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English Pages 380 [385] Year 2020
Weaving in Stones Garments and their accessories in the mosaic art of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity Aliza Steinberg
Weaving in Stones Garments and their accessories in the mosaic art of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity Aliza Steinberg
Archaeopress Archaeology
Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com
ISBN 978-1-78969-321-8 ISBN 978-1-78969-322-5 (e-Pdf)
© Archaeopress and Aliza Steinberg 2020 Translated from Hebrew to English by Debi Manor Photo arrangements by Gall Orian Cover photograph: Amazon on the ‘Nile House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to Pnina Kopel)
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. Printed in England by Oxuniprint, Oxford This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com
‘To Shlomo, there is not a word in my tongue’, Psalms 139, 4.
Contents List of figures�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������v Acknowledgements��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xvii Introduction���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 Current research status���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 Ancient literary sources��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 The research literature����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������7
Part I Men’s clothing: the typological context of dress and costume accessories in the mosaics of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity Chapter 1: The tunic (tunica) and its decoration�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������12 Introduction��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������12 Tunics of indeterminatet type �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������43 Tunic embellishment ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������44 Chapter 2: The exomis�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������46 Chapter 3: Garments worn on the lower torso�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������48 Skirts/kilts�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������48 Trousers and puttees �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������49 The perizoma�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������55 Chapter 4: Garments made of animal skin: nebris���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������59 Chapter 5: Overgarments��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������60 The chlamys �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������60 The sagum ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������63 The pallium����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������64 The paludamentum ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������66 The paenula ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������67 The cucullus ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������67 Neck kerchiefs ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������68 Veils����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������69 Decorative elements on overgarments�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������69 Summary��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������69
Part II Men’s clothing: the iconographic context Chapter 6: Huntsmen���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������72 Chapter 7: Soldiers Chapter 8: Diners and servants���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������92 Pipers and shepherds���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������103 Chapter 9: Laborers: pipers and shepherds, vintners, fishermen and sailors, herders, builders and horsemen����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������103 Vintners��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������105 Fishermen and sailors��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������108 Animal handlers������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������111 Builders and carpenters ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������115 Horsemen ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������116 Abraham�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������117 Chapter 10: Clothing worn by biblical figures in synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel������������������������������������������117 Samson���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������122 King David ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������124 Daniel������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������130 Figures in the synagogue at Huqoq ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������134 i
The prophet Jonah��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������137 Chapter 11: Clothing worn by figures in church mosaics in Eretz Israel���������������������������������������������������������������137 Saint Menas (?)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������140 Chapter 12: Clothing worn by mythological figures�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������144 The Sun god�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������144 Hercules �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������148 Hippolytus����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������151 Satyrs������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������156 Dionysus�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������158 Centaurs�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������161 Orpheus �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������162 Achilles���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������168 Chapter 13: Personifications�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������172 Personifications of the seasons of the year��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������172 Personification of the months of the year����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������174 Personification of the month of January �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������175 Personification of the month of February����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������176 Personification of the month of March���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������178 Personification of the month of April�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������178 Personification of the month of May�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������179 Personification of the month of June �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������181 Personification of the month of July�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������182 Personification of the month of August��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������183 Personification of the month of September�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������184 Personification of the month of October������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������185 Personification of the month of November��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������186 Personification of the month of December��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������187 A personification of ‘favorable times’ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������188 Personification of the Nile������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������188 Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������191
Part III Women’s clothing: the typological context Chapter 14: Women’s clothing as reflected in ancient sources���������������������������������������������������������������������������������196 Chapter 15: Tunics������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������201 Tunics with long, close-fitting sleeves ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������202 Sleeveless tunics or tunics with sleeves��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������205 Long sleeveless tunics��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������206 Sleeveless tunics whose lower sections are concealed ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������209 The dalmatica ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������211 Tunic decorations ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������212 Peplos �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������215 Chiton �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������215 Chapter 16: Garments in Greek style���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������215 Chapter 17: Items of clothing covering the lower torso����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������218 Trousers��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������218 Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������218 Chapter 18: Overgarments���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������219 Himation������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������220 Palla���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������220 Pallium����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������222 Paenula/cucullus����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������222
ii
Part IV Women’s clothing: the iconographic context Chapter 19: Nursing women������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������224 Chapter 20: Mythological figures and their garments�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������230 Phaedra ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������230 Phaedra’s nursemaid ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������230 Tyche �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������231 Maenads�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������234 Amazons�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������237 Ariadne���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������239 Chapter 21: Personifications�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������242 The seasons of the year �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������242 Winter ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������242 Spring �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������244 Summer �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������246 Autumn �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������248 Personifications of fair weather ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������248 Personifications of Earth or the Land������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������249 Personifications of Semasia, the ‘sign giver’ �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������251 Personifications of Egypt���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������251 The Moon goddess �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������252 Virgo�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������252 The female figures from Damascus gate and Kissufim �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������253 Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������256
Part V Garments worn by babies, infants and youths: the typological context Chapter 22: Children’s tunics����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������260 Tunica manicata ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������260 Colobium �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������261 Tunic decorations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������261 Chapter 23: Garments worn over the lower torso���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������262 Perizoma������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������262 Skirt���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������262 Neck scarf ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������263 Chapter 24: Garments worn over the upper torso��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������263
Part VI Garments worn by babies, infants and youths: the iconographic context Chapter 25: Garments worn by babies, infants and youths����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������266 Babies’ clothing�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������266 Items of clothing worn by children playing with birds and animals or hunting birds ������������������������������������������270 The Spinario, the thorn extractor �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������273 Isaac’s clothing �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������274 Clothing worn by donkey drivers������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������276 Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������277
Part VII Clothing accessories Chapter 26: Jewelry���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������280 Fasteners������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������281 Head ornaments ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������282 Neck ornaments������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������286 Earrings��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������288 Arm and leg ornaments�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������290 Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������291 iii
Chapter 27: Head and neck coverings������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������292 The cap/Phrygian cap �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������293 Hairnets �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������293 Pillbox and Petasus-type hats ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������296 Women’s wide-brimmed hats that concealed the hair������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������297 The palla �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������298 Women’s veils/scarves �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������298 Neck scarves �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������299 Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������300 Chapter 28: Belts���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������302 Chapter 29: Shoes������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������307 General summary��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������313 1. Items of Clothing������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������319 Glossary�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������319 2. Ornaments and Jewelry (Author’s typology) �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������320 Appendix�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������322 Catalogue of the mosaics and comparable works����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������322 Abbreviations���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������324 Ancient Literary Sources���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������325 Bibliography�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������325 References����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������329 Index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������355
iv
List of figures Figure 1. Personification of the months in Room A in the Church of the Lady Mary monastery at Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Figure 2. Personification of May and January in Room A in the Church of the Lady Mary monastery at Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Figure 3. Jonah in the Mahat el-Urdi church mosaic, Beit Guvrin (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). ����������������� 19 Figure 4. The Sacrifice of Isaac, Beit Alpha synagogue (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Talmoryair, https: //commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Beit_alfa02.jpg, CCO 1.0).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Figure 5. The Orpheus mosaic in the Damascus Gate Burial Chapel, Jerusalem, 5th century AD (photo courtesy of Dr Yehudah Dagan).19 Figure 6. King David in the Gaza Maiumas synagogue mosaic, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Avishai Teicher). https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaza_synagogue#/media/File: PikiWiki_Israel_14995_Mosaic_of_David_playing_the_ harp.JPG, CC BY 2.5).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20 Figure 7. Bathing of the infant Dionysus, ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (detail from photo credited to Wikipedia user: IIan Sharif). https: //www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������20 Figure 8. The Sun God in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Bukvoed https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Hamat-Tiberias-132.jpg). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Figure 9. Dionysus in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo courtesy of Zev Radovan).������������������������������������������������������������������ 21 Figure 10. The warrior in the Merot Synagogue mosaic pavement, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Zvi llan. https: //he.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D7%9E%D7%A8%D7%95%D7%AA_(%D7%99%D7%99%D7%A9%D7%95%D7%91_%D7%A7%D7%9 3%D7%95%D7%9D)#/media/File: M_011.jpg, CC BY-SA 2.5).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Figure 11. Samson and soldiers in the synagogue mosaic at Khirbet Wadi Ḥammam (courtesy of Dr Uzi Leibner, the Institute of Archaeology in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, photo: Gaby Laron). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Figure 12. Samson in the synagogue mosaic at Huqoq (courtesy of Prof. Jodi Magness, photo: Jim Haberman). .������������������������ 22 Figure 13. Mosaic of Orpheus in Zippori, Israel, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Almog https: //commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orpheuszipori.jpg, CCO 1.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 23 Figure 14. Roman marble mosaic, from Eastern Roman Empire, near Edessa, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Andreas Praefcke (https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Roman_Orpheus_Taming_Wild_Animals.jpg, CCO 1.0). .�������������������������� 24 Figure 15. Silenus in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).������������������������������������������������������ 25 Figure 16. Hippolytus and the hunters in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah). .������������������ 25 Figure 17. Rider in the Nile scene in the mosaic at El-Marakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 18. Hunter pointing a spear at a bear in the mosaic at El-Marakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin). .����������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 19. Rider in Zippori, 5th century AD (photo courtesy of: Zeev Radovan).������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 20. Hunter grasping a spear in the mosaic at El-Marakesh, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive, Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 21. Huntsman on foot fighting off a bear in the Kissufim church mosaic, Kissufim, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Zeev Radovan).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27 Figure 22. Rider plunging his sword into a leopard in the Kissufim church mosaic, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Zeev Radovan). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27 Figure 23. Hunter grasping a horse’s reins in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27 Figure 24. Man leading tigers in the Kibbutz Erez mosaic, Israel, 5th century AD (photo courtesy of Orly Senior-Niv, Image enhancement: Gall Orian). .���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Figure 25. Exotic animal transportation, Villa del Casale, Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Transport_d%27animaux_exotiques,_villa_de_Casale,_Piazza_Armerina,_Sicile,_Italie. jpg (photo credited to Wikimedia user: User: Yann, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29 Figure 26. Galloping rider in the mosaic at Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29 Figure 27. Detail of Dionysus Mosaic in Zippori (photo: Ilan Sharif https: //www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0). 30 Figure 28. Scene showing goatherds in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (detail from photo by Ilan Sharif https://www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0). .�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������30 Figure 29. The rider, detail from the mosaic border from Caesarea, personifying the fair weather, kalokairia (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 31 Figure 30. Hunter spearing a lioness in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo: Shlomo Steinberg).��� 31 Figure 31. Mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 31
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Figure 32. Hunter in Room A at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Figure 33. Man stretching both hands toward a bunch of grapes in the mosaic from Caesarea, 6th–7th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Danny Kronenberg and Amos Hadas 2007: A. Hadas, Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, Tel Aviv, p.152 [Hebrew]). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Figure 34. Man raising his arm in the mosaic at El-Marakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Figure 35. Personification of March in the mosaic at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Figure 36. Personification of September in the mosaic at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Figure 37. Personification of the Zodiac Cancer in the synagogue mosaic at Zippori (photo credited to Wikipedia user: G.Dallorto. https: //es.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archivo: ZodiacMosaicTzippori.jpg, Public Domain).������������������������������������������������ 32 Figure 38. The wheel of the Zodiac in the Beit Alpha mosaic, 5th century AD (photo credited to Maksim, https: //en.wikipedia. org/wiki/File: Beit_Alpha.jpg, CCO 1.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33 Figure 39. Personification of ‘favorable times’ at Byzantine Tel Malhata, Northern Negev (courtesy of Eldar and Baumgarten; I am grateful to the two archaeologists for allowing me to use the color photo of the mosaic and to Nachson Sneh for requesting their permission). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33 Figure 40. Servant carrying a tray of fish in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).������������������������ 34 Figure 41. Porter climbing a ramp in the synagogue mosaic at Khirbet Wadi Hammam, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Uzi Leibner, The Institute of Archeology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, photo: Gaby Laron). ��������������������������������������������� 34 Figure 42. Fisherman in the church at Horvat Beit Loya (photo courtesy of Prof. Joseph Patrich). .������������������������������������������������� 35 Figure 43. Piper in the mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo by Shlomo Steinberg). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Figure 44. Piper in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit She’an). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 36 Figure 45. Shepherd in the mosaic from Be’er Shemʻa, Israel, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh). .��������������������� 36 Figure 46. Personifications of the months in the mosaic in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Figure 47. The personifications of the months in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary mosaic, Beit She’an, detail (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Figure 48. Hunter brandishing a club in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Figure 49. Man leading a camel in the church at Kissufim, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Carole Raddato https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Part_of_a_mosaic_floor_from_a_church_depicting_a_man_leading_a_camel_laden_ with_amphorae_(wine_jars),_from_Kissufim,_6th_century_AD,_Israel_Museum,_Jerusalem_(15472015279).jpg, CC BY- SA 2.0). 38 Figure 50. Man leading a donkey in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo by Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 39 Figure 51. Man leading a donkey in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo from Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, A. Hadas, Tel-Aviv 2007, p. 83 (courtesy of Amos Hadas and Danny Kronenberg, photo courtesy of : Danny Kronenberg). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 39 Figure 52. Man leading a donkey in the Horbat Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).������������������������ 39 Figure 53. Man leading a giraffe in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).��������������������������������������� 39 Figure 54. Mosaic of a man leading a giraffe, 5th century AD, now in the art Institute of Chicago (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Sailko https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Sailko https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_ Fragment_with_Man_Leading_a_Giraffe,_5th_century.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 39 Figure 55. Mosaic of a man leading a camel caravan through the desert, Roman mosaic from the Syrian city of Bosra (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jadd Haidar, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Bosra Mosaic Camels.png, CC BY-SA 3.0). �������������������40 Figure 56. Grape harvester carrying a basket on his back in the mosaic at Caesarea, 6th–7th centuries AD , photo from Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, Amos Hadas, Tel-Aviv 2007, photo courtesy of Danny Kronenberg and the Israel Antiquities Authority). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Figure 57. Grape harvester in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo: Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 41 Figure 58. Grape harvester in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 5th century AD (photo: Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 41 Figure 59. Vineyard workers in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo: Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 41 Figure 60. The seasons of Spring and Autumn in the Ein Yaʻel mosaic (photo courtesy of Liat Eizenkoy, Ein Yaʻel Museum). .�� 42 Figure 61. The seasons of Summer and Spring in the Ein Yaʻel mosaic (photo courtesy of Liat Eizenkoy, Ein Yaʻel Museum). ��� 42
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Figure 62. Boy riding a donkey in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori (photo: Ilan Sharif https: //www.pikiwiki.org.il/ image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Figure 63. Diners and servants in the Zippori villa mosaic, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Doron Nissim).���������������������������� 43 Figure 64. Figures playing dice in the Orpheus mosaic, Zippori, Israel, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Pninah Kopel). .������ 43 Figure 65. Two man embracing in the Orpheus mosaic, Zippori, Israel, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Pninah Kopel).������� 43 Figure 66. Decorative band in the Museo Egizio, inv. 12602, Florence (photo courtesy of Raphael D’Amato).�������������������������������� 44 Figure 67. Gift bearers in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Golandomer https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: DionysusRomanVila.JPG, CCO 1.0).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 Figure 68. Piper in the Horbat Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh). ����������������������������������������������������� 46 Figure 69. Vineyard worker in Sede Nahum, 6th century AD (after Ruth and Prof. Asher Ovadiah, Pl. CLXXXIX, in: Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Rome, 1987).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 47 Figure 70. Scene showing the drunken Dionysus in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 4th century AD (detail from photo: llan Sharif https: //www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Figure 71. The drinking contest in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori (detail from photo: llan Sharif https: //www.pikiwiki. org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 Figure 72. Man leading a camel in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo by Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 Figure 73. Fresco of servants in the Roman Tomb of Silistra in Bulgaria, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: K. Tanchev (https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Roman_Tomb_Silistra fresco servant.jpg, CCO 1.0). Drawings of male servants by the author. ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Figure 74. A Roman lady going to the bath with her children and her maidservants carrying boxes of oils, lotions and towels in the mosaic of Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Ian Ross).����������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Figure 75. Fresco from the Thracian tomb of Kazanlak, Bulgaria, portraying servants with tunicae talaris (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Kmrakmra, https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thracian_Tomb_of_Kazanlak#/media/File: Kazanluk_1.jpg, CC BY – SA 3.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Figure 76. The lady of Carthage and two maidservants, in the mosaic exhibited in the Bardo Museum (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Pradigue https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category, CC-BY-SA-3.0). ����������������������������������������������������������� 52 Figure 77. The Magi in the St Apollinare Nuovo church in Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Ruge https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Ravenna_Basilica_of_Sant%27Apollinare_Nuovo_3_Wise_men.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0). ���������������������53 Figure 78. A man hunting a boar, Roman mosaic in Mérida, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Helen Rickard https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_de_Las_Tiendas_(NAR_M%C3%A9rida)_01.jpg, CC BY 2.0). ������������������������� 53 Figure 79. Diptych of Stilicho, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Marsyas https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Stilico diptych.jpg, CCO 1.0). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Figure 80. Dark-skinned man riding an elephant in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������54 Figure 81. Hunters in the mosaic at Nahariya (photo credited to Dafna Wolf).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 55 Figure 82. Figure extracting a thorn in the mosaic at Nahariya, 6th century AD, (photo credited to Dafna Wolf). ����������������������� 56 Figure 83. Grape-treaders in the burial chapel at El-Hammam and at the Lady Mary monastery, Beit She’an (in Hadas 2007: A. Hadas, Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, Tel Aviv, 2007: 1, 84, 85, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority)56 Figure 84 (above). Detail of Dionysus mosaic at Zippori, with the three grape-treaders, 4th century AD.�������������������������������������� 57 Figure 85. Hunters, detail in the Orpheus mosaic from Damascus Gate, Jerusalem 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Dr Yehudah Dagan).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Figure 86 (right). Fragments of the sailor pushing Jonah into the water in the Mahat el-Urdi church mosaic, Beit Guvrin (courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Figure 87. The centaur bearing a tray in the mosaic at Zippori (photo credited to pikiwiki user: llan Sharif. ������������������������������ 59 https: //www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7679, CCO 1.0). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Figure 88. Silenus, Hercules and satyrs in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo: Prof. Asher Ovadiah).������������������������������������ 59 Figure 89. The Warrior mosaic at Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to pikiwiki user: llan Sharif https: //www.pikiwiki. org.il/image/view/7681, CCO 1.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Figure 90. Hunter from the mosaic pavement from Nablus (photo by Dr Yehudah Dagan). .������������������������������������������������������������ 62 Figure 91. Zodiac Wheel Mosaic in the great Synagogue of Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to G.Dallorto. ������������������� 62 Figure 92. Amazons in the ‘Nile House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to Pnina Kopel)������������������������������������� 63 Figure 93. Personification of the Nile in the ‘Nile House’ with a gray folded pallium over his left arm that drapes down over his feet (Photo Zeev Radovan). .���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 Figure 94. A statue of the river Nile in the Chiaramonti Vatican museum (photo credited to user: Fb78 talk https: //commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: VaticanMuseums_Statue_of_River_Nile.jpg talk: Fb78). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 65 Figure 95. The ‘Leontis House’ mosaic at Beit She’an, now in the Israel Museum in Jerusalem (https: //blogs.timesofisrael.com/ nilometers-in-the-land-of-israel/ Photo credited to Dr Ticia Verveer, 3.1.2018). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65
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Figure 96. Fabric like the draped toga of the Emperor Tiberius, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia User: Jastrow https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toga#/media/File: Tiberius_Capri_Louvre_Ma1248.jpg, public domain). �������������������������������������� 66 Figure 97. The Emperor Nero wear a kerchief called a mafora round his neck. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 68 Figure 98. Achilles in remnants of the mosaic from Nablus, 3rd century AD (photo: Dr Yehudah Dagan). .����������������������������������� 69 Figure 99. Alexander the Great in the mosaic in the ‘House of the Faun’ at Pompeii (photo credited to wikipedia user: Berthold Werner https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Mosaic#/media/File: Battle of Issus mosaic-Museo Archeologico NazionaleNaples 2013-05-16 16 25 06 W.jpg, Public Domain). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 73 Figure 100. Hunting in the Sidonian cave in Beit Guvrin, 3rd century BC (photo credited to Dr Avishai Teicher via the PikiWiki Israel https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: PikiWiki_Israel 51222hunting_in_the_sidonian_cave_in_beit_guvrin.jpg). ��� 74 Figure 101. Hunters in a medallion set in the Arch of Constantine, dated to the years 130–138 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Radomil, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Luk_Konstantyna_6DSCF0032.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).����������������������������� 74 Figure 102. Hunters in the mosaic at a villa in Piazza Armerina, Sicily, 3rd–4th centuries AD (Right: photo credited to user: Jerzystrzelecki https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_in_Villa_Romana_del_Casale,_by_Jerzy_Strzelecki,_06.jpg , CC BY-SA 3.0; Left: photo credited to user: Yann https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosa%C3%AFque_de_la_petite_ Chasse,_villa_deCasale,_Piazza_Armerina,_Sicile,_Italie.jpg Public domain).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Figure 103. Hunters in the Conservatori sarcophagus in Rome (photo credited to Wikimedia user: jpg © José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro ns.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sarcophagus_with_the_Calydonian_boar_hunt_-_Palazzo_dei_Conservatori_-_Musei_ Capitolini_-_Rome_2016. ,CC BY-SA 4.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 76 Figure 104. Hunter/putto in the Church of the Apostles at Madaba, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 101, Fig. 83, courtesy of SBF). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Figure 105. Lion hunter on the sarcophagus of Alexander the Great (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Mrsyas https:// es.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archivo: Macedonian_Army_Alexander.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 77 Figure 106. The great hunting mosaic from Apamea, Triclinos building, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user Michel Wal. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mus%C3%A9e_Cinquantenaire_Mosa%C3%AFque_de_la_Chasse_01.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Figure 107. Mosaic floor in the Church of St Lot and St Procopius (after Piccirillo 1992: 153, Fig. 202, courtesy of SBF). .����������� 79 Figure 108. Man carrying a bucket in the Church of Saints Cosmas and Damian at Jerash, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 278, Fig. 51, courtesy of SBF). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Figure 109. Belt and scabbard worn by the king’s scribe and the bodyguard in the Dura Europos synagogue, Syria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jonund https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ficheiro: Mordecai_and_Esther.jpg, Public Domain).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Figure 110. Detail from the Throne of Maximilian depicting a scene of Joseph, 6th century AD, Ravenna, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Elenajorgemigueldidier https://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slika: Catedra15.JPG, CCO 1.0).������������������������������������ 81 Figure 111. Vandal cavalryman from the mosaic pavement at Bordj Djedid near Carthage, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Aurélie-33000. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Vandal_cavalryman,_c._AD_500,_from_a_mosaic_ pavement_at_Bordj_Djedid_near_Carthage.jpg, CCO 1.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 Figure 112. Coptic tunic, Walters Art Museum. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Coptic_-_Tunic_-_Walters_83484. jpg (photo credited to Wikipedia user: User: File Upload Bot (Kaldari),Public Domain).�������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 112 a. Doll’s tunic, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin, inv. Cäcilia Fluck and Klaus Finneiser, Kindheit am Nil. Kleidung – Kinderbilder aus Ägypten in den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, p. 50-51, no. 20. © Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (photo: Antje Voigt). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 112 b+c: Caption for tapestry fragments with erotes and birds: Tapestry decorations with erotes, birds and vases from a cushion or cover, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin, inv. 9825; in: Cäcilia Fluck and Klaus Finneiser, Kindheit am Nil. Spielzeug – Kleidung – Kinderbilder aus Ägypten in den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, p. 38-39, no. 14. © Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (photo: Antje Voigt). ��������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 112 d. Caption of a tunic fragment with tapestry decoration: Fragments of a tunic with tapestry decoration, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin, inv. 9825; in: Cäcilia Fluck and Klaus Finneiser, Kindheit am Nil. Spielzeug – Kleidung – Kinderbilder aus Ägypten in den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, pp. 44-45, no. 17a-b. © Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (photo: Antje Voigt). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 113. Phinehas dressed as a Roman officer and an Egyptian soldier in a mural in the Via Latina catacombs in Rome, 4th century AD (photo after Fr. Ferrua 1991: 72, 73, Fig. 43, 142, Fig. 135, Courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 114. Soldiers guarding Christ’s tomb, early 5th-century AD ivory relief (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Andreas Praefcke https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Reidersche_Tafel_c_400_AD.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������� 88 Figure 115. Soldiers at the battle of Eben Ezer, synagogue in Dura Europos, Syria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Gillerman slides collection. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: DuraSyn-NB1_Eben-Ezer_2.jpg, CCO 1.0).����������� 89 Figure 116. Warrior in Al Khadir church, Madaba, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 128, Fig.143, courtesy of SBF). ������������ 90 Figure 117. Buffer-type torc, Reims Museums, France, 4th century BC (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Vassil, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Torque_%C3%A0_tampons_Somme-Suippe_Mus%C3%A9e_Saint-Remi_120208.jpg, CCO 1.0). ���������������� 90 Figure 118. Illustrated manuscript ‘The List of Offices’, 5th century AD, showing military and civilian insignia, copy from the Notitia Dignitatum Orientis, copy from the 15th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Martin Poulter https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: MartinPoulter, Public Domain).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91
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Figure 119. Pompeii family feast painting, Naples, before 79 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Andrew Dalby, https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture_of_ancient_Rome#/media/File: Pompeii_family_feast_painting_Naples.jpg, Public Domain). ���������93 Figure 120. Dido and Aeneas reclining at dinner, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Iustinus, Public Domain, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vergilius Romanus /media/File: VergiliusRomanusFolio100v.gif).����������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 121. An ancient Roman fresco with a banquet scene from the Casa dei Casti Amanti, Pompeii – Image: Pompeii Casa dei Casti Amanti Banquet,1st century BC, photo credited to Wikimedia user: https: //he.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D7%A7%D7%95%D7%91%D7%A5: Pompeii_-_Casa_dei_Casti_Amanti_-_Banquet.jpg,Public Domain).; Figure 121. (below) Fresco of female figure holding chalice in the Agape Feast, Catacomb of Saints Marcellinus and Peter, Via Labicana, Rome, 2nd–5th centuries AD.��������������������������������������� 96 Figure 122. Wine servers and man bearing a jar and a towel in the mosaic from Dougga in the Bardo Museum, Tunis, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Dennis Jarvis https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dougga_Banquet.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 123. The four Tetrarchs in Venice, 3rd century AD (photo courtesy of Mark Hassner).��������������������������������������������������������� 98 Figure 124. Plate with hunters’ feast, from the Sevso Treasure (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Elekes Andor https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Vad%C3%A1szt%C3%A1l_(2).jpg CC BY-SA 4.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������100 Figure 125. Scene of hunters from the Sevso Treasure (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Dencey). https: //commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: SEUSO_lakom%C3%A1ja.png, CC-BY-SA-4.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 100 Figure 126. Dice players, Roman fresco from the Osteria della Via di Mercurio (VI 10,1.19, room b) in Pompeii (photo credited to : Wikimedia user: WolfgangRieger, 80 BC–14 AD, Public Domain). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 127. Dice players and two observers, Roman fresco from the Osteria della Via di Mercurio (VI 10,1.19, room b) in Pompeii (photo credited to wikimedia user: WolfgangRieger, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Pompeii_-_Osteria_ della_Via_di_Mercurio_-_Dice_Players.jpg, Public Domain). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 102 Figure 128. Abel in the Basilica of San’ Vitale at Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: DRTAMBROSE, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chalice_depicted_at_Ravenna.jpg, CC-BY-SA-4.0). .���������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 129. Piping shepherds in the Virgilius Romanus manuscript, folio 44, Vatikan, Biblioteca Apostolica, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Claveyrolas Michel, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Vergilius_rom_44v.jpg , CCO 1.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 130. The Good Shepherd with exomis, Catacomb of Priscilla, 2nd half of the 3rd century AD, Rome, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z~commonswiki https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Good_shepherd_01_small.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 131. Vineyard workers mosaic from Santa Constanza, Rome, Italy, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: MM https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: RomaSCostanzaMosaici02.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).����������������������������������������������������� 105 Figure 132. Vineyard workers in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo in Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 158, Fig. 206, courtesy of SBF).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure 133. Peasant carrying a basket of grapes in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo, Jordan, 6th century, AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 157, Fig.206, courtesy of SBF).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure 134. Vineyard worker in the mosaic from Caesarea (Cherchel), Algeria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: JPS68, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vinalia#/media/File: Vendanges_romaines_%C3%A0_Cherchell.jpg, Public Domain).���������107 Figure 135. Vineyard workers at a Roman mosaic in Cherchell, 3rd century AD North Africa (photo credited to Wikipedia user: JPS68 https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier: Travail_de_la_vigne_Cherchell.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).������������������������������������������������ 108 Figure 136. Sailor dressed in perizoma in the mosaic from Palestrina, final quarter of the 2nd century BC (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Saiko, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_con_banchetto_durante_le_feste_per_l%27inondazione_del_nilo,_ da_palestrina,_80_ac_ca._06.JPG, CC BY-SA 2.0). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������109 Figure 137. Sailors on a boat with perizoma shown on the Nile River, National Museum of Wales, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Wolfgang sauber, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: NMW_-_R%C3%B6misches_Mosaik_1.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Figure 138. Fishermen in the ‘Villa of the Nile Mosaic’, Lepcis Magna, Tripoli, National Museum, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Marco Prins, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Villa_of_the_Nile_Mosaic_fishermen.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Figure 139. Man leading a donkey in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius, Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 154–155, Fig. 203, courtesy of SBF). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 111 Figure 140. Camel driver and man leading a donkey in the Suwayfiyah Chapel, Amman, 4th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 260, Fig. 456, courtesy of SBF). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Figure 141. Camel driver in the mosaic from the Great Palace in Constantinople, 6th century AD (photo credited to user: Patrickneilhttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Istanbul_Mosaic_Museum_Boys_on_Camel.jpg, CC-BY-SA-3.0). ����������� 113 Figure 142. Man leading a donkey and a camel in the mosaic from the Diakonikon on Mount Nebo, Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 135, Fig. 166, courtesy of SBF).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Figure 143. Camel driver and man leading a horse in the upper church of the Monastery of Kaianos, Jordan, mid-6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 191, Fig. 277, courtesy of SBF). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Figure 144. Builders on Trajan’s Column, 113 AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Cristian Chirita http://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Engineering_corps_traian_s_column.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114
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Figure 145. Ilias Ambrosiana, Cod. F. 205. P. Inf.,5 th AD, Bibliothecae Ambrosianae Mediolanensis, Fontes Ambrosiani 28, Berne 1953 (photo by permission of Dr Emil Kren ed. Web Gallery of Art, https://www.wga.hu/html_m/zearly/1/2mural/4callist/ callist2.html). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 115 Figure 146. The Sacrifice of Isaac, Dura Europos Synagogue, Syria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Laxguy1955 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sacrifice_of_Isaac_at_Dura-Europos.png, CCO 1.0).������������������������������ 118 Figure 147. Abraham in the Catacomb of St Callixtus, mid-3rd century AD, Rome (photo credited to Dr Emil Krén, editor, © Web Gallery of Art, created by Emil Krén and Daniel Marx). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 119 Figure 148. The Sacrifice of Isaac on murals in the Via Latina catacomb, 4th century (after Ferrua 1991: 124, Fig. 113, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Figure 149 (right). Sacrifice of Isaac, Via Latina catacomb, Rome, 4th century AD (after Ferrua 1991: 124, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology). .���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Figure 150. Fragment 26v from the Cotton Genesis (British Library, MS Cotton Otho B. VI), 6th century AD, Abraham and Angels. {PDart} (Photo credited by: dsmdgold https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: CottonGenesisFragment26vAbrahamAndAngels. JPG, Public Domain).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 120 Figure 151. Mosaic from the Old Testament ‘Sacrifice of Isaac’, Basilica of San Vitale, Italy, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Petar Milošević, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Binding_of_Isaac#/media/File: Sacrifice_of_Isaac_mosaic__ Basilica_San_Vitale_(Ravenna).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 120 Figure 152. The Sacrifice of Melchizedek, 5th-century AD mosaic, Santa Maria Maggiore Rome, https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: MelchizAbraham.jpg (photo credited to Wikimedia user: User: Dickstracke, CC BY-SA 3.0).��������������������������������� 121 Figure 153. Abraham and Isaac in the wall mosaic in Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: © José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro, https: //fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier: Sacrifices_of_Abel, Melchisedec_and_ Abraham_-_Sant%27Apollinare_in_Classe_-_Ravenna_2016 (2).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 121 Figure 154. Samson slaying the Philistines with the jawbone of an ass in a mural in the Via Latina catacomb, Rome, 4th century AD (after Ferrua 1991: 107, Fig. 87, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology). ����� 123 Figure 155. Samson fighting a lion in a mural in the Via Latina catacomb, 4th century AD, Rome (after Ferrua 1991: 124, Fig. 114, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, The Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology). ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 123 Figure 156. Samson burning the Philistines’ fields (after Ferrua 1991: 84, Fig. 61, 4th century AD, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 124 Figure 157. King David of Israel, fresco in synagogue at Dura Europos, Syria, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Gillman slide collection.https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier: DuraSyn_Centre_sup_David_King.jpg, CCO 1.0). .����������������������� 125 Figure 158. Dura Europos fresco, King David of Israel, 1st century AD (photo credited to Marsyas, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: DuraSyn_Centre_sup_David_King.jpg, Public Domain).������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 126 Figure 159. The Missorium of Teodosius, 4th century AD, Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, Mérida, Madrid (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Manuel Parada López de Corselas, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_church_of_the_Roman_Empire#/ media/File: Discoo_Missorium_Teodosio_MPLdC.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 127 Figure 160. Emperor Justinian and his retinue in the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to the York Project (2002) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Meister_von_San_Vitale_in_Ravenna_003.jpg, CCO 1.0). �������� 127 Figure 161. King David in the Sinope Gospels manuscript from Syria, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dsmdgold https: //en.wikipedia.orgwiki/Sinope_Gospels#/mediaFile: SinopeGospelsFolio29rChristHealingBlind.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 Figure 162. King David in the Quedlinburg Itala manuscript, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dsmdgold https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quedlinburg_Itala_fragment, Public Domain). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 Figure 163. Consular diptych of Probus, 406 AD, Photograph from Ludwig von Sybel, ‘’Christliche Antike’’, vol. 2, Marburg, 1909 (photo credited to https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Consular_diptych_Probus_406.jpg, Public Domain).�������� 130 Figure 164. The marriage of David and Michal, relief on a silver dish in the Cyprus Museum of Archaeology, Nicosia, 6th century AD (courtesy of Prof. Demetrios Michaelides).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 130 Figure 165. Ambo plate with portrayal of Daniel in the lions’ den, 7th century AD, Novara Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jdsteakley https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Lombard_ambo_plate_depicting_Daniel_in_the_lions%27_den_ from_Novara,_Italy.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 131 Figure 166. Daniel in the catacombs of Saints Petrus and Marcellinus in Rome, 4th century AD (after Ferrua 1991: 26, Fig. 139, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 Figure 167. Daniel stands raising his hands, En-Nashut Synagogue, 4th–5th centuries AD (courtesy of the Golan Archaeological Museum in Katzrin photo). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 133 Figure 168. Fragment of a sarcophagus - Daniel in the lion’s den – 4th century, Museo Arqueológico y Etnológico de Córdoba https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Fragment_of_a_sarcophagus_-_Daniel_in_the_lion%27s_den_-_4th_cent._-_Museo_ Arqueol%C3%B3gico_y_Etnol%C3%B3gico_de_C%C3%B3rdoba.JPG, photo credited to © José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro (CC BY-SA 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 133 Figure 169. Daniel in the lions’ den, a tomb with a biblical scene in the Western Galilee near Kibbutz Lohamei HaGetaot, 4th– 5th centuries AD (courtesy of Gideon Foerster 1986: “Painted Christian Burial Cave near Kibbutz Lohamei HaGetaot,” in M. Yedaya (ed.) The Western Galilee Antiquities, Tel Aviv 1986, 416–431, (Hebrew) 426, Fig.2.).���������������������������������������������������������� 134
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Figure 170. Daniel in the lions’ den, detail from the Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: G.Dallorto https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 1059_-oma,_Museo_d._civilt%C3%A0_Romana_-_Calco_ sarcofago_Giunio_Basso_-_Foto_Giovanni_Dall%27Orto,_12-Apr-2008.jpg, CCO.1.0, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������135 Figure 171. Pyxis with Daniel, 5th century AD (photo credited to Johnbod, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: BM_ rm_41_,DSCF9195_Pyxis_with_Daniel.JPG, CC 3.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������135 Figure 172. Belt pendant representing ‘Daniel in the lions’ den’, dated to the 4th–5th centuries AD, (photo credited to Wikimedia Commons commons user: pierre-yves beaudouin / Wikimedia https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category: Daniel_in_the_lions%27_den_belt_pendant, CC BY- A 4.0).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������135 Figure 173. Jonah being lowered into the sea in the midst of the storm as a sacrifice to save those aboard the ship, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z~commonswiki https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Jonah_thrown_into_the_ Sea.jpg, Public Domain). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������137 Figure 174. Jonah on a sarcophagus in the Church of Maria Antiqua, Rome, 3rd century AD (photo courtesy of Steven Zucker). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������138 Figure 175. Marble statue of Jonah clothed in a thin garment, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Daderot https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Jonah_Under_the_Gourd_Vine,_280-290_AD,_Late_Roman,_Asia_Minor,_marble_-_ Cleveland_Museum_,CC0 1.0).�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������138 Figure 176. Jonah mosaic in the Basilica in Aquileia, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: YukioSanjo https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Aquileia_-_Basilica_-_Giona_ingoiato_mostro_marino_ (esposizione_33).jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0). 139 Figure 177. Jonah Mosaic in Aquileia, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Saiko https: //commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Aquileia,_storia_di_giona,_pavimento_della_basilica,_1a_met%C3%A0_del_IV_secolo.jpg, 4th century AD, Public Domain).�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������139 Figure 178. Icon of Saint Menas and Christ, 6th century AD, currently displayed in the Louvre (photo credited to Wikipedia user: clio20 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: L%27abb%C3%A9_M%C3%A9na_et_le_Christ_01.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).140 Figure 179. Icon of Saint Menas, from Alexandria (photo credited to Wikimedia user: sailko https: //commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Tavoletta_paleocristiana_con_san_mena,_da_alessandria_d%27egitto.JPG, CC 3.0).���������������������������������������������������������140 Figure 180. Pilgrim flask with St Menas between two camels, 4th–6th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Jastrow, Marie-Lan Nguyen https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Jastrow, Marie-Lan Nguyen, CC-BY 2.5).�������������������142 Figure 181. Figure in the orans posture in the Church of Saint George at Khirbet el Mukkhayyat, Jordan (after Piccirillo 1992: 178, 179, Fig. 247, courtesy of SBF). .������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������143 Figure 182. Helios in his chariot, surrounded by symbols of the months and the zodiac. From Vat. Gr. 1291, the ‘Handy Tables’ of Ptolemy, 3rd century AD ? (photo credited to wikiedia Creating User: Tonychakar, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Helios_in_His_Chariot.jpg, public domain). .��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������145 Figure 183. Representation of Christ as the sun-god Helios, Sol Invictus riding in his chariot, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: ChristAsSol.jpg, Public Domain).������������������������������������146 Figure 184 (above). Ancient Roman mosaic (c. 250 AD) found in the ruins of the Roman villa of Münster-Sarmsheim (Bad Kreuznach), now in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum in Bonn, Germany. The mosaic was part of the floor of the entrance hall of the villa and depicts Sol Invictus, the sun god (photo credited ton user: kleon 3 https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 2018_Rheinisches_Landesmuseum_Bonn,_Sonnengott-Mosaik.jpg, CC 4.0).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������146 Figure 185. Orbe-Boscéaz, mosaïques romaines, (photo credited to wikimedia user: Leemburg-CHhttps: //commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orbe-Bosceaz_(3).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������147 Figure 186. Villa Selene, mosaic of the four seasons and Helios, 4th century AD (photo by: Marco Prins) https: //www.livius. org/pictures/libya/silin-villa-selene/villa-selene-mosaic-of-the-four-seasons-helios/, CC0 1.0 Universal).��������������������������������147 Figure 187. Heracles wrestling with a lion in a section of an illustrated poem written on papyrus, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Denniss https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Denniss, Public Domain). .��������������������������148 Figure 188. Hercules in a copy of marble sculpture found in the Baths of Caracalla, Rome, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Paul Stevenson, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Hercules_Farnese). �����������������������������������������������149 Figure 189. The madness of Heracles, Villa Torre de Palma, Portugal, 3rd–4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Sailko https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_con_ercole_furioso,_III-IV_secolo,_da_torre_de_palma,_monforte,_ portalegre.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������149 Figure 190. Hercules and Dionysus in the House of the Drinking Contest, House’ mosaic in Antioch, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: User: Djkeddie, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Djkeddie, Public Domain).���������������150 Figure 191. Hercules and Dionysus in the ‘Drinking Competition House’ mosaic in Antioch, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Djkeddie, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Djkeddie,Public Domain). ����������������������������������������������150 Figure 192. Hippolytus and Phaedra in the mosaic from Nea Paphos, 3rd century AD (photo credited to User: Rstehn, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: RStehn, cc-by-sa-2.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������151 Figure 193. Hippolytus and Phaedra. Front of a marble sarcophagus, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jastrow, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Hippolytus_Phaedra_Louvre_Ma_2294.jpg, Public Domain). ��������������������������������������152 Figure 194. Hippolyus and Phaedra from Daphne, Harbiye, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dosseman https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Antakya_Archaeological_Museum_Four_seasons_mosaic_6544.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0, Public Domain).�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������152 Figure 195. Mosaic of Hippolytus at Madaba in Jordan, mid-6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 54, 55, Fig. 6, Courtesy of SBF).153
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Figure 196. Silenus holding a lyre, Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii, Italy, 1st century BC (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yann Forget https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Fresque_des_myt%C3%A8res,_Pomp%C3%A9i.jpg, Public Domain).� 154 Figure 197. Silenus Dionysus and the Pirates, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dyolf77, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Neptune_et_les_pirates.jpg,Public Domain). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 154 Figure 198. Silenus Riding a Camel, Musée Archéologique d’El Jem (photo� 155 credited to Wikipedia user: User talk: Lily https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User_talk: Lily,Public Domain). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 155 Figure 199. The birth of Dionysus, mosaic in Paphos, 4rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jacopo Werther) https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Birth_of_Dionysos_House_of_Aion_-_Paphos Archaeological_Park.jpg, CC BY 2.0). ������������������155 Figure 200. Fragment with Satyr and Maenad, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: madreiling) https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Egypt,_Byzantine_period,_4th_century_-_Fragment_with_Satyr_and_Maenad_-_1975.6_-_ Cleveland_Museum_of_Art.tif, CC0 1.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 156 Figure 201. Bacchus and his cortege, in the mosaic of El Jem (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Lily), https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: El_Jem_Museum_(11).JPG, Public Domain). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 156 Figure 202. Mosaic represent the triumph of Baccus, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wildbeard. https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_%22El_Triunfo_de_Baco%22_de_la_villa_romana_de_Fuente_Alamo.jpg, CC BY-4.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 157 Figure 203. The Wedding of Dionysus and Ariadne in the mosaic pavement from a villa at Zeugma, 2nd century AD (photo courtesy of DrM.Onal taken by Sertaç Ltd. Şti and sponsored by Sanko).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 158 Figure 204. Triumph of Dionysos mosaic, Zeugma, 2nd century AD (photo courtesy of Mehmet Önal and A Turizm Yayınlar (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Klaus-Peter Simon https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Zeugma Museum.jpg, CC BYSA 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 159 Figure 205. Mosaic in the House of Dionysos in Paphos, Cyprus, end of the 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Shonagon https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dyonysos.jpg, Public Domain).�������������������������������������������������������������������� 160 Figure 206. Bachhus and Ariadna, Sabratha Museum Mosaic (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Franzfoto, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sabratha Museum_mit_Funden_aus_der_R%C3%B6merzeit,_Mosaik_05.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).�������������� 160 Figure 207. Centaur mosaic in Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli, 120–130 AD (Google art project) (photo credited to Wikipedia user: SwHAQhNGz6l7_Q at G ADoogle Cultural Institute https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Centaur_mosaic_-_Google_Art_ Project_retouched.jpeg, Public Domain).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161 Figure 208. Central panel above the Torah niche in Dura Europos Synagogue 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jacek555, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: DuraSyn-W2-Blessings_and_great_vine.jpg, Public Domain). .����� 163 Figure 209. A statue of Orpheus from Byzantium, now in the İstanbul Archaeological Museum. (photo credited to Wikipedia user: QuartierLatin1968) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orpheus_Istanbul_Archaeological_Museum.jpg, CC BY-SA 2.5).��164 Figure 210. Orpheus as a prefiguration of Christ, Catacomb of Saints Marcellinus and Peter, Rome, 2nd–5th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z~commonswiki https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: OrpheusMarcellinus.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Figure 211. Great Cameo of France, Roman artwork, second quarter of the 1st century AD (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Janmad) dM_Paris_Bab264_white_background.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Figure 212. Orpheus in the mosaic of Cagliari, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Robur.q, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_di_Orfeo_da_Cagliari, CC BY-SA 3.0). .�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 Figure 213. Orpheus mosaic at Dominicans Museum, found at villa D, near Rottweil, Germany, dated to the end of the 2nd century AD, (photo credited to Wikipedia user: ManiacParisian) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orpheus2.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 Figure 214. Orpheus mosaic from ‘Casa de Orfeo’, Zaragoza, 3rd century AD (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jacopo Werther) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_de_Orfeo_(fragmento)_-_Museo_de_Zaragoza.jpg, CC BY 2.0)_ Expo_temporaire_Colis%C3%A9e).JPG, CC BY-3.0).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 168 Figure 215. Achilles in the mosaic from the ‘Uboni House’, Pompeii (photo credited to Wikipedia user: PericlesofAthens https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Achilles_on_Skyros#/media/File: Achille_a_Sciro2.JPG, Public Domain).������������������������������������� 169 Figure 216. Achilles on Skyros from Pompeii, fresco from ‘Casa dei Dioscuri’, Archaeological Museum of Naples, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jean-Pol GRANDMOT https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 0 Fresque_d%27Achile_%C3%A0_ Sciro_Mus._Nat._Naples). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 168 Figure 217. Achilles’ surrender of Briseis. Fresco (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jastrow https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Achilles_Briseis_MAN_Napoli_Inv9105_n01.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 170 Figure 218. Detail of the Achilles plate, silver treasure of Seuso (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Elekes Andor. https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki File: Akhilleusz_t%C3%A1l_3).jpg,CC BY-SA 4.0). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Figure 219. Mosaic floor depicting the unmasking of Achilles by Odysseus on the island of Skyros, 4th century AD, Kourion, Cyprus (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Donald Trung https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_floor_depicting_ the_unmasking_of_Achilles_by_Odysseus_on_the_island_of_Skyros,_4th_century_AD,_Kourion,_Cyprus_(24434150012).jpg, CC By-2.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Figure 220. Marble sarcophagus with the Triumph of Dionysos and the Seasons (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Pharoshttps: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Marble_sarcophagus_with_the_Triumph_of_Dionysos_and_the_Seasons_ MET_DP138717.jpg, CC0 1.0). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 172
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Figure 221. The Four Seasons Mosaic, House of Bacchus, Complutum Madrid (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Error https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: ComplutumEstaciones.jpg, CC BY-3.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������173 Figure 222. A mosaic showing the figures of the four seasons, from Palencia, Spain, made between 167 and 200 AD.(photo credited to Wikipedia user: Miguel Hermoso Cuesta https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_Medusa_M.A.N._01. JPG, CC BY-SA 4.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������174 Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_Mensis_Iunius.png, CCO 1.0). ...............176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 186, 188 Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia 181, Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0). ����..................175, 176, 178, 179, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187 Figure 225. Dominus Julius mosaic, Bardo National Museum, 4th–5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Boyd Dwyer https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dominus_Julius_mosaic_in_the_Bardo_National_Museum (12240864473).jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0). �������������������������178 Figure 226. Personification of the month of July in traces of the mosaic from Carthage displayed in the British Museum, London (photo credited to Mike Peel (www.mikepeel.net https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: North_African_ mosaics,_British_Museum_1.jpg, CC-BY-SA-4.0, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������184 Figure 227. Personification of the Nile. R: Nilus, with crocodile beside him, reclining left, holding reed and cornucopia (courtesy of CNG. https: //www.cointalk.com/threads/the-nilometer.300607). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������189 Figure 228. Marble statuette of a personification of the Nile recovered from the sea at Acre (photo credited to Alon Steinberg).���189 Figure 229. Mosaic of the Nile, Tripoli (photo: G. Lopez Monteagudo. Photo taken from Representaciones de Mujeres en Los Mosaicos Romanos, courtesy of: Luz Neira, Spain 2011).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������190 Figure 230. Mosaic of the god Oceanus Petra, Jordan (Photo credited to wikipedia user: Gilles Mairet,https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Ok%C3%A9anos-Mosaique-Petra-Jordanie.jpg, Public Domain). .�������������������������������������������������������������190 Figure 231. The mosaic from Caesarea personifying the fair weather, kalokairia (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).�������203 Figure 232. Ladies in the Kissufim church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh). ��������������������������������������������������������������������204 Figure 233. Semasia, the female portent of the Nile floods displayed in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori (photo: Zeev Radovan). ���204 Figure 234. Tyche, the city goddess of Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yuvalif, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_bet_shean.JPG, Public Domain). .��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������205 Figure 235. Theodosia and Georgia in the Orpheus mosaic from the Damascus Gate burial chapel (photo: Dr Yehudah Dagan).�205 Figure 236. Tyche, in the decorative border of the Orpheus mosaic from Damascus Gate in Jerusalem (photo: Dr Yehudah Dagan).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������206 Figure 237. Woman nursing in St Stephen’s Church at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa, 6th century AD (photo credited to Nachson Sneh).206 Figure 238. Dionysus’s education in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori (detail from photo credited to IIan Sharif. https:// www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������207 Figure 239. The wedding of Dionysus, detail from Zippori mosaic (photo credited to Wikipedia user: YiFeiBot, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Detail_of_the_Dionysus_Mosaic_depicting_scenes_from_the_life_of_Dionysus;_the_wedding_of_Dionysus_ with_Ariadne,_Sepphoris,_Israel_(15628053511).jpg, JPG.CC BY-2.0). .���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������208 Figure 240. The season of Tishrei (Autumn) in the Na’aran synagogue(after Sukenik 1932: 34, Pl. 5b). .����������������������������������������208 Figure 241. Gift bearers’ procession in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 4th century AD (detail from photo credited to Carole Raddato, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dionysus_Mosaic_depicting_scenes_from_the_life_of_Dionysus, Sepphoris,_Israel_(15630884375).jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������208 Figure 242. Nilotic Panel from Dionysus Mosaic in Zippori (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Geagea, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tzippori (3422679895).jpg, CC-BY 2.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������209 Figure 243. Personification of the month of Tevet, zodiac wheel in synagogue at Zippori, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Bukvoed https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tsipori-2-314.jpg?uselang=ru, CC BY 3.0). ��������������������210 Figure 244. The seasons of the year, Hammat Tiberias. Personification of: a. Autumn, b. Summer, Hammath Tiberias, 4th century AD (after Ruth and Prof. Asher Ovadiah Pl. CLXXXII, in: Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Rome, 1987.b. Credit to user: Bukvoed https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Bukvoed : CC-BY-3.0).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������210 Figure 245. Personification of the Seasons, mosaic in Zippori Synagogue (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Bukvoed, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tsipori-2-317.jpg, CC-BY 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������211 Figure 246. Phaedra in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).��������212 Figure 247. Personification of the land in St. George’s Church, Jordan. (after Piccirillo 1993: 179, Fig. 251, courtesy of SBF). Detail from Photo: Ilan Sharif.���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������213 Figure 248. The Goddess of the Land and the seasons of the year in the mosaic at Beit Guvrin, 2nd–3rd centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority.Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).�������������������������������������������������216 Figure 249. Dancing Amazons in the Nile House, Sepphoris (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Ovedc, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sepphoris_ovedc_8.jpg, CC-BY 3.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������216 Figure 250. Personification of the Nile, ‘Nile House’ at Zippori (photo: Zeev Radovan). �����������������������������������������������������������������219
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Figure 251. Personification of the Goddess of the Land in a Roman mosaic from Mount Zion (photo credited to Dr Yehuda Dagan).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 220 Figure 252. A maenad and a satyr in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah). .��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 222 Figure 253. Nursing Madonna in a mural in the catacomb of Priscilla in Rome, 3rd century AD (Ferrua 1991: 22, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 224 Figure 254. Nursing Madonna in a mural in the catacomb of Priscilla, 3rd century AD (Ferrua 1991: 23, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology). .���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 225 Figure 255. Icon of Mary, Christ and saints from Sinai, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: McLeod https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mary%26 Child Icon_Sinai 6th century.jpg, Public Domain). .������������������������������������������������� 225 Figure 256. Isis nursing Harpocrates, fresco from house in Karanis, 4th century AD (photo credited to user: A. Parrot, Kelsey Museum of Archaeology, through Wikipedia. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: KM4.2990 isis.gif, Public Domain). ������226 Figure 257. Nursing woman, the Great Palace, Istanbul (photo credited to Helen Milles, [email protected]).��������� 227 Figure 258. Sarcophagus of Julius Bassus, Adam and Eve (detail) (photo credited to Wikipedia user: MiguelHermoso, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Copia_del_sarc%C3%B3fago_de_Junio_Basso_02.JPG, CC BY-3.0).������������������������������������������� 227 Figure 259. Marble medallion depicting Tyche, Khirbat Tinshemet, now in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem (photo credited to: Alon Steinberg).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 231 Figure 260. Bronze statue of Tyche from Antioch, 3rd century (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Sailko, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Sailko, CC-BY- SA 3.O).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 232 Figure 261. Tyche, fully clothed, holding scepter in extended right hand and cradling cornucopia, seated left on throne supported by tritoness, holding scepter in extended right hand and cornucopia in left, 2nd century (courtesy of CNG website: http://www.cngcoins.com).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 232 Figure 262. Personifications of the cities of Rome, Gregoria and Madaba in the ‘Hall of Hippolytus’ in Jordan, early 6th century (after Piccirillo 1992: 57, 66, courtesy of SBF).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 233 Figure 263. Dionysian scene on a silver plate, 4th century, originally from the East (photo credited to Wikimedia user: BabelStone, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: British Museum ildenhall Bacchic Dish A.jpg, CC0 1.0).����������������������������������������������������234 Figure 264. Tyche, a wall painting from Hippos-Sussita 3rd–4th centuries (photo credited to Dr Michael Eisenberg).������������� 234 Figure 265. Maenad from Hippos-Sussita (photo credited to Dr Michael Eisenberg).������������������������������������������������������������������������ 235 Figure 266. Menade (maenad) in silk dress, a Roman fresco from the Casa del Naviglio in Pompeii, 1st century AD, Naples National Museum (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Alonso de Mendoza, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: M%C3%A9nade_ danzante,_Casa_del_Naviglio,_Pompeya.jpg, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 236 Figure 267. Amazon from the ‘House of Orpheus’ at Paphos (photo credited to Prof. Demetrios Michaelides 1992: 19, Fig. 5).����237 Figure 268. Amazon warrior armed with a labrys, Roman mosaic (marble and limestone), second half of the 4th century AD, from Daphne of Antioch on the Orontes (modern Antakya in southern Turkey (photo credited to wikipedia user: Jastro, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Amazonomachy_Antioch_Louvre_Ma3457.jpg, CC BY-2.0). .������������������������������������� 238 Figure 269. Amazon mosaic from Apamea in 2002 (photo credited to Wikipedia user: COHBot https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: APAMEA_Museo_-_Mosaico_con_emblema_di_amazzone_-_GAR_-_6-042.jpg, CC BY-4.0). .������������������������������������� 238 Figure 270. Mosaic with Bacchanalian scene, National Museum of Roman Art in Merida, Spain (photo credited to Wikipedia user:Xosema,https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:M%C3%A9rida_-Museo_Nacional_de_Arte_Romano_-_06Escena_b%C3%A1quica.JPG, CC BY-3.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������239 Figure 271. Dionysos and Ariadne, now in the archaeological Museum in Chania, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Xenophon, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: AMC_-_Mosaik_2.jpg, CC BY-3.0). .�������������������������������������������������� 240 Figure 272. The four seasons of the year in the mosaic from Ras-Boutria at Acholla, Tunis, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dennis Jarvis https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: The_Four_Seasons,_Roman_mosaic.jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0).���� 243 Figure 273. The Four Seasons Mosaic in Villa Zliten, Dar Buc Ammera, Libya, 2nd century AD, (photo credited to Livius.org user: Rene Voorburg,https: //vici.org/image.php?id=1987, CC BY-SA 3.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 244 Figure 274. Personification of the month of Nissan in the Na’aran Synagogue, 6th century AD (photo after Sukenik 1932: 76, Pl. 5a).����245 Figure 275. Personification of the Seasons, Via Appia Nouva, Rome (photo credited to Wikipedia user: MiguelHermoso, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_Palazzo_Massimo_27.JPG, CC BY-3.0).����������������������������������������������������������� 246 Figure 276. Personification of Summer, mosaic in Carmona, Spain, 2nd century AD (detail from a photo credited to Wikipedia user: José Luis Filpo Cabana https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_de_las_EstacionesCarmona_Sevilla).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 247 Figure 277. Joseph and the wife of Potiphar, Vienna, Austria, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia User File Upload Bot (Eloquence), The Yorck Project (2002). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Meister der Wiener Genesis 001.jpg, CCO 1.0).249 Figure 278. Personification of the Land in a mural from the Via Latina catacomb, Rome, early 4th century AD (CCO 1.0). .����� 250 Figure 279. Semasia on coin (courtesy of CNG Classical Numismatic Group website: Inc. http: //www.cngcoins.com).������������ 251 Figure 280. Personification of Egypt on a silver coin (courtesy of CNG, Classical Numismatic Group website: Inc. http: //www. cngcoins.com). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 251 Figure 281. Virgo in the Na’aran synagogue, 6th century AD (after Sukenik 1932: 34, Pl. 3b). .������������������������������������������������������� 252
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Figure 282. Personification of the zodiac signs Virgo and Libra at Hammat Tiberias, 4th century AD (photo after Ruth and Prof. Asher Ovadiah Pl. CLXXXII, in: Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Rome, 1987).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 253 Figure 283. Anicia Juliana, Vienna Dioscorides, Folio 6, Constantinople, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Anthémios de Tralles,https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dioscorides Vienna f6b.jpg, Public Domain). ����������������������� 254 Figure 284. Annunciation on the triumphal arch of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Seudo, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Annunciation_on_the_triumphal_arch_of_santa_maria_ maggiore_in_rome_(cropped).png, Public Domain).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 254 Figure 285. Dura Europos fresco showing Moses found in the river, dated to 244 AD, (photo credited to Wikipedia user: David Levy https://en.wikimedia.org/wiki/Pharaoh%27s daughter (Exodus)#/media/File: Dura Europos fresco Moses from river.jpg , Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 255 Figure 286. The Virgin from the Church of Santa Francesca Romana, Rome, 7th–8th centuries (courtesy of Santa Francesca Romana, Rome, https: //www.romaexperience.com/rome-blog/goddesses-and-female-saints-basilica-of-santa-francescaromana-rome). .����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 256 Figure 287. Youths in the Zippori synagogue mosaic, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Nis101, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: %D7%A6%D7%99%D7%A4%D7%95%D7%A8%D7%99 2.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).���������������������������� 260 Figure 288. Harbinger of the Nile’s tide, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Deltafunction, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tzippori_Nile_mosaic_July2009.JPG, CC BY-SA 1.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 261 Figure 289. Boy pushing a rock partridge into an open cage in the mosaic in the church on Katznelson Hill, Nahariya (photo: Dafna Wolf). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 261 Figure 290. Soldiers on Trajan’s Column, Plate number XXXII (photo from Conrad Cichorius: “Die Reliefs der Traianssäule”, Erster Tafelband: “Die Reliefs des Ersten Dakischen Krieges”, Tafeln 1-57, Verlag von Georg Reimer, Berlin 1896, 2nd century AD. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 032_Conrad_Cichorius,_Die_Reliefs_der_Traianss%C3%A4ule,_Tafel_XXXII.jpg CCO 1.0). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 263 Figure 291. Fertility goddess holding four swaddled babies (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgang Sauber, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Ny_Carlsberg_Glyptothek_-_Fruchtbarkeitsg%C3%B6ttin.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).����������������������������������267 Figure 292. Mother breast-feeding a baby in the presence of the father, detail from the sarcophagus of Marcus Cornelius Statius, 150 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jastrow https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sarcophagus Marcus Cornelius Statius Louvre Ma659 n1.jpg CC OO 3.0). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 267 Figure 293. Wet nurse Severina with swaddled baby (photo courtesy of Ursula Rothe), Der Grabstein der Severina Nutrix aus Köln: eine neue Deutung, Germania, 89, 191–214.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 268 Figure 293a. Seated woman leaving her newborn child to a nurse, funerary stele marble, made in Athens, ca. 425–400 BC. From Athens (photo credited to User: Jastrow), https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Jastrow ,public domain). .�������������������� 268 Figure 294. The Massacre in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, 5th century AD (photo credited to user: MM https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: RomaSantaMariaMaggioreArcoTrionfaleSxRegistro3.jpg CC -S A- 3.0).���������������� 269 Figure 295. Children playing ball games, Roman marble, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Jastrow, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Children_games_Louvre_Ma99n2.jpg, CC BY 3.0).��������������������������������������������������������������������� 271 Figure 296. Children playing at chariot racing, Villa Romana del Casale, Piazza Armerina (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Lidine Mia, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Villa_Romana_del_Casale-vestibule_du_petit_cirque-7.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).��������272 Figure 297. The Child Hunters, Villa Romana del Casale, early 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jbribeiro1, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Cubicle_of_the_Child_Hunters_-_Valle_Romana_del_Casale_-_Italy_2015_(2).JPG, CC BY-SA 4.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 272 Figure 298. Boy holding a parrot in the Apostolic Church in Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 97, Fig. 79, Courtesy of SBF). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������273 Figure 299. Children’s games, The Great Palace Mosaic, Istanbul 1997, Turkey, 49–51: Figs. a, b (courtesy of Werner Jobst, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Study of Ancient Culture, Vienna, Austria).���������������������������������������������������������� 273 Figure 300. Spinario, British Museum, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yair-Haklai https: //id.m.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Berkas: Spinario-British_Museum.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0). ...............................................................................................................................274 Figure 301. Boy extracting a thorn, bronze sculpture dating to the 2nd century, displayed in the Capitoline Museum in Rome (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Sixtus, http://m.wikizero.biz/index.php?q=aHR0cHM6Ly9lbi5tLndpa2lwZWRpYS5vcmcvd2 lraS9GaWxlOkxvX1NwaW5hcmlvLkpQRw,BY-SA 3.0). .��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 274 Figure 302. Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, cast in Rome, early 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Tetraktys. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sarcophagus_of_Junius_Bassus_-_Cast_in_Rome.jpg, CCO).��������������������������������������� 275 Figure 303. The Sacrifice of Isaac on a capital in the Church of San Pedro de la Nave in Zamora, 5th–7th centuries (photo credited to Wikipedia user: YeRa~commonswiki, https: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/San_Pedro_de_la_Nave#/media/File: San_ Pedro_de_la_Nave_capitel.JPG, Public Domain).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 276 Figure 304. Esther displayed as Tyche, Dura Europos 3rd century AD (detail from photo credited to Wikipedia user: Richard Arthur Norton https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Duraeuropa-1-.gif, Public Domain). .�������������������������������������������������� 283 Figure 305. Female figure of the dionysaic mosaic at Sepphoris, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Geagea, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: The_%22Mona_Lisa_of_the_Galilee%22_(possibly_Venus),_part_of_the_Dionysus_ mosaic_floor_in_Sepphoris_(Diocaesarea),_Israel_(15004387483).jpg, CC BY-2.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 284 Figure 306. Gemma Augustea, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: AndreasPraefcke, https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Gemma_Augustea_KHM_2010.jpg, public domain).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 285
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Figure 307. Soldiers in the mosaic in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to wikimedia user: Jbribeiro1 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_of_Justinian_I_-_San_Vitale_-_Ravenna_2016.jpg,user: Jbribeiro1 CC-BY-SA-4.0).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 287 Figure 308. Ladies of the court in the mosaic of Theodora and her entourage at Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to wikipedia user: Petar Milošević https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic of Theodora-Basilica San Vitale (Ravenna,_ Italy).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 288 Figure 309. Tondo showing the family of the Roman Emperor Septimius Severus, ca. 200 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Soerfm,https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Septimusseverustondo.jpg (public domain).������������������������������������������������� 289 Figure 310a. Buste of Attis as a child, wearing the Phrygian cap, Parian marble, 2nd century AD, probably during the reign of Emperor Hadrian, photo credited to Wikimedia User: Alexf, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Bust_Attis_CdM.jpg, public domain). .���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 293 Figure 310b. Banquet scene in a fresco from Herculaneum, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yann, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sc%C3%A8ne_de_banquet,_fresque,_Herculanum.jpg, public domain).�������������������������������������������������� 294 Figure 311. Grave Stele with women with hairnet and jewelry (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Hian, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: NAMA_St%C3%A8le_d%27H%C3%A8g%C3%A8s%C3%B4.jpg, CC-BY 2.0). .���������������������������������������������� 295 Figure 312. Female figure with gathered hair on a wall fresco from a pagan burial cave at Or Haner, 3rd century AD, now in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem (photo credited to Shlomo Steinberg).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 295 Figure 313. Fragments of a golden hairnet displayed in the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme Museum, 1st century AD, Rome (photo credited to wikipedia user: Butko https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Hairnet made of finely woven gold wires, 1stcenturyAD, Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, Rome (15539270140).jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0).����������������������������������������������������������������������� 296 Figure 314. Fragment of Sousse mosaic depicting a naked fisherman with a hat, 3rd century AD (photo credited to wikimedia user: Ad Meskens, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_fisherman.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).�������������������������� 296 Figure 315. Procession of virgins in a wall mosaic in the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to wikipedia user: Chetstone https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basilica_of_Sant%27Apollinare_Nuovo#/media/File: Sant_Apollinare Nuovo North Wall Panorama 01.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 300 Figure 316. Elijah and the widow of Zarepheth, Dura Europos synagogue, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Ddimplegurl90,https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Elijah_and_widow_of_zarepheth.jpeg, public domain). .���������������� 300 Figure 317. Avar-Slav belt (reconstruction), ca. 560–800 AD (Photo credited to livius.org user: Jona Lendering, https://www. livius.org/pictures/a/other-pictures/avar-slav-belt-reconstruction/, CCO 1.0 Universal). .������������������������������������������������������������ 304 Figure 317b. The belts of St. Stefan and Stefan Kobul, Javari , Georgia, 6th Century AD. Photo E.Shneurson. .������������������������� 305 Figure 318. Mosaic showing bathing sandals, from Sabratha, Libya, with the motto ‘A bath is good for you’, no date (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Hakeem.gadi https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Public bath sign -_Sabratha_(cropped).jpg, CC BYSA 3.0).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 308 Figure 319. Shoes a.Calceus (photo credited to Wikimedia User: agnetehttps://commons.Wikimedia.Org/wiki/user: agnete, Public Domain).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 310 Figure 320. Caliga (A reproduction of a Roman caliga,photo credited to wikimedia user: MatthiasKabel, CC BY-SA 3.0).����������� 311 Figure 320a. Buskin shoes, photo credited towikipedia user: Scott Foresman https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Buskin_(PSF).jpg, archives of Pearson Scott Foresman, donated to the Wikimedia Foundation.������������������������������������������������������ 311 Figure 321a. A man wearing Pegasus hat, Late 5th-4 th Centuries,Coinage of Kapsa, Macedon, Late 5th-4th centuries BC, Used with permission (CNG coin).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 297 Figure 321c. Man wearing the pileus/ pilos (conical hat). Tondo of an Apulian red-figure plate, third quarter of the 4th century BC (Photo credited to Wikimedia user: User: Jastrow, © Marie-Lan Nguyen/Wikimedia Commons). ��������������������������������������������� 111
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Acknowledgements My deepest thanks go to Prof. Asher Ovadiah who has accompanied me during my graduate studies with great care and patience and allowed me autonomy and freedom of creativity. There is no doubt in my mind that without his support this book would never have been completed. I would also like to thank my dear friends Dr Yehuda Dagan and Nachshon Sneh for their assistance in obtaining permission to use the pictures. My sincere gratitude to Prof. Yitzhak Meislish for his comments and insights regarding quotations taken from the Halachic sources. I would like to express my gratitude to Gall Yanay Orian, for his invaluable assistance in preparing, sorting, and proofing the images in this book. I am grateful to Dr David Davison of Archaeopress who made the publication of this book possible.
Introduction Israel were examined using on-site photography, mosaics and museum exhibits of actual costumes and accessories recovered from archaeological excavations, copies of works in libraries in Israel and abroad, excavation files, catalogs, websites, relevant articles, books, and discussions with historians, archaeologists, and costume historians.5 In cases where the mosaic had been damaged or covered over and only blackand-white photos were available, excavation reports and photographs from the Israel Antiquities Authority’s scientific archives and research literature provided descriptions and details of the colors. The clothing was classified into male and female wear (as well as infants’ and children’s) and the various functions.
This book is the first comprehensive study of the dress and related accessories depicted on the mosaic floors from Late Antiquity (4th–7th centuries AD) in the historical-geographical region of Eretz Israel and will be used as a contribution to research, for study purposes.1 It reviews the mosaic pavements of religious buildings such as synagogues, churches, and monasteries, as well as those in private homes and burial sites, and describes and analyzes the costumes and accessories worn by about 245 figures represented on approximately 41 mosaic floors (during work on this book, further examples have been discovered). It seeks to understand the ideological implications and social identities (gender, occupation and status) of the iconographic designs and examines how the figures are represented on the mosaics. It attempts to reconstruct developments and trends in the dress worn by a multicultural population of pagans, Jews, and Christians who lived alongside each other and embellished their homes and places of worship with mosaics, during a period that witnessed the establishment of Christianity in the Eastern Roman Empire.2 Its location on the crossroads between Europe, Asia and Africa meant that Eretz Israel was exposed to both Western and Eastern personal appearance.3 The visual imagery and designs of these traditions undoubtedly influenced the local artists and craftsmen.4
The book’s structure was dictated by classifying the items of clothing, as described above. Two sections are devoted to each gender (male, female) and one to children. The first part of each section discusses typology and acts as a kind of inventory with dates, details of accompanying inscriptions, the location of works and their state of preservation, descriptions of the dress and accessories and their classification. It opens with a short introduction to each type of clothing, referring to its use, distribution and history, and to the number of examples of a specific article of dress in mosaics in the region. The second part, which deals with stylistic-iconographic aspects and iconology, examines the ancient sources and the function and dress of the wearers in various Western and Eastern visual representations in the relevant period and geographic region. The comparisons help determine the influences of Eastern and Western traditions and identify original elements that may shed light on the clothing and accessories depicted.6 The final section of the book is based on the previous sections and refers to a number of related accessories, such as jewelry, head coverings, belts and footwear, as well as the literary sources
The book’s research involved locating, describing, documenting, and cataloging the articles of clothing and accessories depicted on mosaics uncovered from the period within the geographic region of Eretz Israel. In the identification stage, figurative mosaics in Eretz In the period covered by this book, Christianity was on the rise in Eretz Israel. In the 4th century, Eretz Israel became an important center for Christianity and in the 5th and 6th centuries pagan idolatry was eradicated and the vast majority of the population was Christian. Many churches and monasteries were built and the country’s location, on the crossroads between East and West, together with the presence of sacred Christian sites, made it a focus of attention for the central authorities. Most of the Jewish population lived in Galilee. 2 On 18 September 324, after the Western Empire’s Emperor Constantine defeated Licinius in the Eastern Empire, a Christian governor was assigned to Eretz Israel, thus beginning the process by which the hegemony of pagan and Jewish communities was replaced by that of Christians. The transformation was particularly evident in cities with mixed populations. 3 This book also examines the dress of the nomadic tribes from Asia and the northern countries, including the Germanic tribes of the Goths, Franks, Vandals, etc. The way in which a certain figure is depicted relates to the reciprocity between the various elements of his or her dress, the inherent symbolism of garments, colors, hairstyles, facial hair, expressions, makeup, emphasis or concealment of various body parts, the stance and posture, and comparison of the figure being studied with other figures in the composition. 4 I use the term ‘artists’ to refer to the workshop masters who selected the designs (in consultation with the patrons) and planned and drafted the work. The term ‘craftsmen’ refers to the apprentices who tessellated the mosaics on behalf of the workshops. 1
Access to British Mandate and Israeli files was enabled courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA). The following museums were consulted: Tunis: Bardo, Sousse, El Djem, Carthage; Jordan: The Archaeological Museum in Amman, Mount Nebo; Turkey: Archaeological Museum, Great Palace Mosaic Museum in Istanbul; Italy: Villa Armerina in Sicily, Vatican Museum, Via Latina Catacombs; Greece: Athens and Salonika Archaeological Museums; Cyprus: Nicosia Archaeological Museum; Paphos: The mosaic site; Paris: The Louvre; London: The British Museum; Germany: Cologne RomanGermanic Museum; Trier: Roman Museum; Berlin: Archaeological Museum, Bode Museum, Byzantine Museum, Egyptian Museum, Pergamon Museum and Collection of Classical Antiquities Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Roman Museum; Munich: Glyptoohek Museum; USA: Worcester Museum, Princeton University Art Museum, New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, Brooklyn Museum of Art, Corning Museum of Glass NY Utah University Museum; Canada: Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto. 6 Western: Greece, Italy, Sicily, Germany, Gaul, Spain, Britain, and North Africa. Eastern: Egypt, Cyprus, Eretz Israel, Persia, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and Turkey. 5
1
Weaving in Stones that mention them.7 Each section has a summary and conclusions. The book ends with a general summary and assumptions about personal appearance, dress, and accessories in the mosaics of Eretz Israel.
historical context in which they were produced.10 It also attempts to identify original elements in local costume and to detect and characterize any mutual reciprocity in dress and accessories in the relevant period, both between major artistic centers and the peripheral regions and among the various outlying regions themselves. The work examines similarities and differences between the dress of figures from religious works and Greek mythology, and figures from private buildings, synagogues, and churches.
The classification work was aided by research on the terminology used for garments and accessories in specialist glossaries and in the literature, compared with the visual evidence. The use of different words for the same item of clothing in the literature stems from the problem of determining the correct term for certain garments that is also evident in ancient sources, since the different languages (Latin, Greek, and local dialects) used different words for the same item. The problem is compounded by the absence of suitable technology, such as the inability to place illustrations alongside terms in the relevant period, for example. In certain cases therefore, I have been obliged to choose one term from among several used in written sources and in the literature.8 The few existing studies of costume in mosaic art in general, as well as in other visual representations, supply useful information.
The book discusses the degree of Western (Fig.97 p.68 Trajan Column 113AD, Public Domain) and Eastern influence on garments in Eretz Israel and whether the artists and craftsmen of the time created new dress styles by adopting innovative features and combinations. It rests on the assumption that the items of dress and related accessories depicted in mosaic floors during the relevant period represent actual garments, as dictated by the appearance, conventions, and taste of the time. While traditional iconographic formulas are employed, enabling us to identify certain personages by their dress and accompanying attributes, innovative aesthetic concepts are also introduced that convey the reality and changing trends of the time, such as Eastern influences and indications of styles and restrictions on appearance that were preached by religious and moral sages. All of these reflect the mutual interaction between tradition and innovation. I also argue that the items of dress, particularly the jewelry depicted on mosaic floors, are more modest than those shown on mosaics in other places, both in the East and in the West.
As a ‘bearer’ of symbols, dress provides an ‘arena’ for a social and governmental-political ‘struggle’ that reveals class, gender, and occupational identity and helps us understand the habitus and function of the figure expressed by the style of dress and personal appearance.9 This book attempts to decipher the relations between ‘appearance’ and ‘identity’ shown by mediation between the visual language and its system of signs, by investigating the repertoire of clothes and accessories depicted on numerous figures in archaeological finds, examining them, and reconstructing their symbolic systems within the
The subject of costume and related accessories in mosaics in Eretz Israel has received little scholarly attention and there have been no comparative studies or attempts to identify elements with widespread significance. This prompted me to examine the items of clothing and accessories worn by figures on mosaics in Eretz Israel and classify them into ‘groups’ according to subject, function, and class. I attempted to detect similarities, together with differences or unique aspects, and noted any discrepancies between the dress of these and comparative figures at other sites and in other forms of visual representation in the East and in the West.
The jewelry repertoire in mosaics in Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity is the subject of my MA thesis, written under the guidance of Prof. Asher Ovadiah. 8 For example, the terms relating to the gathered folds of a garment. See: Lee 2004: 221–224; Chambers and Sylvester 2010: 72. 9 Bourdieu uses the word habitus as a sociological term to describe the world views, tastes, and social conventions that can be used to interpret social values and customs; see: Bourdieu 1984: 170; Ritzer 2006: 448–449. People’s tastes in material culture, such as dress, furnishings, etc., are shaped by habitus, particularly through members of the upper classes; see: Bourdieu 1984: 170, 284; Ritzer 2006: 448–449. In his book, Distinction, Bourdieu focuses on differences in aesthetic taste. He argues that taste is a means by which the individual and those around him are given a sense of their place in the social hierarchy; see: Bourdieu 1984: 284; Ritzer 2006: 453. Although the term is a modern invention, it can also be applied to the behavior and customs of those people who lived in Late Antiquity, including their daily practices, food, and dress. Ancient literary sources record that pagan, Jewish, and Christian intellectuals all attempted to dictate the ways in which ordinary people dressed, ate, and celebrated festivals. In the concept of habitus, Bourdieu concentrates on the particular significance of certain customs and daily practices. His work emphasizes the fact that cultural ties shaped by specific consumer tastes reinforce a person’s social status. The sermons of Chrysostom give an insight into the customs of the period and the hopes of those who shaped the generation of the time that a Christian environment would lead to a change in lifestyle, dress, food, and family life and that liberation from temptation and sin would result in salvation; see: Maxwell 2006: 146–147. 7
The book examines the significance of the items of dress within the framework of an overall cultural system, incorporating methodologies from Art History and examining the subject from the typological, 10 The Greeks and Romans devoted a great deal of attention to body care, personal appearance, the outward impression given to others, and the way in which (a) the contours of the body, dress, footwear and jewelry, and (b) the face (facial hair, hairstyle, wigs, makeup, and perfume) were emphasized. ‘Image’ refers to general appearance, posture, expression, gestures, and mannerisms; see: DeBrohun 2001: 19–25.
2
Introduction
iconographic, and iconological perspective, with some aspects based on works of art and on extant ancient sources that describe the subject from the (male) perspective of their writers. To provide the broadest possible perspective of how the body, dress, and accessories were regarded in antiquity, the work introduces concepts from other disciplines, such as literature (including poems and letters), history, theology, philosophy, aesthetics, and medicine. It also examines contemporary studies related to the subject in fields such as psychology, social sciences, and gender studies.11
advocated symmetry and subscribed to values inherited from the Greco-Roman world and local traditions.15 The book examines the combination of different features of dress and the adoption of military and civilian elements manifested in clothing and particularly in its ornamentation and accompanying accessories. Since art was influenced by economic interests driven by capital controlled by the emperor, the governor, functionaries such as priests, and public benefactors,16 items of dress obviously reflected politically motivated social systems.17 The figures depicted in the mosaic floors should therefore be understood mainly through the eyes of those patrons and donors who funded the art works and, in many cases, also dictated their composition. By approaching them in this way, we gain an impression of the patrons’ tastes, preferred styles, aspirations, and expectations rather than realistic depictions of actual garments.18 Often, influential figures such as moral leaders, philosophers and theologians were not involved in the decisions of the patrons (whose principal interest was to glorify themselves), although they preached virtue and modesty and strove to inculcate such values in the collective subconscious, in the visual appearance of the figures, and in the way in which dress and accessories were presented. In this way, they sought to influence the masses who attended the various events in public buildings.19
Visual depictions of ancient dress on works of art attest to male and female dress codes. The garments and adornments depicted in the different artistic media were an important form of visual communication at the time, as they convey symbolic conventions, reflect society’s aesthetic and moral values, and reveal details about gender, age, role, and class while inspiring human creativity, the timeless desire for beauty, and the human need to adorn and bring attention to oneself.12 By understanding the symbolic layers behind the functional aspects of dress, we can determine the relationship between a figure’s function, external appearance, and gender. The study of costume history focused on this subject from the mid-19th to the 20th centuries, when it was realized that various elements of dress provide an indication of gender and class. Scholars also examined those garments that could be worn by both men and women, a custom that also appears in the Talmud in spite of the biblical prohibition, ‘A woman must not wear men’s clothing, nor a man wear women’s clothing’.13 Since in certain periods there was no one way of determining the right and proper type of dress for a man or a woman, examples of items used by both genders reflect the conventions, customs, and aesthetic tastes of a particular culture in a given period and their contribution to maintaining or changing social order.14 Literary sources from the period, for example, state that women wore the talaris tunic. A man dressed in such a tunic was the subject of harsh criticism. To understand the predominant aesthetic taste at the time, we must understand the concept of beauty that
In contrast with monochrome visual expressions, mosaic art reveals the diverse colors of garments and accessories depicted in murals, sculptures, and reliefs Bychkov and Sheppard 2010: 171. It is sometimes possible to know who the patrons were, since they immortalized themselves in inscriptions accompanying the mosaic works, murals, and sculptures. The church donors were bishops and clergy or devout members of the congregation, some of whom sought to glorify their own names; see: Dauphin 1978: 25. At a conference of the Israeli Association of Byzantine Studies held in January 2014 at Kinneret Academic College, Dr Lea Di Segni translated the Greek inscription found in the prayer hall at Kefar ʻOtnay as reading ‘Gaianus also called Porphyrius, centurion, our brother, has made the pavement at his own expense as an act of liberality, Brutius has carried out the work’. This and other inscriptions show that each patron donated as he wished. The donation was sometimes only enough to pay for a number of lines of mosaic floor. Christians viewed the contribution as a devotional act that commemorated the donor’s generosity; see: Dunbabin 1999: 324. It is not clear to what extent the donors were involved in work on the mosaic. According to Dunbabin and Kitzinger, church dignitaries influenced the decorative content; see: Dunbabin 1999: 325; Kitzinger 2002: 596. In Kivity’s opinion, in instances where there is a connection between the figurative depiction and the sermons and interpretations of the Church Fathers it can be assumed that, whether the patron was a member of the clergy or the church community, he was familiar with the sacred texts. See: Kivity 2007: 130; Hachlili notes that Jewish and Christian artists and craftsmen worked for pagan, Jewish, and Christian clients. The inscriptions are in Aramaic and Greek; see: Hachlili 2009: 232– 280. 17 Meaning both in the artistic works and in reality. See: Arce 2005: 33–44; Antiquity, Codex Theodosianus: 14.10.1–4. 18 Blundell 2002: 144; Talgam 2012: 412; also referring to the condition of items of clothing and whether they are decorated, worn, patched, etc. 19 Rutledge 2012: 80–81. 15 16
Soranus of Ephesus: IX [XXIX]; for the connection between the figure and the written word; see: Squire 2009: 190–193. 12 Marshalek 2009: 14; Keenan 2001: XV; dress has both aesthetic significance (altering between places and over time) and functional significance, since it protects from the natural elements such as heat, cold, wind, and natural hazards like thorns, etc.; it has social significance with regard to age, beliefs, restrictions, modesty, customs, conventions, and laws; its form, materials, and colors are inextricably linked to the design and artistic styles of the period; see: Reich 1995: 16. In this book, therefore, I refer to the social groups wearing the clothing, the dress of other figures, and the way in which they were viewed by legislators, intellectuals, and opinion makers. 13 De Brohun 2001: 18; Eicer and Roach-Higgins 1992: 8–29; Deuteronomy 22: 5; BT, Nedarim 49, 72. 14 Hirsch 1979: 245–246; Scott 2006: 328. 11
3
Weaving in Stones that would originally have been painted.20 The use of color will be examined in the context of ‘a language of color’, or visual language characterizing art in the relevant period.21
Descriptions of the figures, stylistic-aesthetic analysis, and comparative research into other visual representations in and prior to the relevant period use iconographic analysis to help detect the artists’ sources of inspiration and reach subsequent conclusions.
The book examines the extent to which dress and accessories reflected cosmopolitan or regional trends and whether the official recognition and establishment of Christianity led to a change in how clothing was perceived. The preserved remnants of clothing and accessories that have survived have also been examined, such as tunics, jewelry, footwear, and belts recovered from archaeological excavations in Eretz Israel.
By studying the different dress elements, we gain an impression of the skills and abilities used by craftsmen and artists to transform colored mosaic tesserae into an illusion of ornate items of clothing. The stones were cut into different shapes and sizes, from tiny tesserae used to render jewelry, embroidery, and the drapes of fabric over the body to larger stones for the rest of the garment.22 We examine whether, in an attempt to give their works an opulent appearance, the mosaic artists deviated from accepted decorative conventions of the time and used colored tesserae in imitation of precious metals and gems. I also examine the likelihood that the artist was often given free rein in the design of items of clothing and accessories.23 This book also addresses the reasons why garments that had previously been forbidden became common and accepted in the relevant period. It should be noted that in a significant number of instances, a work of art’s dating relies on the items of dress that appear in it.24
At the interpretive level of mosaic costume research, the symbolic and material significance of the figures is revealed by how the types, colors, and raw materials (wool, linen, gold, purple, and silk) of the cloth are rendered. Garments and their ornamentation contain layers of meaning that expose class-related issues. The social hierarchy revealed by the repertoire of dress therefore allows us to recognize features from everyday life and provides an indication of a figure’s social and economic status. The study identifies gender and class characteristics and social codes related to the values and beliefs that characterized the dress of people from the highest social strata or workers engaged in various trades, such as hunters, warriors, vintners, drivers, charioteers, sailors, shepherds, porters, and woodcutters. Personifications and figures from the Holy Scriptures and Greek mythology in an assortment of attire are also represented in mosaic art. Fine clothing symbolizes high status and conveys power. Those who wear it are therefore depicted with additional attributes, such as a regal or imperial crown or the weapons of a hunter-soldier, etc. This book examines how art provides a complementary source by which to understand the semiotic and symbolic role of clothing and accessories. It examines the use, significance, messages and images which the artists sought to reflect through clothing and accessories. Comparative research of floor mosaics and other visual representations, such as murals, sculpture, reliefs, coins, figurines, wall mosaics, etc. from centers of artistic influence, both at the heart of the classical world and in the peripheral regions, sheds light on garment types, uses, colors, and ornamentation. All of these outward indicators provide visual clues as to the personality, status, and lifestyle of the wearers and point to traits such as modesty, selfglorification, vanity, or ostentatiousness.
The book’s structure follows the above-mentioned classification. Two sections are devoted to each gender (male, female) and one to children. The first part of each section, which discusses typology, provides a kind of inventory with dates, details of accompanying inscriptions, the location of works and their state of preservation, descriptions of the clothing, and classification. This part opens with a short preface introducing each item of clothing and describing its use, distribution and history, and the number of 22 In the fifth Ennead of his eighth treatise, Plotinus states that a stone becomes beautiful not because it is a stone, but in virtue of the form or idea introduced by the artist; see: Plotinus: V.8.1. Notably, the advantage of mosaic as a visual medium capable of imitating the texture of a material, shading, and outlines is reflected in the size, uniformity, and color of its tesserae. The artist prepared the design and the craftsmen (apprentices) cut and shaped the stones according to the desired size and color. Once the foundation of earth and stones was prepared, it was covered with a layer of mortar in which the artist sketched out the mosaic. The artists laid the tesserae for the more complex parts of the work, while the craftsmen began laying the tesserae in the simpler areas. Finally, the surface of the mosaic was polished with stones until it was smooth and even. See: De Vecchi 2006: 7–17. 23 The research literature contains few references to the mosaic artists and craftsmen, since there is very little information about them; see: Ovadiah 2004a. Scholars have identified a number of workshops and schools of mosaic in different centers, which the artists moved between or were invited to. For example, in De Aedificiis (‘Buildings’), Procopius records that Justinian gathered artists from throughout the world; see: Procopius, Buildings: VII, I.i.23, 24. A few sources also record the cooperation that existed between the artist who traced the mosaic ‘cartoon’ and the craftsman who tessellated the stones. Cartoons may have been exchanged between artists; Bruneau 1984: 247–248, 254–258, 261. For mosaic artists and workshops in Eretz Israel; see: Ovadiah 2004a: 85–96. 24 In cases in which the mosaic was damaged.
20 Zinserling 1972: 44; Scholars have noted that floors paved with mosaics were cheaper than those paved with marble; unlike marble, however, mosaics reveal colorful geometric and figurative designs; Vriezen 1998: 247. 21 Karmon 1993: 7; color was used as an identifying element in attributes and iconographic formulas.
4
Introduction
figures shown wearing such an item in mosaics from Eretz Israel. It is important to note that the location of figures depicted on mosaic fragments sometimes makes it difficult to identify them and ascertain their role in the decorative composition.25 The second part, which addresses stylistic-iconographic aspects and iconology, relates to ancient sources and the function and dress of the figures in various Western and Eastern visual representations in the relevant period and geographic region. These comparisons help determine the influence of the different traditions and identify original elements that may shed light on the clothing and its accessories.26 The seventh and final part of the book is based on the previous sections and discusses items such as jewelry, head coverings, belts and footwear, and the literary sources that mention them. Each section ends with a summary and conclusions. The final summary presents conclusions about appearance, dress, and accessories as reflected in the mosaics of Eretz Israel.
This book covers a large number of figures wearing numerous kinds of dress. Since many of the mosaics in Eretz Israel are fragmentary, it is often difficult to identify a figure’s place and role in the decorative composition. In addition, it is not possible to identify the function of the building for every mosaic or the exact period of its construction. These facts are consistent with Maguire’s approach. The iconographic interpretation in this book therefore relies on the thematic, formal, practical, and conceptual comparison and examination of inscriptions and dress as well as on the social perspectives supplied by contemporary literary and theological sources.28 Current research status Overall, the dress and costume accessories depicted on mosaic floors in Eretz Israel have long been neglected as a research topic. There is no previous comprehensive study of the subject and it remains a largely unexplored field. This book, which approaches the subject from different and varied viewpoints, aims to rectify this situation. Ancient literary sources and costume research addressed by different disciplines — such as gender studies, sociology, philosophy, literature, and theology — enable the examination of the moral and ideological significance of clothing and accessories in the framework of an overall cultural system.29 The book draws on available data from the few related studies that discuss mosaic art in general and on research into the subject in other artistic media.
It is worth emphasizing that there are two different approaches to the iconographic analysis of mosaics in the research. One attributes a symbolic meaning to the overall composition and figures, a ‘significance beyond’ what the viewer sees; the second approach examines the figures themselves and refrains from attributing further meaning to them. In his book on the terrestrial world in Early Byzantine Art, Maguire states that mosaics with more complex and varied decorative compositions are more likely to correspond to texts that reflect the spirit of the times. The works must be interpreted in comparison with other works of art, taking into consideration their architectural function, the date of the mosaic, its documentation, literary works of the relevant period and spiritual concepts, accompanying inscriptions, style, and technique. Maguire notes that in cases where it is not possible to attribute symbolic significance and interpretation to the mosaic, one should refrain from symbolic interpretation and adopt research methods based on comparisons, stylistic analysis, and accompanying texts.27 Furthermore, in the absence of an accompanying explanatory inscription, they can be interpreted in different ways as being either devoid of symbolism, partial allegories, or allegoric-symbolic interpretations. Sometimes, there is more than one way of interpreting the images and a figure’s meaning can be ambiguous or obscure.
Ancient literary sources Ancient literary sources that mention clothing and appearance provide an important contribution to the study of the significance of dress in Late Antiquity and the social, economic, and aesthetic aspects in addition to the moral and religious implications of dress and personal appearance.30 These are reflected in pagan literature, in the sages’ interpretations of the scriptures, in Talmudic prohibitions, in the New Testament, in the writings of the Church Fathers, and in official legislation. Such sources reflect the spirit of religious law, which aims to correct and to serve as a deliberate ‘spiritual guide’ in response to the reality it aspires to change. The attitudes of conservatives and those preaching morality in the ancient sources focus on the social-moral aspect of providing the poor with covering.31 Descriptions of dress styles that were Betzer 2007: 3–13; Maguire 1987: 51. For the contribution of ancient sources to an understanding of daily life and social and religious views, see: Allen and Mayer 1993: 260–280. 30 The titles of most of the sources are given in their original form, even when they are referred to in translation. 31 Compare Exodus 22: 25, ‘If you take your neighbor’s cloak as a pledge, return it by sunset. Because that cloak is the only covering your neighbor has. What else can they sleep in? When they cry out to
25 For example, fragments of figures in the Huqoq synagogue mosaic discovered in the 2013 excavation season are dressed in elaborate clothing. Archaeologists hope to reveal further fragments at the site that will shed light on the finds and enable them to identify the subjects. See: Plates 4, 5. 26 In the West: Greece, Italy, Sicily, Germany, Gaul, Spain, Britain, and North Africa. In the East: Egypt, Cyprus, Eretz Israel, Persia, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Turkey. 27 Maguire 1987: 5–13.
28 29
5
Weaving in Stones viewed as corrupting and leading to morally degenerate pretentions and wastefulness give an important perspective on the meaning of dress and its social, moral, economic, and aesthetic aspects in the relevant period.32 Comparison of the written word with the visual image furnishes us with a comprehensive view of the types of clothing, their accessories, and their visual and literary representations. The written descriptions, revealing an inventory of clothing and jewelry that was adopted from the Greco-Roman repertoire, for example, refer to the wearer’s identity and his relation to topics drawn from mythology, religion, rural or urban life that are reflected in his dress.33 The literary sources that describe the establishment’s attitude to appearance and adornment are replete with condemnation for the feminine image, which is singled out for particular censure, but also frequently express disgust and dismay at the attire and appearance of men. Ancient writings give reliable historical sources on dress give few details of the exact design of garments, how they were worn, and with what added accessories.34
and frugality. Their wrath was directed not only at clothing that was considered promiscuous, but also at signs of waste and extravagance. Augustine, who was born in the 4th century, complained of the ‘lust of the eyes’ indulged in by mankind through different arts and crafts and manifested by a passion for clothing, shoes, and other objects far exceeding those needed for an expression of modest piety.37 Clement of Alexandria, who stressed the common need of men and women to cloth their bodies, deplored the fact that women were not content with simple apparel and chose fine fabrics with gold embroidery that revealed their body contours.38 Ovid referred to the head coverings of Roman women as a sign of their marital status.39 The theologian Clement of Alexandria, writing in the early 3rd century, demonstrated remarkable proficiency in the variety of accessories and means at the disposal of women, such as hairnets, ribbons, chest girdles, veils, chitons, beads, anklets, and cosmetics like rouge and eye paint.40 The literary sources and legislation regarding dress reveal concern and dismay in their criticism of male attire. Juvenal was sarcastic and highly critical of male fashions imported to Rome from the East (Antioch), which he considered effeminate.41 Tertullian, who lived in the early 3rd century, criticized the toga for its lack of comfort and advocated wearing the pallium.42 In the 1st century, Quintilian wrote about how the toga was worn, its length and the fall of its folds. He criticized those who wore it in the incorrect manner, adding instructions for the recommended position for a military tunic’s belt.43
Ancient Roman literature contains references to clothing, accessories, the correct way of wearing them, and how they can be used to identify a person’s social status and geographical origin. Pliny the Elder identified Etruscan, Phrygian, Babylonian, Gallic, Syrian and Egyptian influences in Roman dress. He also distinguished between the different spinning and weaving techniques, which determined the fabric used for tunics.35 Suetonius added a special note on the fastening of the toga and attributed a certain personality to those securing it without due care.36 The male authors’ critical comments reflect the importance they placed on the ideal of the perfect image and the ability to ‘read’ and identify the social class of a person by means of his garment, its color, and any accessories. Intellectuals denounced various phenomena that were linked to permissiveness and blamed them for social disintegration.
The displeasure of the ‘guardians of morality’ led rulers to introduce legislation and civil regulations. The laws governing dress were adopted to encourage simplicity and to prevent excessive spending and the import of precious materials such as fine fabrics and jewelry.44 Just how important the issue was can be seen by the rules governing who was permitted to wear what, restrictions on the purchase of expensive fabrics and jewelry, and the punishments meted out for infringement. The need to revise and reiterate the dress codes in successive legislations during the various imperial reigns attest to the fact that some people disregarded them. Further data on costume can be gleaned from the books of laws published by the emperors, such as the price edict (Edictum Diocletiani) issued by Diocletian in 301 in an attempt to halt inflation, which reveals the price ceilings
Such admonitions reveal the ‘regimented’ social construct in which a calm, submissive appearance conveys a sense of modesty that will result in redemption of the soul. The research reveals the moral and ethical principles underlying the stylisticiconographic depiction and the aspirations of moral leaders and philosophers, such as chastity, moderation, me, I will hear, for I am compassionate’. See also Isaiah 58: 7 ‘Is it not to share your food with the hungry and to provide the poor wanderer with shelter, when you see the naked, to clothe them, and not to turn away from your own flesh and blood?’ 32 Eliav-Feldon 2003: 50. 33 For the connection between the visual image and the written word, see: Elkins 1999: 83–84. 34 Pipnçoise and Mane 1997: 7. 35 Pliny: VIII, LXXIV, 194–196. This book refers to Pliny the Elder as Pliny. 36 For Julius’ appearance, with a garment fastened carelessly and draped in loose folds, see: Suetonius 31, 45.
Augustine: 53. Clement of Alexandria, Chr. 10: 106, 107. Ovid, The Art: 3. 483 40 Clement: Paed. 2.124.1–2. 41 Juvenal: 2. 6. 65–68, 87. 42 Tertullian: De Pal.: V, 2. 43 Quintilian: 11.138–139. 44 Wolff 1992: 39–40; Pipnçoise and Mane 1997: 9. For the import of various fabrics and shipping costs; see: Horden and Purcell 2000: 352– 364. 37 38 39
6
Introduction
imposed on items of clothing and footwear. The section on textiles lists items for both sexes: Undergarments and dalmatics (overtunics) without stripes and overgarments that included long and short coats and short hooded cloaks for women, which were rated by quality into three different tariffs.45 The Theodosianus Codex stated the items of clothing, fabrics, and colors adopted by the imperial household and noted those that members of other classes were forbidden to wear, such as garments made of silk or embellished with gold and purple. There was also a prohibition on garments studded with pearls.46 The Jewish sources (the Bible, Mishnah, and Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds) supply us with information about dress and its uses. For example, the Jerusalem Talmud explains how to wed a woman who has previously vowed not to wear dyed garments, and Rav Zeira states that the fine linen garments from Beit She’an (Scythopolis) are equivalent to the dyed garments and luxury clothing that some women vow not to wear.47
Newbold (2005) examines the clothing and accessories mentioned by historians writing in Late Antiquity, such as the 4th-century Ammianus Marcellinus, who described garments that symbolized class, and the 6th-century Gregory of Tours who advocated modest clothing while attributing miraculous powers to clothes of the saints. Hotchkiss (1996) addresses the aspect of gender in medieval women’s clothing and the link between identity and dress. This book helps us understand the differences relating to social order and the female-male dress code in Western culture. In the field of modern research, the works by Davenport (1948), Wilcox (1958), Köhler (1963), Lister (1967), Gorsline (1991), Laver (1995), and BrobyJohansen (1968) contain general studies of costume and accessories between the Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine periods and the 20th century. Potthoff (1992) studies items of clothing and the literary sources that refer to them. Hollander’s research gives an insight into the clothing shown in various forms of Western art. She concludes that the garments depicted in artistic works are more elaborate than those that existed in reality. In her opinion, clothing acts as a means of ‘constructing the body’ and in each period there are different concepts of the body that lead to emphasis on different parts of it. This is achieved by ‘creating’ disparity between the ‘natural’ body’s contours and its artificial representations. In the Archaic and Classical Greek world, one can discern different styles of clothing because of different ‘constructs’ of the body.49
The research literature Early 20th-century studies of clothing cover the fashions, fabrics, and changes occurring in dress throughout history, from Ancient Egypt to the time of their publication. Concentration on the historical approach helped date items of clothing and their distribution at the time when they were worn. A number of studies discuss male clothing and personal appearance in Late Antiquity. Gutmann (1992) and Rothgus (2006) distinguish between the tailored garment with side seams such as the tunica, colobium, and trousers, and loose garments made of rectangular pieces of cloth and fastened around the body, such as the himation, the pallium, and the toga. An article by Geddes (1987) focuses on changes in fashion and their significance in 5th-century BC Athens, as depicted on vases and other vessels. Geddes cites ancient writers such as Thucydides, Herodotus, and Homer, who mention articles of clothing like the chiton, himation, and chlamys.48 Gleason’s book on the male image, Making Men: Sophists and Self-Presentation in Ancient Rome (Gleason 1995) discusses the dress, behavior, masculine appearance, physiognomy and semiotics of gender in ancient Rome. Delmaire (2004) refers to the dress laws governing the inhabitants of the Roman Empire.
A few studies focus on a specific period, such as the study of Greek dress by Bieber (1928). Others concentrate on certain kinds of clothing like headgear, footwear, and military dress. Houston (1947) reviews the development of Greek, Roman, and Byzantine dress worn by men, women, and soldiers with relation to the various parts of the garment, decorative elements, jewelry, and hairstyles. Hope (1962) examines the clothing worn by mythological figures, priests, soldiers, and civilians in Ancient Egypt and describes the changes in hairstyles in Greece and Rome as depicted in sculptures, vases, tombstones, and murals. Wilson (1938) relates to the repertoire of male and female Roman civilian dress in sculptures and on vases. She reviews the production methods and literary sources describing Roman dress. Brown (1992) attributes the preservation of Greek heritage to the Roman elite, expressed by its use of the Greek language, literature, culture, and fashion tastes.50 Toynbee (1972) and Poulsen (2012) surmise that use was made of pattern books that have not survived. Poulsen also notes that the decorative patterns that were popular in certain regions were adopted from shared
45 Diocletian, Edic.: XVII–XVIII, XIX, 26–28; CTh: 10.20.18, 21. Overgarments of men and women recovered among archaeological finds from the northern Roman imperial provinces show that the women wore long coats and the men were dressed in shorter jackets. Stig Sørensen 2000: 140. 46 Ploumis 2001: 68; CTh: 14.10–12; 15.7.11; 15.9.1. The Codex contains a number of laws, speeches and letters written to the Senate and governors from the time of Constantine to that of Theodosianus II. See: Harper 2011: 359–360. 47 JT,Kiddushin 2: 5, 62c; Derech Eretz1: 1. 48 Geddes 1987: 307–331.
Hollander 1993: 3. Brown notes that Roman dress was widely used during religious and public celebrations such as the summer festivals.
49 50
7
Weaving in Stones iconographic sources and distributed throughout the empire by various means. In his research of Roman dress accessories, Johns (1996) claims that throughout history those of both sexes have attempted to assert their position in the social ladder through clothing and its accessories, thus helping peers to recognize their status. He maintains that it is important to study dress and accessories in order to understand a society’s values and challenges those who underrate the issue.
previous research examined dates and changes in styles of costume in different periods, scholars began to focus on their interpretation and analysis. The topic of fashion was studied in disciplines such as sociology, art history, cultural history, anthropology, economics, gender studies, material culture, and semiotics, which discussed the symbolism of dress and its affinity with the language of unspoken communicative symbols. The sociologist Edward Sapir (1931) discusses the concept of ‘fashion’ and the science of design, changing color fashions, embellishment, and symbols.51 Members of the linguistic circle established in Prague in the 1930s studied semiotics, the elements of a symbol, and the rules driving it. Geertz (1990), who holds that culture is a semiotic concept requiring the interpretation of a system of signs, claims that man is a being imprisoned in the webs of meaning he has spun, which reflect cultural experiences and lifestyles. He states that a person is capable of communicating with his surroundings and with others through meaningful symbols such as verbal and non-verbal language, myth, and art, which all help the individual organize his life. Therefore, he asserts, analysis of cultural values is not an exact science but an interpretive science that strives to discover meaning. Humankind’s clothing has been fashioned from time immemorial, attesting to man’s humanity as a cultured being. The fig leaf, or any other accessory used by a person, emphasizes his or her humanity.52 Bogatyrev (1976) views dress as not just a utilitarian and practical necessity, but as a form of language signifying gender, social and economic class, etc. Furthermore, the various features of a garment – its color, ornamentation, and the quality of its fabric – enable one to understand culture and society. He maintains that in order to understand the social role of clothes, one must study a garment’s language and signs in the same way as one learns a foreign language.53 Eicher and Roach (1965) also treat clothing as a form of language. The anthropologist Levi Strauss (1976) published a number of papers on the structural similarity between language and dress. He states that one can detect quantifiable and measurable links in dress that are similar to the systems that make up language.54 The semiotics scholar Roland Barthes (1991) relates to the study of the signs and symbols of fashion and detects in the subtext a language of meanings characterized by a syntax and combinations of codes that constitute a ‘peg’ from which symbolic, moral, aesthetic, gender-related, and semiotic meanings can be hung.55 He holds that fashion is a code for an entire language with its own meaning and that even if a garment’s wearer remains silent, he is actually making a statement. The garment stands for social and political structure, whereas fashion
The body of research on costume in the Roman and Early Byzantine periods includes a collection of works edited by Sebasta and Bonfante (2001) that addresses several aspects of the imperial Roman period: garments, hairstyles, dress accessories, and how they were worn by women, men, and children. They also discuss the use of jewelry as a status symbol, the incorporation of Eastern and Western motifs, and the development of the distinctive dress and accouterments that bestowed imperial authority, power, and legitimacy on the ruler. Their book contains a chapter on Roman footwear in sculptures, reliefs, murals, mosaics, literary sources, and archaeological finds. Swift (2009) covers Roman jewelry and dress styles. Rothe (2009) discusses dress as a reflection of social identity, concentrating on the Rhine region of Moselle during the imperial Roman period. Gardner (1986) researched the Roman family, status, and law. The theories compiled by Ariès (1979) on the status and education of children in France during the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, and the 18th century have influenced subsequent research. Papaconstantinou and Talbot (2009) published articles on various aspects of childhood in the Byzantine period including dress and nutrition, which have contributed to this volume. In her discussion of gender and archaeology, Stig Sørensen (2000) devotes one chapter to the subject of clothing and its ornamentation with an appraisal of costume studies, differences in the apparel worn by both sexes, and social messages. She studies the formation of identities through the link between the garment and social conventions and its potential to reveal shifts in moral, religious, and political norms. All of these studies, which are based on visual depictions, have contributed to a wider understanding of the field of clothing and accessories. By discussing the form and vibrancy conveyed by articles of clothing and providing the opportunity to discuss the Greco-Roman traditions reflected in the relevant period, they have made a distinctive contribution to this work. They also substantiate the underlying assumption discussed in this book (outlined in note 2). The last decades of the 20th century witnessed a turning point in the study of costume. The understanding that the issue is multi-disciplinary led to a shift in emphasis, which is evident in the current research. Whereas
Sapir 1931: 139–144. Geertz 1990: 17, 34, 37, 44, 47, 55. 53 Bogatyrev 1971: 82–85; Bogatyrev 1976: 13–19. 54 Levi Strauss 1969: 59–62. 55 Barthes 1991; Barthes 2006. 51 52
8
Introduction
influences religion and social values and represents fears, hopes, and aspirations. Scholars have traced the process of identity formation through the link between dress, which supplies a means of detecting changes in moral, religious and political norms, and social conventions. The subject of dress has recently attracted the attention of cultural researchers since it opens up an opportunity to examine their research subject through clothing. Another trend in this field examines costume through the wider perspective of social sciences while considering psychological, social, sociological, and anthropological aspects. Peter Brown (2008), who researched the connection between the body, society, men, women, and theories of sexuality in early Christianity, is one of the pioneers in this field of study. Flugel (1966) discusses the social and psychological significance of garments, their ornamentation, styles, and the power of fashion.56 Kroeber (1919) refers to changes in fashion resulting from social forces and media reports on new fashions, dress styles, fabrics, cuts, and ornamentation in different cultures.57 A collection of papers edited by Crane (2000) deals with the link between fashion, which is the most visible marker, analysis of the wearer’s gender and social status, and the ability to detect identity and social changes through a person’s dress.58
appendages.59 The French philosopher Lipovetsky (1994) addresses the ability of the language of dress to communicate, reflect social changes, and indicate gender differences.60 In his book on understanding the media, McLuhan (1994) writes that, when used as a second skin, clothing is making a political statement.61 Clark (1993) points out that images of clothing enable us to examine the artist’s choice and perception through how he dresses the figure and whether a garment emphasizes or conceals the contours of the body.62 Batterberry and Batterberry (1982) examine the link between fashion and history. Writing on clothing, Ribeiro (1998, 2003) discusses the connection between the wearer and articles of clothing, the moral aspects of the subject, and its ability to act as a ‘barometer’ for contemporary trends and feelings. Carter (2003) reviews the work of eight leading dress and fashion theorists including Flugel, Laver, and Barthes. Breward (1998) notes that the study of fashion alongside interdisciplinary topics raises questions about appearance, gender, and social identity that can equally be applied to cultures in ancient times. A very limited number of works exist on costume in mosaic art. Voight (2000) studies fashions, jewelry, and changes in their design from the 2nd to 6th centuries in the mosaics at Roman Antioch. Zielinski (2010) analyzes the dress of a number of figures in mosaic pavements in Turkey, Jordan, and Israel. Two papers deal with the costume accessories depicted on mosaic murals in the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna. Brown (1979) attributes several of the early-Byzantine accessories to workshops that served the royal court. The author describes the precious gems that symbolized or glorified the court and compares the accessories in the mosaics with museum exhibits of finds belonging to dignitaries of the period that were produced in a court workshop. Empress Theodora’s attire and Emperor Justinian’s jewelry in the mosaic mural at the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna are analyzed by Kenaan-Kedar (2000), who interprets them as statements of authority. In his discussion of Byzantine aesthetics and its roots, Mathew (1963) attributes significant influence to the Church Fathers in determining the highest ideals, expressed by their views on beauty, light, image, symbol, sign, and art.63
Studies of different artistic media emphasize the subject’s importance and provide an understanding of the cultural and moral values, social conventions, and status of the wearers. Martin and Cos Miller (2005) note the ‘cultural direction’ taken in Late Antiquity studies, which shifted the emphasis from a single theoretical or methodological approach, studying cultural, anthropological, and social influences, to exploration through a wide range of theories and methods borrowed from post-structuralism and dealing with the body, feminism, and gender. A number of works employ feminist theories to study the social formation of masculinity. Young (1994) discusses the theory of being a man and masculinity as reflected in The Shepherd of Hermas. Studies dealing with women have indirectly referred to male sexuality. Kampen (1996) deals with the history of gender and maintains that ancient art and literature do not reflect gender norms, but are part of socially determined practices.
General studies of the mosaics of Eretz Israel, written by Ovadiah and Ovadiah (1987), Roussin (1985), Figueras (2003), Hachlili (2009) and (Talgam 2014) and describing the mosaic pavements’ locations have contributed to establishing and consolidating knowledge of the subject,
Cavallaro and Warwick (1998) examine the relationship between the garment and the body and discuss the question of whether a garment should be treated as part of the body or separately. They also ask whether clothing is designed to fit the body, or if the body has to be adapted to clothing and ‘reshaped’ with various
Cavallaro and Warwick 1998: XV–XVI, 25, 52. Lipovetsky 1994. McLuhan 1994: 119–122. 62 Clark 1993: 105–107. 63 Namely Athanasios of Alexandria, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostom, and the Neoplatonist Dionysius the Areopagite. 59
60 61
Flugel 1966. Kroeber 1919: 253–263. 58 Crane 2000. 56 57
9
Part I Men’s clothing: the typological context of dress and costume accessories in the mosaics of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity
Chapter 1
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration especially regarding the main motifs and the stylistic and iconographic aspects. The above-mentioned works have helped define the book’s topic and have provided invaluable comparative sources.
colors and decorations carry an accepted meaning or are innovative. The form of the tunic and the way in which it was worn attracted the attention of the ‘guardians of morality’, namely influential figures and ancient writers. The tunic’s hem was uneven. According to Quintilian, it should come to below the knee at the front and to midknee at the back. He considered a tunic that was any longer to be effeminate, whereas a short tunic was the mark of a military general or centurion.70 Tertullian recommended that the tunic be no higher than the knee and no lower than the calf of the leg. He also stated that it was unnecessary to create folds with a belt and recommended wearing a mantle fastened with a fibula over the tunic.71 The long, ankle-length tunic was called a talaris (after the Latin for ankle, talus) and had long, tight sleeves. Its design was influenced by oriental styles.72 The short T-shaped tunic, or manicata, was sewn from two square or rectangular lengths of cloth, each removed from the loom in a single piece. The size of the cloth depended on the size of the loom and not the stature of the wearer, thus reducing production costs. When sewn together, the lengths of cloth left an opening for the head and two armholes at the side.73 The way in which the garment was folded also gave it a tubular appearance. The tunic was fastened at the shoulders with a fibula or tied with laces.74 The width of the loose fabric, fastened with a sash or belt, created the appearance of short or three-quarter-length sleeves hanging just below the elbow. Long sleeves were added by inserting pieces of cloth into the side armholes. In a letter describing his uncle’s work, Pliny the Younger noted that during the winter months his uncle’s long sleeves covered his hands so that he did not have to lose time from his work.75 Ancient literature also discusses the length of the sleeve. Quintilian attributed an unbecoming, effeminate manner to men who wore long tunics with long sleeves. Although climatic conditions often determined the choice of long sleeves, they were generally regarded as barbarian.76 This was also the opinion of the 2nd-century writer and lexicographer
Introduction The Latin word tunica was used for a basic item of clothing donned over the head. Known as tunicatus populus in the ancient world, it was the daily attire of both men and women from different social classes.64 In his essay, Etymologiae, the 6th-century writer Isidore of Seville stated that the word tunica came from the rustle or tone (tonus) the garment made while walking.65 Tunics came in a variety of lengths. They usually extended to below the knee, enabling them to be worn without undergarments.66 For the first three centuries, two main designs are evident: The sleeved tunic, and the tunic without sleeves.67 Members of both sexes wore tunics. Different lengths, colors, and fabric quality distinguish men’s and women’s tunics.68 The tunic had side seams, but since different sizes did not exist for different wearers, the length was adjusted by belting or knotting at the shoulders. The tunic was considered a ‘tailored’ item. The term sartorial, meaning ‘tailored’, in the research literature refers to the fact that it consisted of two lengths of fabric joined at the side seams.69 Since male dress traditions from the Roman period were maintained in Late Antiquity, we find references to items of clothing and accessories in the contemporary literature, where Roman dress customs continued to be described in the writings of the Church Fathers. The ancient sources discuss how the garment should be worn, its preferred length, the question of whether or not it should be tightened, how the belt should be tied, etc. All of these are significant details in the context of this study. By looking at the dress portrayed in various artistic means, one can decipher the meaning of an item of clothing, its color, decoration, and the social and psychological phenomena that the garment conveys (Flugel 1966). All of these make it possible to determine whether a particular garment is worn according to the accepted practice and whether its
Quintilian: XI.3.1,133–9. Tertullian: De Pal.: I.1. 72 Isidore of Seville: XIX.xxii.21.6. 73 Hamel 1990: 58; Condra 2008: 112; Blum 1963: 539. 74 There are laces of this kind on the tunic of the personification of the month of April in the calendar and on the hunter’s tunic at Agros; see: Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25, Figure 9.2. 75 Pliny the Younger: I, III, V; Croom 2002: 31. 76 Aulus Gellius, Attic Night: 6.12; Wild 1985: 411; Quintilian: 3.3.138; 70 71
Evans 1950: 21; Tortora and Eubank 2006: 22; Edmondson and Keith 2008: 39, 46, n.76; Piponnier and Mane 1997: 40. 65 Isidore of Seville: XIX.xxii.21.6. 66 Croom 2002: 31. 67 Aldrete 2004: 247; Lorquin 2003: 122. 68 Harlow 2013: 230. 69 Rothfus 2006: 16, 17; Gutmann 1992: 53. 64
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Aulus Gellius in his treatise Noctes Atticae.77 John of Ephesus’s essay on the life of John of Thella, who was renowned for his discourses and frugal life style, describes the ascetic’s ‘original’ use of an unbecoming over-garment. After cutting it into two parts, he wore one as a tunic and the other as a cloak; in this fashion, the two parts of the ‘garment’ did not require a large amount of fabric.78 Aulus Gellius mentioned that a man who wears women’s clothing and imitates her gestures is incapable of delivering a speech. He cited an instance given by Seneca the Elder, who wrote that after the rape of an orator in women’s clothing, the magistrates trying the case forbade him from further public oratory. He also recorded that this was reinforced by legislation in Late Antiquity.79 Feminine characteristics were not part of the ‘ideal’ masculine appearance as expressed in dress, gestures, and gait. However, the talaris tunic, which was banned in certain periods, is often depicted on figures in synagogue mosaic floors in Eretz Israel.
Cicero remarked that Verres preferred to spend his time feasting with questionable women and dressed in effeminate garments such as a long tunic and a crimson pallium, instead of wearing the Roman manicata and paludamentum tunic. In this way, he neglected his duties and brought disaster on Sicily. Furthermore, according to Cicero, Verres paraded in front of his troops wearing rustic soleae sandals with wooden soles of the type only worn inside the home by the upper classes.86 The late 2nd–early 3rd-century Syrian historian Herodian recorded that the grandmother of the emperor Antoninus disapproved of his dislike of Greek and Roman dress and criticized his preference for expensive silk garments decorated in purple and gold and imported from Damascus. She feared the reaction of the Romans on seeing her grandson enter the Senate chamber wearing ‘barbarian’ clothes and decked in effeminate gold necklaces and bracelets.87 The Roman poet Horace ridiculed men with a disheveled appearance and clothes that were low-slung or pulled up to expose ‘perfumed’ odors.88 Although sleeveless and short-sleeved tunics were common in the early 1st century, the provincial population preferred belt-less tunics with long sleeves extending the entire length of the arm to over the fingers. According to Aulus Gellius, such tunics were a sign of feminine weakness in their wearers. However, the Romans later adopted this style of tunic.89 The ancient sources reflect the concerns of contemporary ‘moral guardians’ regarding the blurring of gender boundaries and ambiguity in male and female attire, which threatened the social order. From the 2nd century onward, men began to wear long-sleeved tunics trimmed with vertical bands (clavi), following the latest fashion. Notably, changes in style represented reactions to dress that was previously either fashionable or banned.90 Sometimes, climatic conditions necessitated the wearing of several layers of tunics. The under-tunic, which was either long-sleeved or short-sleeved, was called the subucula. Such tunics were used by members of the upper classes, who usually wore them with an overgarment, and by laborers for whom it was the only form of dress in certain seasons. In the Roman imperial period, a wide, sleeveless outer tunic (exterior) was worn over the subucula.91 The belts or sashes (cingulum) gathering the tunic at the waist created draped folds and allowed the length of the tunic to be adjusted.92 Sometimes, the folds were pulled down over the belt and concealed it. If a garment was too large or too small for its wearer, it could be adjusted by tying, as depicted on the mosaics at Nahariya and the Church
Distinctive regional differences in tastes and social preferences are apparent in the dress and accessories of a certain period, as are subsequent changes from region to region. For example, the three-quarter-length sleeve was more common in the East than in the West (Italy, Britain, and North Africa).80 Most of the hunters in the Antioch mosaics wear long-sleeved tunics. It is highly likely that this preference was influenced by the harsh weather in that region.81 The position of armholes in the sides of the sleeveless or short-sleeved Roman tunic (colobium) differed from that in Greek garments.82 Men in Asia and Egypt wore the colobium in the 5th and 6th centuries BC. In the Byzantine period, women and laborers employed in different occupations worn tunics of this type, characterized by the lack of sleeves or short sleeves, since they used less material.83 Similar tunics were also worn in Egyptian monasteries.84 Ancient writers determining public opinion referred to the topic of appearance. In his essay De clementia (‘On Peace of Mind’), Seneca wrote that a man should be guided by his body and choose his dress following the custom of his fathers, not according to the latest fashion.85 Cicero discussed the dress of his enemies, directing his barbed comments at the magistrate and governor of Sicily (Gaius Verres) who wore Greek attire such as the pulla tunic and the pallium instead of the white Roman tunic with the clavus and the paludamentum appropriate to his status and position as governor. Aulus Gellius, Attic Night: 6.12. John of Ephesus: 521. Gleason 1995: 100; Seneca: Dec.: 5.6; Justinianus D., 3.1.6. 80 Voight 2000: 215. 81 Voight 2000: 282. 82 Houston 1947: 97. 83 The name derives from the Greek kolobos, or ‘shortened sleeves’; Smith 1873: 117; Houston 1947: 3, 98, 132. 84 Tovar 2007: 219–220. 85 Seneca: On Peace of Mind, 122. 77
86 Cicero: Ver., II, IV.XXV, 122. 55; VXII.31; XXXIII.86; Smith 1873: 1051. This type of sandal consisted of a sole with a strap between the toes: Kühnel 1992: 83. 87 Herodian: II, 5.5–6. 88 Horace: I, II.25–29. 89 Gellius, Attic Night: 6.12.1–7; Cleland et.al 2007: 201; Harlow 2004a: 46. 90 Wilson 2005: VII. 91 Carcopino 1956: 172–173; Cleland et al. 2007: 201. 92 Cleland et al. 2007: 200.
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Weaving in Stones of Saint Lot and Saint Procopius in Jordan.93 Emperors and high-ranking officials wore palmate type tunics made of purple-dyed silk embellished with gold.94 In the northwestern provinces of Illyria or to their east, the dalmatica, a type of tunic usually put on over the head, was widespread.95 It was introduced to the Romans in the 3rd century by the emperor Elagabalus and mentioned in the Edictum Diocletiani, where its price depended on the quality and quantity of material, whether it was new or used, for a man or a woman, and if it included a hat or a silk neck trim.96 This garment, adopted in Rome in the early 3rd century, was used by both men and women in the Byzantine period and was worn, belted or loose, over other garments or instead of them.97 The dalmatic/dalmatica, like the tunica, also had clavi, orbiculi, segmenta, and tabula ornaments. The dalmatica consisted of a T-shaped rectangular piece of fabric; it was wider than the tunica although its wide sleeves were shorter. The style was determined by sleeves that were wider than 25 cm. The pattern was cut in a number of ways. A slit, positioned in the middle or at the sides, made it easier to walk or ride in.98 The earliest Christians wore the dalmatica, which developed into a liturgical vestment and is associated with Saint Cyprien of Carthage who went to his death in a garment of this type.99 Byzantine emperors and clergy wore the dalmatica as an overgarment.100 From the 5th century onward it was shorter and more fitted.101 It was at this time that the dalmatica became a male overgarment in the Byzantine Empire, decorated with gold and inlaid with precious gems; its sleeves and hems widened and became bell-shaped and the folds were draped over the wearer’s feet.102
decorations that include geometric, floral, and faunal motifs.104 Sometimes, a garment handed to be dyed was returned to its owner in a damaged state, as described in the 2nd-century vision attributed to Hermas, The Shepherd.105 In the second book of the early 1st-century BC work on agriculture, Georgics, the Roman poet Virgil praises farmers for their simple, carefree life. He remarks that they do not own luxurious buildings with carved columns, any important guests leave them in the morning, and they have no white wool dyed in purple imported from Sidon or luxurious garments decorated with woven gold thread.106 The 1st-century Greek historian Diodorus, writing about the Hellenic and non-Hellenic tribes, noted that the Gallic and Germanic peoples wore multi-colored tunics.107 In a 1st-century satire, the Latin poet Persius expressed his regret at the decline in the use of crimson stripes and the bulla (pendant) signifying paternal affection and protection from the evil eye and worn by youths as they reached maturity.108 Roman society used the width and color of decorative borders as a form of symbolic language, reflecting cultural messages and conveying the social status of the wearer. From the 1st and 2nd centuries onward, such ornamentation became accessible to all.109 Archaeological excavations in the Bar Kokhba caves have recovered fragments of 2nd-century textiles and colorful tunics decorated with clavi.110 In the 2nd and 3rd centuries, the pattern developed into one of broad or short bands from the shoulders to the waistline or hem. Segmenta, tabula, and orbiculi motifs were often added to the clavi in various non-symbolic decorative combinations; they were either woven into the fabric or applied as patches or with dyes.111 In her research on textiles in Late Antiquity, Stauffer presents archaeological evidence for the removal or replacement of ornamental patches over the years.112 During the 4th century, tunics in the East were decorated with long, narrow purple clavi as a result of Roman influence in Constantinople, or with short clavi with a variety of patterned motifs terminating in small arrowhead or triangular segmenta.113 The ornamentation on the tunic was believed to protect the wearer from the evil eye by distracting or trapping malicious powers in the garment’s decorative combinations.114 In the Roman period, the color purple symbolized luxury and attested to a wearer’s aristocratic status. The attempts of a few emperors to restrict the use of purple dye were unsuccessful and with the development of cheap
Like other garments depicted on mosaics in Eretz Israel, the tunics are either white or colored. The colors of fabrics are recorded in the Bible, the Talmud, and in works by Aristotle and Pliny.103 Textiles dated to the relevant period have distinctive weaves, colors, and 93 Piccirillo 1989: 327; Dauphin and Edelstein 1993: 50–51, Plate II. Riegl observes that the folds served a number of purposes: They allowed a third dimension to be created, particularly in sculptures, also hiding or emphasizing body contours and highlighting light and shade; see: Riegl 2004: 206, 222, 254, 405. 94 Houston 1947: 97. 95 Davenport 1948: 74; Cleland et al. 2007: 46. 96 The list includes the maximum prices that could be charged for various items of clothing, according to their quality and whether they were new or used, and the tailor’s salary; Caputo and Goodchild 1911: 112,XIX; Gervers 1983: 292, 293, Table 16.4. 97 Cosgrave 2000: 89; Tortora and Eubank 2006: 79. 98 Houston 1947: 120, 135, Figure 145; Picken 1985: 94; Croom 2002: 34. 99 Davenport 1948: 74. 100 Kühnel 1992: 63. 101 Davenport 1948: 75. 102 Pendergast 2004: II, 263–264. When examined, scholarly glossaries of Greek or Latin names for garments show a complete lack of consistency in terminology, with different names used for the same article of clothing. For example, Croom mentions a short-sleeved talaris tunic when she is actually referring to a dalmatica (Croom 2002: 34). 103 Genesis 37; Exodus 28: 5–8, 28; Ezekiel 29: 24; Shabbat 16,4; Aristotle: 83–86.
Sheffer 1993: 71–74. Hermas: III, XXXII. 106 Virgil: 2.460–464. 107 Diodorus of Sicily: 5.30.1. 108 Persius, The Special: 5.30, 86, No.9. 109 Wilson 1938: 61f; Reinhold 1970: 38, 39, 52, 53; Parani 2007: 512. 110 Yadin 1971: 66–71. 111 Levi 1971: 4 9; Voight 2000: 279. 112 Stauffer 1995: 11. 113 Voight 2000: 75; Davenport 1948: 280. 114 Carroll 1988: 90; Maguire 1990: 215–218. 104 105
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
imitations, it began to be used by the lower classes. From the 3rd century AD onward, the color purple was identified with the imperial status. Its production centers became the property of the emperor and in 424 AD Theodosianus II forbade all those who did not belong to the imperial family from using it or substitute dyes.115
The Greek historian Dionysos of Halicarnassus, who lived in the 1st century BC, wrote in his Antiquitates Romanae that revelers dancing at the March festival of Panathênaea wore luxurious clothing such as tunics with purple bands and belts fastened with distinctive buckles to emphasize their aristocratic status.122 Scholars suggest different interpretations of the symbolic meaning of decorations. Some reject any symbolic meaning, whereas others regard decorative elements as a form of ‘mediation’ between the viewer and the work. Some regard them as ornamental embellishments designed to beautify and enrich the work, to arouse the viewers’ aesthetic enjoyment and perhaps induce emotional involvement, allowing them to interpret the work in their own way.123 In his work on the typology of decorative elements, Grabar identifies the use of either common or unique motifs in mosaics, framed within a rectangle, a square or a medallion, that are repeated across large areas. In his opinion, the repeat pattern conveys order and is a source of pleasure and admiration. Similar insight can also be applied to the embellishment of a garment.124
The typical Roman tunic was made of white fabric, whereas the Greek and oriental tunic was colored and patterned.116 In the 5th century, the Roman tunic and its ornamentation resembled those of the Eastern tradition including its colors and motifs, which included segmenta and tabula on the lower part of the tunic and orbiculi positioned on the shoulders. Thus, not only did Rome influence fashion in the East, but it also adopted colorful and decorative influences from the East in return.117 In the 6th century, the typical decoration on some of the tunics in the East included patterns of bands in the form of a ‘T’ and consisting of a central vertical band from the neck to the middle of the chest, similar to a clavus, and a second band across the shoulders and upper arms.118 Tunics embellished in this manner are depicted in the panel showing the story of Joseph on the throne of Maximianus from Alexandria, and on the Magi in the Barbarini panel, dated to the 6th century, as well as in churches in Jordan, Israel, and Syria.119 Johnstone attributed the 4th-century decorative techniques to Syria, to the Sasanians and Persians in the East as well as ascribing the origins of religious scenes depicted on ordinary garments to Asia Minor. The Phrygean influences apparent in gold embroidery on clothing come from Asia, while the incorporation of multi-colored decorative patterns in woven fabric is also linked to Babylonia.120 In the late 6th-century work, Strategikon, the Byzantine Emperor Flavius Mauricius (Maurice) stated that over their wide trousers, horseback riders wore two kinds of tunics with side slits: The short type armelausion tunic and the short type zostaria tunic, which had long sleeves and a belt and whose origins were Germanic.121
A number of scholars, including archaeologists and historians of mosaics and costume, use different terms for the decorative elements on garments. For example, orbiculi is used both for the round or oval inserts and for the ornamentation of the lower part of the garment.125 The decorative patch, or segmenta, is sometimes described as an ornamental band around the hem of the garment (institia),126 but also as circular or square pieces of colored fabric sewn onto or woven into the garment.127 Bagatti uses the term orbiculi for a wheelshaped motif (rotae) that appears on the edge of the garment, at the same time referring to the tabula as a round or rectangular decorative medallion.128 Bianchi Bandinelli claims that patterns using the Greek letters heta (‘H’) and gammata or gamadia (‘L’) originated in Syria.129 Research has shown that this motif, whose significance is unclear, appeared on different items of clothing during this period.130 Yadin calls this motif ‘gam’ and notes that the Byzantines called it gammadion or gammation. They were originally not intended as letters, but over the years, these symbols were replaced with actual letters.131 Dionysius of Halicarnassus: 2.70.2. Grabar 1992: 10, 12. 124 Molad-Vaza 2011: 157; Grabar 1992: 141. 125 Fabre 1971–1972: 110. 126 JT: Berachot,2: 3,14a; Edmondson and Keith 2008: 24; see: reference to the dispute over this term and its use to describe narrow bands on the sleeves. 127 Voight calls the rectangular motifs segmenta; see: Fabre 1971– 1972: 110; Voight 2000: 278; Eubank 2006: 90. 128 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 120. 129 Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 101. 130 Magness 2013a: 68. The most recent excavations were conducted during 2012–2019. I am grateful to Prof. Magness and particularly to Dr Yehuda Dagan for sending me the initial publication of the finds. 131 Yadin 1763: 236–237.
Theodosius: X, 20, 18; 21, 3; Reinhold 1970: 59. Fabrics were whitened in the sun and with substances such as vinegar and sodium hydroxide (caustic soda), as mentioned in Proverbs 25: 20, ‘Like one who takes off a garment on a cold day, or like vinegar on soda...’. 117 Voight 2000: 282. 118 D’Amato 2005: 3, 10–11. 119 Natanson 1953: 30, Figures 35, 39; Prigent 2008: 407, Figure 25. See: the chapter on the hunters in the Kissufim church mosaic. 120 Pliny: VIII.LXXIV.196; Johnstone 1967: 2, 8. Fabrics were produced and marketed in many places throughout the Empire. Linen produced in Egypt was renowned for being in great demand; Apulia was noted for its fine-quality wool. For further details, see: Gibbs, Nikolic and Ripat 2014: 348–349. 121 Maurice: XII, B2. 115
122
116
123
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Weaving in Stones Scholars have debated the origins of motifs and whether they have Western (African) or Eastern (Syrian) origins, as well as how they altered over the centuries.132 In as early as the Hellenistic period, such motifs were occasionally used on clothing in the East. In the late 3rd century they began to be a common decorative motif in the West as well, while from the 4th century onward they became a distinctly fashionable element.133 This period also witnessed a marked change reflected by a preference for colored and ornamented garments, some of which were made of silk, imported from centers in the eastern part of the Empire, such as Syria and Egypt, and from Italy, the German Danube, Gaul, and Tunis in the West.134 Saller and Bagatti note that prior to the 4th century, such motifs were used exclusively in Eretz Israel and Transjordan. Their frequency grew in these areas in the 5th century and from the 6th century they also occur in Antioch, in North African funerary art, in the Ravenna wall mosaics, and in many other places.135 Bianchi Bandinelli maintains that orbiculi were also common on clothes worn by members of the working classes, such as servants, hunters, and riders. Large, multi-colored embroidered orbiculi appear in the 3rd century in North Africa. By accentuating the shoulder blades, the motif emphasizes the wearer’s broad shoulders, strength, and manliness. The decorative element declined in popularity in the 6th century.136 From the early 4th to the 6th centuries, laborers’ clothes were decorated with tabula. Larger versions of this motif appear on the clothes of officials from the first half of the 4th century onward.137 It should be noted that the ornaments on tunics worn by servants were often smaller and less intricate than those of their masters.138 Tunic hems were trimmed with a band called an institia or paragauda, which was the fashion for women but was banned for a male garment.139 Beginning in the 4th and 5th centuries, the clavi bands, which were shortened to above the chest or hem, were usually finished with segmenta or with arrowhead or triangular motifs. Decorative features included segmentae, rectangular medallions (tabulae), and round or oval orbiculi positioned on the shoulder straps and consisting of round or oval medallions.140 Segmenta depicting mythological nuptial scenes and
woven by a consul’s daughter on her father’s state garments are described in a poem by Saint Sidonius Apollinaris of Halicarnassus in the 5th century.141 The patagium was a gilt trim placed round the neckline that sometimes terminated in embroidered squares.142 The cuffs of the sleeves were embellished with decorative bands, with geometric, floral, zoomorphic, and figurative designs and scenes from mythology, the Bible, the New Testament, and pagan and Christian symbols.143 Decorative motifs taken from the natural world and including fauna and flora were thought to have an invigorating effect, since they impart a sense of growth and movement that delights the senses.144 Another approach suggests that decorative elements be examined in their cultural context in an attempt to identify the ‘language’ with which the artist expressed his ideas. The range of motifs, which was probably distributed through pattern books, enabled the designs to be individually chosen. The appearance of new decorative patterns attests to the extent to which those who commissioned the mosaics were involved in the representation of the figures’ dress and to their desire to enrich their buildings with distinctive motifs.145 Advocating modesty, Quintilian argues that it suffices to add purple clavi to a garment to give it a luxurious appearance. He claimes that a richly decorated garment is not appropriate wear for anyone.146 In his sermon on the rich man Lazarus, De Divite et Lazaro, the 4thcentury Bishop Asterius of Amasia criticizes the use of expensive purple fabrics. He recommends getting rid of such clothing and replacing it with garments that do not vaunt material wealth. He also mocks clothing ‘wrought with ten thousand objects’ of animals, forests, and rocks such as those depicted on many garments, which made them look like ‘walking walls’ adorned with pictures. Asterius goes on to say that children make fun of such designs and point at the scenes depicted. He also despises the way in which religiously pious wealthy people wear clothes adorned with scenes taken from the Gospels, particularly those showing Christ’s miracles or charitable work; he urges religious believers to carry the events of Christ’s life in their hearts, and not on their backs. The writings of Clement of Alexandria contain similar cautions and mention fabrics decorated in purple that depict people at prayer, hunters, and animals.147 In the early 5th century, Bishop Theodoret of Cyrrhus (in Macedonia) also refers to
Fabre 1971–1972: 109–128. Levi 1971: 49. 134 MacMullen1964: 450, No. 87. In the West: Tarentum in Italy, Poetovio in the Danube region, Cologne, Soissons in Gaul, and Thabarca in Tunis. 135 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 20–121. 136 Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 97. 137 Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 102. 138 MacMullen 1964: 450; Harlow 2004a: 55. 139 Smith 1873: 639, 864; Olson 2008: 30. 140 Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 96,97; Beaulieu 1967: 57; Fabre1971–1972: 111, 113, 118, 127; Gervers 1983: 283, Figure 16.2, 284, Figure 16.3; Salzman 1984: 44; Lorquin 2003: 126; D’Amato 2005: 4; Tortora and Eubank 2006: 90, Figure 5.2; Olson 2008: 30. Such bands were initially in purple and intended only for the elite; see: Trilling 1982: 104; for the purple dye industry in antiquity, see: Karmon 1993: 80–95. 132 133
Sidonius Apollinaris: Poems, 15.158–159. Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 97; since no term exists for a colored decoration at the neckline, the term patagium is used here for the colored gilt trim. 143 Volbach 1969: 21, Figure 90, Figure 40; Trilling 1982: 38, Figure 16, 47, Figure 2650, Figure 28, 53, Figures 33, 34; Harlow 2004a: 55. 144 Grabar 1992: 224. 145 Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 100, 102; Dunbabin 1978: 24–26; Stauffer 1996: 223–230; Nevett 2010: 126. 146 Quintilian: 8.5.28. 147 Asterius of Amasia, De Div.: Hom. 1, PG 40, cols.165 C-168 B; Mango 1972: 50–51; Johnstone 1967: 8; Clementis Alexandrini, Pǽda. PG 8, cols. 533–536; Christ.: 2.10.109. 141 142
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
woven fabric showing praying figures, hunting scenes, landscapes, and various other subjects.148
Some of the tunics on the mosaic floors in Eretz Israel are decorated and some are plain. Examination of the types of tunics on these mosaics identified four subtypes as well as some that cannot be classified, since they appear on busts or under a mantle that only reveals the shoulder area and not their length. Others were recovered in a very fragmentary condition. The biblical figures depicted wear contemporary dress, with conventional decorative elements appearing on the clothing of Abraham, Samson, David, etc.
Archaeological finds confirm the writings of these scholars, who worked in different places and at different times. For example, a fragment of cloth showing five scenes from the life of the Virgin and displayed in the textile museum is dated to the late 4th century.149 A simpler fabric in the Metropolitan Museum, made of linen, wool, and silk and dated to the 5th–6th centuries, contains scenes of the Annunciation, the Nativity, etc.150 A 7th-century segmenta in New York’s Metropolitan Museum shows nine scenes from the life of Joseph. Similar scenes appear on an orbiculus dated to the 7th–10th centuries in the Katonen-Natie Collection in Antwerp.151 Biblical scenes are included in woven fabric and other clothing fragments displayed at the Abegg-Stiftung Museum in Riggisberg.152 Another example, featuring the three Magi, appears on the bottom hem of Empress Theodora’s chlamys on a wall mosaic in San Vitale in Ravenna. Stauffer notes that the patterns on garments and their panels were copied from papyrus sketches to guide the weavers. The papyrus was fastened behind the threads of the warp until the weaving was complete. When the work was finished, they were removed and could be re-used.153
This book describes the decorative repertoire of clothing, including the clavus (single decorative band) and clavi (pair of bands), either around the hemline or as far as mid-chest; the segmenta, which was a round decorative element positioned above the hemline and used in smaller versions at the end of the shorter clavi; the tabula, which was a rectangular element positioned above the hemline; and the orbiculi, which were oval ornamental pieces added as epaulets to the shoulder. Tunica talaris Several of the figures in the mosaic floors of Eretz Israel wear the tunica talaris, which reaches the ankles and has long, narrow sleeves.156 The tunic with long translucent folds in the personification of May in Room A at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, embellished with segmenta and worn over fitted trousers (?) and with a pallium mantle, is of this kind (Figure 1).157 Surviving traces of the personification of January in the burial chapel at El-Hammam show that he is dressed in a blue tunica talaris with purple clavi (Figure 2).158 In the mosaic pavement aisle of the Mahat el-Urdi church Jonah wears a similar tunic with rolled-up sleeves and clavi (Figure 3).159 In the Sacrifice of Isaac shown on the Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic, Abraham wears a white tunica talaris with black clavi and black-striped wristbands. The tunic has a horizontal black band below the knee (Figure 4). Abraham is wearing black calcei-type shoes.160 In the mosaic from the Burial Chapel at Damascus Gate in Jerusalem, displayed in the Istanbul Museum of Archaeology, Orpheus wears a long-sleeved, light bluishgray tunic that is open at his right knee and has gold embroidery on the chest and the cuffs of the sleeves. A red and gold paludamentum fastened with a Type-C fibula set with precious gems falls in thick drapes to the feet with their leather-thonged sandals (crepidae);161 his hair
Referring to dress and appearance, Chrysostom writes that God granted humankind skills so that they could furnish their lives. He poses many questions: Were garments intended to be decorated with human figures? Why do weavers corrupt and debase their craft by introducing popular, ostentatious elements? Why do shoemakers make ornamented and glittering sandals for men that force them to walk in a delicate, effeminate manner?154 In his 4th-century essay on the history of the Roman Empire (Rerum Gestarum Libri), Ammianus Marcellinus of Antioch writes a scathing criticism of members of the Roman senate who appear in ornate dress, sweating under the weight of a mantle fastened tightly around their necks. He remarks that this mantle, made of fine fabric, provided no protection against the wind because of its loose weave and the fact that its left side was draped up to allow its wearer to gesture and to reveal the various colors and figures embellishing the tunic beneath.155 The literary sources condemning ornate, luxurious dress also emphasize the fact that the embellishment of the garment’s fabric attested to the status of the wearer. The motifs were also used to indicate different classes of the population.
Blum1963: DAGR 539; Edmondson and Keith 2008: 35. Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Figure 3. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31; Avi Yonah 1936: 22. 159 Ovadiah 1974: 214–215, Plate VIII–XII; Foerster 1978: 289–294. 160 In Christian art, Abraham is usually shown wearing a tunic and a pallium mantle. Isaac is either shown naked or in a short tunic. At Beit Alpha, Abraham is dressed in a long white garment interpreted by Gundenov as a chiton; Sukenik 1932: 115; Ovadiah 1993: 34. The line may indicate the use of two tunics. 161 Knötzele 2007: 19 b.
156
157
Theodoret: De prov.: Orat. IV, PG 83, col.617.d. Flury-Lemberg 1988: 367–369. 150 Stauffer1995: 13, 38, 45, Cat. No.26. 151 Stauffer 1995: 37; Fluck 2008: 8, 9, Abb.3. 152 Kötzsche-Breitenbruch 2004: 99–101, Abb, Taf.5.81. 153 Stauffer 1996: 223. 154 John Chrysostom, Hom. XLIX on St. Mat., NPNF 10, 5. 155 Ammianus Marcellinus: 14.6.3; 14.6.9. 148
158
149
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Figure 1. Personification of the months in Room A in the Church of the Lady Mary monastery at Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 2. Personification of May and January in Room A in the Church of the Lady Mary monastery at Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
tunic in red and blue. The imperial paludamentum is fastened with a flower-shaped fibula and he bears a crown and a halo (Figure 6).163 In the washing of Dionysus scene in the Zippori mosaic, Silenus is dressed in a blue tunica talaris under a red pallium (Figure 7).164 A belted tunica talaris (?) in gray, purple, and orange-gold with purple
is tucked beneath a Phrygian cap (Figures 5).162 In the synagogue at Gaza Maiumas, King David wears a similar Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 175, 186; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1980: 198; since the length of the tunic cannot be ascertained, I shall refer to this garment as a tunica talaris because of the wearer’s status; Talgam argues that such a long tunic was appropriate dress for an emperor; see: Talgam 1998: 78; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 415– 433; Steinberg 2007: 12; for dating of the mosaic, see: Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnheim 2e004: 205.
162
163 164
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Steinberg 2007: 13, 35–37; Ben Dov and Rappel 1987: 80. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 58, Figure 43.
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 3. Jonah in the Mahat el-Urdi church mosaic, Beit Guvrin (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
borders, envelopes the lower body of the sun god, Sol or Helios, in the synagogue mosaic at Hammat Tiberias. Its sleeve is finished with a cuff made of two wide gilt bands and its folds are highlighted with purple contours. His right shoulder bears a Type-D fibula. He probably wears a tunica talaris because of his status as god of the sun (Figure 8).165 The upper body of the sun god in the mosaic from the synagogue at Na’aran is dressed in a white tunic studded with precious gems around the neck. Over it is a paludamentum ornamented with stars and fastened with either a fibula or a bulla on the chest. The ornament
Figure 5. The Orpheus mosaic in the Damascus Gate Burial Chapel, Jerusalem, 5th century AD (photo courtesy of Dr Yehudah Dagan). Figure 4. The Sacrifice of Isaac, Beit Alpha synagogue (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Talmoryair, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Beit_alfa02. jpg, CCO 1.0).
Sukenik 1932: 35; ‘and the tie in the apirkasin at the shoulder... since it is these that divide’. Tosefta, Berachoth: 2.14.
165
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 6. King David in the Gaza Maiumas synagogue mosaic, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Avishai Teicher). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaza_synagogue#/media/File: PikiWiki_Israel_14995_Mosaic_of_David_ playing_the_harp.JPG, CC BY 2.5).
Figure 7. Bathing of the infant Dionysus, ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (detail from photo credited to Wikipedia user: IIan Sharif). https://www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 8. The Sun God in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Bukvoed https:// commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: HamatTiberias-132.jpg).
decorated with a gray band. A breast panel composed of dark and light-brown diagonal rows with a few rows of gray gives this section the appearance of stripes or pleats. The part below the chest is emphasized by black borders and consists of various shades of orange (in imitation of gold), light brown and gray, giving the garment a shining, luxurious appearance. A brownish-gold and black pallium falls around the shoulders and down the back, covering his feet. Since Dionysus is often depicted naked or with only the lower part of the body clothed, this may represent a tunica talaris. An accompanying inscription reads ‘The Dionysian Mysteries’ (Figure 9).167 Tunica manicata Figures depicted on mosaic pavements in Eretz Israel and wearing the short tunica manicata with long sleeves include soldiers, riders, hunters attacked by wild animals or chasing their prey, biblical and mythological figures, and laborers.168 The tunica manicata reveals the movement of the body and is suitable attire for those figures who are engaged in various activities.169
Figure 9. Dionysus in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
either hangs on a string of beads or is attached to the border of the garment (?) and it consists of four rows of tiny tesserae enclosing a central stone. The sun god wears a crown of rays of fire. His left hand, wrapped inside the hem of the mantle, is shown clasping a mappa, or shawl.166 In the mosaic at Sheikh Zouède in northern Sinai, on display in the Museum of Ismailiya, Dionysus is dressed in a tunic whose long, billowing sleeves have two decorative rows of black stripes around a gray stripe encircling the sleeves, indicated by a brownishbeige outline. The pattern seems to be repeated on the chest, unless this is a cingulum-type sash. The neckline is
Tunicae manicata are worn by biblical figures, such as a warrior in a mosaic pavement of the synagogue at Merot with a white tunic ornamented in black on the cuff. The right arm and the thigh bear floral motifs. The tunic is fastened with a Type-B fibula and belted with a cingulum militare (military belt) beneath the waistline. The warrior may have worn trousers and 167 Clédat 1915: 24, Plate IV; Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168. 168 Alföldi 1970b: 270 or tunica diotima; Blum 1963: 539. 169 Hamel 2010: 318–319.
Sukenik 1932: 35; Foerster 1985: 387; Ness 1993: 232, 233; a mappa was a scarf or shawl waved by consuls to mark the beginning of the games; see: Britt 2008: 125; McClanan 2002: 70–71.
166
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 10. The warrior in the Merot Synagogue mosaic pavement, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Zvi llan. https: //he.wikipedia.org/ wiki/%D7%9E%D7%A8%D7%95%D7%AA_(%D7%99%D 7%99%D7%A9%D7%95%D7%91_%D7%A7%D7%93%D7 %95%D7%9D)#/media/File: M_011.jpg, CC BY-SA 2.5).
Figure 12. Samson in the synagogue mosaic at Huqoq (courtesy of Prof. Jodi Magness, photo: Jim Haberman).
splayed legs. The tunic of the soldier holding a shield is trimmed with a yellow clavus highlighted by a band of crimson on both sides. A soldier on horseback, dressed in a brownish-yellow tunica manicata, seems to be fleeing from the battle. A soldier lying on the seabed with a fish swimming above him is dressed in a similar tunic. The synagogue contains fragments of a giant identified by scholars as Samson (?), who is dressed in a yellowish-green tunic decorated with segmenta. In the same mosaic, the soldier with a head wound on the right wears a red tunic outlined in brown and with a central yellow fold. He wears black calcei (boots); the central figure has a green tunic outlined in brown and also wears black calcei. Despite attempts to give the lower part of the tunics some semblance of folds, the soldiers’ clothes are extremely schematic (Figure 11).171 The surviving fragment of the figure of Samson in the synagogue at Huqoq is dressed in a blue tunic fastened
Figure 11. Samson and soldiers in the synagogue mosaic at Khirbet Wadi Ḥammam (courtesy of Dr Uzi Leibner, the Institute of Archaeology in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, photo: Gaby Laron).
a helmet is placed beside his head (Figure 10).170 The synagogue in Wadi Hammam in the Arbel shows a fight between a group of armed soldiers wearing the tunicae manicata and a giant grasping three soldiers by the hair in his left hand. Two wounded soldiers lie between his
Leibner and Miller 2010: 254; Jewish sources interpret the verse in Judges 13: 24 as ‘The child grew strong and the Lord blessed him’; JT, Sotah 1: 8; Aminoff 2010: 66.
171
Ilan and Damati 1980: 46; Ilan and Damati 1987: 56; Steinberg 2007: 11; Mucznik , Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 209–222; 170
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Figure 13. Mosaic of Orpheus in Zippori, Israel, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Almog https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orpheuszipori.jpg, CCO 1.0).
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 14. Roman marble mosaic, from Eastern Roman Empire, near Edessa, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Andreas Praefcke (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Roman_Orpheus_Taming_Wild_Animals. jpg, CCO 1.0).
(Judges 16: 1–3), contains fragments of Samson’s sleeve decorated with blue stripes (Figure 12).173 Scholars note that wide belts went out of fashion in the late 3rd century, although they continued to appear in various visual representations.174 In the Book of Numbers 13: 23, Moses sends two spies to scout out the land of Canaan. The spies at Huqoq returned with bunches of grapes wearing remnants of tunicae manicatae. One is grey and the other is brown.175
with a wide red belt. On the left side, a dangling cord has a red tassel terminating in a segmenta-type ornament. Its geometric design consists of bronzecolored tesserae within a red and white circle, which Britt (2013) states was used to provide protection and ward off evil powers, as shown by the fact that on military dress, such designs were placed over physically vulnerable areas such as the knees and shoulders. A red chlamys, its folds rendered in darker tesserae, give the garment a striped appearance. Another fragment of the same mosaic shows the garment and its belt.172 The scene depicting the removal of the gates of the city
Britt 2008: 119–143; Magness 2013b: 36–38. Mathews1999: 74, Figure 53. 175 Kristin 2017: https: //www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/biblicalsites-places/biblical-archaeology-sites/huqoq-mosaic-israelitespies-numbers-13/ Ngo 2018: https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/biblical-sitesplaces/biblical-archaeology-sites/huqoq-mosaic-israelite-spiesnumbers-13/ 173 174
172 I received a copy of the initial report on the most recent excavation season from Dr Yehuda Dagan before its publication in Biblical Archaeology Review, with the approval of Prof. Jodi Magness; I am grateful to Dr Yehuda Dagan and Prof. Magness.
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
and calcei (Figure 13).176 In a 2nd-century AD Roman mosaic from the Eastern Empire, near Edessa, Orpheus wears an orange-blue tunica talaris, a Phrygian cap with an orange ornament and calcei (Figures 14, 319).177
Figure 15. Silenus in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
The mosaic pavement at Sheikh Zouède shows Silenus riding on a donkey and dressed in a gray, white and brown manicata-type tunic gathered at the waist with a gilt sash. The three-quarter-length sleeves have wide decorative cuffs composed of two black stripes on either side of a brown band. The tunic is decorated with black clavi and the shoulder is decorated with an epaulet in the form of orbiculi in black and brown. A light-brown segmenta appears on the lower section of the tunic. The hemline is suggested by a gray band; the figure is clad in red calcei and trousers of the same color with a gray decorative band (Figure 15) 178
Mythological figures are also dressed in tunics of this type. The gray tunica manicata worn by Orpheus in the Zippori mosaic is knee-length and decorated with reddish-orange clavi. The black horizontal bands around the gray sleeves enclose orange bands. The shoulder is also outlined in orange with two horizontal black lines, one on each side. The baggy-kneed trousers are emphasized with a black vertical line down the center and cross-gartered with black to the ankles. Orpheus wears a gray Phrygian cap with an orange ornament
The upper body of the hunter on the right in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic is dressed in a long-sleeved, light bluishgray and white tunic. The hunter is partly concealed by the horse, but part of the upper tunic is visible and it appears to be of the same manicata type as that of the hunter standing in front of him. His bare feet are clad in military buskins (open-toed boots). The same scene depicts the magnificent, brownish-gray tunic of Hippolytos; the lower hem of the exposed sleeve has a decorative band with two golden stripes between black and light-brown stripes. A gold and light-blue orbiculus
Figure 16. Hippolytus and the hunters in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 417–418. Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 417–418. 178 Ovadiah 2004b: 226, 227, Figure 3. 176 177
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 17. Rider in the Nile scene in the mosaic at ElMarakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).
Figure 19. Rider in Zippori, 5th century AD (photo courtesy of: Zeev Radovan).
Figure 18. Hunter pointing a spear at a bear in the mosaic at El-Marakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).
Figure 20. Hunter grasping a spear in the mosaic at El-Marakesh, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive, Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).
adorns the shoulder. The lower section of the tunic is decorated with two golden-orange segmenta roundels. The black institia, or hemline, is slightly raised in the center to create a wavy appearance on its left side. A folded chlamys in shades of greenish gray and fastened over the right shoulder with a gold fibula falls over his left hand (Figure 16).179
with clavi bands. The folds of the tunic are highlighted in dark lines. A red chlamys billows back over his shoulder, fastened with a Type-B fibula. He is clad in calcei (Figure 17). The rider galloping toward a pouncing animal on a mosaic at El-Marakesh is dressed in a tunic with reddish-brown shades. A chlamys fastened with a Type-B fibula swirls above his right shoulder (Figure 18). The horse rider in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori wears a reddish tunica manicata over which the folds of the chlamys fall in a cone shape (Figure 19).180 The western corner of the frieze shows a man grasping a spear and dressed in a tunica manicata embellished with clavi and two segmenta roundels. Part of the chlamys, fastened over his right shoulder with a Type-B fibula, falls
Figures of workers engaged in various occupations, such as hunters, riders, soldiers, and herders, are also dressed in this type of tunic. The eastern frieze in the same compound shows a man pointing a spear at a bear and wearing a yellowish-brown tunic with a red front and roundels on its lower part. The tunic is decorated 179
Ovadiah 2004b: 226, 227, Figure 3.
180
26
Weiss and Talgam 1995: 61, 62, Figure 5.
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 21. Huntsman on foot fighting off a bear in the Kissufim church mosaic, Kissufim, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Zeev Radovan).
Figure 22. Rider plunging his sword into a leopard in the Kissufim church mosaic, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Zeev Radovan).
Figure 23. Hunter grasping a horse’s reins in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
over his chest. He is wearing calcei (Figure 20).181 The mosaic from the Kissufim church depicts a bear being fought off by a huntsman on foot who wears a pleated, brownish-orange tunica manicata ending below the knee and decorated trousers. The tunic is gathered at the waist with a military cingulum or zoster (the Greek term for a military belt). A brown scabbard with a strap is slung over his shoulder. He wears cnemis-type sandals. The front thong between the toes is hidden. The striped trim of his trousers or leggings (?) covers the calf and foot (Figure 21).182
of the mosaic). The diamond trim of his trousers or leggings/hose (?) forms a geometric pattern that covers the calf and foot (Figure 22). The hunter confronting a lion on the upper border of a mosaic in the church at Mount Berenice is dressed in a tunica manicata rendered in beige, white, and gray. A red, white and pink chlamys swirls around him in the wind. He wears a tight-fitting hat, which may be a kind of military pillbox-type cap with its sides pulled over the hunter’s ears like the hunters displayed in the mosaic from Worcester Art Museum and the hunter portrayed in a mosaic at the Museum of Navarra, Spain.183 Other tunics of the same type are worn by men leading animals, such as the brownish-gold tunica manicata of a hunter grasping a horse’s reins in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic. The neckline has a chevron pattern of black triangles over a gold background. The sleeve cuffs are highlighted with a decorative band of gold between two black bands. The lower part of the tunic is in a goldenbeige color with light-brown diagonal stripes that give the effect of fine folds. The wavy hemline (institia) is
The rider plunging his spear into a leopard in the Kissufim church mosaic is wearing a knee-high greenish-brown tunica manicata. The tunic is adorned with decorative bands in a geometric pattern consisting of crosses and white dots. He is clad in cnemis, or sandals with leather straps combined with puttees. The front toe strap is blurred (possibly because of the condition Talmi 1983: Vincent 1922: Figure 6;25; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. Wilcox 1948: 18, 23; Broby-Johansen 1968: 57; Kühnel 1992: 82; Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: Plate XXII, B; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004: 134–136; a zoster-type belt is mentioned by Pausanias: 1.31.1; Cleland et.al 2007: 216; excavation file A-71/8/1997, excavation director: Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
181 182
Croom 2002: 69, Figure 25, 2; Amir 2004: 142, Figure 8.14, 144, Figure 8.15.
183
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 24. Man leading tigers in the Kibbutz Erez mosaic, Israel, 5th century AD (photo courtesy of Orly Senior-Niv, Image enhancement: Gall Orian).
rendered with a light-brown line rising slightly in the center and on the left side of the garment. The hunter is clad in caliga-type sandals, or buskins, which are open across the toes (Figures 16, 23, 320).184 The man leading tigers in the mosaic at Kibbutz Erez is wearing a Phrygian cap. His upper body is dressed in a reddishcrimson tunica manicata that reaches to below his groin and is fastened with a Type-A fibula. The garment is decorated with purple clavi and has sleeves with white cuffs (Figure 24).185 The clothes of the hunters and men leading animals in the mosaic of Piazza Armerina Sicily were highly decorated, with woven or embroidered strips, clavi, circular roundels, orbiculi, segmenta and tabulae added to tunics and cloaks. These colorful decorative elements usually consisted of geometrical patterns and stylized plant motifs, human or animal (Figure 25).
is emblazoned near the hemline. The capacious pallium around his shoulders covers the upper body, its borders highlighted with a broad band of ornamentation or embroidery (Figure 26).186 The shepherd standing behind a person milking in the shepherds’ scene in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori is dressed in a longsleeved tunic in various shades of brown. Both he and the milking shepherd are clad in calcei (Figures 27, 28).187 A rider personifying fair weather (kalokairia) in a mosaic border from Caesarea is dressed in a beige and brown tunica manicata. A long chlamys fastened with Type-A fibula billows over his shoulder; his tightfitting trousers reach the lower third of the calf and he wears buskin boots (?) (Figure 29).188 The figure holding a duck (?) in the floor border at Beit Alpha is shown in a white tunic with long sleeves trimmed with two brownish-crimson bands at the cuffs. The upper section
The rider in the Nile scene in the mosaic at El-Marakesh wears a tunic of the same type. The sleeves have two bands on the cuffs and a segmenta decorative roundel
186 This part of the mosaic has not been preserved and therefore the color of the tunic is not known; Vincent 1992: Plate X, Figure 4; Versluys 2002: 227–228, Figure 148. 187 Goldman 2001: 102, 6.1.v. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 67, Figure 50. 188 The mosaic was discovered at Caesarea in 1992 by Dr Seffi BenYosef of the Israel Antiquities Authority and has not yet been thoroughly researched. I am grateful to Ms. Liat Ayzencot, Director of the Israel Antiquities Authority’s website project, for informing me of this. A photograph of the mosaic was published in Ariel’s 2010 calendar accompanied by the caption, Ancient mosaics of Eretz Israel, Israel Antiquities Authority.
184 Kühnel 1992: 81–82; Knötzele 2007: 49, Figure 5.3.1; Humbert 2007: 184, Figure 119; Bertero and Sagis 2009: 58; Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168. 185 Nahmani 1973: 263–264; Talgam 1988: 35, 44, Figure 36; RosenthalHeginbottom 1998: 45, Figure 37.
28
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 25. Exotic animal transportation, Villa del Casale, Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Transport_d%27animaux_exotiques,_villa_de_Casale,_Piazza_Armerina,_Sicile,_Italie. jpg (photo credited to Wikimedia user: User: Yann, Public Domain).
hands toward a bunch of grapes in a mosaic at Caesarea whose tunic is beige with clavi bands. Its folds and hem are highlighted in black (Figure 33).193 The man raising his arm in the mosaic at El-Marakesh is dressed in a yellowish-brown tunic decorated with clavi. The neck opening is emphasized and the belt is positioned below the waistline (Figure 34).194
has a patagium-type band around the neck. Despite its poor preservation, which prevents more precise identification, the figure seems to be wearing a longsleeved tunic. Since he is holding a duck, he is probably wearing a tunica manicata.189 The hunter spearing a lioness in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is dressed in a blue, white and gray tunica manicata with two horizontal orange bands, halfway down the sleeve and at the cuffs (Figure 30).190 The medallions in the top row of the mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary retain traces of two hunters’ costumes, including a tunic and chlamys (Figure 31).191 Room A contains a hunter wearing a tunic of this type in the central octagon of the first row (Figure 32).192 A similar type of tunic is worn by figures pointing to buildings or gesturing, like the man stretching both
This type of tunic also appears on personifications of months of the year on a mosaic in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, where March’s tunic is partly concealed by his armor and has brown and beige sleeves. Black vertical stripes on the lower part of the garment indicate folds. The hem of the sleeves and the institia (lower hem) are highlighted in green. A brownish-beige paludamentum (military cloak) is flung around the left shoulder of the figure, who wears a helmet and is protected with a shield. His feet are clad in laced endromides boots with leather straps (Figure 35). The personification of September in the same mosaic wears a knee-length tunica manicata with rolled-up sleeves and a segmenta roundel (Figure 36).195 The youth personifying the month of Tammuz (Cancer) in the synagogue mosaic at Zippori retains traces of a pink tunica manicata gathered at the waistline with a gray and black belt. The gray and white clavi end in a symmetrical black tabula motif. The preserved sleeve has a gray-and-white trim above the wrist and the figure wears black calcei (Figure 37).196 The personification of Libra in the Beit Alpha mosaic wears a tunica manicata with long, light-colored sleeves and cuffs decorated with two brown bands. The front of the tunic is embellished with bands of dark brown, red, mustard yellow and white and falls from the neckline. The loose end of a pallium appears to be visible near the
Figure 26. Galloping rider in the mosaic at Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin). Ovadiah 1993: 53. Fitzgerald 1939: 9; Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. 191 Fitzgerald 1939: 9; Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. 192 Fitzgerald 1939: Plate I I.
Hadas 2007: 102; Lehmann 1999: 147, Fig, 10. Vincent 1922: 266, IX, Figure 4; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. 195 Fitzgerald 1939: 9; Äkerström-Hugen 1974: 75; D’Amato 2005: 7; 19. 196 Avigdori 1986: 39; Hachlili 1988: III.8.40.
189
193
190
194
29
Weaving in Stones
Figure 27. Detail of Dionysus Mosaic in Zippori (photo: Ilan Sharif https:// www.pikiwiki.org.il/ image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).
Figure 28. Scene showing goatherds in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (detail from photo by Ilan Sharif https://www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).
30
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 29. The rider, detail from the mosaic border from Caesarea, personifying the fair weather, kalokairia (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
figure’s left foot. The leg that can be seen is clad in a brown mid-calf tzaggia boot (Figure 38).197 In the same mosaic, Sagittarius is personified in a tunica manicata whose cuffs are trimmed with brown and red stripes. The center of the garment has two small, circular decorative roundels in brown. His feet are clad in calcei
Figure 30. Hunter spearing a lioness in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo: Shlomo Steinberg).
Figure 31. Mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority). 197
D’Amato 2005: 4; Sukenik 1932: 34.
31
Weaving in Stones
Figure 35. Personification of March in the mosaic at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 32. Hunter in Room A at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 36. Personification of September in the mosaic at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 33. Man stretching both hands toward a bunch of grapes in the mosaic from Caesarea, 6th–7th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Danny Kronenberg and Amos Hadas 2007: A. Hadas, Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, Tel Aviv, p.152 [Hebrew]).
Figure 37. Personification of the Zodiac Cancer in the synagogue mosaic at Zippori (photo credited to Wikipedia user: G. Dallorto).
Figure 34. Man raising his arm in the mosaic at ElMarakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).
32
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 38. The wheel of the Zodiac in the Beit Alpha mosaic, 5th century AD (photo credited to Maksim https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Beit_Alpha.jpg, CCO 1.0).
Figure 39. Personification of ‘favorable times’ at Byzantine Tel Malhata, Northern Negev (courtesy of Eldar and Baumgarten; I am grateful to the two archaeologists for allowing me to use the color photo of the mosaic and to Nachson Sneh for requesting their permission).
33
Weaving in Stones (Figure 38).198 Archaeologists have interpreted the dress of a male personification of ‘favorable time’ depicted at the Byzantine site of Tel Malhata as a purple tunic. Close examination shows that it is actually a red and crimson paenula worn over a white tunic with long, diagonally striped sleeves. The stripes may represent draped folds created by the fitted cut of the paenula at the armholes. The collar and cuffs are beaded. Since the figure represents a personification and the length of the over-tunic is unclear, this is probably a tunica manicata or talaris (Figure 39).199 Colobium ‘Colobium’ is the Greek term for a short, wide tunic that is either sleeveless or has short sleeves formed by the way in which it is fastened.200 Also called a subucula, because of its short sleeves, it was an undergarment for both men and women, particularly in cold weather,201 but in certain regions, such as those covered by this book, it was the custom to wear a number of tunics because of lack of storage space, as a mark of economic prosperity, or on particularly cold days. The emperor Augustus wore four tunics, one on top of the other.202 An edge of this undergarment can sometimes be glimpsed around the neckline. Laborers and servants wore it without an overgarment.203 The subligaculum or subligar
Figure 40. Servant carrying a tray of fish in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
were two separate terms for this type of tunic.204 The subucula and the indusium, both undergarments, were made of soft fabric. Scholars have therefore often used the term indusium for a tunic worn over the outer tunic,
Figure 41. Porter climbing a ramp in the synagogue mosaic at Khirbet Wadi Hammam, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Uzi Leibner, The Institute of Archeology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, photo: Gaby Laron).
Sukenik 1932: 34. Eldar and Baumgarten 1993: 936, 937; Figueras 2003: 52, Figure 5. 200 The colobium is a short tunic with short sleeves; Smith 1873: 1173; Mossakowska-Ggaubert 2004: 159. 201 Ball 2005: 41; Olson 2003: 209. 202 Suetonius: 82; Krauss 1910–1912: I.133; Hamel 1990: 61. 203 Carcopino 2003: 154; I use the term subucula for a tunic of this type, after Carcopino 2003: 154; the term for such a tunic worn by young women and children is suppara; Smith 1873: 1173. 198 199
204
34
Olson 2003: 208–209.
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 42. Fisherman in the church at Horvat Beit Loya (photo courtesy of Prof. Joseph Patrich).
Yossi Ben Halafta lists it among the types of garment permitted to be removed from a burning house on the Sabbath.207 A homily by Bishop Asterius of Amasia reveals how widespread linen garments were by giving thanks to God’s mercy for providing them to be used on hot summer days.208 The servant carrying a tray of fish in a mosaic in the church at Be’er Shemʻa is dressed in such a garment (Figure 40).209 In the synagogue mosaic at Wadi Hammam, a porter climbing up a ramp is dressed in a sleeveless colobium with clavi that is belted below the waist (Figure 41).210 A striped colobium of this kind, in gray, white, and brownish-yellow and with a light-blue decorative roundel, is worn by the fisherman on the right in a medallion in the south aisle of the church in Beit Loya. The fisherman wears a paenula with yellow and orange stripes. On the left are traces of another fisherman in a colobium with similar stripes in gold, gray, and light brown. A split in the bottom hem above the knee reveals the front of the thighs. The lower section of the colobium, comprised of inset folds, was rendered by inserting some of the tesserae horizontally and some vertically. The vertical rows make the garment look pleated. The split hem is highlighted with a black line. The split section is fastened around the fisherman’s waist by a sash with black ends (Figure 42).211 The piper with a mustache sitting on a padded
Figure 43. Piper in the mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo by Shlomo Steinberg).
although it actually denotes an undergarment.205 Varro defines this item of clothing as an undergarment with a closer fit than that of any other.206 The Babylonian Talmud refers to it as a ‘tunic made of linen’ and Rabbi 205 206
B.T,Sabbath,57a. Asterius, Ser.: Hom. I ,2 (8 Datma). 209 Gazit and Lander 1992: 97–98; Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: Plate XX, c; Bauman 1999: 221. 210 Leibner 2010: 36,9; Leibner 2010: 235. 211 Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: 269, Plate XIXb; IAA excavation files: G-34/1983, directors: Yoram Tsafrir and Yosef Patrich; G-19/1986, directors: Yoram Tsafrir and Yosef Patrich; G-114/1990, director: Yoram Tsafrir, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 207 208
Smith 1873: 1173; Carcopino 2003: 154. Nonius: 539.32. Varro: V, cxxxI.
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 44. Piper in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority, Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit She’an).
wicker seat in the mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is dressed in another striped colobium, in light blue, gray, and white. Because of the piper’s seated position, the garment’s folds appear diagonally striped. The decorative motif on the bottom of the tunic consists of two square orange tabula with a light-blue center (Figure 43).212 The piper seated on an upturned basket in the burial chapel at El-Hammam is dressed in a blue colobium (Figure 44).213 The piper from the mosaic in Room L at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is similar (Figure 31).214 The shepherd on a mosaic from Be’er Shemʻa is dressed in a short colobium fastened with a sash and embellished with two segmenta roundels (Figure 45).215 Personifications of the months in the burial chapel at El-Hammam are dressed in similar attire, like August’s green colobium decorated with red clavi and tabulae. In the same mosaic, September wears a red colobium with black clavi and tabulae. July is personified in a blue, sleeveless colobium adorned with segmenta and gathered at the waist with a sash. The personification of November in the same chapel wears a similar colobium in light blue and with black clavi (Figure 46).216 The Gemini twins in the mosaic at Beit Alpha are dressed in a white colobium reaching to below the knee and trimmed with a motif inside two horizontal red bands (Figure 38).217 The months of the year in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary are dressed in a similar manner, as in the personification of Figure 45. Shepherd in the mosaic from Be’er Shemʻa, Israel, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. Hachlili 2009: VII.4d. 214 Avi Yonah 1950: 15. 215 Figueras 1992: 62, Figure 4; Hachlili 2009: FigureVII.16; IAA excavation file A-1673/1989, directors: Dan Gazit and Isaiah Lander, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 216 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. 217 Foerster 1985: 386. 212 213
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 46. Personifications of the months in the mosaic in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 47. The personifications of the months in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary mosaic, Beit She’an, detail (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
37
Weaving in Stones
Figure 48. Hunter brandishing a club in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 49. Man leading a camel in the church at Kissufim, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Carole Raddato https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Part_of_a_mosaic_floor_from_a_church_depicting_a_ man_leading_a_camel_laden_with_amphorae_(wine_jars),_from_Kissufim,_6th_century_AD,_Israel_Museum,_ Jerusalem_(15472015279).jpg, CC BY- SA 2.0).
June in a colobium embellished with tabulae. It is similar to the blue colobium worn by October, who also has a hood. Both November and December are depicted in a colobium with segmentae fastened at the waist with a belt and with a pallium over the left shoulder. This resembles the short, brown-beige colobium with a black sash worn by February in the same mosaic. The month of July in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary also retains traces of a colobium (Figures 1, 47).218 The hunter attacking a leopard in a medallion in the burial chapel at El-Hammam is dressed in a colobium hitched
up at the belt above the legs to create two slits.219 A barefoot figure brandishing a club wears a similar colobium in blue (Figure 48). A number of mosaics show this type of colobium on people leading animals, like the man driving a camel laden with jars and baskets in the Kissufim church mosaic. His beige and reddish brown colobium, outlined in dark brown, has wide openings for the arms and two broad folds in its lower section. The garment has a reddish segmenta roundel with an oblique cross over the center of each thigh (Figure 49).220 Hachlili 2009: VII.11d. Gazit and Lender 1993: XXII; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1983: 127–141; Bauman 1999: 228; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 133, Figure 5.
219
Fitzgerald 1939: 7; Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 26–27; ÅkerströmHougen 1974: 123. 218
220
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 51. Man leading a donkey in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo from Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, A. Hadas, Tel-Aviv 2007, p. 83 (courtesy of Amos Hadas and Danny Kronenberg, photo courtesy of : Danny Kronenberg).
Figure 50. Man leading a donkey in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo by Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 52. Man leading a donkey in the Horbat Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
Figure 53. Man leading a giraffe in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
In the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, a young man in a similar garment leads a donkey. The brownish-yellow colobium is trimmed with blue clavi. The lower section of the tunic has two blue segmentae. The brownish-mustard colored edging looks like the curling end of a scarf. The figure’s right shoulder bears a rectangular blue orbiculus (Figure 50).221 The green, yellow and blue colobium worn by a figure carrying a basket and leading a donkey in the El-Hammam burial Figure 54. Mosaic of a man leading a giraffe, 5th century AD, now in the art Institute of Chicago (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Sailko https: //commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/User: Sailko https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Mosaic_Fragment_with_Man_Leading_a_ Giraffe,_5th_century.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
221
39
Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29.
Weaving in Stones
Figure 55. Mosaic of a man leading a camel caravan through the desert, Roman mosaic from the Syrian city of Bosra (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jadd Haidar, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Bosra Mosaic Camels. png, CC BY-SA 3.0).
and hemmed with a flounced institia, giving the garment an airy appearance and enabling free movement. A gray-white belt is knotted around the waist. The outlines of the garment are rendered in black. He is wearing soleae sandals with a thong between the toes (Figure 52).223 A figure leading a giraffe in the same mosaic is dressed in a similar manner. His light-brown and white colobium has wide armholes and its upper part is decorated with brownish-beige clavi. The waist is fastened with a sash made of a row of brown tesserae. The lower part of the garment is rendered in diagonal light-brown and white rows. On the side of the thigh, the colobium has a brown segmenta with an oblique cross in its center (Figure 53).224 A mosaic of a man leading a giraffe from Syria or Lebanon and dating from the 5th century AD is now held in the Art Institute of Chicago. He is dressed in a tunica manicata with a piece of cloth covering his hand and falling downward (Figure 54). An ancient Roman mosaic from the Syrian city of Bosra depicts a bearded man leading a camel caravan through the desert (Figure 55). A mosaic at Caesarea depicts a grape harvester carrying a basket and wearing a similar garment. His green, gray and beige colobium also bears a segmenta (Figure 56).225 The Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary mosaic depicts a grape harvester in a wide colobium with blue and white folds and an orange segmenta. The bulges over his shoulders may represent knots in the garment to adjust its length to his height (Figure 57).226 A man grasping a hanging cluster of
Figure 56. Grape harvester carrying a basket on his back in the mosaic at Caesarea, 6th–7th centuries AD , photo from Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, Amos Hadas, Tel-Aviv 2007, photo courtesy of Danny Kronenberg and the Israel Antiquities Authority).
chapel mosaic also belongs to this type (Figure 51),222 as does that worn by a figure leading a donkey in the mosaic of the church at Horvat Be’er Shemʻa. This colobium, which has wide armholes, consists of diagonal brownish-beige and gold rows. The center section, highlighted in a lighter color, is trimmed with short black clavi finished with two black arrowhead motifs. The lower garment is decorated with black segmentae
Kühnel 1992: 127; Fabre 1971–1972: 83. Gazit and Lender 1992: 97–98. 225 Hadas 2007: 83; Lehmann 1999: 147, Figure 10. 226 Hadas 2007: 83, 85. 223 224
222 Hadas 2007: 84–85; Talgam 1998: Plate 2; Goldman 2001: 102, Figure 6.1.
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The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 58. Grape harvester in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo: Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 57. Grape harvester in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo: Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Figure 59. Vineyard workers in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo: Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
grapes on the right in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is dressed in a short colobium with gray-andwhite folds that is fastened at the waist with a gray sash and has orange clavi. The lower part of the garment is embellished with orange segmenta (Figure 58). The man standing with crossed legs beside bunches of grapes is wearing a colobium and a pallium.227 The same mosaic shows a young man carrying a basket of fruit on his shoulder and dressed in a short striped colobium with blue, gray and white sleeves and orange clavi. The waistline is highlighted with a blue-gray sash finished with an orange trim. The lower part of the colobium is 227
embellished with orange segmentae (Figure 59).228 The seasons shown in the entrance room in the mosaic at Ein Yaʻel are dressed in a sleeveless (?) colobium covered with a toga (?) (Figures 60, 61).229 Saint Menas (?) standing between two peacocks in the church at Ain Fattir is dressed in a similar colobium in light blue and beige with two clavi and rectangular tabula in blue.230 Chambon and Strus note that the garment resembles that worn by Saint Menas on ampules from the 6th Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. Roussin 1995: 33, 34, Figure 6; Edelstein 1993: 116–117. Only the contours of the figure are visible because of the mosaic’s state of preservation. 230 Chambon and Strus 1990: 76. 228 229
Hachlili 2009: Figure VII.1, a.
41
Weaving in Stones
Figure 60. The seasons of Spring and Autumn in the Ein Yaʻel mosaic (photo courtesy of Liat Eizenkoy, Ein Yaʻel Museum).
Figure 61. The seasons of Summer and Spring in the Ein Yaʻel mosaic (photo courtesy of Liat Eizenkoy, Ein Yaʻel Museum).
Figure 62. Boy riding a donkey in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori (photo: Ilan Sharif https://www.pikiwiki. org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).
and 7th centuries in Egypt.231 The donkey rider in the ‘Dionysus House’ gift-bearers mosaic at Zippori is dressed in a gray short-sleeved colobium under a yellow pallium (Figure 62).232 Participants in a drinking scene in the Zippori villa mosaic are dressed in a short-sleeved colobium with grayish-blue clavi. The four diners have wreaths around their heads and necks and are sitting on a stibadium behind a sigma table that conceals the lower part of their bodies. The left shoulder of the man 231 The article states that the figure depicted may be that of Saint Menas; see: Chambon and Strus 1990: 76; it also notes that the garment worn by the figure is identical to that of Saint Menas on ampules; see: Chambon and Strus 1992: 431, Figure 2. 232 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 77, Plate VIIIa.
42
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
Figure 63. Diners and servants in the Zippori villa mosaic, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Doron Nissim).
Figure 64. Figures playing dice in the Orpheus mosaic, Zippori, Israel, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Pninah Kopel).
Figure 65. Two man embracing in the Orpheus mosaic, Zippori, Israel, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Pninah Kopel).
sitting on the left side of the table is covered with a reddish-brown pallium (?). The man standing with his arms stretched toward the other diners wears a kneehigh grayish-blue colobium with red clavi fastened with a belt hidden by the apoptygma or overfold at the waist.233 The wine server (?) behind the miliarium (boiler urn) is dressed in a loose, sleeveless colobium (Figure 63), as is one of the wrestlers or acrobats (?) in the mosaic’s right panel and possibly the two figures playing dice in the left panel, one of whom is only partially preserved (Figures 64, 65).234 It should be noted that the shading on the clavi, highlighted on the clothes of the other
diners, blurs into the color of the center panel to make it appear lighter and shinier.235
Scholars are divided on the distinction between the kolpos and the apoptygma. According to Lee (2004), the different interpretations of these terms by many researchers over the 19th and 20th centuries are not necessarily consistent with their use by the Greeks in antiquity. In this book, I shall be using Lee’s terminology. Lee 2004: 221–224; Blum 1963: DAGR, vol. 536, Figures 7159, 7160. 234 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 10–11, Figures 8–11.
The personification of Aquarius in the Beit Alpha mosaic is clothed in a schematically rendered, brown-
Dalmatica The personification of the month of December in the burial chapel at El-Hammam is dressed in a long, longsleeved dalmatica in green and purple gathered at the waist with a sash. He is clad in green sandals (Figure 47).236 Tunics of indeterminatet type
233
235 236
43
Weiss 2004: 98–99. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31.
Weaving in Stones beige garment that is probably either a colobium or a tunica manicata (?), with long sleeves and brown cuffs. Its voluminous lower part apparently extends to the figure’s feet (Figure 38).237 Traces of a male figure with the inscription ‘Blessed is he who enters…,’ with ‘good’ and ‘ros…’ above his head appears on a medallion at Byzantine Tel Malhata in the Northern Negev, where it has been identified as the personification of ‘favorable times’. This rare depiction, most probably deriving from pagan traditions, appears in a large building of unknown function. The archaeological records state that he wears a light-colored garment beneath a longsleeved tunic. As noted above, the figure appears to be clothed in a light-colored tunic whose long sleeves have darker stripes or folds; a crimson paenula (?) is worn over the tunic. The neckline and cuffs are trimmed with a ribbon that is inset with beads. The overgarment is reminiscent of the fishermen’s paenula on the Beit Alpha mosaic. Since the figure is a personification, his undergarment is probably a tunica talaris (Figure 39).238 In the mosaic from the villa at Ein Yaʻel, the upper torso of Spring has a white tunic; although only fragments of the figure have survived, according to descriptions of the mosaic he is decked in a wreath of leaves and flowers and shoulders a basket of fruit (Figure 60). In the same mosaic, Summer wears an orange tunic and a brimmed petasus hat (Figure 61).239 The synagogue mosaic at Huqoq contains remnants of three figures with sheathed daggers, but the tunics are of an indeterminate type and it is unclear whether or not they have sleeves. One tunic has an orange zigzag design along the edge to create an illusion of stitching. The two remaining tunics are decorated with clavi, orbiculi, and gammata. The men are approaching the preserved fragment of a dark-skinned soldier wearing a short tunic beneath his armor. The figures are clad in brown calcei.240 Tunic embellishment Figure 66. Decorative band in the Museo Egizio, inv. 12602, Florence (photo courtesy of Raphael D’Amato).
Analysis of the hundred or so male figures dressed in various types of tunics in the mosaic pavements of Eretz Israel shows that ten are wearing the tunicae talaris, thirty-eight the tunicae manicatae, and fortyone the colobium. Eight are clothed in types that cannot be identified and one is wearing a dalmatica. The plain tunics include the dalmatica, the short-sleeved colobium, and tunics of indeterminate length. Apart from these, the other tunics are decorated in various ways.241 For example, the manicatae tunics worn by the hunters
in the Kissufim church mosaic have a geometric design on bands that form a T-shape(Figures21, 22).242 Approximately 20 cm wide bands of this type were common in the 4th to 6th centuries, as shown by examples in the Museo Egizio in Florence (Figure 66).243 Three manicatae tunics embellished with clavi, are portrayed at Caesarea,244 in the Kibbutz Erez mosaic,245
Sukenik 1932: 34. Eldar and Nahlieli 1982: 69; Eldar and Baumgarten 1993: 936–937; Figueras 2003: 52.5; Vriezen 1998: 252. 239 Roussin 1995: 31–42. 240 Magness 2013a: 68. 241 Vincent 1922: 267, Figure 2; apart from the tunic of the northern rider galloping at the feline in the 5th–6th-century El-Marakesh mosaic at Beit Guvrin, which is plain. The mosaic is now housed in the Israel Museum; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. 237 238
Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turneheim 2004: 127–144; excavation file A-71/8/1997; director of excavations: Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 243 D’Amato 2005: 5, Inv.12602. 244 Hadas 2007: 152. 245 Talgam 1989: 35, 44, Figure 36; Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 45, Figure 37; Rahmani 1973: 263–264. 242
44
The tunic (tunica) and its decoration
and in the El-Marakesh mosaic.246 The colobium in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is also trimmed with clavi.247 Clavi appear together with tabulae in the burial chapel at El-Hammam,248 the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary,249 and Ain Fattir church.250 Combinations of clavi, decorated cuffs, orbiculi and/or segmentae embellish tunics at Sheikh Zouède,251 and in the synagogues of Zippori and Beit Alpha.252 Clavi and ornamented cuffs are depicted together on a talaris tunic in the Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic and in the burial chapel at El-Hammam.253 A sleeveless colobium is embellished with a decorative array of clavi and segmenta in the burial chapel at El-Hammam, the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, and in Saint Stephen’s Church at Be’er Shemʻa.254 The same combination appears on a tunic in the El-Marakesh mosaic.255 Ornamented cuffs are shown on tunic sleeves in the Merot synagogue mosaic pavement, Zippori’s ‘Nile House’,256 Hammat Tiberias,257 El-Marakesh,258 the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary,259 the Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic, and at Sheikh Zouède.260 Samson’s tunica manicata in the Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic retains traces of a hem embellished with brown segmenta roundels consisting of four tesserae set around a central stone.261 In the Huqoq synagogue mosaic Samson, whose upper torso is not preserved, is depicted in a tunic decorated with a bronze segmenta in the middle of a red and white circle. Samson carrying away the gates of Gaza retains the end of a long sleeve decorated with a white square and has a blue trim around the neckline;262 Segmenta roundels embellish tunics on the mosaics at El-Marakesh,263 the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, and the El-Hammam burial chapel.264 Tunics at Sheikh Zouède are ornamented with segmenta and orbiculi medallions.265 Tabula squares embellish colobia in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary,266 the
Beit Alpha mosaic,267 at Horvat Beit Loya,268 and in the Zippori synagogue mosaic.269 Two tunics in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic are decorated with patagium bands,270 which are also evident in the El-Hammam burial chapel. The warrior’s tunic in the Merot synagogue mosaic has a rosette design.271 Fragments of one of the figures in the Huqoq synagogue mosaic have an orange zigzag pattern; the other figures’ tunics are decorated with clavi, orbiculi, and gammata.272
Vincent 1922: 266, IX, Figure 4; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 27. 248 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. 249 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. 250 Chambon and Strus 1990: 76. 251 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168 252 Weiss 2005: 142, Figure 82, 143, Figure 83, 150, Figure 91; Sukenik 1932: 115. 253 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31; Avi Yonah 1935: 22. 254 Gazit and Lender 1992: 97–98; Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. 255 Talmi 1983: 25; Vincent 1922: Figure 6; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 209. 256 Talgam and Weiss 2002: 61. 257 Dothan 1967: 130; Dunbabin 1992: 190; Roussin 1988: 423; Ovadiah 2004a: 88. 258 This part of the mosaic has not been preserved and therefore the color of the tunic cannot be ascertained; Vincent 1922: Plate X, Figure 4. 259 Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Figure 2. 260 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168. 261 Leibner 2010: 37. 262 Magness 2013b: 38; http: //www.jewsnews.co.il/2013/07/04/ ancient-mosaic-depicting-samson-uncovered-in-a-galilee-synagogue 263 Vincent 1922: 269, Figure 3; Avigdori 1986: 39–40. 264 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. 265 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168 266 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. 246 247
Foerster 1985: 386. Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: 269, Plate XIXb. Weiss 2005: 114, Figure 56. 270 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168; 271 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 209–222; Ilan and Damati 1987: 46; 56. 272 Magness 2013a: 68. 267 268 269
45
Chapter 2
The exomis
Figure 67. Gift bearers in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Golandomer https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: DionysusRomanVila.JPG, CCO 1.0).
The exomis is a short, sleeveless garment deriving from the Greek chiton that was pinned over one shoulder, leaving the other shoulder and arms exposed. Since it was designed to provide the wearer with freedom of movement, it was usually worn by soldiers and laborers.273 The 3rd- and 4th-century reliefs from Gaul show laborers in tunics of this kind, despite the region’s cold climate.274 Referred to in the Mishnah as apikarsin, these tunics were usually fastened over the left shoulder (‘the tie in the apikarsin at the shoulder’) leaving the right arm free.275
an apoptygma (Figure 67).277 The piper in the St Stephen’s church mosaic at Horvat Be’er Shemʻa is dressed in a gray, brown and beige exomis with brownish-black contours and horizontal lines suggesting the garment’s folds. The figure has brown soleae toe-sandals (Figure 68).278 The artisan seated on a stool and fashioning a block of wood in the Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic is wearing another, brownish-gray exomis fastened with a brown-and-white striped sash. The craftsman
The preserved lower fragment of a man milking a goat in the Kissufim church mosaic is probably clothed in an exomis ornamented with segmenta.276 The shepherd milking in the Dionysus shepherds’ scene at Zippori is dressed in an orange exomis outlined in brown. He is clad in high brown boots (?) that are probably a type of buskin (Figure 27). The mosaic shows a procession of people bearing gifts and wearing similar tunics, like the man in a grayish exomis walking in front of a donkey. The surplus cloth is folded over to create an apoptygma. The left shoulder is covered and the neck is wreathed in ivy leaves. The man bearing two baskets of fruit has a reddish exomis trimmed with black clavi. The preserved fragments of the vessel- and goat-bearers’ clothing show that they were similarly dressed. The man emptying a basket of grapes is clothed in a gray exomis. The upper section is rolled over and fastened at the waist to form 273 Roche-Bernard and Ferdiere 1993: 31–32; Smith 1873: 512; this garment is also called a cinctus. 274 Bertero and Sagis 2009: 17; see: Roche-Bernard and Ferdiere 1993: 31–33. 275 ‘and the tie in the apirkasin at the shoulder... since it is these that divide’. JT, Berachot,2: 3,14a. Some explain that an apikarsin that it is a garment used to cover the head, JT, Moed Katan,15,1. 276 Hachlili 2009: 173, FigureVII-10; excavation file A-71/8/1997; director of excavations: Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
Figure 68. Piper in the Horbat Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
277 278
46
Talgam and Weiss 2004: 67, 79, Figures 50, 62, 65. Goldman 2001: 102, Figure 6.1.
The exomis
Figure 69. Vineyard worker in Sede Nahum, 6th century AD (after Ruth and Prof. Asher Ovadiah, Pl. CLXXXIX, in: Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Rome, 1987).
holding a bow saw has an exomis in similar colors that is knotted or pinned at the shoulder and fastened at the waist with a striped sash. The same mosaic shows a porter carrying a jar and dressed in a brown-and-white exomis with a white sash, together with fragments of a stonemason’s brown and white exomis. Leibner uses the term tunica to describe the artisans’ clothes in this mosaic and adds that they are trimmed with clavi. However, no clavi are discernible here, apart from those on the colobium of the porter ascending a ramp (Figure 41).279 Fragments of a grape harvester (?) in a mosaic in the chapel of a church at Sde Nahum show him in a grayish-purple and beige exomis with slits that finishes above the knee (Figure 69).280
279 280
Leibner 2010: 36; Leibner and Miller 2010: 242–243. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 212, Plate CXXXIX.
47
Chapter 3
Garments worn on the lower torso
Figure 70. Scene showing the drunken Dionysus in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 4th century AD (detail from photo: llan Sharif https://www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).
Skirts/kilts
attributes such garments to laborers and artisans and does not consider them effeminate.287 Skirts existed in various designs, including pleated, split, and wrapped around the waist with a sash like the schenti or shenti worn in Egypt and Libya from 2700–750 BC.288 The schenti consisted of a length of cloth swathed around the thighs and fastened with a belt or a knot.289 The shendyt, or apron skirt, was sewn from a length of fabric with both ends crossed and tucked under a belt to make a pleated garment with slits.290 In the Middle Kingdom, it was worn by Egyptian kings when sacrificing or engaged in pursuits that necessitated freedom of movement.291 The design is reminiscent of the split skirts worn by the satyrs in the Zippori mosaic.
Scholarly terms for garments of this kind derive from various languages, such as the English ‘skirt’, the Celtic ‘kilt’, the ‘sarong’ (from East Asia), or the loose-weaved ‘skirt-net’ depicted on Mesopotamian seals showing figures engaged in daily activities and dating from the Late Uruk period.281 Similar conventions have been followed in costume history in general, as well as in research focusing on dress in specific regions during the period covered by this book. For example, Watson and Anawalt call garments worn by Ancient Egyptian men ‘kilts’ or ‘skirts’.282 Beaulieu calls similar examples from Asia Minor ‘calasiris’,283 Bradley uses the term ‘apron’,284 and Cleland remarks that fishermen and laborers wore aprons and refers the reader to Martial, whose term semicinctium may mean an apron. The Latin subligaculum may also be interpreted in this way.285 Other scholars use the term ‘apron’.286 Skirts were common in the cultures of the East, particularly in those regions where climatic conditions required well-ventilated garments that were simple and comfortable. Overall, the research literature
The Dionysus mosaic at Zippori portrays a number of figures in skirts with slits at the bottom, such as the centaur at the head of the victory procession whose lower torso is wrapped in a skirt (Figure 28).292 The satyr propping up the drunken Dionysos has a gray-and-white pleated split skirt, as do the satyrs standing in front and the one on his right (Figure 70).293 Three satyrs with similar skirts appear in the scene showing the drunken Dionysus (Figure 28).294 In the scene depicting the female
281 Third millennium BC; Pollok and Bernbeck 2000: 154, 157, Figure 1.31. 282 Anawalt 2007: 22, Figure 10; Watson 1987: 11–20, Figures 3–20, 33, Figure 53. 283 Beaulieu 1967: Figures 1–3. 284 Bradley 1954: 19, Figure 4. 285 The Latin term subligaculum refers to an undergarment in the form of a skirt or apron; Yates claims that the word was used for a strip of cloth wrapped around the genitals and interprets it as a kind of perizoma (girdle); Martialis: III.14.153; Yates 1873: 1075. 286 Cleland et al. 2007: 8.
Cleland et al. 2007: 8. Beaulieu 1967: 10, Figures 1–3, 12, Figures 6–7, 13, Figures 11–13. 289 Cosgrave 2000: 7, 19. 290 Vogelsang-Eastwood 1993: XVII. 291 Mathaf al-Misri 1986: Figure 130; Vassilika 1989: 95–96. 292 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 64, Figure 48. 293 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 51, Plate II: A; 54, Plate III: A. 294 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 53, Plate II: B, Figure 38. 287 288
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Garments worn on the lower torso
Figure 71. The drinking contest in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori (detail from photo: llan Sharif https:// www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7683, CCO 1.0).
The man leading a camel in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is dressed in a long, striped schenti- or shenti-type skirt in orange, white and brown decorated with black dots and tied at the waist with a loose-ended sash. A crown of feathers on his head may represent the five-rayed crowns of the gladiators pitted against wild beasts in the amphitheaters of North Africa (Figure 72).298 Trousers and puttees Trousers are garments worn from the waist down over the thighs and covering both legs separately, as described in Exodus 28: 42, ‘Make linen trousers as a covering for the body, reaching from the waist to the thigh’. Jewish sources describe how such garments should be worn, ‘When getting undressed before taking a bath, one should first remove the headgear, then the shoes, then the trousers, and then the gown’.299 Trousers were worn in the 5th century BC. The Greeks were familiar with trousers from encountering the horseback warriors of nomadic tribes from the steppes such as the Scythians, who lived in the northeast part of Western Europe and around the Black Sea and who were attributed with wearing trousers and boots. Two distinctive types of trousers existed at the time. One was fitted trousers made of leather or wool, such as those recovered from archaeological sites in the Valkenburg region of the Netherlands and dating from the 2nd or 3rd centuries.300 The second type was wide and baggy and the trouser bottoms were tucked into the boots. The custom of using fitted trousers to
Figure 72. Man leading a camel in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an (photo by Shlomo Steinberg, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
figure being assaulted, the centaur supporting Hercules from behind is clothed in a brown, gray, and white split skirt (Figure 28).295 A dancing figure wears a split skirt in the drinking-contest scene in the Zippori Dionysus mosaic. The satyr on the right has a brownish-gray skirt wrapped around his lower torso, its folds accentuated in black.296 The composition contains other satyrs, like the one dancing in the center with a brown split skirt (Figure 71).297
298 The animal has been identified as a giraffe; see: Fitzgerald 1939: 9; Avigdori 1986: 7; for the crown, see: Avigdori 1986: 9; Dunbabin 1978: 79, Figure 69. 299 Derech Eretz Zutta ,8; Brand 1978: 183. 300 Sumner 2009: 178, Figure 119.
Talgam and Weiss 2004: 54, Plate III: A. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 50, Plate I, Figure 37. 297 Talgam and Weiss 2004: Plate1B. 295 296
49
Weaving in Stones
Figure 73. Fresco of servants in the Roman Tomb of Silistra in Bulgaria, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: K. Tanchev (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Roman_Tomb_Silistra fresco servant.jpg, CCO 1.0). Drawings of male servants by the author.
divided over the name of the fitted, multi-colored and embellished trousers common in the East, which have frequently been called anaxyrides and were worn by the Persians, Parthians, Midianites and Sarmatians. Other writers, like Procopius, called the baggy style belted with a sash by the same name.308 The surplus cloth in Parthian trousers was gathered into stylish pleats on both sides of a decorative band running down the center of the garment. The pleated material was joined to a decorative band at the ankle.309 The combination of trousers with a sleeved tunic has its origins in the dress of riders from northern Mesopotamia, in Eurasia, who were later identified as Parthians, Midianites, Persians, and Sassanids.310 Some figures in the royal courts, like Ahasuerus, Pharaoh, Mordechai, and David, are depicted in the Dura Europos synagogue in the fitted Eastern trousers, or anaxyrides, that were made of leather or wool and are mentioned by Xenophon and Euripides.311 In the northern Roman Empire, people wore trousers to protect them from the cold.312
protect the legs from the cold was adopted at the end of the 2nd century by Roman soldiers fighting in Gaul and Germany, who were influenced by Gallic and Phrygian tribes.301 Over the years, such clothing became standard military dress and was also adopted by civilian officials.302 The natives of Gallia Bracata (‘trousered Gaul’) were named after their bracae-type trousers. Jewish sources refer to trousers as savricin and avricin.303 There are different terms for garments of this kind. In his essay Etymologiae, Isidore of Seville noted that different items of clothing were worn exclusively by different peoples. For example, the wide trousers of the Parthians were called sarabarae.304 The baggy, wide trousers fastened at the waist with a belt were attributed to the Celts. In the Grue mosaic from Carthage, dated to the 4th–6th centuries and displayed in the Bardo museum in Tunis, wide trousers of this type in gray and white denoted a high status. They are depicted on high-ranking officials setting out hunting with their servants.305 The ancient writers made fun of peoples wearing trousers. In his book Geographica, Strabo describes the Celts’ trousers together with their long hair and their love of gold.306 In his Germania, the historian Tacitus describes the tightly fitted bracae trousers of the Germanic people, which revealed the outlines and motion of the body. A fresco at Dura Europos shows soldiers guarding in similar dress. The baggy Celtic style, widening and covering the entire leg, was adopted by the Vandals and used by Gothic warriors during the 6th century.307 Scholars are
Sarabara/saraballa, originally from Persia, was the Latin term for tight-fitting hose-like trousers,313 which were laced round the ankle.314 The Scythians may have introduced such garments to the barbarian tribes of Europe in the 6th century BC.315 Fitted trousers of this kind were a later development of the short, loose version (braies) reaching the knee or mid-calf that were Procopius, History., I, 20; Colledge 1967: 91; D’Amato 2005: 19; Sumner 2009: 180; Croom 2002: 55, 56. Tacitus: 17; Ingholt 1935: 72, Plate XXXII; Voight 2000: 287. 310 Goldman 1992: 54, 59, 62. 311 Cleland et al. 2007: 6. 312 Wilson 2005: 17; Papantoniou 2005: 10. 313 Goldman 1992: 56, 63, 64. 314 Potthoff 1992: 73–77; Voight 2000: 287; Loudon Macqueen 1914: 8; Goldman 2001: 165. 315 Rothe 2009: 40. 308
Swift 2000: 119; Sumner 2009: 178, Figures 119, 179. Swift 2000: 119. 303 Macbean 1773: 628; Loudon Macqueen 1914: 8; Dalby 2000: 99; Pliny: III.IV.31a. 304 Isidore of Seville: XIX, xxiii. 305 Sumner 2009: 180; D’Amato 2005: 34, 4. 306 Strabo: 4.4.3 307 Sumner 2009: 180 301
309
302
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Garments worn on the lower torso
Figure 74. A Roman lady going to the bath with her children and her maidservants carrying boxes of oils, lotions and towels in the mosaic of Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy, 4th century AD (photo courtesy of Ian Ross).
Figure 75. Fresco from the Thracian tomb of Kazanlak, Bulgaria, portraying servants with tunicae talaris (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Kmrakmra, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thracian_Tomb_of_Kazanlak#/media/File: Kazanluk_1.jpg, CC BY – SA 3.0).
51
Weaving in Stones
Figure 76. The lady of Carthage and two maidservants, in the mosaic exhibited in the Bardo Museum (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Pradigue https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category, CC-BY-SA-3.0).
tucked into socks and were common men’s attire among the barbarian tribes from Central Asia.316 It should be mentioned that there is no scholarly consensus on the correct terminology for trousers. Some use a term for fitted trousers that others employ for loose trousers. Trousers were comfortable and convenient wear riding apparel and were therefore popular among hunters and soldiers.317
military clothing without trousers. A century later, the emperor Alexander Severus is depicted in white, not crimson trousers.321 Apart from trousers, we know that puttees, hose, or leggings (hosa) were gartered and fastened around the knees or ankles.322 Although puttees are used to denote ‘foreigners’ in Roman iconography, Quintilian mentioned puttees as only being suitable for men who were sickly. He considered their use to be akin to wearing a long-sleeved garment, indicative of ‘barbarism’ and a weak mind and spirit.323 Nevertheless, hunters and peasants wore knee- or ankle-length puttees to protect their legs.324 Items of clothing fastened at the waist with a belt are portrayed on the figure of a man in the murals at Silistra (Figure 73).325 A Roman lady is going to the bath with her slaves carrying boxes of oils, lotions, and towels in a 4th-century AD mosaic from Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy (Figure 74). A fresco from the Thracian tomb of Kazanlak, Bulgaria from the 4th century BC portrays some servants with tunicae talaris (Figure 75).326
In his essay Anabassis, Xenophon of Athens (430–354 BC) described a battle in which the commander Cyrus ordered his companions to don crimson finery consisting of trousers, decorated tunics, mantles, and bracelets.318 Tacitus made fun of the Roman general Aulus Caecina in 68 AD for appearing in trousers and a multi-colored cloak, in keeping with the imperial custom, to curry favor with the Germanic or Gallic tribes.319 At the same time, however, he noted that the garments of the Germanic élite did not flap around like those of the Parthians, but were fitted and accentuated the limbs (i.e., thighs).320 The emperor on Trajan’s Column (113 AD) is shown in knee-length trousers, whereas most of his troops are dressed in regular
Severus Alexander, SHA, II.XL, 11; Sumner 2009: 180. Houston 1947: 98, 102, 136. 323 Quintilian: 11.3.144; Harlow 2004a: 64. 324 Wild 1985: 380, Figure 18. 325 Dimitrov 1962: Figure 5. 326 https://www.worldheritagesite.org/list/ Thracian+tomb+of+Kazanlak. 321 322
Goldman 2001: 163–181; Piponnier and Mane 1997: 40–41. Seyrig 1937: 7; Alföldi 1970b: 270. 318 Xenophon, Ana.: 1.5.8. 319 Tacitus, Hist.: II, XX; Speidel 1997: 231. 320 Tacitus, Hist.: II, XX. 316 317
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Garments worn on the lower torso
Figure 77. The Magi in the St Apollinare Nuovo church in Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Ruge https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Ravenna_Basilica_of Sant%27Apollinare_Nuovo_3_Wise_men.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
In a mosaic from the late 4th or early 5th century exhibited in the Bardo Museum, the Lady of Carthage is wearing decorated garments and has two maidservants; one holds a mirror and the other carries a basket containing jewels (Figure 76). In a mosaic at San Vitale in Ravenna, the emperor Justinian has crimson hosa.327 Roman art’s use of puttees as a sign of ‘barbarian’ identity enables the viewer to distinguish between different ethnic groups. Eastern peoples such as the Persians were shown in decorated puttees or hose, like those of the Magi in the St Apollinare Nuovo church in Ravenna (Figure 77).328 Barbarian peoples from the North (e.g. on Trajan’s Column) are frequently shown in puttees, which are either fitted or loose and gathered at the ankle with a leather thong. These figures often have a naked upper torso to emphasize the fact that they have been defeated. In Late Antiquity, puttees and trousers were worn by the emperor, members of his entourage and many of his subjects. In the Eastern Empire, long and short trousers were the accepted dress for hunters, gladiators, and those of the middle and lower classes. Short trousers worn by a man signified that he was engaged in strenuous activities.329 Soldiers and hunters wrapped puttees around their legs and sometimes the thighs and/or calf were wrapped in protective strips.
Figure 78. A man hunting a boar, Roman mosaic in Mérida, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Helen Rickard https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Mosaico_de_Las_Tiendas_ (NAR_M%C3%A9rida)_01.jpg, CC BY 2.0).
Houston 1947: 136. Bustacchini 1987: 106–107. 329 Parani 2007: 518. 327 328
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Weaving in Stones Imperial Rome’s desire to control dress and prevent the import of garments adorned with precious gems from the East, was further reinforced by subsequent emperors: Honorius in 399 and Theodosius in 416.332 It is not clear whether the use of this garment was banned because it was considered ‘barbarian’ wear, or because it was military dress. Fragments of the Edictum Diocletiani suggest that trousers were a familiar item of clothing, since the edict mentions the tailors producing them.333 Furthermore, an ivory diptych shows Stilicho, who was a magister militum military commander, in a specific kind of leg-covering (Figure 79).334 Soldiers are reputed to have adopted such garments during this period. In practice however, non-combatant soldiers wore a knee-length tunicae manicatae, dark trousers, a belt, and an overgarment. A number of items of clothing, particularly puttees, were therefore restricted to military dress and were not worn by civilians. It should be emphasized that in many works of art it is difficult to differentiate between close-fitting trousers and puttees. The use of some basic items of clothing, such as the tunic, the dalmatica and trousers increased when the Eastern Roman Empire became Byzantine, when influences of Eastern aesthetic tastes in costume and its accessories can be detected.335 Despite rulings banning the use of trousers, their existence is evident from various artistic representations of figures from both the upper and the lower classes. In Late Antiquity, the Byzantine aversion to the use of trousers stemmed from their hatred of foreigners and their desire to distinguish between manual laborers and members of the upper classes.336
Figure 79. Diptych of Stilicho, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Marsyas https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Stilico diptych.jpg, CCO 1.0).
Men confronting wild beasts and wearing a form of trousers include the foot soldier with a sword and shield wrestling with a bear in the same mosaic, who has brownish-beige trousers and short boots or cnemisstyle sandals (Figure 21),337 and the rider plunging his lance into a leopard in the Kissufim church mosaic, who is in calf-length anaxyrides, hosa, or puttee-type trousers (?) (Fig 22).338 The rider galloping toward a pouncing leopard in the El-Marakesh mosaic also has fitted trousers, which are blackish-gray, and he is clad in boots (?) or cnemis sandals (Figure 18). A number of animal drivers are clothed in trousers, like the man leading tigers in the Kibbutz Erez mosaic whose black, red and brown trousers have a crimson band down the
Figure 80. Dark-skinned man riding an elephant in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic, 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
The copious tunica of the boar hunter in the mosaic in Mérida from the 4th century AD is embellished with orbiculi (Figure 78).330 Auxiliary cavalry troops on burial stones wore tight-fitting knee- or anklelength trousers that made the legs appear naked.331 The Romans despised such garments and from 397 onward, trousers were banned throughout the Roman Empire by order of the emperor Arcadius. Anyone violating the decree faced the confiscation of all his property and exile. The law, which demonstrated
Theodosius: 14.10.2; Sherwin-White 1967: 58; also the tzangaetype boots. 333 Graser 1959: VII.45, 46. 334 MacDowall 1994: 26; Goldman 2001: 181; Kampen 2009: 124, Figure 42. 335 Papantoniou 2005: 10. 336 Russell 1982: 145–146; Ball 2008: 129. 337 Gazit and Lender 1993: XXII; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1983: 127–141; excavation file A-71/8/1997; director of excavations: Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 338 Gazit and Lender 1993: XXII; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1983: 127–141; excavation file A-71/8/1997; director of excavations: Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 332
330 Gentili 1999: III, Figure 8; Carandini, Ricci and De Vos 1982: 188, Figure 100. 331 Schleiermacher 1984: 93, Figure 18; 103, Figure 23; Rothe 2009: 32, Figure 1.
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Garments worn on the lower torso
center and a light-blue and white inner leg (Figure 24).339 The dark-skinned man riding an elephant in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic is dressed in beige, white, and light-brown striped trousers (Figure 80).340 Mythological figures portrayed in trousers include Silenus in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, whose brown and orange fitted trousers are tucked into his boots and have a gray and white striped triangular section petering into a narrow band (Figure 15).341 At Zippori, Orpheus is dressed in fitted trousers that are slightly baggy at the knees and have a black stripe down the center of each leg and shorter, truncated stripes fanning out to the sides (Figure 13).342 The personification of May in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary retains lines around the ankles suggesting that the figure may have worn trousers. Beneath the remains of a tunic, trousers are visible on the fragments of a figure in the Wadi Hammam synagogue that is only preserved from the
waist down. Fitted trousers (?) are visible on the rider’s leg in the personification of fair weather (kalokairia) on a mosaic border from Caesarea, which is now displayed in Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport terminal (Figure 29).343 The perizoma Perizoma is the Greek word used in the Septuagint for a loincloth made of tied fabric and covering the wearer’s genitals while the rest of his body was naked.344 Made of cotton or leather, such garments allow for freedom of movement during strenuous pursuits such as combat, sporting competitions and hunting,345 and were common especially in Egypt and in the eastern Greek world.346 Thucydides mentioned that in competitions at the Olympic Games, athletes covered their genitals with a belt. This custom was adopted by the barbarians, particularly among the peoples of
Figure 81. Hunters in the mosaic at Nahariya (photo credited to Dafna Wolf).
Talgam 2014: 348, 349. This was subsequently the term used to describe the leaves used by Adam and Eve to cover their nakedness; Bonfante 1989: 544, 546, 548. 345 Condra 2008: 79, 99, 112. 346 Vogelsang-Eastwood 1993: 10–31; Cleland et al. 2007: 144–145. 343
Rahmani 1973: 263. 340 Hachlili 2009: Figure VI.5. 341 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 154, Figure 12. 342 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 10, Figure 9. 339
344
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Weaving in Stones Asia, whose wrestlers wore belts in reward for success in boxing matches.347 Cicero vehemently attacked the appearance of the consul Antonius, who participated in the Lupercal festival dressed in a perizoma made of animal skin, and demanded to know how he could appear in such a dishonorable way. He also noted that Antonius lost the position of consul after addressing the Romans while he was naked and drunk, when he attempted to place a diadem on Caesar’s head.348 In Etruscan art, this garment occurs in several styles: Loose pieces of fabric covering the waist; fitted cloth shaped to size; and a style more reminiscent of an apron or skirt.349 The loincloth was fastened in a number of ways, with either a narrow strip pinned at the waist, a belt, or buttons.350 The Romans used it as an undergarment, like underpants, beneath the toga. When worn by soldiers during training exercises, it was known in Latin as campestre and subligaculum.351 In Jewish religious law, trousers were called avricin and since ‘a man working on the land was forbidden to pray naked, he must first cover his genitals with a scarf of clothing or with the leather belt around his
Figure 82. Figure extracting a thorn in the mosaic at Nahariya, 6th century AD, (photo credited to Dafna Wolf).
Figure 83. Grape-treaders in the burial chapel at El-Hammam and at the Lady Mary monastery, Beit She’an (in Hadas 2007: A. Hadas, Vine and Wine in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel, Tel Aviv, 2007: 1, 84, 85, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Thucydides: 1.6; the belts are probably perizomas. This incident is probably apocryphal; see: Bonfante 1989: 563; Cicero. Phil: 2.34.85; 3.12. 349 Cleland et al. 2007: 8. 350 Cleland et al. 2007: 144–145. 351 Condra 2008: 112; Smith 1873: 107. 347 348
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Garments worn on the lower torso
Figure 84 (above). Detail of Dionysus mosaic at Zippori, with the three grape-treaders, 4th century AD, Fig.28.
Figure 85. Hunters, detail in the Orpheus mosaic from Damascus Gate, Jerusalem 6th century AD (photo courtesy of Dr Yehudah Dagan).
in the act of pulling (?). Both are dressed in a perizoma, as are the figures extracting a thorn, leaning against a tree, kneeling, and reclining (?) (Figures 81, 82).354 The three grape-treaders in the El-Hammam burial chapel are clad in a perizoma looped around the lower torso to form blue-and-beige triangular shorts fastened at the waist on both sides by a strip or belt knotted at the front like a necktie with long ends. The grape-treader in the El-Hammam mosaic retains traces of a perizoma (Figure 83).355 The satyr treading grapes on the right in the
waist’. This may refer to the wearing of a very short garment, such as the perizoma.352 In the church at Nahariya, ten figures are portrayed in a perizoma.353 The naked hunters (putti) to the left of the apse and in the bottom border of the Nahariya mosaic have a dark-brown perizoma fastened around the waist like underpants. In the same mosaic, a piping shepherd sitting on a basket has similar garb. A nearby medallion shows a figure raising his arm and another Tosefta, Berachot , 2, 14: ‘A person who is naked should not recite a blessing until he covers his genitals’. 353 Ovadiah and Turnheim 2003: 112.
Edelstein and Dauphin 1975: 32–34; Ovadiah 1996: 93, Figure 11; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1980: 428, note 29; Ovadiah 2001: 1–10. 355 Hadas 2007: 1; Hachlili 2009: VII.3b.
352
354
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Weaving in Stones grape-treading scene in the ‘Dionysus House’ at Zippori is dressed in a slit, brownish-gray and white perizoma that is flung around him as he works. The two satyrs depicted to the left and the right in the same section are in an identical perizoma, fastened at the waist with a sash or belt sewn to the garment and accentuated with dark-brown contours. A complete version of a similar item of clothing is visible on two of the three grapetreaders in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori (Figure 84).356 The two hunters in the Damascus Gate at Orpheus mosaic are clothed in a perizoma in shades of brown and orange and have buskin-type sandals (Figure 85).357 In the synagogue mosaic at Wadi Hammam, the porter climbing up a ramp has a brown-and-white perizoma around his lower torso. Similar items of clothing can be seen on workers clutching a wooden hammer and a chisel, cutting a log of wood with a two-handled saw, and on fragments of the worker mixing cement (Figure 41).358 The remains of the sailor pushing Jonah into the water on the right in the Beit Guvrin church mosaic are wrapped in a perizoma (Figure 86).359
Figure 86. Fragments of the sailor pushing Jonah into the water in the Mahat elUrdi church mosaic, Beit Guvrin (courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority).
Talgam and Weiss 2004: 66, Plate Vb. Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 416. 358 Leibner 2010: 36. 359 Hachlili 2009: 91, IV-24b. 356 357
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Chapter 4
Garments made of animal skin: nebris A number of figures in mosaics in Eretz Israel are clad in clothing made of animal skins, or nebris,360 in a variety of styles, such as the pallium, chlamys, etc., whose prices are listed in the Diocletian Edict.361 The inhabitants of the northern Roman Empire, particularly hunters, wore garments made of pelts to keep warm. These garments gave their wearers a bestial aspect. Reno was the Gallic word for a coat made of reindeer hide.362 Archaeological excavations have recovered fragments of clothing made from treated animal skins. The Romans attributed shaped garments sewn from leather strips to the Barbarians of Northern Europe. Such items of clothing are usually mentioned in descriptions of the Gauls and other peoples regarded as ‘uncultured’.363 Hercules and Dionysus and his retinue also wore nebris made from fawns, goats, lions, or leopards.364 Magical properties of healing, fertility, and power were attributed to the Herculean Knot.365 These garments are mentioned by Euripides in his Bacchae.366 In Germania, Tacitus noted that the Germanic tribes wore overgarments made of animal skins that had been carefully removed from the carcass.367 The centaur bearing a tray in a mosaic at Zippori is dressed in a pallium-style nebris worn as a collar or scarf and fastened with a knot (?) or fibula (Figure 87).368 Hercules in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic has a similar nebris flung over his shoulder, with a lion’s head at the end. The satyr supporting him has a split gray nebris skirt dotted in black and fastened to the torso with a cord or belt. To the right of them, Pan is dressed in trousers and a pallium with the slit, flapping ends of a gray spotted nebris. Next to him is a satyr in a slit pallium made of a grayish animal skin with black spots, which falls down his back and over his shoulder and hangs in front. Another satyr, in front of the ancient Silenus, is clothed in a black-spotted gray skirt. The tail of the animal from which the nebris is made dangles behind him (Figure 88).369 The man at the head of the procession of gift bearers in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori is wearing a yellow nebris in the form of an exomis (Figure 67).370
Figure 87. The centaur bearing a tray in the mosaic at Zippori (photo credited to pikiwiki user: llan Sharif https://www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7679, CCO 1.0).
Smith 1873: 793–794. Caputo and Goodchild, Diocletian`s Price-Edict, 8.1–41. 362 Varro, Ling.: 5.167. 363 Beals and Hoijer 1965: 8; Cleland et al. 2007: 16. 364 Smith 1873: 794; Merkelbach 1998: 97, 158. 365 Nicgorski 2005: 98. 366 Euripides: 24, 136. 367 Tacitus: 17.1. 368 Weiss and Talgam 1995: 73, Figure 12. 369 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 149. 370 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 71, Plate VII a. 360 361
Figure 88. Silenus, Hercules and satyrs in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (photo: Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
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Chapter 5
Overgarments Six types of overgarments have been identified in the mosaics of Eretz Israel: Chlamys, sagum, pallium, paludamentum, paenula, and cucullus. Scholars find the various types of overgarments difficult to identify by name because of the different terms used for the same items of clothing, as well as the fact that their shapes are not described in ancient sources.371 Most scholars call them cloaks, wide sleeveless coats, mantles, or capes, without resorting to Greek or Latin terms. There is usually no correlation between the period in which the garment was worn and a term used, and a Latin term can appear next to a Greek inscription and vice versa. Most overgarments were made of wool. Pliny listed the places where the sheep’s wool was sheared, the dyes used, and weaving and spinning methods.372 He also mentioned overgarments with hair on both sides. Fragments of clothing made of scraped animal skins have been found in archaeological excavations. The Romans attributed the wearing of shaped overgarments to the Barbarians. Such items of clothing are known from the rise of Christianity.373 From the [Jewish] order of putting on clothing in the bath house, we learn that the tallith (fringed shawl) was regarded as an overgarment wrapped around those entering the bath house.374 This order was probably not confined to the bath house. According to Lurie (1981), the way and order in which items of clothing are combined represents parts of a ‘sentence’ (like adverbs) in the syntax of a language of clothing.375 The historian Ammianus Marcellinus wrote that overgarments wrapped around the neck caused one to sweat and revealed the luxurious clothing worn beneath them when they billowed in the wind.376 Tertullian explained that the rectangular ends of the overgarment should be flung from the back over both shoulders, fastened at the neck, and tightened over the shoulder.377 Tacitus noted that the Germanic peoples wore a cloak fastened with a pin, or in its absence a thorn.378 The theologian Cyril of Jerusalem preached that plain clothing should be worn without adornments, to cover the body and provide
warmth in winter.379 Some kinds of overgarments, like the chlamys, are mentioned in fragments attributed to the Edictum Diocletiani, which prices them according to the number of decorative crimson bands.380 The edict also lists a byrrus cape or hood, priced according to whether it was new or used.381 The chlamys The chlamys, or Greek term for an overgarment reaching the knee,382 was worn mainly by men engaged in strenuous pursuits such as soldiers, hunters, and shepherds, but it was also worn by women.383 The Latin word for a similar garment was paludamentum.384 The chlamys consists of a seamless, rectangular length of cloth placed over the left shoulder, wrapped around the body and fastened over the right shoulder with a fibula leaving any surplus fabric hanging down the front and back of the right side.385 Another type of chlamys was pinned at the center of the neckline.386 The fabric was sometimes thick and heavy and sometimes softer, finer, and more colorful than that of other amictus (overgarments).387 In hot weather or during physical activity it was usually rolled up over the left shoulder.388 The chlamys and the pallium are often shown as windblown in artistic representations, either indicating the movement of their wearer or on static figures. Bagatti notes that the billowing garment is a common motif in early Christian art, as in the 3rdcentury Adoration of the Magi on the Sarcophagus of Severa.389 In the following centuries, the combination of the tunic and the chlamys was considered inappropriate attire for civilian events in Rome because of its military connotations. Many emperors therefore chose not to enter Rome in the chlamys, thus marking the beginning of an era of peace. Notably, at the end of the 3rd century the chlamys was still accepted dress. From the 5th century onward, the chlamys was a garment that represented authority. Combined with a crossbowstyle fibula, the chlamys signified the military or
Cyril of Jerusalem: Catecheses, On Clo., 4, 29. Caputo and Goodchild 1911: 108, Cols. I, XIX, (21), 31, (26), 112. 381 Graser 1959: VII.42–43. 382 A number of scholars state that this overgarment reached the ankle; see: Harlow 2004a: 60. 383 Alföldi 1970b: 270; Scharf 1994: 45–46; Ball 2005: 30. 384 Kühnel 1992: 186; Harlow 2004a: 59. 385 Kühnel 1992: 52–53; Potthoff 1992: 101–103. 386 Smith 1922: 275–276; Anderson 1985: 36–37. 387 Smith 1922: 275–276; Loerke 1961: 185. 388 Anderson 1985: 36. 389 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 119–120. 379 380
Bradley 1994: 98. Pliny: VIIII.LXXII.191–192. 373 Pliny: VIIII.LXXIII.193; Beals and Hoijer: 1965: 8. 374 Mish., Derekh Eretz Rabbah 1: 1. 375 Lurie 1981: 3–5. 376 Ammianus Marcellinus: 14.6.3; 14.6.9. 377 Tertullian, De Pal.: 1.1. 378 Tacitus: 17. 371 372
Overgarments
civilian status of its wearers.390 A similar overgarment for adolescents was called a chlmyde. Several scholars identify the mantle worn by Justinian, who appears as a soldier and an emperor in the mosaic mural at the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, as a long silk chlamys, evocative of Rome’s past. Others identify it as a paludamentum.391 Steger, who discusses the dress of King David, identifies the overgarment in which he is often depicted as a chlamys and attributes regal significance to the garment.392 A large, heavy chlamys is pinned with a fibula over the right shoulder of the rider in the Nilotic scene in the El-Marakesh mosaic. The draped chlamys has an embroidered or thick decorative trim around the edge. The fold of the chlamys has a curved outline (Figure 26). The upper torso of the naked hunter in the floor panel in the main corridor of the ‘Nile House’ bears a grayblue chlamys fastened with a Type-A fibula. From his right shoulder, the chlamys drapes down his back and around his left hand, falling in loose scroll-like folds that unfurl beside his legs (Figure 89).The brown-gray chlamys worn by the man riding toward a city in the ‘Nile House’ fans out over the reddish tunic on his upper torso (Figure 19). In the El-Marakesh mosaic, the man confronting an animal (which has not been preserved) has a chlamys and dark brown calcei (Figure 17).393 A mosaic from the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem portrays two hunters in yellow chlamyses with numerous folds highlighted in black, swirling backward and fastened with Type-A fibulae. The brownish-beige chlamys of the hunter in the left square flies back as he lunges forward and its folds are outlined in crimson. An identical garment is worn by the hunter in the right square of the same mosaic (Figure 85).394 The Nahariya church mosaic shows a naked hunter (putto) whose narrow chlamys is fastened with a Type-A fibula. The other figure, below the apse, wears a chlamys or focale-type scarf made of a narrow brownish-beige length of cloth pinned with a Type-F fibula (Figure 81).395 The man leading tigers in the Kibbutz Erez mosaic has a short, brown-andwhite chlamys that is buffeted by the wind to form stiff, trumpet-shaped folds over his shoulder. The garment is fastened over his shoulder with a Type-A fibula consisting of red, blue, and white concentric circles (Figure 24).396 A grayish-brown chlamys is flung over the right shoulder of the naked hunter (putto) located in the right corner of the Nablus mosaic pavement. The spearbearing putto is also shown with a wide, brownish-gray chlamys swirling behind his back. To the left of the same
Figure 89. The Warrior mosaic at Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to pikiwiki user: llan Sharif https:// www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/view/7681, CCO 1.0).
mosaic, the figure of a hunter/putto is wielding a bar and wrapped in a similar brown windblown chlamys. Another hunter/putto appears on the right of the mosaic armed with a lance and with a chlamys over his shoulder (Figure 90).397 A long, pinkish-brown chlamys whose folds are rendered in crimson swirls around the hunter in a hat who is attacking a lion (?) in the Mount Berenice church at Tiberias. The hunter confronting a bear, partially preserved on the border of the upper mosaic in the same church, has a similar hat outlined in shades of yellow, gray, and black.398 In the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, a man brandishing a sword in his right hand and clasping a round shield in his left is clothed in a pinned chlamys (Figure 31).399 A number of personifications in the Zippori synagogue mosaic are depicted in chlamyses: The youth personifying the month of Tishrei/Libra retains traces of a dark-gray and reddish-brown chlamys. The cape drapes from his right shoulder to the waist and is gathered around the left arm, falling down loosely and covering his back.
Harlow 2004a: 60. Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 264–265; Ball 2008: 124. 392 Steger 1961: 27–30. 393 Talmi 1983: 6, 25; Vincent 1922: 267, Figure 2; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. 394 Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 416. 395 Edelstein and Dauphin 1975: 128–132. 396 Rahmani 1973: 263–264. 390 391
Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 129, Plates CXLIX–CLIII, CXC–CXCII; Yevine 1975: 32. 398 Amir 2004: 142–144, Figures 8.2, 8.14, 8.15. 399 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 123. 397
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 90. Hunter from the mosaic pavement from Nablus (photo by Dr Yehudah Dagan).
Figure 91. Zodiac Wheel Mosaic in the great Synagogue of Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to G. Dallorto)
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Overgarments
Figure 92. Amazons in the ‘Nile House’ mosaic, Zippori, 5th century AD (photo credited to Pnina Kopel).
The pointed end of one of the folds sticks out to the right (Figure 91). Remnants of a white triangle belong to the chlamys worn by the month of Elul/Aries.400 The month of Heshvan/Scorpio is personified in a graybrown chlamys lined with mustard-yellow which is wrapped around his arm and upper torso and fastened with a yellow Type-B fibula. In the same mosaic, a youth personifying the month of Adar/Pisces has a gray-brown chlamys lined with mustard-yellow over his right shoulder, covering his genitals and upper torso and fastened with a golden fibula. The youth’s left arm supports the folds of the chlamys, which drape down in a narrow rectangular strip of fabric (Figure 91).401 In the panel opposite the entrance to the ‘Nile House’, a gray chlamys with clearly-defined folds swirls around the shoulder of the hunter/soldier riding a horse next to an Amazon (Figure 92). The upper torso of Orpheus in the Zippori mosaic is wrapped in a red chlamys (Figure 13).402 In the synagogue mosaic at Huqoq, Samson is depicted in a red chlamys whose dark tesserae folds suggest stripes (Figure 12).403 The most recent excavation season at the site revealed three figures in this mosaic walking toward a soldier and wrapped in chlamyses or paludamenta with decorative gammata or gamadia (with the Greek letter heta, or ‘H’).404
a thick rectangular piece of fabric drawn around the left shoulder and fastened at the chest or neck with a leather or metal brooch.405 The historian Tacitus remarked that sagums of different lengths were worn in different seasons.406 Made of thick coarse cloth, the sagum was used as a blanket on cold nights, when it was folded in two for warmth. It was customary for citizens to wear the sagum to mark a victory in times of war. In the Edictum Diocletiani, the fibulatorium rhaeticum type of sagum is listed as an overgarment fastened with a fibula.407 Such cloaks were usually red. A shorter version called a sagulum was worn by horsemen.408 Varro referred to the sagum’s Gallic origins and remarked that the Romans adopted the cloak in the 4th century BC during their wars with the Celts.409 The Greek historian Diodorus of Sicily (1st century BC) noted that the term sagum was used to describe the rectangular cloak worn by the Germanic Gauls.410 Strabo wrote that the sagum was made of wool, which the Gauls called laenae, and that they wore close-fitting trousers and a short tunicae manicatae with side-slits for comfort.411 The tunic covered their genitals and their long hair was tied back when they went into battle.412 The style of overgarment depended on the wearer’s status. Soldiers and members of the lower class wore the sagum, whereas commanders wore the chlamys.413 The warrior in the Merot synagogue mosaic pavement is dressed in a red sagum fastened
The sagum Sagum was the Celtic term for a military cloak, shorter than the chlamys or the pallium and made of
405
26.
Houston 1963: 99; Potthoff 1992: 103; Böhme-Schönberger 1997:
Tacitus: XVII, 1.6.2. Edictum Diocletiani, XIX, 65–68, 72–73. 408 Smith 1873: 1002 409 Varro, De ling.V.167. 410 Diodorus of Sicily: 5.30. 411 Differentiating it from tunics in the Mediterranean region; see: Rothe 2009: 35. 412 Strabo: 4.4.3, 3.3.7. 413 Sumner 2003: 5.
Weiss 2005: 116, Figure 57. Weiss and Netzer 1998: 29; Steinberg 2007: 11; Weiss 2005: 112, 113, Figure 54; 115, 116, Figure 57; 117, Figure 59; 118, Figure 60; 120-121, Figure 64; 115, Figure 57. 402 Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 417–418. 403 Magness 2013b: 38. 404 Magness 2013a: 68. The most recent excavations were conducted in February 2017. I am grateful to Dr Magness and particularly to Dr Yehuda Dagan for sending me the initial publication of the finds. 400
406
401
407
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Weaving in Stones with a fibula over the left shoulder and flung over the right shoulder (Figure 10).414
pallium was draped like the himation or fastened with a fibula.418 It was also often worn with no undergarment. Writing in the late 2nd century, Tertullian described in his essay De Pallio (‘On the Cloak’), the way in which this item was worn that, in his opinion, was simple and easy and required no particular skill.419 Tertullian was highly critical of people who wore togas and described the advantages of the pallium.420 This item of clothing, which was associated with those philosophers who refrained from commenting on political issues, was adopted by Christian believers and reflected their modest way of life.421 The conflict revolving around this garment between Christians and Romans was an indication of power and status.422 Quintilian compiled clear instructions on the correct way of arranging the toga and stated that the pallium was to be worn in the same manner.423
The pallium The pallium was an overgarment that derived from the Greek himation, worn by men, women, and children in regions under Greek rule. The garment subsequently became widespread throughout the Roman Empire, where its Latin name was ‘pallium’.415 The Greek origins of this garment are associated with the modesty, dignity, and enlightenment identified with Greek culture.416 Made of a long piece of fabric wrapped around the body at the neck in various ways, it was draped over the left shoulder and sometimes covered the head. Its folds usually left the right arm exposed. On hot days, the pallium was folded round the neck.417 This style developed into a narrower, scarf-like version that was wrapped around the body with its ends rolled into long triangular curved twisted curls. Weights were fastened to the corners of the fabric to accentuate the folds. The
Personifications of the months of the year (November, December, April, and May) in Room A at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary have a narrow pallium
Figure 93. Personification of the Nile in the ‘Nile House’ with a gray folded pallium over his left arm that drapes down over his feet (Photo Zeev Radovan). Davenport 1948: 73. Tertullian, De Pal.: 1–2; 5.1–3; Wedekind 2012: 33. Tertullian, De Pal.: 6.2. 421 Roger Hines 1998: 87; Rothe 2009: 41. 422 Harlow 2004a: 63. 423 Quintilian, The Instit. 6.3.147. 418
Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 209. 415 Smith 1873: 852; Potthoff 1992: 151–155; Croom 2002: 127; Lorquin 2003: 124. 416 Bieber 1977: 138–139. 417 Smith 1873: 1136; Cosgrave 2000: 75.
419
414
420
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Figure 94. A statue of the river Nile in the Chiaramonti Vatican museum (photo credited to user: Fb78 talk https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: VaticanMuseums_Statue_of_River_Nile.jpg talk: Fb78).
draped over the left shoulder (Figures 1, 47). The pallium (?) in the personification of June trails between his legs. A blue, gray and orange pallium over the left shoulder of September, personified with crossed legs, is wrapped around the figure’s arms and shoulders and flaps in the wind (Figure 36).424 In Room L of the same complex, a figure next to bunches of grapes has a pallium over his shoulder (Figure 59). In the ‘Isfiya (Huseifa) synagogue in the Carmel hills, Sagittarius has a yellow pallium over his shoulder.425 The month of September in the burial chapel at El-Hammam is personified in a blue, gray and orange pallium fastened at the neck with its ends buffeted by the wind. The left shoulder of December in the same chapel is enveloped in a green and crimson pallium; the pavement retains traces of the lower part of a pallium belonging to the personification of November, whose shoes are also preserved (Figure 47).426 In the ElMarakesh mosaic, a narrow red pallium is worn by the man with a raised arm. Its rolled ends fall in points. The pallium covers the left elbow, drapes down the back, and rests on the right arm. He is clad in short black calcei with laces (Figure 34). The figure of Dionysus in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic has a long pallium draped around the upper torso and over the feet. The garment is rendered in diagonal rows of dark-brown, lightbrown, and gray tesserae that produce a lustrous effect. The edges are trimmed with black and gold bands. The lower hem is finished with a row of gray (Figure 9).427
Figure 95. The ‘Leontis House’ mosaic at Beit She’an, now in the Israel Museum in Jerusalem (https://blogs. timesofisrael.com/nilometers-in-the-land-of-israel/ Photo credited to Dr Ticia Verveer, 3.1.2018).
A reddish-brown (?) pallium covers the left shoulder of a man dining in the villa at Zippori (Figure 64).428 The personification of the Nile in the ‘Nile House’ has a gray folded pallium over his left arm that drapes down over his feet (Figure 93). The same appearance is visible
Fitzgerald 1939: 7. Schlesinger 2003: 66; resembling the lion skin of Hercules. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 122. This part of the mosaic has not been preserved and therefore the color of the tunic is unknown; Vincent 1992: Plate X, Figure 4. 427 Clédat 1915: 145–168; Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 424 425 426
26, Plate IV; Clédat identifies the overgarment as a himation, possibly because of the Greek inscription. 428 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 10, 11, Figures 8–11.
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Weaving in Stones on a statue of the river Nile in Chiaramonti Vatican museum (Figure 94).429 A similar rendering appears in the ‘Leontis House’ mosaic at Beit She’an (Figure 95).430 In the drinking-contest scene at Zippori, the lower torso and left arm of Dionysus are swathed in a long, purplishbrown pallium with black-and-white decorative stripes. He is clad in short, calcei-type boots (Figure 71).431 In the same scene, the lower torso of Hercules is draped in a yellow pallium from the waist down and the drunken Hercules has a brown pallium tucked between his legs and over his genitals. In the drunkenness of Dionysus scene, the reddish pallium is wrapped around his arm and covers his lower torso (Figure 70).432 The paludamentum The Latin term paludamentum refers to a military cloak that was longer than the sagum and worn by highranking soldiers and civilians. It was usually discarded after active service.433 Roman Emperors often appeared in a paludamentum at victory parades and temple dedications.434 In his De Magistratibus, John Lydus noted that this overgarment was worn by senior officials and army generals, and that it resembled the chlamys.435 Harlow considers the Latin term paludamentum to be synonymous with the Greek word chlamys.436 The garment, worn by both men and women, was arranged over a basic item of clothing such as a tunic and came in several styles. It was a long cape-like garment with a trapeze-shaped or semicircular pattern, sewn from a rectangular length of cloth with its two shorter edges cut on a diagonal.437 The paludamentum covered the shoulder and the left arm, was fastened at the right shoulder with a fibula, and fell to the hip or the toes.438 During the rise of the Byzantine Empire, this item of clothing became especially popular and replaced the expensive and cumbersome Roman toga that had been the mark of a high status, which was made of heavy fabric like the draped toga of the Emperor Tiberius (Figure 96).439 Over the years, the paludamentum was adopted as an imperial garment and was worn by senior officials.440
Figure 96. Fabric like the draped toga of the Emperor Tiberius, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia User: Jastrow https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toga#/ media/File: Tiberius_Capri_Louvre_Ma1248.jpg, public domain).
6).441 In the Lady Mary Church, March is personified with a brownish-beige paludamentum draped over his left shoulder and he also wears a helmet and armor. He is clad in military boots made of leather thongs and laces, similar to the hunter’s in the central octagon of the second row (Figure 35).442 A paludamentum is wrapped over the long tunic of the personification of May in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary (Figure 47). A star- or rosette-spangled paludamentum covers the upper torso of the sun god in the Naʻaran synagogue.443 The torso of the sun god in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue is swathed in a red and pink paludamentum with a large
In the Gaza Maiumas synagogue, King David’s paludamentum is fastened with an ornate fibula (Figure Weiss and Talgam 1995: 61, 62, 76, Figure 14. Tsuri 1973: 232, Figure 4. Vincent 1922: 269, Figure 3; Talgam and Weiss 2004: 48. Scholars question whether it should be identified as a pallium or a himation. 432 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 50, 51, 53, Plates 1b, 2a, 2b. 433 Sumner 1997: 89. 434 Alföldi 1970b: 144. 435 Lydus Johannes: De Mag. I, 17.1. 436 Harlow 2004a: 59–60, No. 30. 437 Lister 1967: 68; Potthoff 1992: 155–159. 438 Smith 1873: 1002; Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 264–265. 439 Goette 1990: 20–101. 440 Lister 1967: 73; Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 264–265; Olson 2006: 188. 429 430 431
Hachlili 2009: 72, Figure IV, 12. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 75, 123. 443 Foerster 1986: 387; Roussin 1997: 83; Bauman 1999: 315. 441 442
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fibula clasp and the outlines of its folds are rendered in purple (Figure 8).444 A curving, orange paludamentum with crimson stripes is draped over the right shoulder of the Zippori Orpheus and to the right of his harp, where its folds are accentuated with orange contours and widthwise lines (Figure 13). In the mosaic from the Damascus Gate burial chapel in Jerusalem, Orpheus is clothed in a red and gold paludamentum decorated on his left side with a tablion, or oblong appliqué made of expensive fabrics that came to symbolize the emperor and his court.445 The paludamentum, open on his right side, hangs in heavy folds over his splayed legs to reveal his right knee and falls to his feet, which are clad in open-toed buskin type sandals made of reddish leather thongs (Figure 5).446
plowing shows him in a paenula with a cucullus.455 The last two terms are used interchangeably in ancient sources and more recently among costume historians. In this book, I use paenula to refer to a cape and cucullus to refer to a hooded overgarment. Over the years, the introduction of the military helmet rendered the hood obsolete.456 The paenula worn by the fisherman on the right in a medallion in the south aisle of Beit Loya church has crossways orange stitching above the chest. The orange, yellow and white stripes in its upper section are accentuated with two diagonal black lines, with one black line down the center and another along the bottom hem. The stripes in its lower section are yellow and orange and the neckline and outer contours are rendered in black. The fisherman on the left also bears traces of a paenula, whose outlines are similar to those on the garment worn by the fisherman on the near right (Figure 42).457 The male personification of ‘favorable times’ at Tel Malhata is clothed in a crimson paenula (?) edged in dark lines and with a line down the center worn over a white tunic with diagonally striped long sleeves (Figure 39).458 In the burial chapel at ElHammam, January’s head is swathed in a green and purple paenula/cucullus and he is clad in green sandals or clogs (Figure 47).459
The paenula The paenula was a kind of sleeveless cloak that afforded protection from the cold and rain.447 The outer coat, which was rounded, oval, or bell-shaped, was either put on over the head or fastened in front.448 The garment was made of a semicircular piece of fabric and held together by folding one end over the other.449 The semicircular pattern, which was divided in the middle, enabled the garment to be drawn around the neck, shoulders, and arms, where it was stitched or fastened with a pin. The pattern allowed the arms to be covered with any surplus fabric.450 Since the paenula fell to below the wearer’s waist or knee, it somewhat hampered movement.451
The cucullus Another variant of the overgarment was a short woolen cloak or cowl for use on cold days with a head covering that was either attached or separate. A hood shaped like a pointed hat was joined to the cucullus, which was also called a byrrus and attributed to the Gallo-Romans and the Celts.460 It was adopted from the repertoire of barbarian clothing by Roman men, principally by laborers. The garment, which covered and protected the wearer’s neck, was also favored by Egyptian monks.461 The cowl covered the shoulders and reached the waist; like the paenula, it was made of stiff, heavy material or leather. Various artistic representations show the cucullus being worn by laborers such as hunters, shepherds and desert-dwelling monks.462 It is mentioned in ancient sources by Juvenal, Martial, and Euripides.463 Interestingly, although hoods were common they are seldom depicted in art. During Trajan’s rule, the cucullus
The Augustan History states that Alexander Severus and Hadrian wore paenulae, despite the fact that it was not considered imperial attire.452 The Digest Codex of Roman laws, published by Justinian in 533 AD, records that although it was initially regarded as female apparel, men were later also permitted to wear the paenula.453 The 4th-century canon of Gangra decreed that anyone dressed in such clothing should be caste out as an anathema. The word also occurs in ancient Jewish sources.454 A shorter cape, the alicula, appears on men, including hunters, in stone reliefs at Cordoba in Spain, on sarcophagi in Naples, at Delos, at Arles, and in Gaul. The Romano-British figurine from Durham of a farmer Dothan 1967: 130. Woodfin 2012: 17, No. 51; 159–160, Figure 4.9. 446 Croom 2002: 54. 447 Böhme-Schönberger 1997: 22; Kühnel 1992: 182–184. 448 Scharf 1994: 83; Sumner 1997: 89. 449 Potthoff 1992: 141–143. 450 Roche-Bernard and Ferdiere 1993: 54; Ignatavičiene 2003: 47, Figure 25. 451 Parani 2007: 519; Lister 1967: 68. 452 Severus Alexander, SHA, 27.104; Hadrian 3.4; Harlow 2005: 152, No.7. 453 Justinianus D., 34.2.23.2. 454 Martialis: III.14,130; Smith 1873: 372, 848; Brummell-Beau 1932: 43; Huston 1947: 98; Davenport 1948: 74; Roche-Bernard and Ferdiere 1993: 26–30; Croom 2002: 53, Figures 15, 2, 54. 444 445
455 Roche-Bernard and Ferdiere 1993: 35–38; Sumner 2009: 92, Figures 80, 81; Hobbs and Jackson 2010: 99, Figure 76. 456 Bernard 1980: Kat 59, Taf.103; Sumner 1997: 89. 457 Tsafrir 1993: 265–272. 458 Eldar and Baumgarten 1993: 52, Figure 5; Figueras 2003: 936–937. 459 Avi Yonah identifies it as the figure of a woman (Avi Yonah 1936: 23, 24); Äkerström-Hugen interprets it as a man; Äkerström-Hugen 1974: 82. 460 Brummell-Beau 1932: 43; Loudon Macqueen 1914: 8. 461 Tovar 2007: 221. 462 Cassien: Instit. IV,17; Cleland et al. 2007: 44, Figure 9. 463 Martialis: I.5.14.6; Euripides: 182; Columella: I.8.9.
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Figure 97.Trajan Column 113AD, Wikimedia,Public Domain , Creator: Apollodorus of Damascus, File: 104 Conrad Cichorius, Die Reliefs der Traianssäule, Tafel CIV.jpg).
was viewed as inferior to the toga in the Roman world.464 In his works De re Rustica and de Arboribus, devoted to agriculture and trees, Columella advised landowners to ensure that their workers were cared for on cold days and to furnish them with long tunics with leather sleeves or hooded cloaks. An example of this item of clothing is shown in a 4th-century painted mural from a country villa in the Trèves region, which is displayed in the local museum.465 Martial ridiculed those who wore it. He also queried the worth of the blue blood flowing in the veins of the empress, who would desert her bed on hearing her husband’s snores and command that her hooded cloak be brought to her chamber so that she could slip out alone, or accompanied by her maid, to commit adultery.466 Juvenal, for his part, noted the use of this item and commented that although a person would be ashamed to wear such a coarse garment while eating from fine pottery vessels, if he were to move to the countryside he would be glad of such a thick, shaggy coat.467 Pelagius mentions this garment in a letter to the Bishop of Arles in 557 AD, in which he asks the bishop to send a shipment of cheap hoods, tunics, and short robes for the poor.468
The months of October in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary and December in the burial chapel at ElHammam are both personified with a cucullus on their head.469 Neck kerchiefs Neck kerchiefs are rarely represented in art. In the Nahariya church mosaic, the two hunters/putti to the right and left of the apse are shown in identical darkbrown neck kerchiefs with orange spots, fastened with a Type-G fibulae (Figure 81).470 The kerchief of the hunter sporting a wind-blown scarf or narrow chlamys resembles a golden neck scarf from Carnuntum Pannonia, a Roman army camp in Austria.471 The Spinario, the boy extracting a thorn in the Nahariya mosaic also has a neck kerchief pinned with a fibula (Figure 82).472 Scene 115 on Trajan’s Column shows cavalry troops and infantry in neck kerchiefs approaching a bridge. Rossi notes that they are dressed in saga (cloaks) and focalia (scarves).473 Ancient sources record that the emperor Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Plate VII, Figure 2. Ovadiah and Mucznik 1980: 428, note 29; Edelstein and Dauphin 1975: 32–34; Ovadiah 2001: 1–10; Steinberg 2007: 13. 471 Speidel 1996: 239, Figure 2. 472 Dauphin and Edelstein 1993: 50–52; Hachlili 2009: 172. 473 Richmond 1982: 7, Plate 1; Rossi 1971: 86–87, Figures 26, 31. 469
Linderski 1982: 91. 465 Croisille 2010: 133–134, Figure 179. 466 Martialis: III.14.128. 467 Juvenal: 3.168–3.170; 6.116–1121; 8.144–145. 468 Pelagius: XIV, 408.a. 464
470
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Nero and his solduers kept a mafora round their neck (Figure 97).474 The 4th–6th-centuries Grue mosaic in Carthage shows soldiers with a military neck scarf, mafora or maphorion.475
Figure 98. Achilles in remnants of the mosaic from Nablus, 3rd century AD (photo: Dr Yehudah Dagan).
are dressed in chlamyses. Two have kerchiefs around their necks. One man is clothed in a sagum, nineteen in a pallium, seven in a paludamentum, four in a paenula, one in a cucullus, while another is dressed only in a cowl. In the Nablus mosaic, Achilles is depicted with a veil over his head.
Veils Achilles disguised as a young girl in remnants of the mosaic from Nablus is shown with a veil/scarf over his head (Figure 98).476 Decorative elements on overgarments Most of the overgarments worn by the male figures in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are plain and only a few have decorative bands, a tablion, or a gammata. The sun-god’s paludamentum in the Naʻaran mosaic is studded with stars or rosettes. Summary A review of the men’s clothing in the mosaics of Eretz Israel shows that ten male figures are wearing a tunica talaris, thirty-eight a tunica manicata, forty-one a colobium, one a dalmatica, and nine have tunics of indeterminate length. Twelve male figures are dressed in an exomis, fourteen in a skirt, eleven in long fitted trousers, and twenty-one in a perizoma. Seven are clothed in a nebris made of animal skin. Twenty-three men in physically demanding occupations such as hunting or driving animals are shown in overgarments and, together with the personification of a month, they Suetonius: Life of Nero, 51. D’Amato 20053: 34, 4. 476 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: Plate CXC. 474 475
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Part II Men’s clothing: the iconographic context
Chapter 6
Huntsmen The mosaic pavements of Eretz Israel contain a dress repertoire of thirty-two men hunting on horseback or by foot. The hunters are completely nude in mosaics at Nablus and Zippori, partially clothed at Nahariya and Nablus, and dressed in embellished tunicae manicatae at the Church of the Lady Mary Monastery, at Kissufim, and in a private villa at Sheikh Zouède. Some have trousers, chlamyses, and boots. They are often representing in hunting scenes containing one or more hunters that illustrate the hunters’ clothing, weapons, and hunting methods, as well as in other social activities such as dining, sport, and contests. Many of the hunters belong to the nobility and their pursuits are a mark of their status.477
scenes may be absent from the decorative floors of synagogues because of the Jewish prohibition against harming animals for recreational purposes and sport.480 Rabbinical literature rejected the concept of hunting for sport; examples of this are expressed in the Avoda Zara and Shabbat tractates,481 which suggest that the Jewish religion forbade hunting for pleasure although hunting as a sport is not specifically mentioned in Jewish sources.482 The Bible commands mankind to care for animals in the same way that God cares for all his creatures.483 Following Bagatti’s interpretation, the hunting scenes in churches can probably be explained as intentional representations of the struggle between man and animal (or between animals) designed to remind believers that God provides for their needs and protects them from predators.484 The views of contemporary influential public figures on hunting in general and on the hunter’s apparel in particular are expressed in ancient literature. The late 4th–early 5th-century philosopher and orator Libanius recorded that spectacles held in the amphitheater satisfied the demands and vulgar taste of the masses.485 In his Confessionum, Saint Augustine hinted at his repugnance for the contests held in the vivarium. He recalled that as a child, his parents and teachers disapproved of his love of games and his passion for watching and reenacting plays.486 The 4th-century Xenophon of Athens declared that it was unimportant what huntsmen wore, so long as it was practical.487 In his essay on hunting (Cynegeticus) he also advised hunters to use clothing suited to the local terrain, suggesting that they adopt light, simple attire with light boots and a chlamys wrapped around the arm to protect them from hunting dogs.488 Dark-skinned hunters dressed in an exomis and white colobium, following Xenophon’s ‘advice’, are portrayed on a 1st-century BC mosaic at Palestrina. The color may have been chosen intentionally to make them stand out.489 In his 2nd-century essay On the Hunter, Oppian of Apamea recommended that hunters wear a belted tunic tightened with straps and fitted
References to the dress and social status of hunters are found in the writings of scholars in the ancient world and Late Antiquity. The reasons for the absence of figures of huntsmen in synagogue mosaics and their replacement with other subjects in church mosaics are discussed here. Comparable portrayals of hunters’ clothing in various art works are also examined, together with their significance.478 This section also focuses on the singular dress and appearance of the huntsmen in the Kissufim church mosaic, the use of decorative motifs, belts and possible sources of inspiration for the work. Based on existing research, their distinctive appearance, origin and use in ancient sources is examined here in an attempt to identify the clothing and accessories, as well as archaeological finds of the kind of items that probably inspired the Kissufim huntsmen’s dress. People engaged in other pursuits with similar attire and equipment are included in this chapter. As a subject, the hunt epitomizes a way of life, gender affiliation, and natural and divine powers confronted by man. In Late Antiquity, as in previous periods, hunting was practiced not only to enrich the diet and obtain animals for sacrificial purposes and raw materials for clothing. In every social class, it was also used for sport and pleasure and to develop endurance and perseverance, while overcoming difficulties.479 Hunting
Rabinowitz 2007: 9, 621–622. JT : Avodah Zara,3;3,42d ; Shabbat: 6: 1. 482 Perry 1998: 22, 30, 32. 483 Psalms 76: 6; Proverbs 12: 10. 484 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 95, 97, Nos. 3, 4. 485 Libanius: 11, 268–269. 486 Augustine 52. 487 Anderson 1985: 34. 488 Xenophon, Cyneg., 6.11, 6.17. 489 Vercoutter, Leclant, Bindman and Gates 1976: 189, Figures 23, 27, 54. 480 481
477 Avigdori 1986: 84; full descriptions of the garments and accessories accompanying figures in the mosaic floors of Eretz Israel are given in the chapters on typology. A short description precedes the chapters on iconography and accessories. 478 Since the Nahariya and Kissufim examples are different from hunters in other mosaics in the region, their distinctive items of dress are discussed separately. 479 Jones 1964: 1017; Friedman 1978: 29, 66.
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Figure 99. Alexander the Great in the mosaic in the ‘House of the Faun’ at Pompeii (photo credited to wikipedia user: Berthold Werner https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Alexander_Mosaic#/media/File: Battle of Issus mosaic-Museo Archeologico Nazionale-Naples 2013-05-16 16 25 06 W.jpg, Public Domain).
around the knees. He also recommended that they hunt without an overgarment to prevent the rustle of a swaying cloak from alerting animals to their approach. If it was absolutely essential, a cloak could be placed on one side of the neck and draped across to the shoulder opposite the arm used by the hunter. Oppian also advised hunters to go barefoot in order to muffle their tread from predators.490 The late 2nd–early 1st-century AD linguist Pollux observed that light-colored tunics and chlamyses acted as good camouflage, as long as they were not white, and that the simple, light tunic should fall to mid-thigh and their laced boots reach mid-shin.491 Philostratus the Elder wrote an ekphrasis on the hunt (The Huntsmen) where he describes hunterhorsemen wearing a belted tunic and clad in knee- and calf-pads. The hunter has tousled hair and is dressed in a short chiton with sleeves that reaches his thighs and a crimson chlamys billowing in the wind and glowing in the sunlight. Philostratus recorded that despite the hunter’s long hair, his eyes were not obscured.492 Laws published in Rome during the 4th century emphasized that bird-hunting and fishing were regarded as inferior occupations that were only suitable for women, whereas
deer-and boar-hunters were considered fit for military service. Referring to these laws in his work published in Constantinople in the 5th century that deals with the art of war in the Roman army (De Re Militari), Vegetius recommended that hunters be enlisted as soldiers.493 A 6th-century mosaic from Kelibia in North Africa displayed in the Bardo Museum in Tunis depicts six hunters demonstrating various hunting methods and dressed in tunicae manicatae.494 Scholars generally ascribe two meanings to the hunting scenes on mosaic floors from the Roman period and Late Antiquity: One is secular and symbolic and indicates the status of the wealthy Roman landed nobility, who were aware of their station and embellished their estates and homes with scenes exalting their work and achievements, as symbols of their success and to bring good fortune.495 This tendency flourished from the 3rd century onward in North Africa, Antioch, and elsewhere. The hunter in the Nile festival mosaic at Zippori belongs to this tradition. In the East, hunters often had a mythological identity, like Hippolytos in the mosaic floor at Sheikh Zouède. The other meaning –
Oppian: I. 98–110. Pollux 5.17–5.19. 492 Philostratus: I, 28, 10–30.
Peretz 2002: 15, 276; Cod. Th. 7.13.8,10.20.6; Jones 1964: 614. Blanchard-Lemée, Ennaifer and Slim 1996: 180, 290, Figure 129. 495 Dunbabin 1978: 288; Merrony 1998: 475; Voight 1998: 48.
490
493
491
494
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Figure 100. Hunting in the Sidonian cave in Beit Guvrin, 3rd century BC (photo credited to Dr Avishai Teicher via the PikiWiki Israel https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: PikiWiki_Israel 51222hunting_in_the_sidonian_cave_in_beit_guvrin. jpg). Figure 101. Hunters in a medallion set in the Arch of Constantine, dated to the years 130–138 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Radomil, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Luk_ Konstantyna_6DSCF0032.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
symbolic, religious, and mystic – represented the battle against sin.496
The classical Greco-Roman tradition in the portrayal of hunters is evident in various artistic media, as in a 3rd-century BC mural in Tomb No. 1 at Marissa, where a hunter trying to spear a leopard is shown in a white tunica manicata girded about the waist, leaving the knees and lower legs bare in keeping with Xenophon of Athens’ ‘advice’, and a splendid red chlamys billowing in the wind. He is dressed in fitted trousers and his status is indicated by the color of his reddish-purple sandals, which are fastened at the ankle with a white ribbon tied at the ends (Figure 100).499 Another mural shows details of all the clothing worn by the hunter. A marble medallion in the Arch of Constantine (130– 138), shows hunters in tunics and chlamyses chasing a wild boar (Figure 101),500 like the hunter shown in a mosaic from the Esquiline Hill in Rome, probably from the Sessorium palace, which dates from the
In Late Antiquity, hunters’ dress was influenced by the clothing of animal-trappers in earlier eras. The following examples illustrate this influence: Levi maintains that the depiction of hunter figures in general and hunter-horsemen in particular was inspired by the fame of Alexander the Great, the ideal military commander, which developed into an official metaphor for the figure of the perfect ruler and represented the imperial court in later periods.497 Alexander is shown on a sarcophagus displayed in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul and on a floor mosaic found in the ‘House of the Faun’ at Pompeii recording the Battle of Issus in the year 333 BC, where Alexander is shown riding horseback in a cloak fastened with a golden fibula and attesting to his high status (Figure 99).498
27.
Ovadiah 1996: 90. 497 Friedman 1978: 27; Levi 1971: 340. 498 De Franciscis 1990: 80–81: 23, Plate VI, X; Hetherington 1967: 11,
Xenophon, Cyneg.: 6.11, 6.17; Peters and Thirsch 1905: 23, VI; Jacobson 1995: 25, Plate VIi; Erlich 2009: 72, Figure 90. 500 Ramage and Ramage 1991: 187, Figure 7.32.
496
499
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Figure 102. Hunters in the mosaic at a villa in Piazza Armerina, Sicily, 3rd–4th centuries AD (Right: photo credited to user: Jerzystrzelecki https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_in_Villa_Romana_del_Casale,_by_Jerzy_ Strzelecki,_06.jpg ,CC BY-SA 3.0; Left: photo credited to user: Yann https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosa%C3%AFque_ de_la_petite_Chasse,_villa_deCasale,_Piazza_ Armerina,_Sicile,_Italie.jpg Public domain).
rule of Constantine.501 In the Great Hunt mosaic at a 3rd–4th-century villa in Piazza Armerina, Sicily, the hunters and the men leading animals are clothed in colorful, richly embellished manicata tunics with apoptygmae over their belts.502 Some have a chlamys with knee-length boots and knee-guards (Figure 102).503 A country villa at Centcelles in Spain, dated to the second half of the 1st century BC, has a mosaic in a dining room or mausoleum (?) with a horse-hunting scene in its lower section. It shows the owner in a crimson tunica manicata decorated with segmenta and a crimson chlamys, in boots and with a sword in his hand.504
in the West were designed to emphasize their wearers’ status and to enhance the composition. The desire to make the clothing look elegant was manifested in the use of tunics requiring large amounts of fabric, like the tunica manicata’s surplus cloth shaped into an apoptygma and the wide tunic sleeves fastened along the arms with ties or buttons. The design was intended to create a voluminous garment that would give the arms a muscular, rugged and virile appearance like that of the hunters in the Conservatori sarcophagus in Rome (Figure 103).505 Hunters portrayed in attire that is inappropriate for the physical demands on them include the rare depiction of a hunter at St George’s Church in Nebo, Jordan, mounted on a horse whose trappings attest to his wealth. The rider is clothed in a windblown chlamys over a tunica talaris which would make riding difficult.506 In the Church of the Apostles at Madaba, dating from 578 AD, the barefoot hunter/putto has a wide tunic tucked
Similar scenes illustrating the magnificent clothing, shoes, and accessories of hunters both in the East and Dunbabin 1978: 213, Plate LXXI, Figure 204. See: glossary at end; Capizzi and Galati 1990: 41, 44; 176, 179, 180, 188, Figures 91, 92, 96, 100. 503 Daltrop 1969: 29; Gentili 1999: 60, Figure 8. 504 Some scholars have identified the figure as Constantine, who died in Les Gal Lies, but Brenk rejects this interpretation; Brenk 2005: 146– 147, 536, Plate 2. 501 502
505 506
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Brilliant 1963: 188, Figure 4.67. Saller and Bagatti 1949: 71, 119, Plate 25, 1.
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Figure 103. Hunters in the Conservatori sarcophagus in Rome (photo credited to Wikimedia user: jpg © José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro ns.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sarcophagus_with_the_Calydonian_boar_hunt_-_Palazzo_dei_ Conservatori_-_Musei_Capitolini_-_Rome_2016. ,CC BY-SA 4.0).
Figure 104. Hunter/putto in the Church of the Apostles at Madaba, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 101, Fig. 83, courtesy of SBF).
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3rd–early 4th-century mosaic from Oderzo in Italy, where a hunter setting his dogs on a wild boar is clothed in a tunica manicata trimmed with orbiculi and clavi.512 In a mosaic from Conimbriga in Portugal,513 and at Spanish villas, hunters are dressed in slightly baggy and loose trousers in addition to a tunic, as at Las Tientas in Emerita-Méridain western Spain.514 A mosaic from Cardeňajimeno in the Spanish province of Burgos shows Meleager riding horseback in a fine tunic with decorative bands and brandishing his sword at a wild boar.515 The horseback hunter in the Beit Guvrin mosaic and the rider approaching the gates of the city of Alexandria in the mosaic at Zippori are shown in simple tunics and monochrome pinned or buttoned overgarments (Figures 17, 18).
Figure 105. Lion hunter on the sarcophagus of Alexander the Great (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Mrsyas https://es.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archivo: Macedonian_Army_Alexander.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0)
In the Roman and Byzantine periods both in the East and in the West, hunting scenes in mosaics and other artworks show hunters dressed in contemporary dress resembling the short tunics worn at the time.516 For example, the hunters’ clothing on the ‘Mourning Sarcophagus’ from Sidon, exhibited in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul,517 and hunters on sarcophagus lids from the Catacomb of Domitilla in Rome, who are dressed in a tunica manicata and short chlamys.518 There are other examples on mosaic pavements in the Yakto compound,519 and at DaphneHarbiye in the Antioch region dating from the late 5th century and exhibited in Worcester Museum.520 Hunters are also portrayed in the nude and draped only in an overgarment, as in a mosaic from Nablus and on a 5th-century tabula from Fayoum/Fayum in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London.521 The 5th-century Villa of Constantine in Antioch contains a nude hunter with a pallium hanging from his left shoulder and falling behind his raised leg, like the nude hunter at Zippori (Figure 89).522
between his legs that would also restrict movement (Figure 104).507 Hunters in the East and the West would dupe their prey by camouflaging themselves with nebris. On a late 4thcentury BC sarcophagus attributed to Alexander the Great, he is shown in a lion’s mask (Figure 105). In a mid-2nd-century mosaic from Oudna, a hunter has a goatskin draped over his back, arms, and knees. Such portrayals show that nebrises were used as camouflage and illustrate one of the hunters’ strategies.508 Sometimes the scenes are extravagant and far-fetched, such as the bare buttocks of a hunter in tight trousers displayed in the triclinium mosaic from Apamea in Syria, which dates from the late 5th–early 6th centuries (Figure 106).509 Similar examples are the long-haired huntsman with an embellished multi-colored tunica manicata and red socks tucked into black shoes in Saint John’s church at Nebo in Jordan, dating from the 6th century, as well as the Carthage mosaic.510
Many Byzantine churches have mosaic floors with hunting scenes, like the pavements at Kissufim, Beit Guvrin, Nahariya and Beit She’an. The frequency of such scenes in churches and monasteries angered Christian clergy at the time. The 5th-century Saint Nilus of Sinai was vehemently critical of such scenes in his reply to a letter from the exarch Olympiodorus. He was opposed to the secular motifs and urged that the scenes
The fashion of embellishing the garment with decorative motifs is evident in a mosaic in the Hall of Hippolytos in Jordan, dating from the 6th century. The hunter, who is attacking a feline, is barefoot and dressed in an ornamental, belted colobium. Another hunter is equipped with a belt to which a quiver of arrows is fastened.511 Similar apparel was worn by hunters in the Western Empire, like those in the late
De Vecchi 2006: 18, Figure 41; 19–20, Figure 42. MacMillan 1986: 63. Blazquez 1993: 145. 515 López Monteagudo, Navarro Sález and De Palol Salellas 1998: 23– 24, Lám. 38, 39. 516 Dunbabin 1978: 49. 517 Reinach 1909: 407, Nos. 1–6. 518 Wischmeyer 1982: 79–80, Rep. 513. 519 Dated to the 5th century; the mosaic is now in the Antakya Museum in Antioch; see: Kondoleon 2000: 8, Figure 6; Env. 10168. 520 Becker and Kondoleon 2005: 228–237, Figures 2, 6; Parrish 2005– 2006: 392, Figure 1. 521 Kendrick 1920–1922: I, 98, Plate XXVI. 522 Merrony 1998: 452–453, Figure 8. 512 513 514
Buschausen 1986: 62, Abb. 47. Anderson 1985: 76, 142–143, Figures 29, 30. 509 Verhoogen 1964: Plate 21; Dunbabin 1999: 183, Figure 196; Parrish 2005–2006: 392–393, Figure 2; Ben Abed, Ben-Kahder and Balanda 2002: 159. 510 Bagatti interprets this as a portrait; see: Saller and Bagatti 1949: 51, Plate 9.2. 511 Piccirillo 1992: 55–56, Figures 6, 11, 12, 15. 507 508
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Figure 106. The great hunting mosaic from Apamea, Triclinos building, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user Michel Wal. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mus%C3%A9e_Cinquantenaire_Mosa%C3%AFque_de_ la_Chasse_01.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
of animals being chased by hunters and their dogs be replaced with scenes from the Old and New Testaments and that a cross be placed in the sanctuary.523
fibula (Figure 81).525 The representation of hunters in the nude was incompatible with the Christian spirit and in the 6th century, hunters were usually shown in contemporary dress.526 Anderson suggests that hunters in Greece were neither barefoot nor naked and that the artists depicting nude hunters were inspired by athletes in the gymnasium, ignoring reality and the harsh physical conditions endured during the hunt. He contends that ancient writers and their students, such as Xenophon, Pollux and others, based the hunters they described on scenes painted on Greek vases.527
The outer border of the church mosaic at Nahariya consists of a colorful frieze of medallions with animals, hunt scenes, and predominantly nude human figures.524 Putti-type hunters in this church appear in a perizoma or narrow scarf-like chlamys (?) termed a maphora or focale, and in a neck kerchief pinned with a Type-A
Ovadiah 2001: 7, Figure 15; D’Amato 2005: 34, 4. Edelstein and Dauphin 1975: 131. 527 Anderson 1985: 34.
523 Mango 1972: 32–33; Butler 1991: 95–96.; St. Nili, Epist.: PG 79, IV, col. 578, c, d. 524 Ovadiah 1996: 89.
525 526
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According to Kitzinger, the portrayal of huntsmen in the nude was influenced by the hunters shown as putti,528 since hunters in the Roman and Early Byzantine periods are usually shown in clothing of the time, whereas nude hunters represent mythical heroes, as in the mosaics at Nablus and in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori.529 In her essay on ‘Nudity as a Costume in Classical Art’, Bonfante notes that the state of undress is a form of ‘costume’ and that it has different social and mystical meanings in various religions and public practices.530 Although they appear to merely represent a rural landscape, the hunting scenes in churches probably also had a religious significance and symbolized the strife with sin. The mosaic portraying a nude hunter with a billowing chlamys at the 6th-century Church of Saint Demetrius in Nikopolis is probably an example of Kitzinger’s interpretation of hunters as battling against evil, lust and death, symbolized by wild animals.531 The two nude hunters in the ‘Nile House’, who are clothed only in a chlamys fastened at the shoulder with a fibula, indicate that the scene’s subject is based on myth, rather than reality. Dunbabin proposes that the hunting scenes in Roman villas were intended to glorify the master of the house by emphasizing his wealth and pursuits.532 A Byzantine silver platter in the Dumbarton Oaks collection in Washington shows a hunter-warrior on horseback beside an Amazon in a scene similar to the one in the panel at the entrance to the ‘Nile House’ hall. Weitzmann identifies the figure as the artists’ ‘adaptation’ of a Trojan warrior from legends of the Trojan wars to the context of the hunt.533 Such comparison and cross-referencing led to the singular dress of the hunters in the Nahariya mosaic, who are clothed in a combination of a perizoma and a neck scarf that is unparalleled in other artworks. Ancient sources record that the emperor Nero used to wear a kerchief fastened around his neck.534 Neck kerchiefs identified by scholars as maphorion or focalia are shown on horsemen and foot soldiers marching toward a bridge in a relief on Trajan’s Column.535
Figure 107. Mosaic floor in the Church of St Lot and St Procopius (after Piccirillo 1992: 153, Fig. 202, courtesy of SBF).
Figure 108. Man carrying a bucket in the Church of Saints Cosmas and Damian at Jerash, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 278, Fig. 51, courtesy of SBF).
In addition to the hunters in the border, the Kissufim mosaic contains a milking shepherd, a camel driver, and the figures of two women in modest and decent dress, as befitting pious Christian women. The camel driver and the women in the border are separated from the hunters by a geometric design.536 The appearance of the hunters in this mosaic is striking, since the design accentuates the shoulders to give the men a rich, virile physiognomy together with their hunting equipment
and manly build. The beasts of prey they are attacking on the mosaic floor may be intended to accentuate their battle against vice and evil.537 The dress, decoration, and belts with pendants shown on the Kissufim hunters in the mosaic border deserve particular attention, since they differ from those of other hunters in the mosaics of Eretz Israel.538 They are
Kitzinger 2002: 219. Weiss and Talgam 1995: 76. 530 Bonfante 1989: 543–544. 531 Friedman 1978: 35; Kitzinger 1951: 120. 532 Dunbabin 1978: 35–36. 533 Weitzmann 1960: 45–68. 534 Suetonius, Life of Nero, 51. 535 Rossi 1971: 86–87, Figures 26, 31; Richmond 1982: 7, Plate 1. 536 Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 132. 528 529
Kitzinger 1951: 118. Scabbards and belts recovered from archaeological sites (described further in the section on clothing accessories) together with decorative elements on tunics are analyzed here, as are references to the subject in ancient sources. Also discussed here are the distribution and possible sources of inspiration for the new aesthetic concepts, which reflect a changing approach to the design of clothing, and the
537 538
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Figure 109. Belt and scabbard worn by the king’s scribe and the bodyguard in the Dura Europos synagogue, Syria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jonund https://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ficheiro: Mordecai_and_Esther. jpg, Public Domain).
Martyrs Lot and Procopius (Figure 107),542 as well as the hunter in the 6th-century Hippolytus Hall in Jordan.543 A mosaic from Osrhoène-Sarrĩn in northern Syria, exhibited in the Museum of Aleppo, shows hunters on foot plunging their swords into a leopard and a boar and clothed in a wide, brown tunicae manicatae. The rounded neckline has a T-shaped decoration and the sleeves are embellished with a similar design.544 The same motif appears on the tunics of laborers, as on the tunic of the man with a bucket in the Church of Saints Cosmas and Damian at Jerash (Figure 108), and on those of the vessel bearers in the church mosaic at Petra.545 Similar examples are the tunica manicata worn by the figure in the orans posture who also has a pallium in the Church of Saint George at Khirbet Mukkhayyat in Jordan,546 as well as the tunic of a hunter on a tapestry in the Dumbarton Oaks collection.547 Various scenes in the 3rd-century Dura Europos synagogue murals show a wide clavus decoration running across the tunic from the neckline and often as far as the forearm. Examples at Dura Europos are the figure beside Pharaoh’s throne in the Moses scene and the letter bearer and another figure in the scene with Esther and Mordecai, where the decoration is visible along the upper arm and not concealed by an overgarment (Figure 109).548
clothed in a tunic decorated with a T-shaped design across the neck and upper arm, a belt with narrow bands hanging from it, anaxyrides trousers, and boots. This marks a departure from the artistic representation of traditional male attire, which included the chlamys and the tunica manicata decorated with clavi, segmenta, tabulae, and orbiculi. Ornamental geometric T-shaped panels were used on the tunics of soldiers, riders, workmen and personifications, where they were applied to the shoulders, upper sleeve, and down the front of the chest, accentuating parts of the body as particularly strong and masculine. The complex decorative panels were woven into the fabric or attached to the tunic after it was made up.539 Their existence accentuates the T-shaped form by adding a wide, decorative clavus band to the neckline, from where it extended to the shoulders and forearms to emphasize the muscles of the upper torso. Some versions have only a clavus band, or ornamentation from the neck to the shoulders but without the central panel. Another example of this kind of tunic, similar to those of the Kissufim hunters, is worn by the man leading a bear in the late 6th-century Church of the Rivers mosaic at Umm al-Rasas in Jordan.540 Identical ornamentation is found on other 6th–century Jordanian mosaics, such as the section of a tunic with a T-shaped panel across the arm and shoulders worn by a leopard hunter at Khirbat Al-Kursi, where the edge of the sleeve and the hem are also trimmed.541 Further instances are the tunics of the hunter shooting an arrow at a lion and the bear hunter in Church of the Holy
Piccirillo 1992: 152–153, Figures 201, 202. Piccirillo 1992: 59, Figure 12. Balty 1990: 28–29, Plates E.1, I.1, IV.1; Parrish 2005–2006: 397, Figure 8. 545 Amadasi 2002: 278, Figure 510; Hachlili 2009: 127; Piccirillo 1992: 278, Figure 510. 546 Kalamara 1995: Plate 39b; Piccirillo 1992: 178–179, Figure 247. 547 Török 2005: 229, Plate IX. 548 Levine 2005: 256, Figure 41; Bellinger, Brown, Perkins and Welles 1956: Plate LXV, Plate LXVIII; Hopkins 2011: 237, 243. 542 543 544
mutual relationships between tradition and innovation. 539 Sumner 2009: 67. 540 Piccirillo 1992: 240–241, Figure 389. 541 Piccirillo 1992: 265, Figure 479.
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Figure 110. Detail from the Throne of Maximilian depicting a scene of Joseph, 6th century AD, Ravenna, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Elenajorgemigueldidier https://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Slika: Catedra15.JPG, CCO 1.0).
Figure 111. Vandal cavalryman from the mosaic pavement at Bordj Djedid near Carthage, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Aurélie-33000 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Vandal_ cavalryman,_c._AD_500,_from_a_mosaic_pavement_at_ Bordj_Djedid_near_Carthage.jpg, CCO 1.0).
Figures are portrayed in similar attire in several 6thcentury artworks, like the tunic with a spotted T-shaped decorative band in brown and crimson worn by the rider leading a horse in an Egyptian painting on wood in the Louvre.549 The decoration appears on carved ivory panels, such as those showing scenes from the life of Joseph on the Throne of Archbishop Maximian of Ravenna, which is generally interpreted as having been carved and prepared in the East, in either Egypt or Antioch, before being brought to Ravenna (Figure 110).550 The T-shaped motif is particularly striking because of the ivory-carving technique. Similar tunic embellishment appears on Saint Menas’s executioner on an Egyptian ivory pyxis exhibited in the British Museum. The container, probably used in the liturgy, was found well-preserved in San Paolo Fuori le Mura Church in Rome.551 A 20 cm-wide T-shaped band like those of the hunters in the Kissufim mosaic and embellished with a geometric diamond motif is displayed in the Museo Egizio in Florence (Figure 66).552 The motif on the two ivory works and in the Kissufim mosaic emphasizes the status and function of the figures in each composition. Other instances of the same motif are found on: The personification of April in a villa at Argos in Greece;553 bronze figurines from the 7th century in Egypt and Asia Minor; soldiers and officers assumed by scholars to be Avars serving in Constantine’s army;554 on a child in 6th–7th-century murals from Baouit;555 and on a
rider resembling the hunters in the Kissufim mosaic in part of the mosaic from Bordj-Djedid in Carthage, dated to the late 5th–early 6th centuries.556 The rider, shown with one arm pointing ahead, is clothed in a red tunic decorated with a checkered strip falling from the shoulder. Instead of being in the middle of the garment the strip is to one side, either because of the raised arm or because the artist failed to solve a technical problem. The wrist cuff is also embellished. His narrow trousers, which are grayish-brown, have a decorative band around the ankles and he has short boots. In the same mosaic, a rider gesturing near the city gates has a short tunica manicata ornamented at the cuff and hem (Figure 111). Another rider, attempting to lasso a deer, is dressed in a plain manicata tunic that is belted with a sash. Schmauder is the only scholar to have identified this as a sash, although on close examination it is clearly a sash and not a belt with pendants.557 In his research on the relations between Romans and barbarians, Conant notes that in the 5th century, clothing was not recognizably ‘Mediterranean’ in fashion and he is therefore of the opinion that there is no clear distinction between ‘Vandals’ and ‘Romans’. He also stresses that it is impossible to know in exactly what aspect ‘barbarian’ garments differed from Roman clothing, since the 5th-century Bishop Victor of Vita, who thought that clothing was the principle way of distinguishing between Vandals and Romans, described how a large number of Romano-Africans working in the army and in the upkeep of aristocratic
549 D’Amato 2005: 10, 16, 28, D.1, 2, 30, 46 ;Lǎszlö 2005: Plate XIV, Inv. E 14352. 550 Natanson 1953: 30, (35),31(40, 41), Figure 39); Cormack 1985: 101. 551 Weitzmann 1979: (514) 575. 552 D’Amato 2005: 5, Inv. 12602. 553 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25, Figure 1: 2; Knauer 2004: 14, Figure 5. 554 Daim and Andrasi 2000: 27–30, Abb. 8a–b, 9 a–b, 10a; D’Amato 2005: 42. 555 Daim and Andrasi 2000: 24, Abb. 4a, 25, Abb. 4b; D’Amato 2005: 37;
Schmauder 2000: 21, Abb. 3. 556 Hinks 1963: 147–148. 557 I am grateful to Prof. Dunbabin; she discussed with me the hunters in North Africa and used her personal color photos to examine their dress for me. Prof. Dunbabin notes that the rider is dressed in a tunica manicata, which she assumes is belted with a sash.
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as Maqqai,566 wears a belted tunic and a blue cloak lined with red and has a red scabbard. His trousers bear traces of red color. The young man leading a horse is clutching the strap of a scabbard hung from his left shoulder. Two youths, positioned first and third on the right side, have a short akinakes-type sword,567 tipped with a kind of ball and tucked between the belt and the vertical decorative strip on the left of the tunic, while another youth’s short sword is hidden beneath his overgarment. The two young men are clothed in a tunica manicata with a decorative scrolled motif.568
Scholars are divided as to the origins of the decorative motifs. Sidonian sarcophagi have been cited as one source of inspiration.559 In the dress of the Kissufim church hunters, Roussin detects influences taken from the portrayal of hunters in the arena. To substantiate her claim, the reader is referred to research suggesting that hunters who appeared in the amphitheater were generally not gladiators. They wore a tunica manicata with loose sleeves fastened with a wide leather belt unlike those of the hunters at Kissufim church. The gladiator from the ‘Nile House’ at Cos has a sash like those worn by the harvesters clothed in perizomae.560 Sumner explains that the surplus cloth in gladiators’ tunics was gathered and concealed with a wide belt.561 Allason-Jones describes a gladiator equipped with knee-pads, a helmet, and a wide belt without pendants on a vase from Colchester that is marked with an inscription mentioning the Thirtieth Legion. She claims that gladiators may have served in the Roman army, although the vase cannot be attributed to its find-spot since the Thirtieth Legion was not active in that region.562 On examining the treatment of gladiators in various artistic works, it is evident that there is little similarity between their dress and that of the hunters in the Kissufim mosaic. In the Great Palace in Constantinople, one of the hunters fighting a bear is shown in a short, loose colobium fastened with a fibula or a tie and in tight-fitting trousers or hose (?). The other has a golden colobium over his genitals, with short gray and brown sleeves, a wide belt around his waist, and short trousers (?) gartered round his thighs.563 The barbarian origin of the knee-pads, like the tunic, attest to the influence of Germanic dress in the Eastern Empire.564
Leather pendants hang from belts around the hunters’ waists in the Kissufim church mosaic. The bear hunter, in a frontal pose, has four pendants and the leopard hunter, in profile, has two. Similar belts are worn by some of the figures in mosaics and other artworks described above. Costume analysis of the burial art of Roman Palmyra shows that from early in the 2nd century, the clothing array consisted of trousers and a tunica manicata with a decorative band around the neckline, a vertical strip down the center of the garment, and sometimes belts with loops. According to Ingholt, the earliest examples of such dress are found on a tombstone of two children, and on diners in a marble relief from a burial dated to the mid-2nd century, exhibited in Copenhagen Museum. The loops on the stooping figure’s belt enable various objects to be hung from them.569 In the Dura Europos synagogue, the king’s scribe and body-guard have scabbards fastened to their belts.570 Another vase, dated to the 4th century BC from Chertomlyk, shows Scythian warriors or hunters dressed in trousers and a tunica manicata embellished with a scrolled band across the front and back and on the trousers. The decorative band and the belt to which the scabbard is attached are similar to those at Palmyra and Kissufim.571 Other Scythian tombs in the northern Black Sea and northern Caucasus have yielded evidence of clothing worn by bearded soldiers and riders that includes leather belts with pendants.572
The scabbard shown on the hunter at Kissufim is also worn by pages in Parthian dress, who have shaved cheeks and curly hair.565 Three men in the border of a 3rd-century painted sarcophagus in the exedra of Julius Aurelius Maqqai at the hypogeum of Atenatan in Palmyra are clothed in a red belted tunic and blue trousers with a red stripe bearing a scroll motif. Long blue swords in scabbards hang crossways from right to left. The man leading a horse has a tunic with a side-slit for riding. The central figure, whom scholars identify
Fragments of 6th-century belts of this kind have been recovered from archaeological sites in tombs in Hungary, Mongolia and southern Siberia, Romania, and Egypt.573 In the 5th and 6th centuries, belts made Colledge 1967: 221, No. 4, Figure 4. A type of dagger or short sword. 568 Ingholt 1935: 65, 69, Plate XXVII, 1. 569 Ingholt 1935: 69, Plate XXX. 570 Hopkins 2011: 237, Plate XXIII; Rostovtzeff 1938: 124. 571 Minns 1971: 159–162, Figures 46–49. Scythian riders who fled from Iran at the beginning of the 7th century BC wore trousers and pointed, cone-shaped caps made of felt; see: Drews 2004: 122, 193, Nos. 31, 34. 572 Jacobson 1995: 173; Reeder 1999: 112–113. 573 Daim 2003: 498, Figure 3; in recent years, British and North American research has focused on the relationship between archeology and identity and their contribution to social changes; see: Pitts 2007: 693–713. 566 567
558 Victor of Vita II.8–9; Conant 2012: 61; Victor of Vita also recorded that men and women in barbarian attire were forbidden to enter churches, despite the fact that God’s dwelling place was supposed to be accessible to all. 559 Reinach 1909: 407, Figures 1–6. 560 Robert 1971: 324;Roussin 1985: 263;Dunbabin 1999: 216, Figure 227. 561 Sumner 2009: 29; Cimok 2001: 26–27. 562 Allason-Jones 2011: 221–222, Plate 40. 563 Jobes and Vetters 1992: 17, Abb. 6. 564 Jobes and Vetters 1992: 17, Abb. 6; Cimok 2001: Figures 25, 26. 565 Colledge 1967: 91; Heyn 2008: 179.
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of metal, in a similar design to those described above, are called ‘Bulgarian’ or ‘Vulgar’ belts in Vienna papyri and in the literature. The belts and buckles recovered from burials are attributed to the Avars, fierce and powerful nomadic horsemen whom many regard as descended from the Huns and who lived in the Balkan Steppe and received payments to remain in the region. When the payments ceased, they invaded the lands around the Black Sea. In 558 AD they were hired as mercenaries in the emperor Justinian’s army.574 According to Theophanes the Confessor, who recorded historical events in Byzantium and the Levant between the 3rd and the 9th centuries, the Avars arrived in Byzantium in 556–557 AD and local citizens gathered to stare at their outlandish appearance, long bobbed hair and Hunnish dress.575 Many literary descriptions of Avars and barbarians comment especially on their hairstyles. In Anecdota, Procopius described their untrimmed beards, mustaches, and unkempt hair tied into braids with ribbons to give them a towering appearance at the front. The long hair down their backs resembled that of the Persians and the Huns.576 Procopius also recorded that their tunics were closely gathered at the wrist and fanned out to the shoulder; as they brandished their arms in the hippodrome, this made their bodies look fine and strong even though the material was loose. The tunics, overgarments, trousers, and cloaks were also in Persian and Hunnic style.577 In De imperio et rebus gestis Justiniani, the 6th-century historian Agathias noted their tousled, dry, dirty hair tied in a coarse knot.578 DeBrohun writes that in the 5th century BC the hairstyles of Athenian men changed and they started to grow long hair tied up in a chignon or clipped in place. She notes that this strange fashion was adopted by the Greeks of Asia Minor, influenced by their Persian neighbors. This is a good example of the fact that fashion never stands still; styles that were once accepted are often rejected as offensive when they begin to become fashionable again.579
the Vandals.580 Referring to the style of the horse’s trappings and the horseman’s decoration, Rostovtzeff considers that two horsemen in particular, one with his arm raised in greeting and one hunting two deer, represent a dual portrait of the master of the estate, who is either Vandal or Byzantine. Dunbabin, who dates the mosaic to the 6th century AD, also attributes the figures to either Vandals or Byzantines.581 The abovementioned scholars maintain that the mustache and the items of dress seen in profile (the tunic, fitted trousers, and puttees) are Germanic in style.582 In his Guerra Vandala, Procopius recorded that after their conquests, the Vandals settled down to a life of luxury, spending time in baths, drinking and at the theater, being particularly fond of hunting trips. They wore silk garments imported from China by Persian traders.583 According to Rossiter, if the dating of the mosaic to the 5th–6th centuries is correct the subject of the hunt can be identified with the Vandal aristocracy.584 Courtois identifies the origins of the two Carthage horsemen as being Byzantine.585 The research cited here treats the three figures in isolation, ignoring the others mentioned above as well as the geometric motif on the clothing of the hunter portrayed in profile or the tunic and chlamys of the horseman next to the city gates. A mosaic from Syria also shows a chlamys over a tunic with a T-shaped panel. Schmauder remarks that the earliest examples of this type of belt in the Levant date from the late 6th century and that in showing the figures dressed and equipped in such a manner, the artists intended to single them out as barbarian rather than Byzantine.586 Accordingly, the embellished clothing and belt are neither status symbols nor marks of a high social class, but are consistent with the Byzantine concept of the barbarians as people whose lives revolved round fighting, horseback riding and hunting. To reinforce this claim, Schmauder cites Sasanian art, where belts appear in hunting scenes and not in royal contexts.587 A belt of this type consisting of sixteen elements, including pendants, buckles, round medallions and precious stones, is displayed in the Belgrade Museum.588 A review of other figures portrayed in the West (with the exception of those from Carthage) has yielded no T-shaped decoration or pendant belts of this kind.
The debate about the origins and appearance of the Kissufim church mosaic hunters and similarly dressed figures will help provide an understanding of the source of their clothing. Scholars give different explanations for their origin. Some attribute the Carthage horsemen to ancient Alani peoples from Persia that split into groups and invaded Gaul, Spain, and Portugal who fought against the Vandals in North Africa in 409 AD. Levine, Clover and Loverance attributed the figures of Carthaginian horsemen as being descendants of
As far as can be ascertained, the T-shaped decoration probably spread to the region as a result of the geographical proximity of Carthage and Egypt, where Pollack 1966: 3, 706–707. Clover 1993: VI, 15; Dunbabin 1980: 79, Plate LXXX, 2; Rostovtzeff 1957: 530. 582 Loverance 2004: 21, Figure 18; Lavin 1963: 241, No. 257; Dunbabin 1978: 59, Figures 40, 41. 583 Procope de Césarée, La Gu., VI, 7. 584 Clover 1993: VI, 7, 15, 16; Rossiter 2007: 380. 585 Courtois 1955: 288. 586 Schmauder 2000: 15–16. 587 Schmauder 2000: 37, Abb. 18; 39. 588 Popovic 1997: 3–90. 580 581
574 Mitchell 2007: 405; Ghirshman 1953: 69; Diethart and Kislinger 2000: 9–12; Bálint 2010: 146. 575 Theophanes Confessor, Chron. AM 6065, 232, 339–340. 576 Procopius, Ane., VII.8-10, 14; Pohl 2006: 144–146. 577 Procopius, Ane., VII.8-10, 13-14. 578 Agathias, I, 3, 4. 579 DeBrohun 2001: 20.
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Figure 112. Coptic tunic, Walters Art Museum https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Coptic_-_Tunic_-_Walters_83484.jpg (photo credited to Wikipedia user: User: File Upload Bot (Kaldari), (Public Domain).
Figure 112 a. Doll’s tunic, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin, inv. Cäcilia Fluck and Klaus Finneiser, Kindheit am Nil. Kleidung – Kinderbilder aus Ägypten in den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, p. 50-51, no. 20. © Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (photo: Antje Voigt).
112 b+c: Caption for tapestry fragments with erotes and birds: Tapestry decorations with erotes, birds and vases from a cushion or cover, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin, inv. 9825; in: Cäcilia Fluck and Klaus Finneiser, Kindheit am Nil. Spielzeug – Kleidung – Kinderbilder aus Ägypten in den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, p. 38-39, no. 14. © Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (photo: Antje Voigt).
similarly decorated tunics are found in different visual representations and among archaeological finds (Figure 112).589 The artists’ use of model books may have influenced the way in which they depicted the figures and their appearance, since the T-shaped decoration usually shown on hunters’ tunics was ‘copied’ onto the clothing of laborers engaged in various occupations and onto children’s clothing, occurring in places as far apart as Egypt, Syria and Jordan, although it is absent from Western art (excluding Carthage).590 It can also
be argued that this decorative motif, which appeared during the 6th century in the above-mentioned places, exhibits typically Eastern elements.591 From the 3rd to the 6th centuries, changes in men and women’s dress are evident in the adoption of two tunics worn together: A long close-fitting tunic, and a looser and shorter outer tunic with elbowlength sleeves. Men’s tunics usually reached to below the knee, but those of laborers and soldiers were not so long. Horsemen girded themselves in a kind of leather waistband tightened at the front to prevent
D’Amato 2005: 10. In the Church of the Apostles at Madaba in Jordan, a child in similar dress is shown catching a parrot; his tunic is tucked between his legs and embellished from the neck to the shoulders, without a central strip; Piccirillo 1992: 101, Figure 83.
589 590
591
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Apart from Carthage.
Huntsmen
Figure 112 d. Caption of a tunic fragment with tapestry decoration: Fragments of a tunic with tapestry decoration, Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Berlin, inv. 9825; in: Cäcilia Fluck and Klaus Finneiser, Kindheit am Nil. Spielzeug – Kleidung – Kinderbilder aus Ägypten in den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, pp. 44-45, no. 17a-b. © Skulpturensammlung und Museum für Byzantinische Kunst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (photo: Antje Voigt).
hunters in the mosaics clearly have a basic uniform that includes tunicae manicatae and fitted trousers or puttees based on customary designs common in both East and West. The introduction of the ‘T’ motif, which replaced traditional embellishments, underwent several stages. The decoration was initially confined to the neckline, extending later to the shoulders and developing into the full T-shaped style. The belt, to which a scabbard or quiver was attached, and the absence of the chlamys attest to the local stylistic origins detected in the innovative characteristics related to the East. Since these items of clothing and their accompanying accessories are shown on hunters, workers and children throughout Eretz Israel, Syria, Jordan, Egypt and Carthage, they can be seen as reflecting mutual interactions in dress and accessories between different parts of the provinces; in the case of Carthage, local artists may have been influenced by those employed in the provinces and vice versa.
their clothing from billowing in the wind, as well as preventing reins or a sword from chafing the rider.592 Mosaic floors throughout the Empire in general and in Eretz Israel in particular can be summarized as portraying hunters in a variety of colorful clothing that is incompatible with the ‘recommendations’ of ancient writers. In many artistic media (such as reliefs, tombstones and triumphal arches) the colors of the fabrics cannot usually be ascertained and their vibrant hues are only preserved in murals, manuscripts, and mosaics. It is therefore impossible to determine whether the hunters’ clothes in the richly decorated Eretz Israel mosaics, which display traditional dress and decorative motifs as well as new trends from the East (i.e., trousers, leather pendant belts, and tunics with T-shaped embellishment in place of the traditional clavi, tabula, segmenta, and orbiculi), are the result of the patrons’ desire to enrich their buildings and attract the faithful with magnificent works in the latest styles, or whether they were chosen by artists and based on pattern books. Hunters wore similar items of clothing in the Eastern and Western Empire, differentiated by their cut and ornamentation. In the West they usually had fitted trousers, whereas in the East they had looser trousers that were cooler to wear. Most of the hunters in the Eretz Israel mosaics are dressed in traditional, modest clothing that ‘cites’ earlier styles. Most lack the accessories necessary for the hunter. The hunters/ putti from the church in Nahariya are an exception to this, with their uniquely styled neck kerchiefs.593 The Ghirshman 1962: 78, Figure 91; 98, Figure 110; Parani 2007: 523. The synagogue mosaics executed by Marinus and his son Hanina at Beit She’an and Beit Alpha are in a different style; scholars interpret this as stemming from the use of different pattern books; see: Levine 2005: 218. 592 593
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Chapter 7
Soldiers This chapter covers the military dress and accessories depicted on mosaics from synagogues in Eretz Israel. It also incorporates a discussion of soldiers’ clothing in ancient art and literature, including insignia, garments, and equipment during the period covered by this book and immediately prior to it.
by wealthy citizens.602 In the Western Empire, soldiers were also identified by their belted tunicae manicatae, which were fitted and came to above the knee, unlike civilian tunics. The length was probably determined by the apoptygma, or fold created by pulling the garment up over the belt.603 Scholars note that distinctive belts fell out of fashion at the end of the 3rd century, although they still appear in various works of art.604 The Strategikon, dated to the late 6th century and attributed to the Byzantine emperor Maurice, describes two types of horsemen’s tunics: The short tunic, or armelausion, and the zostaria, which was a long-sleeved belted tunic of Germanic origin. The tunics were slit at the sides and worn over wide trousers. Soldiers were also advised to wear shoes with thick, hobnailed soles to protect the feet and to refrain from using boots or greaves since they were cumbersome when marching.605 Maurice also noted that overgarments should be simple, unlike the highly decorated ones worn by the Bulgars.606
Ancient literature supplies us with information on the garments and accessories worn by troops and although the term ‘battle dress’ is absent from the Bible, it does mention several related garments like the bronze helmet and bronze leg-greaves of the Philistine warrior Goliath. 594 The term ‘greaves’, used only once in the Bible, applies to armed protection on the leg calves and is also mentioned in Homer’s Iliad.595 Much can be learned about soldiers’ dress from the mid-4th century Vestis Militaris Codex, which described the Roman army’s clothing supplies in Egypt, including their colors, manufacturing sources and purchase. Information can also be gleaned from visual depictions on funerary stones, victory pillars and arches,596 and on sarcophagi and murals found in temples and burial caves. Finds of military artifacts from archaeological excavations provide added insight into such items.597
Military dress and equipment are revealed in different artworks. The soldiers in the Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic are clothed in an embellished tunica manicata (Figure 11). The only remaining fragment of the mosaic pavement at the Merot synagogue shows a warrior who has cast off his arms, symbolizing the Time of Redemption described in Isaiah 2: 4 and Micah 4: 3. To his left is an Aramaic inscription that reads: ‘Shimon son of Yudan Mani’, which is understood to refer to the man who donated the floor as an expression of his belief in divine providence and yearning for peace on earth. The warrior wears a belted white tunic and has a helmet at his side (Figure 10).607 Maguire has noted that when a composition is not preserved in full, it can be interpreted by comparing it with other artworks, inscriptions, and the function of the building, its date and the literary texts.608 Regarding the inscription accompanying the Merot mosaic, some scholars assume that the figure represents a hero, a gladiator, or a warrior; because of his red hair, he has also been identified as David or Goliath. Ovadiah and Mucznik note that the text is placed at the side and not above or next to the figure, unlike in other synagogue mosaics, indicating that the inscription refers to the donor. In their opinion, the figure surrounded by weapons of war represents a warrior who has cast aside his arms
The masculine nature of military dress in the ancient world and ornaments like buttons and ivory or metal plates attested to a soldier’s prowess and signified his identity and class.598 The different items of clothing were designed for his protection and ensured ease of movement in battle. The Codex Theodosius compiled a number of laws and clarifications concerning the use of military uniforms and the penalties that applied to any violating such laws.599 The concept of ‘army uniform’ in the ancient world was unlike that in the modern world. Nevertheless, a soldier’s military rank could be identified from his tunic and its decoration. The basic item of clothing in a soldier’s wardrobe was the tunic, which was usually sleeveless.600 From the 3rd century onward, it is possible to detect the copying and imitation of military dress and symbols of units.601 On tombstones, soldiers were portrayed wearing ‘camp’ dress, which consisted of an embellished white tunica manicata that would not have been worn into battle and was also used Galpaz-Feller 2008: 160–161. 1 Samuel 17: 5–7; Homer I, line 17. 596 Balty and Van Rengen 1993: 24–53, Plates 3–27. 597 D’Amato and Sumner 2009: 124, Figures 145, 148, 213, Figure 302, 225, Figure 313, 326, Figure 314; James 1998: 19. 598 James 1998: 19, 21. 599 C. Th., 7.4.36.6.1–6; 14.10.1. 600 Sheridan 1998: 75; D’Amato and Sumner 2009: 214. 601 James 1998: 19. 594 595
Such as clavi, segmenta, orbiculi, and tabula. Wild 2002: 23; Cleland et al. 2007: 125. 604 Mathews 1999: 74, Figure 53. 605 Maurice: XII, B2. 606 James 1998: 21; Maurice: XII, B2. 607 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 209–213. 608 Maguire 1987: 1–3,13–15. 602 603
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Figure 113. Phinehas dressed as a Roman officer and an Egyptian soldier in a mural in the Via Latina catacombs in Rome, 4th century AD (photo after Fr. Ferrua 1991: 72, 73, Fig. 43, 142, Fig. 135, Courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
to symbolize the Time of Redemption.609 The remains of a recently discovered mosaic in a synagogue at Huqoq contain three figures with daggers advancing toward a soldier. Scant fragments of clothing show the lower part of his golden-brown tunic and the edge of his armor. This is similar to the tunic and armor worn by personifications of March in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary (Figure 1), on murals in the Temple of Bel at Dura Europos, and on a mosaic at Argos.610 Similar examples in the West are portrayed on a 4th-century sarcophagus from Saint Trophime in Arles, where soldiers dressed in an overgarment consisting of a square piece of cloth fastened with a fibula are armed with a sword and scabbard and clad in hobnailed shoes.611 A Roman gold coin bears the portrait of the emperor Arcadius depicted as the Defender of Christianity, grasping a banner with the image of Jesus and wearing a tunica manicata beneath a paludamentum secured with a fibula or with pendants.612
and for camouflage. The expression ‘donning a sagum’ meant ‘going into battle’. It is possible to differentiate between civilian dress and that of the soldiers who served in various parts of the Roman Empire. After the year 395 AD, Roman soldiers in both East and West were influenced by Germanic dress, which included trousers, short tunics, and garments made of leather. Despite the laws governing dress in the Codex Theodosianus, which forbade the wearing of barbarian clothing, leather garments, and long hair in the streets of Rome, it was difficult to root out the influences and habits that had been assimilated and entrenched among soldiers, which were subsequently adopted by civilians.613 The Germanic warriors were influenced by Roman clothing and created colorful combinations by merging classical and foreign traditions. Sassanian and Persian influences are particularly evident in the typical military dress of the ancient Western world. The long, flowing classical style, later becoming shorter and more tailored, was also adopted by the Goths in the Black Sea region, especially in the 5th and 6th centuries. The cuffs of the manicatatype tunic were not as loose and the overgarments were ‘barbarian’ in fashion, as were the trousers and shoes.614 3rd-century burials of Germanic soldiers who served in elite units in northern Gaul have yielded clothing
Military apparel was monochrome, like the reddishbrown sagum cloaks pinned with a dark clasp in keeping with the lifestyle dictated by conditions in the field, Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 213, 219. Magness 2013a: 68; Butcher 2003: 400, Figure 189. 611 Mathews 1999: 74, Figure 53. 612 Clain-Steanelli 1974: 76, Figure 95. 609 610
613 614
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CTh ., IV, 10, 4. James 1998: 22.
Weaving in Stones 113).618 An early 5th-century relief on an ivory casket in the British Museum collection that is probably from Italy shows the soldiers guarding Christ’s tomb dressed in a tunica manicata, a long chlamys and fitted embellished trousers (Figure 114).619 In the scene depicting the Crossing of the Red Sea on a wall mosaic at the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, Pharaoh’s horsemen are clothed in a tunica manicata and multi-colored leg shields. In the nave mosaics of this church, Jesus and soldiers are in a tunica manicata and chlamys.620 In the Eastern Empire, the warrior in the 1st–3rd-century stone relief from Hatra in northern Iraq (exhibited in a museum in Mosul) is wearing a close-fitting garment with a sword fastened to his belt.621 Parthian troops shown on 3rdcentury tombstones at Apamea in Syria are dressed in a belted tunica manicata uniform.622 The murals from the Dura Europos synagogue portray soldiers at the Battle of Ebenezer clothed in a tunica manicata and trousers, some of whom are equipped with scale armor and helmets (Figure 115).623 A reconstruction of the dress worn by a soldier serving in Syria in the 5th century reveals that he would have worn trousers decorated with vertical stripes to the knee and a brown tunic embellished (in addition to clavi and orbiculi) with calliculae, which were metallic roundels placed on the shoulders and were visible through the red sagum that was fastened with a fibula. He also wore calcei reticulate-type laced shoes.624 The mosaic at Umm al-Rasas shows a soldier dressed in a tunica manicata decorated at the neck, shoulders, and cuffs with a band of small triangles and with bracae-type trousers tucked into his boots.625 6th-century mosaics in Jordan depict soldiers wearing a tunica manicata and loose or fitted trousers with a decorative stripe.626 At Al Khadir church at Madaba, dated to the 6th century, a warrior clothed in a tunica manicata has a Phrygian cap and a shield (Figure 116),627 as does one on the lower level in the Theotokos Chapel at Siyaga on Mount Nebo.628 The Joshua Roll manuscript (in the Vatican collection) portrays soldiers and prisoners wearing a tunica manicata, trousers, a chlamys, and calcei.629 In the mosaics at the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, the soldiers in the scene depicting Judas’s embrace are portrayed in belted, undecorated multi-colored tunicae manicatae and
Figure 114. Soldiers guarding Christ’s tomb, early 5thcentury AD ivory relief (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Andreas Praefcke https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Reidersche_Tafel_c_400_AD.jpg, Public Domain).
accessories indicating their rank like clasps and jewelry, which are distinctly Roman in origin.615 In his work covering the history of the Gothic wars (Guerra Gotica) Procopius recorded that Roman soldiers posted on the Gallic borders followed the customs of their forefathers and wore Roman clothes and Roman shoes.616 This was despite the fact that their general, Ricimer, who was of Gothic descent and was enlisted into the Roman army in the late 4th century, serving as a magister and consul, wore military dress that was more like that of the barbarians than that of the Romans.617 A mural in the Via Latina catacombs in Rome portrays Phinehas the priest dressed as a Roman officer equipped with armor and a sword, clothed in a wide, pleated tunica manicata and with a reddish-crimson chlamys over his right shoulder. An Egyptian soldier who also has a Phrygian cap is similarly depicted in the same catacomb (Figure
618 Ferrua 1991: 72–73, Figure 43; see: the story of Phinehas in Exodus 25: 11. 619 Kitzinger 1940: 21, 101, Plate 7; No. 291. 620 Borsook, Superbi and Pagliarulo 2000: 244, Figure 16. 621 Ghirshman 1962: 78, Figure 91; 98, Figure 110. 622 Balty and Van Rengen 1993: 24, Plate 3, 25, Plate 4. 623 Sukenik 1947: 196–197, Figure 42; http: //www.orianit.edu-negev. gov.il/irisshap/sites/homepage/eli/Images/arkbat.jpg 624 Otte 2001: 187. 625 D’Amato 2005: 46. This decoration is similar to that on the clothing of the man ensnaring a bear in the Nahariya mosaic, dated to the 6th century; see: Piccirillo 1992: 240–241, Figure 389. 626 At the Basilica of Moses on Mount Nebo and at Al-Khadir Church in Madaba, with a Phrygian cap and a cross marked on his shield. 627 D’Amato 2005: 34. 628 Lux 1967: 169, Taf.30c; Hachlili 2009: VII.12c. 629 Davenport 1948: 84, Figure 293.
MacGeorge 2002: 141. Procopius Got.: V, xii, 18–19. MacGeorge 2002: 252; In his study of the Byzantine garments engraved on imperial coins, Galavaris notes that imperial dress appeared particularly military in style because of the belt. See: Galavaris 1958: 100.
615 616 617
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Figure 115. Soldiers at the battle of Eben Ezer, synagogue in Dura Europos, Syria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Dura-Europos_synagogue_painting#/media/File:DuraSyn-NB1_ Eben-Ezer_2.jpg, Adapted by Marsyas - Gill/Gillerman slides collection (Yale).
boots.630 The soldiers in the Basilica of San Vitale mosaic have colorful, embellished tunics; the torques around their necks were believed to repel the forces of evil and protect those who wore them. Torque finials were usually in geometric, disc, or snake-head form.631 There is evidence that such ornaments were awarded as military decorations to soldiers with the rank of centurions, to wealthy civilians, and to members of the Byzantine court (Figure 117).632 Soldiers are also found on Coptic textiles, like a carpet in the Textile Museum in Lyon, where foot soldiers and horsemen are shown dressed in tunics, one of them spotted, and wearing boots.633
details of civilian and military issues and symbols of rank that was compiled for Stilicho in the 5th century (Figure 118).634 Ilan and Damati interpret the motif on the warrior’s clothing as a mark of his status or affiliation, or as the insignia of a unit serving in the East, possibly in Eretz Israel. They hold that such insignia appear on the attire of soldiers and civilians depicted in Byzantine mosaics.635 Lister identifies a similar star on the sleeve of a 6th-century BC Athenian warrior as an insignia.636 Ovadiah does not interpret the decorative motif on the Merot warrior as a military insignia, preferring to regard it as a mark of class status as seen in Roman and Byzantine mosaics and metalwork.637 It may be a metal ornament, like the phalera or palerae that were used to embellish soldiers’ helmets or clothing.638 Ornaments of this kind from the 3rd–4th centuries can be seen in the Archaeological Museum in Cologne.639
The motif on the tunic over the right arm and thigh of the soldier in the Merot synagogue mosaic has provoked some controversy. Similar insignia appear in the Notitia Dignitatum Orientis, an illustrated manuscript providing
Mann 1991: 215–219; Faleiro 2005: 163, V3–4; 331, 45. Ilan and Damati 1987: 56; Ilan and Damati 1980: 46. Lister 1967: 58, Figure III.8. 637 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 212. 638 Smith 1873: 894; Maxfield 1981: 96, Plate 15. 639 Inv. N.l misc 8124.
Bustacchini 1987: 112, 113c. Bustacchini 1987: 50; Walter 2001: 180; Reich 1995: 70,71. 632 This ornament was used by the Parthian king in the 1st century BC; see: Colledge 1967: 86; Newman 2000: 50. http://www.romavictrix.com/dona/dona_torques_armillae.htm 2005. 633 Holder 1982: 154; Kitzinger 2002: 130–131, Figure 32. 630
634
631
635 636
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Weaving in Stones
Figure 116. Warrior in Al Khadir church, Madaba, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 128, Fig.143, courtesy of SBF).
Figure 117. Buffer-type torc, Reims Museums, France, 4th century BC (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Vassil https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:, Torque_%C3%A0_tampons_Somme-Suippe_Mus%C3%A9e_ Saint-Remi_120208.jpg, CCO 1.0).
The warrior’s helmet, gilded in imitation of bronze, is placed to his right; protecting his face and forehead and covering his neck, it resembles a bronze horseman’s helmet dated to the late 2nd century from the Rhine region exhibited in the Museum of Art in Leiden and classified as Type F. Robinson remarks that, at first glance, the decorations on the helmets show signs of Egyptian influence. He also detects influences adopted from the West.640 A similar helmet and shield are shown in a 4th-century relief from Yugoslavia.641 A comparison with the 3rd-century helmet from Dura Europos shows that, rather than resembling the helmet on the Merot mosaic, it is similar to examples from the late 4th–early 5th centuries recovered at archaeological excavations in Britain, which are now on display in the Yale University Gallery and at the Ontario Museum in Toronto.642
facing the commander wears a tunica manicata and a mantle adorned with the Greek letter ‘H’. The finger of his right hand is raised upward, pointing to heaven, and he holds a dagger (?) in his left hand, close to the body of the military commander. He is accompanied by seven (?) beardless young warriors with varied and rich hairstyles, wearing white tunicae manicatae embellished with the Greek letter ‘H’ and short red boots adorned with black stripes. They are holding sheathed swords, except for one who clasps a long sword upright in his right hand. Two of the armed figures are pointing with their right finger threateningly towards the commander. The Greek letter ‘H’ appears, either as a weavers’ sign or as a decorative status symbol, in the attire of various figures of the Roman and early Byzantine periods.
The top of the Huqoq register depicts two groups of warriors separated by two figures. The right-hand figure seems to represent a bearded military commander, with a white diadem or stephane on his head, tied behind with two black fillets and wearing an ornate battle dress and a reddish-brown (purple?) chlamys, fastened with a fibula on his right shoulder. He is also wearing what seems to be a cuirass over his tunic. His attire, cuirass, diadem or stephane seem to indicate the high military rank of an important royal commander. In his left hand he holds the left horn of a large bull, while looking at a bearded elderly man opposite him and pointing to the animal with his right hand. A row of seven helmeted warriors armed with spears and round shields features above and behind him. The bearded elderly figure
An elderly bearded figure seated on an ornate, highbacked throne in the central arch divides the arcade into two groups of four beardless armed youths on each side. They wear ‘long-sleeved white tunics, lavishly decorated with purple trim at neck, wrists and hemline, fall below the knees; segmenta are seen on the right shoulders and orbiculi at the knees’. White mantles, draped over their left arms, are embellished with the Greek letter ‘H’. The enthroned elder wears a long white talaris tunic embellished with two black clavi, while two horizontal institia adorn the bottom of his right sleeve; the other sleeve is obscured by the mantle draped over his lap; his attire is ornamented near the edges with the Greek letter ‘H’. His boots are similar to those worn by the royal commander in the top register. The artist has paid attention to his hairstyle and gaze, as if looking directly at the beholder and engaging in dialogue with him. Above every figure, at the top of each arch, a lighted
Robinson 1975: 98, Figure 268. Bishop and Coulson 1989: 65, Figure 54,2. 642 James 1986: 109–116, 120–128. 640 641
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of Hanukkah was instituted to celebrate the events by lighting the nine-branched hanukkiah (in the middle register).The enthroned elderly man in the central arch with the two ‘H’ adorning his attire signifies the shamash (the central, distinct branch), while the eight armed youths in the other arches, adorned with only one ‘H’, signify the eight equal side branches.644 To summarize, soldiers serving in the West and East wore tunicae manicatae, fitted or loose trousers, and shoes or sandals as protection for their feet. Despite opposition from the intellectual elite, soldiers disregarded the laws prohibiting the wearing of trousers as a result of the conditions they had to endure. The soldiers’ dress in the Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic includes ordinary tunics of types that were common in the 3rd and 4th centuries. The highly colorful tunics shown here would not have been good camouflage and would therefore have been inappropriate in the field, unlike those rendered in a subdued, metallic shade in the Dura Europos synagogue. The neutral color of the decorated tunic worn by the warrior at Merot, together with the red sagum, was accepted military dress throughout the empire, as shown by works of art. Since the Merot warrior is only partially preserved, it is impossible to determine whether the tunic is thigh-length because he is seated, or whether he also wore trousers, as was customary at the time.645 The colorful garments may well be the result of the patrons’ and artists’ desire to enrich the mosaics. In the middle of the register with the nine arches in Huqoq there are four beardless figures on each side. They are standing frontally and an elderly man is depicted in the central arch with a long white tunic embellished with two black clavi and two bands adorning his right sleeve while the left one is obscured by his mantle.646
Figure 118. Illustrated manuscript ‘The List of Offices’, 5th century AD, showing military and civilian insignia, copy from the Notitia Dignitatum Orientis, copy from the 15th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Martin Poulter https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/User: MartinPoulter, Public Domain).
oil lamp was originally represented, but only six are preserved out of the nine. The fallen, bleeding warrior is bent forward, helmeted with an oval shield and a long sheathed sword, pierced by a spear; a slain, bleeding battle elephant lies on the ground; a dead bleeding soldier, fallen backwards above the slain elephant, shown with his helmet and the oval shield in his right hand while his left hand is raised, is pierced by two spears; and a slain or wounded bleeding bull is pierced by three spears. Williams claims that the commander is Alexander the Great,643 while Ovadiah and Pierri argue that the nine human figures, with a lighted oil lamp above each one, appear to be both an allegory and a personification of the hanukkiah. After the successful victories of the Maccabees, the Temple was liberated, purified and rededicated. Following these, the festival Williams 2016: ‘Explore This Mysterious Mosaic, It May Portray Alexander the Great, A decorated floor uncovered in the burial ruins of an ancient synagogue on Israel may depict a legendary meeting with the famous conqueror’. National Geographic , 9.9.2016’’. https://news.nationalgeographic.com/2016/09/mysterious-mosaicalexander-the-great-israel/
643
Ovadiah and Pierri 2016: 1–14. The decoration in this area can be interpreted as evidence that the figure was wearing a short tunic with decorated borders. 646 Ovadiah and Pierri 2016 : 12. 644 645
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Chapter 8
Diners and servants Research has shown that slaves and servants, who were at the bottom of the Roman social ladder, had no uniform items of clothing by which they could be identified. The servants’ clothes were chosen and supplied by their masters, so that slaves and servants were often better dressed than people who were free, but poor. Slaves and servants were the property of the master’s family and were classless. Since they were at his mercy, servants could be distinguished from their master by the quality of their clothing, its adornment, and their short hair.654 Furthermore, servants were forbidden to wear some items of clothing such as the chlamys, which was reserved for soldiers and horsemen.655 The expression ‘clothes make the man’ is reflected in a sermon delivered by Severian of Gabala, where he noted that if a high-ranking person appears dressed as a servant, there is an immediate change in his status and demeanor.656 In his research dealing with slavery in the Roman world, Harper records that a slave was permitted one day of rest in the year. On this day, he would change his clothing and this custom continued into Late Antiquity. This may have been part of the traditional eight-day Saturnalia festivities, when slaves and their masters traded places for a day (to a certain extent).657
This section discusses the costume and status of servants and dinner guests in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. It investigates why servants are represented in elegant attire or in ragged, worn garments as well as the hierarchy of the seating arrangements, speeches or blessings given by the host to his guest, games accompanying the meals, and literary references to the subject.647 In a villa at Zippori, two servants are clothed in a colobium. One is in short sleeves and the other has a sleeveless garment. The wrestler or acrobat (?) and the diners have similar dress to that of the master of the house (Figures 64, 65). The servant bearing a tray of fish in the Horvat Beer Shema mosaic is clad in a sleeveless colobium. He appears in a medallion in the central axis of the church mosaic, thus accentuating the scene and the tray of fish. In view of the context, the fish may be associated with Christian liturgical practice in the church (Figure 40).648 An unusual portrayal appears in the ‘Nile House’ mosaic, where the centaur carrying a tray is displayed in a grotesque stance as a servant, with a collar-like nebris or pallium wrapped around his neck (Figure 87).649 The appearance of the servants in the Zippori banquet draws on iconographic sources and the luxurious lifestyle that it portrays is intended to demonstrate the status, social connections, wealth, and generosity of the masters of the household.650 Many works of art, such as reliefs, tombstones, vase paintings, murals, textiles, metalwork, and mosaics,651 depict banquets that reveal the dining clothes (synthesis) worn by the family, guests, and servants, as well as the hairstyles, reception halls, dining sofas, seating order of guests, tableware and serving ware, furnishings, and competitive games.652 Banquets often included musical interludes, poetry reading and plays, all of which were important aspects of social and political life in this and previous eras.653
By ‘reading’ the social reality, in which a person’s status was identified by his clothing, colors, and accessories and according to which some wretched servants and slaves were dressed in ragged attire, we know from the literary sources that laborers and servants wore recycled rags that they would turn inside out, as described by Asterius of Amasea.658 In his mid-2nd-century work The Golden Ass (Asinus aureus), Apuleius reported that the workers in Rome’s flour mills were dressed in rags through which their bruised and battered bodies were visible.659 There are also accounts of slaves and servants who were naked and when asking their masters for clothes were told to rob them off passersby.660 However, some wealthy owners clearly wished to emphasize their prosperity and generosity by dressing their servants in silk and gold finery. Servants were supposed to sense
The term dulos was used for a servant or slave. In legal sources it was used to mean a slave and in literary works it refers to anyone who is subordinate to another. Historians using this term may be alluding to either meaning. Roitman notes that the literary sources state that slaves were part of an entire scale of social dependency, whereas legal sources and documents made a clear distinction between the legal status of a slave and that of a free person; see: Roitman 2012: 49–50. 648 Gazit and Lender 1992: 97–98; Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: Plate XX, c; Bauman 1999: 221. 649 Green 1966: 4. 650 Dunbabin 2003: 13, 24, 61, 88; Robber 2006: 19, 175–176; Harper 2011: 239. 651 Dunbabin 2003: 146–147; Nevett 2010: 140–141. 652 Dunbabin 1998: 83; Roller 2006: 166. 653 Trendall 1989: 265; Uytterhoeven 2007: 51. 647
A master who abused his servants was called kodoulos, and one who treated them well was called eudoulos. 655 Bradley 1994: 97; Rothfus 2006: 123–125; Andreau and Descat 2011: 98–99. 656 Severianus of Gabala: PG 56: 519. 657 Harper 2011: 334; I am grateful to Dr Roitman for discussing this with me and for his suggestion that this may be the festival of Saturnalia. 658 Asterius, Ser.: Homilia, III, 13(36 Datema); Muthesius 2007: 164. 659 Apuleius Met.9.12–13;12.150–151; Millar 1981: 65. 660 Matz 2008: 14. 654
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Figure 119. Pompeii family feast painting, Naples, before 79 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Andrew Dalby https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture_of_ancient_Rome#/media/File: Pompeii_family_feast_painting_Naples.jpg, Public Domain).
used as towels, puttees, diapers, curtains, and blankets and old clothes were used for lining and as shrouds.663 A flea-market of used clothing for such purposes was held at Porta Capena in Rome.664
their master’s affection from the extent of his concern for their apparel.661 In his work on farm management On Farming (De agricultura), Cato the elder noted social conventions governing the items of clothing with which the master of the estate should supply his servants; he also recommended where they could be purchased. In Rome, for example, servants should be given tunics, togas, overalls, coats, shoes, and blankets. The master was required to supply his workers with a good-quality tunic and overgarment every two years. He should collect the old garments and use them as patches for the laborers to stitch on when bad weather prevented them from working in the fields.662 Old clothing was also recycled for other purposes: Rectangular items were 661 662
Contemporary intellectuals condemned the show of wealth by masters who boasted about the number of their servants, their ages, and their clothing. The Greek philosopher Epictetus, active in the 1st century, remarked in his Encheiridion that servants bought delicacies for their master, cooked fine meals for him, dressed him, and tied his shoes. When they reached their host’s home, diners changed into clothes that were looser and more comfortable and even removed rings
Muthesius 2007: 164. Cato: On Farming: LXVIII.
663 664
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Wild 2002: 23. Muthesius 2007: 164; Holleran 2012: 89, 226.
Weaving in Stones from their fingers.665 In his Symposium (‘The Banquet’), Plato stated that servants would remove guests’ sandals for them and wash their feet,666 a practice echoed in a mural in the ‘House of the Triclinium’ at Pompeii, which depicts a banquet in which a servant, dressed in a tunica manicata, bends over his master’s feet to remove or put on his footwear (Figure 119).667 Juvenal remarked satirically that a guest invited to a dinner could be aware of the master’s status from the way in which the wine was served, namely whether his wine was poured out by a handsome young servant costing a small fortune and dressed in finery, or by a black household servant.668
homily, he maintained that the cheap clothes of the poor served them better than the apparel worn by the rich, which was made of layers of expensive fabric that caused them to sweat and feel uncomfortable.677 Literary sources discussed the worn and torn clothing of the poor, which reflected the wretchedness and fragility of human existence and the vulnerability of its wearers. Saint Jerome, active in the late 4th and early 5th centuries, advocated providing the poor with clothing in secret.678 He also condemned women who purchased unnecessarily large amounts of clothing, which they regularly replaced, but who were unable to cope with moths. He stated that women were rarely seen wearing just one item of clothing and that even when they appeared in a garment that was modest and well-worn, their wardrobe still contained many that were decorated in crimson and gold.679 Chrysostom recommended donating moth-eaten clothing to the poor, since only they were capable of shaking it thoroughly.
A letter attributed to Seneca describes a feast in which the master is surrounded by servants who stand there hungry and must neither move nor make a sound. Seneca condemned the treatment of a person according to his social status or clothes.669 Statius also described a banquet attended by numerous guests, where servants were dressed in bright clothing and served wine and baskets of bread.670 Ammianus Marcellinus referred to the ostentatious lifestyle of the upper class during his time, which was a common theme in the preachings of moralists, philosophers, and satirists in various periods.671 The Archbishop of Constantinople, John Chrysostom, explained to those who regretted being unable to keep many servants, tools, pillows and silver furniture and envied those who could afford them that the items they did possess served the same purpose as those of the rich and that their happiness lay in freedom from care and worry, and not in material wealth.672 Ancient descriptions of feasting describe dress and costume accessories. Augustine demanded a reduction in the expense lavished on banquets, clothes, and ornaments.673 In a letter sent to Bishop Aurelius in 392 AD, he also denounced the practice of excessive feasting and drunkenness in the very cemeteries where martyrs were buried.674 The Roman emperors accepted Christianity in the 4th century, but wealthy influential families failed to understand that they were required to alter their flamboyant lifestyle. It is therefore difficult to distinguish between meals of a religious nature and those of a secular kind.675 In his Homilies on Colossians, Chrysostom described the sparkling tableware and impressive shoes and clothes of the servants, which were similar to those worn by the guests.676 In another
A 4th-century source describing a prominent man called Saint Arsenius states that prior to entering a life in the monastery, he provided his thousand servants with silk clothes and gold belts. The source referred to the excessive number of servants, but also stressed the fact that it was customary to equip servants with fine garments.680 Notably, since a servant was required to respond quickly and attentively to his master’s commands, the layers and width of his garment had to be adapted to suit his tasks.681 The attire of the diners, the games, and the servants in the mosaic at the villa in Zippori are modest in comparison with those portrayed on mosaics depicting banquets from elsewhere in the Roman Empire. It is also worth emphasizing that in the mosaic in the ‘House of Orpheus’ at Zippori it is impossible to detect class distinctions from the fabric, colors, or decoration, except in the case of the servant beside the boiler urn. The wine server and the man gesturing toward the diners are in similar garb (Figure 63). The status of the latter has been debated by scholars. Talgam and Weiss are of the opinion that he is a servant and Zielinski 2010 interprets him as the host welcoming his guests. The distinction is based on his dress and on the empty place to the right of the dining bench. This assumption is 2000: 265. 677 John Chrysostom: Hom. X, on Philp., PG 62, col . 259, 3. 678 Jer., Let.,XXVII, NPNF 6, Second Series, 8. 679 Jer., Let., XXII, NPNF, 6, 32. In a lecture at the University of Delaware on the life of slaves in ancient Pompeii, Petersen remarked that servants and their masters wore identical tunics and the toga was the only distinction between them. Nevertheless, many preferred to walk through the streets without a toga, to prevent it from being soiled by the mounds of dung and poor sanitation. The servants used to immerse their clothing in jars filled with urine because of the ammonia in them (see: Petersen 2013). http: //www.udel.edu/ udaily/2014/sep/art-history-pompeii-090613.html 680 Ball 2005: 1, 91–93. 681 Green 1966: 4.
Bradley 1998: 38–39. Plato: 92, 213. 667 Roller 2006: Plate V; Epictetus, The Discours.: II.21–22. 668 Juvenalis: 5.52–65. 669 Seneca, Ep.: I..XLVII, 2–3, 14; for laws regarding slavery, see: Buckland 1970. 670 Statius: 1.6.31–32. 671 Ammianus Marcellinus: 14.6.14; 28.4, 4.5, 470, No.4. 672 John Chrysostom, Hom. III, On Phil., NPNF 13, First Series, II.193. 673 Winter 2003: 103. 674 Augustine of Hippo: 22.3. 675 Dunbabin 2003: 144. 676 John Chrysostom: Hom.VII, On Col., NPNF 13, 291; Mayer and Allen 665 666
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Figure 120. Dido and Aeneas reclining at dinner, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Iustinus, Public Domain, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vergilius Romanus /media/File: VergiliusRomanusFolio100v.gif).
likely, since his sleeves appear to be longer than those of the others present and the diners are gesturing toward him,682 although the order of seating around the table deviates from banqueting practices in Late Antiquity. The rules of hospitality show that the guests were allocated seating following a set hierarchical order.683 The guest of honor usually sat in the right-hand corner
(dextro cornu), while the host and the least important guest sat in the left-hand corner (sinistro cornu).684 The host’s identification is based on the fact that his sleeves look longer than those of the others present. The sleeve of his right hand reaches the elbow, while his left sleeve looks shorter because of his raised hand. Those seated near the wine server also have elbow-length sleeves, whereas the rest have shorter sleeves. The way in which the diners are gesturing toward this figure appears to substantiate this hypothesis.685 A gusset (?) inserted down the center of the wine-server’s garment may indicate that it was broadened to fit the wearer, or it
682 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 10–11; Zielinski 2010: 37, No. 22. The right sleeve of the person addressing the others reaches his elbow and his left sleeve appears shorter because his arm is raised in greeting. The sleeves on the garment of the figure closest to the wine server also appear to be elbow-length, while the sleeves of the other participants seem to be shorter. 683 Dunbabin 1998: 83; Roller 2006: 166; Dunbabin and Slater 2011: 442.
684 685
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Bradley 1998: 36–55. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 10–11; Zielinski 2010: 37, No. 22.
Weaving in Stones
Figure 121. (above) An ancient Roman fresco with a banquet scene from the Casa dei Casti Amanti, Pompeii – Image: Pompeii Casa dei Casti Amanti Banquet,1st century BC, photo credited to Wikimedia user: https://he.wikipedia.org/ wiki/%D7%A7%D7%95%D7%91%D7%A5: Pompeii_-_Casa_dei_Casti_Amanti_-_Banquet.jpg,Public Domain). (below) Fresco of female figure holding chalice in the Agape Feast, Catacomb of Saints Marcellinus and Peter, Via Labicana, Rome, 2nd–5th centuries AD.
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Figure 122. Wine servers and man bearing a jar and a towel in the mosaic from Dougga in the Bardo Museum, Tunis, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Dennis Jarvis https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dougga_Banquet.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
jug and hand-washing bowl has a brown tunica manicata with orbiculi and segmenta and without an overgarment (Figure 120). In the Catacomb of Saints Marcellinus and Peter, Via Labicana, Rome, 2nd–5th centuries AD there is a fresco of a female figure holding a chalice in the Agape Feast (Figure 121a).687 In a drinking scene in a mosaic from Dougga-Tugga, exhibited in the Bardo Museum, Tunis (2nd–3rd centuries) there are obvious class differences between the guests, who are clothed in decorated tunicae manicatae, and the servants. The wine servers are wearing an exomis or perizoma, while the man bearing a jar and towel is dressed in a decorated tunica manicata (Figure 122).688
may be the result of shading from the accentuated clavi down the center of the tunic, which blurs the color and makes this part look lighter and shinier. The similarity in the attire of masters and servants may be related to the masters’ desire to display their refinement and wealth, as well as their good treatment toward servants, by presenting them in respectable attire. Olson’s opinion of the masters in the Zippori mosaic can be followed here; she remarks on the women servants whose outward appearance was influenced by their function, the status of their lady, and her wish to demonstrate her wealth and generosity by dressing them in luxurious clothes.686 The two servants, the wrestler or acrobat (?) and the diners in the Zippori villa mosaic are dressed in similar clothes to those of the masters. The garment of one of the wrestlers or acrobats (?) is loose, as is the sleeveless colobium worn by the servant standing behind the urn, which was considered a luxury item and demonstrates the owner’s wealth. The garments of the two servants are different, since one has a sleeveless colobium and the other has short sleeves. It is unclear whether the sleeves of the man pouring the wine standing next to the diners and serving them individually are an indication of his higher status. The manuscript Virgilius Romanus describes the feast of Dido and Aeneas. The two servants standing in front of the table are holding jugs. The servant holding the goblet is clothed in a reddish-crimson tunica manicata embellished with orbiculi (?) and segmenta, with ornamental bands around his cuffs. He may be wearing a long-sleeved tunic beneath a sleeveless colobium and a pallium. Unlike him, the servant with a 686
The Vienna Genesis manuscript portrays Pharaoh’s banquet, in which the bearer of the hand-washing man carrying a water jar has a towel around his neck and is clothed in a tunica manicata. The figure is reduced in size to emphasize that his status is lower than that of the butler in front of him.689 Scholars differentiate between banquets held in a funerary context, in which the pleasures of the afterlife could be described with their accompanying joyful pleasures, and worldly feasts, banquets, public or private feasts held by emperors in an amphitheater.690 The 3rd-century sarcophagus of Caecilius Vallianus exhibited in the Vatican Museum shows a procession
Dunbabin 1988: 124; Dunbabin 2003: Plate XVI, Cod.Vat.Lat. 3867, fol.100V; Wright 2001: 28. 688 Ben Abed-Ben Kahder and Balanda 2002: Figures 212, 213. 689 Vienna Genesis, Cod.Vindob.theol. gr. fol .17; Vroom 2007: 320, Figure 2.3. 690 Roberts 1995: 92. 687
Olson 2008: 43.
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Figure 123. The four Tetrarchs in Venice, 3rd century AD (photo courtesy of Mark Hassner).
of servants dressed in voluminous tunicae manicatae and bearing serving dishes. The woman playing and the woman carrying a bottle of wine or perfume are dressed in a long tunic and a dalmatica.691 The demonstration of wealth through feasting and drinking in the presence of servants influenced art in different periods. Various visual representations in the Western and Eastern Empire provide insight into this unofficial life style. Some show feasts and banquets held indoors or outside, under treetops, with diners leaning on cushions and refreshments served on the ground or on low tables. The diners usually wore a tunica manicata of the same style as that used by hunters. Servants also appear in banqueting scenes on altars, sarcophagi, tombstones, and mosaics. Depictions of meals attended by several servants in the provinces during this period were more modest. Dunbabin identifies influences from the art of the imperial court of the four Tetrarchs and their descendants on the affluent classes in various cities throughout the empire, whose consumption of artworks 691
was designed to enrich their private space (Figure 123).692 In 1st–3rd-century burial reliefs from Palmyra portraying funerary banquets there is a meeting of cultures where Greco-Roman dress, represented by a short-sleeved colobium beneath an overgarment falling over the arms, is combined with Parthian attire consisting of a long sleeved tunic belted at the waist, loose tailored trousers, ornamented shoes, and an overgarment fastened with a fibula. One example, in a funerary relief of Barateh from Palmyra, shows the departed in Parthian dress together with his mother, who is seated beside him. Standing behind him, his brothers are wearing Greco-Roman clothing.693 A banquet depicted on a mid-2nd-century burial relief from Palmyra, displayed in the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, shows the master lying on an embellished dining sofa and dressed in a closefitting Parthian garment covered with an overgarment. The servant is clothed in a tunica manicata and has loose, embellished trousers. Colledge and Goldman estimate 692
Dunbabin 2003: 121, Fig .68.
693
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Dunbabin 2003b: 463–464. Heyn 2008: 178, 179, Figure 6-2.
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that the use of Greco-Roman items of clothing in funerary art was gradually discontinued because the small amount of fabric required to render them limited the scope of the artist’s decorative options.694 Clothing arrays containing large amounts of fabric enabled the artist to fashion numerous folds but, despite its embellishment, the Parthian garment was clearly more tailored. The adoption of these two types of clothing in combination in funerary reliefs indicates that wealthy local people were eager to demonstrate and enhance their social status.695 The social practice of holding funerary banquets and perpetuating the deceased’s relatives for posterity dressed in their finest attire enabled the family to emphasize its power and wealth, which were also demonstrated by the luxurious dining sofa, magnificent serving utensils, and ornate garments worn by master and servants.696 A mural from the ‘House of the Chaste Lovers’ at Pompeii shows a carpet, gleaming glass vessels, a dining sofa, elegant cushions, and subjects wearing fine fabrics.697 In a 3rd-century Roman sarcophagus exhibited in the Vatican Museum, the diners are wearing a short-sleeved colobium fastened with a sash to form an apoptygma, giving the surplus cloth the appearance of ‘draped folds’. The servants, busy preparing the drinks, are in similar attire.698 On a painted canvas used to cover the wooden lid of the Coptic sarcophagus of a boy named Ammonios, dated to the 4th century, the deceased is placed on a dining sofa; the servant pouring the wine is dressed in a white tunica manicata whose cuffs are ornamented with a wide band, with short black clavi, prominent orbiculi, and a white pallium with a diamond motif flanked by narrow stripes. The young servant is clothed in a tunica manicata embellished with short clavi, orbiculi, and tabula.699 A mid-2nd-century mosaic from Trier portrays six servants bearing heavily laden trays and clothed in a tunica manicata whose upper section is decorated with short clavi bands terminating in segmentae. The servant carrying a jar is wearing a similarly embellished tunica manicata and is the only full-length figure shown.700 In the large dining room of a house at Trier, dated to the 4th century, guests could admire traces of a mural depicting magnificently dressed figures with jewelry and crowns attesting to their wealth and status.701
attempted to vary by introducing slight changes. This style is simpler than that worn by servants in Rome.702 A silver dish stamped with the monogram of Jesus and dating from the mid- to late 4th century was made for Sevso, the governor or highest-ranking Germanic official of Pannonia Inferior (Roman Empire), whose Germanic name attests to his barbarian origins. It contains an open-air banqueting scene. Class differences are emphasized in this piece by means of the participants’ clothing. Among the diners are a woman wearing a dalmatica and men in identically embellished tunicae manicatae. The servant raising a wine goblet is dressed in the same way as the diners, whereas the one serving the refreshments and those preparing the meat are wearing plain tunicae manicatae (Figures 124, 125).703 It was customary for men and women to wear informal dining clothes (synthesis), which were clearly more comfortable since they were worn without belts and were even changed during the course of a meal. We know this from Martial’s satirical account of Zoilus, who rose from his seat to change his clothes eleven times during a meal consumed on his own and during which only one course was served. Martial also mocked a man who presented his wife with three green dinner costumes instead of buying himself a toga.704 Walton Brooks considers that dining clothes consisted of a tunic and a linen scarf worn around the neck that was used as a ‘sweat cloth’ (sudarium), usually made of linen, for wiping the face.705 In a mosaic at the villa in Zippori, the diners and servants are portrayed in simple, comfortable clothing that is probably dining apparel (?). According to Hamel, the servant would belt his tunic to indicate his position during meals, unlike the guests who removed their belts or kept an overgarment wrapped around them.706 Class differences indicated by the colors of clothing are evident in the Talmud, in R. Yoshya’s answer to the question: ‘Should I be like the slaves?’707 Some literary sources noted that hosts who poured equally good wine and shared identical dishes in the same utensils with all the guests invited to dine with them would overlook any differences in class in order to create a convivial atmosphere.708 Evidently, other hosts would stress differences in status by treating their guests accordingly. In Imagines, the 3rd-century Greek poet and intellectual Philostratus the Younger, from the island of Lemnos,
In a late 4th–early 5th-century mosaic from the ‘House of Bacchus’ at Complutum in Spain the servants are clothed in a uniform manner which the artist has
Colledge 1976: 74; Goldman 2001: 166; Heyn 2008: 175, Figure 6-3. Heyn 2008: 170, 172, Figures 6-1, 6-2, 6-3. Hudson 2010: 663–669. 697 Dunbabin 2003a: Plate 1. 698 Dunbabin 2003a: 131, Figure 76, Inv. 16a. 699 Fluck and Vogelsang-Eastwood 2004: 11, Col.ig.4; Knauer 2004: 15–16, Figure 4. 700 Hoffmann 1999: 69, Abb. 87; Hoffmann, Hupe and Goethert 1999: 117, Taf. 28. 701 Rose 2006: 108. 694 695
Dunbabin 2003a: 152, Figure 87. Bonfante and Jaunzems 1988: 1401; Mango and Bennett 1994: 59, 87, Figure 1-4; Dunbabin 2003a: 142, Plate VIII, Figure 84. 704 Martialis: I.5.79, II.10.29. 705 McDaniel 1925: 268–270. 706 Hamel 1990: 77. 707 JT, Tosefta, Zera’im, Berachot 2: 14. 708 Hudson 2010: 663–664. 702
696
703
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Figure 124. Plate with hunters’ feast, from the Sevso Treasure (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Elekes Andor https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Vad%C3%A1szt%C3%A1l_(2).jpg CC BY-SA 4.0).
described a lost wall-painting of a feast from the same period portraying hunters, a stretched awning, and servants preparing refreshments, noting that the cook had not changed out of his hunting clothes.709 Until the 3rd and 4th centuries, the hunting scenes that acted as settings for open-air feasts were intended to illustrate an atmosphere and way of life rather than to glorify the host.710 After this time, their function changed. Portrayals of social and cultural aspects, lifestyle, and leisure were replaced by demonstrations of the master’s wealth, reflected by the attractions he had to offer his guests: His estate, tableware, dogs, horses, and finely dressed servants like one shown in the Caelian Hill fresco in Rome, clad in a tunic with clavi and orbiculi around the neck and shoulders, oval motifs above the institia hem, and two decorative bands on the cuffs.711 Relaxation and enjoyment were integral aspects of dining, as illustrated by the two guests shown playing dice at Zippori. The game had a very important social function in the life of the individual and the community. It served as a respite from everyday tasks and enabled people to chat and socialize. A number of board games discovered
Figure 125. Scene of hunters from the Sevso Treasure (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Dencey https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: SEUSO_ lakom%C3%A1ja.png, CC-BY-SA-4.0).
Philostratus Jun.: 3, 27. 710 Dunbabin 2003a: 146. 711 Dunbabin 2003a: 146, Plate IX. 709
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Figure 126. Dice players, Roman fresco from the Osteria della Via di Mercurio (VI 10,1.19, room b) in Pompeii (photo credited to Wikimedia user: WolfgangRieger, 80 BC–14 AD, Public Domain).
in archaeological excavations in Eretz Israel allow us to reconstruct the rules and number of participants.712 In the Roman imperial period, dice was a game of chance whose fixed set of rules provided competitive excitement and it was played in certain contexts. The game involved throwing dice onto a tabula lusoria board. Although its random reliance on luck meant that it was regarded as a waste of time, children and adults were permitted to play the game of dice during the Saturnalia festival.713 Chrysostom derided contests, shows, and games like dice together with performances in which the host took on the role of Orpheus and the guests played an active part. Such performances had allegorical significance as metaphors for the pleasures of life and the ideal
existence and flaunted a host’s wealth.714 In the Tavern of Salvius fresco at Pompeii, two gamblers wearing tunicae manicatae are being served drinks by a servant dressed in a columbium beneath a kind of green paenula (Figure 126).715 Dice players are shown with tunicae manicatae in a Roman fresco from the Osteria della Via di Mercurio (VI 10,1.19, room-B) in Pompeii (Figure 127). A late 4thcentury mosaic pavement from Carthage retains traces of a musician wearing a tunic and pleated chlamys together with dancers in richly-decorated dalmaticae.716 The 5th-century Yakto Mosaic from Antioch shows a hunting scene in which dice-players are bending over 714 Varro: III.XIII; Kondoleon 1991: 106; John Chrysostom, Hom. On the Epistles of Paul to the Cor., Hom., XII, NPNF 12,9; On the Status, Hom., XV. NPNF 9, 11; Allason-Jones 2011: 235–236; Roberts 1995: 109; Dunbabin 2003: 133, No.72. 715 Clarke 2003: 169–170, Plate 10; Maiuri 1953: 146, 148. 716 Dunbabin 2003a: 92, Figures 46–47, No. A162.
For an account of the games, see: Saban 2012: 62–64; Wiedemann 1989: 147; Huizinga 1984: 28; Allason-Jones 2011: 235– 236. 712 713
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Figure 127. Dice players and two observers, Roman fresco from the Osteria della Via di Mercurio (VI 10,1.19, room b) in Pompeii (photo credited to wikimedia user: WolfgangRieger, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Pompeii_-_Osteria_della_Via_di_Mercurio_-_Dice_Players.jpg, Public Domain).
a table and clothed in dalmaticae, as does a mosaic from El Jem.717 Boxing contests following clear rules and using ‘professional’ equipment made of leather bands (himantes) appear in ancient literature, in the work of Pausanias, and in artworks such as painted vases.718
against excessive drinking and reliance on the fickle nature of luck. The items of clothing presented in the works reviewed above are consistent with descriptions in ancient literature that seek to preserve the traditional dress of servants and their masters.
A variety of garments such as the colobium, perizoma, and exomis are depicted in different artistic renderings of banquets in the East and in the West. The mosaics from North Africa, where the scenes reflect the local climate, show colobia or tunics that sometimes enable us to distinguish differences in the status of the diners and those waiting on them.719 As can be inferred from the details given above, it is reasonable to assume that some of the characters in the scenes participated in wine drinking, boxing contests or acrobatics (?), and dice games. The patrons may have wished to convey a message about an immoral way of life and to warn
Some of the compositions portray customs like the washing of hands and feet, entertainment such as dancing, singing, and music, and leisure activities that include boxing bouts and dice games, all of which give examples of a range of garments. Dossey’s question regarding the extent to which servants’ dress and the high living standards depicted in works of art reflects reality (particularly in the mosaics of North Africa) remains unanswered, and is also relevant to the servants shown in the mosaic at Zippori.
Lassus 1969: 143; Kondoleon 2000: 114. Pausanias II, 6.24.1, No. 206; Neils 1992: 85–86, Figure 34. 719 Bradley 1994: 87. 717 718
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Chapter 9
Laborers: pipers and shepherds, vintners, fishermen and sailors, herders, builders and horsemen Farmers, shepherds, sailors, fishermen, herders, horsemen and builders were common topics in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. Rustic scenes played an important role in Roman paintings from the 1st century BC onward and were adopted as emblematic subjects in mosaic art.720 The characters in these scenes reveal the daily life of the lower classes in Byzantine society during Late Antiquity.721 Village life and the natural world supplied mosaic artists with a rich pool of images. Because such subjects were neutral, they could be employed in churches without arousing controversy.722 Open-air scenes reveal a variety of garments used in different weather conditions according to the seasons of the year. The participants in such scenes include peasants, shepherds seated piping or leaning on a staff, vintners, people carrying baskets, and grape treaders. Rustic scenes on mosaics in Eretz Israel reveal influences from Late Roman art in Late Antiquity on tombs in Ashkelon,723 at Maresha, and on a tombstone at Beit She’an.724 By referring to ancient writings on the subject, the following review covers laborers’ dress shown in various visual representations while attempting to detect whether the garments worn are suited to the subjects’ work.
is tucked between his legs (Figure 44).729 Exomises are worn by the milking shepherd in the shepherds’ scene in the ‘House of Dionysus’ at Zippori (Figure 27),730 by the piper in a mosaic from Caesarea (Figure 45),731 and by the partially preserved figure of a person milking a goat in the Kissufim mosaic.732 In Priscilla’s catacomb in Rome, Jesus is portrayed as the ‘Good Shepherd’ dressed in an exomis, puttees and boots (Figure 130).733 In the Domitila Catacomb in Rome, Jesus as the ‘Good Shepherd’ wears a tunica manicata, as he does in the Museo Epigrafico, Rome. The image of Abel in the Basilica of San’ Vitale at Ravenna is dressed in a pattern composed of small sharp angles in the corners like the brown exomis beneath a red pallium (Figure 128).734 A number of standing or seated pipers are portrayed during the grape harvest wearing a decorated colobium, as in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius in Jordan.735 A piper in the Church of Saint George in Jordan is clothed in a colobium, a billowing pallium, and a Phrygian cap.736 The piping shepherds portrayed in the Vergilius Romanus manuscript are dressed in a short exomis (Figure 129),737 as is the shepherd in a mosaic in the Great Palace in Constantinople and the Good Shepherd in the catacomb of Priscilla from the second half of the 3rd century (Figure 130).
Pipers and shepherds Scenes portraying shepherds engaged in various pursuits, such as playing on a pipe, milking, or leaning on a shepherd’s crook, were a common artistic theme.725 The pipers and shepherds depicted in everyday rural scenes are dressed in a tunica manicata, skirt, perizoma, exomis, or colobium.
A shepherd wearing a split skirt and garlanded with a feathered wreath is handling a ram that has been separated from the flock in a pastoral scene on a painted panel from Pompeii, displayed in Naples Museum.738 Segmentae on Egyptian Coptic textiles dated to the 5th century show a piping youth and an older, seated shepherd leaning on a staff, both of whom are in a perizoma.739 In the Berne Museum of Ancient Art, a Coptic tabula motif shows a shepherd milking a goat
In the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori, the shepherds are clothed in a tunica manicata (Figure 27).726 In the Be’er Shemʻa mosaic, the shepherd’s decorated colobium is belted and the piper is wearing an exomis.727 The bearded piper in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is portrayed in a similar manner (Figure 43).728 In the burial chapel at El-Hammam, the shepherd’s tunic
Hachilili 2009: VII.2,a;VII.4,d. Talgam and Weiss2004: 68, Figure 50. Hachlili 2009: VII.4c. 732 Hachlili 2009: 173, Figure VII-10. Excavation file A-71/8/1997; director of excavations: Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 733 Ferrua 1991: 22, 23; Shubin 2008: Figure 4. 734 Bustacchini 1987: 40–41, Figure 2. 735 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 60, Plate 18,1; Pao 2000: 275, Figure 8; Hachlili 2009: Figure VI.11. 736 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 70, Plate 23, 2. 737 Vergilius Romanus: fol.44v, r . 738 Gassiot-Talabot 1965: 47. 739 Weitzmann 1979: 250 (229). 729 730 731
Dunbabin 1978: 109–110. Avigdori 1986: 84. 722 Talgam 1998: 8; Meiri-Dan 2000: 200. 723 Ory 1939: 41, Figure 2. 724 Abel 1924: 111–114, Plate 1. 725 Giovannini, Ventura and Torlo 2012: 27; Roussin 1985: 248. 726 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 67, Figure 50. 727 Hachlili 2009: FigureVII.16. 728 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. 720 721
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Figure 128. Abel in the Basilica of San’ Vitale at Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: DRTAMBROSE, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chalice_depicted_at_Ravenna.jpg, CC-BY-SA-4.0).
Figure 129. Piping shepherds in the Virgilius Romanus manuscript, folio 44, Vatikan, Biblioteca Apostolica, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Claveyrolas Michel, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Vergilius_rom_44v.jpg , CCO 1.0).
Figure 130. The Good Shepherd with exomis, Catacomb of Priscilla, 2nd half of the 3rd century AD, Rome, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: LeinadZ~commonswiki https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Good_shepherd_01_small.jpg, Public Domain).
and clothed in an exomis,740 as is the person milking on the 3rd-century sarcophagus of Julius Achilleis.741
clothed in a long-sleeved chiton.742 Another shepherd, on a late 1st-century coin bearing the portrait of Vespasian, is milking a sheep and wearing a tunica manicata and a coarsely woven chlamys.743 These two examples of long clothing indicate the prestige associated with gold or with an imperial coin.
The figure of a shepherd engraved on gold chestplates found in a 1st-century BC Scythian hoard from Ordžonikidze, now in the Museum of History in Kiev, is
740 741
Weitzmann 1979: 253–254 (235). Toynbee 1973: 165, Figure 79.
742 743
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Weitzmann-Fiedler 1995: 103, Figure 1. Mattingly 1975: II, 40, No. 220, Plate 6, no. 17.
Laborers: pipers and shepherds, vintners, fishermen and sailors, herders, builders and horsemen
Figure 131. Vineyard workers mosaic from Santa Constanza, Rome, Italy, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: MM https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: RomaSCostanzaMosaici02.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
pavements, especially in the East, were taken from the Greco-Roman repertoire and represented the universe and the act of divine creation.746 The writings of the Church Fathers refer to agricultural work and the changing seasons as expressions of the power and glory of God.747 The naked putti wreathed in garlands portrayed working in the vineyards in Roman art were replaced by clothed human figures.
In both West and East, the various artistic media usually depict shepherds in appropriate clothing, such as an exomis, colobium, perizoma, and tunica manicata, as worn by the shepherds and pipers in the mosaics of Eretz Israel and in other media. The ornamentation on some of the shepherds’ and pipers’ clothes in the mosaics of Eretz Israel probably reflects the patrons’ preference for figures that were aesthetically pleasing, rather than representing the actual clothing that was worn.744
The monks at the Monastery of Lady Mary were farmers and grew grapes as well as producing wine and oil.748 Unlike the vineyard workers in a short colobium fastened at the waist with a sash and a perizoma (Figures 57–59),749 the grape treaders in the El-Hammam burial chamber mosaic are clad in a perizoma wrapped around the lower torso. A grape harvester (?) in the mosaic at Sde Nahum is wearing a short, grayish-purple and beige exomis with slits (Figure 69).750 A sarcophagus from Rome shows naked grape harvesters and treaders
Vintners The widespread use of viticulture in the region in Late Antiquity is reflected in the portrayals of vineyard workers, which depict the clothing worn by men harvesting, transporting, and treading grapes. Rustic scenes in church mosaics were intended to emphasize the bountiful abundance with which the land was blessed. The natural cycles of the year were incorporated into the cycles of worship, ceremonies, and religious holidays.745 Such scenes, which appeared from the 5th century onward in many church mosaic 744 745
Meiri Dan 2000: 204. Meiri Dan 2000: 200. 748 Sometimes the vineyard workers appear in the nude, notably the putti garlanded in floral wreaths; on the monks, see: Hirschfeld 2001: 264 749 Hachlili 2009: Figure VII.1,a. 750 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 212, Plate CXXXIX. 746 747
Dossey 2010: 83. Meiri Dan 2000: 56, 200.
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Figure 132. Vineyard workers in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo in Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 158, Fig. 206, courtesy of SBF).
similar to those in the mosaic at the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo in Jordan (Figure 132),752 at Emerita-Méridain in western Spain,753 and in the center of the Dionysian sarcophagus at the Villa Doria Pamphili in Rome.754 A grape harvester clothed in a colobium is portrayed in a mosaic at the Qabr Hiram church in Lebanon,755 and another in the mosaic at the Church of Saint Stephen at Umm al-Rasas in Jordan.756 In the mosaic at the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo, a bearded man carrying a basket of grapes is clad in a colobium decorated with segmenta and is wearing sandals.757 In the same church, a grape harvester is clothed in a colobium embellished with segmenta (Figure 133).758 In the Church of Elias, Mary and Soreg at Jerash, the grape harvester is represented as a soldier. His attire includes green trousers with a short tunic and a chlamys and he has a Phrygian cap. A man bearing bunches of grapes is dressed in a similar manner in the Nave Mosaic of St Stephen, Umm-al Rasas, Jordan.759 In the West, at Vienne, and in the mosaic from Caesarea (Cherchel) in Algeria, the grape treaders have pleated and embellished colobia or tunicae manicatae, like the farmers who are plowing and sowing, clothed in tunicae
Figure 133. Peasant carrying a basket of grapes in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo, Jordan, 6th century, AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 157, Fig. 206, courtesy of SBF).
who resemble the grape-harvesting putti on the ceiling vaults of the mausoleum of Sta. Constanza in Rome. The ox drivers and basket bearer are dressed in a short colobium and the three grape-treaders wear a perizoma fastened at the waist with a sash finished with long, dangling ends (Figure 131).751 The garments are 751
Saller and Bagatti 1949: 60, Plate 18, 1. Saller and Bagatti 1949: 60, Plate16,2; Kondoleon 1995: 266, Figure 170. 754 Matz 1968: 37; IV.I,39, Taf; Roussin 1988: 247, Figure 206. 755 Hachlili 2009: 138, Figure VII.3,e; Verlag 2010: 110, Figure 1. 756 Piccirillo and Alliata 1994: 147, Figure 38. 757 Dunbabin 1999: 198, Figure 211; Dayagi-Mendels 1999: 24; Saller and Bagatti 1949: 58–59, Plate 16,2. 758 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 60, Plate18,2. 759 Roussin 1988: 245–246, Figure 219. 752 753
Brandenburg 2005: 81, Figures 38–39, 43.
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Figure 134. Vineyard worker in the mosaic from Caesarea (Cherchel), Algeria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: JPS68, https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Vinalia#/ media/File: Vendanges_ romaines_%C3%A0_Cherchell. jpg, Public Domain).
manicatae (Figures 134, 135).760 Other vineyard workers in the same mosaic are clothed in a light-colored tunica manicata decorated with clavi and orbiculi. Dunbabin interprets the garments as everyday dress that is not particularly suited to the task in hand.761
waist, some of which are looped between the legs of the grape treaders, would hinder their work.763 The excessive amount of fabric, the loose ends of the garment’s sashlike belt, and the pieces of clothing between the legs would have impeded and endangered the wearer. Archaeological finds suggest that vintners wore a short exomis and perizoma, which were well-suited to their work and to the weather during the grape-harvesting season. Furthermore, since they required little fabric they were also inexpensive. Depictions of such garments therefore represent the kind of clothing that was actually worn more realistically. Roussin notes that the repetition of certain elements in vineyard scenes was probably the result of using shared, illustrated pattern books.764 The artists or patrons depicted items of clothing in their works that were considered characteristic of most of the vineyard workers, and these appear in various art forms
The evidence suggests that most of the vintners’ garments portrayed would not have been appropriate work garb. The voluminous tunics would have hampered their labors in the field. For example, in the third register, the dangling ends of the tunic entwined between the farmer’s legs would have restricted his movement.762 The surplus length of the ties fastening the perizoma at the Dorigo 1971: 132, Figure 50; Lancha 1990: 106–108, Figures XXIII– XXVIII; Sabah 2005: 113–114, Plate Lxxxvii. This mosaic portrays several grape harvesters as well as basket carriers, ox drivers, and a man wearing an exomis and butchering a pig; Neira 2012: 153, Figure 82. 761 Lavine 1963: 232–233, Figure 78; Dunbabin 1978: 116, Plates XL.I, Figure 105, XLII, Figure 107. 762 Dunbabin 1978: Plate XL. Figures 102–104. 760
763 764
107
Dunbabin 1978: Plate XL. 102–104, XL.I, Figure 105. Roussin 1988: 246.
Weaving in Stones
Figure 135. Vineyard workers at a Roman mosaic in Cherchell, 3rd century AD North Africa (photo credited to Wikipedia user: JPS68 https:// fr.m.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Fichier: Travail_ de_la_vigne_Cherchel l.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
during this period. The surplus fabric may have been designed to render the figures more imposing.
the characteristic subject repertoire of the Roman world, was also closely linked to the Christian ethos. 766
Fishermen and sailors
The fisherman in the mosaic from Horvat Beit Loya church is wearing a striped colobium, a paenula, and a belt (Figure 42).767 A mosaic from Palestrina, dated to the last quarter of the 2nd century BC, shows a sailor in the canoe-like boat clothed in a perizoma fastened with a tie and wearing a pointed cone-shaped pilleus/pillos hat (Figure 136).
Scenes portraying fishermen or sailors dressed in various ways in this and previous periods rely on an established iconographic tradition that was widespread in the Western Empire, especially in North Africa. Kitzinger explains that mosaic artists chose to portray the themes of fishing, hunting, nature, and personifications of seasons and months in churches because they were readily available topics.765 Furthermore, the content of such images, drawn from
Sailors on a boat with perizoma are shown on the Nile River, National Museum of Wales, 1st century AD Kitzinger 1971: 370–371. Patrich and Tsafrir1993: 269, Plate XIXb; excavation files G-34/1983, directed by: Y. Tsafrir and Y. Patrich; G-19/1986, directed by: Y. Tsafrir and Y. Patrich; G-114/1990, directed by: Y. Tsafrir, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
766 767
765
Kitzinger 1971: 370–371.
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Figure 136. Sailor dressed in perizoma in the mosaic from Palestrina, final quarter of the 2nd century BC (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Saiko, https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Mosaico_con_ banchetto_durante_le_feste_ per_l%27inondazione_del_nilo,_ da_palestrina,_80_ac_ca._06.JPG, CC BY-SA 2.0).
Figure 137. Sailors on a boat with perizoma shown on the Nile River, National Museum of Wales, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Wolfgang Sauber https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: NMW__R%C3%B6misches_Mosaik_1.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
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Figure 138. Fishermen in the ‘Villa of the Nile Mosaic’, Lepcis Magna, Tripoli, National Museum, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Marco Prins https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Villa_of_the_Nile_Mosaic_fishermen.jpg, Public Domain).
sailors unloading goods are wearing perizomae.775 In the 4th-century fish mosaic from Althiburos (Medeina), the fisherman appears in an exomis and a kausia hat.776 Putti fishermen clad in embellished tunicae manicatae populate the mosaic pavements at the Basilica of Bishop Theodore of Aquileia, dated to the early 4th century.777 In the Eastern Empire, fishermen and sailors appear on mosaics from the 6th century. Two fishermen are portrayed in a church at Petra. One is dressed in a tunica manicata and the other in a perizoma.778 In the East, the naked fisherman in a church named after the priest Wa’il in Jordan has a loosely woven straw hat resembling a pileus, with rolled brims at the sides.779 Remnants of a mosaic in the church at Zay al Gharby in Jordan retain traces of a figure standing in a boat and clothed in a tunica manicata.780 A fisherman clad in a perizoma clasped with a tie is shown on a 6th-century silver bowl from North Africa displayed in the Louvre.781 A bronze figurine of a fisherman from Ostia is dressed in a tunica
(Figure 137), and the two fishermen whose boat is loaded with fish are wearing a pleated perizoma.768 Two of the fishermen are portrayed standing in a boat and hunting a hippopotamus with a pole and trident in a late 1stcentury AD Nilotic mosaic. One is dressed in a white perizoma and has a triangular pointed hat and the other is shown in an exomis.769 Naked fishermen are shown in a mosaic from Sousse, Tunis, from the beginning of 3rd century AD. Putti fishermen dressed in exomises are visible on a 1st-century mosaic in the ‘House of Menander’ at Pompeii.770 Fishermen are shown in tunicae manicatae in the ‘Nile Villa’ mosaic from Leptis Magna in Libya, dated to the late 2nd century and displayed in the local museum. One of them has a kausia-type hat (Figure 138).771 Sailors are depicted in short exomises in a Nymphaeum mosaic at the ‘House of Claudius’ in Rome.772 A fisherman with a petasus hat and a short exomis embellished with brown clavi is portrayed in a mosaic from the bath house at Medeina.773 The fishermen in the ‘Toilet of Venus’ mosaic from Carthage are also clothed in exomises (Figure 76).774 In a mosaic from Sousse (ancient Hadrumetum) in Tunis, the
Djelloul 2006: 24, Figure 3a. Ben Abed, Ben-Kahder and Balanda 2002: 328; Yacoub 2005: 236– 237, Figure 120a. 777 Marini 2003: 99, 102. 778 Hachlili 2009: VII. 20, C. 779 Dar.-Sag., ‘pileus’, 479, Figure 5669; Piccirillo 1992: 242–243, Figure 398. 780 Piccirillo 1992: 318, Figure 660. 781 Baratte 1997: 111, 122–124, Figure 15; Baratte notes that bowls of this kind were used by affluent people with high socio-economic status. 775 776
Meyboom 1995: 33–34, Figure 20; Kriseleit 2000: 8, Abb. 2. Whitehouse 2003: 130, Plate 28. 770 Nappo 2000: 64, Figure 64. 771 Hanfmann 1975: 288, Plate xxxvII. 772 Sear 1977: 121, Plate c. 773 Ben-Kahder, Ben Abed and Balanda 2002: 328; Fradier 2007: 123. 774 Djelloul 2006: 29, Figure 3. 768 769
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Figure 139. Man leading a donkey in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius, Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 154–155, Fig. 203, courtesy of SBF).
The portrayals of fishermen’s dress on mosaic floors and in other Eastern and Western art show the accepted iconographic formula used to represent workers engaged in fishing and sailing. Most of the fishermen in such scenes are dressed in light clothing, such as the perizoma and the exomis. A number of figures in church mosaics are dressed in a tunica manicata. The cumbersome clothing of fishermen portrayed in ornate tunics or paenulae in the churches at Beit Loya and Petra and in the bronze statue would have hampered their work and been inappropriate for the climate in which they were working. It is quite possible that the patrons exaggerated the quality of their dress to enrich the work of art. Animal handlers Servants leading or driving animals such as tigers, horses, donkeys, camels, or giraffes in various artistic media attest to a patron’s wealth and status.783 Some animals are laden with produce that includes bunches of grapes or jars of wine.
Figure 321c. Man wearing the pileus/pilos (conical hat). Tondo of an Apulian red-figure plate, third quarter of the 4th century BC (Photo credited to Wikimedia user: User: Jastrow, © Marie-Lan Nguyen/Wikimedia Commons.
The men leading animals in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are wearing a colobium, exomis, or tunic. Some of their garments are embellished with various colorful motifs. In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, a hunter is dressed in a decorated tunic (Figure 23),784 and the tiger handler in the Kibbutz Erez mosaic has a Phrygian cap (Figure 24), as do men leading a horse and a giraffe in Jordan (Figures 52, 53). Since the figure leading the pair of tigers and the suckling cub has only partially survived, and the head of
manicata rolled over its belt to form an apoptygma, with a fisherman’s net over his shoulder and wearing boots, unlike most of the fishermen who are shown without footwear. The figurine dates from the early 5th century and is in the New York Metropolitan Museum782
Weitzmann 1979: 278–279 (255); Fund 1963: 63, 206; measuring 17.8 x 12.7 cm.
783
782
784
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Baumann 1999: 231–232. Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168.
Weaving in Stones
Figure 140. Camel driver and man leading a donkey in the Suwayfiyah Chapel, Amman, 4th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 260, Fig. 456, courtesy of SBF).
resembles that of men leading donkeys with baskets in the Church of Deacon Thomas in Jordan and at the El Hammam burial chamber (Figure 52).790 At St George’s Church on Mount Nebo in Jordan, the donkey driver is clothed in a colobium and a pallium, parts of which have not survived.791 The camel driver and the man leading a donkey laden with a basket in the 4th-century mosaic in Suwayfiyah Chapel, from Philadelphia in Amman, have a long, decorated colobium fastened at the waist by a belt with a round buckle (Figure 140).792 The man leading a camel bearing two children in a 6th-century mosaic from the Great Palace in Constantinople is wearing a gray exomis fastened with a blue, green and yellow sash and short calcei (Figure 141).793 Camel and horse drivers in a late 5th-century mosaic from Huarté (displayed in the Qala’at el-Mudiq Museum in Apamea, Syria), are wearing a tunica manicata with a decorative band imitating insets of precious stones.794 A similarly ornamented tunic is worn by a man leading a donkey and a camel in a mosaic dated to the 5th century from the Diakonikon on Mount Nebo. His thighs (or trousers?) are visible through the loose weave of his tunic. His brown and orange chlamys is secured with a round fibula (Figure 142).795 In the upper church of
the elephant visible to their right and the goat to the left are the only other remains of this mosaic floor, we can assume that the group is part of the Dionysian triumphal march on its return from India. The artist has ‘frozen’ the action to capture the moment in time when the tiger cub is suckling and the animal handler is pulling them along with leads, as indicated by his stance (Figure 24).785 The camel and the donkey drivers in Kissufim church mosaic, the Monastery of Lady Mary, and El-Hammam burial chamber, and the man leading a giraffe at Horvat Be’er Shemʻa church are all clad in a colobium (Figures 51–53). In the Be’er Shemʻa church, the ninth row of medallions retains fragments of a camel driver with a bracelet and a cross(?) whose upper torso is naked.786 He is dressed in brown, beige, and white striped baggy trousers fastened with a long sash, like that of the camel driver in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary (Figure 72).787 Similar scenes in Eastern art include the camel driver at Qabr Hiram church in Lebanon, dated to the 6th century,788 and the driver of a donkey laden with a basket in the Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius in Jordan (Figure 139), both of whom are dressed in a colobium decorated with segmenta.789 The attire Rahmani 1973: 263–264; Talgam 1988: 35, 44, Figure 36; RosenthalHeginbottom 1998: 45, Figure 37. 786 Kersken 2008: 120, 4.2.15. 787 Hachlili 2009: Figure VII-15, a–c; a similar skirt is depicted in the Old Diakonikon lower mosaic at Siyaga, Mount Nebo, in Jordan. 788 Hachlili 2009: FigureVII.3,e; Köhler 2010: 110, Figure 1. 789 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 59, Plate 17,2. 785
Piccirillo 1992: 153–155, Figure 203, 181, Figure 253. Saller and Bagatti 1949: 70, Plate 24,2. Roussin 1988: 245, Figure 218; Piccirillo 1992: 260, 264, Figure 456. 793 Cimok 2001: 43, Figure 41. Yüchel 1988: 10. 794 Baumann 1999: 230, Taf. 10,21. 795 Piccirillo 1992: 135, Figure 166. 790 791 792
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Figure 141. Camel driver in the mosaic from the Great Palace in Constantinople, 6th century AD (photo credited to user: Patrickneilhttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Istanbul_Mosaic_Museum_Boys_on_Camel.jpg, CC-BYSA-3.0).
Figure 142. Man leading a donkey and a camel in the mosaic from the Diakonikon on Mount Nebo, Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 135, Fig. 166, courtesy of SBF).
an ostrich, a bison and exotic animals in the Villa de Casasle, (Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy, 4th century AD; Figure 25).799 In Nero’s ‘Golden House’ (Domus Aurea), a dark-skinned man leading an animal has a split skirt and a feathered crown, as does a man leading a goat in a 1st-century mural from Pompeii.800 A wall painting belonging to a frieze at the Villa Livia on the Palatine Hill in Rome, dated to the 1st century, portrays a camel driver in an exomis.801
the Monastery of Kaianos at Ayoun-Mousa in Jordan, a camel driver is clad in an exotic sarong. His wide skirt is tied with a sash and an ochre-colored chlamys is flung over his shoulder. The man leading a horse in this mosaic is wearing an ornamented perizoma fastened with a sash secured with a kind of rosette (?) (Figure 143).796 In the West, the man walking behind a donkey approaching a building in the upper edge of a mosaic exhibited in Cardiff ’s National Museum of Wales is wearing a gray tunica manicata.797 A sarcophagus displayed at the Villa Borghese in Rome shows a camel driver dressed in a long, short-sleeved colobium with a decorated hem and belt.798 Men are handling
Written accounts of travels to the Holy Land include the description by a pilgrim from Placenza of Ethiopian camel drivers in Jerusalem. Wearing boots, they had rings on their fingers and their nostrils were cut and their ears slit. They explained that these were
Piccirillo 1992: 190–191, Figures 276, 277. Whitehouse 1985: 130, Plate 28. 798 Matz 1968: IV,2,272,132, Taf, 164.
Capizzi and Galati 1990: 50. Bianchi Bandinelli 1970: 134, 404, Figure 141. 801 Rumpf 1953: 175, Taf. 61, no.1; Croisille 2010: 80, Figure 100.
796
799
797
800
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Figure 143. Camel driver in the upper church of the Monastery of Kaianos, Jordan, mid-6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 191, Fig. 277, courtesy of SBF).
imposed by the emperor Trajan as identifying marks when he determined the borders of the Negev in the early 2nd century.802 Dark-skinned people of this kind could have come either from Africa or from India. Their exotic appearance, dress, and feathered crowns aroused the curiosity of the local population.803 Roussin maintains that the depictions of animal handlers and their dress were inspired by sarcophagi depicting Indian prisoners in the triumphal procession of Dionysus, such as those at Villa Pamphili in Rome where some of the men leading animals have feathered crowns, or on the mosaic panel depicting the Triumph of Dionysus, now in the National Museum of Lisbon, dated to the 3rd– 4th centuries AD.804 The capture and transportation
Figure 144. Builders on Trajan’s Column, 113 AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Cristian Chirita http://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Engineering_corps_traian_s_column.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Beardsley 1929: 64; 1977: 87, V.181, 35, No. 45. Homburger 1956: 18–21; Snowden 1970: 12. 804 Roussin 1988: 207. 802 803
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Figure 145. Ilias Ambrosiana, Cod. F. 205. P. Inf.,5 th AD, Bibliothecae Ambrosianae Mediolanensis, Fontes Ambrosiani 28, Berne 1953 (photo by permission of Dr Emil Kren ed. Web Gallery of Art, https://www.wga.hu/html_m/ zearly/1/2mural/4callist/callist2.html).
made (Figure 41).806 In the Huqoq synagogue mosaic seven men constructing a stone tower are clothed in a gray exomis.807
of exotic animals and prey are visible in the Villa de Casasle mosaic, Piazza Armerina, Sicily, where the garments of the hunters and the animal handlers are decorated with rich clavi, segmentae and orbiculi (Figure 25).805
In the West, carpenters are portrayed on Trajan’s column in a tunica manicata and a vest, rendered with chiseled vertical and horizontal stripes (Figure 144). In a painting on the tombstone of Trebius Justus in the Via Latina catacomb in Rome, builders and carpenters are dressed in a tunica manicata and colobium.808 A mural in a Pompeian store shows a group of carpenters carrying a load and wearing tunicae manicatae. Two carpenters in indeterminate clothing are cutting wood with a double-handled saw.809 A fragment from the Quedlinburg Itala manuscript, which was probably written in Rome, shows builders dressed in exomises in a scene interpreted as the construction of Solomon’s Temple. The pink, crimson-red, grayish-brown, and light orange exomises are embellished in gold. The builder with raised hands is clearly wearing a pink exomis with gilt shading. As far as can be ascertained, the builders were portrayed in fine clothing to enhance the written text.810 Three masons wearing tunicae manicatae are depicted in the Iliad Ambrosiana manuscript in Milan’s Ambrosiana Museum. The tunics of the builder shouldering a stone and the man with a chisel in one hand and a hammer in the other are decorated with orbiculi and they are
Animal handlers in both Eastern and Western art are sometimes dark-skinned and clad in exotic clothing such as sarongs. Others wear common laborers’ garb, like the colobium, exomis, or tunica manicata. As far as can be ascertained from the evidence, animal drivers would have had difficulty working in a long colobium and chlamys. The portrayals of decorated tunics were therefore probably commissioned by patrons eager to embellish their homes and places of worship with impressive works as at the Armerina villa, for example. Builders and carpenters Prior to and during the period covered by this book, there are very few scenes of woodworkers engaged in their craft, including men cutting, processing, sawing, and carrying wood and materials. In the Arbel synagogue mosaic in Wadi Hammam, bare-footed carpenters and porters are clothed in sleeveless colobia and an exomis fastened with a sash. The man wielding a saw has a protrusion on his shoulder that may represent a knot tied to adjust the length of the garment. It is unlikely to be a fibula, since the upper part of the garment was usually attached after the garment was
Leibner 2010: 36; Leibner and Miller 2010 2: 242–243. A. Borschel-Dan 2017: The Times of Israel, 7 July, 2017. Grabar 1967: 223, Figure 246; Kolb 2006: 154. 809 Nappo 2000: 24; Clarke 2003: 85, Plate 3; Weitzmann 1979: 276 (253). 810 Levin 1985: codex 1019,37–39, Figures 13–14=f.4r. 806 807 808
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Transport_d%27animaux_exotiques,_villa_de_Casale,_Piazza_ Armerina,_Sicile,_Italie
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Weaving in Stones clad in trousers and Phrygian caps (Figure 145).811 The Vergilius Romanus manuscript in the Vatican shows a builder using a hammer to rebuild one of Carthage’s ruined buildings. He is clothed in a tunica manicata ornamented with short clavi. Beside him, a man pointing at something with a stick is wearing a white tunica talaris and a golden overgarment, perhaps indicating that he is the patron.812 At the 5th–6th-century Basilica of Qued Ramel in Tunis, builders in tunicae manicatae are portrayed working on the basilica. They include a carpenter drilling wood, two porters unloading a beam, and two mixing mortar.813 The Huqoq synagogue depicts men constructing a stone tower, apparently the tower of Babel, dressed in exomis and perizomae.814
A fragment showing a horseman lifting his hand in a mosaic from Byrsa, ancient Carthage, Tunis, reveals a tunica manicata and long trousers.820 A horseman in an early 6th-century mosaic from Bordj-Djedid in Carthage, exhibited in the British Museum in London, is clothed in a short-sleeved tunica manicata. The forearm is highlighted with a decorative strip to create volume, the fitted cuffs have orange stripes, and a brown pallium billows behind him. The tunic rides up over his thigh and he is clad in boots. The perizoma, hairstyle, and mustache are barbarian features and are similar to those of the hunters in the Kissufim church mosaic (Figure 111).821 The garments of the horsemen displayed in the mosaics of Eretz Israel resemble those found in contemporary mosaics elsewhere and are based on common iconographic formulas. Since loosely flapping overgarments would have hindered riding, they were probably introduced to accentuate the riding skills of the horsemen and to create dynamic impact in the composition.
In the East, a frieze from Thebes shows construction workers preparing clay bricks. 815The builders in the above-mentioned works are clothed in traditional laborers’ garb such as a lightweight perizoma, tunica manicata, colobium, and exomis. The manuscripts tend to illuminate the builders’ garments with gold due to the nature of the medium, which was commissioned by wealthy patrons. Like the other builders described above, those in the Wadi Hammam synagogue are clearly wearing garments that are well-suited to their work. Horsemen A limited number of artistic works show horsemen riding near city gates. The rider on the edge of the kalokairia mosaic from Caesarea is wearing a long chlamys fastened with a fibula, fitted trousers (?) and sandals or boots (Figure 29).816 In a mosaic from El-Marakesh, a horseman in a Nilotic landscape has a loosely falling pallium secured over his shoulder (Figure 26).817 In the Nilotic mosaic at Zippori, the horseman approaching the city gates is dressed in a tunica manicata and a chlamys (Figure 19).818 Traces of the upper torso of another rider, identified as a Philistine (?), were discovered in recent excavations at the Huqoq synagogue, where the figure has a bluish-purple chlamys secured with a purple fibula (Figure 12).819 Cod. Ambros. F.205 Inf. Min. XXVII; Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 96, 126–127, Figure 190. 812 Levin 1985: codex 1019, 37–39, Figures 13–14=f.4r. 813 Dunbabin 1978: Plate LXXIV, Figure 192. 814 Genesis 11: 1–9; https://www.nationalgeographic.com culture/2018/11/ jonah-tower-babel-huqoq-ancient-synagogue mosaic/ Romy 2018 : 15, November, 2018. 815 Casson 1974: 118. 816 A photograph of the mosaic was published in Ariel’s 2010 calendar accompanied by the caption, Ancient mosaics of Eretz Israel, Israel Antiquities Authority. 817 This part of the mosaic is not preserved and it is therefore impossible to ascertain the color of the tunic; Vincent 1922: Plate X, Figure 4. 818 Weiss and Talgam 1995: 61, Figure 10. 819 Magness 2013a: 66. 811
Clover 1989: 138, Figure 8.10. Dunbabin 1978: Plate XVIII. Figure 40; Clover 1989: 140, Figure 8.12; Buckton 1994: 66–67, Figure 55a.
820 821
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Clothing worn by biblical figures in synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel Nine synagogues decorated with mosaic floors portraying figures in a variety of clothing have so far been discovered in Eretz Israel. This shows that the prohibition in Exodus 20: 3, ‘You shall have no other God before me’, was not strictly observed and was even tolerated by the religious leaders of the time, as can also be understood from a mention in the 3rd-century Jerusalem Talmud regarding Rabbi Yohanan, in whose time people began to paint on walls ‘and he did not stop them’. In the mid-4th century, Rabbi Abun is recorded as not having prevented the depiction of images on mosaic pavements.822 An Avodah Zarah tractate records that ‘all the mazalot [‘stars/planets’] are permitted except for that of the sun and the moon and all faces are permitted except that of a man…’ 823 Jewish law contains neither references to nor descriptions of mosaic pavements in synagogues. A heated argument has arisen between some scholars who see their existence as proof of an open-mindedness regarding synagogue decoration, and others who consider that they represent only a handful of cases rather than the general rule. The discovery of frescoes in the synagogue at Dura Europos and the subsequent exposure of 4th-century mosaic floors have reinforced the view that a turning point occurred during this period, when Jews were confident and synagogue-goers sought to express their culture, identity and social integration through figurative art. This was achieved by borrowing pagan motifs such as the image of Helios. Furthermore, it reflects the tolerant attitude of some religious leaders toward the adornment of synagogues and the recognition that contemporary historical circumstances justified carrying out amendments to Jewish law.824 An inscription preserved in the synagogue at Susya from the 6th century AD records that the honorable priest Issy created the mosaic and whitewashed the synagogue walls.825 Scenes taken from the Bible were portrayed by Christian artists and patrons in the frescoes in the catacombs of Rome. They were a tool for disseminating the interpretation of biblical ritual as prefiguration.826
in which only a few of the participants are visible and others illustrate the entire scene, with Abraham, Isaac, the youths, the ram, and the hand of God. The subject appears on murals, sarcophagi, mosaics, glass vessels, ivories, gems, pendants, and in manuscripts.827 In the Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic, Abraham is wearing an embellished white tunica talaris and calcei (Figure 4).828 Brand opines that Abraham either has a wide necklace with six rows of precious stones and gems around its upper edge, or that this represents the ‘thickened edge of the garment’ mentioned in the Talmud as the ‘stiff border’ to which a collar of precious stones is attached. Bran notes that this ornament is lacking or hidden on the servants’ clothing, following the definition of the Talmud as a ‘seemingly invisible necklace around your throat’.829 In my opinion, careful appraisal of the proposed interpretation shows that the feature may actually represent a beard, since the necks of both Abraham and the youths are elongated and the ‘ornament’ is located under the chin, in an unnatural position. This ‘ornament’ (or beard) could also be absent from the youths’ necks because of their tender age.830 The tunic was not sewn to fit a certain size and was actually a kind of ‘robe’ (or haluk as Jewish sages called it) that was a basic element in a man’s wardrobe.831 The sages specified that it should be long enough to cover the bodies of Torah scholars: ‘What should the haluk (undergarment) of a scholar look like? It should cover the body so that no flesh can be seen. What should the tallith of a scholar look like? So that the haluk cannot be seen underneath’. Religious scholars wore a long haluk, since they did not need short clothing for their occupation and they wished to remain modest.832 Attached to the haluk were ‘places for the arms’ (sleeves) and a woven belt or a belt imported from Greece or Rome that contained a pocket for money, called a funsa.833 From the order of putting on clothing in the bath house, we learn that the tallith was originally wrapped around the body as an overgarment. The Derekh Eretz tractate describes the order of removing
Abraham Numerous Jewish and Christian works of art portray the Sacrifice of Isaac. Some contain a limited depiction
Hamburger 1968: 16–17, 33–34, Plate 6, 118; Magness 2005: 14. See: note 165. 829 Brand 1978: 179; Eruvin 54a. 830 See: note 165. 831 Shabbat, Bava Kama 70b. 832 Roussin 2001: 183–184. 833 BT, Bava Batra, 57a–b; Brand 1978: 180–181. 827 828
JT, Avodah Zarah 3: 3, 42d; Fine 2005: 98–99, 120–122. JT, Avodah Zarah 42b. 824 Talgam 2012: 410. 825 Naveh 1978: 114–124. 826 Talgam 2014: 68. 822 823
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Weaving in Stones with diagonal black stripes that cross the garment from the shoulder to beneath the right arm, with another stripe beneath the left arm. He is clad in black calcei (Figure 146).837 The first known instance of the subject in western Christian art is a mural from Calixtus’s catacomb in Rome, where Abraham is clothed in a midcalf-length tunica talaris (Figure 147).838 Other examples of this kind of tunic, with or without an overgarment, are found in Room L and Cubiculum C in the Via Latina catacomb, where Abraham is dressed as a patriarch in a tunica talaris underneath a toga (Figures 148, 149).839 An unusual depiction of Abraham and his son clad in paenulae appears in the Vigna Massimo catacomb.840 In the Cotton Genesis manuscript, Abraham is wearing a tunica manicata (Figure 150).841 In the early 4thcentury ‘Passion sarcophagus’, Abraham is portrayed as a shepherd dressed in an exomis. In the Junius Bassus sarcophagus, also dated to the 4th century, Abraham is dressed as a patriarch in a short-sleeved tunic and a pallium.842 Abraham is presenting food to the angels, who are dressed in a brown tunica manicata belted with a sash and decorated with a number of segmenta roundels and clavi bands. He is clad in crepida sandals (Figure 151).843 In the Sacrifice scene in the arched part of the wall mosaic in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, he has a light-blue dalmatica ornamented with clavi and a gray pallium decorated with a swastika or gammadion motif. The pallium falls over his arm and down his back to cover his lower torso and its left hem flutters in the wind. The sacrificial scene also appears in the applied arts, as in the 4th-century disc of a goblet from the city of Podgoritza in Montenegro displayed in the Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg, which shows Abraham wearing a long, patterned tunic beneath a pallium.844 A wall mosaic in the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome shows the scene of the meeting with Melchizedek in which Abraham wears a dalmatica decorated with clavi (Figure 152).845 Two additional scenes portray Abraham standing before the angels in a long, embellished dalmatica covered with a pallium and wearing crepida sandals. Similar attire is visible in the scene where Abraham is hosting the angels in the Via Latina catacomb, although in this case the dalmatica covers his feet.846 This resembles his depiction in Sant’Apollinare in Classe at Ravenna (Figure 153).847 A similar portrayal appears on an ivory pyxis from Berlin dated to the 4th century.848 On a terracotta bowl from Tunis dated to the second half of the 4th
Figure 146. The Sacrifice of Isaac, Dura Europos Synagogue, Syria, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Laxguy1955 https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sacrifice_of_Isaac_at_DuraEuropos.png, CCO 1.0).
clothing on entering the bath house.834 The sages were aware of the significance of clothing and the messages it conveyed. These included modesty, social belonging, and the initial impression given by a person’s dress. In discussing the scene of the Sacrifice of Isaac, the Church Fathers mentioned Abraham’s clothing. In his 4th-century treatise De Deitate Filii et Spiritus Sancti (‘On the Divinity of the Son and the Holy Spirit’), Gregorius of Nyssa wrote that one depiction of the Sacrifice affected him to the point of tears.835 Cyril of Alexandria, who lived in the 5th century AD, commented on the unusual dress of Abraham in certain representations of the Sacrifice of Isaac.836
Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 221. Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 221. 839 Ferrua 1991: 124, Figure 113. 840 Ferrua 1991: 91, Figure 68; Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 223. 841 Spier 2007: 268–269, Figure 80b, c. 842 Gerke 1936: 33, Abb.3, 34, Abb.3, Figure 12, Inv. 31648, ex. V. 843 Bustacchini 1987: 36, Figures 1–4. 844 Van Den Brink 2002: 145, Figure 5. 845 Spain 1979: 528, Figure 14; Bovino 1966: 6–8, Figures 2, 3; Brandenburg 2005: 184. 846 Spain 1979: 536–537, Figures 23–25. 847 Bustacchini 1987: 151, Figure 4. 848 Natanson 1953: 16, Figure 28. 837 838
The earliest example of the subject in Jewish art is in the Dura Europos synagogue mural in Syria, where Abraham is dressed in a white tunica manicata decorated Derekh Eretz Rabbah, 1.1. Gregorii of Nysseni, De Deitate, PG 46, col.571c; Mango 1972: 34. 836 Mango 1972: 34; Cyril of Alexandria Ep. XLII., PG 77 col.220. 834 835
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Figure 147. Abraham in the Catacomb of St Callixtus, mid-3rd century AD, Rome (photo credited to Dr Emil Krén, editor, © Web Gallery of Art, created by Emil Krén and Daniel Marx).
Figure 148. The Sacrifice of Isaac on murals in the Via Latina catacomb, 4th century (after Ferrua 1991: 124, Fig. 113, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
Figure 149 (right). Sacrifice of Isaac, Via Latina catacomb, Rome, 4th century AD (after Ferrua 1991: 124, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
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Figure 151. Mosaic from the Old Testament ‘Sacrifice of Isaac’, Basilica of San Vitale, Italy, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Petar Milošević, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Binding_of_Isaac#/media/File: Sacrifice_of_Isaac_ mosaic__Basilica_San_Vitale_(Ravenna).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
century, Abraham is wearing a garment identified by Weitzmann as an exomis.849 Abraham is represented on glass pendants in the Corning Museum, where his head is covered with a hat and he is clothed in a long tunic.850 In a pendant from the Borovsky collection, displayed in the Bible Lands Museum in Jerusalem, he is bare-headed and wears a long tunic.851 In the East, at the El-Bagwât Chapel of the Allegories in Egypt, dated to the first half of the 4th century, Abraham wears a colobium beneath a pallium that is knotted at the end. Abraham sacrificing Isaac is a popular story in Coptic art, where it has been applied to different materials such as wood, textile or stone. Although the upper part of the fresco is missing, the individual figures can be clearly identified. Abraham holds a sword in his right hand. Next to him his son stands on the first step of a flight of stairs leading to an altar. On the left side of Abraham a ram, the substitute sacrifice, is shown under a tree. An unknown figure occupies the left edge of the fresco.852 In the Chapel of Peace at Kharga in Egypt, he is portrayed in a white, pleated mid-calf-length dalmatica and a chlamys decorated with gammadion.853 Weitzmann 1979: 422(379). Whitehouse 2003: 25, Figure 902. 851 Habas 2011: 48, Figure 2. 852 Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 227, Figure 9; Goodenough 1964: Vol. 9, 73, Figure 71. 853 Feinberg-Vamosh 2007: 73; Yadin remarks that the denticulated bands on textiles disappeared in the 4th century and the gamma motif became a common decoration in Egypt, where it was one of the hallmarks of Coptic tunics. This motif appears on a tunic worn by Jews to which tsitsiyot (ritual fringes) were attached on each side; see: Yadin 1963: 245, Figure 48. 849 850
Figure 150. Fragment 26v from the Cotton Genesis (British Library, MS Cotton Otho B. VI), 6th century AD, Abraham and Angels. {PD-art} (Photo credited by: dsmdgold https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: CottonGenesisFragment26vAbrahamAndAngels.JPG, Public Domain).
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Figure 152. The Sacrifice of Melchizedek, 5thcentury AD mosaic, Santa Maria Maggiore Rome, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: MelchizAbraham.jpg (photo credited to Wikimedia user: User: Dickstracke, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Figure 153. Abraham and Isaac in the wall mosaic in Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: © José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro, https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Fichier: Sacrifices_of_Abel, Melchisedec_ and_Abraham_-_Sant%27Apollinare_in_Classe_-_ Ravenna_2016 (2).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
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Weaving in Stones In both the Eastern and the Western Empire, Abraham’s dress included a number of items of clothing such as the exomis, different types of tunic, paenula, toga, and pallium. A fundamental change can be detected in Abraham’s dress after the year 340 AD, when his shepherd’s clothing was replaced by grander attire as befitting a dignified patriarch, including a white tunic, dalmatica, pallium, and sandals.854 In the Byzantine East, figures were not represented in the nude. Abraham appears wrapped in a pallium in two scenes.855 In the West, on applied artworks such as gilded glasses of unknown origin, Abraham is portrayed in the nude or in a perizoma.856
sources (Figure 12), despite the fact that the event in the mosaic is not mentioned in the Book of Judges. The site’s archaeologists interpret it as possibly representing the scene in which Samson slays the Philistines with the jawbone of an ass. This scene is also depicted on a mural in the Via Latina catacomb in Rome, where Samson is wearing a white dalmatica embellished with clavi, with a pallium over his left shoulder and covering his lower torso. Following Western tradition, the hem of the pallium hangs over his arm, as in the Via Latina catacomb.864 The mural also contains fragments of bodies and a fleeing figure. The event is recorded in Judges 15: 17–15 (Figures 154).865 and is depicted in more recent Christian manuscripts dating from the 9th–11th centuries.866 It should be noted that Samson’s clothes, like those of the other figures depicted in this section of the mosaic, follow the style of dress and ornamentation worn by soldiers and bodyguards. Similar embellishments appear on the clothing of hunters and animal drivers in the Piazza Armerina mosaics in Sicily (Figure 25).867
Samson The Bible contains no references to Samson’s apparel. The Book of Judges describes the reward Samson offered to anyone who could solve his riddle: ‘Thirty linen garments and thirty sets of clothes’.857 Biblical scholars have attributed his name to mythological sungod traditions and to the place of his birth at nearby Beit Shemesh.858 Jewish sages attempted to downplay the mythic-divine aspects of the figure,859 but Rabbi Johanan bar Nappaha linked Samson’s name with God Almighty, as written in Psalms 84: 11, ‘For Lord God is a sun and shield…’ adding, ‘Just as God protects the entire world, so Samson protects Israel in his generation’. 860
The Huqoq synagogue mosaic contains fragments of a blue-gray tunic fastened with a wide red belt worn by Samson. A cord hanging to the right of the garment and finished with a red tassel reaches as far as the segmenta motif on the tunic. According to Britt, this geometric design, which here consists of bronze-colored tesserae with a red-and-white circle in the center, had a protective purpose and was intended to repel the forces of evil. This is also indicated by the fact that such motifs were placed over vulnerable areas on a warrior’s body like the knees and shoulders. Folds rendered in dark tesserae make the red chlamys appear striped (Figure 13).868 Room L in the Via Latina catacomb in Rome contains a scene from Judges 14: 5–7 in which Samson is fighting a lion and dressed in a plain tunica talaris and a pallium, both of which are white in the Roman tradition (Figure 155).869 Cubiculum C portrays Samson burning the Philistines’ fields (Judges 16: 4–5) and clothed in a dalmatica over a tunic (Figure 156).870 The same scene also occurs in part of the Huqoq mosaic pavement (Figure 12). The figure of Samson appears in a cycle describing nine events from his life in the remains of a mosaic from a synagogue or church (?) from the 4th or 5th–6th centuries in the Mopsuestia (Misis) Basilica in southeast Turkey. The cycle includes the blinded Samson being led, as described in Judges 16: 27–30. He is wearing a tunic of unknown length. It could either be a tunica manicata or a tunica talaris, which was considered women’s clothing at the time when the mosaic was laid.871 Avi-Yonah stresses that
Josephus interpreted the name ‘Samson’ to mean ‘strong man’ and mentioned that the child matured and developed rapidly.861 The Bible gives no indication of his outward appearance. Both the Babylonian and the Jerusalem Talmuds attribute his extraordinary dimensions to the verse ‘He grew and the Lord blessed him’ (Judges 13: 24).862 Another interpretation of his name is based on the phonetic combination of the terms shemesh (‘sun’) and on (‘strength and heroism’ as well as ‘virility’).863 The instances of Samson’s portrayal in artworks in the period covered by this book (and in previous eras) are extremely limited. The Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic retains traces of the lower torso of a figure grasping three soldiers by their hair and wearing a large, embellished tunica manicata. Although the four fragmentary inscriptions accompanying the mosaic shed no light on the scene depicted, the figure may well be that of Samson based on his description in textual Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 224. Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 230. Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 230–231. 857 Judges 14: 12. 858 Aminoff 2010: 62. 859 Aminoff 2010: 61–63. 860 BT, Sotah 10a; BT, Bat.57.a. 861 Josephus 1985: 5, 285. 862 JT, Sotah 1, 8; BT ,Sotah 10a; Aminoff 2010: 66. 863 Aminoff 2010: 63, Note 31. 854 855
Ferrua 1991: 124, Figure 114. Kötzsche-Breitenbruch 1976: 25a. 92, XXI, Taf. 866 Leibner and Miller 2010: 255, Figure C, 257–259. 867 D’Amato 2005; MacDowall 1994; Capizzi and Galati 1990: 50, 60. 868 Britt 2008: 119–143; Magness 2013 b: 36–39. 869 Ferrua 1991: 124, Figure 114. 870 Ferrua 1991: 84, Figure 61. 871 Levin 1981: 186, Plate IV.
856
864 865
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Figure 154. Samson slaying the Philistines with the jawbone of an ass in a mural in the Via Latina catacomb, Rome, 4th century AD (after Ferrua 1991: 107, Fig. 87, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
the remaining fragments of this mosaic clearly show that the artists wanted to emphasize his gigantic proportions and portrayed him in Byzantine dress.872 Although the double-layered, cumbersome clothing shown on Samson is inappropriate for a warrior, it attests to his status and is consistent with the style of men’s clothing in Rome during this period. In the Huqoq mosaic of Samson making off with the gates of Gaza on his shoulders (Judges 16: 1–3), Samson is clothed in a light-blue tunic showing the neckline and the cuff of the left sleeve. Rabbi Shimon the Hassid emphasized that the enormous proportions of Samson’s body were the size of the city gates and the width of his shoulders, or sixty cubits.873 The author of the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (Book of Biblical Antiquities) claimed that the act of uprooting the gates demonstrated Samson’s tremendous strength and suggested that he was a giant, even though this is not explicitly stated in the Bible.874 He further elaborated
Figure 155. Samson fighting a lion in a mural in the Via Latina catacomb, 4th century AD, Rome (after Ferrua 1991: 124, Fig. 114, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, The Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
872 Kitzinger 1973: 138, 140, 143, Figure 5; Avi Yonah 1981: The Mos., 188–189. 873 Jer. Sotah 1: 8. 874 Zakovitz 1982: 162.
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Figure 156. Samson burning the Philistines’ fields (after Ferrua 1991: 84, Fig. 61, 4th century AD, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
by stating that since he had no sword to hand, Samson ‘attacked the Philistines (using the gates) and killed them … and carried the entire gates and placed them on the mountain’.875 The scene is reminiscent of the legend of Hercules, who held the heavens up for a while,876 as well as the tale of Theagenes the athlete, who at the age of nine was said to have carried home a bronze statue of a god from the marketplace and later returned it at the request of the citizens.877
The synagogue mosaic at Gaza-Maiumas shows King David in an imperial blue and red tunic. His paludamentum is pinned with a fibula and he is crowned with a diadem and a halo. David is sitting on a throne that ‘floats in the air’ and is not on the ground like the throne at Dura Europos, and his feet are resting on a cushioned footstool (Figure 6).878 The Hekhalot Rabbati records that when David ascended to heaven, he sat on a throne opposite that of his Creator. ‘And David, king of Israel in the head, and all the kings of the house of David stood before him, and each one crowned his head, and the crown of David is distinct and superior from all the crowns’.879 The throne and the cushion, which appear in portrayals of emperors and religious figures such as Jesus, are probably derived from pagan depictions of gods and emphasize King David’s special status as a spiritual figure with divine qualities, alluding to his nearness to God.880 The crown on his head was regarded as a sacred object and attributed with supernatural powers. In Christianity, the crown signified redemption, eternal life, and the victory of good over evil and it was therefore shown as the crown of victory, the crown of life.881 The Hekhalot Rabbati also records: ‘Said Rabbi Ishmael: And I beheld one crown which differed from all the [other] crowns, and the sun and the moon and the twelve signs of the zodiac were fixed in it. I said to him, “For whom is this excellent crown?” He said to me, “For David, the king of Israel…” And the crown of
In the scene from Judges 16: 4 showing the burning of the Philistine fields in the Huqoq mosaic, the vestiges of Samson’s ample clothing suggest that he had two layers of garments, the light-blue tunic and the red overgarment, and wore luxurious textiles and accessories like the belt and the metallic ornament. The large garments worn by Samson in the synagogue mosaics indicate a strong likelihood that the patrons and the mosaic artists who worked there were familiar with the Jewish sources. King David This section discusses the clothing and accessories worn by King David on different occasions during his lifetime based on descriptions in the written sources and in works of art.
Steinberg 2007: 13, 35–37; Ben Dov and Rappel 1987: 80. Jellinek 1873: Beit Ha-midrash 168. 880 Barasch 1980: 2, 3, 6–8; Ovadiah 2009: 301–307. 881 Mathews 1999: 168. 878
Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum 43: 3–4; Aminoff 2012: 97. 876 Hesiod, Theogony , 517–520. 877 Halevi 1973: 299; Aminoff 2012: 97, note 56. 875
879
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Figure 157. King David of Israel, fresco in synagogue at Dura Europos, Syria, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Gillman slide collection.https: //fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier: DuraSyn _Centre_sup_David_King.jpg, CCO 1.0).
David’s clothing is described in several events recorded in 1 Samuel. Before David set off to fight Goliath the Philistine, Saul dressed him in his own tunic and gave him armor and a bronze helmet. But David took them off, saying, ‘I cannot go in these because I am not used to them’.883 In his battle with the Amalekites, David wore a breastplate (ephod): ‘And Abiathar brought David the breastplate’.884 In 1 Chronicles, David is described as
David was more brilliant and differed from all the other crowns and its splendor went forth from one end of the world to the other…’882 The description enables us to detect another layer of meaning linking King David with the wheel of the zodiac, which symbolizes God’s control of the universe. The halo around his head, which harks back to depictions of gods in the Ancient World, was one of the imperial attributes. In Christianity, Jesus and the saints are shown with halos to denote their sacred status.
882
883
Jellinek 1873: 168.
884
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1 Samuel 17: 39. 1 Samuel 30: 7.
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Figure 158. Dura Europos fresco, King David of Israel, 1st century AD (photo credited to Marsyas https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: DuraSyn_Centre_sup_David_King.jpg, Public Domain).
same synagogue, known as ‘David, King of all Israel’, David is clothed in Eastern dress embellished with gold stripes and consisting of a tunica manicata and wide trousers (Figure 158).892 On the east wall is yet another scene portraying the supine David-Orpheus in Persian attire consisting of a white tunic decorated along its hem, green trousers, and white shoes.893 In the 6thcentury murals in the chapel at Baouit, David appears in several scenes with a halo around his head. In one of these, standing in front of King Saul, he is dressed in a red and pink tunic and golden boots, as befitting his status, and armed with a gold shield. In the portrayal of his encounter with Goliath the Philistine, the barefooted David is clothed in a colobium embellished with clavi. A silver plate depicting the encounter exhibited at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York shows the two in a short-sleeved colobium with a decorative border, covered with a long, fluttering chlamys that is wrapped around the arm in combat.894 This is similar to the portrayal of the death of Goliath in the mural at Baouit in Egypt.895
wrapped in a robe of fine linen (byssus) and wearing a breastplate.885 The portrayal of the figure of King David in the GazaMaiumas synagogue employs an iconographic form that conveyed a visually familiar message in the ancient world. This form appeared in various artistic media including mosaics. Levine, noting that David is portrayed as a king like Orpheus,886 plucking on a lyre,887 with animals gathered round him to listen to his wonderful music,888 wonders whether the analogy between David and Orpheus suggests that the figure conveys messianic and eschatological messages.889 In the East, where the Dura Europos synagogue murals show Samuel anointing him as king, David is wearing a tunica manicata decorated with thin pink stripes and covered with a crimson pallium. A lacerna (the civilian cloak that protects against rain) hangs over both his shoulders. His hands, placed one on top of the other, are wrapped in its folds (Figure 157).890 Goodenough uses the Greek terms chiton and himation to describe the garments in this scene.891 In another scene in the
In the West, a copy of a wall painting from the Domitilia catacomb in Rome shows the fight with Goliath in which David, clasping a sling, is wearing a short exomis.896 In
1 Chronicles 15: 27. Jesnick 1997: 43–44. 887 Linforth 1973: 242. 888 Henry 1992: 30. 889 Levine 2008: 226–227. 890 Sukenik 1947: 16, Plate 2, 94, 96, 103, 104, Plate 20, 112; Weitzmann and Kessler 1990: 91–92; Figueras 1996: 106, Figure 5; on the lacerna, see: Smith 1873: 665; Croom 2002: 52. 891 Goodenough 1964: Vol. 9, 187. 885 886
Weitzmann and Kessler 1990: 91, Figures 128, 129. Jesnick 1997: 44; Sukenik 1947: 147; Weitzmann and Kessler 1990: 168–169. 894 Leader 2000: 408, Figure 1. 895 Clédat 1904: Plates XVI, XVII, XVIII. 896 Sukenik 1947: Figure 21. 892 893
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a mosaic located in the triumphal arch in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, David is crowned with a diadem and clothed in a chlamys fastened with a fibula with pendants over a white tunica talaris with wide stripes ornamenting the sleeves. He is wearing red tzangia-type shoes. The attire symbolizes his high status and special imperial rights.897 Spain interprets the garment as symbolizing the royal dress characteristic of the biblical Kings Saul, David, and Solomon.898 The Emperor Theodosius the Great, dressed in a stylized tunic and chlamys with a tablion on the Missorium silver dish dated to 389 AD and exhibited in the Academy of History in Madrid supports the portrayal of David as emperor clothed in a chlamys pinned with a fibula (Figure 159).899 Another scene in which garments and jewelry reflect the social status of the wearer is the portrayal of Emperor Justinian on horseback on a medallion from 534 AD, wearing a paludamentum fastened with a large fibula on the right shoulder from which three pendants are hanging.900 Other examples are: The Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, where Justinian is dressed in a white tunic beneath a crimson paludamentum secured on the shoulder with an ornate crossbow fibula (Figure 160);901 the wooden doors of the Church of Saint Ambrogio in
Figure 159. The Missorium of Theodosius, 4th century AD, Museo Nacional de Arte Romano, Mérida, Madrid (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Manuel Parada López de Corselas, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ State_church_of_the_Roman_Empire#/media/File: Discoo_Missorium_Teodosio_MPLdC.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Figure 160. Emperor Justinian and his retinue in the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to the York Project (2002) https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Meister_von_San_Vitale_in_ Ravenna_003.jpg, CCO 1.0).
897 In the scene where he meets Isaiah and Jesus; Spain 1979: 520, Figure 3, 524, Figure 5; Ball 2008: 124; Janes 1998: 27. 898 Spain 1979: 524. 899 Kitzinger 1995: 31, Figures 57–59. 900 Weitzmann 1979: (45). 901 Kenaan-Kedar 1998: 124.
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Figure 161. King David in the Sinope Gospels manuscript from Syria, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dsmdgold https://en.wikipedia.orgwiki/Sinope_Gospels#/mediaFile: SinopeGospelsFolio29rChristHealingBlind.jpg, Public Domain).
at Saint Catherine’s Monastery in Sinai, where he is clothed in a crimson chlamys and wears a cross-shaped crown with precious-stone inlays and pendants.903
Milan, dated to the year 386 AD and containing scenes from the life of David in which he is wearing a tunic and sagum;902 and a portrait on a medallion in a mural 902
Mroczko 1982: 75–87; Westenholz 2000: 82–84.
903
128
Leader-Newby 2004: 196.
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Figure 162. King David in the Quedlinburg Itala manuscript, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dsmdgold https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quedlinburg_Itala_fragment , Public Domain).
Other representations of King David appear in two 6thcentury manuscripts: The Codex purpureus Rossanensis,904 and the Sinope Gospels from Syria, where he bears a crown and is clothed in a light-colored tunica talaris in shades 904
of white and gold covered with a crimson chlamys embellished with a tablion (Figure 161).905 Similar portrayals of David are found in the Quedlinburg Itala fragment, where he is dressed like a Roman emperor
Janes 1998: 119, note 135; Leader 2000: 418, Figure 15.
905
129
Sinope Gospels, Suppl. gr. 1286, fol. 29r.
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Figure 164. The marriage of David and Michal, relief on a silver dish in the Cyprus Museum of Archaeology, Nicosia, 6th century AD (courtesy of Prof. Demetrios Michaelides).
In reliefs on 7th-century silver dishes from Cyprus displayed at the Archaeological Museum in Nicosia and the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, David is dressed in a colobium with elbow-length sleeves. This is covered by a chlamys fastened with a fibula and he wears a diadem, as in scenes showing him wrestling with a lion and a bear.908 In his betrothal to Michal, he is dressed in a long-sleeved pleated tunic and a long paludamentum decorated with orbiculi and fastened with a fibula in the center of the chest (Figure 164).909 In different artistic renderings, King David appears as a shepherd, a warrior, and an emperor. In each of these representations, the items of clothing and their accessories are consistent with the character that the image represents. The use of military royal clothing, red shoes, ornate fibulae, and crowns show that these were symbols of power and authority.
Figure 163. Consular diptych of Probus, 406 AD, Photograph from Ludwig von Sybel, ‘’Christliche Antike’’, vol. 2, Marburg, 1909 (photo credited to https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Consular_diptych_Probus_406.jpg, Public Domain).
Daniel The Book of Daniel is the ninth of the Ketuvim books in the Bible. Among various biblical subjects, the figure of Daniel had particular appeal for beleaguered Christian believers awaiting redemption.
in a white, decorated tunica talaris with armor, a belted waist, a crimson paludamentum pinned with a round fibula made of precious stones, and a gold crown trimmed with ribbons. He is clad in laced boots and has a golden spear (Figure 162).906 This rendering of David dressed in the garb of a Roman emperor in Late Antiquity is similar to the portrayal of the emperor Honorius in the Probus diptych, dated to the year 406 AD (Figure 163).907
Daniel is represented figuratively in synagogues, churches, funerary art and miniatures and on ampullae, vessels, bowls, boxes, sarcophagi, etc., where he is either clothed or in the nude.910 Daniel, who remained in the lion’s den and was saved by his faith, is associated Weitzmann 1979: 410, Figure 5; 479, No. 428, 429. Leader-Newby 2004: Figure 4.12; Grabar 1966: 306, Figure 352. 910 Goodenough 1964: Vol.9, 157, Plate 62. 908
Levin 1985: 32–35, Figure 9-12= f.3v. 907 Leader-Newby 2004: 201–203, Figure 4.21. 906
909
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with funerary art and the belief in salvation. Like the prophet Jonah, martyrs willing to die for mankind, and all those to be resurrected at the ‘end of days’ by virtue of their faith, Daniel was believed to have been one of the prophets who prophesied the coming of Jesus and a prefiguration of his resurrection.911 In the synagogue mosaic at Naʻaran, dated to the 6th century, the figure of Daniel has been destroyed. A sketch of the mosaic, in which his arms are stretched out in the orans position, shows that he had striped sleeves.912 In the synagogue mosaic at Susiya, Israel, dated to the 4th–7th centuries AD a panel depicts Daniel in the lion’s den where only the lion’s tail can be seen. Above it is part of a Hebrew inscription, ‘Daniel’.913 In En Nashut synagogue, now in Golan Archaeological museum, the figure of Daniel shows in orans posture flanked by a lion and lioness, it is not clear whether he is naked or clad.914 In the West, an Ambo plate with a portrayal of Daniel in the lion’s den dated to the 7th century from Novara, Italy shows a frontal view of a man with a head covering and raised hands. He is wearing a knee-length tunica manicata with decorative zigzag edging, a simple belt, and a cloak held together over his chest with a large fibula (Figure 165).915 In the Via Latina catacombs of Gordianus, Petrus and Marcellinus in Rome, Daniel is depicted in the nude (Figure 166). Between the 1st and 2nd centuries, Daniel is portrayed in the orans position and dressed in a tunic; in the 3rd century, he appears in the nude or in a loin cloth (Figure 167).916 We can see the same appearance on a fragment of a sarcophagus from the 4th century and on a 4th-century embossment in the Museum Archaeology Etnológraphy, Córdoba (Figure 168).917 The Bible mentions the scarlet garments and necklace that the Babylonian king, Belshazzar, lavished upon Daniel on promoting him to a high position after he had solved the king’s riddle.918 Like Orpheus, Daniel had the ability to enchant animals (lions).919
Figure 165. Ambo plate with portrayal of Daniel in the lions’ den, 7th century AD, Novara Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jdsteakley https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Lombard_ambo_plate_ depicting_Daniel_in_the_lions%27_den_from_Novara,_ Italy.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
and covered with a chlamys pinned with a fibula. He is wearing a Phrygian cap and footwear (Figure 169).920 On the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus he is shown as a philosopher, dressed in a tunica talaris covered with a pallium or toga (Figure 170).921 One of two sarcophagi showing Daniel in Ravenna is in the Church of San Vitale, where he is clothed in Phrygian dress consisting of baggy trousers with a tunic belted across the chest, a pallium fastened in the center with a large fibula decorated with a monogram, and a Phrygian cap.922 On the other sarcophagus, exhibited in the local museum, he is similarly dressed apart from his fitted, tailored trousers.923 In a mosaic inset above a burial in the Christian mausoleum of Sfax in Tunis, Daniel wears a Phrygian cap and a decorated chlamys. Since the lower torso has not been preserved here, it is impossible to determine what he wore. The surviving fragment
In the funerary art, Daniel is depicted on murals. In the East, a wall painting imitating a sarcophagus in an alcove in a burial cave near Kibbutz Lohamei Hageta’ot shows the figure of Daniel on the side of the tomb standing in the orans position between two lions and candlesticks, clothed in Persian or Parthian dress Ovadiah 2003: 82. Hachlili 2009: 80, Figure IV. 16. 913 Foerster 1986: 417. 914 Hachlili 1988: 321; Hachlili 2009: 81a; Courtesy of Golan Antiquities Museum. 915 Die Langobarden, Das Ende der Völkerwanderung at the Rheinisches LandesMuseum,Bonn. 916 Hachlili 2009: 79–83. 917 Goodenough 1964: Vol. 9, 157, Plate 62; Ferrua 1991: 145, Figure 139. 918 Daniel 2: 48. 919 Mathews 1999: 77–78. 911 912
Foerster 1986: 416, 426, Figure 2; Michaeli 2009: 132–133, Figures 195, 196. Weitzmann 1979: 427–429(386). 922 Lawrence 1970: 9, 20, Figure 17. 923 Lawrence 1970: Figure 37; Westenholz 2000: 117; Effenberger 2006: 80–81. 920 921
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Figure 166. Daniel in the catacombs of Saints Petrus and Marcellinus in Rome, 4th century AD (after Ferrua 1991: 26, Fig. 139, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
appears to be a tunic or a dalmatica decorated with clavi (?), as can be seen on other burials in the area.924
Oaks Collection in Washington, the figure of Daniel is shown wearing a tunic with scalloped folds.928 On a belt pendant representing ‘Daniel in the lions’ den’, dated to the 4th–5th centuries AD, now in the Carnavalet Museum, Paris, he is in the nude (Figure 172).
Daniel is clothed in a tunica manicata on figurative artifacts such as a gilded glass bowl depicting another scene from the Old Testament, dated to the year 326 AD and exhibited in the Romano-Germanic Museum in Cologne. This vessel is regarded as one of the earliest works of miniature art that can be precisely dated. On the dish, Daniel is wearing a tunica manicata and is not in the nude, reflecting the influence of leading thinkers of the generation, who from the 2nd century onward determined that one should only pray while clothed.925 Daniel is shown flanked by two lions on side B of a 6th-century ampulla displayed in the Maritime Museum in Haifa, dressed in a tunica talaris with stylized folds.926 On a 5th-century ivory pyxis from Syria or North Africa he wears a tunica manicata (?) covered with a short chlamys fastened with a fibula and has long anaxyrides trousers and a Phrygian cap (Figure 171).927 On an ivory box dated to the 5th–6th centuries from Syria-Palestine, now in the Dumbarton
A loose, belted and sleeveless colobium, a chlamys fastened in the center with a fibula, and a Phrygian cap are visible on a 6th-century relief exhibited in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum.929 In a relief on a beam from a monastery at Baouit, he is dressed in a short fringed tunic whose diagonal folds are emphasized and stick out from under his belt and in tight-fitting trousers ornamented with floral motifs. He has a chlamys fastened with a fibula over his shoulder and down his back and wears a Phrygian cap. According to Wessel, the incorporation of organic elements such as plants, animals and birds in his dress recalls the Justinian Renaissance and not the Coptic style. It is important to note that the aesthetic ideal characterizing Byzantine dress was influenced by the view of the Christian Church, which preached that the body should be completely clothed. This may have led to the human figure
Dunbabin 1978: Plate LXXIV, Figure 192; Terry 1998: 108, Plate 4.24, 4.25, 4.26. Weitzmann 1979: 420 (377); measurements: 8.6 cm, diameter 11.4 cm, No. 326. 926 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1967–1968: 40–41, Plate IV, side b. 927 Weitzmann 1979: 485(436). 924 925
928 929
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Weitzmann 1979: 469(421). Mathews 1999: 78, Figure 55.
Clothing worn by biblical figures in synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel
Figure 167. Daniel stands raising his hands, En-Nashut Synagogue, 4th–5th centuries AD (courtesy of the Golan Archaeological Museum in Katzrin photo).
Figure 168. Fragment of a sarcophagus - Daniel in the lion’s den – 4th century, Museo Arqueológico y Etnológico de Córdoba https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Fragment_of_a_sarcophagus_-_ Daniel_in_the_lion%27s_ den_-_4th_cent._-_Museo_ Arqueol%C3%B3gico_y_ Etnol%C3%B3gico_ de_C%C3%B3rdoba.JPG, photo credited to © José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro (CC BY-SA 3.0).
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Figure 169. Daniel in the lions’ den, a tomb with a biblical scene in the Western Galilee near Kibbutz Lohamei HaGetaot, 4th–5th centuries AD (courtesy of Gideon Foerster 1986: “Painted Christian Burial Cave near Kibbutz Lohamei HaGetaot,” in M. Yedaya (ed.) The Western Galilee Antiquities, Tel Aviv 1986, 416–431, (Hebrew) 426, Fig.2.
developing into a decorative, almost abstract form.930 The ornamental motifs of Coptic dress, which were originally embellished in a classic-naturalistic style that incorporated mythological figures and creatures, animals, plants and geometric forms, were intended for the Greek population that had lived in Egypt since its conquest by Alexander the Great. Over time, they were superseded by more abstract designs bearing signs of oriental origins, particularly from Persian art. One of the characteristics of these textiles is their colorfulness.931 With the spread of Christianity, other motifs appeared that included Christian saints, Old and New Testament scenes, and crosses. The vegetal motifs and the figures, presented at the beginning of the period in a naturalistic way, developed into more abstract forms and the figures became stylized with wide eyes and a fixed gaze.932
of his contemporaries in the kingdoms of Babylon and Persia, the artists copied Phrygian styles (the wide trousers and the cap), leading us to understand that Daniel’s clothing in the damaged mosaic in the synagogue at Naʻaran also included several such items of clothing. Figures in the synagogue at Huqoq A recent excavation conducted in the synagogue in Huqoq (January–February 2014) uncovered the remains of a mosaic showing nine figures, parts of whose clothing are visible, including that of a Philistine rider (?) and three men striding toward a soldier wearing an embellished tunic and armor, whose dress resembles that of the personification of March in the Church of the Lady Mary Monastery and in a mosaic at Argos (Figures 35).933 In the Huqoq mosaic, two other partially preserved figures are standing in an arched passageway containing oil lamps, their tunics ornamented with gammata, clavi, and orbiculi. They are holding sheaths and their heads are turned toward an elderly man sitting on a chair
Daniel’s dress consists of several items in both Western and Eastern portrayals, including tunics in different styles, wide trousers, and sometimes a Phrygian cap. Since the book of Daniel describes his life and those Wessel 1964: 42, 155, Figure 60. Zemer and Cohen 2010: 7–8. 932 Zemer and Cohen 2010: 8. 930 931
933
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Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 23.
Clothing worn by biblical figures in synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel
Figure 170. Daniel in the lions’ den, detail from the Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: G.Dallorto https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 1059_-oma,_Museo_d._civilt%C3%A0_ Romana_-_Calco_sarcofago_Giunio_Basso_-_Foto_Giovanni_Dall%27Orto,_12-Apr-2008.jpg, CCO.1.0, Public Domain).
Figure 171. Pyxis with Daniel, 5th century AD (photo credited to Johnbod, https: // commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: BM_ rm_41_,DSCF9195_Pyxis_with_Daniel.JPG, CC 3.0).
Figure 172. Belt pendant representing ‘Daniel in the lions’ den’, dated to the 4th–5th centuries AD, (photo credited to Wikimedia Commons commons user: pierre-yves beaudouin / Wikimedia https: //commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/Category: Daniel_in_the_lions%27_ den_belt_pendant, CC BY- A 4.0).
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Weaving in Stones and dressed in a dalmatica decorated with gammata and brown trousers. He is wearing calcei boots and holding a scroll. The way in which he is portrayed and the scroll in his hand are reminiscent of the prophets in church portals.934
934
Magness 2013a: 67–68; Ovadiah and Pierri 2017: 284–298.
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Clothing worn by figures in church mosaics in Eretz Israel
Figure 173. Jonah being lowered into the sea in the midst of the storm as a sacrifice to save those aboard the ship, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z~commonswiki https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Jonah_thrown_into_the_Sea.jpg, Public Domain).
The prophet Jonah
subject, which represented rebirth and was regarded as a prefiguration of the death and resurrection of Jesus, was associated with funerary art and has been identified as representing the eschatological belief in the ‘end of days’ and the resurrection of the individual Christian believer. Most of the scenes depicting events from the Old Testament made by Christian artists show Jonah in the nude.936 Scholars assume that they were inspired by Platonic ideas, ancient commentaries on the scriptures (midrash), and the figure of Endymion in artistic portrayals of the river gods.937 Jonah appears in the nude in the Anonima catacomb, in the catacomb of the Saints Petrus and Marcellinus in the Via Anapo, Rome (Figure 173),938 in the Catacomb of San Lorenzo, Rome, and on a sarcophagus from the Church of Maria Antiqua in Rome (Figure 174).939
Jonah is one of the twelve books of the prophets in the Bible. Of all the biblical subjects, the character of Jonah the prophet appealed to troubled Christian believers who yearned for redemption. Since the Jonah mosaic is located in a church, it is included in this section. In the northern aisle of the Church of Mahatt elUrdi at Beit Guvrin, Jonah is clothed in a tunica talaris with rolled-up sleeves decorated with clavi. Jonah is accompanied by marine and land animals associated with the creation, an idyllic life and abundance, signifying hope and salvation for Christian believers.935 The story of Jonah being cast into the water, spending three days in the belly of the sea monster and returning to life is a common theme in early Christian art. The
Smith 1993: 5. Narkiss 1979: 66–67. 938 Fiocchi, Bisconti and Mazzoleni 1999: 70, Plate II. 939 Grabar 1967: 129, Figure 130. 936 937
Ovadiah 1974: 214–215, Plates VIII–XII; Foerster 1978: 289–294; Meiri-Dan 2000: 212.
935
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Figure 174. Jonah on a sarcophagus in the Church of Maria Antiqua, Rome, 3rd century AD (photo courtesy of Steven Zucker).
Figure 175. Marble statue of Jonah clothed in a thin garment, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Daderot https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Jonah_Under_the_Gourd_ Vine,_280-290_AD,_Late_Roman,_ Asia_Minor,_marble_-_Cleveland_ Museum_,CC0 1.0).
Other examples are a sculpture in the Metropolitan Museum of New York and a gilded glass dish displayed in the Vatican Museum and dated to the 4th century, and on a pyxis depicting the story of Jonah in the nude from the 6th century, now in Paris.940
pose, stretched out beneath a castor oil plant with his hand around his head, is reminiscent of the scene in the mosaic at the Church of Mahatt el-Urdi at Beit Guvrin and is based on portrayals of Endymion.942 Jonah is dressed in a 3rd-century exomis in a sarcophagus exhibited in the atrium of the Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere.943 In 3rd-century marble sculptures, Jonah’s transparent tunic clings to the body to indicate that he is wet, having been delivered from the water. In other marble sculptures, Jonah is either lying covered with thin, wet clothing following the contours of the body,944 or standing in the orans position dressed in a belted tunic as in a collection in the Cleveland Museum (Figure 175).945 In the Syrian Rabula Gospels manuscript, on the
Matthew interprets the depiction of Jonah in the nude in artworks from Late Antiquity as symbolizing the baptism of initiates into the church. He emphasizes that most of the scenes depicting Jonah and Daniel in the nude have Eastern characteristics, particularly in Syria.941 In frescoes in the Exodus burial chapel in Gebel El-Teir in Egypt dating from the first half of the 4th century, Jonah is dressed but due to their state of preservation it is impossible to determine what he is wearing. His 940 941
Matthew 2006: 238, No. 40. Grabar 1967: 135, Figure 138. 944 Weitzmann 1979: 410 (367). 945 Weitzmann 1979: 410 (368); 14 x 20.6 x 47 cm, No. 65.240; Talmon interprets this as the figure of a sailor: Talmon 1982: 15, Figure 8. 942 943
Grabar 1967: 23, Figure 20. Matthew 2006: 239.
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Figure 176. Jonah mosaic in the Basilica in Aquileia, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: YukioSanjo https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Aquileia_-_Basilica_-_Giona_ingoiato_mostro_marino_ (esposizione_33).jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
upper border of a page (fol. 6A), Jonah is lying under a castor oil plant (Ricinus communis) in a tunica talaris whose lower part is tucked between his legs.946 In a mosaic floor from the Basilica of Bishop Theodore Aquileia, Jonah is shown naked, as he is in the Catacomb of Priscilla (Figures 176, 177). The figure standing in the boat is praying in the orans position and wears an ornate white tunica talaris decorated with clavi and finished with tassels. Scholars are divided as to whether this is indeed the figure of Jonah before he was cast into the sea, as suggested by Giovannini, Ventura and Torlo.947 However Lawrence maintains that it represents one of the sailors,948 and Stroumsa interprets it as having symbolic or political meaning (Figures 176, 177).949 The tunic, which was typically worn by the upper classes, appears in a 4th-century relief of Constantine II on a silver dish displayed in the Hermitage Museum.950
Figure 177. Jonah Mosaic in Aquileia, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Saiko https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Aquileia,_storia_di_ giona,_pavimento_della_basilica,_1a_met%C3%A0_del_IV_ secolo.jpg, 4th century AD, Public Domain).
sor.cua.edu/Bible/RabbulaMs.html Giovannini, Ventura and Torlo 2012: 110. Lawrence 1962: 295, Plate 78, Figure 9. 949 Stroumsa Uzan 2003: 43; Grabar 1967: 22, Figure 19; Marini 2003: 106, 109. 950 Grabar 1996: 303, Plate 348. 946 947 948
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Weaving in Stones Various figurative representations show Jonah in the nude or in a variety of clothing, like an exomis, tunica manicata, or tunica talaris, some of which are rendered as transparent by the artists to make them appear wet. His portrayal in the Church of Mahatt el-Urdi at Beit Guvrin, in a tunica talaris with rolled-up sleeves decorated with clavi, resembles depictions in the Syrian Rabullah Gospels and in the mosaic floor from the Basilica of Bishop Theodore Aquileia. Saint Menas (?) Garments and their accessories can be used to identify and date the characteristic dress code of a certain period, based on style, length, and color. Furthermore, during certain periods the wearer, his status, and his occupation could be identified by his attributes, which including his clothing. This is the case with the identity of the figure attributed to Menas the Martyr (?) in the remains of the mosaic in the Church of Ein Fattir at Beit Jimal. The figure is standing between two peacocks and is wrapped in a colobium decorated with clavi and tabulae.951 Menas was declared a martyr at the end of the 3rd century during the Diocletianic Persecution and subsequently became the patron saint of Egypt. According to Christian legend, his body was placed on the back of a camel that wandered until it reached the region of Alexandria. A grave was dug for him at the place where the camel stopped and the site was declared holy. In various works of art he is portrayed with frizzy hair wearing a short tunic and a belt and standing in the orans position between two camels who are bending their necks toward his feet.952
Figure 178. Icon of Saint Menas and Christ, 6th century AD, currently displayed in the Louvre (photo credited to Wikipedia user: clio20 https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: L%27abb%C3%A9_M%C3%A9na_et_le_ Christ_01.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
The archaeologists Chambon and Strus, who excavated Ein Fattir, reported the discovery of a destroyed mosaic in the choir opposite the apse podium, next to which was an inscription: ‘Jesus helped…’ In their estimation, the mosaic was intended to glorify a place of great importance that may have been used to preserve reliquaries. They further note that the Patriarch Sophronius ordered the remains of saints whose identity is unknown to be placed in front of the altar. To do this, a hollow was dug that damaged the surviving part of the mosaic.953 The archaeologists exposed fragments of the mosaic pavement containing a male figure dressed in a short colobium and holding a shepherd’s staff. Based on his clothing, they surmised that he was Saint Menas,954 noting that the garment was similar to that found in other artistic representations of Saint Menas.955 A later article by Strus and his book on Ein Fattir contain no specific reference to Saint Menas and even state that the
Figure 179. Icon of Saint Menas, from Alexandria (photo credited to Wikimedia user: sailko https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tavoletta_paleocristiana_con_ san_mena,_da_alessandria_d%27egitto.JPG, CC 3.0).
identity of the saint is unknown.956 Vincent recorded a similar figure portrayed in the Altchristliche Kirche at Madaba, which is described by Manfrediand. However, later examination by Lux has shown that the figure no longer exists.957 Since another figure among clusters of
Chambon and Strus 1990: 76. Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1967–1968: 44. 953 Excavation file no. G112/19960 C/87/1990. 954 Cambon and Strus 1990: 76. 955 Cambon and Strus 1992: 433. 951 952
956 957
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Strus 2000: 46, Figure 31. Vincent 1902: 426.
Clothing worn by figures in church mosaics in Eretz Israel
grapes was found at the site, Lux proposes that they may be the portraits of two donors.958
over his left arm (Figure 178).969 He is wearing similar attire in a late 7th-century ivory panel (Figure 179).970 A tunica manicata is barely visible beneath the ornamental overgarment of the saint portrayed with pilgrims on an ivory container from Egypt or from Constantinople (?), which is displayed in the British Museum and dates from the 6th century.971
There has been some discussion on the garment the figure wears. In his Etymologies, Isidore of Seville emphasized that the sleeveless colobium, or levitonarium, was worn by the Coptic monks.959 MossakowskaGaubert points out that from the 4th-century onward, a tunic was the main item of clothing among Egyptian monks and abbots who wore it for work, liturgies, travel, dining, and while resting. However, the author does not state its length or that of its sleeves. The items of dress he mentions include long-sleeved tunics and sleeveless or short-sleeved colobia.960 Saint Arsenius is recorded as having worn a white robe and sandals. In describing the attire of Egyptian monks, St Cassianus referred to various types of sleeveless colobium, shortsleeved colobium and cucullus that were common among laborers and monks.961 The priest Muthius noted that a person who wished to be his student was dressed in a sleeveless colobium and cucullus.962 Two monks in the orans position and wearing a long, sleeveless colobium decorated with clavi are sketched on the walls of Esna monastery, dated to the 4th century. The abbot, Faamoun, is shown in the orans position and dressed in a colobium beneath a pallium.963 These examples of saints wearing a colobium in the region where Saint Menas was active, as well as the reliefs and wall paintings portraying him as a Roman soldier with a halo in the orans position flanked by two kneeling camels, help us understand the archaeologists’ initial identification of the figure as Saint Menas.964 Other works of art, in the West, show Saint Menas with a halo and dressed in a tunica manicata and long chlamys embellished with a tablion, as on an ivory pyxis found in the San Paolo Fuori le Mura Basilica in Rome and displayed at the British Museum in London.965 A similar scene appears on a marble relief exhibited in Vienne, France.966 Identical attire is shown on a marble screen from Mex, from the 5th-century monastery of Saint Thécla near Alexandria, where it is fastened with a belt.967 The belt and the fold in the garment resemble those in the mosaic at Ein Fattir.968 A 6th-century painting on wood accompanied by a Coptic inscription from Baouit in Egypt contains an icon of Saint Menas together with Jesus. The saint is shown clothed in a tunica talaris decorated with institia and crimson clavi and has a chlamys that is also embellished
The figure of Saint Menas appears on eulogia ampullae made of terracotta designed in a number of forms and bearing a variety of inscriptions and motifs. The ampullae were manufactured at the Abu Mina monastery near Alexandria during the 6th–7th centuries. Many such ampullae have been found in Alexandria, Jerusalem, Rome, Athens, Marseilles, Heidelberg, Croatia, Dalmatia, etc.972 Saint Menas is standing flanked by two camels and dressed in soldier’s clothing on an ampulla in the Salonika Museum collection,973 which is similar to an ampulla exhibited in the Louvre (Figure 180).974 The saint appears on the side of a 6th-century ampulla displayed in the Maritime Museum in Haifa, where he is dressed in a tunica manicata fastened with a belt and in a chlamys with folds,975 resembling ampullae exhibited in the Vatican Museum.976 A terracotta ampulla in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York shows Saint Menas without a halo clothed in a short tunic and with a long chlamys hanging down his back.977 Walter describes a large number of works of art in both the East and the West in which the saint is portrayed as a soldier equipped with armor and several items of clothing such as tunics of different types, with or without a chlamys. He also emphasizes that, based on his dress and on the written sources, he belongs to the group of military saints.978 The fact that the figures of monks and abbots in Egypt were shown in wall paintings in a long, sleeveless colobium, with or without an overgarment, emphasizes the rising doubt regarding the appearance of the figure and its location in the medallion placed in the choir and near the sacred apse, dressed in a sleeveless colobium and with no overgarment. The figure’s portrayal differs from that in all the other scenes, where he appears in a tunica manicata or tunica talaris with or without a chlamys. Furthermore, it is difficult to accept the archaeologists’ initial interpretation of the figure as being that of Saint Menas, who is usually flanked by kneeling camels, when the mosaic contains traces of the tail feathers
Lux 1968: 167. Isidore of Seville: XIX.XXII.24. 960 Mossakowska-Gaubert 2004: 153–154. 961 Cassien: I, 4. 962 Ward 1981: 83, X,9. 963 Mossakowska-Gaubert 2004: 153–154, Figures 1, 2. 964 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1967–1968: 39, Plate 4, IVb. 965 Houston 1947: 91; Wilber 1940: 136; height 12.4 cm, diameter 12 cm. 966 Wessel 1964: 18–19, Figure 13. 967 Inv. 13.860; measuring 58 x 69 cm; Weitzmann 1979: 573(512); Wilber 1940: 92. 968 Wessel 1964: 18–19, Figure 12; Weitzmann 1979: 573–574(512). 958
Grabar 1966: 189, Figure 204. Weitzmann 1979: 578(517). 971 Weitzmann 1979: 575–576(514). 972 Breccia 1922: 294–295. 973 Lazaridou 2011: 133, Figure 94. 974 Vikan 2003: 239–240, Figure 8.14; Woodfin 2006: 111; MNC.1926. 975 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1967–1968: 41, Plate IV,4. 976 Tulli 1932: 231. 977 Rogers Fund, 1927; Inv.27.94.19; Weitzmann 1979: 576 (515); Woodfin 2006: 115. 978 Walter 2003: 184, 186, 189.
959
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Weaving in Stones of two peacocks, leading us to compare it with similar scenes.979 The figure in the mosaic in Ein Fattir is similar to the portrayal of Daniel in the orans position flanked by two lions. Daniel is usually depicted in the nude or dressed in a tunica manicata, although the chapel in el-Kal’a in Amman contains a person in the orans position between two animals who is dressed in a red and yellow tunica manicata with a white pallium over his left shoulder. This iconographic formula is reminiscent of the portrayal of Daniel.980 The placing of the figure in the sacred area requires special attention. During the period covered by this book, the prohibition contained in an edict published by Theodosius II in 427 AD and cited in the Codex Justinianus was well known. It forbade the engraving or painting of a crucifix on the ground, on church floors, or on marble slabs set into the floor and used as paving. The prohibition could be extended to include the Christian saints.981 Despite this ruling, marks of the cross and Old Testament scenes such as the stories of Jonah and Daniel continued to be placed in church floors. Examples of this are the portrayal of Jonah in floor medallions in the nave of the 4th–5thcentury church at Aquilea, and at Beit Guvrin, where he is dressed and reclining on his left arm (Figures 3, 176).982 This phenomenon may be explained by the fact that news of the edict took time to reach some members of the Church, who were active in many far-flung places. It should be noted that the Church building was regarded as a microcosm that reflected the earthly-worldly and celestial-spiritual sphere. The church flooring served as a pathway for believers and could inadvertently be spat on. Indeed, the 4th-century writer Cassian mentions spitting in church.983 From this it can be understood that mosaics often adorned the main nave and aisles and that they were not confined to the apse and the choir. It should also be noted that Gregory of Nyssa, in Cappadocia, praised the work of the artists who embellished churches commemorating martyrs, including the mosaic artists who created floors worthy of the attention and feet of the faithful. He further noted the influence of painting, essentially a ‘silent’ art, whose contribution is evident in its ability to ‘speak’ from the walls.984 In contrast, Epiphanius of Salamis argued that the figurative images decorating churches only strengthened pagan habits and beliefs.985
Figure 180. Pilgrim flask with St Menas between two camels, 4th–6th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Jastrow, Marie-Lan Nguyen https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Jastrow, Marie-Lan Nguyen, CC-BY 2.5).
It is surprising that the figure was identified as Saint Menas on the basis of the short sleeveless garment and the sacred location, between the choir and the apse. It is worth mentioning that in the 6th-century(?) church at Jabel al Waybdah in Philadelphia, Amman, which was dedicated to St George and built near a monastery, a male figure shown in the orans position is dressed in a long-sleeved tunic, whose type is indeterminate due to the state of of the mosaic’s preservation. He has a white scarf over his shoulder and a kind of hat or cap on his head. The clothing may indicate that the figure is a monk.986 Furthermore, the figure in the orans posture in a short tunic in a mosaic at Saint George’s Church in Jordan, clothed in a tunica manicata and a pallium embellished along the hem and with the dedicatory inscription ‘John, son of Ammonius’ together with a plea to Saint George to receive the villagers’ offering and ensure their salvation (Figure 181),987 is reminiscent of Lux’s note regarding the donors in the church at Madaba.988 The remains of a Greek inscription appealing
See: excavation file. Piccirillo 1992: 126, 128. 981 C J: I.8.1. 982 Ruth Ovadiah1974;Hachlili 2009: 91,Figure IV-24a. 983 Cassian: Ins., 2: 10, 25–26. 984 St. Gregorii Nysseni, Martyris Theo: PG 46, col. 737; Carruthers and Ziolkowski 2002: 2. 985 Epiphanius of Salamis: 27.6.10; Talgam 2012: 41; Kitzinger 1954: 93. 979 980
Piccirillo 1992: 262–263, Figures 460, 462. Piccirillo 1992: 178–179. 988 Lux 1968: 127. 986 987
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for salvation appear on the upper part of the mosaic pavement at Ein Fattir. The inscription is located between the mosaic carpet and the steps leading to the apse podium and records the names of the donors, the artists, and the bishop as well as the date and the appeal for salvation, hinted at by the presence of the peacocks beside the figure. All of these suggest a link between the figure represented on the Ein Fattir mosaic and the donors. Whether or not this is the figure of Daniel, the martyr, or the donor, its presence in a short, sleeveless garment in the sacred location and in the orans position is surprising.
Figure 181. Figure in the orans posture in the Church of Saint George at Khirbet el Mukkhayyat, Jordan (after Piccirillo 1992: 178, 179, Fig. 247, courtesy of SBF).
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Clothing worn by mythological figures of a ruler from the 4th century onward.993 A parallel description of his dignified appearance can also be found in contemporary writings. Pirqei de Rabbi Eliezer 6 reads: ‘The sun has three letters of [God’s] name written at its heart and the angels lead it. Those that lead it by day do not lead it by night. Those that lead it by night do not lead it by day. The sun rides in a chariot and rises, crowned like a bridegroom and as strong as a hero, as is said, “Which is a bridegroom coming out of his chamber”.’ The verse in the Song of Songs 3: 9, ‘its seat of purple...’ etc., is echoed in Midrash Rabbah 12: 4: ‘The sun is riding on a chariot and rises decorated like a bridegroom’ and in Pirqei de Rabbi Eliezer, VI ‘and he is as a bridegroom coming out of his canopy’.
The incorporation of mythological figures not identified with a particular religious belief stemmed from the scrupulous care taken to avoid including divine figures in artworks in order to prevent them from being trodden on. The Christian Church Fathers used pagan motifs derived from Greco-Roman festivals and rituals and charged them with different meaning.989 The Sun god Helios, known as Sol Invictus (‘invincible sun god’) in the 3rd and 4th centuries, was an official imperial Roman god and appears in various forms of dress in both small and monumental artworks. He is usually portrayed wearing a radiant crown signifying the sun’s rays. Like Helios, the sun god of Greek mythology, Sol Invictus is often depicted riding in a quadriga (four-horse chariot). The cult of Helios/Sol had an important function in Eretz Israel.990 Since the emperor was regarded as ruler of the world, the figure’s right-handed greeting was recognized as one of the symbols of power. Under Constantine the Great, the ruler came to be identified with Helios, Constantine’s patron.991
In the Lady Mary Church mosaic, the clipeus of Helios and Selena is in a uniquely central position. Helios is not shown as Sol Invictus the ruler or as a cosmocrat, but as one of the celestial bodies: The sun, with its crown and torch, in the role of the guardian of creation and the changing seasons. He has red hair, symbolizing the sun, beneath a shining crown from which seven rays radiate and in his hand is a torch, representing the luminaries. He is dressed in a light-colored, shining tunic or dalmatica. It is impossible to identify the type of garment with absolute certainty due to the condition of the mosaic (Figure 1).994 In his Odyssey, Homer mentions the god’s fine, shining garment billowing in the wind.995 Ovid’s Metamorphosis describes his crimson clothing.996 The epic poet Nonnus’s 5th-century essay, Dionysiaca, recounts that he had rays of light on his head, a white skirt wrapped around his waist, clothing of fire, and crimson boots.997 In Johannes of Gaza’s 6th-century ekphrasis of the tabula mundi (‘map of the world’) at the winter baths in Gaza, the sun god was described skirting the wheel of the zodiac in his chariot.998 An early portrayal of the sun god driving his chariot across the sky has been found on a Greek vase dating from as early as the 5th century BC. In a metope at the Temple of Ilion, dated to the early 3rd century BC, the galloping horse causes Helios’s long garment to billow out and his himation is wrapped around his neck, beneath his arm, and down his back.999 During the Roman period, Helios
The sun god is depicted in human form in three mosaics in Eretz Israel, at Hammat Tiberias, Beit Alpha, and Naʻaran. Weiss stresses that in these mosaics, not only did Helios represent the sun, which had an important function in maintaining world order, but also God’s divine power and deeds as sole ruler of the universe and creation. As proof, he cites R. Zeira’s sermon, which compares the emperor’s power with that of God and emphasizes the fact that God is the real cosmocrat in control of the sea and the land.992 Thus, Helios’s galloping chariot is a visual expression of the midrashic concept in which God is the ruler of the world and has the power to accomplish his every wish. The Hammat Tiberias synagogue mosaic shows Helios wrapped in a partially gilded tunic fastened with a fibula and with a seven-rayed halo (Figure 8). In the synagogue mosaic at Naʻaran, the sun god is dressed in a white tunic embellished with gemstones on the upper body. Over the tunic is a paludamentum pinned with a fibula or bulla and decorated with a star motif. In his hand he grasps a scarf, the distinctive symbol
993 Sukenik 1932: 35; Foerster 1985: 387. The mappa was a large scarf worn by consuls proclaiming the start of the games; see: Britt 2008: 125; McClanan 2002: 70–71. 994 Dothan 1983: 41. 995 Homer: The Odyssey, XII, 261–419. 996 Homer: Hymn 31; Odyssey: Metamorphosis 2.23 997 Nonnus: 8.39. Homer: Hymn 31; Ovid: Metamorphosis 2.23 998 Hanfmann 1939: 112. 999 Smith 1991: 193, Figure 201, height 86 cm.
Meiri-Dan 2000: 200, 213–214. Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 111. 991 The rulers portraying themselves on their coins were Geta and his brother Caracalla; Foerster 1985: 387. 992 J T, Avodah Zarah 3, 1, 42c. 989 990
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Figure 182. Helios in his chariot, surrounded by symbols of the months and the zodiac. From Vat. Gr. 1291, the ‘Handy Tables’ of Ptolemy, 3rd century AD ? (photo credited to wikiedia Creating User: Tonychakar, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Helios_in_His_Chariot.jpg, public domain).
his head.1003 In a miniature copy of the monthly cycle based on Ptolemy’s Astronomia, written in the 3rd–4th centuries and copied in the 9th century (now in the Vatican Museum), the sun god appears dressed in a long-sleeved crimson tunic (?) pinned with a gilt brooch. A chlamys hangs from his right shoulder and he wears a radiant crown (Figure 182). Around him are the twelve months and signs of the zodiac and the agricultural tasks with which they are identified.1004 At the Tallaras Baths in Greece, the upper torso of Helios is shown crowned with shining rays. In one hand he holds the earth, while the other hand gestures in greeting. He
was attributed with control over the celestial bodies, the passage of the months, and the renewal of the seasons.1000 The zodiac wheel serves as a connecting link between the various subjects depicted on the mosaic floors.1001 The portrayal of the sun in its chariot was also borrowed from the apotheosis of Hellenistic and Roman rulers, and was even used in depictions of Jesus.1002 In the East, the sun god appears on fragments of a mural from the mithraeum at Dura Europos. He is clothed in a long-sleeved white tunic covered with a chlamys fastened with a fibula and has a halo around Hanfmann 1971b: I, 151. Weiss 1998: 37–38. 1002 Foerster 1985: 387. 1000 1001
1003 1004
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Kondoleon 2000: 208, Figure 95; Inv.1935.99A Gundel 1992: Taf.6; Hachlili 2009: 38; Cod.Vat. Gr.1291, fol.9
Weaving in Stones
Figure 184 (above). Ancient Roman mosaic (c. 250 AD) found in the ruins of the Roman villa of MünsterSarmsheim (Bad Kreuznach), now in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum in Bonn, Germany. The mosaic was part of the floor of the entrance hall of the villa and depicts Sol Invictus, the sun god (photo credited ton user: kleon 3 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 2018_Rheinisches_Landesmuseum_Bonn,_SonnengottMosaik.jpg, CC 4.0).
is surrounded by the signs of the zodiac and the four seasons of the year.1005 Many mosaics were decorated with Helios’s image. In the West, the vaulted ceiling of the mausoleum of Julli in the catacombs in the Basilica of St Peter in the Vatican, dated to the mid-3rd–4th centuries, is decorated with a mosaic mural portraying Jesus as the sun god. He appears in a beige and light-brown tunica talaris and wind-blown chlamys in a chariot driven by four white horses (Figure 183).1006 A mid-3rdcentury mosaic at the Münster-Sarmsheim Roman villa in Germany shows Helios with a flowing crimson
Figure 183. Representation of Christ as the sun-god Helios, Sol Invictus riding in his chariot, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: ChristAsSol.jpg, Public Domain).
1005 1006
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Jacoby 2001: 225–227, Figures 1–3. Borsook, Superbi and Pagliarulo 2000: 235, Figure 4.
Clothing worn by mythological figures
Figure 185. Orbe-Boscéaz, mosaïques romaines, (photo credited to wikimedia user: Leemburg-CH https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orbe-Bosceaz_(3).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
Figure 186. Villa Selene, mosaic of the four seasons and Helios, 4th century AD (photo by: Marco Prins) https://www.livius.org/ pictures/libya/silin-villaselene/villa-selene-mosaicof-the-four-seasons-helios/, CC0 1.0 Universal).
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Figure 187. Heracles wrestling with a lion in a section of an illustrated poem written on papyrus, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Denniss https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Denniss, Public Domain).
chlamys on his upper torso (Figure 184).1007 In the ‘Weeks and Gods’ mosaic (Wochengöttermosaik) from the Villa Orbe, near Lausanne, the chlamys over his shoulder swirls around him in the rapid gallop (Figure 185).1008 A similar depiction from the Silin mosaic in Libya dates from the second half of the 2nd century (Figure 186).1009 One can discern an iconographic pattern in these artistic representations, including both the gesture and the clothing. The figure of the sun god wrapped in a pallium and crowned with rays is inscribed on an early 4th-century coin of Constantine I displayed in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond.1010 Asserting himself as a ‘new’ Roman entity and wishing to demonstrate his faith and his connection with Christianity, Constantine chose to be represented on the face of the coin bearing his name in the seven-rayed crown of Helios.1011 Helios is depicted on gemstones from Caesarea Maritima and SamariaSebaste with a pallium on his right or left arm, its hem fluttering in the wind.1012 A late 1st-century coin from Chalcis, in Syria, bears the figure of Helios shown as a sculpture wrapped in a toga.1013
seen on mosaic floors, frescoes, and in manuscripts. The mosaics of Eretz Israel also show him in fine garments fastened with a fibula. Hercules The figure of Hercules, son of the god Zeus and the mortal mother Alcemene, appears in literary works, poems, and plays as well as in artistic representations like vases, vessels, sculptures, wall paintings, and mosaics. In the Greco-Roman world, Hercules symbolizes heroism and super-human physical strength. In the scene of his drunkenness, in the mosaic in the ‘House of Dionysus’ in Zippori, his lower torso is wrapped in a yellow pallium. In same scene, the reddish pallium is wrapped over his left hand and covers his genitals (Figures 28, 71).1014 In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, the drunken Hercules is shown with a lion’s pelt wrapped around his upper torso (Figure 88).1015 Hercules’ garments are described in ancient texts. Nonnus’s Dionysiaca described how Hercules dressed the boy Dionysus in his crimson garment.1016 In the 1st century BC, Diodorus of Sicily wrote of the gifts showered on Hercules by the Olympian gods. Athena, the goddess of war and weaving, gave him a peplos (a woman’s garment) to calm him, and Hephaestus gave
The artistic renderings of Helios show him in a variety of luxurious and elegant garments. The bright crimson clothing, in keeping with his function and status as the sun god, is mentioned in ancient literature and can be Parlasca 1959: Taf. 84; Gundel 1992: Taf. 3. Hachlili 2009: Figure III.6b; Dunbabin 1999: 79, Plate 11, 82, Figure 82. 1009 Dunbabin 1999: 123, Figure 126. 1010 Gonosova and Kondolen 1994: 330,112 A, 80.109. 1011 Hanfmann 1971a: 90. 1012 Hamburger 1968: 26, Figures 20, 21; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: Figures 187–190. 1013 Price and Trell 1977: 166, Figure 294. 1007 1008
Vincent 1922: 269, Figure 3; Talgam and Weiss 2004: 48; scholars are undecided in this article as to whether this should be identified as a pallium or a himation. 1015 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 149. 1016 Nonnus: I, XI, 226–238. 1014
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Figure 189. The madness of Heracles, Villa Torre de Palma, Portugal, 3rd–4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Sailko, https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Mosaico_con_ercole_furioso,_III-IV_ secolo,_da_torre_de_palma,_monforte,_portalegre.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Loraux views the peplos as a means of enhancing Hercules virility.1020 The poet Propertius of Assisi, who lived in the mid-1st century BC, wrote that Hercules looked like a girl when he exchanged the rough skin of the lion for women’s apparel and wore the strip of cloth usually used to conceal the female chest, the strophium, while spinning for the Lydian queen Omphale as her slave.1021 This indicates that Propertius linked clothing with identity and recognized the power given to the wearer by gendered clothing.1022 In another poem by the same author, the minor god Vertumnus, appearing as a statue, describes his ability to change into a child, a soldier, or a man according to the garment he wears.1023 ‘Cross dressing’ is a term used to define a garment characterizing a person’s gender when he changes his gender identity. Such dress, according to Lee, reflects ideologies of protection and containment.1024 In his essay ‘On the Cloak’ (De Pallio), Tertullian noted that the use of such garments encouraged people to ridicule those who wore them.1025 Nonnus described Hercules’ boots as ankle-high buskins made of leather or textile that
Figure 188. Hercules in a copy of marble sculpture found in the Baths of Caracalla, Rome, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Paul Stevenson https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Hercules_ Farnese.
him protective armor.1017 In addition, Hercules wore Omphale’s garments in his role as ‘Health-Giver’, leading to the practice of men wearing women’s dress during the festivities named after him (Hercules Victor) that were celebrated in Rome.1018 Llewellyn-Jones interprets Hercules abandonment of the lion’s pelt as his official dress and his adoption of the cloth peplos as representing the transition toward civilization.1019
Loraux 1995: 35, 36. Propertius: 4.5-.50. Lindheim 1998: 44. 1023 Propertius: 4.2 .21–28. 1024 Lindheim 1998: 43–66; Lee 2006: 321. 1025 Tertullian, De Pal. IV, 10. 1020 1021 1022
Diodorus of Sicily: 4.14.3. Mathews 1999: 135. 1019 Llewellyn-Jones 2005: 3, 60. 1017 1018
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Weaving in Stones left the toes exposed.1026 In a section of a 3rd-century illuminated poem written on papyrus and describing the tasks assigned to the hero, Hercules is shown wrestling with a lion in the nude (Figure 187).1027 Hercules appears in various artistic representations with the pelt of the Nemean lion covering his head or draped over his upper torso in the style of a chlamys or pallium and knotted in such a way as to emphasize its claws. He is presented in this way in a marble statue found in Aelia Capitolina, Jerusalem, exhibited in the Haifa Maritime Museum,1028 and in a copy of a 3rd-century marble sculpture by Glykon, three and a half meters high, found in the Baths of Caracalla (Figure 188).1029 The image of Hercules appears on mosaics partially draped in a pallium. In the West, in a mosaic from Torre de Palma in Portugal dated to the late 3rd–early 4th centuries, his voluminous pallium is secured with a fibula.1030 In a mosaics from Vienne and Villa Torre de Palma, Portugal, 3rd–4th century, his body is naked and he has a pallium over his back (Figure 189).1031 In the East, in contests depicted in the ‘Drinking Competition House’ mosaic in Antioch, the golden pallium of Heracles slides off his waist to leave his genitals visible (Figure 190).1032 This is also the case in the ‘Atrium House’ (Figure 191).1033 The figure of Hercules wrapped in the lion’s pelt is engraved on the rim of a silver plate from Rome, along with
Figure 190. Hercules and Dionysus in the House of the Drinking Contest, House’ mosaic in Antioch, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: User: Djkeddie, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Djkeddie, Public Domain).
Nonnus: I, XI, 233–234. Weitzmann 1979: 228, 229(205). 1028 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 114, Figure XXVI; Inv. No. 2139 (H-0.57m). 1029 http: //www.google.co.il/search?q=herakles+statue 1030 Lancha 2002: Plate IX. 1031 Ovadiah 2002: 372, Figure 14. 1032 Jones 1981: 6, Figures 8, 10. 1033 Jones 1981: 26, Figure M. 1026 1027
Figure 191. Hercules and Dionysus in the ‘Drinking Competition House’ mosaic in Antioch, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Djkeddie, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Djkeddie, Public Domain).
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Figure 192. Hippolytus and Phaedra in the mosaic from Nea Paphos, 3rd century AD (photo credited to User: Rstehn, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: RStehn, cc-by-sa-2.0).
Hippolytus
other figures participating in the Festival of Dionysus. The 4th-century plate is exhibited in the British Museum.1034
Hippolytus is portrayed in numerous artworks, on painted vases, wall murals, sarcophagi, and mosaics and he also appears in literary works.
The skin and head of the lion, wrapped around Hercules’ neck or over his shoulders, were the hero’s typical attributes. Adopted from the Egyptian gods Bes and Melqart, they were believed to have magic powers and were linked to the square knot known as the Knot of Hercules.1035 They were positioned over his body so as to both conceal and expose different parts. This revealing dress, which shows his lower torso and genitals, intensifies his power and masculinity by emphasizing the strength of his body, the width of his shoulders, and the muscles of his arms and legs. These details, which were considered an artistic innovation in the Hellenistic period, reflect the aesthetic aspect of the classical world, which is expressed in the body’s harmonious appearance. Heracles’s dress in the mosaics at Zippori and at Sheikh Zouède in northern Sinai is consistent with the iconographic style of his depiction. The pallium covering his genitals is modest, compared with that shown at Antioch.
Friedländer asked a number of artists to illustrate events described by Procopius in an ekphrasis eikonos. In a scene in a palace, Eros can be seen pointing to a picture in which Hippolytus is hunting a lion while wearing a pallium.1036 In another scene, Hippolytus rejects the letter his nurse sent him in disgust and commands her to be flogged.1037 Talgam rightly claims that it is impossible to assign any importance to these illustrations, since each artist can portray events as he interprets them. In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, Hippolytus wears a fine tunica manicata embellished with a golden stripe and medallions beneath a chlamys fastened with a golden fibula; he is clad in high boots (Figure 16).1038 In Euripedes’ play, Hippolytus, the hero is clothed in a Peplos, identified in Greek literature and poetry as feminine attire worn by women and goddesses. This form of clothing characterizes his femininity and hints at his eventual fate.1039 Ovid mentioned the Friedländer 1972: Taf. XI. Geiger 2012: 118, 119, Figures 6, 7, 118, 119. 1038 Downey 1963: 109; an ekphrasis by Procopius describes scenes showing Phaedra and Hippolytus. 1039 Euripides: 606. 1036 1037
1034 1035
Weitzmann 1979: 151 (130). Nicgorski 2005: 99.
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Figure 193. Hippolytus and Phaedra. Front of a marble sarcophagus, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jastrow, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Hippolytus_Phaedra_ Louvre_Ma_2294.jpg, Public Domain).
Figure 194. Hippolyus and Phaedra from Daphne, Harbiye, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dosseman https:// commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Antakya_ Archaeological_Museum_ Four_seasons_mosaic_6544. jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0, Public Domain).
from his left shoulder to his huntsman’s boots.1042 He is depicted in a similar way on a 6th-century silver platter (diameter 25.1 cm) from Constantinople in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection.1043 Hippolytus is wrapped in a pallium hanging over his shoulder, covering his hand and his genitals, on sarcophagus reliefs such as that on a 4th-century sarcophagus in the Church of St Clemente in Rome (Figure 193),1044 and others displayed in the Istanbul Museum of Archeology and
appearance of the ‘ideal hero’ with whom Phaedra, Hippolytus’s step-mother, became enamored despite his lack of fine clothing.1040 Artistic representations of Hippolytus show him either naked or dressed in an elegant garment based on accepted iconographic formulas. Hippolytus is shown in the nude in a wall painting from the Domus Aurea in Rome,1041 and in a mosaic from Nea Paphos in Cyprus (Figure 192). In both works, he has a fine pallium draped
Daszewski and Micahelides 1988: 41, Figures 16, 17; Kondoleon 1995: 42, Figure 17; Daszewski and Micahelides 2009: 29. 1043 Levi 1947: 44–45, Plate VIIb; Ross 1962: I, 7, Plate8. 1044 Mucznik 1985: 4, Figure 6. 1042
1040 1041
Ovid, The Art,: 1.504–524; I.511. Reinach 1970: 2093,4.
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Figure 195. Mosaic of Hippolytus at Madaba in Jordan, mid-6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 54, 55, Fig. 6, Courtesy of SBF).
in the Vatican Museum.1045 In a mosaic from the ‘Red Floors House’ in Antioch, Hippolytus wears a short gray tunic decorated with crimson clavi and has a red chlamys over his left arm. He is clad in huntsman’s buskin-type boots (Figure 194).1046 In a mid-6thcentury mosaic in the Hall of Hippolytus at Madaba in Jordan, Hippolytus is dressed as a hunter in a gray tunic over which is a chlamys decorated with gray and black stripes (Figure 195).1047
animal skin, in keeping with the appearance of the other participants in the Dionysian festivities.1049
In both the East and the West, Hippolytus is portrayed in the nude or in different items of clothing. His finely-embellished dress in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic is similar to that in the mosaic bearing his name at Madaba in Jordan.
In the West, in a wall painting from the Villa of the Mysteries at Pompeii, Silenus is shown playing an instrument and wrapped in a himation (Figure 196).1052 A sarcophagus dated to the late 2nd–early 3rd centuries displayed in the Villa Pamphili shows Silenus girded in a perizoma as he treads grapes.1053 In a 3rd-century mosaic from Dougga-Thugga displayed in the Bardo Museum, his lower torso has a spotted light-brown pallium which is wrapped around his arm (Figure 197).1054 The 2nd and 4th-century mosaics from El-Jem and Chebba in Tunis depict Silenus in the nude riding on a camel or a donkey (Figure 198).1055
In the scene from the Zippori mosaic showing the bathing of Dionysus, Silenus wears close-fitting, decorated trousers beneath a long tunic and a pallium (Figure 7).1050 At Sheikh Zouède, his clothing includes an embellished tunica manicata and calcei (Figure 15).1051
Silenus Dionysus’s companion, Silenus, appears in numerous artistic renderings as a drunk, bald old man with a tail, horse’s ears, and a fat, hairy body.1048 In visual representations, both in the West and in the East, he appears in assorted items of clothing, some made of
Weitzmann 1979: 144(123, 124). Talgam and Weiss 2004: 58, Figure 43. 1051 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004: 226, Figure 3. 1052 Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 64, Figure 68c. 1053 Matz 1968: IV.I.,140, 39, Taf. 37. 1054 Yacoub 2005: 172–173, Figure 86. 1055 Yacoub 2005: 42, Figure 10; 66, Figure 18. 1049 1050
1045 Koch and Sichtermann 1982: 150, 153, Figure 171; Mucznik 1985: 3, 83, Figures 1–4. 1046 Roussin 1988: 160; Levi 1947: 71. 1047 Piccirillo 1992: 55. 1048 Smith 1967: III, 822.
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Figure 196. Silenus holding a lyre, Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii, Italy, 1st century BC (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yann Forget https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Fresque_des_myt%C3%A8res,_Pomp%C3%A9i.jpg, Public Domain).
Figure 197. Silenus Dionysus and the Pirates, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dyolf77 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Neptune_et_les_pirates.jpg,Public Domain).
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Figure 198. Silenus Riding a Camel, Musée Archéologique d’El Jem (photo credited to Wikipedia user: User talk: Lily https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User_talk: Lily,Public Domain).
Figure 199. The birth of Dionysus, mosaic in Paphos, 4rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jacopo Werther) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Birth_of_Dionysos_House_of_Aion_-_Paphos Archaeological_Park. jpg, CC BY 2.0).
In the East, in the mid-4th-century triclinium mosaic at the ‘House of Aion’ in Cyprus, Silenus is dressed in a fitted, fastened and embellished tunica manicata and wears shoes and a nebris loin cloth (Figure 199).1056 A similar depiction can be seen on a mosaic from SarrinOsrhoene in Syria, displayed in Aleppo Museum and dated to the 6th century, where Silenus is clothed in 1056
trousers and in a tunica manicata with cuffed sleeves decorated with a broad band around the neck.1057 At Gerasa in Jordan, Silenus’s torso is draped in a pallium, which covers his left shoulder and is secured around his right thigh.1058 In an early 7th-century silver platter Balty 1990: 20, Figure 2. Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 34, Figure 34; Kriseleit 2000: 39, Abb. 50. 1057 1058
Dunbabin 1999: 230, Plate 35.
155
Weaving in Stones from Constantinople (?), the naked Silenus dances wildly with a large pallium swirling round his torso.1059 The figure of Silenus in artworks is easily recognizable because of his age, his size, and his bald head. Silenus’s portrayal in the nude or in various items of clothing, some made of nebris, emphasizes his affiliation with the cult of Dionysus, with its wild, unrestrained lifestyle. The fact that he is shown at the bathing of the infant Dionysus in full dress such as a tunic and pallium may stem from a desire to stress the importance of the event. Satyrs The satyrs accompanying Dionysus are depicted as lustful, dancing frantically to achieve a state of ecstasy, playing instruments and engaged in activities connected with the cult of the god and the production
Figure 200. Fragment with Satyr and Maenad, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: madreiling) https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Egypt,_Byzantine_period,_4th_century_-_ Fragment_with_Satyr_and_Maenad_-_1975.6_-_ Cleveland_Museum_of_Art.tif, CC0 1.0).
Figure 201. Bacchus and his cortege, in the mosaic of El Jem (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Lily), https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: El_Jem_Museum_(11). JPG, Public Domain). 1059
Grabar1966: 298, Figure 343.
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Figure 202. Mosaic represent the triumph of Baccus, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wildbeard). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_%22El_Triunfo_de_Baco%22_de_la_villa_romana_de_Fuente_Alamo. jpg, CC BY-4.0).
In the Eastern applied arts, Dionysus, a satyr, and a maenad appear on an ivory box from Egypt dated to the 5th–6th centuries in the Dumbarton Oakes Collection. His lower torso is draped in a fawn-skin nebris and he has a panther’s pelt around his neck.1062 Among fragments of a woolen and linen wall hanging from Egypt are a satyr and a maenad crowned with wreaths in a complex architectural structure consisting of columns and covered with a dome. The satyr wears a skirt-like nebris, or is in the nude (Figure 200).1063
of wine. They wear a variety of garments made of animal skins, adding to their animal-like appearance and stressing their bestial, uninhibited behavior.1060 In the mosaic in the ‘Dionysus House’ at Zippori, the satyrs are dressed in slit garments made of animal pelts and made to be worn like skirts or as overgarments in the form of a scarf or narrow pallium. In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, they are dressed in a skirt-like nebris with their tails hanging out or in a nebris in the form of a narrow pallium (Figures 70, 71). One of them is accompanied by the inscription Skirtos Skyros (‘the pedant’).1061
In the West, a satyr clad in a nebris formed into a pallium appears in a 28 cm high bronze statuette from the
Bérard 1989: 132. Talgam and Weiss 2004: Plates IIIa, IV.a,b, Vb; Herr [check]1990: 209; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004: Figures 2, 6–9, 13; Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 149, 151, Figures 6–11.
1060 1061
1062 1063
157
Weitzmann 1979: 142, 143 (122). Weitzmann 1979: 144 (124).
Weaving in Stones Roman period in Münster, Germany.1064 In the Dionysian procession on the El-Jem mosaic, satyrs are portrayed in the nude or in slit skirts with a pallium-like nebris over one arm (Figure 201).1065 In a 4th-century mosaic from the Fuente Alamo Villa in Cordoba, which depicts the victory procession of Dionysus, the satyr is clothed in a fluttering nebris (Figure 202).1066 The satyrs’ items of dress in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are portrayed according to the customary iconographic formulas used to depict their appearance in various visual representations. Dionysus The figure of Dionysus or Bacchus is mentioned mainly in Greek mythology. Dionysus, the god of wine, fertility and plants had a following of worshipers. Among his many attributes, Dionysus was the god of death who could grant the promise of happiness and eternal life.1067 The cult of Dionysus led its participants into a frenzy, with wild dancing, intoxication, ecstasy, madness, and manic behavior leading to bloodshed, lack of restraint, and a sense of affiliation with the god.
Figure 203. The Wedding of Dionysus and Ariadne in the mosaic pavement from a villa at Zeugma, 2nd century AD (photo courtesy of Dr M.Onal taken by Sertaç Ltd. Şti and sponsored by Sanko).
narrative subjects related to his life and cult in which he appears alone or with his companions.
Three mosaics from the relevant period depicting the cult of Dionysus in a major role have been found in Eretz Israel.1068 One, in the ‘Dionysus House’ at Zippori, contains fifteen panels with scenes of the drinking contest, Dionysus’s youth, marriage, victory procession, and rituals. In most of these scenes he is shown wearing a pallium (Figure 28). Part of the victory procession is also portrayed on the mosaic floor at Kibbutz Erez (Figure 24)1069 and in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, where Dionysus’s body is draped in a decorated tunic with long, wide sleeves. He has a brown and gold pallium wrapped around his shoulder, down his back and over his feet. Since Dionysus is generally shown in the nude or with his lower torso covered, the tunic can be assumed to be a tunica talaris (Figure 9). 1070
Aristophanes’s comedy, The Frogs, written in 405 BC, comments on Hercules’s amusement at seeing Dionysus wearing a lion’s pelt over his orange dress.1072 Nonnus notes the god’s amazement at the colorful fabrics spun by the Assyrians, the textiles produced by the Babylonians, and the crimson cloth dyed with shells from Tyre.1073 In a late 4th-century homily dealing with heresy, the Archbishop of Constantinople, Gregory of Nazianzus, described a scene including a figure with unclear sexual identity. It may be a man with the appearance of a woman riding in a chariot led by wild animals. His legs look like goat’s legs and are covered with skins. Lust-filled maenads dance alongside him in a frenzy and his garment is swept to one side, revealing his genitals. Their legs are raised as they leap and gambol. Gregory of Nazianzus emphasized that no modesty or humility was visible in such behavior.1074 In his Dionysiaca, Nonnus provides details of the life of Dionysus in a poem incorporating mythical tales. Dionysus’s neck and shoulders are described as being covered with a leather nebris or fabric fashioned into a pallium. He wears ankle-length buskin-type boots with open toes.1075 Dionysus appears on the battlefield without a shield, helmet, or sword and using crimson animal skins that cover his legs from ankle to thigh as greaves. He has a fawn skin with star-shaped spots
The figure of Dionysus appears in ancient literature and in numerous visual representations in both East and West: On coins and inscriptions testifying to the cult’s presence in the towns where they were minted, in sculptures, stone reliefs, precious stones, ivories, sarcophagi, burial caskets, textiles, figurines, pottery, vessels, jewelry, and mosaics demonstrating aesthetic and decorative taste.1071 The depictions include Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 18, Figure 8. Yacoub 2005: 60, Figures 17a, d, g. Lόpez Monteagudo 1999: 36, Figure 1. 1067 Casparri 1981: III, I, 414–566, III, II, 296–456; Sadeh 2005: 38–40. 1068 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 111. 1069 Nachmani 1973: 263–264; Talgam 1988: 35, 44, Figure 36; Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 45, Figure 37. 1070 Clédat 1915: 24, Plate IV; Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168. 1071 Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 18. 1064 1065 1066
Aristophanes: 38–47. Nonnus: III, XL 298–305. 1074 Gregori i Theologi De Mar., PG 36, Orat., xxxv, 259d. 1075 Nonnus: I, XI, 233–234. 1072 1073
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Figure 204. Triumph of Dionysos mosaic, Zeugma, 2nd century AD (photo courtesy of Mehmet Önal and A Turizm Yayınlar (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Klaus-Peter Simon https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Zeugma Museum.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
wreath around his neck and a leaf-covered diadem on his head.1082
wrapped around his chest and a golden skirt around his waist.1076 Nonnus also noted that the hero’s enemy, Deriades, boasted that he would bring Dionysus bound with his mottled cloak cut into strips.1077 In the 3rd century, Apollonius of Rhodes remarked on the crimson garment that the Graces had wrought with their own hands for Dionysus.1078 Nebris garments made of the skins of goats, deer, tigers, or panthers and worn by Dionysus and his companions became their attributes and identifying feature.1079
In the East, in a scene showing the Return of Dionysus and Ariadne from India on a mosaic pavement from the triclinum from the ‘Poseidon Villa’ in Turkey displayed in the local museum and dated to the late 2nd–early 3rd centuries, Dionysus has a halo and a wreath on his head; he is wearing a pleated loose blue-and-red overgarment gathered behind his back and his left shoulder (Figure 203).1083 In another mosaic in the area also dated to the late 2nd–early 3rd century, Dionysus is crowned with a halo and a wreath and dressed in a light blue chiton or long, wide tunic covered with a golden himation draped over his left shoulder (Figure 204).1084 A mosaic from Paphos in Cyprus shows Dionysus’s lower torso draped in a red pallium (Figure 205).1085 In a limestone relief from Cairo, Dionysus can be seen in a chariot drawn by bulls and dressed in a decorated pallium.1086 In a mosaic showing the drinking contest from Antioch, Dionysus has a pallium thrown over his genitals and legs (Figures 190, 191).1087 In a 3rd-century mosaic from Crete, Dionysus is portrayed in the villa named after him; his genitals are exposed and the chlamys
In the applied arts, Dionysus was shown crowned with a wreath of ivy leaves and wearing a long chiton with a leaf motif beneath a himation, as portrayed on an Attic red-figure amphora from the 6th century BC.1080 On an Attic red-figure kylix (cup) painted by Douris and dated to the late 5th century BC, Dionysus is clothed in a wide-sleeved chiton beneath a striped himation.1081 A woolen and linen piece of textile from Egypt, dated to the 4th–5th centuries, shows Dionysus in the nude with a blue and gold pallium over his left shoulder. He has a
Nonnus: I, XIV, 231–238. Nonnus: III, XXXVI, 152–154. 1078 Apollonius of Rhodes: I.4.425 ff. 1079 Carpenter 1986: 67, 75; Merkelbach 1998: 7; the copy was made in the 9th century. 1080 Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 25, Figure 20; 22, Figure 15. 1081 Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 28, Figure 25. 1076
Weitzmann 1979: 192–193 (172). Duran Kremer 2014: 30,31, Figure 6. Ereçg 2007: 46–47, 104–109. 1085 Daszewski and Michaelides 1998: 24–26. 1086 Wessel 1964: 42, Figure 59. 1087 Bowersock 2006: 42, Figure 2.7. 1082
1077
1083 1084
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Figure 205. Mosaic in the House of Dionysos in Paphos, Cyprus, end of the 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Shonagon https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dyonysos.jpg, Public Domain).
repertoire than that of the mosaics.1090 At Gamizgard Romuliana in present-day Serbia, a mosaic made for the triclinium of a palace built to glorify the Emperor, Galerius depicts Dionysus with a halo.1091 In a mosaic from the mid-4th-century villa at Torre de Palma in Portugal, a pallium is draped over Dionysus’s arm.1092 A mid-5th-century mosaic from Valdearados at Burgos in northern Spain, in which Dionysus is twice portrayed, contains a similar scene.1093 Dionysus’s clothing rests on conventional iconographic formulas influenced by the classical tradition. He is depicted in the nude or in a variety of items of clothing, some of which are splendidly decorated, such as tunics, a chiton, a himation, or a nebris styled like a chlamys, pallium, or colobium. His portrayal in the various artistic genres, and the fact that he was an important figure who attracted a large following and appeared in different literary and visual works, enabled artists and patrons to use his image, cult, and the symbols he represented and to show him and his escorts in many forms of attire during the festivities, processions, and rituals held by his worshipers. His cult encompassed many circles because of his perceived connection with the afterlife and the fact that he was affiliated with the seasons of the year, symbolizing nature’s bounties and fertility. Around the singular figure of Dionysus (his miraculous childhood, ability to subdue wild beasts and harness them to his chariot, travels, enthusiastic retinue, garments crafted from elegant fabrics and the pelts of dismembered animals, and the rituals associated with him) a mysterious cult developed that probably incorporated sacrificial offerings, drunkenness, frenzied dances, and deafening music, all designed to repel evil spirits. Dunbabin is of the opinion that the mosaics’ patrons were attracted to this
Figure 206. Bachhus and Ariadna, Sabratha Museum Mosaic (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Franzfoto) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sabratha Museum_mit_Funden_aus_der_R%C3%B6merzeit,_ Mosaik_05.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
around his back falls over his calves and rests on his arm.1088 A similar scene can be seen in a mosaic dated to the 3rd–4th centuries from the ‘Ariadne House’ in Sabratha, Libya (Figure 206).1089 Dionysus’s victory appears on twenty-five mosaics ranging in location from Torre La Palma in Portugal in the West to Antioch in the East. Their iconographic origins evolved from scenes on Roman sarcophagi from different parts of the empire, which have a richer
Matz 1968: IV.I., 140, 39, Taf. 37; Dunbabin 1978: 182. Živić 2011: 106, Figure 9. 1092 Maloney and Hale 1996: 275–276; Lancha 2002: Plate x. 1093 Lόpez Monteagudo 1999: 44, Figures 3, 5. 1090
1088 1089
1091
Kofou 1990: 256, Figure 332. Ling 1991: 191, Figure 209.
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Figure 207. Centaur mosaic in Hadrian’s Villa in Tivoli, 120–130 AD (Google art project) (photo credited to Wikipedia user: SwHAQhNGz6l7_Q at G ADoogle Cultural Institute https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Centaur_mosaic_-_ Google_Art_Project_retouched.jpeg, Public Domain).
subject, which was widespread throughout the empire and became part of a general form of decoration, a kind of ‘stock’ motif used to cover the floors of amphitheaters, triclinia, and dining rooms. The evidence suggests that this derived from the ability to cover large areas with multiple scenes, including processions and events related to the life of Dionysus.1094 Rosenthal-Heginbottom emphasized that the subject matter was chosen for its symbolism rather than for its ornamental potential. She assumes that those purchasing the objects on which Dionysian scenes appeared could choose vessels, textiles, etc., according to their taste from a selection of goods offered. However, consumer choice in antiquity was not governed by the color or ornamental quality of a piece, but by the motifs and apotropaic powers of the figures with which it was decorated combined with the belief that, thanks to their beneficial influence, divine power and authority would be transferred to mortals.1095 The subject’s popularity derived from the fact that the range of images and scenes in which the character was involved enabled the patrons and artists to diversify and adapt the selected subject according to the surface to be covered: Populating large areas such as amphitheaters and baths with narrative scenes, such as victory processions, and smaller places, such as dining rooms or triclinia, with less elaborate scenes related to wine and the divine fertility 1094 1095
of the earth, incorporating numerous figures in a variety of garments. Dionysus’s dress in the mosaics at Zippori and at Sheikh Zouède in northern Sinai follows the traditional iconographic formulas used to depict him in the different visual representations. Centaurs Centaurs are legendary creatures composed of a human head and upper torso and the body of a horse. The origins of the centaurs lie in the mountains of Thessaly and Arcadia in northern Greece. They represent the bestial aspects of humans and embody licentiousness, addiction to wine, and lust.1096 The Zippori mosaics include three unique scenes containing centaurs. In the ‘Nile House’, the centaur’s neck is draped in a nebris in the form of a collar or narrow strip of pallium resembling a scarf. He bears a tray with the Greek inscription ‘Helpful God’ (Figure 87).1097 In the ‘Dionysus House’ at Zippori, the centaurs in the victory procession are clothed in skirts (Figure 28).1098 In another scene on a mosaic from Damascus
Barkay 2010: 215–213. Weiss and Talgam 1995: 73, Figure 12; Weiss and Netzer identified the tray as a shield or a bowl; see: Weiss and Netzer 1996: 127. 1098 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 64, Figure 48, 70, Figure 51, Plate VIIa. 1096 1097
Dunbabin 1978: 181–183. Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 18.
161
Weaving in Stones Gate in Jerusalem, the centaur is leaning on a staff with a scarf-like nebris over his arm (Figure 5) .1099
The figure of Orpheus is mentioned in ancient literature. Philostratus the Younger wrote that Orpheus had a gilded tiara on his head. The fabric from which his garments were made changed its color as his body moved and he wore sandals.1107 The description of the overgarment is consistent with the paludamentum worn by the Jerusalem Orpheus. The 3rd–4th-century writer Callistratus, who was familiar with the works of Philostratus the Elder and the Younger, described a sculpture of Orpheus dressed in a long chiton falling down to his feet and secured over the chest with a gilt belt. A long mantle hangs down his back to his ankles. He wears Persian headgear (a tiara or a Phrygian cap) studded with shining gold spots and has golden sandals.1108
In his Dionysiaca, Nonnus distinguished between three types of centaurs, of which the first was tamed and more docile.1100 Centaurs are usually shown in the nude or in an overgarment consisting of a nebris. The tendency to portray centaurs in a more civilized fashion, beginning in the 4th century BC, is evident on Roman mosaics and sarcophagi.1101 In the mosaic from Alexandria, a centaur has a nebris shaped like a himation over his left shoulder.1102 In the Roman villa of the Emperor Hadrian at Tivoli in Italy, the centaur’s shoulder is covered with a leopard-skin nebris (Figure 207).1103 The extraordinary appearance of the centaurs in the ‘Nile House’ suggests that the patron or artists who worked there were at liberty to deviate from tradition. The portrayal of the centaur as a servant attests to a sense of humor and the creation of a new and original design.
Orpheus’s dress reflects symbolic values and emphasizes the combination of the character’s physical and divine aspects. The human aspect of the figure is signified by the red color of the chlamys and paludamentum he wears. The color crimson, which was loaded with symbolism and represented royalty and the blood of mortals, is discussed in literary, artistic, political and philosophical contexts.1109 At a single glance, the viewer could identify who the wearer was and what his function was, as well as knowing who was forbidden to use crimson.1110 The color blue was identified with the underworld in antiquity and in the early Christian period it represented the sky and the holy figure. Orpheus’s light-blue clothing exemplifies the spiritualdivine aspect of the figure.1111 The jewelry worn by an emperor signified his elevated, super-human status. The precious stones embedded in Orpheus’s fibula may therefore be understood to represent the figure’s divine aspect.1112 A 3rd-century wall painting in the Dura Europos synagogue shows David/Orpheus dressed in a crimson tunica manicata decorated down the front and at the hem with gold stripes and in a short chlamys with yellow stripes, identified by scholars as an eastern caftan,1113 and long, Persian-style trousers that also have gold stripes.1114 He wears a Phrygian cap and white calcei (Figure 208).1115 Kraelling remarks that this clothing resembles that worn by high-ranking officials in the courtyard of the Temple.1116
Orpheus Orpheus, regarded as a demi-god, poet, and musician, was viewed as a two-natured entity: Divine and human. The divine origin of his hypnotic playing charmed the animals and the plants. Apart from his skill in taming animals, Orpheus was attributed with the ability to conquer the forces of evil, as hinted at in the First Epistle of Peter 5: 8: ‘Be alert and of sober mind. Your enemy the devil prowls around like a roaring lion looking for someone to devour’. His figure, which appears on two mosaic floors in Eretz Israel (near the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem and at Zippori) is based on a familiar visual formula in various artistic genres in the ancient world, such as mosaics, wall paintings, vases, goblets ivories, and sarcophagi.1104 In the Zippori villa mosaic, Orpheus is clad in fitted, decorated trousers with a crimsonstriped paludamentum over his right shoulder (Figure 13).1105 The mosaic in the Burial Chapel at Damascus Gate in Jerusalem shows Orpheus in a long-sleeved, light-blue and gray tunic with gold embroidery. His red-and-gold cloak reaches to his feet, which are clad in leather crepidae (sandals). His paludamentum is fastened with a Type-C fibula studded with precious gems and he wears a Phrygian cap (Figure 5).1106
The figure of Orpheus was a common iconographic motif in early Christian art. Adherents of the sects understands it to be a long tunic of imperial type; see: Talgam 1998: 78; for the dating of the mosaic, see: Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 205. 1107 Philostratus, 6, 15–23; Jesnick 1997: 71. 1108 Philostratus Callistratus, 7.27–35. 1109 Bradley 2005: 209. 1110 Bradley 2005: 209. 1111 Sadeh 2005: 103. 1112 Janes 1998: 27. 1113 Goodenough 1964: Vol. 9, 90. 1114 Kraelling 1956: 219, 223. 1115 Weitzmann 1979: 370, Figure 47; Stern 1958: 2–3. 1116 Kraelling 1956: 224, No. 889.
Cimok 2001: 166, Figure 92; Sadeh 2003: 113. Nonnus: I, XIV.49. Smith 1991: 131–132. 1102 Daszewski 1985: 111, Plate 13. 1103 Kriseleit 2000: 12, Abb. 4. 1104 Friedman 1970: 75–76. 1105 Ben Dov and Rappel 1987: 109. 1106 Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 175, 186; Ovadiah and Mucznik 1980: 198; since the entire length of the tunic is not visible, I refer to the garment as a tunica talaris because of its wearer’s status; Talgam 1099 1100 1101
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Figure 208. Central panel above the Torah niche in Dura Europos Synagogue 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jacek555, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: DuraSyn-W2-Blessings_ and_great_vine.jpg, Public Domain).
active at the time could identify with the cult of Orpheus and accept the Christian religion because of a common belief in one God, in the eternity of the soul, and in the End of Days.1117
and a clasped chlamys draped over his arm (Figure 210).1120 In his catalogue of mosaics in which Orpheus appears, Stern identifies two characteristic iconographic types: The Greek Orpheus, and the Phrygian one.1121
Sculptures of Orpheus were used to decorate fountains and he appears on wall paintings and mosaics. One marble statue shows Orpheus dressed in a tunic that reveals his feet, with a himation around his waist like a belt, dangling to his sandal-clad feet, and with a Phrygian cap. The statue is dated to the early 4th century and displayed in the Istanbul Museum of Archaeology (Figure 209).1118 Similar clothing, but without sleeves, appears on the marble decoration of a fountain at Sabratha in Libya.1119 In funerary art, the figure of Orpheus appears in numerous catacombs as in the catacomb of the saints Marcellinus and Peter, where Orpheus is dressed in a colorful tunica manicata embellished with orbiculi, a golden belt around his waist
Jesnick identifies three iconographic types: A. The Greek type, portrayed in various artistic works in the nude or semi-nude and representative of the classical world. In the so-called ‘Great Cameo of France’, a Parthian prisoner is wearing a Phrygian cap (Figure 211). Orpheus is shown bareheaded or in a Phrygian cap, as in Rome, Trento, and at Cagliari in Sardinia (Figure 212).1122 The portrayal in the nude gave the figure a god-like, heroic appearance, embodying the physical and the divine. Pausanias described a wall painting from around 160 AD in which Orpheus was dressed in Greek style; he did not mention a Thracian cap or garments.1123 Tulek 1998: 39, Figure 5. Jesnick 1997: 67. 1122 Jesnick 1997: 70, Figure 53. 1123 Sadeh 2005: 104; Pausanias X.30.2, 3. 1120
Tulek 1998: 40–41. 1118 Tulek 1998: 1, 39, Figure 2. 1119 Tulek 1998: 39, Figure 5. 1117
1121
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Weaving in Stones embroidery in the eastern-style dress that was common in Asia Minor and Syria, as on mosaics from Kos, Saragusa, and Jerusalem (Figure 5).1126 The garment’s colors were influenced by the local fashion and/or the shades of local stones. There was a preference for blues and greens in the East. In the western imperial provinces, the range of colors was limited.1127 The ornamented trousers that became part of the dress repertoire of Orpheus attest to its eastern origins. During the 4th century, it was usual to wear a short, decorated dalmatica. The short, colorful and short-sleeved dalmatica shown on Orpheus in the Tarsus mosaic from Turkey reveals the fitted sleeves of a striped, decorated under-tunic. This item of clothing, which became common wear, reflected the prevailing fashion in the 4th century in the Western Empire as well as on the Tunisian coast.1128 A heavy chlamys fastened with a fibula is placed over Orpheus’s tunic of this type. In a number of mosaics, like that at Paphos,1129 and Adana in Turkey,1130 the Greek manner of dress was adopted, in which the chlamys or pallium was draped around the knees. This may indicate an influence from Philostratus’s description.1131 In eastern Greece, the preferred color for the chlamys was yellow and the tunic was green and blue. Glass and enamel insets were used to produce sparkling gold and other colors. In late mosaics, the Thracian garment resembled the heavy overgarment made of expensive, ornamented fabrics that symbolized power and authority. In the mosaic from the Damascus Gate, Orpheus is portrayed like a ruler, similar to the emperor who appeared before his subjects as an iconic figure in the courtyard where ceremonies were held (Figure 5). At Palermo and in other places, the combination of garment and gesture reflect the imperial iconography that penetrated early Christian art.1132
Figure 209. A statue of Orpheus from Byzantium, now in the İstanbul Archaeological Museum. (photo credited to Wikipedia user: QuartierLatin1968) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Orpheus_ Istanbul_Archaeological_Museum.jpg, CC BY-SA 2.5).
C. The Phrygian or oriental type. Orpheus’s Phrygian attire included a cap, a short tunic, an overgarment, and anaxyrides (trousers), known as bracae in the West. The trousers were sometimes decorated with ribbons, giving them a lace-like appearance. Orpheus wore leggings and boots. This style of clothing, adopted after encounters with the barbarian tribes, became widespread and is depicted on many male figures in both East and West.1133 The
Depictions of him as a ‘Greek’ character show a visible transition from full to partial nudity with a wreath or Phrygian cap on his head. B. The Thracian type is depicted in the various visual genres in a long, wide garment; he wears a Phrygian cap (also called ‘Thracian’ in literary sources). His clothing, which looks like a long-sleeved tunic billowing in the wind and fastened around the chest, was regarded as a garment adopted by men.1124 Orpheus is clothed in such a way on a mosaic at Paphos and Palermo (Figures 213, 214).1125 In later mosaics, Orpheus wears long, contemporary attire embellished with stripes, medallions, and
Jesnick 1997: 71, Figures 113, 122; De Matteis 2004: 355: Tav. XCI, Figure 1. 1127 Jesnick 1997: 71. 1128 Tulek 1998: 48–49, IX; the mosaic is displayed at Hatay in Turkey and is dated to the 3rd century. Over a crimson himation with a large fibula at its center(Inv. no. 10568); Waywell 1979: Plates 45–52. 1129 Jesnick 1997: 72; Croom 2002: 77–78. 1130 Tulek 1998: 46, 47, Figure IV.9. 1131 Jesnick 1997: 70–72. 1132 Jesnick 1997: 71. 1133 Jesnick 1997: 72; Huskinson 1974: 70. 1126
Jesnick 1997: 69–71. Interestingly, Church officials compared this long, shawl-like garment with the stola used in liturgical ceremonies. 1125 Jesnick 1997: 72. 1124
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Figure 210. Orpheus as a prefiguration of Christ, Catacomb of Saints Marcellinus and Peter, Rome, 2nd–5th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Leinad-Z~commonswiki https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: OrpheusMarcellinus. jpg, Public Domain).
Figure 211. Great Cameo of France, Roman artwork, second quarter of the 1st century AD (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Janmad) dM_ Paris_Bab264_white_ background.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
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Figure 212. Orpheus in the mosaic of Cagliari, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Robur.q https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_di_ Orfeo_da_Cagliari, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Figure 213. Orpheus mosaic at Dominicans Museum, found at villa D, near Rottweil, Germany, dated to the end of the 2nd century AD, (photo credited to Wikipedia user: ManiacParisian) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Orpheus2.jpg, Public Domain).
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Figure 214. Orpheus mosaic from ‘Casa de Orfeo’, Zaragoza, 3rd century AD (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jacopo Werther) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_de_Orfeo_(fragmento)_-_Museo_de_Zaragoza.jpg, CC BY 2.0).
centuries BC and the 4th–early 5th centuries AD. On a 4th–5th-century sarcophagus relief from Sardinia, the figure of Orpheus/Jesus/Mithras is portrayed as the good shepherd and is dressed in Phrygian attire that includes trousers, a tunic, a chlamys fastened with a fibula, and a Phrygian cap.1137 On a 5th–6th-century pyxis displayed in the museum at Bargello,1138 and a marble relief exhibited in the Byzantine Museum in Athens and dated to the 4th century, Orpheus is dressed in a garment that covers him from the waist down to the feet, which are clad in caligae sandals. He has a shoulder strap on his upper torso.1139
short eastern garment represented a combination of a Persian and a Phrygian garment similar to the dress of Mithras, who wore anaxyrides, and the Magi, who wore loose trousers.1134 In the context of funerary art, Orpheus wore a heavy garment with long, striped sleeves and wide clavi. Pliny remarked that needlework embroidery on clothing was attributed to the Phrygians, and such garments were therefore known as ‘Phrygian clothes’. Sometimes, the Orpheus identified with eschatological mysticism carries the pedum (‘shepherd’s crook’), as in a relief at the Basilica of Porta Maggiore in Rome.1135 The ‘Phrygian’ figure of Orpheus is found on vases, reliefs, sarcophagi and in wall paintings, as in the catacomb of Callixtus and the catacomb of the saints Marcellinus and Peter (Figure 210).1136 Carved renderings in stone, marble and ivory date from between the 2nd or 1st
Over the years, marked changes are detectable in Orpheus’s dress and these follow the style of contemporary items of clothing in the various geographic regions where the figure was portrayed. In many works of art from the 4th century onward,
Jesnick 1997: 70–73. Jesnick 1997: 72. 1136 Jesnick 1997: 15; Tulek 1998: 39, Figure 43.
Friedman 1970: 77, Figure 17. Weitzmann 1979: 182–183(161). 1139 Grabar 1967: 104, Figure 101.
1134
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Weaving in Stones Orpheus appears as an imperial figure, his crimson overgarment and red shoes indicating his status as ruler.
‘Dioscuri House’ at Pompeii (Figure 216).1146 Similarly, at the Villa Olmeda in Pedrosa de la Vega, Spain, dated to the 4th–5th centuries (Figure 217), and on a silver plate from the Sevso Treasure (Figure 218).1147 In an open courtyard in remains on the site of Kourion, Achilles is disguised as a maiden at the court of King Lycomsdes. He has cast down his spindle, his long dress, bracelets and a gold necklace. Deidameia lays restraining hands on his shoulder and wrist (Figure 219).1148
After examining the appearance and clothing of Orpheus and dividing it according to the iconographic types, as defined by Stern and Jesnick, I accept Stern’s identification of two characteristic types of dress. Jesnick’s additional classification into Thracian and eastern Phrygian clothing is problematic, as she herself admits,1140 because of the inability to identify items of clothing that combine many typical characteristics adopted from different geographical regions.1141 For example, Orpheus’s clothing from the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem can be classified as Thracian, imitating the appearance of the heavy, ornate, decorative garment, but also as a Phrygian-oriental type. In the mosaic from Zippori, Orpheus is dressed in the long garments of the period ornamented with stripes, medallions, and embroidered sections in the style of the oriental dress that was common in Asia Minor and Syria.1142
These portrayals emphasize that Achilles had both a masculine and a feminine demeanor, with a delicate, glistening fabric slipping from his body. The textile is a dominant motif in the two wall paintings and in the mosaic.1149 In the three mosaics, Achilles is shown athis dramatic exit from the gynaikeion, emphasizing the transition from youth to manhood and from femininity to masculinity, as well as the women’s attempt to prevent him from going. The fabric was used to enshroud the body and as a metaphoric covering, obscuring Achilles’s virility and his preordained destiny.
Achilles Fragments of marginal scrolls in the Nablus mosaic pavement include the head of Achilles disguised as a young girl in a delicate, shimmering himation, as well as Chiron the centaur and several inscriptions: Achilles, Chiron, soldiers, Daidamia, and a servant. These inscriptions show that the mosaic also contained a scene depicting the sending of Achilles to be taught masculine prowess by Chiron the centaur. Achilles is depicted in the nude in the scene of his bath in the ‘House of Theseus’ Mosaic, located in the Archaeological Park of Cyprus (Figure 215). Achilles is portrayed with ‘effeminate’ features and a woman’s veil. The ‘feminine’ fabric that glides over him acts as a metaphoric concealment intended to blur his masculinity, symbolizing the transition from childhood to adulthood, the denial of his predetermined fate, and his ultimate demise. Furthermore, he is engaged in womanly crafts and deprived of any male identity, in order to offset his tragic end. It was only when he joined Odysseus and stripped himself of his feminine clothing that he changed his image and functioned once more as a man.1143 Apollidorus and Homer relate the tale of the hero in ancient literature.1144 The figure of Achilles disguised as a girl is portrayed in the mosaic from the ‘Uboni House’ (Figure 215)1145 and in the
Figure 216. Achilles on Skyros from Pompeii, fresco from ‘Casa dei Dioscuri’, Archaeological Museum of Naples, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jean-Pol GRANDMOT https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: 0 Fresque_d%27Achile_%C3%A0_Sciro_Mus._Nat._Naples)__Expo_temporaire_Colis%C3%A9e).JPG, CC BY-3.0).
Jesnick 1997: 67. Jesnick 1997: 67. 1142 Jesnick 1997: 71, Figures 113, 122; De Matteis 2004: 355: Tav.XCI, Figure 1. 1143 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: Plate CXC; Sadeh 2005: 9. 1144 Apollodorus: III, xiii, 6–7, xixi, 7–8; Homer, Illiad: 11.784. 1145 Ling 1991: Figure 138. 1140 1141
Ling 1991: Figures 137–138. Sadeh 2005: 12. 1148 Karageorghis 2009: 15, Figure 7. 1149 Dunbabin 1999: 157, Figure 161. 1146 1147
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Figure 215. Achilles in the mosaic from the ‘Uboni House’, Pompeii (photo credited to Wikipedia user: PericlesofAthens https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Achilles_on_Skyros#/media/File: Achille_a_Sciro2.JPG, Public Domain).
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Figure 217. Achilles’ surrender of Briseis. Fresco (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jastrow https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Achilles_Briseis_MAN_Napoli_ Inv9105_n01.jpg, Public Domain).
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Figure 218. Detail of the Achilles plate, silver treasure of Seuso (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Elekes Andor, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki File: Akhilleusz_t%C3%A1l_3). jpg,CC BY-SA 4.0).
Figure 219. Mosaic floor depicting the unmasking of Achilles by Odysseus on the island of Skyros, 4th century AD, Kourion, Cyprus (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Donald Trung, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Mosaic_floor_depicting_the_unmasking_of_Achilles_by_Odysseus_on_the_island_of_Skyros,_4th_century_AD,_ Kourion,_Cyprus_(24434150012).jpg, CC By-2.0).
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Chapter 13
Personifications
Figure 220. Marble sarcophagus with the Triumph of Dionysos and the Seasons (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Pharoshttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Marble_sarcophagus_with_the_Triumph_of_Dionysos_and_the_ Seasons_MET_DP138717.jpg, CC0 1.0).
elements in a number of mosaics in synagogues in Eretz Israel emphasizes the importance and significance of the subject in regional religious beliefs.1154
The Greeks and Romans personified the celestial bodies (the sun and the moon, the earth, the sea, the seasons, and the months of the year), since they regarded them as divine beings. Homer described the gods representing these forces in the Illiad.1150The Christians drew their inspiration from traditional pagan representations of the natural elements and used them in decorative mosaics in a number of churches in both East and West.1151 The portrayal of the zodiac, the yearly seasons and the months symbolizes the benevolence inherent in the divine order of the universe, as does the depiction of the celestial bodies responsible for the natural cycle, for growth, and for the crops, with the sun symbolizing the actions and power of the eternal God who controls the universe and creation.1152 Such allegorical themes decorated wealthy houses in the western and eastern empire during the Roman period. The changing seasons and monthly tasks acted as a ‘reminder’ of the importance of the permanent course of natural events and the resulting providence that could be anticipated by landowners and their workers. Decorative motifs like those on the ceilings and domes of temples and funerary structures in Palmyra and Egypt were ‘copied’ onto the mosaic floors of private and public buildings and depicted God’s work in a realistic way.1153 The appearance of these
Personifications of the seasons of the year The portrayal of the four seasons, which emphasize control over the natural order prevailing in the world, belongs to a long tradition whose origins lie in classical artistic repertoires. It was a common subject in mosaic art during the period covered by this book.1155 In the mosaic at Ein Ya’el, the seasons of the year are depicted as male busts, as was the practice in Roman art during the reign of the emperors Hadrian and Septimius Severus (Figures 60, 61).1156 Hinks, Levi and Scott attribute the identical portrayal of the four seasons in the 4th century BC to the group of Horai women, whom the Greeks identified as being responsible for the different seasons, plants and nature,1157 and who were part of the procession of King Ptolemy Philadephos in the 3rd century BC. The appearance of the seasons in
Hachlili 2002: 220. Balty 1977: 114–116; Parrish 1979: 279; Scott 2000: 146. Roussin 1995: 33. 1157 Levi 1947: 145–146; Hinks 1968: 43–46; Scott 2000: 236–230; Machaira 1981–2009: V.I, 502–510; V.II, 350, Figure 6; Foerster 1985: 384. 1154 1155
Homer, Illiad: Lines,195, 456, 520. Figueras 2007: 213. 1152 Weiss 1998: 37. 1153 Foerster 1985: 380–383. 1150
1156
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Figure 221. The Four Seasons Mosaic, House of Bacchus, Complutum Madrid (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Error https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: ComplutumEstaciones.jpg, CC BY-3.0).
private and public buildings is particularly common in North African mosaics.1158
A portrayal of the four seasons of the year as young boys with nude lower torsos and cloaks pinned with a fibula appears on the early 3rd-century ‘Badminton’ marble sarcophagus displayed in the Metropolitan Museum (Figure 220).1162 An early 4th-century sarcophagus in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection features three nude men personifying the four seasons of the year whose only clothing is a pallium worn around the neck and over the back. The fourth season is dressed in a kind of overall with long sleeves and a pair of close-fitting trousers. His middle torso and genitals are exposed.1163 In a mosaic dating from the late 3rd–early 4th centuries from La Chebba Hadra in Tunis, the seasons are depicted in the nude, in an exomis, tunica manicata, cucullus, and hood.1164 In the 4th-century Bodega de la Compaňia at Cordova, the four seasons appear in male form wearing an elegant tunica manicata ornamented with clavi, segmenta, and orbiculi as well as in caliga type asandals (Figure 320).1165 The four seasons busts from the ‘House of Bacchus’ in Complutum are placed in the corners of the mosaic, three of them bearing a bouquet of flowers, leaves, grapes and wheat. Winter is clad in a
In a 6th-century AD ekphrasis by Johannes of Gaza, which contains a description of the seasons of the year in a bath house found in either Antioch or Gaza (according to research), spring, summer, and winter are described in full whereas autumn is less detailed.1159 The iconography of the four seasons underwent a transition during the 2nd century and instead of depicting them as a group of Horai, they were portrayed as busts or full-length figures.1160 The seasons of the year were fully rendered in mythological scenes during the archaic and classical periods. During the Roman period and in Late Antiquity they appeared on their own and were placed in the margins of works of art.1161 The subject, which had pagan origins, bore religious significance and hinted at the ritual ceremonies conducted in temples and synagogues and later in the Christian church. Parrish 1984: 11. Hanfmann 1939: 112–113. 1160 Åkerström-Hougen 1980: 78. 1161 Hanfmann 1971: 219, 228, 264.
Ramage and Ramage 1991: 238, Figures 9, 31, L’Orange 1953: 91, Figure 62; Inv. 498. 1164 Dunbabin 1978: 158, 261, Figure 155. 1165 Blazquez 1982: 33–34, Lăm.84.
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Figure 222. A mosaic showing the figures of the four seasons, from Palencia, Spain, made between 167 and 200 AD.(photo credited to Wikipedia user: Miguel Hermoso Cuesta https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_ Medusa_M.A.N._01.JPG, CC BY-SA 4.0).
Personification of the months of the year
palla (Figure 221).1166 A mosaic showing the figures of the four seasons, from Palencia, Spain, made between 167 and 200 AD, the personification of Summer wears a crown of wheat, and the personification of Winter wears a palla (Figure 222).1167
The yearly cycle of the months and the monthly tasks dictate people’s lives. This is reflected in the recurring sequence of acts and events in nature. The monthly duties, combined with liturgical cycles, ceremonies and festivals, emphasize the need to work the land and be subject to the yearly calendar.1168 During the period covered in this volume, the months were incorporated in manuscripts, mosaics, sarcophagi and reliefs, and scholars have covered the subject extensively.1169 The figures involved in the various activities representing the tasks of the month are portrayed with accompanying attributes, such as seasonal fruits
In the mosaic at the Ein Ya’el villa the four seasons are placed alongside each other. Their portrayal as male busts dressed in tunics differs from that on the sarcophagi (where they are shown in the nude), but their clothing is similar to that used in mosaic floors (Figures 60, 61).
1166 1167
Dunbabin 1978: 152, 311. Mosaic depicting Medusa and the four seasons( Figure 222).
1168 1169
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Meiri-Dan 2000: 177. See: the Temple of Bal; Gundel 1992: 104, Figure 50.
Personifications
or tools, facilitating the identification of the relevant month. Scholars distinguish between the iconography of personifications of the month in the West (Rome, Ostia, Carthage, etc.) and in the East (Tegea-Episkopi, Thebes, Argos, Athens, Antioch, Beirut, Jordan, and Beit She’an).1170 Often, personifications of the months are implicit in nature; the personified figure is inactive, it is usually isolated from other personifications, and there is an emphasis on seasonal garments and the natural produce surrounding or held by the figure such as fruits, crops, flowers, and seasonal birds.1171 The personifications of the month appear clothed or in the nude, full-length or as busts or upper torsos, in rectangular compositions or in concentric circles. Most personifications represent events from daily life combined with agricultural work, hunting, folklore, ritual, and astrology.1172 Bagatti and Saller note that the artists who designed the months of the year in two buildings at Beit She’an created cycles with different depictions of reality. Since the mosaic pavements contain secular or mythological subjects and the buildings at Beit She’an are Christian, the artists and patrons probably chose non-religious scenes and universal, neutral motifs taken from nature and everyday life to prevent people from walking on religious subjects or saints.1173
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - January (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
in remnants of a white garment, identified by scholars as a consul or as a figure performing a libation.1176 The same appearance is evident in a copy of a miniature of the monthly cycle in Ptolemy’s Astronomia in the Vatican Library, where the personification of the month appears as a consul in a toga embellished with gemstones and brandishing a scarf to announce the beginning of the games.1177 Fragments of a 6th-century mosaic at Jerash in Jordan show the month as a consul clothed in a tunica talaris and a toga.1178 This is also the case in the mosaic from Argos in Greece, which dates from the corresponding century, and on the fresco in the synagogue in Dura Europos, Syria, 3rd century AD.1179 In the illuminated calendar known as ‘354’, dated to this year and attributed to Furius Dionysius Philocalus who lived in Rome, the months of the year appear on separate pages as personifications accompanied by attributes and with tetrastich and distich stanzas describing each month. In the copy from Vienna, January is personified as a male figure dressed in an elegant tunic and toga. The gems adorning the toga show that the figure is a consul participating in the festivities on the first day of January.1180 Salzman identified the figure as a consul on the basis of the gems
Because this book deals with attire, I have referred to the attributes of the figures when there is a link between them and their clothing. Personification of the month of January Both mosaics at Beit She’an retain fragments of the figure personifying January. In the burial chapel at El-Hammam, the remaining traces of a blue colobium or tunic are decorated with crimson clavi (Figure 47).1174 In the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, the personification of the month is wrapped in a long cloak. In both mosaics, the type of sandals January is wearing is indeterminate (because of the state of the two mosaics (Figures 1, 2).1175 Since the personification of January has not fully survived in the Beit She’an mosaics, the figure’s dress before the mosaic was damaged can only be deduced from visual representations in other mosaics. In the East, in the 2nd-century mosaic in the triniumclium of the ‘House of the Calendar’, at Antioch, the lower torso of the month’s personification is draped
Levi 1941: 253–255, Figures 2, 4. Cod. Vat. Ms Gr.1291, fol .9R; the manuscript is attributed to the 2nd-century astronomer Ptolemy; a copy of the manuscript was made in the 9th century and the miniature depicting the zodiac has been dated to the year 248. 1178 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 126, Figure 82, 3, 4. 1179 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 23, Figure 1. 1180 For other copies of this calendar, see: Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 130; Salzman 1990: 3. 1176 1177
Webster 1938: 15–17; Levi 1941: 276; Kivity 2007: 74. Webster 1938: 13, 16. Kivity 2007: 74; see: notes 918, 920. 1173 Saller and Bagatti 1949: 284. 1174 Hachlili 2009: 192–193. 1175 Avi Yonah 1936: 22. 1170 1171 1172
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Weaving in Stones decorating the toga (Figure 223).1181 Levy claims that the garment belongs to someone engaged in ritual activity since the garment is out of keeping with the status of a Roman consul.1182 In the West, in the calendar mosaic from the villa at El-Jem exhibited in the Sousse Museum in Tunis, the month is personified by two embracing men standing at a table on which offerings symbolizing the month are placed. They are dressed in a tunica manicata and togas and engaged in ritual festivities or in the month’s agricultural tasks (Figure 224).1183 In a mosaic at Argos, Philocalus’s calendar, and the Church of Elias, Mary and Soreg in Jerash, the personification of the month is represented by a young man wearing a long tunic and holding a cylindrical vessel and a staff with a snake at one end. Saller and Bagatti state that the vessel symbolizes the winter rains, while Åkerström-Hougen maintains the figure is a Roman soothsayer or a consul. 1184 An examination of the artistic depictions of the month of January mentioned above shows that his garments are typical of a distinguished person, such as a Roman consul or someone with a role in the festivities at the beginning of the month. The surviving finds in the burial chapel and church of the monastery at Beit She’an show that the figure wore long clothing. From examining the various representations in other artistic works, the clothing of the personification of the month in both the western and the eastern part of the empire can be assumed to resemble the dress of high-ranking officials. Avi Yonah views a similarity between the personification of the month of January in the Beit She’an mosaic and those in the other works referred to above, deducing that the remains of the figure, the long cloak, and the shoes can be attributed to the figure of a consul.1185
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD -Februarry (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_ Mensis_Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
Personification of the month of February The personification of the month of February in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is that of a farmer in a sleeveless, belted colobium. The garment and the figure’s bare feet are incompatible with the month’s inclement weather. The figure is holding a reed, which is a characteristic marshland plant (Figure 1). Fragments of a leg in the burial chapel at El-Hammam retain evidence of red clothing (Figure 47).1186 In the West, a scene showing the Lupercalia purification rites on a mosaic calendar from the villa at El Djem portrays February in a short tunic and a pallium (Figure
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - Februarry (photo credited to © Ad Meskens/ Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Salzman 1990: 81–83. Levi 1941: 251–291. Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53a; Stern 1981: 436, Plate V, 11. 1184 Saller and Bagatti 1949: Figures 46–47; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 73. 1185 Avi Yonah 1936: 25. 1186 Avi Yonah 1936: 23. 1181 1182 1183
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Figure 225. Dominus Julius mosaic, Carthage, now in Bardo National Museum, 4th–5th centuries AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Boyd Dwyer https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dominus_Julius_mosaic_in_the_Bardo_ National_Museum (12240864473).jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0).
224).1187 In other examples, February is wrapped in a warm hood, as in the copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia manuscript where the figure is holding two ducks symbolizing winter, the time when migratory birds visit the marshes.1188 In the Barberini copy of the calendar attributed to Philocalus the month is personified as a female figure draped in a hooded cloak (Figure 223).1189 Also in the West, a scene showing the Lupercalia purification rites on a mosaic calendar from the villa at El Djem portrays February in a short tunic and a pallium (Figure 224).1190
tunic is decorated with olive-green clavi. His leggings reach below the knee, folded over at the top, and he wears buskin sandals (?).1191 A mosaic from the Villa of Dominus Julius at Carthage depicts a male figure with a hood over his head clad in a short tunic beneath a chlamys fastened with a fibula. The man is holding a duck and is accompanied by two more figures dressed in a cucullus (Figure 225).1192 In manuscripts and mosaics in the Latin West and Greek East the personification of February, the coldest month of the year, is usually dressed in warm clothing that includes a head covering and shoes or boots.1193 This is unlike the month’s sleeveless colobium in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, which is in a warm region.1194 The difference in the iconographic formulas
In the mosaic at Argos, the man personifying the month of February is wearing a knee-length coat with a hood and a short tunic of the same length in shades of green and white whose folds are accentuated in brick red. The Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53d. Cod. Vat. 74. Ms Gr.1291, fol .9R; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 147, Figure 84. 1189 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 74. 1190 Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53d. 1187
Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 27, 74–75, Figure 9: 1. Fradier 2007: 48. 1193 The cold season is symbolized by animals. 1194 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 74. 1191
1188
1192
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Weaving in Stones used to present this season can be explained by the desire of the artist or patron to adapt the clothing to the climatic conditions of the Beit She’an region. Personification of the month of March The god Mars is depicted in many artistic representations in the East as a soldier, while in Western tradition he is a shepherd. In the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, the month is a soldier clothed in a long-sleeved tunica manicata, some of which is concealed by his armor. A military cloak (paludamentum) is flung over his left shoulder and he is wearing a helmet and caliga boots (Figure 35).1195 His appearance emphasizes the connection between the month’s personification and the god after whom it is named. March is portrayed in calendars and works from the Greek East, as at Argos, the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, and in a copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia as a soldier in military dress.1196 Åkerström-Hougen sees a link between the figure’s depiction as a soldier and the festivities in honor of the god Mars celebrated by Roman legionaries in the East.
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - March (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_ April.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
In Philocalus’s calendar and in calendars from Carthage and Ostia, the month is personified in shepherd’s clothing, symbolizing the arrival of spring, and it is sometimes shown pointing at a bird.1197 ÅkerströmHougen notes that in the East the soldier replaced the shepherd, who was moved to the month of April. Furthermore, she stresses that the bird often remains with the soldier. She therefore argues that in the wheel of the months at the Monastery of Lady Mary, the month’s personification is pointing toward the upper corner.1198 In Philocalus’s calendar, March is depicted as a shepherd disguised in a nebris made of wolf ’s clothing. The wolf was sacred to the god Mars, thus forming a link between the shepherd and the god after whom the month was named.1199
pteryges (epaulet-like strips) are visible. A short, longsleeved tunic is evident beneath the armor. He wears a helmet that also covers part of his cheeks and military boots consisting of straps tightened at the toes with leather thongs.1202 In the mosaic from El Djem, the month is represented by three figures participating in the Mamuralia festival, celebrated in March, who are beating each other with whips. They are clothed in short colobia and one has an overgarment (Figure 224). Among the figures.1203 in a medallion in the ‘Gods of the Week’ mosaic near Orbe in Switzerland, March wears a helmet decorated with feathers and has a pallium over his left hand and genitals.1204The clothing worn by the personification of the month as a soldier in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary at Beit She’an is consistent with the customary iconographic formulas used in the various visual representations.
On a stone relief dating from the 2nd or 3rd centuries found in Gloucester and displayed in the local museum, the god Mars wears a tunic with accentuated folds and a long pallium. The figure has armor and a helmet and wears boots. This formula was used to personify March in other visual expressions.1200 In the Barberini copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia, the month is shown as a helmeted soldier in armor.1201 In the Argos mosaic, Mars is equipped with gray armor with crenellated edges. Beneath the armor and on the arms, three tongued
Personification of the month of April At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, April is personified as a shepherd carrying a goat and a pail of milk. The figure is clothed in a short, embellished tunic and a pallium (Figure 46).1205 Levi identifies the figure as a typical shepherd of the kind shown in portrayals of the months in the East.1206 Avi Yonah identifies fragments of the figure in the burial chapel as a shepherd based
Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Figure 2. Cod. Vat. 74. Ms Gr.1291, fol .9R; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 74. 1197 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 88, Tab. II. 1198 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 77. 1199 Webster 1938: 14. 1200 Toynbee 1963: 152, Plate 65. 1201 Gundel 1992: 104, Figure 6. 1195 1196
Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25, Figure 1: 2. Fradier 2007: 88,89. 1204 Von Gonzenbach 1961: Orbe V, 95. 1205 Bianchi Bandinelli 1955: 100. 1206 Levi 1941: 260. 1202 1203
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on the lamb across his shoulders (Figure 47).1207 Parrish concludes that he is making a sacrificial offering at the Dionysian celebrations that fall during this month.1208 In a copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia the month is personified as a shepherd.1209 This is also the case in the ‘House of the Calendar’ at Antioch where the figure appears barefoot in an exomis and with a pallium over its shoulder.1210 At Argos, the personification of the month takes the form of a shepherd dressed in a belted tunica manicata reaching slightly below the knee and decorated with a T-shaped strap ending at the waist. The two decorative strips on the shoulders make the figure look muscular and virile. The place where the two parts of the tunic were fastened is probably visible at the left shoulder. The fold formed on the lower part of the tunic is tucked between the figure’s legs, which are clad in Roman military boots (campagi raeticulati).1211 In a mosaic from Thebes in Greece, April is personified as a shepherd clothed in a copious colobium and wearing sandals.1212 In Philocalus’s calendar, the month is portrayed as a dancer wearing a decorated tunica manicata dancing in front of a cultic sculpture and with sandals fastened with a single strap. Salzman identifies the figure as a priest of the goddess Cybele (Figure 223).1213 In the mosaic depicting the months of the year from the villa at El Djem, the personification of the month consists of two men dancing at the Veneralia festival, devoted to Venus, and wearing a decorated tunica talaris whose sleeves are formed out of the surplus fabric (Figure 224).1214 The dress in the month’s personification as a shepherd is clearly consistent with the customary iconographic formula used to depict the month in the copy of Ptolemy’s manuscript and in mosaics from Eretz Israel and elsewhere.
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - April (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_ Mensis_Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
Personification of the month of May As the harbinger of spring, the month of May is usually identified in both East and West by its characteristic rose blooms. At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary (Kyria Maria), May is clothed in a long, transparent tunic embellished with segmenta medallions beneath a pallium. The stripes near the ankles may indicate that the figure is wearing trousers (?). The folds of the cloak contain fruits that herald the coming of spring (Figure 1).1215 Saller and Bagatti interpret the fruits as Avi Yonah 1936: 23. Parrish 1990: 388. 1209 Cod. Vat. Ms Gr.1291, fol .9R; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 74. 1210 Levi 1941: 260. 1211 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25, Figure 1: 2. 1212 Chéhab 1957: 123–139, XV; Mathews 2008: 58. 1213 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 147, Figure 84; Salzman 1990: 87–91. 1214 Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53d. 1215 Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Figure 3. 1207 1208
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - April (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_ April.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
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Weaving in Stones representing the customary offering of the first fruits in the monastery church.1216 Levy remarks that in works of art in antiquity, a figure holding a basket of fruit or fruits in the folds of its cloak is characteristic of the iconography of autumn. Fruits that ripen in the summer are often used in artistic personifications of the month of June. Kivity notes that the artist brought the summer season a month forward in this mosaic.1217 In the calendar mosaic from the villa at El Djem, the month is personified by a figure wearing a tunica manicata while making a sacrifice (Figure 224).1218 In a copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia manuscript the month is personified in a belted tunica manicata with a basket of fruit in its arms and a leafy branch.1219 In the copy of Philocalus’s calendar from Vienna the figure has a tunica talaris clinging to his legs beneath a dalmatica and is smelling the roses he is holding (Figure 223).1220 At Argos, the month is personified in a tunica manicata with striped trims at the cuffs, neckband, and shoulders. Dark ribbons on the left shoulder indicate the point at which the two parts of the tunic are fastened and are emphasized with a red trim. The figure is holding a bouquet and a basket of flowers or fruit. The head is adorned with a wreath of flowers in keeping with the customary iconographic formula.1221 Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - May (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_ Mensis_Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
In a mosaic pavement from a basilica at Thebes in Greece, May is personified as a man in a short tunic and wind-blown pallium. The figure is holding an object that cannot be identified since this part of the mosaic has not been preserved. It may be grasping a bouquet of flowers, based on the month’s traditional depiction as harbinger of spring.1222 In a 4th-century mosaic from the Palatin Antiquarium in Rome the figure is clothed in an exomis.1223 In a mosaic from Antioch, he is wearing a tunic whose accentuated folds are finished with tassels beneath a red and crimson pallium. The garment is different from that in other representations and may indicate some cultic practice.1224 Remains of a mosaic from Tegea-Episkopi in Greece contain fragments of the torso of the month’s personification dressed in a tunica manicata fastened with a belt concealed by the surplus fabric.1225 The personification of the month of May appears in various art forms in a tunica talaris or tunica manicata with a wreath of roses in its hand or on its head. In two other examples, the figure is wearing an overgarment. Saller and Bagatti 1949: 100–101. Kivity 2007: 81; Levi 1941: 263. 1218 Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53. 1219 Gundel 1992: Figure 6. 1220 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 88, Tab.II. 1221 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: Figures 9–11. 1222 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: Figure 77, 4. 1223 Stern 1981: 443, Plate xiv, 30. 1224 Levi 1941: 261. 1225 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 80, 138, Figure 75, 2. 1216 1217
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - May (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
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Most of its depictions in both East and West are accompanied by roses, associated with the season of spring. Its portrayal with fruits in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is exceptional. The artist probably chose to emphasize the abundant spring fruits with which the month is blessed. Personification of the month of June In the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, the month is personified clothed in a colobium decorated with a tabula and has a strip of fabric curled between his legs (Figures 1, 47).1226 A 1st–2nd-century mosaic pavement from Rome in the Hermitage Museum shows the month as a child dressed in a short-sleeved colobium.1227 A different portrayal of the month of June appears in the mosaic from El Djem, where two men clad in short-sleeved colobia (?) standing at a covered stall and offering drinks to passersby are compatible with the seasonal summer weather (Figure 224).1228 In the mosaic calendar from Carthage the month is personified in a short pleated tunic with a loosely hung pallium.1229 The copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia manuscript shows the month in a bulky tunica talaris.1230 In the copy of Philocalus’s calendar from Vienna the figure is in the nude, its back to the viewer and its left shoulder covered with a pallium. He is pointing toward an hourglass with his right hand and holding a torch with his left. At his feet are a basket of fruit and a sickle. Stern explains that the figure symbolizes the changing seasons and the transition to summer, its most characteristic motif being the harvest, represented by the sickle. Salzman interprets the naked body and the torch as symbolizing the summer heat (Figure 223).1231
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - June (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_Mensis_ Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
The personification of the month appears in the Argos mosaic as a reaper dressed in a thin, sleeveless colobium that is belted and fastened with dark ribbons over the left shoulder. Two red strips down the chest embellished with small squares create a checkered appearance and the garment has three decorative segmenta medallions. He is wearing crepida-type sandals with thongs.1232 From an examination of the personifications’ attire, it is impossible to distinguish any kind of consistency in dress in either East or West. Some of the figures are shown in the nude or in a colobium, in keeping with Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Figure 1; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 123. Levi 1941: Figure 5. 1228 Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53. 1229 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 124, 143, Figure 5. 1230 Cod. Vat. Ms Gr.1291, fol .9R; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 74. 1231 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 131, Figure 84; Stern 1981: 459; Salzman 1990: 93. 1232 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25, Figure 2. 1. 1226
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - June (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons,nhttps://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
1227
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Weaving in Stones the warm seasonal weather, and others are clothed in various tunics and overgarments. Personification of the month of July In the burial chapel at El-Hammam, July is wearing a blue, belted colobium decorated with segmenta medallions.1233 At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary the month of July is clothed in a short colobium with a pallium flapping behind him and a hat. The figure is represented as a farmer holding his tools and with a sheath of corn to indicate the month’s agricultural tasks.1234 At Argos, the month is personified as a man wearing a gray tunic manicata with folds outlined in yellow. The tunic has a green belt and is decorated with red ribbons that are visible on the hem, patagium, and shoulder fastening. He is wearing campagi raeticulati military boots.1235 In a mosaic from Thebes, the month is dressed in a pallium under a full-length colobium, its lower part blowing in the wind. He wears a helmet or a net on his head.1236 In the copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia, July is decked in a wreath and dressed in an exomis with a basket of leaves in his hands and a sack of coins near his head, symbolizing abundance.1237 In the copy of Philocalus’s calendar, the figure appears in the nude like the personification of June. The nudity may suggest the prevailing heat of the time of year (Figure 223).1238 Fragments of a 4th-century mosaic from Carthage in the British Museum in London contain a female personification of the month in a black, long-sleeved tunica manicata (intima) whose cuffs are decorated with wide black bands and thin white bands covered by a dalmatica with a boat-shaped neck opening embellished with dark clavi stripes (Figure 226).1239 In the remains of the mosaic from TegeaEpiskopi in Greece, the personification of the month is naked from the waist up or clothed in a thin tunic that is only visible because of the accentuated neckline.1240 In the mosaic from the villa at El-Djem the month is portrayed as a farmer carrying a basket on his back and dressed in a short, short-sleeved colobium (?). Two clavi stripes are visible on his back (Figure 224).1241
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - July (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_Mensis_ Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
The personification of the month of July is usually dressed as an agricultural worker in a sleeveless summer garment, either a colobium or an exomis, except in a frieze in Athens (where the figure appears in an Ben Dov and Rappel 1987: 99. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 123. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25, Figure 2. 1; Knötzele 2007: 19, Figure 11. 1236 Cormack and Vassilaki 2008: 44; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 140, Figure 77, 2. 1237 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133, Figure 85, 3–4; Salzman 1990: 100. 1238 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 132, Figure 84. 1239 Salzman 1990: Figure 73. 1240 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 132, Figure 84. 1241 Yacoub 2005: 124, Figure 53a.
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - July (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons,nhttps://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
1233 1234 1235
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Figure 226. Personification of the month of July in traces of the mosaic from Carthage displayed in the British Museum, London (photo credited to Mike Peel (www.mikepeel.net https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: North_African_ mosaics,_British_Museum_1.jpg, CC-BY-SA-4.0).
apron) and in the remains of the Carthage mosaic where it is dressed in a dalmatica. Personification of the month of August The typical depiction of the personification of August included short, light summer garments suited to the hottest month of the year with a watermelon and a fan as accompanying attributes. At Argos, August is clothed in a transparent tunica talaris that falls to the ankles. The tunic is embellished with a narrow crimson-red strip and two orbiculi medallions on the shoulders. The cuffs have three stripes and the neck is decorated with a patagium band. Two red straps falling from the chest terminate in a ring-like motif. The lower part of the tunic is decorated with three segmenta medallions. The garment is distinctly different from those of the other months in this mosaic. The figure is wearing crepida sandals.1242 In all the scenes examined, the month is personified in the nude or clothed in a selection of light, airy garments. In the burial chapel at El-Hammam the month is personified holding a water jar and wearing a sleeveless green colobium with two red clavi stripes and a square decorative tabula medallion (Figure 47).1243 Only part of the cloak and a leg have survived at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary.1244 Along the edge of the mosaic
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - August (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_Mensis_ Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 25–26, Figure 2: 2. Hachlili 2009: VIII.3A. 1244 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 138, Figure 75, 4. 1242 1243
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Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - August (photo credited to © Ad Meskens /Wikimedia Commons,, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0). Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - September (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_Mensis_ Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
at the villa of Dominus Julius at Carthage the month is shown in an exomis (Figure 225).1245 In the Barberini copy of Philocalus’s calendar the figure appears in the nude, which may indicate the hot seasonal weather (Figure 223);1246 the copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia has a similar portrayal.1247 In the mosaic calendar from Carthage, August is trailing a pallium and clad in a colobium decorated with segmenta.1248 The remains of the mosaic from Tegea-Episkopi in Greece contain a torso of the month in a short-sleeved striped tunic (?) with orbiculi (?) or an opening where the head was inserted on the left shoulder. The back is draped in a narrow pallium that hangs over the arms.1249 In all the examples examined, the month is personified either nude or dressed in garments that are mostly light and airy.
of Lady Mary the month is personified wearing a tunica manicata embellished with medallions and with loose sleeves over the arms. The left arm is covered with a narrow pallium and he is holding a bunch of grapes and a basket or wine vessel (?) (Figures 1, 36).1251 In the Barberini copy of the calendar attributed to Philocalus, the nude figure in front of two jars standing on the ground has a length of cloth on his shoulder and is bearing a basket and a lizard, which symbolizes evil and can destroy a vineyard.1252 In the copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia the month is personified in a long-sleeved tunic.1253 Fragments of the calendar mosaic from Jerash in Jordan show two dancers. The left dancer is wearing a knee-length tunic and the one on the right has a tunica talaris and a pallium (?).1254 In the calendar mosaic from the villa at El Djem the month is personified by two grape treaders wearing perizomae (Figure 224).1255 At Argos, September is clothed in a belted green-gray tunica manicata with decorated cuffs and shoulders. The neck is embellished
Personification of the month of September The autumn grape harvest is represented by attributes symbolizing the harvest such as grape vines, grapes, wine jars, and baskets. The personification of September in the mosaic at the El-Hammam burial chapel takes the form of a farmer dressed in a red colobium decorated with black clavi and ornamental medallions. He is grasping the legs of a chicken and has a vessel on his shoulder (Figure 47).1250 In the Church of the Monastery Dunbabin 1999: 120, Figure 122. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 132, Figure 84. 1247 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133, Figure 85, 3–4. 1248 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 125, 143, Figure 80. 1249 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 138, Figure 75, 3. 1250 Hachlili 2009: VIII.3A.
Avigdori 1986: 39–40. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 132, Figure 84; Salzman 1990: 104–106. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133, Figure 85, 3–4. 1254 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 127, Figure 82, 3–4. 1255 Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53b ; Stern terms the garment a subligaculum (Stern 1981: 438, Plate VII).
1245
1251
1246
1252 1253
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Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - September (photo credited to © Ad Meskens /Wikimedia Commons,, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0). Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - October (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_ Mensis_Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
with patagium bands. Dark ribbons on the left shoulder probably indicate the place where the two parts of the tunic are fastened. He is clad in buskin boots fastened at the toes and heels by leather thongs with gray shading and a red trim. The month is personified standing next to a box-like container with a cluster of grapes in his left hand.1256 In the remaining part of the mosaic from Tegea-Episkopi in Greece the figure is clothed in a belted colobium with short sleeves formed by the excess cloth.1257 In the mosaic calendar from Carthage, September is personified in a short tunic with a pallium flapping behind.1258 In all of the above examples, the personification is dressed in light clothing compatible with the month’s temperate weather. Personification of the month of October It was customary to hunt birds and rabbits in the autumn. The month of October is therefore usually portrayed as a figure engaged in hunting. At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, October is wearing a blue sleeveless colobium decorated with clavi and has a hood over his head and a narrow pallium around his neck. A jar (?) is balanced on his right shoulder and he holds a stick in his right hand and a length of fabric in his
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - October (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_ April.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 6, Figure 11.1. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 21, Figure 76, 1. 1258 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 24, 143, Figure 80. 1256 1257
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Weaving in Stones Personification of the month of November
left (Figure 1).1259 There has been some discussion in the literature regarding the attributes of the colobium-clad personification of October. Saller and Bagatti suggest that he is hunting birds, Åkerström-Hougen identifies him as a rabbit hunter and interprets the net over his left shoulder and the basket fragments as carrying containers for birds. Levi regards his attributes as being related to bird hunting.1260 Kivity interprets the figure as holding a cluster of grapes in his right hand and a wine vessel in his left.1261
In the burial chapel at El-Hammam the month is personified as a hunter clothed in a light-blue, sleeveless colobium with black clavi bands, fastened at the waist with a sash. The figure is holding a torch or branches in one hand and a basket or trap in the other.1268 Fragments of a sleeveless colobium are visible on the personification of November at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary,1269 where he is grasping two bundles. Scholars interpret these as bound birds, symbolizing the bird hunting that was traditional in the autumn.1270
The copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia portrays the month as a pipe-player in a tunica manicata,1262 and the mosaic pavement from the El-Djem villa shows it as two elegantly dressed figures. One is in a long, crimson subucula beneath a golden over-tunic covered with a paludamentum embellished with clavi. They are both pointing at a star, their hands raised to bless the emperor Alexander Severus’s birthday (Figure 224).1263At Argos, the personification of the month is clothed in an orange-red belted tunica manicata with ornamented cuffs. The neck is embellished with patagium bands. Dark ribbons on the left shoulder probably indicate the fastening place of the tunic’s two parts. His buskin-type boots are kept in place at the toes and heels by leather thongs with gray shading and red edges. The figure tasting grape juice is holding a wine goblet and a glass bottle.1264 In the remains of the mosaic pavement from Tegea-Episkopi the figure is wearing a loose colobium with three-quarter-length sleeves created by the excess fabric and a belt around his waist.1265 In the mosaic calendar from Carthage displayed in Paris, the personification of the month is dressed in a short, wide tunic with wave-like folds. A pallium flaps behind his back and he has a rabbit in his hands.1266 In the Barberini copy of the calendar the figure is in the nude. The pallium placed over his left shoulder flutters behind him.1267
At Argos, the month is represented by a man in a yellow belted tunica manicata whose folds are highlighted in a darker color. The neckline is decorated with a patagium and the cuffs and shoulders are embellished with crimson stripes. The figure is wearing sandals and leggings with the turned-down tops.1271 In the Barberini
The personification is usually depicted in a tunica manicata with or without a hood and sometimes has an overgarment. Only in the Barberini copy of the calendar attributed to Philocalus is the figure shown in the nude with a pallium down his back.
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - November (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_Mensis_ Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
Fitzgerald 1939: 7, Plate VII, Figure 2. Saller and Bagatti 1949: 277; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 123; Levi 1941: 285. 1261 Kivity 2007: 86. 1262 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133, Figure 85, 3–4. 1263 Yacoub 2005: 123, Figure 53b., Stern terms the garment a subligaculum (Stern 1981: 438, Plate VII). 1264 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 6, Figure 11.1. 1265 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 121, Figure 76, 2. 1266 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 124, 143, Figure 5. 1267 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 132, Figure 84. 1259 1260
Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 123; Van Driel-Murray 2001: 188, Figure 1.2. 1270 Levi 1941: 271; Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 82. 1271 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 26, Figure 3: 2. 1268 1269
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appears as a man dressed in a short tunic decorated with segmenta and is scattering seeds on the ground, symbolizing the crop-sowing season (Figure 1). At Argos the month is clothed in a tunica manicata with a red band on the cuffs covered with a short paenula decorated with a red-brown braided ribbon. This type of overgarment was used by huntsmen from the Late Roman period and in the 4th century. The whiteness of the figure’s legs may indicate that he is wearing leggings. His ankle-length shoes are black with a red trim.1276 This type of tunica manicata also appears on other personifications of the months in the mosaic, as in that of the huntsman in the octagon in the second row.1277 In the copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia the month is portrayed in a long-sleeved belted tunic and is holding branches, symbolizing the bare winter trees.1278 In the Barberini copy of Philocalus’s calendar the month appears in a wide tunica manicata with an embroidered motif on the sleeve hem. The tunic is embellished with segmenta medallions and the figure has a short chlamys and knee-length hunting boots. He is holding a torch and playing dice. In the background are a mask, two heart-shaped objects, and birds (Figure 223).1279 Scholars have interpreted this depiction as an allusion to the Saturnalia, during which gambling with dice was permitted. Salzman identifies the figure as a huntsman. Others regard him as a slave, since slaves were traditionally allowed to gamble at dice against their masters during the festival. It should be noted that his elegant and decorative attire, especially the coat, which is inconsistent with a slave’s dress, probably indicates that master and slave swapped clothes during this festival.1280 At Argos the month is clothed in a decorated tunica manicata with leggings and boots in keeping with the month’s weather.1281 In the copy of the mosaic calendar from Carthage the month is dressed in a short, wide tunic and close-fitting anaxyrides-type leggings or trousers with diagonal stripes or pleats gathered from the excess cloth.1282
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - November (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0).
copy of Philocalus’s calendar, the figure is depicted in the nude apart from a pallium over his left shoulder and right hand, in which he has a rattle. In his left hand he is holding a plate decorated with foliage, a snake, branches, and olives. A goose, a mask or portrait of the god Anubis and pomegranates symbolizing fertility are visible in the background (Figure 223). This depiction is related to the cult of Isis, which was celebrated in November and was popular in Rome in the 4th century. The goose is an animal that is sacred to this goddess; the rattle and the mask were used by her priests and evidently belonged to a ‘list’ of cult-related objects.1272 The personification of the month is represented on the mosaic pavement from the El-Djem villa by three figures celebrating the cult of Isis who are dressed in a tunica talaris and a pallium. One of them is wearing a mask of Anubis (Figure 224).1273 In the copy of Ptolemy’s Astronomia the month is clothed in a long-sleeved belted tunic.1274
The clothing of the personification of December, one of the coldest months of the year, is in keeping with the harsh winter weather. She is dressed in warm clothes such as a tunica manicata or tunica talaris, a hood, leggings, and various kinds of overgarment.
Personification of the month of December
Personifications of the seasons and months were displayed on mosaic pavements in the East and West. Christian theologians adopted the motifs borrowed from pagan Greco-Roman rituals and festivals and
In the burial chapel at El-Hammam the month of December has a wide-sleeved tunica talaris or dalmatica embellished with clavi. A pallium or paenula covering the head is flapping in the wind. The garment is fastened with a belt and the figure has slippers (Figure 47).1275 At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary the season
Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 26, Figure 3: 2. Äkerström-Hougen 1974: 75. 1278 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133–134, Figure 85, 3–4. 1279 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133, Figure 84. 1280 Salzman 1990: 74–76, Figure 43. 1281 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 26, Figure 3: 2. 1282 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 125, Figure 80. 1276 1277
Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 132, Figure 84; Salzman 1990: 76–78. Yacoub 2005: 124, Figure 53c. 1274 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 133, Figure 85, 3-4. 1275 Åkerström-Hougen 1974: 122. 1272 1273
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Weaving in Stones gave them new meaning by linking them with the cycle of the monthly tasks and the liturgical year. From an examination of all the items of clothing on personifications of the months in the mosaics of Eretz Israel it is evident that all are depicted as men engaged in agricultural work apart from March, portrayed as a soldier, and the women personifying the months at the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary. Both here and in the burial chapel the figures are wearing Byzantine attire similar to that found in 6th-century mosaics in Transjordan and Eretz Israel.1283 Even when the figure is stationary and there is no obvious source of wind, their overgarments billow out and even in hot or cold seasons when the ground is baking or frozen, they are usually shown without footwear. A personification of ‘favorable times’ The man personifying ‘favorable times’ at the entrance to the Byzantine structure at Tel Malhata in the northern Negev is dressed in a paenula over a white tunic whose long sleeves are decorated with diagonal stripes (Figure 39), possibly indicating the folds created by the outstretched arms and the cut of the paenula.1284 Since this personification of favorable or good times is rare, it cannot be compared with other examples of the same kind and its origins cannot be traced. Figueras, who examined the figure along with other unusual figures in the mosaics of Eretz Israel, remarks that the image is pagan.1285 The figure that survived in this section of the mosaic was identified by the accompanying inscription. It was probably located at the entrance to the building because of the message it conveyed. Maguire notes that the mosaic can be interpreted through comparisons with works in other media and through inscriptions, the building’s purpose, the date of the mosaic, and literary sources. In this instance the meaning of the inscription is clear.1286 The building’s use is not known and no other visual representations contain any reference to the figure, nor do ancient literary writings.1287 The inscription accompanying this unique character supplies its identity and directs the viewer to the visual meaning it represents.
Figure 223. Personification of the months’ calendar of Philocalus, 4th century AD - December (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgangrieger https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Chronography_of_354_ Mensis_Iunius.png, CCO 1.0).
Personification of the Nile The personification of the Nile (one of the four rivers of the Garden of Eden), like those of the other rivers, was a visual representation of the worldly and the celestial paradise commonly used as a theme in the decoration of churches and secular buildings in Late Antiquity, as well as in ancient literature and in Jewish sources.1288
Figure 224. Panel with months of the year from El-Jem, mid-3rd century, Tunis - December (photo credited to © Ad Meskens / Wikimedia Commons, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_calendar_April. JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0, Panel with months of the year from El-Jem).
Saller and Bagatti 1949: 120. Eldar and Baumgarten 1993: 936–937; Figueras 2003: 52, Figure 5. Eldar and Nahlieli 1982: 69; Figueras 2003: 52, Figure 5. 1286 Maguire 1987: 2,3. 1287 Maguire 1987: 5–13. 1288 Maguire 2007: 2. 1283 1284 1285
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In all parts of the Roman Empire, Nilotic scenes were frequently used to decorate mosaics in both secular and religious buildings. In secular Roman architecture they were depicted in bathhouses or villas located near water sources. In churches, these themes are related to the prosperity and fertility resulting from God’s will.1289 Beginning with the spread of Christianity in the 4th century, the Nile River was identified as one of the rivers of Paradise and in this context Nilotic scenes were also adopted by Christians. The Nile was recognized as the Gihon and regarded as one of the rivers leading from the Garden of Eden. The flooding of the Nile symbolized God’s creation of the world. The 5th-century Ktisis mosaic from Antioch depicts a figure whose name translates as ‘creation’ and who is surrounded by a frieze with Nilotic motifs. The link between it, Nilotic themes, and the flooding of the Nile is explained by the fact that both are a source of life.1290 Pliny described a statue of the river god surrounded by children, which is reminiscent of another statue in the Vatican Museum where the figure’s genitals are draped in a himation.1291 Maguire, who interprets them as an ‘allegory of creation’, regards the four rivers of the Garden of Eden and especially the Nile as symbolizing fertility and worldly prosperity, Christ’s benevolence, and also the power of healing based on a 6th-century Hymn written on papyrus.1292 Hamarneh stresses that the Nilotic themes represent creation and cosmic unity, thus providing the inspiration for their portrayal in churches.1293
Figure 227. Personification of the Nile. R: Nilus, with crocodile beside him, reclining left, holding reed and cornucopia (courtesy of CNG. https://www.cointalk. com/threads/the-nilometer.300607).
The personification of the Nile reclining and leaning on one arm is represented in many artistic media, including coins, mosaics, sculptures, and in the segmenta motifs on the textiles that are mentioned in Homer’s Odyssey.1294
Figure 228. Marble statuette of a personification of the Nile recovered from the sea at Acre (photo credited to Alon Steinberg).
The bottom torso of the personification of the Nile in the lower border in the ‘House of Leontis’ at Beit She’an is draped in a pallium made of a pleated, striped fabric (Figure 95).1295 The Nile is personified on its own and without the other rivers in different buildings such as the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori, where the figure has not been entirely preserved but its lower torso is clearly draped in a bright, silvery fabric. The figure is seated astride an animal holding a cornucopia of fruits out of whose mouth the river is pouring. Two nude figures are striding toward him holding offerings such as a round wreath, a bird, a measuring rod, and a wreath of leaves. A third figure supports one foot of the Nile god with
one hand and is offering him a wreath with the other (Figure 93).1296 A bronze statue dating from the second half of the 5th century BC from Oichalia, previously in the collection of the Archaeological Museum in Athens but now missing, represents the personification of the river Acheloös. The figure is draped in a Peplos, which was regarded as feminine attire and conveys ideologies of protection and containment.1297 In a 3rd-century sculpture in Stuttgart the Nile is portrayed as a fat, bearded man with a himation over his lower torso.1298 On coins from Alexandria minted in the early 2nd century by emperors such as Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Trajan,
Versluys 2002: 256–260. Betser 2007: 77. 1291 Pliny: X, XXXVI, XI, 58; Toynbee 1967: 31, Plate XXII, Figure 2. 1292 Maguire 1999b: 181–185. 1293 Hamarneh 1998: 188–189. 1294 Odyssey, 21, 195. 1295 Ovadiah and Turnheim 2003: 112, Figures 5, 6. 1289 1290
Maguire 2007: 5; for the cornucopia and the wreaths, see: Michaeli 1977: 169–171, 210–208. 1297 Lee 2006: 317, Figure 1, 321. 1298 Gais 1978: 360–361, 1.27, Figure 11. 1296
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Figure 229. Mosaic of the Nile, Tripoli (photo: G. Lopez Monteagudo. Photo taken from Representaciones de Mujeres en Los Mosaicos Romanos, courtesy of: Luz Neira, Spain 2011).
and lower body (Figure 228).1300 In a 2nd-century mosaic from Leptis Magna in Tripoli the personification is clad in a himation and riding on a hippopotamus (Figure 229).1301 Similar attire is visible in a mosaic from Emerita Augusta (Mérida), known as the ‘Mosaic of the Creation of the Universe’ and dating from the late 2nd–early 3rd centuries,1302 as well as in a Roman mosaic from Italica near Seville.1303 In a 5th-century limestone relief from Egypt displayed in a museum in Brooklyn, the Nile is wrapped in fabric whose folds are rendered in high relief.1304 In the 6th-century mosaic from the Church of the Rivers at Umm al-Rasas in Jordan the river is personified sitting on a jar, dressed in a brown pallium with beige stripes that covers the shoulder and arm and falls from the waist to the feet.1305 The ocean is personified in a mosaic from Petra in a pleated exomis (Figure 230).1306 In a pair of segmenta medallions displayed in the Louvre and dating from the 5th century, the lower torso of the Nile is covered with a pallium.1307 This is similar to a 4th-century Coptic-weave medallion from Faiyum exhibited in the Louvre.1308 Personifications of the rivers and oceans in both East and West are usually rendered according to standard iconographic models in attire that leaves the upper torso naked with a himation or pallium covering the genitals and legs; sometimes the figure is shown in an exomis.
Figure 230. Mosaic of the god Oceanus Petra, Jordan (Photo credited to wikipedia user: Gilles Mairet, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Ok%C3%A9anos-Mosaique-Petra-Jordanie.jpg, Public Domain).
A recently discovered Roman mosaic from Caesarea dating back to the 2nd or 3rd centuries AD features three male figures wearing togas who apparently belonged to
the personification is depicted with a himation over the lower torso (Figure 227).1299 In a 1st–3rd-century Roman copy of a Hellenistic marble statuette recovered from the sea in Acre and displayed in the Haifa Maritime Museum, the Nile has a pallium swathed around his arm 1299
Photo courtesy of Shlomo Steinberg. Bonneau 1964: 520–521, Plate VI. Picard 1971: 119, Plate XLIII; Dunbabin 1999: 49, Figure 155. 1303 Freijeiro 1978: Lam. 6. 1304 Weitzmann 1979: 178–179(157); 38.5 x 64.5 cm, No. 41.891. 1305 Piccirillo 1992: 240–241, Figure 390. 1306 Negev 1995: 105. 1307 Maguire 2007: 5, Figure 9; Inv. No. x4129; Maguire 1990: 218, Figure 14. 1308 Bonneau 1964: 524, Plate Xb. 1300 1301 1302
Price and Trell 1997: 186, Figures 321–322.
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the upper class. The central figure is frontal and the two other face him on either sides. The left one wears a white toga, the dress of the central one is fragmentary and the right one wears a short garment that exposes his legs and may be a tunica manicata, although it is also damaged.1309
The male figures displayed in the mosaics of Eretz Israel provide us with a glimpse into the world of different sectors in the society of the time. The way in which they enriched their homes, houses of prayer, and tombs indicates the taste and economic potential of the various populations.1311 Furthermore, the encounter between different figures dressed in an assortment of garments confirms the dress code and enables us to examine its role and place in society.1312 The relationship between the various figures depicted in the same mosaic and the context in which they occur can also be examined, in a society that included urban and rural populations, farmers, huntsmen, servants, soldiers, shepherds and herdsmen. Mythological figures and personifications in mosaic pavements are shown in the nude, in an assortment of clothing, or with only an overgarment. From examining the semi-nude figures in mosaics of the period in Eretz Israel, it is clear that in many cases their portrayal in the nude does not reflect customs related to society or class, but rather mythological or biblical conventions such as those in the scenes of Jonah and Daniel. It should be emphasized that the artworks were commissioned and purchased by people belonging to a high socio-economic class, explaining the disparity between the relevant descriptions in contemporary literature and the dress of the figures depicted in the visual arts.1313
Summary The items of clothing worn by the one hundred and fifty-four male figures depicted in mosaics from Eretz Israel include five types of apparel, classified as follows: A. Clothing that covers the body from the shoulders to the feet, such as various tunics, the colobium, and the exomis. B. Garments covering the lower torso, such as loin cloths, trousers, and skirts. C. Overgarments with fastenings placed over the naked body. D. Overgarments draped around the body and worn over different types of tunics, and tunics combined with trousers or over the naked body. E. Garments worn by centaurs, including a skirt (in the Dionysian mosaic at Zippori), a nebris shaped like a pallium (in the ‘Nile House’), and a scarf-like nebris worn over the shoulder in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède.
Due to the nature of mosaic as an artistic means, it is sometimes hard to discern differences between the types and quality of textiles. Some mosaic artists managed to create an illusion of transparent, billowing fabrics as well as heavy, ornate cloth. In addition, it should be noted that it is difficult to imitate the intricate embellishment of fabrics and accessories discovered in archaeological finds using mosaic tesserae.
The tunics are either ankle-length or reach to above or below the knee. Most of the figures are wearing belted tunics and some are unbelted, which was regarded as immoral in Roman society.1310
Ancient literary sources from the pagan, Jewish and Christian worlds, which combine the written word with the visual image, enable us to understand the types of garments and accessories making up the ideal man’s appearance. Ovid wrote that the ‘ideal man’ should be dressed in a spotlessly clean, well-cut toga with shoes that are not loose, to prevent him shambling as he walks. The shoes should be well-fitting and the laces tightly fastened. Seneca complained of the trend for feminine fashion adopted by the young in his day and of their preference for elegant clothing, curled hair, and soft, gentle speech.1314
Since the tradition of male attire in the Roman period continued into Late Antiquity, we find contemporary literary references to the subject of clothing and accessories. Ancient sources discuss the way in which a garment should be worn, its preferred length, whether it should be fastened, how it should be belted, etc., all of which are subjects that are relevant to this study. The items of clothing visible in various artistic works can reveal the significance of a garment, its color, and its decoration. All of these enable us to determine whether a certain garment depicted is worn according to the customary practice and whether its colors and decorations carry an accepted meaning or can be viewed as innovative.
Prior to and during the period covered by this book, the ‘ideal’ male appearance was devoid of feminine characteristics. Men were expected to convey Dauphin 1980: 113–116; Huskinson 2004: 137. Hamel 2010: 318. 1313 Ball 2005: 79. 1314 Seneca, Dec.: 1 pr. 8–10; Ovid: Ars. 1. 505–524. 1311
1309 1310
1312
Rogers 2018: Fox News, 2.12.2018. Voight 2000: 272.
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Weaving in Stones masculinity and to avoid anything effeminate, exaggerated gestures, refined walking, over-ornate garments, and the use of jewelry and clothing embellished with gold, silver and precious stones.1315
segmentae, and tabulae; their overgarments are secured with fibulae, their trousers are close-fitting, and they are wearing shoes. Others are dressed in an exomis, colobium, or perizoma. This probably derives from the patrons’ desire to beautify their houses by adding color and decorative motifs to the garments and showing that their workers and servants were supplied with shoes. Sleeveless tunics are usually worn by on members of the working class.
In a letter to Gregory of Nyssa, the 4th-century Bishop Basil of Caesarea in Cappadocia, expressed his sorrow at some people’s sloppy attire. He therefore recommended securing the tunic with a loose belt, unlike in women’s fashion. The hems of the garment should be of such a length as to give adequate body coverage during winter and summer. The tunic should not be as brightly colored as that of the women, and the fabric should not be soft and gentle.1316 Basil, famous for his concern for the poor, noted that the garment should match a person’s status and should convey spirituality rather than affluence and contentment. He considered the ownership of private property to be synonymous with acts of violence and theft committed by those who kept clothing from the needy. He wrote that the garments stored in the closets of the wealthy belong to the poor, as do the shoes that are rotting away with disuse.1317 He also praised the Christian attitude to clothing, which shunned materialism and advocated a meaningful life characteristic of the spiritual world instead of seeking to wear splendid apparel. He commented that the strange clothing of believers was astonishing.1318 Gregory of Nazianzus, the Archbishop of Constantinople, described how the poor stood at the gates of wealthy houses shaking with cold and dressed in rags while others wore clothing that was far from modest, its soft, delicate fabric made of linen and its fine, transparent silk rippling in the breeze. In addition, in an obituary in memory of St Caesarius, he praised the saint’s qualities and virtues, noting that he avoided garments made of expensive silk and linen and the use of costly perfumes whose fragrance would fade.1319 St Jerome stipulated that somber clothing was to be avoided, as were bright garments. Archaeological finds of clothing fragments and textiles dated to the period in question and decorated with scenes from the New Testament attest to the fact that the spiritual leaders’ criticism of people who looked like ‘walking walls’ did indeed reflect reality.1320
The garments’ color and decoration provide a ‘visual language’ that enables us to identify differences between class and status, which are also evident among various sectors of the lower class such as servants, herdsmen, and hunters. This is visible in the Kissufim church mosaic, where the dress of the various functionaries indicates their status. The camel driver is clothed in a sleeveless, light-colored colobium embellished with small round segmentae, while the two hunters accompanying him are wearing a colorful tunica manicata with rich decorative stripes, a leather (?) belt, ornate fitted trousers, and boots. The masters and servants in the Zippori villa mosaic have wreaths around their heads and necks and are dressed in a short-sleeved colobium ornamented with reddish and blue-gray clavi, which were dominant colors in the wardrobes of the upper classes.1321 The servant standing at the miliarium (boiler urn) is dressed in a loose, sleeveless colobium. The lack of a belt and the fact that the wine server’s attire resembles that of his master show that he holds a position of higher regard than those of the other servants. A comparison of the items of dress of the figures depicted in the synagogues of Eretz Israel and in different visual representations such as murals, funerary art and miniatures reveals that they wore the same garments, some ornamented and some signifying their role as symbols of authority and power. Although a few studies refer to the clothing of the figures depicted in the synagogues as being Jewish, no particularly distinguishable signs of Jewish identity are visible in their dress.1322 The tunics and trousers in the mosaics appear in a wealth of colors and designs that are intended to
On examination, it is clear that all of the male attire depicted on the mosaics of Eretz Israel is clean and bright, without holes or patches. This is contrary to the descriptions by contemporary spiritual leaders. Many workers are clothed in tunics decorated with clavi,
Kalamara 1995: 152. In his book, A History of Jewish Costume, Rubens describes the attire of biblical figures and compares it with that of the figures appearing in other contexts and visual representations, while emphasizing the influences adopted from surrounding nations such as the Assyrians, Syrians, Babylonians, Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, etc. The items of clothing in the synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel are similar to those in other visual representations, such as at the Dura Europos synagogue and in the catacombs in Rome. It should also be noted that in the works of art it is impossible to distinguish between fabric types and the religious restrictions imposed on Jews, such as the prohibition on the use of fabric made of wool and linen mentioned in Leviticus 19: 19 and Deuteronomy 22: 11, ‘You shall not wear a mixture of wool and linen’. 1321 1322
Clement Paed., 3.11.37–74; Quintilian, The Instit.: 11.3.137; Gleason 1995: 61; Upson-Saia 2011: 104. 1316 Basil of Caesarea, Letters, NPNF, 8, Second Series, II, 6. 1317 Basil of Caesarea, Letter., I , XLV; in Div. , PG 31, cols. 276c–277a. 1318 Basil of Caesarea, Hom. , in Div. PG 31, cols. 276c–277a; De Spir. XXVIII, 69. 1319 Gregory of Nazianzus, Select., Ora. 14, 16; On His., 16. 1320 For the portrayal of biblical characters on 4th-century textiles, see: Kötzsche-Breitenbruch 1976. 1315
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convey a message, to beautify the wearer, to enrich the mosaic, and to create a work of beauty and delight. Unlike those of the tunics, the shades used to render the overgarments were designed to emphasize their colorfulness and represented a visual language in their own right, emphasizing the Byzantine approach to the perception of the meaning and function of light and glittering, glowing hues. Color was used to emphasize attributes used to identify the figure and not merely to beautify the mosaic.1323 The ancient writers referred to the positioning and function of color. Quintilian noted that the color purple and crimson suited young people, while bright clothing did not suit the elderly.1324 John Chrysostom remarked on the importance of color, noting that it served to give the viewer an understanding of the image and enabled him to distinguish between friend and foe.1325 The mosaic borders depicting various scenes were composed of stones cut in different sizes and shapes and placed in different directions, using color gradients to achieve the effect of light.1326 The 3rd-century Greek philosopher Plotinus rejected the definition accepted by the Greeks whereby beauty is expressed in ‘symmetry’ or proportion between the parts. In his opinion, beautiful inner forms originate in the mind of the artist. Arts that imitate reality concentrate on harmony and rhythm. Since the main function and value of art is the creation of beauty, art is not ephemeral and the beauty created by it flows from a supreme world and leads the soul to see it.1327
of Eretz Israel are decorated and some are not. Long or shortened clavi are the most common motif. The decorations on hunters’ clothing in Eretz Israel mosaics are similar to those on scenes in mosaics and artistic representations in other regions in both East and West. Their garments are sometimes richly embellished like those of the hunters at Sheikh Zouède. The motifs on the Kissufim hunters exhibit an oriental influence. In the middle of the register with the nine arches in the mosaic from Huqoq are four beardless figures on each side. They are standing frontally and an elderly man is depicted in the central arch with a long white tunic embellished with black Eta (‘H’) and two bands adorning his right sleeve, while the left one is obscured by his mantle. According to Ovadiah and Pierri they represented a figurative hanukkiah.1328 The various items of dress worn by male figures in East and West in the geographical region and period under discussion show that in many cases there are only minor differences, used mainly to indicate the shape of the garment and the way in which it was belted, indicating that there was a cosmopolitan style. The decoration and texture of tunics at Sheikh Zouède are an example of this. The tunic decorations and belts of the hunters shown in the Kissufim mosaic can be attributed to regional influences originating in the East. The personifications and various mythological and biblical figures were usually represented in styles taken from traditional Greco-Roman attire. Some of them were adapted in keeping with the fashion of the time. Workers, soldiers, and huntsmen were generally portrayed in clothing befitting their occupation.
It is reasonable to assume that the patrons and artists working in the workshops, who were aware of contemporary dress fashion as well as social conditions, chose to ignore the physical condition of workers’ apparel described in contemporary literature. This probably stemmed from a desire to embellish their homes and places of prayer with scenes that were pleasing to the eye. Apart from the garments worn by workers, the repertoire of men’s clothing displayed on the mosaics provides an artistic means of expressing conventions, such as the dress of mythological figures, while also revealing the fashion and personal taste of those living at the time. The bare or sandaled feet and the boots or shoes worn by male figures may attest to their social and economic situation. The depiction of a number of workers wearing different footwear may indicate their economic situation, the great concern of their owners for their safety, or the patron’s or artist’s desire to portray them in a dignified manner. A few men are shown with hats and wreaths or with overgarments fastened with a fibula. Some of the items of clothing on the mosaics Bradley 2009: 22–23, 37, 50–51, 208, 227; James 2000: 45. Quintilian, The Instit.: 11.1.31–32. 1325 John Chrysostom: Epistola ad Hebr., PG 63, Hom. XVII, col.130. 1326 James 2003: 227. 1327 Plotinus: I.6.1; I.6.9.11; I.6.1 VI, 7, 22. 1323 1324
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Ovadiah and Pierri 2016: 12.
Part III Women’s clothing: the typological context
Chapter 14
Women’s clothing as reflected in ancient sources of women to coordinate the colors of their garments. The ornaments they wore were ridiculed throughout the period. The rebukes, which were often mockingly and disparagingly voiced, express male attitudes toward women as well as tracing changes in fashion and revealing accepted social values.1332
The important topic of the attire and appearance of women was often debated by contemporary philosophers of the time, as illustrated by Jewish, pagan and Christian literary sources that are discussed in modern research. The many references to women require a special section to be devoted to the subject, covering the current status of research on women’s clothing and the way in which it was rendered in works of art.
Plato recommended that women wear virtue as a robe and clothe themselves with excellence instead of garments.1333 In his Ars Amatoria, Ovid questioned the purpose of bearing one’s entire financial income on the body.1334 Other writers noted that since not all women excelled in natural beauty, they had to resort to fine clothes, cosmetics, and additions such as hair pieces and lashes. Martialis described the hypocrisy and falseness of a woman with a wig on her head, her teeth lying next to the bed at night and her face ‘not sleeping with her’ because her makeup was so heavy.1335 Horace maintained that women wore jewelry to emphasize their beauty. They concealed their flaws and exposed their ‘wares’ without makeup and disguise, and therefore did not need to wear clothes made of rippling fabrics that would arouse the imaginations of those men who saw them.1336
The criticism of women’s appearance is directed at their clothing, head coverings, hair color and style, makeup, dress and shoes. Excerpts from ancient authors on the dress and appearance of both men and women attest to customs and ethical stands regarding fully dressed, decent or indecent women. Women’s clothing styles and the terminology used for it are referred to in the various Jewish sources. The Bible describes colorful women’s garments decorated with embroidery and jewels: ‘You daughters of Israel… who clothed you luxuriously in scarlet, who put ornaments of gold on your apparel…’ (2 Samuel, 1: 24) ‘…and your clothing was of fine linen and silk and embroidered cloth…’ (Ezekiel 16: 13). Isaiah 3: 22–23 lists the items of clothing and finery used by the haughty Daughters of Zion, such as the anklets, caps, veils, scarves, shawls, and expensive robes. The verse in Proverbs 31: 24, ‘Strength and dignity are her clothing, and she shall rejoice in time to come’ shows that garments conveying strength impart empowerment and encouragement to their wearers.1329 Information about women’s clothing and decorations can be gleaned from a detailed list containing the items of attire and jewelry offered to the temple of Artemis in the 4th century BC.1330 Women of the imperial court constantly dictated the latest styles. By imitating their dress and hairstyles, other women felt that they were wearing the latest fashion and expressed a desire to belong to the same social class.1331
The writer and philosopher Seneca the Younger recorded in the 1st century that he saw women’s silk garments that were so fine that they failed to adequately cover the body and private parts. In his opinion, a woman dressed in this manner could not honestly claim she was not naked. He also mocked women who bedecked their ears with numerous pearl earrings.1337 In a letter to his mother, Seneca cited the greatest sin as being a lack of modesty and praised her for not desiring gold and pearls, refraining from using cosmetics, and preferring modest garments over revealing ones.1338 The Greek philosopher Epictetus, who preached in the 2nd century in Phrygia, criticized the behavior of women bedecked in multicolored items who spent their entire fortune on clothing even when increased taxes made their prices soar. Every year they added new items to their wardrobe, giving them absurd terms and names.1339 In his Enchiridion, Epictetus also
In the Jewish sources, ancient literature and the contemporary writings of the Fathers of the Church, the manner in which women appeared in public was severely criticized for undermining moral and ethical religious principles. Such criticism included denunciations of the huge expenditure on women’s clothing, the extravagant sums of money spent on luxury fabrics, clothes and cosmetics, and the inability
1332 An article by Eliav-Feldon (2003) records how the subject was treated at the time. 1333 Plato, Rep., V.457a. 1334 Ovid: 3.169–192. 1335 Martialis: II.9.37; 6.12; III.12.23. 1336 Horace: 1.2.80–85. 1337 Seneca the Younger, 16.5;7.9.4,5; Winter 2003: 101. 1338 Seneca the Younger, 16.3–4. 1339 Epictetus, Ench.: 223–234.
2 Samuel 24: 1; Ezekiel 16: 13; Isaiah 3: 22–23; Proverbs 31: 22, 25. Lefkowitz and Fant 1992: 284. 1331 Gersht 1996: 22. 1329 1330
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protested against the practice of fourteen-year-old girls dressing up and adorning themselves in order to please men, when they should concentrate on being modest; he also emphasized that women who are busy nurturing their beauty find it hard to understand that their dignity depends on a decent appearance.1340
Memorial inscriptions engraved on tombstones enable us to understand the concept of the feminine ideal in antiquity.1349 Texts from the 2nd century list the deceased’s virtues: Wise, humble, pious, innocent, generous, good, beautiful, and skilled at spinning wool.1350 Virtues in household management were also praised. She was modest, thrifty, orderly, an early riser, and remained at home. A will based on Roman law written in the year 493 AD in Latin for Geminia Januarilla, a wealthy Berber woman living in North Africa, mentions items of clothing such as a dalmatica, mafors (head covering), orurium (kerchief), bracelets, ribbons, rings, pearl earrings, and linen cloth.1351 The ‘perfect woman’ spent all her time weaving and her hands were never idle from the loom without good reason. The idealized picture conveyed by the inscriptions is not however borne out by the actual funerary artifacts recovered from tombs, which include embellished garments, jewelry, combs, mirrors, and cosmetic tools. It is worth mentioning that some tomb inscriptions also show that wealthy women employed maids to dress them and style their hair.1352
The written sources warned that a woman was in danger of falling into disrepute if she dressed promiscuously.1341 Juvenal remarked that an indecent woman could be identified by her short, colorful tunic.1342 In times of economic distress such as war, the amount of gold that women could keep was limited and they were forbidden to wear colorful garments, especially crimson clothing.1343 In his Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium libri (‘Memorable deeds and sayings’), the 1st-century author Valerius Maximus wrote that men deprived their wives of drinking wine, but refrained from condemning their desire for gold, crimson clothing, and the practice of dyeing their hair with ashes to enhance their appearance.1344Tertullian railed against women who bedecked themselves in gold and jewelry at gatherings or festivals in order to see and be seen and declared that women should wear only a wedding ring.1345 Chrysostom questioned the purpose of expensive clothes ornamented in gold and silver, when the pleasure derived from them was impaired by the fear they would be eaten by moths and there was a constant need to perfume and sprinkle them with herbs.1346
In the Christian faith a moral woman was characterized by her behavior. However, scholars in the service of the church followed their Roman predecessors and adopted the link between immorality and luxurious, ornamented clothing, substantiated by biblical and theological sources. They attempted to persuade married and unmarried women, widows and men to abandon ornate, effeminate apparel and jewels in favor of piety and morality.1353 Their unanimous stand on the subject is demonstrated by Clement of Alexandria’s declaration that the need for clothing to cover the body and protect it against the weather was as vital as the need for food and drink.1354 He also stated that it was indecent for a woman to wear a garment that ended above her knees. She must wear a long, ankle-length garment to avoid exposing her limbs.1355 Furthermore, he considered the practice of piercing the ears for gold jewelry to be contrary to nature, although a women could pierce her ears if it pleased her husband.1356 Unlike men, who were not expected to devote any time to their appearance, a decent woman was supposed to be perfectly moral while guarding her feminine identity. Clement of Alexandria objected to extravagant dress, warning that during pagan festivals a woman should avoid appearing in colorful, thin, translucent fabrics made of silk and gold, which were used to demonstrate wealth and which were a sign of perverted thoughts.1357 In his
In a letter mentioning the First Epistle to the Corinthians, Chrysostom noted the prohibition against women wearing men’s clothes and vice versa.1347 In his Homilies on the Philippians, he stressed that God gave mankind garments to cover their bodies, not to adorn them with gold. He also compared a rich man’s garment, made of bulky fabric that is too heavy for the heat and adorned with gold that loses in value, with the flimsy, tattered garb of a poor man, which prevents him from sweating and serves the same purpose. Furthermore, he mocked the man who adorned his wife and horses with gold trappings.1348
http://classics.mit.edu/Epictetus/epicench.html Epidicus: Ench.. XL. Justinianus, D. : 47.10.15.15–22. Juvenalis: 8.162; 6.458.459. 1343 The Oppian Law was a statute passed following the defeat of Hannibal and reinforced some twenty years later, even after the economic recovery. On the ensuing debate and the modesty of woman, see: Livy: 34.1; Culham 1982: 786; Lefkowitz and Fant 1992: 143–147. 1344 Valerius: 2.1.5b. 1345 Tertullian, Conco.: 2.11.1. http://www.tertullian.org/works/de cultu feminarum.htm; Tertullian, Apo.: VI, 4. 1346 Chrysostom, Ep. to the Hebr., Hom.XX, NPNF 14, 5. 1347 John Chrysostom, Epist. to the Cor I, Hom. XXVI, NPNF 12, 4. 1348 John Chrysostom, Hom. On Phil., Hom. X, NPNF 13, 233–234. 1340
1341 1342
Lattimore 1942: 295, CE 237; 297. CE 1988, 14; CE 166. Finley 2002: 158, 160. 1351 Conant 2012: 281–282. 1352 MacLachlan 2013: 158–159. 1353 Olson 2006: 199; Upson-Saia 2011: 35. 1354 Clement of Alexandria, Christ., 2.10.106–107. 1355 Clement of Alexandria, Christ., 2.10.107. 1356 Clement of Alexandria, Christ., 2.12.129. 1357 Clement of Alexandria, Christ., 2.10.105, 107–109. 1349 1350
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Weaving in Stones opinion, colorful clothing or garments inset with gold and crimson and decorated with flowers and animals were meant to be seen and not used.1358 He reiterated that a woman should wear modest clothes in styles that suited her age, build, shape, role, and personality.1359
cover her head completely in public. On entering her home she should partially cover herself and in the courtyard of the house she is permitted to bare her head. The Jerusalem Talmud emphasizes that a woman is not allowed to go bareheaded in her own courtyard. It also says that a woman should cover her chest, arms, private parts, and legs.1367 These dictates stemmed from a concern that exposed body parts would trigger sexual impulses among men who chanced to see them.1368 In some of the mosaics adorning synagogues, the patrons and artists evidently ignored these prohibitions. The personifications of spring and autumn in the synagogue mosaic at Zippori have their hair showing and sleeveless garments reveal their arms, distinguished by their color. The personifications of the months of Tishrei and Nissan are similarly displayed in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue.
Most of the authors in Late Antiquity considered silk (whose high price was recorded in the Diocletian Edict),1360 gold, and precious gemstones to be luxuries whose use was to be condemned. In a homily on the Acts of the Apostles, Chrysostom noted the luxurious silk clothes of women lacking in any decency.1361 In the early 4th-century essay attributed to the Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria, De Virginitate, women were advised to cover their bodies at all times of day and to avoid unnecessary exposure to other women, since once a woman had vowed to remain modest before God her body was a ‘temple’ and as such, it should remain concealed.1362 Saint Jerome advocated humble woolen attire and advised against silk and velvet garments and brass ornaments to avoid attracting undue attention from passersby. He also objected to the use of cosmetics and jewelry, to ear piercing, and to earrings set with gemstones brought from the Red Sea. He recommended that women learn spinning and weaving in order to make their own clothes.1363 In a letter from Pelagius to a married woman in the late 4th century, the author cited the First Epistle of Timothy and implored her to dress in a dignified manner and shun any extravagance, expensive garments, precious gems and pearls, gold, and decorative head ornaments.1364
The voluminous drapes of women’s garments derived from the need to conceal the contours of the body, as demonstrated in the mosaic of the Empress Theodora and her entourage in the Basilica of San Vitale. The body is fully covered and the folds create a three-dimensional illusion. The arms are placed on the overgarment and the outlines of the body remain concealed, while the folds create a clear sense of the figures’ movement.1369 An essay by Saint Cyprian on the dress of a young virgin remarks on the disastrous consequences of adorning oneself in clothes and jewelry in order to seduce men. The dignity, sanctity, and modesty of a woman should be reflected in her clothing and in her naturally colored, bound hair. He regarded cosmetics, hair dye, and eye-liner as the workings of ‘fallen angels’. Cyprian emphasized that God did not create crimson-colored sheep or pearls arranged in strings and that every part of man that God created should be covered.1370
Cameron notes the trend of Christian writers from the 4th century onward (such as Gregory of Nyssa, Chrysostom, Jerome, and Augustine), who were more likely to denounce and criticize the appearance and dress of a woman than those of a man. He regards this as a means of expressing a theological dogma through the rhetorical power of language.1365 Scholars have determined that Augustine’s essays and sermons on women, as well as his letters addressed to specific women, actually refer to fictitious women whom he had never met.1366
Fabric quality and color were a measure of affluence and social status. Modern research shows that in the late 4th–early 5th centuries, the set stereotype for a moral aristocratic Christian woman in the East was measured by the degree to which she was silenced and by the extent to which she remained in the private sphere, only appearing in public with a head covering.1371
The Bible and Talmudic sources contain prohibitions on women appearing in the nude and the exposure of their limbs in public. Some of these prohibitions concern hair. The Babylonian Talmud states that a woman should
Ancient sources refer to the colorfulness of items of clothing. The color crimson has been a social marker since ancient times. The 4th-century writer Athanasius of Alexandria noted that woolen fabrics were accessible to all and that when soaked in dye taken from the sea, their color was crimson. The color scarlet was
1358 Clement of Alexandria, Paed. 2 cols. 10, 8. 528, 533–536; Christ., 2.10.109. 1359 Clement of Alexandria, Paed. 3. 11, PG 8. cols. 626–661. 1360 I Tim. 2; 9–10. 1361 John Chrysostom, On Acts., Homily XXV, 167. 1362 Athanasius of Alexandria, De Virg. PG. 28, col. 264. 1363 Jer. Letters, XXI I,27.8; CXXVII,3; Nathan 2000: 152. 1364 The First Epistle to Peter, 3: 5–3; The First Epistle of Timothy, 2: 9; Rees 1998: 82, 83, 12, 13 II ;2.9, 10. 1365 Cameron 1991: 72–73. 1366 Tilley 2005: 41, 43, No. 14.
Isaiah 47: 2; JT, Ketubot,7a; BT, Berakhot, 24a. BT, Ketubot, 78a; Satlow 1997: 440. Connor 2004: 188; on the purpose of the folds and the use of textiles, see: Rieg2004: 222. 2004: 222. 1370 Cyprian, The Tre., 5,. ANF, II, 14–17. 1371 Wilkinson 2009: 20. 1367 1368 1369
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identified with blood, regarded by the Greeks and Romans as a symbol of life averting harm from children and pregnant women.1372 Athanasius also forbade women from wearing garments made of expensive cloth. He recommended that the overgarment be of a natural color, black, or black with white flecks, but of no other hue. The scarf should be the same color, but not fringed, and the sleeves should be made of wool and cover the hands. He also instructed women not to dress like young girls in order that they be treated with the respect for mature women that they deserved.1373 Gold ornaments decorated linen, silk, and cashmere clothes. White, symbolizing purity, was a color with political connotations and significance.1374 Bradley remarks that Ovid viewed color as the most important element in the choice of clothing, because it reflected a woman’s power and status.1375 The Byzantine attitude to color exhibits two major dimensions, namely lightness of hue and brilliant luminosity. The portrayal of Theodora in silk apparel adorned with gold and purple reflects this approach.1376 According to Muthesius, the glister of silk fabrics was produced by altering the weave, using the silken weft threads to accentuate the pattern by reflecting light and radiance, as opposed to the background areas.1377 Clement of Alexandria praised a city located near Sparta for only permitting loose women to wear floral garments and gilded ornaments.1378 Jewish sources also referred to the colors of clothing. The Talmud’s Pesahim tractate states that a man must make his wife happy with new clothes. In Babylonia, this meant colorful garments and in Israel, pressed linen clothes. The Ketubot tractate mentions colorful clothes in a woman’s vows.1379
theologians and philosophers such as Tertullian, Jerome, Chrysostom, etc., who protested against the ostentatiousness of lavish clothing. The moral censure and extensive writings of the ‘Guardians of Morality’ working in the service of the Church provide a perspective on changing relations to dress, the way in which clothing was used, and the social imagery and biases attached to it.1381 Justinian’s Digest codex of laws warned a woman that she risked losing her status if she dressed promiscuously. It also stressed the prohibition on conversing with an improperly dressed woman, stating that anyone violating this law would be punished.1382 The way in which clothing is portrayed enables us to examine the selection and perception of the artist through his choice of dress for a certain figure. Clothing emphasized or obscured the contours of the body and was used to communicate a message on the wearer’s body.1383 In the mosaic in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, the Empress Theodora and her entourage are shown dressed in clothing based on the GrecoRoman tradition, with a simple pattern, multiple folds, and an outer garment that falls over the arms and shoulders. The eastern influence is evident in the fabrics and ornamentation, which include colorful bands of stylized rosettes. The women in the retinue wear garments embroidered with birds, deer, etc.1384 Theodora is portrayed in imperial garb, in a chlamys embellished with gold and the figures of the three Magi. The chlamys, generally regarded as masculine attire, emphasizes her status rather than her gender and femininity.1385 Scholars have remarked that there is no way of knowing whether the overgarment worn by Theodora in this mosaic is a realistic representation of her dress. The same question arises when examining the different personifications in imperial attire. The answer to this is that one should not examine a specific garment, but rather consider whether an item of clothing is suited to a certain figure, what fabric it is made of, what accompanying dress accessories are appropriate, and what is the social message conveyed by the colors.
The Romans were adept at communicating identity and messages through the garments they wore. Literary sources show that criticism of the feminine image was directed at clothing, jewelry, hair, and cosmetics.1380 The male view on feminine dress was influenced by reproofs dictated and voiced by the dominant sex. However, men were often blamed for their wives’ ridiculous appearance. Since we have very few archaeological examples of the various items of clothing, we must rely on works of art. The clothing fabrics in many church mosaics contain gold and imitations of precious stones designed to captivate worshipers and encourage them to praise and follow the faith of Christianity. Such depictions are incompatible with the exhortations of Christian
Female emperors in later periods wore clothing similar to that of Theodora made of heavy, embroidered fabrics.1386 The 7th-century theologian John of Damascus stated that however simple a piece of crimson or silk was, when worn by a king or emperor the dignity and status
Sebesta 2001: 47. Athanasius of Alexandria, De Virg.: PG 28, col.264. 1374 Clark 1993: 107; Ball 2008: 122. 1375 Bradley 2009: 186. 1376 James and Tougher 2005: 158–159. 1377 Muthesius 1995: 203; James and Tougher 2005: 159. 1378 Clement of Alexandria, Christ., 2.10.105. 1379 BT, Pesahim ,109a; BT, Ketubot, 7a. 1380 Harlow 2007: 546. 1372 1373
Harlow 2007: 543–545. Justinianus: D., 47.10.15–22. 1383 Clark 1993: 106. 1384 Kenaan-Kedar 2003: 68. 1385 Scarce 1987: 26–27. 1386 The mosaic illustrates the proper imperial attire of high-ranking officials as it was understood in the period; Herrin 2004: 5. 1381 1382
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Weaving in Stones of its wearer conferred a special status on it.1387 Hence, according to James and Tougher, if a person wore crimson but was not of royal class, his clothing did not convey the same prestige. They add that crimson was not always regarded as an imperial color, explaining the numerous efforts made to uphold its status.1388
rather than depicting the actual clothing of the period. Her theory corresponds in part with the dress of the mythological figures, which is based on iconographic formulas, but it is not borne out by other examples such as the women’s garments in the Kissufim mosaic, at the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem, and the decorative motifs on the clothing of the seasons in the synagogue mosaic at Beth Alpha.1393 In addition, although model books were undoubtedly used, patterns, fabrics, and drapery styles differed from place to place. For example, the items of clothing worn by the personifications of the seasons and the land imitate more luxurious and intricate fabrics than any that have been found in Eretz Israel or elsewhere.
Literary sources dating from ancient times and Late Antiquity supply information about dress codes and unacceptable attire. To a certain extent, the dress laws enacted during the Roman period and reiterated in Late Antiquity help us reconstruct the colorful appearance of Byzantine clothing.1389 Women employed various forms of enticement by donning flowing fabrics, decorated shoes, jewelry, and elaborate hairstyles and hair pieces. For generations, authors were unanimous in their descriptions of the correct female appearance. The ways in which Christian writers expressed themselves reflected the inferior status of women.1390 In a number of instances, men were held responsible for their wives’ appearance, for exposing parts of the body by wearing short or closely fitting garments and for vanity and waste.
Whereas there is extensive coverage of women’s appearance and dress in literary sources, their daily activities were hardly ever written about or depicted in artworks although the ancient writers often described saintly or aristocratic women and Juvenalis mentioned a woman who was a gladiator.1394 Writings on the lives of saints, wills, letters, and archaeological findings rarely give a full picture of women, who were busy spinning, weaving and raising children. An anonymous late 6th-century essay addressed to Georgia, the Matron from Constantinople, states that her traditional tasks should include spinning and weaving.1395 In funeral art of the period in the catacombs women are shown on their own or in the bosom of their families. Women belonging to the imperial class are depicted in sculpted portraits and in figures engraved on coins. 1396
Descriptions of dress and its accessories are included in the interpretation and understanding of dreams. The 2nd-century Artemidorus of Ephesus (?) referred in his Oneirocritica (‘Interpretation of Dreams’) to a reddish-purple garment worn by the wealthy and by freed slaves. The color represented good fortune and symbolized freedom, since slaves were forbidden to wear it.1391 Jewelry and shoes inset with precious stones and gold attested to the wearer’s wealth and when they appeared in a woman’s dream were a portent of good luck. If, however, they appeared in a man’s dream, they prophesied a loss.1392 In literary sources, women were portrayed as negative beings; they were expected to be submissive and modest, leading to a series of prohibitions that risked being violated. The ancient writers obviously did not regard clothing as a channel for personal expression. The obsessive need for women to remain covered in public, justified by a desire to preserve their modesty, led to an intrusive fixation with the female body and appearance. Although it is evident that literature and artistic works provide us with information about clothing items and their use, Clark argues that artworks in Late Antiquity do not truly represent what women looked like. In her opinion, artists used a ‘lexicon’ of traditional models
Clark 1993: 106. Juvenalis, 6, 105; 50, 15; Rottloff 2006: 117,118; 166; in her book on women in the ancient world, Rottloff remarks that women served as gladiators and that a woman from Cologne is known to have been a doctor. 1395 Cooper 1996: 110. 1396 Kalavrezou 2012: 513. 1393
John of Damascus, PG 95, col.1264b. 1388 James and Tougher 2005: 158–159. 1389 Scarce 1987: 25. 1390 Clark 1993: 105. 1391 Artemidorus Daldianus: 2.3. 1392 Artemidorus Daldianus: 2.5. 1387
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Chapter 15
Tunics The first part of this volume discusses the various terms found in ancient literature and in modern research for items of masculine attire, some of which denote the garment’s length and whether or not it has sleeves. Such terms are absent from the literature on women’s dress, which only refers to the absence or presence of sleeves, the garment’s length, color, and decoration yet does not employ specific terminology.
Most of the women in the funerary relief at Palmyra are wearing long, ornately patterned tunics with long, narrow sleeves. In general, the more ornate a garment was, the more affluent the wearer.1402 A range of terms has been used in research to define the basic item of clothing traditionally worn by the female sex. In her research on the Roman mosaics at Antioch, Voight uses the term ‘chiton’ to describe the woman’s garment. She is of the opinion that the sleeveless Jewish sources used the same terms for masculine and feminine items of clothing with similar styles. Apart from minor discrepancies, the differences are negligible. The length of women’s garments shows that women were not capable of engaging in certain kinds of work.1403 Voight asserts that the preference for this garment stemmed from a desire to affirm the continuation of Greek tradition in Antioch.1404
I use the word ‘tunic’ for the long dresses worn by women including long-sleeved and sleeveless ones, since women usually wore long, if not full-length garments because there were few women laborers. Those shown on the mosaics of Eretz Israel are dressed in long tunics. I also note whether or not the length of the woman’s tunic is discernable. ‘Peplos’ denotes a type of tunic that was draped from the upper torso to form an apoptygma. The ‘chiton’ was a garment with folds, referring to the sleeveless women’s garments fastened with fibulae and worn by personifications and mythical figures.1397 In cases where the mosaic has been too poorly preserved to determine whether the garment is a peplos or a chiton, I rely on descriptions in previous research.
Decent Byzantine women who observed a modest appearance wore garments that concealed their limbs. They were careful not to appear in public in sleeveless clothing or in attire that exposed their hands.1405 The tunics have different lengths and widths and these reflect the wearer’s social status. There is no scholarly consensus on the length of the female garment. Some argue that women never wore short clothes, unlike men, despite the fact that in various artistic works women servants and laborers are depicted in kneelength tunics.1406 Others hold that only women who did not engage in manual labor wore long tunics. It is not inconceivable that women laborers preferred short clothing since long clothes would have limited their movement and restricted walking; the garment’s hem was lifted to prevent staining the bottom edge or tripping over it. The width of the garment depended on the cut and dimensions of the cloth, which affected its price. Christoforaki remarks that women workers wore simple clothing made of linen or cotton.1407 The long-sleeved tunic was the most common item worn by Byzantine woman in Late Antiquity, whereas sleeveless tunics were used by mythical figures and laborers. One means of dealing with climatic conditions is shown on
There is no consensus on the correct term for the basic garment worn by those women who lived in Rome in antiquity and in Late Antiquity. Some call it a stola, which was the principle item of clothing worn by women in ancient Rome and was usually worn by matrons. The sleeves were attached to the body of the garment and it was ankle-length. It was viewed as a symbol of virtue and modesty and served to protect a woman from any undesirable male gaze.1398 The stola’s length made it impracticable for women laborers. Olson claims that the stola, which was used as a status symbol, is visible in 1st-century works of art. Others cite 2ndcentury works, but this item of clothing was actually no longer worn after the end of the 1st century.1399 Pendergast and Pendergast maintain that women wore the stola throughout the Byzantine period.1400 Some scholars regard it as the basic item of dress used by all women in the Roman and Byzantine world. Overgarments were usually worn over the tunic.1401
Sadurska and Bounni 1994: 151. Veblen 1953: 121. 1404 Voight 2000: 215, 242. 1405 Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 266; Jewish sources refer to the attire of women. The Mishnah states that only wanton women wore robes or chitons/tunics woven like nets that left the body of the wearer exposed; see: Mishnah, Kelim, 28: 9,10. 1406 Ball 2005: 99. 1407 Karageorghis 1999: 12. 1402 1403
Aldrete 2004: 247–248. Sebesta 2001: 48; Winter 2003: 99; Cleland et al. 2005: 182. 1399 Croom 2002: 76–78; Olson 2002: 391–392; Olson 2006: 190. 1400 Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 266. 1401 Olson 2008: 28. 1397 1398
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Weaving in Stones the Phaedra and Hippolytus mosaic at Madaba, Jordan, where the woman carrying a basket and identified by the inscription ‘agroikis’ (‘rustic’) is wearing a long tunic with her arms through under-arm openings and her sleeves draped behind her.1408 An examination of the women shown full length on the mosaics of Eretz Israel shows that none are wearing short clothing – even laborers such as the woman pulling a rope in the 3rd–4th-century Nilotic panel at the ‘House of Dionysus’ in Zippori. The wet nurse in the church mosaic at Horbat Be’er Shema is similarly dressed.1409 In the Piazza Armerina, the two women workers plaiting wreaths are dressed in long tunics adorned with gilt clavi and two others are wearing a dalmatica embellished with greenish clavi. Their wide sleeves have decorative bands.1410 Byzantine women of the upper class wore several layers of clothing and their garments were fashioned out of fine fabrics decorated with embroidery and gemstones.1411 Gallo-Roman women in the West wore four tunics, one on top of the other, probably because of the region’s harsh climate.1412 A woman’s social status could be identified by the quality of the fabric, its ornamentation, and her jewelry.1413 Women’s garments were made of ample quantities of cloth and covered the limbs to conceal the body contours. Chrysostom wrote that women should dress modestly, forgo gold ornaments and pearls, drape themselves entirely in an overgarment, and abstain from using cosmetics to ensure that they were decently dressed.1414 Saint Jerome condemned wealthy women who enticed men with silk clothing and ornaments. He described the long clothing they wore to make themselves look taller, the exposure of their breast, the overgarments they changed on a daily basis, the shoes they trailed to attract the attention of men, and the veil that fell off their shoulders and was immediately readjusted, as if it had mistakenly slipped off.1415 Women who belonged to the social elite, shunning the wealth afforded them by their status in favor of religion and a modest lifestyle, exchanged their garments for simple attire. They replaced their silk clothes with dark tunics and a simple overgarment made of coarse cloth and sold their jewelry without their family’s knowledge.1416 Women’s tunics were sometimes embellished with clavi, embroidered cuffs, tabulae, segmentae, and decorative bands around the neck and hem. Such ornamentation is however rare in comparison with that on men’s clothing.1417 Many
women may have preferred jewelry to ornamentation on the garment.1418 Tunics with long, close-fitting sleeves Twelve figures in tunics with long, close-fitting sleeves appear in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. Dating to the 3rd–4th centuries, they appear in synagogues, churches, villas, and public places. The women in these mosaics have long, ankle-length tunics and closefitting full-length sleeves.1419 It is noticeable that the female embodiments of the sign of Virgo are wearing tunics of this type, like the Virgo in the synagogue at Naʻaran.1420 The same outfit is worn by Virgo in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue, which is reddish-orange and has dark blue clavi and folds accentuated with black lines. Over the left shoulder, a long palla in shades of gray, light blue and white falls over her back and upper torso and is wrapped around her right hand and her head, which is bedecked with ribbons.1421 The elegant tunic with long sleeves trimmed with gold and brown cuffs worn by the Virgo on a cushioned throne in the Beit Alpha synagogue belongs to this type, which is colored reddish orange (Figure 38). The ankle-length tunic is decorated with short, brownish-purple clavi terminating in segmenta roundels positioned on both sides of the chest and it has a small golden triangle in the center of the neckline. In my opinion, Sukenik mistakenly identifies these clavi bands as ‘two round pendants hanging down the chest’. He probably understood them to be fibulae. The ornaments worn by the seasons of the year, especially the month of Tevet, may be identified as clavi similar to those shown on Virgo’s tunic. The lower part of the tunic is decorated with two red-crimson segmenta medallions with a gold center. Bands across the lower section form an ornamental motif or indicate folds. The hem of the tunic (institia) is embellished with a strip of gilt circles between crimson-golden stripes. Her reddish-crimson shoes (tzangia) indicate her high status. The garment may be sleeveless and the ornament on her arm may be a bracelet.1422 Another tunic of the same type, in orange, yellow and brown, is worn by the season of Spring (the month of Nissan) in the Naʻaran synagogue.1423 Fragments of the personification of fair weather (kalokairia) from Caesarea (on display in the airport terminal at Ben Gurion) show her in a white tunic decorated with fine, gilt clavi. Wide folds are visible in the lower part. Her long, fitted sleeves are embellished with gold stripes. The neck opening is decorated with a
Knauer 2004: 15, Figure 9. Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 266. 1410 Carandini, Ricci and De Vos 1982: 287, Figure 176; Capizzi and Galati 1990: 79; Gentili 1999: 148–149, Figure 1,1b. 1411 Talbot 2001: 127; Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 266. 1412 Challamel 1882: 13. 1413 Green 1966: 51, 111; Ball 2005: 98. 1414 John Chrysostom, Hom., VIII ,NPNF 13 ,433–444. 1415 Jer., Letters, XXII.27,32, XXXVIII.3.2, CXXVII., 957; Hieronymi, Ep.PL 22; Fraschetti 2001: 199–200. 1416 Upson-Saia 2011: 1. 1417 Parani 2007: 520. 1408 1409
Parani 2007: 520. Edmondson and Keith 2008: 35; Blum 1963: 539. 1420 Sukenik 1932: 34, Plate 3b. 1421 Grossmark 1994: 16. 1422 Sukenik 1932: 34–35, Plate 17, see: note 1; Smith 1873: 639; Wilson 1938: 87; Barton 1961: 156; Ball 2008: 124. Based on the color of the other limbs Wortzman maintains that the tunic is sleeveless and that her bare arms are adorned with bracelets; Wortzman 2008: 16. 1423 Sukenik 1932: 76, Plate 5a. 1418 1419
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Figure 231. The mosaic from Caesarea personifying the fair weather, kalokairia (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
gilded ribbon or gold necklace (?). Over this is a white dalmatica with wide gilt clavi (?), rounded because of the width of the fabric. She is wearing a three-dimensional crimson diadem consisting of six square gold sections made of rows of gilt tesserae with a bluish stone in the center. She has pearl earrings (Figure 231).1424 The lady called Silthus shown in the mosaic at the church near Kibbutz Kissufim is wearing a brown-and-white tunic with long, brown sleeves and cuffs decorated with brown stripes. It is covered by a fine, black-brown palla or paenula, put on over the head and falling in gentle folds over the chest, which covers the arms below the elbow and two rhomboid fibulae secure it on both sides. She is wearing a maphorion (head covering) whose folds are decorated with embroidery and gemstones. In her right hand she holds the fabric of the garment, forming a pocket to carry coins. This may be an apron or a mappa, which was an item that symbolized consular power. Britt remarks that if this is indeed a mappa, it may be the first appearance of a female figure holding this 1424
item (Figure 232).1425 The elderly woman in this mosaic, whom researchers identify as personifying the Church itself, is clothed in a light beige intima undergarment or a subucula such as that mentioned by Varro.1426 Over it is a black tunic whose cuffs are adorned with pearls and she wears a maphorion on her head.1427 Semasia, the female portent of the Nile floods displayed in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori, retains fragments of a whitish-beige tunic with long sleeves on her upper torso. The cuffs of the sleeves are embellished with The mappa was a large scarf worn by consuls proclaiming the start of the games; it may have been a piece of cloth hung over the arm that was used to wipe away sweat or dust. See: Barton 1961: 89,104; Cohen1979: 19–24; McClanan 2002: 70–71; Britt 2008: 125; this item is also called a maphoria (maporion). See: Rudolf 1993: 130–312; Scharf 1994: 80–81; Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 276; some sources mention maphorion, and some maporiom; Buckton refers to maphoria (Buckton 1994: 58, Figure 45). I employ the term maphorion here. Brown notes that during this period, a new class of ‘benefactors’ from the Christian community was formed that showed considerable concern for the community; see: Brown 2008: 39–40. 1426 Varro: V 131. 1427 Cohen 1979: 19–24; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004a: 130–132. 1425
Talgam 2014: 348, 349.
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Figure 232. Ladies in the Kissufim church mosaic (photo courtesy of Nachson Sneh).
Figure 233. Semasia, the female portent of the Nile floods displayed in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori (photo: Zeev Radovan).
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crimson stripes. Two slits at the waist may indicate the remains of a belt or folds. The lower torso clearly had fitted, whitish-beige ankle-length trousers outlined in purple. A roundel or segmenta motif (?) adorns the trousers near the serrated hem (Figure 233).1428 Tyche, goddess of the city of Beit She’an, appears on a mosaic pavement in one of the sigma rooms where she is dressed in a white tunic with folds. Due to the status of the city-goddess, it can be assumed that the tunic and its sleeves are long. Over her shoulders is an elegant, pleated reddish-crimson palla. The folds are outlined in a darker color, emphasizing the garment’s generous cut. She is wearing a neck ornament resembling a gold torc. The palla is fastened with a fibula made of a row of tiny black tesserae surrounding light beige tesserae that imitate gold. In the center is a minute goldenbrown tessera (Figure 234).1429 In the Orpheus mosaic from the burial chapel at Damascus Gate, Theodosia (Eudoxia), whose symbolic meaning according to Pliny is ‘gift of the god’, wears a black tunic with long decorated golden flowers and a red center. She has a grey dalmatica with red-brown folds in the front. The sleeve cuffs are embellished with stripes. Her head, surrounded by a diadem and a large nimbus halo, is crowned with a diadem. She wears red and yellow shoes.
Figure 234. Tyche, the city goddess of Beit She’an, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yuvalif https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_ bet_shean.JPG, Public Domain).
The second figure, Georgia, whose name means ‘fruit of the earth’ or ‘agriculture’ is dressed in a similar manner. She wears a red-purple dalmatica with grayishbrown stripes placed over her tunic and on the sleeves. The figure is adorned with golden pendant earrings and gold bracelets. She also wears red and yellow shoes (Figure 235).1430 A long reddish-orange tunic highlighted with four brownish-black stripes and a golden palla are worn by the maenad at the wedding ceremony of Dionysus and Ariadne in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori. The section over the shoulders is prominent and finished in black. The color of the tesserae on her arms suggests that she has long sleeves. Four diagonal white stripes give the palla a shiny appearance.1431 Sleeveless tunics or tunics with sleeves Among the mosaics of Eretz Israel, eight female figures are depicted (in a private villa at Zippori and in the Damascus Gate burial chapel) whose tunics may or may not have sleeves because the upper torso is covered
Figure 235. Theodosia and Georgia in the Orpheus mosaic from the Damascus Gate burial chapel (photo: Dr Yehudah Dagan).
Talgam and Weiss 2002: 69. A copy of the damaged mosaic is on display in the archaeological park at Beit She’an; Mazor 1988: 10; Mazor and Bar-Nathan 1995: 95. 1430 Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 201; Cimok 2001: 169, Figure 92. 1431 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 61– 62, Figure 46, Plate IVb. 1428 1429
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Weaving in Stones torc (?), and a neck ornament finished with a medallion that may be a bulla or a fibula fastening the garment that is partially concealed by the acanthus whose upper part consists of golden tesserae, imitating gold and placed diagonally to give the ornament a serrated edge (Figures 5, 236).1436 In the mid-first century AD, the Aramaean citizens of Palmyra adopted customs and modes of dress from both the Iranian Parthian world to the east and the Greco-Roman west. A banquet scene such as that depicted on this relief would have been displayed in a family tomb rather than that of an individual. Long sleeveless tunics Fifteen female figures in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are clad in long sleeveless tunics. The figures are displayed in public, in synagogues and churches, and in private dwellings. The woman nursing from the Church of St. Stephen at Horbat Be’er Shema is clothed in a long, sleeveless tunic. The greenish upper part of the tunic is ornamented with wide clavi in a black and white geometric motif outlined in black. The folds of the ample lower section
Figure 236. Tyche, in the decorative border of the Orpheus mosaic from Damascus Gate in Jerusalem (photo: Dr Yehudah Dagan).
with an overgarment, or because of the mosaic’s state of preservation. In the scene of Dionysus’s washing ceremony at Zippori, the upper torso of the female figure on the right is wearing a blue tunic. The top section of her body, from the neckline to the chest, has not been preserved. The figure is holding a length of yellow cloth. This mosaic has several more figures dressed in a similar manner: The kneeling figure, in a long blue tunic and a yellow palla, and the figure bending toward Dionysus and dressed in a long brown tunic, beneath a yellow palla and with a red cloth in her hands. The figure watching on the left is wearing a golden tunic (?); a red palla conceals her shoulders and arms and she holds a length of blue cloth. The maenad standing next to the satyr is clothed in a yellow tunic and a blue palla (Figure 7).1432 In the shepherds’ scene in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori, the maenad standing to the left of the milking shepherd has a long grayish tunic covered by a wide yellow palla (Figure 27).1433 An additional maenad, clothed in a yellow tunic and a blue palla, stands beside the satyr in the Dionysus washing ceremony (Figure 7).1434 In the scene showing an attack on the female figure, traces of the figure’s red, ankle-length garment are also visible (Figure 28).1435 The edges of a beige and scarlet garment that may be a tunic (?) are hidden by the acanthus leaves surrounding the female Tyche of Jerusalem (?) in the Damascus Gate burial chapel mosaic. The figure has pendant earrings, a
Figure 237. Woman nursing in St Stephen’s Church at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa, 6th century AD (photo credited to Nachson Sneh).
Talgam and Weiss 2004: 57, Figure 43. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 68, Figure 50. 1434 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 57, Figure 43. 1435 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 54, Plate III: A. 1432 1433
1436
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Ovadiah and Mucznik 1980: 420.
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Figure 238. Dionysus’s education in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori (detail from photo credited to IIan Sharif. https:// www.pikiwiki.org.il/image/ view/7683, CCO 1.0).
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Figure 239. The wedding of Dionysus, detail from Zippori mosaic (photo credited to Wikipedia user: YiFeiBot, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Detail_of_the_Dionysus_Mosaic_depicting_scenes_from_the_life_of_Dionysus;_the_ wedding_of_Dionysus_with_Ariadne,_Sepphoris,_Israel_(15628053511).jpg, JPG.CC BY-2.0.
of the tunic, which is brownish beige and is tucked between her legs, are also outlined in black (Figure 237).1437 The Dionysiac mosaic at Zippori shows a number of figures dressed similar tunics. The maenad in the drunken Hercules scene has a gray tunic gathered below the bosom that falls to the ground (Figure 70).1438 The maenad in the drunken Dionysus scene is wearing a sleeveless tunic with a yellow shawl around her chest (Figure 71).1439 A similar gray and white tunic outlined in black and with a golden palla is worn by the garlanded girl who is supporting Dionysus in the scene of his education by the nymph Nysa. The woman standing in front of Dionysus is dressed in a red tunic and gray palla and has a wreath on her head (Figure 238).1440 In the wedding of Ariadne and Dionysus, Ariadne is wearing a long gray tunic beneath a yellow palla.1441 The seated maenad in the revelry panel in this mosaic is dressed in a long, sleeveless, gray-purple tunic with a black
Figure 240. The season of Tishrei (Autumn) in the Na’aran synagogue(after Sukenik 1932: 34, Pl. 5b).
Figure 241. Gift bearers’ procession in the ‘Dionysus House’ mosaic, Zippori, 4th century AD (detail from photo credited to Carole Raddato, https://commons. wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Dionysus_ Mosaic_depicting_ scenes_from_the_ life_of_Dionysus, Sepphoris,_Israel_ (15630884375).jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0). Gazit 1992: 23; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004b: 130–133. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 51, Plate II: A; 54, Plate III: A. 1439 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 52, Figure 37, Plate II,a. 1440 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 59, 60, Figure 45. 1441 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 61, 62. 1437 1438
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Figure 242. Nilotic Panel from Dionysus Mosaic in Zippori (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Geagea, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tzippori (3422679895).jpg, CC-BY 2.0).
up the rear of the Dionysiac procession has a long, gray sleeveless tunic and a wide yellow palla (Figures 28, 67). Traces of a female figure, the second from the right, on the southern side of the Dionysiac procession, are clad in a sleeveless gray-blue tunic with a dark outline and she has a yellowish brown palla (Figures 28, 67).1446 The female figure pulling the rope in the Nilotic mosaic at Zippori is dressed in a long, wide, sleeveless brown-gray tunic with folds highlighted in white (Figure 242).1447
outline that emphasizes the v-shaped neck opening and she has a broad reddish crimson palla. Another maenad in this scene, playing an aulos, is wearing a gray-light blue sleeveless tunic beneath a yellow palla (Figure 239).1442 The personification of Tishrei (Autumn) in the Naʻaran synagogue is wearing a long, sleeveless tunic with a fitted upper part fastened at the shoulder with a fibula. A narrow ribbon or belt separates the top and bottom parts of the garment, which is made of yellowish orange and brownish red stripes. The break formed in the center of this line may indicate a fold (Figure 240).1443 In the drinking contest scene, the maenad on the right is clothed in a long reddish brown tunic. The maenad on the left wears a similar tunic, gathered below the bosom by a wide brown and white sash that falls to the ground (Figures 28, 71).1444 The woman carrying the duck in the Dionysian procession is dressed in a long red pleated tunic and a blue palla (Figures 28, 67). The woman bearing the liknnon in this scene is wearing a long gray sleeveless outlined in black beneath a yellow and orange palla (Figures 28, 67, 241).1445 The drumming maenad in the procession of the gift bearers in the Zippori Dionysiac mosaic is dressed in a long, sleeveless gray tunic under a wide yellow palla (Figures 28, 67, 241). The young woman bringing
Sleeveless tunics whose lower sections are concealed In the mosaics of Eretz Israel, ten female figures are shown wearing a sleeveless tunic whose lower section is not visible. Presumably, because of their status as personifications and their location in synagogues, had they been shown in full they would have been dressed in long tunics. Tunics of this type are worn by personifications of the months of the year displayed in synagogues in the region and identified in mosaic inscriptions by the term ‘season’, such as the season of Nissan (Spring), Tammuz (Summer), Tishrei (Autumn), and Tevet (Winter).
Talgam and Weiss 2004: Plate 66–68, Figure 50, VI. b. Sukenik 1932: 34, Plate 5b. 1444 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 49–50, Figure 35, Plate Ib. 1445 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 77, Figure 62. 1442 1443
1446 1447
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Talgam and Weiss 2004: 77, Figure 62, VIII, a. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 87, Figure 74.
Weaving in Stones
Figure 243. Personification of the month of Tevet, zodiac wheel in synagogue at Zippori, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Bukvoed https ://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tsipori-2-314.jpg?uselang=ru, CC BY 3.0).
Figure 244. The seasons of the year, Hammat Tiberias. Personification of: a. Autumn, b. Summer, Hammath Tiberias, 4th century AD (after Ruth and Prof. Asher Ovadiah Pl. CLXXXII, in: Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Rome, 1987.b. Credit to user: Bukvoed https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Bukvoed : CC-BY-3.0).
in this mosaic is dressed in a light beige tunic, a bodice panel outlined with a crossways band in the chest area, and two x-shaped bands decorated with a geometric motif. The shoulders are ornamented with two different-sized brown and orange segmenta roundels, finished with black and white beading. A patagium (?) or necklace (?) with a v-shaped geometric motif embellishes the neckline. Her thick hair (?) is styled into black triangles. She is wearing gold pendant earrings finished with a row of emerald-like tesserae and a round loop containing golden tesserae. The month of Tishrei is similarly dressed, but her bodice is highlighted with a band across her chest and two stripes falling from the shoulders, one on each side (Figure 243).1451
The figures of the four winged seasons of the year in the synagogue mosaic at Beit Alpha are shown in decorated tunics of indeterminate shape whose lower parts are hidden (Figure 38).1448 The seasons of Tevet and Nissan are clothed in lightcolored tunics with short brown clavi bands that are ornamented with brown and orange segmenta medallions trimmed with brown, v-shaped stitching. Two brownish-beige segmenta roundels with an orange center are finished with similar stitching. The patagium has a geometric pattern with four v-shaped motifs, which may represent a necklace made of brownish-red tesserae that are larger in the center of the necklace.1449 Their thick hair (?) is styled into black triangles and they are wearing gold pendant earrings to which a row of emerald-like tesserae is attached. The row is finished with a round loop containing golden tesserae (Figure 243).1450 The season of Tammuz
Busts of the seasons of the year in the synagogue mosaic at Hammat Tiberias are portrayed in colorful clothing; their cheeks are flushed, they bear wreaths characterizing the crops of the seasons they represent and have typical attributes, and they are wearing jewelry. A sleeveless white and light-brown tunic clasped with two round golden fibula is placed over
Smith 1873: 1173. Avigad 1962: 63–70. In my opinion, this is a hairnet and not hair styled into curls, since compared with Virgo and the male figures with curled hair in this mosaic the hair of Tevet and Tishrei has a clearly defined outline to emphasize its volume; Sukenik 1932: 38; Roussin 1988: 430.
1448 1449 1450
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Sukenik 1932: 36, Plate 18, 1.
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Figure 245. Personification of the Seasons, mosaic in Zippori Synagogue (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Bukvoed, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tsipori-2-317.jpg, CC-BY 3.0).
the shoulders of the season of Tishrei. The Type-A earrings in her earlobes are shaped like a ring to which a rhomboid pendant is attached with a drop at the end. She is wearing a wreath of leaves garlanded with figs and pomegranates and holds a bunch of grapes.1452 The upper torso of the season of Nissan is clothed in a sleeveless bluish-green tunic. The boatshaped neckline is outlined with a black v-shaped trim. On her left shoulder is a round gold fibula. She is carrying a bowl or basket of fruit.1453 The season of Tammuz is clothed in a sleeveless, light-colored tunic in shades of blue, white and brown. The boat-shaped neckline is outlined with a serrated black trim. The tunic is fastened with a round fibula and she is wearing a necklace and earrings. Crowned with a wreath decorated with eight ears of corn, she is holding a sickle (Figure 244).1454
The total number of female figures clothed in tunics is forty five. The dalmatica There are three instances of women wearing a dalmatica in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. They appear in a burial chapel and in a private dwelling and date from the 4th– 6th centuries. The dalmatica, originally from Dalmatia, was a long, usually ankle-length tunic. The Byzantines altered its form by widening the long sleeves and the hem to make them bell-shaped and allowing the garment to hang in folds about the legs. It could either be worn over a tunic, or in place of one.1456 Unlike men, whose clothes had to ensure freedom of movement, women were obliged to cover their limbs in private and in public to preserve their modesty and protect themselves from the gaze of men. The dalmatica fulfilled these purposes.
The personifications of Tishrei (Autumn) and Nissan (Spring) from the synagogue at Zippori are wearing sleeveless, mustard-yellow and brown tunics whose loose appearance is formed by the inside of the folds, which are highlighted in dark brown. The shoulder has a rectangular striped ornament that may be a buckle made of applied bands ornamented with gemstones, or decorative strips sewn together and used to fasten the tunic instead of a fibula. According to Voight, such bands became less common in the Late Roman period. Similar ornaments are visible on mosaics at Antioch. Johns regards this change in the style of fastening as representing a new fashion (Figure 245).1455
Servants would shorten the dalmatica to enable freer movement.1457 The garment was made of wool, cotton, linen, or silk. The hem, sleeves, and neckline were embroidered with gold thread. The decorations, which were woven into the cloth or added in appliqué, were sometimes embedded with pearls, gold, gems, and metal panels.1458 Scholars have concluded that the figures portrayed on the mosaic from Damascus Gate in Jerusalem have symbolic meaning. The two women are modestly
Dothan 1983: 43–44; Steinberg 2007: 9. Dunbabin 1999: 190. Dothan 1983: 43; Dunbabin 1992: 190; Ovadiah 2004a: 88. 1455 Kraeling detects a resemblance to the dress of Queen Esther’s servant girl in a wall painting at the Dura Europos synagogue, which she interprets as a chiton; see: Kraeling 1956: 160; Johns 1996: 28; 1452 1453
Weiss and Netzer 1996: 243; Voight 2000: 242. 1456 Scharf 1994: 57; Cosgrave 2000: 89. 1457 Parani 2007: 519–520. 1458 Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 263–264.
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Figure 246. Phaedra in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
Tunic decorations
dressed in ornate tunics and are wearing jewelry and crowned with halos. Theodosia wears a brown-black tunic with long decorated golden flowers and a red center. She has a brownish-orange scarf around her neck. The sleeve cuffs are embellished with stripes. A grayish-purple dalmatica with purple accents and contours bearing grayish-brown stripes on the sleeves is placed over the tunic. Her head, surrounded by a halo, is crowned with a diadem. She wears red and yellow shoes. Georgia, depicted in this mosaic, is dressed in a similar manner, she wears a purple dalmatica with grayish-brown stripes on the sleeves over her tunic. The figure is adorned with golden pendant earrings and gold bracelets (Figure 235).1459 In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, the throned Phaedra is clad in a dalmatica with broad, grayish-brown sleeves that are rolled up. The garment is decorated with wide clavi in brown-gray, dark brown, and orange-yellow imitating gold. The edges of the clavi are outlined in black. The figure is wearing bracelets and brown calcei and her hairstyle is similar to that of the female figure from the Dionysaic mosaic in Zippori (Figure 246).1460 The personification of fair weather (kalokairia) from Caesarea displayed in Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport terminal retains traces of a white dalmatica with broad, golden clavi(?) in a curve with the line of the fabric (Figure 231).1461
Bands of short, brownish-crimson clavi ending in segmenta roundels and with a small golden triangle in the center of the neckline (patagium) adorn the tunic of Virgo in the Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic.1462 Sukenik identifies the clavi and segmenta as ‘two round ornaments on bands over the chest’, from which it appears that he interpreted them as fibulae and not clavi.1463 Wortzman is of the opinion that the short clavi decoration ending in a tiny segmenta on the chests of the seasons and Virgo in the Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic was intended to emphasize the chest and breasts. This interpretation is puzzling, because the sages advocated that the contours of a woman’s body should be concealed to protect her modesty and prevent anyone from glimpsing her limbs. The Bible and the Talmudic sources contain prohibitions regarding the appearance of women in the nude and the exposure of their limbs in the public sphere, which dictated that women should cover their chest, arms, genitals, and legs.1464 These prohibitions stemmed from a fear that exposed body parts would awaken the desires of any men who happened to see
Smith 1873: 639; Sukenik 1932: 34–35, Plate 17, see: Note 1; Wilson 1938: 87; Barton 1961: 156; Ball 2008;124; Wortzman maintains that the tunic is sleeveless and that her exposed arms are decorated with bracelets, based on the color of the figure’s other limbs; see: Wortzman 2008: 16. 1463 Sukenik 1932: Plate 17, see: Note 1. 1464 Isaiah 47: 2; BT, Ketubot, 72a. 1462
Cimok 2001: 169, Figure 92. Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 155. 1461 Ariel Calendar 2009–2010: Ancient mosaics of Eretz Israel, Israel Antiquities Authority; Talgam 2014: 348, 349. 1459 1460
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them.1465 Wortzman also argues that the boy with a donkey in the Sacrifice of Isaac, whose tunic is embellished with clavi and two small segmentae, should be interpreted as portraying Sarah because according to the Midrash, Sarah was present at the sacrifice.1466 It is highly unlikely that Sarah would have been rendered in a short tunica manicata, since at the time even women laborers wore long tunics. This is obvious in the depiction of the woman pulling a rope in the Zippori mosaic (Figure 242), and in the scene of Sarah at the entrance to her house in the Basilica of San Vitale at Ravenna, where Abraham is offering food to the angels (Figure 151). It is worth emphasizing that this common decoration on men’s clothing sometimes hung to below the line of the chest, as on the boy with the donkey in the Beit Alpha mosaic. Clavi also appeared on women’s clothing at the time when the mosaic was made, as on the garment worn by the personification of the land in St George’s Church in Jordan (Figure 247).1467 It should be noted that artists used to widen the clavi adorning the clothes of rich women with color or gold.1468 The decorations shown on the seasons of the year in this mosaic, and particularly on the season of Tevet, may be interpreted as clavi resembling those on Virgo’s tunic. The lower part of the tunic is decorated with two redcrimson segmenta medallions with a gold center. Bands across the lower section form an ornamental motif, or they may indicate folds. The hemline of the tunic (institia) is embellished with a band of golden circles within crimson-gold stripes (Figure 38).
Figure 247. Personification of the land in St. George’s Church, Jordan. (after Piccirillo 1993: 179, Fig. 251, courtesy of SBF). Detail from Photo: Ilan Sharif.
patagium (Figure 231).1471 A wide black-and-white clavus outlined in black with a geometric motif adorns the tunic of the nursing woman from St Stephen’s Church at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa (Figure 237). Dalmatica embellished with clavi: Kalokairia is wearing a white dalmatica ornamented with golden clavi(?) with wide folds visible on its lower part (Figure 231). In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, the throned Phaedra is clothed in a dalmatica with wide grayish-brown sleeves that are rolled up. The garment is decorated with wide clavi in brown-gray, dark brown, and a gold-like orange-yellow. The edges of the clavi are outlined in black (Figures 16, 246).1472
Eta decorations: The seventh letter of the Greek alphabet, applied as an ornament on the chlamys worn by the elderly man and youth in the central arch and by the two groups of four beardless armed soldiers in the Huqoq mosaic.1469
Ornamental cuffs: Cuffs embellished with stripes are visible on the tunic of Silthus in the Kissufim church mosaic; the cuffs of the older woman in the same mosaic have pearl insets (Figure 232).1473 The long, fitted sleeves of kalokairia are embellished with gold. The neck opening is decorated with a gilt ribbon or gold necklace (?). Placed over this is a white dalmatica with broad, golden clavi (?) in a curve with the line of the fabric (Figure 231). The long sleeves of the ornate tunic worn by Virgo at the Beit Alpha synagogue are trimmed with gold and brown cuffs (Figure 38). Fragments of a whitish-beige long-sleeved tunic are on the upper torso of Semasia, the female portent of the Nile floods displayed in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori. The cuffs of the sleeves are embellished with crimson stripes. Two slits at the waist may indicate the remains of a belt or folds. The lower torso clearly had fitted, whitish-beige anklelength trousers outlined in purple. Above the serrated
Segmenta decorations: Two large brown and yellow segmentae with dark brown centers appear respectively in the lower third of the tunic decorated with a geometric and floral pattern worn by Theodosia in the Orpheus mosaic from the Damascus Gate burial chapel (Figure 235).1470 The personification of fair weather (kalokairia) from Caesarea is wearing a tunic with a gold
Satlow 1997: 440. Wortzman’s citation of pages 274–275 in Ginsburgh’s work, refers to a legend in which Sarah dressed her son in fine clothing and wept while she accompanied him. Satan came to torment her and told her that Abraham had sacrificed Isaac, at which Sarah cried, threw ashes on her head, and went to seek him in Hebron with her handmaidens. In another meeting with Satan, when he confessed that he had spoken falsely to her, she was so overcome with joy that she died. The legend contains nothing about her being present at the sacrifice. 1467 Piccirillo 1993: 179, Figure 251. 1468 Connor 2004: 53. 1469 Williams 2016: National Geographic , 09.2016, online; file: ///C: / Users/user/Downloads/JUDAICA_2-3_2017_Ovadiah_Pierri_Mosaic_ Panel_with_the_Warlike_Scenes1%20(1).pdf 1470 Maguire 1990: 218, Figure 16; Cimok 2001: 169, Figure 92. 1465 1466
Figueras 2003: 49–69. Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 155. 1473 Cohen 1979: 19–24; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004b: 130–132. 1471 1472
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Weaving in Stones hem of her trousers is a roundel or segmenta (?) (Figure 233).1474 Georgia wears a gray-purple dalmatica outlined and highlighted in purple and with sleeves decorated in brownish-gray stripes over her tunic in the Orpheus mosaic from Jerusalem.1475 Patagium, embellished neck opening: The neck opening of kalokairia’s tunic is decorated with gold ribbon or a gold necklace (?).1476 The season of Nissan in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue mosaic has a tunic with a boat-shaped neckline trimmed with a black zig-zag line.1477 The season of Tammuz in this mosaic is wearing a tunic with a black serrated outline (Figure 244).1478 Shoulder strips: Decorative strips that were sewn on and used as a fastening in place of a fibula (?) are visible on the shoulder of the personifications of the seasons of Tishrei (Autumn) and Nissan (Spring) in the Zippori synagogue. The shoulder is embellished with a striped rectangle, which may be a fastening made of stitched bands decorated with gemstones (Figure 245).1479
Talgam and Weiss 2002: 69. Cimok 2001: 169, Figure 92. 1476 Talgam 2014: 348, 349. 1477 Dunbabin 1999: 190. 1478 Dothan 1983: 43; Dunbabin 1992: 190; Ovadiah 2004a: 88. 1479 Kraeling detects a resemblance to the dress of Queen Esther’s servant girl in a wall painting at the Dura Europos synagogue, which she maintains is a chiton; Karling 1956: 160; Johns 1996: 28; Weiss and Netzer 1996: 243; Voight 2000: 242. 1474 1475
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Garments in Greek style The main distinguishing feature of Greek garments was that they were composed of a rectangular length of cloth arranged over the wearer. As the body moved, the resulting drapes made the garment appear to have slits. Weights attached to the lower hems made the fabric cascade in parallel vertical folds. Pins securing the upper section of the garment lay over the shoulders and there was sometimes a decorative band along the hem.
During and following the Roman period, mythological figures such as maenads, gods and goddesses were often shown in Greek clothing. The Amazons were variously depicted in a chiton or a peplos that was loosely shortened with a belt through which the fabric was pulled to form a kolpos, enabling them to engage in hunting, pursuit, and battle.1486 In the Late Archaic period, the use of the peplos decreased and it was used only in ritual contexts.1487
Peplos
The maenad in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède is clad in a long green sleeveless peplos pinned to the chest with a red and yellow brooch and fastened with two greenish-black fibulae covers the figure of. The gathered lower part of the garment is brown and its folds are outlined in dark brown. Since such items of clothing were usually of a single shade, the use of two shades probably expresses the mosaic artist’s desire to enrich the attire. A greenish-brown pallium billows back behind her (Figure 15).1488 In the same mosaic, the nurse is wearing a sleeveless peplos fastened above the waistline with a narrow, light blue sash, its kolpos giving the upper section the appearance of loose folds. The patagium probably consists of a black and lightblue hem. The visible part of the golden garment on the upper left is decorated with three rows of widening bands in light blue. The nearer they are to the shoulder, the narrower the bands become. The shortened rows in light orange imitating gold, loosely arranged across the lower section of the garment, give it a transparent appearance. It is hemmed with a black strip.1489
The mosaics of Eretz Israel contain two female figures clad in a Peplos. The Peplos, the name for a Doric-style tunic, was a women’s garment made of a relatively heavy, square piece of fabric. The style of gathering and belting the Peplos, so that the surplus fabric bloused in a kolpos below the chest, gave the garment a singular appearance, expressed in multiple layers of cloth and in the flowing, waterfall-like folds.1480 This item of women’s clothing, which was not used as everyday wear, consisted of a large, two-layer rectangle of fabric draped around the body with the arms outstretched from elbow to elbow. The cloth, which was longer than the measurement between the wearer’s shoulder and feet, was gathered under the left arm so that the folds cascaded down. The peplos was fastened with a pin over each shoulder and belted once or twice around the waist or beneath the bosom. Three stages can be discerned in the design of the Peplos, from a wide style that was open at the sides to a style with narrower side seams and finally to a style in which the folded-over cloth was lengthened as far as the hips.1481 This garment, which was used for rituals, appeared in various works of art as a symbolic reference to the Greek tradition and especially, in the context of gender, as an expression of women’s morality and modesty.1482 The Greek poet Pindar, mentioned the peplos in his writing in the 6th–5th centuries BC.1483 A mid-5th-century BC bronze statue of the river god clad in a peplos from the Island of Euboia, in central Greece, is the only example in Greek art of a man wearing this draped garment, which epitomizes submission and self-restrain.1484 Hippolytus wore a peplos in the plays of Sophocles and Euripides.1485
Chiton The chiton, which was a basic item of clothing, appeared in two forms: The Greek chiton, whose two long sleeve sections were fastened with a number of pins, and the sleeveless Doric chiton. Herodotus maintained that the Doric style was Greek, since the Hellenistic style was adopted by the Greek inhabitants of Asia and distinguished them from their foreign neighbors. Over time, the two types merged to become a single style. Various items of clothing that were adopted from Phrygia and Asia Minor appear in vase paintings. Worn by both men and women, the chiton was a recognizably ‘Greek-style’ tunic.1490 It was either a rectangular length
Houston 1947: 38–45; Bradley 1954: 62; Wilcox 1958: 12; Köhler 1963: 93–109; Lerroux 1963: 382–386; Cleland et al.2007: 49; Bertero and Sagis 2009: 13–17. 1481 Cleland et al. 2007: 142–143; Bertero and Sagis 2009: 13. 1482 Cleland et al. 2007: 142–143; Bertero and Sagis 2009: 13. 1483 Pindar: 8, Poem 9, line 120. 1484 Lee 2006: 317–318, Figure 1. 1485 Lee 2006: 321–322. 1480
Bothmer 1957: 3. Zinserling 1972: 42–43. 1488 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168, Figure 7. 1489 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 161. 1490 Houston 1947: 38–67; Bertero and Sagis 2009: 16–17. 1486 1487
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Figure 248. The Goddess of the Land and the seasons of the year in the mosaic at Beit Guvrin, 2nd–3rd centuries AD (photo courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. Mandatory Scientific Archive Files 31, 32, Beit Guvrin).
garment. The sash above the chest formed a kolpos with the surplus fabric.1491 The Amazons were portrayed either in a short chiton or in a long version bloused over the waist belt to form a kolpos.
of cloth draped around the body and sewn up the open side, or two lengths joined with buttons or pins over one or two shoulders or attached with multiple pins along the shoulders and arms. This method of fastening left gaps that emphasized the sensual aspects of the female body. The sleeves of the Greek chiton were created by the belt, which was crossed at the front or back of the
Figures clothed in chitons often wear a variety of ornaments. This is especially evident during the Roman
Figure 249. Dancing Amazons in the Nile House, Sepphoris (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Ovedc, https: //commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sepphoris_ovedc_8.jpg, CC-BY 3.0). 1491
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Barker 1922: 410–429; Kühnel 1992: 47–51.
Garments in Greek style
period in the mosaics from Antioch. Adopted by women from the elite in Roman and Greek centers, the chiton was common throughout the region at the time and can therefore be considered a ‘cosmopolitan’ garment.
A Chiton with Sleeves: In the mosaics from Eretz Israel, one figure is depicted in a long-sleeved chiton. The personification of Spring portrayed in the ElMarakesh mosaic and identified by the inscription is clad in a long-sleeved blue-and-white chiton. The folds, highlighted with stripes that make the fabric appear soft, are fastened at the waist with a pink ribbon. Vincent states that the sleeve cuffs are highlighted with two embroidered bands.
Sleeveless Chitons Whose Length Cannot be Determined: Among the mosaics found in Eretz Israel, two women clothed in a sleeveless chiton of indeterminate length date from between the mid-4th and the early 6th century.
The number of female figures dressed in various basic items of clothing totals forty-six.
Medallions in the El-Marakesh mosaic at Beit Guvrin show female figures dressed in a chiton: The earth goddess Gaia, identified by the Greek inscription ‘ΗΓ’, wears a pleated sleeveless chiton gathered with a sash and fastened at the shoulder with two fibulae; the neckline is embellished with a decorative band or necklace and she may have a transparent veil draped behind her neck (Figure 248). The personification of Summer in the same mosaic is clothed in a sleeveless chiton with diagonal stripes or folds (?) gathered to the center of the body and fastened with a sash. The neck opening is finished with a decorative hem or necklace (Figure 248).1492 Because of the figures’ status, the garments would probably have been long. Short Sleeveless Chitons: Mid-4th to early 6th-century mosaics from the region depict four women dressed in a short, sleeveless chiton. A gray-and-black striped chiton bearing fragments of a shoulder-strap covers the upper torso of the Amazon on horseback on the left side of the entrance to the ‘Nile House’ hall in Zippori. The lower section of the chiton is embellished with a tabula in black, red and yellow. A pleated pink pallium with crimson stripes and a blueand-pink striped lining swirls over the hand grasping an arrow. She wears a red Phrygian cap and calcei- or endromides-style boots with black laces (Figure 92).1493 Two dancing Amazons preserved intact and the threesome whose clothing has only partially survived in the ‘Nile House’ are clothed in a short, sleeveless chiton (chitōniskos) folded and fastened over the left shoulder with a short strap. They have Phrygian caps and ankle-length calcei with black laces. The full fabric leaves the left breasts exposed and emphasizes their swirling clothing as they dance (Figure 249).1494
It is assumed that the letters ςoρ appeared on the other side of the head. see: Vincent 1922: 264. 1493 Weiss and Netzer 1994: 51. 1494 Bieber 1928: 16, Abb. 22; Weiss and Talgam 1995: 77–80. 1492
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Items of clothing covering the lower torso Trousers
palla, two are dressed only in a palla, two are wrapped in a himation, two have a pallium, and one is clothed only in a pallium. One figure is shown in a paenula with a cucullus.
In the ‘Nile House’, the personification of Semasia, the female portent of the Nile floods, is clothed in whitishbeige ankle-length trousers finished with purple zigzag lines. The trousers are embellished with a roundel or segmenta motif (?) near the serrated hem. The hand grasping the torch is ornamented with either bracelets or the cuffs of a garment that is now indistinguishable because of the mosaic’s state of preservation (Figure 233).1495
The commonest garments are clearly the various tunics and the palla. After the mid-4th century, female figures appear in sleeveless tunics or with their arms covered by a kind of sleeve formed by the surplus cloth of T-shaped tunics. Those in short-sleeved garments usually wear armlets and bracelets.
Summary
Out of all the female figures depicted, three are ʽfleshand-blood’ women: The donor of coins from Kissufim, the nursing woman in the mosaic at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa (Figures 237), and the woman pulling on a rope in the mosaic at Zippori (Figure 242). The remainder are mythological figures, personifications, or goddesses.
A total of sixty-three women are depicted in a range of clothing on the mosaics of Eretz Israel. Of these, fifty-six are clothed in different kinds of tunics, peploi, or chitons, one is wearing trousers, twenty-three are draped in a
1495
Weiss and Netzer 1994: 48.
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Chapter 18
Overgarments
Figure 250. Personification of the Nile, ‘Nile House’ at Zippori (photo: Zeev Radovan).
of personifications. In hot weather, women preferred to replace the pallium with narrow, light scarves.1498 In the mosaics of Eretz Israel the overgarments are either thick and heavy, as in the case of the Tyche from Beit She’an (Figure 234), or fine and light like the transparent pallium of the personification of Egypt in the ‘Nile House’ (Figure 250).1499 Overgarments were embellished in gold and silver. Pliny noted that the Emperor Claudius’s wife Agrippina wore an overgarment of gold fabric and noted that gold threads used to be woven into the cloth.1500 The combination of the long basic item of clothing with the overgarment and the fact that they were often made of different fabrics that rubbed together meant that women had to use extra precaution when walking. To move with ease, therefore, women would belt up their dress or lift the hem and measure their gait accordingly.1501
The correct attire for women appearing in public in Late Antiquity included an overgarment made of wool, cotton, linen, or silk.1496 Attributed to women living in the Greek world, the himation consisted of a rectangular length of cloth placed over the left shoulder and gathered around the body. Horace wrote that Roman matrons should wrap themselves in a ‘casing coat’, which the translator Birnbaum identifies as a palla.1497 The overgarment often concealed the head, one shoulder and the arms so that it was impossible to tell whether the figure was wearing a sleeved or sleeveless undergarment and whether she had head, neck, or arm ornaments. In several instances, particularly when depicting goddesses or working women, the overgarment concealed the head and one of the shoulders, hanging over the lower torso and hiding the thighs and thus enabling the body to move more freely. Sometimes, the overgarment covered both shoulders and was gathered in the front, as on the busts 1496 1497
Wilson 1938: 149. Talgam and Weiss 2002: 61 1500 Pliny: XXXIII. XIX.62–63. 1501 Harlow 2013: 232. 1498 1499
Voight 2000: 262. Horace: 12.94–99.
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Figure 251. Personification of the Goddess of the Land in a Roman mosaic from Mount Zion (photo credited to Dr Yehuda Dagan).
in
in a gray himation made of a rectangular length of cloth, flung over the left shoulder and draped over the right, leaving the right hand free and crossing back to the left side. Her head is covered with a scarf.
The Greek-style himation consisted of a rectangular length of fabric placed on the left shoulder and over the body. It could be worn with or without a chiton. Two women depicted in mosaics in Eretz Israel are clothed in a himation. The personification of Spring portrayed in the El-Marakesh mosaic at Beit Guvrin is wrapped in a himation made of a rectangular length of red-andpink cloth, flung over the left shoulder and draped over the right, leaving the right hand free and crossing back to the left side. Her right hand rests on the himation. A transparent light-blue veil falls behind her head toward her shoulder (Figure 248).1502 The personification of Winter holding ducks portrayed in this mosaic is clad
A himation made of a rectangular length of red and pink cloth flung over the left shoulder and draped over the right leaves the right hand free and crosses back over to the left side. The figure’s right hand rests on the himation. A transparent light-blue veil falls behind her head toward her shoulder (Figure 248).1503
Twenty-seven female figures are draped overgarments in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. Himation
Palla The palla was a large rectangular robe made in a range of sizes, colors, and fabrics and used by women in the Roman and Byzantine periods that covered the head All the colors mentioned here are described by Vincent, who notes that they are embroidered. His photographs are in black and white and many of them are now missing. Vincent, 1922: 262 ff.
1503
The letters ςoρ presumably appeared on the other side of the head. See: Vincent 1922: 264.
1502
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and the body from the shoulders to the knee or the ankle. 1504 This overgarment, which protected its wearer from bad weather and could be used as a blanket for sleeping, became an essential item of clothing for every decent, modest woman. The arms were placed on the overgarment in such a way as to keep the body outlines hidden from view as the woman moved and walked.1505 There were several ways of draping the palla around the body. The hem could be thrown over the left shoulder, falling to the feet and passing across the back to the right side of the body. The head could be covered by pulling up the top hem of the fabric. The wearer held the rectangular palla in front of the body, passing its ends over her arms and draping it around her or placing it over her head and tying it with a loose knot.1506 Gallic, British, and Germanic women adapted the style according to the weather. In hot weather, the palla covered the back and shoulders and its edges were tucked between the arms.1507 There is some disagreement in the research about how the palla was fastened. According to one version, it was pinned with a fibula leaving the hands free. Others clarify that its hem was held in one hand.1508 Varro mentioned the palla as an overgarment and noted its crimson edges, known as circumtextum (woven all around).
fragments of a figure interpreted as Sarah, her brown hair peeking out from beneath a palla whose large folds form a head covering. On the left side one can discern traces of her cloak, highlighted with a row of white tesserae.1514 The Zippori synagogue’s personification of the season of Tevet has a brown-and-gray palla over her head with loose, concave gray-and-white folds outlined in black falling from the head to the shoulders and chest (Figure 245). In the Dionysiac mosaic at Zippori, several female figures in different scenes are wrapped in a palla. In the washing of the infant Dionysus scene, the woman seated kneeling is swathed in a blue palla over a yellow tunic. The woman wearing a blue tunic and holding a length of blue fabric (either a towel or a palla) is wrapped in a red palla. The maenad in the same scene is clothed in a gray-blue palla (Figure 7).1515 A golden palla covers the body of the young girl supporting Dionysus with both hands in the scene showing his education by the nymph Nysa at Zippori;1516 the figure standing in front of him is wrapped in a gray palla.1517 A full, yellow palla covers the body of the maenad standing to the left of the shepherd in the scene of the shepherds in the same mosaic (Figures 27, 28).1518 The woman carrying the duck in the Dionysian procession is dressed in a blue palla (Figure 67).1519 In the wedding scene, Ariadne is wearing a yellow palla (Figure 239).1520 The maenad in this scene has a gold palla decorated with four diagonal white stripes that highlight the garment’s sheen.1521 The three maenads participating in the wedding scene are clothed in wide, crimson-red pallae.1522 The drumming maenad in the procession of the gift bearers and the one bringing up the rear of the procession are swathed in a wide yellow palla. Traces of a female figure, the second from the right on the south side of the Dionysiac procession, bear signs of a yellowish brown palla.1523 Tyche, the goddess of the city of Beit She’an portrayed on a mosaic located in the sigma complex, is draped in an elegant palla fastened with a fibula. The dark outlines of the pleats emphasize the garment’s bulk (Figure 234).1524 The moon goddess in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary is draped in a palla made of gray and white striped fabric gathered at the shoulder. On her head is a crescent composed of parallel black, gray and white curves (Figure 1).1525 The early 4th-century personification of the season of Tevet in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue is clothed in a white, light-blue and green palla that has black lines along the folds and at the sides (Figure 244).1526 In the mosaic from
Women would wrap one end of the palla over the left shoulder, passing it behind the back or beneath the right arm, and throw one part to the back over the left shoulder and arm with the second part folded over it to produce a double layer of cloth.1509 A shorter version of the overgarment was called mavors.1510 The embodiment of Virgo in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue has a gray, light-blue and white palla over her left shoulder. The palla falls around her back and upper torso and is draped around her head and right hand.1511 An earth goddess portrayed in a mosaic medallion from a Roman house southwest of the Church of Saint Peter in Gallicantu on Mount Zion in Jerusalem bears traces of a red palla. She is wearing a brownish-yellow crown, in the center of which are three arched gates (Figure 251).1512 The personification of the season of Tevet in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue is clothed in a palla in shades of white, light-brown and green highlighted with black folds and outlines, in keeping with the cold seasonal weather. Her gold pendant earrings are set with a square gemstone and a palla is draped over her head (Figure 244).1513 The Zippori synagogue mosaic contains
Weiss 2005: 154–155, Figures 94–96. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 57, Figure 43. 1516 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 59, Figure 44. 1517 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 59,60, Figure 45. 1518 Goldman 2001: 102,6.1.v; Talgam and Weiss 2004: 67, 68, Figure 50. 1519 Talgam and Weiss 2004: Plate VIII, a. 1520 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 61, Figure 46. 1521 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 61, Figure 61, Plate IV, b. 1522 Talgam and Weiss 2004: Plate 69, 70, Figure 50, VI, b. 1523 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 77, Figure 62, VIII, a. 1524 Mazor 1988: 10. 1525 Avigdori 1986: 39–40. 1526 Roussin 1988: 419. 1514 1515
Kühnel 1992: 184–185; Potthoff 1992: 146–151; Harlow 2013: 230. Smith 1873: 851; Green 1966: 111, 51, Croom 2002: 89. Harlow 2004b: 205. 1507 Wild 1985: 388–392. 1508 Scharf 1994: 90–104; Olson 2008: 33. 1509 Varro: V.131–135. 1510 Challamel 1882: 14. 1511 Foerster 1986: 385. 1512 Avner 1995: -2521.57; Piccirillo and Alliata 1992: 57. 1513 Dothan 1983: 44. 1504 1505 1506
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Figure 252. A maenad and a satyr in the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, 5th–6th centuries AD (photo courtesy of Prof. Asher Ovadiah).
Paenula/cucullus
the burial chapel at Damascus Gate, Georgia is wrapped in a reddish-orange palla with beige outlines and highlights over her shoulder and down her back (Figure 235).1527
The paenula was a kind of sleeveless cape that protected the wearer from weather hazards. Another version of the paenula was a short woolen cloak used in cold weather, which included a joined or separate headcovering in the form of a hood (a cucullus or byrrus) and is attributed to the Gallo-Romans and the Irish Celts.1531 Justinian’s Digest codex of laws notes that although it was initially regarded as female apparel, men were also permitted to wear it.1532 The cucullus was a short overgarment that covered the shoulders and reached the waist and, like the paenula, it was made of a stiff, heavy fabric or leather. A kind of pointed hood was sewn onto the cucullus.1533
In mosaics of Eretz Israel from synagogues, churches and private homes, the twenty-three female figures portrayed wearing a palla have been dated to the 4th– 6th centuries. Pallium The pallium was an overgarment draped around the body that could also be worn without a fibula. Wealthy Gallo-Roman women wore a golden pallium.1528 Two (?) figures clothed in a pallium occur in 4th–6th-century mosaics in private homes. A green-and-brown pallium embellished with a gold stripe on its lower part falls from the left arm of the maenad displayed on the upper part of the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (Figure 252).1529 The personification of Egypt from the ‘Nile House’ has a transparent pallium over her lower torso (Figure 250).1530
The personification of Winter in the El-Marakesh mosaic is clothed in a paenula or cucullus and portrayed with the season’s distinctive attributes, ducks and an amphora spouting water, but without an inscription.1534
Maguire 1990: 218, Figure 16; Cimok 2001: 169, Figure 92. Challamel 1882: 15. 1529 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 148, Figure 2. 1530 Talgam and Weiss 2002: 61.
Challmel 1882: 15. Justinianus D.: 34.2.23.2. 1533 Loudon Macqueen 1914: 8; Brummell-Beau 1932: 43. 1534 Maguire 1978: 36–40; Maguire 1999b: 181–185, No. 26.
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Part IV Women’s clothing: the iconographic context
Chapter 19
Nursing women
Figure 253. Nursing Madonna in a mural in the catacomb of Priscilla in Rome, 3rd century AD (Ferrua 1991: 22, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
The portrayal of the nursing woman in the church mosaic at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa is an example of an artistic theme that was common in antiquity and Late Antiquity in the Mediterranean region. The subject was rendered in various artistic media, on reliefs, statuettes, burial stones, textiles, and on two mosaic pavements. In one of these, in the Great Palace in Istanbul, the nursing woman is seated on a chair. In the other, in the church mosaic at Be’er Shemʻa, she is sitting on the ground and wearing a sleeveless tunic, a hat, and gilt jewels (Figure 237). The figure of the child nurturer in Ancient Greece was based on the Kourotrophos (child bearer),1535 as seen in Hellenistic art, in 2nd- and 3rdcentury BC Egyptian cult figures showing the goddess Isis nursing Horus holding her son in one hand and her breast in the other, and the figure of the nursing Virgin Mary, derived from the mother-goddesses worshiped in the pagan world.1536 The subject reflected the timeless
desire of women to conceive, give birth and raise children, expressed in different places and by diverse visual means.1537 Terracotta pottery figurines have been found at Maresha and Dor whose design, dress, hairstyle and head coverings are Hellenistic in style. This type is characteristic of depictions of goddesses with their infants, such as Aphrodite, Demeter, Isis, etc.1538 A statuette of a nursing woman from Maresha dates from between the early Hellenistic period and the 2nd century BC. Adorned with earrings and with her left breast exposed, the figure is clothed in a pleated chiton beneath a himation, which covers her head and reveals her hair fastened with a ribbon. She is sitting on a diphros stool and the folds of the lower part of her garment follow her seated pose.1539 Women holding a baby or breastfeeding were a common theme in 12; Belting 1994: 33, 39, Figure 7. 1537 Erlich and Kloner 2008: 18–21. 1538 Erlich and Kloner 2008: 18; Erlich 1996: 1. 1539 Erlich 1996: 27; Erlich and Kloner 2008: 19–21, Plate 7, No. 30; breastfeeding figurines of this type have been found at several sites in Israel, as at Tel Yoqneʼam and Tel Keisan.
Price 1978: 1–3; Erlich and Kloner 2008: 18. Lasreff 1938: 29; Tran Tam Tinh 1973: 24, 28 ,40–49, Plate LXXIV, Figures 192, 193; Kenaan-Kedar 1998: 18–29; Capponi 2011: 69, Figure
1535 1536
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Figure 254. Nursing Madonna in a mural in the catacomb of Priscilla, 3rd century AD (Ferrua 1991: 23, courtesy of Carlo dell’Osso, the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology).
reliefs and clay figurines throughout Italy in the 5th century BC.1540 An Early Archaic figurine from Sicily shows a naked woman with black and red makeup and a brimmed hat, she is sitting on the ground with her legs outstretched and gazing ahead with the baby lying across her.1541 In the mosaic at Be’er Shemʻa, the nurse is wearing a long, sleeveless tunic and a hat. She is not looking at her son either, but holds him in her arms (Figure 237). Similar poses in which the gaze is directed away from the child are evident in the wall painting in Priscilla’s catacomb and in an icon showing Mary holding her son at the Monastery of Santa Catherina in Sinai (Figures 253–255). A 1st-century BC clay figurine whose lower part is missing shows the nursing Isis wearing a peplos fastened to the body with two fibulae. The garments and its Figure 255. Icon of Mary, Christ and saints from Sinai, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: McLeod https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mary%26 Child Icon_Sinai 6th century.jpg, Public Domain).
1540 1541
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Bonfante 1989: 56; Rawson 2003: 22. Price 1978: 20, Figure 7.
Weaving in Stones are clearly visible.1546 Mary appears to be dressed in a simple, undecorated garment and has a scarf over her head. Beside her is a male figure pointing at a shining star through the branches of a flowering tree. Scholars assume that the figure represents Balaam prophesying the Messiah’s coming, described in the Book of Numbers 24: 17, ‘A star shall come forth from Jacob, and a scepter shall rise from Israel’. According to Christian interpretation, the scene represents the infant Jesus (the Messiah) and the nursing Maria, whose head is covered with a scarf. It illustrates the early Christian concept of the Maria and shows how the iconographic image of her with a covered head emerged (Figure 254).1547 In another mural in this catacomb, the nursing Maria is depicted sitting on a chair; she has a longsleeved tunic or long dalmatica decorated with clavi and a neck ornament consisting of a number of strings of beads. Lazreff identifies the figure as a galaktotrophousatype of Maria nursing Jesus. He interprets the fact that she is gazing directly at the viewer as an example of the artistic freedom that existed before the Christian religion was fully consolidated and artists became bound by restrictions and conventions (Figure 253).1548 A 3rd–5th-century marble burial stone from Medinet el-Fayum displayed in the National Museum in Berlin shows a mother nursing her son, seated on a magnificent throne between two crosses and dressed in a paenula (?) that covers part of her arm. The long tunic falls over her knees to her ankles. The way in which the fabric is draped creates folds. The figure is attributed to Maria, although scholars cannot determine whether the crosses appeared in the original work or were a later addition.1549
Figure 256. Isis nursing Harpocrates, fresco from house in Karanis, 4th century AD (photo credited to user: A. Parrot, Kelsey Museum of Archaeology, through Wikipedia. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: KM4.2990 isis.gif, Public Domain).
folds suggest a classical influence. A himation over her shoulders is tied between her breasts, leaving the left breast exposed. The head of the infant in her right arm is turned to one side. She is wearing a pointed Phrygian cap (?). The mother is lifting her breast and offering it to her son, who is clothed in a long garment.1542 The exposed breast was a symbol of strength and protection. In his Germania, Tacitus referred to the exposed breast and the importance of milk.1543 The infant gazing at the viewer resembles the nursing infant in the Be’er Shemʻa mosaic. Two figurines of Isis lactans (nursing Isis) were found in a hoard recovered from archaeological excavations at Ashkelon and dated to the 4h century BC.1544 Wall paintings dated to the 4th century from Karanis in Egypt, exhibited in Room E in a local building, portray Isis lactans clothed in a sleeveless gray garment with narrow shoulder straps fastened with a fibula; she is wearing a collar made of brown and black beads, armlets, a bracelet, and a ring (?). The baby has a tunic, a torc-like amulet around his neck, a bracelet on his arm, and calcei-type shoes (Figure 256).1545
A unique portrayal of a nursing mother on a mosaic floor appears in the Great Palace of Istanbul, dated to the 6th century. The mosaic contains fragments of the image of a nursing woman seated in profile on a wooden chair. The fingers of her surviving hand hold the head of the baby in her lap near her breast. The figure is clothed in a grayish- blue striped garment that reveals her left leg. The ravages of time make it impossible to determine what kind of clothing it is (Figure 257).1550 A relief on a 5th–6th-century Sasanian silver and gilt vessel shows a bare-breasted nursing woman clothed in a tunic with long sleeves and a palla.1551 A 3rd-century coin from Beit She’an bears the figure of Nysa depicted as Tyche, the goddess of the city, with a walled crown sitting on a throne and nursing Dionysus. It is impossible to determine whether she is wearing a sleeved or a
The earliest depiction of the nursing Maria appears on a mural in the catacomb of Priscilla in Rome, where she is seated on the ground and averting her gaze from the child in her lap. The painting’s state of preservation does not enable us to determine what the mother and child wore, but the naked breast and the baby who has just finished suckling and is looking at the viewer
Lasreff 1938: 27. Numbers 24: 17; Osenga 2009: 6 1548 Lazreff 1938: 27–28; Ferrua 1991: 23. 1549 Elbern 1978: Figure 5; Israeli and Mevorach 2000: 152–153; Staatliche Museum (1.4726). 5. 1550 Cimok 2001: 17, Figure 11; (photo credited to Helen Milles, [email protected]). 1551 Gunter and Jett 1992: 40; the vessel is in the Freer Gallery collection. 1546 1547
Tran Tan Tinh 1981–2009: V, I, 777; V, II, Figures 227–236. Tacitus, His.: 8.1. 1544 Iliffe 1936: 61, 66. 1545 Tran Tam Tinh 1973: 33, 72–73, Plate XXXI, Figure 48. 1542 1543
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sleeveless tunic.1552 In early Byzantine art, women were shown with exposed breasts even though it was customary at the time to clothe the entire body from head to toe. Early Christian art contains iconographic examples of Eve with exposed breasts like that on the sarcophagus of the 4th-century Junius Bassus, where she is concealing her chest (Figure 258),1553 or that on a 5th-century mosaic section from Maaut El-Na’aman church in northern Syria displayed in the Cleveland Museum of Art, where Eve is depicted with a fig leaf and her nipples are visible. The exposed breast and nipple expressed typological motherhood reminiscent of the iconography of the nursing Maria lactans or Maria Galaktotrophousa.1554 A mural in a late 5th–early 6th-century Coptic church at the Red Monastery on the edge of the Egyptian desert portrays the Maria holding a breast in her hand. Her haloed head is draped in a maphorion (head covering) and turned aside. She is clothed in a full, brown tunic whose cuffs are embellished, as is the hem of her pallium.1555 In a 4th– 5th-century statuette of a nursing woman found at Beit She’an and exhibited in the Israel Museum, part of the mother’s upper torso is exposed and part is draped in an overgarment (?) with a flared hem; her legs are covered by a transparent fabric (?). Weizmann is undecided as to whether the figure represents Isis or a Maria lactans.1556
Figure 257. Nursing woman, the Great Palace, Istanbul (photo credited to Helen Milles, helenmilesmosaics@ gmail.c).
A nursing woman sitting on the ground with her bare legs crossed appears on a 5th–6th-century woolen Coptic segmenta from Antinopolis in the Brooklyn Museum Collection. The woman is clothed in a shortsleeved tunic whose sleeves are decorated with red clavi. She is wearing a turban-like (?) head covering with a rolled-up brim. Her gaze is directed to one side, away from the infant.1557 This portrayal is reminiscent of the nursing woman in the Be’er Shemʻa mosaic who is sitting on the ground in a similar pose with the brim of her hat rolled up, draped only in a wide tunic embellished with clavi and with an exposed bare foot. The absence of footwear may be related to the local climate, or it may be the artist’s way of emphasizing her inferior status. In contrast to the plain nurse displayed on the orbiculi, the figure in the Be’er Shemʻa church is adorned with a necklace, two golden armlets, and gold pendant earrings. The location and pose of the nursing figure in a mosaic are significant indicators as to the impression made on the faithful as they entered the church. The Be’er
Figure 258. Sarcophagus of Julius Bassus, Adam and Eve (detail) (photo credited to Wikipedia user: MiguelHermoso, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Copia_del_ sarc%C3%B3fago_de_Junio_Basso_02. JPG, CC BY-3.0).
Meshorer 1985: 42, 110. Weizmann 1979: 427–429(386). http://www.davidrumsey.com/amica/amico10100341-36212. html 1555 Bolman 2007: 263–264, Figure 3. 1556 Weizmann 1979: 189 (167). 1557 Rutschowscaya 1990: 5; Fildes 1986: Plate104; Inv. 44.143; Weizmann 1979: 227(250). Regarded as a head covering for both men and women, this was common in the 10th century in Cappadocia where it appears on wall paintings; see: Condra 2008: 269. 1552 1553 1554
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Weaving in Stones Shemʻa mosaic contains animals and six male figures in intertwined medallions. The nursing mother and her son, placed in a prominent position in the central nave mosaic’s second row, attract the viewer’s eye immediately on entering the building because of the direct gaze of the mother and child, who has paused suckling with his mother’s nipple still in his mouth. The artist may have used the facial expressions in the scene to express emotions such as vulnerability or alarm. Through the ‘hypnotizing gaze’, the artist ‘freezes’ the viewer as an onlooker who must try to determine the hidden presence that has caused the disturbance (Figure237).1558
(nutrices) was a poor but honest freed women.1562 In his study of the images of servants and slaves in ancient Greece, Wrenhaven describes the wet nurses on funerary stones and notes that their attire included a long-sleeved chiton and a scarf (sakkos) that covered their heads.1563 Lower-class women only hired a wet nurse if they were incapable of breastfeeding and the child was usually taken from the parent’s home to live with the wet nurse. Children born into the aristocracy were looked after by wet nurses in their quarters.1564 According to Gruber, studies have shown that the wet nurse carried the infant with her wherever she went; at night he would sleep beside her and he would be fed on demand during the day.1565 Tacitus wrote that formerly, modest women would care for their own children and that in his day young servants would rock the cradle and tell the babies stories.1566 The fact that poor women nursed their own babies and wealthy women were able to hire a wet nurse was cited in a 4th-century sermon by Chrysostom, who noted that servants who gave birth had to return to work shortly afterwards.1567 Constantine the Great, referring to the laws of marriage, paid little attention to the status of mistresses, perhaps because he himself was the son of a mistress and he regarded them, as well as sexual relations with slaves, as a common and accepted social practice.1568 Part of his discussion of the subject is quoted in the Code of Justinian. Augustine lived for thirteen years with a maidservant who had a son by him before marrying the woman his parents had betrothed him to, emphasizing just how widespread a practice it was.1569 Salvian the Presbyter, who was born in Trier and lived in Gaulin in the 5th century, spoke out against keeping mistresses.1570 In Late Antiquity, the relationship between mistresses and maids and the upper class was redefined due to the prevalence of the phenomenon.1571 It is worth mentioning that according to Roman law, a man could have a number of mistresses, whether they belonged to the slave class or were free women.1572
The discrepancy between her bared leg and her ornaments prompts questions about her status. Nursing women in this period could be mothers, mistresses, or servants. Because of the location of the figure in this mosaic, the inconsistencies in her clothing, and her loose sleeveless tunic ornamented with clavi, I shall attempt to examine her dress and jewelry with the aid of contemporary literature and additional artworks. I shall also expand on the social status of nursing women and try to determine the role of the figure in this mosaic while identifying her social status (whether she is the biological mother, a hired wet nurse, or a mistress) in an attempt to understand the discrepancy between her ornaments, her clothing, and the fact that she is barefoot.1559 There is no proof as to whether the woman in the Be’er Shem’a mosaic is a wet nurse, the biological mother, or a mistress who has received the ornaments as a gift. Meyer, who claims the artist working in the church used the set model of a wet nurse, interprets the lack of footwear, the garment and her hat as indications of her low status. However, she ignores the gold jewelry she is wearing and the fact that her hat had returned to fashion at the time, as is evident from the fact that it is worn by Theodora’s retinue in the Basilica of San Vitale mosaic in Ravenna.1560 Considering the rural location where the church was erected by an affluent community, Meyer also remarks that the figure may be identified as a wet nurse,1561 although this does not explain the presence of her numerous gold ornaments. The question of whether this is indeed the biological mother, a hired wet nurse, a mistress or a servant remains unanswered.
The philosopher Favorinus advised a senator that babies should be nursed by their biological mothers, basing his opinion on the shared consensus between doctors and philosophers.1573 According to Nathan, the practice of hiring wet nurses decreased after the 5th Treggiari 1976: 88. Wrenhaven 2012: 103. 1564 Shumka 2008: 174. 1565 Gruber 1989: 65. 1566 Tacitus, Dialogue on Orator, 28; Germania 20; Joshel 1986: 3–22. 1567 John Chrysostom, Exp. in Psal., PG 55, Hom., L, cols. 572–576. 1568 Evans Grubbs 1995: 206. 1569 Augustine: 4.2. 1570 Salvian The Presbyter: The Gov. IV, 5. 1571 Justinianus: CJ 5.26.1, (14 July 326); Justinianus: D., 25.7;50.16.144; Beaucamp 1990–1992: I, 172–173; Arjava 1996: 205–210; Evans Grubbs 1995: 294–300. 1572 Saller 1987: 73–79; Nathan 2000: 128–130. For status symbols in Roman society and infants, see: Gardner 1986: 1–14. 1573 Roussell 1996: 273; Swain 2013: 374–375. 1562 1563
Both ancient literature and modern scholars have addressed the dress, status and duties of a hired wet nurse. In the ancient Greek world, a hired wet nurse 1558 Kenaan 2008: Figure 12 ;18–29; from the chapters on Levinas and Husserl, 84–85; Levinas and Sartre, 100–103; 122–125; Olin 2003: 325. 1559 Condra 2008: 128. 1560 Meyer 2009: 128–129. 1561 Ball 2008: 129; Meyer 2009: 128–129.
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century, influenced by a plea from Church Fathers such as St Augustine and Ambrose for mothers to be more involved in raising their children.1574
The tension created between the garment’s appearance, the hat whose style has returned to fashion (evident from 4th- and 6th-century artworks) the bare feet and the gold jewelry may attest to the artist’s or patron’s desire to beautify the figure and the mosaic. The artist may have used the long tunic tucked between the nurse’s legs to conceal her intimate parts and portray her as a modest woman in clothing befitting the sacred place in which she is sitting. Alternatively, the gathers of the fabric may indicate defiance.
The portrayal of the wet nurse in the church mosaic dressed in a single sleeveless garment with her bare foot exposing her toes, but adorned with gold earrings and other jewelry, is at odds with the dress code advocated by the Church’s ‘moral guardians’. In the 4th-century, Athanasius of Alexandria advised on the appropriate clothing for women with high moral and religious values, dictating that a woman should wear a modest garment that would cover her arms as far as the fingers; while praying, she should wear shoes and keep her legs out of sight.1575 Another nursing woman with bare feet is shown on a decorative segmenta displayed in the Berlin Museum.1576 Clement of Alexandria wrote about women with bare feet, stating that although the sight of bare feet was immodest, it was advisable to walk without footwear since it reflected the natural shape of women’s delicate feet.1577
Artistic portrayals of nursing women show them clothed in a chiton or ankle-length tunic and overgarments. Some nurses wore head coverings. The dress of the wet nurse at Horbat Be’er Shem’a, and particularly her jewelry, continue to arouse curiosity about her identity, her status, and at whom or what her gaze is aimed. Whatever its interpretation, this depiction of a wet nurse on a mosaic pavement in a church is extremely rare.
Other questions raised regarding the character’s status are: Is her depiction in the church linked to a healing prayer or blessing? If so, it resembles the case of a rich man’s son brought by his wet nurse to a holy site in the town of Olba, where Saint Thecla was, to heal his injured eye.1578 Is she the biological mother who has come with her own child, or an estate owner? Papyri discovered in Egypt in Late Antiquity show that many women owned estates, including farms and servants. Were this the case, it would explain the presence of her jewelry. The fact that she is depicted in only one layer of clothing can be explained by the region’s hot climate.1579 Ornaments given to servants are mentioned in a homily on Saint John, in which Chrysostom condemned the foolish practice of masters adorning the necks of servants and mules with gold chains.1580 A case is known of a female servant who was given splendid clothes and jewelry by her master, not because of his generosity but because he owned a brothel and used her as a prostitute.1581
Nathan 2000: 151. Athanasius of Alexandria, De Virg.: PG 28, col. 264. 1576 Rutschowscaya 1990: Plate 104; Inv.44.143. This term is mentioned in an Egyptian papyrus; Fildes 1986: 5. See: Weitzmann 1979: 250 (227); this was regarded as a head covering for both men and women and was common in the 10th century in Cappadocia, where it can be seen on wall paintings; see: Condra 2008: 269. 1577 Clement of Alexandria, Paed. 2.11, PG 8, cols. 536–540. 1578 Thecle: Vie et Miracles: 351–353; I am grateful to Prof. Yuval Roitman of Tel Aviv University for our discussion on the figure and for suggesting that the woman had come to the church to be healed. The search for a precedent for this subject led me to Saint Thecla. 1579 Sherdian Moss 2012: 503–505. 1580 John Chrysostom, Hom. on Saint John, NPNF 14: XXVII,3. 1581 Bradley 1994: 99. 1574 1575
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Mythological figures and their garments Phaedra
has a hairnet and earrings.1589 Phaedra is represented in funerary art on a 4th-century sarcophagus from the Church of San Clemente in Rome, where she is clothed in an off-shoulder chiton that illustrates her mental turmoil and anguish (Figure 193).1590 On a late 3rd-century marble sarcophagus in the Villa Albani in Rome, she is wearing a bulla and bracelets.1591
The myth of Phaedra, the daughter of King Minos of Crete and wife of Theseus, has been immortalized by Euripides and Seneca and portrayed in numerous frescoes, mosaics, miniatures, and in funerary art. Euripides’s Hippolytus records Phaedra as being draped in a delicate veil over her golden head.1582 An ekphrasis by Procopius describes a scene in Euripides’s works (recreated in a painting by an artist chosen by Friedländer) showing an enthroned Phaedra seated opposite Theseus’s bed in a crown and an ornate short-sleeved tunic.1583 The literary works undoubtedly influenced the artists who portrayed Phaedra, who stressed her facial expressions, gestures, and relationships with the other characters.
In the East, Phaedra is depicted in a relief on a sarcophagus from Istanbul dressed in a chiton and clasping a himation that covers her head and falls over her shoulder, arm, and legs. She is crowned with a diadem.1592 On a mid-3rd-century sarcophagus from Tyre, the figure is clothed in an off-shoulder chiton and a himation.1593 In a mosaic from Paphos in Cyprus, the enthroned Phaedra wears a reddish ankle-length chiton beneath a yellowish-brown pleated cloak and has a yellow-and-white scarf over her diademed head (Figure 192).1594 In a mosaic from Antioch, located in the ‘Red Tile House’ and dating from the second half of the 3rd century, she is clothed as a modest matron with a sleeveless tunic covered with a golden scarf. The scarf, the flammeum worn by brides on their wedding day, alludes to her intent to wed Hippolytus. The hems of the himation and the sleeveless crimson chiton, whose high collar conceals the chest, showing that she is wealthy enough to purchase crimson cloth. Her Greek chiton demonstrates the mosaic artists’ desire to perpetuate Greek cultural heritage in Antioch and expose viewers to cosmopolitan tastes (Figure 194).1595
In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic Phaedra sits on a throne in the aedicula, representing her palace, clothed in a dalmatica embellished with clavi whose wide sleeves are rolled up; in keeping with her status, she has bracelets on her arms and calcei-type shoes. Her meticulously elegant dress contrasts with her distraught state of mind, reflecting her unbridled passion and desires (Figures 16, 246).1584 In the West, Phaedra appears on a sarcophagus from Leningrad in a voluminous chiton and grasping the edge of the himation covering her head.1585 Hippolytus and Phaedra are shown on a marble sarcophagus from the Emilia-Aurelia road dated to the 3rd century AD (Figure 193). On a panel from Villa Doria Pampili in Rome, Phaedra is dressed in a long-sleeved chiton.1586 Phaedra’s image is seen on a 1st-century silver mirror from Pompeii displayed in the National Museum in Naples. It shows her dressed in a chiton slipping off her shoulder to reveal her chest and with a himation covering her thighs and legs. The slide of the fabric indicates her emotional turmoil, reflected also in the position of her limbs.1587 In contrast, in a relief on a vase displayed in the British Museum Phaedra demonstrates control by holding the fabric in place with her hand to prevent her breasts from being exposed.1588 In a sketch of a fresco from Pompeii, Phaedra sits cross-legged on a magnificent throne clothed in an opulent chiton and himation and
Phaedra’s dress in both East and West clearly included a short-sleeved or long-sleeved chiton, often slipping sideways to expose her shoulder and illustrate her state of mind. A scarf or himation covers her head and shoulder and falls to her feet; she wears earrings, bracelets, and a hairnet. Her jewelry, the crimson color of some of her garments, and the yellow scarf are in keeping with her status and reflect her passionate nature. Phaedra’s nursemaid The nurse tasked with revealing Phaedra’s love was usually portrayed as a bent old woman clothed in a long chiton beneath a himation falling over one shoulder and
Euripides: 40, Line 143. Talgam 2004: 210–211, Figure 1. 1584 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 155. 1585 Mucznik 1993: 151, Figure 63c. 1586 Mucznik 1993: 47a–c. 1587 Reinach 1968: III, 65.3; Mucznik 1993: 160, Figure 81. 1588 Mucznik 1993: 184, Figure 67; Kondoleon 1995: 40–42, Figures 16, 17.
Mucznik 1985: 19, Figure 51. Lawrence 1976: 174; Mucznik 1993: 45. 1591 Robert 1904: No.159; Mucznik 1993: 121–122, Figure 48. 1592 Robert 1969: 168; Mucznik 1993: 115, Figure 40. 1593 De Bellefonds 1981–1997: II, 314, Figure 3. 1594 Daszewski and Micahelides 2009: 28–30, Figure 17. 1595 Cimok 2000: 76–77; Voight 2000: 227, No. 27.
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Tyche
with her head draped in a veil. Her dress was inspired by that of nurses and wet nurses in Hellenistic works of art. An ekphrasis by Procopius of Gaza (illustrated by artists chosen by Friedländer) shows the nurse in a long tunic kneeling and begging for mercy from two soldiers who are stabbing her with a sword.1596
Tyche (‘good fortune’ in Greek) was the goddess of chance and good luck in Greek mythology and the counterpart of the Roman Fortuna. Tyche wears a walled crown that represents the main gate of the city and its fortified walls to symbolize the sense of security of the populace, who felt safeguarded and protected within the city.1605 This attribute, which originated in the East, was portrayed in the West after the 4th century.1606 The cornucopia in her hand symbolizes prosperity, wealth, and plenty. The wheel stands for the vicissitudes of fortune. Many cities regarded Tyche as their patron and temples were erected to her in Caesarea, Alexandria, Constantinople, Antioch, Palmyra, and Dura.1607 Each city portrays her differently. She usually bears a crown in the form of the city walls. Her identification with specific cities dates back to the Hellenistic period when her image became famous.1608 Tyche is shown in many mosaics, sculptures, coins, gemstones, amulets, and goblets in a long dress or tunic with an overgarment such as a himation or palla secured with a fibula and bearing a walled crown.1609 Archaeological excavations in Eretz Israel have yielded different kinds of Tyche, but no crowns with walls and towers have been found. Alexander Severus was the first to incorporate the
In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, the nurse is clothed in a long sleeveless peplos fastened above the waist with a narrow sash to form a bloused kolpos. She has a string of gold beads on her chest and brown calcei-type shoes (Figures 16, 246).1597 In the West in a fresco from Pompeii, Phaedra and the nurse are portrayed sharing a secret. The nurse is clothed in a dark brown peplos befitting her age beneath a loose himation.1598 In a copy of a fresco from the Domus Aurea in Rome, the nurse has a short scarf over her head, a Peplos, and a himation with armlets on her exposed arm.1599 In a relief dated to the late 4th–early 5th centuries from the Seuso Treasure in Pannonia, a Roman province in the Danube region, the nurse is clothed in a long, long-sleeved chiton belted beneath the bosom.1600 A late 3rd–early 4th-century sarcophagus from the Villa Albani depicts the elderly nurse in a long tunic with a palla draped around her head and body.1601 In the East, the mid-2nd-century mosaic in the ‘ House of the Red Pavement’ in Antioch shows the nurse in a gray-blue scarf and a chiton with three-quarter-length sleeves, in keeping with her age and the subdued colors expected of nurses’ clothing in the 2nd century.1602 A 2nd-century sarcophagus from Istanbul portrays the nurse in a long chiton beneath a himation that covers her head, falling over her shoulder to her arm and feet. Her enlarged hand suggests that she is gesturing as she speaks.1603 The nurse’s modest clothing in both western and eastern art emphasizes the difference in status between her and her lady, expressed in Phaedra’s opulent, aristocratic dress: The crimson garment and her overgarment, together with the flammeum worn by pious brides.1604 The nurse’s appearance is more sophisticated in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic due to her necklace and the gold embellishment. Her garments, which are colored blue or gray, are suited to her age and consistent with the iconographic formula used for elderly women.
Figure 259. Marble medallion depicting Tyche, Khirbat Tinshemet, now in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem (photo credited to Alon Steinberg).
Friedländer 1972: Taf. XII; Talgam 2004: 211. Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 155. Mucznik 1999: 89–90, Figure 117, I11.12 9. 1599 Mucznik 1999: 117, Figure I,11.122. 1600 De Bellefonds 1981–1997: II, 316, Figure 4. 1601 Robert 1904: No. 159. 1602 Cimok 2000: 76–77; Voight 2000: 227, No. 27. 1603 Saverkina 1979: Taf.17; k 18, Figures 1, 22; De Bellefonds 1981– 1997: II, 314, Figure 4. 1604 Voight 2000: 229. 1596 1597 1598
Metzler 1994: 79–80; Kalavrezoue 2003: 44; Bienkowski 1991: 54. Bienkowski 1991: 30 . 1607 Butcher 2003: 400, Figure 189. 1608 Avi Yonah 1969: 179; Holliday 1997: 136. 1609 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 189–190. 1605 1606
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Figure 261. Tyche, fully clothed, holding scepter in extended right hand and cradling cornucopia, seated left on throne supported by tritoness, holding scepter in extended right hand and cornucopia in left, 2nd century (courtesy of CNG website: http://www. cngcoins.com).
used to reward soldiers and officials in the Byzantine court (Figure 236).1612 The portrayal of Tyche on the Beit She’an mosaic is iconographically similar to the depiction of the earth goddess shown on a Roman mosaic on Mount Zion (Figure 251). In both mosaics, the goddesses are in a frontal pose and shown from the bust up. Both wear a red cloak and have a brownish-gold walled crown with three gates set in it. A similar portrayal can be seen in Apamea, Syria, in the ‘House of the Ram’.1613 The pose of Tyches in medallion portraits is similar. All are wearing a walled crown composed of a decorative band below sections of the wall and the towers. Tyche’s crown from the ‘House of the Ram’is composed of more elements, with leaves and fruit falling down from her hair.
Figure 260. Bronze statue of Tyche from Antioch, 3rd century (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Sailko, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Sailko, CCBY- SA 3.O).
The goddess Tyche/Fortuna is shown in fragments of a marble medallion from the church at Horbat Tinshemet near Rosh Ha’ayin, dated by inscriptions to 582–583 and now in the Israel Museum. Parts of the medallion found in a church and an olive press in western Asia Minor (in the quarries at Aphion, Aphrodisias or Ephesus) contain the carved image of the goddess Tyche Fortuna. She has a walled crown with three towers and a main gate, and is wearing five necklaces. Her hair is swept up and she is wearing three bracelets. She has a cornucopia in her left hand, three bracelets on her right arm and a scepter in her right hand. The medallion is surrounded by a frame with an inscription attributed to the governor that indicates the date. This Byzantine Tyche is unique and no parallel marble works exist in Byzantine art (Figure 259).1614 A late 2nd-century bronze statue of the Antioch Tyche displayed in Worcester Museum is clothed in a tunic whose sleeve ends stick out from beneath a paenula. The Roman period sculpture is one
figure of Tyche in coins minted at Caesarea during the years 222–235. The head of Tyche found in part of the city wall in the Corinthos forum bears a walled crown dating from the first quarter of the 4th century BC.1610 Tyche, goddess of the city of Beit She’an depicted on the mosaic pavement in the sigma complex, is clothed in a white pleated tunic. Due to the city-goddess’s status, it can safely be assumed that the tunic and its sleeves are long. She has an elegant, pleated reddish-crimson palla fastened with a fibula over her shoulders. She wears a neck ornament resembling a gold torc or maniakion (Figure 234).1611 The attire of the Tyche in the Orpheus mosaic at Damascus Gate in Jerusalem is obscured by her pose and an acanthus leaf that conceals her, but it is possible to make out an ornament ending in a medallion that is either a bulla or a torc (?) of the kind
1612 Walter 2001: 180; Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 197–198, Figures 7, 8. 1613 Balty 1995: 366, Plate Lxxxiv; Duval 2003: 182 ;Isager and Poulsen 1997: 156. 1614 Dahari 1996: 67–68, 102–104.
Edwards 1990: 531, Plate 83a. 1611 The mosaic has been damaged and a copy is on display at the Beit She’an archaeological park; Mazor 1988: 10; Mazor and Bar-Nathan 1995: 95; Walter 2001: 180–182. 1610
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Figure 262. Personifications of the cities of Rome, Gregoria and Madaba in the ‘Hall of Hippolytus’ in Jordan, early 6th century (after Piccirillo 1992: 57, 66, courtesy of SBF).
of a number of copies of a famous work by the Greek sculptor Eutychides. Tyche sits on a rocky promontory wearing a palla with a deep fold at the neckline that falls to cover her arms and knees and reveal the lower section of a pleated tunic (Figure 260). Tyche sitting on a rock and with a river at her feet is similarly displayed on a coin from Syria issued in the 3rd century by the emperor Algabalus. Her walled crown rests on a scarf that drapes over her neck and breast. A paenula worn over a pleated tunic covers her shoulder.1615 As of the mid-3rd century, the image of the city goddess usually appeared in an imperial context, on personal as well as public and monumental objects, accompanied by symbols of protection, fertility, and wealth.1616 A 2ndcentury coin in a collection in Paris bears a portrait of Tyche Nicaea from Bithynia in Turkey, in a city crown and with her neck draped in the upper part of a palla secured with a fibula. She has a hat with a walled crown (Figure 261).1617 An unusual scene in the Hall of Hippolytus at Madaba shows the personifications of the cities of Rome crowned with a helmet, and Gregoria and Madaba with city crowns. They are seated on a throne holding a long crucifix that resembles a processional cross. Research notes that the building lies beneath a
church dedicated to the Virgin and has been dated to the early 6th century (Figure 262).1618 Personifications of the provinces as female figures are common in Roman art from the time of the emperor Augustus onward. Portrayed in medallions as young women, the provinces often bear the typical attributes of the countries they represent and some have walled crowns. The attire, and sometimes the accompanying inscriptions, help identify the province. Dvorjetski and Segal note that such scenes, similar to those on Roman coins, were of great propaganda value in glorifying and strengthening the Roman Empire.1619 A marble statue of an Amazon-type Tyche found in Caesarea Maritima is clothed in a chiton that leaves the right breast exposed and in a pleated himation.1620 Similar attire is visible on Tyche in a city crown shown on finds that are also from Caesarea, including a goblet, a bronze sculpture, fragments of reliefs from a tomb, and a coin.1621 A gemstone ring from Castra in the Carmel region bears a Tyche dressed in a himation and a short-sleeved chiton fastened below the breast.1622 Piccirillo 1992: 57, 66. Dvorjetski and Segal 1995: 100. Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 190, Figure XLVIII. 1621 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 195, Figures XLIX, 354,360, LIII, LIX. 1622 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2009: 191, Figures 358, 195, L, XLIX, 354, 360, LIII, LIX. 1618 1619 1620
Christof 2001: 314, Abb. 3. Shelton 1979: 35; Butcher 1988: 97, 6.133. 1617 Price and Trell 1977: 223, Figure 496. 1615 1616
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Weaving in Stones In the West, a Tyche on a mid-5th–6th-century mosaic on the island of Cos is clothed in a pleated chiton with stripes that is draped around the chest and over the right hand. An outer himation crosses the breast and covers the left hand so that her entire body is enveloped. She is wearing a city crown with towers and has an ornament on her forehead.1623 The dress of the Tyches shown in the mosaics of Eretz Israel is based on the accepted iconographic formula used to portray them. Maenads The maenads accompanying Dionysus in the visual and literary arts are part of the narrative associated with wild dances. They are garlanded with wreaths and wear various items of clothing such as a chiton or tunic made of fine, transparent cloth enabling them to billow and swirl with the dance, as well as garments made from the pelts of deer, panthers, etc. Their jewelry, bangles and bracelets are flung aside by the rhythm of the dance.1624
Figure 263. Dionysian scene on a silver plate, 4th century, originally from the East (photo credited to Wikimedia user: BabelStone, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: British Museum ildenhall Bacchic Dish A.jpg, CC0 1.0).
The maenad at Sheikh Zouède is clad in a peplos that whirls and twirls as she cavorts.1625 The maenads in a mosaic at Zippori are wearing a chiton or a long tunic and a palla (Figure 70). Nonnus’s Dionisika described festive practices in which women adorned their heads with snakes and ivy leaves: A maenad with a scarf fluttering over her back, another draping the corpse of sloughed skin of a snake around her neck, and a third one with a panther skin over her breast. Nonnus also mentioned a maenad clothed in a tunic-like nebris made of fawn skins and the fact that decency and modesty were not evident in the image.1626 Catullus noted that maenads wreathed coiled snakes around themselves to make a girdle.1627 Gregorius Theologus, Bishop of Constantinople, described an ekphrasis on a stucco mural in which lust-filled maenads dance in a frenzy, their garments flying off, exposing their genitals and their legs raised as they cavort and leap. He stated that the painting contained absolutely no signs of restraint or modesty.1628 In the East, maenads appear on Coptic textiles in the nude or semi-nude with a scarf covering only their Brouscari 1997: 68–69, Figure 3, 72, Figure 9. Smith 2005: 215. 1625 Blazquez 1993: 33. 1626 Nonnus: I, XIV, 341–365. 1627 Catullus: 64, Line 258. 1628 Gregorii Theologi: Orat.: PG 36, Orat. XLV, 631,D; Gregorius Theologus is identified with the late 4th-century Gregory of Manacianus. His works appear under one of the above-mentioned names. 1623 1624
Figure 264. Tyche, a wall painting from Hippos-Sussita 3rd–4th centuries (photo credited to Dr Michael Eisenberg).
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206).1632 Maenads clothed in a peplos and a billowing pallium are depicted on 4th-century silver plates from the East discovered in 1940 in Mildenhall in Suffolk, England, now displayed in the British Museum, and on a plate from Istanbul (Figure 263).1633 Archaeological excavations at Sussita recovered a relief engraved with the figure of a maenad in a fine, copious peplos dancing wildly and a head of another maenad (Figure 264, 265).1634 In the West, the maenad in a 4th-century mosaic from the Villa Euente Alamo in Cordoba is wearing a tunic pinned across the chest. The maenad portrayed on the upper panel is clothed in a long tunic that is also fastened (Figure 202).1635 The 4th–5th-century mosaic from Emerita-Mérida displayed in the city’s Museum of Roman Art shows a dancing maenad draped in a nebris shaped like a scarf.1636 A maenad wearing a silk gown in a Roman fresco from the Casa del Naviglio in Pompeii, in now in Naples National Museum and is dated to the 1st century AD (Figure 266). In the mosaic from Torre de Palma depicting Dionysus’s travels, the maenad is dressed in a long tunic.1637 In a villa in Argos, a maenad appears in a transparent grayand-white peplos whose folds are highlighted in red and green. Her hands are adorned with brown and white bracelets and bangles.1638 On a sarcophagus from Ostia displayed at the Munich Archaeological Museum, the drumming maenads are depicted naked, their pallia whirling in the dance expose parts of their bodies.1639 In the 3rd–4th-century mosaic from the ‘Ariadne House’ in Sabratha, Libya, the maenad is clothed in a green peplos (Figure 206).1640 In a mosaic from Sousse displayed in the Bardo Museum and dated to the 3rd century she is wearing a crimson peplos containing a copious amount of material. The thin pallium in her hand flutters in an arch around her with the sweeping movement of the dance.1641
Figure 265. Maenad from Hippos-Sussita (photo credited to Dr Michael Eisenberg).
upper torso, with a skirt around their lower torso, in a long transparent dress, or also in a long shawl draped over their entire body.1629 In a mosaic from Antioch displayed in the Princeton Museum, the maenad in the scene of drinking contest wears a blue chiton and a golden palla flapping in the wind (Figure 190).1630 In a 2nd-century mosaic from the ‘House of Poseidon’ in Zeugma, the maenad is dressed in a fine peplos with abundant fabric and has a himation that billows and swirls with the movement of the dance.1631 In a 4th-century mosaic from the Belediye Sarayi (City Hall) mosaics, at Saraçhane, now in the Istanbul Museum, the upper torso of the maenad is draped in a pallium whose edges dangle over the arms (Figure
The variety of items of clothing belonging to maenads in both East and West shows the use of fine, brightlycolored fabrics and ornaments that trace the motion of the body. Their nebris attire indicates that they are Dionysus’s companions. The maenad dress shown in the mosaic in Sheikh Zouède and in Eretz Israel is based Cormack and Vassilaki 2008: 47, Figure 11, Inv. no. 15. Buckton1994: 39–40, Figures 16a–b; Henig 1983: 147. The find was published online in Ynet on 10 August 2010. 1635 Lόpez Monteagudo 1999: 36, Figures 1, 2; 40, Figure 1. 1636 Blazquez 1993: 33. 1637 Dunbabin 1999: 158, Figure 163; Lancha 2002: Figure 163, Pl x. 1638 Spiro 1978: I ,145, II, Figures 150, 151. 1639 Reinhold 1988: 251, Abb. 59. 1640 Ling 1991: 191, Figure 209. 1641 Fradier 2007: 80–81. 1632 1633 1634
Zemer 1991: 27. Jones 1981: 6, Figures 8, 18, Figure 10, m? 22, Figure 190a–d. 1631 Ergeç 2007: 46–47,104, 106–109. 1629 1630
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Figure 266. Menade (maenad) in silk dress, a Roman fresco from the Casa del Naviglio in Pompeii, 1st century AD, Naples National Museum (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Alonso de Mendoza, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: M%C3%A9nade_danzante,_Casa_del_Naviglio,_Pompeya.jpg, Public Domain).
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on the accepted iconographic formula used to portray them.
made of leather or wool.1646 On vases, reliefs, statues, and coins, the Amazons are depicted wearing pointed helmets or hats, dressed in trousers and with a cloak over one shoulder that leaves the breast and the other shoulder bare.
Amazons Greek mythology describes the Amazons as a tribe of fearless warrior women. The Talmud Babli mentions the Amazons in a tractate Tamid 32a) in the context of Alexander the Great’s visit to their kingdom, during which they presented him with gold loaves to eat. They were named after the Greek term amazoi, which means ‘lacking a breast’. The Amazons’ attire differed according to their status in Persian and Greek ideology and imagery.1642
Three Amazons are portrayed in mosaics from Eretz Israel. The riding Amazon in the ‘Nile House’ is clothed in a striped chiton secured by remnants of shoulder straps and decorated with a tabula. A full pallium billows round her hand, which grasps an arrow. She is wearing a red Phrygian cap and calcei or endromides hunting boots (Figure 92).1647 In the same mosaic pavement, the two dancing Amazons preserved in their entirety and a third, only part of whose garment is visible, are dressed in a short, sleeveless chiton with a kolpos. The wide fabric reveals the left breast and the spinning movement of the dance. She wears a Phrygian cap and short boots (Figure 249).1648
The Amazons displayed in the Iliad of Homer are described as antianeirai, resembling men both in their appearance and in the way in which they fought.1643 The Greek historian Strabo noted in the early 1st century that the Amazons used the pelts of predators to make their clothing, helmets, and shields.1644 According to Veness, their dress and appearance in art is consistent with traditional Greek tales.1645 In different visual arts they have soft leather garments and a Phrygian cap
In a sculpture displayed in the Metropolitan Museum, an Amazon is dressed in a type of chitōniskos fastened on both sides of the shoulders and at the chest, with flat or corded cross-over straps made of leather or
Figure 267. Amazon from the ‘House of Orpheus’ at Paphos (photo credited to Prof. Demetrios Michaelides 1992: 19, Fig. 5).
Cleland et al. 2007: 4. Iliad: 3.171. 1644 Strabo: 2.5.1–4. 1645 Strabo: 2.5.1–4; Veness 2002: 95.
Houston 1947: 72, Figure 77. Weiss 1998: 51. 1648 Bieber 1928: 16, Abb. 22; Weiss and Talgam 1995: 77–80; Weiss and Netzer 1998: 51.
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Figure 268. Amazon warrior armed with a labrys, Roman mosaic (marble and limestone), second half of the 4th century AD, from Daphne of Antioch on the Orontes (modern Antakya in southern Turkey (photo credited to wikipedia user: Jastrow, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Amazonomachy_Antioch_Louvre_Ma3457. jpg, CC BY-2.0).
fabric tied in a Herculean knot and with the loose ends dangling in front.1649 Such knots were sometimes hidden beneath folded fabric and straps were held by a kind of buckle.1650 The belts, one visible and the other concealed, shorten the chiton to enable free movement.1651 The Amazons also wore overgarments such as a palla or chlamys. Some had greaves and boots.1652 Different kinds of Amazons are described in Ridgway’s article, ‘Five Amazons’, where they are illustrated in traditional classical attire, in a chiton secured near the shoulders with a fibula, or in a peplos with a kolpos folded in a zigzag.1653 The Amazon from the ‘House of Orpheus’ at Paphos is dressed in this way and has a Phrygian hat and boots (Figure 267).1654 A 5th–7th-century Byzantine silver platter, now in the Dumbarton Oaks collection depicts Figure 269. Amazon mosaic from Apamea in 2002 (photo credited to Wikipedia user: COHBot, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: APAMEA_ Museo_-_Mosaico_con_emblema_di_amazzone_-_ GAR_-_6-042.jpg, CC BY-4.0).
1649 Cleland et al. 2007: 33; for the Hercules knot, see glossary in this volume. 1650 Ridgway 1974: 12, Plate 1, Figures 1.2, 3, 7. 1651 Ridgway 1976: 82, Plate 16; this comment refers to an article about the types of Amazons portrayed in sculptural works. 1652 Hardwick 1996: 168, Figures 1–3. 1653 Steuben 1973: Taf. 46; Ridgway 1974: 3, Plate 1, Figure 4. 1654 Michaelides 1992: 19, Figure 5.
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Figure 270. Mosaic with Bacchanalian scene, National Museum of Roman Art in Merida, Spain (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Xosema,https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: M%C3%A9rida__Museo_Nacional_de_Arte_Romano_-_06_- Escena_b%C3%A1quica.JPG, CC BY-3.0).
an Amazon on horseback battling with a lion and accompanied by a hunter; she is dressed in a chiton and a windblown chlamys. This portrayal is reminiscent of the scene of the Amazon and the hunter at Zippori.1655 Fragments of an Amazon huntress on horseback in a late 2nd-century mosaic from the villa near Harbiye in Antioch, displayed in the Hatay museum, bear traces of a golden peplos and boots. She has a gold band on her head and a pearl earring (?) glimmers on her right earlobe (Figure 268).1656 In the late 5th-century mosaic from Apamea in Syria, the horseback Amazon huntresses are wearing a short chiton that reveals their breasts and have calcei; the Amazon whose body has survived intact is wearing a Phrygian cap, bangles, and a bracelet (Figure 269).1657 The mosaic from the mid-3rd-century ‘House of the Ostriches’, displayed in
the Sousse Museum in Tunis, shows warring Amazons dressed in a chiton and helmet.1658 Amazons are portrayed in both eastern and western art in a short chiton that enables them to gallop on horseback, with one shoulder left open and exposing the breast. They sometimes wear leather garments and have a Phrygian cap and boots. Ariadne Ariadne, daughter of King Minos and wife of Dionysus, is depicted in literary works and in the visual arts. Apollonius of Rhodes described Ariadne’s crimson garments in his epic work, Argonautica dated to the 3rd century BC.1659 Catullus wrote that she was enveloped in a light cloak with a rounded clasp that emphasized the whiteness of her breasts. He remarked that after Ariadne was deserted by her beloved Thessus, the
Weitzmann 1960: 48–49, Figure 5. Donmez 1991: 39, Inv. No. 820. 1657 Balty 1977: 115; Parrish 1984: 396. 1655 1656
1658 1659
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Djelloul 2006: 78. Apollonius Rhodius: I.4. 425 ff.
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Figure 271. Dionysos and Ariadne, now in the archaeological Museum in Chania, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Xenophon, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: AMC_-_Mosaik_2.jpg, CC BY-3.0).
delicate veil that covered her golden hair was no longer necessary.1660
in a late 3rd-century mosaic from Vienne.1664 In the 6th-century mosaic from Emerita-Mérida displayed in the local museum of Roman art, the sleeping Ariadne is clothed in an overgarment embellished with round medallions (Figure 270).1665 The figure of Ariadne is portrayed in Coptic textile works, as in a 4th-century wall rug where she has a halo and a diadem. Her nude body is emphasized by the pallium covering her hand, circling her back and sliding beneath her left arm. She is adorned with two strings of beads (?), a bangle and a bracelet. In a 6th-century Coptic textile Ariadne, seated in a carriage, is accompanied by Pionysus and Hercules in full attire of an indeterminate kind.1666 A mid-2ndcentury mosaic from Chania in Crete shows a satyr trying to pull a pallium off Ariadne’s reclining body as she sleeps (Figure 271).1667
In the wedding ceremony depicted in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori, Ariadne is wearing a long gray tunic covered with a yellow palla (Figure 239).1661 The ceremony and the procession of gift bearers illustrate the clothing and ornaments worn by those participating in the festivities: The bride and groom, family members, and guests.1662 On a krater in which participants are holding theatrical masks, painted by Pronomos in the late 4th century and displayed in Naples Museum, Ariadne faces Dionysus reclining on a throne and is dressed in a splendid multi-layered garment.1663 In western mosaics, Ariadne is draped in a long chiton and a pallium or in a golden tunic topped by a himation and with a garlanded head. She is similarly displayed Catullus: 64, Lines 63–69. Talgam and Weiss 2004: 61–62. Figure 46. 1662 Harlow 2013: 237. 1663 Schlesier and Schwarzmaier 2009: 91– 93, Abb. 13.
Jurgeit 1981: I.1052, II, Figure 9. Dunbabin 1999: 158, Figure 163. 1666 Rosenthal-Heginbottom 1998: 53, Figure 26; 55, Figure 58. 1667 Sweetman 2013: 241–242, Plate 8.
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Among eastern mosaics, the scene of Ariadne’s discovery by Dionysus appears in the house named after the two at Seleucia Pieria, displayed in a museum in Antioch and dated to the 2nd–3rd centuries, where she is clothed in a long, short-sleeved white folding chiton beneath a golden himation whose ample folds fall by her sides. She has bracelets on her arms and a crown.1668 In the scene of her marriage in a mosaic pavement from a villa at Zeugma, Turkey, displayed in the local museum and dated to the late 2nd–3rd centuries, Ariadne bears a golden crown. She is clothed in a fully-draped yellow himation wrapped around her neck, falling behind her back and gathered across her knees (Figure 204).1669 In the ‘House of the Red Pavement’ in Antioch, the late 2nd–early 3rd-century mosaic shows Ariadne in a sleeveless reddish-crimson chiton, which was fashionable among the women of Antioch. Voight assume that a sleeveless garment would not have been suitable attire for a woman of her status, based on a reference to such clothing worn by a shepherdess preparing garlands.1670 In a Roman mosaic from Crete showing Dionysos and Ariadne, now in the Archaeological Museum in Chania, Ariadne is dressed in a chiton or a tunic under light overgarments made of purple or gilded fabrics. As befitting her status, she is adorned with jewels and has a crown or a wreath on her head.1671
Neuenfeldt 2009: 46, Figure 5, Inv. 945. Ergeç 2007: 46–47. 1670 Voight 2000: 240; see: Scene 110. 1671 Duran Kremer 2014; Sweetam 2013: 47. 1668 1669
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Personifications sheaves and a sickle, while September and Autumn are characterized by grapes and other fruits.1677
The seasons of the year From the time of Hellenistic Greece, the seasons of the year were frequently personified as female figures. When they were first represented in human form they were referred to as Horae, meaning ‘located time’, and symbolized the plant goddesses who participated in the procession of King Ptolemy Philadelphus in the 3rd century BC. In the classical tradition the Horae were associated with the cosmic order and service to the gods since they guarded the gates of heaven and Olympus.1672 Philo of Alexandria noted the link between the four seasons, the foundations of the universe, and the contribution of the seasons to regeneration and reproduction. He considered the seasons vital for the order and perfection required for success and prosperity, the ripening of crops, and the fertility of sheep and cattle.1673 Maguire has reviewed the position of the Church Fathers, who viewed the changing seasons and months as proof of faith in Christ’s resurrection. 1674
Ovid listed the attributes identified with the four seasons: ‘Fresh Spring was there adorned with floral crown, and Summer, naked, bearing ripened grain and Autumn, stained from treading out her grapes, and Winter with his gray and frosty locks’.1678 A 6thcentury AD ekphrasis by Johannes of Gaza (tabula mundi) described the seasons of the year depicted in a bath house (which according to scholars was found in either Antioch or Gaza). Spring, Summer, and Winter are described in detail, yet there are fewer details of Autumn.1679 The seasons are a particularly common theme in both private and public buildings in North African mosaics.1680 Winter This season is usually shown, both in the West and in the East, as the bust of an old woman who can be identified by her head covering and an overgarment made of heavy fabric such as a palla, often worn over a tunic, a stola, a paenula, or a cuculus.1681 Parts of the tunic or stola undergarments can sometimes be glimpsed beneath the overgarment. In Johannes of Gaza’s 6th-century ekphrasis, Winter is described as draped in a dark-green chiton. 1682
In the mosaics of Eretz Israel, female seasons appear as busts and are called ‘Season’ or ‘Tekufah [of...]’, a word that is inscribed beside them and mentioned in rabbinic literature.1675 They began to be depicted in works of art from the late 1st century onward, continuing into the late 6th century. The seasons are usually placed at the mosaic’s four corners and can be identified by their customary attributes, which include garments, head coverings, and seasonal plants and fruits. A few mosaics also show them accompanied by animals and tools.1676 Because the theme consisted of four motifs, the Roman mosaic artists preferred to place the seasons in the corners of square or rectangular pavements. Later, they were placed diagonally in the corners of a square pavement with a circle at its center. The gender, appearance, and age of the seasons’ personifications are portrayed in various ways. In Syria they are winged women and in later periods they have no wings. The iconography of the seasons is usually compatible with the month’s personification. Winter and Autumn share the same attributes, like the cold weather suggested by their warm clothing and by water and ducks. Spring and the month of May are portrayed with flowers and Summer is typically shown with peaches and light clothing. The personification of July appears with
Winter, or the ‘Tekufah [of...]’ Tevet as it was called in the synagogues of Eretz Israel, is depicted as a bust and wrapped in a palla. In the mosaic in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue, her head is draped in a palla, giving it three-dimensional depth, although it may equally be draped in a maphorion made of fabric folds (Figure 244).1683 In the Zippori synagogue mosaic, Winter’s head is covered with a palla fashioned into loose, U-shaped folds outlined in black that hang from the head to the shoulders and chest. At Beit Alpha, the figure is clothed in a light-colored sleeveless tunic ornamented with short clavi bands finished with a segmenta and she is wearing a hairnet (?). Her clothing is similar to that worn by the other seasons in the same mosaic (Figures 243, 245). In the mosaic from Beit Guvrin, Winter is Kiilerich 1998: 13–14. Ovid, Metam., Book II: 27–30; Book XV: 209–213. Translation from Metamorphoses: A New Translation translated by Charles Martin, 2005 (W.W. Norton & Company) 1679 Hanfmann 1939: 112–113. 1680 Parrish 1984: 11. 1681 Parrish 1984: 21, 32–34, No. 33. 1682 Hanfmann 1939: 113. 1683 Stokstand 2004: 71, Figure 32.7. 1677 1678
Homer 1959: Iliad, Book V, Line 749. Philo of Alexandria On Crea.: XVI, 52, XIX, 58–61. 1674 Maguire 1987: 27. 1675 BT, Eruvin, 56a. 1676 Parrish 1979: 280–281; Parrish 1984: 21, No. 33. 1672 1673
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Figure 272. The four seasons of the year in the mosaic from Ras-Boutria at Acholla, Tunis, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Dennis Jarvis https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: The_Four_Seasons,_Roman_mosaic.jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0).
garlanded in olive leaves (Figure 272).1686 In the 3rdcentury mosaic of the seasons from El Jem displayed in the local archaeological museum, Winter is personified as a bust and she too has a green palla over her head, which is shown in right profile.1687 In the mosaic of the seasons of the same date from Ain Babouch, Algeria, exhibited in the National Museum, Winter is portrayed as an elderly woman wearing a pink tunic decorated with a quatrefoil motif. She has a green palla over her head topped with a crown of reeds.1688 The same pattern
identified by her heavy attire, her hooded head, and the seasonal attributes of ducks and an amphora (Figure 248). Vincent explains that the water symbolizes the winter rains and adds that her expression indicates the advanced years identified with the season.1684 Maguire interprets the figure as representing an emphasis that implies prosperity and fertility.1685 In the West, in the late 2nd-century mosaic of the seasons from Ras-Boutria at Acholla in Tunis displayed in the Bardo Museum, Winter is shown in a pink tunic with a green palla covering her head, which is 1684 1685
Parrish 1984: 93, Plate 1, Inv. 3591; Yacoub 2005: 116, Figure 48a. Parrish 1984: 93, Plate 1, Inv. 3591; 98, Plate 5; Yacoub 2005: 116, 118, Figures 48a, 50a. 1688 Parrish 1984: 100, Plates 6, 7. 1686 1687
Vincent 1922: 268. Maguire 1987: 36–40; Maguire 1999b: 181–185, No. 26.
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Figure 273. The Four Seasons Mosaic in Villa Zliten, Dar Buc Ammera, Libya, 2nd century AD, (photo credited to Livius.org user: Rene Voorburg, https://vici.org/image.php?id=1987, CC BYSA 3.0).
‘Muses and Poets House’ at Jerash, the personification of Winter is wrapped in a scarf that drapes over her body and covers her head and neck.1693
appears in other mosaics from North Africa, as in the mosaic from Carthage,1689 and a mosaic from the villa at Zliten from Libya (Figure 273). In a mosaic from the 4thcentury Roman villa at Lullingstone in Kent, England, Winter is shown as an elderly woman dressed in a black paenula or cuculus with a hat.1690
The season of Winter is portrayed in the mosaics of Eretz Israel as a female figure whose head is covered either by a palla made of heavy fabric or by a hairnet. Only in the mosaic at Beit Guvrin is she shown with her identifying attributes of ducks and an amphora.
In the East, in the Maarat el Nouman Museum (between Hama and Aleppo in Syria), a section of the 6th-century Ayfissa mosaic shows the three seasons with haloed heads. It should be noted that in the 4th century, there was still no fixed formula for the use of the halo as a symbol of holiness and it was depicted around the heads of gods, personifications, and benefactors as a promise of wealth.1691 Winter is wrapped in a brown cuculus with a reddish-brown palla and hood beneath which a tunic with black, brown and white stripes can be glimpsed. The cuffs of the sleeves and the neckline are also highlighted. She is pouring water from a gold and bronze amphora and her head is surrounded with a gray halo. In the 3rd-century Goddess of the Earth and the Seasons mosaic from Antioch, Winter is clothed in a full, shining garment that imitates brocade and has a palla fashioned over her head.1692 On the mosaic of the
Spring Spring is recognized by her attire, which includes stylish sleeveless tunics with or without an overgarment across the shoulder and a bouquet of roses that adorns her head or lies beside her. Johannes of Gaza’s 6th-century ekphrasis describes Spring as being clothed in a wide chiton forming an apoptygma containing flowers, with a wreath of roses and a necklace.1694 The spring season in the mosaics of Eretz Israel is depicted in a long-sleeved or sleeveless tunic and a palla. Fragments of the season of spring/Nissan in the
Parrish 1984: 106, Figures 10–12. Philpot 1998: 84, Figure 4. 1691 Kiilerich 1998: 22–31;Rose 2006: 101–102. 1692 Kiilerich 1998: 24, Figure 1; http: //www.theoi.com/Gallery/ 1689
Z16.1.html 1693 Piccirillo 1986: 45. 1694 Hanfmann 1939: 113.
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Figure 274. Personification of the month of Nissan in the Na’aran Synagogue, 6th century AD (photo after Sukenik 1932: 76, Pl. 5a).
Na’aran synagogue retain a striped garment (Figure 274).1695 In the Beit Alpha synagogue, Spring is clothed in a tunic embellished with segmenta and finished with a stitched zig-zag motif. A patagium in a geometric pattern appears to ornament the neckline, but it may be a necklace. Her head is covered with a hairnet (?) made of black triangles. She is wearing earrings (Figure 243).1696 The upper torso of this season is shown in a sleeveless blue-green tunic in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue mosaic. The cut of the neck opening is boatshaped and it is decorated with an outline finished with black sawtooth pattern. She has a round gold fibula on her left shoulder (Figure 244).1697 In the Zippori synagogue, Spring is clothed in a sleeveless tunic with U-shaped folds that are highlighted (Figure 245).1698
the figure’s head, stressing the hot season it represents (Figure 91). In the West, in the late 2nd-century mosaic of the seasons from the Ras-Boutria region in Acholla, Tunis, displayed in the Bardo Museum, Spring is wearing a sleeveless green tunic and has a pink pallium over her shoulder. Her head is garlanded with roses (Figure 272).1699 The mosaic of the seasons from Ain Babouch, Algeria, shows Spring in a beige tunic decorated with green clavi and with a garland of roses.1700 In a mosaic from Carthage exhibited in the National Museum that dates from the first half of the 4th century, Spring is dressed in a red tunic decorated with clavi and has a wreath of roses on her head.1701 A 2nd-century mosaic from Zliten in Libya has Spring clothed in a tunic beneath a green palla and with a garland of reeds on her head (Figure 273).1702 In a mosaic from Antioch, Spring is shown in an ornamental chiton fastened with a fibula. In a 4th–5th-century mosaic from the Capannelle region of Via Appia Nuova displayed at the Massimo Museum in Rome, Spring is wearing a sleeveless gray-blue tunic
On the remains of Summer-Tammuz in the Zippori mosaic are fragments of clothing in shades of beige, accentuated with gray lines that cover the left shoulder and fall over the chest. The right side of the garment reveals the upper torso and covers the lower part of the body. The hat is a type of pillos and is larger than Sukenik 1932: 26, Plate 5b. Sukenik 1932: 38; Roussin 1988: 430. 1697 Dunbabin 1999: 190. 1698 Gazit 1992: 23; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004: 130–133.
Parrish 1984: 94, Plate 1, Inv. 3591; Yacoub 2005: 116, Figure 48a. Parrish 1984: 100, Plates 6–7. 1701 Parrish 1984: 106, Figures 10–12. 1702 Parrish 1984: 245, Plates 94, 95.
1695
1699
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Figure 275. Personification of the Seasons, Via Appia Nouva, Rome (photo credited to Wikipedia user: MiguelHermoso, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_Palazzo_Massimo_27.JPG, CC BY-3.0).
with a golden palla over her shoulder, a gilded torc around her neck, and a gilt hairnet (Figure 275).1703 In the Zliten mosaic the winged season wears a light-blue chiton and has a garland of leaves and fruits (Figure 273). The personification of Spring in the Byzantine church at Petra is clothed in a magnificent striped tunic with three-quarter-length sleeves. She is wearing a bracelet, earrings, and a crown.1704 1703 1704
Spring is shown in the visual arts in light, sleeveless clothing with an overgarment, matching the season which she represents. She is adorned with fibulae, necklaces, earrings, gold hairnets, and wreaths of roses. Summer Summer is identified by light, airy garments or by the absence of clothing. Her attire suits the hot weather conditions and she is equipped with wheatsheaves,
La Regina 2005: 204. Negev 1995: 105.
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right section of the garment reveals the upper part of the body and covers the lower torso. She is wearing a pillos-style hat with a button; the hot season she represents is emphasized by the size of the hat, which is larger than her head (Figure 91).1709 In the 2nd-century mosaic from Ras-Boutria at Acholla in Tunis, Summer is portrayed as a young woman clothed in a white tunic and a golden pallium. She is wearing a garland of wheat ears (Figure 272).1710 The personification of Summer in the Carmona mosaic in Spain is wearing a band of an unidentified garment over her left shoulder and on her head is a bouquet of ears of corn (Figure 276). The mid-2nd-century mosaic of Dionysus and the seasons found in the Baths of Trajan depicts the season in the nude with a strophium (or fascia) breast band, adorned with jewels and crowned with a wreath of wheat.1711 In the mosaic of the seasons at Aïn Babouche in Algeria, the personification is dressed in an orange tunic decorated with green clavi. Her head is garlanded with wheat ears.1712 In a mosaic from Libya from the first half of the 4th century exhibited in the National Museum, Summer is wearing a brown tunic decorated with a necklace and earrings.1713 In a 2ndcentury mosaic from Zliten in Libya, the season has a brownish-green chiton, a necklace, hoop earrings, and a wreath of wheat ears (Figure 273).1714 At Ayfissa in Syria, the personification has a gray-brown halo round her head. She is draped in a thin gray and green palla. The apoptygma in her lap contains fruits, as in the personification of fair weather (kalokairia) from Caesarea displayed in Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport (Figure 231).1715 An example of Summer from Antioch is wearing a large, wide-brimmed hat and a chiton secured with a fibula. At the Palazzo Massimo in Rome, the season is dressed in a sleeveless light bluegray tunic and has a brown and yellow palla over her shoulder, a golden necklace, pendant earrings, and a gilded hairnet (Figure 275).1716
Figure 276. Personification of Summer, mosaic in Carmona, Spain, 2nd century AD (detail from a photo credited to Wikipedia user: José Luis Filpo Cabana https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaico_ de_las_EstacionesCarmona_Sevilla).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
a wreath, a sickle, or a fan.1705 In Johannes of Gaza’s 6th-century ekphrasis of the tabula mundi, Summer is described as being clad in a fine chiton and with a harvester’s hat.1706 At Beit Alpha, the season of Tammuz (Summer) is wearing a beige tunic. The center of the chest is decorated with a geometric pattern shaped like a diagonal cross and segmenta circles of different sizes and shapes finished with beaded stitching at the shoulder. A patagium (?) or necklace (?) in a complex, toothed geometric design embellishes the neckline. She is wearing a hairnet (?) made of black triangles and gilded boat-shaped (?), earrings with a row of emerald colored tesserae. The row ends with a loop containing golden tesserae (Figure 243).1707
The iconographic formula for the dress of Summer includes airy garments or shows the season in the nude. Her accompanying attributes are wheatsheaves, a wreath, a sickle, or a fan. In synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel she wears a hairnet or hat.
In the synagogue mosaic at Hammat Tiberias, Summer is clothed in a light blue, white, and brown sleeveless tunic. The neck opening is boat-shaped and it is decorated with a black toothed outline. The tunic is fastened with a round fibula and she has a necklace and earrings. On her head is a garland consisting of eight ears of wheat (Figure 244).1708 Fragments of the Summer-Tammuz scene in the Zippori mosaic bear traces of a beige garment outlined in gray that covers the left shoulder and falls over the chest. The
Weiss 2005: 127–128, Figure 69. Parrish 1984: 94, Plate 1, Inv. 3591; Yacoub 2005: 116, Figure 48a. 1711 Parrish 1984: 93, Plates 2–4, Inv. 3599, 3602, 3603; Croom 2002: 93. 1712 Parrish 1984: 101, Plates 6–7. 1713 Parrish 1984: 106, Figures 10–12. 1714 Parrish 1984: 245, Plates 94–95. 1715 Kiilerich 1998: 23–24, Figure 1. 1716 La Regina 2005: 204. 1709 1710
Parrish 1984: 37–38. Hanfmann 1939: 113. 1707 Sukenik 1932: 36, 38, Plate 17; Roussin 1988: 430. 1708 Dothan 1983: 43; Dunbabin 1992: 190; Ovadiah 2004a: 88. 1705 1706
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nebris worn diagonally over the chest and garlanded with a vine-leaf wreath.1726 In the mosaic of the seasons from Ain Babouch Autumn has an ornate tunic with sleeves embellished with gold clavi. She is wearing a gold necklace and a garland of wheat ears.1727 A mosaic from Carthage displayed in the National Museum and dated to the first half of the 4th century portrays this season in a sleeveless brown tunic with a necklace and a crown.1728
Autumn is usually dressed in a tunic or dalmatica (with or without sleeves), overgarments, and with a wreath of vine leaves on her head. Johannes of Gaza’s ekphrasis described Autumn with a fruit-filled apoptygma.1717 In the Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic, Autumn is dressed in a light-colored tunic with a breast piece in its upper section surrounded by a wide chest-band and two bands hanging from the shoulders. It is decorated with a patagium with a geometric motif finished at the chest with three tooth-like shapes that may be a necklace (?). On her head is a hairnet (?) with a pattern of black triangles. Sukenik interprets this as a cap. She has gilded boat-shaped (?) earrings with a row of tesserae imitating emeralds (Figure 243).1718 At Hammat Tiberias, Autumn is dressed in a light-colored, sleeveless tunic secured with round, golden fibulae. Her head is crowned with a garland of figs with pomegranate leaves and her ears are adorned with earrings (Figure 244).1719 In the Zippori synagogue, Autumn-Tishrei is also wearing a long sleeveless tunic fastened with a fibula. She has a golden necklace and calcei (Figure 245).1720 The fragments of Tishrei in the Na’aran synagogue show that she wears a striped, sleeveless tunic ornamented with a fibula and has a palla (Figure 240).1721 At El-Mekerkesh, the female figures in the center of the mosaic are framed. The way in which they are presented as the seasons of the year and the fact that they are surrounded by other images of a similar size point to a unique approach that has no parallels elsewhere.1722
A review of the items of clothing of the four seasons shows that they reflect the yearly cycle, as well as the blessing of the natural order and express the world’s abundance and bounty, clothed in elegant items befitting their status and the seasons they represent. Their garments imitate fine silk and heavy fabrics in different colors. The seasons wear jewelry set with rich gemstones. Personifications of Winter have their heads draped in a palla, whereas Spring, Summer and Autumn are crowned with wreaths of roses, wheat, and vine leaves according to the season they represent. In the Beit Alpha synagogue, all four seasons are wearing a black hairnet. Two of the seasons displayed in the Massimo Museum have a gilt hairnet. The seasons in mosaics in Eretz Israel are clearly more modestly clad than those of the same period elsewhere. This may be due to pressure from patrons influenced by public opinion makers preaching modesty. Personifications of fair weather Examples of personifications of fair weather (kalokairia) in the visual arts are extremely rare. Kalokairia depicted in a mosaic from Caesarea is clothed in a white dalmatica decorated with a broad, gold clavi band worn over a full white tunic that is also ornate. Its long, closefitting sleeves are embellished with gold stripes. The clavi decorating the long-sleeved white tunic appears rounded because of the fullness of the fabric (Figure 231).1729 A similar rounded motif is visible on the tunic of the woman spinning beside women in the Vienna Genesis in the margins of the page recording Joseph’s escape from Potiphar’s wife (Figure 277).1730
In the mosaic from Zliten in Libya, the winged season of Autumn has a palla over her left shoulder; her right breast is exposed, she is wearing a bulla or torc around her neck and ears of wheat on her head (Figure 273).1723 The season of Autumn from Ayfissa, Syria has a yellow-gray halo and is dressed in a reddish dalmatica decorated at the neckline with tesserae resembling rubies, emeralds, and pearls. Beneath it is the yellow tunic with long, close-fitting sleeves. She is draped in a greenish palla and crowned with a yellow-gray halo and a gilt diadem set with pearls and precious gems, symbolizing wealth and aristocratic status.1724 In the mosaic from Ras-Boutria at Acholla, Tunis, Autumn is clad in a spotted beige nebris worn over a sleeveless white tunic (Figure 272).1725 A mosaic of the seasons from a similar date whose exact provenance is unknown shows Autumn clothed in a sleeveless tunic with a
The purple crown with a bluish stone set in its center that adorns the head of the personification of fair weather from Caesarea (Figure 231) is reminiscent of the crown of ktisis, personification of the creation, in a 6th-century mosaic from a palace in Edessa. The gold crown is embedded with tesserae that imitate square emeralds and has pearls in the middle.1731
Hanfmann 1939: 113. Sukenik 1932: 36, Plate 18, 1. 1719 Dothan 1983: 43–44; Steinberg 2007: 9. 1720 Sukenik 1932: 34, Plate 5b. 1721 Sukenik 1932: 36, Plate 5b. 1722 Parrish 1984: 59–68 . 1723 Parrish 1984: 245, Plates 94, 95. 1724 Kiilerich 1998: 23–24, Figure 1. 1725 Parrish 1984: 94, Plate 1. 1717 1718
Parrish 1984: 101–108, Plate 5. Parrish 1984: 101, Plates 6, 7. Parrish 1984: 106, Figures 10–12. 1729 Fukghum Heintz 2003: Figure 13, cod. theol. 31. fol. 16r. 1730 Cod. theol. gr. 31 (Faks.), fol. 16r: Wiener Genesis. 1731 Kiilerich 1998: 28, Figure 6. 1726 1727 1728
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Figure 277. Joseph and the wife of Potiphar, Vienna, Austria, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia User File Upload Bot (Eloquence), The Yorck Project (2002). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Meister der Wiener Genesis 001.jpg, CCO 1.0).
Personifications of Earth or the Land
portrayed clad in fine summer garments suited to the warm weather in which many fruits ripen.1735 The cloak over one or both shoulders was used to gather the fruits and was embellished with jewelry usually associated with an empress, a goddess, or a personification. The fact that the empress was linked with this personification shows that they were both associated with the provision of good fortune and wealth in the order of the world, an approach that was compatible with the Byzantine world view. Her luxurious and varied clothing shows the importance and significance of her appearance.1736 In the mosaics of Eretz Israel and Syria from the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods, Gaia is portrayed together with and in the same context as the seasons. Her image is common in baths and private homes throughout the Roman Empire. While the seasons represent the bountiful cycle and natural order, Gaia distinctly symbolizes the fertile abundance of the land.1737
The Land is usually personified as a female figure clothed in a chiton belted at the waist. She is bearing fruits that are gathered in an apoptygma created by the fullness of the fabric or in the hem of her garment, as in Saint George’s Church in Jordan (Figure 247).1732 The Land is accompanied by personifications of the seasons or the months of the year, as at Jerash in Jordan and at Beit She’an.1733 The goddess of the earth from Greek mythology, Gaia, merged with Terra Mater and the goddess Tellus, who according to Roman tradition was the goddess of the earth and fertility and who was depicted in cosmological contexts as responsible for the creative natural forces, rebirth, and the renewal of plants and living beings. Tellus is depicted together with the seasons and her attributes of fruit, a cornucopia, and a snake. Johannes of Gaza’s 6th-century ekphrasis contains a personification of the Land garlanded with ears of corn.1734 Vincent describes Gaia’s attributes as a cornucopia of fruits (grapes, pomegranates, oranges, and lemons). The wreath of corn on her head and the various local products emphasize her fertility. In Late Antiquity, the personification of the Land is usually
The El-Mekerkesh mosaic contains an image of Gaia, the earth goddess, clothed in a sleeveless chiton fastened with a sash and secured with two fibulae on the shoulders. The neck opening is embellished with a band
Piccirillo 2007: 86. Vincent 1922: 259–281, Plates viii–x. 1734 Friedländer 1912: I (Lines), 1–28, 136–137.
Vincent 1922: 263. James 2005: 296–297. 1737 Avner-Levy 1996: 367–368.
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Figure 278. Personification of the Land in a mural from the Via Latina catacomb, Rome, early 4th century AD (CCO 1.0).
sleeveless tunic with a brown sash. She is wearing an embroidered collar studded with gems (in the same superhumeral style as that worn by Theodora in the mosaic at Ravenna) and an armlet.1744 Vestiges of the goddess of the earth in the upper chapel of the Church of St John at Khirbet al-Muqayat in Jordan, dated to the 6th century, are clothed in an ornate tunic with a brownish-green palla over her right shoulder. The edges of the fabric gathered in her hands form a kind of pocket that contains fruit. She is crowned with a garland of leaves and fruit.1745 In the mosaic pavement in the Church of Bishop Sergius at Umm ar-Rasas, Jordan, the Land is dressed in a tunic. She has bracelets on her left arm and the palla drawn over her arms forms a pocket for fruit.1746 The garment of this personification from the Church of St George, Jordan, is embellished with short clavi terminating in small segmenta motifs (Figure 247).1747 In the ‘House of Aion’ and the ‘House of Ge’ and the Seasons at Antioch, she is depicted as a bust and has a white chiton over her shoulder, revealing her breast, and a reddish pallium over her left shoulder. She is crowned with a wreath of leaves studded with fruit and has pearl earrings.1748 In the ‘House of the Hunter’ mosaic from Antiochia displayed in Worcester Museum, the Land is clothed in a green tunic and has a red pallium on her shoulders. She is lifting the corners of the pallium to form a pocket that is full of fruit and her
or necklace, or she may have a transparent veil draping down the back of her neck (Figure 248).1738 Traces of a red palla can be discerned on an earth goddess depicted in a mosaic medallion found in a Roman house to the southwest of the Church of Saint Peter in Gallicantu on Mount Zion in Jerusalem. She is wearing a brown and yellow crown, in the center of which are three black gates surmounted by an arch (Figure 251).1739 In the West, a mural in Cubiculum E in the Via Latina catacomb contains a personification of the Land with a halo. She is leaning on her arm, which rests on a basket, with a pallium over her lower torso, bracelets on her arms, and a necklace (Figure 278).1740 A 2ndcentury bronze vessel displayed in the Museum of Art in Wien depicts her clothed in a chiton and a pallium, which drapes from her back over her legs.1741 A mosaic from Villa Casali near Rome from the 2nd century has a bust of her dressed in a black chiton and palla outlined in white.1742 A mosaic from the same century at the ‘House of Pajaros’, Seville, portrays the Land with a wreath and clad in a sleeveless tunic and a palla.1743 In the East, in mosaics from Eretz Israel and Jordan, the Earth or the Land is portrayed in bust form. In a mosaic dedicated to St Stephen in Jordan, the personification of the Land is clothed in a light-blue A length of cloth that may be part of a cloak. Piccirillo and Alliata 1992: 57; Avner 1995: 21–25. 1740 Ferrua 1991: 80–83, Figure 79. 1741 Gschwantler and Walcher 1986: 166, No. 306, Figure 330. 1742 Santolini Giordani 1989: 158, Tav. XXIII, Cat. no. 122. 1743 Duran 1993: 54–56, No. 6, Tav. 4.
Piccirillo and Alliata 1994: 129, 131, Figure 14; http: //library. thinkquest.org/04oct/01181/Byzantine%20costume.pdf Piccirillo 1992: 38, 174, Figures 226, 227, 230. 1746 Piccirillo 1993: 38, 234, Figure 368; Hunt 1994: 114; Pigueras 2000: 273. 1747 Piccirillo 1993: 179, Figure 251. 1748 Levi 1971: I. 355, 356.
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arms are ornamented with bracelets.1749 In a mosaic in Room 2 in Bath E at Antioch, the goddess of the earth is depicted on a throne wearing a crimson chiton gathered at her right shoulder and leaving her left shoulder exposed. She has gold bracelets on her arms and wrists. A white pallium is draped around her right leg, leaving her left leg exposed.1750 A mosaic from Tyre, Lebanon, portrays the Land in a tunica talaris with a palla over her shoulder.1751 The mosaic from Philippopolis dated to the second half of the 4th century and displayed in the National Museum in Damascus shows her in a pallium draped down her back to cover only her legs.1752 A piece of worked textile from a garment or a curtain displayed in Chicago’s Field Museum portrays her as a bust clothed in an ornate tunic and with a halo. She has a diadem, pendant earrings, and a string of beads or a ribbon studded with precious gems.1753 In a relief from Ephesus displayed in Vienna and dated to the time of Marcus Aurelius, her arms are draped in a pallium and she has a crown on her head.1754 A crowned personification of the Land on a sarcophagus in the Louvre is clothed in a chiton that is belted below the chest.1755
Figure 279. Semasia on coin (courtesy of CNG Classical Numismatic Group website: Inc. http://www.cngcoins. com).
Meyboom remarks on the presence of the date palm, the Roman symbol of victory adopted to signify the floods and represented by the figure of a woman.1759 Semasia is depicted on a 2nd-century coin from Alexandria riding on a horse and dressed in a short chiton with a pallium slung loosely over her shoulder as she bears the desired portent (Figure 279).1760 Personifications of Egypt
Personifications of the Land in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are consistent with the iconographic formula in visual portrayals examined and its written description in Johannes of Gaza’s tabula mundi.
In the ‘Nile House’ mosaic, Egypt is either personified with a cornucopia or as a female figure called Euthenia, who accompanies the personification of the Nile and brings abundance, expressed by the grain crops resulting from the flood waters.1761 In the ‘Nile House’, the figure bears a wreath of ears of corn and has a pallium over her left shoulder and her leg (Figure 250).1762
Personifications of Semasia, the ‘sign giver’ Examples of personifications of Semasia, the ‘sign giver’, are rare in the visual arts. Semasia embodies the flooding of the Nile by announcing that the water line has reached a marked height (Semaion). The figure is mentioned in papyri referring to the Nile.1756
Personifications of Egypt are rare in artworks of this era. She is depicted in a long, short-sleeved tunic on a 2nd-century Hadrianic silver coin (Figure 280). Maguire assume that the figure on the mosaic in Room-2 in Bath E at Antioch is a personification of Egypt.1763 In
The upper torso of Semasia in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori bears traces of a long-sleeved white and beige tunic. Her cuffs are embellished with crimson stripes. The two slashes at the waist may indicate the remains of a sash or folds (?). The lower torso is clothed in closefitting ankle-length beige and white trousers outlined in purple. The trousers are embellished with a roundel or segmenta (?). She is holding a branch with the letters ‘I Z’ beside it, which mark the level of the water on the nilometer (Figure 233).1757 Bonneau notes that in the Nile celebrations a new, revered figure, Semasia, appeared on a horse with a palm branch to herald the floods.1758 In his study of the mosaic at Palestrina,
Figure 280. Personification of Egypt on a silver coin (courtesy of CNG, Classical Numismatic Group website: Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com).
Levi 1971: I, 365, II Plates X Cd. Levi 1971: I, 263–264; Maguire 1987: 21, Figure 8. Chéhab 1968: 46, Figure XXVII. 1752 Butcher 2003: 320, Figure 144. 1753 Maguire, Maguire and Duncan-Flowers 1989: 13, Figures 10, 11. 1754 Robert 1904: III, 3, No. 337, Plate CIX. 1755 Levi 1971: I, 264. 1756 Jentel 1987: I, 718, II, 529. 1757 Talgam and Weiss 2002: 69. 1758 Bonneau 1964: 353; Meyboom 1995: 72–73. 1749 1750 1751
Meyboom 1995: 72–73, 169, 324, No. 165, 328, No. 179. Roscher 1965: IV, 659; Jentel 1987: 7, I. 718, II, 529; Meyboom 1995: 72–73, Figure 94. 1761 Turnheim 2003: 189–193, 199. 1762 Weiss and Talgam 1995: 61–63, 67–68, Figures 5, 6. 1763 Maguire 1987: 21, Figure 8; Cat. No. 3240. 1759 1760
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Weaving in Stones Roman times, Euthenia (the female personification of Egypt) was first used to describe prosperity in official documents. She appears on the 3rd-century coins from Alexandria. Her attributes derive from depictions of gods and goddesses such as Demeter. The wreath of corn, which emphasizes Egypt’s importance as a source of grain for the empire, and the cornucopia are drawn from the personification of abundance and prosperity, Abundantia, and the personification of the grain crops, Annona, whose name is derived from the word annus (‘year’). The figure appears on a 6th-century vessel in Wiesbaden Museum. Weiss and Talgam detect the adoption of many Roman symbols in this example, such as the pose and the basket of fruit accompanying the personification.1764
the crescent moon, and in a garment with full folds (Figure 1). Virgo The personifications of Virgo on mosaic floors in Eretz Israel are all wearing a long, ankle-length tunic and long close-fitting sleeves,1770 as in the example from the Na’aran synagogue (Figure 281).1771 At the Hammat Tiberias synagogue, the Virgo standing with nude male figures has a tunic embellished with dark blue clavi whose folds are outlined in black. A long palla placed over her left shoulder falls down her back and drapes around her right hand and head, which is decorated with a ribbon (Figure 282).1772 The palla and head covering resemble those of the nurse in the ‘House of the Red Pavement’ in Antioch, although the style of the folds is different. It should be noted that scholars have attributed influences from the Antioch school on the Hammat Tiberias mosaic artists (Figure 194). The long-sleeved tunic trimmed with gold and brown cuffs worn by the Virgo on a cushioned throne in the Beit Alpha synagogue belongs to this type. The tunic is decorated with short clavi terminating in segmenta roundels positioned on both sides of the
The Moon goddess There are many portrayals of the Roman moon goddess Luna, derived from the goddess Selene in Greek mythology. She appears either full length, as a bust, or as a portrait clothed in fully-draped garments which contains a large amount of fabric and with a moonshaped crown. She is either alone or accompanied by the sun god, as well as with images associated with the seasons such as the zodiac wheel, with gods, and with emperors. At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, the moon goddess is draped in a full palla that falls off her shoulder to reveal her left breast. On her head she wears a crescent moon crown composed of parallel curved lines (Figure 1).1765 The empress Julia Domna personified as Luna is depicted on a coin dated to the 2nd century.1766 In the West, a 3rd-century marble relief from Rome shows a bust of Selena clothed in a tunic with prominent folds and wide sleeves gathered with buttons to form a star motif. She has a moon-shaped crown.1767 A marble statue with the personification of the moon dated to the 3rd century, displayed in the Vatican Museum, is draped in a long, transparent Peplos. The surplus belted fabric forms a kolpos.1768 A similar portrayal is found on an early 5th-century marble diptych from Egypt (?), where the moon goddess is wearing a wide chiton fastened with two fibulae. A kolpos is created by the belt below her chest. The wide pallium grasped beneath her arm and secured with two fibulae billows out behind her in a brisk wind to form a kind of arc.1769 On a coin from the 2nd century, the empress Julia Domna is shown personified as Luna. The personification of the Moon in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary at Beit She’an is shown accompanied by her attribute,
Figure 281. Virgo in the Na’aran synagogue, 6th century AD (after Sukenik 1932: 34, Pl. 3b).
Weiss and Talgam 1995: 66. Avigdori 1986: 39–40. Or as Diana, because of her fertility; Mattingly 1936: 528. 1767 Gury 1981–1987: I, 707, II, 524, 2. 1768 Gury 1981–1987: I, 709, II, 527, 33. 1769 Weitzmann 1979: 158 (134); measuring 12.5 x 31.5 cm. 1764 1765 1766
Edmondson and Keith 2008: 35. Sukenik 1932: 34, Plate 3b. 1772 Grossmark 1994: 16. 1770 1771
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Figure 282. Personification of the zodiac signs Virgo and Libra at Hammat Tiberias, 4th century AD (photo after Ruth and Prof. Asher Ovadiah Pl. CLXXXII, in: Mosaic Pavements in Israel, Rome, 1987).
chest and has a small golden triangle in the center of the neckline (Figure 38).1773 The cushioned throne is a symbol of authority. The fact that it is depicted hovering above the ground is reminiscent of the throne of David/Orpheus in the synagogue at Gaza. The head and shoulders of the Virgo are ‘framed’ by the arched back of the throne to create a kind of halo.
remember that according to Jewish law, women were supposed to conceal their limbs. The female figures from Damascus gate and Kissufim The two female figures portrayed in the Orpheus mosaic from Jerusalem and the two on the Kissufim mosaic are clothed in garments that cover and obscure the outlines of their bodies. The figures are adorned with jewelry that emphasizes their high status. Those on the mosaic from the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem evidently have symbolic significance, according to the research. Their names, Theodosia (Eudoxia) and Georgia, are not female first names, but have a symbolic meaning: Georgia means ‘fruit of the earth’ or ‘agriculture’ and Theodosia means ‘gift of God’. Theodosia (Eudoxia) is draped in a black tunic with yellow patterns and a gray himation with red folds in the front. Her head is adorned with a diadem and a large nimbus. Theodosia’s halo is cross-shaped. She wears pendant earrings and bracelets. Her feet are clad in shoes rendered in red and yellow. In her right hand she holds a flower.
The partially preserved Virgo among nude male figures in the Roman mosaic pavement at Munster-Sarmsheim, Germany dates from the mid-3rd century and is clothed in a brownish-orange peplos (?) (Figure 184).1774 In the 4th-century dining room of a villa at Sparta, Greece, the bare-headed Virgo standing among nude men is clothed in a long, long-sleeved tunic embellished with clavi.1775 The finds described above show that the portrayals of Virgo in synagogues in the mosaics of Eretz Israel and in pagan works located in villas in the West portray her clothed in a long garment with or without sleeves. The Virgos in local mosaics are draped in pallae. The clavi decoration in the mosaics from Sparta and Beit Alpha is commonly found on men’s clothing. It is hard to accept Wortzman’s interpretation of it as a motif intended to accentuate the chest and breasts, since it usually appears above the waistline on men’s garments and the clavi of the throned Virgo at Beit Alpha are positioned below the line of the breasts. Furthermore, one should
Georgia is wearing a long tunic and a himation. Her drapery seems to include a colorful dalmatica (?). Her head is surrounded by a halo and crowned with a diadem and a large nimbus.1776 The ‘diadem’ may be a decorative motif embroidered on the maphorion. She is wearing red and yellow shoes, attesting to her high status (Figure 235).1777
Smith 1873: 639; Sukenik 1932: 34–35, Plate 17, see: Note 1; Wilson 1938: 87; Barton 1961: 156; Ball 2008;124. Wortzman maintatains that the tunic is sleeveless and that her bare arms are adorned with bracelets, based on the color of the exposed parts of the body; see: Wortzman 2008: 16. 1774 Parlasca 1959: 84, 86–87, 89 1775 Gundel 1992: 235, Figure 85. 1773
1776 1777
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Olszewski 2011: 657. Cimok 2001: 169.
Weaving in Stones
Figure 284. Annunciation on the triumphal arch of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Seudo, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Annunciation_on_the_triumphal_arch_of_santa_ maria_maggiore_in_rome_(cropped).png, Public Domain).
The two women in the mosaic from Kissufim are fully draped in decorous clothing. They have prominent boat-shaped earrings with long, dangling pendants. Although scholars do not identify the women in the burial chapel as Christians, they are dressed as such. The mosaic artist may have chosen to portray them
according to the customary dress code at a time when Christianity was established and theologians and intellectuals preached that the body and head should be completely covered.1778 The women in the Kissufim church are without halos. Scholars have identified one of them as representing the donor and the other the church (?). They are depicted as modest and devout Christian women. They too are clothed according to the meticulous dress code customary at the time. The heads and upper torsos, which are visible, are covered with a maphorion and a diadem similar to those depicted in portrayals of the Virgin Mary, sacred figures, and members of the imperial family (Figure 232). Cohen notes that the two women bear a resemblance to Theodora’s female companions in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna. A similar portrayal is found on the 5th-century burial stone of Theotecnus in the catacomb of Saint Gennaro in Naples, where the wife of the deceased is clothed in a long-sleeved tunic, a paenula, and a head-scarf.1779 It should be noted that the continued tradition of portraying high-class women, saintly women, and allegorical figures followed the fashion dictated by the royal court.1780 The old woman, who probably represents the church, is dressed in a tunica intima or a light-beige subucula (under-tunic). Over this is a black tunic whose cuffs are decorated with pearls and she has a maphorion over her head (Figure 232).1781 Brown claims that the old woman is practicing religious piety by contributing to the Christian community and that she belongs to a new emerging
Figure 283. Anicia Juliana, Vienna Dioscorides, Folio 6, Constantinople, 6th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Anthémios de Tralles, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Dioscorides Vienna f6b.jpg, Public Domain).
Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 426; Cimok 2001: 169, Figure 92. Davenport 1948: 83, Figure 289. 1780 Kiilerich 1998: 29. 1781 Cohen 1979: 21; Cohen 1993: 279–280; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004: 131–132, 141, Nos. 13–24. 1778 1779
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Figure 285. Dura Europos fresco showing Moses found in the river, dated to 244 AD, (photo credited to Wikipedia user: David Levy https://en.wikimedia.org/wiki/Pharaoh%27s daughter (Exodus)#/media/File: Dura Europos fresco Moses from river.jpg , Public Domain).
updated version and development of the maphorion, the shoulder-length veil that was placed over tightly bound hair. The maphorion is first mentioned in 4thcentury essays.1786 An examination of the image shows that the fabric was decorated in the course of time with embroidery and hanging ornaments and set with precious gems, silver plates, and gold. This created the kind of embellishment that was sewn onto items of clothing, which was a mixture of the crafts of embroidery and jewelry.1787 Mary’s maphorion was made of patterned fabrics or material whose texture imitated knots or gemstones and gold. Examples of this are found in a mural from the 6th-century catacomb of Commodila, where the Virgin is depicted with a white cloth, glimpsed through the maphorion, encircling her face,1788 and in a 6th–7th-century mural from Baouit displayed in Cairo’s Coptic Museum.1789 The cloth may have served to hide any traces of hair on the forehead beneath the head covering, as in the scene where Moses is lifted from the Nile in the Dura
class of aristocratic Christian benefactors, imitating the virtuous deeds of the Classical World’s ‘greatsouled’ person (megalopsychia) from ancient times.1782 The opening page of a 6th-century manuscript known as the Vienna Dioscurides preserved in the National Museum of Vienna bears the portrait of Juliana Anicia as a Byzantine princess sitting on a royal throne, her feet resting on a podium and her head crowned with a diadem; she is wearing earrings and her two companions have head bands (Figure 283).1783 This portrayal is reminiscent of that of the Virgin Mary in an icon from Sinai (Figure 255).1784 In many churches Mary the mother of God (Theotokos) is shown as a queen, Maria Regina, adorned with a diadem set with pearls and precious gems and she has necklaces and bracelets. In the annunciation scene in the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, she is dressed as a Byzantine princess and crowned with a diadem (Figure 284).1785 This version is repeated in the 6th-century Church of Maria Antiqua and in a wall mosaic in the Basilica of St Apollinare Nuovo, where Mary is shown in a diadem and beaded necklace. The diadem on Mary’s head in various scenes may be interpreted as an
Condra 2008: 127. In her work on Jewish Yemenite jewelers, Gilat describes the embroidered application of jewelry on items of clothing; see: Gilat 2003: 96. 1788 Grabar 1967: 174, Figure 186. 1789 Grabar 1966: 174, Figure 186; Rutschowscaya and Benazeth 2000: 150, No. 7118. 1786 1787
Brown 2008: 40. Cod. med. Gr.1, fol. 6v. 1784 Weitzmann 1977: 4; Mathews and Muller 2005: 61, Plate 15. 1785 Turnheim 1970: Figure 1. 1782 1783
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Weaving in Stones the early Byzantine period to decorate jewelry with splashes of color.1795 Summary The mosaics of Eretz Israel contain 63 portrayals of female figures. The garments of these mythological figures, goddesses and personifications show a correlation between the figure’s role, the way it is portrayed, and its attire. The female characters in the mosaic from the Burial Chapel at Damascus Gate and the church at Kissufim are clad in long tunics and head coverings, following the customary Early Byzantine dress code dictated by intellectuals and the clergy.1796 The need for repeated references to dress rules and the preaching of modesty by moral leaders and theologians in a society that included pagans, Jews, and Christians attests to the fact that women did not always heed such rules. The woman pulling on a rope in a mosaic at Zippori is dressed in a long tunic, although the garment would have hampered her work. This indicates that women laborers probably wore long clothing. The barefoot nursing woman in the mosaic at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa is also wearing a sleeveless tunic without an overgarment. The artist may have used the long tunic tucked between her legs to prevent her limbs from being exposed and depict her as a modest woman whose attire is suited to the sacred place where she is seated.
Figure 286. The Virgin from the Church of Santa Francesca Romana, Rome, 7th–8th centuries (courtesy of Santa Francesca Romana, Rome, https://www. romaexperience.com/rome-blog/goddesses-andfemale-saints-basilica-of-santa-francesca-romanarome).
The female figures in mosaics of the region are usually shown in items of clothing consistent with iconographic designs. The use of visual formulas created interpretative models and was consistent with a system of moral values and a socio-cultural code that helped the viewer identify characters according to their dress and ‘read’ the various items of clothing indicating their social status.1797 The range of colors used in women’s garments may signify the wearer’s status, in order to emphasize and intensify the differences between her and lower-class women as in the mosaic at Sheikh Zouède, where Phaedra is clad in a lavish crimson garment in stark contrast with the simple, gray-andblue dress of her nurse beside her.
Europos Synagogue (Figure 285).1790 In a scene (in the encaustic medium) of the Virgin from the Church of Santa Francesca Romana, an attempt has clearly been made to give the hem of the maphorion the effect of being studded with gemstones (Figure 286).1791 In the Pantheon in Rome, the icon of Saint Mary and the Martyrs has traces of earrings or the remains of a maphorion next to her ears.1792 The old woman’s diadem at Kissufim is reminiscent of that of Saint Perpetua depicted in a medallion on a 6th-century mosaic from the Oratorio of Saint Andrea in Ravenna.1793 A diadem studded with an oval pearl surrounded by colored gemstones and dating from the late 3rd–early 4th centuries has been found in a Jewish burial at Kfar Giladi.1794 The ornament reflects the tendency in
Despite the extensive geographic distribution of the various works, the artistic finds in the mosaics of Eretz Israel attest to a repeated use of common iconographic patterns and motifs derived from the attire of mythological figures, goddesses, and personifications found in both West and East. Nevertheless, it is evident
Goldman 2001: 177, Figures 10, 18. Also called Santa Maria Nuova, in Rome, dated to the 6th–7th centuries; Talmi 1983: 25; Vincent 1922: 266; Grabar 1966: 191, Figure 206; Janson 1986: 228, Figure 329. 1792 Brandenburg 2005: 233, Figure 142. 1793 Lefkowitz and Fant 1992: 166, Figure 15. 1794 Kaplan 1967: 109. 1790 1791
Grossmark 1994: 17. For the correct appearance of a modest Byzantine woman, see: Ball 2005: 98, 129. 1797 Cameron 2010: 11. 1795 1796
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Personifications
that the fabrics used for women’s clothing in the East are more stylish, imitating silk fabrics, brocades, etc. This is particularly prominent in the mosaics at Antioch. Among the female figures, the portrayal of Virgo’s attire in synagogue mosaics in Eretz Israel is similar to that of the women in pagan villas in Greece and Germany.
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Part V Garments worn by babies, infants and youths: the typological context
Chapter 22
Children’s tunics Ancient texts from Classical and Late Antiquity refer to the attire worn by babies, infants and children of all ages. Jerome urged parents not to deprive their children of fashion innovations in the dress and accessories they desired so that they would be more prepared to relinquish them. In his opinion, it was better for a child lacking certain items not to desire them.1798 In his treatise On Vainglory and the Upbringing of Children, Chrysostom exhorted parents to avoid dressing their children in garments made of soft fabric.1799 He also denounced the fact that boys and girls looked for luxuries and ordered mothers to urge their daughters to shun immodest clothing and jewelry to prevent people from believing that they had fallen into bad ways.1800 Tunica manicata Six of the children depicted on mosaics in Eretz Israel are shown in a tunica manicata. In the Sacrifice of Isaac scene at Beit Alpha, Isaac is wearing a transparent, white tunica manicata belted at the waist and with part of the tie loosened. The long sleeve is finished with a cuff (?) (Figure 4).1801 Abraham’s two young servants in the scene of the Sacrifice of Isaac in the Zippori synagogue are also dressed in a tunica manicata. The youth in front of the donkey is dressed in a pinkish-red tunic decorated with clavi. The cuffs of the sleeves are ornamented with two horizontal black stripes; the check orbiculi on the tunic and segmenta motifs placed on the shoulder straps are colored black and mustard-yellow. The tunic is tied at the waist with a black belt decorated with white squares. The youth is clad in black calcei with the laces dangling down both sides of the shoes, which may be pero, the short boots used by peasants, shepherds, grooms, hunters and other laborers and resembling calcei. The youth behind the donkey is wearing a similar tunic in mustard-brown. The tunic is damaged at the waistline. The cuffs are decorated with two horizontal stripes in black and beige. The epaulets, embellished with orbiculi, are in a checkered black and mustardyellow pattern. He has ankle-length calcei- or pero-type boots with laces trailing on either side (Figure 287).1802 A youth shown holding a horse’s halter in the Beit Alpha synagogue is dressed in a light-colored tunica manicata
Figure 287. Youths in the Zippori synagogue mosaic, 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Nis101, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: %D7%A6%D 7%99%D7%A4%D7%95%D7%A8%D7%99 2.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
(?) with highlighted cuffs; the tunic is embellished with short clavi finished with a small segmenta motif. The tunic hem is outlined and decorated with a segmenta. The second boy, whose torso is hidden behind the donkey, is probably clothed in a similar garment (Figure 4).1803 The splendid clothes of the young servants reflect their function, their master’s wealth and generosity. We can see this in the mosaic from Piazza Armerina, Sicily, Italy, in the 4th century AD, where the servants are well-dressed and the wealthy Roman lady is going to the baths. Her two female slaves carry boxes of oils, lotions, and towels. The two male attendants might also be slaves, based on their ‘barbarian’ hairstyles (Figure 74).1804 The youth depicted in the ‘Nile House’ mosaic has a similar close-fitting tunic in a transparent pinkish color with a central vertical stripe as far as the waistline.
Jerome, Letters, CXXVIII, 2, NPNF 6, Second Series; Jerome: Ep.,3, CSEL, CXXVIII, 2–3; Gould 1994: 47. 1799 John Chrysostom, Sur La Vaine, 63; Laistner 1976: 100. 1800 John Chrysostom, Sur La Vaine, 90 (Ii. 1054–1070); On Vainglory and Upbringing of Children; Wiles and Santer 1977: 223. 1801 Ovadiah 1993: 53. 1802 Smith 1873: 221; Weiss 2005: 143, Figure 82 ;150 Figures 91. 1798
Sukenik 1932: 115. Olson 2008: 43, Ross 2018: The Fates of Fausta and Crispus: an ancient murder mystery?; http://ianjamesross.com/journal,7.13.2018.
1803 1804
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Children’s tunics
Figure 288. Harbinger of the Nile’s tide, 5th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Deltafunction https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Tzippori_Nile_mosaic_July2009.JPG, CC BY-SA 1.0).
Folds near the kneeline give the garment the semblance of being wet. The cuffs are embellished with two black stripes. The edge of another under-tunic (subucula) is visible beneath the neckline (Figure 228).1805
orbiculi.1810 In the ‘Nile House’, the tunic has a central band and the cuffs are decorated with two stripes.1811 Children’s tunics decorated with clavi applications are shown in the 6th–7th centuries.
Colobium Three portrayals of children dressed in a colobium have been found in mosaics from Eretz Israel. On the church floor at Horvat Be’er Shemʻa, the suckling infant wears a yellowish sleeveless colobium secured over the shoulder and outlined with crimson; he has a bracelet (?) on his hand and an anklet (?) on his leg (Figure 237).1806 The boy ensnaring a rock partridge in the Nahariya church mosaic wears a similar colobium in shades of green and beige that is tied at the shoulders with two round, knotlike protrusions and he also has a light-brown and beige belt around his waist (Figure 289).1807 The boy riding a donkey with his legs crossed in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori is clothed in a gray, short-sleeved colobium beneath a yellow pallium (Figure 62).1808 Tunic decorations
Figure 289. Boy pushing a rock partridge into an open cage in the mosaic in the church on Katznelson Hill, Nahariya (photo: Dafna Wolf).
The synagogue mosaics at Beit Alpha and Zippori contain combinations of clavi, decorated cuffs, and orbiculi or segmenta.1809 Tunics in the Beit Alpha synagogue have ornamented cuffs embellished with two bands and Weiss and Netzer 1994: 48; Weiss and Talgam 1995: 62. Gazit 1992: 23; Figueras 2000: 2, 72, 273, Figure 9. Rock partridges were popular pets. 1807 See: Dauphin and Edelstein 1993: 51, Plate II; the favorite rock partridge was cared for as a caged pet; owners would stage fights between the birds; see: Pollard 1977: 15, 95, 108. 1808 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 77, Figure 62. 1809 Sukenik 1932: 115; Weiss 2005: 142, Figure 82 ;143, Figures 83. 1805 1806
1810 1811
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Sukenik 1932: 115; Weiss 2005: 143, Figure 83 ;150, Figure 91. Weiss and Netzer 1994: 48; Weiss and Talgam 1995: 62.
Chapter 23
Garments worn over the lower torso Perizoma
Skirt
The private parts of the boy extracting a thorn from his foot in the church mosaic in Nahariya are concealed by a brown perizoma with black dots (Figure 82). The personification of the Nile in the Mosaic from the ‘House of Leontis’, Beit She’an, is dressed in the same outfit (Figure 95).1812
The fragment of a pleated skirt (?) is visible on the lower torso of the child in a scene showing the wedding ceremony of Dionysus and Ariadne (Figure 239).1813
1812 Ovadiah and Ovadiah: 1987: 113–114, CLXXXVIII; Ovadiah 1996: 89–94.
1813
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Talgam and Weiss 2004: 61, Figure 46.
Chapter 24
Garments worn over the upper torso Neck scarf
Since depictions of it are unusual, it can safely be assumed that it was absent from the design books available to the artists. Its use here may stem from the artist’s desire to replace the heavy chlamys with a lighter garment.
There are very few artistic depictions of neck scarves. The boy extracting a thorn from his foot in the Nahariya church mosaic has a scarf fastened with a fibula around his neck (Figure 82).1814 The soldiers marching across a bridge on Trajan’s column have narrow scarfs or neckerchiefs (Figure 290).1815 Ancient sources record that the emperor Nero used to tie a kerchief around his neck.1816 A grayish-brown military neck scarf was called a maphoria.1817
Figure 290. Soldiers on Trajan’s Column, Plate number XXXII (photo from Conrad Cichorius: “Die Reliefs der Traianssäule”, Erster Tafelband: “Die Reliefs des Ersten Dakischen Krieges”, Tafeln 1-57, Verlag von Georg Reimer, Berlin 1896, 2nd century AD. https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: 032_Conrad_Cichorius,_Die_Reliefs_der_Traianss%C3%A4ule,_Tafel_XXXII.jpg CCO 1.0).
Dauphin and Edelstein 1993: 52; Hachlili 2009: 172. Holder 1982: Figure 4; Richmond 1982: 7, Plate 1. 1816 Suetonius: Life of Nero, 51. 1817 D’Amato 2005: 4, 34. 1814 1815
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Part VI Garments worn by babies, infants and youths: the iconographic context
Chapter 25
Garments worn by babies, infants and youths Babies’ clothing
century.1829 He advised swaddling in two stages. The first layer consisted of soft woolen bands three or four fingers wide. The second layer used wide, looselywrapped bands to prevent rashes and ulcers. Because sweat and excretions made the linen strips shrink, soft woolen bands were recommended, swaddling the infant so that no edges were left loose. The baby was wrapped in such a way as to prevent him moving excessively for about two months so that his body would grow straight.1830 This method was believed to ‘improve’ the infant’s body, as recorded in the Talmud.1831
Various works of art show babies wrapped in swaddling bands or in an assortment of tunics, with or without trousers. The suckling infant on the mosaic pavement in the church at Horvat Be’er Shemʻa is clothed in a sleeveless colobium (Figure 237).1818 While studying his attire and the fact that he is breastfeeding, it is helpful to consider the customary way of dressing infants and the age at which they were weaned. There was no Latin equivalent for the word ‘baby’ in Classical and Late Antiquity.1819 The ancient sources voicing the opinions of religious leaders, prophets, historians, philosophers, doctors and Christian saints refer to the care and clothing of infants. The prophet Ezekiel mentioned bathing in salt water and swaddling clothes.1820 In the annunciation to the shepherds, Luke mentions that the infant Jesus was wrapped in cloths.1821 The dress and hair-length of infants enable us to assess their age.1822 Babies portrayed in antiquity appear naked, wrapped in swaddling bands, or clothed in garments, reflecting two different approaches to childcare. One approach favored restraining the baby’s body to maintain skeletal stability and body temperature and to protect against accidents.1823 The other preferred to leave the baby’s limbs free. In the first instance, babies were usually wrapped in white swaddling bands, incunabula (πάργανον) or incorpora lesres.1824 In the year 150 AD, Ceionius Postumus announced the birth of his son Albinus whose body was as white as snow and whiter than the linen cloth wrapped around his body.1825 The use of white bands that had not yet dried out were used as binding around the mother’s breasts, the strophium.1826 In Greece it was customary to swaddle with bands and this continued until the infant was at least a year old.1827 Since a body that was entirely wrapped in cloths was considered unhygienic, in many cases the excretory organs remained exposed.1828 Instructions on how to swaddle babies appeared in Gynecology, a Latin essay written by the physician Soronus of Ephesus in the early 2nd
The swaddling bands were made of linen and fashioned like a blanket or cover made of long straps wrapped around the limbs.1832 It is sometimes impossible to distinguish whether suckling infants depicted in artworks are dressed or naked. For example, in the 2ndor 3rd-century mural in the Catacomb of Priscilla in Rome, it is unclear whether or not the nursing child is dressed (Figure 253).1833 In another mural in the same catacomb, in the Cubiculum of the Velatio, the baby is portrayed in the nude (Figure 254).1834 A statue depicting a mother goddess (?) clutching two babies wrapped in swaddling clothes found near the Church of Santa Maria in Capua dates from the 1st century BC and is exhibited in a museum in Berlin. The 3rd-century BC statuettes of swaddled babies from the temple at Paestum in Campani, in the regional National Archaeological Museum, show them wearing a pointed hat resembling a cuculus and decorated with a string of bullae or amulets. The 39 cm high limestone relief shows three female figures sitting on a ledge, dressed and bedecked. They wear long tunicae and their upper arms are decorated with a band. The figure on the left Soranus II.VII–IX. Soranus of Ephessus: II.VII–IX, XV, XXX.VII, XL.II; Huskinson 1996: 22, 91, Plate I.3; No. 65199. For the method of swaddling, see: Oosterwijk 2007: Figure 92. 1831 BT, Sotah 11b, ‘who washes and straightens the limbs (in the same manner that a midwife straightens a child’s limbs)’. 1832 Soranus of Ephessus: IX [XXIX]. Babies born into wealthy families were cared for by several nurses in their own quarters. They were wrapped in swaddling bands in such a manner as not to harm their delicate skin. Boys were loosely wrapped at the wrists, elbows, knees, and thighs, while girls were loosely bound around the chest. In this way, the physiological gender differences were emphasized (Shumka 2008: 174). The swaddling ensured that the hand remained free and the legs were left loosely bound. The arms were placed next to the body before the final bands were wrapped around the limbs, leaving the right hand free so that the infant would not grow up to be lefthanded; Russelle 1982: 277; Shumka 2008: 173–174. 1833 Lasreff 1938: 27; Grabar 1967: 99, Figure 95. 1834 Grabar 1967: 116, Figure 117. 1829 1830
Gazit 1992: 23; Figueras 2000: 2, 72, 273, Figure 9. Clark 1993: 48. 1820 Ezekiel 16: 4, ‘nor were you … wrapped in cloths’. 1821 Luke 2: 12. 1822 Beaumont 2012: 24, 27, 32. 1823 Pitarakis 2009: 178. 1824 Smith 1873: 634; Condra 2008: 113. 1825 Later known as Emperor Albinus; SHA Clodius Albinus: 5.9. 1826 Croom 2000: 119. 1827 Plato, Laws, 789E. 1828 Neils and Oakley 2003: 224. 1818 1819
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has her legs crossed and holds a swaddled baby.1835 Three babies are depicted in their mothers’ arms in Scene LXXVI on Trajan’s column. One appears to be wearing a tight-fitting, long-sleeved garment and the upper torso of the other baby is naked. The visible lower part is either swaddled or clothed in close-fitting trousers.1836 A statue of a goddess of fertility with four swaddled babies is now in the Carlsberg Glyptothek, Copenhagen (Figure 291). In funerary art babies are shown swaddled, like the one in his mother’s arms on a 4th-century marble tombstone from Athens displayed in the Houston Museum of Art.1837 The Berlin Museum has a 1st-century BC Hellenistic statue of a goddess holding two babies in similar attire.1838 Babies on many sarcophagi are swaddled, like the suckling baby shown in his mother’s lap in the center of the ‘childhood’ sarcophagus at Doria Pamphilli in Rome, and in Walters Art Museum (Figure 292).1839 A similar method of binding the body is shown on the right side of the burial stone of a wet nurse named Severina Nutrix. The stone dates from the late 3rd century and is on display in the Roman Museum in Cologne. Severina wears a girdled Gallic tunic, her hair is parted and brought above her ears to a loose bun at the nape of her neck (Figure 293).1840 A seated women wearing a stola and with her waved hairstyle gathered into a chignon leaves her newborn child to a nurse in a funerary marble stele made in Athens, ca. 425–400 BC (Figure 293b).1841
Figure 291. Fertility goddess holding four swaddled babies (Photo credited to Wikipedia user: Wolfgang Sauber, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Ny_Carlsberg_ Glyptothek_-_Fruchtbarkeitsg%C3%B6ttin.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Cornelius Statius’s sarcophagus, dated to the 2nd century AD, shows a nursing mother who is dressed in a tunica talaris. Her baby’s body is loosely swaddled, wearing a short tunic bound at the waist with several cloth bands enabling his feet to move freely and being nursed by his mother. A group of women seated on stool (diphros), are wearing a short-sleeved chiton fastened on their right shoulders and they are breastfeeding their babies (Figure 292).1842 An Early Archaic figurine from Sicily shows a naked woman with black and red makeup; she is sitting on the ground with her legs outstretched and gazing ahead with the baby lying across her.She wears large earrings and shoes. She has her hair arranged behind in a small knot and in a large roll over the forehead.1843 Women holding a baby or breastfeeding were a common theme in reliefs and clay figurines throughout Italy in the fifth century BCE. Miller-Ammerman 2007: 142–143, Figures 7.13, 7.14; Bullae: Inv. 40291; amulets: Inv.331. Uzzi 2005: 125–127, Figures 44, 49. 1837 Neils and Oakley 2003: 224, Figure 20. 1838 Oosterwijk 2007: 317, Figure 91. 1839 Kampen 1981: 34, Figure 4; Evans 1991: 168; Huskinson 1996: 11. 1840 Rothe 2009: 166, Plate XXXVII,U32,2. 1841 Kampen 1981: 35, Figure 6; Fildes 1988: 13, Figure 1.4. 1842 Huskinson 1996: 22, cat. I.23.1,2 1843 Price 1978: 20, Figure 7. 1835 1836
Figure 292. Mother breast-feeding a baby in the presence of the father, detail from the sarcophagus of Marcus Cornelius Statius, 150 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jastrow https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File: Sarcophagus Marcus Cornelius Statius Louvre Ma659 n1.jpg CC OO 3.0).
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Figure 293. Wet nurse Severina with swaddled baby (photo courtesy of Ursula Rothe), Der Grabstein der Severina Nutrix aus Köln: eine neue Deutung, Germania, 89, 191–214.
Figure 293a. Seated woman leaving her newborn child to a nurse, funerary stele marble, made in Athens, ca. 425– 400 BC. From Athens (photo credited to User: Jastrow), https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User: Jastrow ,public domain).
When a child reached the age of about one year, he was dressed in a tunic without undergarments to prevent soiling.1844 The Greek philosopher Plato referred to newborn babies’ dress in his Compendium legum (Laws), where he asked whether it was right for a baby’s tender body to be inserted into a mold, like cast wax, and kept in swaddling clothes until he was two years old. Would nursing mothers be forced to carry babies in their arms to the fields, to the temple, or to friends’ homes until their feet straightened? Should the practice be continued until the age of three, to prevent injury to their legs from the application of pressure on them?1845 In his Moralia, Plutarch mentioned the system of binding the body. He considered it a beneficial practice that educated the child and influenced his character and behavior. Swaddling was also common in Byzantium.1846
A contrasting opinion on babies’ dress derived from the belief that since they are living beings that use their limbs, they should be allowed to move freely. Babies depicted naked with a mother or a nurse differ from the swaddled type, possibly influenced by Aristotle’s comment in his 4th-century BC Politics that newborns should be allowed as much freedom of movement as possible.1847 The fashion of dressing infants in short, loose clothing is evident in various works of art.1848 In a 5th-century BC burial stone from Larissa, Greece, the nursing infant is shown in a long, sleeveless chiton.1849 In a relief on the 2nd-century Arch of Trajan, from Beneventum (Scene XCI) depicting the emperor’s munificence, the baby in the arms of his mother, who personifies a city, is enveloped in a garment fastened 1847 Aristotle: 7.15.2; Thompson 1996: 56; Bourbou and Garvie-Lok 2009: 73–74. 1848 On the infant Jesus and other holy figures, see: Pitarakis 2009: 178. 1849 Bonfante 2000: 176, Figure 39.
Shahar 1990: 102. 1845 Plato: II,E 789; Laes 2011: 80. 1846 Plutarch: I,3E; Talbot 2001: I.125. 1844
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Figure 294. The Massacre in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, 5th century AD (photo credited to user: MM https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: RomaSantaMariaMaggioreArcoTrionfaleSxRegistro3.jpg CC -S A- 3.0).
at the chest by two straps.1850 In an amulet known as the ‘grand amulet’, displayed in the National Library in Paris, the baby’s legs are swaddled in trouser-like cloths that allow them to move.1851 A suckling baby wearing a short brown-green colobium appears on a mosaic in the Great Palace in Istanbul. From the way in which the infant is sitting in his mother’s lap and turned toward her it is evident that he is not a newborn (Figure 257).1852
Antioch, noted that infants should only be fed milk until they could slowly and carefully be introduced to solid food.1856 Writings dealing with the lives and miracles of St Thecla and St Simeon Stylites document infants who were still breastfeeding at the ages of three and four.1857
Varro noted that stalwart women from Liburnia (today in Croatia) used to carry a load of felled logs while at the same time breastfeeding one or two children.1853 From this fact, and from the advanced age of weaning, the garment worn by the infant in the mosaic in Be’er Shemʻa may be interpreted as a colobium, reflecting the practice of allowing infants the free use of their limbs. This is corroborated by the depiction of this garment on the nursing baby in the mosaic pavement of a similar date at the Great Palace in Istanbul.1854 The babies being nursed at Be’er Shemʻa and in the Great Palace appear to be relatively old. According to Rawson, children were weaned at three months to three years of age. The physician Oribasius from Pergamum recommended weaning children when they reached the age of two, following the Greek physicians Rufus and Soranus of Ephesus.1855 Theophilus, the late 2nd-century Bishop of
The infants at Be’er Shemʻa and the Great Palace are wearing a colobium, which leaves the limbs free and is consistent with late weaning. The portrayal of nursing infants in these mosaics is probably consistent with depictions by medieval artists, who were accustomed to showing babies and children as adults in miniature but with a relatively large head due to the different approach to naturalism at the time. This is reflected in the enlarged figures of babies clothed in colored or white tunics decorated with stripes or clavi and tabula and shown in their mothers’ arms in the Massacre of the Innocents in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome (Figure 294).1858 A belt-less tunic decorated with a patagium along the neckline and shoulder blades, a short clavi and orbiculi is visible on the infant Kimbros sitting on his mother’s knees in fragments of a mosaic pavement of unknown origin of which fifteen panels have survived.1859 The mosaic segments, from Syria, probably Antioch or its territory, depicting methods of childcare and education, date from the mid-5th century
Currie 1996: 168, Figure 22; Uzzi 2005: 43, Figure 9. Ferris 2000: 50. 1852 Cimok 2001: 17, Figure 11. 1853 Varro, On Agri.: 2,10,8. 1854 Cimok 2001: 17, Figure 11. 1855 Bourbou 2010: 133.
Theophilus of Antioch: II, XXV; on the accepted method of feeding babies, see: Lascaratos and Poulakou-Rebelakou 2003: 186. Thecla mir.24, 350–353; Syméon Stylite: Vol. II, 10–12; Bourbou 2010: 132–134. 1858 Kenaan-Kedar 1996: 89, Figure 6. 1859 Marinescu, Cox and Wachter 2007: 101–102.
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Children at play in works of art enable us to trace the style of their dress and the educational approaches used in raising them. The Byzantines portrayed children as adults in miniature. Children depicted on their own or in the company of adults are therefore identified by their stature or by the lack of a beard.1868 In her book on children in Byzantium, Hennessy states height as the criterion for differentiating between a child and an adult in artworks. She adds that children generally wore short, white or brown tunics. Sometimes the tunics were shown with a colorful hem or patagium, which was a customary embellishment at the time.1869 A girl playing with a dove is wearing a long, slitted tunica.
The breastfeeding baby from Be’er Shemʻa is wearing a bracelet and an anklet (?). In the ancient world, bracelets and bullae had protective powers (Figure 237). Referring to the dangers of the evil eye, Plutarch’s Moralia remarks on the supernatural power by which jealous adults can cause grievous harm to children by gazing at them, resulting in weakness and ill health.1861 In the early Byzantine period, it was customary to hang bronze or lead amulets on babies with images composed of women, half of which were snakes and animals, attacking the evil eye.1862 Chrysostom protested against the practice of averting the evil eye by covering the newborn’s forehead and arms with gold and weaving gold threads into his clothing and forearm, as well as the use of amulets, crimson threads, and balls.1863 Chrysostom noted that the decoration of garments with crosses was a ‘miraculous gift’, which protected against demons and the evil eye. He also mentioned that women used to hang small Books of the Gospels around young children’s necks as a means of protection. 1864
In recently published panels, Kimbros, his teachers and fellow students are clothed in a beltless tunica manicata ornamented with clavi and orbiculi.1870 Literary sources and archaeological finds show that ancient pedagogy placed particular emphasis on children’s games and viewed them as a crucial part of their educational development since they enriched children’s imagination and were an important tool in preparing them for adult life.1871 The sarcophagi of many children and youths who died prematurely immortalize the various games they played.1872 Quintilian argued that from an early age, education through play contributed to a child’s development.1873 Pliny the Younger listed the animals given to Regulus’s son, which included birds such as a parrot and a nightingale.1874 Chrysostom devoted an important place in his writings to the role of games as part of the child’s educational process.1875 The description of children’s behavior and activities in sacred texts in the early Byzantine period contributes to our understanding of the education of children at the time. Those preordained to live as saints had no connection with games and toys. Children who shouted, laughed, screamed or played were ridiculed and regarded as foolish and stupid.1876 Augustine regretted being beaten as a boy because while he was playing with a ball he was not progressing in his studies.1877 The desire to imitate the adult world was common; children played with dolls, balls and toys in the form of animals and birds (Figure 295).1878 The 3rd-century dramatist Plautus mentioned in his play Captives a duck, a quail, and crows who acted
Items of clothing worn by children playing with birds and animals or hunting birds Some of the children in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are shown in the company of animals. The boy riding a donkey in the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori is clothed in a gray, short-sleeved colobium beneath a yellow pallium (Figure 62).1865 The knots were probably tightened to fit the garment to the child’s body and prevent it from slipping. A colobium secured with a tie is also shown worn by an olive harvester on a 2nd-century relief displayed in the Archaeological Museum in Cordoba.1866 A similar method of tying is visible on the left shoulder of the hunter battling with a lion in the Church of Deacon Thomas in Jordan.1867
1860 The garment is worn by the boy identified in the inscription as Kimbros, shown in six unpublished mosaic panels in a private collection that depict his birth, the celebration held for the occasion, his friend etc. and presented by Cos Sara at a conference in September 2012 in Venice, https: //laudatortemporisacti.blogspot. com/2018/09/ordeals-of-schoolboy.html 1861 Plutarch, Mor., III, 7, 680 d. 1862 Bourbou 2010: 104. 1863 John Chrysostom: In Epist. Pri.,ad Cor., Hom. XII, 8, PG 61, cols. 105–106; John Chrysostom, Ad Pop.: Hom. XIX, PG 49, col. 196. 1864 Measures were taken to ward off ghosts and spirits such as the female spirit Gylou, especially during the period between birth and baptism, and to protect babies and infants from the evil eye. Chrysostom deplored such customs; see: Pitarakis 2009: 196–203; Cohen-Raz 2011: 313–314. 1865 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 77, Figure 62. 1866 Bianchi Bandinelli 1971: Plate 175; Dauphin and Edelstein 1993: 51, Plate II; Croom 2002: 38, Figure 4. 1867 Piccirillo 1992: 180, Figure 252.
Hennessy 2008: 54. Hennessy 2008: 54, 75. Marinescu, Cox and Wachter 2007: 108, Figure 5.2. 1871 Plutrach: 608d; Néraudau 1984: 291; Huskinson 1996: 89; Rawson 2003: 353; Allason-Jones 2011: 231–236. 1872 Wiedemann 1989: 146–147; Huskinson 1996: 16–20. 1873 Quintilian: 1.1.15–17, 26, 36–7. 1874 Pliny the Younger: 4.2. 1875 John Chrysostom, Ad Pop., Hom.14, PG 49, Col. 145; O’Roark 1994: 181–182. 1876 Kalogeras 2001: 14, 18–19. 1877 Augustine, 15. 1878 Fantham and Foley et al. 1994: 1361; Rawson 2003: 129; Pitarakis 2009: 222. 1868 1869 1870
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Figure 295. Children playing ball games, Roman marble, 2nd century AD (photo credited to Wikimedia user: Jastrow https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Children_games_Louvre_Ma99n2.jpg, CC BY 3.0).
Gafsa and exhibited in the Bardo National Museum in Tunis are dressed in magnificent tunicae manicatae and some are wearing boots. The contestants are probably shown in splendid attire in order to beautify and enrich the mosaic work.1886 A tunic of the same type, adorned with a patagium at the neck and shoulder line, short clavi and orbiculi and without a belt is worn by Kimbros as he sits on a couch reaching out to pat a dog’s head in a mosaic section dating from the mid-5th century.1887 In a mosaic from the island of Kos, the boy hunting a bird is clothed in a short-sleeved colobium. He carries a birdcollecting basket on his back.1888 A mosaic in the 3rdcentury Piazza Armerina Villa shows juvenile chariot racers harnessed to various birds. The children are dressed in a fine tunicae manicata with knee protectors and short, open-toed calcei-type boots or sandals (Figure 296). The mosaic also portrays children participating in a cockfight and another in a loose tunic with tabulae and diamond lozenge motifs on the shoulders who is pulling a duck along with a noose (Figure 297).1889 In a sarcophagus from Villa Malta near Rome, a child in a sleeveless colobium (?) is holding two birds.1890 In the East, in the Apostolic Church in Jordan dating from 578 AD, a child is shown clothed in a gray colobium held with a sash finished with two bands and with a brown chlamys over one shoulder; he holds a parrot in one
as playmates and children’s attempts to imitate their sounds.1879 The Christian theologian Minucius Felix also wrote about children who competed at throwing shells into the sea.1880 Cross-shaped toys found in archaeological excavations include a Coptic doll dating from the 6th–7th centuries.1881 In the West, a 5th-century BC marble tombstone is engraved with the figure of a girl wearing a peplos and cradling two birds in her hands. The stone was found on the island of Paros in the Aegean Sea and is now displayed in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.1882 The winner of a cockfight depicted in a 1st-century mosaic in the ‘House of the Maze’ at Pompeii is clothed in an exomis.1883 Young putti accompanied by birds shown hunting rock partridges or quails and pushing a parrot into a cage are portrayed in the apsidal mosaic in the 3rd-century ‘House of the Buffet Supper’ at Antioch, where they are clad in beltless tunics and a pallium fastened with a fibula(?).1884 Children playing in a pleated colobium belted below the waist appear in a 5thcentury marble relief fragment from Constantinople displayed in the Museum of Byzantine Art in Berlin.1885 Dark-skinned young grooms competing in a chariot race in a mosaic dating from the 6th–7th centuries from Plautus: 1002–1003. Minvcivs Felix: Chapter III, 323–324; Donalson 1909: 176. 1881 Hatlie 2006: 190–191, Figure 9.5. 1882 Jenkins 1994: Figure 18. 1883 Uzzi 2005: 186, Figure 73. 1884 Levi 1941: 127. 1885 Effenberger 2006: 22, Inv. NR- 4690. 1879
Vercoutter and Leclant et al. 1976: 258, Figure 349. Marinescu, Cox and Wachter 2007: 107–108, Figure 5.1. Kollias 1994: 82, Figure 58. 1889 Capizzi and Galati 1990: 76–77, 82–83; Gentili 1999: 156–160, Figures 2, 3. 1890 Sichtermann 1998: 109, Taf.51,1.
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Figure 296. Children playing at chariot racing, Villa Romana del Casale, Piazza Armerina (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Lidine Mia, https:// commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Villa_Romana_ del_Casale-vestibule_du_ petit_cirque-7.jpg, CC BYSA 4.0).
Figure 297. The Child Hunters, Villa Romana del Casale, early 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Jbribeiro1, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Cubicle_of_the_Child_ Hunters_-_Valle_Romana_del_Casale_-_Italy_2015_(2).JPG, CC BY-SA 4.0).
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Figure 299. Children’s games, The Great Palace Mosaic, Istanbul 1997, Turkey, 49–51: Figs. a, b (courtesy of Werner Jobst, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Study of Ancient Culture, Vienna, Austria).
man holding a peacock is wearing a tunica talaris of which only a few fragments remain.1895 The mosaic from the 6th-century Great Palace of Istanbul shows several children playing with animals, like the child wearing a short sleeveless colobium and herding two geese with a stick (Figure 299).1896 Two children riding a camel are dressed in a short-sleeved colobium.1897 The boy rescuing rabbits in this mosaic has a sleeveless colobium.1898 Tunics of this type were usually worn by children of the upper classes. The archaeological evidence for children’s clothing includes tabulae, orbiculi, clavi, an amulet decorated with children and chicks, and embroidery work dating from the 4th–7th centuries.1899 In the various visual arts in both East and the West, children playing with animals are clothed in either an exomis, a perizoma, a colobium, or a tunica manicata. Figure 298. Boy holding a parrot in the Apostolic Church in Jordan, 6th century AD (after Piccirillo 1992: 97, Fig. 79, Courtesy of SBF).
The Spinario, the thorn extractor The portrayal of the Spinario, the boy drawing a thorn from the sole of his foot and sitting cross-legged in the outer border of the Nahariya church mosaic pavement with a neck scarf and a perizoma is unique, both by reason of the subject matter and because of the scarf around his neck. There are very few depictions of the Spinario among various visual representations. The boy’s portrayal is associated with Dionysian scenes
hand and a stick in the other (Figure 298).1891 Another child in the same mosaic, who is pulling birds with a noose, is dressed in a gray tunica manicata decorated with a patagium and has an orange sash around his waist.1892 The bird-trapper in the church at Petra wears similar garb.1893 Another figure, wearing a short-sleeved red colobium, is shown in the 5th-century Diakonikon of Jabaliyah.1894 In the church at Zay al-Gharby, the young
Piccirillo 1992: 314, Figure 661. Cimok 2001: 18, Figure 12. Cimok 2001: 43, Figure 41; Hennessy 2008: 54. 1898 Werner1997: 46, Figure 30. 1899 Kendrick 1920–2: II, Plate VIII, 320; Fluck and Finneiser 2009: 36–45, Kat.13a–b, 15, 16, 17 a–b. 1895 1896
Buschhausen 1986: 61; Piccirillo 1992: 97, Figure 79. Piccirillo 1992: 101, Figure 83. 1893 Hachlili 2009: VII.19b. 1894 Humbert 2000: 123. 1891
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Weaving in Stones showing a satyr and Pan bending over their feet. Such depictions of village life warn against the dangers of walking barefoot.1900 The mosaic artist in the Nahariya church draped the boy’s private parts in a perizoma and his upper torso in a neck scarf.1901 The garment around his neck is described in the literature and is visible on soldiers marching on Trajan’s Arch (Figures 82, 290).1902 In copies of sculptures that are lost, the Spinario extracting the thorn appears dressed in a perizoma (?). For example, in a marble copy of a 3rd-century statuette from Esquiline in Rome displayed in the British Museum (Figure 300),1903 and in the bronze sculpture of Greek origin dating from 50 BC whose copy is displayed in the Capitoline Museum in Rome (Figure 301).1904 In a copy of a grotesque figurine made of red stone, the thorn extractor is portrayed as a dark-skinned youth in an exomis and a flat peasant’s hat. The 2nd-century BC figurine, from Priene in Greece, is exhibited in Berlin’s Altes Museum.1905 Isaac’s clothing The Sacrifice of Isaac described in the Book of Genesis 22 in which God orders Abraham, ‘Take your son, your only son, whom you love, Isaac... And sacrifice him there as a burnt offering on a mountain I will show you,’ was a major theme in artistic works and prayers in synagogues. In the Mussaf prayer at Rosh Hashanah, the ‘Birkat Zikhronot’ asks, ‘May you mercifully remember today the Sacrifice of Isaac, for the sake of his offspring...’ In the sacrificial scene in the synagogue mosaic in Beit Alpha, Isaac is wearing a white, belted tunica manicata. Its long sleeve is finished with a cuff (?) (Figure 4).1906 Legend relates that on the morning of the sacrifice, Sarah took a beautiful fine garment and put on Isaac her son, placing a splendid turban upon his head and a precious stone on top of the turban.1907 In and prior to the period covered by this book, Isaac is depicted either dressed or naked in many visual representations, including wall frescoes, sarcophagi and reliefs.
Figure 300. Spinario, British Museum, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yair-Haklai https://id.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berkas: SpinarioBritish_Museum.jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
Isaac lies naked on the altar in the mural in a niche of the synagogue at Dura Europos in Syria (Figure 146). So too in the West, in the Catacombs of Peter and Marcellinus in Rome.1908 The earliest appearance of the subject in Christian art is in a wall painting in the Catacomb of Smith 1991: 137. Dauphin and Edelstein 1975: 129. 94. The hunters displayed in the foreground of the triclinium mosaic from Apamea have a narrow white scarf round their necks; Sumner 2009: 169. 1902 In the 14th-century Nevers Cathedral in France, where the figure of an athlete is dressed in a long, wide garment; Bloch 2006: 63–64, Figure 8. 1903 Smith 1991: 137; Figure 171, no. 1775, H. 73cm. 1904 Bober and Rubinstein 1986: 235, no. 203. 1905 Smith 1991: 137, Figure 172, no. TC18626, H. 17cm. 1906 Ovadiah 1993: 53. 1907 Ginzburg 2003: 60a. 1908 Smith 1922: 160, Figure 1. 1900 1901
Figure 301. Boy extracting a thorn, bronze sculpture dating to the 2nd century, displayed in the Capitoline Museum in Rome (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Sixtus, http://m.wikizero.biz/index.php?q=aHR0cHM6Ly 9lbi5tLndpa2lwZWRpYS5vcmcvd2lraS9GaWxlOkxvX1Nw aW5hcmlvLkpQRw,BY-SA 3.0).
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Figure 302. Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, cast in Rome, early 4th century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Tetraktys. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sarcophagus_of_Junius_Bassus_-_Cast_in_Rome.jpg, CCO).
Callixtus in Rome, where Isaac is depicted in the orans position and clothed in a tunica talaris (Figure 147).1909 It is notable that this dress, which was customary during the period, is shown on other children wearing similar decorated tunics in the 4th- and 5th-century catacomb of San Gennaro in Naples (Figure 148).1910 Isaac is clothed in a tunica manicata (?) and clad in sandals in the sacrifice scene on the left wall in the Via Latina catacomb in Rome (Figure 149).1911 A later drawing of the frescoes in the nave of the 5th-century Basilica of St Paul Outside the Walls shows Isaac wearing trousers (?) beneath a pleated tunica manicata fastened with a belt.1912 The sarcophagus of Vigna Massimo depicts Isaac wearing a paenula.1913 The 4th-century sarcophagus of Junius Bassus shows him clothed in an exomis (Figure 302).1914 In the sacrifice scene in the arched part of the wall mosaic in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, dated to the 6th century, Isaac is wearing a brown rolled-up tunic with long sleeves. The tunic is embellished with black clavi bands from the shoulder to the center of the chest
and finished with a round medallion; the epaulettes are decorated with orbiculi. The lower part of the tunic is embellished with two segmenta roundels (Figure 151).1915 A capital in the 5th–7 th century Church of San Pedro de la Nave in Zamora, Spain, portrays Isaac in a colobium (?) with diagonal stripes on the upper section and at the hem (Figure 303).1916 A disk on a 4th-century cup from the city of Podgorica in Montenegro displayed at the Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg shows Isaac in a tunica manicata.1917 In the East, Isaac appears in this garment in a fresco in the 4th-century ‘Chapel of the Allegorical Figures’ at Al-Bagawat in Egypt.1918 In a 4th-century fresco in the ‘Chapel of Peace’ at Kharga in Egypt, Isaac is dressed in a white, pleated midcalf-length dalmatica and a chlamys bearing the letter gamma. The garments in this chapel are typically Greek and Byzantine and are not in the Coptic style.1919 Bound on the altar, Isaac wears a tunica manicata and close-fitting trousers on a Red Ware bowl from Tunis
Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 221. Davenport 1948: 83, Figures 289, 290. Ferrua 1991: 125, Figure 113. 1912 Yahalom 1999: 43, Figures 8a, 8b. 1913 Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 223. 1914 Inv. 31648, ex. V. 1909
Poeschke 2009: Taf. 68. Van Den Brink 2002: 150, Figure 10. 1917 Van Den Brink 2002: 145, Figure 5. 1918 Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 227, Figure 9. 1919 Bourguet 1971: 90, 104–105.
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Figure 303. The Sacrifice of Isaac on a capital in the Church of San Pedro de la Nave in Zamora, 5th–7th centuries (photo credited to Wikipedia user: YeRa~commonswiki, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/San_Pedro_de_la_Nave#/media/File: San_Pedro_de_la_Nave_capitel.JPG, Public Domain).
that dates from the latter half of the 4th century and measures 17.9 cm across, now in a private collection in New York.1920 In fragments of a 6th–7th-century tempera mural from the Monastery of St Jeremiah in Saqqara, the barefoot Isaac is clad in a belted tunica manicata embellished with clavi (?) and segmenta.1921 In the Binding of Isaac on a panel of the sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, he is clad in a perizoma (Figure 302).
and fed and watered them, as is evident in the mosaic in the Geat Palace in Istanbul (Figure 299).1923 The Book of Genesis states that Abraham took two young men with him on the way to sacrifice his son on Mount Moriah, but there is no description of their garments.1924 In the portrayal of the sacrifice in the Beit Alpha synagogue, the two youths (the donkey driver and the one standing behind the donkey) have a tunica manicata with dark stripes on the cuffs. The tunic of the youth holding the halter is decorated with short clavi trimmed with a segmenta. Two segmentae roundels also adorn the tunic hem (Figure 4).1925 Wortzman identifies the youth with a donkey in the Sacrifice of Isaac, whose tunic is embellished with clavi and two small segmentae, as Sarah because of a midrashic reference placing Sarah at the sacrifice. This is despite the fact that Sarah is shown at the entrance to her house in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna clothed in a long tunic and with a covered head (Figure 151).
In the East, Isaac can be seen portrayed in a number of scenes in the nude or in a tunica talaris. In the West, he rarely appears in the nude.1922 A variety of items make up his attire, including a paenula, an exomis, and different kinds of tunics. Clothing worn by donkey drivers It is clear from the research that, as in biblical times, children were employed in the Roman and Byzantine world as donkey drivers, chicken keepers, and shepherds roaming through the countryside, as was the case in the biblical epoch. Youths and children cared for animals
Columella: 7, 1, 2; Hunt 1994: 117, Figure 7; Laes 2011: 208. Genesis 22: 13. 1925 Weiss 2005: 145, Figure 84; The desire to enrich the mosaic work is also illustrated by the bell around the donkey’s neck. 1923
Weitzmann 1979: 422 (379). 1921 Gabra and Eaton-Krauss 2007: 106–107, Plate 71; Inv. No. 8411. 1922 Speyart Van Woerden 1961: 230. 1920
1924
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Summary
An examination of the midrash to which the reader is referred in Ginsburgh’s book refers the reader to a legend in which Sarah dressed her son in fine clothing and wept while she accompanied him. Disguising himself as a man, Satan came to deride Sarah and told her that Abraham had sacrificed Isaac. At this, Sarah threw ashes on her head and went with her handmaidens to seek Isaac. In another meeting with Satan, he confessed that he had spoken falsely to her. She was so overcome with joy that she expired. The legend contains nothing about her being present at the sacrifice.
A review of the dress of infants and children in mosaics in archaeological finds from Eretz Israel, together with depictions in different artistic media and in the literature, shows that as soon as babies were released from swaddling clothes, their attire resembled that of the men or women of their class. This is reflected in the garments’ style, decorations, and colors. Unlike adult clothing, however, children were sometimes given additional head covering. Ball refers the reader to the early 7th-century mosaic in the Church of St Demetrius in Thessaloniki, which shows two children dressed in a chlamys fastened with a fibula, while the chlamys worn by St Demetrius, the patron saint of children, is decorated. She assumes that children were dressed in the most luxurious clothes available, but there is no way of knowing whether these examples reflect the typical attire of those who were wellestablished in society.1929
It is not reasonable that Sarah would have been portrayed in a short tunica manicata, since at the time the mosaic was made even women laborers wore long tunics, as in the Zippori mosaic where a woman is shown pulling on a rope. The shepherdess on a 5th–6thcentury silver plate from Alexandria and the woman spinning in a border in the Vienna Genesis manuscript are clothed in long tunics (Figure 277).1926
Boys usually wore an undertunic, sometimes together with a wide, sleeved overtunic, and narrow hosa or anaxyrides laced with ‘points’.1930 In Late Antiquity, the style of children’s clothes was no different from that of adults’ attire. This reflects prevailing attitudes towards children and approaches to their education,1931 as is evident in a lower register in the Vienna Genesis where a child stands behind a pedestal wearing a white tunica talaris beneath a pallium (?). The tunica talaris has two stripes around the cuffs, clavi, and segmenta in its lower section and resembles the garment worn by Joseph in the upper register.1932 The last reference to the praetexa toga in the Digest codex of laws by Justinian, described the correct design and type of clothing for young children.
Abraham’s two young servants in the sacrifice scene in Zippori synagogue are also clad in a tunica manicata. The one standing in front of the donkey is dressed in a pinkish-red tunic decorated with clavi; its cuffs are ornamented with two horizontal black stripes and the tunic hems have check orbiculi and segmenta motifs. The tunic is fastened at the waist with a black patterned belt decorated with white squares. The youth is wearing black calcei. The one behind the donkey is wearing a similar tunic in mustard-brown. The tunic is damaged at the waistline. The cuffs are decorated with two horizontal stripes in black and beige. The epaulets are embellished with black and mustard orbiculi. On his feet are black calcei- or pero-type boots, their laces trailing on either side (Figure 287).1927 In the sacrifice scene in the Via Latina catacomb the boy standing behind the donkey is wearing a short tunic decorated with clavi and with two horizontal black stripes around the cuffs (Figure 149).1928
Research in the past three decades into the social perception of children’s behavior and dress and attitudes toward them (as reflected in works of art during the period covered by this volume) maintained that they were treated like adults.1933 Today, this approach is doubtful in the light of new research into various aspects of childhood at the time. Upper-class children wore short, belted or unbelted tunics in the Byzantine period, sometimes adorned with clavi, an ornate neckline, orbiculi, segmenta or tabula motifs, and an overgarment gathered to the center of the body.1934 Archaeological finds include children’s clothing adorned with depictions from the Old and New Testaments, some of which have partially or completely survived in Egypt
The chapter on servants’ attire in this volume mentions written descriptions of the way in which servants’ clothes were chosen and supplied by their masters, so that slaves and servants were often better dressed than people who were free, but poor. The ornamental attire of the donkey boys in the mosaics at Beit Alpha and Zippori probably reflects the desire of patrons or mosaic artists to decorate the synagogue floors with splendidly-dressed figures. This is also evident in the ornamental bell dangling from the donkey’s neck.
Green 1966: 43; Ariès 1979: 48; Ball 2005: 25, 100; Newman 2007: 99. Newman 2007: 100. Rose 1989: 11. 1932 Levin 1972: 243–244, Figure 2, fol.16 r. 1933 Ariès 1962: 28–133. 1934 Pitarakis 2009: 178–179. 1929
1930 1931
Weitzmann 1979: 251–252 (231). Smith 1873: 221; Weiss 2005: 143, Figure 83; 150, 82. 1928 Weiss 2005: 150, Figure 91. 1926 1927
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Weaving in Stones due to the region’s arid climate.1935 Differences in the status of children in antiquity and in the early Middle Ages are reflected in their different attire. The clothing was not particularly modest, since both boys and girls usually wore tunics without underwear to conceal their private parts while sitting or engaging in various activities. As they grew older, they used undergarments with ties at the end that could be seen through a short or long garment that was rolled up while playing or involved in other activities.1936
1935 1936
Fluck 2008: 7–14. Sahahar 1990: 102.
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Part VII Clothing accessories
Chapter 26
Jewelry Clothing accessories including ornaments, headdresses, belts and footwear worn by men, women and children and shown on mosaics from Eretz Israel and by various other artistic means, are described in previous chapters. This section examines the clothing accessories and refers to their origins, adoption, iconographic parallels, literary sources and archaeological finds, which was not possible in previous chapters.1937
both functional objects and gender markers. In the ancient world, visual languages included gestures, clothing, and accessories such as jewelry, footwear, headgear and attributes, all of which contributed to the creation of interpersonal communication without the need for words.1940 Many articles of jewelry were of a religious nature and the adherents of different faiths wore jewelry during their sacred rituals. Ornaments were associated with a belief in the supernatural; by embedding them with metals and stones attributed with magical powers and healing properties, mysterious and mystical human powers could be reinforced.1941 Bodily ornaments could attest to a person’s religious beliefs. They served as a powerful means of appeasing the gods and protecting the dead, who were assigned to the afterlife with their jewelry. Ornaments served as pleas and offerings to the gods. They could also be used as a form of currency that could be easily concealed and produced when needed. Jewelry reflects beauty, pleases the eye, and responds to mankind’s love of and craving for precious materials and the desire to beautify the body and create a sensual impression. The aesthetic experience includes imagination, creativity, originality and self-expression. Jewelry indicates the wearer’s economic and social condition and ornaments were a status symbol and a means of demonstrating wealth.1942 The items of jewelry, which are actually miniature works of art, reflect different aesthetic perceptions that were dictated according to the spirit and taste of the period and the place, as well as the materials and techniques used by their creators. Such ornaments attest to the taste of those who lived in Late Antiquity, the technical skill used to work metals and gems, and the ability to use them to design masterpieces. They were also presented by powerful people as gifts of love and appreciation. Emperors would bestow gifts of crowns, fibulae and rings to soldiers and municipal and religious officials.1943 Alföldi detects a deliberate trend in the ostentatious design of the imperial fibula that was designed to emphasize the power given to military officers.1944
‘In that day the Lord will snatch away their finery: The bangles and headbands and crescent necklaces, the earrings and bracelets and veils, the headdresses and anklets and sashes, the perfume bottles and charms, the signet rings and nose rings, the fine robes and the capes and cloaks, the purses and mirrors, and the linen garments and tiaras and shawls’ (Isaiah 3: 18–23). The ornaments depicted in the mosaics of Eretz Israel belong to five main groups: • Fasteners: Fibulae. • Head ornaments: Wreaths, gold bands, diadems, crowns, and a golden city (a crown with walls and towers). • Arm and wrist ornaments: • Colored or monochromatic bracelets made of spirally coiled wire in imitation of iron, gold, bronze, or glass. • Neck ornaments: Necklaces and strings of pearls, beads of similar or different sizes arranged in a pattern, pendants, and chains. • Ear ornaments: Earrings – hanging (pendant or drop), pearl clusters, boat-shaped, and earrings with a central gemstone.1938 Jewelry design is one of the most ancient decorative arts in the history of mankind. Depictions of bejeweled figures appear in statues, wall paintings, mosaics, jars, vessels and coins, mainly from the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods. Such ornaments reveal artistic models that also served as a method of communication.1939 In every culture, ornaments are
The Hellenistic period was characterized by the merging of different cultures and mutual trans-border inspiration. The major jewelry-production centers
1937 For example, the distribution of belts and pendants. The jewelry repertoire in mosaics in Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity is the subject of my MA thesis, written under the guidance of Prof. A. Ovadiah. Although the reader is invited to consult the appropriate references, I will briefly address the range of ornaments and the literary sources relating to their use. In addition, Part 2 of the study contains a glossary with the types of ornaments. 1938 For a description of ‘boat-shaped’ earrings, see: glossary. 1939 Janes 1998: 27; Métraux 2008: 274.
Sebesta and Bonafante 1994: 5. Broardam 1996: 8; Swift 2000: 28. 1942 Lopez 1945: 8–11; Métraux 2008: 274. 1943 Janson 1986: 9–21; Ploumis 1993: 9–21, 74. 1944 Alföldi 1970a: 65. 1940 1941
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in this period included Alexandria and Antioch.1945 Surprising amounts of gold and silver jewelry have been discovered from the time of Alexander the Great’s conquests. Hoards of Persian gold were taken from the palaces in Shushan/Susa and elsewhere and the Persian influence is evident in Greek fashion. The desire to ‘make an impression’ left its mark on clothing fashions, making this period a golden era of the art of jewelry. Women bedecked themselves with bracelets, anklets, armlets, chains, earrings and headgear embellished with precious stones.1946 During the Republic and under the first emperors, laws limiting the amount of gold that could be worn to half an ounce led to tension between the regime’s values and the craving for wealth and gold.1947
mythological figures in synagogues, churches, and pagan buildings. Analysis of the finds containing depictions of fibulae shows that many such ornaments are present in the mosaics of Eretz Israel and they were the most popular accessory on men’s clothing,1951 where they were usually positioned over the right shoulder.1952 The small size of most of the fibulae in the Eretz Israel mosaics suggests that they were used to secure thin cloth, like the hunters’ cloaks, since thick woolen fabric would require larger fasteners.1953 The fibulae depicted in local mosaics are similar in form to those shown in mosaics in other regions and in different visual representations, confirming the theory that such images were based on traditional iconographic patterns.1954 Few of the fibulae in the Eretz Israel mosaics have a complex design. Twenty-five of them are a simple round disk with no particular features. The disk consists of tesserae forming one central circle or several circles of different shades and sizes. In the literature, these are classified as ‘Disk-Type’ Plate Brooches.1955 This simplicity may attest to the prevailing taste in the country, or to the internalization of messages preached by prominent leaders of the time, since only a few additional tesserae would have been required to render the fibulae more elegant. Unlike other types of jewelry, such as bracelets, necklaces, crowns and earrings, which had a purely decorative purpose, most of the fibulae are purely functional. Nevertheless, the fact that they were designed as ornaments enabled a variety of shapes, materials and colors to be used to reflect the fashion of the period. Among the materials used in fibula production were wood, bone, iron, silver, gold, and bronze. The materials usually reflected the wearer’s status.1956 Emperor Theodosius’s fibula resembles that on the cloak of the sun god at Hammat Tiberias (Figures 8, 159) and those worn by the Magi in the triumphal arch at Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome.1957 The courtiers grouped around the figure of Theodora and Justinian in the Basilica of San Vitale are wearing a fibula shaped like a ‘cross-bow fibula’ and twisted into a P-shaped spiral. This gilded fibula consists of a narrow, needle-like pin located on the inside and attached to the curved area of the bow.1958 In the 5th century, the crossbow fibula was only worn by people of high status. Justinian’s troops in the wall mosaic at the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna are portrayed without fibulae, since from the mid-4th century onward this item was
The expansion of the Roman Empire and its exposure to the Hellenistic East enabled the new rich to purchase luxury goods, including jewelry. Ornaments found in the provinces were also worn in Rome itself. Roman jewelry designed in the East represents a special mix aimed at the dominant taste, expressed in the color of the stones and in the preference for gold surfaces. The gold objects conveyed a social message and were a tool in the hands of rulers and soldiers.1948 People of all classes were swept up in the desire to wear jewelry. During the Roman Empire, a woman would adorn her hair with a tiara coronet, diadem, pearl earrings trimmed with other precious stones, and have one or many necklaces hung with luxurious gold pendants. Bracelets encircled her wrists, armlets her arms, and her legs were adorned with anklets. Later on, jewelers used niello powder, enamels and precious stones for decoration. Such innovations determined the style of the exquisite Byzantine jewelry created in the workshops of the imperial court in Constantinople. The pieces of jewelry contained silver, worked glass that was remarkable for its transparency and sheen, semiprecious gems, coins, and medallions.1949 The similarity between the visual depictions of ornaments in the mosaics and actual pieces of jewelry illustrates the fact that such objects were once the property of real people, who wore and treasured them as a promise of eternal life.1950 Fasteners Thirty-two representations of fibulae have been found in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. They belong to eight different types and are used on the clothing of hunters, warriors, people leading animals, huntress-Amazons, personifications, goddesses, gods, and biblical and
Gersht 1982: 184. Evans 1950: 17; Brooks Picken 1985: 251. Voight 1998: 178. 1954 All types are described in the glossary. 1955 Hattatt 1987: 167; Swift 2003: 17. 1956 Johansen 1994: 227; Deppert-Lippitz 1996: 238; Voight 1998: 25; Newman 2000: 60. 1957 Huch and Volbach 1943: 228; Simson 1948: 36, 38, Plate 26; Antony 1968: 74; Turnheim 1970: 57, Figure 1. 1958 Type classified by Hattatt 1987: 272–274; Newman 2000: 275. 1951 1952 1953
Kahane 1969: 25. Alexander 1976: 103. Higgins 1965: 178; Garside 1979: 1. 1948 Garside 1979: 1; Magnus1997: 317. 1949 Carcopino 1956: 132. 1950 Garside 1979: 1, 5. 1945 1946 1947
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Weaving in Stones removed from the list of compulsory military items.1959 In the ivory diptych dated to 406 AD in the Berlin Museum, Probianus, who served as deputy consul, bears a similar fibula.1960 This fibula resembles the one securing the cloak of the prophet Daniel and Abbot Longinus portrayed on a mosaic wall in the Monastery of Santa Catherina, built by Emperor Justinian in the 6th century.1961 Identical fibulae appear in a painting (oil on wood) in this monastery on the clothes of the saints standing beside the Virgin and child in a scene called the ‘Icon of Sinai’ (Figure 255).1962
but principally as a means of fastening, even though the overgarments are depicted in a manner in which they appear to be only just secured with them and at any moment the wind might blow the garments away. One such example is the fibula on the cloak of the hunter at Beit Guvrin (Figure 17). The use of fibulae increased with the popularity of military overgarments such as the chlamys, the paludamentum and the sagum, all of which required some mode of securing them.1968 Most of the fibulae are compatible with the prevailing design traits of jewelry in Late Antiquity, namely the transition from monochromatic to multi-colored pieces, rendered in mosaic pavements by colored tesserae (green for emeralds, gilt for gold, reddish-brown for rubies, white for pearls, etc.). Despite the limited decorative possibilities dictated by the shape and dimensions of the fibula, artists successfully depicted impressive fibulae like those of Emperor Justinian and his wife. These show that changes in size and proportions opened up opportunities for the craftsman’s creativity.1969 In Byzantium, people of every class wore simple bronze fibulae, while the decorated fibulae with semi-precious stone insets were worn by the upper classes. The Byzantine emperor continued the Roman tradition of awarding fibulae to his subordinates.1970 Rosten explored clothing accessories in Roman Britain and examined the archaeological finds from five sites that yielded fastening pins, among other finds. She remarks that some fibulae were only worn by the higher social classes and are not found in archaeological excavations of poor rural sites, because they would have hampered the work of common fieldworkers.1971
Archaeological finds recovered from burials produce evidence that fibulae were used in the 4th century BC by both men and women. The use of a pair of fibulae was mainly fashionable for women and assemblages of jewelry including pairs of different kinds of fibulae have been discovered in archaeological excavations.1963 All the fibulae in Eretz Israel mosaics are colored. They consist of two shades of tesserae, apart from that on the tunic of the sun god at Hammat Tiberias synagogue and that of the leopard driver from Kibbutz Erez, where they have three shades (Figures 8, 24). The tendency to use a medium or large colored fibula is consistent with prevailing jewelry fashions in both eastern and western parts of the empire during Late Antiquity, unlike the single-colored metals like gold or silver in earlier periods.1964 Sometimes a large, prominent fibula in the center of the chest served not only to secure the garment, but also to make a political or class statement. It emphasized the elevated status and semi-divine power of the figure wearing it, as can be seen from the portraits of many emperors.1965 Examples of such elaborate fibulae are visible on the garments of figures like Orpheus, King David, the sun god and Tyche, goddess of the city of Beit She’an. Fibulae are positioned in the center of the chest on many mosaic pavements, like the fibula in the center of Melchizedek’s lacerna in the 6th-century AD wall mosaic from Sant’Apollinare in Classe in Ravenna.1966 Leader-Newby notes that the robe of King David shown in a portrait on a medallion in the wall mosaic at Santa Catherina in Sinai is securely fastened but bears no trace of a fibula, although a single green stone surrounded by five gray tesserae may represents a fibula.1967
It is therefore reasonable to assume that the mosaic artists and patrons of Eretz Israel added colored fibulae to the clothing of laborers not because they actually wore them, but to beautify the mosaics. Head ornaments A review of head ornaments in the Eretz Israel mosaic pavements revealed fifteen such items. Walled crowns appear on the heads of city goddesses and in the synagogue in Gaza, King David is wearing a royal crown. The personification of ‘fair weather’ from Caesarea has a crown consisting of sections (Figure 231) and the personification of Egypt in the ‘Nile House’ at Zippori has a crown decorated with leaves. The season of Tammuz at Hammat Tiberias and a figure that probably personifies ‘Happiness’ in Zippori are both garlanded with wreaths of plants (Figure 305). The personifications of Spring and Autumn in the mosaic at Ein Ya’el are crowned with wreaths. Spring is adorned
The current study has found that the small fibulae shown in Eretz Israel mosaics are used not just as ornaments Swift 2000: 108. Kitzinger 1995: 36. Forsyth and Weitzmann 1965: Plate CXVIII. 1962 Vassilaki 2000: 263, 266. 1963 Snape 1993: 5–6. 1964 Voight 1998: 39. 1965 Voight 1998: 178. 1966 Simson 1948: Plate 26; Croom 2002: 52; Revel-Neher 1992: 47; Revel-Neher 2004; 274, 277; Steinberg 2007: 14–25, Figure 46. 1967 Rice 1997: 25, Figure 25; Leader-Newby 2004: 196. 1959 1960 1961
Gonosova and Kondolen 1994: 14. Deppert Lippertz 1996: 238. 1970 Pliny, 33.12; Ball 2008: 123. 1971 Rosten 2008: 299. 1968 1969
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forehead, like one found in archaeological excavations in the region of Jerusalem and those on the foreheads of female figures from Palmyra.1972 The heads of the lady Silthus and the old woman in the church at Kissufim are crowned with diadems.1973 This portrayal of figures with head ornaments in the mosaics of Eretz Israel was also common elsewhere. A number of biblical terms refer to splendid head ornaments, such as keter (‘crown’) and ‘atara (‘diadem’). The diadem (‘atara) coronet was designed for men and women to wear at public festivals. The word ‘atara is used extensively in the Bible and derives from the verb ‘atar, meaning ‘encircle’. The diadem placed on eastern kings in ancient times can be identified as a wide gold band to which different ornaments were attached.1974 The coronet was considered a sacred piece of jewelry and was made of beaten metal encircling a headdress, like the band set with precious gems and placed over the headdress of the high priest, the king, or ministers and high-ranking personages.1975 In the writings of the Jewish sages, the terms kalil or kalila are synonymous with ‘atara and refer to a tiara or diadem as symbols of royalty. The most common terms in Talmudic sources are: Kalila (a gilded or silver-gilt wreath) and svacha, which come from the Bible, taga (Aramaic for ‘crown’), and istema, a crescent-shaped wreath made of a band embedded with gemstones and precious metals that adorned the forehead, similar to the tiara, the diadem, coronet and their like.1976 The seasons appear in various artistic forms crowned with jewelry, wreaths of flowers, leaves and agricultural produce such as wheat, vines, and pomegranates. These signified good fortune, abundance, economic prosperity and belief in a good future for society.1977 Pliny remarked that wreaths were originally called ‘crowns of flowers’.1978 In ancient Greece, wreaths of flowers and leaves were often worn to symbolize victory and acclaim for scholars, actors, poets, and participants in religious ceremonies.1979 The various kinds of wreaths incorporated branches of olive, oak, laurel, ivy, and stalks of grain, bouquets of leaves and flowers, garlands with fruit in addition to leaves and flowers, and wreaths with gemstones. Wreaths and tiaras were made of metal, especially gold and silver. Inspired by the form of natural wreaths, jewelers fashioned metal wreaths in several designs and these were named after their form, the materials used to make them, and their designated purpose.1980
Figure 304. Esther displayed as Tyche, Dura Europos 3rd century AD (detail from photo credited to Wikipedia user: Richard Arthur Norton, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Duraeuropa-1-.gif, Public Domain).
with flowers, according to Edelstein, and Autumn has a wreath of fruits. The evidence points to this being a wreath of corn ears, which is Autumn’s familiar attribute. Theodosia and Georgia from the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem are wearing headbands. These resemble those worn by Virgo at Hammat Tiberias and the seasons of Tishrei and Nissan at Zippori. At ‘Isfiya (Huseifa), Autumn has a band consisting of yellow and white stripes, identified by Schlesinger as a bonnet and by Grossmark as a band of beaten gold around the
Grossmark 1994: 16; Schlesinger 2003: 66. Avi-Yonah 1964: 62–65; Steinberg 2007: 35, 37. 1974 Licht 1970: 404. 1975 Licht 1970: 400. 1976 Grossmark 1994: 13, 15; Mishnah, Avot 13a. 1977 Kiilerich 1998: 27. 1978 Pliny, XXII.II. 3. 1979 Condra 2008: 143. 1980 Strong 1915: 183, 228; Janes 1998: 127. 1972 1973
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Figure 305. Female figure of the dionysaic mosaic at Sepphoris, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Geagea, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: The_%22Mona_Lisa_of_the_Galilee%22_(possibly_Venus),_part_of_ the_Dionysus_mosaic_floor_in_Sepphoris_(Diocaesarea),_Israel_(15004387483).jpg, CC BY-2.0).
Scholars identify the ‘city of gold’ with the crowns of walls and towers worn by goddesses. This ornament appears on the head of Esther displayed as Tyche in the wall painting at the Dura Europos synagogue (Figures 109, 304).1986 Rahmani notes the similarity between the triangular shape in the middle of the crown and the three layers making up the diadem known as ‘city of gold’. He identifies this piece of jewelry as a golden tiara in relief form accentuated with vertical lines. The gold band in this ornament may have been enlarged to form a kind of pediment resembling those in architectural designs.1987 The source for the depiction of a female royal figure bearing a walled crown can be found in a 7th-century BC portrayal of the garden at the northern palace of Asurbanipal II at Nineveh.1988 One of the earliest depictions is attributed to the figure of Oikoumene, the personification of the ‘inhabited settled world’, portrayed in the upper register of Gemma Augustea, dated to the 1st century AD. She wears upon her head a mural crown of oak leaves and a veil, which represents the main gate of the city and its
In the Roman world, the gold wreath developed from a Greco-Hellenistic prototype. One example is an early 4th-century BC wreath from Asia Minor made of gold olive leaves and inset with gemstones, exhibited in the Museum of Archaeology in Berlin.1981 The designs of the diadems and the pendalia which became associated with the imperial insignia of the emperor and empress evolved into a crown with pendilia on the sides.1982 These crowns were based on those worn by Alexander the Great and the emperor Constantine.1983 Alföldi dates the use of a crown embellished with gemstones to the 3rd century AD and attributes the precious stones to a barbarian influence.1984 The writings of the Sages mention ‘a city of gold’ and ‘Jerusalem of gold’ as being a woman’s ornament which it was forbidden to wear in public on the Sabbath day.1985 1981 Kleiner and Mathenson 1996: 197, Figure 14; Platz-Horster 2002: 58–60, Figure 5; Steinberg 2007: 39, Figure 67. 1982 Pendilia (singular pendilium, from the Latin pendulus, ‘hanging’) or pendoulia (the Greek equivalent) were pendants or dangling ornaments hanging from a piece of metalwork such as a crown or a jeweled cross. 1983 Condra 2008: 122–123; Stout 2001: 83. 1984 Alföldi 1970b: 149. 1985 BT, Shabbat,6a.
Paul 1967: 259–263; Hoffner 1969: 178–180; Fine recalls the words of Rabbi Akiva, who gave his wife a similar piece of jewelry; see: Fine 2005: 106, Figure 42. 1987 Rahmani 1967: 84, No. 31. 1988 Metzler 1994: 77, no. 2, Figure 49. 1986
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Figure 306. Gemma Augustea, 1st century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: AndreasPraefcke, https: //commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Gemma_Augustea_KHM_2010.jpg, public domain).
fortified walls and symbolizes the sense of security of its Roman citizens within its protective defenses (Figure 306).1989 It is interesting to note that Tyche appeared with a crown of wall turrets before the city itself had walls. The attribute, which originated in the East, was only portrayed in the West after the 4th century.1990 The crown of walls with turrets is a creative adaptation of the broad stefana crescent crown or tiara worn by other goddesses, as can be seen in a reproduction of a wall painting from the early 2nd-century temple at Bel showing the Tychai of Palmyra and Dura. From the 3rd century BC onward, Tycha was recognized as the protector of cities that, like most cities during this
period, were surrounded by a wall. The walled crown evolved into a clearly identifiable symbol of Tyche, the goddess who controlled a person’s fate and determined whether he would succeed or fail.1991 Atargatis, the companion of Hadad, the god of the heavens, is depicted in a stone relief decorated with the signs of the zodiac bearing a crown with stylized walls that was discovered in a late 1st- or early 2nd-century temple at Khirbet etTannur in Jordan.1992 The walled crown was an attribute of the Roman provinces. The provinces of Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Macedonia appear in medallions in a mosaic known as the ‘Mosaic of the Provinces’ from Belkis in Seleukeia; five of these, exhibited in the Pergamon
Metzler 1994: 77–81. Henig 1983: 155, Fig 123; Stahl 1988: 17; Bienkowski 1991: 30, 54; Kalavrezoue 2003: 44.
1991 Rostovtzeff 1938: 74, Figures 2, 21; Stahl 1988: 15; Smith 1991: 76; Avner 1992: 22. 1992 Weitzmann 1979: 181(160).
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have been appreciated by both men and women from the dawn of time.2000 Ancient Greek had seven different words for ‘necklace’. In his Ars Amatoria, Ovid recommended that women wear strings of pearls on their necks and a pearl earring in their earlobes.2001 Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah (a commentary on the Song of Songs) emphasizes the importance of the jeweled neck, expressed by a comparison with the Temple Mount at the height of the world.2002 Many Jewish sources define necklaces as women’s jewelry and list them among the ornaments that were acceptable, terming such neck ornaments linea, moniq (a torc), olria, qatla, and tichaea, which were colorful braided threads worn by young girls. 2003 Neck ornaments were commonly worn by women, but others (especially children) also wore strings of beads. Archaeological finds attest to the use of such necklaces as magical and protective devices and as amulets to ward off the evil eye and delusions of the devil.2004 Clement of Alexandria listed necklaces and earrings among the ornaments worn by women.2005
In many consular diptychs, the consul is accompanied by personifications of the cities of Rome and Constantinople. Examples of this are the diptych of Anastasius from the year 517, currently in the National Library in Paris. This diptych shows the personifications of Rome and Constantinople as portraits, bearing a crown of walls with pendilia. The consul is shown with the empress at his side below the center of a pediment. Both are wearing a crown set with gemstones and with pendilia hanging down at the side.1994 The figure of Tyche with a walled crown appears on the reverse of imperial coins. For example, one 2ndcentury coin has the image of Tyche dressed in a peplos and wearing a crown of walls with arrow slits.1995 Coins bearing the image of Tyche crowned with city walls have been discovered at Beit She’an and Gaza, and a late 2nd-century statue of Tyche from Caesarea is displayed in the museum in Sdot Yam.1996
Necklaces can be classified into a number of types: Torcs, gold necklaces, necklaces with pendants, and collars. The torc was a decorative neck ornament similar to the twisted gold ornaments Virgil described on Trojan soldiers. Pliny mentioned a tribune who received eighty-three such items as prizes for his military victories.
Neck ornaments Thirteen female figures in the Eretz Israel mosaics are wearing neck ornaments: The lady from Kissufim and the nursing mother from Be’er Shemʻa, personifications of the seasons, Phaedra, the Tyche from Jerusalem, and that from Beit She’an.1997 Neck ornaments are shown on figures in the synagogues at Hammat Tiberias, Beit Alpha, and on Autumn (Tishrei) at Huseifa,1998 as well as in the church at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa and in pagan buildings at Zippori, at Beit She’an, in a building near the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem, and at Sheikh Zouède. 1999
Speidel maintains that in the Late Roman period torcs were awarded to soldiers.2006 Torcs were common among the Persians, Sasanians, and Gauls. They are depicted on Darius’s soldiers in the mosaic depicting the battle with Alexander the Great, and on Justinian’s entourage in a wall mosaic in the Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, but they were also worn by youths (Figures 99, 117, 307).2007 Necklaces were a sign of the wearer’s wealth and the gemstones and the amount of gold they contained indicated both status and personal taste. The desire to create original artifacts made of new materials and techniques gave rise to a variety of forms and a number of working methods. These included threading perforated beads onto a perishable cord and adding a stone or ivory pendant. The technical restrictions within which the mosaic artists worked prevented them from depicting complex jewelry. Since mosaic pavements are made up of relatively large tesserae, it was difficult to render details such as perforations,
The base of the neck is an appropriate body part for embellishment with jewelry. This place emphasizes the facial features and highlights the shoulders. Neck ornaments designed to embellish and beautify Kriseleit 2000: 45–51, Figures 55, 57–59. Natanson 1953: 20, Figure 25. Kadman 1957: 50, 77, 122, No. 121; Lerroux 1963: IV.I, 382–386; Christof 2001: Figures 32, 33. 1996 Kindler 1974: 131; Kindler remarks that bronze coins dating from the year 75/76 were discovered near Tantura; Beit She’an 134; a coin dated to 176. A woman standing (?) with a walled crown and her right foot treading on the river god, Gaza: A coin on which the goddess of Gaza City appears is dated to 220; Berman 1999: 71; Gersht 1999: 15–17. 1997 Avi-Yonah emphasize that the figure is female; see: Avi-Yonah 1936: 24, 23; Äkerström-Hugen identifies the figure as a man Äkerström-Hugen (1974: 82). 1998 The synagogue mosaic at Huseifa is damaged, leaving only fragments of the remains of the Zodiac signs of Aries, Pisces, Aquarius, Capricorn, and Sagittarius and the season of Tishrei; see: Avi-Yonah 1964: 1920. 1999 Steinberg 2007: 61–63. 1993 1994 1995
Voight 2000: 109. Ars Amatoria, 3 .101; Triossi and Mascetti 1997: 30. 2002 Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah ,4,5. 2003 Mishna, Kelim, 11: 8. 2004 Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah , 52a; Daniel 5: 7; JT, Kelim 11: 8; JT, Shabbat 6: 8; Triossi and Mascetti 1997: 7; Swift 2011: 216–218. 2005 Rausing 1997: 50. 2006 Speidel 1996: 236–239. 2007 Walter 2001: 180–183. 2000 2001
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Figure 307. Soldiers in the mosaic in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to wikimedia user: Jbribeiro1 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic_of_Justinian_I_-_San_Vitale_-_Ravenna_2016. jpg,user: Jbribeiro1 CC-BY-SA-4.0).
the cloisonné technique, delicate filigrene work, and granulation. Mosaic artists could not illustrate necklace fasteners, which included figurative, plant and abstract motifs, since their art lacks a third dimension.2008 The broad terminology describing neck ornaments such as strings of beads, chains, torcs, necklaces, and collars makes it difficult to distinguish between them. Many archaeological excavations in different parts of the East have recovered stringed beads composed of a variety of materials, such as clay, bone, shell, ivory, and colored glass.2009 Eastern characteristics have been attributed to many strings of beads dating from the Roman period and found to have originated from the Syria Palestina region.2010 In the late 3rd and early 4th centuries a change occurred in necklace design. Strings of black beads became fashionable, possibly in imitation of necklaces from Alexandria. Over the years, in the 5th and 6th centuries, they became more complex and intricate and were called collar bands.
indicated a royal attribute.2011 In Ancient Egypt, collars were worn by men and women and people are rarely shown without them. They contained amulets and were designed with vegetal motifs such as garlands and flowers.2012 Fashionable 6th-century AD collars appear in many visual representations. The wide collar worn by Theodora in the mosaic in the Church of San Vitale is arranged around her shoulder, over the regal crimson cloak, and composed of an embroidered band decorated with gold threads and a number of rows of pearls set with gemstones. She also has giant pearl pendant earrings. The collar represented a political statement that reflected the image of Theodora, the Christian empress, associated with the Eastern Empire and the role of unifying East and West (Figure 308). These neck ornaments resemble similar ones from Egypt known as ‘collar bands’ that were worn by royal personages during the pharaonic dynasties. A similar collar is worn around the neck of the Greek goddess Hestia Polyolbos (‘Hestia full of blessings’) portrayed in a wall hanging in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection in Washington.2013
The collars worn by personifications of Tishrei and Tammuz are similar to Type-E necklaces found on Egyptian mummies, where they were placed over the lower part of the chin. In Egypt this placement Voight 2000: 103,105,109. Triossi and Mascetti 1997: 19 2010 Despini 1996: 36.
Kenaan-Kedar 2000: 107. Wilkinson 1975: 108. 2013 Friedlander 1945: 1–5, Figure 1.
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Figure 308. Ladies of the court in the mosaic of Theodora and her entourage at Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to wikipedia user: Petar Milošević, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Mosaic of Theodora-Basilica San Vitale (Ravenna,_Italy).jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
Type A – ring earrings Type B – pendant earrings Type C – boat-shaped earrings with a pendant Type D – boat-shaped earrings
In the second half of the 14th century BC the collars became even wider and covered the shoulder area.2014 In mosaic work, it is sometimes difficult to identify necklaces and bracelets because many of them are skin colored. In addition, some cuffs or collars have been interpreted as bracelets and necklaces. An example of this is the bracelet of the ‘Greatness of Soul’ (megalopsychia) personified in a mid-5th-century mosaic from Antioch. Her raised arm exposes rows of golden yellow tesserae, like the golden cuff or stitching of a hem, which Voight identifies as a wide gold bracelet.2015 Women’s love of strings of beads is expressed in ancient literature. Pliny objected to the desire of rich Roman women to decorate their necks with pearls.2016 However, Juvenal declared that a woman should not feel guilty for adorning herself with a necklace inlaid with green emeralds.2017
The Amazon in the ‘Nile House’ and the woman nursing from the Church of St Stephen at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa are among the figures with earrings. Personifications wearing Type-B earrings include Kalokairia ‘Abundance’ or ‘Favorable Times’ on the mosaic from Caesarea and the female figure representing ‘Happiness’ who appears in the Dionysian mosaic floor at Zippori (Figure 305).2019 Three figures representing goddesses are the Tyche at Damascus Gate, the Tyche from Beit She’an, and the goddess of the moon, Luna, in the Monastery of the Church of Lady Mary. Theodosia and Georgia in the mosaic from Damascus Gate in Jerusalem are among those with Type-B gold pendants hanging from their ears. Twelve figures represent the seasons of the year. Ten of them appear in the synagogues at Hammat Tiberias, Beit Alpha, and Zippori, as well as the Virgo from Beit Alpha and Spring and Winter from Caesarea.2020 The winged Spring portrayed in the 5th century AD reception hall or dining room of a residential house at Caesarea has spherical, convex boat-shaped
Earrings The author’s typology distinguishes four different types of earrings on twenty-four figures in mosaics from Eretz Israel.2018 These are: Piltz 1997: 47; Kenaan-Kedar 2000: 108. Voight 2000: 117. Pliny, IX, LVI, 112,114. 2017 Juvenal, 8.162; 6.458.459. 2018 Steinberg 2007: 68–71; ring, pendant, boat-shaped with pendant, and boat-shaped earrings. 2014 2015 2016
Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnnheim 2004: 169, 170, Figure1;171, Figures 2,3). 2020 Steinberg 2007: 61–67. 2019
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Figure 309. Tondo showing the family of the Roman Emperor Septimius Severus, ca. 200 AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Soerfm, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Septimusseverustondo.jpg public domain).
earrings made of tiny grayish-white tesserae.2021 The Talmudic terms for ear ornaments are Kedasha and agil. Agil is a biblical word deriving from the rounded form (agol) of the earring.2022 The biblical word agil (‘earring’) is translated into Aramaic as Kedasha. Other terms commonly used in rabbinical writings include kipi (from a Syrian word). The Greek word salmini means ‘a drop’ and is used in the Jerusalem Talmud to translate the word ‘netifa’ (drop(.2023 The Mishnah distinguishes between what a man and a women are allowed to wear outside the house on Shabbat. The discussions center on jewelry and other ‘accessories’.2024 The most common term for earrings in ancient times was enodion (or enotion).2025 Jewish sources note that poor women also wore earrings, which were regarded as their personal property.2026 According to Pliny, both men and women used earrings, which were gilded.2027 It is assumed that Roman soldiers serving in military units in the East continued to preserve local traditions by wearing such items of jewelry. Over the years the fashion spread and low-class women who wished to wear gold and silver earrings imitated the rich by
wearing earrings made of cheaper materials such as copper and coated metal.2028 In the Roman period, when women wore numerous pieces of jewelry, they saved the most precious gemstones for their earrings. The most favored gemstones such as bright red garnets, emeralds, and pearls were clustered on pairs of earrings. Earrings were a mark of wealthy women and adorned the ears of saints, empresses, goddesses, mythological figures, soldiers’ wives, and female characters from the Bible and the New Testament.2029 The mosaic in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore shows the Virgin Mary in the scene of the Annunciation as a Byzantine princess with a diadem, a collar, and pearl earrings Type A (Figure 284).2030 Tsipora is shown wearing earrings in a scene depicting her marriage to Moses. Pharaoh’s daughter has blue earrings and a necklace.2031 The early emperors despised a love of luxury. The emperors Hadrian and Alexander Severus removed decorations and gems from their garments, fibulae, and swords and there was a legal limit on the amount of gold the upper classes were allowed to own.2032 A tondo shows the Severan dynasty, the family of the Roman Emperor Septimius Severus, in which his wife
Isaiah 21,Holum and Hohlfelder: 170–171, Figures 122, 124. Ezekiel 16: 12. 2023 Shab. 6: 1, 3; 62a; Kel. 11: 8. 2024 Tractate Shabbat, 6. 2025 Ogden 1990: 150, No. 43; Voight 1998: 153. 2026 Shemot Rabbah, 15: 3. 2027 Pliny, XI, L,136.; Pliny: IX, LVI, 112,114; XI. XLIX. 137; XXXIII. XI.40. 2021
Allason-Jones 1989: 37. Allason-Jones 1989: 23. Wilpert and Schumacher 1976: Plate 37. 2031 Berchem and Clouzot 1924: 214, Figure 191; Haswell 1973: 28, Figure 33. 2032 Ogden 1992: 60.
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Weaving in Stones is wearing a noticeable earring Type B (Figure 309). References to these items of jewelry appear in ancient literature. In his Satyricon, Petronius noted a statement by Habinnas that, if he had a daughter, he would cut off both her ears because of the high price of earrings.2033 In his Vita Beata, Seneca remarked on why a lady should wear the entire income of her rich husband on the lobes of her ears.2034 Pliny criticized the practice of men and women spending a small fortune on pearl and gold earrings.2035 He also emphasized the desire of wealthy Roman women to decorate their necks, hands, fingers, and especially their ears with pearls. This desire was expressed in their reference to pearls as ‘special gems’ and the love of the rustling sound they made as the head moved. Pliny complained that women invested their money in embellishing their ears with pearl earrings, more than any other part of the body, and that poor women also longed to own pearls. In listing the jewelry used by women, he included necklaces, gold bracelets, and gold earrings. Pliny stated that women dreamed of gold chains and gems in their sleep as well and that the men of his day wore bracelets, necklaces, and armlets.2036 Suetonius accused General Vitellius of removing his mother’s earrings in order to pay for his campaign.2037 Ovid advised women not to wear precious stones on their earlobes and not to wear heavy garments in public because of the gold threads embroidered in them. Instead, he recommended that they wear a pearl necklace and two pearls on the ears.2038 Juvenal declared that there was not a single piece of jewelry that a woman would not allow herself to buy and that she should not feel guilty for wearing pearl earrings.2039
In the early 4th century, the Church Fathers denounced the love for and pursuit of luxuries that symbolized ‘moral decadence’.2043 Various preachers viewed the plethora of ornaments and jewelry as symbols of the mortal sin of arrogance. It was hoped that God’s wrath could be appeased by a modest appearance, leading to interventions in the style of living, legal limits imposed on consumption, and the rejection of new fashions and accessories that might corrupt society. A translated poem by Gregory of Nazianzus, Archbishop of Constantinople, quotes him as attacking women wearing rouge and bedecked in jewelry, whom he referred to as prostitutes. Clement of Alexandria took a more lenient view of women’s desire. Although he said that a woman’s ears were not intended to be pierced, he admitted that it would be contrary to women’s nature to forbid them from wearing earrings.2044 Saint Cyprien, Bishop of Carthage, denounced ear piercing and viewed it as an abuse of the body.2045 In wealthy homes in the Roman world, it was customary to employ one servant to look after the mistress’s earrings (auriculae ornatrix) and others to dress her hair and hold her mirror. These servants also wore bracelets, necklaces, and earrings.2046 The use of precious stones and gold increased toward the end of Late Antiquity and both wealthy people in the provinces and those of the lower classes purchased jewelry studded with bronze, iron and glass as a substitute for precious metals. The Byzantines had a great love of jewelry. Women wore several pieces of matching jewelry, coordinated to create a harmonious appearance as is visible on Egyptian encaustic portraits on wood panels.2047 However, some women preferred to mix assorted ornaments of different styles fashioned out of various materials.2048
Single earrings have been found in a number of Bronze Age burials as well as in Roman burials at archaeological sites in Britain. Some scholars have attempted to explain this phenomenon as resulting from the loss of a second earring. Some mosaics show a single earring although this may be attributed to the portrayal of the figure in the profile or the concealment of the earlobe by a garment. In general, it seems likely that when one earring is shown there was also a second one. A marriage contract from 100 AD in Egypt lists a single earring among the bride’s jewelry.2040 This detail indicates either that an individual earring was valuable, or that it was not unusual to wear a single earring in the ancient world, even though pairs of earrings were generally worn,2041 and symmetry was an important aesthetic element at the time.2042
Arm and leg ornaments Arm and leg ornaments in mosaics in Eretz Israel include bracelets, armlets, and anklets. Such ornaments are mentioned in the Bible.2049 The armlet appears in the Bible and in the writings of the Sages. Bracelets, armlets, and earrings are mentioned in the Book of Numbers in the context of the sacrifice.2050 The word tsamid (‘bracelet’) is absent from the list of accepted women’s jewelry in the Writings of the Sages, but the word shir, which appears in some of these sources, refers to a bracelet. In the Jerusalem Talmud, the word tsamid was replaced with shiraya. Such ornaments, like
Patronius, 67. Seneca, Vita Beata: XII.XV II.II. Pliny, XI, L,136. IX, LVI, 112,114. 2036 Pliny, IX, LVI, 112,114; XI. XLIX. 137; XXXIII. XI. 40. 2037 Suetonius, 236. 2038 Ovid, 3.101,133. 2039 Juvenal, 8.162; 6. 458–459 2040 Allason-Jones 1989: 23. 2041 Hoffmann and Davidson 1965: 6. 2042 Voight 1998: 153. 2033
Gonosova and Kondolen 1994: 20. Clement of Alexandria: Paed. 2, 91, 8; Wood 1954: 198. 2045 Cyprian: The Tre., 5,ANF, II,14. 2046 Smith 1873: 16, 18, Figures 1.4 .7; Gonosova and Kondolen 1994: 632; Rose 2008: 43, 4. 2047 Kalavrezoue 2003: 240–241. 2048 Allason-Jones 1989: 24, Plates 8, 9. 2049 Ezekiel 16: 11; Isaiah 3: 18–13; Kersken 2008: 179, 186. 2050 Genesis 24: 22, 30: 47; Ezekiel 16: 11; 23: 42; Bamidbar Rabbah 2: 23.
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rings and nose rings, could be used to seal a marriage contract.2051
Museum in London and the 1st-century snake-shaped bracelet from Sais in Egypt, were highly fashionable in the ancient world. Bracelets finished with snakes’ heads were believed to carry protective powers because the snake symbolized fertility and was held to be linked to the underworld. Infants’ bracelets have been found in burial contexts. The Bloomington Museum in Indiana has an example of a pair of bracelets of this type. The bracelets, dated between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, were discovered in Egypt. Vilmiková likens the shape of the bracelets to that of the cobra.2060
Seven figures are depicted wearing arm and leg ornaments. Three of them are in a mythological context and have bracelets, armlets, and an anklet: The Amazon in the ‘Nile House’,2052 Phaedra and the maenad in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic.2053 The nursing woman portrayed in the church at Be’er Shemʻa has two bracelets that are not identical. A gold bracelet is also visible on the infant’s arm. 2054 The bracelets worn by Silthus and the old lady from the church near Kibbutz Kissufim consist of a wide band of silver and gilt tesserae forming a zigzag motif.2055 The Amazon in the ‘Nile House’ is wearing an armlet. The anklet worn by the maenad in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic is typical of the kind worn in Mediterranean countries and especially in the East, because it suits the region’s warm weather.2056 The infant in the Be’er Shemʻa church mosaic appears to be wearing a gold anklet (?) (Figure 237).2057
Summary This chapter has attempted to examine the extent to which the jewelry in mosaics from Eretz Israel resembles examples from archaeological excavations and other artistic media. Unlike the complex and magnificent jewelry in other parts of the empire, most of the items shown in Eretz Israel are more simple and modest. More intricate, colorful jewelry can be seen on King David, Orpheus, Tyche (the city goddess), and the earth and sun goddess. The fibulae and other artifacts worn by these figures are based on an established iconographic tradition and demonstrate their superhuman status and power.
Few figures are portrayed with bracelets, armlets and anklets since most of the figures in the mosaics of Eretz Israel appear as portraits or busts and their hands and feet are absent. Other difficulties in identifying bracelets on mosaics are due to the fact that some of them are skin-colored and it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between a bracelet and the ornamental hem of a cuff, as in the portrayal of the month of Nissan in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue. The difficulty in identifying pairs of jewelry derives from the fact that they are sometimes concealed by a sleeve or cloak, or the figure is depicted in profile. It should be noted that the love of symmetry stemmed not only from the fashion of the time, but was also linked to the ability to avert and prevent sinful acts.2058 The fact that bracelets were often embellished with embossed or engraved gemstones and included inscriptions or objects with supernatural qualities shows that they were not only decorative objects, but were also used as amulets. The theologian Saint Severus of Antioch urged Christians to avoid wearing jewelry containing amulets on the neck or arm and Clement of Alexandria preached along the same lines.2059 Bracelets shaped with a Herculean knot or resembling a curved snake with scales, such as a first 4th century example in the Victoria and Albert
The heads, ears, necks and arms of the seasons and the mythological and human figures depicted in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are adorned with a repertoire of jewelry drawn from Roman designs. They emphasize the sensuality and femininity of the female characters. It is highly likely that the bracelet (?) adorning the infant’s arm and the bullae worn by several figures contain symbolic and magical significance.
Shabbat, 46: 2; JT ,Kiddushin 2, 48a. Smith 1873: 852; Potthoff 1992: 151–155; Weiss and Talgam1995: 61; Lorquin 2003: 124. Weiss and Netzer identify this figure as that of an Amazon; see: Weiss and Netzer 1998: 50–51. 2053 Avi-Yonah maintains that the figure is female; see: Avi Yonah 1936: 23–24. Äkerström-Hugen (1974: 82) identifies the figure as male. 2054 Gazit 1992: 23; Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004b: 130–133. 2055 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004b: 130–131, Figure 3. 2056 Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 154, Figure 13; 157, Figure 16. 2057 Gonosova and Kondolen 1994: 15; Steinberg 2007: 51–58. 2058 Maguire and Duncan 1989: 160 ff; Voight 2000: 111. 2059 Severus of Antioch: 583–585; Clement, Exhor. XI, 89P; Magnus 1997: 282; Vikan 2003: 38–39. 2051 2052
Vilmiková 1969: 42, Figure 87; Coarelli 1970: 149, Figure 67; William and Ogden 1994: 41; D’Ambrosio 1999: 149, Figure 67; Neils and Oakley 2003: 304, Figures 120, 121.
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Chapter 27
Head and neck coverings From the dawn of history, men and women of different cultures have covered their heads. Head coverings symbolize social, cultural and class affiliation. The study of costume attributes psychological and symbolic aspects to female head coverings. In the ancient world, head coverings were intended to protect the wearer from the harsh sun, wind, and rain, as well as complying with religious beliefs, demonstrating piety and devotion, for ornamentation, and to show respect or servility.2061 Men required hats since they trimmed their hair short. Ancient sources mention female and male head coverings. Mesopotamian records describe the function of the veil/scarf and emphasize the requirement that betrothed and married upper-class women should cover their heads in public, whereas lower-class women such as prostitutes and slaves were forbidden from doing this.2062 The Bible has many terms for head coverings, some of which emphasized and focused attention on the hair and some of which concealed it. The sadin, a large square piece of cloth was used to cover the head and served as a bedsheet.2063 The veil is mentioned twice in the Bible, in the story of Rebecca (Genesis 24: 65) and of Tamar’s deception of Judah (Genesis 38: 14–19). Despite these examples, the issue of modesty is dealt with in Judaism by covering the head, since hair is considered a potential stimulus for committing an offense. The basic obligation of covering the head imposed on women therefore stemmed from a general precept that it would protect her modesty and prevent men’s seduction. Married women who ventured out with their hair showing and without head scarves violated Jewish religious laws and risked losing their ketubah (‘nuptial agreement’) rights.2064 The commentary discussing this religious law notes that the prohibition against untethered hair is obligatory, as can be seen from the passage on the deviant woman mentioned in Numbers.2065
and philosopher Plutarch remarked that women were forbidden to cover their hair in public. As proof of this, he cited cases in which men divorced their wives because they had covered their heads in public. Furthermore, he asked, why should women appear bareheaded when burying their parents while men attended with covered heads? Was it because men regarded their fathers with divine honor whereas women had to make do with the function of grieving? Does this provide evidence of different traditions followed according to gender, reflecting the accepted behavior of the two sexes, or does it attest to the opposite practice in daily life, where women usually appeared in public with their head covered and men did not? 2067 In Greece, it was customary for women to shave their hair in times of crisis, whereas men let their hair grow long.2068 A surviving passage from Gaius Sallustius’s 1st-century BC Historiae shows that Roman men would usually uncover their head as a sign of respect for their elders. Sulla did this in honor of Pompeius and others were required to do so before the magistrates.2069 Such comments may indicate that men usually covered their heads with the folds of their toga or an overgarment, especially on cold or rainy days.2070 In the early Roman Empire, women from privileged families in both West and East went bareheaded.2071 In antiquity and during early Christianity, women’s heads were regarded as sexual ‘stimuli’. The insistence on women covering their heads stemmed from a desire to prevent men from staring at each other’s wives, permitting women to reveal their crowning beauty only to their husbands. Valerius Maximus justified the 1st-century BC consul Gauis Sulpicius Gallus for acting ‘within the law’ by divorcing his wife for venturing out bareheaded in public, thus allowing strangers to stare at her.2072 This implies that a married woman could only reveal her hair to her husband.
The views of intellectuals and writers regarding the nature and function of head coverings are outlined in ancient literature. In his Silvae, the 1st-century writer Statius described a hat made of strips cut from old coats and joined together.2066 In his work Moralia, on various ‘customs followed in Rome’, the 1st-century historian
The attitude to head coverings is expressed in Christian writings. In his First Epistle to the Corinthians, Paul ordered women to cover their heads during prayer. Head coverings were intended not only to protect women’s modesty and morality, but also to symbolize obedience. According to Paul, men were not required to
Oster 1988: 495; Gilman 2002: 61; Galpaz-Feller 2008: 197. Roth 1997: 167–169; Feinberg-Vamosh 2007: 71–75. 2063 Isaiah 3: 19–24; Judges 14: 12. 2064 Ketubot 7: 72a; Paul, The first Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the 1 Corinthins 1, 11: 4–15; Gilman 2002: 61; Pendergast 2004: 267 ; Gilman 2002: 61. 2065 Numbers 5: 18; Fuchs 2001: 102. 2066 Statius: II, IV.IX. 24. 2061 2062
Fantham 2008: 160. Plutarch, Moralia, 14, 267a–c; Fantham 2008: 160. Sallust, The Hist. 5.20; Fantham 2008: 160. 2070 Fantham 2008: 160. 2071 Winter 2003: 80. 2072 Valerius: 6.3.10. 2067 2068 2069
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cover their heads since they were created in the image of God and his glory. Therefore, any man who prays or prophesies with his head covered brings shame on himself. Since a woman has a woman’s dignity, she should wear a head covering. Should she pray with her hair loose, she would disgrace herself.2073 Scholars assume that Paul did not mean women to wear a veil, but rather to use the end of it to ensure that their hair would not come undone.2074 Tertullian noted that Jewish women would ensure that their hair was covered.2075 He maintained that unmarried women with bare heads were in denial if they covered their heads when in public, thus preventing the prying eyes of Christian men and others. However, he remarked on the common practice followed during the liturgy when they gathered with other bareheaded Christians, claiming that in this way they were praising God by not appearing differently from others. Tertullian regarded this as an attempt to seduce men, who might fall into the trap prepared for them since they would have assumed that only virgins went bareheaded although some of the women were actually married.2076 Tertullian also noted that virgins should cover their heads since they were married to Christ.2077 When the young Saint Melania appeared with her head covered before Serena, the wife of Stilicho who was a high-ranking general in the Roman army (magister militum), she acted in defiance by ignoring the accepted custom of the senatorial status and obeying the higher authority laid down in the Christian First Epistle to the Corinthians: ‘But every woman praying or prophesying with her head not covered, disgraces her head: for it is all one as if she were shaven’. She also donated precious gold and silver scarves to the Church.2078 Saint Jerome mentioned a previous tradition, by which a woman accustomed to covering her hair replaced the covering with a scarf.2079
Figure 310a. Bust of Attis as a child, wearing the Phrygian cap, Parian marble, 2nd century AD, probably during the reign of Emperor Hadrian (photo credited to Wikimedia User: Alexf, https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File: Bust_Attis_CdM.jpg, public domain).
5, 13, 24, 211, 249) and on the mounted Amazons, from the second half of the 4th century AD. 2080 Hairnets
The cap/Phrygian cap
The Beit Alpha synagogue mosaic pavement shows the seasons of the year with hairnets in the four corners of the zodiac wheel (Figure 38).2081 Hairnets are mentioned in ancient literature. In his Satiricon, Petronius included a gold hairnet made by Trimalchio’s wife Fortuna in a list of her jewelry.2082 Clement of Alexandria, who exhibited remarkable familiarity with the various accessories used by women, also mentioned hairnets and hair ribbons.2083 Archaeological finds show that hairnets continued to be worn until the 6th–7th centuries. The unique portrayal of all the seasons in hairnets may be related to the strict observance of head coverings that was customary among Jews in the country and the fact that if a woman appeared in
The five Amazons in the ‘Nile House’ are portrayed wearing Phrygian caps, as is the man leading a leopard from Kibbutz Erez and the Orpheus from the Damascus Gate and from the villa at Zippori. This type of brimless headgear was either made of hard leather, giving it the semblance of a helmet, or of soft, loose red felt. It was conical or triangular-shaped and pulled forward. The ears and neck may also have been covered by the brim. The cap originated in Phrygia, Asia Minor. We can see this cap in the so-called Great Cameo of France (Figures 1 Corinthians 11: 4–11; Gilman 2002: 61; Pendergast 2004: 267. Oster 1988: 485. 2075 Tertullian, De Chaplet.: IV,1–3. 2076 Tertullian, Le Voile., 13–14, 16. 2077 Plutarch, Moralia, 14, 267a–c; Valerius 6.9. The consul in office in the 1st century BC. 2078 1 Corinthians 11: 5; Clark 1984: 34, 11; Harlow 2004b: 214; Brown 2008: 344–345. 2079 Jer. Letters, XXXVIII, 4. 2073 2074
Cleland et al. 2005: 148, Figure 31; Condra 2008: 139, 1 Colour and Meaning in Ancient Rome 40. Sukenik 1932: Plate 10; Stout 2001: 94, Figure 5.30.531; Steinberg 2007: 34–35. 2082 Petronius: LXVII. 2083 Rausing 1997: 50. 2080 2081
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Figure 310b. Banquet scene in a fresco from Herculaneum, Italy (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Yann, https: //commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sc%C3%A8ne_de_banquet,_fresque,_Herculanum.jpg, public domain).
public with loose hair, she risked forfeiting her ketubah (a Jewish contract delineating the obligations of the husband to his wife, a kind of compensatory financial support), ‘These are they that are put away without their ketubah: a wife that transgresses the Law of Moses and Jewish custom... If she goes out with her hair unbound’.2084 Hairnets were woven from various materials, including colorful woolen yarn and gold and silver threads, and every woman chose the best material she could afford according to her economic circumstances. The various hairnet styles were suited to the age, occupation, and status of the wearer. The care taken with head coverings and the variety of available materials explain why fragments of hairnets
have been recovered among archaeological finds from different parts of the country. In Jerusalem, a cotton hairnet was discovered in the 1st-century BC tomb of Yazun.2085 A 3rd-century hairnet made of gold threads was found at Manahat. Other hairnets have been discovered at Masada and in the Judean Desert caves.2086 The impression of a sakkos-type hairnet was found on the skull of a young woman in a family burial north of Be’er Sheva. The hairnet may have been secured with some kind of substance that left traces on the skull.2087 Wrenhaven, who refers to this item as a veil covering the head, notes that it consists of a coarse goat-hair Tsafrir 1968: 170–180. Sheffer and Webber 1951: 528; Gath and Rahmani 1971: 209–214. 2087 Sheffer and Webber 1951: 526. 2085
2084
2086
JB, Ketubot : 72: 1.
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weave.2088 In Greece, women wore kakryphalos nets and woven strips (fillets) to style and cover their hair.2089 Brides would weave a golden hairnet (cingillo) before their wedding ceremony.2090 In the Greek and Roman world it was customary to use ribbons or nets to protect hairstyles.2091 The technique of weaving and using the hairnets that were common in the classical world probably reached Greece and Rome in the 5th century BC.2092 A painting on wood from Saqqara in Egypt shows an elegant female figure, possibly a goddess, seated on a throne and wearing a hairnet and brown earrings. She also has a necklace and bracelet, both of which are gilded.2093 The hairnet was an accessory worn by both Jewish and gentile women and examples are depicted in various artistic representations. A banquet scene in a fresco from Herculaneum, Italy, depicts a woman with a silk gown, a hairnet and a servant with a box of jewelry, while the man to the left raises a rhyton drinking vessel (Figure 310). A Grave Stele dated to the 1st century BC, depicts a rich woman adorned with a chiton and a himation seated on a chair with her feet resting on an elaborate footstool. In her left hand, she holds an open pyxis and in her right a piece of jewelry, at which she is directing her gaze. The woman has short hair that is tied in a sakkos. The maidservant, who has a simpler hairstyle, is holding a box of jewelry. This elaborate hairstyle shows her superiority to her maidservant, who has a simpler hairstyle. (Figure 311).2094
Figure 311. Grave Stele with women with hairnet and jewelry (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Hian, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: NAMA_St% C3%A8le_d%27H%C3%A8g%C3%A8s%C3%B4.jpg, CC-BY 2.0).
In a copy of a wall fresco that has not survived from Pompeii, Phaedra is shown wearing a hairnet. In another fresco from Pompeii, depicting a scene in a shop, a female figure with a hairnet is visible and a tondo portrays a girl whose curly hair is gathered in a hairnet made of gilded squares that falls over her forehead.2095 In the 1st century, rich women wore hairnets made of gold. However, they ceased to be used when hairstyles became more intricate and complex. Records show that the late 3rd-century emperor Alexander Severus, who preached modesty, ordered that women of the imperial class include in their dress a pair of earrings, a pearl necklace, a diadem to be worn during sacrificial ceremonies, one tunic adorned with a gold stripe, and one overgarment embellished with gold.2096 A painting on wood from Saqqara, Egypt, depicts an elegant woman, possibly a goddess, seated Wrenhaven 2012: 102. Karageorghis 1999: 9; Cleland et al. 2007: 85. Olson 2008: 21. 2091 Jenkins 1986: 26; Wrenhaven 2012: 102–105, Figures 10, 11. 2092 Sheffer and Webber 1951: 531, Figure 12. 2093 Williams and Ogden 1994: 225, Figure 59. 2094 Burton 2003: 20–35. 2095 Ling 1991: 158, Figure 169; Clarke 2003: 115; for other examples, see: Lessing and Varone 1996: 43, 167; Mucznik 1999: B 23. 2096 Severus Alexander, SHA, 41.1. 2088 2089 2090
Figure 312. Female figure with gathered hair on a wall fresco from a pagan burial cave at Or Haner, 3rd century AD, now in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem (photo credited to Shlomo Steinberg).
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Figure 313. Fragments of a golden hairnet displayed in the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme Museum, 1st century AD, Rome (photo credited to wikipedia user: Butko https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Hairnet made of finely woven gold wires, 1stcenturyAD, Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, Rome (15539270140).jpg, CC BY-SA 2.0).
on a throne and wearing a hairnet.2097 The seasons of Summer and Spring in a mosaic from Rome’s Via Appia Nuova, displayed in the Palazzo Massimo Museum in Rome, have gold hairnets.2098 A wall fresco from a pagan burial cave found at Or Haner near Ashkelon, now in the Israel Museum’s collection, portrays a female figure in a medallion whose fair hair is highlighted by her dark hairnet (Figure 312).2099 The remains of a golden hairnet are displayed in the Massimo Museum (Figure 313). Hairnets are visible on a late 3rd-century burial statue in Samaria (Sanana-Sebaste) and on the head of the personification of July in a late 5th–early 6th-century mosaic from Mahbaye.2100 Married women wore a hairnet made of vittae fillets, which scholars
understand to have been made of wool.2101 ‘Snood’, a type of hood or hairnet worn by women, is the modern term for a hairnet or baggy head covering usually made of a length of fabric rolled around the forehead, which covered the entire hair. Such headgear returned to fashion in the 5th and 6th centuries and was worn by empresses and ladies of noble birth.2102 Pillbox and Petasus-type hats The hunter battling with a lion in the upper border of a mosaic in the church at Mount Berenice is wearing a tight-fitting hat with a rolled-up brim (?). It may be a military pillbox-type cap in brown and yellow.2103 The
Figure 314. Fragment of Sousse mosaic depicting a naked fisherman with a hat, 3rd century AD (photo credited to wikimedia user: Ad Meskens, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Sousse_mosaic_fisherman.JPG, CC BY-SA 3.0). William and Ogden 1994: 225, Figure 59. La Regina 2005: 204. 2099 Avi-Yonah and Yadin 1986: 239; Michaeli 1990: 23, 25, 37. 2100 Spiro 1978: 227; Skupin’ska–Løvest 1983: Plate CIX left, Cat. 61, 69, 133.
Fantham and Foley et al. 1994: 232; Rothfus 2006: 82; Fantham 2008: 159–160. 2102 Croom 2002: 106–107; Cleland et al. 2005: 173. 2103 Amir 2004: 144, Figure 8.15.
2097
2101
2098
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attributes of the god Hermes (Figure 321a).2109 The female version of this hat was more rounded. Women’s wide-brimmed hats that concealed the hair Women’s headgear was often strangely shaped and disproportionate to the size of the head. This is reflected in the height of the crown, the width of the brim, and the absence of consideration for the Greek ideal of beauty, which favored good proportions and considered large heads ugly.2110 The wet nurse in the late 4th-century Horbat Be’er Shema church mosaic is wearing a hat of this kind, as are the women in the scene showing the separation of Lot and Abraham in the Santa Maria Maggiore church mosaic.2111 Serena’s hat in the ivory diptych at Monza Cathedral resembles that of a woman in a mosaic at Sidi Ghrib in Tunis, which dates from the late 4th–early 5th centuries (Figures 76,79).2112 Scholars have remarked that a hat similar to Serena’s, finished without a diadem or crown, was common in the 4th century. It appears on the portraits of several women, but was not considered part of imperial dress.2113 This head covering, which had been fashionable in former centuries, was reintroduced after 527 AD and is worn by some of the women in Theodora’s entourage in the mosaic at Ravenna (Figure 308).2114 A diptych in the Monza Cathedral depicting the empress Galla Placidia shows that the empress’s hat consists of two parts: One is the band encircling her forehead and the other is wider. The hat, which covers her hair and is accredited with showing evidence of an eastern influence, is slightly reminiscent of the shape of the wet-nurse’s hat.2115 A similar hat, adorned with gemstones and with a high crown and a closely-fitting band, is worn by Helena in a mosaic from the 4thcentury villa at Cuenca, near Noheda in Spain.2116
Figure 321a. A man wearing Petasus hat, Late 5th-4 th Centuries, Coinage of Kapsa, Macedon, Late 5th-4th centuries BC, Used with permission (CNG coin).
hunter attacking a bear in the same border is wearing a similar hat in gray, yellow and black with gray edges that may be pulled over his ears.2104 It cannot be ruled out that this is a helmet (?) because of the height of the crown, which is disproportionate to the size of the head, and the coppery colors consistent with a helmet.2105 Similar pillbox-shaped hats were adopted by Roman soldiers who served in the Pannonia province in the late 3rd century and they were worn in the Late Byzantine period. 2106 A number of hat styles were adopted from the Greek inhabitants of Thessaly, who wore them when working outside.2107 These included the petasos/petasus, a man’s hat worn by the male personification of Summer in the Ein Ya’el mosaic (Figure 60) and by the fishermen in a mosaic from Dougga, exhibited in the Bardo Museum (Figure 138).2108 A Sousse mosaic depicts a naked fisherman with a hat (Figure 314). Such headgear, with its wide brim and conical shape, was usually made of felt or straw and was worn by foot travelers in the blazing summer sun. It could also be hung over the back, since it was held on with a cord. The petasus was one of the
Maphorion The headdress, or maphorion, is worn by the two women in the Kibbutz Kissufim church mosaic, and by Theodosia and Georgia in the mosaic from Damascus Gate in Jerusalem and (Figures 232, 235).2117 The maphorion, Cleland, Glenys and Llewellyn-Jones 2007: 147; Bertero and Sagis 2009: 30. 2110 Croom 2002: 104, Figure 48.23; Gilman 2002: 67. 2111 Croom 2002: 86, Figure 39, 104, Figure 48, 23. 2112 Maguire 1999 a : 241, Figure 17; Métraux 2008: 277–278, Figure 14.3. 2113 Houston 1947: 132–133, Figure 144b; Temporini and Haase 1985: 561, Abb.3, 6. 2114 Barton 1961: 101, Figure 3, 102; Alföldi-Rosenbaum1968: 28; Herrin (2004: 4) notes that the women in the entourage were modestly covered, in keeping with the custom of the time, although they did not wear a scarf. 2115 Houston 1947: 132–133, Figure 144b. 2116 Neira 2011: 127, Figure 27. 2117 Barton 1961: 89, 104; Cohen 1979: 19–24; This item is also referred 2109
Croom 2002: 69, Figure 25, 2. Amir 2004: 142, Figure 8.14, 144, Figure 8.15. 2105 Amir 2004: 144, Figures 8.2, 8.15. 2106 Bordering on western Hungary, eastern Austria, and northern Croatia; Ball 2008: 142. 2107 Roussin 1995: 33; Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 267; Condra 2008: 141–142. 2108 Fradier 2007: 123. 2104
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Weaving in Stones also called mafortium or mavortium, was used to cover the head and shoulders and is first referred to in 4thcentury sources.2118 The head covering was mentioned by Nonnus, who explained that the former term for it was ricinium (‘a scarf ’).2119 The Edictum Diocletiani includes the word mafortia, which was a kind of hood or scarf with ties worn by upper-class women.2120 In the Early Byzantine period, women would cover their heads using folds of fabric arranged in such a way as to leave the face exposed. This form of head covering is common in visual representations of the Virgin Mary and female saints, where embroidered decorations and gemstones enliven the monochrome fabric.
representing the season of Tevet in the synagogue mosaic at Zippori has a palla draped in loose, concave folds outlined in black that fall from the head to the shoulders and chest.2126 In the Hammat Tiberias synagogue, Virgo has a long gray, light-blue and white palla over her left shoulder that falls around her back and upper torso and is draped around her right hand and her head, which is decorated with a ribbon.2127 In a number of cases, especially in depictions of personifications, goddesses, or women at work, the overgarments conceal the figures’ heads. On hot days, women preferred to free themselves from the palla and drape themselves in light, narrow scarves.2128
The diadem worn by the Virgin in different portrayals is probably a development of the embroidered fabric set with precious stones along the hem of the maphorion. Examples of this are found in the 6th-century mural in Commodila’s catacomb, where the Virgin is depicted with a piece of white cloth around her face beneath her maphorion, as well as in a 6th–7th-century mural from Bawit displayed in the Coptic Museum in Cairo.2121 The diadem worn by the old woman from Kissufim recalls the diadem of Saint Perpetua in a medallion in the 6th-century mosaic from the Oratorio of S. Andrea at Ravenna.2122
Women’s veils/scarves Three scarves are worn by figures in the mosaics of Eretz Israel: The personifications of Spring and Winter in the El-Marakesh mosaic, and Virgo in the Hammat Tiberias synagogue. The scarf had conflicting roles: It was intended to beautify a woman, while also signifying her modesty and the fact that she was married.2129 In Genesis the scarf is mentioned three times in connection with women’s ‘double-faced’ behavior: Rebecca, who deceived Isaac and Jacob,2130 and Tamar, who used it to trick and mislead.2131 In Semitic languages, the word means ‘folded’ and is synonymous with ‘double’ or ‘duped’.2132
The palla The palla was an overgarment that could also be drawn over a woman’s head. Its fabric, which was either thick or thin and airy, was chosen according to the weather. Modest Greek or Roman women covered their heads with a palla or scarf. A pious Roman woman would wrap the ends of her palla around her head, as is evident in the Villa of the Mysteries at Pompeii.2123
The marital status of Roman women was obvious from the type of scarf they wore. A pious married woman who was faithful to her husband would wear a head covering. This custom changed in the early imperial period, when what researchers call ‘new Roman women’ chose to appear in public without a head covering and with intricate hairstyles. Some behaved in this way to free themselves from the bonds of marriage and the restrictive laws of society.2133
A few women depicted in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are covering their heads with their overgarments. In the Hammat Tiberias synagogue mosaic the personification of Winter has her head covered with a palla whose stylized form gives the figure an impression of depth (Figure 244).2124. The intent may have been to depict a maphorion made of draped fabric, since a similar design of cloth made of identical folds appears on the Virgin’s head in an illustration from the 6th-century Rabula manuscript.2125 The figure
In Judaism and Christianity, modesty was an important social norm. The contemporary ‘guardians of morality’ regarded modesty as an important tenet and a means of controlling women. They therefore advocated a pious appearance, the rules of which were contained in a strict clothing code requiring the body, head and face to be covered. The veil, which covered the head and sometimes part of the woman’s face formed a kind of ‘separation’ that hid and obscured, creating a connection between that which was concealed and that
to as a maforium or maphoria; see: Scharf 1994: 80–81, 130–132; Rudolf 1993: 276; some sources refer to a maforion and some to a maforiom. This study uses the term maphoria; Buckton 1994: 58, Figure 45. 2118 Wilson 1938: 151; Clark 1993: 115. 2119 Nonius: 542 M. The term ricinium is derived from the word reicere which means ‘to throw the ends backward’; see: Varro, De Ling: 5.132. 2120 Edictum Diocletian, 29.44. 2121 Grabar 1967: 174, Figure 186; Rutschowscaya and Benazeth 2000: 150, No. 7118. 2122 Lefkowitz and Fant 1992: 166, Figure 15. 2123 Croom 2002: 106. 2124 Stokstand 2004: 71, Figure 32.7. 2125 Wright 1973: 197-208.
Weiss 2005: 134. Grossmark 1994: 16. 2128 Wild 1985: 391, Figures 32, 33. 2129 Galpaz-Feller 2008: 177. 2130 Galpaz-Feller 2008: 178–180. 2131 Tarlin 2000: 178. 2132 Speidel 1996: 235–243. 2133 Sebesta and Bonfante 2001: 48; Winter 2003: 83. 2126 2127
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which was visible and creating a sense of mystery. Galt maintains that the custom of covering the lower part of the face as far as the eyes originated in the East and was common in Athens and possibly in the whole of Greece.2134 In his Moralia, Plutarch wrote that a veiled face was part of a husband’s exclusive right to prevent strangers from gazing at his wife. He also noted that unmarried women went out in public without veiled faces in order to find a husband.2135 In his work On the Special Laws, the philosopher Philo of Alexandria attributed head coverings to modesty and uncovered heads to promiscuity.2136
in a white garment embellished with crimson clavi, signifying her elevated status. Her head covering consists of a delicate, translucent fabric whose fringes are studded with pearls.2144 In the catacomb of Petrus and Marcellinus, Mary’s head is draped in a scarf that flutters in the wind. An examination of the female figures in the catacombs shows that not all their heads are covered. In the Catacomb of Priscilla a woman is portrayed in the orans position wearing a headscarf trimmed with two decorative stripes, whereas several women beside her are shown without a head covering (Figure 254).2145 Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians records that women should cover their heads when praying.2146
Feminist interpretations of the practice of covering the head in antiquity and in the modern world focuses on the ploy of creating moral and religious identity by controlling and restricting a woman’s body and preventing her from demonstrating her sexuality. Covering the head is tantamount to beheading, turning a woman into a symbol of desire rather than a being with a voice and an identity.2137 Tertullian objected to the custom of women covering their heads with short scarves, since in his opinion they resembled ostriches burying their heads in the sand, unlike pagan women whose heads were completely veiled.2138 Clement of Alexandria exhorted women to cover the head with a modest veil made of simple cloth that was not colored crimson.2139 He thought that a woman’s hair should be natural and gathered up with a simple hairpin.2140 Athanasius of Alexandria recommended that women drape themselves in a veil in a natural color, black, or black with white flecks, without a fringe and falling over their shoulders. He also instructed women not to dress like young girls so that they would be treated with the respect worthy of mature women.2141
Five female figures dancing in front of Artemis are draped in heavy scarves that cover their heads and faces as far as the eyes. They are depicted on a 5thcentury BC krater in the Mount Holyoke College Art Museum in South Hadley, Massachusetts. Such scarves were known as ‘dance mantles’, or himation. Sculptures of Corinthian women in red stone in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston are draped in mantles of this type.2147 In the Basilica of Sant’ Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, a wall mosaic showing a procession of virgins illustrates the garments worn by women of the upper classes. Their gathered hair, decorated with gems, is covered with a transparent veil that drapes down to the center of the back (Figure 315).2148 The women in the Dura Europos synagogue have both bare and covered heads. According to 1 Kings 17: 17, the widow imploring Elijah to save her son is wearing a dark garment and her head covering conceals her hair as a sign of grief. After her son recovers, she appears on the right side of Elijah dressed in a light-colored garment and with her hair visible through the veil. Most of the women in the Dura Europos synagogue are depicted in a similar manner (Figure 316). In the Moses scene, the bareheaded daughter of Pharaoh is accompanied by Jewish servants whose hair peeps out from beneath their head coverings (Figure 285).
The Virgin Mary is dressed in a simple garment and her head is covered with a veil for the first time in frescoes in Rome’s Catacomb of Priscilla (Figures 253).2142 This scene reveals how the first Christians regarded Mary and how they differentiated her head covering from that of other women at the same time.2143 Such scenes, together with the literary sources, enable us to understand the importance given to the scarf used as a head covering by pagan, Jewish, and Christian women. In the Coemeterium Majus catacomb in Rome, Mary is depicted in the orans position and is dressed
Neck scarves Neck scarves fastened with a fibula are worn by putti hunters in the Nahariya church mosaic and their lower torsos are draped in a perizoma (Figure 81). Since this church features naked figures and in many artistic works putti are depicted in the nude, the combination of a neck scarf and a perizoma allows the parts of the body to be implied and enables us to ‘deduce’ from the artwork a socio-cultural attitude toward the perception of the body. This unique and enigmatic portrayal may
Galt 1931: 374. Plutarch, Mor. III, 232, c. 2136 Philo: The Special., VII, 3.56. 2137 Eilberg-Schwartz and Doniger 1995: 2. 2138 Tertullian, Le Voile.: 17.2b–3a; 17.4–5a; Dunn 2004: 135–142, 160–161. 2139 Clement of Alexandria, Christ, 2.10.114. 2140 Clement of Alexandria, Paed., 2.10,3.11. 2141 Athanasius of Alexandria, De Virg.: PG 28, col. 264. 2142 Ferrua 1991: 22,23, Figures 253,254. 2143 As in Numbers 24: 17; Ferrua 1991: 22,23, Figures 253,254;Osenga 2009: 6. 2134 2135
Osenga 2009: 7, Figure 2. Ferrua 1991: 23; Fiocchi, Bisconti and Mazzoleni 1999: 125, Figure 140. 2146 1 Corinthians 11: 4–5. 2147 Galt 1931: 374, Figure 1, 376, Figure 3. 2148 Bustacchini 1987: 123, Figure 2. 2144 2145
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Figure 315. Procession of virgins in a wall mosaic in the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, 6th century AD (photo credited to wikipedia user: Chetstone https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basilica_of_Sant%27Apollinare_Nuovo#/ media/File: Sant_Apollinare Nuovo North Wall Panorama 01.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0).
Figure 316. Elijah and the widow of Zarepheth, Dura Europos synagogue, 3rd century AD (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Ddimplegurl90, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File: Elijah_and_widow_of_zarepheth.jpeg, public domain).
reflect artistic freedom. Speidel remarks that from the 1st century onward, cavalry of German origin serving in the Roman army had neck kerchiefs, some of which were wrapped around each other to resemble a torc.2149 The hunters in the foreground of the triclinium mosaic from Apamea have narrow white kerchiefs around their necks.2150 Maniakion-type neck kerchiefs were an identifying attribute of martyrs in the Middle and Late Byzantine period. A loose neck kerchief is worn
2149 2150
by Ablabius in the 12th-century church of St Nicholas Kasnitzes in Kastoria, Greece.2151 Summary The mosaics from Eretz Israel contain very few examples of head coverings despite the region’s hot climate and beating sun. The most common headgear in local mosaics from Late Antiquity are the Phrygian cap, the palla, and the maphorion. Ancient pagan, Jewish and Christian writers mentioned women’s
Speidel 1996: 235. Sumner 2009: 169.
2151
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Parani 2003: 86, Plate 94.
Head and neck coverings
head coverings and regarded them not only as pieces of fabric and items of clothing, but also as a means of preserving women’s modesty. The wearing of head scarves by pagan, Jewish and Christian women was grounded in the moral imperatives of influential theoreticians who advocated modesty in a society where such standards were often flaunted. The strict insistence on women covering their heads was anchored in legislation.2152 The exhortations of moral sages, including their repeated demands that women cover their heads, attest to the frequency with which the laws of modesty were violated. The examples portrayed in works of art can therefore be regarded as reflecting an accepted practice.2153 Furthermore, the custom of covering the head or leaving it bare changed according to the spirit of the time in different periods. The Byzantines did not have a preference for a certain type of head covering. Influenced by Roman fashion, members of the Byzantine court wore crowns and headgear embellished with gold. The quality of the fabric from which clothing and women’s head coverings were made in Byzantine society attested to the social status of their owners.2154 Whether the headdress was some kind of hat, a garland of flowers, a tiara, or a crown for a man or a woman, the continuous tradition of portraying aristocratic women, female saints, and allegorical figures followed the fashions of the royal court.2155 Neck coverings were rare during this period and therefore the figures displayed in the Nahariya mosaic are wearing a unique type of neck kerchief.
Mishnah, Ketubot 7: 6; BT, Ketubot, 72a. Ball 2008: 126. 2154 Clark 1993: 105. 2155 Kiilerich 1998: 29; Gilman 2002: 64. 2152 2153
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Belts wearing a belted tunic on his lower torso (Figure 8).2165 The warrior’s tunic in the Merot synagogue mosaic pavement is secured with a military cingulum positioned below the waist.2166 The huntsman riding beside the Amazon in the panel facing the entrance to the ‘Nile House’ has a sash or band around his chest (Figure 92).2167 In the ‘Nile House’ mosaic, the figure of Semasia bears traces of a sash (?), although this may equally represent folds (Figure 233). The maenad on the right in the Dionysus drinking contest scene at Zippori is clad in a brown-and-white striped sash. The maenad on the left in the same scene is wearing a long tunic fastened with a wide, striped sash (Figure 71).2168 Another figure in this mosaic, bearing a basket of fruit on her shoulder in the procession of gift bearers, is clothed in a tunic fastened with a belt above the waistline, forming an apoptygma (Figure 241).2169 At the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, the personifications of November and December are belted at the waist; the personification of February has a black sash (Figure 47).2170 In the Dionysus mosaic at Zippori, the gift bearers in the procession are wearing an exomis with the surplus cloth draped over and gathered at the waist to create an apoptygma. The person walking in front of a donkey and the one emptying a basket of grapes are also clad in a grayish exomis (Figure 241).2171 The three grape treaders in the El-Hammam burial chapel mosaic are clad in a perizoma looped around the lower torso. The loop creates short, triangular-shaped pants in blue and beige. The pants are fastened on both sides of the waist by a band or belt, tied and hanging down the front like a necktie (Figure 83).2172 The personification of July in the same chapel is wearing a sleeveless blue colobium decorated with segmenta and fastened at the waist with a sash. A similar colobium in light blue with black clavi is visible on the personification of November (Figure 46).2173 The personification of Tishrei (Autumn) in the synagogue at Zippori has a narrow ribbon or belt (Figure 91).2174 The craftsman holding a bow saw in the Wadi Hammam
Different belting styles are found on the clothing of thirty-four female and six male figures in the mosaics of Eretz Israel. Belts were used to tighten garments around the waist or chest and adapt loose items of dress to size. Most belts are concealed by a kolpos or apoptygma and sometimes only the edges are visible. Male figures in the researched mosaics are portrayed either in unbelted tunics, like the servants and diners in the Zippori mosaic, or in tunics that are gathered with a concealed sash or that have the ends peeping out (Figure 63).2156 In the mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, belts are worn by the nurse, and possibly by Dionysus, whose body contours hint that he is wearing a cingulum-type belt (Figures 9, 246).2157 Silenus riding on a donkey has a gold sash around his waist (Figure 15).2158 The rider plunging his sword into a leopard and the huntsman on foot fighting off a bear are both wearing pendant belts in the Kissufim church mosaic (Figures 21, 22).2159 Medallions in the El-Marakesh mosaic contain female figures dressed in a chiton gathered with a sash: The earth goddess Gaia and the personification of Summer (Figure 248). The man raising his arm in the mosaic at El-Marakesh has a belt below the waist (Figure 34).2160 In the mosaic at Horvat Beit Loya, the remains of the fisherman’s figure retain traces of a belt with black ends (Figure 42).2161 The personification of Tishrei (Autumn) in the Na’aran synagogue is wearing a narrow belt (Figure 240).2162 The man leading a donkey and the shepherd in the Be’er Shemʻa mosaic both have sashes with looped ends. The dark-skinned man leading a camel has a sash dangling down the center of his skirt (Figures 45, 52, 53).2163 Belts such as those of the grape harvesters in the Beit She’an and Sde Nahum monasteries(?) are concealed by a kolpos (Figures49, 59, 69).2164 The sun god in the synagogue mosaic at Hammat Tiberias is
Talgam and Weiss 2004: 8–12, Figures 8–11. Clédat 1915: 24, Plate IV; Ovadiah, Gomez de Silva and Mucznik 2004: 145–168. 2158 Vincent 1922: Figure 6; Talmi 1983: 25; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. 2159 Wilcox 1948: 18, 23; Broby-Johansen 1968: 57; Kühnel 1992: 82; Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: Plate XXII, B; a zoster-type belt is mentioned by Pausanias: 1.31.1; Cleland et al. 2007: 216; excavation file A-71/8/1997, excavated by Rudolph Cohen, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 2160 Vincent 1922: 266, IX, Figure 4; IAA files 30–31, Beit Guvrin. 2161 Patrich and Tsafrir 1993: 269, Plate XIXb; excavation files G-34/1983, excavated by Yoram Tsafrir and Yosef Patrich; G-19/1986, excavated by Yoram Tsafrir and Yosef Patrich; G-114/1990, excavated by Yoram Tsafrir, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority. 2162 Hachlili 2009: 46, Figure III. 2163 Hachlili 2009: Figure VII.16a, 8b; VII.15a. 2164 Hachlili 2009: Figure VII.1b, 8b; VIIa, c; VII.15a. 2156 2157
Sukenik 1932: 35. Ilan and Damati 1980: 46; Ilan and Damati 1987: 56; Steinberg 2007: 11; Mucznik, Ovadiah and Turnheim 2004: 209–222; 2167 Smith 1873: 852; Potthoff 1992: 151–155; Croom 2002: 127; Lorquin 2003: 124; Weiss and Netzer identify the figure as an Amazon; see: Weiss and Netzer 1998: 50–51; Weiss and Talgam 1995: 61, 74, Figure 13. 2168 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 49–50, Figure 35, Plate I, b. 2169 Talgam and Weiss 2004: Plate I, b. 2170 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 29. 2171 Talgam and Weiss 2004: 67–79, Figures 50, 62, 65. 2172 Hadas 2007: 1. 2173 Ovadiah and Ovadiah 1987: 31. 2174 Sukenik 1932: 34 Plate 5b; Bowersock 2006: 107, Figure 4.5. 2165 2166
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synagogue mosaic is clad in an exomis fastened at the waist with a striped sash. The porter carrying a jar on his shoulder has a white sash (Figure 41).2175 Traces of a long sash are visible on the giraffe driver in the church at Be’er Shem’a (Figure 53).2176
such as fabric and leather, were decorated with buckles embedded with gemstones and metals and they were fashionable clothing accessories. Works of art show a variety of colors, shapes and sizes, including special buckles and belts positioned over the garment and threaded through loops or hidden under the folds of fabric. The belt could be used to gather up loose fabrics, draw attention to the garment, and create a color that contrasted with other items of clothing. They were designed to tighten a garment that was not tailored to the body and fit it correctly, gathering the cloth to the body to minimize or maximize the effect. In addition, belts concealed excess fabric by creating pleats and pockets. They also ‘shortened’ the garment by pulling it upward. Sometimes the belts are hidden by folds. It is difficult to determine whether they are made of leather straps, narrow textile strips, or fabric scarves.2183 Animal drivers ‘shortened’ the tunic by pulling it upward and draping the excess cloth over the belt, allowing for freer movement.2184 Tertullian was of the opinion that tunics should be shortened during the process of their manufacture, averting the need to pull the extra cloth up over a belt.2185
Limited knowledge concerning the forms of different kinds of belts comes from ancient literature and works of art. Ancient sources referring to methods of belting attest to when to refrain from using a belt, when to fasten a garment and how to do so.2177 A belt is mentioned for the first time in Genesis, in the story of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. The Bible does not describe the shape and size of the belts fashioned out of leaves by Adam and Eve: Were they a kind of sash-like belt, which only covered their private parts? Did they conceal a narrow or wider part of the body? Fabric belts are mentioned among women’s accessories.2178 Men’s belts were also used to hold sheaths and other weapons (Deuteronomy 1: 41; Judges 18: 11). A soldier is called a ‘belt-wearer’ (‘arms bearer’; 2 Kings 3: 21: ‘Now all the Moabites had heard that the kings had come to fight against them; so every man, young and old, who could bear arms was called up and stationed on the border’).
Belts worn by athletes and soldiers were distinctly wide and were sometimes shaped so that various items could be hung from them. Belts in a 4th-century BC relief from Persepolis are of this kind and include a pendant worn by the gift bearer. Another relief dating from the 6th– 5th centuries BC shows an armed guard with a similar belt.2186 From the various artistic works, it is evident that men either wore their tunics loose, or gathered around the body with an assortment of belts, like the colobium worn by the shepherd standing with his hand round his head in the church at Be’er Shemʻa, which has a sash with loose ends (Figure 45) and items such as the hunters belts with pendants for hanging various items in the Kissufim church (Figures 21, 22). A different type of belt, to which items could only be attached at the front, is depicted on military generals in a 1st-century image.2187 Alföldi stresses that belts helped emphasize the status of the emperor and those in high positions.2188 Parani cites numerous instances in the Bible where garments and accessories, including belts, were used as status symbols.2189 James points out that burial stones dating from the middle of the imperial period in Rome show warriors equipped with rounded pendant belts and a cross band. Pendant belts of the same type appear in the mural at the Dura Europos church.2190 During the
The sash worn by the high priest was sewn or woven out of soft fabric. Proverbs 31: 24 states: ‘She makes linen garments and sells them, and supplies the merchants with sashes,’ as an example of a woman of valor. Different sources attest to the fact that belts were made by women in their homes. Suetonius quoted Sulla, who reported that Julius Caesar neglected to wear his belt properly because he girded his waist loosely.2179 Quintilian referred to the kind of belt that should be worn with a striped tunic.2180 Homer and Pausanias wrote about the zostar, a leather belt worn by warriors that was also used by women.2181 John Lydus, writing in the mid-6th century, described military belts in his work De Magistratibus. In his account of the praetorian prefect’s clothing in the East, Lydus wrote that during ceremonies he wore a golden overgarment and a tunic in a contrasting color fastened with a crimson belt that had a gold buckle.2182 Additional information regarding belting styles in the relevant periods comes from artworks and archaeological finds. These reveal details of the differently shaped belts and the materials from which they were made. The belts, made of assorted materials
2183 Parani 2003: 66. Neck scarves (Maniakion) were items of military dress worn by martyrs in the Middle and Late Byzantine periods; see: Parani 2003: 96. 2184 Ghirshman 1953: 69; Peck 1969: 104, Plates VI, VII. 2185 Tertullian, Le Mant.: 5. 2186 Ghirshman 1964: 205, Figure 255; 210, Figure 259. 2187 Feugère 1993: 114–115, 121, Figure 1; Rodgers 2003: 39. 2188 Alföldi 1970a: 64–65. 2189 Parani 2007: 499. 2190 Feugère 1993: 114–115, 121, Figure 1; James 2011: 135, Figure 5;
Leibner 2010: 36; Leibner and Miller 2010 2: 242–243. Hachlili 2009: Figures VII.15, a, b, c. 2177 Quintilian, The Instit. 11.138, 139; Wilson 1938: 59 2178 Isaiah 3: 20–24. 2179 Suetonius 1966: 45. 2180 Quintilian, The Instit.: 11.138, 139; Wilson 1938: 59. 2181 Homer, Iliad 4.132–135; Pausanias: 1.31.1. 2182 John Lydus: 2.13; Mango 2002: 62; Kelly 2004: 232. 2175 2176
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Figure 317. Avar-Slav belt (reconstruction), ca. 560–800 AD (Photo credited to livius. org user: Jona Lendering, https://www.livius. org/pictures/a/otherpictures/avar-slav-beltreconstruction/, CCO 1.0 Universal).
1st–3rd centuries, belts were made in the form of a tied woven band whose ends hung down the garment. They were usually in a color that contrasted with that of the tunic, as is evident from descriptions in the works of Patronius and Apuleius.2191
Women belted their tunics below the chest or waist to prevent the belt from slipping. This usually concealed the body and helped fashion the folds of the garment while emphasizing the contours. Belts enabled working women and servants to tuck up their wide, cumbersome sleeves while keeping the arms covered.
In the late 3rd century men wore two belts: One held the trousers in place while an outer belt went around the tunic.2192 Cingulum belts, depicted in artworks showing soldiers and cavalry, were secured in several ways: With a buckle, by threading the ends together and leaving them loose, or by tucking the ends beneath the belt.2193 A red belt of this type with a gold buckle denoted the military or civil status of its wearer.2194 Round belt buckles through which the ends were threaded appear in 3rd-century burial reliefs of soldiers and cavalry.2195 Since there is no archaeological evidence for belt loops on items of clothing, belts were probably fastened with pins or threaded through the garment at set intervals to prevent them from slipping out of place.2196
Of particular interest are the pendant belts worn by the huntsmen in the Kissufim mosaic and the question of their origins. The type of belt worn by these huntsmen is also evident on a variety of figures in other artworks, as noted in the chapter dealing with hunters’ clothing and embellishments. There is some debate in the research literature regarding the quality of these belts, the purpose of the pendants they carry, their origin, and their distribution. Pendant belts with sheaths are visible on figures in the burial reliefs from Palmyra, as on the youth in a 3rdcentury burial relief from Maqqai and in a burial sculpture from Ksar el-Abind at Palmyra. In the scene where Moses appears before Pharaoh in the Dura Europos synagogue, the figure standing beside Pharaoh’s throne has a white belt with a sword handle tucked into it.2199 Belts fastened with a buckle appeared over tunics, trousers, or leggings in the late 4th century but are seldom shown in mosaics. The prevalence of buckles in archaeological excavations attests to the fact that belts were popular accessories.2200 Russell’s study of belts from the Byzantine period in the Roman province of Anemurium in Rough Cilicia and Asia Minor asserts that trousers were held up with belts from the early days of the Roman Empire and that their use increased due to the influence of clothing worn by the Chaldean tribes, Sarmatian nomads from Iranian lands,
The expressions ‘to put on the belt’ and ‘to remove the belt’ used in ancient sources in Late Antiquity denoted the authoritative power given to someone donning or removing his belt.2197 No one in an official position would have dared to enter the emperor’s presence without a chlamys and a belt. The absence of these items of dress symbolized disobedience and disrespectfulness.2198
188, Figures 1–4. 2191 Patronius 67.4; Apuleius: 11.7. 2192 Gonosova’ and Kondolen 1994: 14. 2193 Dawson 1987: 142–143, Plates 1, 2. 2194 Parani 2007: 504. 2195 Sumner 2009: 46–47, Figures 35, 36, 168, Figure 111. 2196 Croom 2002: 88–89. 2197 Mango 2002: 63; Delmaire 2004: 197. 2198 Parani 2007: 504.
2199 2200
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Seyrig 1937: 15–16, Figure 6; Hopkins 2011: 237. Parani 2007: 517.
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Figure 317b. The belts of St. Stefan and Stefan Kobul, Javari , Georgia, 6th Century AD. Photo E.Shneurson.
and other barbarian tribes.2201 The origins of the pendant belts may point to Sassanian influences. It is also worth emphasizing that belts are mentioned in ancient sources without referring to trousers, as mentioned above. For example, in the porphyry sculpture of Tetrarchs in Venice the subjects are not dressed in trousers but are wearing military belts (Figure 123).2202 In the relief of a boar and deer hunt at Tag-i-Bustan in Bishapur, Western Iran (whose lateSassanian date has been disputed), the man leading an elephant is wearing a tunica manicata with a buckled belt that has four bands hanging from it, while the king and his entourage have up to ten pendants studded with gemstones on their belts. The pendant bands were divided into panels, each with a round gemstone set in it. Sometimes the bands varied in length, creating a more complex design. At Tag-i-Bustan, the uniform length of the pendants can be attributed to the Sassanians’ love of symmetry.2203 Gropp notes that the belts worn by people in positions of authority included pendants that were attached to a flint loop.2204 Peck remarks that the Sassanian belts did not have pendants made of fabric straps. He explains that they were introduced from Central Asia in the 7th century. Schlumberger supports this claim, adding that belts of this type appear on figures portrayed in a palace in modern-day Lashkari Bazar, located in southwestern Afghanistan. In his view, they were influenced by the
Steppe peoples.2205 The straps were designed for hanging items such as daggers and swords. In a mural at Bezeklik Temple, the short straps are used to hang small boxes and garments. Ghirshaman attributes their origins to an Eastern prototype from the Altai Mountains in Mongolia and Siberia. He suggests that belts with straps and pendants were not used until the time of Attila the Hun in the 5th century. In the 6th and 7th centuries they were distributed by nomadic tribes like the Avars. A large number of belts consisted of two bands along their width. The upper band indicated status and power and the lower was used for attaching weapons.2206 Peck’s assertion that pendant belts are not found before the 7th century is puzzling, since they are visible in earlier works of art as discussed in the chapter on the huntsmen’s clothing in the Kissufim mosaic.2207 Excavations at Caesarea have yielded gold decorations from pendant belts used to carry weapons that date from the years 529–536. Their expensive materials show that such belts were intended to be worn by highranking officials or even by the emperor himself. A type of belt recovered from Caesarea, known as the ‘belt of Stephanos’, is attributed to one of two people of this name who served in the office of proconsul or higher in the mid-6th century, one from Syria and the other from Gaza (Figure 317b).2208 A belt with three pendant straps made in imitation of leather and tipped with metal tongues encircles Stephanos’s waist. The wearer is identified by the inscription recording his name,
2201
Russell 1982: 145. Kleiner 1992: 401–405, Figures 366, 367; Risser 2008: 62. 2203 Gray 1939: 73, Plates 32a, b; Peck 1969: 118, 120, Plate VIII. 2204 Gropp 1970: 276.
2205
2202
2206
Schluberger 1952: 267; Peck 1969: 118. Ghirshman 1963: 305. 2207 Peck 1969: 123. 2208 Risser 2008: 59, 62, 64–65.
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Weaving in Stones Stephanos Kobul, showing that he was a soldier. The relief is displayed in the east facade of the Church of the Sacred Cross at Jvari, Georgia, dated to the year 586. This belt served as a status symbol attesting to the class of high-ranking officials.2209 Leather pendant belts of Sassanian origin in the Sackler Gallery in Washington have been dated to the 7th century.2210 Schmauder, who explored belts of this type, points out that they occur in scenes related to hunting and that they symbolized, in Byzantine eyes, the status and occupation of the barbarian hunters who belonged to different social classes.2211 This claim can be corroborated by examining the clothing and appearance of the soldiers in the scene of Judas’s kiss in the Basilica of Sant’Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. The soldiers are clothed in a plain tunicae manicata over which is a narrow black band with a sheath attached to it.2212 In Schmauder’s opinion, Sassanian art shows belts of this kind in the context of hunting scenes and not in ceremonial ones such as official appointments, dedications, or building inaugurations. According to him, from the year 600 onward belts can be interpreted as status symbols.2213 Daim also attributes the belts visible on a number of the figures researched to the Avars, fierce and powerful nomadic horsemen who came from the Asian and Mongolian Steppes and lived in the Balkans. They were famous for their advanced technological skills and are referred to in the literature as ‘New Huns’. In 558 they were hired as mercenaries in the Byzantine Emperor Justinian’s army. A tomb in Hungary has yielded segments of a belt equipped carrying straps that dates from the 6th century and is attributed to this tribe, (like this reconstruction, (Figure 317).2214 Belts of a similar type, made of tin and appearing in 6th-century works of art, have been recovered from archaeological excavations in tombs in Romania, Hungary, the Caucasus, and Egypt. They were mentioned in papyri, depicted in artworks, and are known by scholars as ‘Bulgarian’ or ‘Vulgar’ belts.2215 In their discussion of the papyri, Diethart and Kislinger suggest that their identification as Bulgarian belts may be mistaken. In their opinion, the Greek term boulgarikos may derive from the Latin word vulgaris.2216 Skeletons of men and women from Avar burials show that they were buried together with their weapons, clothing, and jewelry, all of which are in Byzantine style, suggesting that they adopted the fashions of the time while not significantly changing their culture and values. In his article. Schmauder lists numerous works such as wall paintings, mosaics and figurines dating from the 5th and 6th
centuries and depicting pendant-type belts.2217 Lucchesi-Palli investigated a tunic with a belt of this type in the Textile Museum in Washington.2218 Russell remarks that the question of how the belts were introduced into the region and how they were distributed within and beyond the borders of the empire still remains to be answered; were they abandoned there by nomads? Or do they represent imitations of items originally made by barbarians? In his opinion, belts containing precious metals such as gold and silver were a status symbol.2219 The sources of inspiration for the belts portrayed in the Kissufim church mosaic appear to indicate eastern origins. Their design may have been influenced by burial reliefs at Palmyra, dating from the late 2nd–3rd centuries, or by belts and items of clothing such as those found in the graves of the barbarian soldiers who fought in the ranks of the Byzantine army and are documented in the Vienna Papyri. The pendant belts shown in different artistic media and worn by a wide range of people, including soldiers, huntsmen, mounted warriors, laborers and a child indicate that this accessory, distributed by soldiers serving in the Byzantine army or fighting against it, may have been adopted by both functionaries and civilians. The belts were portrayed in various media by the artists working in the region, who very probably copied them from model books.
Djobadze1960: 133; Shneurson 2014: Figure49. Gunter and Jett 1992: 220–221. 2211 Schmauder 2000: 15, 16, 20, Abb. 1, 2; Daim 2008: 414–415. 2212 Bustacchini 1987: 113, Figure 3. 2213 Schmauder 2000: 16. 2214 Diethart and Klislinger 2000: 9–14. 2215 Daim 2003: 498, Figure 3. 2216 Diethart and Kislinger 2000: 9, 12–14. 2209 2210
Schmauder 2000: 15–44. Lucchesi-Palli 1995: 266, Abb. 3. 2219 Russell 1982: 145. 2217 2218
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Shoes Shoes were important items in the ancient world and in Late Antiquity and were commonly used by laborers to protect against thorns and other hazards. As well as reflecting an awareness of potential danger at the time, they also reveal social aspects such as status, economic situation, fashion, and the desire to enhance the body. In addition to protecting the feet, shoes are a symbol of mobility and allow people to walk comfortably and safely on hot or frozen ground.2220 They also constituted a semiotic element as signifiers for social concepts (gender, sexuality, status, and economic situation) while reflecting the shoemakers’ technical abilities and the contemporary taste, fashion, and desire to appear well-dressed.
Isaac in the Zippori synagogue, the youths’ shoes and those of Abraham and Isaac cast aside at the foot of the mountain have laces on either side.2223 Caliga-type boots are visible on a number of figures, such as the two dancing Amazons and the naked huntsman in the ‘Nile House’ mosaic at Zippori (Figures 89, 249).2224 They also occur on one of Libra’s feet in the Beit Alpha mosaic (Figure 38), on the huntsmen in the Orpheus mosaic at Damascus Gate (Figure 85), and on the personification of March as a warrior in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary (Figures 1, 35).2225 Buskin-type opentoed boots are worn by the rider in a mosaic border from Caesarea displayed in the airport terminal at Ben Gurion (Figures 29, 320a) and by Hippolytos and the huntsman accompanying him in a mosaic from Sheikh Zouède (Figure 16).2226 Rubens notes that among other terms in the Septuagint translation such footwear, which covered the entire foot, is called ‘sandalia’.2227 Soleae-type sandals, which have a narrow toe-thong, are worn by the camel driver in the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary (Figure 72),2228 the man carrying a basket and the man leading a donkey in the El-Hammam burial chapel mosaic (Figure 51), the piper seated on a basket, and the camel driver whose head is not preserved and the man leading a donkey in the church at Be’er Shemʻa (Figure 68).2229 The huntsmen in the mosaic from Kissufim are shod in cnemis-type sandals made of leather straps and wrapped round with puttees (Figures 21, 22).2230
Since the terms used to describe items of footwear are not consistent and scholars call them by different names, my references to calcei include a closed shoe that reaches to the ankles, the solea, the sandal, the central toe strap, and other straps attaching the sole to the foot. Caligae refers to high boots, buskins to open-toed boots, and cnemeis to sandals combined with puttees. The mosaics of Eretz Israel contain forty-five male figures and nine female figures with different kinds of footwear. Calcei-type shoes colored red and yellow are worn by Virgo in the Beit Alpha synagogue and by Theodosia and Georgia in the Orpheus mosaic from Damascus Gate in Jerusalem (Figures 38, 235).2221 In the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, Phaedra and her nurse are shod in brown calcei. The ‘Nile House’ Amazons have brownish-orange calcei (Figures 246, 249). Orpheus and the personification of Cancer from Zippori are wearing black calcei (Figure 13, 91),2222 as are Abraham, Sagittarius, and Gemini from the Beit Alpha synagogue (Figure 38), the personification of December in the burial chapel at El-Hammam (Figure 47), Silenus in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic, the two shepherds (milking and standing) in the ‘House of Dionysus’ at Zippori, and the person gesturing in the mosaic from El-Marakesh (Figures 15, 27, 34). Furthermore, the traces of blue on Dionysus’s feet in the scene depicting his drunkenness may hint that he is wearing this kind of shoe (Figure 70). The galloping rider in the El-Marakesh mosaic, the man aiming a spear at a bear, and Samson and the five soldiers portrayed in the Wadi Hammam synagogue mosaic are wearing similar footwear. In the Sacrifice of
Ancient literature, archaeological finds and artworks yield information regarding the shape of footwear used in the relevant period. Both the shoes and the attitudes of the ancient writers to them enable us to understand how people used them to protect and beautify their feet, as well as the importance attributed to a person’s correct appearance. In the Bible, the removal of shoes signified either idleness or submission, religious faith, and man’s subordination to God. Shoes symbolized ownership and strength. In the Beit Alpha synagogue Abraham and Isaac’s shoes are shown cast beneath a tree out of reverence for the site’s sanctity.2231 A mural in the Via Latina catacombs in Rome depicts Moses standing before the burning bush and removing his sandals, while at Dura Europos he has removed his On removing the shoe, see: Yahalom 2000: 84–85. Weiss and Talgam 1995: 77–78, Figures 15–17; 76, Figure 14. 2225 Goldman 2001: 102, 6.1.v; Talgam and Weiss 2004: 67,78, Figure 50. 2226 Ovadiah and Mucznik 2004: 156, Figure 15. 2227 Rubens 1967: 8. 2228 Hachlili 2009: Figure VII.15b. 2229 Hachlili 2009: Figures VII.18b; VII.4b; VII. a. 2230 Ben Dov and Rappel 1987: 111–113. 2231 Weiss 2005: 151, Figure 93; 152. 2223 2224
For footwear in literary sources, see: Nacht 1915: 1–22; Wilcox 1948: 1. 2221 Ovadiah and Mucznik 1981: 425–426, Figures 12, 13; Hachlili 2009: Figure III .3. 2222 Hachlili 2009: Figure IV.4. 2220
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Weaving in Stones boots.2232 Shemot Rabbah states that ‘wherever the divine presence reveals itself, wearing shoes is forbidden’.2233 Pliny the Elder rebuked men who wore women’s clothing and shoes embellished with pearls.2234 Plato’s Symposium (‘The Banquet’) mentioned the shoes and puttees made of felt and sheepskin that were customarily worn on cold days.2235 Quintilian stressed that people venturing out in public should ensure that they were respectably dressed and wear appropriate shoes.2236 Juvenal remarked that mountain peasants mindful of their sons’ education would teach them that a ‘real’ man should not be ashamed of wearing boots on icy-cold days.2237 Clement of Alexandria was of the opinion that it was better for a man to go barefoot and only wear shoes during his military service, although he warned against walking in shoes that squeaked.2238 High-heeled footwear was mentioned and criticized in ancient writings. In describing the modest clothing of Augustus, Suetonius emphasized that his shoes were slightly raised to make him appear taller than he actually was.2239 Juvenal thought that women’s high heels were a form of deceit.2240 In his Oeconomicus, which outlines instructions how to manage the household, Xenophon emphasized that Ischomachus admonished his wife for leading people astray by wearing high-heeled shoes to appear taller.2241 The New Testament Parable of the Prodigal Son describes how the father ordered the best robe to be brought out for his son and shoes placed on his feet.2242
Figure 318. Mosaic showing bathing sandals, from Sabratha, Libya, with the motto ‘A bath is good for you’, no date (photo credited to Wikipedia user: Hakeem.gadi https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Public bath sign -_Sabratha_(cropped).jpg, CC BY-SA 3.0).
young men.2246 Clement of Alexandria advised women to oil their shoes, which should be white, and wear nailed shoes only when setting off on a long journey. In his opinion, although walking without shoes was recommended, it was inconsistent with women’s modesty given their innate delicacy.2247 Ovid wrote that the ‘ideal man’ should be dressed in a spotlessly clean, well-cut toga of the correct size with shoes that are not loose, to prevent him shambling as he walks. The shoes should be well-fitting and the laces tightly fastened.2248Chrysostom dedicated a number of sermons to flamboyant shoes that made men seem effeminate. His disapproval stemmed from the waste of money that could have otherwise helped the needy and he therefore viewed the custom as immoral. Furthermore, he was concerned about the influence of one person’s taste on others, an argument that, according to Maxwell, reflects the influence of habitus.2249 Jewish sources also refer to footwear. Expensive shoes made of fine leather are mentioned in the Book of Ezekiel, 16, 10 I ‘Cloth thee with richly woven work, and shod thee with sealskin with….’
Basil of Caesarea suggested purchasing cheap but comfortable shoes.2243 Athanasius of Alexandria instructed women to wear shoes while praying.2244 This requirement was anchored in the belief that women should cover their hands and feet for modesty’s sake.2245 In an anonymous letter to an unmarried woman (a literary device of the time), Jerome remarked that black, shiny shoes that squeaked attracted the attention of Although it refers to the revelation to Moses, the symbolic removal of footwear can also be attributed to Abraham; Gaster 1969: 231–232; Baumann 1999: Taf.13.29 191; Piccirillo 1992: 191, Figure 280; Sperber 2006: 84–85, Figure 7. 2233 Ezekiel 24,17; Shemot Rabbah, 2; on walking barefoot, see: Gaster 1969: 321–322. 2234 Pliny, XXX.VI.17. 2235 Plato, 174. 2236 Quintilian, The Instit.: 11.3137. 2237 Juvenalis, 14.185. 2238 Clement of Alexandria: Paed., PG 8, 2,11,8. cols. 538a; Christ. 2.11.107. 2239 Gleason 1995: 61; Clement, Paed.3.11.37–74; Suetonius: The Divine Augustus, 73; in 9th-century Persia, soldiers wore shoes with heels to help maintain their balance when dismounting so that they might steady their aim with a bow and arrow (Semmelhack 2008). 2240 Juvenalis, 6.506–507. 2241 Xenophon, Oecon.: 4. 2242 Luke 15: 22; Parani 2007: 505. 2243 Basil of Caesarea, Letters, II, 6. 2244 Athanasius of Alexandria, De Virg.: PG 28, col. 264. 2245 Ball 2008: 124. 2232
The sources classify sandals according to their place of production, for example: Sandals made in the village of ‘Imki or ‘Imko, (the Imki sandal), the Laodici sandal, Jerome, Ep.117.7; PL.22.957–958. Clement of Alexandria, Paed. 2.11, PG 8, cols. 536–540. 2248 Seneca, Dec.: 1 pr.8–10; Ovid: Ars.1.505–524. 2249 John Chrysostom, Hom. on St. Mat.: XLIX, PG 58, 500–501, 5; Maxwell 2006: 153–154. 2246 2247
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produced in Laodicea, Syria, and sandals named after special characteristics, such as the ‘nailed sandal’.2250
to the upper sometimes left imprints on the ground. It is also possible to trace changes in the design of a single type of shoe, such as the way in which caliga became a different type of shoe like the calcei, and the modifications from soleae to sandals.2258 Women’s shoes dating from the 2nd century with the shoemaker’s stamp next to the toe, a leather strap, and a broad thong around the arch of the foot are exhibited in the Vindolanda Trust Roman Army Museum.2259 From the end of the 1st century civilians clearly adopted military styles, probably because retired military shoemakers opened their own stores and sold low, laced boots. This fact testifies to the respected position of shoemakers, who were free citizens, and the importance attached to the shoe as an essential possession.2260 Shoes were decorated in assorted styles from the 2nd to the 7th centuries. The social statuses of senators and patricians were accentuated by the different types and colors of their shoes. Red was for senators (calceus senatorii) and black for patricians (calceus patricii).2261 Wealthy people wearing gold and crimson shoes were mentioned in the Diocletian Edict.2262 Red tzangia shoes or boots denoted a high status and many scenes show the Virgin Mary in red shoes. Theodora’s entourage in the Ravenna mosaic is portrayed in red shoes and the empress’s shoes are encrusted with blue gemstones (?).2263
Works of art consisting of sculptures, murals and mosaics reveal the different kinds of footwear used in Greece and throughout the Roman Empire, with cork, wood or leather soles and uppers made of felt, linen, or leather.2251 It should be remembered that visual examples of Byzantine footwear are limited, since shoes were concealed by the long, floor-length garments of the time. We can however assume that the Byzantines, who continued the tradition of Roman dress, behaved similarly regarding footwear. Meager details about the subject come from the period beginning in 395 when the Byzantine Empire acted as the Eastern Roman Empire. In common use were sandals and calcei-type shoes, which had corrigiae straps crossed over the arch of the foot and were fastened with a tie and sometimes decorated. The embellishment of shoes with silk and gemstones was influenced by encounters with traders from the East to the Mediterranean.2252 Shoes were commonly worn by men and different types had class and gender significance. Notably, slaves and paupers could not afford to buy pairs of shoes or even the cheaper sandals.2253 Different fashions came and went over the years, sometimes enabling us to date items of footwear more precisely, as with the examples depicted on triumphal arches and pillars such as Ara Pacis, Trajan’s Arch, etc.2254 Archaeological excavations have yielded fragments of shoes that show how they were made. These include sandals from London displayed in Cologne Museum. Although they are a pair, the left sole is indistinguishable from the right.2255 Sandals recovered from numerous burials and found near the skeleton and feet may symbolize the long journey awaiting the deceased on his voyage to the next world.2256 Other finds include shoe-shaped artifacts made of clay, bronze, and copper, which served various purposes such as vessels, incense burners, and oil lamps and imitated footwear in durable materials,2257 as well as bathing sandals from the mosaic in Sabratha, Libya with the slogan ’A bath is good for you’ (Figure 318).
Contemporary criticism of the preference for Gallic rather than Roman dress was also aimed at footwear. Cicero rebuked Antonius for the way he dressed and for his caliga-type sandals.2264 Various artworks show biblical figures in sandals. The lower classes also probably wore sandals or went barefoot.2265 Kampagia shoes could be worn with a tunic and chlamys, allowing trousers or leggings to be worn but also exposing the feet. These flat shoes concealed the toes and heel and were attached to the ankles with leather thongs. According to Lydus, Kampagia shoes resembled sandals. The edges of the soles had laces that fastened the shoe on both sides of the heel and toes, stretched over the arch of the foot and ankle, and crossed over the foot bone. Thus, because of the leggings, the entire foot was covered.2266 Calcei, which were not so high, were considered proper attire for a Roman man to wear in public.2267 The occupations of men involved in various outdoor professions necessitated the use of various types of footwear.2268 Scholars have noted that people
The archaeological finds reveal information about the shoemakers who left their mark on the soles, their craft, techniques, style, the number of nails fixed to the soles, types of adhesives, materials used, and ornamentation. The way in which the sole was joined
2258 MacConnoran 1986: 218–226; Van Driel-Murray 2001: 347; Coombe 2006: 9. 2259 D’Ambra 2007: 132; Figure 75; Bossan 2007: 18. 2260 Coombe 2006: 9. 2261 Brooke 1971: 6. 2262 Edictum Diocletiani., 9.5–25. 2263 Ball 2008: 124. 2264 Cicero, Phil.: II.76.8. 2265 Ball 2008: 124. 2266 John Lydus: Mag.1.17 (30.21–32.2); Parani 2007: 505. 2267 Knötzele 2007: 53, Figure 5.3.2. 2268 Brummell-Beau 1932: 43; Kalamara 1995: 52–54; Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 273; Cleland 2007: 28.
Imki and Laodicae sandals: Mishnah, Kelim, 26: 1. Walkup 1938: 37. 2252 Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: 273. 2253 Shlezinger-Katsman 2010: 375. 2254 Goldman 2001: 104. 2255 Knötzele 2007: 30. 2256 Richards 1999: 80. 2257 Coombe 2006: 14–15. 2250 2251
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Figure 319. Shoes a.Calceus (photo credited to Wikimedia User: agnete, https://commons.Wikimedia.Org/wiki/user: agnete, Public Domain).
living in rural areas or participating in ceremonies such as mourning, as well as sailors afraid of slipping on wet surfaces and those who were too poor to buy shoes would go barefoot. Slaves and criminals went barefoot to prevent them escaping from their masters, but in the countryside they wore a sandal consisting of a wooden sole (sculponǽ) to hamper any attempt at escape.2269 Hunters, shepherds, plowmen, and sometimes the owners of large estates equipped their slaves with simple boots called pero.2270 The rate of wear was low, probably because these shoes were only worn when absolutely necessary.2271
to cushion the foot from the nailed sole.2273 Boots of this type were worn by Roman soldiers from the 1st to the 2nd centuries and they could be combined with socks or leggings. The soles of magistrate’s shoes were coated with silver or gold.2274 In addition, it was recommended to prefer shoes with thick, well-guarded soles that protected the stability of the leg and to avoid the use of boots or calf-high shoes that made it difficult to walk. It should be emphasized that in the literature, many scholars refer to boots as shoes and vice versa; the same name is used for several items of footwear, or different names for the same items. For example, Cicero noted that senators should wear shoes befitting their status. They should therefore wear calcei and not Gallic sandals; other writers identified this type of footwear as resembling boots or flat shoes.2275 They were wrapped several times around the ankle and foot and fastened with laces threaded through eyelets, unlike sandals (soleae) which were secured to the sole and foot with leather, woolen, or palm-tree fibers. Another thong, passing between the toes, was wrapped with a lace
Accepted terms for various kinds of footwear have been determined by archaeological finds, literary clues, the fact that the style indicates the origin of the design, or by the name of a famous person who wore them.2272 For example, the caliga-type military leather boots named after the emperor Caligula were made of a single piece of leather cut into straps that held the boot to the ankle and were tied around the foot. They had padded insoles Wilcox 1948: 16; Wilson 1969: 28. Smith 1873: 373, 889; Wilcox 1948: 30. Hamel 1990: 76. It should also be noted that going barefoot is considered appropriate for dramatic events in a person’s life, during mourning or prayer; Hamel 1990: 75. 2272 Condra 2008: 155. 2269 2270
Sumner 2009: 194. Feugère 1993: 230, Figures 1–8; Bossan 2007: 18. 2275 Cicero, Phil., II,30,76; Nature of, 1.29.82; Smith 1873: 221; Parani 2007: 509. 2273
2271
2274
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around the heel.2276 This type of sandal was attributed to the Etruscans and several models were designed by Roman shoemakers, whose craftsmanship improved over the years. The set price for these sandals was listed in the Diocletian Edict.2277 There is a certain amount of disagreement among scholars over the crepida sandals worn by men and women. Some identify the origin of the type in the Greek krepis, which included soles and leather laces cut in different shapes, wrapped around the back of the foot, and covered the toes or left them bare. Sometimes a tongue (lunula) was added, making it easier to insert and remove the foot. The thongs were threaded through eyelets on either side of the tongue. The tongue sometimes overlapped the upper part. Others maintained that the Romans, who adopted this shoe from their Etruscan neighbors, produced it in several forms, such as slippers that were too big for the size of the wearer’s foot and were tightened with laces, or like crepidae whose heavy wooden soles were held on with coarse thongs and whose right and left feet were identical.2278 Cnemis sandals, which originated in Greece, incorporated leather strips, brass, and leggings that covered the calves.2279 Hunters and riders wore these high-heeled sandals, made of leather combined with leggings for protection. Various sandal designs are depicted in murals at villas in Pompeii.2280 The buskin half-boot type, which reached mid-calf and exposed the toes, was worn by Greek actors and hunters, Etruscans, Romans, and Byzantine clerics and emperors.2281 Scholars mention gallicae boots, which were adopted by Roman soldiers who fought in Gaul and returned to Rome after completing their service. A papyrus dated to the 2nd century found in excavations at Karanis, Egypt, and currently in Michigan Archaeological Museum contains a letter written in Greek to his family by a soldier called Tiberianus, in which he asked them to send boots and socks to keep his feet warm in cold weather.2282
Figure 320. Caliga (A reproduction of a Roman caliga, photo credited to wikimedia user: MatthiasKabel, CC BYSA 3.0).
Figure 320a. Buskin shoes (photo credited towikipedia user: Scott Foresman https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File: Buskin_(PSF).jpg, archives of Pearson Scott Foresman, donated to the Wikimedia Foundation).
etc.2284 Van Driel-Murray notes that this boot ceased to be worn early in the 2nd century and its depiction in various artistic representations was based on memory rather than on actual use.2285 In the 4th century, the shape of the boot changed and the nails were removed. The Diocletian Edict determines the prices according to their shape and size.2286 Sandals continued to be worn after the 4th century as well, but were gradually replaced by other types such as the kampagia, used by officials and private individuals, and low boots covering the entire foot and heel.2287 A study of sandal soles reveals that they were popular among men early in the 3rd century.2288 The boots resembling those used
The shoemakers of Rome produced a higher version of the boot for soldiers, cavalrymen, and laborers working in severe weather conditions.2283 An Egyptian papyrus mentions that soldiers received boots and socks three times a year. Because the toes were exposed, this item was regarded as a firm but comfortable sandal. The pattern without nails was worn by women, ordinary citizens, and laborers such as animal drivers, peasants,
Smith 1873: 1051; Wilson 1969: 36, Figure 1; Condra 2008: 203–204. Diocletian, Edict on Prices, 21. 2278 Condra 2008: 201–202. 2279 Wilcox 1948: 18, 23, 31; Wilson 1969: 38–39, Figure 8; Parani 2007: 518, 521; Reich 1995: 115. 2280 Goldman 2001: 105–111. 2281 Juvenal, 16.24; Isidor: Origins,19.34.8; Suetonius, Caligula 52; Wilson 1969: 34, Figure 2; Norwich 1998: 248. 2282 Sumner 2012: 117–127 (a reconstruction of an encaustic wax portrait of the soldier appears on page 118). 2283 Condra 2008: 202–203. 2276 2277
2284 2260 Smith 1873: 221; Sumner 1997: 92; Goldman 2001: 114, 153; Parani 2007: 509; Cleland et al. 2007: 29. 2285 Van Driel-Murray 2001: 33. 2286 Goldman 2001: 122. 2287 Wilcox 1948: 18, 23; Parani 2007: 518, 521. 2288 MacConnoran 1986: 221– 224. The leather or fabric thongs have
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in for any distance. Tazagia were red silk boots or shoes intended for the emperor.2296 Unlike men, who had a wide range of occupations, women needed fewer shoe styles. In Late Antiquity they probably wore boots or sandals that covered the leg from toe to ankle.2297 Ladies of the court and affluent women had shoes embellished with precious stones. Contemporary ‘guardians of morality’ denounced the new fashions for corrupting a person’s virtue and representing moral degeneration. Pliny condemned women who decorated the soles of their gold sandals and the uppers of their shoes with pearls.2298 Sometimes, shoes embellished with precious stones or with gold, silver, or ivory ornaments enable the wearer’s economic status to be identified. They also indicated arrogance, frivolity, and a lack of self-restraint.2299 Shoe prices are listed in the Diocletian Edict.2300 Items of children’s footwear discovered in archaeological excavations at Antinopolis in Egypt include calcei-type shoes, which are also shown in the Sacrifice of Isaac mosaic at Zippori.2301
Artistic depictions of the high, close-fitting sandals worn by riders, huntsmen, gods, warriors, personifications of cities, officers and emperors were called endromidis, endromis, or embades, derived from the Greek word embainein meaning ‘to walk to’. This style of footwear, used by soldiers, athletes and travelers, was adopted by Roman soldiers fighting in Gaul, who subsequently brought it back to Rome in the form of a boot. Over the years, the boots (campagua) were made, colored, decorated, and used by functionaries.2290 Cothurns, kneeor ankle-high boots with leather laces, were favored by huntsmen and riders during the Roman period. The higher the boot, the more elevated the status of the wearer.2291 Due to their thick soles, they were also worn by short women wishing to appear taller.2292 Researchers have noted that in the Early Byzantine period a new type of closed shoe, the calceus (Figures 319,320), was introduced into the East and Europe (Germany and England), although some of them have pointed out that the term is merely the singular form of the calcei worn by men and women in earlier periods.2293 The shoe had a variety of designs, like moccasins made of leather wrapped around the foot, and the greater the shoemaker’s skill, the greater the number of designs he produced.2294 Calcei typically had a distinct separation between the upper, which was stiff or perforated, and the sole, which was not nailed. The shoe reached the ankle or just below it. The item, which revealed the socio-economic condition of its wearer, was made of a piece of leather rolled over the sole and secured in several ways. It was commonly worn by soldiers, women, men, and children.2295 Soldiers wore boots. In a mosaic at Ravenna, Justinian has kornithoi-type boots, military boots that were upgraded to suit his imperial status by coloring them red and encrusting them with gemstones in the shape of a flower with white petals and a blue center in the part over the foot, which may be made of silk (?). The black shade in the middle of the shoe emphasizes that they are made of leather. Such ornate boots would obviously have restricted the wearer’s movements and were not meant to be walked
Few items of women’s footwear are depicted in the Eretz Israel mosaics, since many women are displayed in bust form without their lower torsos, or in long tunics that often hide the shoes as in the mosaic in San Vitale, where the tips of Theodora’s embellished red shoes are just visible but the type of shoe cannot be determined.2302 Archaeologists have discovered a footprint made by the sandal of a Roman soldier in a wall surrounding the Hellenistic-Roman city of Hippos (Sussita), east of the Sea of Galilee. The footprint was found during the eighth season of excavations in the area. This rare, complete and well-preserved footprint made by a hobnailed sandal called a caliga of the kind worn by Roman soldiers is one of the only finds of its kind. The discovery of the print in the cement led archaeologists to presume that legionnaires participated in the walls’ construction, since it is such a rare find.2303 The most common items of footwear in the mosaics of Eretz Israel are calcei shoes and soleae sandals, which are suited to the warm weather.
not been preserved. 2289 Condra 2008: 156. 2290 Goldman 2001: 123–125. 2291 Smith 1873: 366. 2292 Seyffert 1956: 165. 2293 This illustrates the use of different terms for the same items of footwear. A number of scholars note that calcei is the plural form of calceus. 2294 Condra 2008: 199–200. 2295 Feugère 1993: 230, Figures 1–9; Pendergast and Pendergast 2004: I.199–200; Cleland et al. 2007: 29.
Peacock 2005: 32; Ball 2008: 124–125; Condra 2008: 273. Parani 2007: 521. Pliny, IX, LVI, 112, 114. 2299 Wilcox 1948: 31; Wilson 1969: 34, Figure 1; Carcopino 2003: 153; Condra 2008: 158. 2300 Edictum Dio., 9.24–25; Olson 2008: 55–57. 2301 Papaconstantinou and Talbot 2009: 186, Figure 6. 2302 Condra 2008: 122. 2303 ‘Roman Soldier’s Sandal Print Uncovered Near Sea Of Galilee’, Science Daily, 27 August 2007. 2296 2297 2298
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General summary This book traces and documents the clothing and accessories worn by some 245 figures represented on approximately 41 mosaic floors (some only partially preserved) that once decorated both public and private structures within the historical-geographic area of Eretz Israel, toward the end of Late Antiquity. After identifying, describing and cataloging the various articles of clothing, a typological division differentiating between men’s, women’s and children’s clothing is followed by a discussion of their iconographic formulae and significance, including how the items of clothing and accessories were employed and displayed and their ideological and social significance.
part of the body, such as a loincloth, trousers and skirts; and (c), outer garments secured with a knot or a clasp, worn over the naked body or over a tunic of some kind and other clothing, including a combination of tunic and trousers, and others that are merely wrapped around the body like the paludamentum, chlamys, himation, and palla. Some of the figures depicted wear a fibula, boots, shoes, or sandals while some also feature a head covering. Through iconographic analysis, these were compared with other figures represented in the mosaics and additional visual representations in both East and West, with the intent of disclosing the extent of uniqueness or frequency with which these items of apparel appear in the Eretz Israel floor mosaics. The encounter between the various male images, dressed in a variety of clothing and accessories, establishes the dress code and enables us to examine the role and status of these figures in society. The images include biblical figures, working figures, mythological figures, and personifications depicted in a vast variety of attire, sometimes reflecting precedents and iconographic formulae, but also depicting the customs, aesthetic taste, and style of local clothing of the period.
The figures featured in the Eretz Israel mosaics can be classified into worldly images, such as personifications of the months and seasons, the sun and the moon; figures at work, such as huntsmen, fishermen, vintners, soldiers, shepherds and herdsmen; biblical, holy, and mythological figures from sacred writings and ancient literature; and portrayals of children and mothers with infants. The clothing depicted pertains to the material culture of the time. It envelopes the body, protecting it from harm and inclement weather and serving as a sort of ‘second skin’. It reflects social norms, aesthetic aspects, ethical values, status and function, acting as an external indicator that provides overt information about the wearer such as degrees of modesty, authority, and flamboyance. Moreover, clothing frequently helps date an art work more precisely.
Israel’s location at a geographical crossroads exposed it to cultural influences from both East and West that touched upon many areas of life, including appearance and clothing. This book uses comparative analysis to explore the extent to which traditional costume was preserved among a multi-cultural population against a background of the changes that began with the transition from the Greco-Roman world to that of Christianity and the influences that reached it from both East and West. In the fourth century, the typical Roman tunic was white whereas the Eastern-Greek tunic was colorful and decorated. By the fifth century, the Roman tunic and its decoration had clearly absorbed an Eastern influence and now contained the radiant colors and ornamentation of the East. It can be assumed, therefore, that Rome not only influenced the ‘fashion’ of the East and West, but also adopted the more colorful Eastern aesthetic approach. This book reveals that the majority of garments in the Eretz Israel mosaics were colorful and included embellishments that reflect an Eastern trend. Comparison with additional means of visual expression and analysis of contemporary literary works enables us to estimate whether the desire for a particular item of clothing was based on a known and accepted tradition or should be regarded as an innovation.
In the closing decades of the twentieth century, a shift in outlook occurred in the study of clothing. The realization and subsequent acceptance that the subject is interdisciplinary led to a prominent change of emphasis, as highlighted in this book. Research that had previously concentrated on items of clothing throughout the ages and their dating, was now centered on establishing and interpreting their significance. The field of fashion was studied using perspectives from such disciplines as sociology, history of art and culture, anthropology, economics, gender studies, material culture, and semiotics, which discussed the symbolism of clothing and its relation to the language of symbols as a non-verbal mode of communication. The discussion on the typology of male apparel shows that it can be classified into three basic systems of clothing, some of which are ‘tailored’ to fit, namely (a) basic articles that cover the body from shoulders to legs, which are predominantly tunics (the manicata, colobium, talaris and the exomis; (b) garments covering the lower
To understand the meaning of the items of clothing and accessories, and to offer as broad a view as possible, this volume has combined aspects of the discourse 313
Weaving in Stones pertaining to Jewish law (halacha) and other surviving writings on the subject, including sources from the fields of literature, poetry, philosophy, and medicine. The discussion of this issue indicates that clothing and appearance were a central aspect of public life and that the laws and constant preaching with regard to modesty were anchored in moral values. Likewise, the requirement to cover the body attested to regular contravention of these laws and instructions and a desire to rectify the situation among both pagans, Jews, and Christians. Because the tradition of male attire during the Roman period continued into Late Antiquity, the approach to the subject in ancient literature was highly significant. The ancient writings exposed terms and social perceptions relating to items of apparel such as the appearance of ‘the ideal man’, who was expected to appear in public in a clean, well-cut garment, with fitted shoes and a well-groomed bearing. He was to transmit masculinity and adopt an appearance that would not reflect an overly fastidious attention to his looks. His tunic was to be secured loosely with a belt, unlike that of a woman. The garment should be of a suitable length and the quality of weave should be not too fine and its color not over-radiant.
that took place in the Greco-Roman world touched upon various areas of life, such as powerful architecture and hedonism expressed by spending time in the bathhouse, dice games, theater, luxurious dinners, and beautiful clothes. A change also occurred in the field of education and preaching toward moral values such as those expressed by moderation and modesty in clothing and appearance. The design of articles of clothing during the Byzantine period continued the Greco-Roman tradition and was also influenced by traditions that entered and became established among the civilian population via the military. The battlefield brought together soldiers from different parts of the Empire and tribal cultures from other regions. Conquered nations adopted the customs and attire of the conquerors. Sometimes, items of clothing from descendants of the Barbarian, Germanic and other tribes dwelling on the borders became fashionable and were adopted in various cities throughout the Empire. The encounter between traditional Roman apparel and that of non-Romans blurred the borders, leading to mutual influences and the integration of military and civilian elements of dress. Such influences are visible, for example, in the representation of the hunters in the mosaic in the church at Kissufim. They wear a basic system of clothing based on traditional elements accepted in both the East and West, although the decorations and accessories differ from those of other hunters portrayed in mosaics in Eretz Israel and elsewhere. A study of the origin of means of fastening, using belts, as well as clothing trimmings and hairstyles, leads back to the Avarian tribes, revealing that the system of clothing, the belt, and the lack of a chlamys indicate the local nature of a new direction of design, connected to the East. Because these garments and their accompanying accessories are represented on hunters, personifications, workers, and children in additional visual media such as statues, woven fabrics, and wall hangings throughout Eretz Israel, Syria, Jordan, Egypt and Carthage, one can recognize the mutual influences and reciprocity between and within the different peripheral regions.
This study found a correlation between archaeological finds of woven fabrics and decorated remnants of garments displaying scenes from the New Testament discovered in excavations, mainly in Egypt, as well as written descriptions criticizing such scenes, which gave the clothing the appearance of ‘ornamental walls’. This evidence confirms that the written word reflected reality and enables us to view the ancient writings as an additional layer and a reliable source in understanding how different items of clothing were employed and their broader significance at the time. The literary sources supplied information about members of the lower classes, who wore ragged, shabby garments that were turned inside-out and reused. It is clear from the findings that, despite the mosaic artists’ and patrons’ awareness of social stratification, they preferred to ignore class differences and chose to depict laborers artistically in clean, decorative clothing free of patches or holes. This probably derived from the patrons’ desire to adorn their houses and places of prayer with pleasant images, to confer upon them an aspect of grandeur, to beautify the mosaics by adding colorful shades and ornamentation, and to present well-clad workers and servants. I interpret this as proving that the items of apparel represented in local mosaics reflect the clothing fashions of the time rather than the actual garments of those wearing them.
During Late Antiquity, clothing was a means of identifying an individual and his or her status. The supreme social status of the Emperor and his entourage dictated the appropriate ceremonial dress code, by which one could differentiate between the various dress codes and social status of the ruling class and those of the lower classes. In the Eretz Israel mosaics one can discern both magnificent garments and the more simple attire of herders, vintners, hunters, etc. The social divisions are prominent in mosaic floors featuring individuals with different functions, as in the Kissufim church mosaic. In the mosaic at Sheikh Zouède, a different trend is apparent. Hippolytos, and the hunters next to him, are wearing splendid articles
With the conquest of the land by Alexander the Great, the cultural values of the Hellenistic world were introduced, including clothing and accessory fashions. The processes of development and change 314
General summary
of clothing and the ornate attire of his entourage is evidently intended to emphasize his high status.
on the subject of female clothing and appearance, including footwear, jewelry, head coverings, hair color, hairstyles and make-up. Ancient sources voiced harsh criticism of the ‘deceitful’ appearance of women, which contradicted moral values and principles, and the immense efforts invested in their attire, their lack of color sense in matching clothing, and the outrageous sums of money wasted on expensive fabrics, jewelry, and make-up. The mocking and denigrating castigation, in a number of cases, indicates the way in which men perceived women, following the changes in fashion and exposes society’s hierarchical system of values. This volume discusses the typology relating to the clothing and accessories of 63 female images, including basic items of clothing that cover the body from shoulder to ankle, such as the peplos, chiton and sleeveless or long-sleeved tunic, and an outer fastened garment such as the palla, pallium and paenula, with cucullus and head coverings such as a hat or hair net. Female figures attired in sleeveless garments usually also wore bracelets and bangles.
Toward the end of Antiquity, despite the geographical distance between various mosaic works, the items of male clothing and their decoration reveal the use of repeated subjects and similar figures in comparable attire. This fact attests to the use of consistent traditions and one can discern a tendency toward a cosmopolitan style. Mythological and biblical figures and personifications were usually presented in apparel taken from the repertoire of traditional Greco-Roman clothing. Some were dressed and embellished in the conventional style of classical mythology. The tunics and trousers represented in the mosaics display a profusion of colors and decorations. This vibrancy is intended to transmit a message, to beautify the wearer, to confer elegance upon the mosaic and to bestow it with beauty and vitality. Moreover, the use of color is designed to emphasize the attributes that serve to identify the figure, as can also be learned from ancient writings referring to the place and role of color as a means of identification. The hues of the outer garments differ from those of the tunics and were meant to emphasize the different items of clothing. Color, as a visual language, informs the observer of the Byzantine approach to the significance and role of light and of radiant, sparkling color.
For the women’s garments, unlike those of the men, there was no specific terminology to define length, or whether the item was sleeved or sleeveless. Women usually wore long garments and I have therefore chosen to call the long robe a ‘tunic’, whether with or without sleeves. One can view the clothing depicted as reflecting the normative female dress code of the period, consisting of a wide garment totally enfolding its wearer and concealing her waist and hips. The fact that working women are shown wearing long robes illustrates the discrepancy between the garment’s shape and length and its suitability for the task in hand.
Due to the nature of mosaic as an artistic mode of expression, it is sometimes difficult to discern the different types and quality of the woven materials. Very few mosaic artists succeeded in creating an illusion of transparent fabrics, twisting and fluttering in the wind, like those of the hunters or horsemen, or heavy, ornately decorated fabrics. The laborers featured in mosaics in Eretz Israel are shod in various ways, indicating the high economic status and concern of their masters for their well-being in reality and the desire of the artists – and of the patrons who funded the work – to influence the mosaic’s impact.
Iconographic analysis reveals that the encounter between the various female figures, wearing a variety of clothing, reflects the dress code and facilitates an examination of their role and status in society. They include flesh-and-blood figures, mythical figures, and personifications in a variety of items of clothing, reflecting precedents and iconographic formulae or typifying the custom and style of apparel in the period.
A number of male figures displayed in Eretz Israel mosaics are attired in unique items of clothing, such as centaurs wearing nebris skirts and pallium and hunters wearing neck kerchiefs. This may imply that the artist was granted artistic license. The introduction of the T-shaped ornament, which replaced traditional embellishments such as the clavi, orbiculi, segmenta and tabula, and the belt with a scabbard attached to it, along with the lack of a chlamys, suggest a new line of fashion associated with the East.
Examination of the garments covering the bodies of mythological images, goddesses and personifications represented in the mosaics in Eretz Israel shows that they wear clothing in accordance with the accepted visual traditions throughout the Empire. The use of such formulae established patterns of interpretation, a system of principles of good taste and a sociocultural code that helped the observer identify images according to their attire and to analyze the variety of clothing items that indicated their social status.
The chapters dealing with the clothing and appearance of women include an overview of Jewish, pagan and Christian literary sources and modern research
In a number of cases, one can discern artistic freedom in the unusual presentation and clothing of figures, as 315
Weaving in Stones with the woman suckling her infant at Horbat Be’er Shemʻa, who is wearing a long, sleeveless tunic with no outer garment. She wears gold jewelry, an oldfashioned head covering that has returned to style, and is barefoot. This enigmatic appearance emphasizes the contrast between the sumptuous gold jewelry adorning her ears, neck and hands, and her bare feet, attesting to her lowly status. Another unusual depiction is the garment of the dancing maenad in the Sheikh Zouède mosaic.
The attempt to verify the reality relating to the jewelry in Eretz Israel mosaics through comparing it with examples in different visual means and archaeological finds from Israel and other locations throughout the geographical area discussed in this book leads to a number of conclusions. Compared with the complex and sumptuous jewelry worn by figures in other parts of the Empire, most of the jewelry displayed in Eretz Israel mosaics is more modest and simple, even though colored stones could have been incorporated to convey a sense of wealth without increasing the cost of the mosaic. This may indicate the influence of the moral authorities and preachers, who regarded embellishment and jewelry as signifying the sin of pride. The fibulas featured in the mosaics were the main type of jewelry intended to adorn the male figures. Those wearing colorful fibulas, based on a deep-rooted iconographic tradition, include King David, Orpheus, the Sun God in the mosaic at Hammat Tiberias, and Tyche the city goddess of Beth She’an. The fibulae securing the upper garments of hunters and horsemen apparently served as adornments rather than fasteners, as they are small and depicted as if pinned to the clothing. The heads, ears, neck and arms of the personifications of the seasons, the mythological figures and the female figures represented in Eretz Israel mosaics are adorned with jewelry forms taken from the Roman lexicon that emphasize the sensuality and femininity of the figures. Some endow other figures with symbolic and magical significance.
The personifications of the seasons depicted on the mosaic floors of ancient synagogues in Israel have recognizable attributes, including distinctive garments, hair coverings, plants, and fruit. The apparel of most of the female images is more simple and modest than that of those on mosaic floors elsewhere in the Empire, where artists adopted various ways to beautify the figures such as rendering fabrics imitating velvet and silk and jewelry inlaid with precious stones, as in the mosaic of the seasons in Antioch. The unique black hair nets, shown as black triangles covering the heads of all Four Seasons in the mosaic at Beth Alpha are probably connected to the strict attention to head covering that was customary in Jewish society in Eretz Israel. During Late Antiquity the design of children’s clothing did not differ from that of adults. Eretz Israel mosaics depict children wearing the colobium, playing with birds or hunting them, like the child with a neatly-fitted garment pushing a partridge into a cage. Elsewhere, a child shown removing a thorn from his foot has a perizoma and a neck kerchief. With the establishment of Christianity, the Christian preachers and philosophers who opposed the prevalent custom of hanging amulets on babies’ bodies advised hanging miniature books of the New Testament around the necks of these infants instead, or adorning the clothing with crosses, which were considered to be ‘a magical gift’ serving to protect the child from demons and the evil eye. An infant’s bracelet(?) in the mosaic at Kissufim probably denotes magical significance of this kind.
Surprisingly, there are few depictions of hats and other head coverings in Eretz Israel mosaics, despite the climate of the region. The more common head coverings in these mosaics are the Phrygian hat, the palla, and the mafortium (wimple), which was often decorated with embroidery or gemstones and is mentioned in the literary sources. During the Byzantine period women would envelop their head in folds of fabric to conceal the face. This is exemplified in the head of the Virgin Mary and other saintly and pious female figures. I consider the diadem featuring on the head of the Virgin Mary in various representations as a development of the mafortium, fashioned from standard fabrics or with embroidery imitating gemstones. Representations of the Virgin Mary reveal that over the course of time the fabric became embellished with embroidery, pendants, gemstone-inlay, and silver and gold overlay. Jewels became sewn onto the fabric, constituting a link between the craft of embroidery and the work of the goldsmiths and silversmiths. The ancient pagan, Jewish, and Christian writings referred to the female headcovering and regarded it not only as a piece of fabric and an item of clothing, but as a means of protecting its wearer’s modesty. When necessary, women would cover the head by means of their overgarment or a mafortium. The call to resume the custom of obliging women to
The discussion of clothing accessories includes a list of the five main groups of jewelry: (a) fasteners – fibulas; (b) hair ornaments, gold chains, diadems, garlands and wreaths; (c) wrist and arm jewelry – shaped bracelets, colorful or plain, made out of spirally twisted thread, imitating iron, gold, bronze or glass; (d) neck jewelry – chains and necklaces, made with pearls or with identically sized beads or ones of different sizes suitably organized and necklace pendants covering the neck; and (e), ear jewelry – hoop-like earrings, incorporating a pendant or a drop, a cluster of pearls, or with a central gemstone.
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General summary
cover the head shows that not all women adhered to this order and indeed, some disobeyed it. Thus, one can relate to the head coverings represented in the various artworks as reflecting an official custom. The hat on the breast-feeding woman in the Be’er Shemʻa mosaic resembles descriptions of head coverings from the end of the fourth century and those featured on the women’s heads in the church of Sta. Maria Maggiore in Rome and elsewhere. The style of this head covering, conventional in the centuries preceding the studied mosaic, became prevalent again in the early sixth century. In different periods the custom of covering the head or revealing it changed in accordance with the spirit of the time. This study also shows that certain items of clothing that ceased to be used during certain times, later returned to fashion.
feet. Archaeological finds, ancient literary sources, and artworks provide information on the shapes and colors of footwear worn during the period and enable us to trace the way in which people customarily protected and adorned their feet and the importance ascribed to proper appearance. The different models of footwear and their colors bore a status and gender significance. A significant number of mosaics from the fourth to the seventh century uncovered in Eretz Israel are decorated with images wearing a variety of colorful items of apparel that characterized the culture of clothing during the Roman and Early Byzantine periods. Despite the geographical dispersion of the works and the time that elapsed between the fourth and the seventh centuries, the mosaics reveal a consistent tradition of decoration, belonging to the conventional repertoire of models available to the artists. These include certain motifs taken from the natural world and from village life, comprising neutral motifs such as depictions of personifications of the months and the seasons, the sun and the moon, hunting and fishing. They expose the observer to the sights of the universe and the cycle of nature, and to subjects linked to mythology and the scriptures.
Male head coverings comprised three types: Closefitted with a rolled brim, the petasus, and the Phrygian cap. The neck kerchief fastened with a fibula is usually missing from local artworks of the period, although it can be seen on soldiers depicted on Trajan’s Column and, in later periods, around the necks of martyrs. Eretz Israel mosaics display various types of belts on the garments of 34 male and six female figures. The men’s belts, made of linen or leather, were worn around the waist and served to hold a dagger or other weaponry. The belt could be used to cinch-in loose fabric, to draw attention to the clothing, and to create a contrast between its colors and those of other items of clothing. Belts were intended to secure clothing that did not follow the wearer’s body contours and to improve the fit, to blur the body contours or to emphasize them. In addition, belts obscured excess fabric by creating folds and pockets and the garment was shortened by pulling it up over the belt. Additional information relating to belts can be found in artworks and archaeological finds yielding details on the shapes and materials used to fashion belts. The various artistic means reveal a variety of belt measurements, colors, shapes, widths and sizes, with special buckles worn above the clothing and belts threaded through loops or hidden beneath the fabric folds. There is ample documentary evidence that items of clothing and accessories served as status symbols, including the belt.
The contribution of the ancient writings leads to the conclusion that in many cases the items of clothing and their accessories appearing in the mosaic floors imitated reality, reflecting the accepted forms and appearance of the periods during which the mosaics were created. They also depicted the ways by which clothing was fitted to the wearer’s body (the use of belts and shoulder fastenings). Rather than providing a faithful representation, the working figures are depicted dressed in bright, colorful, decorated clothing, although the literature of the period describes laborers’ clothing as plain, ragged and worn (with the exception of cases in which the lords and masters wished to demonstrate their wealth, good heart and concern for their servants). This leads us to conclude that all the figures represented in the Eretz Israel mosaics in bright, colorful, pristine clothing reflect the patrons’ and artists’ desire that their mosaics should be equally splendid, as described by Gregory of Nazianzus in his sermon On Love for the Poor: “We live in luxurious houses, adorned with colored stones, gleaming with the precious light of gold and silver, with colorful paintings, mosaics that capture the eye.” (Gregory of Nazianzus: Sel. Orat. 14, 16).
Forty-five male figures and nine female ones are clad in various items of footwear. Four types of footwear are common in Eretz Israel mosaics: The calcei, shown on both male and female figures; sandals of the soleae type, suited to the region’s hot climate; the cnemis, sandals combined with leggings; and crepida or caliga gallicae boots. The Eretz Israel mosaics feature few items of women’s footwear since most of the female figures are either represented as busts with the lower part of the body not shown, or wearing a long tunic that hides the
There is no doubt that the art of mosaics, together with other visual means of expression, adds an additional layer to the understanding of the role of items of clothing and their accessories and constitutes a reflection and an important, reliable visual tool in understanding the contemporary reality regarding the 317
Weaving in Stones culture of clothing. An examination of the garments and accessories represented in the Eretz Israel mosaics and their comparison with other artworks throughout the Empire points to the connections between Eretz Israel and other regions. The subject contributes an additional stratum to our knowledge of ancient society in the region, the connection between the center and the periphery, and the links with other peripheral regions of the Empire. The exploration of these mosaics reveals that the process by which the fundamentals of decoration penetrated the region involved a distinct incorporation of Eastern influences on clothing and its accessories within the historical-geographic area of Eretz Israel.
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Glossary 1. Items of Clothing Anaxyrides
Trousers, research is divided on the cut of these trousers. Some scholars view the type as wide, whereas others consider it to have been close-fitting. Apoptygma Surplus cloth falling over a belt at the waist and concealing it. Buskin A military open-toed boot. Calcei/calceus A boat-shaped ankle-height shoe. Calcei reticulate Shoes with laces in the form of a mesh. Caliga gallicae Open-toed sandals. Campagus Sandal-like shoes. Laces on the edge of the sole tightened the shoe to the heel and toes on both sides, stretched over the arch and ankle, and crossed above the bone of the foot. Chiton A basic item of clothing made of a rectangle of cloth sewn at the sides. The upper part was fastened with knots or pins. The garment was gathered around the waist with a sash or belt. Chitōniskos A chiton secured over both shoulders and the chest with flat or pipe-shaped crossbands made of leather or fabric, which were tied in a ‘Hercules knot’. The remaining surplus fell down the front of the garment. Chlamys Overgarment worn mainly by men. Cingulum A sash or belt used to fasten a tunic at the waist. Clavi Two parallel ornamental bands extending to the hem or the center of the chest. Clavus A single band applied as an ornament in the center of the tunic. Cnemis Sandals incorporating leather thongs and puttees. Colobium/kolobium A sleeveless or short-sleeved tunic. Crepida Open-toed sandals made of leather thongs. Cucullus A short overgarment that covered the shoulders and reached the
Dalmatica
Endromides Epaulette Exomis
Fibula Filum/fillet
Himation
Hosa Institia Kolpos
Lacerna
Maphorion/mafortium
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waist. Like the paenula, it was made of stiff, heavy fabric or leather. The cucullus had a hood resembling a pointed hat that was sewn onto the garment. A kind of tunic usually worn over the head that was wider than the tunic. Its wide sleeves were also shorter. Boots made of leather straps and laces. A type of ornamental shoulder piece or decoration. A type of short, sleeveless chiton fastened over one shoulder and leaving the other shoulder and both arms exposed. A clasp, buckle, or brooch. Hercules’s first labor was to bring the pelt of the Nemean lion. After slaying the lion, Hercules used to wear its skin, which he tied in a particular way. Overgarment worn by men and women, made of a large rectangle of cloth around the body and usually leaving the right hand exposed. Anklets or puttees bound and secured round the knees or ankles. The decorative trim around the hem of a garment. Surplus fabric loosely draped over the belt in the upper part of the chest and concealing the belt. An over-cloak described as a hooded man’s coat worn over the toga, and fastened at the neck or right shoulder with a brooch or fibula. Other sources note that this item was used by men and women. Juvenal mentioned a woman dressed in this garment. A head covering made of folds of fabric and leaving the face exposed. This type of head covering is visible on the Virgin Mary, saints, and pious women.
Weaving in Stones Nebris Orbiculi Paenula
Palla
Pallium
Paludamentum
Patagium Peplos
Perizoma/diazoma Petasos/petasus Phrygian cap
Pillbox Pilos/pileus Sagum
Segmenta Shendyt Solae
A garment made of an animal’s pelt. An oval decorative motif on the shoulder epaulettes. A type of sleeveless mantle whose design and cut formed surplus cloth that could cover the arms. A large rectangular robe that covered the head and body from the shoulders to the knees or ankles. Worn by women in the Roman and Byzantine periods. An overgarment that was the Greek version of the himation, worm by men, women, and children. A cloak worn by military commanders, rulers and chief military officers of ancient Rome (e.g. the legionary legatus) and rather less often by their troops. This military cloak was larger than the sagum worn by superior officers and adopted by civilians. A gold band around the neck that was sometimes finished with embroidered squares. A woman’s garment with folds in its upper section. The shape of the folds created a layered appearance. A loincloth made of knotted fabric. A conical man’s hat with a broad brim. A conical cap made of soft fabric with the top pulled forward, identified with the Phrygians. A military hat. A brimless, conical hat. A military cloak, shorter than the chlamys or the pallium, made of a rectangular piece of thick cloth wound around the left shoulder and secured at the neck with a fibula. A circular decorative motif usually affixed to the lower part of the tunic. The skirt or an apron. Sandals, sometimes with wooden soles.
Subucula Tabula Tunica
Tunica manicata Tunica talaris Tzaggia Wimple Zigzag Zostaria
Zoster
An under-tunic with long or short sleeves. A square decorative motif affixed to the lower part of the garment. The basic item of clothing worn by men and women. Two prominent models are distinguishable: Long and short. The tunic was with or without sleeves. A long-sleeved knee-length tunic. A long tunic that extended to the ankles and feet with long, close-fitting sleeves. A brown, mid-calf-length boot. Fabric folds A line or stitch with a pattern made of small corners at variable angles. A long-sleeved tunic with side slits originating from Germania. The name means ‘closed by belts’. The Greek term for a military belt.
2. Ornaments and Jewelry (Author’s typology) Clasps - Fibulae Type A
Type B Type C
Type D Type E Type F Type G Head Ornaments
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Characterized by a circular disk composed of several rows of tesserae on either side of a central mosaic stone. Characterized by a row of tesserae surrounding different-colored stones. Characterized by a circular disk made of tesserae on either side of a row in different alternating hues. The center is represented by a single mosaic stone or a cluster of tiny tesserae. Characterized by using square and rectangular tesserae surrounding a circular disk. A flower-shaped fibula. Characterized by its rectangular shape. Characterized by a circular disk surrounding a cross-shaped center.
Glossary
Crowns and Garlands 1) A city-wall crown. 2) A royal crown. 3) A crown composed of segments. 4) A crown of woven wheatsheaves, flowers, and fruit. 5) Garlands of fruit and flowers. Hairnet Diadem
A net worn over the hair to keep it in place 1) A hairnet made of black tesserae with a central geometric motif. 2) A hairnet made of tiny black tesserae. 1) A pearl-studded, royal ornamental headband
Earrings
Arm and Leg Jewelry (Author’s typology) Bracelets
Armlets
Neck Ornaments Necklaces
Type A – Characterized by a row of tesserae in one color on either side of a row in a different color. Type B – Characterized by two rows of black tesserae around a number of tiny tesserae rows. Type C – Characterized by a row of tesserae. Type D – Characterized by a wide band of tesserae forming a zigzag pattern. Type A – Characterized by a row of tesserae in one color along a row in a different color. Type B – Characterized by three rows of tiny orange tesserae imitating gold. Tiny brown tesserae scattered in the middle create an illusion of beads. The ornament is outlined in black on both sides. Type A – Characterized by two rows of brown tesserae on either side of a row of white tesserae. Type B – Characterized by one row of tesserae. Type C – Characterized by a row of tesserae composed of two alternating colors. Type D – Characterized by a row of tesserae comprising a row of beads increasing in 321
size toward the center of the necklace. Type E – Characterized by rows of tesserae that widen the necklace and give it the appearance of a knitted mesh. The stones are surrounded by green or brown-gray tesserae. The lower part of the necklace ends with three pendants. Type F – Characterized by a row of tesserae imitating a gold necklace, with a central clasp and a pendant. Type A – Ring earrings Type B – Pendant earrings Type C – Boat-shaped earrings with pendant Type D – Boat-shaped earrings
Appendix Catalogue of the mosaics and comparable works
Mosaics in Funerary Contexts
Catalogue of the mosaics
The mosaic from the burial chapel at Damascus Gate, Jerusalem, 4th–5th centuries. The mosaic from the burial chapel at El-Hammam, Beit She’an, 6th century. Mosaics in Private Dwellings The mosaic from Nablus, late 3rd century. The mosaic from the House of Dionysus, Zippori, 4th century. The mosaic from the Roman house southwest of the Church of Saint Peter in Gallicantu on Mount Zion, Jerusalem, late 3rd–5th centuries. The mosaic from the villa at Ein Yaʻel, late 3rd–early 4th centuries. The mosaic in the House of Orpheus, Zippori, late 3rd–early 4th centuries. The mosaic from Byzantine Tel Malhata in the Northern Negev, 4th–6th centuries. The mosaic from Sheikh Zouède, mid-4th–mid-5th centuries. The mosaic from the Nile House, Zippori, 5th century. The mosaic at El-Marakesh, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries. The Seasons of the Year mosaic from Caesarea, 5th– 6th centuries. The personification of fair weather from Caesarea, 6th century. The mosaic from Leontis House, Beit She’an, 6th century. The mosaic in a room in the sigma complex, Beit She’an, 6th century. The mosaic from Caesarea, 4th century. The mosaic at Erez, late 5th century. The calendar mosaic found in a villa at El-Jem, mid3rd century. The mosaic from the Villa of Dominus Julius at Carthage, early 5th century. The House of the Calendar triclinium mosaic at Antioch, 2nd century. The ‘Weeks and Gods’ mosaic from the Villa Orbe, near Lausanne, 3rd century.
Mosaics in synagogues The mosaic from the synagogue at Hammat Tiberias, first half of the 4th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at KhirBeit Wadi Hammam, Arbel, late 3rd–early 4th centuries. The mosaic from the synagogue at Zippori, 5th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at Merot, 5th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at Huqoq, 5th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at ‘Isfiya (Huseifa), mid-5th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at Naʻaran, 6th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at Beit Alpha, 6th century. The mosaic from the synagogue at Gaza Maiumas, 6th century. Mosaics in Christian Buildings The mosaic from the church at Ain Fattir, Beit Jimal, late 5th–early 6th centuries. The mosaic from the church at Mahat el-Urdi, Beit Guvrin, 5th–6th centuries. The mosaic from the church at KhirBeit ‘Eitayim, Nahariya, 6th century. The mosaic from the Church of the Monastery of Lady Mary, Beit She’an, 6th century. The mosaic from the church near Kibbutz Kissufim, late 6th century (565–578). The mosaic from the Church of St. Stephen, Horvat Be’er Shemʻa, 6th century. The mosaic from the church at Horvat Beit Loya, early 6th century. The mosaic from the church at Sde Nahum, 6th century. The mosaic from the church at Mount Berenice, Tiberias, late 6th century. The mosaic from the church at Ain Fattir, Beit Jamal, 6th century. The mosaic from the chapel at Sde Nahum, 6th century. The mosaic from the basilica at Tegea-Episkopi, Greece, mid-4th–mid-5th centuries. The mosaic from the basilica at Thebes, Greece, 6th century. The mosaic from the Church of Elias, Mary and Soreg at Jerash, Jordan, 6th century.
2 * List of Comparable Works and their Dates a) Churches The Church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, 5th century. The Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, 6th century. The Qabr Hiram church in Lebanon, 6th century. The Al Khadir church at Madaba, Jordan, 6th century. 322
Appendix
The Church of the Apostles on Mount Nebo, Jordan, 6th century. The Church of the Holy Martyrs Lot and Procopius on Mount Nebo, 6th century. The Church of Kainos on Mount Nebo, 6th century. b) Funerary Art The Catacomb of Domitilla in Rome, second half of the 3rd century. The Via Latina catacomb in Rome, 4th century. Calixtus’s catacomb in Rome, 3rd century. The catacomb of the saints Marcellinus and Peter in Rome, 3rd–4th centuries. The sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, 4th century. The wall painting from a pagan burial cave found at Or Haner near Ashkelon, late 3rd–early 4th century. The wall painting at Kibbutz Lohamei Hageta’ot, 4th–5th centuries. c) Manuscripts The Cotton Genesis manuscript, 5th–6th century, exhibited in the British Museum. The Syrian Rabula Gospels manuscript, 6th century. The Astronomia manuscript, Vatican MS gr. 1291, fol. 9, attributed to the astronomer Ptolemy. The manuscript is in the Vatican collection. The miniature of the monthly cycle is dated to 248 and was copied to the manuscript found in the 9th century in the Vatican. The Philocalus manuscript, Rome, named after the artist who illustrated the manuscript. It contains a calendar from the year 354, There are several copies of the manuscript: Codex Vaticanus Barberini latinus 2154 (in the Vatican), Codex Bruxellensis (in Brussels), Codex Vindobonensis 3416 (in Vienna), Ms. Vossianus lat. q. 79 (in Leiden), and Codex Berolinensis lat. 61 (in Berlin). 5. The Vienna Genesis manuscript, 6th century. 6. The Quedlinburg Itala manuscript, late 4th–early 5th centuries. Understood to have been written in Rome, fragments of it were found in Quedlinburg. * This list of works mentioned several times in the book.
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Abbreviations BT CJ CTh IAA JT SHA
Babylonian Talmud Codex Justinianus Codex Theodosianus Israel Antiquities Authority Jerusalem Talmud Scriptores Historiae Augustae
324
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Index A Abbot 141, 142, 282 Abraham 17, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 213, 274, 276, 277, 297, 307, 308 Accessories 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 54, 72, 75, 79, 85, 86, 88, 92, 94, 124, 130, 140, 191, 199, 224, 260, 280, 282, 289, 290, 293, 303, 304, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318 Agathias 83 Alexander the Great 73, 74, 77, 91, 134, 284, 286, 314 Al Khadir 88, 90 Ammianus Marcellinus 7, 17, 60, 94 Antioch 6, 9, 13, 16, 17, 73, 77, 81, 101, 150, 151, 153, 159, 160, 173, 175, 179, 180, 189, 201, 211, 217, 230, 231, 232, 235, 238, 239, 241, 241, 244, 245, 247, 250, 251, 252, 257, 269, 271, 281, 288, 291, 316 Apollodorus 168 Augustine 6, 72, 94, 198, 228, 270 Aulus Gellius 12, 13 Argos 81, 87, 136, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 235 Aristotle 14, 268 Asterius of Amasia 16, 35 Astronomia Manuscript 180, 181, 323 Artemidorus 200 Athanasius of Alexandria 198, 199, 229, 308 Avars 81, 83, 305, 306 B Banquet Basil of Caesarea Beit Jimal Beit Guvrin Be’er Shemʻa Beit She’an Boots Beit Alpha bracae trousers Bordj-Djedid
92, 94, 96, 97, 98, 206, 294, 295, 308 192, 308 140 19, 26, 27, 29, 32, 44, 45, 58, 61, 74, 77, 137, 139, 140, 142, 216, 217, 220, 242, 282, 302 202, 297 7, 18, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 49, 56, 65, 85, 175, 176, 178, 219, 221, 226, 227, 232, 252, 286, 302 22, 25, 28, 29, 46, 49, 54, 55, 66, 72, 73, 75, 80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 90, 103, 111, 113, 116, 126, 130, 136, 144, 149, 151, 152, 153, 158, 164, 177, 178, 179, 182, 185, 186, 187, 192, 193, 217, 237, 238, 239, 260, 271, 277, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 317 17, 19, 28, 29, 33, 36, 43, 44, 45, 85, 117, 144, 202, 210, 212, 213, 242, 245, 247, 248, 252, 253, 260, 261, 274, 276, 277, 286, 288, 293, 307 50 81, 116
C Caesarea calcei Cassianus Catacomb of Domitilla Cato Carthage Catullus Cicero
28, 29, 31, 32, 40, 44, 55, 103, 106, 107, 116, 148, 190, 192, 202, 203, 212, 213, 231, 232, 233, 247, 243, 282, 280, 288, 305, 307, 308 17, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 44, 61, 65, 66, 88, 112, 117, 118, 136, 153, 162, 212, 217, 226, 230, 231, 237, 239, 248, 260, 271, 277, 307, 309, 310, 312, 317, 319 141 77 93 1, 14, 50, 52, 53, 68, 77, 81, 83, 84, 85, 101, 110, 116, 174, 177, 178, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 244, 245, 248, 290, 314 234, 239, 240 13, 56, 309, 310 355
Weaving in Stones Chlamys 7, 17, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 59, 60, 61, 63, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 83, 85, 88, 90, 92, 101, 104, 106, 112, 113, 115, 116, 120, 122, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 141, 142, 145, 146, 148, 150, 151, 153, 160, 162, 163, 164, 167, 177, 187, 199, 213, 238, 239, 263, 273, 275, 277, 282, 304, 309, 313, 314, 315, 319 Chrysostom 2, 9, 17, 94, 101, 193, 197, 198, 199, 202, 228, 229, 260, 270, 308 cingulum militare 21 clavus 13, 15, 17, 22, 80, 213, 219 Clement of Alexandria 6, 16, 197, 198, 199, 229, 286, 290, 291, 293, 299, 308 Codex Theodosianus 3, 87 Codex Theodosius 86 Codex Vaticanus Barberini 323 Colobium 7, 13, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 69, 72, 77, 82, 92, 97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 120, 126, 130, 132, 140, 141, 142, 160, 175, 176, 177, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 191, 192, 261, 266, 269, 270, 271, 273, 275, 302, 303, 313, 316, 319 Columella 67, 276 Cotton Genesis 118, 120, 323 Cucullus 60, 97, 68, 69, 141, 173, 177, 218, 222, 315, 319 cuirass 90 Cynegeticus 72 Cyprian 198, 290 Cyril of Alexandria 118 Cyril of Jerusalem 60 D Dalmatica Damascus Gate De agricultura Diadem Dice players Diners Diocletian Diodorus of Sicily Dionysius Dionysius of Halicarnassus Dura Europos E
14, 43, 44, 54, 69, 98, 99, 118, 120, 122, 132, 136, 144, 164, 180, 182, 183, 187, 197,202, 203, 205, 211, 221, 213, 214, 226, 230, 248, 253, 275, 319 17, 19, 57, 58, 61, 67, 162, 164, 168, 200, 205, 206, 211, 213, 222, 232, 253, 256, 283, 286, 288, 293, 297, 307, 319 93 56, 90, 124, 127, 130, 159, 203, 205, 212, 230, 240, 248, 251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 281, 283, 284, 289, 295, 297, 298, 316, 321 101, 102 42, 43, 82, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 102, 302 6, 7, 59, 198, 298, 309, 311, 312 14, 63, 148 9, 15, 175, 15 50, 80, 82, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 117, 118, 124, 125, 126, 145, 162, 163, 175, 192, 211, 214, 255, 274, 283, 284, 299, 300, 303, 304, 307
Edictum Diocletian Ein Yaʻel El-Hammam El-Jem El-Marakesh endromides boots Epictetus Euripides exomis
298 41, 42, 44, 17, 36, 37, 38, 39, 43, 45, 56, 57, 65, 67, 68, 103, 105, 112, 175, 176, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 302, 307 155, 158, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 26, 28, 29, 32, 44, 45, 54, 61, 65, 116, 217, 220, 222, 298, 302 29, 319 93, 94, 196, 197 50, 59, 67, 151, 215, 230 46, 47, 59, 69, 72, 97, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 120, 122, 126, 139, 140, 173, 179, 180, 182, 184, 190, 191, 192, 271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 302, 313, 319
F 356
Index
Figueras Fitzgerald Fluck Foerster Focalia
34, 36, 44, 67, 126, 172, 188, 213, 261, 266 17, 29, 38, 45, 49, 65, 68, 178, 179, 181, 186 17, 84, 85, 99, 273, 278 17, 21, 36, 45, 66, 131, 134, 137, 144, 145, 172, 221 68, 79
G Gammata Gaza Maiumas Gregory of Nazianzus Gregory of Tours
15, 44, 45, 63, 69, 136, 17, 20, 66, 124, 126 158, 192, 290, 317 7
H Hammat Tiberias Hairnets Hermas heta (‘H’) Horvat B’eer Shenma Hosa Huseifa
18, 21, 45, 66, 144, 198, 202, 210, 214, 221, 241, 245, 247, 248, 252, 253, 281, 282, 283, 286, 288, 291, 298, 302, 316 6, 246, 293, 294, 295, 296 9, 14 15, 63 92 52, 53, 54, 277, 319 65, 283, 286
I institia 15, 16, 26, 27, 29, 40, 90, 100, 141, 202, 213, 219 Isidore of Seville 12, 50, 141 J jewelry Jonah Junius Bassus Khirbet Wadi Hammam Kissufim
1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 88, 99, 127, 158, 162, 192, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 210, 212, 228, 229, 230, 234, 248, 249, 253, 255, 260, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 286, 289, 290, 291, 295, 315, 316, 321 17, 19, 58, 116, 131, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 191 181, 131, 135, 227, 275, 276, 232 22, 34 15, 27, 38, 44, 46, 54, 72, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 103, 112, 116, 192, 193, 200, 203, 204, 213, 218, 253, 254, 256, 283, 286, 291, 297, 298, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 314, 316
L Leibner 22, 34, 35, 45, 47, 48, 115, 122, 303 Leontis House 65 M Mahat el-Urdi church Maguire Marcellinus and Peter Maria Maggiore Marissa Martial Merot Military dress Mount Berenice Mount Zion
17, 19, 58 5, 14, 86, 118, 189, 190, 213, 222, 242, 243, 251, 291, 297 96, 97, 163, 165, 167, 323 88, 118, 121, 127, 254, 255, 269, 281, 289, 297, 317 74 48, 67, 68, 99 302 7, 24, 50, 54, 86, 87, 88, 91, 178, 303 27, 61, 296 220, 221, 232, 250
357
Weaving in Stones Mucznik 17, 18, 21, 25, 27, 28, 38, 44, 45, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 65, 68, 79, 86, 87, 89, 111, 144, 148, 150, 153, 157, 158, 162, 203, 205, 206, 208, 212, 213, 215, 222, 230, 231, 232, 233, 245, 254, 288, 291, 295, 302, 307 N Nablus 61, 69, 72, 77, 79, 168 Nahariya 55, 56, 57, 61, 68, 72, 77, 78, 79, 85, 88, 261, 262, 263, 273, 274, 299, 301 Nebo 1, 75, 77, 88, 106, 112, 113, 323 Nebris 59, 69, 77, 92, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 178, 191, 234, 235, 248, 315, 320 Notitia Dignitatum Orientis 89, 91 O Or Haner Orbiculi Orpheus Ovadiah
295, 296, 323 14, 15, 16, 17, 25, 28, 44, 45, 54, 77, 80, 85, 86, 88, 90, 97, 99, 100, 107, 115, 130, 136, 163, 173, 183, 184, 227, 260, 261, 269, 270, 271, 273, 275, 277, 315, 320 17, 19, 23, 24, 25, 43, 55, 57, 58, 63, 66, 94, 101, 126, 131, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 205, 206, 213, 214, 232, 237, 238, 253, 282, 291, 293, 307, 316 xvii, 9, 21, 25, 27, 31, 47, 86, 89, 91, 193, 203, 210, 212, 222, 253
P Paenula
34, 35, 44, 60, 67, 69, 101, 108, 122, 187, 188, 203, 218, 222, 226, 232, 233, 242, 244, 254, 275, 276, 315, 319 Pallium 6, 7, 13, 17, 18, 21, 28, 29, 38, 41, 42, 43, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 69, 77, 80, 92, 97, 99, 103, 112, 116, 118, 120, 122, 126, 131, 141, 142, 143, 148, 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 164, 173, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187,189, 190, 191, 215, 217, 218, 219, 222, 227, 235, 237, 240, 245, 247, 250, 251, 252, 261, 270, 271, 277, 315, 320 paludamentum 13, 17, 18, 19, 29, 60, 61, 66, 67, 69, 87, 124, 127, 130, 144, 162, 178, 186, 282, 313, 320 Patagium 16, 29, 45, 182, 183, 185, 186, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215, 245, 247, 248, 269, 270, 271, 273, 320 Pendants 79, 81, 82, 83, 87, 117, 120, 127, 128, 202, 254, 280, 281, 284, 286, 288, 303, 304, 305, 316 Perizoma 55, 56, 57, 58, 69, 78, 79, 97, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 116, 122, 153, 192, 262, 273, 274, 276, 299, 302, 316 Philocalus Manuscript 323 Philostratus the Elder 73, 162 Piazza Armerina 28, 29, 51, Purple 52, 75, 113, 115, 122, 202, 260, 271, 272 Puttees 27, 49, 52, 53, 54, 83, 85, 93, 103, 307, 308, 319 paenula 34, 35, 44, 60, 67, 69, 101, 108, 122, 187, 188, 203, 218, 222, 226, 232, 233, 242, 244, 254, 275, 276, 315, 319 Q Qabr Hiram 106, 112 Quintilian 6, 12, 16, 52, 64, 193, 270, 303, 308 R Rabula Gospels 139 Ravenna 9, 16, 17, 53, 61, 81, 88, 103, 104, 118, 120, 121, 127, 131, 199, 213, 228, 250, 254, 256, 275, 276, 281, 282, 286, 287, 288, 297, 298, 299, 300, 306, 309, 312 S sagum 60, 63, 66, 69, 87, 88, 91, 128, 282 Saint Cyprien of Carthage 14 358
Index
Saga focalia San Vitale Schmauder Sde Nahum Servants Spinario savricin and avricin stephane Segmenta Skirt subligaculum
68 9, 17, 53, 61, 89, 103, 104, 118, 120, 127, 131, 198, 199, 213, 228, 254, 275, 276, 281, 286, 287, 288, 312 81, 83, 306 105, 302 16, 34, 43, 50, 51, 52, 92, 93, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 111, 117, 191, 192, 201, 211, 228, 229, 260, 277, 290, 299, 302, 304, 314, 317 68, 273, 274 50 90 14, 15, 16, 17, 22, 25, 26, 28, 29, 36, 38, 40, 41, 45, 46, 75, 80, 85, 86, 90, 97, 106, 112, 118, 122, 173, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 189, 190, 202, 205, 210, 212, 213, 214, 218, 227, 229, 242, 245, 247, 250, 251, 252, 260, 261, 275, 276, 277, 302, 315, 320 48, 49, 56, 59, 69, 103, 112, 113, 144, 157, 159, 191, 235, 262, 302 34, 48, 56, 184, 186
T tabulae 16, 28, 36, 38, 45, 80, 140, 192, 202, 271, 273 tallith 60, 117 Tegea - Episkopi 174, 180, 182, 184, 185, 186 Tel Malhata 33, 44, 67, 188 Tertullian 6, 12, 60, 64, 149, 197, 199, 293, 299, 303 Theodora 198, 199, 250, 281, 287, 288 toga 6, 7, 41, 56, 64, 66, 67, 94, 99, 118, 122, 131, 148, 175, 191, 277, 292, 308, 319 Tunica manicata 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 34, 40, 44, 45, 69, 74, 75, 77, 80, 81, 82, 86, 87, 88, 90, 94, 97, 98, 99, 103, 104, 105, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 118, 122, 126, 131, 132, 140, 141, 142, 143, 151, 153, 155, 162, 163, 173, 176, 178, 179, 180, 182, 184, 186, 187, 191, 192, 213, 260, 270, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277 Thracian tomb of Kazanlak 51, 52 Trajan’s Column 52, 53, 68, 79, 114, 115, 263, 267, 317 Trousers 7, 15, 17, 21, 25, 27, 28, 49, 50, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 63, 69, 72, 74, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 97, 88, 91, 98, 106, 112, 115, 116, 126, 131, 132, 134, 136, 153, 155, 162, 164, 167, 173, 179, 187, 191, 192, 205, 213, 218, 237, 251, 266, 267, 275, 276, 304, 305, 309, 313, 315 Tunica talaris 17, 18, 19, 21, 25, 44, 69, 75, 116, 117, 118, 122, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 158, 162, 175, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 187, 251, 267, 273, 275, 276, 277 V Via Latina veil Vestis Militaris Codex Vienna Genesis
87, 88, 115, 118, 119, 122, 123, 131, 250, 275, 277, 307 69, 168, 202, 217, 220, 230, 231, 240, 250, 255, 284, 292, 293, 294, 298, 299 86 97, 248, 277, 223
W Wadi Hammam 22, 34, 35, 45, 46, 55, 58, 86, 91, 115, 116, 122, 302, 307 X Xenophon of Athens 52, 72, 74 Z zigzag 131, 218, 238, 291, 320, 321
359
Weaving in Stones Zippori
18, 20, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 55, 57, 59, 59, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 72, 73, 77, 79, 92, 94, 97, 99, 100, 102, 103, 116, 148, 151, 153, 157, 158, 161, 162, 168, 189, 191, 192, 198, 202,203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 217, 218, 219, 221, 234, 239, 240, 242, 245, 247, 248, 251, 256, 260, 261, 270, 277, 282, 283, 286, 288, 293, 298, 302, 307, 312, 321
360
Weaving in Stones: Garments and their accessories in the mosaic art of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity is the first study to trace and document the garments and their accessories worn by some 245 figures represented on approximately 41 mosaic floors (some only partially preserved) that once decorated both public and private structures within the historicalgeographical area of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity. After identifying, describing and cataloging the various articles of clothing, a typological division differentiating between men’s, women’s and children’s clothing is followed by a discussion of their iconographic formulae and significance, including how the items of clothing and accessories were employed and displayed and their ideological and social significance. The book is copiously illustrated with photographs of mosaics and other artistic media from throughout the Greek, Roman and Byzantine world, with particular emphasis on the examples in Eretz Israel. Aliza Steinberg is an independent researcher, who graduated and received her PhD in the Art History Department, the Yolanda and David Kats Faculty of the Arts at Tel Aviv University. Her academic research is focused on garments and their accessories in the mosaic art of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity.
Archaeopress Archaeology www.archaeopress.com