrocious treatment of the Versailles prisoners, of w h o m Thiers says in o n e of his bulletins " n e v e r had m o r e degraded c o u n t e n a n c e s of a degraded d e m o c r a c y ||7| m e t the afflicted gazes of h o n e s t men"—did not c e a s e , b u t the fusillades of the captives w e r e stopped. H a r d l y h o w e v e r had he and his Decembrist general b e c o m e a w a r e , that t h e C o m m u n e ' s decree w a s but an empty threat, that even their spying g e n d a r m e s caught in Paris u n d e r the disguise of National G u a r d s , that e v e n their sergeants de ville c a p t u r e d with explosive b o m b s upon them w e r e spared, w h e n at o n c e the old regime set in wholesale and has continued to this day. T h e National G u a r d s w h o had surr e n d e r e d at Belle Epine to an overwhelming force of C h a s s e u r s w e r e then shot down one after the other by the captain of the peloton on h o r s e b a c k ; h o u s e s , to which Parisian troops and National guards h a d fled, s u r r o u n d e d by G e n s d a r m e s , inundated with petroleum, and t h e n set on fire, the calcinated corpses being afterward t r a n s p o r t e d by Paris a m b u l a n c e ; the bayonetting of the national guards surprised by treason in their b e d s at t h e R e d o u b t of Moulin Saquet, the m a s s a c r e of Clamart, prisoners wearing the line uniform shot offhand, all t h e s e high deeds flippantly told in Thiers bulletin, are only a few incidents of this slaveholders' rebellion! But would it not be ludicrous to quote single facts of ferocity in view of this civil war, fomented amidst the ruins of F r a n c e , by the conspirators of Versailles from the m e a n e s t motives of class interest, and the b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris under the patronage of Bismarck, in the sight of his soldiers ! T h e flippant m a n n e r in w h i c h Thiers r e p o r t s on these things in the bulletin, has even shocked the not oversensitive n e r v e s of the Times. All this is h o w e v e r " r e g u l a r " as the Spaniards say. All the fights of the ruling classes against the producing classes menacing their privileges are full of the same horrors, although n o n e exhibits such an e x c e s s of humanity on the part of the o p p r e s s e d and few s u c h an a b a s e m e n t . . . Theirs has always b e e n the old axiom of knight-errantry that e v e r y w e a p o n is fair if used against the plebeian.

" L ' a s s e m b l é e siège paisiblement", writes Thiers to the Prefects.

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T h e affair at Belle-Epine, n e a r Villejuif this: On the 25 April four national guards, being s u r r o u n d e d by a t r o o p of m o u n t e d C h a s s e u r s , w h o bid t h e m to surrender and lay d o w n their a r m s . U n a b l e to resist, they o b e y e d and w e r e left u n h u r t by t h e c h a s s e u r s . S o m e time later t h e n their Captain, a w o r t h y officer of Galliffet's, arrives in full galop and shoots the prisoners d o w n with his revolver, o n e after the other, and then trots off with his t r o o p . T h r e e of the guards w e r e dead, one, n a m e d Scheffer, griefly w o u n d e d , survives, and is afterwards brought to the Hospital of Bicêtre. Thither the C o m m u n e sent a commission to t a k e up the evidence of the dying m a n which it published in its rapport. W h e n o n e of the Paris m e m b e r s of the Assemblée interpellated the w a r minister u p o n that r e p o r t , the rurals d r o w n e d the voice of the d e p u t y and forbid the minister to answer. It would be an insult to their " g l o r i o u s " army—not to c o m m i t m u r d e r , b u t to speak of it. T h e tranquillity of mind with which that Assembly b e a r s with t h e h o r r o r s of civil w a r is told in o n e of T h i e r s ' bulletins to his prefects: " L ' a s s e m b l é e siège p a i s i b l e m e n t " (has the coeur leger like Ollivier) and the executive with its ticket of leave m e n shows by its gastronomical feats, given by Thiers and at the table of G e r m a n princes, that their digestion is not troubled e v e n by the ghosts of L e c o m t e and Clément T h o m a s .

6) The Commune. [ T h e C o m m u n e had, after S e d a n , b e e n proclaimed by the w o r k m e n of L y o n s , Marseilles, and T o u l o u s e . G a m b e t t a did his best to destroy it. During the siege of Paris the e v e r r e c u r r e n t w o r k m e n ' s c o m m o t i o n s again and again crushed on false p r e t e n c e s by T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s , those w o r t h y substitutes of L. B o n a p a r t e ' s C o r s i c a n s , w e r e as m a n y attempts to dislodge the g o v e r n m e n t of i m p o s t o r s by the C o m m u n e . T h e C o m m u n e then silently elaborated, was the true secret of the Revolution of the 4 of S e p t e m b e r . H e n c e on the very d a w n of the 18 M a r c h , after the rout of the Counterrevolution, d r o w s y E u r o p e started up from its d r e a m s of the Prussian E m p i r e under the Paris t h u n d e r b u r s t s of Vive la Commune! th

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[ W h a t is t h e C o m m u n e , this sphinx so tantalizing to the Bourgeois mind? [ In its m o s t simple conception the form u n d e r which the working class a s s u m e the political p o w e r in their social strongholds, Paris and the other centres of industry. " T h e proletarians of the capital", said the Central C o m -

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Karl Marx mittee in its p r o c l a m a t i o n of the 20 M a r c h , " h a v e , in t h e midst of the failures and t r e a s o n s of t h e ruling classes, u n d e r s t o o d t h a t for t h e m the h o u r h a d struck to save the situation by taking into their o w n h a n d s the direction of public a f f a i r s . . . T h e y h a v e u n d e r s t o o d t h a t it w a s their i m p e r i o u s d u t y a n d their absolute right to t a k e into their o w n h a n d s their o w n destiny b y seizing u p o n t h e political p o w e r " (state p o w e r ) .

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[ B u t the proletariat c a n n o t , as t h e ruling classes a n d their different rival fractions h a v e d o n e in their successive h o u r s of their t r i u m p h , simply lay hold on the existent s t a t e b o d y a n d wield this r e a d y m a d e agency for their o w n p u r p o s e . T h e first condition for the holding of political 10 p o w e r , is to transform t h e traditional w o r k i n g m a c h i n e r y a n d d e s t r o y it as an i n s t r u m e n t of class rule. T h a t huge g o v e r n m e n t a l m a c h i n e r y , entoiling like a b o a constrictor t h e real social b o d y in t h e ubiquitous m e s h e s of a standing army, a hierarchical b u r e a u c r a c y , an o b e d i e n t police, clergy a n d a servile magistrature, w a s first forged in t h e d a y s of absolute m o n a r c h y 15 as a w e a p o n of n a s c e n t middleclass society in its struggles of e m a n c i p a t i o n from feudalism. T h e first F r e n c h Revolution, with its task to give full s c o p e to t h e free d e v e l o p m e n t of m o d e r n middleclass society had to s w e e p away all t h e local, territorial, t o w n i s h and provincial strongholds of feudalism, p r e p a r e d t h e social soil for t h e s u p e r s t r u c t u r e of a centralized 20 statepower, with o m n i p r e s e n t organs ramified after the plan of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour. | | δ | B u t t h e working class c a n n o t simply lay hold o n t h e r e a d y m a d e statem a c h i n e r y and wield it for their own p u r p o s e . T h e political i n s t r u m e n t of their e n s l a v e m e n t c a n n o t serve as the political i n s t r u m e n t of their emanci- 25 pation. [ T h e m o d e r n bourgeois state is e m b o d i e d in t w o great organs, p a r l i a m e n t and g o v e r n m e n t . Parliamentary o m n i p o t e n c e had, during t h e p e r i o d of t h e p a r t y of order republic, from 1848 to 1851, e n g e n d e r e d its o w n negative—the S e c o n d E m p i r e , and Imperialism, w i t h its m e r e m o c k e r y 30 of parliament, is t h e regime now flourishing in m o s t of t h e great military states of t h e continent. At first view a p p a r e n t l y t h e u s u r p a t o r y dictatorship of the g o v e r n m e n t a l b o d y over society itself, rising alike a b o v e and humbling alike all classes, it has in fact, on t h e E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t at least, b e c o m e t h e only possible state form in w h i c h t h e appropriating class 35 can c o n t i n u e to sway it over t h e p r o d u c i n g class. T h e assembly of t h e ghosts of all t h e defunct F r e n c h p a r l i a m e n t s w h i c h still h a u n t s Versailles, wields no real force save to g o v e r n m e n t a l m a c h i n e r y as shaped by t h e Second Empire. [ T h e huge g o v e r n m e n t a l parasite, entoiling t h e social b o d y like a b o a constrictor in t h e ubiquitous m e s h e s of its b u r e a u c r a c y , police, standing

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The Civil War in France (Second Draft) army, clergy and magistrature dates its birth from the days of absolute m o n a r c h y . T h e centralized s t a t e p o w e r had at that time to serve n a s c e n t middleclass society as a mighty w e a p o n in its struggles of emancipation from feudalism. T h e F r e n c h Revolution of the 18 century, with its t a s k to sweep a w a y the medieval rubbish of seigniorial, local, townish, and provincial privileges, could not b u t simultaneously clear the social soil of the last obstacles h a m p e r i n g t h e full d e v e l o p m e n t of a centralized statepower, with o m n i p r e s e n t organs w r o u g h t after the plan of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour. S u c h it burst into life u n d e r t h e first E m p i r e , itself the offspring of the coalition w a r s of old semifeudal E u r o p e against m o d e r n F r a n c e . During the subsequent parliamentary regimes of the Restauration, the July M o n a r c h y , and the party of order Republic, the supreme m a n a g e m e n t of that statemachinery with its irresistible allurements of place, pelf and p a t r o n a g e , b e c a m e not only t h e butt of contest b e t w e e n the rival fractions of the ruling class, b u t at the same degree that the e c o n o m i c progress of m o d e r n society swelled the r a n k s of the working class, a c c u m u l a t e d its miseries, organized its resistance a n d developed its tendencies at emancipation, that, in o n e w o r d , the struggle of classes, the struggle b e t w e e n labour and capital a s s u m e d shape and form, the physiognomy and the c h a r a c t e r of the state p o w e r u n d e r w e n t a striking change. It had always b e e n the p o w e r for the m a i n t e n a n c e of order, i. e. t h e existing order of society, and, therefore, of the subordination and exploitation of the producing class by the appropriating class. B u t as long as this order w a s accepted as the uncontrovertible and u n c o n t e s t e d necessity, the state p o w e r could a s s u m e an aspect of impartiality. It k e p t up the existing subordination of the masses which w a s the unalterable order of things and a social fact undergone without contest on the part of the m a s s e s , exercised by their "natural s u p e r i o r s " without solicitude. With the e n t r a n c e of society itself into a new p h a s e , the p h a s e of class struggle, the character of its organized public force, the state p o w e r , could not b u t change also (but also u n d e r g o a marked change) and m o r e and m o r e d e v e l o p its character as the instrument of classdespotism, the political engine for forcibly perpetuating t h e social enslavement of the p r o d u c e r s of w e a l t h by its appropriators, of t h e economic rule of capital over labour. After e a c h n e w popular revolution, resulting in the transfer of the direction of t h e statemachinery from one set of the ruling classes to another, t h e r e p r e s s i v e character of the state p o w e r was m o r e fully developed and m o r e mercilessly used, b e c a u s e t h e p r o m ises m a d e , and seemingly a s s u r e d by t h e Revolution, could only be b r o k e n by the e m p l o y m e n t of force. Besides, the change w o r k e d by t h e successive revolutions, sanctioned only politically the social fact, t h e growing p o w e r of capital, and, therefore, transferred the statepower itself th

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Karl Marx more a n d more directly into ihe hands of the direct antagonists of the workingclass. T h u s the Revolution of July transferred the p o w e r from the hands of the landowners into those of the great manufacturers (the great capitalists) and the Revolution of F e b r u a r y into those of the united fractions of t h e ruling class, united in their antagonism to the working class, united as " t h e party of o r d e r " , the order of their o w n class rule. During the period of the parliamentary republic the state p o w e r b e c a m e at last the avowed instrum e n t of w a r wielded by the appropriating class against the productive m a s s of the people. But as an a v o w e d instrument of civil w a r it could only be wielded during a time of civil war and the condition of life for the parliamentary republic w a s , therefore, the continuance of openly declared civil war, the negative of that very " o r d e r " in the n a m e of which the civil w a r w a s waged. This could only be a spasmodic, exceptional state of things. It was impossible as the normal political form of society, unbearable e v e n to the m a s s of the middleclass. W h e n therefore all elements of popular resistance w e r e b r o k e n down, the parliamentary republic had to disappear (give w a y to) before the Second E m p i r e . T h e E m p i r e , professing to rest u p o n the producing majority of the nation, the p e a s a n t s , apparently out of the range of the class struggle b e t w e e n capital and labour (indifferent and hostile to both the contesting social powers), wielding the state p o w e r as a force superior to the ruling and ruled classes, imposing u p o n b o t h an armistice, (silencing the political, and, therefore revolutionary form of the class struggle), divesting the state p o w e r from its direct form of classdespotism by braking the parliamentary and, therefore, directly political p o w e r of the appropriating classes, was the only possible stateform to secure the old social order a respite of life. It w a s , therefore, acclaimed throughout the world as the "saviour of o r d e r " and the object of admiration during 20 y e a r s on the p a r t of the w o u l d be slaveholders all over the world. U n d e r its sway coincident with the change brought upon the m a r k e t of the world by California, Australia, and the w o n derful d e v e l o p m e n t of the United States, an u n s u r p a s s e d period of industrial activity set [in], an orgy of stockjobbery, finance swindling, Joint Stock C o m p a n y adventure—leading all to rapid centralization of capital by the expropriation of the middleclass and widening the gulph b e t w e e n the capitalist class and the working class. T h e whole turpitude of the capitalist regime, gave full scope to its innate t e n d e n c y , b r o k e loose unfettered. At the same time an orgy of luxurious d e b a u c h , meretricious splendour, a p a n d e m o n i u m of all the low passions of the higher classes. This ultimate form of t h e g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r w a s at the s a m e time its most prostitute, | ]8 j shameless plunder of the state r e s o u r c e s by a b a n d of a d v e n t u r e r s , hotbed of huge state debts, the glory of prostitution, a factitious life of b

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false p r e t e n c e s . T h e g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r with all its tinsel covering from top to b o t t o m immerged in m u d . T h e maturity of r o t t e n n e s s of t h e state machinery itself, and the p u t r e s c e n c e of the whole social body, flourishing under it, w e r e laid b a r e by t h e b a y o n e t s of Prussia, herself only eager to transfer the E u r o p e a n seat of that regime of gold, blood, and mud from Paris to Berlin. [ This w a s the s t a t e p o w e r in its ultimate and most prostitute shape, in its supreme and b a s e s t reality, which the Paris working class had to o v e r c o m e , and of which this class alone could rid society. As to parliamentarism, it had b e e n killed by its o w n triumph and by the E m p i r e . All the working class had to do w a s not to revive it. [ W h a t the w o r k m e n had to b r e a k d o w n w a s not a m o r e or less incomplete form of the g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r of old society, it w a s that p o w e r itself in its ultimate and exhausting shape the Empire. T h e direct opposite to the Empire w a s the Commune. In its m o s t simple c o n c e p t i o n the C o m m u n e m e a n t the preliminary destruction of the old g o v e r n m e n t a l machinery at its central seats, Paris a n d the other great cities of F r a n c e , and its superseding by real selfgovernment which, in Paris and the great cities, the social strongholds of the working class, was the g o v e r n m e n t of the w o r k i n g class. T h r o u g h the siege Paris had got rid of the a r m y w h i c h w a s replaced by a National Guard, with its bulk formed by the w o r k m e n of Paris. It w a s only d u e to this state of things, that the rising of the 1 8 of M a r c h had b e c o m e possible. This fact w a s to b e c o m e an institution, and the national guard of the great cities, the people armed against g o v e r n m e n t a l usurpation to supplant the standing army, defending the g o v e r n m e n t against the people. T h e c o m m u n e to consist of the municipal councillors of the different arrondissements, ( as Paris w a s the initiator and the m o d e l , we h a v e to refer to it ) c h o s e n by the suffrage of all citizens, responsible, and r e v o c a b l e in short t e r m s . T h e majority of that b o d y would naturally consist of w o r k m e n or acknowledged representatives of the w o r k i n g class. It w a s to be a working, not a parliamentary b o d y , executive and legislative at the same time. T h e police agents, instead of being the agents of a central g o v e r n m e n t , w e r e to be t h e servants of the C o m m u n e , being, like the functionaries in all the other d e p a r t m e n t s of administration, to be appointed and always revocable by the C o m m u n e ; all the functionaries, like the m e m b e r s of t h e C o m m u n e itself, having to do their work at w o r k m e n ' s w a g e s . T h e judges w e r e also to be elected, r e v o cable, and responsible. T h e initiative in all m a t t e r s of social life to be reserved to the C o m m u n e . In one w o r d all public functions, even the few ones that would belong to the Central G o v e r n m e n t , w e r e to be e x e c u t e d by c o m m u n a l agents, and, therefore, under the control of the C o m m u n e . It is th

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Karl Marx o n e of the absurdities to say, that the Central functions, not of g o v e r n m e n t a l authority over the people, but necessitated by the general and c o m m o n w a n t s of the country, would b e c o m e impossible. T h e s e functions would exist, but the functionaries themselves could not, as in the old governmental machinery, raise themselves over real society, b e c a u s e the functions w e r e to be executed by communal agents, and, therefore, always under real control. T h e public functions would cease to be a private p r o p e r t y b e s t o w e d by a central g o v e r n m e n t upon its tools. With the standing a r m y and the governmental police the physical force of repression was to be broken. By the disestablishment of all c h u r c h e s as proprietary bodies and the b a n i s h m e n t of religious instruction from all public schools (together with gratuitous instruction) into the r e c e s s e s of private life, t h e r e to live upon the alms of the faithful, the divestment of all educational institutes from governmental patronage and servitude, the mental force of repression w a s to be broken, science m a d e not only accessible to all, but freed from the fetters of government p r e s s u r e and class prejudice. T h e municipal taxation to be determined and levied by the C o m m u n e , the taxation for general state p u r p o s e s to be levied by c o m m u n a l functionaries, and disbursed by the C o m m u n e itself for the general p u r p o s e s , (its d i s b u r s e m e n t for the general p u r p o s e s to be supervised by the C o m m u n e itself.) T h e governmental force of repression and authority over society w a s thus to be b r o k e n in its merely repressive organs, and w h e r e it had legitim a t e functions to fulfil, t h e s e functions w e r e not to be exercised by a b o d y superior to the society, but by the responsible agents of society itself. I

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|9| 7) Schluss. To fighting, working, thinking Paris, electrified by the enthusiasm of historic initiative, full of heroic reality, the n e w society in its t h r o e s , there is o p p o s e d at Versailles the old society, a world of antiquated s h a m s and accumulated lies.. Its true representation is that rural A s s e m b l y , peopled 30 with the gibberish ghouls of all the defunct regimes into which class rule had successively embodied itself in F r a n c e , at their head a senile m o u n t e b a n k of parliamentarism, and their sword in the h a n d s of the Imperialist capitulards, bombarding Paris u n d e r the eyes of their Prussian c o n q u e r o r s . T h e i m m e n s e ruins which the second E m p i r e , in its fall, has h e a p e d upon 35 F r a n c e , is for t h e m only an opportunity to dig out and t h r o w to the surface the rubbish of former ruins, of Legitimism or Orleanism. T h e flame of life is to burn in an a t m o s p h e r e of the sepulchral exhalations

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of all the bygone emigration. (The very air they b r e a t h e is the sepulchral exhalation of all b y g o n e emigrations) T h e r e is nothing real a b o u t t h e m but their c o m m o n conspiracy against life, their egotism of class interest, their wish to feed u p o n the carcass of F r e n c h society, their c o m m o n slaveholders' interests, their hatred of t h e present, and their w a r u p o n Paris. E v e r y t h i n g about t h e m is a caricature, from that old fossile of Louis Philippe's regime, C o u n t J a u b e r t exclaiming in the National a s s e m b l y , in the palace of Louis X I V " w e are the s t a t e " (they are in fact t h e State spectre in its secession from society) and the Republican fawners u p o n Thiers holding their reunions in the Jeu de Paumes (Tennis Court) to show their degeneracy from their p r e d e c e s s o r s in 1789. Thiers at the h e a d , the bulk of t h e majority split into t h e s e t w o groups of Legitimists and Orleanists, in t h e tail the Republicans of "old s t y l e " . E a c h of these fractions intrigues for a restoration of its o w n , the Republicans for that of the parliamentary Republic building their hopes upon the senile vanity of Thiers, forming in the m e a n t i m e the Republican decoration of his rule and sanctioning by their p r e s e n c e the w a r of the Bonapartist generals upon Paris, after having tried to c o a x it into the a r m s of Thiers and to disarm it under Saisset! Knights of the sad figure, t h e humiliations they voluntarily bear with, show w h a t Republicanism, as a special form of class rule, has c o m e d o w n to. It w a s in view of t h e m that Thiers said to the assembled maires of the Seine and Oise: W h a t could they m o r e w a n t . " W a s not h e , a simple citizen, at the head of the S t a t e . " Progress from 1830 to 1870

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that then Louis Philippe was t h e b e s t of Republics, and that n o w Louis Philippe's Minister, little Thiers himself, is the b e s t of Republics. Being forced to do their real work—the war against Paris, through the Imperialist soldiers, G e n d a r m e s , and police, u n d e r the sway of the retired Bonapartist generals, t h e y tremble in their shoes at the suspicion that—as 30 during their regime of 1848—51—they are only forging the instrument for a second Restoration of the E m p i r e . T h e Pontifical Z o u a v e s and t h e V e n d e a n s of Cathelineau and the B r e t o n s of C h a r e t t e are in fact their " p a r l i a m e n t a r y " army, the mere p h a n t a s m s of an a r m y c o m p a r e d with the Imperialist reality. While fuming with rage at the very n a m e of the Republic, they accept 35 B i s m a r c k ' s dictates in its n a m e , w a s t e in its n a m e the rests of F r e n c h wealth upon the civil war, d e n o u n c e Paris in its n a m e , forge laws of p r o s p e c tive proscription against the rebels in its n a m e , usurp dictation over F r a n c e in its n a m e . 40

Their title [is] t h e general suffrage, w h i c h t h e y h a d always o p p o s e d during their o w n régimes from 1815 to 1848, abolished in M a y 1850, after it had been established against t h e m by the Republic, and which t h e y n o w

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Karl Marx accept as the prostitute of the E m p i r e , forgetting that with it they a c c e p t the E m p i r e of the Plebiscites! T h e y themselves are impossible even with the general suffrage. T h e y r e p r o a c h Paris to revolt against national unity, and their first w o r d w a s t h e decapitation of that Unity by t h e decapitalization of Paris. Paris has d o n e the thing they p r e t e n d e d to want, but it has d o n e it, not as they w a n t e d it, as a reactionary dream of the past, b u t as t h e revolutionary vindication of the future. Thiers, the Chauvin, threatens since the 1 8 M a r c h Paris with the "intervention of P r u s s i a " , asked at B o r d e a u x for t h e " i n t e r v e n t i o n of Prussia", acts against Paris in fact only by the m e a n s a c c o r d e d to him by Prussia. T h e B o u r b o n s w e r e dignity itself, c o m p a r e d to this m o u n t e b a n k of Chauvinism. W h a t e v e r m a y be the name—in case they are victorious—of their Restoration, with w h a t e v e r successful p r e t e n d e r at its head, its reality can only be the E m p i r e , the ultimate and indispensable political form of the rule of their rotten classes. If they succeed to r e s t o r e it, and they m u s t r e s t o r e it with any of their plans of restoration successful—they succeed only to accelerate the putrefaction of the old society t h e y r e p r e s e n t and the maturity of the new o n e they c o m b a t . Their dim eyes see only the political o u t w o r k of the defunct regimes and t h e y dream of reviving them by placing a H e n r y the 5 or the C o u n t of Paris at their h e a d s . T h e y do not see that the social bodies which b o r e t h e s e political s u p e r s t r u c t u r e s h a v e withered a w a y , that these regimes w e r e only possible under n o w o u t g r o w n conditions and p a s t p h a s e s of F r e n c h society, and that it c a n only yet b e a r with Imperialism, in its p u t r e s c e n t state, and the Republic of L a b o u r in its state or régénération. T h e y do not see that t h e cycles of political forms w e r e only the political expression of the real changes society u n d e r w e n t . T h e Prussians w h o in coarse war exultation of triumph look at the agonies of F r e n c h society and exploit t h e m with the sordid calculation of a Shylock, and the flippant c o a r s e n e s s of the K r a u t j u n k e r , are t h e m s e l v e s already punished by the transplantation of t h e E m p i r e to t h e G e r m a n soil. T h e y themselves are d o o m e d to set free in F r a n c e the s u b t e r r a n e a n agencies which will engulph them with the old order of things. T h e Paris C o m m u n e m a y fall, b u t the Social Revolution it has initiated, will triumph. Its birthstead is everywhere.

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The lies in Thiers bulletins. T h e i m m e n s e sham of that Versailles, its lying c h a r a c t e r could not better be embodied and r e s u m e d than in Thiers, the professional liar, for w h o m the

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r The Civil War in France (Second Draft) "reality of t h i n g s " exists only in their " p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e n s e " , that is as a lie. In his a n s w e r to t h e A r c h b i s h o p ' s letter he coolly denies " t h e p r e t e n d e d executions and reprisals (!) attributed to t h e t r o o p s of V e r s a i l l e s " , a n d 5 h a s this i m p u d e n t lie confirmed by a c o m m i s s i o n appointed for this v e r y purp o s e by his rurals. He k n o w s of c o u r s e their t r i u m p h a n t p r o c l a m a t i o n s b y t h e Bonapartist generals t h e m s e l v e s . B u t i n " t h e parliamentary s e n s e " of the word they do not exist. th

In his circular of the 16 April on the bombardment of Paris: "If s o m e 10 c a n n o n - s h o t s h a v e b e e n fired, it is not t h e deed of t h e a r m y of Versailles, b u t of some insurgents wanting to make believe that they are fighting, while they do not dare show t h e m s e l v e s . " Of c o u r s e , Paris b o m b a r d s itself, in order to m a k e the world believe that it fights! 15

L a t e r : «notre artillerie ne bombarde pas: elle canonne, il est vrai. » Thiers bulletin on Moulin-Saquet (4 May): «Délivrance de Paris des affreux tyrans qui l'oppriment. » (by killing t h e Paris National G u a r d s asleep.)

The motley lot of an army—the dregs of t h e Bonapartist soldatesca released from prison by the grace of B i s m a r c k , with the G e n d a r m e s of 20 Valentin and t h e Sergants de Ville of Piétri for their nucleus, set off by t h e Pontifical Z o u a v e s , t h e C h o u a n s of C h a r e t t e and the V e n d e a n s of Cathélineau, the w h o l e placed u n d e r the r u n a w a y D e c e m b r i s t generals of capitulation, he d u b s "the finest army France ever possessed". Of c o u r s e , if t h e Prussians quarter still at St. D e n i s , it is b e c a u s e Thiers w a n t s to frighten 25 t h e m by t h e sight of that "finest of fine a r m i e s " . If such is the "finest army"—the Versailles a n a c h r o n i s m is " t h e m o s t liberal and most freely elected a s s e m b l y that ever existed in F r a n c e " . T h i e r s caps his eccentricity by telling t h e maires etc that " h e is a m a n , w h o has never b r o k e n his w o r d " , of c o u r s e in t h e parliamentary sense of 30 w o r d keeping. · He is t h e truest of R e p u b l i c a n s a n d ( S é a n c e v o m 27 April) Λ I: « L ' assem­ blée est plus libérale q u e lui-même. » To the Makes: « On p e u t c o m p t e r sur ma parole à laquelle je n'ai j a m a i s m a n q u é », in an u n p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e n s e , w h i c h I h a v e n e v e r kept. 35 « L ' a s s e m b l é e est u n e des plus libérales qu'ait n o m m é la F r a n c e . » | 110| He c o m p a r e s himself with Lincoln and t h e Parisians with t h e rebellious slaveholders of t h e S o u t h . T h e S o u t h e r n e r s w a n t e d territorial Secession from the United States for t h e slavery of labour. Paris w a n t s the secession of M. Thiers himself and t h e interests he r e p r e s e n t s from p o w e r for t h e e m a n c i 40 pation of labour. T h e revenge w h i c h t h e B o n a p a r t i s t G e n e r a l s , t h e G e n d a r m e s and t h e

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Karl Marx C h o u a n s w r e a k upon Paris is a necessity of t h e class war against labour, but in the little byplay of his bulletins Thiers t u r n s it into a p r e t e x t of caricaturing his idol, the first N a p . , and m a k e s himself t h e laughing stock of E u r o p e by boldly affirming, that the F r e n c h army through its w a r u p o n t h e Parisian has regained the r e n o w n it had lost in the w a r against the Prussian. The whole war thus a p p e a r s as m e r e childplay to give vent to the childish vanity of a dwarf, elated at having to describe his own battles, fought by his o w n army, under his o w n secret c o m m a n d e r s h i p in chief.

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A n d his lies culminate in regard to Paris and the P r o v i n c e . Paris which in reality holds in c h e c k for two m o n t h s the finest a r m y F r a n c e 10 ever p o s s e s s e d , despite the secret help of the Prussian, is in fact only anxious to be delivered from its " a t r o c i o u s t y r a n t s " , by Thiers, and therefore it fights against him, although a mere handful of criminals. He does not tire of representing the C o m m u n e as a handful of convicts, ticket of leave men, scum. Paris fights against him b e c a u s e it w a n t s to 15 be delivered by him from " t h e affreux tyrants that o p p r e s s it". And this " h a n d f u l " of d e s p e r a d o e s holds in c h e c k since t w o m o n t h s " t h e finest a r m y that F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " led by the invincible M a c M a h o n and inspired by the N a p o l e o n i c genius of Thiers himself ! T h e resistance of Paris is no reality, b u t T h i e r s ' lies about Paris are. 20 N o t content to refute him by its exploits, all t h e living elements of Paris h a v e spoken to him, but in vain, to dislodge him out of his lying world. " Y o u must not confound the m o v e m e n t of Paris with the surprise of M o n t m a r t r e , which was only its opportunity and starting point: this m o v e m e n t is general and profound in the c o n s c i e n c e of P a r i s ; the greatest 25 n u m b e r even of those w h o by o n e r e a s o n or a n o t h e r keep b a c k (stand aside), do for all that not disavow its social legitimity." By w h o m he w a s told this? By the delegates of the syndical c h a m b r e s , speaking in the n a m e of 7—8,000 m e r c h a n t s and Industrials. T h e y w e n t to tell it him personally at Versailles. T h u s t h e Ligue of the Republican Union, t h u s the Masons' 30 lodges by their delegates and their d e m o n s t r a t i o n s . B u t he sticks to it. In his bulletin of Moulin-Saquet (4 M a y ) : « 300 prisoners t a k e n . . . the rest of the insurgents has fled à toutes j a m b e s , laissant 150 m o r t s et blessés sur le c h a m p de b a t a i l l e . . . Voilà la victoire q u e la C o m m u n e p e u t célébrer dans ses bulletins. Paris sera sous peu délivré de ses terribles tyrans qui 35 l'oppriment. » B u t the fighting Paris, the real Paris is not his Paris. His Paris is itself a parliamentary lie. " T h e rich, the idle, the capitalist P a r i s " , the cosmopolitan stew, this is his Paris. T h a t is t h e Paris w h i c h w a n t s to be restored to him, the real Paris, is the Paris of t h e "vile m u l t i t u d e " . T h e Paris that shew its courage in the "pacific p r o c e s s i o n " and Saisset's 40 s t a m p e d o , that throngs n o w at Versailles, at Rueil, at St. D e n i s , at

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The Civil War in France (Second Draft) St. G e r m a i n - e n - L a y e , followed by the C o c o t t e s , sticking to the " m a n of family, religion, o r d e r " and a b o v e all "of p r o p e r t y " , the Paris of the lounging classes, the Paris of t h e francs-fileurs, amusing itself by looking through telescopes at t h e battles going on, treating the civil w a r 5 but as an agreeable diversion, that is the Paris of M . T h i e r s , as t h e emigration of Coblenz w a s the F r a n c e of M. de Calonne and as the emigration at Versailles is the F r a n c e of M . T h i e r s . If the Paris, that w a n t s to be delivered of the C o m m u n e by Thiers, his rurals, D e c e m b r i s e u r s and G e n d a r m e s , is a lie, so is his " p r o v i n c e " 10 which through him and his rurals w a n t s to be delivered from Paris. Before the definitive conclusion at F r a n k f o r t of the p e a c e treaty, he appealed to the provinces to send their bataillons of national guards and volunteers to Versailles to fight against Paris. T h e Province refused point blank. Only the Bretagne sent a handful of C h o u a n s "fighting under a white 15 flag, every o n e of t h e m wearing on his b r e a s t a J e s u s heart in white cloth and shouting: vive le r o i ! " T h u s is the provincial F r a n c e listening to his s u m m o n s so that he w a s forced to lend captive F r e n c h troops from Bismarck, lay hold on the Pontifical Z o u a v e s (the real a r m e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of his provincial F r a n c e ) and m a k e 20,000 G e n d a r m e s and 12,000 sergents 20

de ville the nucleus of his a r m y . Despite the wall of lies, the intellectual and police b l o c k a d e , by which he tried to (debar) fence off Paris from the provinces, the provinces, instead of sending him bataillons to w a g e w a r upon Paris, inundated him with so m a n y delegations insisting upon p e a c e with Paris, that he refused to 25 receive them any longer in p e r s o n . T h e t o n e of the addresses sent up from the Provinces, proposing m o s t of t h e m the immediate conclusion of an armistice with Paris, the dissolution of the A s s e m b l y , " b e c a u s e its m a n d a t e had e x p i r e d " and the grant of the municipal rights d e m a n d e d by Paris, was so offensive that D u f a u r e d e n o u n c e s t h e m in his "circular against 30 conciliation" to the prefects. On the other hand, the rural assembly and Thiers received not o n e single a d d r e s s of approval on the part of the provinces. But the grand défi the Provinces gave to T h i e r s ' " l i e " about the provinces w e r e the municipal elections of the 30 April, carried on under his govern35 ment, on the basis of a law of his A s s e m b l y . O u t of 700,000 councillors (in round numbers) returned by the 35,000 c o m m u n e s still left in mutilated F r a n c e , the united Legitimists, Orleanists and Bonapartists did n o t carry 8,000! T h e supplementary elections still m o r e hostile! This s h o w e d plainly how far the National Assembly, c h o s e n by surprise, and on false p r e t e n c e s , 40 represents F r a n c e , provincial F r a n c e , F r a n c e minus Paris! But the plan of an assembly of t h e municipal delegates of the great

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Karl Marx provincial t o w n s at B o r d e a u x , forbidden by Thiers on t h e ground of his law of 1834 and an Imperialist o n e of 1855, forced him to avow that his " P r o v i n c e s " are a lie, as " h i s " Paris is. He a c c u s e s t h e m to resemble the " f a l s e " Paris, to be eagerly b e n t u p o n "laying the fundaments of C o m m u n i s m and Rebellion". Again he has b e e n a n s w e r e d by the late r e s o 5 lutions of the municipal councils of N a n t e s , V i e n n e , C h a m b é r y , L i m o u x , C a r c a s s o n n e , Angers, C a r p e n t r a s , Montpellier, Privas, Grenoble etc, insisting u p o n p e a c e with Paris, " t h e absolute affirmation of the Republic, the recognition of the c o m m u n a l right w h i c h " , as the municipal council of Vienne says, « t h e élus of the 8. février promised, d a n s leurs circulaires 10 lorsqu'ils étaient candidats. Pour faire cesser la guerre étrangère, elle (l'Assemblée Nationale) a cédé d e u x provinces et promis cinq milliards à la P r u s s e . Q u e ne doit-elle pas faire pour m e t t r e fin à la guerre civile? » (Just the contrary. T h e t w o provinces are not their " p r i v a t e " property, and as to t h e p r o m i s s o r y n o t e of 5 milliards, t h e thing is exactly that it shall be 15 paid by t h e F r e n c h people and not by them.) If, therefore, Paris m a y justly complain of t h e P r o v i n c e s that they limit t h e m s e l v e s to pacific d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , leaving it unaided against all the State f o r c e s . . . the Province has in most u n e q u i v o c o u s t o n e s given the lie to Thiers and the Assembly to be r e p r e s e n t e d t h e r e , has declared their 20 P r o v i n c e a lie as is their whole existence, a sham, a false p r e t e n c e .

T h e General Council feels proud of the p r o m i n e n t part the Paris b r a n c h e s of the International h a v e t a k e n in the glorious revolution of Paris. N o t , as the imbeciles fancy, as if the Paris, or any other b r a n c h of the International 25 received its mot d'ordre from a centre. But the flower of the working class in all civilized countries belonging to the International, and being imbued with its ideas, they are sure e v e r y w h e r e in the working class m o v e m e n t s to t a k e t h e lead.

[Revised p a s s a g e s to part 5 and 6 of t h e S e c o n d Draft] |Seite 9| [ A r m e d Paris w a s t h e only serious obstacle in the w a y of t h e counterrevolutionary conspiracy. Paris w a s , t h e r e f o r e , to be disarmed. On this point the B o r d e a u x assembly was sincerity itself. If the roaring r a n t of its rurals had not b e e n audible enough, the s u r r e n d e r of Paris handed over 35 by Thiers to the tender mercies of the triumvirat of Vinoy, the Décembriser, Valentin, the Bonapartist G e n d a r m , and Aurelles de Paladine, the Jesuit

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General, would h a v e cut off e v e n t h e last subterfuge of d o u b t as to t h e ultimate aim of the d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris. B u t if their p u r p o s e w a s frankly avowed, the p r e t e x t on w h i c h t h e s e atrocious felons initiated t h e civil w a r w a s the m o s t shameless, t h e m o s t barefaced (glaring) of lies. T h e artillery of the Paris National Guard, said Thiers, belonged to the State and to the State it m u s t be r e t u r n e d . T h e fact w a s this. F r o m the v e r y day of t h e capitulation by which B i s m a r c k ' s prisoners had signed the surrender of F r a n c e but r e s e r v e d to t h e m s e l v e s a n u m e r o u s b o d y g u a r d for the e x p r e s s p u r p o s e of cowing Paris, Paris stood on its w a t c h . T h e national g u a r d r e o r g a n ized themselves and e n t r u s t e d their s u p r e m e control to a central c o m m i t t e e elected by their whole b o d y , save s o m e fragments of the old Bonapartist formations. On the e v e of t h e e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into Paris, their central committee t o o k m e a s u r e s for t h e r e m o v a l to M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville, and La Villette of the c a n n o n and mitrailleuses treacherously a b a n d o n e d by the capitulards in the v e r y q u a r t e r s the Prussians w e r e about to o c c u p y . T h a t artillery had b e e n furnished by t h e subscriptions of the National Guard. As their private p r o p e r t y it w a s officially recognized in the convention of the 2 8 January, and on that v e r y title e x e m p t e d from the general surrender of a r m s , belonging to the g o v e r n m e n t , into the hands of the c o n q u e r o r . A n d Thiers dared initiate the civil w a r on t h e m e n d a c i o u s p r e t e x t that t h e artillery of the National G u a r d w a s state p r o p e r t y ! T h e seizure of this artillery w a s evidently b u t to serve as the p r e p a r a t o r y m e a s u r e for the general d i s a r m a m e n t of the Paris National Guard, and therefore of the Revolution of the 4 of S e p t e m b e r . B u t that revolution had b e c o m e the legal status of F r a n c e . Its republic w a s recognized in t h e t e r m s of the capitulation itself by the c o n q u e r o r , it w a s after the capitulation acknowledged by the Foreign p o w e r s , in its n a m e the National A s s e m b l y had b e e n s u m m o n e d . T h e Revolution of t h e Paris w o r k m e n of the 4 of September w a s the only legal title of the National Assembly seated at B o r d e a u x and its E x e c u t i v e . W i t h o u t it, the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y had at o n c e to give room to the Corps Législatif, elected by general suffrage and dispersed by the arm of the Revolution. Thiers and his ticket of leave m e n would h a v e had to capitulate for safe c o n d u c t s and securities against a v o y a g e to C a y e n n e . T h e National A s s e m b l y , w i t h its A t t o r n e y ' s P o w e r to settle the t e r m s of p e a c e with Prussia, w a s only an incident of the Revolution. Its true e m b o d i m e n t w a s a r m e d Paris, that had initiated t h e Revolution, u n d e r g o n e for it a five m o n t h s siege with its h o r r o r s of famine, that had m a d e its prolonged resistance, despite T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , the basis of a t r e m e n d o u s war of defence in the p r o v i n c e s , and Paris w a s n o w s u m m o n e d with coarse insuit by the rebellious slaveholders at B o r d e a u x to lay d o w n its a r m s and acknowledge that the popular revolution of the 4 S e p t e m b e r had had no th

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Karl Marx other p u r p o s e but the simple transfer of p o w e r from the h a n d s of Louis B o n a p a r t e and his minions into those of his monarchical rivals, or to stand forward as the self sacrificing champion of F r a n c e to be saved from her ruin and to be regenerated only through the revolutionary o v e r t h r o w of the political and social conditions that had engendered the Empire and u n d e r 5 its fostering care, m a t u r e d into utter r o t t e n n e s s . Paris, Paris emaciated by a five m o n t h s ' famine, did not hesitate one m o m e n t . It heroically resolved to run all the hazards of a resistance against the F r e n c h conspirators u n d e r the very eye of the Prussian a r m y q u a r t e r e d before its gates. B u t in its utter a b h o r r e n c e of civil war, the popular g o v e r n m e n t of Paris, the Central 10 C o m m i t t e e of the National Guard, continued to persist in its merely defensive attitude, despite the p r o v o c a t i o n s of the A s s e m b l y , the usurpations of t h e E x e c u t i v e , and the menacing concentration of t r o o p s in and a r o u n d Paris. | th

|8| [ On the d a w n of the 18 M a r c h Paris a r o s e under t h u n d e r b u r s t s of 15 Vive la Commune! W h a t is t h e C o m m u n e , that sphinx so tantalizing to t h e bourgeois mind? [ " T h e proletarians of the capital", said the Central C o m m i t t e e in its manifesto of the 18 M a r c h , " h a v e , in the midst of the failures and t r e a s o n s of the ruling classes, u n d e r s t o o d that for t h e m the hour has struck to 20 save the situation by taking into their o w n h a n d s the direction of public a f f a i r s . . . T h e y h a v e u n d e r s t o o d that it is their imperious duty and their absolute right to take into their own h a n d s their o w n destinies by seizing the political p o w e r . " B u t the working class cannot, as t h e rival factions of the appropriating class h a v e d o n e in their h o u r s of triumph, simply lay hold 25 on the r e a d y m a d e statemachinery, a n d wield it for its o w n p u r p o s e s . th

[ T h e centralized statepower, with its ubiquitous organs of standing army, police, b u r e a u c r a c y , clergy and magistrature, organs w r o u g h t after the plan of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour, dates from the days of absolute m o n a r c h y w h e n it served n a s c e n t middleclass society 30 as a mighty w e a p o n in its struggles for emancipation from feudalism. T h e F r e n c h Revolution of t h e 18 c e n t u r y s w e p t a w a y the rubbish of seigniorial, local, townish and provincial privileges, thus clearing the social soil of its last medieval obstacles to the final superstructure of the state. It received its final shape under the First E m p i r e , the offspring of the Coalition w a r s of 35 old, semifeudal E u r o p e against m o d e r n F r a n c e . U n d e r the following parliamentary regimes, the hold of the g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r , with its irresistible allurements of place, pelf, and p a t r o n a g e , b e c a m e not only the b o n e of contention b e t w e e n the rival factions of t h e ruling classes. Its political character changed simultaneously with the e c o n o m i c changes 40 of society. At the same p a c e that the progress of industry developed, widened th

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and intensified the class antagonism b e t w e e n capital and labour, t h e governmental p o w e r a s s u m e d m o r e and more the character of the national p o w e r of capital over labour, of a political force organized to enforce social enslavement, of a m e r e engine of class despotism. On the heels of every popular revolution, marking a n e w progressive p h a s e in the m a r c h (development) (course) of the struggle of classes, (class struggle), the r e p r e s s i v e character of the state p o w e r c o m e s out m o r e pitiless and m o r e divested of disguise. T h e Revolution of July, by transferring the m a n a g e m e n t of t h e state machinery from the landlord to the capitalist, transfers it from the dis-

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tant to t h e immediate antagonist of t h e w o r k i n g m e n . H e n c e t h e state p o w e r a s s u m e s a more clearly defined attitude of hostility and repression in regard of the working class. T h e Revolution of F e b r u a r y hoists the colours of t h e "social R e p u b l i c " , thus proving at its o u t s e t that the true meaning of state p o w e r is revealed, that its p r e t e n c e of being the armed force of

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public welfare, the e m b o d i m e n t of the general interests of societies rising above and keeping in their r e s p e c t i v e spheres the warring private interests is exploded, that its secret as an instrument of classdespotism is laid open, that the w o r k m e n do w a n t the republic, no longer as a political modification of the old system of class rule, but as the revolutionary m e a n s of

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breaking d o w n class rule itself. In view of the m e n a c e s of " t h e social r e p u b l i c " the ruling class feels instinctively that the a n o n y m o u s reign of the parliamentary republic can be t u r n e d into a j o i n t s t o c k c o m p a n y of their conflicting factions, while the p a s t m o n a r c h i e s by their very title signify the victory of o n e faction and the defeat of the other, the p r e v a l e n c e of

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o n e section's interests of that class over that of the other, land over capital or capital over land. In opposition to the working class the hitherto ruling class, in w h a t e v e r specific forms it m a y appropriate the labour of the m a s ses, has o n e and the same economic interest, to maintain the e n s l a v e m e n t of labour and reap its fruits directly as landlord and capitalist, indirectly 30 as the state parasites of the landlord and the capitalist, to enforce that " o r d e r " of things which m a k e s t h e producing multitude, "a vile m u l t i t u d e " serving as a mere source of wealth and dominion to their betters. H e n c e Legitimists, Orleanists, Bourgeois Republicans and the Bonapartist adventurers, eager to qualify themselves as defenders of p r o p e r t y by first pilfering 35

it, club together and merge into the "Party of Order", the practical upshot of that revolution m a d e by the proletariat u n d e r enthusiastic shouts of the "Social Republic". T h e parliamentary republic of t h e Party of O r d e r is not only the reign of terror of the ruling class. T h e state p o w e r b e c o m e s in their hand the avowed instrument of the civil war in the hand of the capitalist and 40 the landlord, not their state parasites against revolutionary aspirations of the p r o d u c e r . |

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Karl Marx I U n d e r the monarchical regimes the repressive m e a s u r e s and t h e confessed principles of the d a y ' s g o v e r n m e n t are d e n o u n c e d to the p e o p l e by t h e fractions of the ruling classes that- are out of power, t h e oppositions' r a n k s of the ruling class interest the people in their p a r t y feuds, by appealing to its o w n interests, by their attitudes of tribunes of the people, 5 by the revindication of popular liberties. But in the a n o n y m o u s reign of t h e republic, while amalgamating the m o d e s of repression of old p a s t regimes (taking out of the arsenals of all p a s t regimes the arms of repression), and wielding t h e m pitilessly, the different fractions of the ruling class celebrate an orgy of renegation. With cynical effrontery t h e y d e n y the 10 professions of their past, trample u n d e r foot their " s o c a l l e d " principles, c u r s e the revolutions they h a v e p r o v o k e d in their n a m e , and curse the n a m e of the republic itself, although only its a n o n y m o u s reign is wide e n o u g h to admit them into a c o m m o n crusade against t h e people. [ T h u s this most cruel is at the same time t h e m o s t odious and revolting form of class rule. Wielding t h e state p o w e r only as an instrument of civil war, it can only hold it by perpetuating civil w a r . W i t h parliamentary a n a r c h y at its head, crowned by the uninterrupted intrigues of e a c h of the fractions of the " o r d e r " p a r t y for the restoration of e a c h o w n pet regime, in o p e n w a r against the whole b o d y of society out of its own n a r r o w circle, the p a r t y of order rule b e c o m e s the m o s t intolerable rule of disorder. Having in its war against the m a s s of the people b r o k e n all its m e a n s of resistance and laid it helplessly under t h e sword of the E x e c u t i v e , the p a r t y of order itself and its parliamentary regime is w a r n e d off the stage by the sword of the E x e c u t i v e . T h a t parliamentary p a r t y of order republic can therefore only be an interreign. Its natural u p s h o t is Imperialism, w h a t e v e r the n u m b e r of the E m p i r e . U n d e r the form of imperialism, the statepower with the sword for its scepter, professes to rest u p o n t h e p e a s a n t ry, that large m a s s of p r o d u c e r s apparently outside t h e class struggle of labour and capital, professes to save the working class by breaking d o w n parliamentarism and therefore the direct subserviency of the state p o w e r to the ruling classes, professes to save the ruling classes themselves by subduing the working classes without insulting them, professes, if not public welfare, at least national glory. It is therefore proclaimed as the "saviour of o r d e r " . H o w e v e r galling to the political pride of the ruling class and its state parasites, it p r o v e s itself to be the really a d e q u a t e regime of the bourgeois " o r d e r " by giving full scope to all the orgies of its industry, turpitudes of its speculation, and all the meretricious splendours of its life. T h e state t h u s seemingly lifted a b o v e civil society, b e c o m e s at the same time itself the hotbed of all the corruptions of that society. Its o w n utter r o t t e n n e s s , and the rottenness of the society to be saved of it, w a s laid

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The Civil War in France (Second Draft) bare by t h e b a y o n e t of Prussia, but so m u c h is this Imperialism the u n avoidable political form of " o r d e r " , that is the " o r d e r " of bourgeois society, that Prussia herself s e e m e d only to r e v e r s e its central seat at Paris in order to transfer it to Berlin. [ T h e E m p i r e is not, like its p r e d e c e s s o r s , t h e legitimate m o n a r c h y , t h e constitutional m o n a r c h y and the parliamentary republic, one of the political forms of bourgeois society, it is at the same time its most prostitute, its most complete, and its ultimate political form. It is the statepower of m o d e r n classrule, at least on the E u r o p e a n continent.

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Karl Marx T h e Civil W a r in France A d d r e s s of t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e International Working M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n

The Civil War in France · I

|3| To all the members of the Association in Europe and the United States. I. On the 4th of September, 1870, w h e n the working m e n of Paris proclaimed the Republic, which w a s almost instantaneously acclaimed t h r o u g h o u t F r a n c e , without a single voice of dissent, a cabal of place-hunting barristers, with Thiers for their statesman and T r o c h u for their general, took hold of the H ô t e l de Ville. At that time t h e y w e r e imbued with so fanatical a faith in the mission of Paris to r e p r e s e n t F r a n c e in all e p o c h s of historical crisis, that, to legitimate their u s u r p e d titles as G o v e r n o r s of F r a n c e , they thought it quite sufficient to p r o d u c e their lapsed m a n d a t e s as representatives of Paris. In our second address on the late W a r , five days after the rise of these m e n , we told you w h o t h e y w e r e . Y e t , in the turmoil of surprise, with the real leaders of the w o r k i n g class still shut up in Bonapartist prisons and the Prussians already marching u p o n Paris, Paris b o r e with their assumption of p o w e r , on the e x p r e s s condition that it w a s to be wielded for the single p u r p o s e of national defence. Paris, h o w e v e r , was not to be defended without arming its working class, organizing t h e m into an effective force, and training their r a n k s by the w a r itself. B u t Paris a r m e d w a s the Revolution armed. A victory of Paris over the Prussian aggressor would h a v e b e e n a victory of the F r e n c h w o r k m a n over the F r e n c h capitalist and his State parasites. In this conflict b e t w e e n national d u t y and class interest, the G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e did n o t hesitate one m o m e n t to turn into a G o v e r n m e n t of National Defection. T h e first step they took w a s to send Thiers on a roving tour to all the courts of E u r o p e , t h e r e to b e g mediation by offering the barter of the Republic for a king. F o u r m o n t h s after the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the siege,

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Karl Marx w h e n they thought the o p p o r t u n e m o m e n t c o m e for breaking the first w o r d of capitulation, T r o c h u , in the p r e s e n c e of Jules F a v r e and others of his colleagues, addressed the assembled m a y o r s of Paris in t h e s e terms:— " T h e first question put to me by my colleagues on the v e r y evening of the 4th of S e p t e m b e r was this: Paris, can it, with a n y c h a n c e of s u c c e s s | 5 | 4 | stand a siege by the Prussian a r m y ? I did not hesitate to answer in the negative. S o m e of my colleagues here p r e s e n t will w a r r a n t the truth of my w o r d s and the persistence of my opinion. I told them, in these v e r y t e r m s , that, under the existing state of things, the attempt of Paris to hold out a siege by the Prussian army, would be a folly. W i t h o u t doubt, I added, it would 10 be an heroic folly; b u t that w o u l d be all T h e e v e n t s ( m a n a g e d by himself) h a v e not given the lie to my p r e v i s i o n . " This nice little speech of T r o c h u w a s afterwards published by M . C o r b o n , o n e of the m a y o r s present. T h u s , on the very evening of the proclamation of the Republic, T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " w a s k n o w n to his colleagues to be the capitulation of Paris. If national defence had b e e n m o r e than a p r e t e x t for the personal g o v e r n m e n t of Thiers, F a v r e , & Co., the u p s t a r t s of the 4th of S e p t e m b e r w o u l d h a v e abdicated on the 5th—would h a v e initiated the Paris people into T r o c h u ' s " p l a n , " and called u p o n t h e m to surrender at o n c e , or to take their o w n fate into their o w n h a n d s . I n s t e a d of this, the infamous impostors resolved u p o n curing the heroic folly of Paris by a regimen of famine and b r o k e n h e a d s , and to dupe her in the meanwhile by ranting m a n i f e s t o e s , holding forth that T r o c h u , " t h e G o v e r n o r of Paris, will n e v e r capitulate," and Jules F a v r e , the Foreign Minister, will " n o t c e d e an inch of our territory, nor a stone of our f o r t r e s s e s . " In a letter to G a m b e t t a , that very s a m e Jules F a v r e a v o w s that w h a t they w e r e " d e f e n d i n g " against w e r e not t h e Prussian soldiers, b u t the working m e n of Paris. During the whole c o n t i n u a n c e of the siege the Bonapartist cut-throats, w h o m T r o c h u had wisely intrusted with the c o m m a n d of the Paris army, exchanged, in their intimate c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , ribald j o k e s at the well-understood m o c k e r y of defence (see, for instance, the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of A l p h o n s e Simon Guiod, s u p r e m e c o m m a n d e r of the artillery of the A r m y of D e f e n c e of Paris and G r a n d Cross of the Legion of H o n o u r , to S u z a n n e , general of division of artillery, a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e published by the Journal Officiel of the C o m m u n e ) . T h e m a s k of i m p o s t u r e was at last d r o p p e d on the 28th of J a n u a r y , 1871. With the true heroism of utter self-debasement, the G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e , in their capitulation, came out as the G o v e r n m e n t of F r a n c e by B i s m a r c k ' s prisoners—a part so b a s e that L o u i s B o n a p a r t e himself had, at S e d a n , shrunk from accepting it. After the events of the 18th of M a r c h , on their wild flight to Versailles, t h e capitulards left in the h a n d s of Paris the d o c u m e n t a r y

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The Civil War in France · I evidence of their t r e a s o n , to d e s t r o y which, as the C o m m u n e says in its manifesto to the p r o v i n c e s , " t h o s e m e n would not recoil from battering Paris into a h e a p of ruins w a s h e d by a sea of b l o o d . " To be eagerly bent u p o n such a c o n s u m m a t i o n , some of the leading 5 m e m b e r s of the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e had, besides, m o s t peculiar r e a s o n s of their own. Shortly after the conclusion of the armistice, M. Millière, one of t h e representatives of Paris to the National A s s e m b l y , n o w shot by e x p r e s s order of Jules F a v r e , published a series of authentic legal d o c u m e n t s in 10 proof that Jules F a v r e , living in concubinage w i t h the wife of a d r u n k a r d resident at Algiers, had, by a m o s t daring concoction of forgeries, spread | | s | over m a n y y e a r s , contrived to grasp, in the n a m e of the children of his adultery, a large succession, which m a d e him a rich m a n , and that, in a lawsuit u n d e r t a k e n by the legitimate heirs, he only escaped e x p o s u r e by t h e 15

c o n n i v a n c e of the Bonapartist tribunals. As t h e s e dry legal d o c u m e n t s w e r e not to be got rid of by any a m o u n t of rhetorical horse-power, Jules F a v r e , for the first time in his life, held his tongue, quietly awaiting the o u t b r e a k of the civil war, in order, t h e n , frantically to d e n o u n c e the people of Paris as a band of escaped convicts in utter revolt against family, religion, order, 20 and property. This same forger h a d hardly got into p o w e r , after t h e 4th of September, w h e n he sympathetically let loose u p o n society Pic and Taillefer, convicted, even u n d e r t h e E m p i r e , of forgery, in the scandalous affair of t h e " E t e n d a r d . " O n e of these m e n , Taillefer, having dared to return to Paris u n d e r the C o m m u n e , w a s at o n c e reinstated in prison; and then Jules F a v r e 25

exclaimed, from the tribune of the National A s s e m b l y , that Paris w a s setting free all her jailbirds! E r n e s t Picard, the J o e Miller of t h e G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e , w h o appointed himself F i n a n c e Minister of t h e Republic after having in vain striven to b e c o m e the H o m e Minister of t h e E m p i r e , is the brother of o n e 30 A r t h u r Picard, an individual expelled from the Paris B o u r s e as a blackleg (see report of the Prefecture of Police, dated 31st July, 1867), and convicted, on his own confession, of a theft of 300,000 francs, while m a n a g e r of o n e of the b r a n c h e s of the Société Générale, r u e Palestro, N o . 5 (see report of the Prefecture of Police, 11th D e c e m b e r , 1868). This A r t h u r Picard w a s 35 m a d e by E r n e s t Picard the editor of his p a p e r , l'Electeur Libre. While the c o m m o n run of stockjobbers w e r e led a s t r a y by the official lies of this Finance-Office paper, A r t h u r w a s running b a c k w a r d s and forwards b e t w e e n the F i n a n c e Office and the B o u r s e , there to discount the disasters of the F r e n c h army. T h e whole financial c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of that w o r t h y pair of 40

brothers fell into the hands of the C o m m u n e . Jules F e r r y , a penniless barrister b e f o r e the 4th of September, contrived,

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Karl Marx as M a y o r of Paris during the siege, to j o b a fortune out of famine. T h e day on which he would have to give an account of his maladministration would be the day of his conviction. T h e s e m e n , then, could find, in the ruins of Paris only, their tickets-ofleave: they w e r e the very m e n B i s m a r c k w a n t e d . W i t h the help of some 5 shuffling of cards, Thiers, hitherto the secret p r o m p t e r of the G o v e r n ment, now appeared at its head, with the ticket-of-leave m e n for his Ministers. Thiers, that m o n s t r o u s g n o m e , has c h a r m e d the F r e n c h bourgeoisie for almost half a century, b e c a u s e he is the most c o n s u m m a t e intellectual 10 expression of their o w n class-corruption. Before he b e c a m e a s t a t e s m a n he had already proved his lying p o w e r s as an historian. T h e chronicle of his public life is the r e c o r d of the misfortunes of F r a n c e . Banded, before 1830, with the Republicans, he slipped into office u n d e r L o u i s Philippe by betraying his protector Laffitte, ingratiating himself with t h e king by exciting 15 mob-riots against the clergy, during which the c h u r c h of Saint G e r m a i n 1'Auxerrois and the A r c h b i s h o p ' s palace w e r e plundered, and by acting the minister-spy upon, and t h e jail-accoucheur of, t h e D u c h e s s 116| de B e r r y . T h e m a s s a c r e of the Republicans in the R u e T r a n s n o n a i n , and the s u b s e q u e n t infamous laws of September against the p r e s s and the right of association, 20 w e r e his work. Reappearing as the chief of the Cabinet in M a r c h , 1840, he astonished F r a n c e with his plan of fortifying Paris. To the Republicans, w h o d e n o u n c e d this plan as a sinister plot against the liberty of Paris, he replied from the tribune of the C h a m b e r of Deputies:— " W h a t ! to fancy that any w o r k s of fortification could ever endanger 25 liberty! And first of all you calumniate any possible G o v e r n m e n t in supposing that it could some day attempt to maintain itself by bombarding the capital; b u t that g o v e r n m e n t would be a h u n d r e d times m o r e impossible after its victory than b e f o r e . " Indeed, no G o v e r n m e n t would ever h a v e dared to b o m b a r d Paris from the forts, b u t that G o v e r n m e n t which had 30 previously surrendered these forts to the Prussians. W h e n King B o m b a tried his hand at P a l e r m o , in J a n u a r y , 1848, Thiers, then long since out of office, again rose in the C h a m b e r of D e p u t i e s : " Y o u k n o w , gentlemen, w h a t is happening at P a l e r m o . Y o u , all of y o u , shake with horror (in the parliamentary s e n s e ) on hearing that during forty-eight h o u r s 35 a large t o w n has been bombarded—by w h o m ? W a s it by a foreign e n e m y exercising the rights of w a r ? N o , gentlemen, it w a s by its o w n G o v e r n m e n t . And w h y ? B e c a u s e that unfortunate t o w n d e m a n d e d its rights. Well, t h e n , for the d e m a n d of its rights it has got forty-eight h o u r s of b o m b a r d m e n t Allow me to appeal to the opinion of E u r o p e . It is doing a service to 40 mankind to arise, and to m a k e r e v e r b e r a t e , from w h a t is p e r h a p s the

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The Civil War in France · I greatest tribune in E u r o p e , s o m e w o r d s (indeed w o r d s ) of indignation against such acts W h e n the Regent E s p a r t e r o , w h o had r e n d e r e d services to his country, ( w h i c h M . T h i e r s never d i d ) intended b o m b a r d i n g Barcelona, in order to suppress its insurrection, t h e r e arose from all p a r t s 5 of the world a general o u t c r y of indignation." Eighteen month afterwards, M. Thiers w a s amongst the fiercest defenders of the b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e by a F r e n c h a r m y . In fact, the fault of King B o m b a seems to h a v e consisted in this only, that he limited his b o m b a r d m e n t to forty-eight h o u r s . 10 A few days before the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , fretting at the long exile from place and pelf to which Guizot had c o n d e m n e d him, and sniffing in the air the scent of an approaching popular c o m m o t i o n , Thiers, in that p s e u d o heroic style which w o n him the nickname of M i r a b e a u - m o u c n e / d e c l a r e d to the C h a m b e r of Deputies: "I am of the p a r t y of Revolution, not only in 15

F r a n c e , b u t in E u r o p e . I wish the G o v e r n m e n t of the Revolution to r e m a i n in the hands of m o d e r a t e m e n but if that G o v e r n m e n t should fall into the hands of ardent minds, e v e n into t h o s e of Radicals, I shall, for all that, not desert my cause. I shall always be of the party of the R e v o l u t i o n . " T h e Revolution of F e b r u a r y c a m e . I n s t e a d of displacing the Guizot Cabinet by 20 the Thiers Cabinet, as the little m a n h a d dreamt, it superseded Louis Philippe by the Republic. On the first day of the popular victory he carefully hid himself, forgetting that the c o n t e m p t of the working m e n screened him from their hatred. Still, with his legendary courage, he continued to shy the public stage, until the | | 7 | J u n e m a s s a c r e s had cleared it for his sort of action. T h e n 25

he b e c a m e the leading mind of the " P a r t y of O r d e r " and its Parliamentary Republic, that a n o n y m o u s interregnum, in which all the rival factions of the ruling class conspired together to c r u s h the people, and conspired against each other to restore e a c h of t h e m its o w n m o n a r c h y . T h e n , as n o w , Thiers denounced the Republicans as the only obstacle to the consolidation of t h e 30 Republic; then, as n o w , he spoke to the Republic as the hangman spoke to D o n Carlos—"I shall assassinate t h e e , b u t for thy o w n g o o d . " N o w , as then, he will h a v e to exclaim on the day after his victory: L'Empire est fait—the E m p i r e is c o n s u m m a t e d . Despite his hypocritical homilies about necessary liberties and his personal grudge against Louis B o n a p a r t e , w h o 35 had m a d e a dupe of him, and kicked out parliamentarism—and outside of its factitious a t m o s p h e r e the little m a n is conscious of withering into nothingness—he had a hand in all the infamies of the S e c o n d Empire, from the occupation of R o m e by F r e n c h t r o o p s to t h e w a r with Prussia, w h i c h he incited by his fierce invective against G e r m a n unity—not as a cloak of 40 Prussian despotism, but as an e n c r o a c h m e n t u p o n t h e vested right of F r a n c e in G e r m a n disunion. F o n d of brandishing, with his dwarfish a r m s , in the

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Karl Marx face of E u r o p e the sword of t h e first N a p o l e o n , w h o s e historical shoe-black he had b e c o m e , his foreign policy always culminated in the utter humiliation of F r a n c e , from the L o n d o n convention of 1840 to the Paris capitulation of 1871, and the p r e s e n t civil war, w h e r e he h o u n d s on the prisoners of Sedan and M e t z against Paris by special permission of Bismarck. Despite his versatility of talent and shiftiness of p u r p o s e , this m a n has his w h o l e lifetime been w e d d e d to the most fossil routine. It is self-evident that to him the deeper under-currents of m o d e r n society remained for ever hidden; b u t e v e n the m o s t palpable changes on its surface w e r e a b h o r r e n t to a brain all the vitality of which had fled to the tongue. T h u s he never tired of denouncing as a sacrilege any deviation from the old F r e n c h protective system. W h e n a minister of L o u i s Philippe, he railed at railways as a wild chimera; and w h e n in opposition u n d e r L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , he b r a n d e d as a profanation every attempt to reform the rotten F r e n c h a r m y system. N e v e r in his long political career has he b e e n guilty of a single—even the smallest— m e a s u r e of any practical use. Thiers was consistent only in his greed for wealth and his hatred of the men that p r o d u c e it. H a v i n g entered his first ministry u n d e r Louis Philippe p o o r as J o b , he left it a millionaire. His last ministry u n d e r the same king (of t h e 1st of M a r c h , 1840) e x p o s e d him to public taunts of peculation in the C h a m b e r of D e p u t i e s , to w h i c h he w a s content to reply by tears—a c o m m o d i t y he deals in as freely as Jules F a v r e , or any other crocodile. At B o r d e a u x his first m e a s u r e for saving F r a n c e from impending financial ruin w a s to e n d o w himself with t h r e e millions a year, the first and the last w o r d of the " E c o n o m i c a l R e p u b l i c , " the vista of which he had o p e n e d to his Paris electors in 1869. O n e of his former colleagues of the C h a m b e r of Deputies of 1830, himself a capitalist and, nevertheless, a devoted m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e , M . B e s l a y , lately addressed Thiers thus in a public placard:—"The e n s l a v e m e n t of labour by capital has always been the c o r n e r - s t o n e of y o u r | | 8 | policy, and from the very day you saw the Republic of L a b o u r installed at t h e Hôtel de Ville, y o u h a v e never c e a s e d to cry o u t to F r a n c e : ' T h e s e are c r i m i n a l s ! ' " A m a s t e r in small state roguery, a virtuoso in perjury and treason, a craftsman in all the p e t t y stratagems, cunning devices, and b a s e perfidies of Parliamentary party-warf are; never scrupling, w h e n out of office, to fan a revolution, and to stifle it in blood w h e n at the helm of the S t a t e ; w i t h class prejudices standing him in the place of ideas, and vanity in the place of a h e a r t ; his private life as infamous as his public life is odious—even now, w h e n playing the p a r t of a F r e n c h Sulla, he cannot help setting off the abomination of his deeds by the ridicule of his ostentation.

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T h e capitulation of Paris, by surrendering to Prussia n o t only Paris, b u t 40 all F r a n c e , closed the long-continued intrigues of t r e a s o n with the e n e m y ,

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which the usurpers of the 4th S e p t e m b e r had begun, as T r o c h u himself said, on that very same d a y . On the other h a n d , it initiated the civil w a r they w e r e n o w to wage, with the assistance of Prussia, against the Republic and Paris. T h e trap w a s laid in the v e r y t e r m s of the capitulation. At that time a b o v e one-third of the territory w a s in the h a n d s of the e n e m y , the capital w a s cut off from the p r o v i n c e s , all c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w e r e disorganized. To elect under such circumstances a real representation of F r a n c e was impossible, unless ample time w e r e given for preparation. In view of this, the capitulation stipulated that a N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y m u s t be elected within eight d a y s ; so that in m a n y p a r t s of F r a n c e the n e w s of the impending election arrived on its eve only. This A s s e m b l y , m o r e o v e r , w a s , by an express clause of the capitulation, to be elected for the sole p u r p o s e of deciding on p e a c e or war, and, eventually, to conclude a treaty of p e a c e . T h e population could not but feel that the t e r m s of t h e armistice r e n d e r e d the continuation of the war impossible, and that for sanctioning the p e a c e imposed by Bismarck, the worst m e n in F r a n c e w e r e the best. B u t n o t content with t h e s e precautions, Thiers, even before t h e secret of the armistice had b e e n b r o a c h e d to Paris, set out for an electioneering tour t h r o u g h the provinces, t h e r e to galvanize b a c k into life the Legitimist p a r t y , w h i c h n o w , along with the Orleanists, had to t a k e t h e place of the t h e n impossible Bonapartists. He was not afraid of them. Impossible as a g o v e r n m e n t of m o d e r n F r a n c e , and, therefore, contemptible as rivals, w h a t p a r t y w e r e m o r e eligible as tools of counter-revolution than the p a r t y w h o s e action, in the w o r d s of Thiers himself (Chamber of Deputies, 5th J a n u a r y , 1833), " h a d always b e e n confined to the three r e s o u r c e s of foreign invasion, civil war, and a n a r c h y " ? T h e y verily believed in the a d v e n t of their long-expected retrospective millennium. There w e r e the heels of foreign invasion trampling u p o n F r a n c e ; there w a s the downfall of an E m p i r e , and the captivity of a Bonap a r t e ; and there they w e r e t h e m s e l v e s . T h e wheel of history had evidently rolled b a c k to stop at the " c h a m b r e i n t r o u v a b l e " of 1816. In the Assemblies of the Republic, 1848 to ' 5 1 , they had b e e n r e p r e s e n t e d by their e d u c a t e d and trained Parliamentary c h a m p i o n s ; it w a s the rank-and-file of the p a r t y which now rushed in—all the P o u r c e a u g n a c s of F r a n c e . As soon as this assembly of " R u r a l s " had m e t at B o r d e a u x , Thiers 1191 m a d e it clear to t h e m that the p e a c e preliminaries m u s t be assented to at o n c e , without even the h o n o u r s of a Parliamentary d e b a t e , as the only condition on which Prussia would permit t h e m to o p e n the w a r against the Republic and Paris, its stronghold. T h e counter-revolution had, in fact, no time to lose. T h e Second E m p i r e had m o r e t h a n doubled the national debt, and plunged all the large t o w n s into h e a v y municipal d e b t s . T h e war had fearfully swelled the liabilities, and mercilessly ravaged the r e s o u r c e s of the

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Karl Marx nation. To complete the ruin, the Prussian Shylock w a s there with his b o n d for the keep of half a million of his soldiers on F r e n c h soil, his indemnity of five milliards, and interest at 5 per c e n t on the unpaid instalments thereof. W h o was to pay the bill? It w a s only by the violent o v e r t h r o w of the Republic that the appropriators of wealth could h o p e to shift on to the shoulders of its p r o d u c e r s the cost of a war w h i c h they, t h e appropriators, had themselves originated. T h u s , t h e i m m e n s e ruin of F r a n c e spurred on these patriotic representatives of land and capital, under the very eyes and p a t r o n a g e of the invader, to graft u p o n the foreign w a r a civil war—a slaveholders' rebellion. T h e r e stood in the w a y of this conspiracy o n e great obstacle—Paris. To disarm Paris was the first condition of s u c c e s s . Paris w a s therefore s u m m o n e d by Thiers to surrender its a r m s . T h e n Paris w a s e x a s p e r a t e d by t h e frantic anti-republican d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of the " R u r a l " Assembly and by T h i e r s ' s o w n equivocations about the legal status of the Republic; by the threat to decapitate and decapitalize Paris; the a p p o i n t m e n t of Orleanist a m b a s s a d o r s ; Dufaure's laws on over-due commercial bills and house-rents, inflicting ruin on the c o m m e r c e and industry of P a r i s ; P o u y e r - Q u e r t i e r ' s tax of two centimes u p o n every c o p y of every imaginable publication; the sentences of d e a t h against Blanqui and F l o u r e n s ; the suppression of the Republican j o u r n a l s ; the transfer of the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y to Versailles; the renewal of the state of siege declared by Palikao, and expired on the 4th of S e p t e m b e r ; the appointment of Vinoy, the Décembriseur, as governor of Paris—of Valentin, the Imperialist gendarme, as its prefect of police—and of D'Aurelle de Paladines, the Jesuit general, as the commander-in-chief of its National Guard. And now we h a v e to address a question to M . T h i e r s and the m e n of national defence, his u n d e r s t r a p p e r s . It is k n o w n that, through the agency of M. Pouyer-Quertier, his finance minister, Thiers had contracted a loan of t w o milliards. N o w , is it true, or not,— 1. T h a t the business w a s so managed that a consideration of several h u n d r e d millions was secured for the private benefit of Thiers, Jules F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, Pouyer-Quertier, and Jules S i m o n ? and— 2. T h a t no m o n e y w a s to be paid d o w n until after t h e "pacification" of Paris? At all events, there m u s t h a v e been something very pressing in the matter, for Thiers and Jules F a v r e , in t h e n a m e of the majority of the B o r d e a u x A s s e m b l y , unblushingly solicited the immediate occupation of Paris by Prussian troops. Such, however, w a s not t h e game of Bismarck, as he sneeringly, and in public, told the admiring F r a n k f o r t Philistines on his return to G e r m a n y . |

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A r m e d Paris was t h e only serious obstacle in the w a y of the counterrevolutionary conspiracy. Paris w a s , therefore, to be disarmed. On this point the B o r d e a u x Assembly w a s sincerity itself. If the roaring rant of its Rurals 5 had not b e e n audible enough, the surrender of Paris by Thiers to the t e n d e r mercies of the triumvirate of Vinoy the Décembriseur, Valentin the Bonapartist gendarme, and Aurelle de Paladines the Jesuit general, would h a v e cut off even the last subterfuge of doubt. B u t while insultingly exhibiting the true p u r p o s e of the d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris, the conspirators asked her to lay 10

d o w n her a r m s on a p r e t e x t w h i c h w a s the m o s t glaring, the most barefaced of lies. T h e artillery of the Paris National Guard, said Thiers, belonged to the State, and to the State it m u s t be r e t u r n e d . T h e fact w a s this:—From the very day of the capitulation, by w h i c h B i s m a r c k ' s prisoners had signed t h e surrender of F r a n c e , but r e s e r v e d to themselves a n u m e r o u s body-guard for

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the e x p r e s s p u r p o s e of cowing Paris, Paris stood on the w a t c h . T h e National G u a r d reorganized themselves and intrusted their supreme control to a Central Committee elected by their whole body, save some fragments of the old Bonapartist formations. On t h e e v e of the e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into Paris, the Central C o m m i t t e e took m e a s u r e s for the removal to M o n t m a r t r e , 20 Belleville, and La Villette of t h e c a n n o n and mitrailleuses treacherously a b a n d o n e d by the capitulards in and a b o u t t h e very quarters the P r u s s i a n s w e r e to occupy. T h a t artillery had b e e n furnished by the subscriptions of the National Guard. As their private p r o p e r t y , it w a s officially recognized in the capitulation of the 28th of J a n u a r y , and on that very title e x e m p t e d 25

from the general surrender, into the hands of the conqueror, of a r m s belonging to the G o v e r n m e n t . A n d Thiers w a s so utterly destitute of e v e n the flimsiest pretext for initiating the w a r against Paris, that he had to resort to the flagrant lie of the artillery of the National G u a r d being State property! 30 T h e seizure of her artillery w a s evidently but to serve as the preliminary to the general d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris, and, therefore, of the Revolution of the 4th of September. B u t t h a t Revolution h a d b e c o m e t h e legal status of F r a n c e . T h e republic, its w o r k , w a s recognized by the conqueror in the t e r m s of the capitulation. After the capitulation, it w a s acknowledged by all 35

the foreign P o w e r s , and in its n a m e the National Assembly had b e e n s u m m o n e d . T h e Paris working m e n ' s revolution of the 4th of S e p t e m b e r w a s the only legal title of the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y seated at B o r d e a u x , and of its executive. Without it, the National A s s e m b l y would at o n c e h a v e to give w a y to the Corps Législatif, elected in 1869 by universal suffrage u n d e r

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Ι Karl Marx F r e n c h , not u n d e r Prussian, rule, a n d forcibly dispersed by t h e a r m of t h e Revolution. |j l l | T h i e r s a n d his ticket-of-leave m e n would h a v e had to capit­ ulate for safe-conducts signed by L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , to save t h e m from a v o y a g e to C a y e n n e . T h e N a t i o n a l Assembly, with i t s p o w e r of a t t o r n e y to settle t h e t e r m s of p e a c e with Prussia, w a s b u t an incident of t h a t Revolution, t h e 5 t r u e e m b o d i m e n t of w h i c h w a s still a r m e d Paris, w h i c h h a d initiated it, under­ gone for it a five m o n t h s ' siege, with its h o r r o r s of famine, and m a d e her prolonged resistance, despite T r o c h u ' s plan, the basis of an o b s t i n a t e w a r of defence in the p r o v i n c e s . A n d Paris w a s n o w either to lay d o w n her a r m s at t h e insulting b e h e s t of the rebellious slaveholders of B o r d e a u x , a n d 10 acknowledge that her R e v o l u t i o n of t h e 4th of S e p t e m b e r m e a n t nothing b u t a simple transfer of p o w e r from L o u i s B o n a p a r t e to his R o y a l rivals; or she h a d to stand forward as the self-sacrificing c h a m p i o n of F r a n c e , w h o s e salvation from ruin, a n d w h o s e r e g e n e r a t i o n w e r e impossible, w i t h o u t t h e revolutionary o v e r t h r o w of t h e political and social conditions t h a t had 15 e n g e n d e r e d t h e s e c o n d E m p i r e , and, u n d e r its fostering c a r e , m a t u r e d into u t t e r r o t t e n n e s s . Paris, e m a c i a t e d by a five m o n t h s ' famine, did n o t hesitate o n e m o m e n t . S h e heroically resolved to r u n all t h e h a z a r d s of a r e s i s t a n c e against the F r e n c h conspirators, even w i t h P r u ssia n c a n n o n frowning u p o n her from her o w n forts. Still, in its a b h o r r e n c e of t h e civil w a r into w h i c h 20 Paris w a s to be goaded, the C e n tr a l C o m m i t t e e c o n t i n u e d to persist in a merely defensive attitude, despite t h e p r o v o c a t i o n s of t h e Assembly, t h e u s u r p a t i o n s of the E x e c u t i v e , and t h e m e n a c i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n of t r o o p s in a n d a r o u n d Paris. T h i e r s o p e n e d t h e civil war by sending Vinoy, at t h e head of a multitude of sergents-de-ville and some regiments of t h e line, u p o n a n o c t u r n a l expe­ dition against M o n t m a r t r e , t h e r e to seize, by surprise, t h e artillery of t h e N a t i o n a l G u a r d . It is well k n o w n how this a t t e m p t b r o k e d o w n before t h e r e s i s t a n c e of the N a t i o n a l G u a r d a n d t h e fraternization of t h e line w i t h t h e p e o p l e . Aurelle de Paladines had printed b e f o r e h a n d his bulletin of victory, and Thiers held r e a d y t h e placards a n n o u n c i n g his m e a s u r e s of coup d'état. N o w these had t o b e replaced b y T h i e r s ' appeals, imparting his magnanim o u s resolve to leave t h e National Guard in t h e p o s s e s s i o n of their a r m s , with which, he said, he felt sure they w o u l d rally r o u n d t h e G o v e r n m e n t against the rebels. Out of 300,000 National G u a r d s only 300 r e s p o n d e d to this s u m m o n s to rally round little Thiers against t h e m s e l v e s . T h e glorious working m e n ' s Revolution of t h e 18th M a r c h t o o k u n d i s p u t e d sway of Paris. T h e Central Committee w a s its provisional G o v e r n m e n t . E u r o p e seemed, for a m o m e n t , to doubt w h e t h e r its r e c e n t sensational p e r f o r m a n c e s of state and w a r had any reality in t h e m , or w h e t h e r t h e y w e r e t h e d r e a m s of a long bygone past.

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The Civil War in France · II F r o m the 18th of M a r c h to the e n t r a n c e of the Versailles troops into Paris, t h e proletarian revolution r e m a i n e d so free from t h e acts of violence in which the revolutions, a n d still m o r e the counter-revolutions, of t h e " b e t t e r c l a s s e s " abound, that no facts w e r e left to its o p p o n e n t s to cry o u t about, 5 but t h e execution of Generals L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s , and t h e affair of the Place V e n d ô m e . O n e of the Bonapartist officers engaged in the nocturnal attempt against M o n t m a r t r e , General L e c o m t e , had four times ordered the 81st | | 1 2 | line regiment to fire at an u n a r m e d gathering in the Place Pigalle, and on their 10 refusal fiercely insulted them. Instead bf shooting w o m e n and children, his o w n m e n shot him. T h e inveterate habits acquired by the soldiery u n d e r t h e training of the enemies of t h e working class are, of course, not likely to change the very m o m e n t t h e s e soldiers c h a n g e sides. T h e same m e n e x e cuted Clement T h o m a s . 15 " G e n e r a l " Clement T h o m a s , a m a l c o n t e n t ex-quartermaster-sergeant, had, in the latter times of L o u i s Philippe's reign, enlisted at the office of the Republican n e w s p a p e r Le National, t h e r e to serve in the double capacity of responsible man-of-straw (gérant responsable) a n d of duelling bully to t h a t very combative journal. After t h e revolution of F e b r u a r y , the m e n of t h e 20

National having got into p o w e r , t h e y m e t a m o r p h o s e d this old quartermaster-sergeant into a general on t h e eve of the b u t c h e r y of J u n e , of w h i c h h e , like Jules F a v r e , w a s o n e of the sinister plotters, and b e c a m e o n e of the m o s t dastardly e x e c u t i o n e r s . T h e n he and his generalship disappeared for a long time, to again rise to t h e surface on t h e 1st N o v e m b e r , 1870. T h e d a y 25 before the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e , caught at t h e H ô t e l de Ville, h a d solemnly pledged their parole to Blanqui, F l o u r e n s , a n d other r e p r e s e n t a tives of the working class, to abdicate their usurped p o w e r into t h e h a n d s of a c o m m u n e to be freely elected by Paris. I n s t e a d of keeping their w o r d , they let loose on Paris the B r e t o n s of T r o c h u , w h o n o w replaced the 30 Corsicans of B o n a p a r t e . General Tamisier alone, refusing to sully his n a m e by such a b r e a c h of faith, resigned the commandership-in-chief of the National Guard, and in his place Clement T h o m a s for o n c e b e c a m e again a general. During the whole of his t e n u r e of c o m m a n d , he m a d e war, n o t u p o n t h e Prussians, but u p o n the Paris N a t i o n a l G u a r d . H e p r e v e n t e d their 35

general a r m a m e n t , pitted the bourgeois battalions against the working m e n ' s battalions, w e e d e d out the officers hostile to T r o c h u ' s " p l a n , " and disb a n d e d , u n d e r t h e stigma of c o w a r d i c e , the v e r y same proletarian battalions w h o s e heroism has n o w astonished their m o s t inveterate enemies. C l e m e n t T h o m a s felt quite p r o u d of having r e c o n q u e r e d his J u n e pre-eminence as 40 the personal e n e m y of the w o r k i n g class of Paris. Only a few d a y s before the 18th of M a r c h , he laid b e f o r e t h e W a r Minister, Le F l ô , a plan of his o w n

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Karl Marx for "finishing off la fine fleur (the c r e a m ) of t h e Paris canaille." After V i n o y ' s rout, he m u s t n e e d s appear u p o n the scene of action in the quality of an amateur spy. T h e Central C o m m i t t e e and the Paris w o r k i n g men w e r e as m u c h responsible for the killing of Clement T h o m a s and L e c o m t e as the Princess of Wales w a s for the fate of t h e people crushed to d e a t h on t h e d a y of her entrance into L o n d o n .

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T h e m a s s a c r e of u n a r m e d citizens in t h e Place V e n d ô m e is a m y t h which M . T h i e r s and the Rurals persistently ignored in the A s s e m b l y , intrusting its propagation exclusively to the s e r v a n t s ' hall of E u r o p e a n journalism. " T h e m e n of o r d e r , " the reactionists of Paris, trembled at the victory of the 18th 10 of M a r c h . To them it w a s the signal of popular retribution at last arriving. T h e ghosts of the victims assassinated at their hands from the days of J u n e , 1848, d o w n to the 22nd of J a n u a r y , 1871, arose before their faces. Their panic was their only punishment. E v e n the sergents-de-ville, instead of being di sarmed and locked u p , as j 1131 ought to h a v e b e e n d o n e , h a d t h e gates 15 of Paris flung wide o p e n for their safe retreat to Versailles. T h e m e n of order w e r e left not only u n h a r m e d , b u t allowed to rally and quietly to seize m o r e than one stronghold in the very centre of Paris. This indulgence of the Central Committee—this magnanimity of the a r m e d w o r k i n g men—so strangely at variance with the habits of t h e " p a r t y of o r d e r , " the latter 20 misinterpreted as mere s y m p t o m s of conscious w e a k n e s s . H e n c e their silly plan to try, under the cloak of an u n a r m e d d e m o n s t r a t i o n , w h a t Vinoy had failed to perform with his cannon and mitrailleuses. On the 22nd of M a r c h a riotous m o b of swells started from t h e q u a r t e r s of luxury, all t h e petits crevés in their r a n k s , and at their head the notorious familiars of t h e 25 Empire—the H e e c k e r e n , Coëtlogon, H e n r i d e P ê n e , e t c . U n d e r t h e cowardly p r e t e n c e of a pacific demonstration, this rabble, secretly a r m e d w i t h the w e a p o n s of the b r a v o , fell into marching order, ill-treated and disarmed t h e d e t a c h e d patrols and sentries of the National G u a r d s they met.with on their p r o g r e s s , and, on debouching from the R u e de la Paix, with t h e cry of 30 " D o w n with the Central C o m m i t t e e ! D o w n with the a s s a s s i n s ! T h e National A s s e m b l y for e v e r ! " attempted to b r e a k t h r o u g h t h e line d r a w n up t h e r e , and thus to carry by a surprise the head-quarters of the National Guard in the Place V e n d ô m e . In reply to their pistol-shots, t h e regular sommations (the F r e n c h equivalent of the English Riot Act) w e r e m a d e , and, proving ineffec- 35 tive, fire w a s c o m m a n d e d by t h e general of the N a t i o n a l Guard. O n e volley dispersed into wild flight the silly c o x c o m b s , w h o expected that the m e r e exhibition of their " r e s p e c t a b i l i t y " would h a v e the same effect u p o n the Revolution of Paris as J o s h u a ' s t r u m p e t s upon the walls of Jericho. T h e r u n a w a y s left behind t h e m t w o National G u a r d s killed, nine severely w o u n d - 40 ed (among t h e m a m e m b e r of the Central C o m m i t t e e ) , and the whole scene

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of their exploit strewn with revolvers, daggers, and sword-canes, in e v i d e n c e of the " u n a r m e d " c h a r a c t e r of their " p a c i f i c " demonstration. W h e n , on the 13th of J u n e , 1849, t h e N a t i o n a l G u a r d m a d e a really pacific d e m o n s t r a t i o n in protest against the felonious assault of F r e n c h troops upon R o m e , Changarnier, then general of t h e p a r t y of order, w a s acclaimed by the National Assembly, and especially by M. Thiers, as the saviour of society, for having launched his troops from all sides u p o n these u n a r m e d m e n , to shoot and sabre t h e m d o w n , and to trample them under their h o r s e s ' feet. Paris, then, w a s placed u n d e r a state of siege. Dufaure hurried t h r o u g h t h e Assembly new laws of repression. N e w arrests, n e w proscriptions—a n e w reign of terror set in. But the lower orders m a n a g e these things otherwise. T h e Central C o m m i t t e e of 1871 simply ignored the heroes of the "pacific d e m o n s t r a t i o n ; " so m u c h so, that only t w o d a y s later they w e r e enabled to muster, under Admiral Saisset, for that armed d e m o n s t r a t i o n , c r o w n e d by the famous s t a m p e d e to Versailles. In their reluctance to continue the civil w a r opened by T h i e r s ' burglarious attempt on M o n t m a r t r e , the Central Committee m a d e t h e m s e l v e s , this time, guilty of a decisive mistake in n o t at once marching upon Versailles, then completely helpless, and thus putting an end to the conspiracies of Thiers and his Rurals. Instead of this, t h e p a r t y of order was again allowed to try its strength at the ballot-1 j 14 |box, on the 26th of M a r c h , the day of the election of the C o m m u n e . T h e n , in the mairies of Paris, they exchanged bland w o r d s of conciliation with their too g e n e r o u s c o n q u e r o r s , muttering in their h e a r t s solemn vows to exterminate t h e m in d u e time. N o w , look at the r e v e r s e of the medal. Thiers opened his second campaign against Paris in the beginning of April. T h e first b a t c h of Parisian prisoners brought into Versailles w a s subjected to revolting atrocities, while E r n e s t Picard, with his hands in his t r o u s e r s ' p o c k e t s , strolled about jeering t h e m , and while M e s d a m e s Thiers and F a v r e , in the midst of their ladies of h o n o u r (?) applauded, from the balcony, the outrages of the Versailles m o b . T h e captured soldiers of the line w e r e m a s s a c r e d in cold blood; our b r a v e friend, General Duval, t h e ironfounder, w a s shot without any form of trial. Galliffet, the kept m a n of his wife, so notorious for her shameless exhibitions at the orgies of the S e c o n d E m p i r e , b o a s t e d in a proclamation of having c o m m a n d e d the m u r d e r of a small t r o o p of National G u a r d s , with their captain and lieutenant, surprised and disarmed by his C h a s s e u r s . Vinoy, the r u n a w a y , w a s appointed by Thiers G r a n d C r o s s of the Legion of H o n o u r , for his general order to shoot d o w n every soldier of t h e line t a k e n in t h e ranks of the Federals. D e s m a r e t s , the g e n d a r m e , w a s decorated for the t r e a c h e r o u s butcher-like chopping in pieces of the high-souled and chivalrous Flourens, w h o had saved t h e h e a d s of the G o v e r n m e n t of Defence on

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Karl Marx the 31st of October, 1870. " T h e encouraging p a r t i c u l a r s " of his assassination w e r e triumphantly expatiated u p o n by Thiers in t h e N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y . W i t h the elated vanity of a parliamentary T o m T h u m b , permitted to play the p a r t of a Tamerlane, he denied the rebels against his littleness e v e r y right of civilized warfare, up to the right of neutrality for a m b u l a n c e s . N o t h i n g m o r e horrid than that m o n k e y allowed for a time to give full fling to his tigerish instincts, as foreseen by Voltaire. (See n o t e , p. 35.) After the decree of the C o m m u n e of the 7th April, ordering reprisals and declaring it to be its duty " t o p r o t e c t Paris against the cannibal exploits of the Versailles banditti, and to d e m a n d an e y e for an eye, a t o o t h for a t o o t h , " Thiers did not stop the b a r b a r o u s t r e a t m e n t of prisoners, m o r e o v e r insulting t h e m in his bulletins as follows:—"Never h a v e m o r e degraded c o u n t e n a n c e s of a degraded d e m o c r a c y m e t the afflicted gazes of h o n e s t men,"—honest like Thiers himself and his ministerial ticket-of-leave m e n . Still the shooting of prisoners w a s suspended for a time. H a r d l y , h o w e v e r , h a d Thiers and his D e c e m b r i s t generals b e c o m e a w a r e that the C o m m u n a l decree of reprisals w a s b u t an e m p t y threat, that e v e n their g e n d a r m e spies caught in Paris u n d e r the disguise of N a t i o n a l G u a r d s , that e v e n sergentsde-ville t a k e n with incendiary shells u p o n t h e m , w e r e spared,—when the wholesale shooting of prisoners w a s r e s u m e d and carried on uninterruptedly to the end. H o u s e s to which National G u a r d s had fled w e r e s u r r o u n d e d by g e n d a r m e s , inundated with p e t r o l e u m (which h e r e o c c u r s for the first time in this war), and then set fire to, t h e charred c o r p s e s being afterwards brought out by the ambulance of the P r e s s at t h e T e r n e s . F o u r National G u a r d s having surrendered to a t r o o p of m o u n t e d C h a s s e u r s at Belle E p i n e , on the 25th of April, w e r e afterwards shot d o w n , o n e after another, by the captain, a w o r t h y m a n of ||15| Galliffet's. O n e of his four victims, left for dead, Scheffer, crawled b a c k to the Parisian o u t p o s t s , and deposed to this fact before a commission of t h e C o m m u n e . W h e n Tolain interpellated the W a r Minister upon the r e p o r t of this commission, the Rurals d r o w n e d his voice and forbade Le Flô to answer. It w o u l d be an insult to their " g l o r i o u s " a r m y to speak of its deeds. T h e flippant t o n e in w h i c h T h i e r s ' bulletins a n n o u n c e d the bayoneting of the Federals surprised asleep at Moulin Saquet, and the wholesale fusillades at Clamart shocked the n e r v e s even of the not oversensitive L o n d o n Times. B u t it would be ludicrous to-day to a t t e m p t recounting the merely preliminary atrocities c o m m i t t e d by the b o m b a r d e r s of Paris and the fomenters of a slaveholders' rebellion p r o t e c t e d by foreign invasion. Amidst all these h o r r o r s , Thiers, forgetful of his parliamentary laments on the terrible responsibility weighing d o w n his dwarfish shoulders, b o a s t s in his bulletins that l'Assemblée siège paisiblement (the A s s e m b l y continues meeting in peace), and p r o v e s by his c o n s t a n t carousals, n o w with

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The Civil War in France · III Decembrist generals, n o w with G e r m a n princes, that his digestion is not troubled in the least, n o t e v e n by the ghosts of L e c o m t e and C l e m e n t Thomas.

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On the d a w n of the 18th of M a r c h , Paris a r o s e to the t h u n d e r b u r s t of " V i v e la C o m m u n e ! " W h a t is the C o m m u n e , t h a t sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind? " T h e proletarians of P a r i s , " said t h e Central C o m m i t t e e in its manifesto of the 18th M a r c h , " a m i d s t t h e failures a n d t r e a s o n s of the ruling classes, 10 h a v e u n d e r s t o o d that the hour has struck for t h e m to save the situation by taking into their o w n h a n d s the direction of public affairs. . . . T h e y h a v e u n d e r s t o o d that it is their imperious d u t y and their absolute right to r e n d e r themselves masters of their o w n destinies, by seizing u p o n the governmental p o w e r . " But the working class c a n n o t simply lay hold of the r e a d y - m a d e 15

State machinery, and wield it for its o w n p u r p o s e s . T h e centralized State p o w e r , with its ubiquitous organs of standing army, police, b u r e a u c r a c y , clergy, and judicature—organs w r o u g h t after t h e plan of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour—originates from the d a y s of absolute m o n a r c h y , serving n a s c e n t middle-class society as a mighty 20 w e a p o n in its struggles against feudalism. Still, its d e v e l o p m e n t remained clogged by all m a n n e r of mediaeval rubbish, seignorial rights, local privileges, municipal and guild monopolies and provincial constitutions. T h e gigantic b r o o m of the F r e n c h Revolution of t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y swept a w a y all these relics of b y g o n e times, thus clearing simultaneously the social soil of 25 its last hindrances to the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e of t h e m o d e r n State edifice raised under the First E m p i r e , itself the offspring of the coalition w a r s of old semi-feudal E u r o p e against m o d e r n F r a n c e . During the s u b s e q u e n t régimes the G o v e r n m e n t , placed u n d e r parlia|] 1 6 | m e n t a r y control—that is, u n d e r the direct control of the propertied classes—became n o t only a hotbed of huge 30

national debts and crushing t a x e s ; with its irresistible allurements of place, pelf, and patronage, it b e c a m e n o t only t h e b o n e of contention b e t w e e n the rival factions and a d v e n t u r e r s of the ruling classes ; b u t its political c h a r a c t e r changed simultaneously with the e c o n o m i c changes of society. At the same p a c e at which the progress of m o d e r n industry developed, widened, intensi-

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fied the class-antagonism b e t w e e n capital and labour, the State p o w e r a s s u m e d more and m o r e the c h a r a c t e r of t h e national p o w e r of capital over labour, of a public force organized for social enslavement, of an engine of class despotism. After every revolution marking a progressive phase in the

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Karl Marx class struggle, the purely repressive c h a r a c t e r of the State p o w e r stands out in bolder and bolder relief. T h e Revolution of 1830, resulting in the transfer of G o v e r n m e n t from the landlords to the capitalists, transferred it from t h e more r e m o t e to the more direct antagonists of the working men. T h e bourgeois Republicans, w h o , in the n a m e of the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , t o o k the State power, used it for the J u n e m a s s a c r e s , in order to convince the working class that " s o c i a l " republic m e a n t the republic ensuring their social subjection, and in order to c o n v i n c e t h e royalist bulk of the bourgeois and landlord class that they might safely leave the cares and e m o l u m e n t s of g o v e r n m e n t to the bourgeois " R e p u b l i c a n s . " H o w e v e r , after their o n e heroic exploit of J u n e , the bourgeois Republicans had, from the front, to fall b a c k to the rear of t h e " P a r t y of Order"—a combination formed by all the rival fractions and factions of the appropriating class in their n o w openly declared antagonism to the producing classes. T h e p r o p e r form of their joint-stock G o v e r n m e n t w a s the Parliamentary Republic, with L o u i s B o n a p a r t e for its President. Theirs w a s a régime of a v o w e d class terrorism and deliberate insult t o w a r d s the "vile m u l t i t u d e . " If the Parliamentary Republic, as M . T h i e r s said, "divided them ( t h e different fractions of t h e ruling c l a s s ) l e a s t , " it opened an abyss b e t w e e n that class and the whole b o d y of society outside their spare r a n k s . T h e restraints by which their o w n divisions had under former régimes still checked t h e State p o w e r , w e r e r e m o v e d by their union; and in view of the threatening upheaval of the proletariate, they now used that State p o w e r mercilessly and ostentatiously as the national war-engine of capital against labour. In their uninterrupted c r u s a d e against the producing m a s s e s they w e r e , h o w e v e r , b o u n d not only to invest the executive with continually increased p o w e r s of repression, but at the same time to divest their o w n parliamentary stronghold—the National Assembly—one by one, of all its o w n m e a n s of defence against the E x e c u t i v e . T h e E x e c u t i v e , in the p e r s o n of Louis B o n a p a r t e , turned them out. T h e natural offspring of the " P a r t y - o f - O r d e r " Republic w a s t h e S e c o n d E m pire.

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T h e E m p i r e , with the coup d'état for its certificate of birth, universal suffrage for its sanction, and the sword for its sceptre, p r o f e s s e d to rest upon the p e a s a n t r y , the large mass of p r o d u c e r s not directly involved in the struggle of capital and labour. It professed to save the working class by 35 breaking d o w n Parliamentarism, and, with it, the undisguised subserviency of G o v e r n m e n t to the propertied classes. It professed to 11171 save the p r o p e r tied classes by upholding their e c o n o m i c s u p r e m a c y over the working class; and, finally, it professed to unite all classes by reviving for all the chimera of national glory. In reality, it w a s the only form of g o v e r n m e n t possible at 40 a time w h e n the bourgeoisie had already lost, and the working class had not

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The Civil War in France · III yet acquired, t h e faculty of ruling t h e nation. It w a s acclaimed t h r o u g h o u t t h e world as t h e saviour of society. U n d e r its sway, bourgeois society, freed from political c a r e s , attained a d e v e l o p m e n t u n e x p e c t e d even by itself. Its industry and c o m m e r c e e x p a n d e d to colossal d i m e n s i o n s ; financial swin5 dling celebrated c o s m o p o l i t a n orgies; t h e m i s e r y of t h e m a s s e s w a s set off by a shameless display of gorgeous, m e r e t r i c i o u s , and d e b a s e d luxury. T h e State p o w e r , a p p a r e n t l y soaring high a b o v e society, w a s at t h e s a m e time itself t h e greatest scandal of t h a t society and t h e very hotbed of all its c o r r u p t i o n s . Its o w n r o t t e n n e s s , a n d the r o t t e n n e s s of t h e society it had 10

saved, w e r e laid b a r e by t h e b a y o n e t of Prussia, herself eagerly b e n t u p o n transferring t h e s u p r e m e seat of t h a t régime from Paris to Berlin. Imperialism is, at t h e same time, the m o s t prostitute a n d the ultimate form of t h e S t a t e p o w e r which n a s c e n t middle-class society had c o m m e n c e d to elaborate as a m e a n s of its o w n e m a n c i p a t i o n from feudalism, and which full-grown

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bourgeois society had finally t r a n s f o r m e d into a m e a n s for t h e e n s l a v e m e n t of labour by capital. T h e direct antithesis to t h e E m p i r e w a s t h e C o m m u n e . T h e cry of "Social R e p u b l i c , " with w h i c h t h e revolution of F e b r u a r y w a s u s h e r e d in by t h e Paris proletariate, did but e x p r e s s a vague aspiration after a Republic that

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was not only to s u p e r s e d e the m o n a r c h i c a l form of class-rule, b u t class-rule itself. T h e C o m m u n e w a s the positive form of that Republic. Paris, the central seat of t h e old g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r , and, at t h e s a m e time, t h e social stronghold of t h e F r e n c h w o r k i n g class, had risen in a r m s against the a t t e m p t of Thiers and the Rurals to r e s t o r e and p e r p e t u a t e that

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old governmental p o w e r b e q u e a t h e d to t h e m by the E m p i r e . Paris could resist only b e c a u s e , in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e siege, it had got rid of t h e a r m y , and replaced it by a National G u a r d , t h e bulk of w h i c h consisted of w o r k i n g m e n . This fact was n o w to be t r a n s f o r m e d into an institution. T h e first d e c r e e of t h e C o m m u n e , t h e r e f o r e , w a s the suppression of t h e standing a r m y , a n d

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the substitution for it of the a r m e d p e o p l e . T h e C o m m u n e w a s f o r m e d of t h e municipal councillors, c h o s e n by universal suffrage in the various w a r d s of t h e t o w n , responsible and r e v o c able at short t e r m s . T h e majority of its m e m b e r s w e r e naturally w o r k i n g m e n , of acknowledged r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e w o r k i n g class. T h e C o m m u n e 35 was to be a working, not a p a r l i a m e n t a r y , b o d y , executive and legislative at the s a m e time. Instead of continuing to be t h e agent of t h e Central G o v e r n ment, t h e police was at o n c e stripped of its political attributes, and turned into the responsible and at all times r e v o c a b l e agent of the C o m m u n e . So w e r e t h e officials of all other b r a n c h e s of the Administration. F r o m t h e 40

m e m b e r s of the C o m m u n e d o w n w a r d s , t h e public service had to be d o n e at workmen's wages. T h e v e s t e d interests a n d t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n allowances

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Karl Marx of the high dignitaries of State disappeared along j 1181 with t h e high dignitaries t h e m s e l v e s . Public functions ceased to be the private p r o p e r t y of t h e tools of the Central G o v e r n m e n t . N o t only municipal administration, b u t the whole initiative hitherto exercised by the State w a s laid into the h a n d s of the C o m m u n e .

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H a v i n g o n c e got rid of the standing a r m y and t h e police, the physical force elements of the old G o v e r n m e n t , t h e C o m m u n e w a s anxious to b r e a k the spiritual force of repression, the " p a r s o n - p o w e r , " by the disestablishm e n t and d i s e n d o w m e n t of all c h u r c h e s as proprietary bodies. T h e priests w e r e sent b a c k to the r e c e s s e s of private life, t h e r e to feed u p o n t h e alms 10 of the faithful in imitation of their p r e d e c e s s o r s , the Apostles. T h e w h o l e of the educational institutions w e r e o p e n e d to t h e p e o p l e gratuitously, and at the same time cleared of all interference of C h u r c h and State. T h u s , not only w a s education m a d e accessible to all, b u t science itself freed from t h e fetters which class prejudice and g o v e r n m e n t a l force had imposed u p o n it. 15 T h e judicial functionaries w e r e to be divested of that sham i n d e p e n d e n c e w h i c h had but served to m a s k their abject subserviency to all succeeding g o v e r n m e n t s to which, in turn, they had taken, and b r o k e n , the o a t h s of allegiance. L i k e the rest of public s e r v a n t s , magistrates and judges w e r e to be elective, responsible, and revocable. 20 T h e Paris C o m m u n e w a s , of course, to serve as a model to all the great industrial centres of F r a n c e . T h e c o m m u n a l régime o n c e established in Paris and the secondary centres, the old centralized G o v e r n m e n t would in t h e p r o v i n c e s , t o o , h a v e to give w a y to the self-government of the p r o d u c e r s . In a rough sketch of national organization w h i c h the C o m m u n e had no time to develop, it states clearly that the C o m m u n e w a s to be the political form of even the smallest c o u n t r y hamlet, and that in t h e rural districts the standing a r m y w a s to be replaced by a national militia, with an e x t r e m e l y short term of service. T h e rural c o m m u n e s of e v e r y district w e r e to administer their c o m m o n affairs by an assembly of delegates in the central town, a n d these district assemblies w e r e again to send deputies to t h e National Delegation in Paris, e a c h delegate to be at a n y time r e v o c a b l e and b o u n d by the mandat impératif (formal instructions) of his constituents. T h e few b u t important functions which still w o u l d r e m a i n for a central governm e n t w e r e not to be suppressed, as has b e e n intentionally mis-stated, but w e r e to be discharged by C o m m u n a l , and therefore strictly responsible agents. T h e unity of the nation w a s not to be b r o k e n , b u t , on the contrary, to be organized by the C o m m u n a l constitution, and to b e c o m e a reality by t h e destruction of the State p o w e r w h i c h claimed to be t h e e m b o d i m e n t of that unity independent of, and superior to, the nation itself, from w h i c h it w a s b u t a parasitic e x c r e s c e n c e . While t h e merely r e p r e s s i v e organs of the

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The Civil War in France · III old governmental p o w e r w e r e to be a m p u t a t e d , its legitimate functions w e r e to be w r e s t e d from an authority usurping pre-eminence over society itself, and restored to the responsible agents of society. Instead of deciding o n c e in three or six y e a r s w h i c h m e m b e r of the ruling class w a s to m i s r e p r e s e n t 5 the people in Parliament, universal suffrage w a s to serve the people, constituted in C o m m u n e s , as individual suffrage serves every other employer in t h e search for t h e w o r k m e n a n d | | l 9 | managers in his business. A n d it is well k n o w n that c o m p a n i e s , like individuals, in matters of real business generally know h o w to p u t the right m a n in the right place, and, if they for 10

o n c e m a k e a mistake, to r e d r e s s it promptly. On the other hand, nothing could be m o r e foreign to the spirit of t h e C o m m u n e than to s u p e r s e d e universal suffrage by hierarchic investiture. It is generally t h e fate of completely n e w historical creations to be mistaken for the c o u n t e r p a r t of older and e v e n defunct forms of social life, 15 to which they m a y b e a r a certain likeness. T h u s , this n e w C o m m u n e , which breaks the m o d e r n State p o w e r , has b e e n mistaken for a r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e mediaeval C o m m u n e s , which first p r e c e d e d , and afterwards b e c a m e the substratum of, that v e r y State p o w e r — T h e c o m m u n a l constitution has b e e n mistaken for an a t t e m p t to b r e a k up into a federation of small States,

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as d r e a m t of by M o n t e s q u i e u and the Girondins, that unity of great nations which, if originally brought a b o u t by political force, has now b e c o m e a powerful coefficient of social production.—The antagonism of the C o m m u n e against the State p o w e r has b e e n mistaken for an exaggerated form of t h e ancient struggle against over-centralization. Peculiar historical 25 circumstances m a y h a v e p r e v e n t e d the classical d e v e l o p m e n t , as in F r a n c e , of the bourgeois form of g o v e r n m e n t , and m a y h a v e allowed, as in E n g l a n d , to complete the great central State organs by corrupt vestries, jobbing councillors, and ferocious poor-law guardians in the towns, and virtually hereditary magistrates in the counties. T h e C o m m u n a l Constitution would 30 h a v e restored to t h e social b o d y all the forces hitherto absorbed by the State parasite feeding u p o n , and clogging the free m o v e m e n t of, society. By this one act it would h a v e initiated the regeneration of France.—The provincial F r e n c h middle-class saw in the C o m m u n e an attempt to restore t h e s w a y their order had held over the c o u n t r y u n d e r Louis Philippe, and which, 35

u n d e r Louis N a p o l e o n , was supplanted by the p r e t e n d e d rule of the c o u n t r y over the t o w n s . In reality, the C o m m u n a l Constitution brought the rural p r o d u c e r s under the intellectual lead of the central towns of their districts, and there secured to t h e m , in t h e w o r k i n g m e n , t h e natural trustees of their interests.—The very existence of the C o m m u n e involved, as a m a t t e r of 40 course, local municipal liberty, b u t no longer as a check upon t h e , n o w superseded, State power. It could only enter into the head of a Bismarck,

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Karl Marx w h o , w h e n not engaged on his intrigues of blood a n d iron, always likes to r e s u m e his old trade, so befitting his mental calibre, of contributor to Kladderadatsch (the Berlin Punch), it could only enter into such a head, to ascribe to the Paris C o m m u n e aspirations after that caricature of the old F r e n c h municipal organization of 1791, the Prussian municipal constitution 5 w h i c h degrades the t o w n g o v e r n m e n t s to m e r e s e c o n d a r y wheels in t h e police-machinery of the Prussian State.—The C o m m u n e m a d e that catchword of bourgeois revolutions, c h e a p g o v e r n m e n t , a reality, by destroying the t w o greatest sources of expenditure—the standing a r m y a n d State functionarism. Its very existence p r e s u p p o s e d the non-existence of mon- 10 archy, which, in E u r o p e at least, is the normal i n c u m b r a n c e and indispensable cloak of class-rule. It supplied the Republic with the basis of really democratic institutions. B u t neither cheap g o v e r n m e n t nor the " t r u e R e p u b l i c " w a s its ultimate aim; they w e r e its m e r e c o n c o m i t a n t s . ! 1201 T h e multiplicity of interpretations to which the C o m m u n e has b e e n 15 subjected, and the multiplicity of interests which construed it in their favour, show that it w a s a thoroughly e x p a n s i v e political form, while all previous forms of g o v e r n m e n t h a d b e e n emphatically r e p r e s s i v e . Its t r u e secret was this. It w a s essentially a working-class g o v e r n m e n t , t h e p r o d u c e of the struggle of the producing against the appropriating class, t h e political 20 form at last discovered under w h i c h to w o r k out the economical emancipation of L a b o u r . E x c e p t on this last condition, the C o m m u n a l Constitution would h a v e b e e n an impossibility and a delusion. T h e political rule of t h e p r o d u c e r c a n n o t coexist with the perpetuation of his social slavery. T h e C o m m u n e 25 w a s therefore to serve as a lever for uprooting t h e economical foundations u p o n which rests the existence of classes, and therefore of class rule. With labour emancipated, e v e r y man b e c o m e s a working m a n , and p r o d u c t i v e labour ceases to be a class attribute. It is a strange fact. In spite of all the tall talk and all the i m m e n s e 30 literature, for the last sixty y e a r s , a b o u t E m a n c i p a t i o n of L a b o u r , no sooner do the working m e n a n y w h e r e take the subject into their o w n h a n d s with a will, than uprises at o n c e all the apologetic phraseology of the m o u t h p i e c e s of p r e s e n t society with its two poles of Capital and Wage-slavery (the landlord now is b u t the sleeping p a r t n e r of the capitalist), as if capitalist 35 society w a s still in its purest state of virgin i n n o c e n c e , with its antagonisms still u n d e v e l o p e d , with its delusions still u n e x p l o d e d , w i t h its prostitute realities n o t yet laid b a r e . T h e C o m m u n e , t h e y exclaim, intends to abolish p r o p e r t y , the basis of all civilization! Y e s , gentlemen, the C o m m u n e intended to abolish that class-property which m a k e s the labour of t h e m a n y the 40 wealth of the few. It aimed at the expropriation of the expropriators. It

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wanted to m a k e individual p r o p e r t y a truth by transforming the m e a n s of production, land and capital, n o w chiefly the m e a n s of enslaving and e x ploiting labour, into m e r e i n s t r u m e n t s of free and associated labour.—But this is C o m m u n i s m , " i m p o s s i b l e " C o m m u n i s m ! W h y , those m e m b e r s of the ruling classes w h o are intelligent enough to perceive the impossibility of continuing the p r e s e n t system—and t h e y are many—have b e c o m e t h e obtrusive and full-mouthed apostles of co-operative production. If co-operative production is not to remain a sham and a s n a r e ; if it is to supersede the Capitalist system; if united co-operative societies are to regulate national production upon a c o m m o n plan, thus taking it under their o w n control, and putting an end to the c o n s t a n t a n a r c h y and periodical convulsions which are the fatality of Capitalist production—what else, gentlemen, would it be b u t Communism, "possible" Communism? T h e working class did not e x p e c t miracles from the C o m m u n e . T h e y h a v e no ready-made Utopias to introduce par décret du peuple. T h e y k n o w that in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that higher form to which present society is irresistibly tending by its o w n economical agencies, they will h a v e to pass t h r o u g h long struggles, through a series of historic p r o c e s s e s , transforming c i r c u m s t a n c e s and men. T h e y h a v e no ideals to realize, but to set free elements of the n e w society with w h i c h old collapsing bourgeois society itself is pregnant. ||211 In the full consciousness of their historic mission, and with the heroic resolve to act up to it, the working class can afford to smile at the c o a r s e invective of the g e n t l e m e n ' s gentlemen with the pen and inkhorn, and at the didactic p a t r o n a g e of well-wishing bourgeois-doctrinaires, pouring forth their ignorant platitudes and sectarian crotchets in t h e oracular t o n e of scientific infallibility. W h e n the Paris C o m m u n e took the m a n a g e m e n t of the revolution in its own h a n d s ; w h e n plain working m e n for the first time dared to infringe u p o n the Governmental privilege of their "natural s u p e r i o r s , " and, u n d e r circumstances of unexampled difficulty, p e r f o r m e d their w o r k modestly, conscientiously, and efficiently—performed it at salaries the highest of which barely a m o u n t e d to one-fifth of w h a t , according to high scientific authority, is the minimum required for a secretary to a certain metropolitan school-board,—the old world writhed in convulsions of rage at the sight of the Red Flag, the symbol of the Republic of L a b o u r , floating over t h e Hôtel de Ville. A n d yet, this w a s the first revolution in w h i c h the working class w a s openly acknowledged as the only class capable of social initiative, e v e n by the great bulk of the Paris middle class—shopkeepers, t r a d e s m e n , merchants—the wealthy capitalists alone e x c e p t e d . T h e C o m m u n e had saved them by a sagacious settlement of that ever-recurring cause of dispute

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Karl Marx a m o n g the middle classes themselves—the debtor and creditor a c c o u n t s . T h e same portion of the middle class, after t h e y had assisted in putting d o w n the working m e n ' s insurrection of J u n e , 1848, had b e e n at o n c e u n c e r e m o n i o u s l y sacrificed to their creditors by the then Constituent A s s e m b l y . But this w a s not their only motive for n o w rallying r o u n d the w o r k i n g class. T h e y felt that there was b u t o n e alternative—the C o m m u n e , or the Empire—under w h a t e v e r n a m e it might r e a p p e a r . T h e E m p i r e had ruined t h e m economically by the h a v o c it m a d e of public wealth, by the wholesale financial swindling it fostered, by the p r o p s it lent to the artificially accelerated centralization of capital, and the concomitant expropriation of their o w n ranks. It had suppressed t h e m politically, it had shocked t h e m morally by its orgies, it had insulted their Voltairianism by handing over the education of their children to the frères Ignorantins, it had revolted their national feeling as F r e n c h m e n by precipitating t h e m headlong into a w a r which left only o n e equivalent for the ruins it made—the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of t h e E m p i r e . In fact, after the e x o d u s from Paris of the high Bonapartist and capitalist Bohême, the true middle-class P a r t y of O r d e r c a m e out in the shape of the " U n i o n R é p u b l i c a i n e , " enrolling themselves u n d e r the colours of the C o m m u n e and defending it against the wilful misconstruction of Thiers. W h e t h e r the gratitude of this great b o d y of the middle class will stand the p r e s e n t severe trial, time m u s t show. T h e C o m m u n e w a s perfectly right in telling the p e a s a n t s that "its victory w a s their only h o p e . " Of all the lies hatched at Versailles and re-echoed by the glorious E u r o p e a n penny-a-liner, o n e of the m o s t t r e m e n d o u s w a s that the Rurals r e p r e s e n t e d the F r e n c h p e a s a n t r y . Think only of the love of the F r e n c h p e a s a n t for the m e n to w h o m , after 1815, he had to pay the milliard of indemnity! In the e y e s of t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t , ||22 j the very existence of a great landed proprietor is in itself an e n c r o a c h m e n t on his c o n q u e s t s of 1789. T h e bourgeois, in 1848, h a d b u r t h e n e d his plot of land with the additional tax of forty-five cents in t h e f r a n c ; but t h e n he did so in the n a m e of the revolution; while now he had f o m e n t e d a civil w a r against the revolution, to shift on to the p e a s a n t ' s shoulders t h e chief load of the five milliards of indemnity to be paid to the Prussian. T h e C o m m u n e , on t h e other hand, in one of its first proclamations, declared that the true originators of the w a r would be m a d e to p a y its cost. T h e C o m m u n e w o u l d h a v e delivered the p e a s a n t of the blood tax,—would h a v e given him a cheap government,—transformed his p r e s e n t b l o o d - s u c k e r s , the n o t a r y , a d v o c a t e , executor, and other judicial v a m p i r e s , into salaried c o m m u n a l agents, elected by, and responsible t o , himself. It would h a v e freed him of t h e t y r a n n y of the garde champêtre, the g e n d a r m e , and the prefect; w o u l d h a v e p u t enlightenment by the schoolmaster in the place of stultification by the

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priest. A n d the F r e n c h p e a s a n t is, a b o v e all, a m a n of reckoning. He w o u l d find it extremely r e a s o n a b l e t h a t t h e p a y of t h e priest, instead of being extorted by the tax-gatherer, should only d e p e n d u p o n the s p o n t a n e o u s action of the parishioners' religious instincts. S u c h w e r e the great immediate b o o n s which t h e rule of t h e Commune—and that rule alone—held o u t to t h e F r e n c h peasantry. It is, therefore, quite superfluous here to expatiate u p o n the m o r e complicated but vital p r o b l e m s w h i c h the C o m m u n e alone w a s able, and at the same time compelled, to solve in favour of the p e a s a n t , viz., the h y p o t h e c a r y debt, lying like an incubus u p o n his parcel of soil, t h e prolétariat fonder (the rural proletariate), daily growing u p o n it, a n d his expropriation from it enforced, at a m o r e and m o r e rapid rate, by t h e very development of m o d e r n agriculture a n d t h e competition of capitalist farming. T h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t had elected L o u i s B o n a p a r t e president of t h e Republic; but the P a r t y of O r d e r created the E m p i r e . W h a t the F r e n c h p e a s a n t really w a n t s he c o m m e n c e d to show in 1849 and 1850, by opposing his maire to the G o v e r n m e n t ' s prefect, his schoolmaster to the G o v e r n m e n t ' s priest, and himself to the G o v e r n m e n t ' s g e n d a r m e . All the laws m a d e by the party of order in J a n u a r y and F e b r u a r y , 1850, w e r e a v o w e d m e a s u r e s of repression against the p e a s a n t . T h e p e a s a n t w a s a Bonapartist, b e c a u s e the great Revolution, with all its benefits to him, w a s , in his e y e s , personified in N a p o l e o n . This delusion, rapidly breaking d o w n under the S e c o n d Empire (and in its very n a t u r e hostile to t h e Rurals), this prejudice of the past, how could it h a v e withstood the appeal of the C o m m u n e to t h e living interests and urgent w a n t s of t h e p e a s a n t r y ? T h e Rurals—this w a s , in fact, their chief apprehension—knew that t h r e e m o n t h s ' free communication of C o m m u n a l Paris with the provinces would bring about a general rising of the p e a s a n t s , and h e n c e their anxiety to establish a police b l o c k a d e a r o u n d Paris, so as to stop the spread of the rinderpest. If the C o m m u n e w a s t h u s t h e t r u e representative of all the healthy elements of F r e n c h society, and therefore the truly national G o v e r n m e n t , it w a s , at the same time, as a w o r k i n g m e n ' s G o v e r n m e n t , as t h e b o l d | 1231 champion of the emancipation of labour, emphatically international. Within sight of the Prussian a r m y , that h a d a n n e x e d to G e r m a n y t w o F r e n c h provinces, t h e C o m m u n e a n n e x e d to F r a n c e t h e working people all over the world. T h e Second E m p i r e had b e e n t h e jubilee of cosmopolitan blackleggism, the rakes of all countries rushing in at its call for a share in its orgies and in the plunder of the F r e n c h p e o p l e . E v e n at this m o m e n t the right h a n d of Thiers is G a n e s c o , the foul Wallachian, and his left hand is M a r k o w s k i , the

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Karl Marx Russian spy. T h e C o m m u n e admitted all foreigners to the h o n o u r of dying for an immortal cause. B e t w e e n the foreign w a r lost by their t r e a s o n , and the civil w a r fomented by their conspiracy with the foreign invader, the bourgeoisie had found t h e time to display their patriotism by organizing police-hunts upon the G e r m a n s in F r a n c e . T h e C o m m u n e m a d e a G e r m a n 5 working-man its minister of labour. Thiers, the bourgeoisie, the Second E m p i r e , had continually deluded Poland by loud professions of s y m p a t h y , while in reality betraying her t o , and doing the dirty w o r k of, Russia. T h e C o m m u n e h o n o u r e d the heroic sons of Poland by placing them at the head of the defenders of Paris. And, to broadly m a r k the n e w era of history it w a s 10 conscious of initiating, u n d e r the eyes of the conquering Prussians on t h e o n e side, and of the Bonapartist army, led by Bonapartist generals, on the other, t h e C o m m u n e pulled d o w n that colossal symbol of martial glory, the V e n d ô m e column. T h e great social m e a s u r e of the C o m m u n e w a s its o w n working existence. 15 Its special m e a s u r e s could but betoken the t e n d e n c y of a g o v e r n m e n t of the people by the people. Such w e r e the abolition of t h e nightwork of journ e y m e n b a k e r s ; the prohibition, u n d e r penalty, of the e m p l o y e r s ' practice to r e d u c e wages by levying u p o n their w o r k p e o p l e fines u n d e r manifold pretexts,—a p r o c e s s in which t h e employer c o m b i n e s in his o w n p e r s o n t h e 20 parts of legislator, judge, and executor, and filches t h e m o n e y to boot. A n o t h e r m e a s u r e of this class w a s the surrender, to associations of w o r k m e n , u n d e r r e s e r v e of c o m p e n s a t i o n , of all closed w o r k s h o p s and factories, no matter w h e t h e r the respective capitalists had a b s c o n d e d or preferred to strike work. 25 T h e financial m e a s u r e s of the C o m m u n e , remarkable for their sagacity and moderation, could only be such as w e r e compatible with t h e state of a besieged town. Considering the colossal robberies committed u p o n the city of Paris by the great financial companies and c o n t r a c t o r s , under the protection of H a u s s m a n n , the C o m m u n e would h a v e had an incomparably 30 b e t t e r title to confiscate their p r o p e r t y t h a n L o u i s N a p o l e o n had against t h e Orleans family. T h e H o h e n z o l l e r n and the English oligarchs w h o b o t h h a v e derived a good deal of their estates from C h u r c h plunder, w e r e , of c o u r s e , greatly shocked at the C o m m u n e clearing b u t 8,000f. out of secularisation. 35 While the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t , as soon as it had r e c o v e r e d some spirit and strength, used the most violent m e a n s against the C o m m u n e ; while it put d o w n t h e free expression of opinion all over F r a n c e , e v e n to the forbidding of meetings of delegates from the large t o w n s ; while it subjected Versailles and the rest of F r a n c e to an espionage far surpassing that of the 40 Second E m p i r e ; while it b u r n e d by its g e n d a r m e inquisitors | | 2 4 | all p a p e r s

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printed at Paris, and sifted all c o r r e s p o n d e n c e from and to Paris; while in the National A s s e m b l y the m o s t timid attempts to put in a w o r d for Paris were howled d o w n in a m a n n e r u n k n o w n e v e n to the Chambre introuvable of 1816; with the savage w a r f a r e of Versailles outside, and its a t t e m p t s at corruption and conspiracy inside Paris—would the C o m m u n e n o t h a v e shamefully b e t r a y e d its trust by affecting to k e e p up all the decencies a n d a p p e a r a n c e s of liberalism as in a time of profound p e a c e ? H a d the G o v e r n ment of the C o m m u n e b e e n akin to that of M. Thiers, there would h a v e b e e n no m o r e occasion to suppress Party-of-Order p a p e r s at Paris than t h e r e w a s to suppress C o m m u n a l p a p e r s at Versailles. It w a s irritating indeed to t h e Rurals that at the very same time t h e y declared the return to the C h u r c h to be t h e only m e a n s of salvation for F r a n c e , the infidel C o m m u n e u n e a r t h e d the peculiar mysteries of the Picpus n u n n e r y , and of the C h u r c h of Saint L a u r e n t . It w a s a satire u p o n M. Thiers that, while he showered grand crosses u p o n the Bonapartist generals in acknowledgment of their m a s t e r y in losing battles, signing capitulations, and turning cigarettes at Wilhelmshöhe, the C o m m u n e dismissed and arrested its generals w h e n e v e r they w e r e suspected of neglecting their duties. T h e expulsion from, and arrest b y , the C o m m u n e of one of its m e m b e r s w h o had slipped in u n d e r a false n a m e , and had u n d e r g o n e at L y o n s six d a y s ' imprisonment for simple b a n k r u p t c y , w a s it not a deliberate insult hurled at the forger, Jules F a v r e , t h e n still the foreign minister of F r a n c e , still selling F r a n c e to B i s m a r c k , and still dictating his orders to that paragon G o v e r n m e n t of Belgium? B u t indeed the C o m m u n e did not pretend to infallibility, the invariable attribute of all g o v e r n m e n t s of the old stamp. It published its doings and sayings, it initiated the public into all its shortcomings. In every revolution t h e r e intrude, at t h e side of its t r u e agents, m e n of a different s t a m p ; some of t h e m survivors of a n d d e v o t e e s to past revolutions, without insight into the p r e s e n t m o v e m e n t , but preserving popular influence by their k n o w n h o n e s t y and courage, or by the sheer force of tradition; others mere bawlers, w h o , by dint of repeating y e a r after year the same set of stereotyped declamations against the G o v e r n m e n t of t h e day, h a v e sneaked into the reputation of revolutionists of t h e first water. After the 18th of March, some such m e n did also turn up, and in some cases contrived to play pre-eminent parts. As far as their p o w e r w e n t , they h a m p e r e d the real action of the working class, exactly as m e n of that sort have h a m p e r e d the full d e v e l o p m e n t of every p r e v i o u s revolution. T h e y are an unavoidable evil; with time they are shaken off; but time was not allowed to the Commune. Wonderful, indeed, w a s the change the C o m m u n e had w r o u g h t in Paris!

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No longer a n y trace of the meretricious Paris of the Second E m p i r e . No longer w a s Paris the r e n d e z v o u s of British landlords, Irish a b s e n t e e s , A m e r i c a n ex-slaveholders and s h o d d y m e n , Russian ex-serfowners, a n d Wallachian b o y a r d s . N o m o r e corpses a t the M o r g u e , n o nocturnal burglaries, scarcely any r o b b e r i e s ; in fact, for the first time since t h e d a y s of 5 F e b r u a r y , 1848, the streets of Paris w e r e safe, and t h a t without any police of any kind. " W e , " said a m e m b e r of the C o m m u n e , " h e a r |J251 no longer of assassination, theft, and personal assault; it s e e m s indeed as if the police had dragged along with it to Versailles all its C o n s e r v a t i v e f r i e n d s . " T h e cocottes had refound the scent of their protectors—the absconding m e n of 10 family, religion, and, a b o v e all, of p r o p e r t y . In their stead, the real w o m e n of Paris showed again at the surface—heroic, noble, and devoted, like the w o m e n of antiquity. Working, thinking, fighting, bleeding Paris—almost forgetful, in its incubation of a n e w society, of the cannibals at its g a t e s radiant in t h e enthusiasm of its historic initiative! 15 O p p o s e d to this n e w world at Paris, behold the old world at Versailles— t h a t assembly of the ghouls of all defunct régimes, Legitimists and Orleanists, eager to feed u p o n t h e carcass of the nation,—with a tail of antediluvian Republicans, sanctioning, by their p r e s e n c e in t h e A s s e m b l y , t h e slaveholders' rebellion, relying for the m a i n t e n a n c e of their Parliamentary 20 Republic u p o n the vanity of the senile m o u n t e b a n k at its head, and caricaturing 1789 by holding their ghastly meetings in the Jeu de Paume. T h e r e it w a s , this Assembly, the representative of everything dead in F r a n c e , p r o p p e d up to the semblance of life by nothing b u t the swords of the generals of Louis B o n a p a r t e . Paris all truth, Versailles all lie; and that lie v e n t e d 25 through the m o u t h of Thiers. Thiers tells a deputation of the m a y o r s of the Seine-et-Oise,—"You m a y rely upon my w o r d , which I h a v e never b r o k e n ! " He tells t h e Assembly itself that "it w a s the m o s t freely elected a n d m o s t Liberal A s s e m b l y F r a n c e e v e r p o s s e s s e d " ; he tells his motley soldiery that it w a s " t h e 30 admiration of the world, and the finest a r m y F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " ; he tells the provinces that the b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris by him w a s a m y t h : "If some cannon-shots h a v e b e e n fired, it is n o t t h e deed of t h e a r m y of Versailles, but of some insurgents trying to m a k e believe that t h e y are fighting, while they dare not show their f a c e s . " He again tells the provinces 35 that " t h e artillery of Versailles does not b o m b a r d Paris, b u t only c a n n o n a d e s i t . " He tells the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris that the p r e t e n d e d e x e c u t i o n s and reprisals (!) attributed to the Versailles troops w e r e all m o o n s h i n e . He tells Paris that he w a s only anxious " t o free it from the h i d e o u s tyrants w h o o p p r e s s i t , " and that, in fact, the Paris of the C o m m u n e w a s " b u t a handful 40 of criminals."

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The Civil War in France • IV T h e Paris of M. Thiers w a s n o t t h e real Paris of the "vile m u l t i t u d e , " b u t a p h a n t o m Paris, the Paris of t h e francs-fileurs, t h e Paris of the B o u l e v a r d s , male and female—the rich, the capitalist, the gilded, the idle Paris, n o w thronging with its l a c k e y s , its blacklegs, its literary bohème, and its cocottes 5 at Versailles, Saint-Denis, Rueil, and Saint-Germain; considering the civil war b u t an agreeable diversion, eyeing t h e battle going on through telescopes, counting the r o u n d s of c a n n o n , a n d swearing gy their o w n h o n o u r and that of their prostitutes, t h a t t h e p e r f o r m a n c e w a s far better got up t h a n it used to be at the P o r t e St. Martin. T h e men w h o fell w e r e really d e a d ; the 10 cries of the w o u n d e d w e r e cries in good e a r n e s t ; and, besides, t h e w h o l e thing w a s so intensely historical. This is the Paris of M. Thiers, as t h e Emigration of Coblentz w a s t h e F r a n c e of M. de Calonne. |

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T h e first attempt of t h e slaveholders' conspiracy to put d o w n Paris by getting the Prussians to o c c u p y it, w a s frustrated by B i s m a r c k ' s refusal. T h e second attempt, that of the 18th of M a r c h , e n d e d in the r o u t of the a r m y a n d the flight to Versailles of the G o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h ordered the w h o l e administration to b r e a k up and follow in its track. By the semblance of p e a c e 20 negotiations with Paris, Thiers found t h e time to p r e p a r e for w a r against it. But w h e r e to find an a r m y ? T h e r e m n a n t s of t h e line regiments w e r e w e a k in n u m b e r and unsafe in character. His urgent appeal to the provinces to succour Versailles, by their National G u a r d s and volunteers, met with a f l a t refusal. Brittany alone furnished a handful of Chouans fighting u n d e r a 25

white flag, every o n e of t h e m w e a r i n g on his b r e a s t the h e a r t of J e s u s in white cloth, and shouting " V i v e le R o i ! " ( L o n g live t h e King!) Thiers w a s , therefore, compelled to collect, in hot h a s t e , a motley crew, c o m p o s e d of sailors, marines, Pontifical Z o u a v e s , Valentin's g e n d a r m e s , and Piétri's sergents de ville a n d mouchards. This a r m y , h o w e v e r , w o u l d h a v e b e e n 30 ridiculously ineffective without the instalments of imperialist war-prisoners, which Bismarck granted in n u m b e r s just sufficient to keep the civil w a r a-going, and keep the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t in abject d e p e n d e n c e on Prussia. During the w a r itself, the Versailles police had to look after t h e Versailles army, while the g e n d a r m e s had to drag it on by exposing t h e m 35

selves at all posts of danger. T h e forts which fell w e r e not taken, but bought. T h e heroism of the F e d e r a l s c o n v i n c e d Thiers t h a t the resistance of Paris w a s not to be b r o k e n by his o w n strategic genius and the b a y o n e t s at his disposal.

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Karl Marx Meanwhile, his relations with t h e p r o v i n c e s b e c a m e m o r e and m o r e difficult. N o t o n e single address of approval c a m e in to gladden Thiers and his Rurals. Quite the contrary. Deputations and a d d r e s s e s demanding, in a t o n e anything but respectful, conciliation with Paris on the basis of the unequivocal recognition of the Republic, the a c k n o w l e d g m e n t of the 5 C o m m u n a l liberties, and the dissolution of t h e N a t i o n a l Assembly, w h o s e m a n d a t e was extinct, p o u r e d in from all sides, and in such n u m b e r s that D u f a u r e , Thiers's Minister of Justice, in his circular of April 23rd to the public p r o s e c u t o r s , c o m m a n d e d them to treat " t h e cry of conciliation" as a crime! In regard, h o w e v e r , of the hopeless p r o s p e c t held out by his 10 campaign, Thiers resolved to shift his tactics by ordering, all over the c o u n t r y , municipal elections to take place on the 30th of April, on the basis of the new municipal law dictated by himself to the National A s s e m b l y . W h a t with the intrigues of his prefects, w h a t with police intimidation, he felt quite sanguine of imparting, by the verdict of t h e provinces, to t h e National 15 Assembly that moral p o w e r it had never p o s s e s s e d , and of getting at last from the provinces the physical force required for the c o n q u e s t of Paris. His banditti-warfare against Paris, exalted in his o w n bulletins, and t h e attempts of his ministers at the establishment, t h r o u g h o u t F r a n c e , of a| |27| reign of terror, Thiers w a s from the beginning anxious to a c c o m p a n y with a little byplay of conciliation, which had to serve m o r e t h a n one p u r p o s e . It w a s to d u p e the provinces, to inveigle the middle-class element in Paris, and, a b o v e all, to afford the professed Republicans in the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y the opportunity of hiding their treason against Paris behind their faith in Thiers. On the 21st of M a r c h , w h e n still without an army, he had declared to the A s s e m b l y : " C o m e w h a t m a y , I will not send an a r m y to P a r i s . " On the 27th M a r c h he r o s e again: "I h a v e found t h e Republic an accomplished fact, and I am firmly resolved to maintain it." In reality, he p u t d o w n the revolution at L y o n s and Marseilles in the n a m e of the Republic, while the roars of his Rurals d r o w n e d the very mention of its n a m e at Versailles. After this exploit, he toned d o w n the " a c c o m p l i s h e d f a c t " into an hypothetical fact. T h e Orleans princes, w h o m he had cautiously w a r n e d off B o r d e a u x , w e r e n o w , in flagrant b r e a c h of the law, permitted to intrigue at D r e u x . T h e concessions held out by Thiers in his interminable interviews with the delegates from Paris and the p r o v i n c e s , although constantly varied in t o n e and colour, according to time and c i r c u m s t a n c e s , did in fact never c o m e to m o r e than the prospective restriction of revenge to the "handful of criminals implicated in the m u r d e r of L e c o m t e and C l e m e n t T h o m a s , " on the wellu n d e r s t o o d premiss that Paris and F r a n c e w e r e u n r e s e r v e d l y to a c c e p t M. Thiers himself as the best of possible Republics, as he, in 1830, had d o n e with L o u i s Philippe. E v e n t h e s e concessions he not only t o o k care to r e n d e r

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doubtful by the official c o m m e n t s p u t u p o n t h e m in the Assembly t h r o u g h his Ministers. He had his D u f a u r e to act. D u f a u r e , this old Orleanist lawyer, had always b e e n the justiciary of the state of siege, as now in 1871, u n d e r Thiers, so in 1839 u n d e r Louis Philippe, and in 1849 u n d e r Louis B o n a p a r t e ' s presidency. While out of office he m a d e a fortune by pleading for the Paris capitalists, and m a d e political capital by pleading against the laws he had himself originated. He n o w hurried t h r o u g h the National Assembly not only a set of repressive laws w h i c h w e r e , after t h e fall of Paris, to extirpate t h e last remnants of Republican liberty in F r a n c e ; he f o r e s h a d o w e d the fate of Paris by abridging t h e , for him, too slow p r o c e d u r e of courts-martial, and by a new-fangled, D r a c o n i c c o d e of deportation. T h e Revolution of 1848, abolishing the penalty of death for political crimes, had replaced it by deportation. L o u i s B o n a p a r t e did not d a r e , at least not in t h e o r y , to r e establish the régime of the guillotine. T h e Rural Assembly, not yet bold enough even to hint that the Parisians w e r e not rebels, but assassins, h a d therefore to confine its p r o s p e c t i v e v e n g e a n c e against Paris to D u f a u r e ' s n e w code of deportation. U n d e r all t h e s e circumstances Thiers himself could not h a v e gone on with his c o m e d y of conciliation, had it not, as he intended it to do, d r a w n forth shrieks of rage from the Rurals, w h o s e ruminating mind did neither u n d e r s t a n d the play, nor its necessities of hypocrisy, tergiversation, and procrastination. In sight of the impending municipal elections of the 30th April, Thiers enacted o n e of his great conciliation scenes of the 27th April. Amidst a flood of sentimental rhetoric, he exclaimed from the tribune of the Assembly: " T h e r e exists no conspiracy against the Republic but that of ||28| Paris, which compels us to shed F r e n c h blood. I repeat it again and again. L e t those impious a r m s fall from the h a n d s which hold t h e m , a n d chastisement will be arrested at o n c e by an act of p e a c e excluding only the small n u m b e r of criminals." To the violent interruption of the Rurals he replied: " G e n t l e m e n , tell m e , I implore y o u , am I w r o n g ? Do you really regret that I could have stated the truth that the criminals are only a handful? Is it not fortunate in the midst of our misfortunes that those w h o h a v e b e e n capable to shed the blood of C l e m e n t T h o m a s and General L e c o m t e are b u t rare e x c e p t i o n s ? " F r a n c e , however, t u r n e d a deaf ear to w h a t Thiers flattered himself to be a parliamentary siren's song. O u t of 700,000 municipal councillors r e t u r n e d by the 35,000 c o m m u n e s still left to F r a n c e , the united Legitimists, Orleanists, and Bonapartists did not carry 8,000. T h e supplementary elections w h i c h followed w e r e still m o r e decidedly hostile. T h u s , instead of getting from the provinces the badly-needed physical force, the National A s s e m b l y lost even its last claim to moral force, that of being the expression of t h e

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Karl Marx universal suffrage of the country. To complete the discomfiture, t h e newlyc h o s e n municipal councils of all the cities of F r a n c e openly threatened the usurping Assembly at Versailles with a counter A s s e m b l y at B o r d e a u x . T h e n the long-expected m o m e n t of decisive action had at last c o m e for Bismarck. He peremptorily s u m m o n e d Thiers to send to Frankfort plenipotentiaries for the definitive settlement of p e a c e . In humble obedience to t h e call of his master, Thiers h a s t e n e d to d e s p a t c h his trusty Jules F a v r e , b a c k e d b y Pouyer-Quertier. Pouyer-Quertier, a n " e m i n e n t " R o u e n cottonspinner, a fervent and even servile partisan of t h e S e c o n d E m p i r e , had never found any fault with it save its commercial t r e a t y with England, prejudicial to his o w n shop-interest. H a r d l y installed at B o r d e a u x as Thiers's Minister of F i n a n c e , he d e n o u n c e d that " u n h o l y " treaty, hinted at its near abrogation, and h a d e v e n t h e effrontery to try, although in vain (having c o u n t e d without Bismarck), the immediate e n f o r c e m e n t of the old protective duties against Alsace, w h e r e , he said, no p r e v i o u s international treaties stood in the w a y . This m a n , w h o considered counter-revolution as a m e a n s to p u t d o w n wages at R o u e n , and the surrender of F r e n c h provinces as a m e a n s to bring up the price of his w a r e s in F r a n c e , w a s he not the one predestined to be picked out by Thiers as the h e l p m a t e of Jules F a v r e in his last and crowning t r e a s o n ? On the arrival at Frankfort of this exquisite pair of plenipotentiaries, bully B i s m a r c k at o n c e m e t them with the imperious alternative: Either the restoration of the E m p i r e , or the unconditional a c c e p t a n c e of my o w n p e a c e t e r m s ! T h e s e t e r m s included a shortening of the intervals in w h i c h the w a r indemnity w a s to be paid, and the continued o c c u p a t i o n of the Paris forts by Prussian troops until Bismarck should feel satisfied with the state of things in F r a n c e ; Prussia thus being recognized as the s u p r e m e arbiter in internal F r e n c h politics! In return for this he offered to let loose, for the extermination of Paris, the captive Bonapartist a r m y , a n d to lend t h e m the direct assistance of E m p e r o r William's t r o o p s . He pledged his good faith by making p a y m e n t of the first instalment of the | | 2 9 | indemnity d e p e n d e n t on t h e "pacification" of Paris. S u c h a bait w a s , of c o u r s e , eagerly swallowed by Thiers and his plenipotentiaries. T h e y signed t h e t r e a t y of p e a c e on t h e 10th of M a y , a n d h a d it e n d o r s e d by t h e Versailles A s s e m b l y on the 18th. In the interval b e t w e e n the conclusion of p e a c e a n d the arrival of the Bonapartist prisoners, Thiers felt the m o r e b o u n d to r e s u m e his c o m e d y of conciliation, as his Republican tools stood in sore n e e d of a p r e t e x t for blinking their eyes at the preparations for the carnage of Paris. As late as the 8th M a y he replied to a deputation of middle-class conciliators—"Whenever the insurgents will m a k e up their minds for capitulation, the gates of

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The Civil War in France · IV Paris shall be flung wide o p e n during a w e e k for all e x c e p t the m u r d e r e r s of Generals Clement T h o m a s a n d L e c o m t e . " A few days afterwards, w h e n violently interpellated on t h e s e p r o m i s e s by the Rurals, he refused to enter into any explanations; not, h o w e v e r , without 5 giving t h e m this significant hint:—"I tell y o u t h e r e are impatient m e n amongst you, m e n w h o are in too great a hurry. T h e y m u s t h a v e a n o t h e r eight d a y s ; at the end of t h e s e eight d a y s there will be no m o r e danger, and the task will be p r o p o r t i o n a t e to their courage and to their c a p a c i t i e s . " As soon as M a c M a h o n w a s able to assure him that he could shortly enter Paris, 10

Thiers declared to the A s s e m b l y t h a t " h e w o u l d enter Paris with the laws in his h a n d s , and d e m a n d a full expiation from the w r e t c h e s w h o had sacrificed the lives of soldiers and d e s t r o y e d public m o n u m e n t s . " As the m o m e n t of decision d r e w near he said—to t h e A s s e m b l y , "I shall be pitiless!"—to Paris, that it w a s d o o m e d ; and to his Bonapartist banditti, t h a t

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they had State license to w r e a k v e n g e a n c e u p o n Paris to their h e a r t s ' content. At last, w h e n t r e a c h e r y h a d o p e n e d the gates of Paris to General D o u a y , on t h e 21st M a y , Thiers, on t h e 22nd, revealed to the Rurals t h e " g o a l " of his conciliation c o m e d y , w h i c h they h a d so obstinately persisted in not understanding. "I told y o u a few d a y s ago that we w e r e approaching

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our goal; to-day I c o m e to tell y o u the goal is reached. T h e victory of order, justice, and civilization is at last w o n ! " So it w a s . T h e civilization a n d justice of bourgeois order c o m e s out in its lurid light w h e n e v e r the slaves and drudges of that order rise against their m a s t e r s . T h e n this civilization and justice stand forth as undisguised savagery 25 and lawless revenge. E a c h n e w crisis in the class struggle b e t w e e n t h e appropriator and the p r o d u c e r brings out this fact m o r e glaringly. E v e n the atrocities of the bourgeois in J u n e , 1848, vanish before the ineffable infamy of 1871. T h e self-sacrificing heroism with which the population of Paris—men, w o m e n , and children—fought for eight d a y s after the e n t r a n c e 30 of the Versaillese, reflects as m u c h t h e g r a n d e u r of their cause, as t h e infernal deeds of the soldiery reflect the innate spirit of that civilization of which they are the m e r c e n a r y vindicators. A glorious civilization, indeed, the great problem of w h i c h is how to get rid of the h e a p s of corpses it m a d e after the battle w a s over! 35 To find a parallel for the c o n d u c t of Thiers and his b l o o d h o u n d s we m u s t go b a c k to the times of Sulla a n d t h e t w o Triumvirates of R o m e . T h e same wholesale slaughter in cold b l o o d ; t h e s a m e disregard, in mas|J30Jsacre, of age and sex; the same system of torturing p r i s o n e r s ; the same proscriptions, but this time of a whole class; t h e s a m e savage h u n t after concealed leaders, 40

lest o n e might e s c a p e ; t h e s a m e denunciations of political and private e n e mies; t h e same indifference for the b u t c h e r y of entire strangers to t h e feud.

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Karl Marx T h e r e is but this difference, that the R o m a n s had no mitrailleuses for t h e despatch, in the lump, of the proscribed, a n d that they h a d not " t h e law in their h a n d s , " nor on their lips the cry of "civilization." A n d after those horrors, look u p o n the other, still m o r e hideous, face of that bourgeois civilization as described by its o w n p r e s s ! " W i t h stray s h o t s , " writes the Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n t of a L o n d o n T o r y p a p e r , "still ringing in the distance, and u n t e n d e d w o u n d e d wretches dying amid the t o m b s t o n e s of P è r e la Chaise—with 6,000 terror-stricken insurgents wandering in an agony of despair in the labyrinth of the c a t a c o m b s , and w r e t c h e s hurried through the streets to be shot d o w n in scores by t h e mitrailleuse—it is revolting to see the cafés filled with the votaries of absinthe, billiards, and d o m i n o e s ; female profligacy perambulating the b o u l e v a r d s , and the sound of revelry disturbing the night from the cabinets particuliers of fashionable r e s t a u r a n t s . " M . E d o u a r d H e r v é writes in t h e Journal de Paris, a Versaillist journal suppressed by the Commune:—"The w a y in which the population of Paris (!) manifested its satisfaction yesterday was rather more than frivolous, and we fear it will grow w o r s e as time p r o g r e s s e s . Paris has now a fête day a p p e a r a n c e , w h i c h is sadly out of p l a c e ; and, unless we are to be called the Parisiens de la décadence, this sort of thing must c o m e to an e n d . " A n d then he q u o t e s t h e passage from Tacitus:— " Y e t , on the m o r r o w of that horrible struggle, even before it w a s completely over, Rome—degraded and corrupt—began o n c e m o r e to wallow in the voluptuous slough which w a s destroying its b o d y and polluting its s o u l alibi proelia et vulnera, alibi b a l n e a e popinaeque—(here fights and w o u n d s , t h e r e b a t h s and r e s t a u r a n t s ) . " M. H e r v é only forgets to say that the " p o p u lation of P a r i s " he speaks of is but the population of t h e Paris of M. Thiers— the francs-fileurs returning in throngs from Versailles, Saint-Denis, Rueil, and Saint-Germain—the Paris of the " D e c l i n e . "

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In all its bloody triumphs over the self-sacrificing c h a m p i o n s of a new and better society, that nefarious civilization, based u p o n the e n s l a v e m e n t of 30 labour, d r o w n s the m o a n s of its victims in a hue-and-cry of calumny, r e v e r b e r a t e d by a world-wide e c h o . T h e serene working m e n ' s Paris of the C o m m u n e is suddenly changed into a p a n d e m o n i u m by the b l o o d h o u n d s of " o r d e r . " A n d w h a t does this t r e m e n d o u s c h a n g e p r o v e to the bourgeois mind of all countries? W h y , that the C o m m u n e has conspired against 35 civilization! The Paris people die enthusiastically for the C o m m u n e in n u m b e r s unequalled in any battle k n o w n to history. W h a t does that p r o v e ? W h y , that the C o m m u n e w a s not the p e o p l e ' s o w n g o v e r n m e n t , b u t the usurpation of a handful of criminals! T h e w o m e n of Paris joyfully give up their lives at the barricades and on the place of execution. W h a t does this 40 p r o v e ? W h y , that the d e m o n of the C o m m u n e has changed t h e m into

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The Civil War in France · IV Megaeras and H e c a t e s ! T h e m o d e r a t i o n of the C o m m u n e during t w o m o n t h s of undisputed sway is equalled only by the ||311 heroism of its defence. W h a t does that p r o v e ? W h y , that for m o n t h s t h e C o m m u n e carefully hid, u n d e r a m a s k of moderation and h u m a n i t y , the blood-thirstiness of its fiendish 5 instincts, to be let loose in t h e h o u r of its agony! T h e working m e n ' s Paris, in the act of its heroic self-holocaust, involved in its flames buildings and m o n u m e n t s . While tearing to pieces the living b o d y of the proletariate, its rulers m u s t no longer expect to return triumphantly into the intact architecture of their a b o d e s . T h e G o v e r n m e n t of 10

Versailles cries, " I n c e n d i a r i s m ! " a n d w h i s p e r s this cue to all its agents, down to the r e m o t e s t hamlet, to h u n t up its enemies e v e r y w h e r e as suspect of professional incendiarism. T h e bourgeoisie of the whole world, w h i c h looks complacently u p o n the wholesale m a s s a c r e after the battle, is convulsed by horror at the desecration of brick and mortar!

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W h e n g o v e r n m e n t s give state-licenses to their navies to "kill, burn, and d e s t r o y , " is that a license for incendiarism? W h e n the British t r o o p s wantonly set fire to the Capitol at W a s h i n g t o n a n d to the s u m m e r palace of the Chinese E m p e r o r , was that incendiarism? W h e n the Prussians, not for military r e a s o n s , b u t out of t h e m e r e spite of revenge, burnt d o w n , by t h e 20 help of petroleum, t o w n s like C h â t e a u d u n a n d innumerable villages, w a s that incendiarism? W h e n Thiers, during six w e e k s , b o m b a r d e d Paris, u n d e r the pretext that he w a n t e d to set fire to those houses only in which t h e r e w e r e people, w a s that incendiarism?—In w a r , fire is an arm as legitimate as any. Buildings held by the e n e m y are shelled to set t h e m on fire. If their 25 defenders h a v e to retire, they t h e m s e l v e s light the flames to p r e v e n t t h e attack from making use of the buildings. To be b u r n t d o w n has always b e e n the inevitable fate of all buildings situated in t h e front of battle of all the regular armies of the world. B u t in the w a r of the enslaved against their enslavers, the only justifiable w a r in history, this is by no m e a n s to hold 30

good! T h e C o m m u n e used fire strictly as a m e a n s of defence. T h e y used it to stop up to the Versailles t r o o p s t h o s e long straight a v e n u e s w h i c h H a u s s m a n n had expressly o p e n e d to artillery-fire; they used it to cover their retreat, in the same w a y as the Versaillese, in their a d v a n c e , used their shells Which destroyed at least as m a n y buildings as the fire of the 35 C o m m u n e . It is a matter of dispute, e v e n n o w , which buildings w e r e set fire to by the defence, and which by t h e attack. A n d the defence resorted to fire only then, w h e n the Versaillese troops had already c o m m e n c e d their wholesale murdering of prisoners—Besides, the C o m m u n e had, long before, given full public notice that, if driven to extremities, they would 40

b u r y themselves under the ruins of Paris, and m a k e Paris a second M o s c o w , as the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e , b u t only as a cloak for its t r e a s o n , had

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Karl Marx promised to do. F o r this p u r p o s e T r o c h u had found t h e m the p e t r o l e u m . T h e C o m m u n e k n e w that its o p p o n e n t s cared nothing for the lives of t h e Paris people, but cared m u c h for their o w n Paris buildings. A n d Thiers, on the other hand, had given t h e m notice t h a t he w o u l d be implacable in his v e n g e a n c e . No sooner had he got his a r m y ready on o n e side, and the 5 Prussians shutting up t h e trap on t h e other, than he proclaimed: "I shall be pitiless! T h e expiation will be complete, and | | 3 2 | justice will be s t e r n ! " If the acts of t h e Paris w o r k i n g m e n w e r e Vandalism, it w a s t h e vandalism of defence in despair, not t h e vandalism of triumph, like that w h i c h the Christians perpetrated u p o n t h e really priceless art t r e a s u r e s of h e a t h e n 10 antiquity; and even that vandalism has b e e n justified by the historian as an unavoidable and comparatively trifling c o n c o m i t a n t to the Titanic struggle b e t w e e n a n e w society arising and an old o n e breaking d o w n . It w a s still less the vandalism of H a u s s m a n n , razing historic Paris to m a k e place for the Paris of the sightseer! 15 B u t t h e execution by the C o m m u n e of the sixty-four hostages, with the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris at their head! T h e bourgeoisie and its a r m y in J u n e , 1848, re-established a c u s t o m which h a d long disappeared from the practice of war—the shooting of their defenceless prisoners. This brutal c u s t o m has since b e e n m o r e or less strictly adhered to by the s u p p r e s s o r s of all popular c o m m o t i o n s in E u r o p e and India; t h u s proving t h a t it constitutes a real " p r o g r e s s of civilization" ! On t h e other hand, t h e P r u s s i a n s , in F r a n c e , had re-established the practice of taking hostages—innocent m e n , w h o , w i t h their lives, w e r e to a n s w e r to them for the acts of o t h e r s . W h e n Thiers, as we h a v e seen, from the very beginning of the conflict, enforced the h u m a n e practice of shooting d o w n t h e C o m m u n a l p r i s o n e r s , t h e C o m m u n e , to p r o t e c t their lives, w a s obliged to resort to the Prussian practice of securing h o s t a g e s . T h e lives of the hostages h a d b e e n forfeited over and over again by the continued shooting of prisoners on the p a r t of the Versaillese. H o w could t h e y be spared any longer after the c a r n a g e w i t h w h i c h M a c M a h o n ' s p r a e t o r i a n s celebrated their e n t r a n c e into Paris? W a s e v e n the last c h e c k u p o n the unscrupulous ferocity of bourgeois governments—the taking of hostages—to be m a d e a mere sham of? T h e real m u r d e r e r of A r c h b i s h o p D a r b o y is Thiers. T h e C o m m u n e again and again had offered to e x c h a n g e the archbishop, and ever so m a n y priests into the bargain, against the single Blanqui, then in the hands of Thiers. Thiers obstinately refused. He k n e w that with Blanqui he would give to the C o m m u n e a h e a d ; while the archbishop would serve his p u r p o s e best in the shape of a corpse. Thiers acted u p o n the p r e c e d e n t of Cavaignac. H o w , in J u n e , 1848, did not Cavaignac and his m e n of order raise shouts of horror by stigmatizing the insurgents as the assassins of A r c h b i s h o p Affre! T h e y k n e w perfectly well that t h e

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The Civil War in France · IV a r c h b i s h o p h a d b e e n shot b y t h e soldiers o f order. M . J a q u e m e t , t h e a r c h b i s h o p ' s vicar-general, p r e s e n t o n t h e spot, h a d immediately afterwards h a n d e d t h e m in his e v i d e n c e to t h a t effect. All this c h o r u s of c a l u m n y w h i c h t h e p a r t y of o r d e r n e v e r fail, in their 5

orgies of blood, to r a i s e against their victims, only p r o v e s t h a t t h e b o u r g e o i s of our days considers himself t h e legitimate s u c c e s s o r to t h e b a r o n of old, w h o t h o u g h t every w e a p o n in his o w n h a n d fair against t h e plebeian, while in t h e h a n d s of t h e plebeian a (Weapon of any kind constituted in itself a crime.

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T h e c o n s p i r a c y of t h e ruling class to b r e a k d o w n t h e R e v o l u t i o n by a civil w a r carried on u n d e r t h e p a t r o n a g e of t h e foreign invader—a c o n s p i r a c y which we h a v e t r a c e d from t h e very 4 t h of S e p t e m b e r d o w n to 1133 ] t h e e n t r a n c e of M a c M a h o n ' s p r a e t o r i a n s t h r o u g h t h e gate of St. Cloud—culmina­ ted in t h e carnage of Paris. B i s m a r c k gloats o v e r t h e ruins of Paris, in w h i c h

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he saw p e r h a p s t h e first i n s t a l m e n t of t h a t general d e s t r u c t i o n s of g r e a t cities he h a d p r a y e d for w h e n still a simple R u r a l in t h e P r u s s i a n Chambre introuv­ able of 1849. He gloats o v e r t h e c a d a v r e s of t h e Paris proletariate. F o r him this is n o t only t h e e x t e r m i n a t i o n of revolution, b u t t h e extinction of F r a n c e , n o w decapitated in reality, a n d by t h e F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t itself. With t h e

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shallowness characteristic of all successful s t a t e s m e n , he sees b u t t h e surface of this t r e m e n d o u s historic e v e n t . W h e n e v e r before has history exhibited t h e spectacle of a c o n q u e r o r c r o w n i n g his victory by t u r n i n g into, n o t only t h e g e n d a r m e , b u t t h e hired b r a v o o f t h e c o n q u e r e d G o v e r n m e n t ? T h e r e existed no w a r b e t w e e n P r u s s i a a n d t h e C o m m u n e of Paris. On t h e

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c o n t r a r y , t h e C o m m u n e h a d a c c e p t e d t h e p e a c e preliminaries, a n d P r u s s i a h a d a n n o u n c e d h e r neutrality. P r u s s i a w a s , t h e r e f o r e , n o belligerent. S h e acted t h e p a r t of b r a v o , a c o w a r d l y b r a v o , b e c a u s e incurring no d a n g e r ; a hired b r a v o , b e c a u s e stipulating b e f o r e h a n d t h e p a y m e n t of h e r bloodm o n e y of 500 millions on t h e fall of Paris. A n d t h u s , at last, c a m e out t h e

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t r u e c h a r a c t e r of t h e w a r , o r d a i n e d by P r o v i d e n c e as a c h a s t i s e m e n t of godless a n d d e b a u c h e d F r a n c e b y p i o u s a n d m o r a l G e r m a n y ! A n d this unparalleled b r e a c h of t h e law of n a t i o n s , e v e n as u n d e r s t o o d by t h e old world lawyers, instead of a r o u s i n g t h e " c i v i l i z e d " G o v e r n m e n t s of E u r o p e to declare t h e felonious P r u s s i a n G o v e r n m e n t , t h e m e r e tool of t h e St. P e t e r s -

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burg Cabinet, an o u t l a w a m o n g s t n a t i o n s , only incites t h e m to c o n s i d e r w h e t h e r t h e few victims w h o e s c a p e t h e double c o r d o n a r o u n d Paris are n o t to be given up to t h e h a n g m a n at Versailles! T h a t after t h e m o s t t r e m e n d o u s w a r o f m o d e r n times, t h e conquering a n d t h e c o n q u e r e d h o s t s should f r a t e r n i z e for t h e c o m m o n m a s s a c r e of t h e

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proletariate—this unparalleled e v e n t d o e s indicate, n o t , as B i s m a r c k t h i n k s , t h e final r e p r e s s i o n of a n e w society u p h e a v i n g , b u t t h e crumbling into d u s t

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Karl Marx of bourgeois society. T h e highest heroic effort of which old society is still capable is national w a r ; and this is n o w p r o v e d to be a m e r e g o v e r n m e n t a l h u m b u g , intended to defer t h e struggle of classes, and to be t h r o w n aside as soon as that class struggle bursts out into civil war. Class rule is no longer able to disguise itself in a national uniform; the national G o v e r n m e n t s are one as against the proletariate !

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After Whit-Sunday, 1871, t h e r e can be neither p e a c e nor truce possible b e t w e e n the working men of F r a n c e and the appropriators of their p r o d u c e . T h e iron h a n d of a m e r c e n a r y soldiery m a y keep for a time b o t h classes tied d o w n in c o m m o n oppression. B u t the battle m u s t b r e a k out again and again 10 in ever-growing dimensions, and t h e r e can be no d o u b t as to w h o will be the victor in the end,—the appropriating few, or t h e i m m e n s e working majority. A n d the F r e n c h working class is only the a d v a n c e d guard of t h e m o d e r n proletariate. While the E u r o p e a n G o v e r n m e n t s thus testify, before Paris, to the inter- 15 national character of class rule, they cry d o w n the International Working M e n ' s Association—the international counter-organization of labour against the cosmopolitan conspiracy of capital—as the head ||34| fountain of all t h e s e disasters. Thiers d e n o u n c e d it as t h e d e s p o t of labour, pretending to be its liberator. Picard ordered that all c o m m u n i c a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e F r e n c h 20 Internationals and those abroad should be cut off; C o u n t J a u b e r t , Thiers's mummified accomplice of 1835, declares it the great problem of all civilized g o v e r n m e n t s to w e e d it out. T h e Rurals roar against it, and the w h o l e E u r o p e a n p r e s s joins the c h o r u s . A n h o n o u r a b l e F r e n c h writer, completely foreign to our Association, speaks as follows:—"The m e m b e r s of the 25 Central Committee of the National G u a r d , as well as t h e greater part of the m e m b e r s of the C o m m u n e , are the most active, intelligent, and energetic minds of the International Working M e n ' s Association; m e n w h o are thoroughly honest, sincere, intelligent, d e v o t e d , p u r e , and fanatical in the good sense of the w o r d . " T h e police-tinged bourgeois mind naturally figures 30 to itself the International Working M e n ' s Association as acting in the m a n n e r of a secret conspiracy, its central b o d y ordering, from time to time, explosions in different countries. Our Association is, in fact, nothing b u t the international b o n d b e t w e e n t h e most a d v a n c e d w o r k i n g m e n in t h e various countries of the civilized world. W h e r e v e r , in w h a t e v e r shape, and under 35 w h a t e v e r conditions the class struggle obtains any consistency, it is b u t natural that m e m b e r s of our association should stand in t h e foreground. T h e soil out of w h i c h it grows is m o d e r n society itself. It c a n n o t be s t a m p e d out by any a m o u n t of carnage. To stamp it out, the G o v e r n m e n t s would h a v e to stamp out the despotism of capital over labour—the condition of their 40 o w n parasitical existence.

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Working m e n ' s Paris, with its C o m m u n e , will be for e v e r celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a n e w society. Its m a r t y r s are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. Its e x t e r m i n a t o r s history has already nailed to that eternal pillory from w h i c h all the p r a y e r s of their priests will not avail to redeem them. T H E GENERAL COUNCIL.

M . J . Boon, Fred. Bradnick, G . H . B u t t e r y , Caihil, D e l a h a y e , William H a l e s , A. H e r m a n n , K o l b , F r e d . L e s s n e r , L o c h n e r , J. P. MacDonnell, George Milner, T h o m a s M o t t e r s h e a d , Ch. Mills, Charles M u r r a y , Pfander, R o a c h , 10 Rochat, Riihl, Sadler, A. Serraillier, Cowell Stepney, Alf. Taylor, William Townshend. CORRESPONDING SECRETARIES.

Eugène Dupont, for F r a n c e . Karl M a r x , for G e r m a n y and 15 Holland. Fred. Engels, for Belgium a n d Spain. H e r m a n n Jung, for Switzerland. H E R M A N N J U N G , Chairman. J O H N W E S T O N , Treasurer. 20

Office-256, High Holborn, London, May 30th, 1871. |

P. Giovacchini, for Italy. Z é v y Maurice, for H u n g a r y . A n t o n Zabicki, for Poland. J a m e s C o h e n , for D e n m a r k . J. G. E c c a r i u s , for t h e U n i t e d States. G E O R G E H A R R I S , Financial Sec. J O H N H A L E S , General Sec. W. C,

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135 J Notes. I. " T h e column of prisoners halted in the A v e n u e U h r i c h , and w a s d r a w n u p , four or five d e e p , on t h e footway facing to the r o a d . General M a r q u i s de Galliffet and his staff dismounted a n d c o m m e n c e d an inspection from the 5 left of the line. Walking d o w n slowly a n d eyeing t h e r a n k s , the General stopped here and t h e r e , tapping a m a n on the shoulder or beckoning him out of the rear r a n k s . In most c a s e s , without further parley, the individual t h u s selected w a s m a r c h e d out into t h e centre of the road, > w h e r e a small s u p p l e m e n t a r y column w a s , t h u s , soon formed. . . . It w a s evident that there 10 w a s considerable room for error. A m o u n t e d officer pointed out to General Galliffet a m a n and w o m a n for s o m e particular offence. T h e w o m a n , rushing out of the r a n k s , threw herself on her k n e e s , and, w i t h o u t s t r e t c h e d a r m s , p r o t e s t e d her innocence in passionate t e r m s . T h e general waited for a p a u s e , and then with most impassible face and u n m o v e d d e m e a n o u r , said, 15 ' M a d a m e , I h a v e visited e v e r y theatre in Paris, y o u r acting will h a v e no effect on m e ' ('ce n'est pas la peine de jouer la comédie') It w a s not a good thing on that day to be noticeably taller, dirtier, cleaner, older, or uglier than o n e ' s neighbours. O n e individual in particular struck me as probably owing his speedy release from the ills of this world to his having a b r o k e n 20 n o s e . . . . Over a h u n d r e d being t h u s c h o s e n , a firing p a r t y told off, and the column r e s u m e d its m a r c h , leaving t h e m behind. A few minutes afterwards a dropping fire, in our rear c o m m e n c e d , and continued for over a quarter of an hour. It w a s the execution of t h e s e summarily-convicted wretches."— Paris Correspondent "Daily News, " J u n e 8 t h . - T h i s Galliffet, " t h e k e p t 25 m a n of his wife, so notorious for her shameless exhibitions at the orgies of the S e c o n d E m p i r e , " went, during the war, by the n a m e of the F r e n c h "Ensign Pistol."

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The Civil War in France · Notes " T h e Temps, which is a careful journal, and not given to sensation, tells a dreadful story of people imperfectly shot and buried before life w a s extinct. A great n u m b e r w e r e buried in the square r o u n d St. Jacques-laB o u c h e r i e ; some of t h e m v e r y superficially. In the daytime the r o a r of t h e 5 b u s y streets prevented a n y notice being t a k e n ; b u t in the stillness of the night the inhabitants of the h o u s e s in the neighbourhood w e r e r o u s e d by distant m o a n s , and in the morning a clenched h a n d w a s seen protruding through the soil. In c o n s e q u e n c e of this, e x h u m a t i o n s w e r e ordered to t a k e place. . . . T h a t m a n y w o u n d e d h a v e b e e n buried alive I h a v e not the slightest 10 doubt. O n e case I can v o u c h for. W h e n Brunei w a s shot with his mistress on the 24th ult. in the c o u r t y a r d of a house in the Place V e n d ô m e , the bodies lay there until the afternoon of the 27th. W h e n the burial p a r t y c a m e to r e m o v e the c o r p s e s , t h e y found the w o m a n living still, and took her to an ambulance. T h o u g h she had received four bullets she is n o w out of dan15 ger."—Pans Correspondent "Evening Standard," J u n e 8th.

II. T h e following letter a p p e a r e d in the Times of J u n e 13th:— "To the Editor of the 'Times. ' "Sir,—On J u n e 6, 1871, M . J u l e s F a v r e issued a circular to all the 20 E u r o p e a n P o w e r s , calling upon t h e m to h u n t d o w n the International j 1361 Working-Men's Association. A few r e m a r k s will suffice to characterize that d o c u m e n t . " I n the very preamble of our statutes it is stated that the International w a s founded ' S e p t e m b e r 28, 1864, at a public meeting held at St. Martin's Hall, 25 L o n g A c r e , L o n d o n . ' F o r p u r p o s e s of his o w n Jules F a v r e p u t s b a c k the date of its origin behind 1862. " I n order to explain our principles, he professes to quote 'their (the International's) sheet of the 25th of M a r c h , 1869.' A n d then w h a t d o e s he quote? T h e sheet of a society w h i c h is not the International. This sort of 30 m a n œ u v r e he already recurred to w h e n , still a comparatively y o u n g lawyer, he had to defend the National n e w s p a p e r , p r o s e c u t e d for libel by Cabet. Then he pretended to r e a d e x t r a c t s from C a b e t ' s p a m p h l e t s while reading interpolations of his own—a trick e x p o s e d while the Court w a s sitting, and which, but for the indulgence of Cabet, would h a v e b e e n punished by Jules 35 F a v r e ' s expulsion from t h e Paris bar. Of all t h e d o c u m e n t s quoted by him as d o c u m e n t s of the International, not one belongs to the International. He says, for instance, 'The Alliance declares itself Atheist, says the General Council, constituted in L o n d o n in July, 1869.' T h e General Council never

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Karl Marx issued such a d o c u m e n t . On the c o n t r a r y , it issued a d o c u m e n t w h i c h q u a s h e d t h e original statutes of t h e 'Alliance'—L'Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste at Geneva—quoted by Jules F a v r e . " T h r o u g h o u t his circular, w h i c h p r e t e n d s in part also to be directed against the E m p i r e , Jules F a v r e r e p e a t s against the International b u t t h e police 5 inventions of the public p r o s e c u t o r s of t h e E m p i r e , and w h i c h b r o k e d o w n miserably e v e n before t h e law c o u r t s of that E m p i r e . " I t is k n o w n that in its t w o a d d r e s s e s (of July and S e p t e m b e r last) on t h e late w a r , the General Council of t h e International d e n o u n c e d the Prussian plans of c o n q u e s t against F r a n c e . L a t e r o n , Mr. Reitlinger, Jules F a v r e ' s 10 private secretary, applied, though of c o u r s e in vain, to s o m e m e m b e r s of t h e G e n e r a l Council for getting up by t h e Council a d e m o n s t r a t i o n against B i s m a r c k , in favour of the G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e ; t h e y w e r e particularly requested not to m e n t i o n t h e Republic. T h e p r e p a r a t i o n s for a d e m o n s t r a t i o n with regard to t h e e x p e c t e d arrival of Jules F a v r e in L o n d o n 15 w e r e made—certainly with t h e best of intentions—in spite of t h e General Council, which, in its a d d r e s s of t h e 9th of S e p t e m b e r , had distinctly f o r e w a r n e d t h e Paris w o r k m e n against Jules F a v r e a n d his colleagues. " W h a t would Jules F a v r e say if, in its t u r n , t h e International w e r e to send a circular on Jules F a v r e to all the C a b i n e t s of E u r o p e , drawing their parti- 20 cular attention to t h e d o c u m e n t s published at Paris by t h e late M. Minière? I am, Sir, y o u r o b e d i e n t servant, "JOHN HALES, " S e c r e t a r y to the General Council of the International " W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association. "256, High H o l b o r n , W . C , J u n e 12th."

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In an article on " T h e International Society and its a i m s , " that pious informer, t h e L o n d o n Spectator (June 24th), a m o n g s t other similar tricks, q u o t e s , e v e n m o r e fully than Jules F a v r e has d o n e , t h e a b o v e d o c u m e n t of t h e " A l l i a n c e " as t h e w o r k of the International, and that eleven days after 30 t h e refutation had b e e n published in t h e Times. We do not w o n d e r at this. F r e d e r i c k the G r e a t used to say that of all Jesuits t h e w o r s t are t h e P r o t e s t a n t ones.j

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IF

Friedrich Engels Outline of an appeal to t h e W e a v e r s ' and Spinners' Trade Unions of M a n c h e s t e r for a s s i s t a n c e of t h e Spanish t e x t i l e w o r k e r s ' strike

/ M e s s r s Batllo B r o t h e r s , Barcelona, o w n a large C o t t o n spinning a n d w e a v i n g concern and employ a b o u t 900 w o r k p e o p l e . N o t only do t h e y p a y , by far, w o r s e wages t h a n any other firm in the t r a d e , b u t they h a v e also continually a t t e m p t e d to r e d u c e w a g e s still m o r e by superseding m e n 5

by w o m e n and g r o w n up people by children. Lately, they h a v e without exception discharged all such h a n d s as w e r e suspected of belonging to the T r a d e s ' union of the U n i t e d C a r d e r s , Spinners and w e a v e r s . On the 2 6 F e b r u a r y a large meeting w a s held by the m e m b e r s of this U n i o n to consider the state of things in M e s s r s Batllo's w o r k s . A n e w list of wages w a s th

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unanimously adopted which, although establishing a slight rise upon the prices hitherto paid, w a s still v e r y m u c h below t h e v e r y lowest rates paid by o t h e r s ; and a deputation w a s appointed to d e m a n d the adoption of this list and in case of this being refused, the people employed at the mill w e r e to strike work.

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T h e deputation w a s not e v e n received, Messrs B. refusing to receive any b u t a deputation from their o w n w o r k m e n . This fresh deputation submitted the n e w list of prices b u t m e t with a flat refusal. T h e whole of the workpeople at o n c e struck, with the exception of a b o u t || 25, most of w h o m h a v e since joined the strike. This t o o k place on the 2 7 F e b r u a r y , and th

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consequently, the h a n d s h a v e n o w b e e n on strike for nearly nine w e e k s , and the funds at the disposal of the U n i o n are beginning to run slow. T h e remaining branches of the International in Spain are doing their b e s t to collect m o n e y for t h e m , but they h a v e j u s t n o w a good m a n y strikes to support. N o t to mention minor affairs, the c o o p e r s of Santander a n d

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the T a n n e r s of Valencia are on strike b e c a u s e their m a s t e r s insist u p o n their giving up their T r a d e s ' U n i o n s as well as the International; and t h u s , t h e r e are altogether some 1500 m e n out at p r e s e n t in Spain w h o m the various b r a n c h e s of the International there h a v e to support. Barcelona and n e i g h b o u r h o o d are t h e S o u t h L a n c a s h i r e of Spain, there 30 are large and n u m e r o u s C o t t o n Spinning and Weaving establishments t h e r e

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Friedrich Engels and the greater part of the population of this district lives u p o n t h e Cotton T r a d e . T h e y h a v e lately suffered m u c h from the competition of English y a r n s and it would m a k e a particularly good impression in Spain if t h e L a n c a shire Cotton T r a d e could do something in favour of t h e Cotton Spinners and Powerloom W e a v e r s of Spain. T h e active and intimate commercial rela5 tion b e t w e e n the different countries of the world h a v e led || to this, that every event affecting society in one c o u n t r y necessarily p r o d u c e s its effects u p o n all other countries; and it would n o t at all be astonishing if a general reduction of wages in the Spanish C o t t o n T r a d e (such as a p p e a r s inevitable if this strike be unsuccessful) should in the long r u n contribute to k e e p 10 wages low in South L a n c a s h i r e also./

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Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels R e s o l u t i o n of t h e G e n e r a l Council e x p e l l i n g Henri Louis Tolain from t h e International Working M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n

I T h e G e n e r a l Council of the I. W. M. A. Considering t h e resolution of t h e F e d e r a l Council of t h e Paris Sections expelling Citizen Tolain from t h e Association b e c a u s e after having b e e n elected to the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e Working Classes, h e has d e s e r t e d their c a u s e i n t h e m o s t disgraceful m a n n e r ; which resolution the G e n e r a l Council is called u p o n to confirm; Considering t h a t the place of every F r e n c h m e m b e r of the I. W. M. A. is u n d o u b t e d l y on t h e side of t h e C o m m u n e of Paris and not in t h e u s u r p a t o r y and counter-revolutionary A s s e m b l y of Versailles; Confirms t h e resolution of t h e Paris F e d e r a l Council and declares t h a t Citizen Tolain is expelled from t h e I. W. Μ. A. | I T h e G e n e r a l Council w a s p r e v e n t e d from taking action in this m a t t e r sooner, by the fact t h a t the a b o v e resolution of t h e Paris F e d e r a l Council w a s laid before t h e m , in an a u t h e n t i c s h a p e , on t h e 25 t h April only. |

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Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels Résolution du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l sur l'expulsion de Henri Louis Tolain d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels

L'Internationale. Nr. 122, 14. Mai 1871

Conseil Général. L o n d r e s , séance du 25 avril. L e Conseil Général, Vu la résolution du Conseil Fédéral des sections de Paris, par laquelle le citoyen Tolain est expulsé de l'Association p a r c e q u e ce citoyen, ayant 5 été élu à l'assemblée nationale pour y r e p r é s e n t e r la classe ouvrière, a trahi sa cause de la manière la plus lâche ; résolution q u e le Conseil Général est invité à confirmer ; Considérant que la place de t o u t m e m b r e français de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs est, sans aucun doute, à côté de la C o m m u n e de 10 Paris et non dans l'assemblée usurpatrice et contre-révolutionnaire de Versailles ; Confirme la résolution du Conseil Fédéral de Paris et déclare le citoyen Tolain expulsé de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Le Conseil Général n ' a y a n t reçu communication authentique de cette 15 résolution que le 21 avril, a été d a n s l'impossibilité de statuer plus tôt. Pour extrait c o n f o r m e , Le secrétaire provisoire pour la Belgique, F. ENGELS.

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Friedrich Engels Abermals „Herr Vogt"

Der Volksstaat. Nr. 38, 10. Mai 1871

Abermals „Herr Vogt". Seit der Augsburger C a m p a g n e von 1859, die ihm eine so gewaltige T r a c h t Prügel eingebracht hatte, schien H e r r Vogt die Politik satt b e k o m m e n zu haben. Er w a n d t e sich mit g a n z e r E n e r g i e den N a t u r w i s s e n s c h a f t e n zu, 5 in denen er bereits früher, wie er selbst sagt, so „ s t a u n e n e r r e g e n d e " E n t d e c k u n g e n geleistet h a t t e . So h a t t e er — um dieselbe Zeit, wo durch K ü c h e n m e i s t e r u n d L e u c k a r t die h ö c h s t komplizirte Entwicklungsgeschichte der E i n g e w e i d e w ü r m e r n a c h g e w i e s e n u n d damit ein wirklich großer Fortschritt in der Wissenschaft g e m a c h t w u r d e — die s t a u n e n e r r e 10

gende E n t d e c k u n g g e m a c h t , d a ß die E i n g e w e i d e w ü r m e r aus zwei K l a s s e n b e s t e h e n : R u n d w ü r m e r , w e l c h e r u n d , u n d Plattwürmer, w e l c h e platt sind. Jetzt stellte er dieser gewaltigen E r r u n g e n s c h a f t eine n o c h g r ö ß e r e zur Seite. Die Auffindung vieler fossilen M e n s c h e n k n o c h e n aus vorgeschichtlichen Zeiten hatte das vergleichende Studium der Schädel aus v e r s c h i e d e n e n 15 M e n s c h e n r a ç e n in die M o d e gebracht. M a n m a ß die Schädel in allen Richtungen, m a n verglich, m a n diskutirte, m a n k a m zu keinem Resultat, bis Vogt endlich mit g e w o h n t e r Siegesgewißheit die L ö s u n g des Räthsels verkündigte, daß sämmtliche M e n s c h e n s c h ä d e l in zwei Klassen zerfallen: solche, w e l c h e länglich (Langköpfe, Dolichocephalen) u n d solche, w e l c h e 20 rundlich sind (Kurzköpfe, B r a c h y c e p h a l e n ) . W a s die g e n a u e s t e n u n d fleißigsten B e o b a c h t e r d u r c h langjährige, m ü h s a m e Arbeit nicht fertig gebracht hatten, Vogt b r a c h t e es zu S t a n d e d u r c h die einfache A n w e n d u n g seines Würmerprinzips. Stellen wir n e b e n diese staunenerregenden E n t deckungen n o c h die E n t d e c k u n g einer n e u e n Species im Gebiet der poli25

tischen Zoologie, nämlich die E n t d e c k u n g der Schwefelbande, so wird a u c h der U n b e s c h e i d e n s t e zugeben m ü s s e n , d a ß Vogt für ein M e n s c h e n l e b e n genug geleistet hatte. Aber der große Geist u n s e r e s Vogt h a t t e keine R u h e . Die Politik behielt ihre unwiderstehlichen Reize für d e n M a n n , der a u c h auf der Bierbank so

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Friedrich Engels G r o ß e s leistete. Die T r a c h t Prügel von A n n o Sechzig w a r glücklich verw u n d e n , der M a r x ' s c h e „ H e r r V o g t " nicht m e h r im B u c h h a n d e l zu h a b e n , über alle die faulen G e s c h i c h t e n w a r aber u n d abermals Gras g e w a c h s e n , unser Vogt hatte unter dem Beifall des d e u t s c h e n Philisters Vorlesungsreisen gehalten, hatte sich auf allen N a t u r f o r s c h e r v e r s a m m l u n g e n , ethnographischen und antiquarischen K o n g r e s s e n breit gemacht und an die wirklichen wissenschaftlichen G r ö ß e n herangedrängt; er k o n n t e sich also wieder einigermaßen „ a n s t ä n d i g " v o r k o m m e n u n d berufen glauben, den d e u t s c h e n Philister, den er naturwissenschaftlich eingepaukt, a u c h politisch einzupauken. Es gingen große Dinge vor: N a p o l e o n der Kleine hatte bei Sedan kapitulirt, die P r e u ß e n standen vor Paris, Bismarck verlangte Elsaß u n d Lothringen. Da w a r es die höchste Zeit für Vogt, sein gewichtiges W o r t zu sprechen. Dies W o r t nennt sich: Carl Vogts Politische Briefe an Friedrich K o l b , Biel 1870; es enthält zwölf Briefe, die zuerst in der Wiener „ T a g e s p r e s s e " erschienen und a u ß e r d e m in Vogts Moniteur, d e m „Bieler H a n d e l s k o u r i e r " abgedruckt w u r d e n . Vogt erklärt sich gegen A n n e x i o n u n d gegen die Verp r e u ß u n g Deutschlands, u n d es ärgert ihn schändlich, daß er hierin als reiner N a c h t r e t e r der v e r h a ß t e n Sozialdemokraten, d . h . der „ S c h w e f e l b a n d e " dasteht. Auf den allgemeinen Inhalt des Pamphlets einzugehen, w ä r e überflüssig, da es ganz gleichgültig ist, wie ein Vogt über dergleichen Dinge denkt. Z u d e m sind die A r g u m e n t e , die er vorbringt, nur die der gewöhnlichsten Bierphilister-Kannegießerei, nur daß Vogt diesmal nicht den d e u t s c h e n , sondern den schweizer Philister zurückspiegelt. U n s interessirt n u r die a n g e n e h m e Persönlichkeit des H e r r n Vogt selbst, wie sie sich d u r c h ihre verschiedenen W e n d u n g e n und Wandlungen durchwindet. Wir n e h m e n also das B r o s c h ü r c h e n u n d legen d a n e b e n Vogts U n g l ü c k s b u c h , die „Studien zur gegenwärtigen L a g e E u r o p a s , 1859", an deren N a c h w e h e n er so schwer und so lange gelitten hat. Da finden wir, bei aller Geistesverwandtschaft, bei der ganz gleichen Lüderlichkeit der Schreibart — auf Seite 10 gewinnt Vogt seine „ A n s c h a u u n g e n " „mit eigenen O h r e n " , w a s allerdings ganz eigne O h r e n sein m ü s s e n — da finden wir, daß heute H e r r Vogt gerade das Gegentheil von d e m sagt, w a s er vor elf J a h r e n predigte. Die „ S t u d i e n " hatten den Z w e c k , den d e u t s c h e n Philister zu überr e d e n , daß Deutschland kein Interesse h a b e , sich in d e n Krieg zu mischen, den Louis B o n a p a r t e damals gegen O e s t e r r e i c h beabsichtigte. Zu diesem Z w e c k m u ß t e Louis B o n a p a r t e als ein völkerbefreiender „Schicksalsm e n s c h " dargestellt, m u ß t e gegen die landläufigen Angriffe der Republikaner u n d selbst m a n c h e r bürgerlichen Liberalen in S c h u t z g e n o m m e n w e r d e n , u n d der angebliche Republikaner Vogt ließ sich a u c h d a z u herbei — mit arg sauersüßer Miene freilich und nicht o h n e daß m a n ihm einiges

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B a u c h g r i m m e n ansah, aber e r that e s doch. B ö s e Zungen u n d L e u t e v o n der „ S c h w e f e l b a n d e " wollten b e h a u p t e n , der b r a v e Vogt unterziehe sich allen diesen B e s c h w e r d e n u n d G r i m a s s e n , nur weil er v o n bonapartistischer Seite das erhalten h a b e , w a s die Engländer , C o n s i d e r a t i o n " n e n n e n , nämlich baares Geld. Es w a r e n auch allerhand verdächtige Dinge v o r g e k o m men. Vogt hatte verschiedentlichen L e u t e n Geld angeboten, w e n n sie in seinem Sinn, d . h . in A n p r e i s u n g der völkerbefreienden A b s i c h t e n des Louis B o n a p a r t e , in der P r e s s e wirken wollten. H e r r B r a ß , d e s s e n T u g e n d bekanntlich über allen Zweifel e r h a b e n ist, seitdem er die „ N o r d d e u t s c h e Allgemeine Z e i t u n g " leitet, selbst H e r r B r a ß wies öffentlich „ d e n französischen F u t t e r t r o g zurück, den V o g t ihm v o r s e t z e n w o l l t e " . A b e r wir wollen von diesen u n a n g e n e h m e n G e s c h i c h t e n nicht weiter sprechen u n d z u n ä c h s t a n n e h m e n , daß V o g t ' s B a u c h g r i m m e n und Grimassen ihm erbeigenthümlich gehörten. N u n , seitdem ist das Unglück von S e d a n passirt, u n d damit ä n d e r t sich a u c h Alles für H e r r n Vogt. Der völkerbefreiende F r a n z o s e n k a i s e r selbst wird n o c h mit einiger Zurückhaltung behandelt, es heißt v o n ihm blos, daß „die Revolution ihm schon auf d e m N a c k e n saß. A u c h o h n e den Krieg h ä t t e das Kaiserreich das N e u j a h r 1871 nicht in den Tuilerien g e s e h n " . (S. 3.) A b e r seine F r a u ! H ö r e n wir: „Freilich, w e n n Eugenie gesiegt h ä t t e (denn sie steht oder stand vielmehr, diese ungebildete Spanierin, die nicht einmal orthographisch schreiben kann, im Felde mit d e m g a n z e n D r a c h e n s c h w a n z e fanatischer Pfaffen und L a n d b e v ö l k e r u n g hinter sich) w e n n Eugenie gesiegt hätte, so w ä r e die L a g e m o m e n t a n n o c h schrecklicher g e w o r d e n " , als n a c h den p r e u ß i s c h e n Siegen etc. Also: siegten die F r a n z o s e n 1859 über die Oesterreicher, so siegte der völkerbefreiende B o n a p a r t e ; siegten sie 1870 ü b e r die P r e u ß e n , so siegte die ungebildete Eugenie mit ihrem D r a c h e n s c h w a n z . M a n sieht den Fortschritt. N o c h schlimmer geht es d e m D r a c h e n s c h w a n z des Louis B o n a p a r t e , d e n n es zeigt sich jetzt, daß a u c h er einen solchen hat. Gleich auf S.4 ist die R e d e von „ d e n furchtbaren V e r s c h l e u d e r u n g e n des K a i s e r r e i c h s " . S. 16 von dem „Gesindel, w e l c h e s an der Spitze der kaiserlichen A r m e e u n d Verwaltung s t a n d " . Diese V e r s c h l e u d e r u n g e n u n d dieses Gesindel standen bereits 1859 u n d lange v o r h e r in voller Blüthe; Vogt, der damals keine Augen für sie h a t t e , sieht sie j e t z t ganz genau: wieder ein F o r t schritt. Damit nicht genug. W e n n a u c h Vogt selbst nicht g e r a d e z u seinen früheren Befreier anschimpft, so k a n n er d o c h nicht umhin, den Brief eines französischen Gelehrten zu citiren, worin es heißt: „ w e n n Sie irgend einen Einfluß haben, so s u c h e n Sie die ärgste E n t e h r u n g von u n s abzuw e n d e n — celle de r a m e n e r l'infâme (die, den Ehrlosen — L o u i s B o n a -

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Friedrich Engels parte — zurückzuführen). Lieber Heinrich den V., die Orleans, einen Hohenzollern, lieber Alles als diesen gekrönten Traupmann, der Alles vergiftete was er berührte." (S. 13.) W i e schlimm indeß der E x k a i s e r u n d seine ungebildete Gattin nebst ihren respektiven D r a c h e n s c h w ä n z e n a u c h sein mögen, so tröstete u n s Vogt 5 d o c h damit, daß n o c h Einer in der Familie ist, der eine A u s n a h m e m a c h t : der Prinz N a p o l e o n , besser b e k a n n t unter d e m N a m e n Plonplon. V o n ihm sagt Vogt S. 33., daß Plonplon zu Vogt selbst gesagt h a b e „er w ü r d e keinen R e s p e k t vor den S ü d d e u t s c h e n h a b e n , w e n n sie anders h a n d e l t e n " ( d . h . w e n n sie nicht mit gegen die F r a n z o s e n zögen), a u c h sei er von dem Unglück- 10 liehen Ausgange des Krieges überzeugt g e w e s e n u n d h a b e d a v o n keinen H e h l gemacht. W e r wird nun n o c h Vogt des U n d a n k s zeihen? Ist es nicht r ü h r e n d a n z u s e h n wie er, der „ R e p u b l i k a n e r " , dem „ P r i n z e n " a u c h im P e c h n o c h die B r u d e r h a n d reicht und ihm ein Zeugniß ausstellt, worauf dieser sich berufen kann, w e n n ja die große K o n k u r r e n z ausgeschrieben 15 w e r d e n sollte um einen E r s a t z m a n n für d e n „ E h r l o s e n " ? In den „ S t u d i e n " wird Rußland u n d die russische Politik d u r c h w e g gelobt, dies Reich sei seit Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft „eher ein G e n o s s e der freiheitlichen B e w e g u n g als ein Gegner d e r s e l b e n " ; Polen sei auf dem besten Wege, mit Rußland zu v e r s c h m e l z e n , (wie der Aufstand 1863 b e w i e s e n hat!) u n d Vogt findet es ganz natürlich, daß Rußland „ d e n festen P u n k t bildet, um welchen sich die slavischen Nationalitäten m e h r u n d m e h r zu gruppiren s t r e b e n " . U n d daß damals, 1859 die russische Politik mit Louis N a p o l e o n H a n d in H a n d ging, w a r natürlich in Vogts A u g e n ein e n o r m e s Verdienst. Jetzt ist das Alles anders — jetzt heißt e s : „ i c h b i n keinen Augenblick im Zweifel, daß ein Konflikt zwischen der slavischen u n d germanischen Welt b e v o r s t e h t . . . u n d daß Rußland in diesem die F ü h r e r schaft auf der einen Seite ü b e r n e h m e n w i r d . " (30. 31.) U n d n u n wird nachgewiesen, daß n a c h der Annexion des E l s a ß e s F r a n k r e i c h in diesem Konflikt sofort sich auf Seite der Slaven stellen, ja den A u s b r u c h dieses Konflikts möglichst beschleunigen wird, um das E l s a ß wieder zu gewinnen, so daß dieselbe russisch-französische Allianz, die 1859 ein Glück für D e u t s c h land gewesen sein soll, ihm jetzt als P o p a n z u n d S c h r e c k e n s g e s p e n s t vorgehalten wird. Aber Vogt k e n n t seinen d e u t s c h e n Philister. Er w e i ß , daß er ihm Alles bieten, sich z e h n m a l w i d e r s p r e c h e n darf. Wir fragen n u n unwillkürlich, wie es kam, daß Vogt vor elf J a h r e n die Schamlosigkeit h a b e n k o n n t e , eine Allianz zwischen Rußland u n d dem bonapartistischen F r a n k reich als die b e s t e Garantie der freiheitlichen E n t w i c k l u n g D e u t s c h l a n d s und Europas auszuposaunen?

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U n d n u n gar P r e u ß e n ? In den „ S t u d i e n " wird P r e u ß e n deutlich zu 40 verstehn gegeben, es möge L o u i s N a p o l e o n s Pläne gegen Oestreich indirekt

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Abermals „Herr Vogt" unterstützen, sich auf Vertheidigung des d e u t s c h e n Bundesgebiets beschränken, u n d d a n n „bei späteren F r i e d e n s v e r h a n d l u n g e n seinen L o h n in n o r d d e u t s c h e n F l a c h l a n d e n e r h a l t e n " . Die G r ä n z e n des späteren N o r d b u n d e s — das Erzgebirge, der Main u n d das M e e r — w e r d e n P r e u ß e n 5 schon damals als K ö d e r vorgehalten. U n d im N a c h w o r t zur zweiten Auflage, die w ä h r e n d des italienischen Krieges erschienen, als das F e u e r den Bonapartisten schon auf den N ä g e l n b r a n n t e u n d keine Zeit m e h r zu verlieren w a r mit U m s c h w e i f e n u n d R e d e n s a r t e n — da platzt a u c h Vogt direkt mit der S p r a c h e h e r a u s , fordert P r e u ß e n auf, einen Bürgerkrieg 10

in Deutschland zu beginnen zur Stiftung einer einheitlichen Centraigewalt, zur Einverleibung D e u t s c h l a n d s in P r e u ß e n — diese Einigung D e u t s c h l a n d s w e r d e nicht so viel W o c h e n k o s t e n wie der Krieg in Italien M o n a t e . N u n gut. G e n a u sieben J a h r e später, u n d ebenfalls im E i n v e r s t ä n d n i ß mit L o u i s N a p o l e o n , handelt P r e u ß e n genau n a c h den von Vogt nachgeplapperten

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bonapartistischen Einflüsterungen; es stürzt sich in einen Bürgerkrieg, holt sich einstweilen seinen L o h n in n o r d d e u t s c h e n Flachlanden, schafft für den N o r d e n wenigstens eine einheitliche Centralgewalt — u n d H e r r Vogt? H e r r Vogt k o m m t jetzt plötzlich u n d j a m m e r t u n s vor, daß „der Krieg von 1870 die nothwendige unausbleibliche Folge desjenigen von 1866 w a r " ! (S.3.) Er

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lamentirt über die unersättliche Eroberungspolitik P r e u ß e n s , die stets „auf eine angebotene E r o b e r u n g angebissen, wie der Haifisch auf ein Stück S p e c k " (S.20); „nie und nirgends h a b e ich einen Staat u n d ein Volk gesehen, das besser diesen N a m e n (Raubstaat) verdiente als P r e u ß e n " (S. 35). Er beklagt die Einverleibung D e u t s c h l a n d s in P r e u ß e n als das größte Unglück,

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das Deutschland u n d E u r o p a z u s t o ß e n k o n n t e (8ter und 9ter Brief). D a s hat n u n Bismarck d a v o n , daß er V o g t ' s R a t h gefolgt ist, u n d das hat Vogt davon, daß er Bismarck einen R a t h gegeben hat. Soweit schien indeß Alles n o c h gut für u n s e r n Vogt zu gehen. Die alten anrüchigen G e s c h i c h t e n w a r e n beim Philister wirklich vergessen, die 30 „ S t u d i e n " waren total verschollen, Vogt k o n n t e sich wieder für einen anständigen Bürger u n d p a s s a b l e n D e m o k r a t e n ausgeben, u n d sich etwas darauf zu G u t e thun, daß diese seine „Politischen B r i e f e " der banalen Philisterströmung in Deutschland entgegentraten. Selbst die fatale Uebereinstimmung in der Annexionsfrage mit den Sozialdemokraten k o n n t e ihm nur zur 35

E h r e gereichen: da Vogt nicht zur S c h w e f e l b a n d e übergetreten w a r , so m u ß t e nothwendig die Schwefelbande sich zu Vogt b e k e h r t h a b e n ! Da auf einmal fällt der Blick auf eine schmale d ü n n e Zeile in den neuerdings veröffentlichten Verwendungslisten der g e h e i m e n F o n d s von Louis N a p o l e o n : „ V o g t - il lui a été remis en A o û t 1859, fr. 4 0 0 0 0 . " 40 „Vogt — es sind ihm im August 1859 Übermacht w o r d e n 40 000 F r a n k e n . " Vogt? W e r ist Vogt? W e l c h ein U n g l ü c k für Vogt, daß keine n ä h e r e B e -

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Friedrich Engels Zeichnung dabei steht! Ja, stände da, der Professor K a r l Vogt in Genf, mit Straße und H a u s n u m m e r , so k ö n n t e Vogt sagen: D a s bin ich nicht, das ist mein Bruder, meine F r a u , mein ältester Sohn, Alles, nur ich nicht — aber so! Vogt kurzweg, o h n e Signalement, V o r n a m e n , A d r e s s e , das k a n n n u r der E i n e Vogt sein, der w e l t b e r ü h m t e G e l e h r t e , der große E n t d e c k e r der 5 R u n d w ü r m e r und der P l a t t w ü r m e r , der L a n g s c h ä d e l u n d der K u r z s c h ä d e l und der Schwefelbande, der M a n n , dessen R e n o m m é e selbst bei den Polizisten der geheimen F o n d s so b e k a n n t ist, d a ß j e d e n ä h e r e B e z e i c h n u n g überflüssig w ä r e ! U n d d a n n — giebt es einen a n d e r n Vogt, der der bonapartistischen Regierung 1859 solche Dienste geleistet h ä t t e , daß sie sie im 10 August jenes Jahres (und Vogt war gerade damals in Paris) mit 40 000 F r a n k e n bezahlte? D a ß Sie die Dienste geleistet h a b e n , H e r r Vogt, ist n o t o r i s c h ; Ihre „ S t u d i e n " sind der Beweis dafür; diese „ S t u d i e n " erschienen in erster Auflage im Frühjahr, in zweiter im S o m m e r ; daß Sie v o m ersten April 1859 bis in den S o m m e r hinein L e u t e über L e u t e aufforderten, gegen B e z a h l u n g 15 Ihrerseits im bonapartistischen I n t e r e s s e thätig zu sein, h a b e n Sie selbst z u g e s t a n d e n ; im August 1859, nach Beendigung des Krieges, waren Sie in Paris — u n d nun sollen wir glauben, daß der Vogt k u r z w e g , d e m B o n a p a r t e im August 1859 die 40 000 F r a n k e n auszahlen ließ, ein anderer, ganz u n b e k a n n t e r Vogt sei? Unmöglich. Wir s c h w ö r e n es bei allen R u n d w ü r m e r n u n d 20 P l a t t w ü r m e r n : solange Sie uns nicht das Gegentheil b e w e i s e n , m ü s s e n wir ann e h m e n , daß Sie der fragliche Vogt sind. A b e r , sagen Sie vielleicht, das ist ja eine B e h a u p t u n g , die auf nichts b e r u h t als auf dem W o r t d e r jetzigen französischen Regierung, d . h . der K o m m u n a l i s t e n oder, w a s dasselbe ist, K o m m u n i s t e n , die a u c h Schwefel- 25 b a n d e heißen; w e r wird solchen M e n s c h e n glauben? Hierauf w ä r e zu a n t w o r t e n , daß die Veröffentlichung der C o r r e s p o n d a n c e et papiers de la famille impériale d u r c h die „Regierung der nationalen Verteidigung" erfolgte, deren offizieller A k t sie ist, für den sie einsteht. U n d w a s hielten Sie von dieser Regierung, Jules F a v r e , T r o c h u u. s. w. — „Die M ä n n e r , 30 welche jetzt an die Spitze geschnellt w o r d e n sind, stehen N i e m a n d n a c h an Intelligenz, Thatkraft und erprobter G e s i n n u n g — a b e r das Unmögliche k ö n n e n sie nicht l e i s t e n " — das sagen Sie v o n ihnen auf S. 52. N e i n , H e r r Vogt, das Unmögliche k ö n n e n sie nicht leisten, a b e r sie hätten doch wenigstens Ihren N a m e n u n t e r d r ü c k e n k ö n n e n als D a n k für diese w a r m e 35 A n e r k e n n u n g , die ihnen so selten zu Theil g e w o r d e n ! I n d e ß , wie Sie selbst sagen, H e r r Vogt, „Geld ist n u n einmal das Aequivalent des S c h a d e n s , welchen das Individuum erleidet an seiner P e r s o n " (S.24) und, w e n n Ihre w e r t h e P e r s o n d u r c h Ihre politischen Sprünge von 1859 „ S c h a d e n " — hoffentlich nur moralischen — erlitten 40 hat, so trösten Sie sich gefälligst mit d e m „ A e q u i v a l e n t " .

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Abermals „Herr Vogt" Als der Kriegslärm vorigen S o m m e r losging, w a r e n Sie „ ü b e r z e u g t , daß der ganze französische Regierungsspektakel nur dazu dienen sollte, in scheinbaren R ü s t u n g e n die furchtbaren V e r s c h l e u d e r u n g e n des Kaiserreichs zu decken. U n t e r L o u i s Philipp thaten dies die Holzwürmer — die über den E t a t g e h e n d e n g e h e i m e n A u s g a b e n w u r d e n auf das H o l z k o n t o der M a r i n e geschrieben — u n t e r d e m K a i s e r r e i c h hätten alle H o l z w ü r m e r der E r d e nicht genügt, die Ausfälle zu d e c k e n " . (S.4.) — Da sind wir also wieder bei den beliebten W ü r m e r n a n g e k o m m e n , u n d zwar bei den Holzw ü r m e r n . Zu welcher K l a s s e g e h ö r e n diese, zu den R u n d w ü r m e r n oder zu den P l a t t w ü r m e r n ? W e r k ö n n t e das e n t s c h e i d e n ? N u r Sie, H e r r Vogt, und Sie entscheiden es in Wirklichkeit. L a u t der C o r r e s p o n d a n c e etc. gehören Sie selbst zu den „ H o l z w ü r m e r n " u n d h a b e n Sie „die ü b e r den E t a t g e h e n d e n geheimen A u s g a b e n " mit aufgegessen bis zum Belauf von 40000 F r a n k e n . U n d daß Sie ein „ R u n d w u r m " sind, weiß Jeder, der Sie kennt.

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Karl Marx To t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " June 8, 1871

|To the Editor of the "Pall Mall Gazette." Sir, F r o m the Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of your y e s t e r d a y ' s publication I see that while fancying to live at L o n d o n , I w a s , in reality, arrested in H o l l a n d on the r e q u e s t of B i s m a r c k - F a v r e . B u t , m a y b e , this is b u t o n e of t h e 5 i n n u m e r a b l e sensational stories about the International w h i c h for t h e last t w o m o n t h s the Franco-Prussian police has n e v e r tired of fabricating, t h e Versailles press of publishing, and t h e rest of the E u r o p e a n p r e s s of reproducing. I h a v e t h e h o n o u r , Sir, to be 10 Y o u r s obediently Karl Marx. 1, M o d e n a Villas, Maitland Park. J u n e 8, 1871-1

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Friedrich Engels M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 11, 1871 Minutes

I International Association of Working Men. Meeting of the Sub Committee of General Council 11 June 1871, at 122 Regent's Park Road. th

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T h e S u b c o m m i t t e had b e e n called to consider the propriety of issuing a reply to Jules F a v r e ' s Circular of J u n e 6 respecting the International. Present Citizens È c c a r i u s , E n g e l s , M a r x , Hales and W e s t o n . Citizen W e s t o n w a s appointed to the Chair and Cit. Engels secretary of t h e meeting. 10 Cit. Engels read a draft reply w h i c h w a s adopted unanimously. It w a s also resolved u n a n i m o u s l y to send this reply to all the daily p a p e r s of L o n d o n . T h e Minutes of the meeting w e r e r e a d and adopted unanimously. F. Engels. J o h n W e s t o n | th

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Karl Marx/Fried rich Engels S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on Jules Favre's Circular

The Times. Nr. 27088, 13. Juni 1871

To the Editor of The Times. Sir,—On J u n e 6, 1871, M . J u l e s F a v r e issued a circular to all the E u r o p e a n P o w e r s , calling u p o n t h e m to h u n t d o w n the International Working M e n ' s Association. A few r e m a r k s will suffice to characterize that d o c u m e n t . In the very preamble of our statutes it is stated that the International w a s founded " S e p t e m b e r 28, 1864, at a public meeting held at St. Martin's Hall, L o n g A c r e , L o n d o n . " F o r p u r p o s e s of his o w n Jules F a v r e puts b a c k the date of its origin behind 1862.

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In order to explain our principles, he professes to quote "their (the International's) sheet of the 25th of M a r c h , 1869." A n d then w h a t does he 10 q u o t e ? T h e sheet of a society w h i c h is n o t the International. This sort of m a n œ u v r e he already r e c u r r e d to w h e n , still a comparatively y o u n g lawyer, he had to defend the National n e w s p a p e r , p r o s e c u t e d for libel by Cabet. T h e n he p r e t e n d e d to read extracts from C a b e t ' s p a m p h l e t s while reading interpolations of his own—a trick e x p o s e d while the court w a s 15 sitting, and which b u t for the indulgence of C a b e t , w o u l d h a v e b e e n p u n i s h e d by Jules F a v r e ' s expulsion from the Paris bar. Of all the d o c u m e n t s quoted by him as d o c u m e n t s of the International not o n e belongs to the International. He says, for instance, " T h e Alliance declares itself Atheist, says the General Council, constituted in L o n d o n in July, 1869." T h e General Council never 20 issued such a d o c u m e n t . On the contrary, it issued a d o c u m e n t w h i c h quashed the original statutes of the "Alliance"—L'Alliance de la D é m o cratie Socialiste at Geneva—quoted by Jules F a v r e . T h r o u g h o u t his circular, w h i c h pretends in p a r t also to be directed against the E m p i r e , Jules F a v r e r e p e a t s against the International b u t the police 25 inventions of the public p r o s e c u t o r s of the E m p i r e , and w h i c h b r o k e d o w n miserably even before the law courts of that E m p i r e . It is k n o w n that in its t w o a d d r e s s e s (of July and S e p t e m b e r last) on the late war the General Council of the International d e n o u n c e d the

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Statement by the General Council on Jules Favre's Circular Prussian plans of c o n q u e s t against F r a n c e . L a t e r on Mr. Reitlinger, Jules F a v r e ' s private secretary, applied, t h o u g h of course in vain, to some m e m b e r s of the General Council for getting up by the Council a d e m o n stration against B i s m a r c k , in favour of the G o v e r n m e n t of National 5 D e f e n c e ; they w e r e particularly r e q u e s t e d not to mention the Republic. T h e preparations for a d e m o n s t r a t i o n with regard to the expected arrival of Jules F a v r e in L o n d o n w e r e made—certainly with the best of intentions—in spite of the General Council, w h i c h in its address of t h e 9th of S e p t e m b e r had distinctly forewarned the Paris w o r k m e n against Jules F a v r e and his 10 colleagues. W h a t would Jules F a v r e say if in its turn the International w e r e to send a circular on Jules F a v r e to all t h e Cabinets of E u r o p e , drawing their particular attention to the d o c u m e n t s published at Paris by the late M. Milhere? 15 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN HALES, Secretary to the General Council of the International Working M e n ' s Association. 256, High Holborn, W . C , J u n e 12.

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Karl Marx Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich Adresse des Generalrats der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation an alle M i t g l i e d e r in Europa und d e n V e r e i n i g t e n Staaten Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels

Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · I

| l | A n alle Mitglieder der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation in Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten. I. 5

Am 4. September 1870, als die Pariser Arbeiter die Republik proklamirten, der fast in demselben Augenblick ganz F r a n k r e i c h o h n e eine einzige Stimme des W i d e r s p r u c h s zujubelte — da n a h m eine K a b a l e stellenjagender A d v o k a t e n , mit Thiers als S t a a t s m a n n u n d T r o c h u als General, Besitz v o m Hotel de Ville (Stadthaus). Diese L e u t e w a r e n damals d u r c h d r u n g e n von

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einem so fanatischen G l a u b e n an d e n Beruf von Paris, in allen E p o c h e n geschichtlicher Krisis F r a n k r e i c h zu vertreten, daß, um ihre usurpirten Titel als Regenten F r a n k r e i c h s zu rechtfertigen, es ihnen genügend schien, ihre verfallenen M a n d a t e als A b g e o r d n e t e für Paris vorzuzeigen. In u n s e r e r zweiten A d r e s s e über den letzten Krieg, fünf Tage n a c h dem E m p o r k o m m e n 15 dieser L e u t e , sagten wir E u c h , w e r sie w a r e n . U n d d e n n o c h , im Sturm der U e b e r r u m p e l u n g , mit den wirklichen F ü h r e r n der Arbeiter n o c h in Bonaparte's Gefängnissen, u n d mit den P r e u ß e n schon im vollen M a r s c h auf Paris, duldete Paris ihre Ergreifung der S t a a t s m a c h t ; aber nur auf die ausdrückliche Bedingung hin, daß diese S t a a t s m a c h t dienen sollte einzig 20 und allein zum Z w e c k der nationalen Vertheidigung. Paris aber w a r nicht zu vertheidigen, o h n e seine Arbeiterklasse zu bewaffnen, sie in eine b r a u c h bare Kriegsmacht zu v e r w a n d e l n u n d ihre Reihen d u r c h den Krieg selbst einzuschulen. Aber Paris in Waffen, das w a r die Revolution in Waffen. Ein Sieg von Paris über den p r e u ß i s c h e n Angreifer w ä r e ein Sieg gewesen des 25

französischen Arbeiters über den französischen Kapitalisten | | 2 | u n d seine Staatsparasiten. In diesem Zwiespalt z w i s c h e n nationaler Pflicht u n d Klasseninteresse z a u d e r t e die Regierung der nationalen Vertheidigung

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Karl Marx keinen Augenblick, — sie verwandelte sich in eine Regierung des nationalen Verraths. Das erste, was sie that, war, Thiers auf die W a n d e r u n g zu schicken, zu allen H ö f e n E u r o p a s , um dort Vermittlung zu erbetteln mit d e m Angebot, die Republik gegen einen König a u s z u t a u s c h e n . Vier M o n a t e n a c h Beginn der Belagerung, als der Augenblick g e k o m m e n schien, das erste W o r t von Kapitulation fallen zu lassen, r e d e t e T r o c h u , in G e g e n w a r t von Jules F a v r e und andern Regierungsmitgliedern, die v e r s a m m e l t e n Maires (Bezirksbürgermeister) von Paris an wie folgt:

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„Die erste Frage, die mir v o n meinen Kollegen n o c h am selben A b e n d des 10 4. S e p t e m b e r s vorgelegt w u r d e , w a r diese: K a n n Paris, mit irgend welcher Aussicht auf Erfolg, eine Belagerung durch die p r e u ß i s c h e A r m e e aushalten? Ich zögerte nicht, dies zu verneinen. M e h r e r e meiner hier a n w e s e n d e n Kollegen w e r d e n einstehn für die W a h r h e i t meiner W o r t e und für mein B e h a r r e n auf dieser Meinung. Ich sagte ihnen, in diesen selben W o r t e n , d a ß , 15 wie die Dinge lägen, der V e r s u c h , Paris gegen eine p r e u ß i s c h e Belagerung zu halten, eine Thorheit sei. O h n e Zweifel, fügte ich hinzu, eine heroische T h o r h e i t ; aber das w ü r d e a u c h Alles sein — Die Ereignisse (die er selbst leitete) haben meine Voraussicht nicht L ü g e n gestraft." Diese nette kleine R e d e T r o c h u ' s w u r d e nachher von einem der a n w e s e n d e n Maires, H e r r n 20 C o r b o n , veröffentlicht. Also: Am selben A b e n d , wo die Republik proklamirt w u r d e , w a r es T r o c h u ' s Kollegen bekannt, daß T r o c h u ' s „ P l a n " in der Kapitulation von Paris bestand. Wäre die nationale Vertheidigung m e h r gewesen, als ein bloßer V o r w a n d für die persönliche H e r r s c h a f t von Thiers, F a v r e u n d K o m p a g n i e — die E m p o r k ö m m l i n g e des 4. S e p t e m b e r hätten am 5. abgedankt, hätten das Pariser Volk eingeweiht in T r o c h u ' s „ P l a n " , und hätten es aufgefordert, e n t w e d e r sofort zu kapituliren, oder sein eigenes Geschick in seine eigene H a n d zu n e h m e n . Statt dessen aber beschlossen die ehrlosen Betrüger, die „heroische T h o r h e i t " von Paris d u r c h B e h a n d l u n g mit H u n g e r u n d blutigen Köpfen zu kuriren, und es inzwischen zum N a r r e n zu halten durch groß sprechende Manifeste, wie z . B . : „ T r o c h u , der G o u v e r n e u r v o n Paris, wird nie kapituliren!" u n d Jules F a v r e , der auswärtige Minister, „wird nicht einen Zollbreit u n s e r e s Gebiets u n d nicht einen Stein u n s e r e r F e s t u n g e n a b t r e t e n . " In einem Brief an G a m b e t t a b e k e n n t derselbe Jules F a v r e , j | 3 | daß das, wogegen sie sich „vertheidigten", nicht die p r e u ß i s c h e n Soldaten waren, sondern die Pariser Arbeiter. W ä h r e n d der ganzen Belagerung rissen die bonapartistischen Gurgelabschneider, d e n e n T r o c h u weislich das K o m m a n d o der Pariser A r m e e a n v e r t r a u t hatte, in ihrer vertraulichen K o r r e s p o n d e n z schnöde W i t z e über den w o h l v e r s t a n d e n e n H o h n der Vertheidigung. M a n sehe z . B . die K o r r e s p o n d e n z von A l p h o n s e

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · I Simon Guiod, O b e r k o m m a n d a n t der Artillerie der Pariser A r m e e , G r o ß k r e u z der Ehrenlegion, an S u z a n n e , Divisionsgeneral der Artillerie, w e l c h e K o r r e s p o n d e n z v o n der K o m m u n e veröffentlicht w u r d e . Endlich, a m 28. J a n u a r 1871, ließen sie die T r u g m a s k e fallen. Mit dem ganzen H e l d e n 5 muth der äußersten Selbsterniedrigung trat die Regierung der nationalen Vertheidigung in der Kapitulation von Paris h e r v o r als die Regierung Frankreichs durch Bismarcks Gefangene — eine Rolle von solcher N i e d e r t r a c h t , daß selbst Louis N a p o l e o n in S e d a n vor ihr z u r ü c k g e b e b t war. N a c h d e m 18. M ä r z , in ihrer wilden Flucht n a c h Versailles, ließen die „ K a p i t u l a r d s " 10

den aktenmäßigen Beweis ihres V e r r a t h s in Paris zurück. Um diesen zu zerstören, sagt die K o m m u n e in einem ihrer Manifeste an die Provinzen, „würden diese L e u t e nicht davor z u r ü c k s c h r e c k e n , Paris in einen T r ü m m e r haufen zu verwandeln, bespült von einem B l u t m e e r . " Aber um einen solchen Ausgang herbeizuführen, dafür hatten m e h r e r e

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der Hauptmitglieder der Vertheidigungs-Regierung a u ß e r d e m n o c h ganz b e s o n d e r e Privatgründe. K u r z nach A b s c h l u ß des Waffenstillstandes veröffentlichte Minière, Abgeordneter für Paris zur N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g , jetzt e r s c h o s s e n auf expressen Befehl von Jules F a v r e , eine Reihe authentischer gerichtlicher 20 Aktenstücke zum Beweise, daß Jules F a v r e , jn wilder E h e lebend mit der Frau eines in Algier w o h n e n d e n T r u n k e n b o l d s , d u r c h eine h ö c h s t v e r w e gene Anhäufung v o n F ä l s c h u n g e n , die sich über eine lange Reihe v o n Jahren erstrecken, im N a m e n der K i n d e r seines E h e b r u c h s eine g r o ß e Erbschaft erschlichen u n d sich d a d u r c h z u m reichen M a n n g e m a c h t h a t t e ; 25

und d a ß , in einem v o n den r e c h t m ä ß i g e n E r b e n u n t e r n o m m e n e n P r o z e s s e , er der E n t d e c k u n g nur entging d u r c h die b e s o n d e r e Begünstigung der bonapartistischen Gerichte. Da über diese t r o c k e n e n , gerichtlichen Aktenstücke nicht h i n w e g z u k o m m e n war, a u c h nicht mit n o c h so viel rhetorischen Pferdekräften, hielt Jules F a v r e z u m ersten Male in seinem L e b e n d e n

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Mund, in aller Stille den A u s b r u c h des Bürgerkriegs erwartend, um d a n n das Pariser Volk w ü t h e n d zu verlästern als eine B a n d e | | 4 | a u s g e b r o c h e n e r Sträflinge, in hellem Aufruhr gegen Familie, Religion, Ordnung u n d Eigenthum. U n d dieser selbe F ä l s c h e r w a r k a u m zur Herrschaft g e k o m m e n , als er, gleich n a c h dem 4. S e p t e m b e r , Pic und Taillefer mitfühlend in Freiheit

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setzte, die Beide, sogar unter d e m K a i s e r r e i c h , w e g e n Fälschung verurtheilt waren bei der Skandalgeschichte mit der Zeitung „ L ' E t e n d a r d . " Einer dieser Edlen, Taillefer, hatte die F r e c h h e i t , unter der K o m m u n e n a c h Paris hineinzugehen u n d w u r d e sofort wieder eingesteckt; u n d darauf rief Jules Favre von der Tribüne der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g in die Welt hinaus, daß die 40 Pariser alle ihre Zuchthäusler freiließen! E r n e s t Picard, der Karl Vogt der Regierung der nationalen Vertheidigung,

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Karl Marx der sich selbst z u m Minister des I n n e r n der Republik e r n a n n t e , n a c h d e m er vergeblich gestrebt h a t t e , der Minister des I n n e r n des Kaiserreichs zu w e r d e n — ist der Bruder eines gewissen A r t h u r Picard, der als Schwindler v o n der Pariser B ö r s e ausgestoßen (Bericht der Pariser Polizei-Präfektur v o m 3 1 . Juli 1867) u n d auf eigenes G e s t ä n d n i ß überführt w u r d e eines 5 Diebstahls von 300 000 F r a n k e n , begangen als Direktor eines Zweigbüreaus der Société Générale, R u e Palestro N r . 5 (Bericht der Polizei-Präfektur v o m 11. D e z e m b e r 1868). Diesen A r t h u r Picard e r n a n n t e E r n e s t Picard z u m R e d a k t e u r seines Blattes „ L ' E l e c t e u r L i b r e " . W ä h r e n d die gewöhnliche Sorte Börsenleute durch die offiziellen L ü g e n dieses Ministerialblattes irre 10 geleitet w u r d e n , lief A r t h u r Picard hin u n d her z w i s c h e n dem Ministerium u n d der B ö r s e und v e r w a n d e l t e hier die Niederlagen der französischen A r m e e n in b a a r e n Profit. Die ganze G e s c h ä f t s k o r r e s p o n d e n z dieses biedern B r ü d e r p a a r e s fiel in die H ä n d e der K o m m u n e . Jules F e r r y , ein brotloser A d v o k a t vor dem 4. September, b r a c h t e es 15 fertig, als Maire von Paris w ä h r e n d der Belagerung, aus der H u n g e r s n o t h ein V e r m ö g e n für sich herauszuschwindeln. D e r Tag, an d e m er sich w e g e n seiner Mißverwaltung zu v e r a n t w o r t e n h a b e n wird, wird a u c h der T a g seiner Verurtheilung sein. Diese M ä n n e r nun k o n n t e n ihre Tickets-of-leave* n u r in den Ruinen von Paris finden; sie w a r e n gerade die L e u t e , die B i s m a r c k b r a u c h t e . Ein wenig Taschenspielerei — | | 5 | u n d Thiers, bisher der geheime Zuflüsterer der Regierung, erschien jetzt als ihre Spitze, mit den Ticket-of-leave-Männern als Ministern. Thiers, diese Zwergmißgeburt, hat die französische Bourgeoisie m e h r als ein halbes J a h r h u n d e r t lang b e z a u b e r t , weil er der vollendetste geistige A u s d r u c k ihrer eignen K l a s s e n v e r d e r b t h e i t ist. E h e er S t a a t s m a n n w u r d e , h a t t e er schon seine Stärke im L ü g e n als Geschichtsschreiber dargethan. Die Chronik seines öffentlichen L e b e n s ist die Geschichte der U n g l ü c k e F r a n k r e i c h s . Verbündet, vor 1830, mit den Republikanern, e r h a s c h t e er unter Louis Philippe eine Ministerstelle, indem er seinen P r o t e k t o r Laffitte verrieth. Beim König schmeichelte er sich ein d u r c h A n h e t z u n g von P ö b e l e x c e s s e n gegen die Geistlichkeit, w ä h r e n d d e r e n die K i r c h e SaintGermain l'Auxerrois u n d der erzbischöfliche Palast geplündert w u r d e n , und d u r c h sein B e n e h m e n gegen die Herzogin v o n B e r r y , bei der er zu gleicher Zeit den Minister-Spion u n d den Gefängniß-Geburtshelfer spielte. Sein W e r k w a r die Niedermetzelung der Republikaner in der R u e T r a n s n o n a i n , sein W e r k die darauf folgenden infamen S e p t e m b e r g e s e t z e gegen Presse

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* In England giebt man gemeinen Verbrechern nach Verbüßung des größeren Theils ihrer Haft häufig Urlaubsscheine, mit denen sie entlassen und unter Polizeiaufsicht gestellt werden. Diese 40 Scheine heißen tickets-of-leave und ihre Inhaber ticket-of-leave-men.

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und Assoziationsrecht. 1840, wo er als Ministerpräsident wieder auftauchte, setzte er F r a n k r e i c h in E r s t a u n e n mit seinem Plan, Paris zu befestigen. D e n Republikanern, die diesen Plan als heimtückisches K o m p l o t t gegen die Freiheit von Paris anklagten, a n t w o r t e t e er in der D e p u t i r t e n k a m m e r : „Wie? Sie bilden sich ein, d a ß F e s t u n g s w e r k e je die Freiheit gefährden k ö n n t e n ? V o r Allem v e r l e u m d e n Sie j e d e mögliche Regierung, w e n n Sie v o r a u s s e t z e n , sie k ö n n t e je v e r s u c h e n , sich d u r c h ein B o m b a r d e m e n t von Paris aufrecht zu e r h a l t e n . . . eine solche Regierung w ä r e n a c h ihrem Siege hundert Mal unmöglicher als v o r h e r . " In der T h a t , keine Regierung w ü r d e je gewagt haben, Paris von d e n F o r t s zu b o m b a r d i r e n , außer der Regierung, die vorher diese selben F o r t s den P r e u ß e n ausgeliefert hatte. Als König B o m b a sich im J a n u a r 1848 an Palermo v e r s u c h t e , e r h o b sich Thiers, damals schon lange kein Minister m e h r , abermals in der K a m m e r : „Sie wissen, meine H e r r e n , w a s in P a l e r m o vorgeht. Sie alle e r b e b e n v o r Schauder (im parlamentarischen Sinn), w e n n Sie hören, daß achtundvierzig Stunden lang eine große Stadt b o m b a r d i r t w o r d e n ist — v o n w e m ? V o n einem fremden Feind in A n w e n d u n g des K r i e g s r e c h t s ? Nein, meine H e r r e n , von ihrer eignen Regierung. | | 6 | U n d w e ß w e g e n ? Weil die unglückliche Stadt ihre R e c h t e forderte. U n d für die F o r d e r u n g ihrer R e c h t e erhielt sie achtundvierzig S t u n d e n B o m b a r d e m e n t . . . E r l a u b e n Sie mir an die Meinung von E u r o p a zu appelliren. Es heißt der Menschlichkeit einen Dienst erweisen, w e n n m a n sich e r h e b t u n d v o n vielleicht der größten Tribüne E u r o pas wiederhallen läßt einige W o r t e (jawohl, Worte!) der E n t r ü s t u n g gegen solche Thaten. Als der Regent E s p a r t e r o , der seinem L a n d e Dienste geleistet hatte, (und das w a r m e h r als Thiers je gethan) beabsichtigte, B a r c e lona zu b o m b a r d i r e n , zur U n t e r d r ü c k u n g eines A u f s t a n d e s , da e r h o b sich von allen E n d e n der Welt ein allgemeiner Schrei der E n t r ü s t u n g . " A c h t z e h n M o n a t e später befand sich Thiers unter den w ü t h e n d s t e n Vertheidigern des B o m b a r d e m e n t s von R o m d u r c h eine französische A r m e e . D e r Fehler des K ö n i g s B o m b a scheint in der T h a t nur darin gelegen zu haben, daß er sein B o m b a r d e m e n t auf achtundvierzig S t u n d e n b e schränkte. Wenige Tage vor der F e b r u a r - R e v o l u t i o n , u n w i r s c h ob der langen Verb a n n u n g von A m t u n d Unterschleif, w o z u Guizot ihn verurtheilt h a t t e , u n d in der Luft eine h e r a n n a h e n d e V o l k s b e w e g u n g witternd, erklärte Thiers, in dem falschen Heldenstyl, der ihm den S p o t t n a m e n M i r a b e a u - m o u c h e (Mirabeau-Fliege) einbrachte, der D e p u t i r t e n k a m m e r : „ I c h gehöre zur Partei der Revolution, nicht allein in Frankreich, sondern in E u r o p a . Ich w ü n s c h e , daß die Regierung der Revolution in den H ä n d e n gemäßigter M ä n n e r bleiben m ö g e ; aber sollte diese Regierung in die H ä n d e heftiger L e u t e fallen, selbst in die v o n Radikalen, so w e r d e ich

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Karl Marx d a r u m doch meine Sache nicht im Stich lassen. Ich w e r d e immer zur Partei der Revolution g e h ö r e n . " Die Februar-Revolution k a m . Statt das Ministerium Guizot d u r c h das Ministerium Thiers zu ersetzen, wie das Männlein g e t r ä u m t hatte, verdrängte sie Louis Philippe d u r c h die Republik. Am ersten Tage des Sieges v e r s t e c k t e er sich sorgfältig, vergessend, daß die V e r a c h t u n g der Arbeiter ihn vor ihrem H a ß schützte. D e n n o c h hielt er sich, mit seinem altbekannten M u t h , v o n der öffentlichen B ü h n e fern, bis die Juni-Metzeleien sie für seine Sorte Aktion freigefegt hatten. D a n n w u r d e er der leitende Kopf der „ O r d n u n g s p a r t e i " mit ihrer parlamentarischen Republik, j e n e m a n o n y m e n Zwischenreich, in dem alle die v e r s c h i e d e n e n F r a k t i o n e n der h e r r s c h e n d e n Klasse mit einander konspirirten zur U n t e r d r ü c k u n g des V o l k e s u n d | | 7 1 gegen einander, jede zur Wiederherstellung ihrer eigenen M o n a r c h i e . Damals wie jetzt klagte Thiers die Republikaner an als das einzige H i n d e r n i ß der Befestigung der Republik; damals wie jetzt s p r a c h er zur Republik, wie der H e n k e r zu D o n Carlos: „ I c h w e r d e Dich m o r d e n , aber zu D e i n e m eigenen b e s t e n . " J e t z t wie damals wird er ausrufen m ü s s e n am Tage n a c h seinem Siege: „l'Empire est fait" — das Kaiserreich ist fertig. T r o t z seiner, heuchlerischen Predigten von „nothwendigen F r e i h e i t e n " u n d seines persönlichen Aergers gegen Louis B o n a p a r t e , der ihn gebraucht u n d d e n Parlamentarism u s hinausgeworfen hatte, — u n d außerhalb der künstlichen A t m o s p h ä r e des Parlamentarismus schrumpft das Männlein, wie es w o h l w e i ß , zu einem N i c h t s z u s a m m e n — trotz alledem hatte Thiers eine H a n d in allen Infamien des zweiten Kaiserreichs, v o n der B e s e t z u n g R o m s d u r c h französische T r u p p e n bis zum Kriege gegen P r e u ß e n , zu d e m er aufhetzte d u r c h seine heftigen Ausfälle gegen die d e u t s c h e Einheit — nicht als D e c k m a n t e l für den preußischen D e s p o t i s m u s , sondern als Eingriffe in das e r e r b t e A n r e c h t F r a n k r e i c h s auf die deutsche Uneinigkeit. W ä h r e n d seine Z w e r g s a r m e gern im Angesicht E u r o p a ' s das S c h w e r t des ersten N a p o l e o n u m h e r s c h w a n g e n , d e s s e n historischer S c h u h p u t z e r er g e w o r d e n w a r , gipfelte seine auswärtige Politik stets in der ä u ß e r s t e n Erniedrigung F r a n k r e i c h s , v o n der L o n d o n e r C o n v e n t i o n von 1840 bis zur Pariser Kapitulation von 1871 und z u m jetzigen Bürgerkriege, worin er, mit hoher obrigkeitlicher E r l a u b n i ß B i s m a r c k ' s , die Gefangenen von Sedan und M e t z gegen Paris h e t z t e . T r o t z der Beweglichkeit seines Talents und der Veränderlichkeit seiner Zielpunkte ist dieser M a n n sein ganzes L e b e n lang an die allerfossilste Routine gekettet g e w e s e n . Es ist klar, daß ihm die tiefer liegenden S t r ö m u n g e n der m o d e r n e n Gesellschaft ewig verborgen bleiben m u ß t e n ; aber selbst die handgreiflichsten V e r ä n d e r u n g e n auf der gesellschaftlichen Oberfläche w i d e r s t r e b t e n einem Gehirn, d e s s e n ganze Lebenskraft in die Z u n g e geflüchtet w a r . So w u r d e er nie m ü d e , jede A b w e i c h u n g v o n dem veralteten französischen Schutzzoll-

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system als eine H e i l i g t h u m s s c h ä n d u n g anzuklagen. Als Minister L o u i s Philippe's v e r s u c h t e er, die E i s e n b a h n e n als ein hirnverbranntes B l e n d w e r k niederzuschreien; in der Opposition u n t e r Louis B o n a p a r t e b r a n d m a r k t e er als eine Entheiligung j e d e n V e r s u c h zur Reform des verfaulten französisehen H e e r w e s e n s . N i e m a l s in seiner langen politischen L a u f b a h n hat er sich einer einzigen, a u c h nicht der geringsten Maßregel von | J 8 | p r a k t i s c h e m N u t z e n schuldig gemacht. Thiers w a r k o n s e q u e n t nur in seiner Gier n a c h Reichthum und in seinem H a ß gegen die L e u t e , die ihn hervorbringen. Er trat in sein erstes Ministerium u n t e r L o u i s Philippe arm wie H i o b ; er verließ es als Millionär. Als sein letztes Ministerium unter demselben Könige (vom ersten M ä r z 1 8 4 0 ) ihm in der K a m m e r öffentliche Anklagen wegen U n t e r schleif zuzog, begnügte er sich, d u r c h T h r ä n e n zu a n t w o r t e n — ein Artikel, in d e m er e b e n so flott „ m a c h t " , w i e Jules F a v r e oder irgend ein a n d e r e s Krokodil. In B o r d e a u x w a r sein erster Schritt zur R e t t u n g F r a n k r e i c h ' s vom h e r e i n b r e c h e n d e n Finanzruin der, sich selbst mit drei Millionen jährlich a u s z u s t a t t e n ; es w a r dies das erste u n d letzte W o r t jener „ ö k o n o m i s c h e n Republik", worauf er seinen Pariser Wählern 1 8 6 9 Aussicht g e m a c h t hatte. Einer seiner früheren Kollegen aus der K a m m e r von 1 8 3 0 , selbst ein Kapitalist, — was ihn nicht v e r h i n d e r t e , ein aufopferndes Mitglied der Pariser K o m m u n e zu sein — H e r r Beslay, sagte neulich in einem M a u e r a n schlage zu Thiers: „Die K n e c h t u n g der Arbeit d u r c h das Kapital ist jederzeit der E c k s t e i n Ihrer Politik g e w e s e n , u n d seit Sie die Republik der Arbeit im Pariser S t a d t h a u s eingesetzt sehen, h a b e n Sie o h n e Aufhören F r a n k r e i c h zugerufen: „ S e h t diese V e r b r e c h e r ! " — Ein Meister kleiner Staatsschufterei, ein Virtuose des Meineids u n d V e r r a t h s , ausgelernt in allen d e n niedrigen Kriegslisten, h e i m t ü c k i s c h e n Kniffen u n d gemeinen Treulosigkeiten des parlamentarischen P a r t e i k a m p f e s ; stets bereit, w e n n v o m A m t e verdrängt, eine Revolution a n z u f a c h e n , u n d sie im Blut zu ersticken, sobald er am Staatsruder; mit K l a s s e n v o r u r t h e i l e n an der Stelle v o n I d e e n ; mit Eitelkeit an der Stelle eines H e r z e n s ; sein Privatleben so infam, wie sein öffentliches L e b e n niederträchtig — k a n n er nicht umhin, selbst jetzt, wo er die Rolle eines französischen Sulla spielt, die Scheußlichkeit seiner T h a t e n zu e r h ö h e n d u r c h die L ä c h e r l i c h k e i t seiner Großthuerei.

Die Kapitulation von Paris, die den P r e u ß e n nicht nur Paris, sondern ganz F r a n k r e i c h überlieferte, b e s c h l o ß die l a n g a n d a u e r n d e n verrätherischen Intriguen mit dem F e i n d e , die die U s u r p a t o r e n des 4. S e p t e m b e r s , wie T r o c h u selbst gesagt, schon an diesem selben T a g e begonnen. A n d e r e r s e i t s eröffnete sie den Bürgerkrieg, den sie jetzt, mit preußischer U n t e r s t ü t z u n g , gegen die Republik u n d Paris zu führen hatten. S c h o n in dem Wortlaute d e r 40 Kapitulation selbst w a r die Falle gelegt. D a m a l s w a r über ein Drittel des L a n d e s in den H ä n d e n des F e i n d e s , die H a u p t s t a d t w a r v o n d e n 35

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Karl Marx P r o v i n z e n abgeschnitten, alle Verkehrsmittel w a r e n in U n o r d n u n g . Es w a r unmöglich, unter solchen U m s t ä n d e n eine wirkliche V e r t r e t u n g F r a n k r e i c h s zu erwählen, w e n n nicht volle Zeit zur Vorbereitung gegeben w u r d e . Gerade deßhalb bedang die Kapitulation, daß eine N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g innerhalb acht Tagen zu wählen sei, so daß in m a n c h e n Theilen F r a n k r e i c h s die N a c h r i c h t von der v o r z u n e h m e n d e n W a h l erst den Tag vorher a n k a m . F e r n e r sollte die V e r s a m m l u n g , n a c h einem ausdrücklichen Artikel der Kapitulation, gewählt w e r d e n für den einzigen Z w e c k , über Krieg u n d Frieden zu entscheiden und v o r k o m m e n d e n Falles einen F r i e d e n s v e r t r a g abzuschließen. D a s Volk m u ß t e fühlen, daß die Waffenstillstandsbedingungen die Fortführung des Krieges unmöglich m a c h t e n , u n d daß, um den v o n Bismarck aufgenöthigten F r i e d e n zu bestätigen, die schlechtesten L e u t e in F r a n k r e i c h gerade die besten seien. Aber, nicht zufrieden mit allen diesen Vorsichtsmaßregeln, hatte Thiers, schon e h e das Geheimniß des Waffenstillstandes den Parisern mitgetheilt w o r d e n , sich auf eine Wahlreise in die P r o v i n z e n begeben, um dort die legitimistische Partei ins L e b e n z u r ü c k z u galvanisiren, die jetzt mit den Orleanisten die Stelle der augenblicklich unmöglich g e w o r d e n e n Bonapartisten auszufüllen hatte. Er h a t t e keine Angst vor ihnen. Unmöglich als Regierung des m o d e r n e n F r a n k r e i c h s , u n d daher verächtlich als N e b e n b u h l e r , — w e l c h e Partei gab ein willkommeneres W e r k z e u g der Reaktion ab, als die Partei, d e r e n Aktion, in T h i e r s ' eigenen W o r t e n (Deputirtenkammer, 5. J a n u a r 1833) „sich immer b e s c h r ä n k t hatte auf die drei Hülfsquellen: auswärtige Invasion, Bürgerkrieg u n d A n a r c h i e " ? Sie aber, die Legitimisten, glaubten in W a h r h e i t an den A d v e n t ihres rückw ä r t s gewandten tausendjährigen Reichs. Da w a r e n die F e r s e n auswärtiger Invasion, die F r a n k r e i c h zu B o d e n traten; da war der Fall eines Kaiserreiches u n d die Gefangenschaft eines B o n a p a r t e ; und da w a r e n sie selber wieder. D a s Rad der Geschichte hatte sich offenbar z u r ü c k g e d r e h t bis zu der C h a m b r e introuvable (der L a n d r a t h s - u n d J u n k e r k a m m e r ) von 1816. In d e n V e r s a m m l u n g e n der Republik 1848 bis 1851 w a r e n sie vertreten g e w e s e n durch ihre gebildeten u n d eingeschulten p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e n F ü h r e r ; jetzt aber drängten sich die gemeinen Soldaten der Partei h e r v o r — alle Pourceaugnacs von Frankreich.

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Sobald diese V e r s a m m l u n g von R u r a u x (Krautjunkern) in B o r d e a u x eröffnet war, m a c h t e Thiers es ihnen klar, d a ß sie ||l0[ die Friedenspräli- 35 minarien sofort a n z u n e h m e n hätten, selbst o h n e die E h r e n b e z e u g u n g einer parlamentarischen D e b a t t e , als einzige Bedingung, unter der P r e u ß e n ihnen erlauben w e r d e , gegen die Republik u n d ihre feste Burg Paris den Krieg zu eröffnen. Die Contrerevolution hatte in der T h a t keine Zeit zu verlieren. D a s zweite K a i s e r t h u m hatte die Staatsschuld v e r d o p p e l t u n d die großen Städte 40 in s c h w e r e Lokalschulden gestürzt. D e r Krieg h a t t e die A n s p r ü c h e an die

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · I Nation furchtbar e r h ö h t u n d ihre Hülfsquellen rücksichtslos v e r w ü s t e t . Z u r Vollendung des Ruins stand da der p r e u ß i s c h e Shylock mit seinem Schein für den Unterhalt einer halben Million seiner Soldaten auf französischem B o d e n , für seine E n t s c h ä d i g u n g von fünf Milliarden und Zinsen zu fünf 5 Prozent auf d e r e n u n b e z a h l t e R a t e n . W e r sollte die R e c h n u n g zahlen? N u r durch den gewaltsamen Sturz der Republik k o n n t e n die Aneigner des Reichthums hoffen, die K o s t e n eines v o n ihnen selbst herbeigeführten Krieges auf die Schultern der H e r v o r b r i n g e r dieses R e i c h t h u m s zu wälzen. U n d so spornte gerade der unermeßliche Ruin F r a n k r e i c h s diese patrioti10

sehen Vertreter von G r u n d b e s i t z u n d Kapital an, unter den A u g e n u n d der hohen Protektion des fremden E r o b e r e r s , den auswärtigen Krieg zu ergänzen durch einen Bürgerkrieg, eine Sklavenhalter-Rebellion. Dieser V e r s c h w ö r u n g stand im W e g e Ein großes Hinderniß — Paris. Paris zu entwaffnen, w a r erste Bedingung des Erfolgs. Paris w u r d e daher von 15 Thiers aufgefordert, seine Waffen niederzulegen. D a n n w u r d e Paris aufgehetzt durch die tollen antirepublikanischen D e m o n s t r a t i o n e n der K r a u t j u n k e r v e r s a m m l u n g u n d d u r c h T h i e r s ' eigene zweideutige A u s s p r ü c h e ü b e r den rechtlichen B e s t a n d der Republik; d u r c h die D r o h u n g , Paris zu enthaupten u n d e n t h a u p t s t a d t e n (décapiter et décapitaliser); die E r n e n n u n g 20

orleanistischer G e s a n d t e n ; D u f a u r e ' s G e s e t z e wegen der verfallenen Wechsel und H a u s m i e t h e n , die den H a n d e l u n d die Industrie von Paris mit dem U n t e r g a n g e b e d r o h t e n ; P o u y e r - Q u e r t i e r ' s Steuer von 2 Centimen auf jedes E x e m p l a r jeder nur möglichen Druckschrift; die Todesurtheile gegen Blanqui u n d F l o u r e n s ; die U n t e r d r ü c k u n g der republikanischen Blätter; die 25 Verlegung der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g n a c h Versailles; die E r n e u e r u n g des von Palikao erklärten und d u r c h den 4. S e p t e m b e r vernichteten Belagerungsz u s t a n d e s ; die E r n e n n u n g des D e z e m b e r h e l d e n Vinoy z u m G o u v e r n e u r , des G e n s d a r m e n Valentin zum Polizeipräfekten, | | l l | und des Jesuitengenerals d'Aurelle de Paladines z u m O b e r - K o m m a n d a n t e n der Nationalgarde 30

von Paris. U n d n u n haben wir an H e r r n Thiers u n d an die H e r r e n v o n der Nationalvertheidigung, seine C o m m i s , eine F r a g e zu richten. Es ist bekannt, daß durch seinen Finanzminister H e r r n Pouyer-Quertier, Thiers ein A n l e h e n von zwei Milliarden beantragt h a t t e , sofort zahlbar. Ist es n u n w a h r oder 35 nicht: 1) daß dies Geschäft so a b g e m a c h t w u r d e , daß eine Provision v o n m e h r e r e n hundert Millionen in die Privattaschen von Thiers, Jules F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, Pouyer-Quertier und Jules Simon floß, u n d 2) daß keine Zahlung g e m a c h t w e r d e n sollte, bis nach der „Pacification" 40 von Paris? In j e d e m Falle m u ß die S a c h e sehr dringlich g e w e s e n sein, d e n n Thiers

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Kar! Marx und Jules F a v r e suchten o h n e alle Scham im N a m e n der V e r s a m m l u n g in B o r d e a u x u m B e s e t z u n g von Paris durch p r e u ß i s c h e T r u p p e n nach. D a s p a ß t e aber nicht in B i s m a r c k ' s Spiel, wie er, spöttisch und ganz öffentlich, den b e w u n d e r n d e n Frankfurter Philistern bei seiner R ü c k k e h r n a c h D e u t s c h l a n d erzählte.

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II. Paris w a r das einzige ernstliche Hinderniß auf dem W e g e der contre-revolutionären V e r s c h w ö r u n g . Paris m u ß t e also entwaffnet w e r d e n . In Beziehung auf diesen P u n k t w a r die B o r d e a u x e r V e r s a m m l u n g die Aufrichtigkeit selbst. W ä r e das r a s e n d e Gebrüll ihrer K r a u t j u n k e r nicht hörbar genug gewesen, die U e b e r a n t w o r t u n g von Paris d u r c h Thiers in die H ä n d e des Triumvirats — Vinoy, der D e z e m b e r m ö r d e r , Valentin, der bonapartistische G e n s d ' a r m , u n d Aurelle de Paladines, der Jesuitengeneral — h ä t t e a u c h den letzten Zweifel unmöglich gemacht. A b e r w ä h r e n d die V e r s c h w ö r e r den w a h r e n Z w e c k der Entwaffnung frech zur S c h a u stellten, forderten sie Paris zur Waffenstreckung auf unter einem V o r w a n d e , der die schreiendste, schamloseste L ü g e war. D a s G e s c h ü t z der Nationalgarde, sagte Thiers, gehört d e m Staat und m u ß d e m Staat wieder abgegeben w e r d e n . Die Thatsache w a r diese: V o n dem Tage der Kapitulation an, als B i s m a r c k ' s G e fangene Frankreich ihm ausgeliefert, aber sich selbst eine zahlreiche L e i b w a c h e ausbedungen hatten zu dem ausdrücklichen Z w e c k e , Paris niederzuhalten — von d e m Tage an stand Paris auf der W a c h t . Die Nationalgarde reorj|l2|ganisirte sich und vertraute ihre Oberleitung einem Centraikomitee an, das d u r c h ihre ganze M a s s e , einige der alten bonapartistischen Abtheilungen a u s g e n o m m e n , erwählt war. Am V o r a b e n d des E i n m a r s c h e s der P r e u ß e n in Paris besorgte das Centraikomitee den T r a n s p o r t n a c h M o n t m a r t r e , la Villette und Belleville der von d e n Kapitulards verrätherischer Weise in und bei den von den P r e u ß e n zu b e s e t z e n d e n Stadttheilen zurückgelassenen K a n o n e n u n d Mitrailleusen. Dies G e s c h ü t z w a r d u r c h die Beiträge der Nationalgarde selbst beschafft w o r d e n . Als ihr Eigenthum w a r es amtlieh a n e r k a n n t in der Kapitulation v o m 28. Januar, u n d in dieser b e s o n d e r e n Eigenschaft a u s g e n o m m e n w o r d e n von der allgemeinen Ablieferung der der Regierung gehörenden Waffen an den Sieger. U n d Thiers w a r so d u r c h u n d d u r c h b a r eines jeden, a u c h des durchsichtigsten V o r w a n d e s , um den Krieg mit Paris einzuleiten, daß er auf die platte L ü g e angewiesen blieb: das G e s c h ü t z der Nationalgarde sei Staatseigenthum! Die Beschlagnahme des G e s c h ü t z e s sollte nur dienen als Vorspiel der allgemeinen Entwaffnung v o n Paris u n d damit der Revolution v o m 4. Sep-

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tember. Aber diese Revolution w a r der gesetzliche Z u s t a n d F r a n k r e i c h s geworden. Die Republik, ihr W e r k , w a r im W o r t l a u t der Kapitulation v o m Sieger anerkannt. N a c h der Kapitulation w a r sie anerkannt w o r d e n von allen fremden M ä c h t e n ; in ihrem N a m e n war die V e r s a m m l u n g berufen. Die Pariser Arbeiterrevolution v o m 4. S e p t e m b e r w a r der einzige Rechtstitel der Nationalversammlung in B o r d e a u x u n d ihrer vollziehenden Gewalt. O h n e den 4. S e p t e m b e r hätte die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g sofort d e m , 1869 unter französischer und nicht unter p r e u ß i s c h e r Herrschaft durch allgemeines Stimmrecht erwählten u n d gewaltsam von der Revolution zersprengten, gesetzgebenden K ö r p e r Platz m a c h e n m ü s s e n . Thiers u n d seine Ticket-ofleave-Leute hätten v e r h a n d e l n m ü s s e n w e g e n eines Geleitscheines, unterzeichnet von Louis B o n a p a r t e , um einer Reise n a c h C a y e n n e zu entgehen. Die Nationalversammlung, mit ihrer Vollmacht, den F r i e d e n mit P r e u ß e n a b z u m a c h e n , w a r n u r ein einzelner Zwischenfall in jener Revolution, deren w a h r e V e r k ö r p e r u n g n o c h immer das bewaffnete Paris w a r ; Paris, das diese Revolution gemacht, das um ihretwillen eine fünfmonatliche Belagerung mit ihren Schrecken der H u n g e r s n o t h ausgehalten, u n d das in seinem trotz T r o c h u ' s „ P l a n " verlängerten W i d e r s t a n d die Grundlage eines hartnäckigen Vertheidigungskrieges in den P r o v i n z e n ge| 113 |liefert hatte. U n d Paris sollte jetzt e n t w e d e r seine Waffen niederlegen auf das beleidigende G e h e i s c h der rebellischen Sklavenhalter v o n B o r d e a u x , u n d a n e r k e n n e n , daß seine Revolution vom 4. S e p t e m b e r nur die einfache U e b e r t r a g u n g der Staatsm a c h t von Louis B o n a p a r t e an seine königlichen N e b e n b u h l e r b e d e u t e ; — oder es m u ß t e vortreten als der selbstopfernde V o r k ä m p f e r F r a n k r e i c h s , dessen Rettung vom U n t e r g a n g u n d d e s s e n W i e d e r g e b u r t unmöglich w a r e n o h n e den revolutionären U m s t u r z der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Bedingungen, die das zweite K a i s e r t h u m erzeugt hatten u n d die unter seiner schützenden O b h u t bis zur ä u ß e r s t e n Fäulniß herangereift w a r e n . Paris, noch abgezehrt von fünfmonatlicher A u s h u n g e r u n g , zauderte keinen Augenblick. Es beschloß heldenmüthig, alle Gefahren des Widerstandes gegen die französischen V e r s c h w ö r e r auszuhalten, t r o t z d e m , daß noch immer preußische K a n o n e n von seinen eigenen F o r t s auf es herabgähnten. Dabei aber, in seinem A b s c h e u gegen d e n Bürgerkrieg, in den Paris hineingetrieben w e r d e n sollte, beharrte das Centraikomitee in einer vertheidigenden Haltung, trotz der Aufreizungen der V e r s a m m l u n g , der Eingriffe der vollziehenden Gewalt, u n d der d r o h e n d e n T r u p p e n z u s a m m e n z i e h u n g e n in und um Paris. Thiers eröffnete den Bürgerkrieg, i n d e m er den Vinoy an der Spitze eines H a u f e n s Polizeisergeanten und einiger Linienregimenter auf einen nächtliehen R a u b z u g gegen M o n t m a r t r e a u s s c h i c k t e , um dort durch U e b e r raschung das G e s c h ü t z d e r Nationalgarde w e g z u n e h m e n . Es ist b e k a n n t ,

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Karl Marx wie dieser V e r s u c h scheiterte am W i d e r s t a n d der Nationalgarde u n d an der V e r b r ü d e r u n g der T r u p p e n mit d e m Volk. Aurelle de Paladines hatte schon im V o r a u s seinen Siegesbericht gedruckt, u n d Thiers hielt die M a u e r anschläge bereit, die seine Staatsstreich-Maßregeln v e r k ü n d e n sollten. Beides m u ß t e jetzt ersetzt w e r d e n d u r c h T h i e r s ' Aufrufe, worin er seinen großmüthigen E n t s c h l u ß v e r k ü n d e t e , der Nationalgarde ihre Waffen zu lassen; er zweifle nicht, sagte er, sie w e r d e sie b e n u t z e n , um sich gegen die R e bellen an die Regierung anzuschließen. U n t e r allen 300000 Nationalgardisten e n t s p r a c h e n nur 300 diesem Aufruf des kleinen Thiers, sich, gegen sich selbst, an ihn anzuschließen. Die ruhmvolle Arbeiterrevolution des 18. M ä r z nahm unbestrittenen Besitz von Paris. Das Centraikomitee w a r ihre provisorische Regierung. E u r o p a schien einen Augenblick zu zweifeln, ob seine neulichen erstaunlichen Haupt-, Staats- und Kriegsaktionen ir|| 14|gend w e l c h e Wirklichkeit b e s ä ß e n , oder ob sie die T r ä u m e einer längst v e r s c h w u n d e n e n Vergangenheit seien. V o m 18. M ä r z bis zum Eindringen der Versailler T r u p p e n in Paris, blieb die proletarische Revolution so rein v o n allen den G e w a l t t h a t e n , von d e n e n die Revolutionen, u n d n o c h m e h r die K o n t r e r e v o l u t i o n e n der „ h ö h e r e n K l a s s e n " strotzen, d a ß die Gegner keine a n d e r n H a n d h a b e n für ihre Entr ü s t u n g finden, als die Hinrichtung der Generale L e c o m t e u n d Clement T h o m a s und den Z u s a m m e n s t o ß auf der Place V e n d ô m e . Einer der bonapartistischen Offiziere, der bei dem nächtlichen Ueberfall auf M o n t m a r t r e eine Rolle spielte, General L e c o m t e , hatte vier Mal d e m 81. Linienregiment befohlen, auf einen unbewaffneten H a u f e n in der Place Pigalle zu feuern; als die T r u p p e n sich weigerten, schimpfte er sie w ü t h e n d a u s . Statt Weiber u n d Kinder zu erschießen, e r s c h o s s e n seine eigenen L e u t e ihn selbst. Die eingewurzelten G e w o h n h e i t e n , die den Soldaten unter der Z u c h t der F e i n d e der Arbeiter beigebracht w o r d e n , verlieren sich selbstredend nicht in demselben Augenblick, wo diese Soldaten zu den Arbeitern Übergehn. Dieselben L e u t e richteten a u c h C l e m e n t T h o m a s hin. „ G e n e r a l " Clement T h o m a s , ein malkontenter E x - W a c h t m e i s t e r , hatte sich in der letzten Zeit Louis Philippe's bei der Redaktion des republikanischen Blattes „ L e N a t i o n a l " a n w e r b e n lassen, wo er gleichzeitig die P o s t e n eines verantwortlichen S t r o h m a n n s (gérant r e s p o n s a b l e , der das Absitzen der Gefängnißstrafe übernahm) u n d Duellanten bei diesem sehr kämpflustigen Blatt ausfüllte. Als n a c h der Februar-Revolution die H e r r e n v o m „ N a t i o n a l " ans Ruder k a m e n , verwandelten sie diesen alten W a c h t m e i s t e r in einen General. Es w a r dies am V o r a b e n d der Junischlächterei, die er, wie a u c h Jules F a v r e , mitgeplant h a t t e , u n d bei der er eine der niederträchtigsten Henkerrollen ü b e r n a h m . D a n n v e r s c h w a n d er und seine Generalschaft auf lange Zeit, um wieder aufzutauchen am 1. N o v e m b e r 1870. D e n Tag v o r h e r

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hatte die Regierung der Vertheidigung im S t a d t h a u s e Blanqui, Flourens und anderen V e r t r e t e r n der Arbeiter ihr feierliches W o r t gegeben, ihre u s u r p i r t e Gewalt in die H ä n d e einer freigewählten Pariser K o m m u n e niederzulegen. Statt ihr W o r t zu halten, ließ sie gegen Paris die B r e t o n e n T r o c h u ' s los, die jetzt die Corsen B o n a p a r t e s v e r t r a t e n . D e r General Tamisier allein weigerte sich, seinen N a m e n mit einem solchen W o r t b r u c h zu beflecken, u n d legte seinen Posten als O b e r k o m m a n d a n t der Nationalgarde nieder. An seiner Stelle 1115 j w u r d e jetzt Clement T h o m a s wieder ein General. W ä h r e n d seines ganzen O b e r k o m m a n d o s führte er Krieg, nicht gegen die P r e u ß e n , sondern gegen die Pariser N a t i o n a l g a r d e . Er verhinderte ihre allgemeine Bewaffnung, hetzte die Bourgeoisbataillone gegen die Arbeiterbataillone, beseitigte die dem „ P l a n " T r o c h u ' s feindlichen Offiziere, u n d löste, unter dem Brandmal der Feigheit, dieselben proletarischen Bataillone auf, deren H e l d e n m u t h jetzt ihren erbittertsten F e i n d e n B e w u n d e r u n g abgerungen hat. Clement T h o m a s w a r ordentlich stolz darauf, seinen alten Juni-Vorrang als persönlicher Feind des Pariser Proletariats w i e d e r erobert zu h a b e n . N o c h einige Tage v o r d e m 18. M ä r z legte er d e m Kriegsminister Le F l ô einen eigenen Plan vor, z u r „ A u s r o t t u n g d e r Blüthe d e r Pariser Kanaille". N a c h V i n o y ' s Niederlage k o n n t e er es sich nicht v e r s a g e n , als Privatspion auf dem Kampfplatz zu erscheinen. D a s Centraikomitee u n d die Pariser Arbeiter waren e b e n s o verantwortlich für die E r s c h i e ß u n g von Clement T h o m a s u n d L e c o m t e , wie die Prinzessin von Wales für das Geschick der bei ihrem Einzug in L o n d o n im G e d r ä n g e zu T o d e g e q u e t s c h t e n L e u t e . Die angebliche Schlächterei unbewaffneter Bürger in der Place V e n d ô m e ist ein M ä h r c h e n , w o v o n Thiers u n d die K r a u t j u n k e r in der V e r s a m m l u n g hartnäckig geschwiegen h a b e n , u n d d e s s e n Verbreitung sie ausschließlich der Bedientenstube der e u r o p ä i s c h e n T a g e s p r e s s e a n v e r t r a u t e n . Die „ O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r " , die R e a k t i o n ä r e v o n Paris, zitterten bei d e m Siege des 18. M ä r z . F ü r sie w a r er das W a h r z e i c h e n der endlich hereinb r e c h e n d e n Volksvergeltung. Die G e s p e n s t e r d e r unter ihren H ä n d e n g e m o r d e t e n Opfer, von den Junitagen 1848 bis z u m 22. J a n u a r 1871, stiegen vor ihren Augen e m p o r . Ihr S c h r e c k e n w a r ihre einzige Strafe. Selbst die Polizeisergeanten, statt wie sich's gebührte, entwaffnet und eingesperrt zu w e r d e n , fanden die T h o r e von Paris weit geöffnet, um sicher n a c h Versailles zu e n t k o m m e n . Nicht allein, daß den O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r n Nichts geschah, m a n erlaubte ihnen sogar, sich w i e d e r zu s a m m e l n u n d m e h r als einen starken Posten mitten in Paris zu b e s e t z e n . Diese N a c h s i c h t des Centraikomitees, diese G r o ß m u t h der bewaffneten Arbeiter, so sonderbar im W i d e r s p r u c h mit den G e w o h n h e i t e n der O r d n u n g s p a r t e i , w u r d e n von dieser Partei als Zeichen bewußter S c h w ä c h e mißdeutet. D a h e r ihr alberner Plan, unter d e m Deckmantel einer u n b e w a f f n e t e n D e m o n s t r a t i o n das n o c h einmal zu ver-

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Karl Marx suchen, w a s Vinoy mit seinen K a n o n e n u n d M i | | l 6 | t r a i l l e u s e n nicht h a t t e erreichen können. Am 22. M ä r z setzte sich von den Stadtvierteln des Wohllebens ein Zug „feiner H e r r e n " in Bewegung, alle Stutzer in ihren Reihen, und an ihrer Spitze die w o h l b e k a n n t e n S t a m m g ä s t e des K a i s e r t h u m s , die H e e c k e r e n , Coëtlogon, H e n r i de P ê n e u s w . U n t e r dem feigen V o r w a n d einer friedlichen Demonstration, aber im Geheimen gerüstet mit den Waffen des M e u c h e l m ö r d e r s , o r d n e t e sich diese B a n d e , entwaffnete und mißhandelte die P o s t e n und Patrouillen der N a t i o n a l g a r d e , auf die ihr Zug stieß, und, aus der R u e de la Paix in die Place V e n d ô m e vordringend, v e r s u c h t e sie, unter dem Ruf: „ N i e d e r mit dem C e n t r a i k o m i t e e ! N i e d e r mit den M ö r d e r n ! Es lebe die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g ! " die dort aufgestellte W a c h e zu durchb r e c h e n und so das dahinter gelegene H a u p t q u a r t i e r der Nationalgarde zu ü b e r r u m p e l n . Als A n t w o r t auf ihre R e v o l v e r s c h ü s s e , w u r d e n die regelmäßigen gesetzlichen Aufforderungen an sie g e m a c h t ; als diese wirkungslos blieben, k o m m a n d i r t e der General der Nationalgarde F e u e r . Eine Salve zerstreute in wilde Flucht die albernen G e c k e n , die erwartet h a t t e n , die bloße Schaustellung ihrer „anständigen Gesellschaft" w e r d e auf die Pariser Revolution wirken wie die T r o m p e t e n J o s u a s auf die M a u e r n von Jericho. Sie ließen zurück zwei Nationalgarden todt, n e u n schwer v e r w u n d e t (darunter ein Mitglied des Centraikomitees) u n d d e n ganzen Schauplatz ihrer G r o ß t h a t bestreut mit Revolvern, D o l c h e n und Stockdegen, z u m Zeugniß des „ u n b e w a f f n e t e n " C h a r a k t e r s ihrer „friedlichen" D e m o n s t r a tion. Als am 13. Juni 1849 die Pariser Nationalgarde eine wirklich friedliche D e m o n s t r a t i o n m a c h t e , um gegen den r ä u b e r i s c h e n Angriff französischer T r u p p e n auf Rom zu protestiren — da w u r d e Changarnier, damals General der Ordnungspartei, v o n der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g u n d b e s o n d e r s v o n Thiers als der Retter der Gesellschaft ausgerufen, weil er seine T r u p p e n von allen Seiten auf diese waffenlosen L e u t e losgelassen hatte, um sie niederzuschießen, niederzusäbeln und unter ihren Pferdehufen zu zertreten. D a m a l s w u r d e Paris in Belagerungszustand erklärt; Dufaure hetzte n e u e U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s g e s e t z e d u r c h die V e r s a m m l u n g ; n e u e Verhaftungen, n e u e Aechtungen, eine n e u e Schreckensherrschaft traten ein. Aber die „ u n t e r e n K l a s s e n " m a c h e n das anders. D a s Centraikomitee v o n 1871 ließ die H e l d e n der „friedlichen D e m o n s t r a t i o n " einfach laufen, u n d so w a r e n sie, bereits zwei Tage später, im Stande, sich unter dem Admiral Saisset zu j e n e r bewaffneten D e m o n s t r a t i o n | | l 7 | z u s a m m e n z u f i n d e n , die mit dem b e w u ß t e n A u s r e i ß e n n a c h Versailles endigte. In seinem W i d e r s t r e b e n , den d u r c h T h i e r s ' nächtlichen E i n b r u c h in M o n t m a r t r e eröffneten Bürgerkrieg aufzun e h m e n , m a c h t e sich das Centraikomitee diesmal eines e n t s c h e i d e n d e n Fehlers d a d u r c h schuldig, daß es nicht sofort auf das damals vollständig hülflose Versailles marschirte, u n d damit d e n V e r s c h w ö r u n g e n des Thiers

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F Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · II und seiner K r a u t j u n k e r ein Ziel setzte. Statt d e s s e n erlaubte m a n der Ordnungspartei nochmals ihre S t ä r k e an der Wahlurne zu versuchen, als am 26. M ä r z die C o m m u n e gewählt w u r d e . An diesem Tage wechselten die O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r in den Bezirksbürgermeistereien wohlwollende W o r t e der 5 V e r s ö h n u n g mit ihren zu großmüthigen Siegern, gleichzeitig in ihren H e r z e n feierliche Gelübde knurrend, seiner Zeit blutige R a c h e zu n e h m e n . U n d jetzt schaut die K e h r s e i t e der Medaille! Thiers eröffnete seinen zweiten Feldzug gegen Paris Anfangs April. Die e r s t e K o l o n n e von Pariser Gefangenen, die n a c h Versailles hinein k a m , w u r d e e m p ö r e n d behandelt, 10 w ä h r e n d E r n e s t Picard, die H ä n d e in den H o s e n t a s c h e n , h e r u m s c h l e n d e r t e u n d sie v e r h ö h n t e , u n d die F r a u e n v o n Thiers u n d F a v r e , in Mitte ihrer Ehren(?)damen, vom h o h e n B a l k o n h e r a b die Schändlichkeiten des Versailler Pöbels beklatschten. Die gefangenen Liniensoldaten w u r d e n einfach e r s c h o s s e n ; unser tapferer F r e u n d General Duval, der Eisengießer, w u r d e 15

o h n e alle F o r m R e c h t e n s g e m o r d e t . Galliffet, der „ L o u i s " seiner F r a u , so notorisch durch die schamlose Schaustellung ihres L e i b e s bei den Gelagen des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s , Galliffet prahlte in einer Proclamation, daß er die E r m o r d u n g einiger durch seine Reiter ü b e r r a s c h t e n und entwaffneten Nationalgardisten, sammt ihrem H a u p t m a n n u n d Lieutenant, befohlen 20 habe. Vinoy, der Ausreißer, w u r d e von Thiers zum G r o ß k r e u z der E h r e n legion ernannt für seinen Tagesbefehl, worin er v o r s c h r i e b , j e d e n bei d e n K o m m u n a l i s t e n gefangenen Liniensoldaten zu erschießen. D e s m a r e t s , der G e n s d a r m , w u r d e dekorirt, weil er den hochherzigen und ritterlichen F l o u r e n s verrätherisch n a c h M e t z g e r a r t in S t ü c k e z e r h a u e n hatte, F l o u r e n s , 25 der am 31. Oktober 1870 der Vertheidigungsregierung ihre Köpfe gerettet hatte. Die „ e r m u n t e r n d e n E i n z e l h e i t e n " seiner E r m o r d u n g w u r d e n v o n Thiers in der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g mit B e h a g e n des Breiteren mitgetheilt. Mit der aufgeblasenen Eitelkeit eines parlamentarischen Däumlings, d e m man erlaubt, die Rolle des T a m e r l a n zu spielen, verweigerte er den Rebellen 30

gegen seine Winzigkeit 11181 j e d e s R e c h t civilisirter Kriegführung, selbst das der Neutralität für ihre V e r b a n d p l ä t z e . N i c h t s Scheußlicheres als dieser Affe, schon von Voltaire vorgeahnt, der für eine kleine Zeit seinen Tigergelüsten freien Lauf lassen kann. N a c h d e m die K o m m u n e (Dekret v o m 7. April) Vergeltungsmaßregeln 35 angeordnet und es für ihre Pflicht erklärt hatte, „Paris gegen die kannibalischen T h a t e n der Versailler B a n d i t e n zu schützen u n d A u g ' um Auge, Zahn um Zahn zu v e r l a n g e n " — stellte Thiers d e n n o c h die g r a u s a m e Behandlung der Gefangenen nicht ein; er beleidigte sie obendrein n o c h in seinen Berichten wie folgt: „ N i e m a l s ist der b e t r ü b t e Blick ehrlicher L e u t e 40

auf so entwürdigte Gesichter einer entwürdigten D e m o k r a t i e gefallen" — ehrlicher L e u t e wie Thiers selbst u n d seine Ticket-of-Leave-Männer.

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Karl Marx T r o t z d e m w u r d e das E r s c h i e ß e n der Gefangenen für einige Zeit eingestellt. K a u m aber hatten Thiers und seine D e z e m b e r g e n e r a l e gefunden, daß das Vergeltungsdekret der K o m m u n e nur eine leere D r o h u n g war, daß selbst ihre G e n s d a r m e n s p i o n e , die in Paris, als Nationalgardisten verkleidet, a b gefangen w a r e n , daß selbst Polizeisergeanten, Träger v o n B r a n d g r a n a t e n , v e r s c h o n t blieben, — so fing auch das m a s s e n w e i s e E r s c h i e ß e n der Gefangenen wieder an und w u r d e bis zum E n d e durchgeführt. H ä u s e r , in welche Nationalgardisten geflüchtet w a r e n , w u r d e n v o n G e n s d a r m e n u m ringt, mit Petroleum (das hier zum ersten Mal v o r k o m m t ) Übergossen u n d in B r a n d gesteckt; die h a l b v e r b r a n n t e n L e i c h e n w u r d e n später v o n der A m b u l a n z der P r e s s e (in L e s T e r n e s ) herausgeholt. Vier Nationalgardisten, die sich am 25. April bei Belle E p i n e einigen berittenen Jägern ergeben hatten, w u r d e n n a c h h e r einer n a c h dem a n d e r n v o m Rittmeister, einem würdigen K n e c h t Galliffets, niedergeschossen. Einer der Vier, Scheffer, für todt zurückgelassen, k r o c h zu den Pariser V o r p o s t e n u n d legte gerichtliches Zeugnis ab über die T h a t s a c h e v o r einem A u s s c h u ß der K o m m u n e . Als Tolain den Kriegsminister über den Bericht dieses A u s s c h u s s e s interpellirte, erstickte das Geschrei der K r a u t j u n k e r seine S t i m m e ; sie v e r b o t e n Le Flô zu a n t w o r t e n . Es w ä r e eine Beleidigung für ihr „ r u h m v o l l e s " H e e r , v o n seinen T h a t e n — zu sprechen. D e r nachlässige T o n , in d e m T h i e r s ' Berichte die N i e d e r m e t z e l u n g der bei Moulin S a q u e t im Schlafe ü b e r r a s c h t e n Nationalgardisten u n d die massenhaften E r s c h i e ß u n g e n in Clamart mittheilten, verletzte selbst die N e r v e n der wahrhaftig nicht überempfindlichen L o n doner „ T i m e s " . A b e r es w ä r e lächerlich, die bloß ein|| 19(leitenden S c h e u ß lichkeiten aufzählen zu wollen, begangen v o n den B o m b a r d i r e r n von Paris u n d den Aufhetzern einer Sklavenhalter-Rebellion u n t e r dem S c h u t z des fremden E r o b e r e r s . In Mitten aller dieser S c h r e c k e n , vergißt Thiers seinen parlamentarischen J a m m e r von wegen der furchtbaren Verantwortlichkeit, die auf seinen Zwergschultern lastet, prahlt, d a ß l'Assemblée siège paisiblement (die V e r s a m m l u n g tagt in F r i e d e n weiter) u n d beweist durch seine steten F e s t e s s e n , heute mit D e z e m b e r g e n e r a l e n , morgen mit d e u t s c h e n Prinzen, daß seine V e r d a u u n g nicht im M i n d e s t e n gestört ist, nicht einmal durch die G e s p e n s t e r von L e c o m t e u n d Clement T h o m a s .

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III. Am M o r g e n des 18. M ä r z 1871 w u r d e Paris g e w e c k t durch den Donnerruf: 35 „ E s lebe die K o m m u n e ! " W a s ist die K o m m u n e , diese Sphinx, die den Bourgeoisverstand auf so h a r t e P r o b e n setzt? „Die Proletarier von P a r i s " , sagte das Centraikomitee in seinem Manifest

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich - III

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v o m 18. M ä r z , „in Mitten der Niederlagen u n d des V e r r a t h s der h e r r s c h e n den Klassen, haben begriffen, daß die S t u n d e geschlagen hat, wo sie die Lage retten müssen, d a d u r c h , daß sie die Leitung der öffentlichen Angelegenheiten in ihre eignen H ä n d e n e h m e n Sie h a b e n begriffen, daß es ihre höchste Pflicht u n d ihr absolutes R e c h t ist, sich zu H e r r e n ihrer eigenen Geschicke zu m a c h e n u n d die Regierungsgewalt zu ergreifen." — A b e r die Arbeiterklasse k a n n nicht die fertige Staatsmaschinerie einfach in Besitz n e h m e n und diese für ihre eignen Z w e c k e in B e w e g u n g setzen. Die centralisirte S t a a t s m a c h t , mit ihren allgegenwärtigen O r g a n e n — stehende A r m e e , Polizei, B u r e a u k r a t i e , Geistlichkeit, Richterstand, O r g a n e geschaffen n a c h d e m Plan einer systematischen u n d hierarchischen Theilung der Arbeit — stammt her aus den Zeiten der absoluten M o n a r c h i e , wo sie der e n t s t e h e n d e n Bourgeoisgesellschaft als eine mächtige Waffe in ihren K ä m p f e n gegen den F e u d a l i s m u s diente. D e n n o c h blieb ihre E n t w i c k l u n g gehemmt durch allerhand mittelalterlichen Schutt, grundherrliche u n d Adels-Vorrechte, Lokalprivilegien, städtische u n d Zunft-Monopole u n d Provinzialverfassungen. D e r riesige B e s e n der französischen Revolution des a c h t z e h n t e n J a h r h u n d e r t s fegte alle diese T r ü m m e r vergangner Zeiten weg, u n d reinigte so gleichzeitig d e n gesellschaftlichen B o d e n v o n d e n letzten Hindernissen, die dem U e b e r b a u des m o d e r n e n Staatsgebäudes im Wege gestanden. Dies m o d e r n e S t a a t s g e b ä u d e e r h o b sich unter dem ersten K a i s e r t h u m , ||20| das selbst wieder erzeugt w o r d e n w a r durch die Koalitionskriege des alten halbfeudalen E u r o p a ' s gegen das m o d e r n e F r a n k r e i c h . W ä h r e n d der nachfolgenden H e r r s c h a f t s f o r m e n w u r d e die Regierung unter parlamentarische K o n t r o l e gestellt, d . h . unter die direkte K o n t r o l e der besitzenden K l a s s e n . Einerseits entwickelte sie sich jetzt zu einem Treibhaus für kolossale Staatsschulden u n d e r d r ü c k e n d e Steuern u n d w u r d e mit ihrer unwiderstehlichen Anziehungskraft, ihrer Amtsgewalt, ihren Einkünften, ihrer Stellenvergebung der Zankapfel für die k o n k u r r i r e n d e n Fraktionen und A b e n t e u r e r der h e r r s c h e n d e n Klassen, — andrerseits ä n d e r t e sich ihr politischer C h a r a k t e r gleichzeitig mit den ö k o n o m i s c h e n V e r ä n d e r u n g e n der Gesellschaft. In dem M a ß , wie der Fortschritt der m o d e r n e n Industrie den K l a s s e n g e g e n s a t z zwischen Kapital und Arbeit entwickelte, erweiterte, vertiefte, in d e m s e l b e n M a ß erhielt die S t a a t s m a c h t mehr und m e h r den Charakter einer öffentlichen Gewalt zur U n t e r d r ü c k u n g der Arbeit, einer Maschine der Klassenherrschaft. N a c h jeder Revolution, die einen Fortschritt des K l a s s e n k a m p f s bezeichnet, tritt der rein unterdrückende Charakter der S t a a t s m a c h t offener u n d offener hervor. Die Revolution von 1830 ü b e r t r u g die Regierung von d e n G r u n d b e s i t z e r n auf die Kapitalisten und damit von den entfernteren auf die direkteren Gegner der Arbeiter. Die Bourgeoisrepublikaner, die im N a m e n der F e b r u a r r e v o -

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Karl Marx lution das Staatsruder ergriffen, g e b r a u c h t e n es z u r Herbeiführung der Junischlächtereien, um der Arbeiterklasse zu b e w e i s e n , daß die „ s o z i a l e " Republik weiter nichts b e d e u t e , als ihre soziale U n t e r d r ü c k u n g d u r c h die Republik; und um der königlich gesinnten M a s s e der Bourgeois u n d Grundbesitzer zu beweisen, daß sie die Sorgen u n d die Geldvortheile der Regierung ruhig den Bourgeoisrepublikanern überlassen k ö n n t e n . N a c h dieser ihrer einzigen H e l d e n t h a t v o m Juni blieb den Bourgeoisrepublikanern j e d o c h nur übrig, zurückzutreten aus dem ersten Glied ins letzte Glied der „ O r d n u n g s p a r t e i " — einer Koalition, gebildet aus allen konkurrirenden F r a k t i o n e n und F a k t i o n e n der aneignenden K l a s s e n in ihrem jetzt offen erklärten Gegensatz zu den hervorbringenden Klassen. Die a n g e m e s s e n e F o r m ihrer Gesammtregierung war die p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e Republik mit Louis B o n a p a r t e als P r ä s i d e n t e n ; eine Regierung des u n v e r h o h l e n e n Klassenterrorismus und der absichtlichen Beleidigung der „vile m u l t i t u d e " (der schoflen Menge). W e n n , wie Thiers sagte, die parlamentarische Republik die v e r s c h i e d e n e n Fraktionen der h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e n am | | 2 1 1 wenigsten theilte, so eröffnete sie dagegen einen Abgrund zwischen dieser K l a s s e u n d dem g a n z e n , außerhalb ihren dünngesäeten Reihen lebenden Gesellschaftskörper. Die Schranken, die, unter früheren Regierungen, ihre eignen Spaltungen der Staatsmacht n o c h auferlegt h a t t e n , w a r e n durch ihre Vereintgung jetzt gefallen. Angesichts der d r o h e n d e n E r h e b u n g des Proletariats b e n u t z t e die vereinigte besitzende K l a s s e j e t z t die S t a a t s m a c h t rücksichtslos u n d frech als das nationale K r i e g s w e r k z e u g des Kapitals gegen die Arbeit. A b e r ihr u n u n t e r b r o c h e n e r K r e u z z u g gegen die produzirenden M a s s e n zwang sie nicht nur, die vollziehende Gewalt mit stets w a c h s e n d e r U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s m a c h t a u s z u s t a t t e n ; er z w a n g sie a u c h , ihre eigene parlamentarische Zwingburg — die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g — n a c h u n d n a c h aller Vertheidigungsmittel gegen die vollziehende Gewalt zu entblößen. Die vollziehende Gewalt, in der P e r s o n des L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , setzte sie vor die Thür. D e r leibliche N a c h k o m m e der Republik der „ O r d n u n g s p a r t e i " w a r das zweite Kaiserthum. Das K a i s e r t h u m , mit d e m Staatsstreich als G e b u r t s s c h e i n , dem allgemeinen Stimmrecht als Beglaubigung, u n d d e m Säbel als Szepter, gab vor, sich auf die B a u e r n zu stützen, auf jene große M a s s e der P r o d u z e n t e n , die nicht unmittelbar in den K a m p f zwischen Kapital u n d Arbeit verwickelt w a r e n . Es gab vor, die Arbeiterklasse zu r e t t e n , indem es den Parlamentarismus brach und mit ihm die unverhüllte Unterwürfigkeit der Regierung unter die besitzenden Klassen. Es gab vor, die besitzenden Klassen zu retten durch Auf rechthaltung ihrer ö k o n o m i s c h e n H o h e i t über die Arbeiterklasse: und schließlich gab es vor, alle Klassen zu vereinigen durch die Wiederbelebung des Trugbilds des nationalen R u h m s . In Wirklichkeit w a r es

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · III die einzige mögliche Regierungsform zu einer Zeit, wo die Bourgeoisie die Fähigkeit, die N a t i o n zu b e h e r r s c h e n , schon verloren, u n d wo die Arbeiterklasse diese Fähigkeit n o c h nicht e r w o r b e n h a t t e . Die ganze Welt j a u c h z t e ihm zu als dem Retter der Gesellschaft. U n t e r seiner Herrschaft erreichte 5 die Bourgeoisgesellschaft, aller politischen Sorgen e n t h o b e n , eine von ihr selbst nie geahnte Entwickelung. I h r e Industrie, ihr H a n d e l dehnten sich zu unermeßlichen Verhältnissen a u s ; der Finanzschwindel feierte kosmopolitische Orgien; das E l e n d der M a s s e n hob sich grell ab gegenüber d e m schamlosen P r u n k eines gleißenden, überladenen und schuftigriechenden 10 L u x u s . Die Staatsmacht, scheinbar h o c h ü b e r der Gesellschaft s c h w e b e n d , w a r d e n n o c h | | 2 2 | selbst der skandalöseste Skandal dieser Gesellschaft u n d gleichzeitig die Brutstätte aller ihrer Fäulniß. Ihre eigne V e r r o t t u n g und die V e r r o t t u n g der von ihr geretteten Gesellschaft w u r d e bloßgelegt d u r c h die Bajonette P r e u ß e n s , das selbst vor Begierde b r a n n t e , den S c h w e r p u n k t 15

dieses Regimes von Paris n a c h Berlin zu verlegen. D e r Imperialismus ist die prostituirteste u n d zugleich die schließliche F o r m jener S t a a t s m a c h t , die die entstehende bürgerliche Gesellschaft ins L e b e n gerufen hatte als das W e r k zeug ihrer eigenen Befreiung v o m F e u d a l i s m u s , und die die vollentwickelte Bourgeoisgesellschaft verwandelt h a t t e in ein W e r k z e u g zur K n e c h t u n g der

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Arbeit durch das Kapital. D e r gerade Gegensatz des K a i s e r t h u m s w a r die K o m m u n e . Der Ruf n a c h der „sozialen Republik", w o m i t das Pariser Proletariat die F e b r u a r r e v o l u tion einführte, drückte nur das u n b e s t i m m t e Verlangen aus n a c h einer Republik, die nicht nur die m o n a r c h i s c h e F o r m der Klassenherrschaft

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beseitigen sollte, sondern die K l a s s e n h e r r s c h a f t selbst. Die K o m m u n e w a r die bestimmte F o r m dieser Republik. Paris, der Mittelpunkt u n d Sitz der alten Regierungsmacht, und gleichzeitig der gesellschaftliche S c h w e r p u n k t der französischen Arbeiterklasse, Paris hatte sich in Waffen e r h o b e n gegen den V e r s u c h des Thiers u n d seiner 30 Krautjunker, diese ihnen v o m K a i s e r t h u m ü b e r k o m m e n e alte Regierungsm a c h t wiederherzustellen und zu verewigen. Paris k o n n t e nur W i d e r s t a n d leisten, weil es in Folge der Belagerung die A r m e e los g e w o r d e n war, an deren Stelle es eine hauptsächlich aus Arbeitern b e s t e h e n d e Nationalgarde gesetzt hatte. Diese T h a t s a c h e galt es jetzt in eine bleibende Einrichtung zu 35 verwandeln. D a s erste D e k r e t der K o m m u n e w a r daher die U n t e r d r ü c k u n g des stehenden H e e r e s u n d seine E r s e t z u n g d u r c h das bewaffnete Volk. Die K o m m u n e bildete sich aus d e n d u r c h allgemeines Stimmrecht in den verschiedenen Bezirken v o n Paris gewählten Stadträthen. Sie w a r e n verantwortlich und jederzeit absetzbar. Ihre M e h r z a h l b e s t a n d selbstredend 40 aus Arbeitern oder a n e r k a n n t e n V e r t r e t e r n der Arbeiterklasse. Die K o m m u n e sollte nicht eine p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e , sondern eine arbeitende

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Karl Marx Körperschaft sein, vollziehend und gesetzgebend zu gleicher Zeit. Die Polizei, bisher das W e r k z e u g der Staatsregierung, w u r d e sofort aller ihrer politischen Eigenschaften entkleidet und in das verantwortliche und jederzeit absetzbare W e r k z e u g der K o m m u n e verwandelt. E b e n s o die B e a m t e n aller anderen Verwaltungszweige. V o n den Mitgliedern der K o m m u n e an a b w ä r t s , m u ß t e der öffent||23|liche Dienst für Arbeiterlohn besorgt w e r d e n . Die e r w o r b e n e n A n r e c h t e und die Repräsentationsgelder der h o h e n Staatswürdenträger v e r s c h w a n d e n mit diesen W ü r d e n t r ä g e r n selbst. Die öffentlichen A e m t e r hörten auf, das Privateigenthum der Handlanger der Centrairegierung zu sein. N i c h t nur die städtische Verwaltung, sondern a u c h die ganze, bisher durch den Staat ausgeübte Initiative w u r d e in die H ä n d e der K o m m u n e gelegt. D a s stehende H e e r und die Polizei, die W e r k z e u g e der materiellen M a c h t der alten Regierung einmal beseitigt, ging die K o m m u n e sofort darauf a u s , das geistliche U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s w e r k z e u g , die Pfaffenmacht, zu b r e c h e n ; sie dekretirte die Auflösung u n d Enteignung aller K i r c h e n , soweit sie besitzende K ö r p e r s c h a f t e n w a r e n . Die Pfaffen w u r d e n in die Stille des Privatlebens zurückgesandt, um dort, n a c h dem Bilde ihrer Vorgänger, der Apostel, sich v o n dem A l m o s e n der Gläubigen zu nähren. Sämmtliche Unterrichtsanstalten w u r d e n dem Volk unentgeltlich geöffnet u n d gleichzeitig von aller E i n m i s c h u n g des Staats u n d der K i r c h e gereinigt. D a m i t w a r nicht n u r die Schulbildung für J e d e r m a n n zugänglich g e m a c h t , sondern auch die Wissenschaft selbst von den ihr d u r c h das Klassenvorurtheil u n d die Regierungsgewalt auferlegten Fesseln befreit. Die richterlichen B e a m t e n verloren j e n e scheinbare Unabhängigkeit, die nur dazu gedient hatte, ihre Unterwürfigkeit u n t e r alle auf einander folgenden Regierungen zu v e r d e c k e n , deren jeder sie, der Reihe n a c h , den E i d der T r e u e g e s c h w o r e n u n d gebrochen hatten. W i e alle übrigen öffentlichen Diener, sollten sie fernerhin gewählt, verantwortlich u n d a b s e t z b a r sein. Die Pariser K o m m u n e sollte selbstverständlich allen großen gewerblichen Mittelpunkten F r a n k r e i c h s z u m Muster dienen. Sobald die k o m m u n a l e O r d n u n g der Dinge einmal in Paris u n d den Mittelpunkten zweiten R a n g e s eingeführt war, hätte die alte centralisirte Regierung a u c h in den P r o v i n z e n der Selbstregierung der P r o d u z e n t e n w e i c h e n m ü s s e n . In einer k u r z e n Skizze der nationalen Organisation, die die K o m m u n e nicht die Zeit hatte, weiter auszuarbeiten, heißt es ausdrücklich, daß die K o m m u n e die politische F o r m selbst des kleinsten Dorfs sein, u n d d a ß das stehende H e e r auf d e m L a n d e d u r c h eine Volksmiliz mit ä u ß e r s t k u r z e r Dienstzeit ersetzt w e r d e n sollte. Die L a n d g e m e i n d e n eines j e d e n B e z i r k s sollten ihre gemeins a m e n Angelegenheiten d u r c h eine V e r s a m m l u n g von A b g e o r d n e t e n in der B e z i r k s h a u p t s t a d t verwalten, u n d diese B e z i r k s v e r s a m m l u n g e n d a n n

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wieder A b g e o r d n e t e zur Nationaldelegation in P a | J 2 4 j r i s schicken; die A b g e o r d n e t e n sollten j e d e r z e i t a b s e t z b a r u n d an die b e s t i m m t e n Instruktionen ihrer Wähler g e b u n d e n sein. Die wenigen, aber wichtigen F u n k t i o n e n , w e l c h e d a n n n o c h für eine Centrairegierung übrig blieben, sollten nicht, w i e dies absichtlich gefälscht w o r d e n , abgeschafft, s o n d e r n an k o m m u n a l e , d . h . streng verantwortliche B e a m t e ü b e r t r a g e n w e r d e n . Die Einheit der N a t i o n sollte nicht g e b r o c h e n , s o n d e r n im Gegentheil organisirt w e r d e n d u r c h die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g ; sie sollte eine Wirklichkeit w e r d e n d u r c h die Vernichtung j e n e r S t a a t s m a c h t , w e l c h e sich für die V e r k ö r p e r u n g dieser Einheit a u s g a b , aber unabhängig u n d überlegen sein wollte gegenüber der N a t i o n , an deren K ö r p e r sie d o c h nur ein S c h m a r o t z e r a u s w u c h s w a r . W ä h r e n d es galt, die bloß u n t e r d r ü c k e n d e n O r g a n e der alten Regierungsm a c h t a b z u s c h n e i d e n , sollten ihre berechtigten F u n k t i o n e n einer Gewalt, die ü b e r der Gesellschaft zu stehen b e a n s p r u c h t e , entrissen u n d d e n verantwortlichen Dienern der Gesellschaft z u r ü c k g e g e b e n w e r d e n . Statt E i n m a l in drei oder sechs J a h r e n zu e n t s c h e i d e n , w e l c h e s Mitglied der h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e das V o l k im P a r l a m e n t e ver- und z e r t r e t e n soll, sollte das allgemeine S t i m m r e c h t d e m in K o m m u n e n konstituirten V o l k d i e n e n , w i e das individuelle S t i m m r e c h t j e d e m a n d e r n Arbeitgeber dazu dient, Arbeiter, A u f s e h e r u n d B u c h h a l t e r in seinem Geschäft a u s z u s u c h e n . U n d es ist b e k a n n t genug, d a ß Gesellschaften e b e n s o g u t wie Einzelne, in wirklichen G e s c h ä f t s s a c h e n gewöhnlich d e n r e c h t e n M a n n zu finden, u n d falls sie sich einmal t ä u s c h e n , dies bald w i e d e r g u t zu m a c h e n wissen. Andrerseits aber k o n n t e nichts dem Geist der K o m m u n e f r e m d e r sein, als das allgemeine S t i m m r e c h t durch h i e r a r c h i s c h e Investitur zu ersetzen. Es ist das gewöhnliche Schicksal n e u e r geschichtlicher Schöpfungen, für das Seitenstück älterer u n d selbst verlebter F o r m e n des gesellschaftlichen L e b e n s v e r s e h e n zu w e r d e n , d e n e n sie einigermaßen ähnlich sehen. So ist diese n e u e K o m m u n e , die die m o d e r n e S t a a t s m a c h t bricht, a n g e s e h e n w o r d e n für eine W i e d e r b e l e b u n g der mittelalterlichen K o m m u n e n , w e l c h e jener S t a a t s m a c h t erst vorausgingen und d a n n ihre Grundlage bildeten. — Die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g ist v e r s e h e n w o r d e n für einen V e r s u c h , einen Bund kleiner Staaten, wie M o n t e s q u i e u und die Girondins ihn t r ä u m t e n , an die Stelle jener Einheit großer V ö l k e r zu setzen, die, w e n n ursprünglich d u r c h Gewalt zu S t a n d e gebracht, d o c h jetzt ein mächtiger F a k t o r der gesellschaftlichen P r o d u k t i o n g e w o r d e n ist. — D e r G e g e n s a t z der K o m m u n e gegen die S t a a t s m a c h t ist v e r s e h e n w o r d e n für eine | | 2 5 | übertriebene F o r m des alten K a m p f e s gegen U e b e r c e n t r a l i s a t i o n . B e s o n d e r e geschichtliche U m s t ä n d e mögen die klassische E n t w i c k e l u n g der Bourgeois-Regierungsform, wie sie in F r a n k r e i c h vor sich gegangen, in a n d e r e n L ä n d e r n verhindert, u n d mögen gestattet h a b e n , d a ß , wie in England, die großen centralen

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Karl Marx Staatsorgane sich ergänzen d u r c h k o r r u p t e Pf arreiversammiungen (vestries), geldschachernde Stadträthe u n d w u t h s c h n a u b e n d e A r m e n v e r w a l t e r in den Städten, u n d d u r c h thatsächlich erbliche Friedensrichter auf d e m L a n d e . Die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g w ü r d e im Gegentheil dem gesellschaftlichen K ö r p e r alle die Kräfte zurückgegeben h a b e n , die bisher der S c h m a r o t z e r a u s w u c h s „ S t a a t " , der von der Gesellschaft sich nährt und ihre freie B e w e g u n g h e m m t , aufgezehrt hat. D u r c h diese T h a t allein w ü r d e sie die Wiedergeburt F r a n k r e i c h s in G a n g gesetzt haben. — Die Mittelklasse der Provinzialstädte sah in der K o m m u n e einen V e r s u c h zur Wiederherstellung der Herrschaft, die sie unter Louis Philippe ü b e r das L a n d ausgeübt h a t t e u n d die unter Louis B o n a p a r t e verdrängt w u r d e d u r c h die angebliche H e r r schaft des L a n d e s über die Städte. In Wirklichkeit a b e r hätte die K o m m u n a l verfassung die ländlichen P r o d u z e n t e n unter die geistige F ü h r u n g der B e zirkshauptstädte gebracht und ihnen dort, in den städtischen Arbeitern, die natürlichen Vertreter ihrer I n t e r e s s e n gesichert. — D a s bloße B e s t e h e n der K o m m u n e führte, als etwas Selbstverständliches,' die lokale Selbstregierung mit sich, aber n u n nicht m e h r als Gegengewicht gegen die, jetzt überflüssig g e m a c h t e , Staatsmacht. Es k o n n t e nur einem B i s m a r c k einfallen, der, w e n n nicht von seinen Blut- und Eisen-Intriguen in A n s p r u c h g e n o m m e n , gern zu seinem alten, seinem geistigen Kaliber so sehr z u s a g e n d e n H a n d w e r k als Mitarbeiter am „ K l a d d e r a d a t s c h " z u r ü c k k e h r t — nur einem solchen Kopf k o n n t e es einfallen, der Pariser K o m m u n e eine S e h n s u c h t u n t e r z u s c h i e b e n n a c h jener Karikatur der alten französischen Städteverfassung von 1791, der p r e u ß i s c h e n Städteordnung, die die städtischen V e r w a l t u n g e n zu bloßen untergeordneten R ä d e r n in der p r e u ß i s c h e n Staatspolizei-Maschinerie erniedrigt. — Die K o m m u n e m a c h t e das Stichwort aller Bourgeoisrevolutionen — wohlfeile Regierung — zur Wahrheit, indem sie die beiden größten Ausgabequellen, die A r m e e u n d das B e a m t e n t h u m , aufhob. Ihr bloßes B e s t e h e n setzte das N i c h t b e s t e h e n der M o n a r c h i e v o r a u s , die, wenigstens in E u r o p a , der regelrechte Ballast u n d der unentbehrliche D e c k m a n t e l der Klassenherrschaft ist. Sie verschaffte der Republik die Grundlage wirklich demokratischer Einrich||26|tungen. A b e r w e d e r „wohlfeile R e g i e r u n g " , n o c h die „ w a h r e R e p u b l i k " w a r ihr E n d z i e l ; beide ergaben sich n e b e n b e i u n d v o n selbst.

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Die Mannichfaltigkeit der D e u t u n g e n , d e n e n die K o m m u n e unterlag, und 35 die Mannichfaltigkeit der I n t e r e s s e n , die sich in ihr ausgedrückt fanden, beweisen, daß sie eine durch u n d d u r c h ausdehnungsfähige politische F o r m war, w ä h r e n d alle früheren Regierungsformen wesentlich u n t e r d r ü c k e n d gewesen w a r e n . Ihr w a h r e s Geheimniß war dies: sie w a r wesentlich eine Regierung der Arbeiterklasse, das Resultat des K a m p f e s der hervorbrin- 40 genden gegen die aneignende K l a s s e , die endlich e n t d e c k t e politische

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · III F o r m , u n t e r der die ö k o n o m i s c h e Befreiung der Arbeit sich vollziehen konnte. O h n e diese letzte Bedingung w a r die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g eine U n möglichkeit u n d eine T ä u s c h u n g . Die politische H e r r s c h a f t des P r o d u z e n t e n 5 k a n n nicht b e s t e h e n n e b e n der Verewigung seiner gesellschaftlichen K n e c h t schaft. Die K o m m u n e sollte d a h e r als H e b e l dienen, um die ö k o n o m i s c h e n Grundlagen u m z u s t ü r z e n , auf d e n e n der B e s t a n d der K l a s s e n u n d damit der Klassenherrschaft ruht. Einmal die Arbeit emanzipirt, so wird jeder M e n s c h ein Arbeiter, und produktive Arbeit h ö r t auf, eine Klasseneigenschaft zu 10 sein. Es ist eine eigenthümliche T h a t s a c h e : T r o t z all des großen G e r e d e s u n d der unermeßlichen Literatur der letzten sechszig J a h r e über E m a n z i p a t i o n der Arbeit — k a u m n e h m e n die Arbeiter irgendwo die S a c h e in ihre eigenen H ä n d e , so ertönen auch sofort w i e d e r alle die apologetischen R e d e n s a r t e n 15 der F ü r s p r e c h e r der jetzigen Gesellschaft mit ihren beiden Polen: Kapital und L o h n s k l a v e r e i (der G r u n d b e s i t z e r ist jetzt n u r n o c h der stille Gesellschafter des Kapitalisten) — als ob die kapitalistische Gesellschaft n o c h im Stande reinster jungfräulicher U n s c h u l d lebte, alle ihre G e g e n s ä t z e n o c h unentwickelt, alle ihre S e l b s t t ä u s c h u n g e n n o c h unenthüllt, alle ihre prosti20

tuirte Wirklichkeit n o c h nicht bloßgelegt. Die K o m m u n e , rufen sie a u s , will das Eigenthum, die Grundlage aller Civilisation abschaffen! Jawohl, meine H e r r e n , die K o m m u n e wollte j e n e s K l a s s e n e i g e n t h u m abschaffen, das die Arbeit der Vielen in den R e i c h t h u m der Wenigen verwandelt. Sie beabsichtigte die Enteignung der Enteigner. Sie wollte das individuelle E i g e n t h u m

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zu einer Wahrheit m a c h e n , indem sie die Produktionsmittel, den E r d b o d e n und das Kapital, jetzt vor Allem die Mittel zur K n e c h t u n g u n d A u s b e u t u n g der Arbeit, in bloße W e r k z e u g e der freien u n d associirten A r | | 2 7 | b e i t verwandelt. — Aber dies ist der K o m m u n i s m u s , der „ u n m ö g l i c h e " K o m m u n i s m u s ! N u n , diejenigen L e u t e aus d e n h e r r s c h e n d e n Klassen, die verständig

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genug sind, die Unmöglichkeit der F o r t d a u e r des jetzigen S y s t e m s einzusehen — und deren gibt es Viele — h a b e n sich zu zudringlichen und vollmäuligen Aposteln der genossenschaftlichen P r o d u k t i o n aufgeworfen. W e n n aber die genossenschaftliche Produktion nicht eitel Schein und Schwindel bleiben, w e n n sie das kapitalistische System v e r d r ä n g e n , w e n n die G e s a m m t h e i t der 35 Genossenschaften die nationale P r o d u k t i o n n a c h einem gemeinsamen Plan regeln, sie damit unter ihre eigne L e i t u n g n e h m e n , u n d der beständigen Anarchie u n d den periodisch w i e d e r k e h r e n d e n Convulsionen w e l c h e das F a t u m (unvermeidliche Schicksal) der kapitalistischen Produktion sind, ein E n d e m a c h e n soll — w a s w ä r e das a n d e r e s , meine H e r r e n , als der K o m m u -

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nismus, der „ m ö g l i c h e " K o m m u n i s m u s ? Die Arbeiterklasse verlangte keine W u n d e r v o n der K o m m u n e . Sie h a t

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Karl Marx keine fix und fertigen U t o p i e e n d u r c h V o l k s b e s c h l u ß einzuführen. Sie w e i ß , daß, um ihre eigne Befreiung u n d mit ihr j e n e h ö h e r e L e b e n s f o r m hervorzuarbeiten, der die gegenwärtige Gesellschaft d u r c h ihre eigene ö k o n o m i sche Entwickelung unwiderstehlich entgegenstrebt, daß sie, die Arbeiterklasse, lange K ä m p f e , eine ganze Reihe geschichtlicher P r o z e s s e d u r c h z u m a c h e n hat, durch welche die M e n s c h e n wie die U m s t ä n d e gänzlich u m gewandelt w e r d e n . Sie hat keine Ideale zu verwirklichen; sie hat n u r die E l e m e n t e der n e u e n Gesellschaft in Freiheit zu setzen, die sich bereits im S c h o o ß der z u s a m m e n b r e c h e n d e n Bourgeoisgesellschaft entwickelt h a b e n . Im vollen B e w u ß t s e i n ihrer geschichtlichen S e n d u n g u n d mit d e m H e l d e n entschluß, ihrer würdig zu handeln, k a n n die Arbeiterklasse sich begnügen, zu lächeln gegenüber den plumpen Schimpfereien der L a k a i e n v o n der P r e s s e , u n d gegenüber der lehrhaften P r o t e k t i o n w o h l m e i n e n d e r BourgeoisDoktrinäre, die ihre u n w i s s e n d e n G e m e i n p l ä t z e u n d S e k t i r e r m a r o t t e n im Orakelton wissenschaftlicher Unfehlbarkeit abpredigen. Als die Pariser K o m m u n e die Leitung der Revolution in ihre eigne H a n d n a h m ; als einfache Arbeiter z u m ersten Mal es w a g t e n , das Regierungsprivilegium ihrer „natürlichen O b e r n " , der Besitzenden, a n z u t a s t e n , und, unter U m s t ä n d e n von beispielloser Schwierigkeit, ihre Arbeit b e s c h e i d e n , gewissenhaft, u n d wirksam verrichteten — sie verrichteten für Gehalte, deren höchstes k a u m ein Fünftel von d e m w a r , w a s n a c h einem h o h e n wissen||28|schaftlichen G e w ä h r s m a n n (Professor H u x l e y ) das Geringste ist für einen Sekretär des L o n d o n e r Schulraths, — da w a n d sich die alte Welt in W u t h k r ä m p f e n beim Anblick der r o t h e n F a h n e , die, das Symbol der Republik der Arbeit, über d e m S t a d t h a u s e w e h t e . U n d d o c h w a r dies die erste Revolution, in der die Arbeiterklasse offen a n e r k a n n t war als die einzige K l a s s e , die n o c h einer gesellschaftlichen Initiative fähig w a r ; a n e r k a n n t selbst d u r c h die große M a s s e der Pariser Mittelklasse — Kleinhändler, H a n d w e r k e r , K a u f l e u t e — die reichen K a p i talisten allein a u s g e n o m m e n . Die K o m m u n e h a t t e sie gerettet d u r c h eine weise Erledigung jener immer w i e d e r k e h r e n d e n U r s a c h e des Streits unter der Mittelklasse selbst, d e r Frage z w i s c h e n S c h u l d n e r n und Gläubigern. D e r s e l b e Theil der Mittelklasse hatte sich 1848 bei der U n t e r d r ü c k u n g des Arbeiterauf stands vom Juni betheiligt; u n d unmittelbar darauf w a r er d u r c h die konstituirende V e r s a m m l u n g o h n e alle U m s t ä n d e seinen Gläubigern z u m Opfer gebracht w o r d e n . Aber dies w a r nicht der einzige G r u n d , w e ß wegen er sich jetzt an die Arbeiter anschloß. Er fühlte, daß es n u r n o c h eine W a h l g a b : die K o m m u n e , oder das K a i s e r t h u m , gleichviel unter w e l c h e m N a m e n . D a s K a i s e r t h u m hatte diese Mittelklasse ö k o n o m i s c h ruinirt d u r c h seine Verschleuderung des öffentlichen R e i c h t h u m s , d u r c h d e n von ihm großgezogenen Finanzschwindel, d u r c h seine Beihülfe zur künstlich be-

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schleunigten Centralisation des Kapitals, u n d die dadurch bedingte Enteignung eines großen Theils dieser Mittelklasse. Es hatte sie politisch unterdrückt, sie sittlich e n t r ü s t e t d u r c h seine Orgien, es h a t t e ihren Voltairianismus beleidigt durch Ueberlieferung der E r z i e h u n g ihrer Kinder an die „ u n w i s s e n d e n Brüderlein", es h a t t e ihr Nationalgefühl als F r a n z o s e n empört, indem es sie kopfüber in einen Krieg stürzte, der für alle die V e r w ü s t u n g , die er anrichtete, n u r einen E r s a t z ließ — die V e r n i c h t u n g des K a i s e r t h u m s . In der That, n a c h der A u s w a n d e r u n g der h o h e n bonapartistischen und kapitalistischen Z i g e u n e r b a n d e aus Paris, trat die w a h r e Ordnungspartei der Mittelklasse h e r v o r als die „ U n i o n R é p u b l i c a i n e " , stellte sich unter die F a h n e der K o m m u n e u n d vertheidigte sie gegen T h i e r s ' absichtliche Entstellungen. Ob die D a n k b a r k e i t dieser großen M a s s e der Mittelklasse die jetzigen s c h w e r e n Prüfungen b e s t e h e n wird, bleibt abzuwarten. Die K o m m u n e h a t t e vollständig R e c h t , als sie den B a u e r n zurief: „ U n s e r Sieg ist E u r e einzige H o f f n u n g ! " V o n allen den | | 2 9 | L ü g e n , die in Versailles ausgeheckt u n d von den ruhmvollen e u r o p ä i s c h e n P r e ß z u a v e n weiterposaunt w u r d e n , war eine der ungeheuerlichsten die, daß die Krautjunker der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g die V e r t r e t e r der französischen B a u e r n seien. M a n d e n k e sich n u r die L i e b e des französischen B a u e r n für die L e u t e , d e n e n er, n a c h 1815, eine Milliarde E n t s c h ä d i g u n g zahlen m u ß t e ! In den Augen des französischen Bauern ist ja schon die bloße E x i s t e n z eines großen G r u n d besitzers ein Eingriff in seine E r o b e r u n g e n von 1789. Der Bourgeois hatte 1848 die Bodenparzelle des B a u e r n mit der Zuschlagssteuer von 45 Centimen auf den F r a n k e n belastet, aber er that es im N a m e n der Revolution; jetzt h a t t e er einen Bürgerkrieg gegen die Revolution entzündet, um die Hauptlast der den P r e u ß e n bewilligten fünf Milliarden Kriegsentschädigung den B a u e r n aufzubürden. Die K o m m u n e dagegen erklärte gleich in einer ihrer ersten Proklamationen, d a ß die wirklichen U r h e b e r des Krieges a u c h dessen K o s t e n tragen m ü ß t e n . Die K o m m u n e w ü r d e d e m B a u e r die Blutsteuer a b g e n o m m e n , ihm eine wohlfeile Regierung gegeben, u n d seine jetzigen Blutsauger, den N o t a r , den A d v o k a t e n , d e n Gerichtsvollzieher u n d andere gerichtliche V a m p y r e , in b e s o l d e t e K o m m u n a l b e a m t e , v o n ihm selbst gewählt und ihm verantwortlich, v e r w a n d e l t haben. Sie w ü r d e ihn befreit h a b e n von der Willkührherrschaft des F l u r s c h ü t z e n , des G e n s d a r men u n d des Präfekten; sie w ü r d e an Stelle der V e r d u m m u n g d u r c h den Pfaffen die Aufklärung d u r c h d e n Schullehrer gesetzt haben. U n d der französische B a u e r ist vor Allem ein M a n n , der rechnet. Er w ü r d e es äußerst vernünftig gefunden h a b e n , daß die B e z a h l u n g des Pfaffen, statt durch den Steuereinnehmer eingetrieben zu w e r d e n , nur von der freiwilligen Bethätigung des Frömmigkeitstriebs seiner G e m e i n d e abhängen solle. Dies

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Karl Marx w a r e n die großen unmittelbaren W o h l t h a t e n , die die H e r r s c h a f t der K o m m u n e — und sie allein — den französischen B a u e r n in Aussicht stellte. Es ist daher ganz überflüssig, hier näher einzugehen auf die verwickeiteren wirklichen Lebensfragen, die die K o m m u n e allein fähig, u n d gleichzeitig gezwungen war, zu G u n s t e n des B a u e r n zu lösen — die H y p o t h e k e n s c h u l d , die wie ein Alp auf seiner Parzelle lastete, das ländliche Proletariat, das täglich auf ihr h e r a n w u c h s , u n d seine eigne Enteignung von dieser Parzelle, die mit stets wachsender Geschwindigkeit d u r c h die Entwickelung der m o d e r n e n Ackerbauwissenschaft u n d die K o n k u r r e n z des kapitalistischen B o d e n b a u e s sich d u r c h s e t z t e . D e r französische B a u e r h a t t e Louis B o n a p a r t e zum P r ä | | 3 0 | s i d e n t e n der Republik gewählt, a b e r die Ordnungspartei schuf d a s zweite K a i s e r t h u m . W a s der französische B a u e r wirklich bedarf, fing er an 1849 u n d 50 zu zeigen, indem er überall seinen Maire d e m Regierungspräfekten, seinen Schullehrer dem Regierungspfaffen u n d sich selbst dem Regierungsgensdarm e n entgegen stellte. Alle von der Ordnungspartei im J a n u a r u n d F e b r u a r 1850 erlassenen G e s e t z e w a r e n eingestandene Z w a n g s m a ß r e g e l n gegen die Bauern. D e r Bauer war Bonapartist, weil die große Revolution, mit all ihren Vortheilen für ihn, in seinen Augen in N a p o l e o n v e r k ö r p e r t war. Diese T ä u s c h u n g , die unter dem zweiten K a i s e r t h u m r a s c h am Z u s a m m e n b r e c h e n w a r (und sie war ihrer ganzen N a t u r n a c h den K r a u t j u n k e r n feindlich), dies Vorurtheil der Vergangenheit, wie hätte es b e s t e h e n k ö n n e n gegenüber d e m Appel der K o m m u n e an die lebendigen I n t e r e s s e n u n d dringenden Bedürfnisse der B a u e r n ? Die Krautjunker — dies w a r in der T h a t ihre H a u p t b e f ü r c h t u n g — w u ß t e n , daß drei M o n a t e freien V e r k e h r s zwischen d e m k o m m u n a l e n Paris und den Provinzen einen allgemeinen B a u e r n a u f s t a n d zu W e g e bringen w ü r d e n . D a h e r ihre ängstliche Eile, Paris mit einer Polizeiblokade zu u m geben u n d die Verbreitung der Rinderpest zu h e m m e n . W e n n sonach die K o m m u n e die w a h r e Vertreterin aller gesunden Elem e n t e der französischen Gesellschaft war, u n d d a h e r die wahrhaft nationale Regierung, so w a r sie gleichzeitig, als eine Arbeiterregierung, als der k ü h n e V o r k ä m p f e r der Befreiung der Arbeit, im vollen Sinne des W o r t e s international. U n t e r den Augen der p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e , die zwei französische P r o v i n z e n an Deutschland annexirt h a t t e , annexirte die K o m m u n e die Arbeiter der ganzen Welt an Frankreich. Das zweite Kaiserthum war das Jubelfest der kosmopolitischen Prellerei g e w e s e n , die Hochstapler aller L ä n d e r w a r e n auf seinen Ruf herzugestürzt, theilzunehmen an seinen Orgien u n d an der A u s p l ü n d e r u n g des französischen Volkes. Selbst in diesem Augenblick n o c h ist T h i e r s ' rechte H a n d G a n e s c o , d e r walachische L u m p , und seine linke H a n d M a r k o w s k i , d e r

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russische Spion. Die K o m m u n e ließ alle F r e m d e n zu zu der E h r e , für eine unsterbliche Sache zu fallen. — Zwischen dem durch ihren V e r r a t h verlorenen auswärtigen Krieg u n d d e m d u r c h ihre V e r s c h w ö r u n g mit d e m fremden E r o b e r e r e n t z ü n d e t e n Bürgerkrieg hatte die Bourgeoisie die Zeit gefunden, ihren Patriotismus d u r c h die Organisation von Polizeijagden auf die D e u t s c h e n in 1 1 3 1 1 F r a n k r e i c h zu bethätigen. Die K o m m u n e m a c h t e einen Deutschen zu ihrem Arbeitsminister. — Thiers, die Bourgeoisie, das zweite K a i s e r t h u m , hatten Polen immerfort d u r c h laute Verheißungen der Theiln a h m e getäuscht, w ä h r e n d sie in Wirklichkeit es an Rußland verriethen u n d Rußlands schmutzige Arbeit verrichteten. Die K o m m u n e ehrte die H e l d e n söhne Polens, indem sie sie an die Spitze der Vertheidiger von Paris stellte. Und, um ganz u n v e r k e n n b a r die n e u e geschichtliche A e r a zu bezeichnen, die sie einzuleiten sich b e w u ß t war, warf die K o m m u n e , unter den A u g e n , hier der siegreichen P r e u ß e n , dort der v o n bonapartistischen Generalen geführten bonapartistischen A r m e e , das kolossale Symbol des K r i e g s r u h m s nieder, die V e n d o m e s ä u l e . Die große soziale Maßregel der K o m m u n e w a r ihr eignes arbeitendes Dasein. Ihre b e s o n d e r e n Maßregeln k o n n t e n nur die Richtung a n d e u t e n , in der eine Regierung des Volkes d u r c h das Volk sich bewegt. Dahin gehören die Abschaffung der N a c h t a r b e i t der Bäckergesellen; das Verbot, bei Strafe, der bei Arbeitgebern üblichen Praxis, den L o h n her a b z u d r ü c k e n durch Auferlegung von Geldstrafen auf die Arbeiter unter allerlei Vorw ä n d e n , — ein Verfahren, w o b e i der Arbeitgeber in Einer Person G e s e t z geber, Richter und Vollstrecker ist u n d obendrein das Geld einsteckt. Eine andere Maßregel dieser A r t w a r die Auslieferung von allen geschlossenen W e r k s t ä t t e n u n d Fabriken an Arbeitergenossenschaften, unter Vorbehalt der Entschädigung, gleichviel ob der betreffende Kapitalist geflüchtet war oder aber vorzog, die Arbeit einzustellen. Die finanziellen Maßregeln der K o m m u n e , ausgezeichnet d u r c h ihre Einsicht u n d ihre Mäßigung, k o n n t e n sich n u r auf solche b e s c h r ä n k e n , die mit der Lage einer belagerten Stadt verträglich w a r e n . In A n b e t r a c h t der ungeheuren Diebstähle, begangen an der Stadt Paris d u r c h die großen Finanzkompagnien u n d B a u u n t e r n e h m e r u n t e r H a u s s m a n n ' s Herrschaft, hätte die K o m m u n e ein weit größeres R e c h t gehabt, ihr Eigenthum zu konfisciren, als Louis B o n a p a r t e das der Familie Orleans. Die Hohenzollern und die englischen Oligarchen, die Beide ein gutes Stück ihrer Besitzungen von geraubtem Kircheneigenthum herleiten, w a r e n natürlich h ö c h s t entrüstet über die K o m m u n e , die aus der Säkularisation nur 8000 F r a n k e n profitirte. W ä h r e n d die Versailler Regierung, sobald sie wieder zu etwas M u t h und Stärke g e k o m m e n , die g e w a l t s a m s t e n Mittel gegen die K o m m u n e an-

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Karl Marx w a n d t e ; w ä h r e n d sie die freie M e i n u n g s ä u ß e r u n g über ganz F r a n k r e i c h u n t e r d r ü c k t e u n d sogar V e r s a m m | | 3 2 | l u n g e n v o n Delegirten der großen Städte v e r b o t ; w ä h r e n d sie Versailles und das übrige F r a n k r e i c h einer Spionage, weit schlimmer als die des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s , unterwarf; w ä h r e n d sie d u r c h ihre Gensdarmen-Inquisitoren alle in Paris gedruckten Zeitungen v e r b r a n n t e und alle Briefe v o n u n d n a c h Paris e r b r a c h ; w ä h r e n d in der Nationalversammlung die furchtsamsten V e r s u c h e , ein W o r t für Paris zu verlautbaren, niedergeheult w u r d e n in einer, seihst in der J u n k e r k a m m e r v o n 1816 unerhörten Weise; w ä h r e n d der blutdürstigen Kriegführung der Versailler außerhalb, u n d ihrer V e r s u c h e der B e s t e c h u n g u n d V e r s c h w ö rung innerhalb Paris — hätte da die K o m m u n e nicht ihre Stellung s c h m ä h lich verrathen, w e n n sie alle A n s t a n d s f o r m e n des Liberalismus, wie im tiefsten Frieden, b e o b a c h t e t hätte? W ä r e die Regierung der K o m m u n e der des H e r r n Thiers v e r w a n d t g e w e s e n , es w ä r e e b e n s o w e n i g V e r a n l a s s u n g dagewesen, Ordnungsparteiblätter in Paris, wie K o m m u n a l b l ä t t e r in Versailles zu unterdrücken. Es war in der T h a t ärgerlich für die Krautjunker, daß gerade um die Zeit, wo sie die R ü c k k e h r zur K i r c h e als einziges Mittel zur R e t t u n g F r a n k r e i c h s erklärten, die ungläubige K o m m u n e die eigenthümlichen Geheimnisse des N o n n e n k l o s t e r s Picpus u n d der K i r c h e St. L a u r e n t aufdeckte. Es w a r eine Satire auf Thiers, daß, w ä h r e n d er G r o ß k r e u z e auf die bonapartistisehen Generale regnen ließ für ihre Meisterschaft im Schlachtenverlieren, Kapitulationsunterzeichnen und Wilhelmshöher Cigarettendrehen, die K o m m u n e ihre Generale absetzte u n d verhaftete, sobald sie der Vernachlässigung ihres Dienstes verdächtig w a r e n . Die A u s s t o ß u n g u n d Verhaftung eines Mitgliedes, das sich unter falschem N a m e n eingeschlichen, u n d früher in L y o n sechs Tage Gefängniß wegen einfachen B a n k e r o t t s erlitten hatte — war sie nicht eine vorbedachte Beleidigung, ins Gesicht geschleudert dem Fälscher Jules F a v r e , damals n o c h immer auswärtiger Minister F r a n k r e i c h s , n o c h immer F r a n k r e i c h verkaufend an B i s m a r c k , n o c h immer Befehle diktirend jener unvergleichlichen belgischen Regierung? A b e r , in der T h a t , die K o m m u n e m a c h t e keinen A n s p r u c h auf Unfehlbarkeit, wie dies alle die alten Regierungen o h n e A u s n a h m e thun. Sie veröffentlichte alle ihre R e d e n und H a n d l u n g e n , sie weihte das Publikum ein in alle ihre U n v o l l k o m m e n heiten. In jeder Revolution drängen sich, n e b e n ihren wirklichen V e r t r e t e r n , L e u t e andern Gepräges vor. Einige sind die U e b e r l e b e n d e n früherer Revolutionen, mit denen sie v e r w a c h s e n sind; ||33| o h n e Einsicht in die gegenwärtige Bewegung, aber n o c h im Besitz großen Einflusses auf das Volk durch ihren b e k a n n t e n M u t h u n d C h a r a k t e r , oder a u c h durch bloße Tradition. A n d r e sind bloße Schreier, die, Jahrelang dieselben ständigen

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich - III

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Deklamationen gegen die Regierung des Tages wiederholend, sich in d e n Ruf von Revolutionären des reinsten W a s s e r s eingeschlichen haben. A u c h n a c h dem 18. M ä r z k a m e n solche L e u t e zum Vorschein u n d spielten sogar in einigen Fällen eine hervorragende Rolle. Soweit ihre M a c h t ging, h e m m t e n sie die wirkliche Aktion der Arbeiterklasse, wie sie die volle E n t w i c k l u n g jeder früheren Revolution g e h e m m t h a b e n . Sie sind ein unvermeidliches U e b e l ; mit der Zeit schüttelt m a n sie a b ; aber gerade diese Zeit w u r d e der K o m m u n e nicht gelassen. W u n d e r b a r in der T h a t w a r die V e r w a n d l u n g , die die K o m m u n e an Paris vollzogen hatte! K e i n e Spur m e h r von d e m buhlerischen Paris des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s . Paris w a r nicht länger der Sammelplatz von britischen Grundbesitzern, irischen A b s e n t e e s , amerikanischen Ex-Sklavenhaltern u n d E m p o r k ö m m l i n g e n , russischen Ex-Leibeignenbesitzern und walachischen Bojaren. Keine Leichen m e h r in der M o r g u e , keine nächtlichen E i n b r ü c h e , fast keine Diebstähle m e h r ; seit den F e b r u a r t a g e n v o n 1848 w a r e n die Straßen von Paris wirklich wieder einmal sicher, u n d das o h n e irgend welche Polizei. „ W i r " , sagte ein Mitglied der K o m m u n e , „wir h ö r e n jetzt nichts m e h r von M o r d , R a u b u n d Thätlichkeiten gegen P e r s o n e n ; es scheint in der That, als ob die Polizei alle ihre k o n s e r v a t i v e n F r e u n d e mit n a c h Versailles geschleppt h a b e . " Die C o c o t t e n hatten die F ä h r t e ihrer B e s c h ü t zer wiedergefunden — der flüchtigen M ä n n e r der Familie, der Religion u n d vor Allem des E i g e n t h u m s . An ihrer Stelle k a m e n die wirklichen Weiber von Paris wieder an die Oberfläche — heroisch, hochherzig u n d aufopfernd wie die Weiber des A l t e r t h u m s . Paris, arbeitend, denkend, kämpfend, blutend, über seiner Vorbereitung einer n e u e n Gesellschaft fast vergessend der Kannibalen vor seinen T h o r e n , strahlend in der Begeisterung seiner geschichtlichen Initiative! U n d nun, gegenüber dieser n e u e n Welt in Paris, siehe da die alte Welt in Versailles — diese V e r s a m m l u n g der Ghuls aller verstorbenen Régimes, Legitimisten u n d Orleanisten, gierig, v o m L e i c h n a m der N a t i o n zu zehren — mit einem S c h w a n z vorsündfluthlicher Republikaner, die d u r c h ihre Gegenwart in der V e r s a m m l u n g der Sklavenhalter-Rebellion z u s t i m m t e n , die Erhaltung ihrer parlamentarischen Republik von der Eitelkeit ||34| des bejahrten Pickelhärings an der Spitze der Regierung erhofften, u n d 1789 karrikirten durch Abhaltung ihrer gespensterhaften V e r s a m m l u n g e n im Jeu de P a u m e (Ballspielhaus, wo die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g von 1789 ihre b e r ü h m t e n Beschlüsse faßte). Da w a r sie, diese V e r s a m m l u n g , die Vertreterin von allem, w a s abgestorben w a r in F r a n k r e i c h , aufgestützt zur Positur scheinbaren L e b e n s d u r c h N i c h t s als die Säbel der Generale von L o u i s B o n a p a r t e . Paris ganz Wahrheit, Versailles ganz Lüge, u n d diese L ü g e losgelassen durch den M u n d v o n Thiers.

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Karl Marx Thiers sagt einer Deputation der Bürgermeister des Seine- u n d OiseD e p a r t e m e n t s : „Sie k ö n n e n sich auf mein W o r t verlassen, das ich nie g e b r o c h e n h a b e ! " Der V e r s a m m l u n g selbst sagt er, sie sei „die freiestgewählte und liberalste V e r s a m m l u n g , die F r a n k r e i c h je b e s e s s e n " ; seiner buntgemischten Soldateska, sie sei „die B e w u n d e r u n g der Welt u n d die 5 schönste A r m e e , die F r a n k r e i c h je g e h a b t " ; d e n Provinzen, das B o m b a r d e m e n t von Paris sei ein M a h r c h e n : „ w e n n einige K a n o n e n s c h ü s s e gefallen sind, so geschah das nicht d u r c h die Versailler A r m e e , sondern d u r c h einige Insurgenten, die glauben m a c h e n wollen, sie schlügen sich, wo sie sich d o c h nirgends zu zeigen w a g e n . " D a n n wieder sagt er den P r o v i n z e n : „Die 10 Artillerie von Versailles bombardirt Paris nicht, sie kanonirt es b l o ß . " D e m Erzbischof von Paris sagt er, die den Versailler T r u p p e n n a c h e r z ä h l t e n E r s c h i e ß u n g e n u n d Repressalien (!) seien lauter L ü g e n . Er v e r k ü n d e t an Paris, er beabsichtige nur „ e s von den scheußlichen T y r a n n e n zu befreien, die es b e d r ü c k e n " , und das Paris der K o m m u n e sei in der T h a t „nur eine 15 Handvoll V e r b r e c h e r " . D a s Paris des Thiers w a r nicht das wirkliche Paris der „schoflen M e n g e " , sondern ein Phantasie-Paris, das Paris der F r a n c s - F i l e u r s , das Paris der B o u l e v a r d s , männlich wie weiblich, das reiche, das kapitalistische, das vergoldete, das faulenzende Paris, das sich jetzt mit seinen L a k a i e n , seinen 20 H o c h s t a p l e r n , seiner literarischen Zigeunerbande u n d seinen Cocotten in Versailles, Saint Denis, Rueil u n d Saint G e r m a i n drängte; für das der Bürgerkrieg nur ein a n g e n e h m e s Zwischenspiel w a r ; das den K a m p f d u r c h s Fernglas b e t r a c h t e t e , die K a n o n e n s c h ü s s e zählte, u n d bei seiner eignen E h r e und der seiner H u r e n schwor, das Schauspiel sei unendlich b e s s e r 25 arrangirt, als es im T h e a t e r der P o r t e Saint Martin je g e w e s e n . Die Gefallenen w a r e n wirklich todt, das Geschrei der V e r w u n d e t e n w a r kein bloßer Schein; und dann, wie welthistorisch w a r nicht die ganze S a c h e ! | j 351 Dies ist das Paris des H e r r n T h i e r s , ganz wie die Emigration v o n C o b l e n z das Frankreich des H e r r n von Calonne war. — 30

IV. D e r erste V e r s u c h der Sklavenhalter-Verschwörung zur U n t e r w e r f u n g von Paris, w o n a c h die P r e u ß e n es b e s e t z e n sollten, scheiterte an B i s m a r c k ' s Weigerung. D e r zweite V e r s u c h , am 18. M ä r z , endigte mit der Niederlage der A r m e e und der Flucht der Regierung n a c h Versailles, wohin ihr die 35 g e s a m m t e Verwaltungsmaschinerie folgen m u ß t e . D u r c h Vorspiegelung von Friedensunterhandlungen mit Paris g e w a n n Thiers jetzt die Zeit, den Krieg gegen Paris vorzubereiten. Aber w o h e r eine A r m e e n e h m e n ? Die

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · IV Ueberbleibsel der Linienregimenter w a r e n s c h w a c h an Zahl und unsicher von Stimmung. Seine dringenden Aufrufe an die Provinzen, Versailles mit ihren Nationalgarden und Freiwilligen zu Hülfe zu eilen, stießen auf offene Weigerung. N u r die Bretagne sandte eine Handvoll C h o u a n s , die unter der 5 weißen F a h n e fochten, Jeder mit d e m H e r z e n J e s u in weißem L i n n e n auf der Brust, u n d deren Schlachtruf w a r : V i v e le Roi! (Es lebe der König!) Thiers blieb also darauf angewiesen, in aller Eile eine buntscheckige B a n d e z u s a m m e n zu trommeln, M a t r o s e n , Seesoldaten, päpstliche Z u a v e n , Valentin's G e n s d a r m e n , Piétri's Stadtsergeanten und M o u c h a r d s (Spione). Diese 10

A r m e e w ä r e j e d o c h bis zur Lächerlichkeit ungenügend gewesen, o h n e die nach und nach eintreffenden imperialistischen Kriegsgefangenen, die Bism a r c k in A b s c h l a g s s e n d u n g e n losließ, hinreichend einerseits, den Bürgerkrieg im Gang, u n d andrerseits Versailles in kriechender Abhängigkeit v o n P r e u ß e n zu halten. Im Verlauf dieses Krieges selbst, hatte die Versailler

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Polizei der Versailler A r m e e aufzupassen, w ä h r e n d die G e n s d a r m e n diese A r m e e mit sich fortreißen m u ß t e n , indem sie sich überall an den gefährlichsten Posten zuerst aussetzten. Die F o r t s , w e l c h e fielen, w u r d e n nicht g e n o m m e n , sondern gekauft. Der H e l d e n m u t h der K o m m u n a l i s t e n überzeugte Thiers, d a ß der W i d e r s t a n d von Paris nicht durch sein eigenes

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strategisches Genie und die ihm verfügbaren Bajonette zu b r e c h e n w a r . Gleichzeitig w u r d e n seine Beziehungen zu d e n Provinzen immer schwieriger. Nicht eine einzige Billigungsadresse lief ein, um Thiers und seine Krautjunker aufzuheitern. G a n z im Gegentheil. Deputationen und A d r e s s e n strömten ein von allen Seiten u n d verlangten in einem keineswegs achtungs25 vollen Ton, ||36| V e r s ö h n u n g mit Paris auf Grundlage der unzweideutigen A n e r k e n n u n g der Republik, der Bestätigung der k o m m u n a l e n Freiheiten u n d der Auflösung der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g , deren M a n d a t erloschen sei. In solchen M a s s e n k a m e n sie an, d a ß D u f a u r e , T h i e r s ' Justizminister, den Staatsanwälten in einem Cirkular v o m 23. April befahl, „ d e n Ruf n a c h 30 V e r s ö h n u n g " als ein V e r b r e c h e n zu b e h a n d e l n ! Im Hinblick j e d o c h auf die hoffnungslose Aussicht, die ihm sein F e l d z u g eröffnete, beschloß Thiers, seine Taktik zu ä n d e r n und schrieb für das g a n z e L a n d G e m e i n d e r a t h s wahlen für den 30. April a u s , auf G r u n d der n e u e n , v o n ihm der Nationalversammlung diktirten G e m e i n d e o r d n u n g . Mit den Intriguen seiner Präfek35 ten hier, mit der E i n s c h ü c h t e r u n g seiner Polizei dort, e r w a r t e t e er ganz zuversichtlich, durch den W a h r s p r u c h der Provinzen der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m lung die moralische M a c h t zu geben, die sie nie b e s e s s e n hatte, und von den Provinzen die materielle M a c h t zu erhalten, deren er zur Besiegung v o n Paris bedurfte. 40

Seinen Räuberkrieg gegen Paris, verherrlicht in seinen eigenen Bulletins, und die V e r s u c h e seiner Minister, in ganz F r a n k r e i c h eine n e u e S c h r e c k e n s -

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Karl Marx herrschaft zu errichten, hatte Thiers gleich von Anfang für nöthig gehalten d u r c h eine kleine V e r s ö h n u n g s k o m ö d i e zu ergänzen, die m e h r als E i n e m Z w e c k e dienen sollte. Sie sollte die Provinzen hinters Licht führen, die Mittelklassen in Paris anlocken, und vor Allem den angeblichen Republik a n e r n der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g die Gelegenheit geben, ihren V e r r a t h gegen Paris hinter ihrem Glauben an Thiers zu verbergen. Am 2 1 . M ä r z , als er n o c h keine A r m e e b e s a ß , hatte er der V e r s a m m l u n g erklärt: „ K o m m e w a s da will, ich w e r d e keine A r m e e n a c h Paris s c h i c k e n . " Am 27. M ä r z erhob er sich wieder: „ I c h h a b e die Republik als vollendete T h a t s a c h e vorgefunden, u n d ich bin fest entschlossen, sie aufrecht zu e r h a l t e n . " In Wirklichkeit u n t e r d r ü c k t e er die Revolution in L y o n u n d Marseille im N a m e n der Republik, w ä h r e n d das Gebrüll seiner K r a u t j u n k e r die bloße E r w ä h n u n g ihres N a m e n s in Versailles niederheulte. N a c h dieser Heldenthat milderte er die vollendete T h a t s a c h e h e r a b zu einer vorausgesetzten T h a t s a c h e . Die Orleansprinzen, die er vorsichtig aus B o r d e a u x wegbeschieden hatte, durften jetzt, in offenem G e s e t z e s b r u c h , frei in D r e u x intriguiren. Die Zugeständnisse, die Thiers in seinen endlosen Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t e n mit den Delegirten von Paris u n d den P r o v i n z e n in Aussicht stellte — so sehr sie a u c h fortwährend in Ton und F ä r b u n g wechselten — liefen | | 3 7 | schließlich immer darauf hinaus, daß seine R a c h e sich voraussichtlich auf die „ H a n d v o l l V e r b r e c h e r , betheiligt beim M o r d e v o n C l e m e n t T h o m a s und L e c o m t e " b e s c h r ä n k e n solle, unter der w o h l v e r s t a n d e n e n Bedingung, d a ß Paris u n d F r a n k r e i c h den H e r r n Thiers selbst rückhaltslos als die b e s t e der Republiken a n e r k e n n e n sollte, gerade wie er 1830 mit Louis Philippe gethan. U n d selbst diese Zugeständnisse — nicht nur daß er Sorge trug, sie zweifeihaf t zu m a c h e n d u r c h die offiziellen E r l ä u t e r u n g e n , die seine Minister in der National-Versammlung dazu m a c h t e n ; nein, er h a t t e a u c h seinen Dufaure z u m H a n d e l n . Dufaure, dieser alte orleanistische A d v o k a t , w a r jederzeit der Oberrichter des Belagerungszustandes g e w e s e n , wie jetzt, 1871, unter Thiers, so 1839 unter Louis Philippe u n d 1849 unter Louis B o n a p a r t e ' s Präsidentschaft. W e n n er nicht Minister w a r , bereicherte er sich, indem er für die Pariser Kapitalisten plaidirte u n d m a c h t e politisches Kapital, indem er gegen die von ihm selbst eingeführten G e s e t z e plaidirte. Jetzt, nicht zufrieden, eine Reihe U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s g e s e t z e durch die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m lung zu hetzen, die, n a c h dem Fall von Paris, die letzten Reste republikanischer Freiheit in Paris ausrotten sollten — d e u t e t e er selbst das Geschick v o n Paris im V o r a u s an, indem er die, ihm n o c h zu langwierige, Verf ahrungsweise der Kriegsgerichte abkürzte u n d ein n e u g e b a c k e n e s drakonisches Deportationsgesetz einbrachte. Die Revolution von 1848, w e l c h e die T o d e s strafe für politische V e r b r e c h e n abschaffte, hatte sie d u r c h Deportation ersetzt. Louis N a p o l e o n wagte nicht, die H e r r s c h a f t der Guillotine wieder-

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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · IV

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herzustellen, wenigstens nicht offen ausgesprochen. Die J u n k e r v e r s a m m lung, n o c h nicht k ü h n genug, selbst n u r a n z u d e u t e n , daß die Pariser nicht Rebellen, sondern M ö r d e r seien, m u ß t e deßhalb ihre v o r w e g g e n o m m e n e Rache gegen Paris auf D u f a u r e ' s n e u e s Deportationsgesetz b e s c h r ä n k e n . U n t e r allen diesen U m s t ä n d e n w ü r d e Thiers seine V e r s ö h n u n g s k o m ö d i e unmöglich weiter gespielt h a b e n , h ä t t e sie nicht, w a s er gerade wollte, das Wuthgeschrei der K r a u t j u n k e r hervorgerufen, deren w i e d e r k ä u e n d e r Verstand w e d e r das Spiel v e r s t a n d , n o c h die Nothwendigkeit seiner Heuchelei, Falschheit u n d Hinhaltung. Angesichts der b e v o r s t e h e n d e n G e m e i n d e r a t h s w a h l e n v o m 30. April führte Thiers am 27. eine seiner g r o ß e n V e r s ö h n u n g s s c e n e n auf. Mitten in einer Fluth sentimentalen R e d e e r g u s s e s , rief er v o n der Tribüne der N a t i o nalversammlung a u s : „Die einzige V e r s c h w ö r u n g gegen die Republik, die es gibt, ist die von Paris, die u n s zwingt, französisches Blut zu j j 381 vergießen. Ich wiederhole es aber u n d a b e r m a l s : laßt diese ruchlosen Waffen fallen aus den H ä n d e n D e r e r , die sie führen, u n d die Strafe wird augenblicklich aufgehalten w e r d e n d u r c h einen F r i e d e n s a k t , der nur die kleine Zahl der Verbrecher ausschließt. " D e n heftigen U n t e r b r e c h u n g e n der Krautjunker antwortete er: „Sagen Sie mir, meine H e r r e n , ich bitte Sie inständigst, h a b e ich U n r e c h t ? Thut es Ihnen wirklich leid, d a ß ich in Wahrheit sagen k o n n t e , daß der V e r b r e c h e r nur eine H a n d v o l l sind? Ist es nicht ein Glück inmitten all unseres Unglücks, daß die L e u t e , die fähig w a r e n , das Blut von Clement T h o m a s und General L e c o m t e zu vergießen, nur seltene A u s n a h m e n bilden?" Frankreich j e d o c h hatte nur t a u b e O h r e n für T h i e r s ' R e d e n , in d e n e n er sich schmeichelte, einen p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e n Sirenengesang geleistet zu haben. A u s allen den 700000 G e m e i n d e r ä t h e n , gewählt in den 35000 n o c h bei F r a n k r e i c h gebliebenen G e m e i n d e n , setzten die vereinigten Legitimisten, Orleanisten und Bonapartisten nicht 8000 durch. Die nachfolgenden E r s a t z wählen fielen n o c h feindseliger aus. Die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g , statt von den Provinzen die so sehr benöthigte materielle M a c h t zu erhalten, verlor selbst den letzten A n s p r u c h auf moralische M a c h t : den, der A u s d r u c k des allgemeinen Stimmrechts von F r a n k r e i c h zu sein. U n d um die Niederlage zu vollenden, b e d r o h t e n die neugewählten G e m e i n d e r ä t h e aller französisehen Städte die u s u r p a t o r i s c h e V e r s a m m l u n g v o n Versailles mit einer Gegenversammlung in B o r d e a u x . Damit war der langerwartete Augenblick z u m entscheidenden Auftreten für Bismarck g e k o m m e n . Er befahl Thiers im H e r r s c h e r t o n , unverzüglich Bevollmächtigte für den endgültigen F r i e d e n s s c h l u ß nach Frankfurt zu senden. In demüthigem G e h o r s a m gegen d e n Ruf seines H e r r n u n d Meisters, beeilte sich Thiers, seinen b e w ä h r t e n Jules F a v r e , unterstützt von

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Karl Marx Pouyer-Quertier abzuschicken. Pouyer-Quertier, ein „ h e r v o r r a g e n d e r " B a u m Wollspinner von R o u e n , ein glühender u n d selbst serviler A n h ä n g e r des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s , h a t t e an diesem nie e t w a s U n r e c h t e s entdeckt, außer d e m Handelsvertrag mit England, der seinem eignen FabrikantenInteresse schadete. K a u m in B o r d e a u x zum Finanzminister von Thiers eingesetzt, klagte er auch schon diesen „unheiligen" Vertrag an, m a c h t e A n d e u t u n g e n , daß er bald abgeschafft w e r d e , u n d hatte sogar die U n v e r schämtheit, w e n n a u c h u m s o n s t (da er seine R e c h n u n g o h n e B i s m a r c k g e m a c h t hatte) die sofortige Wiedereinführung der alten Schutz||39|zölle gegen das Elsaß zu versuchen, w o , wie er sagte, d e m keine n o c h gültigen internationalen Verträge im Wege stünden. Dieser M a n n , der die Contrerevolution als ein Mittel ansah, um den Arbeitslohn in R o u e n herunterzud r ü c k e n , und die Abtretung französischer P r o v i n z e n als ein Mittel, den Preis seiner Waaren in Frankreich heraufzuschrauben — w a r er nicht schon im V o r a u s angezeigt als der würdige G e n o s s e Jules F a v r e ' s , in seinem letzten, sein ganzes W e r k k r ö n e n d e n V e r r a t h ? Als dies fürtreffliche Paar von Bevollmächtigten n a c h Frankfurt k a m , s c h n a u z t e Bismarck sie alsbald mit dem K o m m a n d o an: E n t w e d e r Wiederherstellung des K a i s e r t h u m s , oder unweigerliche A n n a h m e meiner eigenen Friedensbedingungen! Diese Bedingungen enthielten eine A b k ü r z u n g der Zahlungsfristen für die Kriegsentschädigung, n e b s t fortdauernder B e s e t z u n g der Pariser F o r t s durch preußische T r u p p e n , bis B i s m a r c k mit d e m Stand der Dinge in Frankreich sich zufrieden erkläre — so daß P r e u ß e n als höchster Schiedsrichter in den innern Angelegenheiten Frankreichs anerk a n n t w u r d e ! Dagegen w a r er bereit, zur A u s r o t t u n g von Paris die gefangene bonapartistische A r m e e loszulassen u n d ihnen die direkte U n t e r s t ü t z u n g der T r u p p e n des K a i s e r s Wilhelm zu leihen. Er verbürgte seine Ehrlichkeit dadurch, daß er die Zahlung der ersten E n t s c h ä d i g u n g s r a t e von der „Pacification" v o n Paris abhängig machte. Solch ein K ö d e r w u r d e natürlich von Thiers u n d seinen Bevollmächtigten gierig verschlungen. Sie u n t e r s c h r i e b e n den V e r t r a g am 10. Mai u n d besorgten seine Bestätigung d u r c h die Nationalversammlung schon am 18. In der Zwischenzeit vom F r i e d e n s s c h l u ß bis zur Ankunft der b o n a p a r tistischen Gefangenen, fühlte sich Thiers um so m e h r verpflichtet, seine V e r s ö h n u n g s k o m ö d i e wieder a u f z u n e h m e n , als seine republikanischen Handlanger in äußerster Bedrängniß w a r e n w e g e n eines V o r w a n d s , um bei den Vorbereitungen zum Pariser Blutbad ein A u g e z u z u d r ü c k e n . N o c h am 8. Mai a n t w o r t e t e er einer Deputation v o n versöhnlichen Mittelbürgern: „Sobald die Insurgenten sich zur Kapitulation entschließen, sollen die T h o r e von Paris eine W o c h e lang weit geöffnet w e r d e n für Alle, außer den M ö r d e r n der Generale Clement T h o m a s u n d L e c o m t e . "

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Einige Tage nachher, heftig von d e n K r a u t j u n k e r n wegen dieser Z u s a g e zur R e d e gestellt, weigerte er alle Auskunft, fügte aber diesen bezeichnenden W i n k hinzu: „ I c h sage Ihnen, es gibt Ungeduldige unter Ihnen, die zu viel Eile haben. Sie ||40| m ü s s e n n o c h acht Tage w a r t e n ; am E n d e dieser acht Tage wird keine Gefahr m e h r sein und die Aufgabe wird d a n n ihrem M u t h und ihren Fähigkeiten e n t s p r e c h e n . " Sobald M a c M a h o n im Stande war, zu versprechen, daß er bald in Paris einrücken k ö n n e , erklärte Thiers der Nationalversammlung, er „ w e r d e in Paris einziehen mit dem Gesetz in der H a n d u n d volle S ü h n e verlangen von den E l e n d e n , die das L e b e n v o n Soldaten geopfert und öffentliche D e n k m ä l e r zerstört h ä t t e n " . Als der Augenblick der E n t s c h e i d u n g h e r a n r ü c k t e , sagte er zur National-Versammlung: „ich w e r d e o h n e Barmherzigkeit s e i n " ; zu Paris, sein Urtheil sei g e s p r o c h e n ; und zu seinen bonapartistischen. Banditen, sie hätten Staatserlaubniß, an Paris ihre R a c h e n a c h H e r z e n s l u s t a u s z u ü b e n . Endlich, als am 2 1 . Mai der V e r r a t h dem General D o u a y die T h o r e von Paris geöffnet hatte, enthüllte Thiers, am 22., seinen K r a u t j u n k e r n das „ Z i e l " seiner V e r s ö h n lichkeitskomödie, die sie so hartnäckig m i ß v e r s t a n d e n hatten. „ I c h h a b e Ihnen vor einigen Tagen gesagt, wir n ä h e r t e n u n s dem Ziele; heute k o m m e ich Ihnen zu sagen — das Ziel ist erreicht. D e r Sieg der Ordnung, Gerechtigkeit und Civilisation ist endlich g e w o n n e n . " U n d das w a r er. Die Civilisation u n d Gerechtigkeit der Bourgeois-Ordnung tritt hervor in ihrem w a h r e n , gewitterschwangern Licht, sobald die Sklaven in dieser O r d n u n g sich gegen ihre H e r r e n e m p ö r e n . D a n n stellt sich diese Civilisation u n d Gerechtigkeit dar als unverhüllte Wildheit u n d gesetzlose R a c h e . J e d e n e u e Krisis im K l a s s e n k a m p f zwischen dem Aneigner u n d dem Hervorbringer des R e i c h t h u m s bringt diese T h a t s a c h e greller z u m Vorschein. Selbst die Scheußlichkeiten der Bourgeois v o m Juni 1848 verschwinden vor der unsagbaren N i e d e r t r a c h t von 1871. Der selbstopfernde H e l d e n m u t h , womit das Pariser Volk — M ä n n e r , Weiber u n d K i n d e r — acht Tage lang n a c h dem E i n r ü c k e n der Versailler, fortkämpften, strahlt ebenso sehr zurück die G r ö ß e ihrer S a c h e , wie die höllischen T h a t e n der Soldateska zurückstrahlen d e n eingebornen Geist jener Civilisation, d e r e n gemiethete Vorkämpfer u n d R ä c h e r sie sind. E i n e ruhmvolle Civilisation in der That, deren große Aufgabe es ist, wie die H a u f e n von L e i c h e n los w e r d e n , die sie m o r d e t e , n a c h d e m der K a m p f vorüber war! Um ein Seitenstück zu finden für das B e n e h m e n des Thiers und seiner Bluthunde, müssen wir z u r ü c k g e h e n zu den Zeiten des Sulla u n d der beiden römischen Triumvirate. Dieselbe m a s s e n w e i s e Schlächterei bei kaltem Blut; dieselbe M i ß | | 4 l | a c h t u n g , beim M o r d e n , v o n Alter und G e s c h l e c h t ; dasselbe System, Gefangne zu m a r t e r n ; dieselben A e c h t u n g e n , aber diesmal gegen eine ganze K l a s s e ; dieselbe wilde Jagd n a c h den versteckten F ü h r e r n ,

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Karl Marx damit a u c h nicht Einer e n t k o m m e ; dieselbe Angeberei gegen politische und Privatfeinde; dieselbe Gleichgültigkeit bei der Niedermetzelung von dem K a m p f ganz fremden L e u t e n . N u r der eine U n t e r s c h i e d ist da, daß die R ö m e r n o c h keine Mitrailleusen hatten, um die G e ä c h t e t e n schockweise a b z u t h u n , und daß sie nicht „in ihren H ä n d e n das G e s e t z " trugen, n o c h auf ihren Lippen den Ruf der „Civilisation". U n d n a c h diesen S c h a n d t h a t e n , seht jetzt auf die andere, n o c h ekelhaftere Seite dieser Bourgeois-Civilisation, b e s c h r i e b e n durch ihre eigene P r e s s e ! „ W ä h r e n d , schreibt der Pariser C o r r e s p o n d e n t eines L o n d o n e r T o r y blattes, w ä h r e n d n o c h einzelne Schüsse in der F e r n e e r t ö n e n u n d unverpflegte V e r w u n d e t e zwischen den Grabsteinen des P è r e la Chaise v e r e n d e n , w ä h r e n d 6000 e r s c h r e c k t e Insurgenten im T o d e s k a m p f der Verzweiflung in den Irrgängen der K a t a k o m b e n sich verloren h a b e n , und m a n Unglückliche n o c h durch die Straßen treiben sieht, um von den Mitrailleusen schockweise niedergeschossen zu w e r d e n — ist es e m p ö r e n d , die Cafés gefüllt zu sehen mit Absinthtrinkern, Billard- u n d Dominospielern; zu sehen, wie weibliche Verworfenheit sich auf den Boulevards breit macht, und zu hören, wie der laute Schall der Schwelgerei aus den P r i v a t z i m m e r c h e n v o r n e h m e r R e staurants die N a c h t r u h e stört." H e r r E d u a r d H e r v é schreibt im „Journal de P a r i s " , einem v o n der K o m m u n e u n t e r d r ü c k t e n Versaillistischen Journal: „Die Art, wie die Pariser Bevölkerung (!) gestern ihre Befriedigung an den T a g legte, w a r in der T h a t m e h r als frivol, u n d wir fürchten, das wird mit der Zeit schlimmer w e r d e n . Paris hat jetzt ein festliches A u s s e h e n , das wahrlich nicht am Platze ist, und falls wir nicht ,die Pariser des Verfalls' genannt zu w e r d e n w ü n s c h e n , m u ß dem ein E n d e g e m a c h t w e r d e n . " U n d dann citirt er die Stelle des Tacitus: „ U n d doch, den Morgen n a c h jenem schrecklichen Kampf, und selbst, ehe er vollständig ausgefochten war, begann Rom, erniedrigt und verderbt, von N e u e m sich zu wälzen in j e n e m Sumpf der Wollust, der seinen Leib zerstörte und seine Seele befleckte — alibi proelia et vulnera, alibi b a l n e a e p o p i n a e q u e (hier K ä m p f e u n d W u n d e n , dort Bäder und R e s t a u r a n t s ) . " — H e r r H e r v é vergißt nur, daß die „Pariser B e v ö l k e r u n g " , von der er spricht, nur die B e v ö l k e r u n g | | 4 2 | des Paris von Thiers ist, die Francs-Fileurs, die haufenweise von Versailles, Saint Denis, Rueil u n d Saint Germain z u r ü c k k e h r e n , in der T h a t das „Paris des Verfalls". In j e d e m ihrer blutigen T r i u m p h e über die selbstopfernden V o r k ä m p f e r einer n e u e n und besseren Gesellschaft, ü b e r t ä u b t diese, auf die K n e c h t u n g der Arbeit gegründete, schmähliche Civilisation das G e s c h r e i ihrer Schlachtopfer durch einen Hetzruf der V e r l ä u m d u n g , den ein weltweites E c h o wiederhallt. Das heitere Arbeiterparis der K o m m u n e v e r w a n d e l t sich plötzlich, unter den H ä n d e n der Bluthunde der „ O r d n u n g " , in ein P a n d ä m o n i u m . U n d w a s beweist diese ungeheure V e r w a n d l u n g dem Bourgeoisverstand

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aller L ä n d e r ? N i c h t s , als daß die K o m m u n e sich gegen die Civilisation v e r s c h w o r e n hat! D a s Pariser Volk opfert sich begeistert für die K o m m u n e ; die Zahl seiner T o d t e n ist u n e r r e i c h t in irgend einer früheren Schlacht. W a s beweist das? N i c h t s , als daß die K o m m u n e nicht des Volks eigne Regierung, sondern die Gewalthandlung einer H a n d v o l l V e r b r e c h e r war! Die Weiber von Paris geben freudig ihr L e b e n hin, an den Barrikaden wie auf d e m Richtplatz. W a s beweist d a s ? N i c h t s , als daß der D ä m o n der K o m m u n e sie in M e g ä r e n u n d H e k a t e n v e r w a n d e l t hat! Die Mäßigung der K o m m u n e , w ä h r e n d zweimonatlicher unbestrittener H e r r s c h a f t , findet ihres Gleichen

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nur in dem H e l d e n m u t h ihrer Vertheidigung. W a s beweist das? N i c h t s , als daß die K o m m u n e zwei M o n a t e lang, unter der M a s k e der Mäßigung u n d Menschlichkeit, den Blutdurst ihrer teuflischen Gelüste sorgfältig verbarg, um sie in der S t u n d e ihres T o d e s k a m p f e s loszulassen! D a s Paris der Arbeiter hat im A k t seiner heroischen Selbstopferung 15 G e b ä u d e und M o n u m e n t e mit in die F l a m m e n gezogen. W e n n die Beherrscher des Proletariats seinen lebendigen L e i b in S t ü c k e reißen, dürfen sie nicht länger darauf r e c h n e n , triumphirend in die unangetasteten M a u e r n ihrer W o h n s i t z e wieder einzuziehen. Die Versailler Regierung schreit: Brandstiftung! u n d flüstert dies Stichwort allen ihren H a n d l a n g e r n zu bis 20 ins entfernteste Dorf, auf ihre Gegner überall Jagd zu m a c h e n als der gewerbsmäßigen Brandstiftung verdächtig. Die Bourgeoisie der g a n z e n Welt sieht der M a s s e n s c h l ä c h t e r e i nach der Schlacht wohlgefällig zu, aber sie entsetzt sich über die E n t w e i h u n g von D a c h u n d F a c h ! W e n n Regierungen ihren Kriegsflotten Staatsfreibrief geben, „zu t ö d t e n , 25 zu v e r b r e n n e n und zu z e r s t ö r e n " , ist das 11431 ein Freibrief für Brandstiftung? Als die britischen T r u p p e n muthwillig das Kapitol in Washington u n d den Sommerpalast des K a i s e r s von China v e r b r a n n t e n , w a r das Brandstiftung? Als Thiers sechs W o c h e n lang Paris b o m b a r d i r t e , unter dem V o r w a n d , d a ß er bloß solche H ä u s e r a n z ü n d e n wollte, in d e n e n L e u t e seien, w a r das 30

Brandstiftung? — Im Krieg ist F e u e r eine vollständig rechtmäßige Waffe. G e b ä u d e , v o m Feinde besetzt, b o m b a r d i r t m a n , um sie a n z u z ü n d e n . M ü s s e n die Vertheidiger sie verlassen, so stecken sie selber sie in Brand, damit die Angreifer sich nicht darin festsetzen k ö n n e n . N i e d e r g e b r a n n t zu w e r d e n , w a r stets das unvermeidliche Schicksal aller in der Sehlachtfront

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aller regelmäßigen A r m e e n der Welt gelegenen G e b ä u d e . Aber im Krieg der G e k n e c h t e t e n gegen ihre U n t e r d r ü c k e r , d e m einzig rechtmäßigen Krieg in der Geschichte, da soll dies bei L e i b e nicht gelten! Die K o m m u n e hat das Feuer, im strengsten Sinne des W o r t s , als Vertheidigungsmittel gebraucht. Sie w a n d t e es an, um den Versailler T r u p p e n j e n e langen graden Straßen zu 40 versperren, die H a u s s m a n n absichtlich d e m Artilleriefeuer offen gelegt hatte; sie w a n d t e es an, um ihren R ü c k z u g zu d e c k e n , grade wie die

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Karl Marx Versailler in ihrem Vordringen ihre G r a n a t e n a n w a n d t e n , die m i n d e s t e n s ebensoviel H ä u s e r zerstörten wie das F e u e r der K o m m u n e . N o c h jetzt ist es streitig, w e l c h e G e b ä u d e d u r c h die Vertheidiger u n d w e l c h e d u r c h die Angreifer angezündet w u r d e n . U n d die Vertheidiger n a h m e n Zuflucht z u m F e u e r erst dann, als die Versailler T r u p p e n bereits mit ihrem M a s s e n a b m o r d e n der Gefangenen b e g o n n e n hatten. — Z u d e m h a t t e die K o m m u n e längst v o r h e r öffentlich angekündigt, d a ß , w e n n zum A e u ß e r s t e n getrieben, sie sich unter den T r ü m m e r n von Paris b e g r a b e n , und aus Paris ein zweites M o s k a u m a c h e n w e r d e , wie die Vertheidigungsregierung, freilich nur als D e c k m a n t e l ihres V e r r a t h s , dies ebenfalls v e r s p r o c h e n h a t t e . G e r a d e für diesen Z w e c k hatte T r o c h u das nöthige P e t r o l e u m herbeigeschafft. Die K o m m u n e w u ß t e , daß ihren Gegnern N i c h t s lag am L e b e n des Pariser Volks, a b e r sehr viel an ihren eigenen Pariser G e b ä u d e n . U n d Thiers, seinerseits, hatte erklärt, er w e r d e in seiner R a c h e unerbittlich sein. Sobald er erst seine A r m e e schlagfertig hatte auf d e r einen Seite, und auf der a n d e r n die P r e u ß e n den Ausgang absperrten, rief er a u s : „ I c h w e r d e erbarmungslos sein! Die B u ß e wird vollständig sein, die Justiz streng." W e n n die T h a t e n der Pariser Arbeiter Vandalismus w a r e n , so w a r e n sie der Vandalism u s der verzweifelnden Ver||44|theidigung, nicht der Vandalismus des T r i u m p h s , wie der, dessen die Christen sich schuldig m a c h t e n an den wirklieh u n s c h ä t z b a r e n K u n s t w e r k e n des heidnischen A l t e r t h u m s ; u n d selbst dieser Vandalismus ist vom Geschichtschreiber gerechtfertigt w o r d e n als ein unumgängliches u n d verhältnißmäßig u n b e d e u t e n d e s M o m e n t in d e m Riesenkampf zwischen einer neuen, e m p o r k o m m e n d e n und einer alten z u s a m m e n b r e c h e n d e n Gesellschaft. N o c h weniger w a r es der Vandalismus H a u s s m a n n ' s , der das historische Paris wegfegte, um dem Paris des B u m m l e r s Platz zu schaffen.

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A b e r die Hinrichtung der vierundsechszig Geiseln, v o r a n den Erzbischof von Paris, durch die K o m m u n e ! — Die Bourgeoisie u n d ihre A r m e e hatten im Juni 1848 eine längst aus der Kriegführung v e r s c h w u n d e n e Sitte w i e d e r 30 eingeführt — das Erschießen ihrer wehrlosen Gefangenen. Diese brutale Sitte ist seitdem mehr oder weniger a n g e w a n d t w o r d e n bei jeder U n t e r d r ü c k u n g eines Volksaufstands in E u r o p a u n d Indien, w o m i t b e w i e s e n ist, daß sie ein wirklicher „Fortschritt der Civilisation" w a r ! Andrerseits hatten die P r e u ß e n in Frankreich die Sitte w i e d e r ins L e b e n gerufen, Geiseln zu 35 n e h m e n — unschuldige L e u t e , die ihnen, mit ihrem L e b e n , für die H a n d lungen A n d e r e r hafteten. Als Thiers, wie wir sahen, s c h o n v o m Anfang des K a m p f e s an die menschliche Sitte des E r s c h i e ß e n s der kommunalistischen Gefangenen in Kraft setzte, blieb der K o m m u n e nichts übrig, z u m S c h u t z des L e b e n s dieser Gefangnen, als zur p r e u ß i s c h e n Sitte des Geiselngreifens 40 ihre Zuflucht zu n e h m e n . D a s L e b e n der Geiseln w a r aber u n d abermals

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r Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · IV verwirkt durch das anhaltende E r s c h i e ß e n v o n Gefangenen durch die Versailler. W i e k o n n t e m a n ihrer n o c h länger s c h o n e n n a c h dem Blutbade, w o m i t M a c M a h o n s Prätorianer ihren E i n m a r s c h in Paris feierten? Sollte a u c h das letzte Gegengewicht gegen die rücksichtslose Wildheit der Bour5 geoisregierungen — die Ergreifung v o n Geiseln — z u m bloßen G e s p ö t t w e r d e n ? Der wirkliche M ö r d e r des Erzbischofs D a r b o y ist Thiers. Die K o m m u n e hatte aber u n d abermals angeboten, den Erzbischof u n d einen ganzen Haufen Pfaffen in den K a u f a u s z u w e c h s e l n , gegen den einzigen von Thiers festgehaltenen Blanqui. Thiers weigerte sich hartnäckig. Er w u ß t e , 10

daß er der K o m m u n e mit Blanqui einen Kopf geben w e r d e , w ä h r e n d der Erzbischof seinen Z w e c k e n am b e s t e n dienen w ü r d e als — L e i c h e . Thiers a h m t e hierin Cavaignac nach. W e l c h e n Schrei des E n t s e t z e n s ließen nicht | |451 im Juni 1848, Cavaignac u n d seine O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r los, als sie die Insurgenten als M ö r d e r des Erzbischofs Affre b r a n d m a r k t e n ! U n d d o c h w u ß t e n

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sie ganz genau, daß der Erzbischof von den Ordnungssoldaten erschossen w o r d e n . J a c q u e m e t , der Generalvikar des E r z b i s c h o f s , hatte ihnen unmittelbar n a c h der T h a t sein dahin lautendes Zeugniß eingehändigt. Dieser ganze V e r l e u m d u n g s c h o r , den die Ordnungspartei in ihren Blutfesten nie verfehlt gegen ihre Schlachtopfer a n z u s t i m m e n , beweist bloß, 20 daß der heutige Bourgeois sich für den rechtmäßigen Nachfolger des ehemaligen F e u d a l h e r r n ansieht, der jede Waffe, in seiner eignen H a n d , für gerechtfertigt hielt gegenüber d e m Plebejer, w ä h r e n d irgendwelche Waffe in der H a n d des Plebejers v o n v o r n h e r e i n ein V e r b r e c h e n a u s m a c h t e . Die V e r s c h w ö r u n g der h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e zum U m s t u r z der Revolution 25 durch einen unter d e m S c h u t z des f r e m d e n E r o b e r e r s geführten Bürgerkrieg — eine V e r s c h w ö r u n g , deren S p u r e n wir gefolgt sind vom S e p t e m b e r bis h e r a b z u m E i n m a r s c h der M a c M a h o n ' s c h e n Prätorianer d u r c h das St. Clouder T h o r — gipfelte in d e m Blutbade v o n Paris. Bismarck schaut mit vergnügten Sinnen auf die T r ü m m e r v o n Paris, in d e n e n er vielleicht die 30 „erste R a t e " jener allgemeinen Z e r s t ö r u n g der großen Städte sah, die er bereits erfleht hatte, als er n o c h ein einfacher Rural in der preußischen C h a m b r e introuvable von 1849 w a r . Er schaut zufrieden auf die L e i c h e n des Pariser Proletariats. F ü r ihn ist dies nicht nur die Austilgung der Revolution, sondern zugleich die Austilgung F r a n k r e i c h s , das jetzt in Wirklichkeit ent35

hauptet ist, u n d durch die französische Regierung obendrein. Mit der, allen erfolgreichen S t a a t s m ä n n e r n eignen, Seichtigkeit sieht er nur die Oberfläche dieses u n g e h e u r e n geschichtlichen Ereignisses. Wo hat je v o r h e r die Geschichte das Schauspiel vorgeführt eines Siegers, der seinen Sieg damit krönt, daß er sich nicht nur z u m G e n s d a r m e n , sondern auch zum gemie40 theten B r a v o der besiegten Regierung hergibt? Z w i s c h e n P r e u ß e n u n d der K o m m u n e v o n Paris w a r kein Krieg. Im Gegentheil, die K o m m u n e h a t t e die

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Kar/ Marx Friedenspräliminarien a n g e n o m m e n u n d P r e u ß e n h a t t e seine Neutralität erklärt. Preußen war also keine kriegführende Partei. Es handelte als B r a v o ; als feiger B r a v o , weil es keinerlei Gefahr auf sich lud; als gemietheter B r a v o , weil es im V o r a u s die Zahlung seines Blutgeldes von 500 Millionen von d e m Fall von Paris abhängig m a c h t e . U n d so k a m d e n n end||46|lich 5 an den Tag der w a h r e Charakter jenes Krieges, den die V o r s e h u n g angeo r d n e t hatte zur Züchtigung des gottlosen u n d liederlichen F r a n k r e i c h s d u r c h das fromme und sittliche D e u t s c h l a n d ! U n d dieser u n e r h ö r t e B r u c h des Völk e r r e c h t s , selbst wie es von den Juristen der alten Welt v e r s t a n d e n , statt die „zivilisirten" Regierungen E u r o p a s aufzurütteln, daß sie dies rechtsbrüchige 10 P r e u ß e n , das bloße W e r k z e u g des Petersburger K a b i n e t s , in die A c h t der Völker erklären — treibt sie nur zu der E r w ä g u n g , ob die wenigen Schlachtopfer, die der doppelten P o s t e n k e t t e um Paris entgehen, nicht a u c h n o c h dem Versailler H e n k e r auszuliefern sind! D a ß nach dem gewaltigsten Krieg der n e u e r e n Zeit, die siegreiche u n d die 15 besiegte A r m e e sich v e r b ü n d e n z u m g e m e i n s a m e n A b s c h l a c h t e n des Proletariats — ein so u n e r h ö r t e s Ereigniß beweist, nicht wie Bismarck glaubt, die endliche N i e d e r d r ü c k u n g der sich e m p o r a r b e i t e n d e n neuen Gesellschaft, sondern die vollständige Zerbröckelung der alten Bourgeoisgesellschaft. D e r h ö c h s t e heroische A u f s c h w u n g , d e s s e n die alte Gesellschaft n o c h fähig 20 war, ist der Nationalkrieg, u n d dieser erweist sich jetzt als reiner Regierungsschwindel, der keinen a n d e r n Z w e c k m e h r hat, als den K l a s s e n k a m p f hinauszuschieben, u n d der bei Seite fliegt, sobald der K l a s s e n k a m p f in Bürgerkrieg auflodert. Die K l a s s e n h e r r s c h a f t ist nicht länger im S t a n d e , sich unter einer nationalen Uniform zu v e r s t e c k e n ; die nationalen Regie- 25 rungen sind Eins gegenüber dem Proletariat! N a c h Pfingstsonntag 1871 k a n n es keinen F r i e d e n u n d keine W a f f e n r u h e m e h r geben zwischen den Arbeitern F r a n k r e i c h s u n d den Aneignern ihrer Arbeitserzeugnisse. Die eiserne H a n d einer g e m i e t h e t e n Soldateska mag beide Klassen, für eine Zeitlang, in g e m e i n s a m e r U n t e r d r ü c k u n g nieder- 30 halten. A b e r der K a m p f m u ß aber u n d abermals a u s b r e c h e n , in stets w a c h s e n d e r Ausbreitung, u n d es k a n n kein Zweifel sein, w e r der endliche Sieger sein wird — die wenigen Aneigner, oder die u n g e h e u r e arbeitende Majorität. U n d die französischen Arbeiter bilden nur die V o r h u t des ganzen m o d e r n e n Proletariats. 35 W ä h r e n d die europäischen Regierungen so, vor Paris, den internationalen C h a r a k t e r der Klassenherrschaft bethätigen, schreien sie Zeter ü b e r die Internationale Arbeiterassoziation — die internationale Gegen-Organisation der Arbeit gegen die weltbürgerliche V e r s c h w ö r u n g des Kapitals — als Hauptquelle alles dieses Unheils. Thiers klagte sie an als den D e s | | 4 7 | p o t e n 40 der Arbeit, der sich als ihren Befreier ausgebe. Picard befahl alle Verbindung der französischen Internationalen mit d e n e n des A u s l a n d e s abzu222

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schneiden; Graf Jaubert, der alte, zur M u m i e g e w o r d e n e Mitschuldige des Thiers v o n 1835, erklärte es für die H a u p t a u f g a b e aller Regierungen, sie auszurotten. Die Krautjunker der N a t i o n a l - V e r s a m m l u n g heulen gegen sie, u n d die g e s a m m t e europäische P r e s s e stimmt ein in den Chor. Ein e h r e n w e r t h e r französischer Schriftsteller, der u n s r e r Assoziation d u r c h a u s fremd ist, spricht sich aus wie folgt: „Die Mitglieder des Centraikomitees der Nationalgarde, wie a u c h der größere Theil der Mitglieder der K o m m u n e , sind die thätigsten, einsichtigsten u n d energischsten K ö p f e der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation. . . . L e u t e , d u r c h a u s ehrlich, aufrichtig, einsichtig, voll Hingebung, rein und fanatisch im guten Sinn des W o r t e s . " D e r polizeigefärbte Bourgeoisverstand stellt sich natürlich die Internationale ArbeiterAssoziation vor als eine A r t geheimer V e r s c h w ö r u n g , deren Centraibehörde von Zeit zu Zeit A u s b r ü c h e in v e r s c h i e d e n e n L ä n d e r n befiehlt. U n s e r e Assoziation ist aber in der T h a t n u r das internationale Band, das die fortgeschrittensten Arbeiter in den v e r s c h i e d e n e n L ä n d e r n der civilisirten Welt vereinigt. Wo immer, und in w e l c h e r Gestalt immer, u n d unter welchen Bedingungen immer der K l a s s e n k a m p f irgend welchen Bestand erhält, da ist es a u c h natürlich, daß Mitglieder u n s e r e r Assoziation im V o r d e r g r u n d stehen. Der B o d e n , aus d e m sie e m p o r w ä c h s t , ist die m o d e r n e Gesellschaft selbst. Sie k a n n nicht niedergestampft w e r d e n d u r c h n o c h so viel Blutvergießen. Um sie niederzustampfen, m ü ß t e n die Regierungen vor Allem die Zwingherrschaft des Kapitals ü b e r die Arbeit niederstampfen — also die Bedingung ihres eigenen S c h m a r o t z e r - D a s e i n s . Das Paris der Arbeiter, mit seiner K o m m u n e , wird ewig gefeiert w e r d e n als der ruhmvolle V o r b o t e einer n e u e n Gesellschaft. Seine M ä r t y r e r sind eingeschreint in d e m großen H e r z e n der Arbeiterklasse. Seine Vertilger hat die Geschichte schon j e t z t an j e n e n Schandpfahl genagelt, von d e m alle Gebete ihrer Pfaffen o h n m ä c h t i g sind, sie zu erlösen. Der Generalrath:

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M . J . B o o n , Fred. Bradnick, G . H . B u t t e r y , Caihil, William H a i e s , K o l b , Fred. L e s s n e r , G. Milner, T h o m a s M o t t e r s h e a d , Charles M u r r a y , Pfänder, Roach, Rühl, Sadler, Cowell S t e p n e y , Alf. Taylor, W. T o w n s h e n d . |

|48| Correspondirende Sekretäre: Eugène D u p o n t , für F r a n k r e i c h . — K a r l M a r x , für D e u t s c h l a n d u n d 35 Holland. — Friedrich Engels, für Belgien u n d Spanien. — H e r m a n n Jung, für die Schweiz. — P. Giovacchini, für Italien. — Z é v y Moritz, für U n g a r n . — Anton Zabicki, für Polen. — J . C o h e n , für D ä n e m a r k . — J . G . E c c a r i u s , für die Vereinigten Staaten. H e r m a n n Jung, V o r s i t z e n d e r . — J o h n W e s t o n , Schatzmeister. Georg H a r r i s , Finanz-Sekretär. — J o h n H a i e s , General-Sekretär. 256, High H o l b o r n , L o n d o n , W . C . , 30. Mai 1871. | 40

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| 4 9 | Beilagen. I. „Die Gefangenen-Kolonne m a c h t e Halt in der A v e n u e U h r i c h , u n d w u r d e in vier o d e r fünf Gliedern auf dem F u ß s t e i g aufgestellt, F r o n t nach der S t r a ß e . Der General Marquis de Galliffet und sein Stab stiegen v o m Pferd u n d inspicirten die Linie, vom linken Flügel anfangend. D e r General ging langsam entlang, die Reihen besichtigend; hier u n d da hielt er, einen M a n n an der Schulter b e r ü h r e n d , oder ihn aus den hinteren Gliedern hervorwink e n d . Die so A u s g e s u c h t e n w u r d e n , meist o h n e weitere V e r h a n d l u n g , mitten in der Straße aufgestellt, wo sie bald eine kleine S o n d e r - K o l o n n e b i l d e t e n . . . Es w a r augenscheinlich, daß hierbei für Mißgriffe beträchtlicher R a u m gelassen war. Ein berittener Offizier m a c h t e den General auf einen M a n n und eine F r a u wegen irgend einer b e s o n d e r e n Missethat aufmerksam. Die F r a u , aus den Reihen h e r v o r s t ü r z e n d , fiel auf die K n i e e und b e t h e u e r t e mit ausgestreckten A r m e n heftig ihre U n s c h u l d . Der General w a r t e t e eine P a u s e ab, und sagte dann, mit vollständig ruhigem Gesicht u n d unbewegter Haltung: M a d a m e , ich habe alle T h e a t e r in Paris b e s u c h t , es ist nicht der M ü h e w e r t h , K o m ö d i e zu spielen (il ne v a u t p a s la peine de jouer la Comédie) . . . Es w a r an jenem Tage nicht gut für E i n e n , w e n n er merklich größer, schmutziger, reinlicher, älter, oder häßlicher als seine N e b e n l e u t e war. V o n einem M a n n e fiel es mir b e s o n d e r s auf, d a ß er seine schleunige Erlösung aus diesem irdischen J a m m e r t h a l wohl nur seiner eingeschlagenen Nase verdankte U e b e r H u n d e r t w u r d e n so ausgesucht, ein Zug Soldaten z u m Erschießen kommandirt, und 1 1 5 0 | die übrige K o l o n n e marschirte weiter, w ä h r e n d J e n e zurückblieben. Einige M i n u t e n n a c h h e r fing hinter u n s das F e u e r an, das — mit kurzen U n t e r b r e c h u n g e n — über eine Viertelstunde anhielt. Es w a r die Hinrichtung dieser s u m m a r i s c h verurtheilten Unglücklichen." — Pariser K o r r e s p o n d e n t , Daily N e w s vom 8. Juni. — Dieser Galliffet, „der Louis seiner F r a u , so notorisch durch die schamlose Bloßstellung ihres Leibes bei den Gelagen des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s " , war,

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w ä h r e n d des Kriegs, b e k a n n t unter d e m N a m e n des französischen Fähndrich Pistol. „Der T e m p s , ein bedächtiges und keineswegs der Sensation ergebnes Blatt, erzählt eine schauerliche G e s c h i c h t e von halbtodtgeschossenen und vor ihrem T o d begrabnen L e u t e n . E i n e große Anzahl w u r d e auf dem Platz bei St. Jacques-la-Boucherie b e g r a b e n , m a n c h e v o n ihnen nur leicht mit E r d e bedeckt. W ä h r e n d des Tags überhallte der Straßenlärm Alles, a b e r in der Stille der N a c h t w u r d e n die B e w o h n e r der umliegenden H ä u s e r geweckt d u r c h fernes Stöhnen, und am M o r g e n sah m a n eine geballte F a u s t aus dem Boden ragen. In Folge dessen w u r d e die Wiederausgrabung der L e i c h e n b e f o h l e n . . . D a ß viele V e r w u n d e t e lebendig begraben w u r d e n , daran k a n n ich nicht im Mindesten zweifeln. F ü r einen Fall k a n n ich einstehn. Als Brunei mit seiner Geliebten am 24. Mai im H o f e eines H a u s e s des V e n d ô m e platzes erschossen w o r d e n , ließ m a n sie bis z u m N a c h m i t t a g des 27. liegen. Als m a n d a n n endlich k a m , die L e i c h e n zu entfernen, fand m a n das Weib n o c h am L e b e n u n d n a h m sie zu einem Verbandplatz. Obwohl von vier Kugeln getroffen, ist sie jetzt außer G e f a h r . " Pariser K o r r e s p o n d e n t , E v e n i n g Standard vom 8. Juni. II. Der folgende Brief erschien in der L o n d o n e r „ T i m e s " v o m 13. Juni: „ A n den R e d a k t e u r der T i m e s . — Mein H e r r ! — Am 6. Juni 1871 hat H e r r Jules F a v r e ein Rundschreiben an alle E u r o p ä i s c h e n M ä c h t e erlassen, worin er sie auffordert, die Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation zu T o d e zu hetzen. Einige B e m e r k u n g e n w e r d e n hinreichen, dies A k t e n s t ü c k zu k e n n zeichnen. Schon in der Einleitung zu u n s e r n Statuten ist angegeben, d a ß die Internationale gegründet w u r d e ,am 28. S e p t e m b e r 1864, auf einer öffentlichen Versammlung in St. Martin's Hall, L o n g A c r e , L o n d o n . ' A u s ihm selbst am besten b e k a n n t e n G r ü n d e n verlegt Jules F a v r e das D a t u m ihres U r s p r u n g s hinter das J a h r 1862 zurück. | | 5 l | Um unsre G r u n d s ä t z e zu erläutern, gibt er vor, ,ihre (der Internationalen) Druckschrift v o m 25. M ä r z 1869' anzuführen. U n d w a s führt er a n ? Die Druckschrift einer Gesellschaft, die nicht die Internationale ist. Diese Sorte M a n ö v e r praktizirte er schon, als er, n o c h ein ziemlich junger A d v o k a t , den ,National\ ein Pariser Blatt, gegen C a b e t ' s Verleumdungsklage vertheidigte. Damals gab er vor, A u s z ü g e aus C a b e t ' s Flugschriften vorzulesen, w ä h r e n d er von ihm selbst e i n g e s c h o b e n e Z w i s c h e n s ä t z e vorlas. Dies Taschenspielerstückchen w u r d e indeß vor vollem Gerichtshof bloßgelegt und, w ä r e Cabet nicht so nachsichtig g e w e s e n , er w ä r e mit seiner A u s s t o ßung aus dem Pariser A d v o k a t e n s t a n d bestraft w o r d e n . V o n allen A k t e n stücken, die er als A k t e n s t ü c k e der Internationalen anführte, gehört a u c h nicht Eins der Internationalen an. So sagt er: ,Die Allianz erklärt sich für

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Karl Marx atheistisch, sagt der Generalrath, konstituirt in L o n d o n , im Juli 1869.' D e r Generalrath hat nie solch ein A k t e n s t ü c k erlassen. Im Gegëntheil, er erließ ein A k t e n s t ü c k , das die Originalstatuten der ,Allianz' — L'Alliance de la D é mocratie Socialiste in Genf —, die Jules F a v r e citirt, annullirte. In seinem ganzen Circular, das theilweise a u c h gegen das K a i s e r t h u m gerichtet zu sein vorgibt, wiederholt Jules F a v r e gegen die Internationale nur die Polizeimährchen der Staatsanwälte des K a i s e r t h u m s , die selbst vor den Gerichtshöfen desselben K a i s e r t h u m s sich in ihr elendes N i c h t s auflösten.

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Es ist bekannt, daß der Generalrath der Internationalen in seinen beiden 10 A d r e s s e n (vom Juli u n d S e p t e m b e r 1870) über den damaligen Krieg die p r e u ß i s c h e n E r o b e r u n g s p l ä n e gegen F r a n k r e i c h anklagte. Später w a n d t e sich H e r r Reitlinger, Jules F a v r e ' s Privatsekretär, natürlich vergebens, an einige Mitglieder des G e n e r a l r a t h s , damit der G e n e r a l r a t h eine antibism a r c k ' s c h e M a s s e n k u n d g e b u n g zu G u n s t e n der Regierung der nationalen 15 Vertheidigung veranstalte; es w u r d e b e s o n d e r s gebeten, dabei der Republik mit keinem Wort zu e r w ä h n e n . Die Vorbereitungen zu einer M a s s e n k u n d gebung bei Gelegenheit der e r w a r t e t e n Ankunft Jules F a v r e ' s in L o n d o n w u r d e n eingeleitet — gewiß in bester Absicht — gegen den Willen des Generalraths, der in seiner A d r e s s e v o m 9. S e p t e m b e r die Pariser Arbeiter 20 ausdrücklich u n d im V o r a u s gegen Jules F a v r e u n d seine Kollegen gewarnt hatte. W a s w ü r d e Jules F a v r e sagen, w e n n seinerseits der Ge||52|neralrath der Internationalen ein Rundschreiben über Jules F a v r e an alle europäischen Cabinette erließe, um ihre b e s o n d e r e Aufmerksamkeit auf die d u r c h d e n 25 verstorbenen H e r r n M i n i è r e in Paris veröffentlichten A k t e n s t ü c k e zu lenken? Ich bin, mein H e r r , Ihr ergebener Diener, John Haies, Sekretär des Generalraths der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation.

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256, High H o l b o r n , W . C . , L o n d o n , 12. Juni 1871." In einem Artikel über „die Internationale Assoziation und ihre Z i e l e " citirt der L o n d o n e r Spectator als frommer Denunziant, unter a n d e r n ähnlichen Kunstgriffen, u n d n o c h vollständiger als Jules F a v r e gethan, das obige A k t e n s t ü c k der „Alliance" als das W e r k der Internationalen, u n d das elf 35 Tage n a c h Veröffentlichung obiger Widerlegung in der Times. Dies k a n n uns nicht w u n d e r n . Schon Friedrich der G r o ß e pflegte zu sagen, daß von allen Jesuiten die protestantischen die schlimmsten sind.|

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Karl M a r x / F r i e d r i c h Engels S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s "

I To the Times.

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T h e General Council of this Association has instructed me to state, in reply to your leader of J u n e 19,1871, on the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " the following facts. T h e pretended Paris manifestoes, published by t h e Paris-Journal a n d similar journals, manifestoes w h i c h you place on the same line as our A d d r e s s on the Civil w a r in F r a n c e , are m e r e fabrications of the Versailles police. Y o u say: " T h e 'political n o t e s ' published by Professor Beesly, and q u o t e d the other day in these columns, are q u o t e d also, with entire approval, in t h e a d d r e s s of the Council, and we c a n n o w u n d e r s t a n d how justly the E x E m p e r o r w a s entitled to be called the saviour of s o c i e t y . " N o w , the Council, in its a d d r e s s , quotes nothing from the "political n o t e s " except the t e s t i m o n y of the writer, w h o is a k n o w n and h o n o u r a b l e F r e n c h savant, as to the personal c h a r a c t e r of the "Internationals" implicated in the last Paris revolution. W h a t has this to do with the " E x E m p e r o r " and the society saved by him! The " p r o g r a m m e " of the Association w a s not, as you say, " p r e p a r e d " by Mssrs Tolain and Odger " s e v e n years a g o " . It was issued by t h e Provisional Council, chosen at t h e public meeting held at St. Martin's Hall, L o n g A c r e , on 28 S e p t e m b e r 1864. M. Tolain has n e v e r b e e n a m e m b e r of that Council, nor w a s he p r e s e n t at L o n d o n , w h e n the p r o g r a m m e w a s d r a w n u p . Y o u say that " M i l l i è r e " w a s " o n e of the most ferocious m e m b e r s of t h e C o m m u n e " . Millière has never b e e n a m e m b e r of the C o m m u n e . " W e " , you p r o c e e d , " s h o u l d also point out that Assi, lately President of the Association e t c . " Assi has never been a m e m b e r of the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " , and as to t h e dignity of " P r e s i d e n t of the A s s o c i a t i o n " , it has b e e n abolished as long

ago as 1867-1

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Karl M a r x / F r i e d r i c h Engels S t a t e m e n t b y t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor of " T h e Standard"

To the Editor of the "Standard". In y o u r leader on t h e "International" (of t h e 19. June) you say: "Of t h e two p r o g r a m m e s (that of L o n d o n and that of Paris) recently issued in favour of the C o m m u n e that of t h e Paris b r a n c h has t h e merit of being the m o r e honest and t h e m o r e o u t s p o k e n . 5 Unfortunately, the " P a r i s " manifesto has b e e n issued not b y our Paris B r a n c h , but by t h e "Versailles P o l i c e " . Y o u say: " T h e L o n d o n Internationalists insist no less earnestly t h a n their Paris b r e t h r e n that " t h e old society must perish and ought to p e r i s h " . T h e y speak 10 of the burning of the public buildings and t h e shooting of t h e hostages as "a gigantic effort to bring society down"—which, although unsuccessful o n c e , will be p e r s e v e r e d in until it s u c c e e d s . " N o w the General Council of this Association s u m m o n s you to q u o t e t h e e x a c t pages and lines of our A d d r e s s w h e r e t h e w o r d s attributed by you to 15 us do occur!J

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Friedrich Engels S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council o n G e o r g e Jacob H o l y o a k e ' s letter

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I am instructed by the General Council of the International Working M e n ' s Association to state, in reply to Mr G e o . J a c o b H o l y o a k e ' s Letter in T u e s d a y ' s Daily News—. 1. As to the insinuation that the a d d r e s s issued by the Council " m a y b e c o m e a cause of d e a t h or deportation at Versailles", the Council thinks that its Paris friends are better judges t h a n Mr H o l y o a k e . 2. It is a rule with the Council that the n a m e s of all its m e m b e r s w h e t h e r absent or p r e s e n t are a p p e n d e d to its public d o c u m e n t s . On this occasion, however, an exception w a s m a d e , a n d the c o n s e n t of absent m e m b e r s w a s formally requested. 3. As to the statement that this a d d r e s s " c a n n o t be an English p r o d u c t i o n , though manifestly revised by s o m e S a x o n or Celtic p e n " , the Council begs to o b s e r v e that, as a matter of c o u r s e , the productions of an international Society c a n n o t h a v e any national character. H o w e v e r , the Council need not h a v e any secrets in this matter. T h e a d d r e s s , like m a n y previous publications of the Council, was d r a w n up by 11 the Corresponding S e c r e t a r y for G e r m a n y , Dr Karl M a r x , w a s adopted unanimously and " r e v i s e d " by nobody. 4. On t h e . . . 1870, Mr George J a c o b H o l y o a k e p r e s e n t e d himself as a Candidate for m e m b e r s h i p of t h e Council b u t w a s not admitted. I am Sir your obedient Servant. S e c r e t a r y to General Council I. W. M. A.|

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Friedrich E n g e l s Letter from t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l to t h e Editor of t h e " S p e c t a t o r " (resp. "Examiner")

I To the Editor of the Spectator (resp. Examiner) Sir Y o u will m u c h oblige the General Council of the International Working M e n ' s Association by giving publicity to the fact that all the p r e t e n d e d Manifestoes and other publications of the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l s " of Paris, with w h i c h the English Press is n o w teeming (and w h i c h all of t h e m w e r e first published by the notorious " P a r i s J o u r n a l " ) are w i t h o u t o n e exception p u r e fabrications of the Versailles Police. I amj

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Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels: Entwürfe von Erklärungen an das „ E c h o " und die „Pall Mall G a z e t t e "

Karl Marx To t h e Editor of t h e " E c h o " Probably June 20 or 2 1 , 1871

I To the Editor of the "Echo." Sir, In your leading article of J u n e 19 y o u say: "If the 'International' b o a s t s of having caused this civil w a r and having directed the councils of its l e a d e r s , let it at least be k n o w n e t c . " /

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Statement by the General Council t o t h e Editor o f t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e "

/Editor Pall Mall Gazette Sir T h e Pall Mall G a z e t t e o f T u e s d a y says: M r G . J . H o l y o a k e e t c N o w Mr. G. J. H[olyoake] d o e s n o t state anything of t h e kind. He states, in T u e s d a y ' s Daily N e w s : w h i c h is something quite different. It is a rule (same as to Daily N e w s N r 2) I am Sir e t c J[ohn] H[ales] S e c r e t a r y to G e n e r a l Council I. W. Μ. A. I

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T h e Eastern Post. London. Nr. 144, 1. Juli 1871. Titelblatt

Karl M a r x : To t h e Editor of t h e "Daily N e w s " . June 26, 1871. T h e Eastern Post. London. Nr. 144, I.Juli 1871. S.5

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Karl Marx To t h e Editor of t h e "Daily N e w s " June 26, 1871

The Eastern Post. Nr. 144, 1. Juli 1871 Sir,—A Council consisting of m o r e t h a n thirty m e m b e r s cannot, of c o u r s e , draw up its o w n d o c u m e n t s . It m u s t entrust that t a s k to some one or other of its m e m b e r s , reserving to itself the right of rejecting or amending. T h e address on the "Civil W a r in F r a n c e , " d r a w n up by myself, w a s unanimously 5 adopted by the General Council of the International, and is therefore the official e m b o d i m e n t of its o w n views. W i t h regard however, to the p e r s o n a l charges brought forward against Jules F a v r e and Co., t h e case stands otherwise. On this point t h e great majority of the Council had to rely u p o n my t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s . This w a s t h e v e r y r e a s o n w h y I supported the motion 10 of another m e m b e r of the Council t h a t Mr. J o h n H a l e s , in his a n s w e r to Mr. H o l y o a k e should n a m e me as the a u t h o r of t h e a d d r e s s . I hold myself alone responsible for t h o s e c h a r g e s , and h e r e b y challenge Jules F a v r e and Co. to p r o s e c u t e me for libel. In his letter Mr. Llewellyn Davies says, " I t is melancholy to r e a d the charges of p e r s o n a l b a s e n e s s so freely flung by 15

F r e n c h m e n at one a n o t h e r . " D o e s this s e n t e n c e n o t s o m e w h a t s m a c k of that Pharisaical self-righteousness with w h i c h William C o b b e t t had so often taunted the British mind? L e t me a s k Mr. Llewellyn Davies w h i c h w a s w o r s e , the F r e n c h petite presse, fabricating in the service of the police the most infamous slanders against the C o m m u n a l s , dead, captive, or hidden, 20 or the English p r e s s r e p r o d u c i n g t h e m to this d a y , despite its professed c o n t e m p t for the petite presse. I do n o t consider it a F r e n c h inferiority that such serious charges for i n s t a n c e as t h o s e b r o u g h t forward against t h e late L o r d Palmerston, during a q u a r t e r of a c e n t u r y , by a m a n like Mr. David U r q u h a r t , could h a v e b e e n b u r k e d in E n g l a n d b u t not in F r a n c e .

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Friedrich Engels S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on t h e letters of G e o r g e Jacob H o l y o a k e and Benjamin Lucraft

[Manuscript]

I To the Editor Daily News SirI am instructed by the Council to state, in reply to the letters of M e s s r s G. J. Holy[oak]e and B . L [ u c r a f t ] , in M o n d a y ' s Daily News— 1. Mr H o l y o a k e , in t h e c o u r s e of last year, a t t e n d e d a meeting of the Council and, after he had retired, Mr J o h n W e s t o n declared that Mr George J a c . Holfyoake] wished to b e c o m e a m e m b e r of the Council principally with a view of appearing as a delegate at the n e x t General Congress of t h e Association to be held in Paris S e p t e m b e r 1870. This c o m m u n i c a t i o n w a s , h o w e v e r , received in such a m a n n e r that Mr W e s t o n did not insist. 2. At the Meeting of the Council of the 2 3 M a y , Mr Lucraft being present, it w a s officially a n n o u n c e d that the draft of the A d d r e s s on the Civil War in F r a n c e would be read a n d discussed at t h e n e x t ordinary meeting, M a y 3 0 . It w a s thus left entirely to Mr L u c r a f t to decide w h e t h e r he would be p r e s e n t or absent on that day. At the meeting of T u e s d a y 2 0 J u n e , M r Lucraft w a s compelled t o o w n that h e h a d n o t e v e n then r e a d the a d d r e s s itself, and that all his impressions a b o u t it w e r e derived from the statements of the P r e s s only. T h e resignations of M e s s r B. Lucraft and G . O d g e r h a v e this day b e e n a c c e p t e d by the Council. | r d

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Statement by the General Council on the letters of G.J. Holyoake and B. Lucraft

[Printed text]

The Daily News. Nr. 7852, 29. Juni 1871

To the Editor of the Daily News. Sir,—I am instructed by the General Council of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association to reply to the letters of M e s s r s . G . J . H o l y o a k e a n d 5 B. Lucraft, which a p p e a r e d in y o u r issue of M o n d a y last. I find, on referring to the minutes of the Council, that M r . H o l y o a k e attended a meeting of t h e Council, by permission, on the 16th of N o v e m b e r , 1869, and during t h e sitting expressed his desire to b e c o m e a m e m b e r of the Council, and to attend the n e x t General Congress of t h e International, to be held in Paris, 10

September, 1870. After he had retired, Mr. J o h n W e s t o n p r o p o s e d him as a candidate for m e m b e r s h i p , but the proposition was received in such a m a n n e r that Mr. W e s t o n did not insist, b u t w i t h d r e w it. W i t h regard to Mr. Lucraft's statement that h e w a s not p r e s e n t w h e n the address w a s voted upon, I may say that Mr. Lucraft w a s p r e s e n t at a meeting of t h e C o u n -

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cil held on the 23rd of M a y , 1871, w h e n it w a s officially a n n o u n c e d that t h e draught of t h e address on the "Civil W a r in F r a n c e " would be read a n d discussed at the n e x t ordinary meeting of t h e Council, M a y t h e 30th. It w a s therefore left entirely to Mr. Lucraft to decide w h e t h e r he would be p r e s e n t or absent u p o n that occasion, and not only did he know that it was the rule

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of the Council to a p p e n d the n a m e s of all its m e m b e r s , p r e s e n t or a b s e n t , to its public d o c u m e n t s , b u t he w a s o n e of t h e m o s t strenuous supporters of that rule, and resisted on several occasions a t t e m p t s m a d e to dispense with it—on M a y 23, amongst others—and he t h e n voluntarily informed the Council that "his entire s y m p a t h y w a s with t h e C o m m u n e of P a r i s . " On T u e s d a y 25 evening, J u n e 20, at a meeting of t h e Council, Mr. Lucraft w a s forced to admit that he had not e v e n then r e a d the address itself, but that all his impressions about it w e r e derived from t h e s t a t e m e n t s of t h e p r e s s . W i t h r e s p e c t to Mr. Odger's repudiation, all I can say is that he w a s waited u p o n personally and informed that the Council w a s about to issue an a d d r e s s , 30

and w a s asked if he objected to his n a m e appearing in connection with it, and he said " N o . " T h e public can d r a w its o w n conclusions. I may add t h a t t h e resignations of M e s s r s . L u c r a f t and Odger h a v e b e e n accepted by t h e Council unanimously—I am, sir, y o u r obedient servant, JOHN HALES, S e c r e t a r y to the General Council of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association.

35 256, High H o l b o r n , W. C.

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Karl Marx An die Redaktion der „ N e u e n Freien P r e s s e " 30. Juni 1871

Neue Freie Presse. Morgenblatt. Nr. 2462, 4. Juli 1871

An die Redaction der „Neuen Freien Presse". U n t e r d e m Titel: „ E i n e socialistische S o i r é e " , gezeichnet W., bringt die Wiener „Presse" ein Feuilleton, worin ich die E h r e h a b e zu figuriren. W. traf mich, wie er sagt, in einer Soirée bei Herzen. Er erinnert sich sogar der R e d e n , die ich dort gehalten habe. Ein entschiedener Gegner H e r z e n ' s , verweigerte ich stets mit ihm zus a m m e n z u k o m m e n und h a b e den M a n n d a h e r niemals in meinem L e b e n gesehen. Ich bezweifle, ob der phantasiereiche W. jemals in L o n d o n war. A u ß e r in Palästen gibt es dort keine „Marmortreppen", die W. sogar in H e r z e n ' s „ C o t t a g e " fand. Ich fordere denselben W., den die L o r b e e r n des Paris-Journal u n d ähnlicher Polizei-Organe nicht schlafen lassen, hiemit auf, sich zu n e n n e n . London, 30. Juni 1871

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Friedrich Engels "The Civil War in France" und die e n g l i s c h e P r e s s e

Der Volksstaat. Nr.54, 5. Juli 1871

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London, 30. Juni. Solange L o n d o n steht, hat keine Druckschrift ein solches A u f s e h e n hervorgerufen, wie die A d r e s s e des Generalraths der Internationalen. Die große Presse v e r s u c h t e Anfangs ihr beliebtes Mittel des Todtschweigens; aber einige Tage reichten hin ihr zu beweisen, daß dies hier nicht ging. „ T e l e g r a p h " , „ S t a n d a r d " , „ S p e c t a t o r " , „Pall Mall G a z e t t e " , „ T i m e s " m u ß t e n sich n a c h einander b e q u e m e n , das „ b e a c h t e n s w e r t h e D o k u m e n t " zu beleitartikeln. D a n n k a m e n Briefe Dritter in den Blättern, die auf Dies u n d J e n e s im B e s o n d e r n aufmerksam m a c h t e n . D a n n wieder Leitartikel, und am W o c h e n s c h l u ß k a m e n die W o c h e n b l ä t t e r abermals darauf zurück. Die ganze P r e s s e hat einstimmig b e k e n n e n m ü s s e n , daß die Internationale eine e u r o p ä i s c h e G r o ß m a c h t ist, mit der m a n r e c h n e n m u ß , die m a n nicht beseitigt, indem m a n nicht von ihr spricht. Die stylistische Meisterschaft, mit der die A d r e s s e abgefaßt ist — eine Sprache, so kraftvoll wie die William C o b b e t t ' s , sagt der „ S p e c t a t o r " — m u ß t e n sie Alle anerkennen. D a ß diese B o u r g e o i s p r e s s e über eine so energische Geltendm a c h u n g des proletarischen S t a n d p u n k t e s , eine so entscheidende R e c h t fertigung der Pariser K o m m u n e ziemlich einstimmig herfallen w e r d e , w a r zu erwarten. E b e n s o daß die v o n d e n Pariser Polizeiblättern fabrizirten Stieberiaden u n d die von Jules F a v r e der Internationalen in die S c h u h e geschobenen Schriftstücke einer ganz a n d e r n Gesellschaft (der Bakunin'schen Allianz der Sozialdemokratie), trotz des öffentlichen Widerspruchs des Generalraths, ihr zugeschrieben w u r d e n . Indeß w u r d e d o c h schließlich selbst dem Philister der L ä r m zu arg. „Daily N e w s " fing an, zu beruhigen und der „ E x a m i n e r " , das einzige Blatt, das sich wirklich anständig b e n a h m , trat in einem eingehenden Artikel entschieden für die Internationale auf. Zwei englische Mitglieder des Generalraths, deren Einer (Odger) schon lange mit der Bourgeoisie auf einem viel zu guten F u ß gestanden, und der A n d e r e (Lucraft) d u r c h seine Wahl in den L o n d o n e r Schulrath b e d e u t e n d rücksichtsvoller gegen die Meinung „ r e s p e k t a b l e r " L e u t e g e w o r d e n zu sein scheint, ließen sich d u r c h den Zeitungslärm be-

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Friedrich Engels w e g e n , ihren Austritt zu erklären, der auch einstimmig a n g e n o m m e n w u r d e . Sie sind bereits d u r c h zwei andere englische Arbeiter ersetzt u n d w e r d e n bald m e r k e n , was es auf sich hat, in der S t u n d e der E n t s c h e i d u n g das Proletariat zu verrathen. Ein englischer Pfaffe Llewellyn Davies j a m m e r t e in der „Daily N e w s " 5 über die in der A d r e s s e enthaltenen S c h m ä h u n g e n gegen Jules F a v r e u n d C o n s o r t e n , u n d meinte, es sei d o c h w ü n s c h e n s w e r t h , daß die W a h r h e i t oder U n w a h r h e i t dieser Anklagen festgestellt w e r d e , meinetwegen d u r c h einen P r o z e ß der französischen Regierung gegen den Generalrath. Am n ä c h s t e n Tage erklärte Karl Marx im selben Blatt, er halte sich, als Ver10 fasser der Adresse, persönlich verantwortlich für diese Anklagen; die französische Gesandtschaft scheint aber keinen Befehl zu haben, mit einer Verläumdungsklage gegen ihn v o r z u g e h e n . Schließlich erklärt d a n n die „Pall Mall G a z e t t e " das sei a u c h gar nicht nöthig, der Privatcharakter eines S t a a t s m a n n e s sei immer heilig, u n d nur seine öffentlichen H a n d l u n g e n 15 dürften angegriffen w e r d e n . Natürlich, w e n n der Privatcharakter der englischen Staatsmänner vor die Oeffentlichkeit gezogen w ü r d e , so w ä r e der jüngste Tag der oligarchischen und bürgerlichen Welt g e k o m m e n . Ein Artikel von und über den L u m p e n Netschajeff hat aus dem „Wiener W a n d e r e r " die R u n d e der d e u t s c h e n P r e s s e g e m a c h t , worin seine T h a t e n 20 verherrlicht w e r d e n , z u s a m m e n mit denen v o n Serebrenikoff u n d Elpidin. Sollte dies sich wiederholen, so w e r d e n wir auf dies saubere Kleeblatt näher z u r ü c k k o m m e n . F ü r jetzt nur die B e m e r k u n g , daß Elpidin ein n o t o rischer russischer Spion ist.

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Karl Marx Letter to t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " , Frederick G r e e n w o o d

The Pall Mall Gazette. Nr. 1992, 3.Juli 1871 Haverstock-hill, N. June 30, 1871.

W.,

Sir,—I h a v e declared in the Daily News—and y o u h a v e reprinted in t h e Pall Mall—that I hold myself alone responsible for the charges brought forward against Jules " F a v r e and C o . " In your y e s t e r d a y ' s publication you declare t h e s e charges to be "libels." I declare you to be a libeller. It is no fault of mine that you are as ignorant as arrogant. If we lived on the Continent, I should call you to a c c o u n t in another way.—Obediently, KARL MARX.

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Friedrich Engels Aufzeichnungen von einer Unterredung zwischen Karl Marx und Robert Reid

I Robert Reid Ex-Correspondent Daily Telegraph. l.Juli 1871 B o w e r C o r r e s p o n d e n t Morning Advertiser im R e s t a u r a n t Peters bei d e m Arrest, w u r d e mit dem anderen Times-Correspondenten Dallas und einem Russischen A t t a c h é freigelassen, ging aber wieder hinein um seine (englische) D a m e zu holen, die aber grade mit einem a n d e r e n H e r r n schön that he pitched into him assaulted him w a s t a k e n in c u s t o d y and locked up for that. Diese 3 p u b l i e n t einen Brief in der Vérité der falsch war. 1) es seien Mitglieder der C o m m u n e im Café g e w e s e n mit r o t h e n u n d goldenen Schärp e n u n d a u c h H u r e n im Café die ihre K a r t e n vorgezeigt, u n d 2) daß der B o w e r verhaftet o h n e G r u n d (es w a r e n n u r die Polizei-Commissare die mit rothen Schärpen aber o h n e Goldfransen). Im Telegraph Reid's R e p o r t s often altered. A v e r y important letter w a s suppressed b y them. On 2 0 M a y hatte Wr[ight] die Zeitung. Telegraph 17 or 1 8 M a y Versailles C o r r e s p o n d e n t stated that C o u r b e t had with a h a m m e r destroyed objects of art in L o u v r e . Reid zeigte am 20. dies T e l e g r a m m dem Courbet. Folgender Brief von C o u r b e t an d e n Editor des Telegraph: Sir N o t only h a v e I not destroyed any w o r k s of art in the L o u v r e , b u t on the contrary it w a s under my care that all those which had been dispersed by various ministers in different buildings t h r o u g h o u t the capital w e r e collected, and restored to their p r o p e r places in t h e M u s e u m . In like m a n n e r the L u x e m b u r g w a s benefited. It w a s I w h o p r e s e r v e d and arranged all the w o r k s of art r e m o v e d from the house of M. Thiers. I am a c c u s e d of having destroyed the Column V e n d ô m e w h e n the fact is on r e c o r d that the d e c r e e for its destruction w a s p a s s e d 14 April and I w a s elected to the C o m m u n e th

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Γ Aufzeichnungen von einer Unterredung zwischen Karl Marx und Robert Reid

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on t h e 20, six d a y s afterwards. I w a r m l y urged t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n of t h e bas-reliefs and p r o p o s e d to form a M u s e u m of t h e m in t h e C o u r t of t h e Invalides. K n o w i n g t h e purity of t h e m o t i v e s by [| w h i c h I h a v e b e e n actuated, I also k n o w t h e difficulties o n e inherits in c o m i n g after a régime such as the E m p i r e . Salut et fraternité G. C o u r b e t . H ô t e l de Ville 20 M a y 7 1 . Dieser Brief d u r c h Reid an d e n T e l e g r a p h geschickt aber u n t e r d r ü c k t .

10 Gegen 10./12. April s. P a p e r s .

Tolain C o r r e s p o n d e n t der T i m e s w ü n s c h t e zu wissen was der G e n e r a l - R a t h dazu sagen w ü r d e — Times u n t e r d r ü c k t ] u n s e r e n B e s c h l u ß . 15 Reid w a r für den Telegraph engagiert T e l e g r a m m e zu schicken und ist bereit zu s c h w ö r e n daß sie zu U n g u n s t e n der C o m m u n e abgeändert w o r d e n im Abdruck.

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A d o l p h u s Smith E x - C o r r e s p o n d e n t Daily N e w s Vorlesung über C o m m u n e Charing C r o s s T h e a t r e 3/7/71. Bei der D e m o n s t r a t i o n R u e de la Paix zugegen. Die G e w e h r e der N a t i o nal-Garde in Place V e n d ô m e w a r e n in P y r a m i d e n zusammengestellt u n d ein Engländer d e n er n a n n t e ( L e a t h a m ? ) u n d der in erster Reihe des Zugs

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w a r , sprang auf sie los um sich einer P y r a m i d e zu bemächtigen. J o u r d e w a r im b r e n n e n d e n Finanzministerium bis zuletzt, r e t t e t e B ü c h e r und Gelder. U n d der soll's a n g e s t e c k t h a b e n ! E i n gegenüber w o h n e n d e r Engländer d e n er n e n n e n k a n n , sah 2 B o m b e n d u r c h s D a c h einschlagen, platzen u n d bald drauf R a u c h , d a n n F l a m m e , d a n n das ganze G e b ä u d e allmählich in F l a m m e n . |

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Karl Marx Mr. W a s h b u r n e , t h e A m e r i c a n A m b a s s a d o r in Paris

I m l M r . Washburne, The American Ambassador, in Paris. To the N e w York Central Committee for the United States' Sections of the International Working Men's Association.

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Citizens,—The General Council of the Association consider it their duty to c o m m u n i c a t e publicly to y o u evidence on the c o n d u c t , during the F r e n c h Civil W a r , of Mr. W a s h b u r n e , the A m e r i c a n A m b a s s a d o r . I. T h e following statement is m a d e by Mr. R o b e r t Reid, a S c o t c h m a n w h o 10 has lived for seventeen y e a r s in Paris, and acted during the Civil W a r as a c o r r e s p o n d e n t for the L o n d o n Daily Telegraph and t h e N e w York Herald. L e t us r e m a r k , in passing, that the Daily Telegraph, in the interests of t h e Versailles G o v e r n m e n t , falsified even the short telegraphic d e s p a t c h e s transmitted to it by Mr. Reid. 15 Mr. Reid, n o w in England, is ready to confirm his s t a t e m e n t by affidavit. " T h e sounding of the general alarm, mingled with t h e r o a r of the cannon, continued all night. To sleep w a s impossible. W h e r e , I thought, are t h e representatives of E u r o p e and A m e r i c a ? Can it be possible that in the midst of this effusion of innocent blood they should m a k e no effort at conciliation? 20 I could b e a r the thought no longer; and k n o w i n g that Mr. W a s h b u r n e w a s in t o w n , I resolved at o n c e to go and see him. This w a s , I think, on the 17th of April; the exact date m a y , h o w e v e r , be ascertained from my letter to L o r d L y o n s , to w h o m I w r o t e on the same day. Crossing the C h a m p s E l y s é e s , on my w a y to Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s residence, I m e t n u m e r o u s ambulance-waggons 25 filled with fhe w o u n d e d and dying. Shells w e r e bursting a r o u n d the A r c de

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Karl M a r x : Mr. W a s h b u r n e , t h e American A m b a s s a d o r in Paris. Erste Seite d e s Flugblatts

Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris T r i o m p h e , a n d m a n y i n n o c e n t p e o p l e w e r e a d d e d t o t h e long list o f M. Thiers's victims. "Arriving at N o . 95, R u e de Chaillot, I inquired at t h e C o n c i e r g e ' s for t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s ' A m b a s s a d o r , a n d w a s directed t o t h e s e c o n d floor. T h e 5

particular flight or flat y o u dwell in is, in Paris, an almost unerring indication of y o u r w e a l t h a n d position,—a sort of social b a r o m e t e r . We find h e r e a marquis on t h e first front floor, a n d an h u m b l e m e c h a n i c on t h e fifth b a c k floor,—the stairs t h a t divide t h e m r e p r e s e n t t h e social gulf b e t w e e n t h e m . As I climbed up t h e stairs, m e e t i n g no stout flunkeys in r e d b r e e c h e s a n d

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silk stockings, I thought, ' A h ! t h e A m e r i c a n s lay their m o n e y out to t h e b e s t advantage,—we t h r o w o u r s away.' " E n t e r i n g t h e s e c r e t a r y ' s r o o m , I inquired for Mr. Washburne.—Do y o u wish to see him personally?—I do.—My n a m e having | | 2 | b e e n sent in, I w a s u s h e r e d into his p r e s e n c e . He w a s lounging in an easy-chair, r e a d i n g

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a n e w s p a p e r . I e x p e c t e d he w o u l d rise; b u t he r e m a i n e d sitting w i t h t h e p a p e r still before him, an a c t of gross r u d e n e s s in a c o u n t r y w h e r e t h e p e o p l e are generally so polite. " I told M r . W a s h b u r n e t h a t w e w e r e b e t r a y i n g t h e c a u s e o f h u m a n i t y , i f we did not e n d e a v o u r to bring a b o u t a conciliation. W h e t h e r we s u c c e e d e d

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or n o t , it w a s at all e v e n t s o u r d u t y to t r y ; and t h e m o m e n t s e e m e d t h e m o r e favourable, as t h e P r u s s i a n s w e r e j u s t t h e n pressing Versailles for a defi­ nitive settlement. T h e united influence of A m e r i c a and E n g l a n d w o u l d t u r n t h e b a l a n c e in favour of p e a c e . " M r . W a s h b u r n e said, 'The men in Paris are rebels. Let them lay down their arms. ' I replied t h a t t h e N a t i o n a l g u a r d s h a d a legal right to their a r m s ; b u t t h a t w a s not t h e q u e s t i o n . W h e n h u m a n i t y i s o u t r a g e d , t h e civilized world has a right to interfere, a n d I ask y o u to c o - o p e r a t e w i t h L o r d L y o n s to t h a t effect.—Mr. W a s h b u r n e : ' T h e s e m e n at Versailles will listen to nothing.'—'If they refuse, t h e m o r a l responsibility will rest with them.'— M r . W a s h b u r n e : Ί d o n ' t see t h a t . I c a n ' t do anything in t h e m a t t e r . Y o u had b e t t e r see L o r d L y o n s . ' " S o e n d e d our interview. I left M r . W a s h b u r n e sadly disappointed. I f o u n d a m a n r u d e and h a u g h t y , w i t h n o n e of t h o s e feelings of fraternity y o u might e x p e c t to find in t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a d e m o c r a t i c republic. On t w o

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o c c a s i o n s I h a d h a d t h e h o n o u r of an interview with L o r d C o w l e y , w h e n h e was o u r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n F r a n c e . H i s frank, c o u r t e o u s m a n n e r f o r m e d a striking c o n t r a s t to t h e cold, p r e t e n t i o u s , a n d would-be-aristocratic style of t h e A m e r i c a n A m b a s s a d o r . " I also urged u p o n L o r d L y o n s t h a t , i n t h e d e f e n c e o f h u m a n i t y , E n g l a n d

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w a s b o u n d to m a k e an e a r n e s t effort at reconciliation, feeling c o n v i n c e d t h a t t h e British G o v e r n m e n t could n o t l o o k coldly on s u c h atrocities as

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Karl Marx the m a s s a c r e s of the Clamart station and Moulin Saquet, not to speak of t h e h o r r o r s of Neuilly, without incurring the malediction of every lover of humanity. L o r d L y o n s a n s w e r e d m e verbally t h r o u g h Mr. E d w a r d Malet, his secretary, that he had forwarded my letter to the G o v e r n m e n t , and would willingly forward any other c o m m u n i c a t i o n I might h a v e to m a k e on that subject. At one m o m e n t m a t t e r s w e r e m o s t favourable for reconciliation, and had our G o v e r n m e n t t h r o w n their weight in t h e balance, the world would h a v e b e e n spared the carnage of Paris. At all e v e n t s , it is not the fault of L o r d L y o n s if the British G o v e r n m e n t failed in their duty. " B u t , to return to Mr. W a s h b u r n e . On W e d n e s d a y forenoon, the 24th of M a y , I was passing along the Boulevard des Capucines, | | 3 | w h e n I h e a r d my n a m e called, and, turning round, saw Dr. H o s s a r t standing beside Mr. W a s h b u r n e , w h o w a s in an open carriage amidst a great n u m b e r of A m e r i c a n s . After the usual salutations, I entered into a conversation with Dr. H o s s a r t . Presently the conversation b e c a m e general on the horrid scenes a r o u n d ; w h e n Mr. W a s h b u r n e , addressing me with the air of a m a n w h o k n o w s the truth of w h a t he is saying,—All who belong to the Commune, and those that sympathize with them, will be shot, ' Alas ! I k n e w that they w e r e killing old and y o u n g for the crime of sympathy, but I did not e x p e c t to hear it semi-officially from Mr. W a s h b u r n e ; yet, while he w a s repeating this sanguinary p h r a s e , there w a s still time for him to save the A r c h b i s h o p . " II. " O n the 24th of M a y , Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s secretary came to offer to the C o m m u n e , then assembled at the Mairie of the 11th A r r o n d i s s e m e n t , on the part of the Prussians, an intervention b e t w e e n t h e Versaillese and the Federals on the following terms:— ' " S u s p e n s i o n of hostilities. " ' R e - e l e c t i o n of the C o m m u n e on t h e o n e side, and of the National A s s e m b l y on the other. " ' T h e Versailles troops to leave Paris, and to t a k e up their quarters in and a r o u n d the fortifications. " 'The National G u a r d to continue to guard Paris. " ' N o p u n i s h m e n t to be inflicted upon the m e n serving or having served in the Federal A r m y . ' " T h e C o m m u n e in an extraordinary sitting, a c c e p t e d the propositions, with the proviso that t w o m o n t h s should be given to F r a n c e in order to p r e p a r e for the general elections of a Constituent A s s e m b l y . "A second interview with t h e Secretary of the A m e r i c a n E m b a s s y took place. At its morning sitting of the 25th M a y , the C o m m u n e resolved to send five citizens—amongst t h e m V e r m o r e l , Delescluze, and Arnold—as plenipotentiaries to V i n c e n n e s , w h e r e , according to the information given by Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s secretary, a Prussian delegate w o u l d t h e n be found. T h a t

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Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris deputation w a s , h o w e v e r , p r e v e n t e d from passing by the National G u a r d s on duty at the gate of V i n c e n n e s . C o n s e q u e n t u p o n another and final interview with the same A m e r i c a n S e c r e t a r y , Citizen Arnold, to w h o m he h a d delivered a safe c o n d u c t , on t h e 26th M a y , w e n t to St. Denis, w h e r e he 5

was—not admitted by the P r u s s i a n s . " T h e result of this A m e r i c a n intervention (which p r o d u c e d a belief in the r e n e w e d neutrality of, and t h e intended intercession b e t w e e n the belligerents, by the Prussians) w a s , at the m o s t critical j u n c t u r e , to p a r a l y z e the defence for t w o d a y s . Despite the precautions t a k e n to keep t h e nego-

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tiations secret, they b e c a m e ||4| soon k n o w n to the National G u a r d s , w h o then, full of confidence in Prussian neutrality, fled to the Prussian lines, there to surrender as prisoners. It is k n o w n h o w this confidence w a s abused by the Prussians, shooting by their sentries p a r t of the fugitives, and handing over to the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t those w h o h a d surrendered. "During the whole c o u r s e of the civil w a r , Mr. W a s h b u r n e , through his secretary, never tired of informing t h e C o m m u n e of his ardent sympathies, which only his diplomatic position p r e v e n t e d him from publicly manifesting, and of his decided r e p r o b a t i o n of the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t . " This statement, N o . I I . , is m a d e by a m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e , w h o , like Mr. Reid, will in case of need, confirm it by affidavit. To fully appreciate Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s c o n d u c t , t h e statements of Mr. R o b e r t Reid and t h a t of the m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e m u s t be read as a whole, as part and c o u n t e r p a r t of the same s c h e m e . While Mr. W a s h b u r n e declares t o Mr. Reid t h a t the C o m m u n a l s are " r e b e l s " w h o d e s e r v e their fate, he declares to t h e C o m m u n e his sympathies with its cause and his c o n t e m p t of the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t . On the same 24th of May, while, in p r e s e n c e of Dr. H o s s a r t and m a n y Americans, informing Mr. Reid that not only t h e C o m m u n a l s b u t e v e n their mere sympathizers w e r e irrevocably d o o m e d to death, he informed, through his secretary, t h e C o m m u n e that not only its m e m b e r s w e r e to be saved, b u t every m a n in t h e Federal army. We n o w request you, dear Citizens, to lay t h e s e facts before the W o r k i n g Class of the U n i t e d States, and to call u p o n t h e m to decide w h e t h e r Mr. W a s h b u r n e is a p r o p e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the A m e r i c a n Republic.

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T H E GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING M E N ' S ASSOCIATION:—

M . J . B o o n , Fred. Bradnick, G . H . B u t t e r y , Caihil, William H a l e s , K o l b , F . L e s s n e r , George Milner, T h o s . M o t t e r s h e a d , C h a s . M u r r a y , P . M a c D o n nell, Pfander, J o h n R o a c h , Rühl, Sadler, Cowell Stepney, Alfred Taylor, 40 W. T o w n s h e n d .

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Karl Marx CORRESPONDING SECRETARIES:—

E u g è n e D u p o n t , for F r a n c e ; Karl M a r x , for G e r m a n y and Holland; F. Engels, for Belgium and Spain; H. Jung, for Switzerland; P. Giovacchini, for Italy; Zévy Maurice, for H u n g a r y ; A n t o n Zabicki, for Poland; J a m e s C o h e n , for D e n m a r k ; J. G. E c c a r i u s , for t h e U n i t e d States. H E R M A N N J U N G , Chairman. J O H N W E S T O N , Treasurer. Office-256, High Holborn, July 11th, 1871.1

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London,

G E O R G E H A R R I S , Financial Sec. J O H N H A L E S , General Secretary. W.

C,

Karl Marx To t h e Editor of t h e " M o r n i n g A d v e r t i s e r " July 11, 1871

The Morning Advertiser. Nr. 24997, 13. Juli 1871

To the Editor of the Morning Advertiser. Sir,—In one of your leading articles of to-day you q u o t e a string of p h r a s e s , such as, " L o n d o n , Liverpool, and M a n c h e s t e r in revolt against odious capital," etc., with the authorship of w h i c h you are kind enough to credit me. Permit me to state that the w h o l e of the q u o t a t i o n s u p o n which y o u b a s e your article are forgeries from beginning to end. Y o u h a v e probably b e e n misled by some of the fabrications w h i c h the Paris police are in the habit of issuing almost daily in my n a m e , in order to p r o c u r e evidence against the captive " I n t e r n a t i o n a l s " at Versailles. I am, Sir, y o u r s , etc., KARL MARX. 1, Modena-villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock-hill, N . W . , July 11, 1871.

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Karl Marx To t h e Editor of " T h e Standard" July 13, 1871

The Standard. Nr. 14651, 17. Juli 1871

To the Editor of The Standard. Sir,—In this morning's Standard your Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n t translates from the Gazette de France a letter dated Berlin, April 28, 1871, and purporting to be signed by m e . I beg to state that this letter is from beginning to end a forgery, quite as m u c h as all the previous p r e t e n d e d letters of mine lately published in the Paris Journal and other F r e n c h police p a p e r s . If the Gazette de France professes to h a v e t a k e n the letter from G e r m a n p a p e r s , this m u s t be a falsehood t o o . A G e r m a n p a p e r would never h a v e dated that fabrication from Berlin.—I am, Sir, your o b e d i e n t servant, KARL MARX. L o n d o n , July 13.

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Friedrich Engels N o t i z e n ü b e r G i u s e p p e Mazzini

|Mazzini Verfasser des Manifest u n d Statut, verworfen — w a r ganz central u n d vulgärdemokratisch u n d geheimgesellschaftlich. — D[ie] I t a l i e n e r ] u n d Wolff blieben bis zur Affaire Lefort, wo Wolff von der Sitzung ging, die anderen erst n a c h Le L u b e z a u s t r a t e n , ca. 3 M o n a t e n a c h Stiftung. Sie 5 wollten internationale Ass[oziation] der Friendly Societies u n d w u n d e r t e n sich über das Mißverständniß, sie wollten w a s ganz andres als wir. S c h o n im Journal de Liège gegen Vésinier v o m Centrai-Rath erklärt d a ß M[azzini] nie zur Assoziation gehört u n d daß seine Vorlage v e r w o r f e n wurde. 10 Juni-Insurrektions-Brochure L. Bl[an]cs gegen Mazz[ini] der die Insurgenten ganz wie jetzt den Bourgeois d e n u n z i r t e . |

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Friedrich Engels L'intervento di G i u s e p p e Mazzini c o n t r o l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen von Carlo Cafiero

II Libero Pensiero. Hr.9, 31. August 1871 Mazzini nel suo Indirizzo agli opérai italiani dice: " Q u e s t ' A s s o c i a z i o n e fondata anni addietro in L o n d r a ed alia quale io ricusai fin da principio la mia c o o p e r a z i o n e Un nucleo d'individui, che s'assuma di governare direttamente u n a v a s t a moltitudine d'uomini diversi per patria, t e n d e n z e , condizioni politiche, interessi economici, m e z z i d'azione, finira s e m p r e per n o n o p e r a r e , ο d o v r à o p e r a r e tirannicam e n t e . Per questo io mi ritrassi e si ritrasse p o c o d o p o la sezione operaia italiana e c c . "

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O r a e c c o i fatti. D o p o la riunione del 28 settembre 1864 nella quale l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai fu fondata, t o s t o c h è il consiglio 10 provvisorio eletto in quell'Assemblea si r a d u n o , il maggiore L. Wolff p r é s e n t é un manifesto ed un progetto di Statuti steso da Mazzini stesso. N e l qual progetto non solamente non si t r o v a v a difficoltà a governare direttamente una moltitudine ecc. non solamente non diceva che q u e s t o nucleo d'individui finira sempre per non operare, ο dovrà operare 15 tirannicamente, ma al contrario gli statuti e r a n o ispirati ad u n a centralizzata cospirazione, dando poteri tirannici al corpo centrale — Il manifesto era nello stile solito di Mazzini: la d e m o c r a z i a b o r g h e s e che offriva diritti politici agli opérai, o n d e poter c o n s e r v a r e i privilegi sociali delle classi medie e superiori. 20 Q u e s t o manifesto e progetto di statuto furono n a t u r a l m e n t e rigettati. Gl'italiani rimasero m e m b r i sino a che alcune questioni non furono di n u o v o m e s s e fuori per causa di certi borghesi francesi, che volevano servirsi dell'Internazionale. N o n essendo questi riusciti, Wolff d a p p r i m a e poscia gli altri si ritirarono. Ε cosî l'Internazionale la fece finita con Mazzini. 25 Qualche t e m p o d o p o il Consiglio centrale provvisorio, r i s p o n d e n d o ad un articolo di Vesinier, dichiaro nel „Journal de L i è g e " che Mazzini n o n era stato mai m e m b r o dell'associazione internazionale e che i suoi progetti, manifesti e statuti erano stati rigettati. Mazzini ha furiosamente attaccata la C o m u n e di Parigi anche sulla s t a m p a inglese. Q u e s t o è proprio ciô, che 30

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Friedrich Engels: Notizen ü b e r G i u s e p p e Mazzini

L'intervento di G.Mazzini contro l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai

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egli ha sempre f atto, q u a n d o i proletari si s o n o sollevati; d o p o l'insurrezione di Giugno 1848 egli fece lo s t e s s o , d e n u n c i a n d o i proletarii insorti, t a n t o oltraggiosamente, c h e lo stesso Luigi B l a n c scrisse un opuscolo c o n t r o di Lui. Ε Luigi Blanc ha diverse volte r i p e t u t o in quel t e m p o che l'insurrezione di G i u g n o era l'opéra di agenti b o n a p a r t i s t i ! Mazzini chiama M a r x u o m o d'ingegno dissolvente, di tempra dominatrice e c c . forse p e r c h é M a r x ha s a p u t o m o l t o b e n dissolvere la cabala ordita da Mazzini a d a n n o dell'Internazionale, dominando talmente la mal dissimulata libidine di autorità del v e c c h i o cospiratore, si di r e n d e r l o per sempre i n n o c u o all'Associazione. Se è cosî, l'Internazionale d e v ' e s s e r b e n lieta di p o s s e d e r e fra i suoi m e m b r i un ingegno ed una tempra, c h e in tal guisa dissolvendo e dominando l'ha t e n u t a in piedi per sette anni, l a v o r a n d o più c h e ogni altro u o m o per p o r t a r l a alla sua attual superba posizione. Riguardo alio s m e m b r a m e n t o dell'Associazione, che, s e c o n d o Mazzini, è già cominciato in Inghilterra, il fatto è c h e due m e m b r i inglesi del Consiglio, c h e e r a n o divenuti t r o p p o intimi con la borghesia, t r o v a r o n o ,,1'Indirizzo sulla guerra Civile" t r o p p o spinto e si ritirarono. In loro v e c e q u a t t r o nuovi m e m b r i inglesi ed u n o irlandese s o n o e n t r a t i a far p a r t e del Consiglio Generale, il quale si stima c o n cio più rafforzato di prima. I n v e c e di e s s e r e in u n o stato di dissoluzione l'Internazionale è o r a p e r la prima volta riconosciuta p u b b l i c a m e n t e da t u t t a la s t a m p a inglese c o m e u n a grande p o t e n z a e u r o p e a ; e mai un piccolo o p u s c o l o ha fatto in L o n d r a tanta impressione q u a n t o l'Indirizzo del Consiglio Generale sulla g u e r r a civile in Francia, del quale si p u b b l i c h e r à o r a la t e r z a edizione. È mestieri c h e gli opérai italiani o s s e r v i n o c h e il g r a n d e cospiratore ed agitatore Mazzini n o n ha p e r essi altro consiglio c h e : Educatevi, istruitevi come meglio potete ( c o m e se ciô p o t e s s e e s s e r fatto senza mezzi!) adopratevi a creare più frequenti le società cooperatrici di consume (nemm e n o di produzione!) — E fidate nelVavvenirelU

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Friedrich Engels To the Editor of "The T i m e s " A u g u s t 7, 1871

I To the Editor of the Times Sir—The r e m a r k s of The Times on t h e r e p e a t e d p o s t p o n e m e n t of t h e trial of the Communist prisoners at Versailles h a v e u n d o u b t e d l y hit the nail on the head and h a v e e x p r e s s e d the feeling of the F r e n c h public. T h e angry n o t e of the Journal Officiel in reply to t h e s e r e m a r k s is b u t o n e of the m a n y 5 proofs of the fact. In c o n s e q u e n c e of the article in the Times, m a n y reclamations h a v e been addressed to the Paris p r e s s , reclamations which, under t h e s e circumstances, had no c h a n c e of being published. I h a v e before me the letter of a F r e n c h m a n w h o s e official position enables him to k n o w the facts he is writing about, and w h o s e t e s t i m o n y as to the motives of this 10 u n a c c o u n t a b l e delay ought to h a v e some value. H e r e are some extracts from this letter: r d

" N o b o d y as yet k n o w s w h e n the 3 Court-martial will o p e n its sittings. T h e cause of this a p p e a r s to be that Captain Grimai, Commissaire de la République (public accuser) has b e e n s u p e r s e d e d by another and m o r e 15 reliable m a n ; it has been found o u t at the last m o m e n t , on perusal of his general report which w a s to be r e a d in court, that he w a s p e r h a p s a little bit of a republican, that he had served u n d e r F a i d h e r b e etc in the A r m y of t h e N o r t h etc—Well; all at o n c e another officer p r e s e n t s himself at his office saying: here is my commission, I am y o u r s u c c e s s o r ; t h e poor captain was 20 so surprised that he w e n t nearly mad || M. Thiers has the pretention to do everything by himself, this mania goes so far that not only has he called together, contrary to all rules of fairness, all the juges d'instruction in his cabinet, b u t he pretends even to regulate the composition of t h e public to be admitted into the C o u r t ; he himself, t h r o u g h M. B. St. Hilaire, distributes 25 the tickets of admission " I n the m e a n time the prisoners at Satory die like flies—pitiless death w o r k s faster than the justice of these little s t a t e s m e n . . . T h e r e is in the Versailles Cellular prison a big fellow w h o does not speak a w o r d of

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To the Editor of "The Times" August 7, 1871 F r e n c h , he is supposed to be an Irishman. H o w he got into this trouble is still a m y s t e r y — A m o n g s t t h e prisoners t h e r e is a very h o n e s t m a n called , he has b e e n in his cell for two m o n t h s and has not yet b e e n examined. It is i n f a m o u s . " I am Sir Y o u r obedient servant Justitia. L o n d o n 7 August 1871./ th

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Karl Marx Au r é d a c t e u r de «L'International» 17 août 1871

I Au Rédacteur de l'International Monsieur, D a n s un article intitulé «La Société Solde I7/8V2 i Mai moins deposit et solde

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Friedrich Engels R é s u m é de la g e s t i o n f i n a n c i è r e du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l du 1

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s e p t e m b r e 1869 a u 3 1 a o û t 1870

I Résumé de la gestion financière du Conseil Général du 1 Septembre 1869 au 31 Août 1870. Recettes. Solde de l'année passée, en caisse Contributions de sociétés : a. Anglaises : Dayworking B o o k b i n d e r s relieurs Helvetia société Suisse à Londres Tailleurs B r a n c h e X» 1 Bricklayers — m a ç o n s Arbeiter-Bildungsverein Société Allemande L o n d r e s Cigariers de L o n d r e s Elastic W e b m a k e r s tisserands d'élastique B o o t Closers 6 mois Cordonniers du K e n t Alliance Cabinet M a k e r s (ébénistes) National Reform ligue (société politique) W e s t E n d Cabinet m a k e r s (ébénistes)

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A p p r o u v é par la Commission n o m m é e par la C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s . 22 S e p t e m b r e 1871 H . Perret Anselmo Lorenzo Pierre Fluse d e Verviers Ph.Coenen|

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I Gestion financière du Conseil Général pour l'année du 1 Septembre 1870 au 31 Août 1871 er

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A p p r o u v é par la C o m m i s s i o n n o m m é par la C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s . 22 S e p t e m b r e 1871 H . Perret Anselmo Lorenzo Pierre Fluse de V e r v i e r s Ph. C o e n e n d ' A n v e r s et de la Hollande.

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Karl Marx N o t e s sur la résolution Vaillant (Extrait d e s n o t e s de Marx à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres)

/Résolution Vaillant.

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1) Lorenzo. N ' e s t pas u n e question d'organisation, mais question de principe. Outine. 2) Bastelica. Nommer des députés, faire le 4 S e p t e m b r e — faire le 18 M a r s . (Abstention has produced the 4 September and 18 March.) {Tolain et Fribourg.)

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(Against the Deputies etc | Castiau. Potter.) Question d'organisation. Dans un m o m e n t où tous les G o u v e r n e m e n t s poursuivent l'Internationale, les prolétaires de l'Internationale doivent l'opposer — c. à. d. de faire action politique. Le pouvoir de classe comme classe est leur pouvoir politique. Révolution de février. 10 hours'bill. Frankel et Vaillant. \

Friedrich Engels Über die politische Aktion der Arbeiterklasse. Rededisposition für die Sitzung der Londoner Konferenz am 21. S e p t e m b e r 1871

11) L o r e n z o Prinzipienfrage — dies entschieden 2) Abstention unmöglich. Journalpolitik ist a u c h Politik; alle abstinenten Blätter greifen die Regierung an. N u r fraglich wie u n d wie weit sich in Politik mischen. Dies je n a c h U m s t ä n d e n und nicht vorzuschreiben. 2) Abstention widersinnig; m a n soll abstiniren weil schlechte L e u t e gewählt w e r d e n k ö n n e n — also keine Cotisation weil der Cassir durchb r e n n e n kann. Also kein Journal h a b e n weil der R e d a k t e u r sich verkaufen kann ebensogut wie der D e p u t i r t e . 3) Die p o l i t i s c h e n ] F r e i h e i t e n ] — b e s o n d e r s Associations-, V e r s a m m lungs- u n d Preßfreiheit — u n s r e Agitations-Mittel; ist es gleichgültig ob uns diese g e n o m m e n oder nicht? u n d sollen wir u n s nicht w e h r e n w e n n m a n sie angreift? 4) Abstention gepredigt weil m a n sonst das B e s t e h e n d e a n e r k e n n t . D a s B e s t e h e n d e b e s t e h t u n d se fiche pas mal ü b e r u n s e r e A n e r k e n n u n g . W e n n wir die Mittel die u n s das B e s t e h e n d e gibt b e n u t z e n um gegen das B e s t e h e n d e zu protestiren, ist d a s A n e r k e n n u n g ? 3) Abstention unmöglich. Die Arbeiter-Partei als politische Partei existirt u n d will politisch agiren, u n d ihr Abstention predigen heißt die Internationale ruiniren. Die einfache A n s c h a u u n g der Verhältnisse, der politischen B e d r ü c k u n g zu sozialen Z w e c k e n zwingt die Arbeiter in die Politik, die Abstentions-Prediger treiben sie den Bourgeoispolitikern in die A r m e . N a c h der C o m m u n e , die die politische Action der Arbeiter auf die T a g e s o r d n u n g gesetzt Abstention unmöglich. 4) Wir wollen die Abschaffung der K l a s s e n . Einziges Mittel ist die politische Gewalt in den H ä n d e n des Proletariats — u n d wir sollen keine Politik m a c h e n ? Alle Abstentionisten n e n n e n sich revolutionär. — Die Revolution ist der h ö c h s t e A c t der Politik, u n d w e r sie will m u ß a u c h die Mittel wollen, die die Revolution vorbereiten, die Arbeiter für sie erziehen, u n d sorgen daß er nicht am n ä c h s t e n Tag wieder von F a v r e u n d P y a t geprellt wird. Es k o m m t n u r darauf an welche Politik — die ausschließlich proletarische, nicht als Schwanz der Bourgeoisie. \

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Friedrich Engels Sur l'action politique de la c l a s s e o u v r i è r e N o t e manuscrite du d i s c o u r s p r o n o n c é à la s é a n c e du 21 s e p t e m b r e 1871 de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres

I Le cit. Engels. L'abstention absolue en matière politique est impossible ; aussi t o u s les j o u r n a u x abstentionnistes en font-ils de la politique. Il s'agit seulement c o m m e n t on en fait, et laquelle. Du reste pour n o u s l'abstention est impossible. Le parti ouvrier existe déjà c o m m e parti politique d a n s la plupart des p a y s . Ce n'est p a s à n o u s de le ruiner en p r ê c h a n t l'abstention. L ' e x p é r i e n c e de la vie actuelle et l'oppression politique qui leur est imposée par les g o u v e r n e m e n t s existants, pour des b u t s soit politiques, soit sociaux, force les ouvriers de s'occuper de la politique, qu'ils le veuillent ou non. L e u r prêcher l'abstention, ce serait les p o u s s e r d a n s les bras de la politique bourgeoise. Le lendemain de la C o m m u n e de Paris surtout, qui a mis l'action politique du prolétariat à l'ordre du jour, l'abstention est tout à fait impossible. N o u s voulons l'abolition des Classes. Quel est le m o y e n d'y parvenir ? La domination politique du prolétariat. Et lorsque cela est c o n v e n u de t o u t e part on nous d e m a n d e de ne pas nous mêler de politique ! T o u s les abstentionnistes se disent révolutionnaires, et m ê m e les révolutionnaires par excellence. Mais la révolution, c'est l'acte s u p r ê m e de la politique ; qui la v e u t doit vouloir le moyen, l'action politique, qui la p r é p a r e , qui d o n n e aux ouvriers l'éducation pour la révolution et sans laquelle les ouvriers, le lendemain de la lutte, seront toujours les d u p e s des F a v r e et des Pyat. Mais la politique qu'il faut faire, c'est la politique ouvrière ; il faut que le parti ouvrier soit constitué non c o m m e la q u e u e de quelque parti bourgeois, mais bien en parti indépendant qui a son but, sa politique à lui. — | I L e s libertés politiques, les droits de réunion et d'association et la liberté de la p r e s s e , voilà nos armes, et n o u s devrions croiser les b r a s et n o u s abstenir si l'on veut nous les ôter ? On dit q u e tout acte politique implique q u ' o n r e c o n n a î t l'état existant des c h o s e s . Mais lorsque cet état de choses n o u s d o n n e des m o y e n s pour protester contre lui, user de ces m o y e n s , ce n'est p a s r e c o n n a î t r e l'état existant. |

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Friedrich Engels: Über die politische Aktion d e r Arbeiterklasse. Rededisposition für die Sitzung d e r Londoner Konferenz am 21. S e p t e m b e r 1871

r Friedrich Engels Projet de la r é s o l u t i o n de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres relative à la lettre de Paul Robin à la C o n f é r e n c e

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/Considérant q u e la lettre a d r e s s é e à la C o n f é r e n c e par le c. Robin contient des assertions qui ne sont p a s d ' a c c o r d avec les faits et constituent u n e atteinte à l'honneur de la C o m m i s s i o n n o m m é e p a r la C o n f é r e n c e et à celui de la Conférence elle-même ; Q u e la conférence ne p e u t d o n c a d m e t t r e cette lettre ; La Conférence invite le c. Robin de retirer cette lettre en le p r é v e n a n t qu'au cas contraire l'incident sera remis au conseil général qui en statuera, ι

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Karl Marx C o m p l é m e n t à u n e proposition d'André Bastelica

I En accord avec les résolutions prises par la conférence sur un sujet analogue Nous proposons Que le Conseil Général soit également chargé de faire traduire, dans les différentes langues, toutes les résolutions prises dans les divers congrès ou conférences en dehors des statuts. Bastelica Marx II est sous-entendu que les résolutions des C o n g r è s qui ont r a p p o r t aux statuts seront insérées aux statuts. Propositions générales |

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Karl M a r x : C o m p l é m e n t à u n e proposition d'André Bastelica. Handschrift von Bastelica und Marx

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Karl Marx Résolution de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs relative au différend e n t r e les f é d é r a t i o n s d a n s la S u i s s e r o m a n d e

L'Égalité. Nr.20, 21. Oktober 1871

[...] II. Différend entre les fédérations dans la Suisse romande. Q u a n t à ce différend : 1° La Conférence doit, de prime-abord, considérer les fins de non5 recevoir mises en avant par le Comité fédéral des Sociétés des m o n t a g n e s qui n'appartiennent pas à la F é d é r a t i o n r o m a n d e (Voir la lettre du 4 sept e m b r e adressée à la C o n f é r e n c e par le C o m i t é fédéral de cette section) : Première fin de non-recevoir : « Le Congrès général, dit-on, c o n v o q u é régulièrement, p e u t seul être c o m pétent p o u r juger u n e affaire aussi grave q u e celle de la scission d a n s la Fédération r o m a n d e . » Considérant : Q u e lorsque les démêlés s'élèveront e n t r e les sociétés ou b r a n c h e s d'un groupe national, ou entre des groupes de différentes nationalités, le Con15 seil général aura le droit de décider sur le différend, sauf appel au Congrès prochain qui décidera définitivement (Voir art. V I I des résolutions du Congrès de Bâle) ; Q u e d'après la résolution VI du Congrès de Bâle le Conseil général a également le droit de s u s p e n d r e j u s q u ' a u p r o c h a i n Congrès u n e section de 20 l'Internationale ; Q u e ces droits du Conseil général o n t été r e c o n n u s , quoique seulement en théorie, p a r le Comité fédéral des b r a n c h e s dissidentes des montagnes : parce q u e le citoyen Robin, à différentes reprises, a sollicité le Conseil général, au n o m de ce Comité, de p r e n d r e u n e résolution définitive sur cette 25 question (Voir les p r o c è s - v e r b a u x du Conseil général) ; Q u e les droits de la C o n f é r e n c e , s'ils ne sont pas égaux à ceux d'un Congrès général, sont, en t o u t c a s , supérieurs à c e u x du Conseil général ; Q u ' e n effet, ce n ' e s t pas le Comité fédéral de la Fédération r o m a n d e , mais bien le Comité fédéral des b r a n c h e s dissidentes des m o n t a g n e s qui, 10

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hrli~'Jil,~.-~1 5. Ditto » » » 2 Chicago V German 6. Social Democratic Workingmen's Society New York J 7. Irish section of the I. W. A. New York 8. Social Democratic Society Williamsburgh Ν. Y. (German). The Sections were reported as doing good work, the Irish is rapidly increasing and trying to enter into combination with the Irish Confederation of the United States. Progress has been made to establish a weekly German newspaper. The Workingmen's Union had decided that only delegates representing Labor not| |[216]| capital should be admitted. The National Labor Union was losing ground among the New York Societies several had refused to send delegates to the next Congress. The Workingmen's Assembly of the State of New York had held its annual session at Albany and passed a resolution approving and endorsing the principles of the I. W.A. concluding "Workingmen of all Countries unite!" An address to the workingsmen's Societies and Trades Union was in course of preparation and correspondence had been established with the Miners Benevolent Association of Pennsylvania. The organised political labor party had overthrown the Republican ascendancy in New Hampshire in the recent election. A native American Section had been found and sent a delegate. A bill of exchange for two pounds sterling was remitted as contribution for 293 members and payment for Congress Reports. Cit. Marx announced that letter had been received from Paris one of the 12 th and one of 15 th but they had only arrived on Saturday. A Frenchman from the Commune who had come to London to transact business with the Stock Exchange had paid him a visit to obtain his assistance. The expulsion of Tolain was authentic, in consequence of which he proposed the following resolution:— "Considering the Resolution of the Federal Council of the Paris Sections expelling Citizen Tolain from the Association because, after having been elected to the National Assembly as a representative of the Working Classes, he has deserted their cause in the most cowardly manner, which resolution the General Council is called upon to confirm; Considering that the place of every French member of the International Workingmen's Association is undoubtedly on the side of the Commune of Paris and not in the usurpatory and counter revolutionary Assembly of Versailles;

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Meeting of the General Council April 25, 1871 The General Council of the International Workingmen's Association confirms the resolution of the Paris Federal Council and declares that Citizen Tolain is expelled from the International Workingmen's Association." Eccarius seconded the resolution, it was carried unanimously. 5 Cit. Marx continued. He said he had pointed out to the delegate of the Commune that it was a great blunder to leave us without either letters ||[217]| or papers. This would be rectified in future as the commercial communications between the Commune and London would be kept up by a travelling agent who would also take charge of our communications. 10 Serraillier and Dupont had been elected to fill up vacancies in the 17th arrondissement, Serraillier had written that Dupont was sure to be elected but he had not written since the election; he might have written to Manchester. It appeared that more letters had been written than had arrived. Felix Pyat and Vésinier were calumniating Serraillier and Dupont in Paris and 15 when Serraillier had threatened to prosecute they had denied it. It was urgent to write at once to Paris to state the reasons why Pyat calumniated Serraillier and Dupont, and upon the motion of Citizen Mottershead Citizen Marx was instructed to write. 20

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The letters had been posted outside the line by Lafargue, they had therefore been delayed by rail, both the French and the Prussian Governments sifted the letters. Most of the information they contained was old but there were a few facts which the papers had not given. It was stated that the provinces knew as little what was going on in Paris as during the Siège. Except where the fighting was going on it had never been so quiet. A great part of the middle class had joined the National Guards of Belleville. The great Capitalists had run away and the small trades people went with the working class. No one could have an idea of the enthusiasm of the people, and the National Guards and the people at Versailles must be fools if they believed that they could enter Paris. Paris did not believe in a rising in the provinces and knew that superior forces were brought against it but there was no fear on that account, but there was fear of Prussian intervention and want of provisions. The decrees about rent and commercial bills were two master strokes: without them 3/4 of the trades people would have become bankrupt. The murder of Duval and Flourens had excited a sentiment of vengeance. The family of Flourens and the Commune had sent a legal officer to have the cause of their death certain, but in vain. Flourens had been killed in a house. About the fabrication of telegrams there was some information. When Protot had gone through the accounts of the Government of National Defence he had discovered that money had been paid for the construction of an ||[218]| improved portable guillotine. The guillotine had been found and publicly burned by order of the Commune. The Gas Company had owed the municipality more than a mill, but had not shown any willingness to refund till their goods had been seized; then a bill to the amount had been given on the Bank of France. The telegrams and Correspondents gave altogether different versions of these things. The greatest eyesore was that the Commune governed so cheap. The highest officials only received at the rate of 6000fr. [per] year, the others only workman's wages.

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[Auszüge aus T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 541.22-45]

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The people of Paris, according to the letters received, do not believe that any rising in the provinces will come to their aid, and they are fully conscious of being opposed by superior forces ; but this gives them little concern, provided the Prussians do not interfere. The greatest danger they fear is want of provisions. The great capitalists have run away, and the shopkeepers and tradesmen have little love for the Versailles Government. Three-fourths of them would have been bankrupt but for the decrees of the Commune concerning rent and commercial bills. A great part of the middle-class National Guards have joined the men at Belleville. It is stated in one of the letters that no one can have an idea of the enthusiasm of the people and the National Guards, and that the Versaillists must be fools to dream of entering Paris. The massacre of Duval and Flourens has excited a general sentiment of vengeance, Flourens did not fall in any encounter, he was literally assassinated in a house. His family and the Commune sent an officer of the law for an authenticated statement of the cause of death, which would have involved an inquest, but the Versaillists flatly refused. Some information has been received by the Council about the trustworthiness of telegrams and paid correspondents. One of the first things the officers of the Commune did was to examine the papers and books of their predecessors. In the accounts of the Home Department of the Government of National Defence, there was an entry found of money having been paid for the construction of an improved portable guillotine. This new instrument for the slaughter of the Paris workmen was constructed while the patriots, now conspiring at Versailles, pretended to defend Paris against the Prussians. It was traced and found, and by order of the Commune, publicly burned with the old unimproved one. The telegrams and the correspondents had it that the people burned them to save their heads against the Commune. The Gas Company being robbed is another little bit. The municipal account showed that the Gas Company had received upwards of a million out of the rates levied on the inhabitants of Paris, which was registered as owing, while the same Gas Company had a large balance in the Bank of France. When no response was made to the

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 2, 1871

/[218]/Meeting o f t h e C o u n c i l M a y 2 . Members present: Boon, Cohn, Eccarius, Engels, Harris, Jung, Kolb, Lessner, Milner, Mottershead, Pfänder, Robin, Stepney, Townshend, Weston. Cit. Weston in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed. The Secretary announced the receipt of a letter from the Bristol Radical Association enquiring what would be done with the three shillings sent by that Association for the families of the German political prisoners, as the prisoners were now liberated. The secretary was instructed to reply that it had been forwarded. A letter from Barcelona announced that the policy of abstaining from politics had borne fruit. The people had lost their fear ||[219]| of socialism and the Republicans who opposed socialism had now to profess to be in favour. Addresses of dyers' societies were asked for as the Barcelona dyers were anxious to enter into correspondence with the dyers in other countries. Cit. Mottershead stated that dyers' societies existed at Leek, Coventry, and there was one in Spitalfields. The Secretary read a paragraph from the New York World by O'Halloran, the Paris Correspondent of that paper, repeating the statement of the Paris Journal that Marx and others had planned the Paris revolution, supplementing it by the assertion that it had been done in a dingy room in Holborn. Cit. Harris said that other people knew more about the Association than the members themselves. He had met a man who had boasted that he had dined with the president of the International who knew all about the Paris affairs. The president lived in the neighbourhood of Northampton Square. Cit. Jung said that might concern him as he lived in that neighbourhood. Cit. Harris said the man was a postman and his name Newman, to which Cit. Jung replied that he was one of his customers but a stupid fellow whom he despised and never talked of political matters to him. But he was not a postman now. Cit. Harris might tell him the next time he met him what he had heard. Cit. Cohn reported for the deputation to the Compositors' Society. The deputation had been exceedingly well received and from private information tie knew that £15 had been voted. The information received from the London Cigarmakers'

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Secretary now in Belgium was satisfactory, everything had been cleared up and there was every prospect of success. Cit. Engels announced that Marx had been advised to leave town on account of his health. The address was not quite ready yet. He proposed that in the event of the [address] being ready before the next meeting, the subcommittee be empowered, as on former occasions, to authorise the printing at once. Cit. Jung stated that the delay of the address was justified by the fact that letters from Paris to Mrs. Serraillier had been received on the previous day which might contain important facts. Serraillier had posted seven letters at St. Denis, none of which had been delivered here. The ||[220]| Russian lady had written that she was carrying on an active propaganda among the fair sex; that she was holding crowded meetings every night, and that an amazon corps was to be raised. Some 5000 had enlisted already. Her health was so precarious that she did not believe she would survive the struggle. Cit. Engels' proposition was then put to the vote and carried unanimously. Cit. Jung then asked what was to be done with regard to signing the names of members who had not attended for a long time, such as Applegarth and Odger. Applegarth told him that he had been driven to resign his situation as secretary of [his] society and his health being too delicate to resume work at the bench his name being put [on] the address might militate against his future prospects. Eccarius proposed that the rule of signing all the names of the members of the Council to official documents should be suspended with respect to the pending address. Cit. Engels was against it. Cit. Milner was for the rule holding good. Cit. Harris could not see why any one should object to having his name on it. If Applegarth desired to be omitted, leave him out. Cit. Mottershead said the proposition of Eccarius amounted to rescinding the resolution that all the names of the members should be signed to official documents. Eccarius said he did not want that resolution rescinded but only suspended for the present occasion. Cit. Jung stated that he was instructed by Applegarth to bring the question forward but he had told him that he might be driven to court middle class friendship. It was then agreed that Jung should talk the matter over with Applegarth and Eccarius with Odger. Cit. Milner recurred to a proposition he had made many a time before, the question of drawing up an international price book. The same kind of work was paid differently in different countries and the International was the only organised body in existence that could get up such a work. The professional traders were in possession of all the information they required to promote their interests and it was for ||[221]| the International to convey information respecting the interest of the working classes, to wifr the prices paid, the social condition of the workers, etc. He concluded with the proposition that the question be put on the order of the day for consideration. Cit. Jung said the resolution to collect labor statistics had been carried at every congress but no progress had been made. Cit. Mottershead said the best mode of proceeding would be for Milner to appoint

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[Auszug a u s T h e Eastern Post]

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The Eastern Post. Nr. 136, 6. Mai 1871 At Berlin 2,000 shoemakers are on strike for a rise of wages of twenty-five per cent. The masters acknowledge that the workmen stand in need of an increase of wages, but they deny them the right to make a specific demand. At Munich the shoemakers have drawn up a new price-list to raise their wages from twenty-five to thirty per cent. Before presenting it to the employers they called all 15 the trades of the town together to state their case. The average earnings of the commonest work are 6 s. a week, at the best 10 s. a-week. One employer told his workmen they might do very well as they were, and would not have any cause of complaint if they did not fare so sumptuously, drinking coffee in the morning, and other fine things. The meeting resolved that the shoemakers' demand was just, and 20 pledged itself to support them in case the employers should refuse to adopt the new list. The factory-workers of Saxony and Austria have seriously commenced a ten hours' agitation. In the market-place of Chemnitz some 18,000 people assembled on the 23rd of April, when a resolution demanding the limitation of the daily hours 25 of labour to ten was unanimously carried, and instructions given that the resolution should be forwarded to the German parliament. One speaker remarked in the course of his speech, "with our present hours of labour the domestic life of the workman is limited to short nocturnal visits to his family."

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 9, 1871

/[221]/ M e e t i n g of t h e C o u n c i l M a y 9 Members present: Bradnick, Cohn, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Lessner, Mottershead, Pfänder, Townshend, Weston. Cit. Hales in the Chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and with 5 a little addition confirmed. The Secretary desired to make a statement before the business of the evening was proceeded with. He stated that he had resolved upon resigning the secretaryship and the Council would much oblige him by accepting his resignation at once. The chairman considered that it would be but fair to give some reason for it, 10 and Cit. Mottershead wished to know whether he was going to give up at once or go on with the business of the night. The secretary replied that he should like to be relieved at once. One reason of the resignation was that he was going to sit down ||[222]| to tailoring the next morning but he was willing to continue till another secretary was appointed if 15 it was not considered convenient to proceed at once with appointing one, but he was desirous that the resignation should be accepted at once and without discussion. Cit. Mottershead then moved that the resignation be accepted. Cit. Cohn seconded the proposition, it was carried unanimously. 20 Eccarius announced that the London compositors had voted the Belgian Cigarmakers a loan of fifteen pounds. A letter had been received from the Thames Ship Caulkers stating that they were not able to render an aid. Cit. Jung stated that he had received a letter from Switzerland enquiring how it 25 was that Serraillier had not written according to promise about Paris. The reason was that Serraillier was no longer here. He had spoken to Applegarth about the signing of the Address and Applegarth had left it entirely to him. He thought it would be better not to put Applegarth's name down. 30 Eccarius stated that he had spoken to Odger who still considered himself a member of the Council and had no objection to his name being put to the Address though he should like to see it before it was printed. Eccarius renewed his propo-

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. sition that only the officers should sign this time but the proposition was not seconded. Cit. Mottershead disired to have Odger on it as he had the character of a true representative of labour not only in this country but abroad. Cit. Engels stated that the Strikes in Spain were still going on. The Belgian strike 5 was going on too. He had received a letter referring him to the Werker for particulars but the Werker had not come to hand. The masters had at last engaged 30 French women but there was no doubt that they would be served the same as the Dutch men, that was paying their travelling expenses back. Some employers had given in but most stuck to their resolution. It appeared that the Brussels men were not quite 10 affiliated and they wanted to know if the London Cigar makers were affiliated as a society, and if so they wished that a letter be written to that effect. There was a Dutch congress to be held at which the attendance of a London Delegate was desired. Cit. Engels further stated that Professor Beesly had received ||[223]j a letter from a workingmen's Society in New Zealand who addressed him as Chairman of the 15 International. As the letter was meant for the Council Professor Beesly had sent it to Cit. Marx. The letter was then read. It gave an account of the manner in which people are induced to go to New Zealand, the heartless treatment they meet with after their arrival there, and of the misery and destitution that has already resulted from it. A desire was expressed in the letter that the Council should publish it in 20 England for the benefit of intending emigrants to prevent them, if possible, being taken in as others have been and the Council was asked if it was willing to enter into regular correspondence with the Society in New Zealand. It was agreed that the letter should be published in full and the Secretary was instructed to reply. Cit. Cohn recurring to the Belgian Cigarmakers' affair thought Cit. Engels should write to Belgium and inform them that the London Cigarmakers had been the first trade society that had been affiliated to the International. He continued by stating that the London delegates had returned, they had established societies in other towns. He had fetched the 15 pounds from the Compositors, there were 561. in hands to be forwarded, everything was going on well, Belgians had also received money from America. The French women had already arrived. They were from Strasbourg and Metz, out of the former government works. The trade was thrown open now by the Prussians. But the Belgian employers were not satisfied with the girls: they were indifferent workers and lived rather more expensively than the Belgians did. As to the affiliation it appeared that many Cigarmakers were individually members of the International but their Trade Society was not affiliated. Cit. Engels was of opinion that a letter from the London Cigarmakers about their affiliation would be preferable. Cit. Cohn might write one and he would forward it. Cit. Jung thought it would have a better effect if ||[224]| the London Cigarmakers sent an official letter direct. This was endorsed. Cit. Bradnick stated that Cit. Buttery was present as Delegate from the Bethnal Green Branch. He proposed that the delegate be accepted. Cit. Jung seconded. Carried unanimously.

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Meeting of the General Council May 9, 1871 Cit. Engels then stated that the address was not ready yet. Cit. Marx had been seriously unwell and drawing up the address had made him worse. But it would be ready on Saturday and the Subcommittee could meet at Marx's any time after five o'clock in the afternoon. A delegate from the Commune had been here, the 5 reports were good. Strictness had to be employed not to let people pass without passports. It had been discovered that spies from Versailles had lounged about at their leisure. The main attack had failed. The Versailles army had tried to get in between the National Guards and the ramparts but now they could only attack in one place and that was where they had failed before. The defence was getting 10 stronger. The Commune had lost a little ground [but] had regained Clamart. Even if the army succeeded at the ramparts there were the barricades afterwards and there had never been such a struggle before as the one impending. For the first time barricades would be defended by cannon, by military guns, and by regularly organised forces. The contending armies were nearly equal now. Versailles could 15 get no troops from the country, they had to send some away to keep the towns in order. Thiers could not even allow the Town Councils to meet at Bordeaux and talk politics, he had to use Napoleon's Law to prevent it.

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Cit. Jung called the attention of the Council to the celebration of Robert Owen's Centenary, and expressed his opinion that the Council ought to be represented by a deputation to express our views. He proposed that a deputation be sent. Cit. Engels seconded the proposition. He said he knew too little of the ||[225]| promoters of the affair but there was no doubt about Robert Owen. There were things to be found in his writings that had not been superseded yet. He had started from his own ideas, had been originally a manufacturer himself and the first that had stood up against his class to put a stop to the shameful system in which women and children had been employed in factories. He thought the International ought to be represented. Cit. Mottershead said he [would] bow to none in his estimation for Robert Owen but [we] must look who was getting [it] up. Judging from the majority of the names on the programme it would be a very weak edition of socialism. After the passing of the Reform Bill, when the middle class had come into power, they had found that Robert Owen's principles really aimed at their power and they had tried to put him down. Unfortunately he had mixed up his doctrines with metaphysics and instead of forcing the economical reforms it had been turned into a religious affair. At the close the christian socialists had stepped in and become cooperators and the leading men had gone with them. Some fossilised specimen of the socialists would talk about what they had done at Rochdale and the beauties of private property. He was sorry that it was so but he must oppose the motion. However, he had not been quite so original as Engels seemed to think. His socialism he had had from older French writers, his religious ideas from Locke. Cit. Harris said if possible the Council ought to be represented. He had known Owen personally and had worked with him. He had given up 75,0001. he had made out of his factory people and told them so and given it up and retired. The Christian socialists were humbugs. Maurice, Hughes and others had lent money on condition that the people concerned should not appoint their own managers until the debts

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. were paid but they had not allowed them to pay their debts. Incompetent men had been appointed as managers. At the tailors' place, where he had worked, the books had been improperly kept, they had required an accountant to put them to rights and when they had complained, complaints had been made against them. Outsiders had not been entitled to any profits. He should like to send Mottershead. Cit. Cohn thought a deputation was required to prevent mispresentations. Cit. Engels objected to Mottershead that Locke had been a deist but Owen a materialist. Locke's philosophy had led the French to materialism. He doubted that Owen had been acquainted with the older French writers. ||[226]| He differed entirely from Mottershead. Owen's movement had commenced as early as 1809 and had been independent of anything previously written. In 1812 he had published his book on marriage and 1818 he had gone to the King's Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle to induce them to proclaim Communism. That later the movement had been more in the direction of religion was true to a certain extent but much had been said about social reform. Most of the Owenites had gone over to the middle classes. They had been Chartists but forced into the position of professional agitators and then they had become less reliable and not stuck [to] their principles. He should regret if the festival came off in such a way that we could not take part in it. Cit. Mottershead objected that the Socialists had not been Chartists, they had debated with Chartists to refute them and instead of standing up for social reform they [had] gone over the country to debate religion with such men as Brindley for a living. If the International went to associate with such characters it would degrade itself, they stunk throughout England, they had robbed the people. Cit. Engels said he had not meant that all the socialists were Chartists but some he had known had been. Cit. Bradnick did not believe it good policy to mix with them but would like to know if the International could not get up a meeting in some other way. The Chairman thought a deputation ought to go to vindicate the principles of the Association. He observed that even now many people looked upon socialism as identical with atheism. Cit. Weston said this Association embraced to a larger extent the principles of Robert Owen than any other association and it ought to be represented. The lectures he had attended had always been more social than religious. Cit. Engels said he agreed with Mottershead that it would be better to stop away. Cit. Jung then withdrew his proposition. Citizens Jung, Harris, Mottershead, and Weston were then appointed as a committee to select a suitable person or persons to propose as candidate for secretary | I[227] at the next meeting. It was agreed that the subcommittee should meet at seven o'clock on Saturday. The Council adjourned at half past 11 o'clock. JOHN HALES Chairman/

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/[227]/Minutes of Council Meeting held May 16 1871

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Members present, Bradnick, Buttery, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Kolb, Lessner, Mottershead, Robin, and Townshend. Citizen Hales in the chair. The minutes of the preceding meeting were read and confirmed, and a letter was read from Holland asking for an explanation, relative to a statement which had appear'd in the principal Dutch newspaper, to the effect that the Association had advanced a large sum of money to the Commune of Paris. Citizen Mottershead asked who was Secretary for Holland, as it was necessary the letter should be answer'd. Citizen Eccarius stated no one had been appointed as Secretary for that country, whereupon Citizen Hales suggested that the Secretaryship for Holland should be joined to that of some other country. Citizen Engels endorsed the suggestion and proposed "That it should be joined to that of Germany provisionally". Citizen Jung seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels reported that the address was not ready owing to the continued illness of Citizen Marx. Citizen Harris reported on behalf of the Sub-Committee appointed to select candidates for the office of General Secretary. Jung, Mottershead, and himself had met and discussed the matter. The names of Odger, Mottershead, Harris, and Hales were mentioned, and it was thought that Cit. Mottershead was the most eligible. It was therefore agreed to propose him, he had agreed to stand upon the understanding that the salary should be progressive. Citizen Jung thought the committee had adjourned without deciding as to who should be proposed, he should have proposed Hales, only he thought it necessary that he should first clear himself of the charge which had been made against him. It was advisable that two should be proposed so that the Council could have a choice. Cit. Bradnick, as a member of the Elastic Web Weavers' Society should support the proposition, or make it, if it had not been proposed that Hales be appointed ||[228]| Secretary. No one had done as much for the Elastic Web Weavers as he had. He had been secretary of the London branch and President of the Amalgamation, and when he resigned office it was agreed to give him a testimonial, and he was made an honorary member. No one had been made an honorary member before, and some of the members were jealous that the Honour should be conferred upon Hales. Sometime after, a dispute arose, and a meeting (which was illegal) was called, at which Hales was

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. expelled on the ground that he had violated rules of the Society, but the same men who made the charge afterwards withdrew it, therefore Hales had nothing to meet. Citizen Hales said, sometime ago a dispute did occur, and certain charges were made against him at the Council, and the Council decided to investigate them, a deputation was asked to attend and bring proofs, and the subject was adjourned twice to enable them to do so. The end of it was, that the charges made were withdrawn by the men who made them. He had a letter from Dry dated 10 of April expressing a wish to serve him, and hoping bye-gones would not be remember'd. Extract read. He also had a letter from Parnell dated May 4 . Hoping the past would be forgotten or only remember'd to be forgiven, the letter read. Now he thought the proofs he had given were sufficient to exonerate him from the charges which had been made. It was true that he held opinions different from those of the Society upon the question of the employment of Females, but that question was decided in 1867, when a vote of censure was proposed against him upon the subject, which was defeated by a vote of confidence. As a proof, he was elected for three successive years President of the Amalgamation, during which time his opinions were well known. Citizen Engels would propose that whoever was appointed "The election should only be for three months", it was necessary that a man's capacity should be tested, before he was elected permanently. Citizen Jung would second the proposition as it was understood by the Committee that the appointment ought to be provisional. Citizen Mottershead said, that he occupied an unthankful position. When he arrived at Jung's the question had been discussed, and it was agreed that under the circumstances it was necessary to select an Englishman. The list of possible candidates resolved itself to himself and Hales, and believing that it would be impossible for Hales to fulfil the duties of the office, he accepted the nomination provisionally, for a month or so. Had he known Hales was going to stand, he should not have opposed him, but ||[229]| as things had gone so far, he would abide by the decision of the vote. The objection he had to Hales did not arise out of the strike as he had refused to listen to either party, it was because his position had changed. As a foreman, his whole time was engaged, it was absolutely impossible for him to get sufficient time to do the work required. The Secretary ought to be able to leave his work at times, and that Hales could not do. In one sense Hales deserved more confidence, for he had remain'd true to the principles and policy of the Association, while other men had paid.more attention to the question of home Politics. The Association required a man who had plenty of time, which Hales had not. The Association ought to be made either smaller or larger, and an active Secretary could make it larger, it ought to represent the trades which it did not do at present. He accepted the nomination as a last resource, because the Committee had no one else to propose, not to be put in competition with Hales.

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Citizen Harris endorsed what Citizen Mottershead said, he accepted the nomination upon the understanding that the salary should not be less, but progressive. For his part he prefer'd Odger to Hales, as he knew nothing about Hales's ability. Citizen Jung said that his conduct might seem disloyal to the Committee but his 45

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Meeting of the General Council May 16, 1871 conduct was influenced by the impression that Bradnick would oppose Hales, an impression which it appear'd was altogether wrong. Citizen Mottershead again protested against being put in a false position, by being put in competition with Hales, he didn't know how his name was suggested 5 to the Committee, he must again assert that whilst Hales had the ability to fulfil the office, and was ambitious to obtain it, he hadn't the time. Citizen Hales said that it was himself who mentioned Mottershead as an eligible candidate. Citizen Mottershead had asserted that he hadn't the time at his command which would be necessary, all he could say was, that he thought he knew quite as 10 much about his own business, as Citizen Mottershead did, and he asserted most positively that not one working man in twenty had as much time, or opportunity of getting time, as he had. He certainly had the inclination to do the work if elected. His capacity had to be tested, but he was quite willing to be taken on his merits. He would stand the vote, but before it was taken he would say that whoever suc15 ceeded, it would make no difference to his friendship. He had courage ||[230]| enough to enable him to stand a defeat. He hoped Mottershead had the same. During the voting, which was then proceeded with, Citizen Hales stated that a meeting was to have been held at the "Cock and Castle" Elizabeth St, Hackney Road on the preceding evening, to consider the position of the Parisian Working 20 Men, but the Police had called upon the landlord, and told him that if he allowed such meetings to be held in his house it would endanger his licence. The votes were scrutinized by Citizen Engels and the result was Hales 5, Mottershead 4, and 1 for Jung who had not been nominated. Citizen Hales said as he was elected he would do his best to justify the confidence 25 reposed in him, but there was one thing which he should like the Council to consider, and that was the question of reducing the Secretary's salary. He had stated to Jung that he would make a proposition to reduce the salary to 10/- per week. Not that he believed the salary too high, but he thought the Council could not afford to pay more than the sum he had named. When the income of the Council improved, the 30 salary could be increased. Citizen Jung must say that it was an understanding on the Committee that the salary should be reduced, and as Hales had suggested it, he would propose "That the Secretary's Salary be reduced to 10/-per week". He thought he could consistently make such a proposition as he was the only one who voted against the 15/- when 35 it was carried. He should like to give more, but it must be remember'd the Income was small, and the Council required money for printing and other matters. He thought too great a proportion of the Expenditure was swallowed up in the Secretary's Salary. Citizen Buttery thought that Hales might find that the salary was not enough. He 40 thought the matter ought to be left in abeyance for three months until Hales had had an opportunity of testing the work. Citizen Hales did not support the motion because he estimated the work lightly, but because the necessities of the Council demanded it. The salary might be fixed at 10/- provisionally, and then the Council would not be precluded from reconsider45 ing the question.

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. Citizen Bradnick seconded the proposition. He thought 10/- per week as much as the Council could afford. Citizen Mottershead had thought the work might be done for something less, but he had reconsider'd the matter, and thought it an unwise policy to underpay an official. If a Secretary was not properly paid, he could not be expected to do his work properly. The Secretary ought to be able to leave his work, for there was a great deal of work to be done. The Association ||[231]| was not in an early stage. It had an European reputation to sustain. He should vote against the proposition. Citizen Engels moved the following as an amendment, believing it would be acceptable to all. "That as Citizen Hales has offer'd to be satisfied with a salary of 10/- for the present, the Council accept his offer, and that the Secretary's salary be fixed for the next three months at 10/- per week." He thought all the objections which had been raised against 10/- were equally applicable to 15/-. Citizen Jung prefer'd Citizen Engels' proposition as it expressed exactly what he meant. He didn't believe in underpaying—but he remember'd the time when a number of members had to pay a sum every week to meet the expenses, and the Council had been without money when it was necessary to have printing done. Citizen Mottershead did not believe it right to reduce the Salary, a good Secretary would work up the income, he should vote against the proposition in its amended form. Citizen Hales approved of the proposition as moved by Citizen Engels. He had been in favour of a reduction during the time the late Secretary was in office, and could not accept a salary, that he had said, the Council could not afford to pay. The proposition was then put to the vote and carried with two dissentients. Citizen Mottershead proposed and Citizen Engels seconded "That it be an instruction to the late Secretary and to the Finance Secretary to hand over the books and accounts to the new Secretary as early as possible". Carried. The Council adjourned at 11 o'clock. H.JUNG Chairman. JOHN HALES Secretary |

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I [232]I Minutes of Council Meeting

held on Tuesday evening May 2 3 r d 1871

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Members present. Boon, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Lucraft, Lessner, Marx, Pfänder, Robin, Schmutz, Townshend, and Weston. Citizen Jung in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read and confirmed a letter was read from the English speaking section of the United States. It gave a glowing account of the progress the Association was making, and said that a mass meeting had been held in New York, sympathising with the Commune of Paris and the miners locked out in Pennsylvania. It also stated that the Painters of the States had formed themselves into a secret society and many of the Lodges were imbued with the principles of the International. A letter was also read from the Birmingham Trades Council enclosing a subscription of £ 1.0.0. Citizen Marx explained that he had been ill, and had not been able to finish the address upon which he was engaged, but he hoped to have it ready by Tuesday next. In reference to the struggle in Paris he said. "He was afraid the end was near, but if the Commune was beaten, the struggle would only be deferred. The principles of the Commune were eternal and could not be crushed; they would assert themselves again and again until the working classes were emancipated. The Commune of Paris was being crushed by the aid of the Prussians, they were acting as gendarmes for Thiers. The plot for its destruction was concocted between Bismarck, Thiers and Favre, Bismarck stated at Frankfort that Thiers and Favre had asked him to interfere. The result showed that he was willing to do anything he could to assist them, short of risking the lives of German soldiers—not that he valued life when there was anything to be got—but he wished to see France sink still lower so that he might be able to exact the more. He had allowed Thiers to have more soldiers than was stipulated in the Convention, and had only allowed food to go into Paris in limited quantities. It was only the old story. The upper classes always united to keep down the working class. In the 1 1 century there was a war between some French Knights and Norman Knights, and the Peasants rose in insurrection; the Knights immediately forgot their differences and coalesced to crush the movement of the Peasants. To show how the Prussians have been doing th

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. Police work, it might be mentioned that 500 were arrested at Rouen which is occupied by the Prussians—upon the plea that they belonged to the International. The International was feared. In the French Assembly the other day, Count Jaubert—a dried up mummy—a minister of '34—a man noted for supporting measures against the Press—made a speech in which he said that after order ||[233]| was restored, the first duty of the Government must be to enquire into the working of the International, and put it down." Citizen Robin said that a paper published in London, called the "International", a paper said to be a French police organ, had an article in one of its issues against the International Working-Men's Association, in which it said: "It is to be hoped some means may be found to sweep the members off the face of Europe. It wished they could be transplanted to another part of the world, where they would be isolated from the rest of mankind, they might then put in practice their peculiar theories." Citizen Boon said it was to be expected that some of our friends would escape, and they would not be able to get into Belgium, he thought the Council ought to [take] some action. Citizen Engels didn't hardly see what could be done, as the International was involved in the matter. Citizen Marx said they might depute someone to see Mrs.Plantade and make arrangements. Citizen Harris said they should have to do the same as in '51. Every member must do what he could. Citizen Jung thought Citizen Truelove might be instructed to send anyone who called to Plantade's. Citizen Boon asked if any news had been received of Serraillier, in the event of any brutality the Council should protest against any cruelty. Citizen Marx said that we might denounce the action taken by the Versailles Government but it would not do to protest it would be pleading to a Government that we say are Robbers, the English members of the Council might do something, convoke a Public meeting, or appoint a deputation to the Ministry on the subject. Citizen Weston agreed with the policy of the English members taking action. Some good might be done by demanding the intervention of our Government. Citizen Engels thought Thiers's proclamation might serve as a basis for agitation, he promised to be lenient when he thought it would be difficult to subdue the Commune, but when the troops were successful, he promised to treat them with severity. Citizen Lucraft was of an opinion that it would have a great effect if the sympathies of the real workmen could be invoked, but a movement by the pretended leaders, who dabbled in everything, would be worse than useless. He had been ill, and that was the ||[234]| reason he hadn't attended the Council but his sympathies had been with it, the whole time and with the Commune. If the trades did not take up this question, they never could be relied on. Citizen Boon thought it would be useless to expect the Trades to take the initiative in any Political movement.

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Citizen Hales said, he was afraid so much misrepresentation had been promulgated by the English, that it would not be wise to call upon the trades. The workmen were not so decided in their opinions as they ought to be. It would be better to call upon the Democrats. Citizen Boon proposed and Citizen Lucraft seconded, "That the English members of the Council should form themselves into a committee, to see if something could not be done to stay the barbarities of the Versailles Government." Carried unanimously. The Council adjourned at 10.45. H.JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES, Secretary./

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Vg of t h e General Council May 30, 1871

/[234]/Minutes of Council Meeting held at 256 High Holborn on Tuesday Evening May 3 0 1871 th

Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present Bradnick, Boon, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Kolb, Lessner, Marx, Robin, Stepney, Townshend and Weston. 5 Citizens Lassassie, Nägeli, Mayo and Lochner were also present by permission. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed, and Citizen Jung reported that the Congress held in Switzerland had passed resolutions to be sent to the Commune. Citizen Marx then brought up the address he had prepared for the Council—"On 10 the Paris Commune" and read it through. At the conclusion Citizen Weston proposed and Citizen Robin seconded, That it be adopted. Carried unanimously without discussion. Citizen Boon proposed that it should be printed in the same type as the two addresses on the war. Citizen Harris seconded and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels then proposed that 1,000 copies should be issued, Citizen Lessner 15 seconded it and it was carried unanimously. {Citizens Dronkel and Gunning were enrolled as members.) The Council adjourned at 11-30 H.JUNG. JOHN HALES Seer. I 20

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 6, 1871

|[235]| Minutes of General Council meeting held on Tuesday Evening June 6 1871 t h

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members present Boon, Bradnick, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Lessner, Marx, Mottershead, Pfänder, Robin, Townshend and Weston. Citizen Jung in the chair. The minutes of the previous meeting were read and confirmed and the Secretary read a letter received from Mr. Blair of Glasgow asking for information relative to the principles of the Association, an answer had been sent. The Chairman reported that the Congress lately held by the French speaking Swiss had declared itself solidaire with the Paris Commune and that every member had signed the declaration. He had also received a letter from Chemalé, he had been ill in Tours during the whole time the Commune was in existence, but he disapproved of the conduct of Tolain and had completely broken with him. He still further reported that he had received a letter from Willebrord who said he was afraid the refugees wouldn't have much chance of escaping through Belgium, the Belgian police were quite prepared to do the work of the French Government. One night the Military and police kept marching about the streets trying to provoke a quarrel with the workmen so that the Government might have an excuse to crush out the sympathy which the working men felt for their Paris brethren. If any refugees stayed in Belgium they would be certain to be arrested. If any of the Communists reached Brussels, they should at once try and get them into Holland. Citizen Jung also announced that Citizen Cadiot, an agent of the Commune, had reached London. Citizen Mottershead hoped some of the men of Paris would reach England safely. No ministry would dare to give up one refugee that sought shelter under English law, but he hoped they would be kept out of the hands of the men into whose hands Flourens fell; they would stick them on a bench in Hyde Park. If the men he alluded to were not spies, they were fools who would run us into danger, and quite as bad. Citizen Harris said if Cit. J. Johnson was alluded to he could answer for him with his life. Cit. Mottershead said the men he alluded to were indiscreet, if they were not guilty of something worse. There was a time for caution as well as a time for Pluck, it was the extravagances of Pyat and his school that ruined the Commune in Paris.

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M.A. Citizen Marx said the Council must disclaim all connection with the so called International Democratic Association as it was started in opposition to the International Workingmen's Association which had to bear the responsibilities of acts absurd as they sometimes were. Another thing to which he wished to call the attention 11[236] I of the Council was the infamous lies circulated about the Commune by 5 the English Press. They were lies fabricated by the French and Prussian police. They were afraid lest the truth should be known. It was asserted that Minière was one of the most furious members of the Commune. Now it was a fact that he never was a member of the Commune, but as he had been a deputy for Paris it was necessary to have an excuse for shooting him. The English press acted as police and 10 bloodhounds for Thiers. Slanders against the Commune and against the International were invented to serve his bloody policy. The press knew full well the objects and principles of the International. It had given reports of the prosecutions against it in Paris under the Empire. It had had representatives at the various Congresses held by the Association, and had reported their proceedings, and yet it circulated reports to 15 the effect that the Association included the Fenian brotherhood, the Carbonari, ceased to exist 1830, the Marianne, Ditto 1854 and other secret Societies, and asked if Colonel Henderson knew of the whereabouts of the General Council which was said to sit in London. These things were simply invented to justify any action taken against the International. The upper classes were afraid of the principles of the 20 International. He wished also to call attention to the fact that Mazzini had written in the "Contemporary Review" denouncing the Commune. It was not so well known as it ought to be, but Mazzini had always been opposed to the Workmen's movements. He denounced the insurgents of June 1848 when Louis Blanc, who then had more courage than he has now—answered him. When Pierre Leroux—who had a large family—obtained employment in London Mazzini was the man to denounce him. The fact was, Mazzini, with his old fashioned Republicanism knew nothing and accomplished nothing. In Italy he had created a military despotism by his cry for Nationality. With him the State—which was an imaginary thing, was everything, and Society—which was a reality—was nothing. The sooner the People repudiated such men the better. Citizen Harris said the International Democratic Association was not started in opposition to any movement, he was at its formation and knew the facts. Citizen Boon explained how he became acquainted with the Democratic movement, he had been connected with the Association challenged, but he didn't know much about it. He hoped the matter under discussion would be thoroughly sifted, so that if there were any spies they might be known. Citizen Bradnick said someone had sent a hostile report to the Standard of the meeting held under the auspices of the Council. He believed someone acted as a spy. Citizen Mottershead said that only three men of that meeting were capable of reporting, they were Hales, Boon and Johnson. | |[237]| Citizen Weston could add his testimony that the Intern. Dem. Ass. was not started in opposition to any other Association. Citizen Jung. Said Mazzini tried to start an International Republican League, but

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did not succeed. Dupont then started the French branch, but it contained discordant elements. Vésinier opened up correspondence with Brussels, and boasted that the General Council would soon be destroyed. Finlen said that the International Workingmen's Association was not advanced enough, and for that reason the International Democratic Association was started, by the express order of Pyat, and Weber with some Germans who had been expelled from the German Society—also joined them. Citizens Harris, Boon, and Weston said that the Association they had been discussing could not be the same. Citizen Hales said it was the same, he recollected all the circumstances very well. Finlen and Weber organized it, assisted and encouraged by Pyat, and then Johnson appear'd and he had been connected with [it] ever since more or less. It was true the Association named had several times appear'd to die out, but then it was galvanized into life again, with the same parties attached to it. It being late Citizen Bradnick suggested that a subscription should be made to assist Citizen Cadiot, Citizen Mottershead said it would be better to deal with that and similar cases, by voting something out of the Funds of the Association—he would propose that £ 5 be placed in the hands of Citizen Jung to assist such refugees as might need it, he could place full reliance on Jung's discretion. Citizen Eccarius seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. The Council adjourned at 11.15. Citizen Weston complained of the omission of the following and moved that itbe inserted as he wished Citizen Mottershead to retract or substantiate his charges. In the course of the debate, Citizen Mottershead said that Citizen Weston had given countenance and support to parties on various occasions whose action was inimical to the principles and objects of the International, and not only so, but he supported principles at one time that he had opposed at others, both on social and political subjects.)

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 13, 1871

|[238]| Minutes of the meeting of the General Council held on Tuesday Evening June 13 1871 th

members present, Boon, Cohn, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Kolb, Lessner, Marx, Mottershead, Robin, Stepney, Townshend and Weston, Citizen Mottershead being voted to the chair. On the Secretary reading the minutes of the previous meeting, 5 Citizen Weston complained of the omission of some remarks, respecting himself, which had been made by Citizen Mottershead, and in so doing proceeded to criticise Mottershead's career. The Secretary rose to order, he didn't think a discussion could take place upon the question of confirming the minutes. Citizen Mottershead said that Citizen Weston was clearly out of order, but he did not interrupt him, as it 10 concerned himself, under the circumstances he would vacate the chair, then he could speak, saying which he left the chair. Citizen Marx was then elected Chairman, and the business proceeded. Citizen Mottershead said he wished to impute nothing against Weston's honesty, he gave him every credit for good intentions, but he sometimes had made mistakes: he had supported men who didn't deserve 15 support, and had advocated different doctrines at different times, he gave this as explanation; he didn't impugn Weston's honesty but he did question his discretion. Citizen Weston then moved "That the words omitted be inserted" which was agreed to. Citizen Harris also complained of an omission which was rectified. The minutes were then confirmed. 20 Citizen Engels then gave a report of a meeting of the Subcommittee which had been held on June 1 1 at 122 Regents Park Road, to consider the Circular issued by Jules Favre, on the International. Citizens Marx, Engels, Hales, Eccarius and Weston were present and the following letter was agreed to and order'd to be sent to all the Daily Papers. It had been sent but only the "Times" had inserted it. 25 The Pall Mall Gazette had given extracts from it. He read the letter which was as follows. th

M |[239]| The report of the subcommittee was unanimously adopted. Citizen Marx suggested that the Council should issue a circular to the European 30 Courts on Jules Favre as intimated in the foregoing letter. It was a fact that Favre wanted to escape from his office of Foreign Secretary, and there was a rumour

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that he was to be appointed President of the Court of Cassation, but he thought the letter to the "Times" had prevented that. It was a duty owing to the men of Paris to hunt that man down. Citizen Harris proposed and Citizen Weston seconded "That a circular be sent to all the European Courts calling their particular attention to the documents relating to Jules Favre, which had been published in Paris by the late M. Minière". Carried unanimously. The Address on the Civil War in France was brought up and unanimously order'd to be issued. Citizen Marx announced that himself and Citizen Engels had advertised the address at their own expence, the price to be sixpence. Citizen Harris suggested that it should be sent to all members of Parliament. Citizen Engels opposed that, thought it would be throwing away money, he thought that 500 of the members never read anything. They certainly didn't read their own Blue Books which they got for nothing, they were in the habit of using them for targets for Pistol practice. It was agreed that it should be sent to leading members of both Parties in the House of Commons. Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded "That 2 copies be sent to all Associations of Working Men and 20 each to Birmingham and Manchester Trades Councils". It was further proposed and embodied with the foregoing that members of Workingmen's Associations should have the addresses at 3 - each by applying to the Council. Carried. Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen Townshend seconded, That each member of the Council be allowed 6 copies for distribution. Citizen Mottershead suggested that it should be sent to the advanced liberal newspapers. Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded that the Subcommittee be empower'd to print another thousand if it should be thought necessary—Carried. Citizen Cohn then gave in a report of the Cigarmakers Lockout in Belgium. The London Cigarmakers had sent over some delegates, who stayed there 15 days, and thoroughly investigated the state of affairs. The masters had obtained 30 men from Holland, but everyone had been sent back again. They had also | j[240]J obtained 25 girls from Metz and Strasbourg, but sixteen of them had also left, so that after seven weeks the masters had only obtained 9 hands. Not one of the men locked out had offered to go in, and the masters were as near beaten as could be. When the affair began the masters wouldn't recognise the Trade Society at all. Now they were willing to do that and to give a rise of wages, besides abolishing payment for gas and other incidental charges. They had also agreed to employ Tobacco Strippers for the men, and it was to be optional on the part of the men whether they should have boys to do the Bundling or not. There were one or two points still unsettled, but there was not the slightest doubt the men would get everything they asked for, for they were well supported. The Cigar Makers of Hamburg had warmly espoused the cause and found work for 30 of the men locked out. The following sums had already been sent to Belgium from England. d

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. £. S. D. 250 0 0 25 0 0 2 . 15 .. « 5 10 „ „ 5 15 1 » » 3 5 10 10 10 » .. 31 £415 „ » In addition to this a levy had been put on in one society to aid them, and if the struggle was continued, assistance would be still further render'd. The Executive of the London Cigar Makers intended to ask for powers at their next meeting to enable them to send over any sums they might deem fit. | |[241]| The Secretary read a letter from Citizen Blair of Glasgow, who had joined the Association. The Council then took into consideration the cases of Citizens Cadiot and Baudry, two Refugees from Paris. Cadiot who had been in London over a week, and had already received £2. 15.0, asked in a letter for a sum weekly that would enable him to live in a respectable position, he also asked that his jewels— which he had been obliged to pledge, might be restored to him; he thought the Council ought to maintain him in as good a position as he was in before he joined the movement. Citizen Baudry simply asked the Council to render him some little assistance until he got work, he had fought for the Commune, and escaping from Paris had walked by night to the coast, he then took the first vessel that was going to sail and that landed him at Cardiff in Wales, he had walked from thence to London and was quite destitute. The Council agreed to vote them a pound each, with 15/- additional to Baudry to relieve his immediate necessities. Citizen Jung had received a letter from Applegarth informing him that the joiners were on strike at Newcastle for the nine hours' movement and that the masters had already brought over some men from Belgium and were trying to get more. He had at once written to Brismée informing him of the state of affairs, and asked him to do all he could to prevent men from coming over. Citizen Engels had received a letter from Spain. A Cooperative Society in Barcelona wished to have some samples of Paper for hanging on walls from England, with prices. Citizen Elliott and Blair were enrolled members of the Association. The Council adjourned at 11 o'clock. H.JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES Sec.| London Cigar Makers Ditto another Society Tobacco Strippers Dutch Cigar Makers Ditto Bundlers Tobacco Cutters Compositors Gilders Painters Brushmakers Basketmakers Tinplate Workers Coopers Belgian Cigar Makers in London

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|[242]| Minutes of Council meeting held on Tuesday Evening June 2 0 1871. th

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Members present Boon, Bradnick, Buttery, Cohn, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Kolb, Lessner, Lucraft, Marx, Mottershead, Odger, Pfänder, Robin, Townshend, and Weston. Citizen Jung in the chair. Citizens Roach and Taylor were enrolled members of the Association. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, Citizen Engels asked that the reading of the correspondence might be postponed so that the Council could proceed at once to the urgent business. The chairman decided such should be done. And Citizen Engels called attention to a letter which had appear'd in the "Daily News " signed George Jacob Holyoake, and read a draft of a letter which he proposed should be sent in reply. He thought it was necessary to shew clearly who wrote the address. Citizen Harris seconded. He thought it impertinent on the part of Mr. Holyoake to criticise the address. He was only a literary catsmeat man. Citizen Mottershead approved of the letter, but he should have liked to have given Holyoake a rub about his own revolutionary utterances. Citizen Boon also approved of the answer, he agreed with a previous speaker that the letter was an impertinence. Citizen Odger gave an explanation. Holyoake had asked him about the address and he told him he hadn't seen it, it was simply a matter of fact. He thought an address of that character ought not to be issued without it having been submitted to every one whose signature was to be attached. Citizen Jung said that would be an impossibility. Was it to be sent before the Council had consider'd, or after, if before, it might be alter'd, if after, it would again want revising. Citizen Marx said the Council had sent specially to Citizen Odger to ask him if his name was to be appended and he said, yes. As for sending proofs that would be impossible, the standing orders could not be suspended for one man, Odger knew what they were. If he had attended the Council he would have heard the address. It was a pity Odger's name was appended. Citizen Boon thought it was the fault of Odger himself, he should have attended to his duties, like the rest of the members.

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen Odger said he wouldn't be dictated to, if the Satellites of Dr. Marx liked they could, but he wouldn't. | I[243] I Citizen Buttery protested against such language, he was no more a satellite of Dr. Marx than he had been of Citizen Odger, or ever intended to be. Citizens Boon and Bradnick also protested against the expression of Citizen Odger. Citizen Lucraft asked, who was responsible for the omission of certain members' names. The Secretary said no names had been omitted to his knowledge except that of Applegarth, who had expressed a wish to sever his connection with the Council. Citizen Lucraft said the Council ought to have informed the members when the address was to have been discussed, there was a great deal in it he objected to. The International defended Ruffians who had done deeds that he abhorred, ruffians that did not belong to the International, he would not sanction murder and Arson. He wanted to know from the Secretary by what authority he had printed members' names as having signed the address when they had not seen it. The Secretary was either a tool in somebody's hands or he deserved censure. The Secretary remarked that Citizen Lucraft's observations proved that he had never read the address he was condemning; and he handed him a copy, pointing out the fact that the members' names were not printed as having signed it. He was astonished at Citizen Lucraft's inconsistency, he was the strongest advocate on the Council for appending all names to the documents and had advocated the same policy on other occasions and in other places—and now he came and complained of it. Citizen Lucraft apologised to the Secretary, he had made a mistake, but the fact was he had not read the address—he had gather'd his impressions from the Newspapers, but not agreeing with the Address he must ask that his name be taken off the books. Citizen Odger said he had not come to resign, but seeing that there was no reason on the Council, he would also have his name taken off. Citizen Mottershead regretted that the affair had happen'd so far as Odger was concerned, he looked upon him as the leading workingman of the ||[244]| London [workers], and he desired to retain him in the Council. With respect to Lucraft he must say he was surprised; of all men living, he least expected him to find fault with the address as being too violent, why he had used far stronger language in his time, than was contained in the address, he supposed that sitting in Guildhall rubbing sleeves with a Lord has caused him to change, if such was the case, all he could say was, that he wished he was in Parliament so that the workmen could be rid of him altogether. Citizens Lucraft and Odger then left the room and the proposition was put to the vote and carried unanimously. The following is the letter agreed upon. [··.] Citizen Marx then proposed that a letter should be sent to the "Examiner" and "Spectator" denouncing the pretended manifestoes of the Paris section of the International, they were all forgeries of the Versailles police.

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Meeting of the General Council June 20, 1871 Citizen Boon seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Mottershead said that he had an appointment with an Editor of a first class weekly (high priced) paper, who wished for data from which to write in favour of the International. 5 Citizen Marx proposed, and Citizen Cohn seconded, That Mottershead and Engels wait upon the Editor mentioned. Carried unanimously. The Council then proceeded to discuss the question of aiding the refugees, Citizen Marx having previously handed in £6 « .> in their aid. Citizen Cadiot complained of having to come weekly before the Council, he 10 thought the Council ought to do more for him.| |[245]j Citizen Baudry said he came to thank the Council for the generosity it had shewn him, and to say that he thought of leaving London to search for work—he introduced two Italian Citizens who had fought for the Commune.— After a little discussion it was agreed to give the newcomers (four) £ 1 » » and Cadiot 15 and Baudry 15/- each. Citizen Cohn announced that the London Cigarmakers had subscribed another £ 100. » » in aid of the Belgian lockout, a society in Liverpool had also voted £ 10 » and the Elastic Web Weavers of Leicester £5 « ». Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Engels seconded "That Citizen McDonnell 20 become a member of the Council". Citizen Mottershead proposed and Citizen Weston seconded "That Citizen Taylor become a member of the Council". Citizen Bradnick proposed and Citizen Hales seconded "That Citizen Roach become a member of the Council". 25 The Council adjourned at 11.15. JOHN WESTON Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary\

[Auszug a u s T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 5 6 6 . 4 3 - 4 5 ]

The Eastern Post. Nr. 143, 24. Juni 1871 30

Citizen Marx said that he was glad to observe that the workmen on the continent were thoroughly outspoken upon the subject of the Commune. Meetings had been held in Geneva, Brussels, Munich, Vienna, and Berlin, denouncing the Thiers-Favre massacres. He also called attention to the fact that a number of so called manifestoes had appeared in the French papers, purporting to be issued by the Paris 35 section of the International. They were all forgeries issued by the French police for the purpose of entrapping the unwary, it shewed the dirty actions to which a despicable government could descend.

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 27, 1871

I[246]I Minutes of Council meeting held on Tuesday Evening June 2 7 1871 at 256 High Holborn W. C. th

Members present Citizens Boon, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Lessner, Marx, Mottershead, Milner, Pfänder, Rühl, Taylor, Townshend, and Weston. Citizen Weston in the chair. Citizens Richard and Briner were enrolled members of the Association. Citizen Engels proposed that the subcommittee be instructed to take charge of the duty of investigating the claims of the refugees and relieving them, andf orthatpurpose they meet at the Council rooms on Saturday evenings. Too much time was taken. Citizen Jung seconded the proposition. He thought the Council was not a proper place to enquire into matters of that description. No one ought to come into the Council unless he was known. The proposition was carried unanimously. Citizen Marx then proposed "That the Election of Candidates for the Council be proceeded with". Certain names would have to be omitted from the Second edition of the address, and it would be well to have those of new members in their place—if elected. Citizen Engels seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizens A.Taylor and John Roach were elected. The election of Citizen McDonnell was postponed. Citizen Engels then called attention to two letters which appeared in the "Daily News" from B.Lucraft and G. J.Holyoake, and moved that a Reply be sent. He thought Lucraft had acted cowardly in the matter, after admitting as he had, that he had not read the address. Citizen Boon seconded the proposition. It was advisable to expose the Jesuitry of such men. Citizen Mottershead said Holyoake wanted to wriggle out of an unpleasantposition. It was well known, that he came to join the Council and wished to attend the Congress, he remember'd it well. Holyoake wished to join the Council—to make profit matter for the press. He was glad to say that he had helped to foil him. With respect to Lucraft—he was not surprised, as he never was a responsible man, he

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Meeting of the General Council June 27, 1871 was always flighty, but Odger he was astonished at, it appear'd from the Telegraph that he had repudiated the Council as well as Lucraft, he would move that their resignations be accepted. | I[247]I Citizen Harris seconded the proposition. Odger had been round to the 5 Papers playing the part of the literary dustman. It was time the people were rid of the so called leaders. Citizen Townshend hoped the resolution would be carried, he had heard Odger attack the International. Citizen Marx said Odger had acted in a cowardly fashion, he was too wily to do 10 as Lucraft had done, he had gone about in an underhand manner thinking to please the middle class without offending the working class, both resolutions were carried unanimously and the following letter was drawn up and order'd to be sent. [.··]

Citizen Marx then called attention to the fact that he had sent a letter to the 15 "Daily News" which had been mutilated by the Editor. It shewed that the English press was as vile as that on the Continent. He then handed it to the Secretary to be sent to the Eastern Post. The following is the letter. |

[...] |[248]| Citizen Weston proposed and Citizen Boon seconded that Citizen Richard 20 become a member of the Council. Citizen Marx then announced the fact that the first Edition of the address was exhausted and proposed that a second of 2,000 be issued at the reduced price of 2 ', and that handbills, announcing the same be printed, it was necessary now to circulate the address as widely as possible among the Working Class. He also wished to add 25 that it was proposed to add, as a note to the address, the letter on Jules Favre's Circular printed in the "Times. " Citizen Engels seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. A short discussion took place upon the financial position and it was decided to start a Refugee Fund. Citizen Marx handed in another £ 4 « « in aid of it and Citizen 30 Jung £ 2 »! « from Citizen Lavroff. The Council adjourned at 11 o'clock. H.JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary \ d

[Auszug a u s T h e Eastern Post]

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A letter was received from Barcelona (Spain) which stated that the working classes of Spain were strongly in favour of the principles of the Commune, and justified its conduct during the late events. It was also announced that the speech of Herr Bebel, delivered in the North German Parliament in favour of the Commune, had had a great effect in Germany, meetings being held in all the large towns, at which his sentiments were enthusiastically endorsed.

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M e e t i n g of t h e General Council July 4, 1871

|[249]| Council M e e t i n g h e l d July 4

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Members present, Boon, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Lessner, Marx, Milner, Pfänder, Roach, Serraillier, Townshend and Weston. Citizens D'Albêca, Tibaldi, De Wolffers, Rovart, Rozalowski, De Baufort, Légé, Dagbert, Leblanc, Lavroff, Scherzer and Genin were also present at the sitting. Citizen Jung in the chair. The secretary announced that he had written to several gentlemen of position asking for contributions to the Refugee Fund. He had received £5.0.0 from P.A. Taylor, M.P. and £5.0.0 from Sir Chas. W. Düke M.P. He also read Correspondence from Ryde, Windsor, Manchester, Worcester, Sunderland and Dumbarton. Citizen Hales proposed and Citizen Weston seconded that Citizen Elliott become a member of the Council. Citizen Marx then said that as the election of Citizen McDonnell was first upon the order of the sitting he would say a few words. He had made enquiries relative to the Allegations that were rumour'd about McDonnell and he had found nothing whatever to his discredit. From 1862 to 1868 he had worked very hard in Ireland and had suffer'd 10 months imprisonment in consequence. The Irish Newspapers spoke very highly of him. He had been charged with offering to sell the Irish vote at the last election in Southwark, but the fact was the Irish wished him to come forward as a candidate himself but he declined and recommended the Irish to vote for Odger. He was also charged with not acting quite right in the ambulance affair, but it was a movement to get Irishmen to join the French Army so that they might become trained to the use of arms. He thought his conduct was more praiseworthy than otherwise, and he had much pleasure in again proposing that he be elected a member of the Council. Citizen Engels said he had as much pleasure in again seconding the proposition; on being put to the vote, it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels then read a letter from Cafiero. On arriving at Florence he put himself in communication with the Workmen's Societies. He found one of them already an International one. From Florence he had gone on to the South of Italy, and intended to go on to Naples. He wished to know what kind of men the Neapolitan members were. From the spirit exhibited, he had great hopes that it would be

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possible to hold an Italian Working-men's ||[250]| Congress in the ensuing Autumn. The Mazzini Party is losing ground fast, though Mazzini himself is trying hard to keep up its vitality by inveighing in the columns of his journal against the "Atheists and Materialists" whom he accuses of being the authors of the ruins of Paris. The poor old man cannot see that his idea of National Unity—great in its time—is a byegone thing, and is vanishing like the light of a candle before the light of the Sun, and will be eclipsed by the grand idea of the Unity of Peoples, and the liberation of Labour from the thraldom of Capital. Citizen Marx read a letter from the Central Committee of the Association for the United States. Some of the miners in Pennsylvania were still on strike, but those in work were dividing their wages with those out. The Painters and Plasterers had organized themselves upon the model of the Crispins—as the Shoemakers call themselves. The Typographical Union had just held a congress at Baltimore, and a great strike of Colour'd Labourers had taken place at Washington, which was defeated by the stepping in of White Labourers. The Democratic Party leaders were fast taking up the most important points of the programme of the National Labour Union, but it was felt that there were elements enough to organize a "Labour Party" with a labour platform, and such was almost certain to be done. The North American Central Committee now represents 10 sections, and new sections are being started every week. Two have just been started at San Francisco and St. Louis. It is intended to hold a general meeting of members resident in New York to express their views on the June insurrection of—48 and the struggle of—71 and address had been issued to all the Working-Men's Societies and Trades Unions throughout the States asking them to join the International. Citizen Marx said Mr. Robert Reid, late Correspondent of the "Telegraph " in Paris, who had been a resident in Paris 16 years—was about to travel through England to lecture on the "Commune of Paris", and from conversation he had had with him he was sure he would act in the interest of the International, he therefore would propose that Mr. Reid be entrusted with 500 copies of the Address for sale and that he be allowed 35 per cent commission. Citizen Engels seconded the proposition, he was sure Reid would do good work, he had given them some interesting statements, which proved the villainous part acted by the press of this Country towards the ||[251]| Commune. The "Telegraph" had suppressed parts of his letters and telegrams he had sent because they gave truthful facts favourable to the Commune. Cit. Harris supported the proposition, it was necessary to let the people know the truth, men like Wolff were doing all they could to injure the memory of the Commune. Citizen Weston quite agreed with the necessity of giving publicity to the Address, and he did not know of a better way than by carrying out the proposition. The proposition was then put to the vote and carried unanimously. Citizen Marx said he wished to call attention to the matter alluded to by Citizen Harris viz. the conduct of Major Wolff, Ex-Secretary of Mazzini.—On the 16 of March last he attended a meeting of the Federal Committee sitting in Paris, and said he was connected with the General Council, but it was too inactive, the International th

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. was not revolutionary enough, and yet this was the man that had denounced the Commune. Citizen Tibaldi however would speak to another matter that had come under his cognizance. Citizen Tibaldi then spoke a few words in French, and handed in the following statement, which was then read and afterwards handed over to the Secretary for insertion in the Eastern Post.

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[..·] Citizen Serraillier could corroborate what Citizen Tibaldi had said about Wolff being a spy, he had seen the book mentioned and had seen the entries—during the time he was a member of the Commune. There could not be any mistake in the matter-Wolff's pay was, as stated by Citizen Tibaldi, 1,000 francs or £40 « » per month, the highest sum ||[252]| paid to spies. Citizen Jung said, Citizen Savio had told him that he also had seen the same, books, and the entries mentioned. Citizen Marx then said that after he had written to the Pall Mall Gazette, accepting the responsibility of the articles and [they] had still called them libels, he therefore had written to the Editor calling him a libeller provoked by which the Editor had printed the charges in full. Citizen Engels said in consequence of the matter spoken of he had resigned his connection with the Pall Mall Gazette. The Council adjourned at 11.15— Citizen Harris proposed that Applegarth be written to and asked if he consider'd himself a member of the Council. H.JUNG, Chairman JOHN HALES-Secrefary/

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[Auszug a u s T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 5 7 1 . 4 2 - 5 7 2 . 2 ]

The Eastern Post. Nr. 145, 8. Juli 1871 Citizen Marx called attention to the conduct of Major L.Wolff, Ex-Secretary to Mazzini, the man who, some time ago, wrote a letter to the Daily News denouncing the Commune. He had not introduced the subject before as he was waiting for proofs 30 that were now forthcoming, but the fact was Wolff was a spy in the pay of the French police! and such would be proved, he might also say that this man who was against the Commune because of its violence, attended a meeting of the Paris section of the International, on the 16th of March, and accused the International of not being Revolutionary enough, but then that was not after the fall of the Commune. 35

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 11, 1871

/[252]/ Council Meeting July 1 1

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Members present, Bradnick, Buttery, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Kolb, Lessner, Marx, McDonnell, Robin, Riihl, Serraillier, Taylor, Townshend and Weston. Citizens Barry, Belliston, Canot, Dagbert, De Baufort, Gaujean, Guichar, Greffe, Hurliman, Lochner, Leblanc, Légé, Lavroff, Otterbein, Périchon, Plantade, Rovart, Rochat, and De Wolffers were also present during the sitting. Charles Wade was introduced by the Secretary—but Citizen Harris objected to his being present during the sitting, so he retired.—The minutes of the preceding meeting were read and confirmed and Dr. Marx requested that the reading of the correspondence might be deferred, in order that the Council might proceed to important business. This was agreed to and Dr. Marx said Mr. Lumley, agent to the lawyer who was to defend Assi, was in the room, and he desired answers to certain questions which had been addressed to the Council by letter. The letter stated that a letter purporting to be written by Dr. Marx—in which Assi was denounced as a spy—had gone the round of the press in Paris—and as the police were using it against Assi—the writer desired to 11[253]I know if it was genuine or not. The letter furthermore said that though Assi was confined in a cell, he had received a letter in cypher from Worthing, which contained a lot of nonsense about burning the principal towns in France and England, and it asked did the International ever use cypher in its correspondence. Citizen Marx said both of the documents in question were forgeries of the French police, and were part of a series of forgeries of the same character. The International had no necessity to have recourse to cypher.—He had seen Serraillier on the matter and it was thought advisable that two statements should be sent, one written by himself and the other by Serraillier, they had been drawn up. He then read the proposed statements and upon the motion of Citizen Harris, seconded by Citizen Engels, they were adopted unanimously, signed by Citizens Marx and Serraillier, stamped with the official stamp of the Council, and countersigned by the Secretary. Citizen Buttery reported that the Bethnal Green branch of the International was actively at work, it had passed a resolution approving of the efforts of the Irish to obtain Home Rule. The Irish had the right of Self-Government, and it was the duty of Englishmen to assist them in their struggles to obtain it. Citizen Jung announced that a new branch of the International to be called the

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. "Excelsior" branch was to be opened on the next evening, at 197, City Rd. and he thought it would be an energetic one. The Secretary reported that a meeting of the subcommittee had been held on Friday evening July 7 to take into consideration the conduct of Mr. Washburne—American Minister in Paris— during the siege of the Commune by the Versailles troops. An address to the Central Committee of the International, U.S., embodying two statements had been agreed upon and would be laid before the Council. Citizen Marx then proceeded to read the address, remarking that the statements could not be altered, as the two citizens who made them were responsible for them, and were ready to support them by affidavit, if necessary. Citizen Buttery proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded that the address be accepted with the report of the subcommittee—Carried unanimously. Citizen Marx called attention to the fact, that the "Morning Advertiser "had copied from a Paris Journal, a letter that was forged in his name and had inserted an article upon it, on the assumption that it was genuine. He thought he should send a letter disclaiming it, as it would then be proved that the letter in question was a forgery. | |[254]| He also reported, that Mr. Rutson, private secretary to Mr. Bruce, the Home Minister, had written to him asking for copies of all documents issued by the International, and he had sent them. Citizen Robin—gave notice of motion "That the Council take into consideration the disputes existing in the Swiss Section". Citizen Engels gave notice of motion "That the Council consider the advisability of holding a Conference preparatory to the holding of a Congress". Citizen Marx proposed that the standing order of the Council relating to the election of candidates should be postponed, so that Citizen Rochat might be elected at once, he was a refugee and had been a member of the Paris Central Committee. Citizen Lessner seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels then proposed That Citizen Rochat be elected a member of the Council. Citizen Harris seconded, and it was carried unanimously. The election of Citizen Richard—which stood in order upon the agenda was postponed, to enable further enquiries to be made, as to his antecedents. Citizens Mills, Bennett, Foster, and Belliston were enrolled members of the Association. Citizen Harris proposed and Citizen Townshend seconded "That Citizen Charles Mills become a member of the Council". Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded, that Citizen Lochner become a member of the Council. Citizen Hurliman was accepted as the delegate of the Swiss Society of London. Citizen Marx announced that the Working men of Mayence had held a large meeting and had adopted unanimously as their own, the address of the Council on the "Civil War in France". GEO. E. HARRIS, Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary] th

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[Auszug aus T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 573.19-22] The Eastern Post. Nr. 146, 15. Juli 1871 Dr. Marx emphatically denounced both the documents as forgeries of the police, and said that they were only part of a series of forgeries concocted by the police. 5 The Government of Versailles dare not touch the International upon its principles, but resorted to such contemptible means as these forgeries, in order that it might create a prejudice against the association, and find cases against its members. The International, unlike its traducers, was open in all its dealings. It had no occasion to resort to such practices as the use of cypher—never on any occasion did it use it. 10 The International had too much logic to wish to destroy property which ought to belong to those who produced it. Citizen Engels said the concoction of forgeries was part of the profession of the French police.

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M e e t i n g of the G e n e r a l Council July 18, 1871

|[255]| Council Meeting July 1 8

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Citizen Harris in the chair. Members present, Citizens Boon, Bradnick, Buttery, Cohn, Engels, Hales, Harris, Hurliman, Jung, Lessner, Marx, Mottershead, Robin, Rochat, Serraillier, Townshend, and Weston. The following Citizens were also present as visitors. De Baufort, Dereure, Dismans, Delahaye, Herman, Kern, Lavroff, Leblanc, Légé, Lochner, Martin, Mayo, Mooney, Pape, Plantade, Péchard,Rosenburg, Rovart, Stainsby, Tibaldi, Vandervelde, Wheatley, and Wolffers. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read and confirmed, the Council proceeded to the Election of candidates. Citizen Richard being the first, Citizen Marx said Citizen Richard attended the meeting of the Sub committee, and proved that he did his duty as a National Guard, during the siege of Paris, but that was all, he had not been in the movement, and the Continental members and the refugees were opposed to his election. Citizen Mottershead said that the Continentals were the best judges as to the fitness of a Continental to become a member, believing this and accepting the report, he felt bound to vote against Richard. Citizen Hales said the only disqualification, if it could be so called, of Citizen Richard, was the short time he had been connected with the movement, he avowed that he was not a politician before the siege, but that brought him out, and during its continuance he took an active part, and he stated that his principles were with the International. Some of the members of the Sub committee thought that was not sufficient to obtain him a seat on the Council, while there were so many friends who had been in the movement for a long time. Citizen Engels said the Council could not elect all the National Guards who had done their duty in Paris—for no Room in London would hold them. He saw nothing why Richard should be elected. Seeing the strong opposition against the candidature, Citizen Weston withdrew it. Stating though that he was not satisfied by any means. The Council then proceeded with that of Citizen Elliott. Citizen Hales said he knew Citizen Elliott to be a man of advanced principles, and one that would do good work for the International whether he was elected ||[256]| or not. Citizen Mottershead objected, as he knew nothing of Elliott. He thought a man

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should have a reputation before he was elected a member of the Council. He had a twenty years' Reputation when [he] was elected. Citizen Marx agreed that a man should have a reputation before he was elected on the Council. Citizen Hales protested against the doctrine that a man must have a reputation before he should be elected, had that policy been adopted in the past, it would have disqualified nine tenths of the men who had been elected. When he himself was proposed he was only known personally by his proposer and seconder. The member proposed by Citizen Mottershead, Citizen Taylor, was only known to three of the men who elected him. It was true Mottershead had a twenty years' character Good, or otherwise. Citizen Boon should like to know more about Citizen Elliott. Couldn't the election be postponed? Would Citizen Hales withdraw the Candidature? Citizen Hales would not withdraw the Candidature. The proposition was then put to the vote, and lost by 9 to 4 Citizens Bradnick, Cohn, Hales and Weston voting for, Citizens Boon, Engels, Lessner, Marx, Mottershead, Robin, Rochat, Serraillier and Townshend against. Citizen Jung said two members had arrived whom it was advisable to elect at once, he would move the suspension of the standing order so that the elections might be proceeded with. Citizen Cohn seconded and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels then proposed that Citizen Herman become a member of the Council. He had been appointed delegate from the Belgian Federal Council, by special resolution, and it recommended his election as Belgian Secretary. Citizen Robin seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Serraillier then proposed and Citizen Rochat seconded that Citizen Delahaye become a member of the Council. He was a member of the Paris Federal Council, the proposition was carried unanimously. Citizens Robin and Engels both postponed the Notices of motion which stood in their names for one week, owing to the pressure of other business. | |[257]| Citizen Jung then proposed that the Council resolve itself into a "Committee of Ways and Means". This was agreed to, and he said that the refugee fund was nearly exhausted, and the necessity for its use continued to increase, many who had not applied for assistance before were now applying, and new arrivals were coming every day. Citizen Engels moved That the Secretary should write to those who had already given, and make further appeals—this was agreed to. Citizen Boon proposed and Citizen Bradnick seconded that "The advance [of] £ 5 " " out of the funds of the Council be made to the Refugee fund". Carried unanimously. Citizen Mottershead suggested that a deputation should be appointed to wait upon some of the Members of the House of Commons, in the Lobby on Friday night, he thought money might be got. Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Boon seconded that a deputation be appointed as suggested. To consist of Bradnick, Boon, Buttery, Hales, Harris and Jung. Carried unanimously.

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. Citizen Boon gave notice of motion "That the Council take into consideration the advisability of taking a benefit for the Refugees at the Charing Cross Theatre". He thought a sum of money might be thus raised. Citizen Cohn reported that the Great Struggle in the Cigar trade in Belgium still continued, having lasted sixteen weeks, but ten of the masters out of the twenty-six had capitulated, and 210 men had resumed work having obtained all they demanded. Not only that, but a public meeting had been held by the workmen of Liège, at which it was unanimously resolved to form a "Trades League" to protect the interests of the workmen, and it was decided that no more Carpenters or Engineers should come over to England during the continuance of the present struggles. He also handed in a detailed statement of the various sums subscribed in England for the Belgian Cigarmakers—which he requested the Secretary to publish in the "Eastern Post" as great misrepresentations had been made upon the subject. The total sum subscribed amounted to £610. 19. 9. Citizen Engels announced that the Address on the "Civil War in France" had| |[258]| been translated and published in Dutch, German, and in French in which language it had been published both in Belgium and Switzerland. Translations were also in progress in the Italian, Spanish, and Russian Languages, and would soon be ready. Citizen Serraillier called attention to the fact that Mr. Odger had, in the course of lectures that he had been delivering in the Country, asserted that he was the founder of the International and wrote its first address. He thought the Council ought to take some notice of the matter. Odger's conduct was like that of Tolain who—after deserting the International—was going to give its history. Citizen Harris hoped the Council would take action in the matter and drive Odger into a corner, and let him see that he was not the concentrated essence of intellect. Citizen Marx said Odger had nothing whatever to do with writing the Inaugural Address, it was written by himself. Odger wrote an address (or rather one was written to which Odger's name was attached) to Tolain and his friends, but that was before the International was founded. The Inaugural Address was the first address of the International and was [adopted] at the St Martin's Hall meeting. Citizen Mottershead was sorry to see the defection of Odger for he never did anything without design, he was too cautious to do anything hasty, and he was afraid he had a purpose in view. If the lectures given by Odger were carefully studied it would be seen that he was separating himself from everything of a Social Character and was going in for mere republicanism. He supposed it was to please his patrons, for of course Odger did not work for nothing, somebody found the money, and he supposed they got just what they paid to have. There was going to be an agitation in favour of republicanism promoted by some members of Parliament, but they only wanted a change in the form of Government because under a Republic they saw a possibility of becoming Secretaries of State. Now, for his part, he wouldn't stir an inch to simply effect a change in name. He thought, so far as mere political machinery was concerned, that we [had] as cheap a republic as we could get. The International ought to issue an address on the subject, for the interest of the public would soon flag.

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Meeting of the General Council July 18, 1871 Citizen Hales thought with Citizen Mottershead that it would do a great amount of good if the Council issued an address to the people of England pointing out the difference between mere republicanism, and the objects of the ||[259j| International. Citizen Marx wished to lay before the Council a matter that he thought ought not 5 to be allowed to pass without remark. It was well known that the Council had originated a refugee fund, and was rendering valuable assistance to such of the refugees as needed it, and yet an object of that character could not be let alone. A committee had been formed by Le Lubez and Ratazzi and supported by Bradlaugh, which had issued a circular full of misrepresentations. It stated that Madame Dom10 browski was in the deepest distress, and solicited subscriptions to find her the necessaries of life. Now this was entirely untrue and unauthorised. Madame Dombrowski had held no communications whatever with the authors of the circular, and was not in the condition described. She was much hurt to think that her name should be used for trading purposes, and her brother-in-law, M. T. Dombrowski, had written 15 to the committee, stating that though Madame Dombrowski's means were limited yet, she was not in immediate want, and if she were, she would appeal to friends, and not to strangers. Citizens Wheatley, Pape, and Banks were enrolled members— The Council adjourned at 11.30. 20

H.JUNG Chairman JOHN HALES-Secretary— |

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 25, 1871

|[260]| Council Meeting July 2 5

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Citizen Jung in the Chair. Members present. Citizens Bradnick, Boon, Cohn, Delahaye, Engels, Hales, Harris, Jung, Lessner, Marx, McDonnell, Milner, Robin, Rochat, Riihl, Serraillier, Townshend, and Herman. The following Citizens were also present as visitors, Avoine, Bachruch, Badin, De Baufort, Constant, Bossens, Chautard, Davoust, Dagbert, Genin, Landrin, Leduc, Nohay, Péchard, Philippe, Rosenthal, Rostain, Roullier, Saint-Martin, Schmutz, Teulière, Tibaldi, De Willebrord, and De Wolffers. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, the Council proceeded to the Election of Candidates. Citizen Lochner— who had been a member of the Council in its earlier years, but had been absent from London—was unanimously elected a member of the Council. Citizen Mills whose character and qualifications were spoken to, by Citizen Harris, and Boon, was also elected a member of the Council. A letter from the New Orleans International Republican Club was read. It announced that the Club had been started with every prospect of success, and it desired to enter into relationship with the International Working Men's Association. It had already established an organ which was printed in French called "La Commune", a copy of which was enclosed. It was resolved that the Club be put in communication with the Secretary for the French Speaking Sections, with a view to its affiliation to the "Central Committee for the United States." A letter was also received from Washington, announcing that a section of the International had been formed in that city. The members were principally journalists and were determined that the International should exert an active influence upon American politics. The section would have every facility for so doing. Washington being the great Political centre of the United States, as New York was the Commercial centre, the section would prefer to correspond direct, with the General Council rather than through the Central Committee of New York. Citizen R.J. Hinton Secretary. Citizen Marx announced that no less a personage than the Pope had been concerning himself about the International. In reply to a deputation of Swiss who had waited upon him to offer congratulations, he had said, "Your country is a country of much liberty, but it gives refuge to many bad men. I allude to the men of the |

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|[261]| International, they would subvert all order, and all law, and would like to serve all Europe the same as they have served Paris. Yes, these gentlemen of the International—who are not gentlemen—are the incarnation of evil, and the only thing we can do for them is to pray for them." Citizen Engels said after the Pope should come the Anti-Pope, he had to report that Joseph Mazzini had been attacking the International, and the character of the General Council, saying "That its soul was Dr. Marx—a man of domineering temper, with more hate than love in his heart", and after saying that he—Mazzini—had refused to belong to it from the first because it had no religious faith, said "The three fundamental principles of the Association were 1st Negation of God, that is of all morality. 2nd Negation of Country which it dissolves into a Conglomeration of Communes, whose inevitable fate it would be to quarrel among themselves, 3rd Negation of Property, thereby depriving the Working man of the fruits of his labour— for the right to individual property consisted in the right which everyone had to that which he had produced". In reply to this, he, Citizen Engels might say "That Mazzini never was a member of the International, but he had tried to turn it into a tool of his own". He drew up a programme which was submitted to the Provisional Council for its adoption but which it rejected. He afterwards made further attempts to interfere in its Council through Major Wolff—since discover'd to be a police spy—but which attempts also failed. With respect to the charges against the International, they were either untrue or absurd. The first—That it would make Atheism compulsory, was untrue, and had been already disproved by the Secretary's letter in reply to Jules Favres circular. The second was absurd in itself while the third only betrayed Mazzini's ignorance of the very elements of Political Economy. That individual property, which assures to everyone the fruits of his own labour, the International would not abolish but establish. At present the fruits of the labour of the masses go into the pockets of the few, and this system of capitalist production Mazzini proposes to leave unaltered but which the International would destroy. Citizen Robin called attention to the state of affairs in Switzerland, and asked if two letters—one sent by Eccarius, General Secretary, the other by Jung—Secretary for Switzerland—to the "Alliance Socialiste" of Geneva in 1869 announcing its acceptance as a section of the International—were genuine. Citizen Jung said the one which had his signature attached was written by him. Citizen Robin then asked if any resolution had been passed by ||[262]| the General Council since the date of that letter, suspending l'Alliance Socialiste Démocratie from its rights as a section. The Chairman answered No. No resolution of the kind had been passed. Citizen Engels said it was a question if a section admitted under certain conditions, and not afterwards fulfilling those conditions ever had the rights of a section. Citizen Marx said "l'Alliance Socialiste Démocratie" had not paid any contributions for two years, and it might be said therefore to have forfeited its membership. Citizen Serraillier endorsed the remarks of Citizen Marx—contribution was a condition of membership. Citizen Hales thought the questions raised were subjects for the Congress to decide and not for the Council. Citizen Robin said he only asked for information, and he should like the Chair -

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. man's statement signed. This was agreed to, and it was signed and countersigned by the Secretary. Citizen Robin said there was another matter that he should like to ask, there was a serious split in the French part of Switzerland. There were two Federal Councils acting independently of each other, one continued to have relationship with the 5 General Council, the other did not. Could not something be done to heal the breach and bring them both into unison. It was decided that it was a matter that must be left for the next Congress or Conference to decide upon. Citizen Engels proposed "That a private Conference of the Association be called 10 in London to meet on the third Sunday in September". He said that last year the Sections gave the General Council power to postpone the Annual Congress—because of the circumstances created by the war—and things were not much better now. It was impossible to hold a Congress in France. In Germany the Association was subject to prosecution and any member that had the courage to attend a Congress would 15 do so at the risk of imprisonment. In Spain the Association was being persecuted, and in Belgium there was no freedom. So taking things altogether there were only two places where it would be possible to meet, England and Switzerland, and Citizen Robin had told them how in the latter country the members were divided among themselves. The position too was such, that if a Congress was summoned 20 scarcely any of the sections could send delegates, at the same time it was necessary for the General Council to take j|[263]| counsel with the sections, as to the future policy, and to get its powers ratified, and such could only be done by holding a private Conference as he proposed. Citizen Robin seconded the proposition, he agreed with the remarks of Citizen Engels, it was also necessary to try and heal the schisms. The proposition was carried, and the sub committee was instructed to draw up a programme to be submitted to the Council. Citizen Marx announced that the second edition of the address on the "Civil War in France" was exhausted and asked whether it would not be advisable to have a third printed. Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Boon seconded That the sub committee be empower'd to print another 1,000 copies, carried unanimously. Citizen Boon proposed and Citizen Milner seconded that two auditors be appointed to audit the Accounts. The proposition was carried and Citizens Cohn and Serraillier were appointed as the auditors. Citizen Engels gave notice of Motion. That the regular appointment of Secretary be proceeded with at once, instead of waiting the expiration of the three months—the term of the provisional appointment. Citizen Hales gave notice of motion that the Council proceed to the election of a Secretary for France. The Council adjourned at 11.15. H. JUNG, Chairman JOHN HALES, Secretary\

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[Auszug a u s T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S . 5 8 1 . 5 - 2 8 ]

The Eastern Post. Nr. 148, 29. Juli 1871

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Citizen Engels said after the Pope should come the Anti-Pope, he had to report that Joseph Mazzini had been attacking the International in the columns of his Journal. After stating that he knew the Italian people loved him and he loved them, he proceeded:—"An association has arisen which threatens to subvert all order (the same words as used by the Pope) started many years ago, I refused from the first to belong it. It is controlled by a Council sitting in London, the soul of which is Karl Marx, a man of acute intellect, but like that of Proudhon of a dissolving character, and of domineering temper, who is jealous of other people's influence. The Council itself, composed of men of different nationalities, can have no unity of purpose either to discuss the evils which afflict society, nor the unity of sentiment necessary to amend them. These are the reasons why I retired from the Association, and why the Italian branch of the Democratic Alliance (London) retired from it also. The three fundamental principles of the International are:—1st Negation of God, that is of all morality. 2nd Negation of Country, which it dissolves into a Conglomeration of Communes, whose inevitable fate it must be to quarrel among themselves. 3rd Negation of Property, thereby depriving every working-man of the fruits of his labour for the right to individual property is nothing but the right of every.man to that which he has produced." After descanting at length upon these points, he concluded by advising the Italian Working Class to organise themselves strongly under his banner in a counter-league against the Internationals, to have faith in the future of Italy, and to work for its future and glory, and to form among themselves Cooperative Stores (not Co-operative Workshops) so that all may get as much profit as posssible. It will be seen that upon one important point Mazzini contradicts himself, in one place he says "he refused to belong to the International from the first," and afterwards says he retired. How a man can retire from that to which he never belonged, the public must imagine. The fact is Mazzini never was a member of the International but he tried to turn it into a tool of his own. He drew up a programme which was submitted to the provisional Council but it was rejected, and after some further attempts made through Major Wolff, since discovered to be a police spy, towards the same end had failed. Mazzini refrained from all interference with the International until lately. As to the charges against the International, they are either untrue or absurd, with regard to the first that it wants to make atheism compulsory, that is untrue, and was refuted in the Secretary's letter in reply to Jules Favre's circular. The second is absurd, for while the International recognises no country, it desires to unite, not dissolve. It is opposed to the cry for Nationality, because it tends to separate people from people, and is used by tyrants to create prejudices and antagonism, the jealousy existing between the Latin and Teuton races led to the late disastrous

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. war, and was equally used by Napoleon and Bismarck. The third charge only betrays Mazzini's ignorance of the very elements of political economy. That individual property which assures to everyone the fruits of his own labour, the International does not intend to abolish, but on the contrary to establish. At present the fruits of the labour of the masses goes into the pockets of the few, and this system of capitalist production is what Mazzini proposes to leave unaltered, but which the International would destroy. It desires everyone to have the produce of his or her labour. The letters received from Italy prove that the Italian Workmen are with the International, and are not to be misguided by Mazzini's shallow sophistry.

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M e e t i n g of the G e n e r a l Council August 1, 1871

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present. Citizens Boon, Bradnick, Buttery, Cohn, Delahaye, Eccarius, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Lochner, Marx, McDonnell, Mills, Milner, Mottershead, Roach, Rochat, Rühl and Serraillier. Citizen Engels was excused being ill, and Citizen Robin, from-pressure of business. Miss Weston attended on behalf of her Father, and the following citizens were present as Visitors, Bachruch, Connor, Dagbert, Davoust, De Baufort, Fondewille, Kern, Koch, Leblanc, Leduc, Légé, Longuet, Péchard, Pape, Rosenthal, Roullier and Theisz. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, the Secretary read a letter from the National Sunday League asking for payment of ten months' rent then due, or part of it. The letter also complained of the room being used regularly on Saturday evenings for the distribution of the refugee fund. Citizen Eccarius proposed and Citizen Cohn seconded that six months' rent be paid. Carried unanimously. Citizen Marx then proposed that a committee be appointed to look out for another room, he thought the complaint of the Sunday League a very mean one under the circumstances, and the sooner the connection with the Sunday League [was broken] the better. Citizen McDonnell seconded the proposition, and it was carried unanimously, Citizens Roach, Lessner and Harris being appointed. Citizen Mills said he thanked the Council for the honour it had conferred upon him in electing him a member, but he was sorry to say that he should be obliged to tender his resignation. At the time he was proposed as a candidate, he had passed an examination in Civil Engineering, and had since obtained an appointment under the Government, and he felt that it would be impossible for him to remain a member of the General Council of the International while filling a government situation. He therefore hoped his resignation would be accepted, at the same time he wished every success to the Association. The resignation was accepted and Citizen Mills withdrew. Citizen Marx said having seen a paragraph in the Daily Telegraph ||[265]| disclaiming all knowledge of Robert Reid, he at once wrote to him calling his attention

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. to it. In reply, Mr. Reid enclosed him a letter which he had sent off at once to the paper in question, explaining the circumstance of his engagement on that Paper, and demanding a retractation, this letter not being inserted he had consulted an Attorney with a view to taking further proceedings. A letter was read in which the "Peuple Belge" was offer'd to the Council as the official organ of the Association, upon the condition of the Council paying a monthly subvention, or guaranteeing a numer of subscribers. Citizen Jung said the offer was first made to him personally and he had recommended that it should be sent in writing. Citizen Herman said the "Peuple Beige" had not been a socialist paper before the movement of the Commune, and so far from supporting the International, it had attacked some of its members in its articles. The "Liberté" was a paper that had consistently supported the principles of the International. Citizen Cohn proposed that Citizen Jung be instructed to write a reply to the letter under discussion, stating that the Council could not adopt any official organ, unless it should establish one itself, at the same time if the Peuple Belge would insert communications from the Council without any conditions, it could do so. Citizen Eccarius seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Cohn said he was instructed to ask how it was that the Cigar Makers of Belgium had to pay 1 Franc and a quarter per year, while in England the contribution for affiliated Societies is only l per y e a r Citizen Herman said the Belgian Cigar Makers had not joined as a corporate body or their contributions would only be 2 - per year, l - for the Federal Council of Belgium, and l - for the General Council—of course as individual members they had to pay for the working expenses and for propaganda. Citizen Marx said great complaints had been made about the sections taxing their members heavily, while nothing was sent to the General Council, the same complaints came from Switzerland as from Belgium, the whole subject of local charges could be discussed at the Conference. Citizen Cohn assented. Citizen Marx reported that the Archbishop of Malines had established a Catholic Working Men's International Association with a view to counteract the influence of the International Working Men's Association. | |[266]| Citizen Eccarius asked what reply he should send to the new Section at Washington which desired to correspond direct with the Council. He was directed to reply that under the rules, each section had that right, if it preferred to exercise it. The Secretary then brought forward his proposition for appointing a fresh Secretary for France in lieu of Dupont who was in Manchester. He was sorry that the Council should lose the services of Dupont, but he felt it would be impossible for him to continue to perform the duties of Secretary for France. Citizen Marx said the question raised by the Secretary might be dealt with in a more extended form, the recommendation from the Belgian Congress relative to the appointment of Herman as Secretary for Belgium rendered a revision of the offices necessary, besides the Secretary for Italy had leff England for good and it would be necessary, to fill up the vacancy thus created. He also thought it would have a good effect if a Secretary for Ireland was appointed. He would therefore propose that

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Citizen Serraillier be appointed Secretary for France, Citizen Herman for Belgium, Citizen Engels for Italy and Citizen McDonnell for Ireland. Citizen Boon seconded the proposition. Citizen Serraillier objected to a fresh Secretary being appointed for France in the present state of affairs. The reason for the change would not be understood in France and it would have a bad effect if a refugee like himself was appointed just at the present time. He would suggest that the question of appointing a Secretary for France be postponed until the Conference met. The mover and seconder of the proposition having agreed for the suggestion it was put to the vote that Citizen Herman be appointed Secretary for Belgium, Citizen Engels for Italy, and Citizen McDonnell for Ireland, carried unanimously. Citizen Marx said the "Paris Journal" continued to issue the forged manifestoes which purporting to be documents of the International, were in reality productions of the Police—One of the latest issued, addressed to the Workmen of France—contained the following passage "Fire is the terror of the rich—therefore Fire shall be our weapon. Let our enemies beware of Fire!"— Citizen Rochat moved a long resolution in French (which was translated by the Chairman) to the effect "That as much valuable documentary evidence relating to rule of the Commune in Paris had been destroyed, the Council shall appoint a commission to collect trustworthy evidence and data upon the subject, and | |[267]| that it consist of Citizens Rochat, Delahaye, and Serraillier, with power to add." Citizen Serraillier seconded the motion. Citizen Mottershead doubted the practicability of the proposition. Citizen Milner on the contrary, thought it a very useful one. Citizen Boon supported the motion. Citizen Buttery thought the appointment of a committee a necessary thing, but he thought the selection might be wider, he would suggest the appointment of the French speaking members. The Secretary would propose "That the subcommittee be appointed, with power to add to their numers", he thought the subcommittee would be more impartial. Citizen Buttery seconded the amendment. Citizen Rochat then withdrew the proposition in favour of the amendment, but the proposition was adopted by Serraillier, and seconded by Citizen Marx, on being put to the vote, the amendment was lost, the proposition being carried by a large majority. Citizen Marx said there was one other subject to which he wished to allude. It appeared that at a meeting of the Land and Labour League a Mr. Shipton—whom he did not know—had been criticising the address on the "Civil War in France" and had said that he (Dr Marx) had repudiated the Council. Such a remark only shewed Mr. Shipton's ignorance—"Because he had avowed himself the author of the charges contained in the address, he had repudiated the Council"!—Why, that avowal was made by the sanction of the Council, so that men like Mr. Odger who were apologists for M. Thiers and Favre—should no longer have the power to say they did not know whether the charges were true or not. The men charged were

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. distinctly challenged to indict him for libel so that the matter might be tested in a court of law, but it did not serve their purpose to do so, as they knew well what the result would be. Of course it was to be easily understood why Mr. Odger was not satisfied. He had exhibited an amount of ignorance in dealing with foreign politics that would not have been creditable to any ordinary reader of newspapers. He had 5 said "The character of Jules Favre was irreproachable": Why, it was well known that he had been all his life the bitter opponent of the French Working Class, and of all Labour movements, he was the principal instigator of the massacres of June —48;—he was the author of the expedition to Rome in '49; he was the man who obtained the expulsion of Louis Blanc from France, and was one ||[268]| of the men who 10 brought back Bonaparte; and yet Mr. Odger unblushingly stood up and said "Nothing could be said against the character of Jules Favre". Why, if Mr. Odger, who claimed to have been one of the foremost men of the International had attended to his duties as a member, he must have known, such a statement had no ground whatever to rest upon. It was either made with a knowledge that it was false, or it 15 betrayed an inexcusable ignorance. Mr. Odger knew nothing of the International for the last five years, as he had never attended to the duties, the Office of President was abolished by the Congress, because it was found to be a sham. Mr. Odger was the first—and only President of the International: he never attended to his duties—the Council got on quite as well without—therefore the office was 20 abolished. The Council adjourned at 11.45— H.JUNG, Chairman/

[Auszug a u s T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 5 8 7 . 1 2 - 1 6 ]

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The Eastern Post. Nr. 149, 5. August 1871 Citizen Marx called attention to the fact that the Paris Journal was still publishing spurious manifestoes purporting to be issued by the International, but really manufactured by the police. The last contained the following passage:—"Fire is the terror of the rich, therefore fire shall be our weapon. Let our enemies beware of fire." Of course, the object of publishing such language could be understood. 30 It was to create a terror of the International, so that it might the more easily be prosecuted. Fires had occurred in Moscow, and, it was supposed, they were the result of publications justifying the Paris Commune. Could malicious sophistry go further?

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council A u g u s t 8, 1871

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present. Citizens—Boon, Buttery, Cohn, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Herman, Hurliman, Jung, Lessner, Longuet, Marx, McDonnell, Robin, Rochat, Riihl, Serraillier, Theisz and Vaillant. The following Citizens also appeared as visitors. Avoine, Baufort, Bennett, Constant, Durand, Guillain, Kern, Kompanski, Martin, Naze, Pape, Pla.skowski, Péchard, Plantade, Riiegg, Thompson, Wierzbicki, and De Wolffers. Citizens Bradnick and Roach excused being ill. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read and confirmed, the Secretary announced that he had received a letter from Mr. Odger enclosing a telegram from the Engineers of Newcastle on Tyne, who were on strike for the nine hours' movement; asking for the advice and assistance of the Council, and he also announced that he had received a letter from Mr. Burnett of Newcastle stating a deputation would wait upon the Council to lay the matter before it. The deputation was present and he asked that it should be heard first. This having been agreed to, the Chairman called upon Mr. Burnett (who with Messrs. Whetstone, Stokoe, and Wilkinson formed the deputation) said: "Some three months ago the joiners of Newcastle struck for the nine ||[269]| hours' movement, and the majority of the masters gave in, but a few of the large firms determined not only not to accede to the demands of the men, but to destroy their union if possible, and to that end they sent agents over to Belgium, who engaged a large number of Workmen and brought them over to work as Knobsticks. Some of the men thus brought over went back as soon as they ascertained the real state of affairs, but from 150 to 200 stopped and were still at work, and a very bitter feeling existed in consequence. Ten weeks ago, the engineers also struck for the same object, and during the whole of that time they had conducted themselves as peaceable men should, for which they had obtained the unanimous good opinion of the Press. The masters determined to imitate the master Builders, and had like them, sent agents over to Belgium to engage workmen, and it was expected that 3,000 would be brought over, unless some steps were taken to prevent them coming. Under the circumstances the engineers thought they could not do better, than appeal to the International to assist them, if it would, it was believed that it could prevent the threatened importation. In the interest of that fraternity which should exist between all workmen, and in

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. the interest of peace and order, it was advisable something should be done, for a very bitter feeling had been already engender'd; if the men did come over it was almost certain bloodshed would result. He might also say that Sir William Armstrong had obtained the consent of the Danish Government to bring over some of the workmen from the Government Arsenal of Denmark, and if the Council could do anything in that matter he should be glad. He thought a deputation from the Council would be able to accomplish all that was needed. The men would cheerfully bear the expense." Citizen Herman thought the object could be accomplished without a deputation, for the International was so well organized in Belgium. It only needed that information should be sent to the sections in six towns—Brussels, Antwerp, Ghent, Verviers, Liège, and Chaleroi—and steps would at once be taken to acquaint the men in every ironworking shop in Belgium of the real state of affairs,—he knew enough of the men to say that if the facts were known, the men would not come over, for they were struggling for the same objects themselves. In Verviers some of them were on strike for the 9 hours' movement, the same as the men of Newcastle, and it wasn't likely they would come. There might be a few men with whom it would be difficult to deal, but they ||[270]| were the same class of men the unions had so much trouble with in England, of course Belgium was not free from the non-union element any more than England. Citizen Cohn, while agreeing with the remarks of Citizen Herman relative to the organization of the International in Belgium, thought a deputation would be far more effective than a mere correspondence. Personal visits always carried more weight than letters could do, however well they might be written. Explanations could be given and details laid before the men in a manner that would satisfy them by a deputation. Citizen Buttery thought the suggestion to send a deputation a wise one, he was convinced that would be the most effective course to pursue. Whatever the Council could do, it ought to do, for the struggle for a reduction of the hours of labour was of vital importance. A spirit of jealousy would always exist so long as the workmen of one country allowed themselves to be used as tools, to crush down the workmen of another. That could only be prevented by the International bringing the different sections into closer connection with each other.—When workmen knew each others' wants and aspirations, they would no longer oppose each other. Citizen Marx agreed with the idea that the Council should do all that lay in its power—but it always did that in every labour struggle that was brought under its notice: The misfortune was, that the Trades Unions and labour organizations held aloof from the International until they were in trouble, and then only did they come for assistance. They could take all preventative measures beforehand if they were in connection with it. If the Engineers and Joiners had belonged to the International they could have sent information over to Belgium before the strike commenced. The International must not be blamed for failures when the circumstances were not brought before it. He hoped in the future Societies would think of the International in a time of peace. Withholding themselves from it was not only injurious to others, but dangerous to themselves.

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Meeting of the General Council August 8, 1871 Mr. Whetstone—President of the Amalgamated Engineers—said the Council of that body had the subject of affiliation under discussion, and the question was waiting the decision of the General Council. He hoped the time would soon arrive when all workmen would be united in one bond without respect to either trade or 5 countryCitizen Delahaye was in favour of appointing a deputation and ||[271]| of sending off at once to Spain, Italy, Germany, and France. Citizen Harris thought the Belgian sections might appoint delegates to accompany any deputation that might be sent by the Engineers, the necessity for a deputation 10 from the Council would then be avoided. After a few further remarks by Citizens Herman and Cohn the proposition was put to the vote, and carried, Citizens Cohn and Eccarius being elected subject to the approval of the Engineers. Citizen Marx then proposed that the standing orders be suspended and that Citizens 15 Longuet, Vaillant, and Theisz should at once be elected members of the Council. Citizen Engels seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. The secretary read a letter from Citizen Applegarth stating that he consider'd himself still a member of the Council—and expressed his regret that he had not attended to his duties better, he hoped though to be able to attend better in future—With 20 respect to the use of his name, he considered it the property of the Council so long as he remained a member, and it had a right to use it when the interests of the Council required i t Citizen Engels proposed "That in future visitors should be excluded from the sittings of the Council"; he said that it had been decided to hold a private Conference 25 and it would have to discuss the programme. While that was being done, he thought strangers ought not to be admitted, especially in the present state of the Association.

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Citizen Harris seconded the proposition, and it was put to the vote and carried. Citizen Serraillier read a letter from Bordeaux stating that the International was being reorganized in that city, and was trying to form Trades Unions. Six or seven sections were at work in the eyes of the Police. Citizen Engels said that it was now evident that no more assistance could be got for the refugees from the middle Class, and it was necessary to try what stuff the Working Class was composed of. He thought the ||[272]| Working Classes in England had behaved in a disgraceful manner, though the men of Paris had risked their lives, the Working men of England had made no effort either to sympathise with them or assist them. There was no political life in them—he would propose "That an appeal to be made to the Workmen of England on behalf of the refugees"—if they would not do anything, let their conduct be known. Citizen Boon seconded the proposition. He quite agreed with what was said by Citizen Engels about the apathy of the [English] Working Class, he began to despair of doing any good with them. Citizen Hales. Denied that the English Working Class were as apathetic as represented—and if they didn't move in the direction that could be wished, that was the fault of the General Council, for not taking the initiative in establishing

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. an English section. The International ought to have the direction of the Political movement in England the same as it had in Continental countries. Citizen Buttery also thought it unfair to lay so much to the charge of the English workmen, they ought to be tried before they were condemned; the Council had not yet made an appeal to them. 5 Citizen Engels said they ought to have come forward voluntarily and testified their sympathy with the Communals, the same as had been done by the German workmen—he couldn't see that the Council could be held responsible for the apathy exhibited. The Council started the Reform League, and the result was the English members deserted the Council. 10 After a few further remarks by Citizens Marx, Boon, and Hales the question was put to the vote, and carried unanimously, the Secretary being instructed to get collecting sheets printed and distributed. The Council adjourned at 11.30. H.JUNG, Chairman 15 JOHN HALES Secretary |

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M e e t i n g o f t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l A u g u s t 15, 1871

|[273]| Minutes of Meeting Aug 15

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Citizen Jung in the Chair, members present. Citizens Bishop, Boon, Buttery, Eccarius, Engels, Delahaye, Hales, Harris, Herman, Hurliman, Lessner, Lochner, Longuet, Marx, Riihl, Theisz, Townshend, Vaillant, and Weston. The following citizens were present as visitors. Bastelica, Constant, Dagbert, Durand, Foster, Denis, Marotte, Leroux, Péchard, Philippe, and Tibaldi. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, the Secretary announced that branches had been formed at Liverpool and Loughboro' in Leicestershire. He also read a letter from Calcutta asking for powers to start a section in India. The Secretary was instructed to write and advise the establishment of a branch, but he to inform the writer that it must be self supporting. He was also to urge the necessity of enrolling natives in the Association. Citizen Marx reported that he had received news from New York. The members of the Cosmopolitan Club had reprinted the address on the "Civil War in France" in its entirety, and the Federal Council for the United States had reprinted the address on Mr. Washburne with a preface of its own. The most important item of News though was that Wendell Phillips, the Great Anti Slavery leader, had joined the ranks of the International. Citizen Eccarius reported that Mrs. Mackenzie, an American lady, had spoken very strongly against the existing order of Society, and had advocated the principles of the International. Citizen Engels said he had received a letter from Cafiero who had been travelling through Italy. In Florence the meetings of the Association had been interfered with, but the members were determined to continue the work. In Naples he found things somewhat disorganized: Caporusso who had been imprisoned for 14 days, had lost his political zeal and was said to have embezzled 300 Francs, his explanation however was that he took that money to recoup him for his imprisonment. It was a fact though that it had never been voted, and he had been expelled from the Association in consequence. ||[274]| The Neapolitan Section complained that while they had sent letters they had not received any in reply. No doubt could be entertained that the letters sent by the Secretary for Italy had been stopped by the authorities. Citizen Engels also reported from Spain that the Committee in Barcelona had

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. been persecuted, and the Federal Council of Madrid had dissolved for a time owing to the fear of a Government prosecution, all the members but one—to whom they had given a certificate that he was not a member—had left Madrid for Lisbon where it was determined to establish a Section. Citizen Jung announced that Citizen Bishop was present as the delegate of the Excelsior (City Road) branch. Citizen Eccarius proposed and Citizen Engels seconded that he be accepted—carried unanimously. Citizen Hales proposed, and Citizen Jung seconded, that Citizen Mayo become a member of the Council. It having been announced that owing to domestic affairs Citizen Serraillier could not fulfil the duties of auditor, Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded that Citizen Boon be appointed in his place. Citizen Marx proposed That the private Conference to be held should be confined exclusively to questions of organization and policy.—He thought under the present circumstances the question of organization was most important, Citizen Engels seconded. Theoretical discussions were of no value except for publication, and this Conference was to be private. Cit. Herman supported the proposition, and so did Citizens Boon, Buttery, Hales, and Theisz, while Citizen Weston was somewhat opposed to it—on being put to the vote, it was carried with one dissentient. Citizen Marx proposed That additional members be added to the subcommittee, and that it be instructed to draw up a programme for the Conference by Tuesday 22 . Citizen Harris seconded—Carried unanimously. Citizen Herman proposed and Citizen Vaillant seconded that Citizen Longuet be added to the subcommittee. Carried. Citizen Eccarius proposed and Citizen Lessner—seconded the addition of Citizen Mottershead. Carried.] |[275]| The Secretary having announced that the 3 months, the term of his provisional appointment had expired—Citizen Engels proposed That his term of office be extended until the close of the Conference. Citizen Lessner seconded and it was carried unanimously. The Council adjourned at 11.30. jj . Chairman

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JOHN HALES Secretary/ [Auszug aus T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 593.32-594.4]

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From Spain, information was received that the Federal Council of Madrid had been obliged to dissolve for a time, owing to the prosecutions of the Government. No liberty whatever existed, but it was determined to extend the principles of the Association nevertheless. The action of the Government in driving some of the 40 members to seek shelter in Lisbon would have the effect of creating a section there, and its ramifications would soon extend throughout Portugal.

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council A u g u s t 22, 1871

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Citizen Jung in the Chair. Members present, Citizens Boon, Buttery, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, 5 Bastelica, Chalain, Hales, Harris, Herman, Hurliman, Jung, Lessner, Longuet, McDonnell, Rochat, Taylor, Theisz, Townshend, Vaillant and Weston. The following Citizens were also present as visitors, Durand, Clément, Constant, Denis, Foster, Légé, Marrotan, and Péchard. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, the Secretary stated that he had that afternoon attended a meet10 ing at the office of the Bee-Hive, at which a scheme was proposed having for its object the emigration of the 35,000 Communists—prisoners at Versailles—to the French speaking part of Canada. It was promoted by Sir E. Watkin, and the Canadian Government had been consulted and had returned a favourable reply. The prisoners themselves were said to be in favour of the proposal. 15 Citizen Eccarius was opposed to the scheme, it was hatched by the Versailles Government. It had been in communication with the American Government upon the same subject, some scheme had been discussed relative to the removal of the Communists to some place among the Rocky Mountains—and there form a colony which should be an antidote to the Mormon settlement at Utah. Another thing, he 20 had no faith in anything which came from Bolt Court. Citizen Vaillant was glad the proposition emanated from an English member of Parliament. If accepted by the Government of Versailles, ||[276]| it would be an admission that the prisoners were held illegally. Citizen Harris would not have anything to do with the matter. 25 Citizen Engels said it would be shameful conduct on the part of the Council, if it had anything to do with the matter. Citizen Lessner thought the Council could not accept the scheme. It had just been defending the Commune. Citizen Weston—Thought it preferable to accept the proposal, than allow the men 30 to be sent to Cayenne. Citizen Longuet said it would be as bad for the prisoners to be sent to Canada, as it would to Cayenne. It was more than probable that if the prisoners were ever tried and sentenced, they would soon after be amnestied.

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. Citizen Theisz spoke in the same sense. The men should be left to settle the matter themselves. After a few more words the following order of the day was proposed by Citizen Longuet, seconded by Citizen Vaillant, supported by Citizen Hales and carried unanimously. Considering that should the General Council pass any approval of Sir 5 E. Watkin it would at the same time assent to the moral condemnation of men who according to its own views—publicly expressed—fought the battle of the European Working Class—Considering moreover that it is not the part of the General Council to intervene between the conquer'd soldiers of revolution and their Versailles murderers—it hereby passes to the order of the day. 10 Citizen Engels reported that he had received a letter from Spain. The members of the Federal Council of Madrid were still at Lisbon, but hopes were entertained that the change of ministry which had taken place would end the persecutions which had been directed against the International. A letter had also been received from the No 1 German section of New York. 15 It recommended that an appeal should be madeby the General Council to the Workmen of America on behalf of the refugees. ||[277]| It was decided that it should be left in the hands of Citizen Marx. Citizen Herman reported that the Workmen of Verviers had been successful in their struggle, they had obtained a r i s e o f 2 V 2 [francs] per day with a reduction o f 2 0 two hours at the same time. No Workman would be allowed to leave Verviers for Newcastle. News had been received from Antwerp of the arrival of Cohn and meetings had been held in Bruxelles, Liège, Seraing and Yvoir at which resolutions of sympathy with the Engineers of Newcastle had been passed unanimously. The standing orders were suspended, and Citizens Bastelica, Chalain, and Frankel 25 were unanimously elected members of the Council. The Council adjourned at 11.30. KARL MARX Chairman JOHN HALES, Secretary/

[ A u s z ü g e a u s T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S. 596.11—17]

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The Eastern Post. Nr. 152, 26. August 1871 Citizen Engels reported that the members of the Spanish Federal Council had great hopes from the change of Ministry which had just taken place in Spain. It was expected that the prosecutions' against the International would cease, and then the Association would soon extend its ramifications throughout the length and 35 breadth of the peninsula. A great change had taken place in the ranks of the Republican party. On the establi shment of the Commune in Paris, the leaders of the Republican party in Spain—not knowing the social principles involved—went in for it. But as soon as they found out that it meant a struggle for more than municipal government they turned round and denounced it. This shocked the Spanish working-class, which 40

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Meeting of the General Council August 22, 1871 formed the bulk of the Republican party. Having had their eyes opened, the people not wishing to be used as tools, had turned to the International. Citizen Engels also reported that Citizen Paul Lafargue, son-in-law to Dr. Marx, and formerly a member of the General Council, had been arrested in Spain and sent under an escort of gendarmes to Madrid. The government, however, finding nothing against him, had since liberated him. A letter was received from America, which stated that the Trades Unions in the States were actively agitating in favour of the eight hours movement. A great demonstration in its favour was to be held.

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M e e t i n g of t h e General Council A u g u s t 29, 1871

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Citizen Marx in the chair, members present, Citizens Bastelica, Boon, Buttery, Chalain, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Lochner, Longuet, Marx, McDonnell, Milner, Mottershead, Roach, Robin, Rochat, Serraillier, Townshend, Vaillant, and Weston. The minutes of the previous meeting having been read and confirmed, Citizen Marx said it would be necessary to enforce the resolution, relative to the exclusion of strangers, as information of the proceedings of the Council had been sent by some means to the French police. The room was accordingly cleared of strangers. The Chairman then announced that a deputation from the Refugees' Society was in attendance, and read a letter explanatory of its being appointed. It was then decided that the deputation should be heard. From the statement made, it appeared that the Committee of the Refugees desired the Council to give a categorical reply to the following demands: 1 To give an explanation relative to various sums reported as received in "Reynolds's Newspaper" of the 20 and 27 inst. 2 To furnish to the Committee ||[278]| a complete list of the sums contributed on behalf of the refugees, since the entry of the Versailles troops into Paris in May last. 3 To give to the Committee a complete list of the persons who had received assistance from the fund, with a statement of the sums received by them.— The Secretary said in explanation, that the sums acknowledged in Reynolds's had all been received and would be found duly entered in the Treasurer's Book, but they were not all acknowledged the same week as received—some of them having been received as long as six weeks back,—they were inserted in the paper, when they were, to induce others to giveCitizen Jung objected to the Council complying to the demands made, he would give a list to the Council or any of its members, but to no one else. Citizen Hales considered the refugees had no right to make the demands they had, the Council was only responsible to the contributors of the fund—not to the recipientsCitizen Harris thought the object of the Committee was to prevent imposition—as there was the possibility of some being relieved twice over—Citizen Mottershead hoped the Council would not allow a suspicion of unfairness to get abroad, for the sake of good faith it would be advisable to answer the questions. Citizen Vaillant thought the Committe entertained no suspicions of the perfect honesty of the Council, it only desired to take precautions against imposition.

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Citizen Robin thought 3 answers might be given, namely: How much the Council had received. How much it had distributed before the formation of the Committee, and how much it had handed over to the delegates of the Committee. Citizens Milner, and Weston—Thought the list of contributors should not be given up, but could see no reason for withholding the list of recipients. Citizen SerrailKer. Thought it would be satisfactory if the Council gave the Committee an account of the sums paid to the delegates of the Committee. Citizen Jung was opposed to giving any information. Citizen Theisz. Said, the men were almost starving. Some of them had had to sleep in the Parks, and it must be remembered that they had sacrificed 11[279]| everything, and had been reduced to their present condition through manfully fighting for principle. If they were a little unreasonable, allowances should be made. Citizen Longuet agreed that the men had no right to make the demands they had, but it would be well to be conciliatory. Citizen Hales wished to deal with it as a matter of business. The Council collected funds and had a right to dispose of them as it saw fit—without being questioned by anyone except the contributors. He objected to the Council giving any information or any pledge as to the future disposal of funds. Citizen Engels could not recognise any right in the demands, more especially as all the money received for the fund, since the formation of the Committee had been handed over to it; except in instances where assistance had been given to enable some of the men to get employment. He proposed the following resolution. That the Council cannot recognise the right of anybody but subscribers to enquire into the distribution of the refugee fund, but under the present exceptional circumstances consents to make the following statements. 1st Before the formation of the Refugees Committee, the Council distributed to individuals—2nd Since the formation of the Committee, the Council has made no direct distribution, except to enable persons to get to work. 3rd Since the formation of the Refugees Committee, the Council has paid over to that Committee... Citizen Lessner seconded the proposition and it was carried, with 3 dissentients to the preamble, 5 dissentients to the first clause—4 dissentients to the second clause, and 4 dissentients to the third clause.

Citizen Jung then tendered his resignation as treasurer of the refugee fund. Citizen Weston announced that he had received a sum of money from America to transmit to the refugees in Switzerland. 35 Citizen Boon proposed that—The refugee fund be audited up to the end of August. Citizen Mottershead seconded the proposition and it was carried; as was likewise a proposition that the general accounts should also be audited up to the same date, at the same time. Citizens Mottershead and Longuet were appointed to act in conjunction with 40 Citizens Boon and Buttery. The Council adjourned at 11.45 H.JUNG Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary

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M e e t i n g of t h e General Council S e p t e m b e r 5, 1871

|[280]|

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present. Citizens Bastelica, Bishop, Boon, Chalain, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Lochner, Longuet, Marx, Mayo, Milner, Mottershead, Robin, Rochat, Riihl, Serraillier, Stepney, Theisz, Townshend, Vaillant, Weston,, and Frankel. The Secretary having read the minutes of the preceding meeting, Citizen Harris complained that no mention was made of Citizen Mottershead in the report, he took a very active part in the preceding meeting and yet no mention was made of anything he said. The minutes were not correct. He challenged the Secretary to read Mottershead's speech from the minutes. Citizen Mottershead said the minutes just read were absolutely incorrect, they were the worst minutes he had ever heard read, and if they were put from the chair as they were, he would move their rejection. He had taken a prominent part in the debate and yet his name was not mentioned. The Secretary then wrote in a paragraph relative to Citizen Mottershead's speech, and Citizen Robin proposed that the minutes be confirmed with the insertion of Citizen Mottershead's protest. Citizen Serraillier seconded. Citizen Mottershead proposed as an amendment that the minutes be adjourned and that the business of the Council be proceeded with without the minutes being confirmed. Citizen Harris seconded. On being put to the vote the amendment was lost and the minutes were confirmed. Citizen Marx said as a great deal of business had to be done it would be necessary to fix some regulations, so as to prevent waste of time. He would propose that each speaker be limited to 5 minutes. Citizen Eccarius seconded, and it was carried unanimously. Citizens Marx, Engels, Hales, and Jung tendered their resignations as members of the refugees' Committee on the ground that they would no longer have time to attend to the duties owing to the approaching Conference. The resignations were accepted, and Citizens Mottershead, Vaillant, Theisz, and Frankel were elected to fill their places provisionally. Citizen Marx said that he had received a bill from Mr.Truelove ||[281]| for printing for £28.0.0. There were some trifling charges for which himself and Citizen Engels were responsible—for advertising—he must ask the Council to deal with the matter.

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Citizen Boon said as one of the auditors he found that there was something less than six pounds in hand and that sum was owing for rent, he was surprised to learn from Mr. Truelove that nearly two thousand copies of the Address on the "Civil War in France" remained on hand, he understood the second thousand was exhausted before the third was printed. Citizen Marx said it would be necessary to examine and verify the accounts, he would therefore move that the matter be handed over to the subcommittee. Carried unanimously, seconded by Lessner. Citizen Mayo was then unanimously elected a member of the General Council. Citizen Marx said he had a number of resolutions to submit relative to the approaching Conference. Some of them were formal ones, necessary to be passed preparatory to others. He would propose that the accounts be prepared and laid before the Council on Tuesday next with an account of the various sums paid by the different Sections and branches since the Congress of Basle. The proposition was agreed to it being understood that it was the work of the Financial Secretary. He then moved that a Committee be appointed to find a room in which to hold the Conference, and also to find an Hotel in which the delegates could be accommodated. Carried, Citizens Serraillier, Mottershead and Townshend being appointed to carry it out. Citizen Marx then proposed that "The entire Council shall have the right to assist at the Conference with power to speak upon all questions but that only a certain number be allowed to vote, the number to be fixed when it is known how many delegates come from the different sections". Citizen Engels seconded the proposition. Citizen Serraillier would ask whether it would not be better to let the Conference decide the matter? Citizen Herman said "no doubt many members of the General Council would be appointed delegates for different sections, and if so ||[282]| such members ought not to be counted as members of the General Council". Citizen Bastelica thought it better that the Conference fix the number of delegates from the Council. Citizen Mottershead said the Council was asked to affirm or relinquish a right. If it assumed the power to fix—it decided that all the members had the right, but that it proposed to partially relinquish that right of voting. What he wanted was—a basis defined—upon which to act. Citizen Vaillant said the most important question at the present time was the question of organization. There could not be too many brains. Everyone should speak, but the voting ought to be limited. Citizen Milner thought it would be best if the Council reserved to itself so much voting power, and casted a vote collectively instead of appointing delegates. Citizen Boon said Citizen Milner's suggestion was impracticable, as upon every question the Council itself would have to discuss, and it would come to who should decide. Citizen Weston said the Council was chosen by the Congress of Basle and it would

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. not be just for the Council to give up its powers to a smaller body which might not represent the whole Association. Everyone should speak—if not vote. Citizen Hales said Citizen Weston's argument would not hold water, for the majority of the members constituting the Council had been added since the Basle Congress. The members elected by the Congress were a minority. The Council was not a homogeneous whole, but was composed of men with different ideas of policy. Citizen Marx said the Council was a governing body, as distinct from its Constituents, and had a policy as a Council collectively. Citizen Mottershead said the Council was dealing with the unknown quantity, what was wanted, was some principle to act upon. The Council either had or had not the right of deciding upon the voting question. Citizen Marx said the Council asserted the right of every member to attend and speak, and also proposed to fix the voting power. | |[283]| Citizen Theisz was in favour of the first part of the proposition, so that everyone might have the power of speaking for the Council, but he disagreed altogether with the latter clause, he thought none of the Council ought to vote upon their own conduct, if they did they would re-elect themselves. Citizen Engels said the General Council had always been represented by delegates, the number not limited—who had the right of voting—and it ought not to give up the right. The Conference itself was a compromise and was not provided for in the rules, it simply arose out of the exigences of the situation. Citizen Eccarius said so far as delegateship was concerned the Swiss societies swamped all the other delegates at Geneva. The Council had no right to swamp all the other delegates, it might just as well pass certain decrees and call upon the sections to register them, and not call the Conference at all. Citizen Chalain said there was no fear of swamping, there ought to be no talk of Nationality. Citizen Mottershead said the question was one of right and had not yet been decided. What was wanted was the principle to serve as a basis. Citizen Vaillant. Thought the Council would be quite justified in simply calling the Conference to advise upon the position of the Association without giving the delegates the right to vote. The Council had the right itself to decide upon the questions of organization as it was the centre of the Association and had the best knowledge of the requirements of the Association as a whole—and had the best opportunity of judging what would be best to promote its interests. Citizen Hales agreed with Vaillant, he hardly thought the Council would be justified in resigning its functions to a Conference which would not fully represent the Association, the Council itself might be said to represent the various sections. He considered the French members would represent the Paris Section quite as much as if they came direct from Paris to the Conference. On the resolution being put to the vote, the first clause was carried unanimously. The second by nine to three. Citizen Marx then proposed "That those delegates who should have ||[284]| credentials from the sections, should not be considered delegates of the Council", it was seconded and carried unanimously.

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Meeting of the General Council September 5, 1871 Citizen Marx also proposed that those Frenchmen now resident in London be called upon to provide for the representation of the French Sections by selecting three delegates. Carried. Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen Serraillier sec. that Citizens Martin and Le Moussu become members of the Council. The Council adjourned at 11.45. KARL MARX Chairman. JOHN HALES Secretary/

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M e e t i n g of t h e General Council S e p t e m b e r 12, 1871

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Citizen Marx in the chair, Members present—Citizens Bastelica, Boon, Bradnick, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Herman, Hurliman, Jung, Lessner, Le Moussu, Lochner, Marx, Martin, McDonnell, Mayo, Milner, Mottershead, Rochat, Stepney, Serraillier, Taylor, Townshend, and Vaillant. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, Citizen Engels brought up the report of the Subcommittee relative to the programme of the Conference. The first six clauses were adopted unanimously. The seventh which gave rise to a discussion, proposed to suspend the privileges of membership in the case of branches or Affiliated Societies withholding statistical information from the General Council, in violation of the Statutes. Citizen Boon was opposed to the clause, he doubted whether the General Council would be wise in submitting it—he thought it went too far, he questioned whether it could have the right to enforce it, if carried. Citizen Bradnick. Thought the Council had the right but doubted the policy of so doing. Citizen Lessner, said the Council had a right to demand that the duties should be performed by those who enjoyed the privileges of membership. Citizen Hales—thought the proposition was contrary to the Statutes. Every section had the right to retain its autonomy and maintain its own rules if they were not opposed to the General Statutes—and many Societies had ||[285]| rules which would preclude them giving the information demanded. Citizen Engels said if Societies had such rules, as Hales asserted, it was quite time such rules were abolished. Citizen Harris—Hoped the clause would pass. Citizen Jung was of an opinion some such clause was absolutely necessary. Every Congress had passed resolutions, affirming the necessity of the information required, being sent to the General Council, and yet no notice had been taken of them, because no penalty was attached for non-compliance. Citizen Vaillant said we were bound by the statutes tö support strikes, if reasonable, but he thought it only right the societies should comply with the conditions laid down by the Council.

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Protokollbuch d e s G e n e r a l r a t s d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Seite 284. Handschrift von John Haies, mit Unterschrift von Karl Marx

Meeting of the General Council September 12, 1871 Citizen Bastelica said the sections and branches had duties to fulfil as well as rights to ask. Citizen Engels proposed the following as a substitute for the resolution of the subcommittee, That sections or branches, not furnishing information required by the 5 Council—shall be reported to the General Council which shall take such action as may be deemed advisable. Carried unanimously. The rest of the clauses were then read and adopted without discussion. Citizen Engels asked if the accounts were ready. 10 Citizen Harris said that he had not had all the accounts furnished to him by the General Secretary, and consequently could not prepare the report. Citizen Hales said all the misunderstandings that had taken place were caused by Citizen Harris—who had thrown up the Books for anyone to take who pleased. He would ask that a Committee of investigation [should be appointed]. 15 Citizen Harris denied Citizen Hales's statement. Citizen Hales said a Committee would decide who was in the right—he would propose that one be appointed. Citizen Bradnick thought it would be well if one was ||[286]| elected. Citizens Boon and Milner were opposed to a Committee, there was no necessity 20 for it. Citizen Engels said what was wanted, was that the accounts should be audited, he would propose that they be prepared by Saturday. Citizen Harris agreed to have them ready by Saturday if the General Secretary would furnish him in the meantime with the last accounts—This Citizen Hales 25 promised. Citizen Mottershead reported on behalf of the Sub-Committee appointed to select a room for the Conference. They had visited the "Blue Posts" in Newman St. and the Artizans' Club—They recommended the "Blue Posts" as there was some doubt about the Artizans' Club being obtained— 30 Citizen Lessner had visited Franklin Hall, Castle St., he thought it would suit. Citizen Eccarius proposed that the Artizans' Club be preferred if it could be obtained. Citizen Milner seconded and it was carried. Citizen Jung proposed and Citizen Bradnick seconded That a special meeting be 35 held on Saturday 16 to complete the arrangements for the Conference. Carried unanimously. Citizen Bastelica proposed and Citizen Theisz seconded that Citizens Avrial and Camélinat become members of the Council. The Council adjourned at 11.45. 40 H.JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary I th

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Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 16, 1871

|[287]|

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present Citizens Bastelica, Boon, Chalain, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Dupont, Le Moussu, Longuet, Marx, Martin, Milner, Mottershead, Robin, Rochat, Serraillier, Stepney, Theisz, Townshend, Vaillant. The Chairman announced that Delegates had arrived from Bruxelles, Liège, Vallée de la Vesdre, Verviers, Antwerp, Geneva, and Spain. The latter delegate being appointed at a congress of Spanish delegates held at Valencia. He thought the Council might proceed to the election of its delegates; it could now fix the number it would appoint. Citizen Bastelica had received a letter from Marseilles. The secretary had been concealed three months, and he was afraid no delegate would be sent. Citizen Robin thought that considering the disorganised state of France, informal delegates might beallowed to represent the places they were acquainted [with] where there were no delegates appointed—Bastelica might represent Marseilles, Choi Lyons, and other citizens other places in the same manner. Citizen Mottershead, while conceding that there was something in what was urged by Robin, should want a credential of some kind. Citizen Bastelica was opposed to a separate representation for towns. The Refugees had to elect three delegates to represent France. Citizen Delahaye thought the proposition of Robin a good one, as the Conference was to discuss the question of Organization it was necessary the provinces should be represented, otherwise they might not be satisfied. Citizen Bastelica said he enjoyed the confidence of the Marseilles [section], but others might not possess the confidence of the sections to which they belonged. Citizen Marx—said that Citizens might be invited to attend the Conference and express their opinions upon special subjects— As the refugees had not elected the three delegates in accordance ||[288]| with the resolution passed at a previous meeting, it was necessary that' it should be rescinded, as it was known that the French Police have relations with somebody among the refugees, and spies must be guarded against, he would propose that it be rescinded. Engels seconded and it was carried unanimously.

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Citizen Hales said as it was necessary France should be represented, he would propose that the French delegates proceed to elect three to represent France. Citizen Marx, was opposed to any such resolution. Other countries had no representation. France would only be in the same position as Italy, Germany and America.—The proposition not being seconded fell through. Citizen Engels—proposed that those countries not appointing delegates should be represented by their secretaries, Citizen Lessner seconded and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Bastelica seconded that the Council should be represented by six delegates. Carried unanimously. Citizen Mottershead said as the Council had deprived itself of some of its voting power—it ought to always have the six votes—he would propose that the delegates of the Council should have the right to vote by p r o x y Citizen Townshend seconded and it was carried unanimously. The following citizens were then proposed and obtained votes as follows: Mottershead 21, Frankel 16, Jung 16, Serraillier 15, Bastelica 15, Vaillant 11, Longuet 8, Lessner 6, Milner 6, Boon 5, Robin 4, Theisz 3 and Townshend 2. The six first were therefore declared elected. Citizen Hales then proposed "That the London branches be requested to proceed to the election of a Federal Council for London which should after obtaining the adhesion of the provincial branches, become the Federal Council for England". He said his experience as Secretary convinced him that some such action was necessary.—The English correspondence had increased to such an extent that such a step was necessary—to save the time of the General Council—besides the General Council had not the time to devote to matters purely English, and the English movement suffered accordingly; the members were continually asking, was the Association taking any action ||[289]| with regard to English politics. Citizen Longuet seconded the proposition. He thought the English movement wanted action, at present it had no object. Citizen Mottershead—opposed the proposition, for the reason that there were no branches—nor any political movement. The working classes were apathetic, and it would only create a sham, there had been no political life since—48. Let branches —reai ones be formed and the Federal Council would follow. The Republican Party was supported by the member for Leicester—who no doubt paid for the attack upon the International and the Secretary in the "National Reformer". Citizen Longuet said if there were no branches, as asserted, that was a reason for the Council, so that it might proceed with the work of propaganda. Citizen Hales—said there were branches and quite sufficient force belonging to the International in England to justify his proposition. Citizen Marx—said the subject better be referred to the Conference, and after a few morè"words it was decided that it should be referred to the conference for consideration as some of the delegates had propositions to submit upon the same subject. The Council adjourned at 11 o'clock. H.JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary |

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 26, 1871

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Citizen Jung in the chair—Members present. Citizens Applegarth, Boon, Chalain, Eccarius, Frankel, Hales, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Le Moussu, Marx, Martin, Mayo, Milner, Robin, Rochat, Serraillier, Taylor, Townshend, Vaillant and Longuet. Citizen Marx announced that he had received £ 50.0.0 for the International from a friend who did not desire his name to be known, and handed the same over to the Secretary. The chairman said Robin had some business which it would be necessary to discuss. Citizen Robin said the Conference had passed a resolution asking him to withdraw a letter which he had written "stating that he would not again attend the Conference sittings" upon the ground that it was insulting to the Conference, he did not consider that there was anything insulting in it—on the other hand he considered that he had been insulted himself by Citizen Outine. He could not withdraw the letter, he was treated as a prisoner on his defence when he was only a witness. Citizen Vaillant said Citizen [Robin] mistook his position, he was invited to attend the Commission appointed by the Conference to give [evidence] relative to the Swiss dispute, because he was supposed to be acquainted with one side of the question. There was no charge made against him and he ought not to have withdrawn. Citizen Serraillier asked Robin if after the explanation of Vaillant he would not withdraw the letter. Citizen Robin replied, no. Citizen Serraillier thereupon proposed that the question be adjourned to next week, it would be necessary to discuss the matter after Robin's refusal to withdraw the letter. Citizen Marx said in the invitation or summons to attend the commission, not a word was said about accusing Robin, and Outine could not accuse in a judicial sense, as one witness could not accuse another, unless his evidence involved | |[291]| facts. Citizen Robin did not leave in the first instance because he was accused, but because the last train was nearly due. Outine requested him to stop, and when he refused, said "If you don't stop I shall (as I don't wish to speak of a man in his absence) be compelled to speak of you as the principal instigator in the dispute". Citizen Robin then left the room saying to Outine, I despise you. So that Robin

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insulted Outine quite as much as Outine insulted Robin, and might just as well have refused to attend the commission upon the same ground.—Robin's letter was an insult to the Conference as his refusal to attend made the labours of the Commission useless, as without him it was not able to perform the work for which it was appointed. Citizen Robin said he would change the letter, so that it should read "charged by one of the witnesses". Citizen Serraillier objected, the letter having been recorded on the minutes could not be altered, it could only be withdrawn or defended; he would press his proposition for adjournment. Citizen Rochat seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Marx communicated a letter received from Copenhagen Section. The Section had established a newspaper called "The Socialist," and desired to enter into direct relationship with the General Council. It was proposed, seconded and carried unanimously that a regular correspondence be maintained. Marx and Longuet. Citizen Marx also read a letter which he had received from the Berlin Section, undaunted by the recent prosecutions. The section had determined to hold a public meeting to refute the calumnies against the International, but before so doing, they wanted a new stock of cards, he should reply that the Conference had determined to dispence with cards and communicate the text of the resolutions, informing them that the stamps would be sent as soon as ready. At the same time he ||[292]| should urge upon them the advisability of holding their meeting without any delay—as it would have a great influence for good. Citizen Vaillant read a letter from Paris, which submitted a project for Colonising New Caledonia upon the principle of Associative action between Capital and Labour. £40,000 had already been promised and there was little doubt but that £ 200,000 could be raised, if the project was supported by the Workmen and their friends. Arrangements had already been made to purchase land to be given to the workers to be allotted in proportion to the size of the families of the workers. The workers were to share in the profits, and have the liberty to cultivate anything they liked for their own use and even to sell, but the staple article of production upon which the colony was chiefly to depend was sugar for which a ready sale could be found; in conclusion the writer asked if an appeal could not be made to English Capitalists to support the scheme. Citizen Longuet—said before he could give an opinion, he should want further explanation. The project was based upon a transportation which had not yet taken place. The Council could not take any action in the present state of the affair.— Citizen Chalain said the Council had refused to entertain a previous project.— Citizen Martin said it was a reactionary project—intended to relieve the embarrassment of the Versailles Government. Citizen Marx proposed the Council should proceed to the order of the day, the Council could not endorse any proposition of the kind, as it belonged to the same party as the men whose fate was involved.

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Meeting of the General Council September 26, 1871 Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Longuet seconded that Citizen Theisz be Treasurer. Carried unanimously. Citizen Frankel proposed and Cit. Vaillant seconded that Dr. Marx be appointed Secretary for Germany. Carried unanimously. 5 Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Eccarius seconded that Frankel be appointed Secretary for Hungary and Austria. Carried unanimously. Citizen Longuet proposed and Citizen Boon seconded that Serraillier be Secretary for France.— Citizen Chalain proposed and Citizen Martin seconded that Citizen Vaillant be 10 appointed. On being put Serraillier received 13 votes, Citizen Vaillant 7.| j [295]j Citizen Serraillier proposed and Citizen Frankel seconded that Engels be appointed Secretary for Italy. Citizen Longuet proposed and Citizen Chalain seconded that Citizen Bastelica be 15 appointed—9 votes were given for Engels, 8 for Bastelica, and 3 for Vaillant who had declined to stand—the rest of the elections were postponed and the Council adjourned at 11.45. H. JUNG, Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary/

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[Auszüge a u s T h e Eastern Post] [Zu S . 6 1 1 . 1 2 - 2 4 ]

The Eastern Post. Nr. 157, 30. September 1871

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A letter was received from the Federal Council of Copenhagen, which gave an encouraging account of the progress the Association was making in Denmark. It was rapidly increasing in both number and influence, and had established a journal called "The Socialist." The section desired a closer relationship with the General Council with a view to better understanding as to Policy. It was agreed that a regular correspondence should be maintained as requested. A letter was read from Berlin, which stated that undaunted by recent prosecutions, the Federal Council of Berlin was preparing for a new campaign, and as a preliminary, proposed to hold a public meeting in one of the large halls in Berlin, for the purpose of refuting the calumnies against the International, circulated by the European Press. The Association was stronger than ever in Germany. A letter was received from Turin asking for power to start a new section in that C i t y N o doubt was entertained, but that a most powerful one could be formed as the great majority of the working class in Turin were in favour of the principles of the International, as shown by the sympathy exhibited by them for their brother workers in Paris, during the struggle of the Commune. The news from the other parts of Italy was confirmatory of the progress the Association was making in that Country. Garibaldi—perhaps the foremost champion v

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. of liberty—had thrown the weight of his influence into it, acknowledging that the International was the only body that understood the question of social reconstruction. From Spain, news was received of the cheering character. The organisation was extending throughout the peninsula. Sections were established in all the large cities, and a congress had just been held at Valencia, at which the delegates attended from Madrid, Seville, Barcelona, Malaga, and other large cities of industry. The workmen recognised the fact that the all important question, was the social question, and they were fully resolved to fight the battle of social equality side by side with that of political freedom. The introduction of the Association into Spain was the commencement of a new Era. Its principle had infused new life into the workers, and "The Emancipation of Labour," and the "Unity of the People," would in future be their watchwords. The information from Switzerland was particularly gratifying. All dissension between different sections, as to the policy of taking part in political movement had ceased, and united, the whole of the Association would, in future, adopt the programme of the general council of "Political and Social." The Belgian news, like that from other countries, gave an account of the progress being made by the Association, the members were increasing, and it had complete control of the labour movement. Unions were being formed in most of the trades, and the efforts made to reduce the hours of labour, so far, had been thoroughly successful. The influence of the Association was increasing at such a ratio, that if it continued, it would have complete control of the country in a few years. Even now, one of the arguments used against extending the suffrage was, that it would hand over the representation of the large towns into the hands of the International. News was received from America. The International was becoming a power in the States, and was already an influence in the political world. It would soon embrace the whole of the Labour movement, and then the rights of labour could not be withheld. The home correspondence, which was voluminous, gave evidence that the Association was increasing in England. Applications for membership, and leave to start branches were numerous. And in a large number regret was expressed that the International had not an organ of its own, and promises of support were given, if the General Council would undertake to start one in England. After the reading of the correspondence, and the business arising out of it had been settled, the council proceeded to administrative business. It was decided, taking into consideration the progress being made in England, to urge upon the branches and members the desirability of organising a Federal Committee for England, so that the influence of the Association might be brought to bear more directly upon English Politics, than it had hitherto done. It was also resolved to recommend the formation of female sections in all countries, so that the purifying influence of woman might be brought with greater force to bear upon the struggle for "Equal rights with equal duties."

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/[295]/Council Meeting held Oct 2

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present, Citizens Applegarth, Bastelica, Boon, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Lochner, Martin, Le Moussu, Marx, McDonnell, Milner, Roach, Rochat, Pfänder, Riihl, Serraillier, Schmutz, Taylor, Theisz, and Townshend. The minutes of the three previous meetings having been read and confirmed, Citizen Harris asked a question relative to one of the letters sent by the Secretary to "Reynolds's Newspaper" acknowledging moneis receiv'd, as to whether a branch existed in Lambeth. The Secretary replied briefly to the question no and announced that the proposition for the election of Citizens Avrial, and Camélinat stood first in the order of the day. Citizen Marx thought the question ought to be deferred until after the Council had discussed the report of the Conference, as one of its recommendations suggested the advisability of the Council limiting new additions to its number. Citizen Theisz said it had been stated that the Conference would not affect the composition of the Council, and he thought no notice should be taken of the Conference in this matter, but that the Council should proceed with election, as was usual in such cases. Citizen Marx thought the Council ought to receive the recommendation of the Conference, before proceeding to any fresh elections. | I [296] I Citizen Engels said the Council was engaged in reconstituting itself. Part of the secretaries had been elected, and he thought the rest should be elected before any other business was entered upon. Citizen Bastelica, said the proposition was made in due course and as nothing had been said against the character of either of the candidates, he thought the Council ought at once to decide as to whether it had the right to elect them. Citizen Marx said it was not a question of right, but of formality, if the elections were pressed, why then of necessity the resolutions of the Conference would have to be submitted. Citizen Eccarius said he agreed with Citizen Engels, he thought the secretaries should all be appointed before anything else was done. Citizen Bastelica said it was not him that introduced the question but the Secre-

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W.M.A. tary in reading the minutes. He would propose that the question be discussed. Citizen Theisz seconded. Citizen Serraillier was in favour of discussing the proposition but he thought the resolutions of the Conference should be communicated as the mover and seconder of the proposition might change their views when they had heard it. Citizen Herman said there were many important things to be done—such as the election of officers and which he thought ought to be done before new elections took place. Citizen Harris thought the Council ought to have received the report of the Conference, before it proceeded even to the election of its officers. Citizen Boon asked if the Conference had in any [way] affected the Conference. Citizen Engels proposed, and Citizen Eccarius seconded that the election be proceeded with before anything else was done—Carried. Citizen Herman said he had received a letter from Belgium stating that a person was in Brussels trying to engage Coppersmiths for Glasgow. Men were willing to accept his offer if no harm would be done by so doing, but they wanted to know if there was any dispute or Strike before they engaged, as they had no wish to be used as tools. It was agreed that the Secretary should at once telegraph to Citizen Blair of Glasgow j I [297]| asking for information, which was at once done. Citizen Boon proposed and Citizen McDonnell seconded That Citizen Engels be Secretary for Spain. Citizen Theisz proposed Citizen Bastelica—but he refused to stand and Citizen Engels was elected unanimously. Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded That Citizen McDonnell be Secretary for Ireland. Carried unanimously. Citizen Rochat proposed and Citizen Engels seconded, "That Citizen Herman be Secretary for Belgium". Carried unanimously. Citizen Frankel proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded That Citizen Eccarius be Secretary for the United States. Carried unanimously, Citizen Harris who was also proposed having declined to stand. Citizen Serraillier proposed and Citizen Engels seconded That Citizen Vaillant be Secretary for the French speaking sections in America. Carried unanimously. Citizen Marx stated that Citizen Zabicki had returned to Galicia—but that he had given the Council power to use his name as Secretary for Poland until his successor was appointed. It was therefore agreed that his name should be retained provisionally until another Pole would undertake the duties. Citizen Jung was proposed by Citizen Marx and seconded by Citizen Hales as Secretary for Switzerland. Carried unanimously. Citizen Hales proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded that Citizen Rochat be Secretary for Holland, carried unanimously. Citizen Boon proposed that the appointment of a Secretary for Denmark be postponed until the return of Citizen Cohn ||[298]| from Newcastle, but after an explanation withdrew it and proposed that Citizen Mottershead be appointed as Secretary. Citizen Taylor seconded it and it was carried unanimously.

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Russia Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Roach seconded that Citizen Marx be appointed Secretary. It was stated that it was the wish of the Russian section and the proposition was carried unanimously. Citizen Jung asked what was to be done relative to the Banquet—he had paid for it out of the funds and some arrangement ought to be made as to repayment. It was agreed that those attending it should pay 5/- each—it being estimated that that would meet the expence—except a balance which was owing for wine. Citizen Rochat proposed and Citizen Serraillier seconded that the Council should pay the said balance of £4-5-0. Carried unanimously. Citizen Marx, suggested that the Council should fix a programme for each sitting which should be kept to. It was absolutely necessary that the conference report should be discussed, the Statutes wanted reprinting, and there was great deal of business must not be delayed. Citizen Herman said the correspondence ought to be read every night, what was wanted was a regular time at which business should be commenced. Citizen Engels said that it would not be worth while reading the whole of the correspondence, only when there was anything of importance to communicate. Citizen Bastelica would withdraw his proposition relative to Avrial and Camélinat, it had been postponed time after time upon false pretences. Citizen Engels demanded the withdrawal of the words "false ||[299]| pretences", the Council never did anything under false pretences. Citizen Bastelica did not use the words in the sense understood by Citizen Engels, but in the sense that the action taken was absurd: first it was to be considered, and then it was to be adjourned and now a proposition was made to fix a different programme. Citizen Boon said it would be advisable to hold an "Extraordinary Special" meeting to get through the pressure of business. He would propose that the Council meet on Saturday the 7 inst. to receive and discuss the report of the Conference. Citizen Milner seconded and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Serraillier, called attention to the fact that Citizen Robin had not attended the sitting though he knew the discussion on his letter was to have come on, he would bring the matter on again next week. The Council adjourned at 11—40. H.JUNG, Chairman JOHN HALES Seer./ th

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Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 7, 1871

/[299]/ Minutes of Special Meeting held on Saturday Evening October 7 1871. th

Citizen Marx in the chair, members present Citizens Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Lessner, Marx, Martin, Le Moussu, Rochat, Serraillier, Vaillant, and Pfänder. The first business was the reception of certain written evidence which proved that a member of the International named Gustave Durand was a spy in the pay of the French Police. The evidence consisted of copies of the letters which had passed between the said Spy and the Police. Citizen Engels proposed the following resolution: "The General Council having received full evidence that Gustave Durand, working Jeweller of Paris, ex-delegate of the jewellers to the Federal Chamber of Paris Working men, ex-chief of Battalion of the National Guards, ex-chief Cashier at the delegation of Finance under the Commune, passing as a refugee in London, has served, and is now serving, as a spy for the ||[300]| French Police upon the Communal Refugees and especially upon the General Council of the International Working Men's Association, and has already received 725 francs for his services. The said Gustave Durand is therefore branded as infamous and expelled from the International Association.This resolution tobepublished in all the organs of the International". Citizen Vaillant seconded the resolution. Citizen Serraillier agreed with the resolution, but did not think it would be policy to make it public, and thus let the police know. It would be better to lead the police astray by using the tool. Citizen Frankel said it would be better to exclude him publicly. Citizen Vaillant said that Serraillier would be quite right if his idea could be carried but it could not, the refugees must be informed of Durand's treachery. Citizen Engels thought the Council had no choice but to make the matter public, it having come officially before the Council. Citizen Martin thought it would be better to bring Durand before a Council meeting and then confront him with the proofs of his infamy. This suggestion met with general dissent and the resolution was carried unanimously. The Chairman said though it was too late to submit the report of the Conference as a whole, the Council might appoint a number of Committees that were nec-

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Special Meeting of the General Council October 7, 1871 essary to carry out certain suggestions of the Conference. This was agreed to and the following Committees were appointed, all the votes being unanimously carried. Commission to blend the resolutions of Vaillant and Serraillier Citizens Engels, Martin and Le Moussu. Proposed by Hales, seconded by Eccarius. 5 Commission to prepare the new edition of the Statutes and resolutions Citizens Marx, Jung and Serraillier—Proposed by Engels, seconded by Vaillant. Commission to prepare Stamps (contribution) and a new official Stamp for the General Council, Citizens Le Moussu, Frankel and Jung. Proposed by Hales, seconded by Engels. | 10 |[301]j Delegated, to draw up a declaration declaring that the movement in Russia led by Netchayeff had no connection with the International, Citizen Marx. Proposed by Engels seconded by Eccarius. The Council adjourned at 11 o'clock. H.JUNG, Chairman 15 JOHN HALES Secretary!

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/[301]/Minutes of Meeting held Oct 10

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Citizen Jung in the chair, Members present—Citizens, Bradnick, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Harris, Hales, Herman, Jung, Le Moussu, Lessner, Lochner, Longuet, Marx, Martin, Milner, Pfänder, Rochat, Serraillier, Townshend, and Vaillant. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, the Secretary announced that the proposition for the election of Citizens Avrial and Camélinat stood first in the order of business—Citizen Serraillier said Citizens Bastelica and Theisz had informed him that they wished to withdraw the proposition because both Avrial, and Camélinat belonged to the newly formed French branch which had framed a rule preventing its members from belonging to the General Council, except such as might be sent as delegates. As no one supported the proposition, it fell through. Citizen Vaillant—said at the previous meeting of the Council, it had honour'd him by electing him to a Secretaryship—but he could not accept it for the same reasons, that induced him to decline the Secretaryship for Italy, he begged to tender his resignation and would propose Citizen Le Moussu instead. Citizen Eccarius said he thought Vaillant had as much time as he had and he had accepted a Secretaryship. Citizen Longuet, thought Vaillant had plenty of time, and he knew he had ability. Citizen Le Moussu said Citizen Vaillant had spoken to him upon the ||[302]| subject of his resignation, and had said he should propose him for the office, but he had replied that he was comparatively young in the Association, and did not possess sufficient experience to do the work. Citizen Frankel said he thought the reasons given not sufficient. Citizen Vaillant, said his reasons were, That what ability he possessed he wished to devote to the cause in France, he thought it was there that his services could be most usefully employed. Citizen Martin proposed and Citizen Vaillant seconded "That the resignation be accepted". Carried by 9 to 7— Citizen Vaillant then proposed and Citizen Rochat seconded That Citizen Le Moussu be appointed Secretary for the French speaking sections in the United States, carried unanimously.

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Citizen Jung proposed that the standing orders be suspended in order that Citizen Wroblewski might be elected a member of the Council at once, he afterwards intended to propose him for the vacant Secretaryship for Poland. It was necessary Poland should be represented. Citizen Frankel had no objection to Citizen Wroblewski, but he did not approve of the proposition to suspend the standing orders, as some little unpleasant feeling had arisen relative to certain Propositions which had not had the advantage of a suspension of standing orders. Citizen Eccarius—approved of a suspension of the standing orders for the same reason that urged him to propose their suspension in the case of Frankel. Citizen Milner thought the Council should proceed at once. Citizen Serraillier said the Council was about to issue a new edition of the Statutes and some manifestoes and it was necessary that all the offices should be filled, at present there was no Secretary for Poland and it was necessary one should be appointed. Citizen Longuet seconded the proposition, he said Wroblewski was well known not only for his services to the Commune, but for his previous devotion to principle. The Proposition was then put and carried with one dissentient. | I [303] I Citizen Jung then proposed and Citizen Longuet seconded that Citizen Wroblewski become a member of the General Council. Carried unanimously. The same Citizens also proposed and seconded that Citizen Wroblewski should be Secretary for Poland—Carried unanimously. The Secretary announced the opening of a branch at Middlesbrough which had a prospect of becoming a very successful one. The Secretary called the attention of the Council to the fact that a report of the proceedings of the Conference had appeared in the "Scotsman"Newspaper—though it was decided it should not be reported. He had read the report in question and he felt certain that it was furnished by some one who had attended the Conference. Citizen Longuet had also seen a report in the French newspapers translated from the Cologne Gazette. Citizens Marx and Engels said the report mentioned by Longuet was the same in substance as that in the "Scotsman". Citizen Marx said it could not be tolerated that persons should be allowed to report proceedings after it was decided such should not be done. He would propose the appointment of a Commission of Enquiry. Citizen Frankel seconded it and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Bradnick said it would be advisable to appoint two English members and one Continental. He would propose Citizens Jung, Milner and Harris. Citizen Martin seconded and it was carried unanimously. THe Secretary called attention to the fact that the salary of the Secretary was not fixed—The proposition accepting his offer to do the work for 10/- per week for three months, was ended inasmuch as the three months were expired. Citizen Engels said the Secretary having himself offered to do the work for 10/should now state if he desired a different arrangement.

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Citizen Frankel proposed and Citizen Hales seconded the following resolution. "That Citizen Robin be requested to withdraw the letter he sent to the Conference without any qualification, and that a refusal on his part should be considered as his resignation", carried with 4 Abstentions. The Council adjourned at 12 o'clock. H. JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary |

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Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 16, 1871

|[306]| M i n u t e s of Special M e e t i n g held Oct 16

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present Citizens Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Johannard, Jung, Lessner, Le Moussu, Herman, Marx, Martin, Mottershead, Pfänder, Rochat, Rühl, Serraillier, Stepney and Townshend. Citizen Hales announced that he had received a bill of exchange from the Federal Council of New York for £42.0.0 in answer to the appeal of the Council for the refugees, he had not announced it thinking the Council should take special action with regard to it, because the night before he received it, the Council had agreed by special vote to give £ 3.0.0 to pay the travelling expenses of a man who had been condemned to death at Lyons for participation in the Communal movement, but who had managed to escape and was hiding. Citizen Marx said that the money was asked for the special use of the Council and ought to be distributed by the Council. Citizen Engels proposed that the £42.0.0 be handed over to a committee of three consisting of Marx, Jung and Vaillant. Carried unanimously. The proposition was seconded by Citizen Townshend. The Chairman announced that he had received a letter from Bastelica, announcing his resignation as a member of the General Council, because the newly formed french branch had passed a rule forbidding any of its members from belonging to the General Council except such as were appointed as delegates; compelled to make a choice between the branch and the Council, he chose the branch. Citizen Serraillier—said Bastelica had spoken with him upon the subject and he told him that the section could not be a section until it was admitted, moreover, the rule in question was contrary to the Statutes and could not be accepted. He therefore proposed that the resignation be accepted, it being an offence against the Council, it was a refusal to recognise the rules. Citizen Engels seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously, it being understood that it was not to be accepted as a 11[307] | precedent—accepting the theory laid down in the letter. Citizen Serraillier handed in the rules of the newly formed French branch, and it was agreed that the same should be handed over to the Committee for the revision of the rules.

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Citizen Marx said the Council had appointed a Committee, to blend the resolutions which Serraillier and Vaillant submitted to the Conference, but there were still other commissions necessary, and the Council had also to decide as to what should be made public, and what should not, he then read the resolutions passed by the Conference relative to the composition of the Conference. The first recommended the Council not to make too many additions to its number, and especially to take care and not to add too many of one nationality. The second, invited the Council to extend the term of probation, between the proposition and election, to three weeks, so that sufficient time might be allowed to make enquiries. The third recommended the Council, before the usual times of elections, to invite the Sections in different Countries to suggest candidates for the respective Corresponding Secretaryships. The fourth approved of the additions, which the Council had made to its number from the Communal refugees—They were all agreed to unanimously. Another resolution was also read in which the Conference declared its acceptance of the financial accounts presented by the General Council, but recommended the Council to adopt a better system of keeping its accounts in future. Citizen Marx then read the declaration which he had drawn up relative to Netschayeff, and on the motion of Citizen Hales, seconded by Citizen Eccarius, it was adopted unanimously. It was as follows "The Conference of Delegates of the International Working Men's Association, assembled in London from the 17 to the 2 3 of Septr. 1871 has charged the General Council to declare publicly That Netschayeff has never been a member or an agent of the International Working Men's Association, that his assertions to have founded a branch at Brussels."! I [308] I The resolutions of the Conference were then agreed to, which advised the Council to issue addresses to the working men of France, and of Italy; and a manifesto against the different Governments which had prosecuted the members of the Association. It was then resolved that the Circular to the different Federal Councils should be printed, except one part relating to internal administration. Citizen Mottershead proposed and Citizen Engels seconded. The appeal to the French Working Men, asking them to resist the despotic encroachments upon their rights, and announcing how they were to proceed with the work of organization, was, upon the motion of Citizen Marx seconded by Frankel, ordered to be printed. The resolution recommending the London branches to establish a Federal Council for London which should become the Federal Council for England, upon receiving the adhesions of the provincial branches, was, upon the proposition of Citizen Engels seconded by Citizen Lessner adopted unanimously. The Council then proceeded with the resolutions dealing with questions of General organization. The one relative to special missions—was adopted and ordered to be printed. Citizens Frankel and Lessner proposed and seconded. The one relative to the formation of Female Sections was also ordered to be printed, as well as the one upon the question of furnishing statistics. With regard to th

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. the latter one Citizen Frankel remarked, that many of the Continental sections complained that they never received the circular which was issued. The following resolutions were also ordered to be printed after some little discussion had taken place: Resolution relative to the right of the delegates of the General Council to enter meetings of any section. | |[309]| Resolution, "To agitate, in the agricultural districts, with a view to the formation of rural sections", a proposition by Frankel, seconded by Lessner, to print this resolution in larger type being lost. Resolution of the Conference "leaving the General Council to fix the time and place of the Congress or Conference". The resolution relative to the assistance to be rendered to Trades Unions was amended, and ordered to be printed as amended. The question of printing the instruction the Conference gave to Outine relative to the Netschayeff affair was deferred. The resolution upon "L'Alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste" was ordered to be printed. Citizens Serraillier and Vaillant were appointed to draw up an address to the Working Men of France.—Proposition moved by Le Moussu, sec. by Martin. Citizens Engels and Johannard were appointed to draw up an address to the Working Men of Italy. Proposition moved by Eccarius, sec. by Serraillier. Dr. Marx was appointed to prepare the circular embodying the resolutions. Proposition moved by Mottershead, seconded by Engels. Citizen Herman proposed and Citizen Marx seconded, that the resolutions not printed in the Circular—be communicated by the different Corresponding Secretaries to their respective sections. Carried unanimously. Citizen Engels brought up and read the report of the Committee appointed to blend the resolutions of Serraillier and Vaillant. He said the object [it] had in view was to blend in the clearest possible language the ideas running through the two resolutions. The Council could judge if the performance was equal to the intention. The report [gave] general satisfaction, except one. paragraph referring to the "militant State of the Working Class". It was thought by some members that it might be misunderstood, but after some discussion it was carried as brought up ||[310]| and ordered to be printed. The Council adjourned at 11.15. F. ENGELS, Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary/

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 17, 1871

/[310]/ C o u n c i l M e e t i n g h e l d O c t 1 7

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Citizen Engels in the chair—Members present Citizens Boon, Bradnick, Buttery, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Lochner, Longuet, Le Moussu, Marx, Martin, Mayo, McDonnell, Milner, Mottershead, Rühl, Serraillier, Stepney, and Townshend, Johannard. The minutes of the meeting of Oct 10 having been read, Citizen Harris complained of an omission in the report of the speech made by him, and requested that the same should be rectified, this was done and the minutes were confirmed. Citizens Chautard and Camélinat attend with credentials from the new French branch. They were informed that the matter would be discussed in their absence and they withdrew. It being agreed that the matter should be referred to the same Committee as the rules of the branch. The Chairman read a communication from Citizen Theisz, tendering his resignation as a member of the General Council, he thought it better for him to resign to make room for the delegates of the new French branch, he had nothing whatever to complain of in the conduct of the Council, and it might be assured of the support of himself under all circumstances. Citizen Serraillier proposed and Citizen Mottershead seconded That the consideration of Citizen Theisz's resignation be postponed, he said the rules of the new French branch, which had impelled Citizen Theisz to resign, could not be accepted by the Council and would in all probability be rescinded by the branch, and Citizen Theisz might reconsider his determination. The motion was carried unanimously. The Chairman asked if the Secretary had communicated the resolution of the previous meeting to Citizen Robin. The Secretary replied that "he had not, as he did not know Robin's address, and could not write French". Great ||[311]| dissatisfaction was manifested at this reply, and it was agreed that the resolution should be sent at once. Soon after, though, Citizen Robin entered the Council room; and the Chairman communicated the resolution to him. Citizen Robin said the Council had no right to take a resignation that he did not give, it could turn him out if it liked, he should not withdraw the letter. Citizen Harris proposed that Robin's case be reheard—fully heard, mark you. Citizen Delahaye seconded the motion. th

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen Jung opposed the motion, the matter had been discussed, and the Council had only to do its duty. He didn't say that Robin had insulted the Conference, but the Conference itself had said so, and had left the Council to deal with the matter. Citizen Serraillier said Citizen Robin knew that the question was to be discussed at the previous meeting, and he was in town, yet he never came to it, had he been at his post, he would have had the trial—now asked for. Citizen Boon said he didn't exactly understand the matter, if it was a personal affair it ought to be settled outside, if it was a Council matter he understood the Council had already dealt with it. On being put to the vote three voted for the proposition, twelve against. The Chairman announced the decision to Robin—who said resignation was a voluntary action which he should not take, and further, that as a member of the Council he should stop in the room until the Council expelled him. Citizen Harris—said then he would propose "That Citizen Robin be no longer considered a member of the Council". Citizen Jung seconded the proposition. Citizen Delahaye said the resolution did not meet the case at all. If Robin was not fit to be a member, the Council ought to expel him, if he was not unfit the resolution ought not to be passed. Citizen Frankel said at the previous meeting he was in favour of conciliation, but he was not after what he had heard from Robin. Robin had said the Council ought to have the courage to expel him, he had the courage and would demand his expulsion. Citizen Longuet did not wish to take the action suggested by Delahaye, the Council certainly had the right to say that it considered a certain action as equivalent to a resignation, and it had adopted the resolution out of deference to Robin's feelings. It had no wish to stigmatise him as a ||[312]| dishonourable man, but if Robin insisted upon being expelled, he supposed the Council must do it. Citizen Delahaye said if there was a reason before for the proposition, there certainly was not one now as Robin had withdrawn the imputation against the Conference. The proposition was then put to the vote and carried by five to four, the rest abstaining. Citizen Robin then left the room. Citizen Marx brought up the report of the Committee upon the rules of the new French branch. The Committee proposed that the General Council should confirm the Statutes, except Articles 2 and 11, which the Committee proposed should not be accepted as they were clearly contrary to the General Statutes. Article 2 required that every member should justify his means of existence, which was an old device of the ruling classes, and cbuld not be accepted in the International regulations. Article 11 "Provided that none of the members of the branch should be allowed to sit upon the General Council except they should be sent as delegates from the branch". This was virtually saying that none of the members of the General Council should be allowed to become members of the branch and set up the authority of the branch as superior to that of the General Council, a thing that could not be tolerated. The branch must be shewn the illegality of the two articles and asked to rescind them.

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Citizen Frankel said the way the resolution was understood was to be seen in the resignations of Bastelica and Theisz, he thought their names should be attached to the report. Citizen Serraillier translated these remarks into English and said he saw no reason to attach the two names as suggested. Citizen Harris asked the Chairman if the English members understood Serraillier's explanation. The Chairman said if they did not they could state so for themselves; everyone had the right to ask questions themselves, but not for others. Citizen Herman said the rule under discussion would make the branch everything and all France nothing. If the sections in France wished to nominate delegates to the General Council they could not without precluding them from joining the French branch. | |[313]| Citizen Longuet did not understand the rule in that sense. Citizen Mottershead said the members who did not understand the matter would be apt to think there was something deeper underneath, he wanted some further explanation before he could see his way clearly to vote upon the matter. If the four who had spoken, had not done so, he should have voted at once for the report, but he saw from the debate that more explanation was needed. Citizen Longuet said there had not been any debate, Citizen Marx had brought up a report that was no doubt strictly legal, but he thought the members of the branch did not see the force of their own rules, that was all. Citizen Mottershead wanted to know if there was not something behind, he could not help being struck by the resignations of Theisz and Bastelica, he would ask if the branch was not a valuable one, he thought the matter might be compromised, without loss of principle. Citizen Marx thought the way in which Citizen Mottershead had interfered in the matter was most injustifiable, he had not touched the report, but wanted to know what transpired in the tattle of the French branch. The Council had nothing to do with what transpired behind its back, but only with the rules. Citizen Eccarius moved the adoption of the report. Citizen Martin seconded it. Citizen Harris thought perhaps the members of the French branch did not understand the meaning of their rules. Citizen Boon said he thought he understood the matter—no branch had the right to override the General Statutes of an Association. Citizen Le Moussu also spoke in favour of the report. It was then put to the vote and adopted unanimously. Citizen Martin read a communication from Vaillant resigning his membership upon the distribution committee, he did not approve of the appointment of the Committee. The resignation was accepted. Citizen Engels reported the progress of the Association in Italy and Spain. Citizen Eccarius read a letter from the 12 Section of New York. Citizen Hales communicated a letter from Galveston, Texas, both were referred to the Standing Committee, which as formerly it was decided should ||[314]| be composed of all the officers. th

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen Harris thought all the correspondence should be read. Citizen Marx announced that he had a report from the Slavonic Section of Zurich. Citizen Herman said he had received instructions to offer, on the part of the Belgian Engineers, to enter into an Alliance with the Amalgamated Engineers of Great Britain, for the purposes of mutual defence and assistance, he asked that a delegate might be elected to accompany him to the Council of the Engineers. Citizen Harris proposed and Citizen Boon seconded that Citizen Eccarius be appointed. Citizens Jung and Hales were opposed to an appointment being made, but Citizen Eccarius was elected to go. Citizen Marx asked for authority to print the circular. Citizen Boon proposed and Citizen Lessner sec'd. That 500 copies be printed. Carried unanimously. Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Boon seconded that the report of the Committee upon the revision of the rules be placed first on the order of the day for the next sitting; carried unanimously. Citizen Boon proposed that the following resolution stand upon the order of the day for that night month for discussion. Citizen Milner seconded the proposition—That in the opinion of this Council, the time has now arrived for the formation of an International bureau and depository, wherein the Internationals may deposit their worked up products, and receive for the same an International Note or Exchange Medium; such notes to be exchangeable among all the members of the International (and the public if they will accept). Such a system of International Exchange based upon positive and exchangeable wealth (such as boots, clothing, watches etc.) would be | |[315]| Citizen Hales proposed that its consideration be postponed indefinitely. Citizen Jung seconded the amendment. The amendment was lost and the proposition was carried by 10 to 5. Citizens Martin and Longuet also gave notice of motion. The Council adjourned at 12 o'clock./

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 24, 1871

/[315]/Minutes o f M e e t i n g O c t 2 4

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Citizen Longuet in the chair. Members present Citizens Boon, Bradnick, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Herman, Jung, Lessner, Le Moussu, Johannard, Longuet, Marx, Martin, Mayo, McDonnell, Pfänder, Roach, Rochat, Rühl, Serraillier, Stepney, Townshend, Vaillant and Wroblewski. The minutes of the two previous meetings having been read and confirmed Citizen Marx brought up the report of the rules revision Committee. The report was adopted unanimously without discussion, and Citizen Marx proposed and Citizen Johannard seconded that 5,000 Copies be printed and that the printer be instructed to let the type stand. Carried unanimously— •Citizen Engels proposed that Truelove be the Printer employed. Citizen Marx said whoever printed them, it must be understood that the whole issue was to be the property of the Council. Citizen Harris would suggest that members—or persons whom members should guarantee—should have as many copies as they wished, upon signing for them. Citizen Jung thought if it could be done, the work should be given to the refugees. Citizen Engels thought they would not be able to do it; it was a question of quickness. Citizen Johannard said the Council ought to see if they could ||[316]| do it, before it was given to any one else. Citizen Eccarius said usually more trouble ensued when small printers were employed. Citizen Hales proposed and Citizen Lessner seconded That the question as to who should be employed, should be left to the revision Committee. Carried unanimously. Citizen Marx said as Theisz had not withdrawn his resignation it was absolutely necessary to appoint another Treasurer, as the name of the Treasurer would have to be printed—he would propose that Citizen Jung be appointed Treasurer. Citizen Serraillier seconded the proposition and it was carried unanimously. The Secretary read a letter which he had received from Citizen Robin asking for a copy of the minutes relating to his exclusion.

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The minute book of the General Council of the I.W. M.A. Citizen Boon thought it ought to be sent, Citizen Jung, was opposed to anything of the kind. Citizen Frankel proposed that the Council proceed to the order of the day. Citizen Johannard seconded it and it was carried unanimously. The Secretary read a letter from the Secretary of the Sunday League asking for immediate payment of arrears of rent, and complaining of the room being used on Saturday evenings. It was resolved that the whole of the rent owing should be paid, and the Committee which had been previously appointed was instructed to report to the next meeting as to its success in finding another room. Citizen Jung read a letter from Malon announcing that the refugees in Geneva had formed a branch of the International, and asking that the General Council should admit it as such, and as it was the third letter sent, an early reply was requested. Citizen explained that owing to the pressure of business in the Council, he had not been able to bring the matter on, but in accordance with the rules he had written to the Federal Council of Geneva, informing them of the fact and asking for information, but as yet he had not received an answer. | |[317]| Citizen Johannard thought if there was nothing in their rules, that was contrary to the Statutes, the Section should be admitted. Citizen Serraillier said according to the rules, all new Sections ought in the first instance to apply to the Federal Council of the Country. Besides, purely Nationality branches could not be formed, language speaking branches might be formed, but [not] nationality branches. Citizen Marx. Sections had the right to correspond direct with the General Council, but the Council must first write to the Federal Council. Citizen Jung had better write again to the Federal Council. Citizen Jung agreed to do so. Citizen Harris proposed and Citizen Martin seconded that Citizen Jung should write to the Sections informing them of his communication to the Federal Council of Geneva.—Carried unanimously. Citizen Serraillier, said that it was the opinion of himself and Citizen Vaillant that it would be better to postpone the issuing of the address to the Working men of France, as it might prejudice the cases of the Communist prisoners. It was agreed that it should be postponed. Citizen Herman announced that owing to his being unable to obtain work he should be compelled to return to Belgium for a time, but he should still like to continue Secretary for Belgium, he would send reports at regular intervals, and some one might be appointed to act for him on the Council. Citizen Rochat has consented to act for Citizen Herman as suggested. The Council agreed to Citizen Herman's request. Citizen Herman also announced that the Engineers of Ghent had been locked out and to the number of 250—and they wished subscriptions to be got for them in England. The matter was referred to Citizens Eccarius and Herman, who where to wait upon the Council of the Engineers on the next evening. The Council adjourned at 11—15. H. JUNG, Chairman |

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M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 31, 1871

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present Citizens Bradnick, Buttery, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Jung, Johannard, Lessner, Le Moussu, Martin, Mayo, McDonnell, Mottershead, Rochat, Riihl, Serraillier, Stepney, Taylor, Townshend, Wroblewski, and Barry. Citizens Tibaldi and Sicard were also present by permission. Polyglot edition abandoned The minutes of the previous meeting having been read and confirmed, Citizen Engels announced that the resolutions were in the hands of the printers—Owing to the printers not knowing English, the revision of proofs was a difficult and wearying task. He also announced that the rules, regulations, and resolutions were almost ready for printing, but it would be almost impossible to print the polyglot edition, as decided upon by the Conference owing to three being an odd number. If there were four languages to be printed, two could be printed on each page, but it would spoil the edition altogether if two were printed on one side and one on the other, and the three could not conveniently be all printed on one page; he concluded by moving the following proposition. "That the polyglot edition of the Statutes be abandoned for the present and editions in the different languages be printed separately, at such times and places as the revising Committee may deem best". Citizen Bradnick seconded the proposition. Citizen Frankel said the Conference decided to print the different languages in one edition, to guard against false translations, but that object would be equally obtained if the same Committee performed the work of translation, was in favour of the proposition. On being put [to the vote], it was carried unanimously. Contribution Stamp It was then announced that the stamp committee had prepared the Contribution stamp. It was handed round the room, and met with general approval, and upon the proposition of Citizen Le Moussu, seconded by Citizen Johannard, it was accepted, and it was handed back to the Committee to get it engraved, and a proof printed. | |[319]| Italian Address Citizen Engels announced, that the Address to the Italian Working Men was not yet ready, and the Committee proposed to wait until the Conference of Working Men

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. which was to be held in Italy during the week, had finished its sittings, as the proceedings might give the Committee new material. Federal Council for London The Secretary reported that a Federal Council for London had been formed in accordance with the resolution of the Conference. He had communicated the resolution to the branches, and they had instructed him to summon a preliminary meeting of those who he would think would be likely to carry out the work in a harmonious manner, he had done so and the meeting was held on Saturday, Oct 2 1 . A resolution was passed by the members present accepting the instruction of the Conference and resolving themselves into a provisional Federal Council for London. A second meeting was held on Oct 27 and the number of Council members was increased to 25. A Secretary and Treasurer was appointed and two delegates were appointed to represent the Federal Council upon the General Council, and to make arrangements with respect to the financial question. A false report of the first meeting appeared in the "Times" and many of the Daily Papers, which had been copied into the Bee-Hive. His attention having been called to it, he had written a reply which had been inserted in The Times. Citizen Johannard asked if the letter of the Secretary was considered satisfactory. Citizens Serraillier and Engels said they had read the letter and they considered it was a very good one. Citizen Frankel would propose "That the delegates be accepted, and that no more delegates from English branches be admitted to a seat on the General Council". Citizen Johannard seconded. Citizen Jung thought it better to see the rules of the new Council first. Citizen Hales said it could not make rules until it was recognised, as it would not be a Council until that was done. Citizen Eccarius said the Council had to consider whether the Council formed by three new branches, should be recognised, the Trades ||[320]| Unions had paid their contributions, and ought to have been apprised of the proposal to form a Federal Council; he would ask why they were not consulted? Citizen Mottershead had a question to ask and that was how it was the members of the General Council had not been invited to take part in the formation of the Federal [Council]. He thought the fact of their being considered fit to sit on the General Council, ought to have been sufficient warrant for them to have been invited—He was afraid the Secretary had consulted personal predilections rather than the general interests of the Association. Citizen Hales, said he did not send invitations to those members who had opposed the formation of the Federal Council, he considered it would have been absurd to invite men to take part in a movement they did not believe in. With respect to the Trades Unions he did not consider they were branches, they were affiliated allies— nothing more. Citizen Eccarius said as an old member, he should deny the right of the new branches to say the Trades Unions were not members, contributions could not be levied upon allies, and the Trades had to pay and did pay a contribution levied according to rule.

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Citizen Frankel. When the Conference passed the resolution it did not wish to sow discord, but to centralize the force existing in England. He considered the newly formed Council was only provisional, and that when it was organized the Trades Unions would be invited to take part in its deliberations. He would still maintain his proposition. Citizen Mottershead said he opposed the proposition because there was no feeling in England. There had been no real movement since /48 and if he had lost something of the sanguineness of youth, allowances must be made. He must admit the Secretary had only used his discretion, but he had used his discretion very indiscreetly indeed. He would remind him that he had no right to constitute himself a judge as to men's fitness or character. Citizen Buttery said the Secretary had only acted according to advice given by the representatives of the branches. He believed it was the intention of the Federal Council to invite all the Trades Societies as soon as the Council itself was organized, but it could not be ||[321]| done before. Citizen Serraillier, said the Secretary would not have been justified in summoning the Trades Societies, for the resolution of the Conference declared distinctly that the branches should proceed to form a Federal Council, and the Trades Unions were not branches. Citizen Engels said it [could] not be maintained for an instant that the Trades Unions were branches, the branches had to submit their rules to the General Council for approval, while the Unions framed their own rules without any control being exercised over them, besides they took action when they pleased without consulting the Association. Another thing—they had not paid so much per member, but had contributed in Lump sums. Citizen Eccarius said that arose from the fact of the societies taking a general average of members, and paying the same sum each year. The Alliance Cabinet Makers, Cigar Makers, London Tailors, and Day Working Bookbinders, had all paid contributions based upon the number of their members—while the General Councils of The Amalgamated Carpenters, and the Bricklayers voted so much out of their contingent funds and left the Association free to appeal to the branches, and several branches had joined. The Trades Unions had found all the money for the Conference delegates, and he thought they ought to be consulted. He would move the following amendment. "That before the newly established Council goes any further, the affiliated Trades and other Societies be communicated with, and asked whether or not they will take part in the organization of a local Council"—he proposed this because he thought they ought to be consulted, but he didn't think they would agree to assist, as the establishment of a Federal Council would double their contributions. Citizen Mottershead seconded the proposition—If the Association waited until the Trades Unions held with the principles of the Association as a whole—it would have to wait a long time, but they represented the revolt against Capital. Citizen Engels proposed the adjournment of the debate, Citizen ||[322]| Johannard seconded it. Citizen Hales moved and Citizen Bradnick seconded That the discussion be closed

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M.A. and the vote taken at once—Citizen Engels withdrew his proposition in favour; on being put [to the vote], it was carried, with one dissentient. The amendment was then put and lost. After which the proposition was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels reported that an attack upon the International had appeared in The Times signed Alexander Baillie Cochrane. As most of the members had read it, 5 it was not thought necessary to read it but it needed answering. He then read a draft reply which he had prepared as the answer, and it was adopted unanimously and the Secretary was ordered to send it to The Times for insertion. The Secretary read a letter from the Editor of the "Graphic" asking permission for their artist to attend the Council to take sketches for publication. 10 The consideration of it was adjourned for a week. The Council adjourned at 11—15. H.JUNG. Chairman JOHN HALES Secretary]

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I[323]I Minutes of the Council Meeting held Novr. 7 1871 th

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Citizen Jung in the chair. Members present Citizens Barry, Boon, Delahaye, Eccarius, Engels, Frankel, Hales, Harris, Jung, Keen, Johannard, Lessner, Lochner, Mayo, Pfänder, Roach, Riihl, Serraillier, Stepney, and Taylor. The minutes of the preceding meeting having been read and confirmed, Citizen Engels announced that 800 copies of the circular in English and 800 copies in French were ready, he also announced that the rules would be ready in a few days. Citizen Truelove desired the Council to allow him to advertise the report of the Owen Centenary on the back of the rules. On the motion of Citizen Engels seconded by Citizen Lessner, permission was accorded, and it was also resolved that the Address on "The Civil War in France" should be likewise advertised on the back. On the motion of the same Citizens it was resolved that the rules should be sold to members at l per copy—to non members at 2 ' and that 1,000 copies should be sent to the Federal Committee of New York. Citizen Hales announced that the letter he had sent to the Times had not been inserted. Citizen Engels proposed that the Secretary be instructed to send it to the Eastern Post with a request for its insertion. Citizen Harris proposed that the other papers should be tried say the Standard and Economist. The Eastern Post was not always impartial. Citizen Engels said the Stand[ard] would not insert it, it would therefore be useless to send it. Citizen Harris said he would propose that the letter be sent to all the papers, perhaps some of them might insert it. Citizen Engels said he was opposed to anything of the kind, it would be telling the t e s t of the Press that "The Times" had refuse to insert the letter, nothing more suicidal could be done, if we ever wanted to use the Press.—The proposition would be quite sufficient to give publicity, ||[324]| as the Eastern Post was sent to all the Federal Councils, and its reports were reprinted in the organs of the Association. Citizen Hales said the Eastern Post inserted everything sent by him. d

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The minute book of the General Council of the I. W. M. A. Citizen Harris said "he had seen reports of the Council meetings which were not true". Citizen Hales said "then he ought to have stated so, at the time he saw them". The proposition was put to the vote and carried unanimously. The Secretary said he had written to the Editor of the Graphic as the application made by that journal had not been decided, and had asked what kind of sketches it was desired the artist should take. He had received a reply stating that an exact representation was intended, and that if the request was granted, one of the best artists upon the journal would be sent. He ended by proposingthat the requestbegranted. Citizen Taylor seconded it. Citizen Eccarius proposed that no notice be taken of the communication. Citizen Harris seconded. Citizen Engels proposed and Citizen Boon seconded that the offer of the Graphic be politely declined, Citizen Boon remarking that he thought the Secretary had acted in an unwarrantable manner in writing to that journal without permission. The amendment of Citizen Engels was carried. Citizen Frankel said the Engineers and Ironfounders of Chemnitz in Saxony were out on Strike for a reduction of hours of Labour and a rise of wages. He asked that the General Secretary should make an appeal to the English Trades on their behalf. Citizen Engels said there was not sufficient evidence to hand except in the German papers, he would therefore propose the matter should stand over a week, and that a report should be prepared for the next sitting. Citizen Eccarius seconded and it was carried unanimously. Citizen Engels reported that he had a great deal of information ||[325]| from the Sections in Italy, which he would hand over to the Secretary for the weekly report in the Eastern Post. Garibaldi's letter in which he had finally broken with Mazzini,. had exercised great influence in Italy and as it been received, would be included in the report. A letter had also been received from Holland which gave a favourable account of the progress of the Association in that Country, a subscription was enclosed. News was also received from Berlin, giving a good account of work done. The Secretary reported that he had received a letter from New Zealand, giving a full account of the evils of the land laws in the state of Canterbury. Information and documents were asked for. Citizen Eccarius read a selection from a letter received from Citizen Walker of Boston, U.S., and handed over the same to the Secretary for his report. Citizen Serraillier read the report of the Committee who had had the consideration of the rules of the new French branch, it was a very lengthy document and entered into the whole subject most minutely.—On the proposition of Citizen Serraillier, seconded by Citizen Rochat, the report was adopted unanimously. Citizen Lessner reported that he had found a house which he thought would suit the Council—the lease was for sale, and possession could be entered upon at once. It was in Fitzroy St. Fitzroy Square.

638

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Meeting of the General Council November 7, 1871 It was agreed that Citizens Engels and Barry should view the house and report. Citizen Eccarius gave notice of motion, "That the Council discuss the relationship of Trades Societies to the Council." The Council adjourned at 11.15. Signed THOS MOTTERSHEAD Chairman Nov 14 1871 JOHN HALES Secretary] th

639

P r o c è s - v e r b a u x de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs r é u n i e à Londres du 17 au 23 s e p t e m b r e 1871

17 Septembre 1871 Procès-verbal

La Séance est ouverte à 6 h. 7 Président Jung. Ch. Rochat secrétaire pour la langue française John Haies » » » » anglaise

10

2

Perret, Outine, Lorenzo, Verrycken, Coenen, Herman, Fluse, Steens, De Paepe, Serraillier, Frankel, Karl Marx, Engels, Vaillant, Bastelica, Eccarius, Jung, McDonnell, Mottershead, Dupont, Haies JUNG

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propose que, pour ne pas perdre de temps, on laisse au bureau le soin d'examiner les pouvoirs des délégués. BASTELICA demande que l'on nomme immédiatement une Commission pour faire cette vérification, des cas particuliers pouvant se présenter et faire naître des objections. MOTTERSHEAD appuie la proposition de Jung en réservant, dit-il, l'appréciation de la conférence pour trancher toute irrégularité s'il s'en présentait. Ι La Proposition de Bastelica mise aux voix est rejetée par ' 12 voix contre 9 = — Sections romandes de la Suisse Les citoyens: Perret « allemandes de Genève Outine Sections de Valence (Espagne) A. Lorenzo Conseil Fédéral Belge Verrycken De Paepe Sections d'Anvers Coenen » de Liège Herman Centre houillier du Hainaut E. Steens fédération des sections de la P. Fluse Vallée de la Vesdre

643

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

JUNG

BASTELICA

FRANKEL

OUTINE

SERRAILLIER

présentent leurs pouvoirs. Jung donne lecture de ces documents, qui sont reconnus réguliers. L'admission des délégués est mise aux voix et acceptée à l'unanimité. donne lecture d'une lettre adressée de Bordeaux au citoyen Fondeville pour l'engager à représenter les Sections de Bordeaux, les circonstances rendant très-difficile toute réunion de section pour se concerter sur le choix d'un délégué, trouve que cette lettre est absolument dénuée de caractère officiel et même officieux, on ne peut l'accepter comme un mandat. est du même avis, il considère cette lettre comme une démarche privée de celui qui l'a envoyée. Accepter dans ces conditions comme délégué le citoyen Fondeville serait créer un précédent fâcheux. Il y a à Londres, ||[2]| dit-il, des Internationaux qui ne siègent pas parmi nous, et cependant leur notoriété dans l'association les recommande d'une manière beaucoup plus sérieuse que la lettre privée dont on veut faire un mandat au citoyen Fondeville. En raison de la situation particulière de l'association en France, est d'avis qu'il faut accepter ce délégué s'il est connu et recommandé par quelques-uns des membres présents, dit que ce qu'on reproche à cette lettre est de n'émaner que d'un seul individu, mais il fait remarquer que le signataire de cette lettre est le même qui avisait dernièrement le Conseil Général de la fondation de 7 Sections à Bordeaux. Il voit là une sorte de condition de collectivité et conclut qu'on peut accepter cette lettre comme un mandat.

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PERRET et DE PAEPE BASTELICA VAILLANT

BASTELICA MARX JOHN HALES

JUNG

644

sont d'avis que, si le citoyen Fondeville est connu, il faut l'accepter. maintient le rejet pur et simple. demande qu'on l'accepte avec voix consultative seulement. La clôture est demandée et acceptée. La proposition de Vaillant mise aux voix est adoptée par 9 voix contre 5. demande qu'on constate les abstentions qui sont nombreuses. demande au secrétaire général du Conseil Général s'il a convoqué tous les membres, il remarque de nombreuses absences. répond qu'il en a personnellement prévenu quatre. Il n'a pas pu aviser les autres, la poste ne fonctionnant pas le Dimanche à Londres. demande qu'à l'avenir toutes les propositions soient présentées par écrit, il demande aussi qu'on fixe des heures pour les séances.

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 17 septembre 1871 PERRET

5 |[3]| DE PAEPE MARX = 10

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25 BRADNICK

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ENGELS

LORENZO = 35

MILNER 40 SERRAILLIER

45

demande 2 séances par jour. Après une assez longue discussion on s'arrête à cette résolution. Les séances du jour commenceront à 1 h. " » » soir « » 8 h. Accepté à l'unanimité.| demande la fixation d'un ordre du jour pour la séance du lendemain et des explications sur l'objet de la conférence. Le Conseil Général a convoqué une conférence pour se concerter avec les délégués des divers pays sur les mesures à prendre pour parer aux dangers que court l'association dans un grand nombre de pays et pour procéder à une organisation nouvelle répondant aux besoins de la situation. 2° Pour élaborer une réponse aux divers gouvernements qui ne cessent de travailler à la destruction de l'association par tous les moyens à leur disposition. Et enfin pour régler définitivement le conflit Suisse. D'autres questions secondaires seront certainement soulevées dans le cours de la conférence et devront trouver leur solution. Le citoyen Marx ajoute qu'il sera nécessaire de faire une déclaration publique au Gouvernement Russe qui essaye d'impliquer l'association dans une certaine affaire de société Secrète dont les principaux meneurs sont complètement étrangers ou hostiles à l'association. Cette conférence est privée, mais quand tous les délégués seront rentrés dans leur Pays, le Conseil Général publiera telles résolutions que la conférence aura jugées nécessaire de publier. propose qu'il ne soit permis à tout membre de la conférence de ne parler qu'une seule fois sur chaque question. Mottershead appuie. est opposé, il a remarqué que loin de nuire à la Rapidité des débats, la faculté laissée aux orateurs de compléter leur pensée est au contraire un moyen sûr pour l'élucidation des questions. Pour résoudre la question, chaque fois qu'un membre aura fait une proposition, il en développera les considérants, et l'on fera le tour de parole ||[4]| dans l'ordre du pour et du contre alternativement. Il est toujours entendu cependant qu'un orateur pourra se rectifier s'il a été mal compris. dit que nous ne sommes pas réunis pour travailler vivement, mais pour travailler sagement, il est d'avis qu'on doit user largement du droit de parole. appuyé par Dupont, Herman et Robin, propose qu'on s'en réfère à la mesure prise à cet égard au congrès de Bâle. Bastelica demande la clôture. = La Proposition du Citoyen Serraillier est mise aux voix et adoptée par 14 voix contre 4.

645

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. PERRET

demande la fixation d'un ordre du jour. Il est d'avis que la première question qui doit être soumise à la discussion est l'affaire des dissensions en Suisse. MARX propose qu'on nomme une commission de 5 membres pour établir une enquête sur cette question. OUTINE demande quelles seront les attributions de cette commission; devra-t-elle soumettre des conclusions ou juger arbitrairement? MOTTERSHEAD dit que cette commission aura le droit de chercher l'évidence, mais que la conférence seule devra statuer après l'audition du rapport. ENGELS . admet que la Commission pourra soumettre à la conférence des conclusions. PERRET demande que la Commission d'enquête ait un temps limité, et puisse appeler auprès d'elle tous les citoyens capables de la renseigner sur la mission dont elle est chargée. Il désire que l'on choisisse pour en faire partie des citoyens n'ayant pas été mêlés directement au conflit. L'adoption d'une commission de 5 membres est mise aux voix et acceptée à l'unanimité. On propose — Eccarius, McDonnell, Vaillant, Karl Marx, Verrycken. Sur la proposition du citoyen Bastelica une commission de six membres est nommée à l'unanimité, elle est chargée d'élaborer un ordre du jour pour la séance du Lendemain. Sont désignés pour en faire partie les citoyens Lorenzo, Mottershead, De Paepe, Frankel, Steens et Serraillier. La séance est levée à 10 /2-|

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hl

[Auszüge aus d e r Mitschrift von C h a r l e s Rochat]

[S. 643.26] [2] Anselmo Lorenzo (traduit par Engels) Valence

DE PAEPE

ENGELS =

OUTINE —

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30

[S. 644.2] [2] communique une note dans laquelle il s'excuse d'avoir oublié son mandat dans sa malle, il s'en réfère à ses compagnons belges. 35 Quand même De Paepe aurait oublié son mandat, sa seule qualité de membre du Conseil fédéral Belge lui donnerait accès ici, ayant laissé aux Conseils fédéraux le soin de nommer des délégués. est trop connu pour qu'on doute un instant de sa parole. 40

Procès-verbal de la séance du 17 septembre 1871

SERRAILLIER

5

KARL MARX

PERRET

10 MARX VAILLANT = MOTTERSHEAD

15

ENGELS =

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MOTTERSHEAD HERMAN ENGELS

[S. 644.37] [5] demande qu'on lise les noms de ceux qui ont le droit de vote parce qu'il y en [a] qui se sont abstenus dans l'incertitude où ils étaient s'ils avaient le droit de vote. dit qu'aucune règle ne refuse le droit d'abstention et qu'il est inutile de faire telle proposition — Vote en faveur des pleins pouvoirs acceptés unanimement — [S. 645.1-5] [6-8] demande qu'on décide combien on aura de séances par jour. Il est d'avis qu'il en faut 2 par jour = est d'avis qu'on arrête de suite les heures exactement à cause que les anglais demeurent à des distances très-éloignées. une séance par jour très-longue. Divisée en 2 parties. La salle est engagée de 10 heures du matin à 6 = qu'on en jouisse — mardi soir — on aura le local du Conseil et mercredi la salle actuelle. = Proposition de Serraillier, Dupont et Robin — (1) Il a été résolu samedi dernier au Conseil Général qu'on proposerait à la conférence — que la journée serait employée à préparer les travaux dans les commissions, travaux qui seraient discutés le soir par la conférence (à cause des membres qui travaillent le jour). Il demande que demain cependant on se réunisse ici pendant le jour pour la nomination des commissions et que le soir il soit procédé comme plus haut. dit qu'il ne faut pas songer à trouver une autre salle (police française ) — le jour mais pas trop de bonne heure. appuie la proposition Serraillier — ci-dessus propose = Réunion demain à l l du soir = les autres (2) h

h

SERRAILLIER 30

et ENGELS —

MARX

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Lundi à 10 du matin à Blue Post et les jours suivants — le matin ici — travail des commissions — le mardi soir à Holborn et les mercredi et jeudi soir à Blue Post. [S. 645.8-23] [9] Le Conseil Général a convoqué la Conférence — pour se concerter avec les délégués des divers pays sur les mesures à prendre dans la situation qui est faite à l'association Internationale (organisation) Les Délégués devront de leur côté faire des propositions. 2° de faire une réponse aux divers Gouvernements qui se sont occupés de nous = 3° des dissensions en Suisse, demandé par Guillaume — d'autres questions secondaires — le procès en Russie, il faut que la conférence fasse une Décla-

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Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. ration sur sa situation avec cette soi-disant Société Secrète (abus du nom de l'Association en Russie). [S. 645.30-32] ENGELS -

[10]

opposé à ce qu'on soit limité à parler une fois sur chaque question, si on parle plusieurs fois — loin de prolonger les débats — ça les fait marcher plus rapidement = 5 minutes = [S. 645.41-42]

[12-13]

SERRAILLIER

propose qu'on s'en réfère aux mesures des anciens congrès en réduisant à 5 minutes,

HERMAN

et DUPONT appuient

DUPONT

fait remarquer combien dé temps on a déjà perdu à discuter cette question du temps qu'on aura à parler, appuie la proposition Serraillier.

ENGELS

[S. 6 4 6 . 1 - 3 ] PERRET

MOTTERSHEAD = MARX OUTINE

10

[10-11]

demande l'ordre du jour. Il dit que si on veut parler d'organisation comme l'a dit le citoyen Marx il faut vider les questions de conflit, pas de bonne organisation s'il y a des dissensions. En faveur de la proposition de Bradnick parler une fois = demande qu'on dégage les 2 questions, le temps accordé à chaque orateur et le droit de parler 2 fois = et ce qu'a dit Perret, appuie Engels — il demande 2 fois la parole pour les orateurs à 5 minutes = Je parlerai 5 minutes, je m'expliquerai mal et dix orateurs viendront derrière moi parler 5 minutes chacun parce que j'ai pas eu le droit après le premier orateur de prendre la parole pour me faire comprendre. [S. 646.8]

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[14]

incident, Robin [S. 6 4 6 . 1 2 - 1 3 ] MARX ENGELS —

MOTTERSHEAD

[S. 646.21-22] OUTINE ROBIN

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[14-15]

dit qu'il faut que la Commission prenne des heures pour recevoir les conclusions. Quant à la question des Conclusions — la Commission aura toujours le droit de proposer ce qu'elle jugera convenable et la Conférence devra toujours décider elle-même, demande qu'on en finisse vite, il est du même avis que le citoyen Engels —

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[15-16]

demande 1 Belge et Eccarius, McDonnell, Vaillant, Marx, Verrycken. demande qu'on nomme des hommes qui n'ont pas été en relation avec les parties. 40

Procès-verbal de la séance du 17 septembre 1871 OUTINE

MOTTERSHEAD =

5 MARX

ROBIN

10 MARX— LORENZO DE PAEPE

15 VAILLANT— DUPONT—

20 BASTELICA MARX=

s'étonne que l'on jette en quelque sorte par cet éloignement de certains citoyens qui connaissent les détails de cette affaire —une suspicion de parti pris injuste contre ces citoyens, au Parlement — les / appartenant aux 2 partis et V3 est composé d'hommes qui jugent les faits répond qu'il n'y a jamais eu de parti là-dessus au Conseil Général, toutes les résolutions prises à ce sujet ont été prises à la majorité. dit qu'il n'a jamais eu l'intention de faire une [attaque] personnelle] Contre le Citoyen Marx — après cet incident refuse d'accepter d'être dans la Commission — demande qu'on retire son nom de la Commission parce qu'il est absolument ignorant sur ce qui s'est passé en Suisse, s'explique sur sa l proposition. Il a été en rapport avec les 2 groupes, il a refusé pour cette raison à cause qu'il a été en froideur avec un des 2 partis. Impartialité, mais il veut des hommes qui sont un peu au courant du fait — il ne refuse pas cependant. Chaque membre est supposé impartial 2

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re

[S. 646.23-27] [16] demande qu'on fixe l'ordre du jour de demain une commission nommée pour présenter l'ordre du jour de demain — Lorenzo — Mottershead — De Paepe — Frankel — Steens — Serraillier.

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Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

|[i]| 18 Septembre 1871 h

La Séance est ouverte à 2 En l'absence du citoyen Jung, le citoyen Serraillier est nommé président. Secrétaires : J. Haies Langue anglaise C.Martin -> , _ _ , > Langue française C. Rochat / Le secrétaire donne lecture du procès-verbal de la dernière séance, il est adopté à l'unanimité. OUTINE demande que le procès-verbal reproduise très-largement les discussions, surtout lorsqu'il s'agira de déclarations de principes. DE PAEPE communique une lettre venant d'Amsterdam qui donne mandat au citoyen Coenen pour représenter les sections Hollandaises. Cette lettre contient aussi quelques renseignements sur le développement de l'association en Hollande. MARX a reçu de New York une longue adresse à la conférence qu'il traduira plus tard. Les Américains n'ont pas envoyés de délégués réservant l'argent qu'ils auraient dépensés à cet usage aux Réfugiés de la Commune. DUPONT dit que les sections Françaises en Amérique prennent un développement considérable, elles promettent un envoi de fonds pour les Réfugiés de la Commune. ENGELS annonce que le délégué Lorenzo lui a remis 300 francs pour les cotisations de 3000 membres Espagnols. VAILLANT demande pour la langue Française un second secrétaire. La proposition mise aux voix est adoptée à l'unanimité. Le citoyen MARTIN est proposé et accepté pour cette fonction. DE PAEPE a la parole comme rapporteur de la Commission chargée de la fixation de l'ordre du jour. 6

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Protokoll d e r Sitzung d e r Londoner Konferenz vom 18. S e p t e m b e r 1871. Erste Seite d e r Handschrift von C h a r l e s Rochat

Procès-verbal de la séance du 18 septembre 1871 1° Rapport du Conseil Général (nomination d'une Commission de contrôle pour vérifier la partie financière de ce rapport) 2° Organisation de l'association, Division en 3 points A organisation Générale de l'Association, Révision des Statuts s'il y a lieu B organisation Régionale de l'Internationale là où les lois ne s'opposent pas à son libre développement. (Formation d'un Comité Central anglais) C organisation de l'Internationale dans les pays où les lois s'opposent à son existence Régulière. 3° Conflit Suisse 4° Attitude de l'association vis-à-vis des Gouvernements. Nomination par la Conférence d'une commission chargée d'indiquer les points auxquels il s'agirait de toucher dans un manifeste aux gouvernements.! |[2]| 5° De l'abus du nom de l'association Internationale dans un célèbre procès politique en Russie. (Commission ad hoc) dit qu'il avait été chargé par le conseil Général de présenter le rapport à la conférence, mais que les événements ne lui en ont pas laissés le temps, depuis deux mois le Conseil Général est absorbé par la question des Réfugiés de Paris. Il fera verbalement son rapport à la fin de la conférence, laissant à la discussion immédiate la question de la réorganisation de l'association qui est plus importante ; il ajoute que le citoyen Engels est chargé du rapport sur l'emploi des finances et demande la nomination d'une commission pour la vérification de la comptabilité, demande que les délégués des divers pays présentent leurs rapports respectifs sur la situation de l'association dans leur pays. regrette que le Conseil Général ne puisse pas présenter de suite un rapport qui, en faisant connaître Fétat actuel de l'association, donnerait d'excellents renseignements pour aviser à la réorganisation. croit que les communications des délégués doivent être faites après la lecture du rapport du Conseil Général.

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demandent qu'on présente au plus tôt ce rapport. Proposition Le rapport du Conseil Général sera lu aussitôt que le cit. Marx sera en mesure de le présenter. —Accepté à l'unanimité. — dit que le paragraphe Ks 2. A du rapport de la Commission pour la fixation de l'ordre du jour, paragraphe où il est question de la Révision des statuts, ne peut être admis à la discussion, les congrès ayant seuls ce droit.

653

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. SERRAILLIER

OUTINE

DE PAEPE

ENGELS

PERRET MARX LORENZO BASTELICA MARX

HERMAN

BASTELICA

654

explique que l'intention de la Commission n'est pas de Réviser les statuts, mais de réintégrer les statuts dans la forme donnée par les congrès où ils ont été votés. L'ordre du jour présenté au nom de la Commission par De Paepe et modifié sur le point du rapport du Conseil Général est mis aux voix et adopté à l'unanimité.] \[3]\ Nomination d'une commission pour contrôler les finances. veut que la conférence se décharge sur cette Commission du soin complet de la vérification, elle aura à répondre si elle a trouvé exacts les comptes présentés. demande qu'on en choisisse les membres parmi les délégués des groupes régionaux. Sont proposés et acceptés à l'unanimité Lorenzo, Coenen, Fluse, Perret ne peut pas encore fixer le moment où il pourra présenter son rapport, il doit auparavant s'entendre avec l'ancien trésorier du Conseil Général. demande qu'on nomme une commission pour présenter l'ensemble des rapports et des propositions des délégués. est opposé à cette Commission, il demande la discussion de l'ordre du jour tel qu'il a été voté. dit qu'il a un rapport à présenter concernant l'organisation générale de l'association. demande la lecture des propositions présentées à la conférence par le Conseil Général. Milner, Outine et Coenen appuyent. donne lecture de l'art. Nul des propositions du Conseil Général à la Conférence. — Il ajoute que les sections qui se donnent des noms de sectes — telles que les positivistes, les mutuellistes, les sections de propagandes, doivent disparaître, elles sont généralement composées de sectaires ou de Bourgeois-charlatans et sont un danger pour l'association. Il ajoute que dans certains pays les Conseils Fédéraux prennent le titre de Conseil Général, ce qui fait naître des quiproquos avec le Conseil Général de Londres qui seul a le droit de prendre ce titre. parle des SECTIONS dites de Propagande qui existent dans le bassin de Liège ; elles ne sont pas composées, comme on a l'air de le croire, de bourgeois ni d'avocats, mais bien d'ouvriers qui forment spécialement ces sections en dehors de celles de résistances auxquelles ils appartiennent également | | 4 | et dans un but spécial de propagande, ce sont ces sections qui sont chargées de l'organisation des meetings, et de trouver pour cet objet des ressources financières en dehors des caisses des sections de résistances. est aussi d'avis que les Conseils Fédéraux ne doivent pas prendre le titre de Conseil Général. II n'admet pas non plus l'existence de

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 18 septembre 1871

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35

40 a FRANKEL 45

sections qui ne sont pas absolument internationales et composées d'ouvriers imbus de nos principes et de nos désirs. Il faut absolument rompre avec ces individualistes qui veulent se servir de l'association pour les intérêts de leur vanité ou de leur ambition. propose qu'on remplace le nom de Conseil Fédéral par celui de Conseil Régional. appuie cette proposition. comme délégué de la Suisse, appuie d'autant plus la proposition contre les Sections de propagande que, si on avait établi, dès le congrès de Bâle, de pareilles règles, on n'aurait pas eu en Suisse ces dissensions qui sont aujourd'hui portées devantla Conférence. Il explique qu'à Genève le soin particulier de la propagande est confié à une section centrale qui est l'émanation de toutes les sections. Ce groupe n'a pas de réprésentant au Comité Fédéral. Il admet qu'à côté de groupes ouvriers, ou de sections de métiers, on puisse former une section de propagande composée de membres qui appartiennent déjà aux autres sections, mais il ne veut pas que des individus en dehors des intérêts de l'association forment des sections monopolisant en quelque sorte la besogne de la propagande. confirme ce que Herman a dit pour les sections de propagande. Il dit qu'il ne peut se glisser dans ces Sections ni comtistes, ni proudhoniens ni autres sectaires, parce qu'on n'y accepte que les ouvriers faisant déjà partie d'autres Sections de résistances ou de métiers. | s'oppose au mot Régional que Robin a proposé pour remplacer le nom Fédéral. Il donne pour raison que le nom Régional n'a pas de similaire en Anglais et en Allemand et dans tous les idiomes qui dérivent de ces langues, tandis que le mot Fédéral est le même pour toutes les langues. trouve qu'on discute en ce moment deux choses distinctes = 1° de déterminer les noms des Conseils Fédéraux. 2° si on doit admettre dans l'association des groupes purement intellectuels. Pour le premier, il est d'avis qu'il faut laisser au Conseil Général de Londres son nom particulier ; une confusion a été faite entre le Conseil Général Belge et celui de Londres, des manifestes émanant du premier ont 'été considérés comme émanant du Conseil de Londres. Il demande que les Conseils Fédéraux gardent ce titre en y ajoutant le nom de leur nationalité. appuie ; il demande que les fédérations de corps de métiers prennent le nom de Chambre fédérale et laissent le nom de Conseil Fédéral à l'association.

655

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. LORENZO STEENS

MARX

trouve qu'avant de discuter les noms, il conviendrait de discuter

l'organisation. propose qu'on les appelle Grands Conseils Fédéraux ou Conseils Fédéraux supérieurs, cela est nécessaire, dit-il, pour la Belgique où, quelquefois, dans une seule province, se trouvent deux 5 Conseils Fédéraux. Il a donc été nécessaire pour distinguer le conseil fédéral de Bruxelles, qui est l'émanation de ces divers Conseils Fédéraux, de l'appeler d'un autre nom. La Clôture est demandée par Mottershead. La clôture est adoptée à la majorité moins 2 voix. 10 demande le vote pour qu'à l'avenir les Conseils Fédéraux gardent leur titre et ne prennent plus celui de Conseil Général.

PERRET et OUTINE

6

MARX

MARX

BASTELICA

DE PAEPE ENGELS

BASTELICA =

656

déclarent que, si on vote que, le nom conseil fédéral sera réglementaire à l'avenir, ils s'abstiendront, n'ayant pas le droit en Suisse de porter le nom de Conseil Fédéral qui appartient à leur gouvernement. | propose de modifier ainsi = Comité ou Conseil fédéral, en laissant la latitude aux Pays de prendre tels des 2 noms qui leur conviendront, il propose le vote sur ce point. Accepté à l'unanimité Vote pour la proposition du Conseil Général N° 1 Adoptée à l'unanimité dit qu'il est urgent de publier une nouvelle traduction des statuts originaux ; les statuts de l'association publiés en France et qui ont servis pour la traduction aux Allemands, ont été tronqués dans beaucoup d'endroits, cette première traduction de l'Anglais en Français avait été faite par Monsieur Tolain et ses amis, qui ont retranchés certaines formules qu'ils appréciaient dangereuses pour l'association. Il ajoute que la source de certaines dissensions dans l'association provient de ce que les Statuts ne contenaient pas exactement ce qui avait été arrêté dans les congrès. Ici se place la proposition Ni2 du conseil Général à la conférence. appuie la première proposition qui consiste à faire retraduire les Statuts dans toutes les langues mais il demande qu'on discute l'opportunité d'ajouter diverses résolutions qui ont été votées au Congrès de Bâle et qui n'ont point encore été jointes aux Statuts. demande la traduction en 5 Langues. Anglais, Allemand, Français, Italien, Espagnol. ne s'oppose pas du tout à ce qu'on fasse la traduction en Italien et Espagnol, mais il croit qu'il suffira de mettre 3 Langues dans chaque livret. Que la conférence accepte que le Conseil Général soit chargé de ces traductions.

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

Procès-verbal de la séance du 18 septembre 1871 PERRET

dit que le Conseil Général est très bien placé pour traduire lui-même en laissant à la charge des divers pays les soins de l'impression. I |[7]| MOTTERSHEAD est au contraire d'avis que le soin de la traduction soit laissé aux 5 conseils fédéraux des divers pays sous la surveillance du Conseil Général. MARX considère comme très-importante une nouvelle traduction et l'impression de livrets contenant ensemble la traduction Française, Anglaise, Allemande. Il dit que, depuis les persécutions 10 contre la Commune, l'association est devenue très populaire en Angleterre et en Amérique, et c'est dans ces pays qui contiennent beaucoup d'Allemands et beaucoup de Français qu'il convient de faire usage de ces livrets, il compte aussi que de pareils livrets sont nécessaires pour l'Australie où déjà l'association a des 15 ramifications. Il demande que la conférence émette le vœu que l'Espagne et l'Italie fassent au plus tôt une traduction nouvelle des statuts originaux. ROBIN demande qu'on ne mette qu'une seule langue pour chaque Livret. FRANKEL voudrait qu'on laisse à chaque pays la liberté de mettre 2 ou 20 3 langues dans les livrets suivant son choix. Il s'oppose à ce qu'on fasse spécialement une sorte de Livret Français Anglais Allemand qui semblerait circonscrire aux peuples qui parlent ces langues le mouvement international. OUTINE demande qu'on vote ainsi : 25 1° Révision de la Traduction des Statuts 2° Si on mettra les 3 langues Anglaise Allemande Française sur un même livret. La clôture est demandée et acceptée à l'unanimité. Vote sur l'ensemble de la proposition Ks 2 du Conseil Général 30 Adopté à l'unanimité moins une voix Sur la demande du citoyen Outine le citoyen Marx donne lecture des paragraphes suivants des propositions du Conseil Général à la Conférence. La séance est levée à 5 ' / · | H

2

35

40

|[8]|Noms des m e m b r e s p r é s e n t s Coenen De Paepe Fluse Verrycken

Herman Perret Outine Lorenzo

r absents
, question „ . de Statistique , , soit posée il existe un questionnaire ~"— —* — "qu'il " ' voudrait voir — accepter — il excellent r

11

:i

;

671

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. pense qu'il serait possible de fournir ces renseignements une ou 2 fois par an —

STEENS

SERRAILLIER

MARX

MARX

OUTINE ENGELS

MARX

FRANKEL

STEENS

672

[Rochat :] [S. 668.25-27] [3-4] demande qu'on fasse une déclaration de principe = est-ce les 5 cahiers du Travail = est-ce une statistique de Griefs du Travail, l'équilibre, la balance du salaire = il demande si c'est une Statistique numérique (Voter le principe et la méthode ensuite) — lui dit que la grève de Newcastle a révélé plus que jamais le besoin — 10 Marx demande la clôture (sur la discussion du Na 4 — question de principe —) dit que c'est seulement dans des cas où il y aurait mauvaise volonté que le Conseil Général pourrait agir de rigueur — voilà pourquoi on n'a pas fixé de genre de répression dans la pro- 15 position — C'est surtout pour les trades unions qui sont seulement affiliées à l'association et quelques-unes pas du tout, mais qui s'adressent à l'association lorsqu'elles en ont besoin, il est donc juste qu'elles lui rendent ses services lorsqu'il en est besoin. 20 [Martin :] [S. 668.25-26] [3] dit que c'est surtout pour agir sur les trades unions qui se refusent à fournir ces renseignements et qui cependant font le travail pour leur propre compte — il est persuadé que, quand ces sociétés 25 verront que c'est une condition pour être aidé par l'Internationale, elles s'empresseront de fournir ces renseignements. [S. 668.31—669.14] [4] soutient son amendement — il pense que le Conseil général doit pouvoir s'adresser aux fédérations pour tous renseignements — 30 demande que l'on vote d'abord sur l'amendement Outine — qui ne fixe pas les époques de statistique — et ensuite sur les amendements qui les fixent — s'est entendu avec Outine et ajoute à son amendement que les ouvriers du continent imitent ceux d'Angleterre et d'Amérique — 35 c'est-à-dire qu'ils payent le secrétaire de leur fédération — combat l'amendement Outine — il dit qu'il va de soi que les fédérations nomment une Commission de Statistique — et que le Conseil général ne doit pas intervenir dans ces questions administratives. 40 proteste contre toute ingérence du Conseil Général dans les questions administratives des fédérations — il doit s'adresser

Procès-verbal de la séance du 19 septembre 1871 (après-midi)

5

LORENZO MARX

10

HERMAN

directement au Conseil fédéral et non aux sections — ce serait l'anarchie — il accepte cependant dans ce cas particulier (statistique) à condition — que le mot uniquement soit mis dans la proposition — pense que la Conférence doit indiquer les dates de statistique croit que Frankel est tout à fait dans l'erreur — il ne s'agit pas — dit il — d'un fait local ni régional mais général — et le mode d'application doit être aussi général — il est mauvais de décréter sans donner les moyens d'exécution — soutient l'amendement du cit. Outine — La clôture est demandée. L'amendement Outine et Marx est mis aux voix [Rochat :] [S. 6 6 9 . 1 - 4 ]

15

MARX

[4]

dit que Outine accepte que la conférence recommande aux divers pays de rétribuer ainsi qu'en Amérique et en Angleterre où les travaux de Statistique sont parfaitement faits. [Martin :] [S. 669.21-23]

20

STEENS

[5]

motive son abstention — il craint une Centralisation entre les mains du Conseil de Londres — à l'exclusion des Conseils fédéraux du Continent — [Rochat :] [S. 669.25-26]

25

[4]

LONGUET

appuie = il ne voit pas pour quelles raisons on ne motiverait pas son abstention avant le vote.

MARX

demande qu'on fixe le mois de Septembre. Il dit que l'on peut voir que toutes les sociétés qui publient des Statistiques fixent une date — et c'est une bonne date parce que c'est généralement l'époque des congrès de l'association.

[S. 670.16]

30

[5-6]

[Martin :] [S. 670.16] MARX 35

[6] b r e

croit que la Conférence doit fixer le mois de 7 — l'année pour nous commence en 7 d'après résolutions des congrès. I b r e

673

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T.

19 Septembre Séance du Soir Jung président.

h

La Séance est ouverte à 9 . Secrétaires J. Haies Anglais C. Martin Français C. Rochat

Coenen De Paepe Herman Steens

Sont présents les Verrycken Lorenzo Fluse Eccarius Perret Engels Outine Marx

Absents

JOHN HALES

ENGELS

HERMAN

674

Cohn Bastelica

5

citoyens J. Haies Jung Mottershead Vaillant

Frankel Serraillier

McDonnell Dupont

donne lecture de trois lettres. La première, d'un ouvrier vannier au nom de sa corporation. Il demande à renouveler leur connexion avec l'association, elle est signée Mullin. La seconde, d'un ouvrier de Middlesbrough qui demande à s'affilier à l'association, il annonce que l'Association fait de grands progrès dans le pays qu'il Habite. La troisième est écrite à peu près dans les mêmes termes et pour le même objet. Il donne avis qu'il a reçu plusieurs lettres de Liverpool et que sous peu il y aura là un centre important de l'Association, a Reçu une lettre de Cafiero de Naples = dans laquelle de dernier avise que les persécutions dont l'association est l'objet de la part du Gouvernement Italien ne font que donner un essor beaucoup plus grand à l'association. demande qu'on fasse aviser le citoyen Cohn d'assister à la conférence.

10

15

20

25

30

Procès-verbal de la séance du 19 septembre 1871 (soir) MARX

HERMAN

10 MARX DE PAEPE

15

|[2]| Le citoyen MARX

20 MARX

25

30

OUTINE-

ECCARIUS

35 ENGELS VERRYCKEN

40 ENGELS

donne lecture de la proposition Ms 5 du Conseil Général à la Conférence. Numéro 5 = «Tous les délégués nommés par le Conseil Général à des missions spéciales auront le droit d'assister et de se faire entendre à toutes les Réunions des Conseils fédéraux, comités de districts ou locaux et branches locales sans cependant avoir droit de vote — » dit alors qu'il faut choisir à l'avenir ces délégués parmi ceux qui ne craignent pas d'avouer qu'ils sont de l'association et non de sociétés diverses. demande à quel citoyen ou à quel fait cette observation se rapporte. répond que cela se rapporte sans doute au citoyen Cohn, il dit qu'il ne veut pas donner des détails en son absence. Cette question est réservé pour être discutée en présence de Cohn.| dit que les délégués du Conseil Général aux Conseils Fédéraux n'auront que voix consultative et non le droit de vote. Il propose l'adoption. La proposition M 5 est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité. donne lecture de la proposition suivante (N° 6) du Conseil Général à la Conférence. Numéro 6 = «Après la clôture de la conférence aucune branche ne sera considérée par le Conseil Général et les Conseils Fédéraux comme faisant partie de l'association avant qu'elle n'ait payée au Conseil Général sa cotisation de 0,10 par tête pour l'année courante. » On ne peut pas payer à l'avance les cotisations par cette simple raison qu'on sait pas à l'avance combien il y aura en plus ou en moins dans le nombre des membres ; et en second lieu à cause de la difficulté de faire rentrer l'argent. dit que pour établir ce recencement on doit se baser sur les résultats numériques de l'année précédente, voudrait savoir d'abord comment les Sections et les conseils Fédéraux s'arrangent pour leurs contributions, dit qu'en Belgique on éprouverait des difficultés presque insurmontables si l'on voulait faire payer les sections d'avance, il demande le temps nécessaire pour faire rentrer l'argent à la Fédération. propose l'amendement suivant: à l'avenir toute branche qui n'aura pas acquitté le 1 mars ses cotisations annuelles pourra être suspendue et Toute nouvelle branche qui voudra s'affilier à l'association devra régler d'abord sa cotisation du 3 . Ceux er

45

m e s t r e

675

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

SERRAILLIER MARX

ENGELS PERRET MARX =

OUTINE =

MOTTERSHEAD

qui n'auront pas acquitté en temps Régulier leur cotisation ne pourront être admis au congrès. demande que ce soient les Conseils Fédéraux qui soient chargés de l'application de cette mesure. demande qu'on nomme une Commission pour étudier les moyens pratiques de faire rentrer l'argent. | |[3]| Cette proposition est votée et adoptée à l'unanimité Sont nommés, Perret, Lorenzo, Frankel, Coenen, Steens.

donne lecture d'un projet d'organisation qui a été adopté par la conférence de Valence des Travailleurs Espagnols, dit que c'est à peu près l'organisation des sections Romandes, que plus ou moins dans tous les pays, existe le genre d'organisation que proposent les Internationaux d'Espagne, mais il ajoute que la difficulté principale est d'imposer en quelque sorte aux trades unions et sociétés ouvrières de s'affilier à l'association et le mode d'organisation proposé par la conférence de Valence implique cette affiliation. En aucune façon on ne peut forcer les trades-union à entrer dans l'association = du reste, il croit impossible cette organisation unique pour tous les pays. a été frappé, en entendant la lecture du projet des Espagnols, combien ce pays était peu au courant du mouvement ouvrier — il reconnaît à ce projet la marque d'une très-bonne volonté et un grand désir d'organisation, mais il dit que le mode qui y est présenté est celui de la vieille organisation — La société des mécaniciens, qui est la plus ancienne en Angleterre, est organisée sur ces bases = Le principal inconvénient à ce genre d'association est que le bureau qui la dirige devient généralement conservateur, même vis-à-vis de la société qu'il représente. Pour la grève de Newcastle, par exemple, il est certain que si, au lieu de se mettre spontanément en grève, les ouvriers avaient été consulter sur ce point le bureau dirigeant la société, il est plus que probable que celui-ci leur aurait déconseillé la lutte, dans le désir de conserver leurs moyens. Il croit que la marche suivie par le Conseil Général a démontrée peu à peu aux Trades unions que leurs intérêts véritables étaient de se joindre à Elle — sous peu, dit-il, toutes les trades unions seront affiliées — d'après le rapport des Espagnols, il résulte que l'association a encore peu d'adhérents dans ce pays pour lequel ils n'accusent que 3000 membres. | |[4]| Considérant l'heure avancée, la discussion est remise à la séance du Lendemain. La séance est levée à 1 1 / . j 1

4

676

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Procès-verbal de la séance du 19 septembre 1871 (soir)

[Auszüge aus den

Mitschriften

von Charles Rochat und Constant Martin]

[Rochat :] [S. 674.28-31] 5

ENGELS =

[6]

Lettre de Cafiero = Nos documents sont publiés • • arrestation cette affaire a donné un essor très Grand. [Martin :] [S. 674.33]

[7]

ENGELS

dit que le cit. Cohn était à Newcastle samedi dernier — et que la commission de l'Association lui sera faite.

DE PAEPE —

Le cit. Cohn — Délégué ne s'est pas présenté à Bruxelles avec son titre de délégué du Conseil Général, mais bien avec le titre de délégué des mécaniciens, il s'est abouché avec la Société des cigariers — seconde De Paepe C'était déjà très étrange qu'il fut parti sans pouvoir — il expose de quelle façon Cohn a été délégué — il croit que Cohn doit être réprimandé par le Conseil. Le Secrétaire est très surpris que Cohn ne lui ait pas demandé des pleins pouvoirs — Cohn ne s'est pas présenté au secrétaire à son retour et ne lui a fait aucun rapport, malheureusement les hommes suivent ceux qui les payent — et Cohn se croit probablement le domestique des mécaniciens — la mission de Cohn en Belgique a permis aux grévistes de continuer la lutte au moins un mois de plus. — L'incident est renvoyé à une autre séance — prétend que l'amendement Herman est compris dans sa proposition — attendu que les conseils fédéraux ont le droit de repousser tous ceux qui n'ont pas de mandat régulier et qui ne se présentent pas au nom du Conseil général. La proposition Marx est adoptée à l'unanimité.

10

[S. 675.14-21]

15 HERMAN MARX—

20

MOTTERSHEAD—

25

MARX

30

[7]

[Rochat :] [S. 675.17] 35

MARX

[6]

raconte la demande des mécaniciens de Newcastle. [Martin :] [S. 675.22-29]

MARX —

[8]

Lecture est faite d'une proposition portant — qu'aucune branche des conseils fédéraux ne soit reconnue par le Conseil général que

677

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. lorsque leur cotisation aura été versée — (une année d'avance) — il ajoute — vous verrez que très peu de sections ont payé régulièrement — Les sections espagnoles ont payé ces jours-ci leur cotisation de l'année dernière — il serait peut-être difficile d'obtenir — une cotisation à l'avance.

5

[Rochat :] [S. 6 7 5 . 3 8 - 4 1 ]

[7]

VERRYCKEN —

en Belgique difficulté insurmontable — Sections payent 0.20 = 10% Londres 10% Bruxelles — ils n'ont pas d'argent en caisse, il demande le temps nécessaire pour laisser rentrer l'argent 10 de la fédération.

HALES =

illogique amendement d'Engels by cause que l'on ne peut faire payer des sections qui n'existent pas [...]

ECCARIUS

combat Haies, dit qu'il y a beaucoup plus de sections qui comptent sur les procès-verbaux que sur les livres de compte. [...]

[S. 675.42-676.4]

[7]

[...]

15

[Martin :] [S. 6 7 6 . 3 - 8 ]

SERRAILLIER

[8-9]

ENGELS =

croit que c'est les conseils fédéraux qui doivent frapper les sections de suspension — excepté pour les Sections qui Correspondent directement avec le Conseil général. réplique à Serraillier — qu'il est du devoir du Conseil Général de s'informer des branches qui ont payé et de celles qui n'ont pas payé — dit qu'on ne peut demander des cotisations aux sections qui ne sont pas reconnues. se rallie à la Proposition Engels — si on ajoute au mot Conseil — Fédéral — ou Conseil Général dit qu'on peut parfaitement faire payer lors de la formation de la section — il vaut mieux — quitte à ne percevoir que les cotisations des membres inscrits — dit qu'il ne comprend pas qu'on ne puisse pas verser une aussi faible cotisation, il fait appel au zèle de tous — Lecture est faite des résolutions du congrès de Bâle à ce sujet — propose qu'il soit nommé une commission chargée de proposer un projet sur les moyens pratiques de faire rentrer les fonds — Secondé par Frankel lecture de Congrès de Bâle, page 172, N° IV (1869)

MARX

n'a plus rien à proposer en ce qui concerne l'organisation générale

ENGELS

HALES ERANKEL ECCARIUS

ENGELS

MARX

[S. 676.18]

678

[9]

20

25

30

35

40

Protokoll d e r Abendsitzung d e r Londoner Konferenz vom 19. S e p t e m b e r 1871. N e u n t e Seite d e r Mitschrift von C o n s t a n t Martin

Procès-verbal de la séance du 19 septembre 1871 (soir) [Rochat :] [S. 676.13-21] MARX =

LORENZO = 10

FRANKEL OUTINE =

[8]

Plus ou moins dans les pays il y a cette organisation que proposent les Espagnols — mais ils supposent que toutes les trades-unions appartiennent à l'association, notre problème est de mettre en union ces trades, mais il ne croit pas qu'on puisse s'ingérer dans leur organisation. Il veut qu'on passe là-dessus, on aura très-peu de profit sinon non. Il demande organisation unique. Tépète ce qu'a dit le citoyen Marx = avec des considérants En aucune façon on ne peut forcer les trades unions à entrer dans l'association. Si ça n'empêche pas notre propagande leur organisation intérieure nous est indifférente, il croit inutile de discuter sur cette organisation unique qui est impossible. Quant à la 2 partie qui concerne les grèves — il considère cette question comme très-sérieux etc. è m e

15

[Martin :] [S. 676.13-21] MARX—

20 LORENZO-

25

FRANKEL -

OUTINE —

[9-10]

Ce projet suppose que toutes les trades unions appartiennent à l'internationale — ce qui est erroné — ces sociétés ne se laisseront jamais imposer une organisation nouvelle — Si nous nous rassemblons ici pour traiter de l'organisation et nous laissons de côté cette question — il pense que l'unité administrative doit être faite — ce sera la force — nous ne pouvons organiser que ce qui est à nous — mais il faut tenir compte des difficultés — que l'on fasse fédérer — les sociétés entre elles — en attendant mieux — pour lui l'organisation consiste dans l'entente et dans les aspirations clairement énoncées de la classe ouvrière. |

681

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T.

[20 S e p t e m b r e 1871] | l | Conférence - Séance du 20 7

bre

1871 (Newman Street)

La séance est ouverte à 3 heures du soir. Serraillier, président. Le Secrétaire procède à l'appel nominal des délégués et des membres du Conseil Général ayant voix deliberative.

5

Membres présents : Coenen, De Paepe, Steens, Verrycken, Fluse, Perret, Outine, Lorenzo, Eccarius, Engels, Marx, J. Haies, Jung, Vaillant, Frankel, Serraillier. Il fait ensuite lecture du procès-verbal de la Séance du 19 2 V2 du Soir— 10 e

h

La parole est donnée au cit. Outine sur le Procès-Verbal. Le cit. Outine explique qu'il a voulu parler des Sections centrales des groupes allemands et non des Sections romandes — il ajoute qu'il a demandé seulement que la Conférence fasse une adresse aux femmes — il demande que le Procès-Verbal soit rectifié dans le sens qu'il vient d'indiquer. 15 FRANKEL—

fait remarquer que l'observation présentée par De Paepe a été faite après que la proposition Marx a été votée — pour motiver son abstention — qu'il y a eu intervention — il demande que le Procès-Verbal soit rectifié. Le procès-verbal mis aux voix — avec les modifications de- 20 mandées — est adopté à l'unanimité. Le Président fait lecture de la proposition Suivante — présentée par le cit. Ed. Vaillant et Secondée par les cit. Longuet et Constant Martin = Proposition | 25 |[2]| En présence d'une réaction sans frein momentanément victorieuse qui étouffe par la force toute revendication de la démocratie Socialiste et prétend maintenir par la force la distinction des classes — la Conférence rappelle aux membres de

682

Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (après-midi) l'association Internationale que la question Politique et la question sociale sont indissolublement unies ; qu'elles ne sont que la double face d'une Seule et même question que l'Internationale s'est proposée de résoudre = l'abolition des classes. Les travailleurs doivent reconnaître non moins que la solidarité économique — la solidarité politique qui les unit et coaliser leurs forces non moins sur le terrain politique que sur le terrain économique pour le triomphe définitif de leur Cause.

5

Le cit. Marx observe que cette proposition devrait être discutée à la reprise de la discussion sur l'organisation générale.

10

Le Président donne lecture de la proposition suivante Présentée par Delahaye et secondée par Lorenzo =

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30 UNE v o r x ENGELS 35

DELAHAYE LORENZO

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Proposition Considérant qu'il devient de plus en plus impossible aux Sociétés ouvrières isolées et fédérées géographiquement de lutter Contre les capitalistes — Que la plupart des grèves ont échoué faute d'une unité d'action entre les sociétés d'une même corporation et des divers pays — Qu'il est indispensable pour assurer les succès futurs de rendre matériellement solidaires toutes les sociétés d'une même industrie = Propose la résolution suivante = Il sera formé pour chaque corps de métier, une fédération \ |3| internationale de tous les groupes isolés et fédérés géographiquement. But de cette fédération 1° Décentralisation administrative, création de la Véritable Commune de l'avenir — 2° Unité d'action pour assurer le succès des grèves 3° Comme moyen de propagande formation de sections réelles de l'association Internationale. Cette proposition est contenue dans le projet présenté par le cit. Lorenzo. explique que cette proposition ne fait pas double emploi, qu'il s'agit de fédérer les corporations de métiers de tous les pays, fait la même explication. approuve cette proposition parce qu'elle est un développement et un complément de son projet. La discussion de cette proposition est renvoyée à l'époque où sera discutée la proposition Lorenzo.

OUTINE et PERRET

proposent l'ordre du jour motivé suivant, concernant le projetmémoire Lorenzo.

683

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. Proposition La Conférence, après avoir entendu la lecture du mémoire des sections espagnoles sur l'organisation de l'Internationale — Considérant = 1° Que la partie traitant de la Statistique a été prise en considération dans la discussion sur cette question ; 2° Que la partie sur les grèves sera réservée pour la discussion générale sur les grèves ; 3° Que la partie ( l ) sur l'organisation générale ne demande pas de plus longues discussions par cette double raison q u e : | J4J l'organisation proposée, à peu de différence près, existe déjà et fonctionne en Suisse comme en Belgique — seuls pays sur le Continent qui peuvent posséder une organisation régulière — et qu'il n'y a pas lieu d'y apporter des modifications ; 4° Que l'article 10 du règlement général dit : Bien qu'unis par un lien perpétuel de coopération fraternelle, les sociétés ouvrières qui s'associeront à l'association Internationale garderont intacte leur organisation actuelle ; Que par conséquent la Conférence ne peut pas abolir cet article d'autant plus que cela porterait un préjudice grave à l'application des sociétés anglaises — La Conférence décide = 1° de clore les débats sur cette partie du Mémoire — 2° de remercier fraternellement les membres des sections Espagnoles pour ce travail, qui prouve une fois de plus leur dévouement à l'œuvre de l'association Internationale, explique le paragraphe des Statuts cité par Outine, il dit que ce paragraphe a été ajouté afin de pouvoir obtenir l'adhésion des sociétés anglaises — par l'abolition de cet article on s'aliénerait ces sociétés — il accepte les remerciements accordés aux sections Espagnoles — il reconnaît qu'il a été beaucoup fait dans ce pays, eu égard aux difficultés qu'il y avait à vaincre — il se rallie à l'ordre du jour proposé par Outine. accepte aussi cet ordre du jour — attendu que plusieurs parties de son projet ont été adoptées ; il remercie la Conférence des éloges accordés aux sections ||5| espagnoles — il ne croit pas que ces éloges soient tout à fait mérités, mais il espère que bientôt les travailleurs Espagnols les mériteront entièrement — il se réserve sur la question des grèves. Cet ordre du jour est adopté à l'unanimité, demande que l'on fixe à quelle époque seront discutées les propositions contenues dans la lettre des Sections allemandes. Nous sommes, dit-il, en présence de 3 propositions relatives à l'organisation générale — Celle du cit. Outine, Celle de Vaillant et

5

ère

Le cit. MARX

Le cit. LORENZO

OUTINE ENGELS—

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (après-midi) celle de Delahaye — il pense que l'on doit fixer laquelle de ces 3 questions doit être discutée la l . est d'avis que la Proposition Vaillant doit être discutée immédiatement. propose que la série des propositions individuelles Sur l'organisation générale Soit close. appuyé Marx — il pense que la proposition Vaillant peut entrer dans la discussion de l'adresse aux gouvernements — il faut, dit-il, discuter d'abord les questions d'organisation. Savoir ce que nous serons pour savoir ce que nous ferons. ère

FRANKEL 5

MARX BASTELICA

10 VERRYCKEN et DE PAEPE

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6

VAILLANT

20

présentent la Proposition suivante = mandat impératif du Conseil Fédéral Belge — Le Conseil général se composera de deux ou trois délégués par nationalité — Ils demandent que cette proposition soit discutée avant la question générale. | soutient que sa proposition doit venir la première en discussion — il dit qu'il est essentiel que la question de principe soit nettement exposée et définie afin de pouvoir déterminer l'organisation qu'il convient d'adopter. La proposition Marx est adoptée à l'unanimité.

BASTELICA

proposent qu'il soit nommé une commission de trois membres — chargée de présenter après épuisement de l'ordre du jour, les propositions diverses — De Paepe, Frankel et Serraillier sont nommés membres de cette commission. MARX croit que l'on doit discuter 1° la proposition Delahaye 2° Vaillant 3° celle des délégués Belges et 4° celle des sections allemandes — l'ordre du jour proposé par Marx est secondé par Engels et adopté à l'unanimité. La proposition Delahaye est mise en discussion. Le cit. DELAHAYE a la parole — il développe sa proposition — il dit que si les mécaniciens de Newcastle étaient fédérés avec les mécaniciens de tous les pays ils seraient invincibles — que si plusieurs grèves d'un même métier se produisent dans des pays divers, les ouvriers sont exposés à se faire tort mutuellement — il ajoute que les ouvriers considéreraient cette fédération comme un moyen de résistance — ce qui faciliterait la propagande de l'association internationale. VERRYCKEN dit que déjà une résolution en ce sens a été prise au Congrès de Bâle, ||7| Que cette organisation existe de fait — il a mandat de demander à la Conférence que la fédération des métiers soit internationale. et OUTINE

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685

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. MARX

FRANKEL

HERMAN

VAILLANT

DE PAEPE

croit que ces résolutions n'ont pas été prises au Congrès de Bâle — après vérification il reconnaît que des décisions ont été prises dans ce sens — c'était un pieux désir — il croyait en ce temps — lui aussi—la chose possible — actuellement il est persuadé que les trades unions n'accepteront pas cette fédération — Les trades unions, dit-il, sont une minorité aristocratique — les ouvriers pauvres ne peuvent en faire partie : la grande masse des ouvriers que le développement économique chasse chaque jour des campagnes dans les villes — reste longtemps en Dehors des trades unions — et la masse la plus malheureuse n'en fait jamais partie ; il en est de même pour les ouvriers nés dans les quartiers est de Londres ; un sur 9 appartient aux trades unions — Les paysans, les journaliers ne font jamais partie de ces sociétés — Les Trades union ne peuvent rien par elles mêmes — elles resteront une minorité — elles n'ont aucune puissance sur la masse des prolétaires — tandis que l'internationale agit directement sur ces hommes — elle n'a pas besoin de leur organisation pour entraîner les ouvriers — l'idée internationale les séduit immédiatement — C'est la seule société inspirant pleine Confiance aux Ouvriers — La Langue s'oppose aussi à une union internationale avec les trades unions — dit qu'il faut compter avec les éléments qui existent — Les Fédérations puissantes et riches n'accepteront pas l'union avec les fédérations faibles et pauvres — Le Conseil général de l'Internationale doit être le trait d'Union entre les diverses fédérations — La proposition Delahaye n'est pas praticable aujourd'hui ; elle pourra être appliquée quand la science sociale sera mieux comprise — approuve les arguments de Frankel — il cite l'exemple des sociétés Belges — qui ont admis en principe la proposition Delahaye — on ne peut que fédérer les sections qui existent — Le conseil en cas de grève doit agir comme il l'a fait pour la grève de Newcastle, c'est-à-dire inviter les ouvriers de tous Pays à ne pas remplacer les grévistes. est d'avis que la proposition étant impraticable dans l'état actuel, il serait impolitique de la voter ; d'ailleurs, dit-il, si la solidarité que veut établir le cit. Delahaye existait — l'internationale n'aurait plus de raison d'être — c'est à elle qu'il appartient de remplacer ce manque de solidarité, ne peut pas considérer les sociétés de résistance comme pouvant englober tous les ouvriers — il faut être capable de payer des Cotisations — tant que la terre — cet instrument ||9| de travail — sera aux mains des capitalistes — les sociétés de résistance ne

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Brocès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (après-midi)

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ENGELS—

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35 STEENS

BASTELICA 40 MARX

45

pourront devenir générales — pour lui ces sociétés initient les travailleurs aux études économiques, elles forment un noyau d'hommes — qui le jour de la révolution seront prêts — il soutient que les ouvriers d'un même métier doivent s'entendre d'une façon internationale — il est d'avis que l'Internationale doit favoriser les tendances de fédérations internationales corporatives — Les résolutions des congrès ne sont pas pour nous des choses bibliques — notre critique n'est pas liée — Ce que Marx a dit sur les trades unions est vrai — Les / du Lancashire n'en font pas partie — Les trades unions ont plus de science économique mais — les ouvriers en dehors de ces sociétés ont plus de Justice et de bon sens — là où il n'y a pas de Trades union, les ouvriers s'entendent parfaitement — il cite l'époque où le coton arrivait difficilement — les fabricants furent obligés — après 4 ou 5 mois de grève de céder aux ouvriers ne faisant pas partie des trades union — Les congrès et les conférences ont pour but de donner satisfaction aux besoins qui se produisent dans l'intervalle des sessions — mais la proposition Delahaye met en question l'existence même de l'Internationale — il se méfie des trades union qui ont un auteur royal, nous devons chercher le bien immédiat — il faut une phase nouvelle — La fédération des métiers — alors que beaucoup de ||[10]| sociétés existent en dehors de l'Internationale, est un danger. Il craint qu'en trop légiférant les ouvriers perdent de vue le but essentiel la Révolution Sociale. observe que dans le fond la discussion porte sur les grèves — il est satisfait d'apprendre que les trades unions sont une minorité aristocratique et qu'il existe une masse de prolétaires en dehors d'elles — Ceci facilitera la formation de sections de l'internationale — il cite les typographes de Genève qui, quoique unis avec ceux de France, de Belgique et d'Espagne, ont succombé dans leur grève — ce qui manque, dit-il, c'est : une bourse du travail. est de l'avis de Marx et d'Herman — il pense que la fédération des corporations de métier doit rester propre au Continent de crainte qu'elles soient absorbées par les trades unions. fait la proposition suivante = La Conférence — s'en référant aux résolutions prises au Congrès de Bâle — passe à l'ordre du jour. ne partage pas la crainte de Steens — relativement aux trades unions — elles n'ont jamais pu faire quelque chose sans s'adresser à nous — même les mieux organisées — celles qui ont des branches aux États-Unis — elles sont restées en dehors du plus grand

687

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

BASTELICA LORENZO

PERRET—

mouvement révolutionnaire de l'Angleterre — Depuis que l'internationale existe — c'est différent — si elles veulent user de leurs forces — avec notre aide — elles peuvent tout faire — elles avaient un paragraphe de leurs statuts qui leur défendait de se mêler à la politique — elles n'ont fait des mouvements politiques que sous l'influence de l'internationale — Le Conseil général a été pendant plusieurs années en rapport avec les trades unions — il existait un comité — actuellement il est encore en rapport avec 3 grandes villes — Manchester — Birmingham — Sheffield — Les citoyens Leo Frankel — Bastelica — Outine — Serraillier — Lorenzo — De Paepe — présentent la proposition suivante — Le Conseil général est invité de faciliter aux différentes Sections de métier d'un pays à s'entendre avec les sections de métier d'autres pays en envoyant à chaque chambre fédérale des métiers d'un pays les adresses de bureau des sections existant dans les autres métiers — et réalisent ainsi — dans la mesure des moyens que les lois des différents pays laissent à l'internationale — le projet du Congrès de Bâle au moyen de la statistique du travail. demande que les délégués qui n'ont pas encore exprimé leur opinion soient entendus —. Adopté. dit au nom des travailleurs Espagnols qu'il faut solidariser la résistance — mais rien en dehors de l'internationale — il n'a pas voulu proposer l'organisation des trades unions. On a exagéré — il ne craint pas les trades unions parce que les jeunes sociétés qui se forment possèdent toutes l'esprit révolutionnaire — La clôture mise aux voix est adoptée — | |l2| Un membre fait observer que le cit. Coenen — Délégué — n'a pas été entendu — La parole lui est unanimement accordée — Les sociétés de résistance, dit-il, ont eu beaucoup d'utilité — la fédération de ces sociétés ressort des intérêts des ouvriers — il croit qu'il est du devoir de l'internationale de favoriser les tendances de fédération internationale. — La proposition Bastelica, Frankel, Outine, Serraillier, Lorenzo est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité. La Séance est levée à 6 λΙ2 du soir. C.Martin | h

688

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (après-midi) [Auszüge aus den Mitschriften von C o n s t a n t Martin und C h a r l e s Rochat] [Rochat :] [S. 684.28-34] 5

[1]

MARX =

ce paragraphe qui laisse à chaque trade union le droit de se baser suivant leur droit = dans les premiers temps les Trades Unions ont été notre seule force. On ne peut donc pas toucher à cet article — accepte les remerciements aux Espagnols —Considérant la faiblesse numérique, ils ont fait plus peut-être que d'autres pays = remercie de leur zèle parce que la Catalogne est à peu près la seule province qui compte des ouvriers.

ENGELS -

Motion d'ordre = 3 propositions devant nous — 3 propositions relatives à l'organisation Générale — la première — Outine — en 4 points (sections allemandes) — 2 — Vaillant — inséparables les deux questions — Politique — sociale

10

[S. 684.44-685.2]

15

[1]

e

e

— 3 — Delahaye — organisation des Grèves. 20

FRANKEL-

[S. 6 8 5 . 3 - 4 ]

[1]

commencer par la question de Vaillant, ensuite celle de Delahaye et celle de Becker — [S. 685.5-6]

25

[S. 685.17]

[2]

MARX

dit que c'est contraire aux statuts — — proposition Marx adoptée à l'unanimité.

MARX-

secondé par Engels — commencer avec la proposition du citoyen Delahaye = quant à la proposition des Suisses elle doit être la dernière — celle de Delahaye, Vaillant, il veut que cela soit discuté dans la question Générale. C'est une grande chose de donner une déclaration expresse sur la politique = Statuts — mal compris — Ordre de discussion proposé par Marx = Delahaye, Vaillant, Délégués Belges et Outine (sections allemandes) (Discussion — proposition du citoyen Delahaye)

30

35

[2]

Proposition du cit. Marx qu'il ne soit plus présenté de rapport ayant trait à la discussion Générale avant cette discussion et pendant la discussion de l'ordre du jour et jusqu'à son épuisement complet.

[S. 685.29-41]

[2]

689

\

\ \férence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T.

Procès-ver'

\n a été acceptée en principe par le Congrès de ^ la réussite des Grèves — chaque pas de fait cation sociale est un pas de fait vers la Révo•i cette fédération existait — les patrons de 5 \nt pas pu aller quérir des ouvriers sur le régulariser les Grèves — décentralisation — le Conseil Général ne _i les fédérations peuvent seules le faire — .lavailleurs qui ne comprennent pas l'intérêt qu'ils 10 a. entrer dans l'association et qui préfèrent entrer dans des sociétés de résistances où ils voient un intérêt immédiat —

VERRYCKEN

MARX =

[S. 685.42-45] [3] dit que cette résolution existe de fait, elle a été votée par le congrès de Bâle = il a un mandat des mécaniciens de Belgique 15 pour faire une fédération avec ceux d'Angleterre = il y a cette lacune que toutes les fédérations n'ont pas adhéré à l'association Internationale. [S. 686.1-23] [3] un pieux désir = il était jeune, il croyait comme Delahaye la 2 0 chose possible — vous ne réussirez jamais = En Angleterre les trades unions existent depuis un demi-siècle et la grande majorité des ouvriers est en dehors des Trades Unions = Nécessités économiques qui chassent les ouvriers des campagnes dans les villes — et ceux là sont en dehors des trades 25 unions — il y a à Londres des trades unions des pauvres = Ce ne sont pas seulement les ouvriers des campagnes mais encore leurs familles qui n'ont pas d'argent pour former [des] Trades Unions. Pourquoi ces hommes sont-ils venus de Suède, de l'Aile- 30 magne, de Belgique, c'est parce qu'ils n'appartiennent [pas] aux Trades unions = la lutte internationale frappe immédiatement l'ouvrier et par son seul pouvoir a engagé les ouvriers à retourner chez eux parce que l'on s'est adressé à leur sentiment général. Vous ne devez pas croire que l'organisation que vous rêvez = 35 (...)

Relieurs et compositeurs de l'Allemagne ont demandés à former une section générale de (...) 1° caisse internationale contre leurs statuts 2° [ne] connaissent pas leur langue 40 3° s'ils veulent, dans certains cas, correspondre avec eux, qu'ils le fassent par l'intermédiaire du Conseil Général. Il nie que c'est la Commune de l'avenir parce que son projet

690

Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (après-midi) repose sur la division du travail, principale cause de l'esclavage des ouvriers = cela peut améliorer un peu le sort des ouvriers, mais on ne peut pas présenter cela comme un idéal. [Martin :] 5

[S. 6 8 6 . 1 - 2 3 ]

MARX

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[3-4]

nie que ces résolutions aient été prises au Congrès de Bâle — Sur l'observation qui lui est faite que ces résolutions ont bien été prises — il reconnaît — qu'en effet elles l'ont été — Le développement économique chasse chaque jour les ouvriers des campagnes vers les villes — la masse la plus malheureuse des ouvriers est toujours en dehors des trades unions — qui n'ont jamais pu se former — en grande partie — dont les meilleurs éléments au fur et à mesure absorbés — à l'est de Londres il n'y a pas de trades unions (1 sur 10) non seulement parmi les ouvriers qui arrivent — mais aussi pour ceux qui y sont nés. Les trades unions seront toujours une minorité aristocratique. Elles ne peuvent [rien par elles-mêmes] — pourquoi les travailleurs de la Suède—de l'Allemagne (...) — mais l'Internationale agit directement sur ces hommes — elle n'a pas besoin de cette organisation pour entraîner les ouvriers — l'idée internationale frappe immédiatement l'ouvrier — qui est la seule société considérée pour les prolétaires — Les Langues s'opposent à une union internationale avec les trades unions — la division du travail est une des causes principales de l'esclavage des ouvriers — [Rochat :]

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[S. 686.24-30] FRANKEL =

30

[4]

c'est le résultat d'erreurs économiques — ils voient un bâtiment tout fait — on ne se rend pas compte des obstacles qui existent. Il ne croit pas possible une fédération des trades unions — Allemand et Anglais = [Martin :] [S. 686.31-36]

approuve les arguments développés par Frankel — il cite l'exemple des sociétés Belges — qui ont admis en principe la Proposition Delahaye — mais pour le moment — il croit que c'est le Conseil Général qui doit être le représentant de tous les travailleurs —

ENGELS

dit — nous ne pouvons voter une résolution contraire aux décisions du congrès — il explique que dans le Lancashire où il n'y a pas des trades unions — les ouvriers s'entendent parfaitement — il cite l'époque où le coton arrivait difficilement — les

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[S. 6 8 7 . 8 - 1 7 ]

40

[4]

HERMAN

[4]

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Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. DELAHAYE =

Cette proposition a été acceptée en principe par le Congrès de Genève. 1° point de vue de la réussite des Grèves — chaque pas de fait dans une amélioration sociale est un pas de fait vers la Révolution sociale = Si cette fédération existait — les patrons de 5 Newcastle n'auraient pas pu aller quérir des ouvriers sur le continent — et pour régulariser les Grèves — 2° au point de vue de la décentralisation — le Conseil Général ne peut pas l'obtenir et les fédérations peuvent seules le faire — 3° il y a des travailleurs qui ne comprennent pas l'intérêt qu'ils 10 ont à entrer dans l'association et qui préfèrent entrer dans des sociétés de résistances où ils voient un intérêt immédiat — [S. 685.42-45]

[3]

VERRYCKEN

dit que cette résolution existe de fait, elle a été votée par le congrès de Bâle = il a un mandat des mécaniciens de Belgique 15 pour faire une fédération avec ceux d'Angleterre = il y a cette lacune que toutes les fédérations n'ont pas adhéré à l'association Internationale.

MARX =

un pieux désir = il était jeune, il croyait comme Delahaye la chose possible — vous ne réussirez jamais = En Angleterre les trades unions existent depuis un demi-siècle et la grande majorité des ouvriers est en dehors des Trades Unions = Nécessités économiques qui chassent les ouvriers des campagnes dans les villes — et ceux là sont en dehors des trades unions — il y a à Londres des trades unions des pauvres = Ce ne sont pas seulement les ouvriers des campagnes mais encore leurs familles qui n'ont pas d'argent pour former [des] Trades Unions. Pourquoi ces hommes sont-ils venus de Suède, de l'Ailemagne, de Belgique, c'est parce qu'ils n'appartiennent [pas] aux Trades unions = la lutte internationale frappe immédiatement l'ouvrier et par son seul pouvoir a engagé les ouvriers à retourner chez eux parce que l'on s'est adressé à leur sentiment général. Vous ne devez pas croire que l'organisation que vous rêvez =

[S. 6 8 6 . 1 - 2 3 ]

[3]

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35

(...)

Relieurs et compositeurs de l'Allemagne ont demandés à former une section générale de (...) 1° caisse internationale contre leurs statuts 2° [ne] connaissent pas leur langue 40 3° s'ils veulent, dans certains cas, correspondre avec eux, qu'ils le fassent par l'intermédiaire du Conseil Général. Il nie que c'est la Commune de l'avenir parce que son projet 690

Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (après-midi) repose sur la division du travail, principale cause de l'esclavage des ouvriers = cela peut améliorer un peu le sort des ouvriers, mais on ne peut pas présenter cela comme un idéal. [Martin :] [S. 6 8 6 . 1 - 2 3 ] MARX

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[3-4]

nie que ces résolutions aient été prises au Congrès de Bâle — Sur l'observation qui lui est faite que ces résolutions ont bien été prises — il reconnaît — qu'en effet elles l'ont été — Le développement économique chasse chaque jour les ouvriers des campagnes vers les villes — la masse la plus malheureuse des ouvriers est toujours en dehors des trades unions — qui n'ont jamais pu se former — en grande partie — dont les meilleurs éléments au fur et à mesure absorbés — à l'est de Londres il n'y a pas de trades unions (1 sur 10) non seulement parmi les ouvriers qui arrivent — mais aussi pour ceux qui y sont nés. Les trades unions seront toujours une minorité aristocratique. Elles ne peuvent [rien par elles-mêmes] — pourquoi les travailleurs de la Suède — de l'Allemagne (...) — mais l'Internationale agit directement sur ces hommes — elle n'a pas besoin de cette organisation pour entraîner les ouvriers — l'idée internationale frappe immédiatement l'ouvrier — qui est la seule société considérée pour les prolétaires — Les Langues s'opposent à une union internationale avec les trades unions — la division du travail est une des causes principales de l'esclavage des ouvriers — [Rochat :] [S. 686.24-30]

FRANKEL =

30

[4]

c'est le résultat d'erreurs économiques — ils voient un bâtiment tout fait — on ne se rend pas compte des obstacles qui existent. Il ne croit pas possible une fédération des trades unions — Allemand et Anglais = [Martin :] [S. 686.31-36]

approuve les arguments développés par Frankel — il cite l'exemple des sociétés Belges — qui ont admis en principe la Proposition Delahaye — mais pour le moment — il croit que c'est le Conseil Général qui doit être le représentant de tous les travailleurs —

ENGELS

dit — nous ne pouvons voter une résolution contraire aux décisions du congrès — il explique que dans le Lancashire où il n'y a pas des trades unions — les ouvriers s'entendent parfaitement — il cite l'époque où le coton arrivait difficilement — les

35

[S. 6 8 7 . 8 - 1 7 ]

40

[4]

HERMAN

[4]

691

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de Γ A. I.T. fabricants ont résisté aux demandes des ouvriers — mais au bout de 4 ou 5 — ils ont avoué que les ouvriers avaient plus de raison que les fabricants et les trades unions —

ENGELS—

[Rochat ·.] [S. 687.8-17] [4] 5 —J— Les résolutions des congrès ne sont pas pour nous des choses bibliques — cela ne lie pas notre critique. Ce que le congrès de Bâle a résolu ne nous oblige pas à la mettre en pratique si même -j— on ne peut pas la faire. Ce que Marx vous a dit au sujet des Trades unions est vrai — 10 Les /s dans le Lancashire n'en font pas partie = Il est certain que ces gens-là sont bien plus instruits dans les luttes économiques — grève du coton — patrons voulaient diminuer les salaires, les ouvriers ont dit — nous travaillons en rapport avec —J- les ressources en coton de l'industrie, si nous travaillons l se- 15 maine, payez λΙ2 salaire. Les patrons ont été battus faute d'union — la grève a duré près de six mois et les patrons ont dûs reconnaître que les ouvriers avaient plus de bon sens qu'eux. | 4

l

2

692

Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (soir)

[20 S e p t e m b r e 1871] [1]| Séance du 20 Septembre 1871.

Soir.

Jung président. h

La Séance est ouverte à 9 . 5 Coenen De Paepe Steens Verrycken 10

15

LORENZO

MARX

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o

h

n

dit que le secrétaire a omis l'insertion de sa réponse à Mottershead et demande cette rectification. — Le Procès-verbal est mis aux voix avec la rectification demandée — il est adopté à l'unanimité. propose qu'on ne tienne qu'une seule séance le lendemain de 5 du soir à minuit pour permettre aux commissions de se réunir et de présenter leurs rapports à la discussion. Cette proposition mise aux voix est adoptée à l'unanimité. rapporteur de la Commission pour rechercher les voies et moyens à employer pour récupérer plus régulièrement les cotisations des membres, donne lecture des propositions suivantes = 1° Que le Conseil général fasse imprimer des Timbres uniformes qu'il enverrait anuellement selon leur demande aux Conseils fédéraux. 2° Les Conseils Fédéraux feraient parvenir eux-mêmes aux conseils locaux ou à défaut aux sections de leur ressort le nombre de timbres, correspondant au nombre de membres qui les composent. h

FRANKEL,

30

Bastelica

Herman ( Mottershead. v. McDonnell (séance du 19 — au Lecture du procès-verbal est donnée soir) ABSENTS

20

25

membres présents Eccarius Jung Flu se Perret Engels Vaillant Outine Frankel Marx Lorenzo J. Haies Serraillier

693

ν \ ^ces-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. 3° Ces timbres seraient alors appliqués sur une feuille ad hoc des livrets ou statuts individuels. 4° A la date du 1 mars, les Conseils Fédéraux des différentes régions seront tenus d'envoyer au Conseil Général le montant des timbres employés et le solde des timbres leur restant en caisse. 5° Ces timbres représentant la valeur des cotisations individuelles porteront le chiffre de l'année courante. 6° Les sections adhérentes qui ne se soumettront pas au Règlement ci-dessus énoncé, sauf le cas de force majeure, seront dénoncées à chaque congrès qui statuera dessus. | trouve ce projet trop compliqué et trop bureaucratique. Il craint que les Conseils Fédéraux n'aient pas le temps de l'exécuter, mais ce qu'il reproche le plus vivement à ce projet, c'est de ne prononcer aucune pénalité contre les sections coupables de mauvaise volonté dans l'accomplissement de leurs obligations financières envers le Conseil Général. appuie la proposition, mais il demande si ce nouveau mode de procédure ne nécessitera pas une augmentation dans la cotisation annuelle, ne faudra-t-il pas en effet payer de nouveaux frais pour impression et envoi des timbres aux Conseils Fédéraux = dans ce cas, il proposerait d'augmenter seulement de 5 centimes cette cotisation = Le projet lui semble bon = ce timbre appliqué sur la carte ou livret du membre sera la preuve qu'il aura acquitté l'impôt annuel = Quant au paragraphe 6 qui ne prononce pas de pénalité, il ne saurait le critiquer, il considère que la défense d'assister au congrès serait sensible à bien peu de sections, et la meilleure preuve qu'il puisse en donner est la vue du petit nombre de délégués qui assistent à la conférence. En réponse à la critique du cit. Engels — explique la simplicité du projet. En effet, il s'agit tout simplement d'un seul embarras de plus que par le passé, c'est celui de s'occuper de l'impression de timbres et de leur envoi aux Conseils Fédéraux, mais à côté de cette légère complication de Travail, quels avantages immenses au point de vue du contrôle ne retire-t-on pas de l'application des moyens du projet = Quant à l'art. 6 à qui on reproche de ne pas prononcer de pénalité = il répond que les Statuts ont prévus le cas de la non-exécution des Charges que les sections ont envers le Conseil Général et qu'il réserve contre ces sections de ne pas les admettre à être représentées dans les congrès = demande la suppression de l'art. 6 qui est en contradiction avec le but des cinq premiers articles = il est d'avis que le prix de l'impression des timbres ne doit pas être ajouté en augmentation au chiffre de la cotisation annuelle qui est fixée irrévocablement = er

| [ 2 ] | ENGELS

OUTINE

FRANKEL =

MARX

694

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (soir)

|[3]| STEENS 5

MARTIN 10

DE PAEPE 15

BASTELICA 20

25

MARX 30

35

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45

VAILLANT

il propose qu'on l'ajoute au prix du livret ou de la carte = il appuie les 5 premiers articles du rapport de la Commission. | fait remarquer que le projet de la Commission ne change en rien l'organisation de l'association, qu'en Belgique les sections et Conseils Fédéraux ont des moyens analogues pour constater le payement des cotisations, mais le timbre est remplacé par un cachet. = est de l'avis du cit. Engels, il croit que le système des timbres occasionnera une trop grande centralisation administrative, il préférerait que les Conseils Fédéraux fournissent une statistique numérique des membres qu'ils représentent et payassent d'après cette statistique. dit que ce projet se heurtera à mille difficultés pratiques. Sait-on au juste à quelques milliers près combien de cartes ou timbres on doit envoyer à tel Conseil Fédéral — Pour sa part il ne voudrait pas prendre la responsabilité d'accepter cette proposition qui lui semble inapplicable. approuve le projet = Il a fait cette expérience et lui le premier doit en faire sa confession, c'est que les secrétaires négligeaient parfois de faire rentrer en caisse la cotisation annuelle. Les timbres auront cet avantage, qu'ils seront pour les Secrétaires une sorte de mémorandum permanent pour les engager à opérer le prélèvement des 0,10 par membre = La clôture demandée est votée à l'unanimité Les cinq premiers articles de la Commission sont mis aux voix et adoptés à l'unanimité moins 3 voix = celles de Fluse, De Paepe, Haies propose le vote pour le rejet du paragraphe 6 Rejet accepté à l'unanimité Proposition Vaillant secondée par Longuet et C.Martin En présence d'une réaction sans frein momentanément victorieuse qui étouffe par la force toute revendication de la démocratie socialiste et prétend maintenir par la force la distinction des classes La conférence rappelle aux membres de l'association que la question politique et la question sociale sont indissolublement unies, qu'elles ne sont que la double face d'une seule et même question que l'internationale s'est proposée de résoudre : l'abolition des classes. Les Travailleurs doivent reconnaître, non moins que la solidarité économique, la solidarité politique qui les unit et coaliser leurs forces, non moins sur le terrain politique que sur le terrain économique, pour le triomphe définitif de leur cause. dit que sa proposition ne peut pas donner lieu à une longue

695

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. discussion puisque elle est l'expression |j[4]j affirmée de l'esprit des Statuts = Cependant il prévoit deux objections auxquelles il répond de suite. On pourra dire que cette déclaration est imprudente et attirera sûrement sur l'association les rigueurs des gouvernements. = Mais n'-a-t-on pas toujours vu les gouvernements poursuivre l'association comme Société politique, il n'y a donc de ce côté aucune raison de s'abstenir de cette affirmation, et il y a au contraire à y gagner que tout malentendu désormais n'aura plus d'excuse. — La 2 objection est celle-ci = Il a entendu dire par un membre de la conférence que l'association ne devait pas s'occuper de politique = Il se souvient qu'à Paris, surtout parmi les fondateurs de l'Association, beaucoup partageaient cette manière de voir = Elle a servie pendant un temps à éloigner les ouvriers du vrai champ de bataille ; et en les égarant à retarder l'avènement d'une politique de salut. Ces mêmes hommes, s'appuyant sur une falsification des véritables Statuts, conseillaient l'abstention éternelle en politique = ne s'apercevant pas ou feignant de ne pas s'apercevoir que la première arme pour constituer une société nouvelle était le pouvoir. LORENZO dit que ceci est une question de principe qui ne peut pas être discutée par la conférence, qui du reste n'a pas qualité pour cela = Cette question doit être traitée dans un congrès et votée par les délégués dans le sens de leur mandat impératif = il demande le rejet = Bastelica appuie OUTINE dit que l'objection de Lorenzo est complètement erronée = La proposition ne contient pas un principe nouveau, mais elle ne fait que formuler d'une manière plus formelle ce qui est contenu dans les Statuts = La conférence a autant le droit de voter cette proposition qu'elle a le droit de voter aussi la suppression de ces sections spéciales et sectaires qui portent des noms doctrinaires. Cette déclaration, par son caractère net et tranché, doit mettre fin aux malentendus et rejeter hors de l'association les abstentionnistes, véritables auxiliaires conscients ou inconscients de la Bourgeoisie. | |5| SERRAILLIER donne lecture de l'amendement suivant : Considérant : Que la fausse traduction des Statuts originaux dans les différentes langues a été la cause de diverses interprétations qui ont été nuisibles au développement de l'association Internationale La conférence rappelle aux membres de l'Internationale que la question politique et la question sociale sont indissolublement unies et qu'elles ne sont que la double face d'une seule et même

5

10

e m e

696

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (soir)

BASTELICA

10

question que l'Association Internationale s'est proposée de résoudre = l'Abolition des classes. Ils doivent donc saisir toutes les occasions opportunes pour affermir la revendication des principes sociaux qui sont la base et font la force véritable de l'association Internationale des Travailleurs. Serraillier Frankel demande si ce qu'on appelle de la politique est de gaspiller l'énergie des ouvriers pour faire nommer à la chambre ou au conseil municipal un ouvrier = cette politique d'agitations puériles lui semble signifiante. Vous nous avez accusés d'être abstentionnistes ; Est-ce que le 4 7 et le 18 mars sont des résultats d'abstention ? Lisez la liste des morts et des proscrits et vous y verrez si l'association Internationale en France a fait son devoir. — Les internationaux de France ont fait 2 Révolutions en 6 mois — citez-moi quel peuple en a fait autant. a cru qu'il était inutile de faire précéder sa proposition de considérants ; l'association n'a pas à se justifier, ni se défendre ; dans les statuts, le principe de sa proposition est indiqué comme moyen pour arriver à l'abolition des classes, et dès l'origine tel a été l'esprit qui a inspiré la fondation de l'internationale, sa proposition ne fait donc que confirmer énergiquement un principe essentiel à l'association. Pour répondre au citoyen Bastelica — il dit qu'assurément il n'entend pas par le mot politique faire cette mince agitation qui consiste à envoyer un ouvrier au parlement, puisque se sont ces parlements qu'il faut aussi détruire. La politique de l'Association doit être socialiste et ne viser qu'un but = l'abolition des classes. Le considérant de la proposition Serraillier aurait pour but de donner la raison de la déclaration Vaillant, il appuie l'adjonction de ce considérant. est du même avis que Frankel, il veut mettre fin une fois pour toutes à cette fausse interprétation des Statuts = En Suisse la section Romande qu'il représente est de cet avis que l'association doit faire de la politique, et c'est aussi l'avis de la majorité des Internationaux en Suisse, seule une petite église a prêchée l'abstention et la conférence sait quelle lutte passionnée elle a livrée à l'association.| |[6]| Il veut qu'animés de ce principe que la lutte politique est un devoir, les ouvriers pénètrent partout, parlements et chambres, pour ronger cette vieille société et précipiter sa chute, approuve de grand cœur le cit. Perret et pour cette raison il appuie la proposition de Vaillant comme étant plus concise et plus ferme que celle de Serraillier. b r e

15

VAILLANT

20

25

30

FRANKEL =

PERRET

35

40

MARTIN

45

697

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. D E PAEPE

MARX =

n'est pas opposé à ce que l'on répète ce qui est déjà dans les Statuts, mais il est convaincu que, malgré la rigoureuse clarté de la déclaration Vaillant, certaines Sections continueront à refuser de suivre cette ligne de conduite et créeront ainsi de nouveaux conflits = Cette immixtion de l'association dans les 5 affaires politiques était en principe si bien acceptée de tous que même Tolain et Fribourg revendiquaient dans les congrès les libertés politiques pour la classe ouvrière. En Belgique quoique les ouvriers soient forcés par les lois à l'abstention, ils ne cessent cependant de lutter par le meeting et 10 la propagande écrite pour obtenir les armes politiques qui leur manquent. Cependant, en supposant que les ouvriers Belges possédassent le droit de vote, et qu'ils puissent envoyer à la chambre un ou deux députés socialistes, il, ne pense pas que cela donnerait aucun avantage au parti socialiste, il se souvient que 15 les Socialistes De Potter et Castiau n'ont jamais réussi à faire entendre leur parole au parlement Belge où l'intolérence Bourgeoise étouffait par des cris ou des bruits de couteaux à papier leur tentative pour se faire écouter. Le citoyen Lorenzo nous a rappelé à l'observation du Règlement, 20 et le citoyen Bastelica l'a suivi dans cette voie = Je prends les Statuts originaux et l'adresse inaugurale et je lis dans les deux que le Conseil Général sera chargé de présenter à la discussion des congrès un programme. | |[7]| Le programme que le Conseil Général présente à la discussion de la conférence comprend = l'organisation de l'association ; et la proposition Vaillant se rapporte à ce point — la réclamation de Lorenzo et Bastelica n'est donc pas fondée = Plus ou moins dans tous les pays, certains internationaux, se basant sur la déclaration tronquée des Statuts votés au congrès de Genève, ont fait en faveur de l'abstention politique une propagande que les gouvernements se sont bien gardés d'interrompre. En Allemagne même, Schweitzer et autres à la solde de Bismarck essayaient de rallier les sections à la politique gouvernementale. En France cette abstention coupable avait permis aux Favre, Picard, et autres de s'emparer du pouvoir le 4 7 — cette abstention laissait le 18 mars s'établir à Paris un comité dictatorial composé en majeure partie de Bonapartistes et d'intrigants qui ont perdus Sciemment dans l'inaction les premiers jours de la Révolution qu'ils devaient consacrer à son affermissement. En Amérique un congrès tenu récemment et composé d'ouvriers a résolu de prendre en main la question politique et de substituer pour les représenter, à ces personnalités qui font métier d'être hommes politiques, des ouvriers comme eux, chargés de défendre les intérêts de leur classe.

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b r e

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (soir) En Angleterre il est moins facile à un ouvrier d'entrer au parlement. Les membres ne recevant aucun subside et l'ouvrier n'ayant que les ressources de son travail pour vivre, le parlement est inaccessible pour lui, et la Bourgeoisie, en refusant obstinément une allocation aux membres, sait parfaitement que c'est le moyen d'empêcher la classe ouvrière d'être représentée. Mais il ne faut pas croire que ce soit d'une mince importance d'avoir des ouvriers dans les parlements. Si l'on étouffe leur voix ||[8]| comme à De Potter et Castiau, si on les expulse comme Manuel = l'effet de ces rigueurs et de cette intolérance est profond sur le peuple = Si au contraire comme Bebel et Liebknecht ils peuvent parler, de cette tribune, c'est le monde entier qui les entend = d'une manière comme d'une autre, c'est une grande publicité pour nos principes = Pour n'en citer qu'un exemple = lorsque Bebel et Liebknecht ont entrepris contre et pendant la guerre qui se livrait en France = cette lutte pour dégager toute la responsabilité de la classe ouvrière en face de ce qui se passait — toute l'Allemagne était ébranlée, et Munich même, cette ville où l'on ne faisait de Révolutions que pour le prix de la bière = se livrait à de grandes manifestations pour demander la fin de la guerre.

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Les gouvernements nous sont hostiles, il faut leur répondre par tous les moyens possibles que nous avons à notre disposition, mettre des ouvriers dans les parlements, c'est autant de gagné sur eux, mais il faut choisir les hommes et ne pas prendre des Tolains. Il appuie la proposition du citoyen Vaillant avec l'amendement Frankel qui consiste à la faire précéder d'un considérant expliquant la raison d'être de cette déclaration, c'est-à-dire affirmant que ce n'est pas d'aujourd'hui que l'association demande que les ouvriers fassent de la politique, mais de tout temps, voudrait que les travailleurs montrassent moins d'indifférence politique, s'abstenir, c'est abandonner l'arme — et renoncer au triomphe du socialisme = Il dit que la proposition Vaillant devrait être divisée en deux parties, c'est à dire qu'elle ne devrait pas par exemple dire que la question politique et la question sociale sont indissolublement unies et qu'elles ne sont que la double face d'une seule et même question, ce qui n'est pas juste, la question politique cessant d'exister le jour où le but, l'abolition des classes aura été atteint. trouve la proposition Vaillant trop concise, il voudrait la voir étendue dans un manifeste. Ajournée par 9 voix contre 8. |

699

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T.

[Auszüge aus den Mitschriften von C h a r l e s Rochat und C o n s t a n t Martin]

ENGELS

OUTINE

FRANKEL -

MARX

ENGELS

OUTINE

700

[Rochat :] [S. 694.12—695.2] [1] trouve [ce] procédé très compliqué. C'est une question de Règlement inexécutable = ce serait un travail très étendu pour les Conseils Fédéraux = il demande un règlement plus simple pour faire rentrer les cotisations — il demande une pénalité et soutient que le meilleur est de les exclure du congrès et le principal vice de la proposition en dehors de sa complication, c'est de permettre encore aux sections d'envoyer leur délégué au congrès. voudrait savoir si ce mode de procédure coûtera cher parce qu'alors on pourrait augmenter la cotisation annuelle — il défend du reste le projet — ce sera une bonne marque qu'on a rempli ses obligations envers l'association. Quant à la question de pénalité = il ne faut pas croire que les sections tiennent tant à envoyer des délégués — sans cela il y en aurait beaucoup plus ici = Il croit du reste que toutes les sections tiendront à honneur de payer leurs cotisations. La critique du cit. Engels ne renverse pas la proposition. Il est dit dans les statuts que ceux qui n'auront pas réglé leurs cotisations ne seront pas admis au congrès. Ce moyen a cela de bon qu'il permet le contrôle (timbres lithographiques, ce moyen est employé dans les sociétés de résistances). Tant qu'on n'aura pas d'autres propositions meilleures — il maintiendra la proposition, trouve mauvais que la résolution abolit toute pénalité (croit que c'est une contradiction le paragraphe N°6) = tous les membres d'avoir des Statuts = il s'oppose au paragraphe 6 = Quant au prix de l'impression — cela doit être mis sur les statuts et non sur les contributions à payer au Conseil Général — qui est fixé à 0,10 par les congrès — appuie la proposition en faisant réserve pour l'art. 6.

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[Martin :] 35 [S. 694.12-695.2] [1] trouve le projet proposé trop compliqué et trop bureaucratique—il craint que les conseils fédéraux n'aient trop de besogne — et qu'il ne résolve pas la question — il trouve la pénalité trop insignifiante. 40 appuie le projet — il voudrait seulement savoir si la dépense occasionnée ne sera pas trop forte — il dit qu'un mode analogue est pratiqué en Suisse — il trouve la pénalité suffisante —

Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (soir) FRANKEL

dit que les arguments du cit. Engels ont peu de valeur — et qu'en outre le système des timbres présente l'avantage du contrôle — observe que la pénalité est prévue par les statuts et que par conséquent le paragraphe art. 6 doit être retranché — quant aux frais — il croit qu'ils ne doivent pas porter sur la cotisation mais sur le prix des statuts. — Les livrets n'existent qu'en Suisse et en Belgique et — il ne doit pas être exigé — mais tous les adhérents doivent avoir les statuts ou les timbres — il approuve le projet dans ses autres parties —

MARX

demande de nouveau que le 6 paragraphe du projet soit supprimé — il dit que si les 5 premiers paragraphes sont exécutés, la pénalité est inutile et que d'ailleurs elle est prévue par les Statuts pour sa part — retire ce paragraphe — L'amendement Marx est accepté à l'unanimité moins 1 voix.

[S. 695.28-29]

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[2]

Complètement erronée l'objection du cit. Lorenzo, nous avons parfaitement le droit de voter la proposition Vaillant aussi bien que nous avons voté la suppression des questions philosophiques etc. etc. C'est une confirmation des statuts — tandis que les abstentionnistes et les calomniateurs accusaient l'association d'être des réactionnaires parce qu'ils s'occupaient ou non de politique — cette déclaration très bonne pour l'avenir. [S. 697.30-32]

FRANKEL

[2]

[3]

tient à ce qu'on mette le considérant pour les raisons exposées par Marx hier (Tolain et autres). Il appuie surtout le 2 paragraphe qui est très explicite. E M E

30

[Martin :] [S. 697.30-32]

FRANKEL— 35

[S. 698.1-699.40]

DE PAEPE

40

[4]

il ne faut pas nous dissimuler la cause des différends dans l'Internationale sur cette question — c'est la fausse traduction des statuts — il faut donc mentionner cette cause — [4-6]

craint que malgré ces déclarations — quelques Sections se refusent à suivre cette ligne de conduite — il dit que Tolain et Fribourg avaient fait une pareille déclaration au Congrès de Lausanne — ils l'ont reniée devant les tribunes. — D'ailleurs —

701

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

MARX—

MARX—

THEISZ—

702

dit-il — les Belges n'ont pas le suffrage universel — donc ils ne peuvent ni s'abstenir ni agir. — Ils s'occupent de politique dans les meetings — mais ils ont des raisons pour ne pas prendre part aux luttes électorales — à cause du serment etc. — il ne croit pas que l'on puisse imposer à tous les pays — une ligne politique identique — Les statuts originaux et l'adresse inaugurale se commandent mutuellement — il y est dit que le Conseil général doit saisir les congrès et les conférences — Ceci est une question d'organisation — on ne veut pas uniformiser la ligne politique — En Allemagne Bismarck a payé pour pousser les sections à la politique gouvernementale. donne lecture de (...) Sans l'abstention de l'internationale à Paris on n'aurait pas nommé Favre et Trochu et Picard — Oui = l'internationale s'est abstenue malheureusement — en Février le mouvement a échoué parce qu'il n'avait pas été suffisemment préparé — En Amérique — le dernier congrès des ouvriers a résolu de s'occuper de politique — de choisir des ouvriers pour députés — En Belgique ils sont forcément abstentionnistes sur la question électorale — En Allemagne — où le suffrage universel n'existe qu'en apparence — Bebel a protesté de la tribune et contre la guerre et ceci a fait beaucoup de bien — L'expulsion de Manuel de la chambre a donné une très grande impulsion à la révolution — Le pouvoir politique supprime la liberté des ouvriers — ainsi que le capital — Les ouvriers anglais — vont lentement. — Depuis la Révolution de Juillet la bourgeoisie a fait toujours des empêchements sans que les ouvriers s'en apperçoivent. Nos journeaux n'arrivant pas à la masse — la tribune est le meilleur instrument de publicité. En ce moment tous les gouvernements tombent sur nous, il faut leur répondre et faire contre eux une croisade générale. Il approuve la proposition Vaillant mais avec l'amendement Frankel relatif à la fausse traduction des statuts — pour montrer que cette question a déjà été résolue par les Statuts. La question soulevée par le cit. Bastelica lui semble erronnée puisque les précédents congrès et les statuts mentionnent que les ouvriers doivent s'occuper de politique — Le cit. Vaillant semble mettre sur un même pied la politique et le socialisme — la politique ne doit être considérée que Comme moyen — il craint que les ambitieux profitent de cette rédaction pour arriver à leurs fins — il dit que les internationaux se sont beaucoup occupés de

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 20 septembre 1871 (soir) politique à Paris — qu'ils étaient parfaitement considérés, qu'il suffisait de se dire membre de l'Internationale pour être nommé sergent, capitaine, chef de Bataillon. [Rochat :]

5 MARX—

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[S. 698.20-699.31] [4-6] Lorenzo nous a rappelé au Règlement et Bastelica l'a suivi dans cette voie. Les statuts et l'adresse inaugurale — il y est dit que le Conseil Général est chargé de présenter à la discussion des congrès un programme = c'est de l'organisation — On a fait de l'abstention, on a dit que ce n'était pas inscrit sur les statuts qu'on devait faire de la politique — Schweitzer et autres = comme moyen = Les seigneurs de la terre et l'abstention ont produit le 4 7 et le 18 mars — cela a produit Jules Favre et le Comité Central. En Amérique le dernier Congrès des ouvriers a résolu de mettre à la porte toutes les personnalités qui font métiers politiques — mais il faut faire de la politique selon les conditions de tous les pays. En Angleterre le payement des membres du parlement — En Allemagne Bebel et Liebknecht avaient une grande tribune de laquelle ils parlaient au monde = cette chose à Munich a rallié beaucoup d'ouvriers à l'Association Internationale. L'affaire des Castiau et des De Potter est très bonne — Manuel — Le pouvoir général contre les ouvriers est le pouvoir politique, voyez la loi hypocrite qui a été votée contre les trades unions — seront la cause d'un grand mouvement en Angleterre et chasseront les Whigs et Tories. C'est toujours une bonne chose de faire de la politique, seulement il faut choisir les hommes. Les gouvernements nous font une politique hostile, il faut leur répondre par tous les moyens qui sont à notre disposition. Il est pour la proposition du citoyen Vaillant en ajoutant un paragraphe de celle du cit. Frankel pour démontrer que ce n'est pas d'aujourd'hui que nous voulons que les ouvriers fassent de la politique mais depuis toujours. | b r e

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Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

[21 S e p t e m b r e 1871] Séance du 21 7

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6 du soir

Serraillier président Membres présents Outine, Perret, Verrycken, Fluse, De Paepe, Steens, Coenen, Herman, Marx, Engels, Bastelica, Serraillier, Frankel, Lorenzo, Vaillant Jung Eccarius

Haies Mottershead

Cohn McDonnell

J. ABSENTS. bre

Le secrétaire donne Lecture du procès verbal de la séance du 20 7 . FRANKEL

BASTELICA COENEN

observe que le nom du citoyen De Paepe a été omis au bas de la proposition qui consiste à mettre un amendement à la proposition Vaillant. demande qu'au lieu du mot = auteur d'un livre sur les trades unions = on mette apologiste des Trades unions, dit qu'on a omis de mettre au procès Verbal les noms et les motifs des abstentionnistes au vote de la proposition Delahaye. Le procès verbal de la séance du jour du 20 7 est mis aux voix avec Rectification — il est adopté à l'unanimité. Lecture du procès verbal de la séance du 20 7 soir il est adopté à l'unanimité. La proposition du citoyen Vaillant entre en discussion soutient cette proposition, on doit absolument conseiller aux ouvriers de s'occuper de politique, car l'abstention est en contradiction, non seulement avec les statuts de l'association, mais encore avec les besoins de la cause socialiste. Les abstentionnistes en politique sont de ceux qui condamnent logiquement les efforts de la Commune de Paris où, pour la première fois, les ouvriers ont pris en main, avec le levier politique, le vrai moyen d'arriver au triomphe de nos principes. = Du reste il n'y a pas

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871 véritablement d'abstentionnistes absolus, lorsque nous lisons leurs journaux c'est à pleines colonnes qu'ils font de la politique. Quelques uns ont avancés que faire de la politique, c'était reconnaître l'état de choses actuel = mais est-ce reconnaître cet état de choses que de s'emparer de tout ce qu'on y trouve pour travailler à sa destruction = il appuie la proposition Vaillant parce qu'elle dissipera dans l'avenir tout malentendu = Voir — ci-joint le discours Engels In extenso — LONGUET =

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|[2]| OUTINE

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que l'on fasse suivre les orateurs dans l'ordre du pour et du contre. demande qu'on modifie la proposition Vaillant selon l'amendement qu'il a déposé à la dernière séance d'hier et qui est signé de lui et Serraillier. | soutient la proposition Vaillant comme elle est formulée et refuse qu'on y adjoigne la raison de la fausse traduction des Statuts — il aurait peur qu'on ne tourne en ridicule cette association qui garde pendant 6 ans des statuts qu'un beau jour elle s'aperçoit avoir été infidèlement traduits = Il vaut mieux que cette déclaration vienne comme une nécessité des événements. Il a toujours vu les abstentionnistes s'écrier — organisez-vous, mais surtout ne vous occupez pas de politique = Il n'y aurait qu'à voir ce que les positivistes comme Crompton conseillent aux ouvriers anglais pour la revendication de leurs droits, c'est-à-dire de s'abtenir complètement de politique, pour comprendre que nous devons agir d'une façon toute opposée = Aussi réfute-t-il le citoyen Theisz qui ne voulait pas que la proposition Vaillant contint ces mots = Que la question économique et la question politique étaient indissolublement liées — parce qu'à son avis c'était là 2 questions parfaitement différentes = Il finit en disant que l'abstention amène la dictature et fait les ignorants. dit que c'est avec plaisir qu'il voit aujourd'hui que le vent souffle à la politique. Il se souvient très-bien qu'au congrès de Bruxelles, lorsqu'il a émis ces opinions, il a été traqué par Tolain et ses amis = il appuie la proposition de Vaillant. n'a pas demandé [la parole] contre Ja proposition, mais seulement pour présenter quelques remarques contre ceux qui attaquent les abstentionnistes. Les premiers qui prêchèrent l'abstention absolue furent les Tolains et les Murats et plus tard nous avons pu nous rendre compte de ce que voulaient ces hommes en les voyant courir à la curée des places. Engels le reconnaît, dit-il, certains hommes qu'on appelle des abstentionnistes parce qu'ils refusent de faire cette agitation

705

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. qui n'a pas d'autre résultat après de pénibles efforts que de faire admettre un ouvrier à la Chambre = ont leurs journaux largement ouverts aux choses politiques = Il n'y a pas plus d'abstentionnistes d'un côté que de l'autre, la seule différence entre eux c'est qu'ils ne jugent pas de la même façon sur l'opportunité.| | [ 3 ] | LONGUET dit que l'abstention à certains moments sous l'empire, par Exemple, était de la bonne politique — et ce dernier l'avait tellement compris qu'il poursuivit immédiatement après le plébiscite le Conseil Fédéral de Paris qui l'avait conseillé au peuple. Mais il est des pays où l'abstention est une lâcheté, en Suisse par exemple où le peuple possède tous les moyens de lutte. SERRAILLIER soutient son amendement à la proposition Vaillant — ce n'est pas la question de principe qu'il discute, c'est la question de la rédaction = il dit que cette proposition a l'air de ne s'adresser qu'à la France et de ne faire allusion qu'aux derniers événements = Il est absolument nécessaire qu'on sache que le motif de cette déclaration est tout entier dans la fausse traduction des statuts qui a créée ces malentendus et a imprimée à quelques sections cette marche fatale = Il dit que la place du premier paragraphe de la proposition Vaillant est toute trouvée dans le manifeste aux gouvernements = Rentrant dans la question générale, il insiste fortement pour que la conférence adopte une déclaration énergique enjoignant aux internationaux de se mêler activement de la politique de leurs pays respectifs — que sans cela l'association n'a aucune portée et n'acquerra aucun développement et qu'ainsi la cause des travailleurs sera compromise. BASTELICA dépose la proposition suivante = La conférence est incompétente pour trancher la question de principe, il suffit qu'elle prenne la résolution que les statuts soient réimprimés et passe ensuite à l'ordre du jour.

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La séance est interrompue à 8V4. |

[Auszüge aus den Mitschriften von C h a r l e s Rochat und C o n s t a n t Martin]

ENGELS =

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[Rochat :] 35 [S. 704.24-705.8] [1] Nous ne pouvons pas nous abstenir — cela ne nous est même pas possible — Commune — On nous dit de ne pas faire de la politique, mais tous les journaux abstentionnistes font de la politique — les hommes que nous 40 envoyons au Parlement nous trahissent —

Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871 faire de la politique c'est — disent quelques uns — reconnaître l'état actuel des choses, mais est-ce reconnaître cet état si on s'empare de tout ce qu'on y trouve pour le détraire — [Martin .] [S. 704.24-705.8]

[1]

ENGELS

soutient aussi cette Proposition — prié de faire passer ses arguments — nous devons conseiller aux ouvriers de se mêler à la politique sans quoi ils en feront pour le compte de la Bourgeoisie — Ce serait désavouer le Commune. Si le prolétariat ne se mêle pas de politique on en tirera le même résultat — il fera la révolution pour les bourgeois — ils ont toujours paru comme la queue de la Bourgeoisie — mais tous les jours le parti abstentioniste fait de la politique — il blâme les gouvernements existants — si des hommes envoyés au parlement trahissent — ce n'est pas — journaux — pas de trésorerie — les moyens d'action — c'est la loi de la Presse — de réunions — le droit d'association etc. —

FRANKEL-

Il est tout à fait d'accord avec Engels sur la question générale — on a cru qu'on devait appliquer les moyens politiques d'une façon uniforme dans tous les pays — Il trouve que le 1 paragraphe — que le conseil a déjà voté qu'on doit faire une adresse aux gouvernements et que là cette l phrase sera plus longuement développée — il propose que le 1 paragraphe soit — il maintient le 2 — (quand — les travailleurs 3 pxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx) — il trouve qu'on parle de 2 solidarités — il propose un autre paragraphe de la Proposition de lui et de Serraillier —

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se lève pour soutenir la proposition Vaillant — et Contre l'autre — Comment donc — après 6 ans voilà l'Association qui se réveille — ce sont les événements qui nous y poussent. Les ouvriers doivent saisir toute occasion = à la moindre grève ou émeute on dirait = c'est l'internationale — et ce qu'a dit Theisz = économique supérieur à la politique = mais il trouve qu'ils sont indissolubles — Le cit. Marx a parlé hier que les ouvriers anglais η 'abandonneront pas le terrain politique (Ballot Bill ) — Les positivistes anglais ainsi que les abstentionnistes — Surtout pas de politique = organisez-vous.

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Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. [Martin :] [S. 705.36-706.5]

ROBIN

708

[3]

n'a pas demandé la parole sur la proposition Marx Contre les abstentionnistes — il cite Tolain et Murât — quant aux autres abstentionnistes — Engels a reconnu que ceux-là font de la 5 politique dans les journaux — Il ne croit pas que ce soit la suppression de 2 mots dans les statuts qui ont pu causer de si grands désastres — peu d'ouvriers lisent les statuts — il n'y a entre ces derniers abstentionnistes et leurs adversaires qu'une question d'opportunité. I 10

Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871

[21 S e p t e m b r e 1871] 111 Conférence 21 7

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La Séance est reprise à 8 V du soir. Président Serraillier. 2

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Les cit. Outine et Perret — ·> , , , . _ . . , . > présentent la resolution suivante = Steens — Frankel — John Hales J En reconnaissant la substance des deux résolutions, c'est-à-dire la nécessité de l'action politique du parti prolétaire ; plus que jamais dans les circonstances actuelles — La Conférence laisse au Conseil général le soin de donner la rédaction finale aux deux propositions de Vaillant et Serraillier — Frankel — T

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Cette proposition est mise en discussion. HERMAN 15

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affirme que les dissensions sont venues de la fausse traduction des statuts — si les ouvriers les lisent peu — il y a des ambitieux qui les leur expliquent à leur façon — ; il faut admettre la Proposition Vaillant — parce qu'il faut attirer l'attention sur ce point. Pourquoi s'associer, s'organiser — si on ne veut pas faire de la politique ? C'est en nous mêlant à la politique que nous arriverons à l'affranchissement des prolétaires — L'Internationale est assez bien organisée en Belgique — si ce pays obtenait le suffrage universel — les ouvriers prendraient immédiatement la direction du pouvoir dans beaucoup de villes — ; la Chambre elle-même a exprimé des craintes à ce sujet. Ils ne l'ont pas demandé jusqu'ici parce qu'on disait — il ne faut [pas] s'occuper de politique — il en est entièrement d'avis que l'on doit s'en occuper activement et seconde la Proposition Vaillant. ne parlera pas contre la proposition Vaillant parce que hier il a parlé pour — il répond à Bastelica que dès le début de la conférence il a été résolu que cette question était toute d'organisation et non de principe — quant au règlement invoqué — il

709

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. rappelle [qu'il faut] lire ensemble les statuts et l'adresse inaugurale — dont il donne de nouveau Lecture. Il fait l'historique de l'abstention — il ne faut pas s'irriter, dit-il, sur cette question — ce sont des utopistes de bonne foi qui ont propagé cette doctrine — mais ceux qui reprennent le même 5 chemin aujourd'hui ne le sont pas — ils ajournent la politique après la lutte violente et jettent ainsi le peuple dans l'opposition formaliste et bourgeoise — qu'il est de notre devoir de combattre en même temps que le pouvoir — Nous devons démasquer Gambetta afin que le peuple ne soit pas une fois de plus abusé. 10 Il est de l'avis de Vaillant — il faut que nous jetions un défi à tous les gouvernements en réponse à leurs persécutions contre l'internationale — qui (.. .)| |2| La réaction existe sur tout le Continent, elle est générale et permanente — et même aux Etats-Unis et en Angleterre sous une 15 autre forme — Nous devons leur dire — nous savons que vous êtes la force armée contre les prolétaires — nous agirons contre vous pacifiquement là où cela nous sera possible — et par les armes quand cela sera nécessaire — il croit qu'il y a quelque chose à changer dans 20 la rédaction de la proposition Vaillant — c'est pourquoi il se rallie à la proposition Outine. Le cit. BASTELICA s'y rallie aussi — il pense qu'il faudrait se contenter d'admettre le principe — qu'il faudrait qu'un congrès définisse cette question — LONGUET— La proposition Vaillant n'a pas été réellement attaquée — on n'a 25 fourni aucun argument — La clôture est demandée — elle est mise au voix et adoptée à l'unanimité moins une voix. VAILLANT— Il n'a pas été fourni un seul argument Contre ma proposition que je ne retirerai que devant une proposition de forme plus accusée 30 soumise à la Conférence — mais je ne puis la retirer et voter pour la proposition Outine qui au su ou à l'insu de l'auteur n'est qu'une fin de non-recevoir — En face des calomnies produites contre la ligne politique de l'internationale, il faut une réponse définitive — il faut que la Conférence se prononce et non le Conseil général 35 déjà chargé d'une adresse — de plus la proposition Outine donnant comme base de la rédaction de la déclaration remise au Conseil général aussi bien qu'à ma proposition celle des citoyens Serraillier et Frankel qui me paraît en être la négation, ne demandant pour l'internationale l'action politique que dans certains oc- 40 casions — dites opportunes — c'est-à-dire l'action politique intermittente — tandis que je la demande continue — je ne puis l'accepter — d'ailleurs — je n'ai pas le droit de retirer cette proposition, car je parle au nom d'une catégorie de citoyens qui demandent si oui ou non entrer dans l'internationale — s'allier avec elle — 45

710

Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871 ils attendent Votre réponse — J'ai demandé l'appel nominal afin de mettre en demeure les français ayant droit de vote d'affirmer leur opinion. Je demande l'insertion de la note suivante dans les procès-verbaux. Note = Je ferais observer que les paroles ci-dessus écrites de la main du Citoyen Vaillant ont été écrites et apposées après coup par le secrétaire (Martin) et recouvrent la réponse que je fis au Cit. Vaillant. La protestation que cette partialité infâme souleva en moi et que je formulais à la Conférence a été également supprimée — . „ .... A . Serraulier

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Il lui est pénible de combattre Vaillant et Longuet avec qui il est d'accord sur le fond de la question — il sait, lui aussi, qu'un grand nombre de citoyens attendent cette déclaration pour entrer dans l'internationale — ce n'est qu'une question ||3| de rédaction — et il ne reste plus que 2 jours pour tout le reste de la discussion — Ce ne sont pas, dit-il, des questions politiques ou économiques— qui sont en jeu mais des éléments politiques et économiques — il veut que la rédaction soit renforcée par le Conseil Général — et il espère que cette proposition sortira plus radicale de ses mains.

SERRAILLIER et FRANKEL VERRYCKEN

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Frankel Serraillier Jung Bastelica Vaillant Marx Mottershead Engels Eccarius Haies Steens Herman Outine

se rallient à la proposition Outine et à ses paroles — conteste à la Conférence le droit de discuter .cette proposition — Les Sections n'ont pas été consultées sur cette question — il cite un paragraphe des statuts et dit que l'action doit rester libre — que l'on doit pouvoir se mêler de politique ou non selon les pays où on se trouve. — La proposition Bastelica et Verrycken est mise aux voix à l'appel nominal =

contre contre contre pour contre contre contre contre contre contre contre contre contre

Votes Motifs d'abstention du cit. Eug. Steens = «Je m'abstiens parce que cette question n'ayant pas été portée à l'internationale, je ne puis m'arroger le droit de voter sans mandat. » Signé = Eug. Steens.

Motifs d'abstention du cit Bastelica = « Acceptant le principe qu'indique la proposition, je motive mon abstention en ar-

711

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. Perret Coenen Verrycken Lorenzo Flu McDonnell absent De Paepe dito 13 4 12|

contre pour pour pour

guant de l'incompétence de la Conférence en la matière. » Signé = Bastelica se

abstention

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|4| La 2 proposition (renvoi au Conseil Général) est mise aux voix à l'appel nominal. 10 Votes Frankel pour — Serraillier pour — Jung pour — Marx pour — Mottershead pour — Engels pour — Eccarius pour — Haies pour — Outine pour — Perret pour — (10) Vaillant contre — Herman contre — 15 Bastelica abstention — Fluse abstention — Verrycken abstention — Lorenzo abstention — De Paepe absent — McDonnell absent — Coenen absent. Les votes sont ainsi repartis — 10 voix pour — 2 contre — quatre 20 abstentions et 2 absents — Les cit. VAILLANT et HERMAN font remarquer qu'en votant contre ils votent pour la proposition Vaillant — LONGUET

MARX OUTINE

HERMAN

5 HALES —

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25 demande si le conseil général tiendra compte de la proposition Serraillier dans la rédaction qui lui est renvoyée par la proposition Outine — Il continue de soutenir la nécessité de maintenir la rédaction Vaillant — et qu'en tout cas il croit que le conseil général ne doit 30 pas retenir un seul mot de la proposition Serraillier — I demande que le cit. Outine explique sa pensée. ; répond qu'il est entendu que c'est la proposition Vaillant qui > est renvoyée au Conseil — que le Conseil est chargé de trouver 35 I une rédaction meilleure — qu'il s'inspirera du procès-Verbal. demande si Cohn a répondu à l'invitation qui lui a été adressée de venir rendre compte à la conférence de sa mission en Belgique — il déclare que les délégués Belges ont des communications à faire 40 à ce sujet — | secrétaire — déclare qu'il n'a pas encore reçu de réponse du cit. Cohn.

Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871 JUNG

La parole est au cit. Marx, rapporteur de la Commission, (conflit suisse) — La commission avait nommé un Sous-Comité pour entendre les témoins — Les cit. Perret, Outine et Robin ont été entendus, mais le citoyen Robin après avoir parlé s'est éloigné sans vouloir entendre les réponses de Perret et d'Outine — Il fait observer que le cit. Robin n'est pas présent. Il dit que la société de l'alliance a publié ses Statuts avant de les faire connaître au Conseil général — c'était une conspiration — un membre de l'Internationale de Paris les a envoyé au conseil — ils les ont envoyés plus tard — et quelques mois après ils ont demandé au Conseil général s'il les approuve — oui ou non — Marx donne lecture de quelques passages de ces statuts — il est évident qu'ils sont entièrement opposés à ceux de l'internationale — ils ont répondu dans ce sens à l'alliance. La confiance du Conseil général a été un moment surprise — à cause des signatures d'hommes connus — tels Becker — il a cru que l'alliance s'était amalgamée avec le Conseil de Genève — Plus tard la lutte a éclaté entre les 2 éléments au congrès de 70 — d'un côté la fédération romande primitive et de l'autre l'alliance — on ne voulait pas admettre les délégués de l'alliance au Congrès — ils ont été admis par 22 voix contre 19 — mais il y avait un membre qui avait oublié son mandat etc. On a fait appel au Conseil pour trancher cette question. Afin d'éviter tout conflit quand il peut être évité, le conseil a résolu d'inviter l'alliance à prendre un titre local — ce qu'ils n'ont pas fait — ils ont fait beaucoup de mal — il donne lecture du rapport.

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demande que les délégués Belges fassent un rapport au Conseil général. Après quelques paroles des cit. Haies, Verrycken et Marx la question est renvoyée au lendemain.

6 MARX

ne connaît pas cette question — il cite des exemples de Belges — jamais l'internationale n'a eu à craindre d'être absorbée — il faut que l'alliance soit condamnée — si les ouvriers sont un instant entraînés par les Coteries bourgeoises, ils reviennent bien vite sous le drapeau de l'internationale dès qu'on leur démontre la vérité — il appuie le rapport Marx. | a la parole pour une motion d'ordre — il propose que la Séance de demain ait lieu à 10 du matin précises — cette proposition est adoptée. déclare qu'en sa qualité de représentant de la Fédération h

PERRET

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Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T.

DELAHAYE

Romande il s'abstiendra dans la discussion — il n'interviendra que si la Véracité des faits contenus dans le rapport est contestée. Marx est d'avis de séparer le rapport en 3 parties — et de les discuter et de les voter séparément. Cette proposition est adoptée à l'unanimité. donne Lecture de la Lettre suivante — du cit. Robin = « Appelé comme témoin à propos du différent Suisse dans la Commission nommée pour l'examiner, je m'y suis rendu avec l'espoir de contribuer à un apaisement. Mis directement en cause, je déclare formellement que je n'accepte pas le rôle d'accusé et je m'abstiens d'assister aux séances de la conférence où sera discutée la question Suisse — » Londres le 19 7 1871 signé = Robin nie cela totalement — le cas est contraire, dit-il — le cit. Robin a parlé longuement — il s'en est allé sans vouloir entendre les réponses de Outine et de Perret — Outine lui a dit — je ne veux pas parler de vous pendant votre absence, mais je déclare que vous êtes le principal instigateur des intrigues de l'alliance — regrette de ne pouvoir se joindre complètement à la déclaration de Perret — car en présence de la lettre de Robin et de son arrogance — il veut s'expliquer —| |[7]| L'homme que j'ai accusé en face d'être le premier instigateur du Conflit refuse de venir déposer et se défendre devant la Conférence et cela après que la Solidarité — organe de ces hommes — nous a toujours menacés d'un jugement du Conseil général ou du Congrès — et que ces menaces ne se sont pas même arrêtées lors des graves événements de la Commune — époque à laquelle la Solidarité a reparu — la véritable cause de leur absence c'est la persuasion que le jugement de la Conférence serait prononcé contre eux — — On aurait pu croire que le cit. Robin aurait au moins la plus simple honnêteté de se défendre — Ces hommes se jouent de la Conférence — après avoir porté de graves préjudices à l'internationale pendant 2 ans — ils veulent retarder maintenant la liquidation de ce conflit — en donnant de faux prétextes de leur absence — et cela pour pouvoir continuer impunément leurs intrigues jusqu'au prochain Congrès — déclare que le Conseil général Belge a écrit officiellement à l'alliance pour la désapprouver — et pour l'engager à se dissoudre— il accepte entièrement la l partie du rapport — La l partie du rapport est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité moins deux voix (Serraillier, Herman)

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714

45

Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871 SERRAILLIER

10

DE PAEPE

VAILLANT 15

SERRAILLIER MARX DE PAEPE JUNG

20 MARX

25

HERMAN-

MARX OUTINE FRANKEL

35

OUTINE MARX

45

è m e

è m e

30

40

propose l'amendement suivant = Il demande qu'un blâme Sévère soit infligé aux fondateurs et aux propagateurs de l'alliance qui ont employé des procédés occultes et ouverts qui ont précédé ou suivi sa formation et d'inviter ces derniers à ne pas perpétuer plus longtemps ces procédés qui ne sauraient alors être considérés que comme des entraves systématiques apportées au développement de l'association internationale des travailleurs en Suisse — | |8| Cet amendement est appuyé par Herman, est contre cet amendement dans son ensemble — le blâme est distribué d'une façon trop Générale — il est persuadé que plusieurs fondateurs et propagateurs étaient de bonne foi. — est de cet avis — il dit que le rapport est modéré, ferme et énergique — retire son amendement — il s'en sert pour motiver son vote — donne lecture de la 2 partie du rapport. croit que la Conférence est Compétente, mais il regrette que les dissidents n'aient pas été officiellement avisés. explique qu'il leur a écrit plusieurs fois et qu'il n'a jamais reçu de réponse — observe que dans le rapport même les raisons données par Jung sont développées — Jung n'avait pas le droit de leur écrire — il les aurait ainsi reconnus — — que le Conseil général — pour montrer qu'il n'était pas accessible aux intrigues — a admis le cit. Robin dans son Sein — malgré les plaintes portées contre lui par Brismée et par des membres de l'internationale de Paris — Les correspondants ne doivent correspondre qu'avec ceux qui les ont nommés — La 2 partie du rapport est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité — explique et résume la 3 partie du rapport — la seconde — elle est adoptée à l'unanimité — voudrait que les journaux qui méritent d'être blâmés soient désignés — il fait la Proposition suivante : La Conférence désapprouve les actes du journal la Solidarité qui traitent les questions devant être portées devant le Conseil général ainsi que tous les journaux de l'internationale qui se serviront des mêmes procédés — seconde cette Proposition, il ne faut pas que le blâme puisse rejaillir sur les journaux dévoués — se rallie à cette Proposition avec les mots « pareil à la Solidarité et au Progrès. » La Proposition — adoptée — unanimité. Séance levée. I e m e

715

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T.

[Auszüge aus den Mitschriften von Constant Martin und einem u n b e k a n n t e n Protokollanten] [ U n b e k a n n t e r Protokollant :] [S. 709.29-710.28] MARX

ΠΙ

rappelle les arguments qu'il a opposés à Bastelica — il explique 5 que la proposition Vaillant n'est pas en contradiction avec les règlements — il combat les abstentionnistes en disant qu'ils sont des sectaires — ce sont des hommes sincères mais leurs tendances sont rétrogrades. Cependant on serait porté à suspecter leur loyauté — 10 Ce n'est pas seulement contre les gouvernements, c'est aussi contre l'opposition bourgeoise que nous voulons l'action — La Déclaration Vaillant doit être jetée à la face de tous les gouvernements, même en Suisse et aux Etats-Unis, car la réaction existe partout sous des formes différentes — 15 Nous leur disons qu'ils sont la force armée contre le prolétariat. Marx est pour la proposition.

OUTINE et PERRET— LONGUET

ENGELS SERRAILLIER

Il vaut mieux différer la rédaction pour ménager le Temps de la séance — 20 demande la parole contre la clôture à cause de cette dernière proposition qui doit être discutée — et puis Vaillant dit qu'il va leur dire pourquoi ils maintiennent leur proposition — insiste pour la clôture — propose que la parole soit accordée au citoyen Bastelica sur la 25 question —

Le citoyen BASTELICA

LONGUET

est d'accord avec Marx = il faut affirmer le principe et bien tout placer sur le terrain de la lutte afin de déjouer les plans de la bourgeoisie qui s'agite vivement en Angleterre — La proposition 30 doit être présentée au Conseil Général — s'oppose à la Clôture et veut défendre la proposition — La Clôture est adoptée à l'unanimité moins une voix — [Martin :] [S. 710.3-6]

35 [1] Il ne faut pas s'irriter sur la question de l'abstention — ce sont des utopistes — qui font des luttes partielles — pas de mouvement de classes — les parties des ouvriers qui ont compris les questions — se (...) — ils deviennent toujours réactionnaires — ils enrichissent — 40 Voulons-nous réduire à ce point de départ cette conférence — ce serait ridicule —

716

Procès-verbal de la séance du 21 septembre 1871 [S. 712.42-713.5] HALES

5

HERMAN VERRYCKEN-

10

MILNER MARX

[ U n b e k a n n t e r Protokollant :] [S. 712.42-713.5] HALES

15 HERMAN VERRYCKEN 20

25

HALES MILNER MARX

35

40

[3]

croit qu'il ne faut pas adopter la résolution ce soir car Cohn pourrait venir demain — reproche à Cohn de n'être pas venu rendre compte au Conseil en arrivant et il tient à faire savoir sa conduite aux délégués Belges — partage le mécontentement d'Herman, mais il désire que Cohn soit appelé demain — demande que la question soit remise à demain — prie les délégués belges de donner les explications ce soir — veut que Cohn reçoive un blâme pour n'avoir pas bien rempli sa mission — renvoi à demain — renvoi adopté à Funanimité — [Martin :] [S. 713.25-33]

30

[5]

croit qu'il ne serait pas juste de prendre une détermination ce soir — il ne lui a pas écrit de se présenter ce soir et peut-être se présentera-t-il demain. tient à ce que le Conseil se prononce sur cette question — Cohn — amendement (...) il en a rendu Compte à la mecanic [trade union] — il a une partie de son rapport entre les mains, il demande qu'il soit invité à se présenter demain — il préfère qu'il soit présent — demande que les délégués belges s'expliquent ce soir — appuie Verrycken —

[6]

Plus tard la lutte a éclaté entre les 2 éléments au congrès de 70 — d'un côté la fédération Romande — primitive — grande masse ouvrière — dans ce congrès le point de lutte était l'admission de l'alliance au Congrès — les neufchâtelois ont voté pour — Majorité — 23 voix contre 2 — l'un avait oublié son mandat — [...] Le congrès s'est divisé en 2 parties. On a fait appel aux sections et demandé au Conseil de prendre au sérieux son droit de suspendre — par les Statuts le droit n'est pas Reconnu — Le Conseil évite toujours tout mouvement autoritaire quand il peut être évité — Avons résolu que la fédération Romande garde son titre et l'autre aussi — et prendre un titre local — ils ne l'ont pas fait — il ne veut pas démontrer le mal que l'alliance a fait à l'association.

717

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. [ U n b e k a n n t e r Protokollant :] [S. 713.36-41] HERMAN

[3]

donne les raisons pour lesquelles il appuie les résolutions du rapport — Section Liégeoise formée par une dizaine de Bourgeois combattue et anéantie par 2 hommes — au moyen des vrais principes de l'Internationale — Il cite plusieurs exemples de tentatives faites par des ambitieux pour culbuter l'Internationale et prendre sa place — Il faut de l'union — ceux qui font le contraire sont des ennemis — Il faut que les ambitieux tombent — et c'est pour cela qu'il appuie le rapport — [S. 7 1 4 . 4 - 5 ]

MARX

ENGELS

10

[3]

dit que la Γ partie a seulement rapport à l'alliance de la Démocratie Socialiste qui s'est dissoute elle-même, et l'on veut qu'une pareille association ne puisse pas se reconstituer. [S. 715.1—8]

SERRAILLIER

H

[4]

15

vote contre parce qu'il veut proposer d'abord un amendement ainsi conçu = dit que Serraillier pouvait faire son amendement après l'acceptation de la l partie du rapport — ere

[S. 715.16]

[4]

MARX

a la parole sur la 2 partie du rapport — Les intéressés attaqués prétendent que la Conférence n'est pas compétente ; celle-ci est appelée à Répondre —

JUNG

cite des faits établissant la mauvaise foi des accusés — il a écrit à Guillaume qui a prétendu n'avoir pas reçu ses lettres etc. dit qu'en dehors de ces raisons le rapport explique pourquoi on ne pouvait pas se mettre en rapport avec eux — Le Conseil Général pouvait les suspendre, attendu qu'ils n'existaient pas légalement, mais il a préféré user de modération ; il a même admis Robin qui avait attaqué le Conseil Général — |

[S. 715.19-27]

MARX

718

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[4]

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

[22 S e p t e m b r e 1871] 11] Conférence.

bre

Séance du 22 7 71 La Séance est ouverte à l l '/ du matin. Serraillier président Le cit. Delahaye est adjoint au Secrétariat. h

2

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Rectifications au Procès-Verbal Le cit. MARX

10 SERRAILLIER

dit qu'il a donné lecture d'un passage des décisions du Conseil général et non des statuts de l'Alliance — il n'a pas dit qu'en écrivant à l'Alliance Jung la reconnaissait comme faisant partie de l'Internationale. demande que son vote motivé sur le Conflit suisse soit rectifié selon la pièce signée qu'il avait déposée au bureau et dont voici la teneur : «J'ai voté contre la conclusion du 1 paragraphe parce que je crois que la Conférence avait le devoir de voter un blâme sévère aux fondateurs et propagateurs de l'Alliance, qui ont employé les procédés occultes et ouverts qui ont procédé ou suivi sa formation, et d'inviter ces derniers à ne pas perpétuer plus longtemps ces procédés, qui ne sauraient alors être considérés que comme des entraves systématiques apportées au développement de l'association internationale des travailleurs » Comme membre de la Conférence il repousse la Lettre du cit. Robin — elle est injurieuse pour la Conférence et pour la Commission — il demande que cette lettre ne soit pas insérée au Procès Verbal. explique que le différend existe entre la Fédération Romande et les représentants des sections des montagnes Jurassiennes — il appuie la motion Serraillier mais il veut que la lettre soit insérée au Procès-Verbal — Il demande en outre que le cit. Robin soit invité à donner sa démission de membre du Conseil général — La er

15

20

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30

719

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

VAILLANT

ENGELS

FRANKEL

DELAHAYE

FRANKEL

PERRET

ENGELS

720

bonne foi du Conseil a été surprise — c'est un peu la faute de la Fédération Suisse — Robin en soutenant, de Paris, les dissidents Suisses les a engagés à exister en dehors de l'internationale — Il a montré, par ses procédés envers la Conférence, comment il a toujours agi = est d'avis que l'on doit inviter Robin à retirer sa lettre et à donner des explications — il la considère comme une suspicion envers la Conférence — mais elle doit être insérée au procès-verbal puisqu'elle a été lue en séance — il rappelle que Robin n'a pas dit à la Commission qu'il se croyait accusé — il a dit tout d'abord qu'il était ||2| obligé de partir — demande que l'incident soit vidé par les soins du Conseil général — mais que le Conseil ne soit saisi de la question que si le cit. Robin ne retire pas sa lettre — il fait la Proposition suivante = Considérant que la lettre adressée à la Conférence par le citoyen Robin contient des assertions qui ne sont pas d'accord avec les faits et constituent une atteinte à l'honneur de la Commission nommée par la Conférence et à celui de la Conférence elle même OIK: la Conférence ne peut pas admettre cette lettre ; La Conférence invite le cit. Robin à retirer cette lettre en le prévenant qu'au cas contraire l'incident sera remis au Conseil Général qui en statuera — appuie cette proposition. Elle est adoptée à l'unanimité. Le procès verbal de la veille est mis aux voix et adopté à l'unanimité. se rallie entièrement à cette proposition — il explique que Robin l'avait laissé libre de lire ou non sa lettre — qu'il a cru devoir le faire parce que Robin a été mis directement en Cause. croit qu'il n'a été question de Robin qu'après lecture de sa lettre. La proposition — Vaillant-Engels est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité.

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Discussion sur le rapport de la Commission des Finances = lit le rapport de la Commission — il critique au nom de la Com- 35 mission la comptabilité trop primitive du Conseil Général — il désire qu'elle soit faite de façon que l'on puisse s'en rendre compte facilement — il voudrait qu'à l'avenir les sommes perçues à un congrès fussent appliquées à l'année qui s'ouvre — que les sommes qui ne font que traverser la caisse du Conseil, pour les 40 grèves, par exemple, figurent sur un livre spécial — il engage le conseil à avoir un registre à souche — c'est un moyen de contrôle. Il espère que le Conseil tiendra compte de ces observations, s'associe à Perret, il dit que d'abord c'était Eccarius qui tenait les

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

5 |3| MARX

10 OUTINE

FRANKEL 15 PERRET

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25

30

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40

livres — d'une façon primitive il est vrai mais claire — il fut remplacé par Harris — qui avait mission de tenir une comptabilité parfaitement en règle —, mais c'était trop long — il ajoute que le Conseil général est saisi d'une proposition afin que les livres soient tenus par un spécialiste —| est d'accord avec Perret et Engels. Le Conseil général a voulu laisser la tenue les livres dans les mains des ouvriers et surtout des ouvriers anglais — à cause de la méfiance que les ouvriers ont en général dans les questions financières — Il fallait trouver aussi un homme sûr. comprend les raisons de Marx et d'Engels — il propose que la comptabilité soit faite par un spécialiste — mais qu'il soit nommé une commission de vérification composée d'ouvriers. voudrait simplement un livre sur lequel d'un côté seraient inscrites les recettes et de l'autre les dépenses. pense que pour simplifier la besogne on pourrait nommer un receveur et un trésorier. Le receveur encaisserait et le trésorier tiendrait la comptabilité. demande que le Conseil général soit invité à avoir une comptabilité plus claire. déclare que la Commission approuve la gestion financière du Conseil général pendant le dernier exercice — elle lui donne pleine décharge et le remercie de son dévouement. Elle a été étonnée qu'avec si peu de recettes le Conseil général ait pu faire tout ce qu'il a fait. La proposition suivante est mise aux Voix = « La Conférence approuve la gestion financière du Conseil général et se rallie aux Conclusions de la Commission en appelant toute l'attention du Conseil général sur l'introduction d'une comptabilité plus claire. » Les délégués seuls ont droit de vote — Elle est adoptée à l'unanimité. Discussion de la Proposition des Délégués Belges. Proposition = Le Conseil général se composera de 2 ou 3 délégués par nationalité — (par mandat impératif de la part du Conseil fédéral Belge) Il sait d'avance que cette résolution ne peut être votée que par un congrès — il voudrait que le Conseil général se formât sur le type des Conseils fédéraux — sans cela le Conseil général est exposé à admettre des membres qui n'ont pas l'estime et la confiance des sections — il cite Robin. Il craint que le Conseil général soit débordé par les membres de la Commune de Paris — on disait en Belgique que tous les membres de la Commune avaient été reçus au Conseil général. Le délégué Cohn confirma

721

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

MARX

4 BASTELICA

OUTINE -

VERRYCKEN—

DE PAEPE ENGELS

VERRYCKEN

722

ce bruit, ils ont appris avec satisfaction en arrivant ici que le conseil n'avait admis que des hommes connus et estimés — cependant il pense que ce système est un danger, cite des fragments des statuts et démontre que le Conseil général a pu agir comme il l'a fait — ils permettent au Conseil général de s'adjoindre des travailleurs de tous les pays. Le Conseil général a toujours agi comme le voudrait De Paepe, dans la mesure du possible — Ce sont les moyens pratiques qui manquent — il est impossible de trouver 3 membres de chaque pays. Il rappelle que Robin avait fait partie du Conseil général Belge et de celui de Paris — Quant aux réfugiés, on n'a admis que des membres de l'internationale et la plupart membres de la Commune de Paris. I est d'avis que la Conférence en appelle à la discrétion du Conseil général pour le Choix et le nombre des admissions. Il est fait lecture de la Proposition suivante présentée par Outine secondée par Serraillier = En général, pour tout candidat, le Conseil général informera la branche nationale relative et la Fédération locale où le candidat aura séjourné et n'admettra définitivement le nouveau membre que si sous l'espace de trois semaines il ne reçoit aucune objection sérieuse. Avant de nommer un nouveau secrétaire correspondant, le Conseil général invitera la fédération respective de recommander un candidat pris dans le sein du Conseil général. Ces propositions ont été présentées pour arriver à un résultat pratique — En les votant on débarrassera le Conseil général lui-même — dans les cas où des demandes d'admission inopportunes lui seront faites. Les délégués Belges ne peuvent pas retirer leur proposition — faite par mandat impératif. — Elle demeure suspendue jusqu'au prochain congrès — il dit que les nationalités peuvent se faire représenter par des membres résidant à Londres — il se rallie à la Proposition Outine. se rallie aussi à cette proposition qui offre des garanties. appuie Outine. Les cit. Verrycken et De Paepe présentent la Proposition suivante = • La Conférence invite le Conseil général à limiter le nombre • des membres qu'il s'adjoint ei à éviter que ces adjonctions ne '! se fassent trop exclusivement parmi les citoyens appartenant l à une seule nationalité — ne blâme pas la Conduite que le Conseil général a tenu jusqu'ici — cette proposition est faite dans le but de prévenir un danger — il cite l'exemple de la Belgique où le Conseil Fédéral attend pour se compléter la réunion des sections.

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Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 SERRAILLIER ENGELS —

MARX

10

Sept réfugiés seulement ont été reçus membres du Conseil Il sera agréable au Conseil que la Conférence émette le vœu que les admissions soient limitées — mais le Conseil n'est pas seulement administratif — il est aussi socialiste et politique — il faut un public suffisant pour discuter des questions de cet ordre — En outre, il faut arriver à agir sur l'élément anglais — il faut donc que tous les vrais révolutionnaires anglais — puissent y entrer. rappelle que jusqu'à ce jour la France n'a été que très peu représentée. On ne s'est pas plaint — il faut tenir compte de la diversité des langues qui nécessitent diverses traductions — Le 1 paragraphe de la Proposition De Paepe et Verrycken est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité — Le 2 paragraphe est adopté à l'unanimité moins 2 voix et 2 abstentions — La première proposition Outine est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité — La deuxième dito moins une voix. | propose à la Conférence de ratifier l'adjonction des membres que le Conseil général a admis dans son sein, désire que la Conférence déclare seulement qu'elle approuve les sentiments qui ont guidé le Conseil général en s'adjoignant des membres de la Commune de Paris — c'est un hommage — dit qu'il demeure bien entendu que le Conseil général conserve le droit d'expulsion. La proposition De Paepe est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité. fait lecture de la lettre des sections allemandes de Genève, pense qu'en dehors de la proposition qui a trait à la propagande dans les campagnes il n'y a pas lieu de discuter cette lettre, est d'avis que la propagande doit être étendue à l'armée — de ne pas exiger de Cotisation de la part des soldats, observe que cette propagande mettrait l'association en Péril — même en Angleterre. La proposition contenue dans les paroles du cit. Marx est mise aux voix et adoptée à l'unanimité moins une voix. er

e m e

15

|5| DE PAEPE 20

VAILLANT

OUTINE

25 ENGELS MARX 30

FRANKEL ENGELS

35 FRANKEL et OUTINE

40

Les cit. FLUSE et VERRYCKEN

M (. . .) MARX—

45

sont d'avis que la Conférence doit inviter les conseils fédéraux à envoyer fréquemment des délégués dans les campagnes et à provoquer des meetings. présentent la proposition suivante = (sections agricoles) (...) (...) Il faut diviser cette proposition — discuter d'abord de quelle manière on peut arriver à fusionner les intérêts des travailleurs des villes avec ceux des travailleurs des Campagnes — et ensuite celle de la propagande. (Cette division est adoptée) 723

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. STEENS—

Les moyens de fonder des sections agricoles sont en étude en Belgique — cette proposition sera présentée au prochain congrès. —— | Il existe beaucoup de sections dans les campagnes Belges — mais elles sont industrielles et non agricoles — Les laboureurs, les journaliers, n'ont pas de société de résistance. Nous ne pouvons que manifester un vœu en attendant le Prochain Congrès, approuve le cit. Steens FLUSE BASTELICA Il faut recommander de préparer le terrain et faire de la Propagande — il demande que cette question fasse partie de l'ordre du jour du prochain Congrès. MARX propose — que la Conférence invite le Conseil général et les Conseils fédéraux à préparer des rapports sur cette question pour le prochain Congrès et que le Conseil général instruise les Conseils fédéraux d'avoir à présenter ces rapports et de faire de la propagande dans ce sens.| |β| La première partie de la proposition Marx ainsi formulée = En attendant les Résolutions définitives qu'un prochain Congrès prendra sur la question concernant la propagande dans les campagnes les conseils fédéraux sont invités à envoyer des agitateurs dans les campagnes pour y organiser des réunions publiques et y faire la propagande pour notre association. Cette Proposition — secondée par Frankel — est adoptée à l'unanimité. voudrait que le Conseil Général instruise par une circulaire les OUTINE conseils fédéraux des résolutions de la Conférence, accepte. MARX Le cit. Marx fait la proposition suivante = (Conseil fédéral anglais) La Conférence invite le Conseil général que les sections des branches anglaises (Londres) forment un comité central et se mettent en rapport avec les provinces et les trades-unions et qu'il soit reconnu par le Conseil général — comme Conseil fédéral anglais. Le travail du Conseil général est devenu immense — il doit faire MARXface aux questions générales et aux questions Nationales — Si le Conseil général s'est opposé jusqu'ici à la formation d'un Conseil fédéral, c'était pour forcer les anglais à venir s'inspirer au Conseil général de l'esprit international et socialiste — actuellement leur éducation est faite. OUTINE craint que les anglais localisent le mouvement politique — il propose la Création d'un bureau Anglais. FRANKEL— Les ouvriers anglais sont majeurs — depuis 4 ans, ils ont fait leur éducation. MARX— D'après nos statuts les anglais ont le droit de former un Conseil

724

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45

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

MARX

10 7 VERRYCKEN

BASTELICA

15 VAILLANT—

20 FRANKEL

OUTINE —

25

30

LONGUET 35

SERRAILLIER-

PERRET

40 MARX-

45

fédéral — mais les principaux Républicains anglais font partie du Conseil général. Le Conseil fédéral ne se formera pas si nous y sommes opposés — mais depuis la Commune le besoin s'en fait surtout sentir. Il ne craint pas que le mouvement tombe dans les mains des agitateurs anglais qui attaquent l'internationale — beaucoup de membres du Conseil utiliseront mieux leur influence en agissant dans leurs centres respectifs. La proposition Marx est adoptée à l'unanimité, fait lecture des propositions du Conseil Général (plans d'organisation), ι pense qu'en France l'Internationale peut exister sous forme de société économique — sous un nom quelconque — en ne rendant pas publique son adhésion à l'internationale, croit qu'on ne peut rien faire en France sous quelque forme que ce soit. On ne peut qu'inviter ses amis à faire de la propagande — On peut faire ce que conseille Bastelica, mais il y a autre chose à faire — la compression et les persécutions donnent toujours plus d'extension aux sociétés qui en sont l'objet — il est d'avis que l'association peut être formée dès à présent sous le couvert des sociétés économiques. combat les paroles de Bastelica — la question, dit-il, est de savoir s'il faut protester en France contre la loi Dufaure en formant des sociétés sous le couvert des sociétés économiques. Ce malheureux système des relations individuelles a fait déjà beaucoup de tort à l'internationale — on se grise avec — et on se figure qu'il y a de grands hommes quand il y en a de tout petits —il cite les derniers événements de Lyon. La Conférence ne peut pas recommander les relations individuelles, n'ayant aucun moyen de les contrôler. Il est entièrement d'avis que l'internationale peut être réorganisée en France — Les ouvriers, dit-il, sentiront que puisqu'on les persécute — c'est que leurs ennemis ont intérêt à les empêcher de s'affilier. dit que la loi Dufaure sera impuissante — que les chefs seuls pourront être frappés. Il s'est formé sept sections à Bordeaux depuis la Commune — la loi Dufaure n'est pas votée — on peut organiser des sections avant qu'elle le soit — elle sera impuissante, elle sera éludée, ne partage pas les craintes de Bastelica — il dit que certains groupes du midi de la France — du Creusot etc. ont du mal à se constituer — il demande que le Conseil général autorise le Conseil fédéral de Genève à recevoir des délégués de ces sections. Sous Bonaparte l'internationale n'a jamais existé ouvertement — Le Conseil général avait donné mandat à un Blanquiste qui était dans nos principes d'organiser des sections ; il continuera d'agir en ce sens —

725

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

8

MARX-

Le cit. OUTINE

VAILLANT—

STEENS — HERMAN et VERRYCKEN ENGELS,

726

Le Conseil Général vient de recevoir du Havre et d'autres lieux des demandes de formation des sections — il ne connaît pas les hommes — le Conseil agira avec prudence. Il est difficile, dit-il, à la police d'agir contre les sections locales. Il observe qu'il présente ces propositions au nom du Conseil général. | Il demande en son nom personnel s'il ne serait pas temps de commencer à s'organiser ouvertement en France et d'inviter les travailleurs à se déclarer partout sections de l'internationale — fait lecture des propositions suivantes = Résolutions de la Conférence sur la situation de l'association Internationale en France 1) La Conférence exprime sa ferme conviction que toutes les poursuites ne feront que doubler l'énergie des adhérents de l'internationale — Que les sections continueront à s'organiser, sinon par grands centres, au moins par ateliers et fédérations d'ateliers correspondant par leurs délégués. 2) En conséquence la Conférence invite toutes les branches à ne pas abandonner le Concours qu'elles doivent prêter à la propagande des principes de notre association en France et à faire importer en France les publications et Statuts de l'internationale en aussi grand nombre qu'elles le peuvent. 3) Le Comité fédéral Belge, le Comité fédéral Romand et le Comité fédéral Espagnol sont autorisés de servir d'intermédiaires des sections françaises avec le Conseil Général et de recevoir leurs adhésions. 4) Le Conseil général est invité à publier une adresse appellant les travailleurs français à lutter ouvertement contre le gouvernement au nom du développement de notre œuvre émancipatrice et à s'organiser d'après nos statuts malgré toutes les persécutions et toutes les lois prohibitives — La Conférence dans son manifeste doit inviter les travailleurs à s'organiser ouvertement en sections de l'internationale. La Province n'est pas terrorisée comme Paris. Il faut une lutte ouverte.

5

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35 se rallient aux propositions Outine. Les quatre propositions Outine sont adoptées à l'unanimité, secrétaire de l'Italie — fait l'historique du Développement de l'association dans ce pays — c'était Caporusso qui fut l'initiateur de l'association en Italie — il fut arrêté et subit 15 jours de prison — 40 il en sortit doux comme un agneau et s'attribua sur les fonds de la société 300 fr. pour s'indemniser de sa prison. Actuellement c'est le cit. Cafiero qui est chargé de la réorganisation des sections en Italie — il a formé divers comités qui ont été dissous par la force armée — les archives ont été saisies — 45

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

MARX

10

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20

25 ECCARIUS

30 Le cit. MARX

35

OUTINE-

40

MARX

A Naples il s'est mis en relation avec diverses sociétés — il est sorti de prison — son procès n'est pas terminé. | | 9 | A Rome, et en dépit de la bulle papale de Mazzini — il y a eu un banquet en l'honneur de Ricciotti Garibaldi — On y a porté un toast à la santé du cit. Marx. Dans la crise où se trouve en ce moment l'Italie — il ne croit pas que la Conférence doive lui tracer une ligne de conduite à suivre. est d'avis qu'il faut adresser un manifeste à l'Italie — qu'il faut louer les ouvriers de leur conduite au sujet de Mazzini et les encourager et les inviter à se grouper comme ceux de la France. Ils verront que la Conférence s'est occupée d'eux, se rallie à la Proposition Marx Serraillier, Outine et Vaillant l'appuient. Cette proposition est adoptée à l'unanimité, fait l'historique de l'association en Amérique — il résume une adresse des sections de ce pays. Le conseil général y est très influent — il a délivré des mandats à deux citoyens (...) très influents sur les trades unions — il n'y a pas de raison pour leur retirer le mandat — les Yankees demandent à être directement en rapport avec le Conseil général. Le conseil ne peut pas rompre avec ses mandataires — il a agi dans ce sens. Il fait la proposition suivante = Considérant la situation de l'internationale dans les Etats Unis la Conférence approuve la politique suivie par le Conseil général. appuie Marx — En Amérique, dit-il, l'élément étranger est forcé de travailler à plus bas prix que l'élément indigène — Que les 2 sections américaines qui se sont jointes sont des sectes sans influence sur les ouvriers. La proposition Marx est adoptée, (une abstention) s'abstient à cause de sa qualité de Secrétaire des Sections d'Amérique. Russie — On peut croire qu'en Russie il est absolument nécessaire de former des sociétés secrètes — nous n'en avons pas besoin — Bakounine a fait abus du nom de l'internationale — il espère que dans le manifeste le Conseil insérera quelques paroles à l'adresse des prolétaires russes. approuve Outine et dit qu'il a une très grande espérance dans le mouvement social russe — presque tous les étudiants y sont pauvres — ils donnent une forte impulsion aux Classes ouvrières — les sociétés secrètes y sont inutiles — l'internationale y est parfaitement accessible — il y a beaucoup d'esprit d'asso-

727

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10 OUTINE

VAILLANT

MARX

DE PAEPE

ciation et de solidarité — On y jouit d'une grande liberté individuelle.! ajoute que les sociétés secrètes sont usées en Russie et que Bakounine a eu recours au nom de l'association Internationale pour grouper les ouvriers. Il explique longuement la situation de 5 la Russie. ne voudrait pas que le manifeste défendit la formation de sociétés secrètes — L'internationale agirait au delà d'elle même. Les coups d'Etat étant fréquentes dans ce pays — Les sociétés secrètes peuvent être nécessaires. 10 approuve Vaillant en ce qui touche aux sociétés purement politiques, — mais malheureusement toutes sont créées sous le couvert de l'internationale. veut qu'on ne conseille ni qu'on ne déconseille la formation de sociétés secrètes — mais il ne veut pas qu'elles s'autorisent du 15 nom de l'internationale. Proposition Outine : (...)

MARX

LORENZO

BASTELICA

demande qu'il soit ajouté — « en ce qui concerne les sociétés politiques pleinement justifiées » — l'assemblée approuve. 20 Espagne lit un rapport des sections Espagnoles. L'assemblée, vu l'importance de ce document charge le cit. Engels d'en faire la traduction en Anglais, il sera joint au ProcèsVerbal. 25 L'assemblée passe à l'ordre du jour sur la question Espagnole. déclare avoir reçu une lettre où il est dit que tous nos amis arrêtés à Barcelone viennent d'être remis en liberté. La séance est levée à 7 du soir. | H

[Auszüge aus d e m Protokoll von C o n s t a n t Martin

30

und den Mitschriften von C o n s t a n t M a r t i n u n d Victor Alfred D e l a h a y e ] [Delahaye :] [S. 719.4]

[1]

Appel nominal — sont présents : 35 Lorenzo, Engels, Perret, Marx, Herman, Frankel, Vaillant, De Paepe, Verrycken, Steens, Fluse, Outine, Bastelica, Serraillier Lecture du procès-verbal du 21 7 . BRE

728

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 [S. 719.9]

[1]

MARX— e

On a reconnu le nom de section romande à la 2 fédération • ENGELS

[S. 720.34] [1] donne lecture du rapport de la Commission financière — [Protokoll Martin :]

[S. 720.36] [2] la Comptabilité trop primitive du Trésorier du Conseil général

OUTINE

10

[S. 721.11-13] [3] comprend les raisons de Marx et d'Engels — il propose que la comptabilité soit laissée entre les mains des ouvriers et faite par un spécialiste — [Delahaye :]

MARX

15 DE PAEPE—

[S. 721.19-20] [2] demande une résolution prise par la Conférence — [S. 721.38-722.3] [2] Que le Conseil général soit formé d'un même nombre par nationalité. Il dit qu'on n'est pas satisfait en Belgique de l'adjonction de certains membres, entre autres Robin. [Protokoll Martin :] [S. 722.9-11] [4] il cite l'admission du cit. Robin

20

[Delahaye :]

VAILLANT 25

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[S. 722.35] [2] se rallie à Frankel en entendant la garantie de moralité des candidats. Il croit qu'on devrait réviser l'admission des membres actuellement adjoints. [Mitschrift Martin :] [S. 722.36] [4] appuie Outine mais la rédaction devrait être changée — pas d'instruction formelle au Conseil général — Il voudrait dire que si les renseignements sont mauvais — il est défendu d'accepter [ces] membres — [S. 722.46] [4] demande que le Conseil général ne soit obligé que de s'adjoindre [des membres] à la nationalité —

729

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. [S. 723.9-11] MARX

[5]

rappelle qu'il n'y a eu que 7 réfugiés admis — pendant toute la guerre il n'y avait pas de secrétaire français — la France pas représentée — on ne s'est pas plaint — c'est une chose différente — Conseil général — fédération — langue — travail bien plus grand — [Delahaye :] [S. 723.17]

5

[3]

Outine modifié par Engels. Approuvé moins une voix. [S. 723.22] MARX

[S. 723.26-35]

ENGELS MARX

OUTINE MARX—

[3]

réclame l'adresse des Américains qui est égarée.

10

[4]

La séance est suspendue de 2V4 à 3 heures. Réouverture — proposition Becker ^ donne lecture des 4 propositions dit que l'on ne peut s'occuper que de la 3 relative à l'organisation 15 ) des sections — les trois autres étant impossibles. La proposition est adoptée moins une voix, s'abstient comme représentant Suisse. sur la propagande en Campagne — dit qu'elle est indispensable, mais pas seulement au point de vue d'empêcher le militarisme. 20 e

[Mitschrift Martin :] [S. 723.43-46] MARX

[S. 724.15] MARX-

[6]

trouve cette proposition trop étroite — la grande question est de savoir comment on peut concilier l'intérêt des villes et celui des campagnes.

25

[7]

On s'est trop occupé des ouvriers citadins —nous échouerons toujours — presse — délégués — communications — Bebel a bien commencé en Allemagne [Protokoll Martin :] [S. 724.15]

30 [7]

Il existe, dit-il, en France 2 petites sections agricoles [Delahaye :] [S. 724.28-40] MARX—

e

730

[4-5]

proposition du Conseil général - Organisation générale des sections de l'internationale — I partie — formation d'un Conseil fédéral anglais.

35

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

5

Le Conseil s'y était d'abord opposé, parce qu'on craignait que la bourgeoisie s'empare du mouvement — mais aujourd'hui il y a un soi-disant mouvement en faveur de la république, à la tête duquel il y a Odger et Bradlaugh qui sont payés par des membres du parlement.

10

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 724.43-725.7] [8] craint que les anglais localisent le mouvement — répond que le Conseil aura toujours le pouvoir de dominer la situation —

OUTINE MARX

[Mitschrift Martin :] [S. 725.6-7] [8] Beaucoup de membres du Conseil ont peu d'utilité — ils seront plus utiles en agissant dans les quartiers respectifs — Le Congrès pourrait toujours arrêter ce débordement — Les ouvriers ont confiance au Conseil — ils se sont adressés pour les élections —

15

MARX— 20

[S. 725.9-10] [8] lecture — proposition du Conseil général (plans d'organisation) — Des sociétés dans ce genre existent en Allemagne — mais elles déclarent à Chaque Congrès qu'elles adhèrent à l'internationale. [Delahaye :]

VAILLANT 25

FRANKEL

30 LONGUET—

35 ENGELS

[S. 725.16-20] ^ croit qu'on peut réorganiser l'internationale comme en Allein magne sous forme de parti démocrate socialiste ou sous forme / d ' é c o l e s ouvrières. [Martin :] [S. 725.21-23] [8] est étonné des paroles de Bastelica qui se dit abstentionniste. [S. 725.33-34] [9] La loi Dufaure vise aussi les sociétés analogues — les poursuites ne nous feront aucun mal. Il cite l'exemple — le procès de l'Internationale. Il est bon que nous puissions démontrer qu'on nous fait mauvaise chicane — cela hâtera — les chefs seuls seront poursuivis — [Protokoll Martin :] [S. 725.34] [8] observe que la loi Dufaure n'est pas encore votée.

731

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. [Mitschrift Martin :]

[S. 725.37] [9] — il seconde la proposition de Marx et Outine.

BASTELICAENGELS

[S. 725.37] [10] Il y a eu des conditions en France pour l'internationale — le nie — sociétés illicites — après la loi Dufaure votée — sera éludée — [S. 725.44] Tolain n'y étant pas

MARX

STEENS -

ENGELS -

732

5

[10]

[S. 726.6-8] [10] 10 observe que Serraillier a dit que proposition en son nom — c'est du Conseil général — il parle à son nom personnel et demande s'il n'est pas bon de conseiller aux ouvriers de s'organiser ouvertement — invitons à guerre ouverte — déclarons partout — sections Internationales — au lieu attendre 15 [S. 726.34] [10] L'Internationale sort de son enfance, nous entrons dans le préambule révolutionnaire — mais il faut une lutte ouverte et pas mystérieuse — donc il faut afficher quand même le nom de l'internationale on nous jette le gant — nous devons le relever. Le 20 jour où Malou formula sa (...) — ils lutteront ouvertement, les persécutions feront des martyrs — il cite un fait relatif à Roubaix — ils ont invité les ouvriers à former une société de résistance — il adhère à la proposition Outine. [S. 726.38-727.8] [11] secrétaire de l'Italie — depuis quelques années — les sections désorganisées — et Caporusso initiateur et membre de l'alliance — il a été arrêté — 15 jours de prison et sortit doux comme un agneau — il a été exclu de l'association à Naples — et par compte financier s'était approprié 300 f sous prétexte de dommages, intérêts pour sa prison — après est venu Cafiero — chargé de réorganiser les sections en Italie — il les a mises en relation avec le Conseil général — qui a été dissous par force armée — en pleine séance saisi — arrestation — réforme sous un autre nom — à Naples il s'est mis en relation avec d'autres sociétés — gendarmes dito — en plus prison Cafiero — on l'avait prévenu — il n'a pas voulu fuir ni cacher ses papiers — prétend être dans la légalité — persécutions — il dit que c'est la meilleure chose pour l'association — est sorti de Prison — procès non réglé —

25

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35

40

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 En dépit des efforts de Mazzini — qui a fait bulle papale — banquet donné par tous les représentants à Ricciotti Garibaldi à Rome — toast — enthousiasme — bu à la santé de Marx. Vu cette crise — ne croit pas que la Conférence puisse tracer la ligne de conduite pour l'Italie.

5

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 727.8] [9] mais il a pleine confiance dans le développement de notre association. 10 ENGELS

15 ENGELS

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35 MARX—

[Delahaye :] [S. 727.13] [6] propose que, indépendamment du manifeste aux divers gouvernements, on en fasse un en particulier pour l'Italie. [Mitschrift Martin :] [S. 727.13] [11] est d'accord — sur le fond — il propose que cette résolution prendra place quand on [fera l'Jadresse générale aux gouvernements — Il y a urgence de la faire pour la France. [Protokoll Martin :] [S. 727.16-22] [9] fait l'historique de l'association en Amérique — il dit que le Conseil général a une grande influence en Amérique — il y a 2 correspondants — on leur a donné des mandats — il y a eu dissension entre le Comité Central et les groupes — le conseil a cherché à amener une conciliation — sans vouloir rompre avec nos mandataires — [Delahaye :] [S. 727.16-26] [6] fait l'historique de l'Association en Amérique et contrairement à la demande du Comité Central dit qu'on ne peut pas refuser de correspondre avec les trades unions et demande que la Conférence approuve l'action du Conseil Général. [Mitschrift Martin :] [S. 727.40-728.2] [13] comme secrétaire des sections russes — appuie Outine, il a la plus grande espérance sur le mouvement du prolétariat en Russie et aussi sentiments socialistes sont exprimés — il cite Netchaïeff — procès — etc.

733

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. Les étudiants y sont beaucoup plus liés avec le peuple — ils sont presque tous pauvres — elle a donné un exemple tout nouvau par son dévouement au peuple — En Russie il y a beaucoup d'esprit d'association ouvrière — grande liberté individuelle et solidarité — la société secrète n'est pas nécessaire — les sections de S'Petersbourg sont de cet avis —

5

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 728.18]

OUTINE

[11]

explique longuement la situation de la Russie — il est de l'avis de Marx. 10 [Delahaye :] [7]

OUTINE

formule sa proposition en disant qu'il ne faut pas que la jeunesse soit sacrifiée dans les sociétés secrètes et les invite à entrer dans l'Internationale

15

[Mitschrift Martin .] [S. 728.19-20] MARX

734

[13]

demande qu'il soit ajouté qu'en ce qui concerne les sociétés politiques — pleinement justifiées — le Conseil Général n'y est pas opposé 20

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

bre

|[i]| Séance du 22 7 au soir. Serraillier président. 5

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4

Jung , Ha es

TT

Cohn Mottershead

w

ι > ABSENTS ) ^°·3^^1°

Continuation des rapports des délégués et secrétaires sur la situation de l'Association Internationale dans les pays qu'ils représentent.

MARX— 15

7

(membres présents) Outine, Perret, Verrycken, Fluse, De Paepe, Steens, Coenen, Herman, Marx, Engels, Bastelica, Frankel, Serraillier, Lorenzo, Eccarius, Vaillant. „ „ McDonnell

10

h

9 moins

Représentant de l'Allemagne = Vous savez qu'en Allemagne l'organisation de l'Association ne peut exister sous son propre nom, les lois ne permettant pas à aucune société locale de s'affilier à une société étrangère, mais l'association existe cependant et a acquis dans ce pays un immense développement sous le nom de parti démocratique socialiste dont l'adhésion à l'association est déjà ancienne. Mais une seconde adnésion a été faite avec éclat au Congrès de Dresde. Il n'y a donc pas à proposer pour ce pays aucune mesure ni déclaration analogues à celles votées pour les contrées où l'association est persécutée. — S'il a dit du mal des Etudiants Allemands, il n'a rien à dire contre les ouvriers ; pendant la dernière guerre qui était devenue entre les classes un sujet de lutte, l'attitude des ouvriers Allemands a été au delà de tout éloge, du reste, le parti Démocratique Socialiste sentait bien que cette guerre avait été entreprise par Bonaparte et Guillaume, pour l'étouffement des idées modernes bien plus que pour des idées de Conquête = Le Comité de Brunswick tout entier fut arrêté et conduit à une forteresse sur la frontière Russe et la plupart de ses membres sont encore aujourd'hui prisonniers sous l'accusation du crime de haute

735

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de ΓΑ. I.T. trahison. En plein Reichstag, Bebel et Liebknecht, les représentants de la classe ouvrière allemande, ne craignaient pas de déclarer qu'ils étaient membres de l'Association Internationale et qu'ils protestaient contre la guerre pour laquelle ils refusaient de voter aucun subside — le gouvernement n'osa pas les faire arrêter en pleine séance, ce n'est qu'à la sortie que la police s'empara d'eux et les conduisit en prison. Pendant la Commune les ouvriers Allemands n'ont pas cessé par les meetings et par les journaux qui leur appartiennent d'affirmer leur solidarité avec les Révolutionnaires de Paris. ||[2]| Et la Commune vaincue, ils ont tenu à Breslau un meeting que la police Prussienne a vainement essayé d'empêcher ; dans ce meeting, et dans d'autres de différentes villes de l'Allemagne, ils ont acclamé la Commune de Paris = Enfin lors de l'entrée triomphale à Berlin de l'empereur Guillaume et de son armée c'est au cri de Vive la Commune que ces triomphateurs ont été reçus par le peuple = En parlant de l'Angleterre, le citoyen Marx avait oublié de faire la Communication suivante. Vous n'ignorez pas qu'il a existé de tout temps entre les ouvriers anglais et les ouvriers Irlandais un antagonisme très-grand, dont les causes du reste sont très-simples à énumérer. Cet antagonisme prenait sa source dans les différences de langue et de Religion, et dans la concurrence de salaire que les ouvriers Irlandais font aux ouvriers anglais — Cet antagonisme en Angleterre est la digue de la Révolution, aussi est-il exploité habilement par le gouvernement et les classes supérieures qui sont persuadés qu'aucun lien ne saurait réunir les ouvriers Anglais et Irlandais = Il est vrai que sur le terrain politique aucune union n'eut été possible ; mais il n'en est pas de même sur le terrain économique et des deux côtés se forment des sections internationales qui en cette qualité devront marcher simultanément au même but = avant peu les sections Irlandaises seront très-nombreuses.

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Les ouvriers allemands ont été calomniés pendant la dernière 35 guerre et nous avons tous vu leur conduite admirable et leur dévouement aux principes de l'association, dévouement pour lequel beaucoup sont encore en prison. En conséquence, il propose que le Conseil Général, dans une des adresses qu'il est invité à faire, déclare que les ouvriers allemands ont parfaitement 40 rempli leur devoir pendant la guerre.

HERMAN

appuie cette proposition qui est mise aux voix et adoptée à

FRANKEL

l'unanimité (with abstention of the Germans present.) parle de l'Autriche et dit que ce pays mérite l'admiration pour la lutte courageuse qu'il soutient depuis près de 3 ans contre son 45

736

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

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PERRET—

40 D E PAEPE-

gouvernement = Là, les ouvriers ont compris qu'il ne fallait pas séparer la politique du Socialisme et les persécutions que subit l'ASSOCIATION démontrent clairement combien les gouvernements redoutent l'immixtion des ouvriers dans la politique. ] donne lecture de la proposition suivante Ns (...) Dans les pays où l'organisation régulière de l'Association Internationale est momentanément devenue impraticable en conséquence de l'intervention gouvernementale, l'Association et ses groupes locaux pourront se reconstituer sous diverses dénominations mais toute société secrète proprement dite est formellement prohibée. Par organisation secrète on n'entend pas parler de Sociétés secrètes proprement dites, qu'au contraire, il faut combattre. En France et en Italie où la situation politique est telle que le droit de réunion est un délit, les hommes auront des tendances très fortes à se laisser entraîner dans ces sociétés secrètes dont le résultat est toujours négatif. Du reste ce genre d'organisation est contraire au développement du mouvement prolétaire parce qu'au lieu d'instruire les ouvriers ces sociétés les soumettent à des lois autoritaires et mystiques qui gênent leur indépendance et faussent leur raison = il demande l'adoption de la proposition. VOTE : ADOPTÉE à l'UNANIMITÉ Réponse aux Gouvernements. Numéro Le Conseil général publiera une adresse en réponse aux attaques des différents gouvernements contre l'Internationale, elle sera rédigée dans l'esprit des discussions qui ont eu lieu pendant la conférence. Il serait bon que la Suisse et la Belgique donnassent communication de leurs griefs particuliers contre leur gouvernement, cela pouvant servir à la rédaction de l'adresse. N'a rien à dire sinon que les ouvriers sont bien décidés à s'emparer du pouvoir aussitôt que cela sera possible, c'est l'affirmation du parti politique ouvrier. Puisqu'il s'agit des gouvernements, ne serait pas fâché qu'on n'oubliât pas dans l'adresse celui de la Suisse, plus réactionnaire encore que n'importe quelle monarchie constitutionnelle — Il cite un pays du canton de St. Gall où dans une grève les ouvriers ont été expulsés du pays par la force publique à la demande de leurs patrons. Le Gouvernement Belge a été un des plus hostiles à la Commune et lors de la chute de cette dernière, il a édicté des mesures très rigoureuses pour interdire le sol Belge à tous les réfugiés. En ce moment un certain Malou, ancien ministre clérical, fait une loi

737

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

|[4]| HERMAN

MARX

BASTELICA

VERRYCKEN OUTINE HERMAN OUTINE

tendant à interdire la liberté de la parole. Malgré que cette loi soit très-impopulaire, même parmi les bourgeois libéraux — il se pourrait bien qu'elle soit votée par le parlement dont la majorité est catholique. I dit que si le gouvernement Belge est réactionnaire = il n'en est pour cela pas plus à craindre parce qu'il est trop lâche pour faire exécuter les mesures formidables qu'il ne manque pas de prendre à toute occasion. désire que l'adresse contienne quelques mots au sujet de la Belgique, parce que les Américains et Anglais considèrent ce pays comme possédant l'idéal du gouvernement monarchique Constitutionnel. demande qu'on mette aux voix la proposition ainsi formulée = La conférence accepte-t-elle l'idée de l'adresse contre les Gouvernements — cette adresse se fera au nom du Conseil Général. Proposition — Adoptée à l'unanimité demande qu'on publie cette adresse en brochure. appuie, mais il veut que les traductions paraissent simultanément à l'original. ajoute à ce qu'a dit Outine que la Belgique et la Suisse payeront s'il le faut le prix de la traduction. propose que le Conseil Général prenne toutes les mesures possibles pour faire publier simultanément l'adresse en Français, Allemand et Anglais. Vote — Adopté à l'unanimité

738

10

15

20

25

Procès Russe — abus du nom de l'association Outine doit remettre par écrit le résumé du discours qu'il a prononcé le 21 7 au soir. Après la guerre de 1854 le tzar, voyant qu'il était Battu par 30 Bonaparte sur le terrain militaire, ||5| se prit d'une subite passion pour le libéralisme. Parmi les réformes qu'il accomplit, il n'oublia pas les universités. De tout temps les universités Russes ne pouvaient accepter plus de 300 élèves. Le Tzar augmenta considérablement ce 35 chiffre et l'université de St. Pétersbourg fut en très peu de temps augmentée de près de 900 élèves — sans compter 800 étudiants en médecine. Le premier soin de ces jeunes gens dont la plupart était très pauvre, et qui avaient à un très haut point l'esprit de solidarité, 40 fut de fonder des sociétés de secours mutuels. Les nobles Russes qui tenaient à se montrer protecteurs de la jeunesse et des Sciences en alimentaient les caisses et les étudiants par d'autres moyens cherchaient à faire prospérer leur société = mais les bre

OUTINE.

5

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871

5

it)

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

meetings répétés qu'il avait été nécessaire de tenir pour la bonne organisation des sociétés avaient développés chez ces jeunes gens l'esprit Révolutionnaire. A cette époque, l'argent des étudiants était entre les mains des universités qui s'en servaient pour payer les mouchards que le gouvernement Russe avait jugé prudent d'enrôler parmi eux, ce que voyant les étudiants résolurent de rentrer en possession de leur caisse et d'en conserver la gestion — en même temps se passait à Varsovie l'insurrection dont la répression fut si extraordinairement barbare = Les Etudiants firent des manifestations et de meetings en faveur des polonais à la suite desquels tous les étudiants polonais furent chassés ou imprisonnés = Les Russes protestèrent et Herzen que vous verrez venir plus tard écrivait dans le Kolokol cette flatterie au tzar = que il y avait eu des protestations autorisées, et insinuait que Tschernyschewski éfaii payé par la police, pourrait être récompensé. Cependant l'empereur s'était sauvé de St. Pétersbourg et le gouvernement, non content de leur avoir volé leur caisse, excluait par une loi tous les étudiants qui ne pourraient pas payer 200 francs par an = on invita les étudiants à formuler leur griefs et à nommer des délégués à cet effet. 5 furent nommés qui furent aussitôt emprisonnés et relâchés au bout de 3 mois sous la condition qu'ils seraient sous la surveillance de la police. I | δ | alors — pleins du désir de se venger — ils résolurent de faire de la conspiration = Bakounine revenu depuis (...) était reparti de Londres, il envoyait des manifestes en faveur du mouvement panslaviste. | |7| DE PAEPE— Ce n'est pas la première fois qu'il entend contre Bakounine des accusations excessivement graves = Il a même fait partie d'une commission d'arbitrage pour régler un différend entre Liebknecht et Bakounine, il doit reconnaître cependant que Liebknecht fut forcé à une rétractation. — Il regrette que Bakounine ne soit pas ici pour se défendre lui-même, ou qu'il n'y ait pas un avocat pour prendre sa défense. Quoiqu'il en soit, il y a à vider la question du procès Russe où l'association est compromise = il demande qu On fasse à cet effet immédiatement une déclaration formelle que l'association n'y est absolument pour rien, et cela est d'autant plus facile que le principal meneur de ce procès, l'agent Netchaïeff, ne fait pas partie de l'association, que sa soi-disant fondation de section à Bruxelles est une imposture, qu'il n'est venu à Bruxelles chez un particulier membre de l'association que pour y acheter les collections complètes du journal l'Internationale et du journal de l'association qui existait avant, et qu'en un mot, on n'a pas pu charger d'aucune mission un homme qu'on ne connaissait pas.

739

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. OUTINE MARX

répète de nouveau que ce Netchaïeff se servait d'un cachet portant la mention d'association Internationale des Travailleurs, propose que le citoyen Outine fasse la traduction du procès Russe et qu'avant la publication et pour dégager sa responsabilité cette traduction soit soumise à un examen qui en garantira la fidélité — Outine accepte Proposition Vaillant = Le citoyen Outine publiera dans le journal l'Egalité le compte rendu in-extenso d'après les journaux Russes du procès Netchaïeff. Adopté à l'unanimité moins la voix de Lorenzo qui motive ainsi son abstention : « Sur la proposition Vaillant je m'abstiens me fondant en mon ignorance absolue du sujet préalablement à la discussion entamée et que les arguments fournis pendant son cours ne me sont parvenus assez clairement pour que j'aie pu me faire une opinion. Lorenzo. »

DE PAEPE

[81 MARX =

PERRET

OUTINE

FRANKEL

MARX

DE PAEPE-

740

propose que l'association fasse aujourd'hui une déclaration formelle que l'association est absolument étrangère au procès Netchaïeff et qu'on a abusé de son nom. Vote — Adoptée à l'unanimité | Il y a encore à l'ordre du jour la lecture du rapport du Conseil Général mais il n'a pas été possible de le faire dans ces derniers temps, il propose donc que ce rapport soit envoyé aux conseils fédéraux. fait l'observation qu'il est étonné que ce rapport ne soit pas prêt et surtout, qu'il ne l'ait pas été au commencement ; le conseil Général, ayant convoqué la conférence, devait prendre ses mesures en conséquence. pour son compte se déclare satisfait, il considère que le rapport du Conseil Général a été fait en quelque sorte dans les diverses séances précédentes où il a été touché à tant de questions sur lesquelles le Conseil Général a chaque fois donné sa manière de voir. trouve même qu'il n'y a pas utilité de le faire après la conférence ; il faut, dit-il, se rendre compte que le Conseil Général sera considérablement chargé de besogne après la Conférence, pour aviser à l'exécution des résolutions qui y ont été votées. dit que du reste il ne lui aurait pas été possible de présenter un rapport complet, n'ayant pas reçu les communications des sections. Clôture demandée et acceptée à l'unanimité (moinsPerret) qu'il y ait un rapport pour le prochain congrès — proposition Acceptée à l'unanimité

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 PERRET

5

10

BASTELICA

15

20 |[9]| OUTINE MARX—

25

30

dépose les recommandations suivantes = 1° Nous avons connaissance qu'une société nouvelle ou section de l'Internationale s'est fondée à Genève et qu'elle a demandée son entrée dans l'association au Conseil Général directement et sans demander son admission à la fédération des sections genevoises. 2° Nous recommandons au Conseil Général de bien vouloir appliquer dans des circonstances semblables l'art. 5 des résolutions administratives votées par le Congrès de Bâle, ceci afin d'éviter de nouveaux conflits. Pour la fédération Romande, le délégué, Perret. = Bonne note est prise par le Conseil Général de cette recomman da tion. dépose la proposition suivante = En accord avec les résolutions prises par la conférence sur un sujet analogue nous proposons : Que le Conseil général soit également chargé de faire traduire dans les différentes langues toutes les résolutions prises dans les divers congrès ou conférences en dehors des Statuts. Bastelica Marx Accepté à l'unanimité | demande ce que les délégués pourront communiquer à leurs sections de ce qui a été résolu à la conférence. Il ne faut rien publier, excepté cependant ce qui regarde le Conflit suisse. Quant au reste vous pouvez dire verbalement à vos sections ce qui a été fait à la conférence, sans parler toutefois ni des finances, ni que l'association peut se réorganiser dans certains pays sous d'autres noms. Il ajoute que la publicité de la conférence, bien entendu en ce qui doit être publié, se fera plus ou moins selon l'opportunité politique de la publicité.

DE PAEPE et STEENS

35

OUTINE 40

VAILLANT THEISZ

déposent la proposition suivante = « Nous proposons que la conférence laisse à l'appréciation du Conseil Général de juger de l'opportunité des événements pour fixer le jour du prochain congrès ou d'une conférence et le pays où il se tiendra. » trouve qu'on travaille beaucoup plus dans les conférences que dans les congrès, est du même avis. dit que les congrès ont beaucoup plus de poids que les conférences parce qu'ils ont les avantages d'une immense publicité. La proposition De Paepe et Steens est acceptée à l'unanimité

741

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

HERMAN =

Affaire Cohn Je regrette profondément que le citoyen Cohn ne soit pas présent, ayant des accusations très-graves à formuler contre lui au nom des sections Belges, cependant, comme aujourd'hui est la dernière séance de la conférence, il n'est plus possible de remettre à plus tard l'accusation ; et d'un autre côté il est urgent que la conférence se prononce sur ces faits. Il donne lecture d'une lettre du Conseil Fédéral Belge... Il ajoute — le citoyen Cohn devait avant de partir se faire délivrer un pouvoir par le Conseil Général = il n'en a rien fait, il est parti en Belgique comme quelqu'un qui ne tient aucunement à voyager avec un pareil papier = Il devait prendre les adresses des divers Conseils Fédéraux et sections. Je lui avais donné Rendez-vous Chez moi pour la veille de son voyage de 10 du matin à 6 du soir afin de pouvoir ||[10]| lui remettre tous les renseignements nécessaires à sa mission. Sans doute que le cit. Cohn a jugé que cela ne lui était pas indispensable puisqu'il s'est abstenu de me visiter. A Anvers et Bruxelles ce n'est pas au Siège de l'association qu'il va, mais chez les cigariers, ses amis. S'il se présente une fois par hasard au Conseil Fédéral Belge à Bruxelles c'est accompagné d'un de ses amis qui est l'ennemi le plus déclaré de l'association. = En Belgique il dit aux uns qu'il est délégué des mécaniciens ; il se met en rapport d'affaires avec les cigariers, mais il oublie complètement qu'il appartient à l'Association internationale = En Angleterre, lorsqu'il revient, son premier soin est de publier dans le Bee Hive un Roman grotesque de ses aventures dans lequel il s'approprie toute la gloire d'avoir arrêté les enrôlements d'ouvriers, fait des délégués de Newcastle. Ce qui n'est pas vrai, le cit. Cohn n'ayant fait que de se promener en Belgique, et l'association Internationale ayant prévenu les mécaniciens bien avant son arrivée qu'ils ne devaient pas aller en Angleterre. accuse Cohn d'avoir déconseillé aux cigariers de s'affilier à l'association.

5

10

h

h

COENEN

15

20

25

30

35

VERRYCKEN et STEENS

DE PAEPE

742

affirment que Cohn n'a absolument rien fait, qu'il n'a pas convoqué aucun meeting, que déjà avant son arrivée, les diverses sections étaient prévenues et qu'ils considèrent le voyage du cit. Cohn comme une tournée d'agréement pour celui-ci. 40 dit que les mécaniciens Belges qui sont allés à Newcastle ne sont pas des Internationaux. Il a mandat de voter contre la réélection du cit. Cohn au Conseil Général. Il ajoute que le seul bon résultat pour l'association du voyage Cohn est son expulsion de Belgique qui a été une cause 45 de protestation de la part des Internationaux de ce pays.

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 ENGELS

VERRYCKEN 5

demande que les Belges donnent la mission à Herman de poursuivre cette affaire devant le Conseil. Accepté à l'unanimité moins Eccarius propose qu'à l'avenir le Conseil Général fasse passer les fonds destinés à soutenir une grève quelconque par le canal des Bureaux Internationaux. Cette proposition est prise en considération par la conférence. Séance levée à 12 / . j 1

2

[Auszüge aus d e m Protokoll von C o n s t a n t Martin und den Mitschriften von Charles Rochat und Constant Martin]

10

MARX— 15

20

25 OUTINE—

30

MARX— 35 *

40

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 735.13-736.41] [1] (partie de son discours) — même à Berlin au moment où le roi faisait son entrée avec ses troupes — les ouvriers ont crié — Vive la Commune — et ont insulté les soldats — Ils ont montré qu'ils sont le seul parti en Allemagne qui représente les aspirations socialistes — En parlant de l'Angleterre — il a oublié de dire que dans la lutte des Anglais contre les Irlandais — différence de religion — longue oppression de l'Irlande — ont créé l'antagonisme des peuples — et perpétué le pouvoir des tyrans. McDonnell, qui est l'homme le plus populaire en Irlande, a déjà fondé des sections en Irlande — bientôt nous aurons plus de sections irlandaises que de sections anglaises — elles agiront toujours avec nous — Les ouvriers allemands ont été calomniés surtout pendant la dernière guerre — le journal — La Solidarité disait — ainsi que bien d'autres journaux — qu'il n'y avait que Bebel et Liebknecht qui défendent nos principes — [Rochat :] [S. 735.13-736.34] [1] Sur l'Allemagne = l'organisation ne peut pas exister sous son propre nom — mais sous le nom de la partie démocratique-socialiste = Congrès de Dresde — ils ont formulé leur adhésion, ils ont nos Statuts — il n'y a donc pas de mesure à proposer comme celles proposées pour l'Italie et la Russie. S'il a dit du mal des étudiants allemands, il n'a rien à dire contre les ouvriers — au contraire, pendant la guerre etc., c'est même devenue une question des classes = dès le début ils ont considéré la guerre comme

743

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. une question contre le parti socialiste — le comité à Brunswick — arrêté — conduit à une prison à la frontière de la Russie = il y en a encore beaucoup en prison — ils sont accusés du crime de haute trahison = Bebel et Liebknecht ont déclaré appartenir à l'association internationale = ils ont déclaré — protesté contre la guerre et 5 voté contre les subsides — arrêtés à la sortie de la séance — pendant la Commune — adhérer — pendant l'entrée triomphale ils ont crié — Vive la Commune — ils ont tenu à Breslau un meeting deux fois interrompu, ils adhéraient solonellement à la Commune de Paris — à Vienne et d'autres villes même meeting = 10 Angleterre — lutte entre les ouvriers anglais et les ouvriers Irlandais — différence de la langue et de Religion — antagonisme exploité par les classes supérieures et les gouvernements — personne n'a osé croire qu'il serait possible de créer un lien entre ces deux parties = McDonnell a déjà fondé des sections 15 ouvrières de l'Internationale et il est certain qu'avant peu il y en aura beaucoup — des deux côtés ils se laisseront diriger par le Conseil Général et ce sera un des plus grands résultats que l'Association aura obtenu.

Le cit. MARX

[Protokoll Martin :] 20 [S. 737.5-21] [2] donne lecture d'une résolution du Conseil Général — la première partie de cette résolution étant déjà votée — il ne parlera que sur la Dernière partie (sociétés secrètes) — Les sociétés secrètes désorganiseraient l'esprit de l'Association 25 Internationale — c'est bon pour des carbonari — elles ne peuvent pas répondre au mouvement prolétaire — leur manière d'être est contraire à son développement — il faut faire l'éducation des ouvriers — les élever dans la liberté — dans l'indépendance — ces sociétés sont mystiques et autoritaires — elles sont un danger 30 contre l'esprit de l'association. — [Rochat :]

MARX=

744

[S. 737.5-21] [2] Pour les pays où l'organisation de l'association est devenue impraticable etc.... 35 La première partie peut être exécutée. — l'association peut être etc. On a délaré — on entend pas parler des sociétés secrètes proprement dites = parce que comme nous l'avons dit de la situation présente de la France et de l'Italie, serait disposée à former de 40 pareilles sociétés — mais ce genre de sociétés est complètement en contradiction du mouvement prolétaire — Ils s'y glisseront des mouchards etc. etc. et l'organisation particulière de ce genre de

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 société est contraire à notre développement — au lieu d'instruire les ouvriers — vous les soumettez à des autorités mystiques. [Mitschrift Martin :] [S. 737.18-20] 5

VERRYCKEN ENGELS —

10

OUTINE-

15

[2]

demande si l'original sera en anglais seulement. Le Conseil Général fera selon ses forces — sous la Commune on n'a pu la faire qu'en anglais et en allemand — il pense qu'à présent il y a assez de français au Conseil et que l'adresse sera publiée aussi en Français. Les manifestes perdent leur intérêt — ils ne sont pas complètement traduits — les journaux en publient des fragments. Il demande qu'à l'avenir le Conseil Général Communique aux diverses fédérations les manifestes qu'il élabore et qu'on leur envoie la copie en même temps que l'on donne à l'impression — Il propose aussi que les fédérés Belges s'entendent avec ceux de la Suisse et que l'impression soit faite à Genève — [S. 738.22]

[2]

ENGELS

demande que l'adresse soit publiée en forme de brochure de prime abord —

MARX

prie de Paepe de s'expliquer —

OUTINE —

Ce qu'il a raconté n'est pas son impression personnelle — c'est des extraits du procès — Liebknecht avait dit que Bakounine était un espion Russe — c'était absurde — il ne peut pas soutenir l'accusation — Bakounine après la défaite accuse toujours ses victimes il est toujours utile de publier des extraits du procès — il est d'avis que nous ne pouvons prendre aucune mesure de rigueur envers Bakounine sans entendre un défenseur — il est d'avis que la conférence doit donner mission à Outine de publier des extraits du procès —

20

[S. 739.27]

[S. 740.1-6]

25

MARX-

30

[3]

[4]

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 740.1-6] 35

[3]

OUTINE DE PAEPE

déclare qu'il n'acceptera pas seul Cette responsabilité, demande que sa proposition soit mise aux voix —

MARX

propose que Outine traduise et envoie ce travail en expertise au Conseil Général.

745

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T.

MARX = OUTINE = BASTELICAOUTINE OUTINE — FRANKEL — BASTELICA MARX—

MARX DE PAEPE MARX

MARX PERRET MARX

[Rochat :] [S. 740.1—6] [5] nous ne pouvons pas juger Bakounine sans un débat contradictoire, mais il s'agit de publier le procès. Il veut qu'avant la publication on fasse examiner cette traduction, pas besoin de faire examiner la traduction, ne veut pas — attendre la publication pour que la conférence fasse sa déclaration. un comité = 2 membres à Genève et 2 à Londres. impossible — 2 membres à Londres avec la Circulaire — Outine traduira et il enverra la traduction à Londres.

10

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 740.19-30] [3] 15 observe que dans tous les journaux on a publié ce procès comme produit de l'internationale — est d'avis que le Conseil général fasse cette déclaration immédiatement. approuve —

adopté à l'unanimité. La discussion est ouverte sur le rapport général du Conseil. dit que depuis l'ouverture de la Conférence il n'a pu s'en occuper; il propose que le Conseil général l'envoie aux fédérations — observe qu'on avait promis de le présenter avant la fin de la Conférence — il est étonné qu'on en retarde la présentation. explique qu'il a été accablé par les réfugiés — la question Suisse etc. —

20

25

[Rochat :] [S. 740.43] [6] 30 SERRAILLIER— Que le Conseil Général soit tenu à donner un rapport aussitôt qu'il aura reçus les rapports de tous les pays — DE PAEPE demande qu'il y ait un rapport pour le prochain congrès. ENGELS

MARX

OUTINE-

746

appuie.

[Protokoll Martin :] 35 [S. 741.22-31] [4-5] demande que la Conférence donne pouvoir au Conseil Général de publier des extraits et résolutions des Procès-Verbaux de la Conférence. — que le Conseil fasse savoir dans le plus bref délai aux fédérations 40 ce qui doit être publié et ce que les délégués peuvent communiquer aux sections —

Procès-verbal de la séance du 22 septembre 1871 MARX

propose de laisser au Conseil la faculté de décider ce que doit être publié. [Rochat :] [S. 741.22-31]

5

MARX =

OUTINE =

10 MARX-

PERRET =

15 MARX-

[6]

La Conférence donne un pouvoir Général au Conseil Général de publier aussi vite que possible ce qu'il jugera convenable = et doit au plus vite montrer aux Gouvernements que l'Association Internationale existe. Conférence privée = demande ce que les Délégués peuvent communiquer à leurs sections de ce qu'on a fait. Ce qui regarde les Choses Suisses, ils peuvent le publier — et ne pas dire qu'il doit le publier dans le plus bref délai mais bien selon l'opportunité. sacrifices des sections — lui dire ce que les délégués seront autorisés à dire — tout excepté les finances, l'Association peut se réconstituer sous d'autres noms etc. [Protokoll Martin :] [S. 742.23-25]

[6]

Il a prétendu qu'il n'était pas Délégué de l'internationale mais des mécaniciens.

20

[Rochat :] [S. 742.36-743.2] VERRYCKEN =

25

30

COENEN = STEENS

35

[7-8]

lit une lettre de (...) Mensonge — Les ouvriers de Verviers venaient de faire une grève qui avait réussie avant l'arrivée de Cohn en Belgique et le délégué de Verviers pourra le dire — Nous demandons que le cit. Cohn soit appelé à s'expliquer devant le Conseil Général pour s'expliquer sur ce fait — Cohn a déconseillé aux cigariers de s'affilier — les sections anversoises — trouve extraordinaire que le Cohn — soit allé voir les cigariers mais pas les mécaniciens — il est venu avec Robyns — on a traduit ce qu'il a dit. Pour lui prouver que lui n'a rien fait = c'est l'association Internationale — tous les meetings ont été faits par le concours international — Le mouvement des 10 se fait = Les mécaniciens se sont immédiatement organisés en sociétés de résistances. Il a été expulsé de la Belgique = protestations des journaux libéraux et de l'association = il était Danois et non Anglais — ça n'a rien produit. h

40

747

Procès-verbaux de la Conférence de Londres des délégués de l'A. I.T. DE PAEPE =

FLUSE — ENGELS

Les dires de Mottershead, et le rapport de Cohn — c'est injurieux pour les Internationaux — Ces mécaniciens Belges qui sont allés à Newcastle ne sont pas des Internationaux. Ce cicérone — V2 heure, il est venu faire une promenade ridicule — ils ont mandat de voter contre la réélection de ce cit. Cohn — il n'y a eu qu'une bonne chose en Belgique — c'est son Expulsion, à Verviers il est venu se promener = il n'a rien convoqué = je suis arrêté — je ne peux pas venir. demande qu'on donne la mission à Herman de poursuivre cette affaire devant le Conseil Général qui pourra Statuer = les mécaniciens l'ont accepté non pas parce qu'il était membre du Conseil Général mais parce qu'il est président d'une trades unions — ils n'ont voulu qu'un seul délégué qu'ils choisissaient, le cit. Cohn = c'est aux mécaniciens qu'il faudra vous en prendre si Cohn ne savait pas la langue du pays.

10

15

[Protokoll Martin :] [S. 742.36-40]

VERRYCKEN

COENEN—

[6]

donne lecture d'une pièce qui lui a [été] communiquée par les mécaniciens — 20 Cette dernière affirmation est un mensonge flagrant — tous les bassins avaient été instruits de la grève de Newcastle — leur grève avait déjà réussi lors de l'arrivée de Cohn en Belgique — il demande que Cohn soit invité à s'expliquer devant le Conseil — a demandé à Cohn de demander aux cigariers de s'affilier à 25 l'internationale — il a refusé de le faire — [S. 742.40-45]

[7]

D E PAEPE

affirme que c'est l'internationale qui a tout fait — Cohn a fait une promenade ridicule — son cicérone le traduisait d'une façon pitoyable — il n'y a eu qu'une bonne chose dans son voyage — 30 c'est son expulsion —

ENGELS -

Il paraît que la mission de Cohn n'a pas été fidèlement remplie — il est d'avis de charger le cit. Herman de poursuivre cette affaire devant le Conseil Général — vu l'absence de Cohn — il raconte comment le Conseil général a été amené à déléguer le cit. Cohn —

[S. 7 4 3 . 1 - 2 ]

[7]

[S. 743.7]

Demain

748

[8] h

séance à 3 V

:

2 précises •

Newman Street.

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