Art and ceremony in late antiquity 9780520037793, 9780520069664

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The Transformation of the Classical Heritage Peter Brown, General Editor

I Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity, by Sabine G. MacCormack If Synesius of Cyrene: Philosopher-Bishop, by Jay Alan Bregman

III Theodosian Empresses: Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity, by Kenneth G. Holum

ART AND CEREMONY IN LATE ANTIQUITY

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péons.

162. Julian Letter to the Athenians, 284b f; cf. “Accession,” at n. 173. 163. Cf. “Accession,” at nn. 5ff. 164. Lapsum caelo.. . Palladium. Cf. Amm., 22, 2, 4: Julian was seen tamquam demissum aliquem de caelo. 165. Pan. Lat., 11, 6, 2—5:

Itaque cum in ipso molimine opressisset Alamanniam rebellantem, qui paulo

ante inaudita regionum, fluviorum, montium nomina exercitu victore peragraverat, per ultima ferarum gentium regna, calcata regum capita supervolans, in medio IIlyrici sinu improvisus apparuit. Vidimus, felices illius viae comites, stupentes urbium populos dubitasse credere quae videbant. Non aliter consternatas arbitror gentes quae primae lapsum caelo excepere Palladium. Virgines, pueri, feminae, tremulae anus, titubantes senes non sine magno attoniti horrore cernebant imperatorem. ... Voces gaudentium oppresserat miraculi magnitudo.

Here and below, cf. the commentary of H. Gutzwiller, Die Neujahrsrede des Konsuls Claudius Mamertinus vor dem Kaiser Julian, Basler Beitr. zur Geschichtswiss.,

10 (1942). In general, see Hans Gartner, “Einige Uberlegungen zur kaiserzeitlichen Panegyrik und zu Ammians Charakteristik des Kaisers Julian,” Abh.

296 Notes to Pages 49-51 Mainz Geistes u Sozialwiss. Kl., 10 (1968) with critique by J. Fontaine, Latoinus (1973) 240. See also R. C. Blockley, “The Panegyric of Claudius Mamertinus on the Emperor Julian,” American Journal of Philology 43 (1972) 437-450. 166. Pan. Lat., V1, 7, 2: Quae navigationis illius fuit pompa, cum dexteriorem incliti fluminis ripam utriusque sexus, omnium ordinum, armatorum atque inermium perpetuus ordo praetexeret, despiceretur ad laevam in miserabiles preces genu nixa barbaria.

167. Pan. Lat., 7, 3-10, 3. Cf. Année épigraphique (1969-1970), 631, Romani orbis liberatori, templorum restauratori, curtarum et retpublicae recreatori, barbarorum ex-

tinctori d.n. Iouliano..., from the Jordan valley. Similarly, Theodosius was praised as renewer of Corinth. See M. Guarducci, “Teodosio ‘rinovatore’ di Corinto in una epigrafe greca di Kenchreai,” Hommages Claire Préaux (1975) 927-534. 168. Amm., 22, 2, 3. 169. Cf. Amm., 22, 9, 4: Julian’s arrival at Nicomedia. 170. Pan. Lat., ll, 2, 3: Haec tibi nominis novi, sed antiquissimae nobilitatis civitas patria est: hic primum editus, hic quasi quoddam salutare humano generi sidus exortus es.

171. Libanius Or. 13, 30 f. 172. Libanius Or. 13, 42: onep yap ’AoxAnmidv daolv ‘InnoAUta yevéo8al, tott’ autoc eyEvou TO Tis oikoupevnec ompati. teOvetdtdc te dvéotnoac Kai BaoiAeciac 6vopa viv, cinep m1oté, HpooeAaBev Epyov.

173. Note the graphic image. 174. Amm., 22, 9, 14: Urbique propinquans, in speciem alicuius numinis votis excipitur publicis, miratus voces multitudinis magnae, salutare sidus illuxisse eois partibus acclamantis.

See also E. Peterson, Eic @e6c¢ (1926) 270-273, on acclamations to Julian recorded on milestones, which, like the acclamations of the Antiochenes, are tc be understood not in the light of any specifically pagan or Christian Tendenz, but in the light of time-honoured love of custom, which was, of course, rooted in paganism, as well as, in Antioch, Judaism. See Eusebius HE 4,6,2 éotpatnyei 6& tote ‘lopdaiwv Bapywxefac Ovopa, 6 ON dotépa S6nAoi . . . emi 6& th Mpoonyopia, . . wc 64 €& ovpavotd Owotip attoic KateAnAUO@C KaKoUpEvoicte le emAdpWwatr tepateudpevoc, with Num. 24,17, on the Star of Jacob. 175. Cf. below “Consecratio,” at 203ff and “Accession,” at 165ff. 176. Julian fragt., 176, vol. I’, 217 (Bidez-Cumont): Ei pév cic to Géatpov AaGidv eionAPov, eUrpeite- ei 6€ cic ta iepa, trv Nouxiav dyete, Kai petevéyKate Upav tac eUdpnpiac cic toUc Oeotc: paAAov 6é 01 Veo tv euUmNnpOv ov xpncouolv.

177. Pan. Lat., 12, 37, 3: Ferebant se obviae tripudiantium catervae. Cuncta cantu et crotalis personabant. Hic ubi triumphum chorus, ille contra tyranno . . . carmen exequiale dicebat. Hic perpetuum victis abitum, ille victoribus crebrum optabat adventum. ... Nullus cuiquam sui tuine respectus: blandam tibi faciebat iniuriam

Notes to Pages 51-53 297 contumacia gaudiorum. Quid ego referam pro moenibus suis festum liberae nobilitatis occursum, conspicuos veste nivea senatores, reverendos municipali purpura flamines, insignes apicibus sacerdotes? Quid portas virentibus sertis coronatas? . . . Nondum omne confeceras bellum, iam agebas triumphum.

See, on this panegyric, A. Lippold, “Herrscherideal und Traditionsverbundenheit im Panegyricus des Pacatus,” Historia 17 (1968) 228-250; cf. Y.-M. Duval,

“Liéloge de Théodose dans la Cité de Dieu (V, 26, 1). Sa place, son sens, et ses sources,” Recherches augustiniennes 4 (1966) 135-179. On Pacatus, see J. EK Matthews, “Gallic Supporters of Theodosius,” Latomus 30 (1971) 1078ff. 178. Pan. Lat., 12, 47, 3-4: Ea vero quae Romae gesta sunt, qualem te urbi dies primus invexerit; quis in curia fueris, quis in rostris; ut pompam praeeuntium ferculorum curru modo, modo pedibus subsecutus alterno clarus incessu nunc de bellis, nunc de superbia triumpharis; ut te omnibus principem, singulis exhibueris senatorem; ut . . . remota custodia militari tutior publici amoris excubiis: hcrum haec linguis, horum, inquam, voce laudentur qui de communibus gaudiis et dignius utique quae maxima et iustius poterunt praedicare quae propria sunt.

179. Pan. Lat., 12, 47, 5: O mea felix peregrinatio! . . . quam multo circumdabor auditore, cum dixero: ‘Romam vidi, Theodosium vidi, et utrumque simul vidi; vidi illum principis patrem, vidi illum principis vindicem, vidi illum principis restitutorem.’

Cf. Themistius Or. XIV, to Theodosius, a short address on his accession, where the orator stresses the intimate link between emperors and capitals: Constantinople desires to welcome Theodosius before the other cities of the East—npoamavtrhoai—for she excels the other cities as the emperor excels other men, thus making a special relationship between emperor and capital: Themistius 183 ab. 180. For Claudian’s poetic techniques, see Alan Cameron, Claudian, Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius (1970) and, for a different approach, C. Gnilka, “Dichtung und Geschichte im Werke Claudians,” Friihmittelalterliche Studien 10 (1976) 96-104; cf. also C. Gnilka, “G6tter und Damonen in den Gedichten Claudians,” Antike und Abendland 18 (1973) 144-160.

181. Claudian De Raptu Pros. I, 5-9: Jam furor humanos nostro de pectore sensus expulit et totum spirant praecordia Phoebum; iam mihi cernuntur trepidis delubra moveri sedibus et claram dispergere limina lucem adventum testata dei.

182. It was only in Christian eyes that Claudian, whether baptised or not, could be described as a Christi nomine alienus (Augustine De civ. Dei 5, 26), for only in Christianity could a dichotomy of religion and classical culture arise, with the consequent need for both pagans and Christians to define their position with regard to religion and classical culture. 183. Claudian III. cons., 122ff; IV cons., 365ff. 184. See, e.g., the speech of Roma in Claudian VI cons., 361—425. 185. Claudian VI cons., 374; cf. 383-385; 494 ff. 186. E.g., Claudian, VI cons., 640-660; cf. A. Alféldi, Die monarchische Représentation im rédm. Kaiserreiche (1970) 94—98.

187. Claudian VI cons., 146-147.

298 Notes to Pages 53-54 188. Claudian VI cons., 361-425. _ 189. Claudian VI cons., 178-192. 190. Claudian VI cons., 361-493. 191. Claudian VI cons., 1-52.

192. Claudian VI cons., 22-23. There is double meaning here: Honorius is also Latiae sublimis signifer aulae.

193. On the whole passage, Claudian VI cons., 18-25, especially on caelicolae cum celsa tenant summoque feruntur cardine = peooupaveiv, cf. E. Peterson, Eic Oedc (1926) 263f.

194. Claudian VI cons., 35-38: Ecce Palatino crevit reverentia monti exultatque habitante deo potioraque Delphis supplicibus late populis oracula pandit atque suas ad signa iubet revirescere laurus.

195. Claudian VI cons., 579-610. 196. Claudian VI cons., 494-522. 197. Claudian VI cons., 523-528. 198. Claudian VI cons., 543-559. 199. Claudian VI cons., 560-577. 200. Claudian VI cons., 603. 201. Claudian VI cons., 611-639. 202. Claudian VI cons., 640-660. The use of the toga and arma ‘topos’ in this

passage serves to heighten the Roman, urban orientation of the panegyric, cf. below at nn. 222ff. 203. Claudian VI cons., 611-613: O quantum populo secreti numinis addit imperil praesens genius! quantamque rependit maiestas alterna vicem. .. .

204. Claudian III cons., 109ff; note 121-122: oppida adventu sacrata tuo. 205. Claudian III cons., 126ff. 206. Claudian IV cons., 565ff. 207. Claudian IV cons., 584ff. 208. Claudian IV cons., 565—572: Nunc quoque quos habitus, quantae miracula pompae vidimus, Ausonio cum iam succinctus amictu per Ligurum populos solito conspectior ires atque inter niveas alte veherere cohortes, obnixisque simul pubes electa lacertis sidereum gestaret onus. sic numina Memphis in vulgus proferre solet; penetralibus exit effigies.

On the pagan context of this passage, see A. Alfdldi, A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the [Vth Century (1937) 42-44; R. Hari, “Une image du culte égyptien a Rome en 354,” Museum Helveticum 33 (1976) 114-121. For a living pagan cult in Claudian’s lifetime, see J. Collins-Clinton, A Late Antique Shrine of Liber Pater at Cosa (1977).

Notes to Pages 55-57 299 209. A. Grabar, L’empéreur dans l’art byzantin, 125-162, esp. 159. 210. Pan. Lat., 3, 14. 211. Cf. “Accession,” at nn. I1ff. 212. Pan. Lat., 9, 19, 6; Claudian VI cons., 613f; cf. Amm., 16, 10, 13-14.

213. Difficilis quondam, dominis parere serenis iussus et extinctis palmam portare tyrannis. omnia Theodosio cedunt, subolique perenni ter denis sic victus ego domitusque diebus iudice sub Proclo superas elatus ad auras.

See G. Bruns, Der Obelisk und seine Basis auf dem Hippodrom zu Konstantinopel,

Istanbuler Forschungen, 7 (1935) 30. H. Wrede, “Zur Errichtung des Theodosiusobelisken in Istanbul,” Istanbuler Mitteilungen 16 (1966) 178-198, 182f, discusses competition between Constantinople and Rome in the late fourth century, as ex-

pressed in imperial building programmes, for which, see also R. Naumann, “Theodosiusbogen und Forum Tauri in Istanbul,” Istanbuler Mitteilungen 26 (1976) 117-142. On the obelisk base in the context of the hippodrome, see G. Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale, Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 a 451 (1974)

311ff, and Alan Cameron, Porphyrius the Chartoteer (1973) 49-64. On the artistic style of the base and its late antique characteristics see H. Kahler, “Der Sockel des Theodosiusobelisken in Konstantinopel,” Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 6 (1975) 45-55. On the inscription, cf. Alan Cameron, “Some Prefects Called Julian,” Byzantion 47 (1977) 42-64, at 60-62. The imagery of the hippodrome lived on in Constantinople and elsewhere: E. Ville-Patlagean, “Une image de Salomon en basileus byzantin,” Revue des études jutves, Historica Judaica, 4th series, 1 (121) (1962) 9-33. 214. Bruns, Der Obelisk, 32ff, 36ff. 215. Claudian VI cons., 70-72. 216. H. P. Laubscher, Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens (1975) 48-52. For the “stereotype of imperial ideology,” cf. submission scenes on Dionysiac sar-

cophagi, themselves derived from Roman triumphal art, in EF Matz, Die dionysischen Sarkophage 3 (1969) 425-426 with numbers 243, 244, 245. However, here, the god (like, in imperial art of the second century, the emperor, cf. R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank in Roman Art (1963) 75, 109, 122f, 189ff) by his gesture indicates that he accepts gifts and submission. No such gesture disrupts the imperial tranquillity in late antique art. 217. Claudian VI cons., 71-72. Positoque tiaram

Summusere penu.... 218. See also below, section 6 (ii). 219. Wrede, “Zur Errichtung,” 196-197. A clay copy in Vienna of a Tetrarchic silver missorium shows the emperors enthroned, as on the obelisk base, presiding at games. See H. Fuhrmann, “Die Konsulardiptychen und verwandte Denk-

maler, II, tonerne Missoria aus der Zeit der Tetrarchie,” Rdm. Mitt. 55 (1940) 92-99. 220. These three figures have proved difficult to identify. For a list of views, see Wrede, “Zur Errichtung,” 194. The interpretation of the south-east side, where the emperor (Arcadius) holds a wreath, is disputed: is he giving or receiv-

300 Notes to Pages 57-59 ing the wreath? See Alan Cameron, Porphyrius the Charioteer (1973) 50-51, arguing that he receives it; contra, most recently, H. Kahler, “Der Sockel des Theodo-

siusobelisken in Konstantinopel,” Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 6, (1975) 45-55, at 52. The contrast between the two historical and the

two non-historical reliefs on the obelisk base is made by Wrede, “Zur Errichtung,” 194-197; Cameron, Porphyrius, 50, prefers to see artistic variation, without significant differences in content. 221. These two panels depict the emperor's presence in Rome, as distinct from his arrival, and they do so by means of frontality and symmetry: cf. above at no. 144. A systematic interpretation of these aspects of late antique art is H. P. L’Orange, Art Forms and Civic Life (1965) 89f, on the arch of Constantine.

222. The column base itself does not survive, but can be studied from the Freshfield drawings in Trinity College, Cambridge: E. H. Freshfield, “Notes,” Archaeologia 72 (1921-1922) 87-104, and J. Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik der theodosianischen Zeit (1941) Beilage 5f. Grabar, L’empéreur dans l’art byzantin (1936) 75,

relates the relief to Theodosius-Arcadius and interprets it differently. 223. Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik, 19—33, and G. Becatti, La colonna coclide istoriata (1960) 151-264. 224. Kollwitz, Ostrdémische Plastik, 50-51.

225. Grabar, L’empéreur, 76, designates these as togati and relates the gift of a crown to the custom of the ninth century of giving the emperor a crown after a triumphal return. More directly relevant is the interpretation by Kollwitz, who refers to the aurum coronarium of late antiquity: Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik, 51f. See also F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (1977) 140ff, and T. Klauser, “Aurum Coronarium,” in Gesammelte Arbeiten zur Liturgiegeschichte, Kirchenge-

schichte und christlichen Archaeologie, Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum Erganzungsband, 3 (1974) 292-309. 226. Synesius De regno, 2; cf. Symmachus Or., 1; cf. O. Seeck’s edition 1883, 210. Cf. Gregory Naz. Contra Iul. I, 80, describing imperial images showing cities

bringing gifts to the emperors, and barbarians trampled underfoot, indicating that the representations on the column base were not at all unusual. 227. Claudian III cons., 1ff; IV cons., 5f£; VI cons., 8-10; and 595f. On the traditional celebrations of January Ist, see M. Meslin, La féte des Kalendes de Janvier dans l’empire romain, Coll. Latomus, 115 (1970). 228. Grabar, L’empéreur, 32-39, 239-243. 229. Corippus In laudem Iustini, IV, 90ff. See Averil Cameron, Corippus, commentary on IV, 198f, 219, 264ff.

230. But the specific point of this symbolism as shown on the arch (also on the Parabiago platter) has been altered. On both these works the sun rises while the moon sets, thus attributing a particular time to the occurrences depicted, i.e., dawn. On the column base (as on other late antique works, e.g., the Ascension miniature in the Rabbula Gospels, below, “Consecratio,” n. 220), on the other hand, sun and moon both rise or are not shown as personifications. Thus no point in time is referred to. We have rather a cosmic setting tout court. 231. According to C. O. Nordstrém, Ravennastudien (1953) 45, a parallel to this method of representation in registers occurs in the Baptistery of the Orthodox in Ravenna. The centre, showing the Baptism of Christ, with the surrounding Apostles bearing wreaths—an aurum coronarium—is related to the pairs of

Notes to Pages 60-63 301 registers showing the emperors and various forms of homage: the homage of the Senate, the provinces and the enemies of the empire. The altars and thrones in the Baptistery correspond to the panels of captured armour on the obelisk base. The parallel illustrates how, in the fifth century, art for ecclesiastical purposes and imperial art used a common idiom. See also K. Baus, Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum, Theophaneia, 2 (1940) 201-230, on Roman triumphal imagery in Christian art. 232. Synesius, On Kingship 15, ed. Terzaghi (1944): OaAapeUeoVe Kadnep ai

oatipal poAic ei tm, mpdc tv eiAnv ekKUItOUCal, pH dwpabeinte Und tov avOparnwv évtec GvOpwno1; tr. A. FitzGerald, The Essays and Hymns of Synesius of Cyrene, vol. 1 (1930) 127; cf. On Kingship 13, 25, 21 (FitzGerald 9, 19, 21). A similar criticism was voiced by Sidonius: K. F. Stroheker, Der senatorische Adel im spdtantiken Gallien (1948) 43f, on principes clausi; and, in more practical terms, by Vegetius. See W. Goffart, “The Date and Purpose of Vegetius’ ‘De re militari’,” Traditio

33 (1977) 65-100, esp. 79f. The lines in question (DRM 3, 26) “can only fit a youthful emperor—not necessarily youthful in years but having the sort of perennial youth one associates with the tranquillity of the imperial palace.” On the occasion of Synesius’ speech, see Klauser, “Aurum Coroniarum” (above, n. 225), 301.

233. Cf. J. Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik, 61f. 234. E. Demougeot, De l’unité a la division de l’empire romain (1951) 395-410.

235. Compare the Tetrarchic panegyric on universal imperial presence: Pan. Lat. UL, 14, 2-3:

lovis omnia plena. ..id nunc ego de utroque vestrum audeo praedicare: ubicumque sitis, in unum licet palatium concesseritis, divinitatem vestram ubique versari, omnes terras omniaque maria plena esse vestri.

But here the point was used to praise a particular imperial adventus. 236. Vergil Aen., I, 278-279; cf. expressions in the law codes such as Cod. Theod., 10, 22, 3: adoraturus aeternitatem nostram.

237. On this tradition in late antique Byzantium, see T. Viljamaa, Studies in Greek Encomiastic Poetry of the Early Byzantine Period (1968); cf. E. Heitsch, “Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der roémischen Kaiserzeit,” I and II, Abh. d. Akad. d. Wiss. in Géttingen Phil.-Hist. KI. 49 (1961) and 58 (1964) containing various panegyrics; I, 127f, on the arrival of an image of Justin II. On the West, see MacCormack, “Latin Prose Panegyrics, Tradition and Discontinuity in the Later Roman Empire,” Revue des études augustiniennes 22 (1976) 29-77. 238. For the occasions of these three panegyrics, see A. Loyen, Recherches sur

les panégyriques de Sidoine Apollinaire, Bibl. de Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 285 (1942) 35f, 59ff, 85f.

239. Pan. Lat., 7, 22, 310 A.D. 240. Loyen, Recherches historiques sur les panégyriques de Sidoine Apollinaire (Paris, 1942), pp. 79-82 and his Budé edition of Sidonius, Poémes, 14-15. 241. Sidonius Carm. V, 574-603. 242. Sidonius Carm. V, 564-573. 243. Loyen, ed , Sidonius, Poémes XV. 244, Sidonius Carm. V, 574. 245. Sidonius Carm. V, 576.

302 Notes to Pages 63-65 246. Ennodius was familiar with the panegyrics of Symmachus and quoted them: compare Ennodius, Panegyricus 9 with Symmachus, In Val. I, 1; Panegyricus 13 with In Val. IL, 24; Panegyricus 29 with In Val. Il, 9; Panegyricus 73 with In Val. 1, 30; Panegyricus 76 with In Val. IL, 29; Panegyricus 78 with In Val. IL, 26:

parallels identified by the Monumenta editor, F Vogel. On the state of education in the late fifth and early sixth centuries see P. Riché, Education et culture dans l’occident barbare VI'— VIII siécles (3rd ed., 1972) 62ff: 69, “Rome a donc encore, au

début du VI* siécle, des écoles, mais la vie universitaire tend a se désorganiser.” Cf. J. Préaux, “Securus Melior Felix, l’ultime Orator Urbis Romae,” Corona Gratiarum, Miscellanea Patristica, Historica et Liturgica Eligio Dekkers O.S.B. XII Lustra completenti oblata, vol. 2 (1975) 101-121. A similar situation obtained in the Rhéne valley: Riché, 71, “de petites groupes de lettrés et peu de professeurs.” For some historical details in Ennodius’ panegyric, see A. Lumpe, “Ennodiana,” Byzantinische Forschungen 1 (Polychordia, Festschrift Franz Délger) (1966) 200-210, at 207-210. 247. See for this T. Nissen, “Historisches Epos und Panegyrikos in der Spatantike,” Hermes 75 (1940) 298-325. 248. Agnellus, ed. Holder-Egger, MGH Script. Rer. Lang. 303, and W. Ensslin, Theodorich der Grosse (1947) 76.

249. E.g., Gregory of Tours H.F, 2, 28 (38), the consulship of Clovis, and H.F., 8,1, the adventus of Guntram in Orleans in 585 a.p., arranged to fall on the feast day of St. Martin with acclamations by Jews, Gallo-Romans (i.e., Latin speakers) and Syrians. Guntram accepted hospitality from individual citizens and received gifts; the first and second stages of adventus are still recognisable.

For a possible representation of the latter, on the so-called helmet of Agilulf (591-616), see D. Bullough, “Imagines Regum and Their Significance in the Early Medieval West,” Studies in Memory of David Talbot Rice, ed. G. Robertson and G. Henderson (1975) 223-276, 235 and fig. 93a: “Does this scene represent or com-

memorate a ceremony that actually took place in Agilulf’s time? and if so, what?” Bullough suggests the reception of the aurum coronarium (as on the column base of Arcadius, above at n. 225) as a possible iconographic ancestor. For a discussion of the “helmet of Agilulf” in a Ravennate context, see A. Guillou, “Demography and Culture in the Exarchate of Ravenna” in his Studies on Byzantine Italy, 1970, 210-213. For Visigothic royal profectio and adventus ceremonies, see D. M. Férotin, Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l’église wisigothique et mozarabe d’ Espagne, Monumenta Ecclesiae Liturgica, 5 (1904) 150-155.

250. Egeria’s account is printed in the Corpus Christianorum 175, Itinera, 76-77; cf. A. Baumstark, “Orientalisches in den Texten der abendlandischen Palmenfeier,” Jahrbuch fiir Liturgiewissenschaft 7 (1927) 148-153. Christ’s entry into

Jerusalem is the subject of one of Romanos’ finest kontakia: E. Catafygiotu Topping, “Romanos, on the Entry into Jerusalem, a Basilikos Logos,” Byzantion 47 (1977) 65-91. 251. P.G., 35, 1117; cf. MacCormack, Historia (1972) 747 and n. 149. 252. John Chrysostom, “Homiliae II and III,” P.G. 63, 467—472; 473-478; P.C. Baur, O.S.B., Johannes Chrysostomus und seine Zeit, Vol. 2 (1930) 34-37. The epi-

sode is discussed in detail in K. G. Holum’s forthcoming book, Theodosian Empresses: Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity.

253. K. G. Holum and G. Vikan, “The Trier Ivory, Adventus Ceremonial and

Notes to Pages 65-66 303 the Relics of S. Stephen,” DOP 33 (1979) 113-133. On the ceremonial of the arrival of relics, see also S. MacCormack, “Change and Continuity in Late Antiquity, the Ceremony of Adventus,” Historia 21 (1972) 722—752 at 748.

254. E.g., Sidonius, ep. 7, 1, 7, the translation of the body of Ferreolus and the head of Julianus to protect the city of Vienne in very troubled times, as the letter discloses. For the earlier period, see N. Gussone, “Adventus Zeremoniell und Translation von Reliquien. Victricius von Rouen, de laude Sanctorum,” Friihmittelalterliche Studien 10 (1976) 125-133; for Sidonius, see P. Rousseau, “In Search of Sidonius the Bishop,” Historia 25 (1976) 356-377, at 362ff; and for the time of Gregory of Tours, P. R. L. Brown, Relics and Social Status in the Age of Gregory of Tours, The Stenton Lecture 1976, University of Reading (1977), esp. 20. On con-

tinuities in late antique Gaul in general, see also M. Heinzelmann, Bischofsherrschaft in Gallien, zur Kontinuitat rémischer Fithrungsschichten vom 4. bis 7. Jahrhundert. Soziale, prosopographische und bildungsgeschichtliche Aspekte, Beihefte der Francia, 5 (1976) and the beautifully differentiated article by J. Fontaine, “Vienne carrefour du paganisme dans la Gaule du IV* siécle,” Bulletin de la société des amis de Vienne 67 (1971) 17-36; see especially p. 31, a relief from Vienne depicting an adventus of relics. 255. For this topic, see E. Dinkler, Der Einzug in Jerusalem, Ikonografische Untersuchungen im Anschluss an ein bisher unbekanntes Sarkofagfragment, Arbeitsge-

meinschaft ftir Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen, Geisteswissenschaften, Heft 167 (1970); an early painted version of the entry into Jerusalem: J. M. C. Toynbee, “Christian Paintings in 5S. Maria in Stelle near Verona,” Kyriakon, Festschrift J]. Quasten 2 (1970) 651f and fig. 5. 256. EK W. Deichmann, Repertorium der christlich-antiken Sarkofage, Vol. 1 (1967) no. 14. 257. Sarcophagi: Deichmann, Repertorium, nos. 21, 26, 28, 40, 41, 63, 772, 841;

iconographic changes leading to the Etschmiadzin Gospels: E. Kantorowicz, “The ‘King’s Advent’ and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina,” Art Bulletin 26 (1944) 207-231, reprinted in his Selected Studies (1965) 37-64 at 50. 258. I Thess. 4, 17; see also Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. 15, P.G. 33, 869ff. Else-

where the New Testament uses Undvtnoic as the technical term for welcoming: Matthew 8, 34, the city of Gadara comes out to meet Jesus; Matthew 25, 1, the virgins meeting the bridegroom in the parable of the wise and foolish virgins; John 12, 13, Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem. I would like to thank Richard Cilley for these references. See also Kantorowicz, “King’s Advent,” 52-58; 5. MacCormack, Historia 21 (1972) 724, 744f, with E. Peterson, “Die Einholung des Kyrios,” Zeitschrift fiir systematische Theologie 7 (1930) 682-702. 259. Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 680; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 427-429. 260. See further, “Consecratio,” at nn. 189ff, below. 261. E. Kantorowicz, “Oriens Augusti—Lever du Roi,” DOP 17 (1963) 135-

149; cf. his “Puer exoriens: On the Hypapante in the Mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore,” in his Collected Studies, 25-36, at 30ff. On the equestrian statue of Theodosius I in Constantinople, the inscription of which still addressed him as a second rising sun, see J. Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik der theodostanischen Zeit (1941) 8-11.

262. KF. Cumont, “L’Adoration des mages et l’art triomphal de Rome,” Aiti

304 Notes to Pages 66-68 della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, Serie 3, Memorie 3 (1932-33) 81-105; cf. G. de Jerphanion, “L’Ambon de Salonique, l’arc de Galére et l’ambon de Thebes,” ibid., 107-132. 263. Deichmann, Repertorium, 16, 33, 96, 135, 145, 147, 241, 350, 526, 618, 548, 735, 745, 792, 799, 803, 835. The imperial origin of the image is especially pronounced in 43 and 949, also on the small sarcophagus in the archi-episcopal museum in Ravenna. See also M. Loli, Il sarcofago paleocristiano di Catervio nel duomo di Tolentino (1971) 17a.

264. The three Magi approaching the Theotokos and Child are part of the Justinianic change in S. Apollinare Nuovo: F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Hauptstadt des spitantiken Abendlandes, vol. 1: Geschichte und Monumente (1969) 199 and plan at 258; Kommentar, [ (1974) 150.

265. See E. Kitzinger, “The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm,” DOP 8 (1954) 83-149, reprinted in his The Art of Byzantium and the Medieval West, Selected Studies (1976) 90-156.

266. H. Kruse, Studien zur offiziellen Geltung des Katserbildes im rémischen Reiche, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums 19, 3 (1934) 12-18. Overthrowing imperial images amounted to rebellion: see R. Browning, “The Riot of A.D. 387 in Antioch. The Role of the Theatrical Claques in the Later Roman Empire,” JRS 42 (1952) 13-20, reprinted in his Studies in Byzantine Hisiory, Literature and Education (1977). Defacing the coinage which bore the image of the emperor, or forging it, was an act of lése majesté: Cod. Theod., 9, 21,9. At the same time, issuing coinage could be an expression of sovereignty. For the successor states to the Roman Empire, see S. Dill, Roman Society in Gaul in the Merovingian Age (1926) 164; Procopius, Wars 7, 33, 5-6; and P. Grierson, “The Monetary Reforms of Abd-al-Malik,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 3 (1960) 241-264.

267. Kruse, Studien, 12ff, 23ff; on the pagan significance of imperial images, cf. S. Eitrem, “Zur Apotheose,” Symbolae Osloenses 15-16 (1936) 111-128; for late antiquity, R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank (1963) 195ff.

268. Zosimus, ed. Mendelssohn, 4, 37: Ocoddoioc 6é 6 BaoiAevc eéxetd te BaotAéa MaEipov eivai, Kai eik6vwv avtTa

KOlvWveIv Kai BPaoidéwc Mpoonyopiac ngéiou ...@ote Kai Kuvnyiw t@ tic auAijc UNdpxw nepnopevw Kata trv Aiyulitov, Mpootetaypeva te mGo1 trv eic ta Geia OpnoKeiav adnayopetoal Kai KAeiOpa toc tepéveoiv émVeival, trv eikéva Mafgipou deifai toic “AAefavipetoiv enétacev, dvaSeivai te Snpocia tavthny, Kai ot1 oupPaoiAetoelv EAaXeV AUT@ Npomwvijoal to Snpo.

On the political context of these events see D. Vera, “I rapporti fra Magno Massimo, Teodosio e Valentiniano I] nel 383-384,” Athenaeum 53 (1975) 267-301 (present passage discussed 278f). 269. On the sacred qualities of imperial statues, see H. G. Niemeyer, Studien zur statuarischen Darstellung der rom. Kaiser, Monumenta Artis Romanae, 7 (1968) esp. 18-27. 270. W. H. Worrell, The Coptic Manuscripts in the Freer Collection (1923) 375. 271. De Cer., 1, 87 (Bonn); cf. Reiske’s commentary 38iff of the Bonn edition,

vol. 2. On this passage and numismatic portraits see P. Bruun, “Notes on the Transmission of Imperial Images in Late Antiquity,” Studia Romana in honorem Petri Krarup (1976) 121-131. A panegyric for the arrival of the portrait of Justin I

Notes to Pages 68-70 305 in Egypt: E. Heitsch, Die griechischen Dichter-fragmente der rom. Kaiserzeit, Abh. Gottingen, 49 (1961) 127-129. 272. Procopius of Gaza, Panegyricus § 1, ed. C. Kempen, Procopii Gazaei. . . Panegyricus, Diss. Bonn, 1918; also ed. Niebuhr and Bekker, Bonn, 1829; see also, Kilian Seitz, Die Schule von Gaza, eine litteraturgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Diss.

Heidelberg, 1892, 9ff, and G. Downey, “The Christian Schools of Palestine, a Chapter in Literary History,” Harvard Library Bulletin 12 (1958) 297—319. On teaching methods, see also M. Richard, “APO PQNH2,” Byzantion 20 (1950) 191-222, reprinted in his Opera Minora, vol. 3 (1977) no. 60.

273. Procopius of Gaza, ed. C. Kempen, Procopii Gazaei... Panegyricus (1918), 1 (cf. Kempen’s commentary on this passage). “H6n pev, © Kpatiote BaoiAev, ndoa noAic émi ool bpovotca, Kai toic colic tpo-

maiolc a4Bpuvopévn, Kai tiv evdelpoviav 6vtwe tic éoti paBotoa ti neipa, NaVta tpGnov PHXav@pevy pr) Katoniv obOfvai tHv dwpedv, ayoiBic anopei toic Epyoic A4WiAAWpEéevNC: Kai tov evEpyEtIV EvtedVev padAov Baud lel Si Ov ev T101€1, TOV €U NAVG6vtwV VIK@Vta tac apoiPdc. mpénwv yap outoc BaoiAei Kdopoc, peta tHv moAepiov Kai toUc UnnKdOUG V1KGvV, touUG pev Toic OmAolc, touC 6& TO

mAnGe1 tov Unapxydoviwv ayabOv, adydotépouc 6& taic apetaic. Hn Sé Npetépa m6Aic, dia tic cik6voc dutov anoAaBotoa tov evepyétnv, Wonep tic Se1voc Epac-

tic, Aviotatal mpoc tiv Géav, Kai ndoav nAlKiav éyeipel- Kai natnp nasi napaotdc Kai npecBUtyc véw Kel Kai Seikvuol, Kai OKIptMolv Gpa th Vea. lows pev otv 66&@ povoc napa touc GAAouc én tnAiKotdtov 6yKov Hpaypatov iévai, Kai togoutov eivai po1 8pdooc, ote Kai Gedtpou péooc avéotHka, Kai toApe@ t1 A£y€lV, KGV anelAf tic ov Navoopal. to 6 ovy oistwc éxe1- GAN Sé mdA1¢ avO’ Ov ev mdoxe1 mpdoc apoibiyv Kiveital dixaiav- Kai Ka@’ éxaotov dvdpa Aéyelv ovuy

ikavov Nyoupevyn tov xpovov, KOlvf) Mdvtec whOw th to Pytopoc apKovvtal Owvih. 6 yap Unép noAewc npoPeBANPEVOc tO Adyo, PIG YAWTIN tac anNdvtwv

UlloKpivetal yvopac.

274. Procopius of Gaza, 29-30: Kai pa1dpai pév ai moAeic, GAAN Kat’ GAAa cepvuvopevn: mdoai 6& Kolvov mpo-

BéBAnvtal KOOpoV, tac adc eikévac é’ evepyeciaic iotmoal- . . . Adyo1 6& tac aac eikOvac T1p@01, Kai A6ywv aya@vec, Kai 614 toUtwv ai Motoa1. ’AAAG ti mote tau-

Talc émlypawopev; ti tic a€iac éxépevov; h mndvimc éxeiva: “nH ndAic tov evepyétnyv, 6” ot viv avyéva te yatpov énaipw Kai moA1c eipi;” GAA’ ein. . . tac b& 10Aeic €l” evtuxXiaic otemdavouc nmAéKelv, Kai ypadac avatiGévai, Kai ddelv

Upvoucac: noint@v S& naidac Kai pytopac, apdi coi Kivotvtac tiv yA@ttav, evuTopeiv del Kai toic ooic tponaioic aBpuveo@al.

275. R. Delbrueck, Spiitantike Kaiserportriits von Constantinus Magnus bis zum Ende des Westreichs (1933) 219-226. K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 29—30.

276. H. G. Niemeyer, Studien zur statuarischen Darstellung der rémischen Kaiser (1968) 47-54, pl. 14-22. 277. A. Munoz, Il Codice purpureo di Rossano e il frammento Sinopense (1907) pl.

13, Christ before Pilate; pl. 14, Christ and Barabbas. See also the important article by W. C. Loerke, “The Miniatures of the Trial in the Rossano Gospels,” Art Bulletin 43 (1961) 176-182.

278. R. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen (1929) Anastasius and Ariadne no. 16, 119f; cf. nos. 17, 19, 20, 21; Ostrogothic: no. 32; Justinian and Theodora on either side of Christ: no. 34.

306 Notes to Pages 71-74 279. Cod. Just., 12, 3. On the giving of diptychs see Libanius ep. 1021; Symm. Epp. Il, 81; V, 56; VII, 76; cf. Themistius, 224 bc, all quoted by Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen (1929), XXXIVff.

280. On Mamertinus speaking in 291 about gaining access to the presence of Diocletian and Maximian, see above at n. 52; cf. Cod. Theod., 12, 8, 2. 281. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen, nos. 1, 48 resp.; and W. EF Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spitantike und des friiheren Mittelalters, Romische-Germanisches Zentralmuseum zu Mainz (3rd ed. 1976) nos. 1, 48 resp. 282. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen, 193f; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 33-35. 283. Gnecchi, I Medaglioni Romani (1912) pl. 16, 1; 17, 1: coins of Valens. 284. Cf. H. P. LOrange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World (1953) 139ff and “Sol Invictus Imperator,” Symbolae Osloenses 14, (1935) 86-114.

285. Cf. above, n. 232 on negative interpretations of such a view of the emperor. 286. De Cer., 393, lines 9-10; 394, line 7; 395, line 7. 287. Procopius of Gaza Panegyricus, 1 (above, n. 273). Pan. Lat., 3, 11, 4: Clamare omnes prae gaudio, iam sine metu vestri et palam manu demonstrare.

288. Pan. Lat., 9, 19, 2: Felices qui te propius aspicerent, longius positi nominabant. 289. With the exception of the campaign against the Huns in 559 a.p., see E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire, vol. 2 (1949) 539-540; 818-819 (on De Cer., 497-498 Bonn). 290. Procopius Aed., 1, 10-11-20; C. Mango, The Brazen House. A Study of the Vestibule of the Imperial Palace of Constantinople, Royal Danish Academy of Science and Letters, Arkaeologisk-kunsthistoriske Meddelelser (1959) 30ff. 291. See H. P. LOrange, Art Forms and Civic Life in the Later Roman Empire (1965); note the portrayal of the audience, as rows of heads, in the circus scene of

the mosaic from Gafsa, Tunis, National Bardo Museum: R. Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, The Late Empire (1971) fig. 233 and pp. 251f; and C. M. D. Dunbabin, The Mosaics of Roman North Africa, Studies in Iconography and Patronage (1978) 92-93

and pl. 78. 292. Procopius of Caesarea, Aed., 1, 10, 16-19: éd’ Ekdtepa péev ndAepoc té €ot1 Kai payxn, Kai dAioKovtai ndAeic napnMAnGeic,

ny pév TtaAdiac, mn 6& AiBung: Kai vikG@ pév Baoieus ‘Tovotiviavoc und otpatnyovvti BeAlioapia, émdveiol 6€ napa tov BaolAéa, tO otpdteupa ExWV AKpaAlmvéc

dAov 6 otpatnyéc, Kai Sidwoiv aut@ Addupa BaolAeic te Kai BaoiAeiac, Kai ndvta ta év av@panoic éEaioia kata Sé 16 pécov éotdoiv 6 te BaolAeUc Kai H BaBaoidic Ocodapa, é01Kdtec Gudw yeynG6o1 te Kai viknthpla coptddouolv éni te t@ BavéiAwv Kai Tét8wv Baoidei, Sopuadawtoic te Kai Gywyipoic nap’ avtouc fKouol. nepléotnke 6& autotc fH ‘Poapaiwv BouAn oUyKANtOoc, eoptaotai mdavtec. touto yap ai wndidec SynAoGolv éni toic mpoomnoic iAapov autoic énavGotoal1.

yaupotvtai ov Kai peidido1 1 BaciAei vépovtec éni 1 6YK@ tHv nernpaypévov icoBéous tipdc:

Cf. Merobaudes Carm. I, MGH AA 14 (1905) 3 (ed. Vollmer), describing a mosaic ceiling in the palace in Ravenna in which members of the imperial family occupy

Notes to Pages 74-77 307 the centre. See F. M. Clover, “Flavius Merobaudes, a Translation and Historical Commentary,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Soctety 61 (1971) 11, 16-27;

note 17-18 on the static quality of this mosaic. 293. Mango, Brazen House, 33-34. 294. This had become the obligatory reaction of subjects in relation to the

deeds of their emperors; cf. Constantius II’s address to the Roman Senate by Themistius (Dind. 18c): Xaipeiv tpadc eikéc. . . Kai t@ NANGel tOV Tpwnaiwv eudpaivopéevouc Kai tic nlapouons eiphvnc dodaddc anoAavovtac.

295. Procop. Wars, 7, 1, 1. 296. For the offering of wreaths to celebrate triumph in early Byzantium, see

the protocol for the return of the emperor from a military expedition, De Cer., 495-498 (Bonn). A general description of the reception of the emperor is followed by the specific example of the return of Justinian in 559 (cf. above, n. 289) who, however, was not presented with a wreath (line 16f: tov cuyKAntikév Kai tou éndpxou tijc mdAewe Ekeioe ANavtinoOavtwv Sixa otedavwv .. .); cf. below, n. 311.

297. Procopius Wars, 4, 9, lff. 298. No Gothic triumph, Procopius Wars, 7, 1, 1-4; Marcellinus ad annum, 540; Jordanes Getica, 60. The Vandal triumph: Procopius Wars, 4, 9, 3-12 passim: ou t@ maAai@ pévtoi tpone, dAAa neCh PabiCwv ex tic oiKiac tic autov dyp1 éc TOV inmd66popov KavtavGa £k BaAPibwv aUBic Ewe cic Tov xOpov adixeto ot Sh 0 Bpdvoc 6 BagiAeldc éotiv. Hv 6& Addupa . . . (10) avépanoda 6é Hv tod OpidpBou

TedAipep te autoc, éo8t4 nov tiva éni tv Opov apnexyopevoc nophupav, Kai tO cuyyevec Gllav .. . wc 6€ év tH innodpopeo TeAipep éyeyovei Kai tov te Baoikéa émi Byyatoc UWNHAOU KaOHpEvov tov te Shpov éo’ Exdtepa totHta cide Kai aUtOV

ou fv Kako neplokondov éyvw, otte anéKAauoev ote dvo@pweev, emAtyov 6 oUK énavoato Kata trv ‘EBpaiwv ypadyyv “Mataidtns pataiotytov, ta ndvta pataidtys.” adiképevov Se attov Kata to BaciAéwc BHypa tiv nopdupiba uepiehévtec, Ipnvh mecdvta mpooKuveiv ‘lovotiviavov BaoiAéa KatnvayKacav. touto 6€ kai Bedlodpioc énoiel Gte ixétnc BaoiAéwe ctv aUT@ yeyovac.

299. For triumph in the hippodrome, see also Priscian’s panegyric on Anastasius, lines 171-173, Bonn, 522-523.

300. As it did, for instance, in the dialogue between Justinian and the factions recorded by Theophanes. See J. B. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian, I (1923) 71ff.

301. In this context we may note that Constantinople, like earlier Rome, developed a precise topography of imperial adventus. For the protocol in general, see De Cer. (ed. Reiske), 495-497, and for specific arrivals, cf. above, n. 296. 302. See below at n. 317. 303. Procopius Wars, 4, 9, 4-9. 304. Procopius Aed., 1, 2, 1ff. On the description of equestrian statues in Statius and Procopius, see P. Friedlander, Johannes von Gaza, Paulus Silentiarius und Prokopius von Gaza (1969) 64-65. The origin of Justinian’s equestrian statue has produced much discussion. See most recently M. Vickers, “Theodosius, Justinian or Heraclius,” Art Bulletin 58 (1976) 281, and M. Vickers, “Mantegna and Constantinople,” Burlington Magazine 118 (1976) 680-687. On the star, see K.

308 Notes to Pages 77-79 Gantar, “Kaiser Justinian, ‘jenem Herbststern gleich’,” Museum Helveticum 19 (1962) 194-196 and 33 (1976) 119-121, with whose view, that the simile implies a criticism of Justinian, I agree. On Justinian “as Achilles,” see M. P. Chariesworth, “Pietas and Victoria, the Emperor and the Citizen,” JRS 33 (1943) 10. 305. Procopius Aed., 1, 2, 10-12: dain tic Gv nointik@c eival tov omMpIvov EKeIvov dotépa. PAEne1 S& mpdc

avioxovtd mou tov HAlov, trv Nvidxnoiv éni lépoac, oipai, noioGpevoc. Kai dépel pev xeipi th Aaid noAov, napadnAGv 6 nAdotye OT! yf] te aUT@ Kai OdAacoa Se60UAwtal mdoa, éxe1 5& ote Cidoc ote Sopdtiov ote GAAO tOv SrAwv ovdEV, aAAd otaupoc avT@ éni tov méAou énixeitai, 6i ob 6F povou tiv te BaolAciav Kai tO tov MoAgpou Nemopl1otal Kpatoc. mpotelvépevoc 6é xeipa trv Se€lav éc ta mpdc avioxovta hAiov Kai touc SaxtuAouc Sianetdoac éyKeAevetal toic ékeivn PapBapoic KaOfoG8a1 oikol Kai pH Npd0w iéval.

On this statue see J. Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik der theodosianischen Zeit (1941) 7ff

and esp. 12ff. On Justinian’s equestrian statue in the hippodrome, commemeorat-

ing a victory over Persians and another over the Huns, see Alan Cameron, “Some Prefects Called Julian,” Byzantion 47 (1977) 42-64 at 42-46. 306. E.g., Toynbee, Roman Medallions (1944) pl. XX, 3; XLIV, 7. Late antique

versions of this iconography appear on the Constantinian porphyry sarcophagus in the Vatican. 307. M. Restle, Kunst und byzantinische Miinzprdgung von Justinian I bis zum Bilderstreit, Texte und Forschungen zur byzantinisch-neugriechischen Philologie (1964) 147-149. K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 45-46. 308. Note also Procopius on Belisarius’ consulship: Wars, 4, 9, 15-16. However, historical awareness of the Roman past under Justinian should not be exag-

gerated. For the ideas of Justinian on the subject, see A. M. Honoré, “Some Constitutions Composed by Justinian,” [RS 65 (1975) 107-123, esp. 122-123. Justinian was not a devotee of classical culture; “His historical imagination reaches back a century, no more.” 309. See above, n. 295. 310. Cf. Averil Cameron, Corippus, 2f; 7f. 311. See Liutprand of Cremona Legatio 9-10 (ed. Becker) and see De Cer., 438 (Bonn), for the adventus of Nicephorus Phocas in Constantinople, before his accession. De Cer., 495-508 describes various ceremonial arrivals, the last being the triumphal entry into Constantinople of Theophilus in 838 a.p. 312. Corippus, In laudem Iustini (henceforth, Corippus) I, 187-203: Itur in arcem obsequio comitante patrum. gratissima coniux subsequitur, non tunc solito stipata tumultu. incedunt media securam nocte per urbem (191-196) . . . limen ut Augustae sacro pede contigit aulae, omnia gallorum strepuerunt culmina cantu. exactam noctem primi sensere volucres, et laetum cecinere diem, alarumque dedere plausibus assiduis et acuta voce favorem. excubiae primum, quae summa palatia servant, imperium felix dominis intrantibus optant.

Notes to Pages 79-80 309 313. For which, cf. Pan. Lat., 10, 32, 4. 314. Corippus, I, 295-301: Vox ingens facta est, plausus et gaudia surgunt, et fragor ex imis altum petit aethera terris, almaque discreto placuit concordia vulgo. laeta per Augustam pennis plaudentibus urbem Fama volans somnum populos inopina gravantem increpat, impellitque fores et limina pulsat, multiplicatque suas felix praenuntia linguas.

315. Corippus, I, 305-313: Et ‘surgite, surgite’ clamat,

castigatque moras...

(307-309)... accelerant, vacuantque domos, vicosque per omnes gaudentes currunt, et murmura prima moventur nondum clara metu, civemque interrogat omnem occurrens civis, rumorque per agmina serpit.

316. The words in brackets summarise Corippus I, 322-329. According to Malalas 175 (ed. Niebuhr, Bonn 1831), likewise, chariotracing was instituted to honour the sun, but the four colours stand for the four elements. 317. Corippus, [, 314-333: Solis honore novi grati spectacula circi antiqui sanxere patres, qui quattuor esse solis equos quadam rerum ratione putabant, tempora continui signantes quattuor anni, in quorum speciem signis numerisque modisque aurigas totidem, totidem posuere colores, et fecere duas studia in contraria partes, ut sunt aestivis brumalia frigora flammis.

(322-329)... ipse ingens circus, pleni ceu circulus anni, clauditur in teretem longis anfractibus orbem, amplectens geminas aequo discrimine metas et spatium mediae, qua se via pandit, harenae.

318. Corippus, I, 338-344: Hunc veterum primi ritum non rite colebant, esse deum solem recta non mente putantes. sed factor solis postquam sub sole videri se voluit formamque deus de virgine sumpsit humani generis, tunc munere solis adempto principibus delatus honor munusque Latinis et iucunda novae circensia gaudia Romae.

See on this passage, Averil Cameron, Corippus 143-146. Cf. Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei 6, 24; 26: the circus games are offered to Christ; and 6, 85ff, circus games as a remedy for disasters and defeat. 319. Corrupt text at lines 346-347. 320. Corippus, I, 345-367:

310 Notes to Pages 80-84 Huc omnes populi, pueri iuvenesque senesque dant agmina plausus vox omnibus una, mens eadem: nomen populis placet omnibus unum.

(349-355)... . .. domini sic vulgus amore undique conveniens.. . ‘tu vincas, Iustine!’ canunt, ingensque tumultus

crescit, ... ... VOX excitat omnes; omnia Iustino praebent elementa favorem, omnia congaudent, omnes clamore vocati conveniunt proceres: lux sacra palatia complet.

(364-365)... signa dedit manifesta deus, seque ipse probavit Iustino claram regni imposuisse coronam.

321. Cf. MacCormack, Historia 21 (1972) 736—737 and cf. above at nn. 126ff. 322. J. P. Richter, Quellen der byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte, (1897) 13, 255256, 271, and F. W. Unger, Quellen der byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte (1878) 146— 147.

323. Imitated by Khusro I at Apamea: Procopius Wars, 2, 11, 31¢f. 324. A. Pertusi, ed., Giorgio di Pisidia, Poemi I. Panegyrici Epici, Studia Patristica et Byzantina, 7 (1959) 77-81: In Heraclium ex Africa redeuntem. 325. George of Pisidia In Heraclium, 211. 326. George of Pisidia In Heraclium, 39f. 327. George of Pisidia In Heraclium, 37f.

328. George of Pisidia In Heraclium, 76-85: 6 yap mAdtoc oo1 Kapdiac Swpoupevoc, wc Nddlv apKeic pnéapac otevoupevoc, Seicel KuUBepvav Kai ta vUv &K tiie CaAne

m1poc trv yaAnvny, fv €xelc, ta mpaypata, OllwWG PEpipivyc Aoinodv eotepnpEevoi tO WUX1KO6V oou KGAAoc we Ev cikovi éV Taic EQUTOV EkTUNOUVTES Kapsiaic

dave€aAeintov iotopyrowpev xaplv Seikvuvtec olov GvGoc evAoynpEevov

taic tv aKavOGv oupnAoKaic ExpuUrIteto.

329. George of Pisidia In Heraclium, 48ff. 330. George of Pisidia In Heraclium, 1-3: A6yoc pév Gydc ov KatioxUe1 dpdoal,

auto teQeiKétoc oe tou Oeot Adyou, UnleptetaxGai tavbe tOv pevotoOv Adyov.

331. On the chronology of the return of the Cross and of Heraclius’ return to Constantinople, see A. Frolow, “La Vraie Croix et les expéditions d’Héraclius en Perse,” Rev. ét. byz. (1953) 88-105, and V. Grumel, “La Réposition de la Vraie Croix a Jérusalem par Héraclius, le jour et l'année,” Polychordia, Festschr. F, Dolger, Byzantinische Forschungen, 1 (1966) 139-149. 332. George of Pisidia In Restitutionem S. Crucis (ed. Pertusi, Giorgio di Pisidia,

Notes to Pages 84-85 311 225-30) 21-24; J. Gagé, “2X taupodc vixonoids, la victoire impériale dans l’empire chrétien,” Rev. d‘hist. et de philosophie religieuses 13 (1933) 370-400; and cf. G. C. Picard, Les trophées romains, contribution a l'histoire de la religion et de l'art triomphal de Rome, Bibl. des éc. fr. d'Athénes et de Rome, 187 (1957) 494-508. 333. George of Pisidia In Rest., 49-51. 334. George of Pisidia In Rest., 52ff. 335. George of Pisidia In Rest., 14, 66. 336. George of Pisidia, Expeditio Persica (ed. Pertusi, Giorgio di Pisidia, 84136), I, 132-151, 248-52; II, 88-115. 337. J. Deer, “Das Kaiserbild im Kreuz,” Schweizer Beitrage zur allgemeinen Geschichte 13 (1955) 48-112, reprinted in his Byzanz und das abendlindische Herrschertum (1977) 11-44; A. Lipinsky, “La ‘Croce gemmata’ e il culto della Santa

Croce nei monumenti superstiti e nelle raffigurazioni monumentali,” Felix Ravenna (1960) 5-62; and K. G. Holum, “Pulcheria’s Crusade of A.p. 421 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 18 (1977) 153-172.

338. Deer, “Das Kaiserbild,” 98ff; Lipinsky, “La ‘Croce gemmata’,” 47f, suggesting Justin’s sickness as a possible motive for the gift; and C. Belting-Ihm, “Das Justinuskreuz in der Schatzkammer der Peterskirche zu Rom,” Jahrbuch des romisch-germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 12 (1965) 142-166. On the use of the cross (it is a Handkreuz, like the one carried by Bishop Maximian in the San Vitale imperial mosaic), see A. Lipinsky, “Crux Vaticana, Kaiser Justinus’ II Kreuz,” R6émische Quartalschrift 63 (1968) 185-203.

339. E.g., Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 34, Justin, Constantinople 520 A.D. Cf. the parallel iconographies of nos. 16 (Clementinus, Constantinople 513 A.D.) and 32 (Orestes, Rome 530 A.p.), where the rulers frame the cross. On the unusual attitude and attire of the imperial couple on the cross, see C. BeltingIhm “Das Justinuskreuz,” 159ff, and A. Lipinsky, “Crux Vaticana,” 193ff. 340. See Agapetus 63, P.G., 86, 1184. 341. George of Pisidia, In Rest. 73. “év ooi” refers, I think, to Heraclius, but Pertusi refers it to Golgotha: “La Croce su di te (Golgota).” See also his notes on lines 73ff. V. Grumel “La Réposition” (above, n. 331), 148, translates as I do. 342. George of Pisidia In Rest., 73-103: 0 otaupos Ev Gol Toic Evavtiois véa KiPpwtdc OPEN tijc 6é K1Bwto nAEov.

I) pev yap dxpi tov BeAdv toic BapPdpoic mAnynyv édiykKev, n Sé tov CUAou tdoic

éupuxa tovutoic efanéoteiAev BeAn. Ilap801 62 [lépoac nupnoAovol Kai UKGONnc

LKAGBov dovetel kai ndAiv dovevetal, Kil toic EAUT@V NAtwMpPEVO! Movoic

moAAnv éxouogl Pupoiv eic piav paxnv: autoc 6& o1yGc otéppa Kal OKAMpOV héEpwv

@onep BpaBeuthyc tHv maAalot@v év pé0o, nmoAAoic naAaiocac, viv 6& AGoac thv paxnv.

t@ o@ dé Aoindv npooBAEnouvoi vetpati €€ avtiAd6fou tv Ay@vwv oi péool1ornou dé vevoic, N NdGAn Sixnv éxe.

(88-101)...

312 Notes to Pages 85-86 Kai t@ Bedtpw npooyedAdc tOv BapBapwv touc mpiv 61M@Ktac eigop@v UNNnK6oUG.

On the date of the return of the Cross, 21 March 631 a.pD., timed by Heraclius to coincide with the celebration of Holy Week, see V. Grumel, “La Réposition de la Vraie Croix,” 139-149; cf. below, n. 343. 343. George of Pisidia In Rest., 104-110: ToUtwWV Hap’ Hiv tov ayaGav nyyeApevwv cic KAIpOV EUIIPOGdeKTOV, cic VIKNOMOpPOV,

OTe HpooeAGAV Toic TUPAVVOIC TOV TADWV

0 THV Ka’ HuGc ovoiav avarAdoac Cwrv edijke t0 vekp@ tou Aacadpou— é5e1 yap, Oipal, ty vekpa@v avaotdoel otaupov yevéo8ai kai madA1v pnvupata—

344. George of Pisidia In Rest., 111-116: OAn OuvHAGev eic eautnhyv fh HdAic

Oc Wappoc, wc powc, Oc Gpetpa KUpAtTa olouvta moAAde owpatw@édeic ExxUCelc.

onoudiv yap cixov, oia dopKac év 9épe1 diwaoa Kai omuCouoa, cuvtopwc d0dca1 T@V GOV, Kpatiote, ouAAaBOv tac ikpadac.

345. George of Pisidia In Rest., 1-8: *Q ToAyo8a oKiptnoov: f Kticic mdAiv 6A O€ TING Kai KaAei Benddxov:

éx [lepaidoc yap 6 BaolAetc ad1ypévoc TOV OTAaUpOV €v ool Se1KVUeEl Nenmnypevov: KPOTIOOV AUTOV Toic dGo1bipoic Adyoic:

aAA’ einep oUK éxouolv oi AiGo1 otéya, véouc mpoeutperice molvikwv KAGbouG IIpoc tlV GMavVthV tou véou vikndopou.

346. George of Pisidia In Rest., 27-38: 0 otaupdc NAGe PaoidiKddc Sedeypevoc

Altaic, mpooeuxaic, SdaKpvoic, aypuriviaic, XwWAoic évapBpoic Kai AaAovolv opyavoic,

péya tpdraiov t@ Bao1Aei cuvappdéoac, éx8pouc moGoUvtac Kai nAéov mdoBpoupévouc:

t@ BapBdpe yap ov napolkeiv nOeAev ei Kai KOAGCwV thv Gpaptiav tote

éxdnpoc eic yhv nv Spapov adAotpiavGAN’ avtavnAGe Kai ta TéKVa OUAAEYe!

€K Tic ae1ldouc Kai vo8ou napoiKiac

Kai mpookuveitai Kai nAéov Sotaeta, @c codpovicwv Kai Autpotpevoc mAgov.

347. On the new and the old under Heraclius in terms of imperial titulature, see I. Shahid, “The Iranian Factor in Byzantium under Heraclius,” DOP 26 (1972)

295-320. Averil Cameron, “The Theotokos in Sixth Century Constantinople,” ]TS 29 (1978) 79-108, describes the new climate from another point of view. See

also her “Images of Authority: Elites and Icons in Late Sixth-Century Byzantium,” Past and Present 84 (1979) 3-35.

Notes to Pages 86-94 313 348. é0pidpBeucev, Nicephorus, ed. de Boor, 22. 349. Note also the elephants in the funerary procession on the British Museum Consecratio Diptych, below, “Consecratio” at nn. 233ff. On the use of elephants in war and sometimes ceremony, see H. H. Scullard, The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (1974) esp. 198-207.

350. Nicephorus, 22-23. For an earlier imperial precedent, cf. “The Feriale Duranum,” ed. R. O. Fink, A. 5S. Hoey, and W. F. Snyder, “Feriale Duranum,” Yale Class. Stud. 7 (1940) 79f.

351. eudnpiac Kai 66€yc, Nicephorus 22; cf. Theophanes, ed. de Boor, 328. 352. Theophanes, 327, 24—328, 10: 6 6& BaolAetc év &€ Eteoi KatanoAepnoac tihyv Iepoiéa, to C éte1 cipnvetoac peta yapdc peyaAne éni KovotavtivounodAlv tnéotpeye puoTIKHV tiva Gewpiav Ev ToUTH MAnpwMoac. év yap & hpépaic ndoav tiv Ktio1v Sypioupynoac Oo Gedc tyVv epsdpnv avanatcewc Npépav éxdAeoev: oUtw Kai autoc Ev Toic €€ ypdvoic noAAduc névouc Siavucac tH eBS6pm Etel pet’ ciphvns Kai xapGc év th noAe1 unootpeyac averrauoato. 0 5& Aadc tijg m6Aewe thv éAeuCclv auto pabdovtec aKatacxéto 160m ndvtec eic trv ‘Tepeiav efnAGov cic cuvavtnalv autov, ctv tO ratpiapxn Kai Kwvotavtivew, tH BaoiAei Kai vid attot, Bactddovtec KAdGSouc éhaid@v Kai Aapndéac, eudnpotvtec autov peta xapGc Kai daxptwv. mpooeAG@v dé 0 uidc attov énecev éni touc ndé6ac attov, kai nepinAakeic aut@ éBpeEav apMOtEpo! TIYV YNV toic 6aKpuolv. toto Beacdpevoc 6 Aadc, Gnavtec evxaplotnpiouc Upvouc t@ Vem Gvénepnov: Kai oUtw AaBdvtec tov Baoidkéa oKIpTOvtec eionhASov év ti mdAel.

Cf. George the Monk, ed. de Boor, 372. A. S. Proudfoot, “The Sources of Theophanes for the Heracleian Dynasty,” Byzantion 44 (1974) 367-448 at 381; A. Pertusi, Giorgio di Pisidia, 292; 307, frag. no. 54 comes from the work Theophanes used. See also S. Spain Alexander, “Heraclius, Byzantine Imperial Ideology, and the David Plates,” Speculum 52 (1977) 217-237, at 221-223; J. Trilling, “Myth and Metaphor at the Byzantine Court. A Literary Approach to the David Plates,” By-

zantion 48 (1978) 249-263; and K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 475-484. Cf. S. H. Wander, “The Cyprus Plates and the Chronicle of Fredegar,” DOP 29 (1975) 345-346, on the “new David.” An imperial adventus of the late seventh century may have been represented in a lost fresco from 5S. Demetrius, Thessalonica. See G. A. Soteriou and M. G. Soteriou, ‘H Baoikixy tot ayiot Anyuntpiou tic Oeooadovixne (1952) 207-209, pl. 78-79; A. Grabar, L’empereur dans l'art byzantin (1936; 1971), 131; 234, n. 4, but compare J. D. Breckenridge, “The Long Siege of Thessalonika, Its Date and Iconography,” BZ 48 (1955) 116-122.

Il. CONSECRATIO 1. See Vollmer, “Laudationum funebrium Romanorum historia et reliquiarum editio,” Jhbb. f. class. Phil. Suppl]. 18 (1891) 445-528; “De funere publico Romanorum,” Jhbb. f. class. Phil. Suppl. 19 (1892) 319-364. On the laudatio funebris by Augustus on Agrippa, see L. Koenen, “Die laudatio funebris des Augustus fur Agrippa auf einem neuen Papyrus,” Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 5 (1970) 217-283; also, E. Malcovati, “Il nuovo frammento della Laudatio Agrippae,” Athenaeum 50 (1972) 142-151. This laudatio has the old-fashioned Roman form of

addressing the deceased (“tu”), not the audience. Cf. S. MacCormack, “Latin

314 Notes to Pages 94-96 Prose Panegyrics: Tradition and Discontinuity in the Later Roman Empire,” Revue des études augustiniennes 22 (1976) 29-77 at 33-34.

2. See, for the Christian world, P. R. L. Brown, Relics and Social Status in the Age of Gregory of Tours (1977); for Islam, A. J. Wensinck, The Muslim Creed (1932),

showing that the Muslim insistence on the absoluteness of Allah’s being in effect precluded interventions by the living on behalf of the dead and vice versa (e.g., 118). Pious observances to the contrary within Islam appear to be clearly identifiable survivals of paganism, rather than resulting from theological concessions to daily practice: R. Kriss and H. Kriss-Heinrich, Volksglaube im Bereich des Islam, vol. 2 (1962) 208-209; also 207. For Judaism, see J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia, vol. 4 (1969) 156-157; vol. 5 (1970) 287-289. 3. Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act IH, Scene II. 4. See H. W. Ritter, Diadem und Kénigsherrschaft. Untersuchungen zu Zeremonien und Rechtsgrundlagen des Herrschaftsantritts bei den Persern, bei Alexander dem Grossen und im Hellenismus (1965); L. Cerfaux and J. Tondriau, Un concurrent du christianisme: le culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine (1957); and P. Veyne, Le pain et le cirque (1976) 560ff.

5. On cults to Romans in the East, see L. Cerfaux and J. Tondriau, Un Concurrent du christianisme: le culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine (1957) 278ff.; and EF KR Abbot and A. C. Johnson, Municipal Administration in the Roman

Empire (1926) 270-276, 287. See also, for Italy, F Taeger, Charisma, Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes, vol. 2, (1960) 3ff, 141ff, and K. Hopkins, Con-

querors and Slaves (1978) 200ff. On the egalitarianism of late republican aristocratic politics, see A. U. Stylow, Libertas und Liberalitas. Untersuchungen zur innenpolitischen Propaganda der Rémer (1972) 20ff, 34. One strand of republican libertas is “die aristokratisch-egalitare Freiheit mit ihrer Tyrannophobie.” The Roman re-

publican dislike of divinising a human being was inherited by the Christians; e.g., Socrates H.E., 3, 23: Zijva Vedv inatov, kai ’A@nvav tpitoyévelav Tipdte, Bpotéwv év owpatl Kpuntov avaKta ‘Ov Zevc apiotaic yovaic éoneipev, A4pwyOv "Kuvoping @vntoioiv ’AAéEavipov Bao1Aja.

Tatta t6 ev [[uGoi Saipoviov éypnpdaticev.O Kai atto touc Suvdotac KoAaKEvOV éOeonoiei Kai toUto pev iowc KoAaKeia énoiel.

6. Cicero Ad Quintum fratrem, 1, 1, 26—27; Ad Att., 5, 21, 7: Nullos honores mihi nisi verborum decerni sino, statuas, fana, té0pinna prohibeo. 7. Cicero De re publica, 6, 13: Omnibus qui patriam conservaverint, adiuverint, auxerint, certum esse in caelo definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur; nihil est enim illi principi deo, qui omnem mundum regit, quod quidem in terris fiat acceptius, quam concilia coetusque hominum iure sociati, quae civitates appellantur; harum rectores et conservatores hinc profecti huc revertuntur.

The Dream of Scipio was not an isolated statement about astral immortality. On Vergil and Manilius see J. Bayet, “L’immortalité astrale d’Auguste,” Revue des études latines 17 (1939) 141-171, and see below, n. 8. 8. Plato, Republic 10, 13ff; Favonti Eulogit Disputatio de Somnio Scipionis, ed. A. Holder (1901) 1; Macrobius, Commentarii in Somnium Scipionis, ed. I. Willis (1970)

Notes to Pages 96-98 315 I, 1-2; I, 17; and W. H. Stahl, Macrobius, Commentary on the Dream of Sctpio (1952) 11, 39. Cf. P. Boyancé, Etudes sur le Songe de Scipion (1936) and K. Biichner, Somnium Scipionis, Quellen, Gestalt, Sinn, Hermes Einzelschriften, 36 (1976).

9. The visionary quality of knowledge of the afterlife, and of contact between the living and the dead, emerges when Scipio, narrating his dream, is afraid to be awakened from it. To tell the dream, he has to dream it once more and says, Cicero, De re publica 6, 12: St! quaeso . . . ne mee somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera. On the contradictions inherent in divinisation and consecratio, see E. Bickermann, “Consecratio,” in Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain, Entretiens Hardt, 19 (1972) 3-37 at 18: “The difference between the private veneration of

a defunct emperor and the public cult of the same emperor as divus is essential and ineffaceable. . . . But even within the domestic cult the tomb and the apotheosis were incompatible.” 10. Polybius, VI, 53f, with commentary by EF W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 1 (1957) 737f. 11. On consecratio and damnatio memoriae, see F. Vittinghoff, Der Staatsfeind in der rémischen Kaiserzeit (1936).

12. S. Weinstock, Divus Julius, (1971) 346ff, 386ff; also, T. Mommsen, R6misches Staatsrecht, vol. 2, 2 (1877; 1952) 754-760.

13. Dio, 43, 14, 6; 21, 2, with Weinstock, Divus Julius (1971) 40, 53. On the inscription, D. Fishwick, “The Name of the Demigod,” Historia 24 (1975) 624-628. See also A. D. Nock, “SX YNNAOZ @EO2X,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology

41 (1930) 1-62, reprinted in his Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, vol. 1 (1972) 202-251, at 202f. Perhaps an earlier depiction of this nature is referred to in Athenaeus XII, 536a: Demetrius Poliorcetes was represented in a painting in Athens éni tijc oikoupévnc oyoupevoc. 14. S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (1971) 40ff, 385ff. 15. Ibid., 175£, 85.

16. As, for instance, in the late antique potpourri of the origo gentis romanae, the liber de viris illustribus and the Caesars of Aurelius Victor: see A. Momigliano, “Some observations on the ‘origo gentis romanae’,” [RS 48 (1958) 56-73, reprinted in his Secondo contributo alla storia degli studi classict (1960) 145-176; and A. Momigliano, “Per una nuova edizione della ‘origo gentis romanae’,” Athenaeum 36 (1958)

248-259, reprinted in his Secondo contributo, 177-190. O. Jahn, “Uber die Subskriptionen in den HSS rémischer Classiker,” in Ber. tiber die Verhandl. d. kel. stichs. Ges. d. Wiss. Leipzig, phil. hist. Cl., 3 (1851) 327-72, in part qualified by Alan Cameron, “Paganism and Literature in Late Fourth Century Rome,” in Christianisme et formes littéraires de l’antiquité tardive en Occident, Entretiens Hardt, 23 (1977) 1-40. 17. Wissowa PW 4, 896ff. s.v. Consecratio; and cf. PW Suppl. 4, 816ff, Herzog-

Hauser s.v. Kaiserkult.

18. Being a strictly Roman procedure, consecratio should be differentiated from other forms of ruler-cult, on which see (from among a vast literature, cf. above nn. 4, 5, 13) S. Eitrem, “Zur Apotheose,” Symbolae Osloenses 10 (1932) 31-56; 11 (1932) 11-34; 15-16 (1936) 111-137. For the later empire, see L’Orange, “Sol Invictus Imperator,” Symb. Osl. 14 (1935) 86-114, reprinted in his Likeness and Icon (1973) 325-344; also, E. Strong, Apotheosis and After Life (1915). In the

East, the emperor-cult was a continuation of the cults of Hellenistic rulers; for

316 Notes to Pages 98-99 Egypt, cf. Blumenthal, “Der agyptische Kaiserkult,” Arch. f. Papyrusforschung 5 (1909-1913) 317-345. For the approximation of the emperor to various gods in portraiture, see L-Orange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture (1947) 55f. See I. Scott Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art, Memoirs, American Academy in Rome, 22 (1955) 81ff, on the cult of divi and of the genius of living emperors. 19. Bickermann, “Die rémische Kaiserapotheose,” Arch. f. Religionswissenschaft 27 (1929) 31:

Der jtingere Plinius . . . entrtistet sich tber Domitians Versuche den R6mern seine Verehrung aufzuzwingen. Und so wurde das Recht des Senats, nur nach eigener Wahl die tiberschwanglichste Adulation zu verleihen, einen Sterblichen den Unsterblichen einzureihen, zur letzten romischen Freiheit.

20. See below, n. 30. 21. See E. Strong, Apotheosis and After Life (1915) 222ff; E. M. Wightman, Roman Trier and the Treveri (1970) 239; on Hercules and the emperor, M. Simon, Hercule et le christianisme (1955) 130-143. For the ascent, see also M. J. Vermaseren, Liber in Deum; l’apoteosi di un iniziato dionisiaco (1976) 52ff. For the bust of a de-

ceased private individual carried up by an eagle in Roman funerary art, where the imperial models were followed for this iconography, see W. Altmann, Die rémischen Grabaltdre der Kaiserzeit (1905) 278ff. The origin of this iconography: below, n. 29. 22. Ovid Met., 15, 745ff.

23. Ovid, Met., 15, 760-761: Ne foret hic igitur mortali semine creatus,/ ille deus faciendus erat. 24, Ovid, Met., 15, 868-870: Tarda sit illa dies et nostro serior aevo, qua caput Augustum, quem temperat, orbe relicto, accedat caelo faveatque precantibus absens.

25. E.g., Pan. Lat., 9, 26, lff; 10, 38, 2. 26. RIC, IL, 299. 27. The temple and altar consecratio coinages: RIC, I, 95: for Augustus, 14-22 A.D., temple, altar, eagle. a. The temple alone: e.g., RIC, I, 42, for Caesar, DIVO IUL, temple; RIC, I, 117, for Augustus, DIVO AUG SC, temple with Caligula sacrificing; RIC, IL, 123, for Titus, temple. Consecratio coins of Faustina the elder narrate the history of her temple: RIC, UI, 69, 70, 73: temple with her statue, AED DIV FAUSTINAE or AETER-

NITAS; RIC, Il, 73, DEDICATIO AEDIS, temple; RIC, Il, 74, PIETAS, temple of Faustina, referring either to her pietas which merited the temple, or the pietas of Antoninus, who consecrated her; RIC, III, 60, temple, with statues of Augustus and Livia, restoration coinage of Antoninus Pius, 158-159 a.p., AED DIVI. b. The Altar of Divus or Diva: RIC, IL, 125, for Vespasian, DIVO VESP; RIC, II, 247, 314, for Sabina, PIETATI AUG; for Antoninus Pius DIVO PIO or DIVO PIO SC, all with altar; RIC, (0, 273, 348, for Faustina II, CONSECRATIO or CONSECRATIO SC,

altar; RIC, Il, 247, for Antoninus Pius, eagle standing on altar CONSECRATIO;

RIC, Il, 397-398, 441, for Marcus Aurelius, eagle standing on altar CONSECRATIO; RIC, [V*, 211-212, 239, for Septimius Severus, eagle standing on altar CONSECRATIO. The eagle and altar type with variations was also very frequent

Notes to Pages 99-102 317 during the second Tetrarchy: cf. below, at nn. 84ff. For the eagle as soul-bearer, see below at nn. 31, 50—51.

28. RIC, IV’, 131-132. Repeats of this combination were issued for other emperors: RIC, V', 118-119, Valerian; ibid., 140; 147-148; 150, Carus; ibid., 196, Nu-

merian; ibid., 203, Nigrinianus; ibid., 234, Claudius Gothicus; ibid., 240, Quintillus. See also RIC, VI, 256; VII, 311, eagle with outspread wings for Constantius Tat Lugdunum and Rome. 29. Caesar: above, n. 13. The emperor enthroned over the sky: above, “Adventus” at n. 91, and below at n. 65. The emperor enthroned over the sky, or over a globe, and the translation of this imagery into Christianity: below at nn. 173ff. 30. Imperial gems: the cameo in Paris shows Germanicus on an eagle: G. M. A. Richter, Engraved Gems of the Romans (1971) no. 498; G. Bruns, Staatskameen des

4. Jahrhunderts nach Christi Geburt, Winckelmannsprogramm der archdologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin, 104 (1948) 27, fig. 24: the cameo in Nancy showing, according to Bruns, Caracalla, seated on an eagle, crowned by Victoria and holding a cornucopiae. Baalbek: H. Seyrig, “La triade héliopolitaine et les temples de Baalbek,” Syria 10 (1929) 315-356, at 336 with plate LXXXII, 1; see also 337-338, with fig. 2. For Syrian tombstones, see K Cumont, “L’aigle funéraire des Syriens,” Rev. de l’hist. des religions 62 (1910) 119-164, and “L’aigle funéraire d’Hierapolis et l’apothéose des empereurs,” in his Etudes Syriennes (1917) 35-118. For the ascent to heaven of Ptolemy I, see G. Bruns, “Der grosse Kameo von Frankreich,” Mitteilungen des dtsch. arch. Inst. 6 (1953) 71-115 at 82, quoting Theocritus Id., 17, 16-33. 31. For medallions, see J. M. C. Toynbee, Roman Medallions (1944) 101-102; also RIC, Il, 305. For the regular coinage: RIC, II, 390 CONSECRATIO, for Sabina; ibid. 479 CONSECRATIO SC, for Faustina; RIC, III, 164, Marcus Aurelius; e.g., RIC, IV", 313; IV’, 101, 110, 127, Augustae of the Severan house (cf. Gnecchi, II, 96, 1, Julia Domna on a swan: CONSECRATIO); the third century: RIC, IV", 239, Septimius Severus; RIC, V', 38, Valerian I; RIC, V’, 117, with pl. 4, 66; 121, Valerian II.

32. E.g., Marcus, RIC, II, 397, 441; Severus, IV’, 239. 33. E.g., Augustus, RIC, I, 95; Hadrian, RIC, I, 385; Pius, RIC, Ill, 247; Pertinax, RIC, IV', 94; 181; Severus, RIC, IV', 239; Valerian II, RIC, V', 117; Carus, RIC V’, 138.

34. E.g., Sabina, RIC, IL, 39; Marciana, RIC, HU, 299; Marcus, RIC, Il, 397. 35. Gnecchi, II, 43, 5.

36. Sometimes described as Aion, e.g., H. Schrade, “Zur Ikonographie der Himmelfahrt Christi,” Vortr. d. Bibl. Warburg (1928-1929), 103f. See, on the monument as a whole, L. Vogel, The Column of Antoninus Pius (1973).

37. The relief in the Palazzo Conservatori, showing the empress Sabina carried up from her pyre by Aeternitas with Hadrian and the personification of the Campus Martius looking on, L. Vogel, Column, pl. 47, works on a similar basis. Cf. coin of Faustina II borne up by Victoria, RIC, Hl, 348. 38. According to C. C. Vermeule, Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor (1968) 96f, 105, (fig. 40); it is Hadrian, who, however, is shown alive elsewhere on the monument. 39. Nyx according to Vermeule, Roman Imperial Art, 117. 40. See J. M. C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World, (1971) 60-61,

318 Notes to Pages 102-104 and n. 244 on a sestertius and denarius of such a type of Aelius Verus. Chariot and pyre types were frequent for empresses: RIC, IH, 164, Faustina I; also on medallions, Gnecchi, II, 56, 7; RIC, Il, 350, Faustina II. CONSECRATIO medallions of Faustina I show the empress with flying cloak in a biga with Aeternitas (Gnec-

chi, 2, 56, 8), or in a biga alone (Gnecchi, II, 59, 4), or about to mount a biga (Gnecchi, IL, 58, 2; cf. J. M. C. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 101, where these is-

sues are collected). This last also appears on the regular coinage. The type is repeated on the regular coinage for Faustina IJ, SIDERIBUS RECEPTA SC (RIC, III, 350).

41. RIC, UI, 247, 314; Verus, ibid., 333; Marcus, ibid., 273; 397-8; Pertinax, RIC, IV’, 181; Severus, ibid., 292; Caracalla, RIC, IV’, 127; 128; Valerian II, RIC, V', 117; Gnecchi, II, 116, 3, biga; Claudius Gothicus, RIC, V', 233-234; Nigrinianus, RIC, V’, 203; cf. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 61. 42. RIC, VI, 221. 43. See J. M. C. Toynbee, Death and Burial, 39-42; A. D. Nock, “Cremation and Burial in the Roman Empire,” Harv. Theol. Rev. 25 (1932) 321-359, reprinted in his Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, vol. 1 (1972) 277-307.

44, Suetonius Aug., 100. 45. See Weinstock, Divus Julius, pl. 30, 6; cf. pl. 28, 11, and 196, 379. 46. Tacitus Agr., 1-3, 44-46, with the commentary of R. M. Ogilvie and I. Richmond, Cornelii Taciti De Vita Agricolae (1967).

47. See H. P. LOrange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture, 55ff, and LOrange, “Sol Invictus Imperator, ein Beitr. zur Apotheose,” Symbolae Osloenses 14 (1935) 86-114, reprinted in his Likeness and Icon (1973) 325-344.

48. According to M. P. Charlesworth, “Some Observations on Ruler Cult,” Harv. Theol. Rev. 28 (1935) 32ff, Domitian introduced, as a test of loyalty, sacrifice

before his own statue, a procedure which subsequently Pliny used in Bithynia under the optimus princeps Trajan. See also A. Alféldi, Die monarchische Repriisen-

tation, 25ff, 38f, 79ff, 127ff, 213ff, etc., where the gradual emergence of ceremonial conduct and of insignia and attributes of the emperor is traced. Ceremonial and attributes were not necessarily objected to when first introduced, and the interpretation of them as in some way divine could be voluntary; thus Ovid regards Augustus’ corona civica as an ‘augurium’ of Iuppiter, ibid., 129. W. Hartke, Rémische Kinderkaiser. Eine Strukturanalyse romischen Denkens und Daseins

(1951) 105f, rightly points out that imperial honours, to be acceptable, had to be conferred by others, not claimed by the emperor himself. 49. For rehabilitation, cf. J. Béranger, Recherches sur l'aspect idéologique du prin-

cipat (1953) 274. As will be seen more clearly below, the function of the ceremonial of imperial funerals was to assist a smooth takeover of power, to provide a continuity from one emperor to the next, father to son. For this and other aspects of imperial funerals, there are parallels in the funeral of Herod as reported by Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 17, 188ff, and Jewish War 1, 665ff, although Herod

was buried, not cremated. Also, there is, of course, no hint of consecratio. The sequence of events was preparations for the takeover of power, as part of the King’s last wishes, which after his death were made public when his will was read; magnificent burial arranged by his son and successor Archelaus, with procession of the King’s family, bodyguards and the army in battle-array; and, after this, the enthronement of the successor (subject to the approval of Augustus).

Notes to Pages 104—106 319 For the background, see A. Schalit, Kénig Herodes (1969) 640-643. The sequence

of events was exactly the same in sixth century Byzantium: below, at nn. 262, 278ff. I would like to thank Professor Yoram Zafrir for pointing out to me these passages in Josephus. 50. Dio, 75, 5, 5: mepi tiv mupav moAitiKdc te Gya Kai noAepiKdc bief660uc SieAittovtec SieEHAGov. This circling of the pyre was represented on the column base of Antoninus Pius. See L. Vogel, The Colunin of Antoninus Pius, (1973) 56ff. 51. There was some disagreement whether Severus’ ashes, or his body, was brought to Rome: H.A. Severus, 24. The account of Herodian corroborates the

former alternative, but the fact that doubt could occur shows what is well known from other evidence: that burial was becoming the norm, see above, n. 43. In an article which is still fundamental, E. Bickermann (“Die r6émische Kaiserapotheose,” Archiv ftir Religionswissenschaft 27 (1929)) argued that a double fu-

neral, as recorded for Pertinax and Severus, was the rule when the emperor was to be consecrated. E. Hohl, “Die angebliche ‘Doppelbestattung’ des Antoninus Pius,” Klio 31 (1938) 169-185 disagreed completely. Bickermann repeated his original view in “Consecratio,” in Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain, Entretiens Hardt, 19 (1972) 19-27. This issue does not affect Bickermann’s argument that essentially consecratio was a rite whereby the emperor's divinity was defined and reduced. This argument is taken up from a different standpoint here. Bickermann’s view that it is the ceremony itself [”Bildzauber,” Arch. f. Relwiss. 27 (1929) 15 and passim; cf. Entretiens Hardt, 19 (1972) 22—225], which, as understood at

the time, achieved the transit from earth to heaven, deserves to be considered afresh in the light of anthropological research. See, e.g., Claude Lévi-Strauss, Anthropologie structurale (1958) 183-266.

52. Herodian 4, 2, 11: detoc ddietal obv t@ nupi dveAeuodpevoc éc tov ai€épa, dc hépeiv ano yijc &c oupavov trv tov BaciAéwc wuxnv moteveta Und ‘Popaiov.

53. H.A. Pert., 14, 10f; cf. Sev., 19, 36. 54. RIC, V*, 120-121. 55. Pliny Panegyricus, 10, 4f; 11, 1f; 89, If. See also Suetonius Caligula, 13; 15; 16, 3: gaining popularity by honouring the memory of Tiberius. On the dynastic aspect of consecratio, see W. den Boer, “Trajan‘s Deification,” Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Papyrologists, Oxford 24-31 July 1974 (1975) 85-90, discussing Pap. Giessen 33, where Apollo says, “Having just mounted aloft with Trajan in my chariot, . . . |come to you, oh people, .. . to proclaim the new ruler Hadrian whom all things serve on account of his virtue and the genius of his divine father.” (Cf. fig. 25.)

The link between consecratio and a legitimate accession could hardly be expressed more clearly. Divine election of Hadrian as emperor is also suggested in this papyrus. For divine election, see A. D. Nock, “A Diis Electa,” Harvard Theological Review 23 (1930) 266-267, reprinted in his Essays, vol. 1 (1972) 264-265, on a coin of Hadrian PROVIDENTIA DEORUM.

56. RIC, IV°, 131-2.

57. In the wording of the inscription of the Arch of Constantine, cf. H. P. L’Orange and A. von Gerkan, Bildschmuck, 5f; fig. 15. 58. See H. P. LOrange, Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture (1947).

320 Notes to Pages 106-108 59. Cicero De nat. Deor., 3, 50 cited by Lactantius Div. Inst. 1, 15, 6; see Béranger, L’aspect idéol., 174. See also 194 on the Somnium Scipionis. 60. For Aurelian and Sol, see G. H. Halsberghe, The Cult of Sol Invictus (1972) 139f (coinage), 142ff, Roman temple and priesthoods; 152, coinage and Aurelian’s titles, for which see also RIC, V, 1, 258, 299. For Diocletian, cf. below, n. 66. 61. RIC, IV, 1, 92ff, IMP CAE L SEP SEV PERT AUG and variants of this on obverses; 99, on reverses, DIVI M Pil F PM TR P Ill COS I] PP. See also 185, 187, 188.

62. W. Seston, “Jovius et Herculius ou |’épiphanie des Tétrarches,” Historia 1 (1950) 257-266, and W. Seston, Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie (1946) 193ff; but see also

the doubts expressed by N. Baynes in his review of this book, JRS 38 (1948) 109-113, at 111f.

63. Pan. Lat., 3, 10, 5. 64. Cf. below, “Accession,” at nn. 36ff, 140f, 175 etc. 65. Cf. below, at nn. 173ff, 185ff. 66. On the divine status of Diocletian, see W. Seston, Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie, Bibl. des écoles frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome, 162 (1946) 193-210; on the end of the first Tetrarchy, G. S. R. Thomas, “L’Abdication de Dioclétien,” Byzantion 43 (1973) 229-247, showing that Diocletian’s retirement cannot be viewed as having been inbuilt as a feature of the Tetrarchic system from the beginning.

67. These words refer to Maximian, Constantine’s father-in-law. The panegyric celebrates the marriage between Constantine and Maximian’s daughter Fausta. 68. Pan. Lat., 6, 14, 3f, 307 a.p.: O felix in imperio et post imperium felicior (audis enim profecto haec et vides), dive Constanti, quem curru paene conspicuo, dum vicinos ortus repetit occasu, Sol ipse invecturus caelo excepit! Quanto nunc gaudio potiris, quanta voluptate perfrueris, cum talem filium tuum, gui te primus patrem fecit, in imperii tui possessionem idem pater, idem socer, idem imperator induxerit! Haec est tua praeter omnes divos propria immortalitas quam videmus: filius similis adspectu, similis animo, par imperii potestate.

For the link between ascent in the solar chariot and succession of a son, see above, n. 55. 69. Pan. Lat., 6, 3, 4. 70. Luce perpetua, cf. above, “Adventus” at nn. 54, 6lff. 71. Cf. Suetonius, Caesar, 81, 3, in a dream before his assassination: (Caesar)

ipse sibi visus est per quietem interdum supra nubes volitare, alias cum love dextram iungere. 72. Pan. Lat., 7, 7,1: Dies me ante deficiat quam oratio, si omnia patris tui facta vel hac brevitate percurram. Cuius etiam suprema illa expeditio non Britannica tropaea, ut vulgo creditum est, expetivit, sed dis iam vocantibus ad intimum terrarum limen accessit. . . . ille tot tantisque rebus gestis . . . quod eloqui nemini voluit, iturus ad deos genitorem illum deorum ignea caeli astra refoventem prospexit Oceanum, ut fruiturus exinde luce perpetua iam videret illic diem paene continuum. Vere enim profecto illi superum templa patuerunt receptusque est consessu caelitum, love ipso dexteram porrigente. Quin immo statim sententiam rogatus cui imperium decerneret, dixit, ut decebat Constantium Pium; manifeste enim

Notes to Pages 109-112 321 sententia patris electus es, imperator. Quod quidem ita nos dicere cum veritas iubet, tum pietati tuae, ut video, gratissimum est. Sed cur tantummodo privatis tuis adfectibus blandiamur, cum omnium deorum fuerit illa sententia, et quidem iam pridem auctoritate perscripta, quamvis tunc pleno sit firmata consilio?

73. Pan. Lat., 7, 7,7; cf. 21, 4: Vidisti, credo, . . . Apollinem; Pan. Lat., 7, 2,1. 74. See F Cumont, “La théologie solaire du paganisme romain,” Mémoires présentés par divers savants a l’Acad. des Inscr. et Belles Lettres, 12, 2 (1923), 448-479; cf. his Afterlife in Roman Paganism (1922) 100f. 75. Pliny, Panegyric, 11, 2f; 89, 1f.

76. Pan. Lat., 6, 2. 77. Pan. Lat., 3, 11, 3: Atque haec quidem velut interioribus sacrariis operta veneratio eorum modo animos obstupefecerat. Cf. “Adventus,” above, at nn. 51-52. 78. Pan. Lat., 6, 3, 3f; 4, 1; 5, 1f; 7, 4, 1f. 79. Pan. Lat., 7, 7, 3. 80. Pan. Lat., 9, 25, lf. 81. RIC, VI, 131, 217, 219, 256, 260, 263, 294, 325; RIC, VII, 180, 252, 310, 394, 429, 502.

82. Claudius as Constantine’s ancestor: Pan. Lat., 7, 2; P. Damerau, Kaiser Claudius II Gothicus, Klio Beiheft, 33 (1934) 81f; Claudius I as ancestor of the Con-

stantinian house in the H.A., J. Béranger, “Idéologie impérial dans l’H. A., Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1972-1974 (1976) 35. It seems very probable that

the Constantinian memoria issues for Constantius (below at nn. 90f) contain a deliberate reference to such issues for Claudius Gothicus. The Constantinian issues would thus suggest that the fictitious genealogy, which traced the family of Constantine back to Claudius, and for which the earliest literary evidence comes from the panegyric of 310 (Pan. Lat., 7), was being contemplated as early as 307 A.D.

83. DIVO CONSTANTIO PIO RIC, VI, 131 London; 217 Trier; 260 Lugdunum; 325 Aquileia. DIVO CONSTANTIO AUG, RIC, VI, 256; 260 Lugdunum; 294 Ticinum. DIVUS CONSTANTIUS, RIC, VI, 219.

84. RIC, VI, 256, 306-307 a.p., eagle with outspread wings; RIC, VI, 261, 307-308 a.D., eagle standing on altar. 85. RIC, VI, 294, Ticinum 307-308 a.pD., MEM DIVI-CONSTANTI or MEMORIA

DIV-| CONSTANTI, eagle with outspread wings on domed shrine; RIC, VI, 326, Aquileia, 307—309/310 A.D., MEMORIA DI-VI CONSTANTI, eagle on altar enclosure.

86. RIC, VI, London, 13]; Trier, 217; Lugdunum, 260, 263. 87. RIC, VI, 262.

88. For the remaining commemorative issues for Constantius I see below, and at n. 97. 89. The establishment of the cult of the divus by his successor was, up to the early third century, viewed as an act of imperial pietas; cf. above, at n. 55f. It is thus an aspect of consecratio by human verdict. On the temple of the gens Flavia at Hispellum—CIL 11, 5265—see J. Gascou, “Le réscrit d’Hispellum” MEFR 79 (1967) 609-659, esp. 647-656, stressing the “laicisation du culte impérial.” Rather than being incompatible with conclusions drawn here, this formulation

322 Notes to Pages 112-113 emphasises them. Both in the courtly milieu of coinage and panegyrics, and in the empire at large, we are dealing with the detachment of the imperial sanctity from the personal involvement of particular groups of people. 90. RIC, V', 236-237. 91. Commemorative issues for Claudius: RIC, V, 1, 236—7 MEMORIAE AET:RNAE, 233—4, CONSECRATIO; cf. RIC, V', 237, @ DIVUS CLAUDIUS OPT IMP or DIVO CLAUDIO OPTIMO IMP, veiled, laureate head; R REQUIES OPTIMORUM MERITORUM

(or abbreviations), veiled seated emperor raising right hand, sceptre in left. The reverses of these issues were repeated by Constantine to the last detail: RIC, VIL 180 Trier; 252 Arles; 294 Aquileia; 310 Rome; 429 Siscia; 502 Thessalonica. At the Same mints the REQUIES OPTIMORUM MERITORUM types were issued with ob-

verses for Constantius and Maximian, thus contradicting the panegyric propaganda about Maximian as hostis publicus: Pan. Lat., 7, 14-20. 92. Cf. RIC, V*, 233, 234. 93. RIC, VIL, 377£, 381, 400, 403, 406. 94. DIVO ROMULO NV BIS CONS ROMAE Rome 309-310 a.p., RIC, VI, 377; DIVO ROMULO NV BIS CONS Ostia 309-312 a.p., RIC, VI, 400; Rome 310-11 a.p., ibid., 381; IMP MAXENTIUS DIVO ROMULO NV FILIO, RIC, VI, 382 Rome; 404, 406

Ostia. 95. DIVO MAXIMIANO SEN AUG; DIVO MAXIMIANO PATRI MAXENTIUS AUG; IMP MAXENTIUS DIVO MAXIMIANO PATRI.

96. DIVO MAXIMIANO AUG; DIVO MAXIMIANO IUN AUG; DIVO MAXIMIANO SOCERO MAXENTIUS AUG and IMP MAXENTIUS DIVO MAXIMIANO SOCERO.

97. IMP MAXENTIUS DIVO CONSTANTIO COGN; DIVO CONSTANTIO ADFINI MAXENTIUS AUG and IMP MAXENTIUS DIVO CONSTANTIO ADFINI.

98. RIC, VI, 518 and 294 respectively. For the image, cf. RIC, I, 95. 99. A. Grabar, Martyrium I (1946) 3iff; and cf. 144, 228-9, 278 with II (1972; 1943), pl. XV.

100. G. M. Hanfmann, The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks (1951) figs.

33, 65; see also EF Matz, “Das Problem des Orans und ein Sarkophag in Cordoba,” Madr. Mitt. 9 (1968) 300-310, sarcophagi in Cordoba, Vatican, Hermitage, and in Capua, showing tomb with open door, between husband and wife orans; and B. Haarlev, The Half-Open Door. A Common Symbolic Motif within Roman Sepulchral Sculpture (1977)..

101. Matz, “Das Problem,” 305f. 102. For a funerary altar with open door from Alexandria, see W. Altmann, Die rémischen Grabaltdre der Kaiserzeit (1905) 15; cf. 103, Victories opening double door on funerary altar from Rome, in Palazzo Barberini. 103. Matz, “Das Problem,” 306. 104. B. Andreae, Studien zur romischen Grabkunst (1963) 34-35; see also W.N. Schumacher, “Hirt und ‘Guter Hirt’,” Roémische Quartalschrift fiir christliche Alitertumskunde, 34 Supplementheft (1977) 21-37. 105. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 111; also no. 116. Perhaps the Munich ivory

of resurrection and ascension, showing the tomb with closed doors, makes a deliberate statement vis-a-vis these two ivories with their iconography of open doors of pagan origin. See, on the Munich ivory, H. Schrade, “Zur Ikonographie der Himmelfahrt Christi,” Vortr. d. Bibl. Warburg (1928-1929) 66-190, at 89-96. K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 502—504; cf. 504-505.

Notes to Pages 113-116 323 106. Cf. E. Nash, A Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome (1968) s.v. Romulus Divus, Templum; P. Bruun, Arctos, Acta Philol. Fennica, N.S. 1 (1954) 21f; G. Lugli, Stud. to D. M. Robinson, vol. 2 (1953) 1211-1223. According to A. Frazer, “The Iconography of the Emperor Maxentius’ Buildings in Via Appia,” Art Bulletin 48

(1966) 385-392 at 388-391, the building on the coins is not the shrine in the forum, but, more probably, an evocation of the Maxentian mausoleum which formed part of a building complex of that emperor near the Via Appia. 107. Pan. Lat., 2, 3—4; Pan. Lat., 6, 14. 108. Cf. the QUIES AUGG legends issued for Diocletian in the years after 306 A.D.: RIC, VI, 39f, and Index II, s.v. QUIES AUG etc. 109. RIC, VI, 479, 482, 310 and 311 a.p.; 590, 311-313 a.p.: 682—685, 311-312 A.D. Constantine’s takeover of Siscia was marked by issues to Claudius and Con-

stantius, RIC, VII, 429, and of Thessalonica by issues to Claudius, Constantius and Maximian, ibid., 502, but this is very little compared to the Western output. 110. This conclusion has been arrived at after surveying the provenance of all commemorative issues recorded in RIC. 111. Note the titulature of Sassanian kings as recorded by Ammianus, 17, 5, 3 quoting a letter of Sapor to Constantius II: Rex regum, Sapor, particeps siderum, frater solis et lunae. Cf. Ensslin, “Gottkaiser und Kaiser von Gottes Gnaden,” Sitzber. bayr. Akad. 6 (1943) 14. Possibly the author of the panegyric of 291 was aware of such claims; see Pan. Lat., 3, 13, 2. 112. Pliny Panegyric, 11, lf.

113. Although, of course, the conflicts were known and understood. Cf. J. Straub, “Divus Alexander, Divus Christus,” Festschr. J]. Quasten, vol. 1, ed. P. Granfield and J. A. Jungmann, (1970) 461-73, reprinted in J. Straub, Kegeneratio Imperti (1972) 178-194.

114. See. N. Baynes, “Eusebius and the Christian Empire,” in his Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (1955) 168ff, and L. Delatte, Les traités de la royauté d’Ecphante. Diotogéne et Sthénidas (1942); also R. Farina, L’impero e l’imperatore cristiano in Eusebio di Cesarea (1966). The Christian orientation of Eusebius is stressed by D. S. Wallace-Hadrill, Eusebius of Caesarea (1960) 168-189 (response to Baynes, 177f) and by G. F. Chesnut, The First Christian Histories, Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret and Evagrius, Théologie historique, 46 (1977).

115. Eusebius V.C., I, 20-22 passim: to de nav avut@ ouvénpattev 0 Bedc, ti tod matpoc Siadoxh mpoyn8oupevoc aQuTOoV Napeival .. . Wioic 8 Gpa Kai Buyatpdo1 cuvtatapevoc xopot Siknv avtov

KUKAOUOIV, &v autoic BaoiAcioic émi BaoiAIK otpwpvh, tov KANpov tic BaolAeciag vépm OUoewc, tO Th NAlKia nmpodyovtl tHv naidwv napadouc, Siavennavuoato ... auth & aAoupyiéi natpikh Kwvotavtivoc koopnodpevoc tov NATPIK@V OIKOV Mponel, Wanep &F avaPi@oewc tov natépa BaoiAevovta 67

éautou delkvUc toic mdolv. eita thc mpokopidéjnc nyoupevoc... tov natépa pounepne ... eUdnpiaic te Kai Upvoic ol ndvtec tov Tplopakdplov étipeov, OHOYV@povi te cupdovia tod teOvedtoc avaBioolv thv to naiddc Kpdtnolv e60Eadov, Boaic t’ eUVdnpolc tov véov BaciAéa avtoKpdtopa Kai [oePaotov] auyouotov evuBéwc &k NpwWtncs AvNnyopevov Owvijc. Kai tov pév teOvnKota éKdo-

pouv ai Boai taic eic tov vidv eudnpiaic tov 6€ naida gpaKdpidov toiode natpdc d1d5oxov anode1xG8évta. (translation after McGiffert).

116. Implied in Pliny Panegyric, 10, 4-6. Cf. above, n. 55.

324 Notes to Pages 116-119 117. These observations are the starting point of the article by A. Alféldi, “Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am rémischen Kaiserhofe,” Rém. Mitt. 49 (1934) 3ff, reprinted in A. Alf6ldi, Die monarchische Repréisentation im rémischen Kaiserreiche (1970). 118. V.C., L, 3ff, 24, 28; Il, 55 etc.; see also H. Dérries, Das Selbstzeugnis Kaiser

Konstantins, Abh. d. Akad. d. Wiss. in Gottingen, Phil. Hist. KI., 3, 34 (1954) 241-51, 262ff; cf. 281ff.

119. Churches: V.C., I], 28ff and IV, 40; III, 41, 48, 50ff, 58. See also H. A. Drake, In Praise of Constantine. A Historical Study and New Translation of Eusebius’ Tricennial Orations (1976) 7Off; and S. Spain Alexander, “Studies in Constantinian

Church Architecture,” Rivista di archeologia cristiana 47 (1971) 281-330, and 49 (1973) 33-44. Councils: V.C., II, 6ff; IL, 60; IV, 32-33, 41-46. 120. Eusebius V.C., 1, 9. 121. Eusebius V.C., IV, 67, echoed by Sozomen H.E., 2, 34. 122. Herodian, 4, 1, 3: oi te mpocayopevovtec toUc véouc auUtoKpdtopac napiévtec Kai tv KGATIV IIpooeKUVOUV.

A Hellenistic precedent: Plutarch, Demetrius 53. Cf. Gregory Nazianzen P.G., 35, 685 on the funeral of Constantius II, below, at nn. 196ff. 123. Eusebius V.C., 4, 68. 124. Eusebius V.C., 4, 63; cf. 71; 1, 9.

125. A. Kaniuth, Die Beisetzung Konstantins des Grossen, Breslauer Hist. Forsch., 18 (1941) 7-9. This division of the funerary ceremony into a secular and

a Christian part was a temporary expedient. When Ambrose in his cathedral pronounced the consolatio for Theodosius, Honorius stood next to the sarcophagus, and the court and army, whom Ambrose specifically addressed, were present in the church: Ambrose De ob. Theod., 3, 7, 11. On the Church of the Apostles, H. Koethe, “Das Konstantinsmausoleum und verwandte Denkmialer,” Jahrbuch des deutschen archdologischen Instituts 48 (1933) 185-203; R. Krautheimer, “Zu Konstantins Apostelkirche,” in Mullus, Festschrift T. Klauser (1964) 224—229,

reprinted in his Studies in Early Christian, Medieval and Renaissance Art (1969)

27-34, and S. Spain Alexander, “Studies in Constantinian Church Architecture,” Rivista di archeologia cristiana 47 (1971) 281-330, at 325-329, and Riv. diarch.

cr. 49 (1973) 33-44, at 43-44. For the later history, P. Grierson, “The Tombs and Obits of the Byzantine Emperors (337-—1043),” DOP 16 (1962) 1-63.

126. Eusebius V.C., 4, 68. While lying in state, Constantine wore the diadem. This has a Hellenistic background; see H. W. Ritter, Diadem und Kénigsherrschaft, Vestigia, 7 (1965) 76—77.

127. Suetonius Tiberius, 22-23. .128. Suetonius Claudius, 45: Mors eius celata est, donec circa successorem omnia ordinarentur; itaque et quasi pro aegro adhuc vota suscepta sunt et inducti per simulationem comoedi qui velut desiderantem oblectarent.

129. Libanius Or. 59, 48: éliei yap, doov &66Kel tH Kpeittovl, tv oikoupevynv O tdvbe natnp iGuvac au@ic anfAGe cuvecdpevoc tH thse Katanépwavti, tooouUtou npdypatoc oupBdvtoc ouK ék1vf8n ta tic Baollkeiac.. .

Notes to Pages 119-120 325 Cf. Theodoret H.E., 1, 32. A very different version of these events appears in Philostorgius H.E., 2, 16 and highlights the intensiveness of post-Constantinian imperial propaganda, which took the form that propaganda after an emperor's death generally took. Cf. above, notes 49 and 55. Libanius was also influenced by it. On his use of the V.C. in his Or. 59, see P. Petit, “Libanius et la Vita Constantini,” Historia 1 (1950) 562-582. 130. Eusebius V.C., 1, 9. 131. Eusebius V.C., 1, 1: on yap atevéc épPAéweiev, Hv te mpdc éw Hv te mpoc Eonépav, Hv v én yc autijc dAnc hv te 1pdc oUpavov autov, Ndvty Kai navtaxoU tov paKdpiov autoic ouvoévta BaoiAéa &Bewpei (tr. McGiffert).

132. Eusebius V.C., 1, 2: non 6€ Kai mpdc avtaic ovUpaviaic awiolv éautov ékteivac, Kavtat@a tiv Tplopakaplov WuXNVv aut@ Be@ cuvotoav davrddetai . . . (tr. McGiffert).

133. Eusebius V.C., 4, 64: autoc &’ 6cov hv avtod tijc wuyic voepov te kai m1AdVeov ta autot Ged ouvamtopevos (tr. McGiffert).

134. Pan. Lat., 6, 3, 3. 135. Pan. Lat., 7, 7, 3.

136. Piiny Panegyric, 10, 4: [Nerva] quem di ideo caelo vindicaverunt ... ; Pan. Lat., 6, 3, 3: Ad deorum concilia translatus ...,; 7, 7, 1: Dis iam vocantibus ...; 3: Receptusque est consessu caelitum...; Pliny Panegyric, 11, 2:

Sideribus patrem intulisti...; 89, 2: Et tu pater Traiane, ...si non sidera, proximam tamen sideribus obtines sedem; Pan. Lat., 9, 25, 1: Gaudet e caelo, et iam pridem vocatus ad sidera. . . . 137. Pan. Lat., 6, 14, 3. 138. Eusebius V.C., 4, 69. 139. Eusebius V.C., 1, 2. But Philostorgius, 6 Qeopaxoc, according to Photius, does speak of a cult: H.E. 2, 17; cf. Theodoret H.E., 1, 32. See on this question, I.

Karyannopulos, “Konstantin der Grosse u. d. Kaiserkult,” Historia 5 (1956) 341-357. 140. See Eusebius, History of the Martyrs in Palestine, ed. and tr. from Syriac into English by W. Cureton (1861) 21, 22-23. The martyrs enter heaven, and it is

precisely in this respect that the martyrs themselves, according to Eusebius, felt themselves to be in a special position; by martyrdom they gained a crown which ordinary Christians would not gain. These passages are not in the shortened Greek version (VI, 7 and VII, 2 respectively). Cf. G. EK Chesnut, The First Christian Histories (1977) 157-158: “In a good many passages in Eusebius it seems to be

assumed that when death came to each human being, his soul went immediately into God's presence without having to wait until the history of this world had run its course.” But the passages cited all refer to Constantine, with one exception, V.C. 3, 46, which refers to Helena. 141. E. Diehl, Inscr. Lat. Christ. Vet., vol. 2 (1961) caput 22, cf. 23; Venantius

Fortunatus Carm., 4, passim; H. Brandenburg, “Ein verschollener Mailander sarkophag,” Rivista di archeologia cristiana 48 (1972) at 43-48. Cf. the Constantinian inscription in S. Peter’s, Diehl, Inscr. Lat. Christ. Vet., vol. 1 (1961) no. 1752.

326 Notes to Pages 120-123 142. See the prayer before death of S. Macrina, Gregory of Nyssa, ed. P. Maraval, Vie de Sainte Macrine, SC 178 (1971) § 24, 220ff; and B. Brenk, Tradition und Neuerung in der christlichen Kunst d. ersten Jahrtausends (1966) 19-36.

143. On Eusebius, see S. Calderone, “Teologia politica, successione dinastica e consecratio in eta Constantiniana,” in Culte des souverains, Entretiens Hardt, 19 (1972) 215-261.

144. This is one of the issues examined by E. Peterson, Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem (1935). The Byzantine resolution, based as it was on Eusebius, differed from the Western one, for which see Peterson, 96—100. 145. For continuities between heaven and earth in Augustan and later poetry,

see K. Thraede, “Die Poesie und der Kaiserkult,” in Culte des souverains, Entretiens Hardt, 19 (1972) esp. 283ff. Explicit statements of the type discussed here are lacking, however. 146. For the Byzantine view, see the “Ex@eoic of Agapetus, P.G., 86’, 1164ff. and cf. I. Sevéenko, “A Neglected Byzantine Source of Muscovite Political Ideology,” Harvard Slavic Studies 2 (1954) 141ff. In the West, the position was at times understood differently, e.g., Augustine De civitate Dei, 5, 25: the emperor was dependent on God, but did not, in this, differ from any other human being. 147. Grabar, Christian Iconography, A Study of Its Origins (1968) 35, 41ff; and P. Beskow, Rex Gloriae, the Kingship of Christ in the Early Church (1962) 11ff. 148. Grabar, Christian Iconography, xlii-1.

149. Eusebius V.C., 4, 73, see below, at n. 159. 150. Eusebius V.C., 4, 69, see below, at n. 173. 151. J. Maurice, Numismatique Constantinienne, vol. 2 (1911) 548. 152. Ibid., 548, 607, 608, pl. 16, 17; 17, 25; 26. 153. G. Mazzini, Monete Imperiali Romani, vol. 5 (1958) 99, 101. 154. Cf. above, n. 91, for commemorative issues of Claudius IJ; and for velatio as a token of apotheosis, EF Matz, “Der Gott auf dem Elefantenwagen,” Akad. d. Wiss. u. d. Lit. Abhandl. Geistes- u. Sozialwiss. KI., 1952 (1953) 725-729. 155. Maurice, Numismatique, 548 pl. 16, 17. 156. Cf. J. M. C. Toynbee in [RS 37 (1947) 135-144, and in Studies to D. M. Robinson, vol. 2 (1953) 261-277; and E. Kantorowicz, “EYNOPONO2X AIKHI,” in his Selected Studies (1965) 1-6.

157. Pietas with children: PIETAS AUGG, Gallienus, RIC, V’, 83; Salonina, RIC, V', 109; 110; Postumus RIC, V’, 363; RIC, VI, 374, PIETAS AUGG ET CAES N, Maxentius.

Pietas at altar: RIC, V’, 182, Gallienus, PIETAS AUG etc.; RIC, V*, 268, Maximian, PIETAS AUG;

493, Carausius, PIETAS AUG etc. Under Constantine the imagery becomes blurred, and for PIETAS AUGUSTAE Fausta with a child is shown seated between

Felicitas with cornucopiae and Pietas without attributes, RIC, VU, 203-204; cf. ibid., 323; the pietas of the emperor is represented by the act of raising a female turreted figure, 612 PIETAS AUGUSTI N; 219 and 627, PIETAS AUGUSTI NOSTRI; cf.

54—55. For this motif in the context of adventus, cf. above, “ Adventus” at nn. 67ff. 158. Aequitas, with AEQUITAS AUG or AUGG, is frequent in the third century, e.g., RIC, V’, 34, Probus; 136, Carus; 166; 169, Carinus; 193, Numerian; 337, Post-

umus; 403, Tetricus; 526, Carausius; 559; 564, Allectus. Aequitas is always shown with scales and cornucopiae. Tetrarchic AEQUITAS AUGG issues are not recorded in RIC, but the figure of Aequitas with scales and cornucopiae appears

Notes to Pages 123-125 327 with UTILITAS PUBLICA RIC, VI, 465, and as Moneta, ibid., see Index III. The third

century issues could perhaps refer to accession, but are not dated; Carausius has the usual figure of Aequitas with AEQUITAS (or EQUITAS) MUNDI RIC, V’, 517-518, PAS AUG 535 and FIDEM MILITUM NN 521. Perhaps these issues should be

taken as shedding some light on the intended content of the posthumous issues for Constantine with the figure of Aequitas. The issues here mentioned demonstrate what can also be shown in other fields: that the disintegration of the classical tradition in imperial “Bildsymbolik” started before Constantine. 159. Eusebius V.C., 4, 73: "Hdn 6& Kai vopiopaolv évexapattovto tuoi, mpd08ev pév extunoUvtEec tov pakdplov éyKekaAuppevou thv Kedadnv oxnpati, Satépou 6& pépouc éd’ Gppati teBpinnw nvidxou tpdonov, Und SeGidc GvwO0ev EKtelvopévyG aUT@ xel1pdc davoAapBavépevov.

160. Cf. above, n. 55 on Pap. Giessen 30; the golden chariot on the pyre of Pertinax, Dio 75, 5, 3; the Antonine altar at Ephesus showing a consecrated emperor in the chariot of Helios, C. C. Vermeule, Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor (1968) 107-109. Cf., for the empress, 117-119; the British Museum consecratio diptych, FE. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 56.

161. Grabar, “Recherches sur les sources juives de l'art paléochrétien,” Cahiers Arch. 14 (1964) 53-57; cf. J. D. MaclIsaac, “The Hand of God, a Numismatic

Study,” Traditio 31 (1975) 322-328. Cf. John of Damascus, Exposition of the Orthodox Faith I, 11: human beings cannot speak of God except by use of “images .. . derived from our own life.” Hence, “God’s hands mean the effectual nature of his energy.” 162. See above, n. 21. 163. Pan. Lat., 7, 7, 3, see above, n. 72, and Suet. Cal., 57, 3, consecratio as dextrarum iunctio with Iuppiter. Note also the graphic expression, “Unless your

heavenly right hand exact some justice,” in an early third century inscription from Asia Minor addressed to the emperor, cited by R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank in Roman Art (1963) 163.

164. W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spdtantike und des friihen Mittelalters (1976) no. 110; see also H. Schrade, “Zur Iconographie der Himmelfahrt Christi,” Vortr. Bibl. Warburg (1928-1929), 89ff, 109-125; and S. H. Gutberlet, Die Himmelfahrt Christi in der bildenden Kunst von den Anfiingen bis ins hohe Mittelalter (1935)

62—73. For a similar iconography—hand of God drawing Christ into heaaven— on a marble reliquary casket from Ravenna, see P. Angiolini Martinelli, Corpus della scultura paleocristiana, bizantina ed altomedievale di Ravenna, ed. G. Bovini, (1968) no. 138.

165. See, for this transition, H. Schrade, “Zur Ikonographie der Himmelfahrt Christi,” Vortr. der Bibl. Warburg, (1928-1929), 66-190, at 81ff, 97f; cf. S. H. Gutberlet, Die Himmelfahrt Christi in der bildenden Kunst von den Anftingen bis ins hohe Mittelalter, (1935) 73ff.

166. In my view this could be late third or early fourth century, but Deichmann, Repertorium ... Rom. Ostia, no. 25c, dates it c. 335-365 aA.p. 167. If Kings, 2. This scene also appears, without imperial elaborations as on the sarcophagus, in Byzantine MSS: J. Lassus, L’illustration byzantine du Livre des Rois, Bibl. cah. arch., 9 (1973) 22; pl. 31. 168. For these, see R. Sansoni, I Sarcofagi paleocr. a porta di citta, Studi di anti-

328 Notes to Pages 125-129 chita cristiane, 4 (1969). For imperial ascent as departure, see above at nn. 35ff. 169. I would therefore date it later than the sarcophagus considered first (cf. above, n. 166), but Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 115, dates it to the last quarter of the third century. On the city gate, cf. above “Adventus,” n. 80. 170. Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 675, Grotto St. Peter’s, Vatican; R. Sansoni, I sarcofagi paleocr. a porta di citta, 3-19; cf. 83, 109-10; H. U. von Schoenebeck, Der Mailander Sarkophag und seine Nachfolge, Studi di antichita cristiana, 10 (1935) esp. 19ff, 51ff; cf. 60, discusses the Paris and Milan sarcophagi; on the dates, see 115f. 171. Sermo XL, De Elia, P.L. 39, 1823-6 at 1825-6: Denique sicut Dominus, posteaquam multas virtutes exercuit, posteaquam passus est resurrexit et ascendit in coelum, ita et Elias post mirabilia quae per eum deus fecit, igneo curru elevatur ad coelum.

172. This development from a strictly biblical to an imperial manner of depiction is to be documented in similar fashion on sarcophagi showing Christ's entry into Jerusalem: cf. S. MacCormack, Historia 21 (1972) 743. 173. Eusebius, V.C., 4, 69: unép adwidov 6’ oUpaviwv év aiPepin SiatpibA dlavanaudépevov. 174. Eusebius, V.C. 1, 2, above, n. 132. 175. Dio 43, 14, 6; cf. above, at nn. 13 and 29. 176. RIC, I, 176; 180 cf. J. Carcopino, REA (1949) 266-267. 177. Gnecchi, 2, 45, 10. 178. RIC, Ul, 34. 179. Gnecchi, 101, 10. 180. Gnecchi, 156, 14; also on the regular coinage, RIC, V, 1.336. 181. Gnecchi, 157, 1. 182. Cf. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 91f, pl. 47, 3. 183. Lactantius De mort. pers., 48, 2: Ut daremus et Christianis et omnibus liberam potestatem sequendi religionem quam quisque voluisset, quo quicquid est divinitatis in sede caelesti, nobis at-

que omnibus qui sub potestate nostra sunt constituti, placatum ac propitium possit existere.

Cf. Themistius 188d: the highest god Unép anav 10 6v iSpupévou, and Sidorius Panegyric on Anthemius, preface 1: Cum iuvenem super astra lovem natura locaret. 184. Pan. Lat., 2, 3, 3-4, 1: Sed longe illa maiora sunt quae tu impartito tibi imperio vice gratiae rettulisti: admittere in animum tantae rei publicae curam et totius orbis fata suscipere et oblitum quodammodo sui gentibus vivere et in tam arduo humanarum rerum stare fastigio, ex quo veluti terras omnes et maria despicias vicissimque oculis ac mente collustres ubi sit certa serenitas, ubi dubia tempestas, qui iustitiam vestram iudices aemulentur, qui virtutis vestrae gloriam duces servent, accipere innumerabiles undique nuntios, totidem mandata dimittere, de tot urbibus et nationibus et provinciis cogitare, noctes omnes diesque perpeti sollicitudine pro omnium salute transigere. Haec omnia cum a fratre optimo oblata susceperis, tu fecisti fortiter, ille sapienter.

185. Pan. Lat. 6, 14, 1: Te, pater, ex ipso imperii vertice decet orbem prospicere communem caelestique nutu rebus humanis fata decernere, auspicia bellis gerendis dare, compo-

Notes to Pages 129-130 329 nendis pacibus leges imponere. Te, iuvenis, indefessum ire per limites qua Romanum barbaris gentibus instat imperium, frequentes ad socerum victoriarum laureas mittere, praecepta petere, effecta rescribere.

This and the passage quoted at n. 184 are important statements of imperial theory in late antiquity and point to a reformulation of the problem of the mutual securitas of emperor and subjects, who could all too easily become a threat to each other; see H. U. Instinsky, Sicherheit als politisches Problem des rémischen Kaisertums (1952), in connection with the emperor's cura for his subjects. The idea of

cura was already voiced by Cicero when addressing Caesar, and by Pliny, but never before these Tetrarchic panegyrics was it so well integrated into the political and doctrinal framework of the empire. A related concept is the late antique Greek idea of imperial philanthropia; see H. Hunger, Prooimion, Elemente der byzantinischen Kaiseridee in den Arengen der Urkunden, Wiener Byzantinische Studien, 1 (1964) 143-154 and below, “Accession,” n. 271. 186. Cf. P. Beskow, Rex Gloriae (1962) 12, n. 1; H. P. Orange, Art Forms and Civic Life (1967) 93. On the arch of Galerius see H. P. Laubscher, Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens in Thessaloniki (1975) at 69-78, and M. S. Pond Rothman, “The

Thematic Organisation of the Panel Reliefs on the Arch of Galerius,” American Journal of Archaeology 81 (1977) 427-454, esp. 444 and 453. 187. E.g., RIC, Ii, 250 Faustina II, SIDERIBUS RECEPTA SC, Diana standing with

torch, crescent behind neck; or, Faustina in biga with veil billowing. 188. See A. Alf6ldi, The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome (1948) 117,

who regards the image as definitely pagan, incompatible with Christianity. In view of what is said of the dead emperor in Eusebius, and later in Byzantium, cf. below, at nn. 294ff, Iam not so sure. The fact that the emperor was no longer shown in art seated on the globe, I would attribute to other reasons, outlined above, at n. 147. I would also suggest that the Senate would not commission a picture of an official nature which was intended to honour the emperor, but which at the same time offended against imperial policy. If it had been intended so to offend, I think Eusebius would not have reported it. In other words, in 337, this iconographic scheme was still acceptable in imperial art, although imperial art was now on the way to becoming Christian. 189. Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 680, 279ff; a similar iconographical scheme, Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 193, third quarter of the fourth century. 190. Traditio legis: Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 677, 1, third quarter of the

fourth century; 5. Costanza, Rome: Christ seated on the sphere amidst palm trees, traditio legis to Moses, according to A. Grabar, The Beginnings of Christian Art (1967) 188; traditio legis with Christ standing on the sphere in the Naples baptistry; A. Ferrua, Atti. d. Pont. Acc. ser. HI, vol. 33 (1960-61) 216-219, mosaic in

the catacomb of Domitilla, Christ seated on globe between Peter and Paul on thrones. For an interpretation of the image, see W. N. Schumacher, “Dominus legem dat,” R6mische Quartalschrift 54 (1959) 1-39 (16f and 26f on the sarcophagus

of Junius Bassus). There are many examples of this image in later Christian art, e.g., Apse of S. Teodoro, Rome; triumphal arch of 5S. Lorenzo f.m. Rome (see G. Bovini, “Il Mosaico dell’arco trionfale di S. Lorenzo fuori le mura a Roma,” in XVIII Corso di cultura sull’arte Rav. e Biz. [1971] 127-140); Basilica Euphrasiana, Parenzo (D. Talbot Rice, Byzantine Art [1968] fig. 142). On the ivory in Milan, see R. Delbrueck, Bonn. Jhbb. 151 (1951) 96f; Utrecht Psalter, Christ on globe, in man-

330 Notes to Pages 130-133 dorla, A. Grabar, Christian Iconography, (1968) fig. 145; eleventh-century Byzan-

tine ivory, Florence, Mus. Naz., showing the Ascension with Christ on globe with stars, carried by two angels, J. Beckwith, The Art of Constantinople, (1961) fig. 147. Cf. C. Tolney, “The Visionary Evangelists of the Reichenau School,” Burlington Magazine 69 (1936) 257-263, for a mediaeval development of this icon-

ographical scheme. -

191. Teaching Christ: Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 684, last quarter of the fourth century. Cf. no. 678, Christ holding crux gemmata, late fourth century; Christ giving the law: Deichmann, Repertorium, no. 28, last third of the fourth century; no. 58, late fourth century; nos. 200, 679, 724, all last quarter of the fourth century. The Christ in the apse of S. Vitale: M. Lawrence, “The Iconography of the Mosaics of S. Vitale,” Atti del VI Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia Cristiana, Ravenna 1962 (1965), 123-140, at 136-138; and now E. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Hauptstadt der spdtantiken Abendlandes II, Kommentar II (1976) 165-166

(emphasising the Second Coming as the dominant meaning). The Christ of Hosios David, Thessalonica, is thematically and iconographically related to the S. Vitale Christ; cf. R. EK Hoddinott, Early Byzantine Churches in Macedonia and Southern Serbia, A Study of the Origins and Initial Development of East Christian Art (1963) 173-179.

192. A similar iconographic scheme appears on a (Syrian?) silver platter in the Hermitage: the crux gemmata between two angels stands over the globe and the four streams of paradise. See A. Banck, “Monuments des arts mineurs de Byzance ([V*—VII° siécle) au Musée de I’Ermitage,” in IX Corso di cultura sull’arte Rav. e Biz. (1962) 109-123, at 113, 115, 118.

193. Cf. E. Sauser, “Das Paschamysterium in den sog. frithchristl. Passionssarkophagen,” Kyriakon, Festschr. J]. Quasten 2 (1970) 654-662.

194. Gregory Nazianzen P.G. 35, 685C. 195. Cf. above, n. 125. 196. Gregory Nazianzen P.G., 35, 684BC. O pév ye apanépnetai navénypoic evdnpiaic te Kai nopnaic Kai tovtoic br tic Npetépolc cepvoic, @daic navvuyxoic kai Sadouyiaic, aic Xpiotiavoi tipav Hetdotaciv euoeBh vopidopev: Kai yivetal navnyupic peta mdGouc yn éKKop167 tou c@patoc. ... Kai toUto 61e668n talc tHv MoAA®V dKoaic, 611, éme1dr tov Tatpov UnepBdAAo1 16 odpa mpodc tiv Natp@av avui@ ndAiv SiacwCopevov ... QWVI] TiG EK TOV AKpwV éoTIV Oic EENHKOUETO, Ciov waAAOvtwv te Kai nNapanep-

NOVt@vV, ayyedA1KO@v oipai Suvdpewv, yepac tijc evoeBeiac éeKkeiva, Kai avtidocic emitad1oc.

197. Gregory Nazianzen P.G. 35, 685AB: ‘Qe 6 nAno1dCo1 th peyaAn Ka1 BaoiAi61 m6Ae1, ti bei Aéyerv Sopuopiac te tou

otpatoU mavtoc, Kai taéiv événAlov, Wo CHvt1 1H BaolAei ylvopévnyv, f ths Aaprmpdc néAeac EKXUCIV, OVOPAOCTOTATHV TOV NWMOTE YEVOPEVWV N EGOPEVWV;

198. Gregory Nazianzen P.G., 35, 685BC. However, Julian merely supervised this funeral, just as Constantius II had supervised that of Constantine, Socrates H.E., 3, 1. Removing the diadem appears to have been customary for such an occasion, Philostorgius H.E., 6, 6. 199. Gregory Nazianzen P.G. 35, 688A:

Notes to Pages 133-135 331 To 68 aioxpad pév ta tic éxotpateiac (RAaUveto Spolc Kai nd6Ae01, Kai dwvaic Snpooiaic Kai BwayoAdxolc, @v ét1 Kai vOv oi MOAACI PvNnpovetouaiv), adofotépa

dé rf endvosoc. Tic 5é 4 ado0Eia; Mipoi yeAoiwv nyov attov, Kai toic ano tic OKNVHC aloxpeolv &nopmeveto. .. . Kal tv GPvNolv, Kai tv Hutav, Kai to téAoc oveldiCopevoc. Kai ti yap oU ndoxov KakoOv; ti 5& oUK GKOUOV oOic Oi tO10UTO1

veavieuovtdl, TEXVNHV trv UBpiv Exovtec, éwco 1) Tapotwv atitov unodéxetai ndAic, OUK 016’ 6miwc Kai av’ 6tou tiv UBpiv tavtnv Katakpi8eica; "Eva 6é oi tépevoc atipov, Kai tadoc e€aylotoc, Kai vadc anémtuoctoc, Kai oUSé Beatoc evoeBOv OWEdI.

Socrates H.E., 3, 26 reports that, as precedent required, the arrangements for Julian’s funeral were made by his successor Jovian. Gregory’s interpretation of Julian’s funeral is entirely his own. Julian was ultimately buried in the narthex of the Church of the Apostles, in a sarcophagus with a suitably Homeric inscription (quoting Iliad 3, 179), Zosimus 3, 34; cf. Greek Anthology 7, 747. A different version of the epitaph, Zonaras, 13, 13, 24 and Cedrenus Bonn, 1, 539: see P. Grierson, “The Tombs and Obits of Byzantine Emperors,” DOP 16 (1962) 41; M. Di Maio, “The Transfer of the Remains of the Emperor Julian from Tarsus to Constantinople,” Byzantion 48 (1978) 43-50. The site at Tarsus was already marked by the tomb of Maximinus, Philostorgius H.E., 8, 1. 200. Theophanes, ed. de Boor, 299. 201. Suetonius Augustus, 100. 202. Lar imnperii virtutumgue, Amm., 16, 10, 13; on the context, cf. above, “Ad-

ventus” at nn. 140ff. Julian to be buried in Rome, Amm., 25, 10, 5. See on this passage and Julian’s ultimate burial, Grierson, “Tombs and Obits,” DOP 16 (1962) 40-41. 203. Libanius Or., 18, 304: "Enel 6& eiké6vwv éuvno@nv, noAAai nodAeic éxeivov toic tav Ge@v mapaotiOavtec &Se01vV WC toUc Geouc T1101, Kai tic Hoy Kai nap’ éxeivou, 61’ evxie Htinoé Ti tv ayaGav Kai oUK NHIUyNnoev.

204. Libanius Or., 24, 40: AdBe neipav, @ Bacidet, tic yv@pne, Gwai thc BonBeiac, kai kextnon thv tUXNV. toUTO O01 Sei€e1 yewpyoupévnv tv Opaxnyv, tobto GepponvAac davo1yopévac, toUto touc dAwpeévouc énavaeel, toUto petanmoinoel ta VOvV, tac buyade Kai

tac dim€eic. . . . toUtTHV OUVedawetal louAiavoc ndvta ka@iotae pasia touc pev do>8adpotc tOv otpatiwtav Siadetywv toic &% Epyoic yvwp1CGpevoc.

(Cf. Libanius Or., 30 (Pro Templis), 40, where the successes of the time are at-

tributed to the heroism of the dead Julian.) See on these two passages here cited, A. D. Nock, “Deification and Julian,” JRS 47 (1957) 114-23, reprinted in his Essays, vol. 2, 832-846; D. Conduché, “Ammien Marcellin et la mort de Julien,” Latomus 24 (1965) 359-380, discusses the views of Julian's death held by contemporaries, including the view of Libanius that he was murdered by a Christian. 205. See, e.g., Suetonius Augustus, 98 with Pan. Lat., 12, 12, 6; Nock, “Deification,” 840. 206. Cf. above, “Adventus,” at nn. 161 and 171f. Pagan hopes in Julian had

their counterpart in Christian satisfaction at his death; cf. N. Baynes, “The Death of Julian the Apostate in Christian Legend,” JRS 27 (1937) 22-29. 207. See above, “Adventus” at n. 176.

332 Notes to Pages 136-137 208. Libanius Or., 30, Pro Templis. See esp. 9-10: wuxy yap, © Bao1Aet, toic dypoic ta iepa mpooipia tiie év toic dypoic Kticewe

yeyevnpéva ... Kai toic yewpyotov év avtoic ai éAnidec. .. . Cf. J. Geffcken, The Last Days of Greco-Roman Paganism, tr. S. MacCormack (1978) 171f.

209. Libanius Or., 18, 274f; Or., 24, 6, 9ff, 17ff; cf. Or., 17, 7; Or. 24, 8. 210. For Theodosius on the Frigidus, cf. W. Hartke, Geschichte und Politik im spatantiken Rom, Klio, 45 Beih. (1940) 104. On the rain-miracle as an event of religious import with imperial dimensions in Marcus Aurelius’ own day, see H. Z. Rubin, “Weather Miracles under Marcus Aurelius,” Athenaeum 57 (1979) 357380.

211. H.A. Marcus, 24, 4 with Xiphilinus Dio, 71, 9. See Themistius Or., 15, 191

ab, who saw the relief depicting the rain-miracle on Marcus’ column; cf. W. Hartke, Kinderkaiser, (1951) 247ff. On pagan and Christian miracle in late antique

historiography, see the excellent article by Lellia Cracco Ruggini, “The Ecclesiastical Histories and the Pagan Historiography: Providence and Miracle,” Athenaeum 55 (1977) 107-126 (114, n. 37 on triumphal columns in Rome and Constantinople). 212. Eunapius History, frag. 26, C. Miillerus, F.H.G., vol. 4 (1878) 25, quoted also by J. Bidez, Vie . . . de Julien, 329: "AAW Ondte okHNtpo101 teoic Heponiov aipa axp1 LeAeuKeincg KAovéwv Eihéeoo Saydoone, dr) tote o& mpdc "OAupnov dye1 nupiAapnéc Oynpa. audi OueAAcino: KUKM@pevov év otpopaA1y&i, Auodpevov Bpotéwv peGéwv noAUTANTOV Avinv.

néeic 6’ aiNepiou ddeoc natpw@iov avArv évOev dnonAayx@eic pepomniov éc Sépac HAGec.

Nock, “Deification and Julian,” Essays, vol. 2 (1972) 845 and n. 52, regards this as given during Julian’s lifetime. Straub, “Die Himmelfahrt des Julianus Apostata,” Gymnasium 69 (1962) 310-326, at 322 and n. 5 (reprinted in his Regeneratio Imperii (1972) 172 and n. 59) regards it as posthumous. It is possible that this is the oracle referred to in Libanius Or., 30 (Pro Templis), 41. See also Cumont, Et. Syr. (1917) 104f.

213. II Kings, 2, 11, cf. 1; above, at nn. 165ff. The imagery of the ascent of Elias was alive in the late antique Near East; see J. B. Segal, Edessa, “The Blessed City” (1970) 92, citation from Philoxenus. 214. H.A. Sept. Sev., 22, 1f: Signa mortis eius haec fuerunt: ipse somniavit quattuor aquilis et gemmato curru praevolante nescio qua ingenti humana specie ad caelum esse raptum; cumque raperetur, octoginta et novem numeros explicuisse, ultra quot annos ne unum quidem annum vixit. . . . cumque positus esset in circulo ingenti aereo, diu solus et destitutus stetit, cum vereretur autem, ne praeceps rueret, a Iove se vocatum vidit atque inter Antoninos locatum.

Severus’ fear, ne praeceps rueret, recalls Suet. Caligula, 57. Caligula before his death dreamt that he was standing next to Iuppiter’s heavenly throne but was kicked by Iuppiter and fell back to earth. Perhaps the author of the H.A. had this passage in mind. R. Syme, “Astrology in the H.A.,” Bonner Historia Augusta Col-

Notes to Pages 137-138 333 loquium 1972-1974 (1976), 300, suspects the H.A. passage of being an invention of the author. It fits all the better into this present fourth-century context. 215. G. Bruns, Staatskameen des 4. Jahrhunderts (1948) 22f; figs. 17-18. D. Strong, Roman Art (Baltimore, 1976) fig. 246, also refers this cameo to Julian. A cameo now in Bucharest (Bruns, Staatskameen, 26, figs. 19-20; M. Gramotopol, “Le grand camée de Roumanie,” Latomus 24 (1965) 870-885, identifies the figures

as Julian and his wife Helena; K. Horedt, “Bemerkungen zur Deutung des Cameo Orghidan,” Latomus 33 (1974) 673-675, suggests earlier dates) shows the

same subject in an abbreviated form: the chariot has disappeared, and the city goddess (see Bruns, Staatskameen, 26 and n. 100) does not crown the emperor. This cameo is probably later than the one from Berlin. It has eliminated the chariot motif, and presents an image which, in the terms of Roman imperial art, was more conventional. An iconographic parallel appears on the Trier cameo, generally regarded as Constantinian: A. Alfé6ldi, in W. Reusch, ed., Aus der Schatzkammer des antiken Trier (1959) 50-53; M. R. Alfdidi, Die konstantinische Goldpragung (1963) 127-128.

216. F Cumont, “L’aigle funéraire d’Hiérapolis,” in Et. Syr. (1917) 35-118. See also E. R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, vol. 8 (1958) 122-142, esp. 131ff, 136, for further examples. 217. H. P. LOrange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World (1953) 51f; cf. 64f, 80f.; cf. Cumont, “L’Aigle funéraire d’Hiérapolis,” 91ff. Sassanian silver: L-Orange, Cosmic Kingship, figs. 52-53, 55. 218. E.g., on St. Mark’s, Venice, L'Orange, Cosmic Kingship, 118f, fig. 86. 219. Sixth—eighth centuries: L’'Orange, Cosmic Kingship, 128, fig. 91; S. H. Gutberlet, Die Himmelfahrt Christi in der bildenden Kunst von den Anfdngen bis ins hohe Mittelalter (1935) 102-107; and A. Grabar, Christian Iconography, 134-135; cf. 112-113; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 557. 220. L’'Orange, Cosmic Kingship, 125, fig. 90; cf. Grabar, Iconography, 35, who relates the Rabbula miniature to Roman triumphal art. I think L‘Orange’s interpretation is more convincing. See also H. Schrade, “Himmelfahrt Christi,” Vortr. Bibl. Warburg (1928-1929), 144ff; S. H. Gutberlet, Die Himmelfahrt, 50-62; cf. 42, a Monza ampulla, but without the wheels; and J. A. Leroy, Les manuscrits syriaques a peintures conservés dans les bibliothéques d'Europe et d’Orient (1964) 182-189 for a detailed discussion of this miniature and its context; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 455, 495-496. 221. The ascent of Alexander as represented in Eastern imagery, in the West became an exemplum for pride: L'Orange, Cosmic Kingship, 118ff. A related use of the image showing Doeg the Edomite (I Samuel 22, 9ff) seated, facing back-

ward on a throne supported by a simurgh, appears in the Corbie Psalter: J. Hubert, J. Porcher, and W. EF. Volbach, Europe in the Dark Ages (1969) 195, fig. 205.

Khusro II, another Western mediaeval exemplum for the sin of pride, was similarly shown on a throne chariot; see L. I. Ringbom, Paradisus Terrestris, (1958) 382f, 387ff (English summary 444f). A reminder of the old meaning of the throne chariot in a Christian Byzantine context appears in the Last Judgement scene at

Torcello, where the mandorla in which Christ is seated is supported by two

Himmelfahrt, 117f. '

wheels. On Byzantine representations of the Ascension, see S. H. Gutberlet, Die

222. This is so even if we can no longer assume the existence of a “circle of Symmachus” or a vigorous intellectual climate in Rome during this period: Alan

334 Notes to Pages 139-140 Cameron, “Paganism and Literature in Late Fourth Century Rome,” in Christianisme et formes littéraires de l’antiquité tardive en Occident, Entretiens Hardt, 23 (1977) 1-40. For pagan senatorial propaganda, see A. Alfdldi, Die Kontorniaten, ein verkanntes Propagandamittel der stadtrémischen heidnischen Aristokratie in ihrem Kampfe gegen das christliche Kaisertum, Budapest, Magyar numismatikai Harsulat

(1942-43) (revised and expanded, A. Alfdldi, E. Alféldi, and C. L. Clay, Die Kontorniat-Medaillons (plates and catalogue 1976)); A. Alfé6ldi, A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the Fourth Century (1937). For a modification,

see 5. Mazzarino, “La Propaganda senatoriale nel tardo impero,” Doxa 4 (1951) 121-148. For consecratio in Rome see P.W. Suppl. 4, 815ff. (Kaiserkult), where it is

stated that the senate consecrated emperors down to the fourth century, without always, however, citing the evidence. For what are, probably, the latest records, see lJoannes Bapt. de Rossi, Inscr. Christ. Urbis Romae, vol. 1 (1857-1861) 337-339, and the inscription on 338: Martia Theudosium Dominorum Roma parentem aetherio divum venerans sacravit in orbe. Ausonius still praises Gratian as piissimus for consecrating his father—Gratiarum actio2— thus making a direct link with the ideol-

ogy of the second century. 223. Poli media stellantis in arce, an expression resembling terms used for imperial consecratio elsewhere; cf. above, at n. 214 and the awidec oupdviai of Eusebius, above at n. 132; cf. below, at n. 225. 224. Claudian VI cons., Praef. 11-26: Me quoque Musarum studium sub nocte silenti artibus adsuetis sollicitare solet. namque poli media stellantis in arce videbar ante pedes summi carmina ferre lovis;

(15-16)... Enceladus mihi carmen erat victusque Typhoeus: his subit Inarimen, hunc gravis Aetna domat. quam laetum post bella Iovem susceperat aether Phlegraeae referens praemia militiae! Additur ecce fides nec me mea lusit imago, inrita nec falsum somnia misit ebur. en princeps, en orbis apex aequatus Olympo! en quales memini, turba verenda, deos! fingere nil maius potuit sopor, altaque vati conventum caelo praebuit aula parem.

225. Claudian Ill cons., 163-184: Nec plura locutus, sicut erat, liquido signavit tramite nubes ingrediturque globum Lunae limenque relinquit Arcados et Veneris clementes advolat auras. hinc Phoebi permensus iter flammamque nocentem Gradivi placidumque Iovem; stetit arce suprema, algenti qua zona riget Saturnia tractu. machina laxatur caeli rutilaeque patescunt sponte fores. Arctoa parat convexa Bootes, australes reserat portas succinctus Orion invitantque novum sidus, pendentque vicissim quas partes velit ipse sequi, quibus esse sodalis

Notes to Pages 140-145 335 dignetur stellis aut qua regione morari. O decus aetherium, terrarum gloria quondam, te tuus Oceanus natali gurgite lassum excipit et notis Hispania proluit undis. fortunate parens, primos cum detegis ortus, adspicis Arcadium; cum te proclivior urges, occiduum visus remoratur Honorius ignem; et quocumque vagos flectas sub cardine cursus, natorum per regna venis, qui mente serena maturoque regunt iunctas moderamine gentes, saecula qui rursus formant meliore metallo.

226. Cf. Alan Cameron, Claudian, 208ff. 227. Santo Mazzarino, Antico, tardoantico ed era costantiniana, vol. 1 (1974) 357ff. See also above, “ Adventus” n. 182. 228. Claudian III cons., 105-110: Jam libertate reducta, quamvis emeritum peteret natura reverti numen et auratas astrorum panderet arces, distulit Augustus cupido se credere caelo, dum tibi pacatum praesenti traderet orbem.

For the adventus of Honorius from the East, see above, “Adventus” at nn. 204f. 229. Claudian IV cons., 428f. 230. Claudian VI cons., 101f. 231. See below, at nn. 240ff. 232. The mention of divi by Sidonius is thus essentially mechanical: Sidonius Carmen, H, 210, 317ff; cf. Carmen, VII, 102f listing earlier emperors. 233. R. Delbrueck, Die Consulardiptychen, no. 59, 227f, W. FE. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spitantike und des friihen Mittelalters (1976) no. 56; for the date, K.

Wessel, “Eine Gruppe oberitalischer Elfenbeinarbeiten,” Jahrbuch des Instituts 63-64 (1948-49) ll1f. See also H. Schrade, “Himmelfahrt Christi,” Vortr. Bibl. Warburg (1928-1929), 106ff. K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 70—71.

234. For the date of Macrobius, roughly contemporary with the ivory, see Alan Cameron, “The Date and Identity of Macrobius,” JRS 56 (1966) 25-38. 235. Pyre surmounted by quadriga: RIC, Il, 247, 398, 441, legend CONSECRATIO, commemorative issues for Antoninus Pius and M. Aurelius. Elephant quadriga for consecratio, H. H. Scullard, The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (1974) 254ff and pl. XXIV f and g, for Augustus and L. Verus resp.; EF Matz, Der

Gott auf dem Elefantenwagen, Akad. d. Wiss. u. d. Lit. Wiesbaden, Abhandl. geistes- u. Sozialwiss. KI., 1952 (1953) 719-763, esp. 738ff.

236. Wessel, “Eine Gruppe,” finds no solution to the identity of the charioteer; L’'Orange, The Iconography of Cosmic Kingship, 60, rightly identifies the figure as the Divus. 237. Dio, 75, 4f; Herodian, 4, 1, 11f., above, at nn. 50ff.

238. Cf. Claudian II cons., 105f, 163f; IV cons., 428f. Macrobius Somn., 1, 9-14. 239. F. Cumont, Recherches sur le symbolisme funéraire des Romains (1942) 87, 304, 373f, 487f.

240. On consolationes in Greece and Rome, see R. Kassel, Untersuchungen zur

336 Notes to Pages 145-147 griechischen und rémischen Konsolationsliteratur, Zetemata, 18 (1958). J. Soffel, Die

Regeln Menanders fiir die Leichenrede, Beitr. zur klass. Philologie, H. 57 (1974) 78-89, discusses Greek Christian funerary discourses. The tension between the overt rejection of pagan rhetorical rules on the one hand, and their observation

for the sake of communicating a new Christian content (82ff on Gregory of Nyssa) applies to Ambrose also. 241. Ambrose De Ob. Theod. 3 with Genesis 50, 2f; see also, Herodian, 4, 1, 3f.

For funerary processions and translations in general see E. Gabba and G. Tibiletti, “Una Signora di Treveri sepolta a Pavia,” Athenaeum n.s. 38 (1960) 253-62; for triumphal aspects of the imperial funerary procession, Versnel, Triumphus, 123f.

242. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., ed. Faller, 56: Nec vereare ne inhonorae videantur, quocumque accesserint reliquiae triumphales. Non hoc sentit Italia, quae claros spectavit triumphos, quae a tyrannis iterum liberata concelebrat suae libertatis auctorem: non hoc Constantinopolis, quae secundo ad victoriam principem misit, quem, cum vellet tenere, non potuit. Expectabat quidem in reditu eius triumphales sollemnitates et titulos victoriarum, expectabat totius orbis imperatorem stipatum exercitu Gallicano et

totius orbis subnixum viribus. Sed nunc illi Theodosius potentior, nunc gloriosior redit quem angelorum caterva deducit, quem sanctorum turba prosequitur. Beata plane, quae paradisi incolam suscipis, et habitatorem supernae illius civitatis, augusto sepulti corporis tenebis hospitio.

The body of Theodosius was received in Constantinople and buried there by Arcadius, Socrates H.E., 6, 1. 243. Above, n. 241; Dio, 75, 4f. 244. Pan. Lat., 8, 8, 4, cf. above, “Adventus” at 58. 245. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 31, below, n. 257. 246. C. Mango, The Homilies of Photius Patriarch of Constantinople (1958) Homily 3, 84, 90ff; cf. Homily 4, 109; cf. MacCormack, “Roma and Constantinopolis,” CQ 25 (1975) 149-150.

247. E.g., Gregory of Nyssa, encomium of St. Stephen; K. Baus, Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum (1940) esp. 144ff. 248. See A. Recheis, Engel, Tod und Seelenreise. Das Wirken der Gerster beim Heimgang des Menschen in der Lehre der alexandrinischen und kappadokischen Véter, Temi e Testi, 4 (1958).

249. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 7-8: Desiluit equo princeps, et ante aciem solus progrediens, ait: ‘Ubi est Theodosii deus?’ Iam hoc Christo proximus loquebatur. Quis enim posset hoc dicere, nisi qui Christo se adhaerere cognosceret? Quo dicto excitavit omnes, exemplo omnes armavit, et iam certe senior aetate, sed validus fide. Theodosii ergo fides fuit vestra victoria: vestra fides filiorum eius fortitudo sit. Fides ergo auget aetatem. . . . Quid enim est fides nisi rerum earum quae sperantur substantia?

John Chrysostom knew Ambrose’s consolatio for Theodosius and used this pas-

sage in his oration on an anniversary of the death of Theodosius: P.G., 63, 491-494 at 491-492. The exegesis of the term fides in a political context was a recurring theme with Ambrose; cf. his ep. 40, 22, to Theodosius, in 388 A.D. 250. Note the interplay between fides imperatoris and militum virtus, De Ob.

Notes to Pages 147-149 337 Theod., 6. The latter reflects a much-repeated slogan on the coinage of this period—a pointer to Ambrose’s ability to understand and utilise contemporary politics to propagate the Christian empire. Cf. RIC, VII, Index II, s.v. VIRTUS EXERCIT etc.; RIC, IX, Index V, s.v. VIRTUS EXERCITI. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 6-7: . . . Tantus imperator recessit a nobis, sed non totus recessit; reliquit enim no-

bis liberos suos, in quibus eum debemus agnoscere, et in quibus eum et cernimus et tenemus. Nec moveat aetas! Fides militum imperatoris perfecta aetas est; est enim perfecta aetas ubi perfecta est virtus. Reciproca haec, quia et fides imperatoris militum virtus est. Recognoscitis nempe, quos vobis Theodosii fides triumphos adquisiverit.

251. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 10: Ubi autem fides, ibi exercitus angelorum est. 252. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 11-12: Solvite filiis eius quod debetis patri. . . [filiis] imperatoris pii, imperatoris misericordis, imperatoris fidelis.

253. Ambrose De Ob. Valent., 71-72: Huic ascendenti animae Gratianus frater occurrit et complexus eam .. . . Veni inquit, frater meus, exeamus in agrum, requiescamus in castellis, diluculo surgamus in vineas, hoc est, Venisti eo ubi diversarum virtutum fructus pro singulorum meritis deferuntur, ubi abundant meritorum praemia.

254. See EF Holmes Dudden, The Life and Times of St. Ambrose, (1935) 417-421. » 955. Augustae memoriae: cf. above, at nn. 85ff, on the post-Tetrarchic MEMORIA issues. 256. Luce perpetua: for this image, see above, at n. 70. 257. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 31-32:

In quam [requiem] festinavit intrare Theodosius, atque ingredi civitatem Hierusalem, de qua dictum est: Et reges terrae ferent gloriam suam in illam. Illa est vera gloria, quae ibi sumitur, illud regnum beatissimum, quod ibi possidetur,

ad quod festinabat apostolus. .. . Absolutus igitur dubio certaminum fruitur nunc augustae memoriae Theodosius luce perpetua, tranquillitate diuturna, et pro his quae in hoc gessit corpore, remunerationis divinae fructibus gratulatur. Ergo quia dilexit augustae memoriae Theodosius dominum deum suum, meruit sanctorum consortia.

On the principes Christiani of the fourth century, cf. below, “Accession,” n. 238. 258. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 39-40: Manet ergo in lumine Theodosius, et sanctorum coetibus gloriatur. Illic nunc

complectitur Gratianum, iam sua vulnera non maerentem, quia invenit ultorem. ... De quibus bene dicitur: Dies diei eructat verbum. Contra autem Maximus et Eugenius in inferno quasi nox nocti indicat scientiam, docentes ex-

emplo miserabili quam durum sit arma suis principibus inrogare. De quibus pulchre dicitur, Vidi impium superexaltatum et elevatum super cedros Libani: et transivi et ecce non erat. Transivit enim pius de caligine saeculari ad lumen aeter-

num. ... Nunc se augustae memoriae Theodosius regnare cognoscit, quando in regno est domini Iesu. Cf. Eusebius V.C., 1, 3; 27 and R. Farina, L’impero e l’imperatore cristiano in Eusebio di Cesarea (1966) 224ff.

259. E.g., Pan. Lat., 3, 6-8.

338 Notes to Pages 149-153 260. Eusebius V.C., 1, 23; cf. 47 (Tetrarchs); 1, 57, Galerius; 1, 38, Maxentius; 2, 18; cf. 2, 26ff., Licinius.

261. However, the identification of the enemy of the state with the enemy of

religion, although not as explicit, started earlier. The usurper, enemy of the state, was also the enemy of the gods, because he disrupted the god-given order: see F. Burdeau, “L’empereur d’aprés les panégyristes latins,” in Aspects de Vempire romain (1964) 39.

262. See Averil Cameron, Flavius Crescontius Corippus, In laudem Iustini Augusti minoris (1976) 10-14. 263. J. B. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian, vol. 2 (1923) 70; Cameron, Corippus 5 with references to the

panegyric. 264. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 1-3: Imperii culmen rerum non motibus ullis non armis sumptum, non ambitione potitum auspicio meliore cano.

265. Corippus In Laud. lust., 1, 31ff.

266. As he had been bidden by Justinian, according to Corippus In Laud. Tust., 4, 332f.

267. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 130-153. 268. Corippus In Laud. lIust., 1, 136. 269. Corippus In Laud. [ust., 1, 138. 270. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 145-148: Te successorem statuens sibi. suscipe gaudens: in tua iura suum transmisit avunculus orbem. non te cognatum sanctissimus ille putavit, sed genitum. te iura vocant, te sustinet aula.

271. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 130. 272. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 173-180: Pedibus prostrata iacensque omnis turba simul ‘pius es, miserere’ perorat ‘supplicibus, vir sancte, tuis: succurre periclis. omnia mox veniente die periisse videbis, si vacuam vulgus sine principe senserit aulam.

(178)... Ipse tenere sceptra tuus moriens te iussit avunculus ore.

273. Corippus In Laud. lust., 1, 190-193: Incedunt media securam nocte per urbem fronte parum laeti, quamvis gaudente senatu imperium peterent, quamquam omnia tuta viderent.

274. Corippus In Laud. lust., 1, 208-211: Nam quis temptaret obesse, cum deus imperium sancto iam dixerat ore Iustino Sophiaeque dari, muroque potenti cinxerat atque armis totam caelestibus aulam?

Notes to Pages 153-154 339 275. Corippus In Laud. lust., 1, 236-247: . . . Suprema suae servans insignia vitae Iustinianus erat, non mutans morte colorem, sed solito candore nitens. quod vicerit orbem, mors veneranda viri signis monstravit apertis. ipse videbatur cunctis plangentibus unus effigie gaudere pia, diademate comptus purpureaque in veste iacens, requiescere somno credere quod posses, non duro funere, corpus.

276. Corippus In Laud. lust., 1, 263-271, cf. Pan. Lat., 9, 24, 4-25, 1. 277. E.g., Suetonius Nero, 9; on Tiberius deflecting honour from himself to the dead Augustus, see M. P. Charlesworth, “The Refusal of Divine Honours,” PBSR 15 (1939) 1-10.

278. Corippus In Laud. lust., 1, 257ff. 279. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 2, 307-343. 280. Corippus In Laud. lust., 2, 137ff. 281. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 1220-121. 282. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 276-281; 285-293: [Sophia] intextam pretioso murice vestem, Iustinianorum series ubi tota laborum neto auro insignita fuit gemmisque corusca. illic barbaricas flexa cervice phalanges, occisos reges, subiectasque ordine gentes pictor acu tenui multa formaverat arte.

(281-284)... ipsum autem in media victorem pinxerat aula, effera Vandalici calcantem colla tyranni, plaudentem Libyam fruges laurumque ferentem. addidit antiquam tendentem brachia Romam, exerto et nudam gestantem pectore mammam, altricem imperii libertatisque parentem. haec ideo fieri vivax Sapientia iussit, ornatum ut propriis funus regale triumphis Augustum in tumulum fatalis duceret hora.

Compare this account to Procopius’ description of the mosaic ceiling depicting Justinian’s triumph, above “Adventus” at n. 292, and Averil Cameron, Corippus, ad loc.

283. Corippus In Laud. lust., 3, 13ff. The theme of triumph over the Orient goes back to Caesar and beyond, Vergil Aeneid, 1, 286-290: Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar, imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris, lulius, a magno demissum homine lulo. hunc tu olim caelo, spoliis orientis onustum accipies secura; vocabitur hic quoque votis.

284. Claudian III cons., 210—211; IV cons., 585ff.

285. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 3, 31-36. 286. Corippus In Laud. lust., 3, 6. 287. Corippus In Laud. lust., 3, 8-10.

340 Notes to Pages 154-156 288. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 3, 22; 42—43; 55. 289. Cf. Claudian III cons., 126f; IV cons., 580f; VI cons., 543f. The theme of welcoming by a crowd has been treated in adventus as one of the main themes of

imperial arrivals and appearances. 290. Corippus In Laud. lust., 3, 40—41: Omnis in exequias sexus convenit et aetas. Quis memorare potest tantae miracula pompae?

291. See Theophanes Continuatus (Bonn), 353, 4f: translation of the remains of Manuel from Chrysopolis to Constantinople, with singing, and candles. In the procession were senators and clergy. The body, in a cypress sarcophagus, was dressed in imperial robes. 292. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 3, 59f. On Byzantine imperial funerals in the wider context of burial customs in general see J. Kyriakis, “Byzantine Burial Customs, the Care of the Deceased from Death to Prothesis,” The Greek Orthodox Theological Review 19 (1974) 37-72.

293. Ambrose De Ob. Theod., 32. 294. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 1, 49-51: Quid fundis lacrimas? rerum quid gaudia defles? proice tristitiam: vivit pater, aethere vivit, et fruitur meliore die. succede labori.

295. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 3, 31-5: Nos flemus tristes. . . . tu pater, angelicas inter, sanctissime, turmas laetus abes, positoque deum iam corpore cernis

(By contrast, Claudian III cons., 163: Theodosius entered the sphere of the moon sicut erat, i.e., in the body) et frueris meliore die sub lumine solis nox cui nulla subit.

Cf. Evagrius H.E., 2, 8 Bidez-Parmentier 57, describing the death of Marcian as 1poc Oedv &KOnPlav.

296. Corippus In Laud. Iust., 4, 337-344: Vocor ... alumne, et properat suprema dies, iussuque creantis a regnis in regna vehor. deus omne Latinum

Justino dedit imperium... . ... cum carne relicta spiritus ascendens claram penetraverit arcem, in medio procerum Iustini ad limina perge. invitato virum, nolit licet ille subire.

297. Pan. Lat., 7, 7, 1ff (Constantius I); Eusebius V.C., 1, 21 (Constantius I), and 4, 60—64 (Constantine); Claudian III cons., 105-110 (Theodosius).

298. See, e.g., the funerary procession of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in which the participants Goyaoi nponopmiois wv €€odov peyaAuvovtec, Theophanes Continuatus 467, 19 (Bonn). For this and the following see O. Treitinger, Die ostrémische Kaiser- und Reichsidee (1938; 1956) 155f.

Notes to Pages 156-162 341 299. De Cer. (Bonn), 1, 60: éEeAOe BaciAev, KaAei oe 6 BaoiAetc t@v Bao1AcuévVIwvV Kal KUP10G TOV KUPIEUOVIOV.

elocAGe BaoiAev, Kade! ce 6 BaolAetc tev PacikeU6VIMV Kai KUP10G TOV KUPIEVOVIOV.

amo68ou 16 otéppa and tic KeBadijc aou.

The calling of the emperor by God has a parallel in Leontius’ Life of John the Almsgiver, who before his death dreamt that a eunuch in courtly dress delivered such a message to him. See A. J. Festugiére, Léontios de Néapolis, vie de Syméon le fou et vie de Jean de Chypre, Inst. Fr. d’Arch. de Beyrouth, Vol. 95 (1974) Vie de Jean

ch. 52, p. 403. The idea is also in Corippus, above at n. 296, with Averil Cameron, Corippus, ad loc.

300. Cf. above, at n. 146, and P. E. Schramm, “’Mitherrschaft im Himmel,’ ein Topos des Herrscherkults in christlicher Einkleidung,” Polychronion, Festschr. F, Délger (1966) 480ff.

301. E.g., Iliad, 24, 258 “Extwp, 6c Gedc goxe pet’ dvopaoiv; see L. Bieler, OEIOX ANHP Das Bild des “Gottlichen Menschen” in Spitantike und Friihchristentum. (Vienna, 1935; Darmstadt, 1967), 9-13; also Themistius Or., 7, 97b; 15, 193c,

quoting the Delphic Oracle. .

302. Agapetus, “Ex@eoic § 63, PG, 86', 1184: 6 pév Oedc oUdevoc Seitai- 6

Baoidetc 6 povou Ocot (cf. Ann. Epigr. 557 (1973): tou éuoeB(eotdtou) Kai o1A0x (piotou) peta 8eo0/ Hyadv Seondétou mA(aouiou) ‘louotiviavow. . . .) This dictum is a variant on one of the Sentences of Sextus: 6 pév Gedc oUSEvoOc Seital, 6 d€ m1otoc HOvou Geo: H. Chadwick, The Sentences of Sextus (1959) 18 § 49; cf. 87,

166. Cf. the discussion of the pagan mimesis theou by rulers in relation to Eusebius, S. Calderone, “Teologia politica, successione dinastica e consecratio in eta constantiniana,” Le culte des souverains, Entretiens Hardt, 19 (1972) 237ff. 303. See J. D. Breckenridge, The Numismatic Iconography of Justinian II, Numismatic Notes and Monographs, 144 (1959) 22ff, 46ff. See also above at n. 193.

Ill. ACCESSION 1. See the excellent study, in part based on the coinage, by A. U. Stylow, Libertas und Liberalitas, Untersuchungen zur innenpolitischen Propaganda der Rémer (1972).

2. See G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Rémer (1912; 1971) 146.

3. Tacitus Hist., 1, 4. 4. Remitting taxes was one of the actions regularly praised in emperors; see below at n. 22 for Constantine. A remission of taxes by Trajan, with burning of the tax records, is depicted on one of the Plutei Traiani: E. Nash, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome, vol. 2 (1968) 176-178. 5. Ignaz Ziegler, Die Kénigsgleichnisse des Midrasch beleuchtet durch die rémische

Kaiserzeit (1903) 2. Contrast F. E. Brightman, “Byzantine Imperial Coronations,” JTS 2 (1901) 359-392, where phase one of the imperial accession ceremonies (Augustus to Diocletian) is described as conforming more to the model of election by the Senate. Cf. H. U. Instinsky, Bischofsstuhl und Kaiserthron (1955) 32ff, on

enthronement in the Curia. 6. Claudian VI cons., 9-10; this is a topos. For an extended rendering of it, see

Merobaudes Panegyricus Il, 30-48 (ed. Vollmer, 8).

342 Notes to Pages 162-165 7. In 629 Heraclius assumed the title BaoiAetc, thus ending the ancient tension from a constitutional point of view. A revealing perspective on these issues is provided by I. Shahid, “The Iranian Factor in Byzantium under Heraclius,” DOP 26 (1972) 295-320. For divine election, see the fundamental article by A. D. Nock, “A Diis electa,” Harvard Theological Review 23 (1930), reprinted in his Essays, vol. 1 (1972) 252-270, esp. 261ff, and J. Rufus Fears, Princeps a diis electus. The Divine Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome, American Academy

in Rome, Papers and Monographs, 26 (1977).

8. See, on the dichotomy of election and dynasty, W. Sickel, “Das byzantinische Krénungsrecht bis zum 10. Jahrhundert,” BZ 7 (1898) 511-557, at 512f and passim; and, from a different point of view, H. G. Beck, “Konstantinopel, zur Sozialgeschichte einer friih-mittelalterlichen Hauptstadt,” BZ 58 (1965), reprinted in his Ideen und Realitdten in Byzanz (1972) 11-45, at 14: “Den fiinf bis zehn

deutschen K6nigsfamilien stehen anndhernd dreissig byzantinische gegentiber.” That is, it is possible in Byzantium to talk about dynasties, but at the same time, election tout court remained a method of choosing an emperor. For the second century, see also A. U. Stylow, Libertas und Liberalitas, 42. 9. Another representation of this type may have been the picture of Justin II designating Tiberius as Caesar, which was described by John of Ephesus H. E. pars tertia, 5 (tr. E. W. Brooks, (1936) 95): Quamobrem, cum tandem simulacra ambobus statuta sunt, angelus inter eos effictus est qui stabat et os ad aurem regis lustini apponebat. itaque hoc fideliter ab omnibus acceptum est.

10. The H.A. presents a variety of formulations of the theme of election and

succession of emperors, providing an insight into the diversity of concepts which still contributed to formulating imperial accessions in the late fourth century. See J. Béranger, “Idéologie impériale dans l’H.A.,” Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1972-1974 (1976) 29-53, esp. 37 with n. 89, 43-45. Note the election of Tacitus, 49, stressing the role of the Senate, a then outmoded theme, which

could, however, still be reflected in panegyric when an emperor was being praised for civilian virtues, Symmachus Or., 2, 294. 11. See C. A. Bouman, Sacring and Crowning (1957); and R. Elze, Die Ordines ftir die Weihe und Krénung des Kaisers und der Kaiserin, Fontes luris Germanici antiqui in usum scholarum, 1960; see XXIIIff on the nature of these ordines. For Byzantium, below at nn. 372ff. 12. See, in general, H. Mattingly, “The Imperial Vota,” Proceedings of the British Academy 36 (1950) 155-195, and 37 (1951) 219-268; for depictions of the vota of anniversaries in art, see I. Scott Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art, Memoirs, American Academy in Rome, 22 (1955) 131f; see also below, n. 25. 13. RIC IX, 17, 24, 31, 33, 76, 81, 217 with plate 11, 4.

14. But Theodosius avoided the celebration of the vota: Mattingly, PBA 37 (1951) 262—263. The vota coins of Honorius and his successors are a revival. 15. Pan. Lat., 2, 3, 2: Illa lux divinum verticem claro orbe complectens. 16. But on the consular diptychs, it was only Constantius Ii] who, shortly before he became emperor, ventured to let himself be represented with captives, as triumphator: W. F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 35 (plate 56). So it was appropri-

ate that Rutilius in the newly discovered fragment of book II of his De Red.

Notes to Pages 166-167 343 should praise him as Latii nominis una salus. See M. Ferrari, “Frammenti ignoti di Rutilio Namaziano,” Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 16 (1973) 15-30, at 28—30; cf. E. Cecchini, “Per il nuovo Rutilio Namaziano,” Rivista di filologia classica 102 (1974)

401-403, for an expanded reading of the fragment. 17. RIC, IX, 277, 20; pi. 13, 5. For a related reverse iconography, showing VOTA PUBLICA TROBT, Gratian and the young Valentinian II (Gratian on the obverse), see A. Alféldi, A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the Fourth Century (1937) 53 and n. 155; pl. 10, 2. 18. For the emperors as SALUS ET SPES REIPUBLICAE compare the Constantinian

issues with this reverse legend, showing Constantine enthroned frontally with Caesars at either side, RIC, VII, 328 (Rome 326 a.D.); 527 (Thessalonica 335 a.D.);

977, 583 (Constantinople 330 and 335-336 a.p. respectively). Iconography and legend are related to the issue here described, but the vota legend is absent. 19. Pan. Lat., 4, 2, 2-3, 1: Det igitur mihi, Caesar invicte, hodiernae gratulationis exordium divinus ille vestrae maiestatis ortus ipso quo illuxit auspicio veris illustrior, cui dies serenus atque, ut celebrantes sensimus, ultra rationem temporis sol aestivus incaluit, augustiore fulgens luminis claritate quam cum originem mundi nascentis animavit, siquidem tunc inter illa rerum tenera primordia moderatus dicitur ne noceret ardentior, nunc certasse creditur ne maiestate vestra videretur obscurior. O felix beatumque ver novo partu, iam non amoenitate florum nec viriditate segetum nec gemmis vitium nec ipsis tantum favoniis et luce serenata laetum atque venerabile quantum ortu Caesarum maximorum!

20. Claudian IV cons., 170ff. 21. Cf. above, “Adventus” at nn. 56ff. 22. Pan. Lat., 8, 13, 1-4; 6: Quinque annorum nobis reliqua remisisti! O lustrum omnibus lustris felicius! O lustrum quod merito hanc imperii tui aequavit aetatem! Nobis ergo praecipue te principem di immortales creaverunt, quibus singulis haec est nata felicitas, ex quo tu imperare coepisti. Quinquennalia tua nobis, etiam perfecta, celebranda sunt. Illa enim quinto incipiente suscepta omnibus populis iure communia, nobis haec propria quae plena sunt. Praeclara fertur Catonis oratio de lustri sui felicitate. lam tunc enim in illa vetere re publica ad censorum laudem pertinebat, si lustrum felix condidissent, si horrea messis implesset, si vindemia redundasset, si oliveta larga fluxissent. Quid ergo nos convenit gratulari de hoc indulgentiae tuae lustro, lustro quo, licet illa frugum cessarit ubertas, fecisti tamen ut omnia

largiora videantur fuisse quam fuerint? . . . Hoc nobis est ista largitio, quod Terra mater frugum, quod Iuppiter moderator aurarum: quidquid illi parcius dederant, nobis tamen ex beneficio tuo natum est.

23. See above, “Adventus” at nn. 145f. 24. See also Eusebius L.C., 6, 5-6 and V.C., 4, 40 (cf. 68, for the proclamation of the Caesars as Augusti). 25. Eusebius L.C., 3, 1; 2-5 passim: 0 6&....mpooOnkac avUtd pakpav nepiddwv tic PaciAeiac npootiPnoliyv, .. . mapéxei te mavtoiac éoptdc éxteAciv ov NOAA paotwvn tic povapyiac, &’ EKAOTH nep16bw Sexaetovcs navnyupens, Eva tivd tov autov naidev éni tv tov BaoiA1Kot Opévou Kolvwviav mpoxeipiC6pevoc Kai monep euGaAci Kai dKpaiw

PUT® xpovev auenoeic Swpoupevos, .. . oUt Sta xpovev Gpa Kai naiswv av-

344 Notes to Pages 168-170 Enoeic BaolAeI 1H OeodhiAcotatw Bedc avtoc 6 napPaoidete Swpotpevoc, aKpacoucav aute Kai veapav tiv Kata tov éni yijc €Ovav Hyepoviav Oonep apt ouelv apxopéevynv KaGiotnolv. .. . ci’ und piav CedyAnv BaoiAlKoU te8pinnou téttapac Unoceueac avtoc AUT@ 01d tivac N@AOUG toUc avépelotdtouc Kaioapac,

nviaig te autouc évOéou ouLgmwviac te Kai Opovoiac appoodpevoc, Avwbev UWNAD.s HVv1IOxX@vV &Aauvel, OpoU tiv oUpNaGav Gonv HAloc éhopa Siinnevwv, autOG TE TOIc NAG1V émnapwv Kai ta ndvta SiaoKonoUPEVoc. Kdnelta tic oUpaviou BaoiAeiac eikév1 KeKoopnpevoc, dvw PAéNwvV, KATA THV

apxétunov idéav tovc Kdtw diakuBepvev iPvvel. ...

Tr. H. A. Drake, In Praise of Constantine (1976) 86—87, with commentary 159-160. See also Socrates H.E., 1, 38, who here follows Eusebius and notes the same con-

nection between Constantine’s decennial anniversaries and the successive nominations of his sons as Caesars. In short, the two authors explicitly associate the vota with accessions. 26. V.C., 4, 40. 27. E.g., Pliny ep., 10, 52-3, 102-103. 28. See R. O. Fink, A. 5S. Hoey, and W. FE Snyder, “The Feriale Duranum,” Yale Classical Studies 7 (1940) 1-221, and M. Grant, Roman Anniversary Issues (1950).

29. E.g., Pan. Lat. 2,1, 1f; 3, 1, 1f; 4, 2, 2, where the serenity and beauty of the day of Constantius’ accession is stressed. 30. John Lydus De Mens., 4, 10; cf. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, 448, cf. 381-383. On the pagan character of these celebrations in the fourth century, see A. Alféldi, A Festival of Isis in Rome under the Christian Emperors of the Fourth Century (1937) 12-14, 42—58, esp. 47ff.

31. See below, at nn. 396ff; cf. n. 467. 32. For the expression of this aspect of Christianity in rhetorical theory, see G. L. Kustas, Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric (1973) 30ff. 33. Nonetheless, different nuances could still be brought to bear at different times; thus, see below at nn. 456ff. on the imperial mosaics of San Vitale.

34. W. Seston, Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie, Bibl. des éc. fr. d’Athénes et de Rome, 162 (1946) is fundamental to the issues here discussed. On Hercules, and his juxtaposition with Iuppiter in an imperial context, see also M. Simon, Hercule et le christianisme (1955) 131-142 with 77-118. 35. Cf. Fink, “Feriale Duranum,” Yale Class. Stud. 7 (1940) 102-112.

36. Pan. Lat., 2,1, 4: Hoc die quo immortalis ortus dominae gentium civitatis

.... celebratur.

37. Pan. Lat., 2, 1-2. 38. Pan. Lat., 2,1, 3. 39. Pan. Lat., 2, 3,1. 40. Pan. Lat., 2,2, 2f.: Quis enim dubitat . . . Italia quidem sit gentium domina gloriae vetustate, sed Pannonia virtute? An divinam generis tui originem recensebo, quam tu non modo factis immortalibus, sed etiam nominis successione testaris?

41. Pan. Lat., 2, 3, 3. The exercise of cura by the emperor is an ancient theme in Roman imperial theory: see J. Béranger, Recherches sur l’aspect idéologique du princtpat, Schweizer Beitr. zur Altertumswiss., 6 (1953) 186-217.

Notes to Pages 170-172 345 42. The reference is to Vergil Aeneid, 8, 184-279. See also K. Latte, Rémische Religionsgeschichte (1960) 213—221 on the Roman background.

43. Pan. Lat., 2, 2, 1: Quare si nunc Romae omnes magistratus et pontifices et sacerdotes iuxta parentes urbis et statores deos Herculis templa venerantur, quia partam aliquando ex victoria praedam a flumine Hibero et conscio occidui solis oceano ad pabula Tyrrhena compulerit et in Palatino iugo venturo tibi reliquerit vestigia, quanto tandem studio nos hic convenit, qui te praesentem intuemur deum toto quidem orbe victorem, sed nunc cum maxime in eadem occidentis plaga non pastorem trino capite deformem, sed prodigium multo taetrius opprimentem, quidquid spiritus et vocis habeamus, omne id in laudibus tuis non occupare modo, sed, si res poscat, absumere?

44. H. P. LOrange, “Ein tetrarchisches Ehrendenkmal auf dem Forum Romanum,” Rémische Mitteilungen 53 (1938) 1-34, reprinted in his Likeness and Icon (1973) 131-157, at 137f, 143ff; and H. Kahler, Das Fiinfsdéulendenkmal fiir die Tetrarchen auf dem Forum Romanum, Mon. Artis Rom., 3 (1964) 6 and passim. Cf. G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultur der Romer (1912; 1971) 561f; K. Latte, Rémische Religionsgeschichte (1960) 41f, and, for the military aspect, A. von Domaszewski, Abhandlungen zur rémischen Religion, (1909; 1975) 16-18. On other representations

of this rite in art, see I. Scott Ryberg, Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art, Memoirs, American Academy in Rome, 22 (1955) 104ff. 45. Pan. Lat., 3, 2, 1; 3, 7. 46. Pan. Lat., 3, 3, 4. 47. Deum imperii nostri veneremur auctorem: Letter of Honorius to Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage: P.L., 48, 397a. 48. Pan. Lat., 3, 3, 6. 49. Pan. Lat., 3, 2, 4.

50. Pan. Lat., 3, 3, 9-4, 1. 51. Menander, ed. Spengel, 370, 21ff. 52. Pan. Lat., 4, 4. 53. See FE J. Délger, “Das Sonnengleichnis in einer Weihnachtspredigt des Bischofs Zeno von Verona,” Antike und Christentum 6 (1940-1950) 1-56. The image was widespread. See also Gregory of Nyssa P.G., 46, 560a. 54. For the image of the chariot, cf. Eusebius LC, 3, 4, with H. A. Drake's note (In Praise of Constantine [1976]). See also the further exegesis bringing in the

dimension of time, LC, 6, 5-6 and 8ff; above, n. 25. 55. Pan. Lat., 4, 4, 1f: Et sane praeter usum curamque rei publicae etiam illa Iovis et Herculis cognata maiestas in Iovio Herculioque principibus totius mundi caelestiumque rerum similitudinem requirebat. Quippe isto numinis vestri numero summa omnia nituntur et gaudent: elementa quattuor et totidem anni vices et orbis quadrifariam duplici discretus oceano et emenso quater caelo lustra redeuntia et quadrigae solis et duobus caeli luminibus adiuncti Vesper et Lucifer. Sed neque sol ipse neque cuncta sidera humanas res tam perpetuo lumine intuentur quam vos tuemini, qui sine ullo fere discrimine dierum ac noctium illustratis

orbem...

56. Pan. Lat., 4, 3,1:

346 Notes to Pages 173-176 O tempus quo merito quondam omnia nata esse credantur, cum eodem nunc confirmata videamus! O Kalendae Martiae, sicuti olim annorum volventium, ita nunc aeternorum auspices imperatorum!

57. Cf. above, “Adventus,” at nn. 83ff. and at n. 123. For portraiture on the coinage see also RIC, V’, pl. 5, 78f; 6, 83-92; Aurelian, RIC, V', 7, 97-108; pl. 8, 9—passim. Probus, RIC, V’, pl. 1-5. An important work touching on this question is R. Delbrueck, Die Miinzbildnisse von Maximinus bis Carinus (1940). 58. A. D. Nock, “The Emperor's Divine Comes,” JRS 37 (1947) 102-116, reprinted in Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, vol. 2 (1972) 653-675. 59. E.g., Toynbee, Roman Medallions, pl. 9, 2 with 174, 184, 214. We see in this context, as elsewhere, that the panegyrists could very skilfully pick up empirewide themes, like that of Hercules on the coinage, and work them into a context that fitted local conditions and interests. 60. E.g., RIC, V’, 24, 285-286 a.p. 61. Or AUGG: RIC, V2, 255-256; cf. 25 undated CONCORDIA MILITUM: Diocle-

tian receiving a victory from [uppiter. 62. RIC, V*, 250, 288. 63. Heraclea, 292—295 a.p., Antioch, 293 A.p., both CONCORDIA MILITUM, RIC, V*, 289, 294; IOVI CONSERVATORI Tripoli, 285-290 a.p., RIC, V7, 295.

64. At Ticinum, Rome, Siscia: RIC, VI, 283, 355, 358, 465. 65. At Heraclea, Cyzicus, Antioch, Alexandria: RIC, VI, 531-532, 580-581, 621-622, 667, 670, 675.

66. K. Baus, Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum (1940) 143-157, and T. Klauser, “Aurum Coronarium,” in Ges. Schriften (1974) 292—309. 67. RIC, VI, 379, 578, 457, 167.

68. Description of the relief: H. P. Laubscher, Galeriusbogens, 64-69. 69. Above, “Adventus” at nn. 61ff. 70. Pan. Lat., 3, 6-12; M. P. Charlesworth, “Pietas and Victoria, the Emperor and the Citizen,” JRS 33 (1943) 1-10. 71. Pan. Lat., 4, 6, 1: Statim itaque Gallias tuas, Caesar, veniendo fecisti. Siquidem illa celeritas,

qua omnis ortus atque adventus tui nuntios praevertisti, cepit oppressam Gesoriacensibus muris pertinacem . . . manum piraticae factionis.

72. This imagery has a ceremonial background, which, however, did not enter the Byzantine accession ceremonial. See H. U. Instinsky, Bischofsstuhl und Kaiserthron (1955) 31-35, on the enthronisation of Pertinax in the Curia. Note the civilian context. The gold multiple described below, by contrast, shows the emperors in military dress. On the transition from civilian to military imperial imagery and ideology, see A. Alfdldi, “Insignien und Tracht der rémischen Kaiser,” in Die monarchische Reprdsentation 1m romischen Kaiserreiche, 161—186 (orig-

inally published in Rém. Mitt. 50 (1935) 43-68).

73. Gnecchi, 5, 7 (on Concordia, cf. Pan. Lat., 2, 9). A similar motif with a different legend, VIRTUS AUGUSTOR, Gnecchi 4, 4; 5, had appeared under Carin-

us, showing two emperors standing, facing each other, one crowned by Sol, the other by Hercules. The legend of this latter piece, like other legends including FIDES MIL, emphasises the important link there existed between the emperor's performance in war and the legality of his rule. This was a practical point which

Notes to Pages 176-180 347 was by no means forgotten. The legitimate emperor, according to official propaganda, including panegyrics, was made by success, among other requirements which were less easy to identify. For Tetrarchic parallels to the VIRTUS AUGUSTOR

multiple, see RIC, V’, 251, 254, 290, 293, where also the later image of the enthroned emperors overshadowed by the wings of Victory (plate 50) is forecast, but complete frontality not yet achieved. 74. But cf. Gnecchi, 71, 6, Marcus Aurelius and Venus; reverse, Capitoline Triad enthroned frontally. 75. See on this development in imperial art, R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank in Roman Art (1963) 163ff, and H. P. Orange, Art Forms and Civic Life (1965). On the arch of Galerius, above, “Consecratio,” at nn. 185ff. 76. Pan. Lat., 6, 14, 1; cf. “Consecratio” at nn. 185ff. Pan. Lat., 4, 4; cf. above at n. 19. 77. Pan. Lat., 6, 10. 78. Pan. Lat., 6, 8, 2. 79. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus (1912; 1971) 338ff; cf. 448, n. 3. MacCormack, “Roma, Constantinopolis, the Emperor, and His Genius,” CQ 25 (1975) 131-150. 80. See C. Koch, “Roma Aeterna,” in Religio, Studien zu Kult und Glauben der Romer (4960) 142-175. 81. RIC, V*, 103, 114, 358; RIC, V’, 32, 62.

82. Except for Carausius, RIC, V*, 497, 545, 549. 83. RIC, VI, 372; cf. 409; RIC, VII, 165, n. 22; 166 with 713. 84. J. M. C. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, pl. XXXVII, 3-8 Roma and Constantinopolis; pl. V, 3; VIL, XXXVII, 2; XLIX, 2 Roma; pl. XXXVIL, 9; XXXVIIL, 1-4;

XLVI, Constantinopolis. Where capitals are shown singly, frontality is incomplete. See also “Adventus,” n. 135. 85. Pan. Lat., 6, 7, 6: Ut enim ille qui omnes aquas caelo et terris praebet Oceanus semper tamen in

motibus suis totus est, ita tu potes imperium, Maximiane, donare, non potes non habere.

See, for the concept of the inalienability and indivisibility of dominion, be it divine or imperial, E. Peterson, Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem (1935) esp.

45-46. 86. Pan. Lat., 6,12, 1f. The image occurs in a related context in Claudian, who applies it to Theodosius, IV cons., 49ff. 87. Pan. Lat., 6, 12, 4: Inhaesit tibi ingenita maiestas. 88. Pan. Lat., 6, 2, 1. 89. Pan. Lat., 6, 2. 90. Pan. Lat., 6, 3, 3. 91. Pan. Lat., 6, 5, 3. Cf. Camille Jullian, Histoire de la Gaule, Vol. 7 (1926) 99-104. 92. Qui te amant: Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 1. For Claudius Gothicus, see “Consecratio,” n. 81. 93. Pan. Lat., 6, 3, 4ff; 7, 4, 2ff. 94. Pan. Lat., 9, 4. 95. Pan. Lat., 7, 21, 6; cf. 7, 17 and above “Adventus,” at nn. 111, 112. 96. Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 3.

348 Notes to Pages 180-181 97. Pan. Lat., 7, 4, 1. 98. Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 2; 3, 1. 99. Vetus illa imperatoriae domus praerogativa: Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 4. 100. Non fortuita hominum consensio; non repentinus aliquis favoris ventus: Pan. Lat., 7, 3, 1. 101. Omisso ambitu et suffragatione: Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 5. 102. RIC, VII, 467, 471-2, 374, etc., SOLI INVICTO COMITI, Constantine crowned by Sol, 320-322 a.p. Ticinum, 320-321 a.p.: RIC, VIL, 375; Aquileia 320 A.D.: RIC, VIL, 397; Sirmium 320 a.p.: RIC, VI, 468; Antioch 324-325 a.p.: RIC, VII, 685, SOLI COMITI AUG N, Sol handing Victory on globe to Constantine. Arles and Thessalonica, 317 a.p.: RIC, VII, 245; 500, FELICITAS PERPETUA SAECULI, Sol

handing Victory on globe to Constantine. Ticinum 316 a.p.: RIC, VII, 368, SOLI COMITI CONSTANTINI AUG, Sol handing Victory on globe to Constantine. See also

the related images, the emperor crowned by Victoria or presented with a victory on globe by her: Ticinum 316 a.p.: RIC, VIL, 369, VICTORIOSO SEMPER. Same date and place RIC, VII, 368-369, VICTOR OMNIUM GENTIUM. Thessalonica 317 a.D.: RIC, VIL, 500, VICTORIA AUGUSTORUM. Ibid., VICTORIA CONSTANTINI AUG. 316

A.D.: RIC, VII, 368, RECTOR TOTIUS ORBIS, Constantine holding the zodiac crowned by Victoria. 326-330 a.p.: RIC, VII, 555, SALUS ET SPES REIPUBLICAE,

Constantine crowned by Victoria, receiving victory on globe from turreted woman. RIC, VI, 374; 713£, GLORIA ROMANORUM, Constantine receiving a globe from Victoria.

103. Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 2; 7, 4. 104. Pan. Lat., 7, 8, 2: Universus in te consensit exercitus, te omnium mentes oculique signarunt et, quamquam tu ad seniores principes de summa re publica quid fieri placeret ret-

tulisses, praevenerunt studio quod illi mox iudicio probaverunt. Purpuram statim tibi, cum primus copiam tui fecit egressus, milites utilitati publicae magis quam tuis adfectibus servientes iniecere lacrimanti. Neque enim fas erat diutius fleri principem consecratum.

105. The underlying thought here is that power should not be claimed by the emperor on his own behalf (cf. Augustine De Civ. Dei, 5, 19 on dominaticnis cupiditas), but bestowed on an individual unwilling to rule, whose exercise of power will therefore not be a tyranny. See J. Béeranger, Recherches sur l’aspect idéologique du principat, Schweizer Beitr. zur Altertumswissenschaft, 6 (1953) 137— 169, “Le refus du pouvoir.” 106. Instinsky, “Consensus universorum,” Hermes 75 (1940) 265-278. 107. Another example of this new use of the term consecratus is in Amm., 16, 10, 12: Nec in trabea socium privatum asscivit [Constantius], ut fecere principes consecrati. 108. Pan. Lat., 7, 8, 2. 109. Pan. Lat., 7, 2, 3. 110. Pan. Lat., 7, 8, 3.

lll. Pan. Lat., 7, 4, 1. 112. Cf. above, “Consecratio” at nn. 113ff. 113. Camille Julian, Histoire de la Gaule, vol. 7 (1926) 3—98; cf. 110-115.

114. vépoc duoewc: Eusebius V.C., 1, 21. |

Notes to Pages 181-186 349 115. Ibid. Eusebius’ attitude, so far removed from the views of the earlier empire, became normative. Cf. Theodoret H.E., 5, 25: Theodosius toic uvioic trv Baoideiav o1éveipe, with Claudian III cons., 105-110, also on Theodosius. 116. Eusebius V.C., 1, 22. 117. Eusebius V.C., 1, 24. 118. Ibid. For the ceremonial aspects of victory on the coinage see above, n.

102; on the background to Eusebius’ political theology, see E. Peterson, Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem (1935) 63f, 71ff, 78-84. 119. See EF. Vittinghoff, Der Staatsfeind in der rém. Kaiserzeit, (1936).

120. Pan. Lat., 9, 4 with Pan. Lat., 12, 31. 121. Eusebius V.C., 1, 6; 2, 3, etc.

122. Cf. J. Gagé, “Xtaupoc vixonoidc, la victoire impériale dans I’empire chrétien,” Rev. d’hist. et de philosophie religieuses 13 (1933) 370ff. For Constantine, see also Eusebius H.E., ed. Bardy, 9, 9, 11: TOUT TH Gwtnpiase1 onpeio, tH GAnGei EAEYXW thc avSpeiac tv NdAlv Upav ano Cuyot tov tupdvvou Siagw@cioav nAeuGépwoa, éti pV Kai thv OUYKANTOV

Kai tov 6hpov ‘Popaiov tH apxaia ém@aveia Kai Aapmpétnti &AeuVepwmoac

anokateotnoa,

the inscription on the statue of Constantine in Rome (312 A.D.) 123. Pan. Lat., 7, 14f. 124. Ticinum 315 a.p.: RIC, VII, 62; 364, and n. 36, SALUS REIPUBLICAE; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 66. 125. See RIC, VII, 364, n. 36, and 62. 126. Cf. above, “Consecratio” at nn. 145f. 127. Cf. J. Deer, “Der Ursprung der Kaiserkrone,” Schweizer Beitr. zur allg. Geschichte 8 (1950) 51-87, reprinted in his Byzanz und das abendlandische Herrschertum (1977) 11-41.

128. Eusebius V.C., 1, 22. 129. As implied in Anon. Val., 64. See E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire, Vol. 2

(1949) 47, n. 1, and M. McCormick, “Odoacer, Emperor Zeno and the Rugian Victory Legation,” Byzantion 47 (1977) 212-222. 130. De Cer., 93 (ed. Reiske) 428 cd. But contrast the proclamation of Julian as

Augustus, Amm. 20, 4, 17-18, and of Hypatius during the Nika riot, Procopius Wars, 1, 24, 24. Cf. Averil Cameron, Corippus, Commentary on 2, 86f. 131. Pan. Lat., 9, 26, 4f.: Fac igitur ut, quod optimum humano generi dedisti, permaneat in aeternum, omnesque Constantinus in terris degat aetates. Quamvis enim, imperator invicte, iam divina suboles tua ad rei publicae vota successerit et adhuc speretur futura numerosior, illa tamen erit vere beata posteritas ut, cum liberos tuos gubernaculis orbis admoveris, tu sis omnium maximus imperator.

132. I believe the speech to be genuine; cf. Pan. Lat., 10, 37, 5: Constantine Caesar incrementum maximum boni publict, with Vergil ecl., 4, 49: Cara deum su-

boles, magnum lovis incrementum. 133. See Galletier, ed., Pan. Lat., 2, 149; Pan. Lat., 10, 3, 4ff. 134. Pan. Lat., 9, 36, 5; cf. 10, 4, 5 imperator optime; 10, 3, 1 Constantine maxime. 135. Pan. Lat., 10, 2. 136. Cf. Pan. Lat., 6, 13-14; 7, 21, 4; 9, 26.

350 Notes to Pages 186-191 137. Pan. Lat., 10, 4. 138. Eusebius V.C., 4, 40; Libanius Or., 59, 10—11; 22, 27~—28; Julian Or., 1, 10 (Bidez 14a); Themistius, 44ab; cf. 46d ff. and 2b.

139. Compare Nazarius Pan. Lat., 10, 2 with Eusebius L.C., 3, 1-4; 6, 1-2; V.C., 1, 9; 4, 40.

140. Eusebius V.C., 1, 2; 4, 68, and above, n. 25. 141. ta navtaxyou ndvta otpatoneda: Eusebius V.C., 4, 68, 2. For an examination of the role of Constantius II during this period, see J. W. Leedom, “Constantius II, Three Revisions,” Byzantion 48 (1978) 132-145. 142. See H. U. Instinsky, Bischofsstuhl und Kaiserthron (1955) 26f, esp. 35-37. Cf., on the other hand, Socrates H.E., 1, 28 and 29, where the succession of Constantine’s sons is explained with reference to Constantine’s will and arrangements made during his lifetime. 143. Libanius, ed. Foerster, vol. 4, 201f. 144. Libanius Or., 59, 13. The phrase is also used by Themistius Or., 1, 2b. 145. See P. Petit, “Libanius et la Vita Constantini,” Historia 1 (1950) 562-582. 146. Julian Or., 1, 5 (Bidez 6c f.) 147. Julian Or., 1, 7 (Bidez 8d f.) 148. Julian Or., 3, 2 (Bidez 51b f.) 149. Themistius Or., 1, 4bc; 6b, etc. 150. Gnecchi, 12, 1; RIC, VIL, 576; Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 198. I prefer Bruuns’ date 330 a.p. to Toynbee’s 333 a.v.; the latter date would suggest that one of the Caesars was not represented, which is unsatisfactory, whereas, if the multiple is dated to 330 a.p., all the ruling emperors are shown. Also see Baus, Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum (1940) 203f, and M. R. Alféldi, Die konstantinische Goldpragung, (1963) 136f, catalogue no. 148, fig. 214. 151. See R. Brilliant, Gesture and Rank in Roman Art (1963) 181-188, and pl. 4, 64.

152. For this and related images see J. D. Maclsaac, “The Hand of God, a Numismatic Study,” Traditio 31 (1975) 322-328, and A. Grabar, “Un Médaillon en or provenant de Mersine en Cilicie,” DOP 16 (1951) 27-49. 153. M. R. Alféldi, Goldpraégung, 93; Eusebius V.C., 4, 66f. The dead Con-

stantine is honoured as though still alive and wears diadem and purple. 154. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 198; Gnecchi, 10, 2; RIC, VII, 580; Alféldi, Goldpragung, cat. 448, fig. 247, p. 118. 155. RIC, VII, 328; Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 198, n. 43. 156. RIC, VII, 626, n. 160 and 631. 157. RIC, VIL, 583. Similar types and legends, Alféldi, Goldprigung, pl. 16,17, 20; 108f, 112f.

158. Constantine’s pre-eminent position is shown on two rarer types, showing him seated, handing a phoenix on a globe to a standing prince GLORIA SAECULI VIRTUS CAESS, RIC, VII, 283, n. 5; 328; or handing a simple globe to a prince GAUDIUM REI PUBLICAE, RIC, VIL, 178.

159. Gnecchi, 9, Il and 14, gold multiples of Constans, SALUS ET SPES REI PUB-

LICAE, three cuirassed emperors of equal height standing frontally with spear and shield; FELICITAS PERPETUA VOT V, three emperors enthroned. Gnecchi, 30, 2, showing a difference in rank between the three emperors: FELICITAS PERPETUA

VOT V, three emperors enthroned, the central one nimbate and taller.

Notes to Pages 191-194 351 160. RIC, VII, 650 with pl. 22; also, Constantius If Caesar, Gnecchi, 32, 2; 3: three or four emperors under an arch; Constantius I] Augustus, Gnecchi, 31, 14; 32, 1, two emperors under an arch; Gallus, Gnecchi, 33, 12, two emperors under an arch; Legends all FELICITAS ROMANORUM. Cohen, vol. 8, 51, 63, Julian Augustus, Victoria or Julian under arch, VICTORIA ROMANORUM, exergue SIRM; Jovian: Gnecchi, 34, 3, one emperor under an arch, GLORIA ROMANORUM. Further

GLORIA ROMANORUM specimens: Cohen, vol. 8, 74, 4 Jovian: emperor under arch; parallel iconographies: Gnecchi, 34, 6, Valentinian I; Gnecchi, 35, 1, also in RIC, IX, 279, 29, Valens; Gnecchi 35, 3, RIC, IX, 279, 31, Valens. The latter two issues: 367—375 A.D. 161. Gnecchi, 36, 7, Theodosius GLORIA ROMANORUM; cf. Gnecchi, 36, 8.

162. See E. Baldwin Smith, Architectural Symbolism of Imperial Rome and the Middle Ages (Princeton, 1956) 140ff, with the earlier literature; O. von Simson, Sacred Fortress. Byzantine Art and Statecraft in Ravenna (1948) 82. See also J. G.

Deckers, “Die Wandmalerei des tetrarchischen Lagerheiligtums im Luxor,” Rémische Quartalschrift 68 (1973) 1-34; R. Fellmann, “Le Camp de Dioclétien a Palmyre,” Mélanges Paul Collart (1976) 173-191; but consult also G. de Francovich, Il palatium de Teodorico a Ravenna e la cosidetta . Problemi d’interpretazione di raffigurazioni architettoniche nell’arte tardoantica e altomedtoevale (1970).

163. See “Adventus” at n. 51; cf. Themistius, 2c. 164. See Procopius Wars, 1, 5, 2; 7 cf. 1, 6, 13; 1, 11, 2ff; 1, 21, 17ff; 1, 23 for Byzantine awareness of the difficulties of the Sassanian succession. On the posi-

tion in Byzantium, H. G. Beck, “Senat und Volk von Konstantinopel,” Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. Hist. Kl. SB (1966), reprinted in his Ideen und Realitdten in By-

zanz (1972) is fundamental. See also W. Sickel, “Das byzantinische Krénungsrecht bis zum 10. Jhdt.,” BZ 7 (1898) 511-557. 165. Pan. Lat., 11, 27, 5; cf. the commentary of H. Gutzwiller, Die Neujahrsrede des Konsuls Claudius Mamertinus vor dem Kaiser Julian (1942) ad loc.

166. Cf. Libanius Or., 12, 27ff. 167. Libanius Or., 12, 59: agAAd tic Sr, AGyoc GANnVEotEpoc; Vedc péEv EfMppNoev EKeivouc ovdéev TIpO-

egKeppéevouc, GAA’ EpVace tov Aoylopov fh dwvn. Seow 6é toUto. mpdotagic HKev

adeAgr tic Wpotépac mpootiGeioa Sadattiw xAapudoc Baby AiSoKoAAntov taiviav dépouoady ti Kai authvV Kapnot Sadattiou. 6 6é éBAene mpdc oUpavov, Kai NV opoinc f te 6doi1c fh te ARWic Gudw BouvAh Sa1povov.

Libanius’ accounts of Julian’s accession are not altogether consistent with each other; see P. Petit, “Recherches sur la publication et la diffusion des discours de Libanius,” Historia 5 (1956) 479ff. 168. Amm., 15, 8. 169. Amm., 15, 8, 9:

Dicere super his plura conantem, interpellans contio lenius prohibebat arbitrium summi numinis id esse non mentis humanae velut praescia venturi proclamans.

170. Amm., 20, 4, 14ff; 5, 10. See also J. Bidez, La vie de l’empereur Julien (1930) 183ff; J. Szidat, Historischer Kommentar zu Ammianus Marcellinus Buch XX—XXI, Teil I, Die Erhebung Julians, Historia Einzelschriften, 31 (1977) 84ff, 149ff, and the

392 Notes to Pages 194-197 excellent account in G. W. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (Cambridge, Mass., 1978) 46ff.

171. Initially, coronation with a necklace was suggested, and Julian rejected this: Ammianus, 20, 4, 17. During the Nika riot, Hypatius was crowned with a necklace: Procopius Wars 1, 24, 24. Alféldi regards the coronation with a torque as of non-Roman origin, and as not a mere emergency resort: Insignien, 170ff. Shield-raising was practised by the Germans in the first century A.pD.: Tacit. Hist. 4,15, 1; cf. Szidat, Historischer Kommentar, 152ff; see also C. Walter, “Raising on a Shield in Byzantine Iconography,” REB 33 (1975) 133-175, esp. 157ff, reprinted in his Studies in Byzantine Iconography (1977), no. 12. But according to W. Ensslin,

“Zur Torqueskrénung und Schilderhebung bei der Kaiserwahl,” Klio 35 (1942) 268-298, at 273ff, Julian’s elevation on the shield and crowning were emergency resorts. Julian Letter to the Athenians, 284d: he did not want to accept the acclamation by the soldiers, or the crown, otédavov; but later, pressed by the soldiers,

he took the torque, pavidKnv, and put it on his head. In short, the torque did duty for the diadem. On this Eigenkrénung, see Szidat, Historischer Kommentar,

157. A. Selem, “L’atteggiamento storiografico di Ammiano nei confronti di Giuliano dalla proclamazione di Parigi alla morte di Costanzo,” Athenaeum 49 (1971) 89-110, compares this text to the account of Ammianus. 172. Libanius Or., 13, 33: "Ayapial 6£ tOv OTpatimt@v éKeivov, of otemavotUpevdv oe toic tporaioic Op@vtec ouK HveykKav pr nepi9eivai tov eK Af~wv otédavov.

173. Julian Letter, 284b-—285a; cf. ep. 51, to the Jews (Wright), urging the Jews to pray for his rule to God: t@ kata€imoavti otéwal pe th dxpdvt@ autot 6eh4G, and ep. 21 (ep. 60 Bidez) to the Alexandrians . . . : Qpd@v, otc oi Seoi ndvtes, év lipwmtoic 6£ 0 péyac Lapamic dpxelv &61Kaiwoav tijc oikoupevye. And see, with this, L. Budde, “Julian-Helios-Sarapis und Helena-Isis,” Archdologischer Anzeiger (1972) 630-642, on a pottery lamp. 174. Amm., 20, 5, 10: Nocte tamen, quae declarationis Augustae praecesserat diem, iunctioribus proximis rettulerat imperator, per quietem aliquem visum, ut formari Genius publicus solet, haec obiurgando dixisse: ‘Olim luliane vestibulum aedium tuarum observo latenter, augere tuam gestiens dignitatem, et aliquotiens tamquam repudiatus abscessi: Si ne nunc quidem recipior, sententia concordante multorum, ibo demissus et maestus. Id tamen retineto imo corde, quod tecum non diutius habitabo.’

This passage has an almost exact parallel in Suetonius Galba, 4: among the omens of his empire is a dream in which Fortuna tells Galba that she has visited him, is impatient with waiting and will pass to another unless he admits her. For Julian, cf. Ammianus, 25, 2, 3: the genius publicus departs from him. 175. See G. Dagron, “L’empire romain d’orient au IV* siécle et les traditions politiques de l’Hellénisme,” Travaux et mémoires 3 (1968) 62ff; see also J. Geffcken, Kaiser Julianus (1914) esp. 45ff, and his The Last Days of Greco-Roman Paganism (tr.

S. MacCormack) (1978) 136ff. EK. Dvornik, “The Emperor Julian’s Reactionary Ideas on Kingship,” in Late Classical and Medieval Studies in Honour of A. M. Friend (1955) 71-81.

176. In the occasion of this panegyric, accession, adventus, and consulship

Notes to Pages 197-198 353 overlap, as emerges from Socrates H.E., 3, 26: after burying Julian, Jovian reached Dadastana: Eva xai Oepiotioc 6 midécodoc peta tav GAAWV oUYKANTtIK®@V Gnavtnjoac (the technical term for an official welcome, above “Adven-

tus” at n. 258) tov Unatikov én’ avtot (scil. Jovian) dieGHAGe Adyov, 6v otepov Kai év Kowvotavtivou mdAe1 émi tou mAnG8ouc énedeigato. The official nature of

the oration is emphasised by its being repeated before the people of Constantinople. 177. Themistius 64b: "AAAG BotAe: yvvai tyv napa midocodiac ouvtéAciav; vopov épwuyov civai nol tov BaoiAéa, v6pov Geiov GvaBev HKovta ev ypdva@ tou 67 aidvoc xprnotod, anopponv ékeivyc tic mbuUGEewe, Npdvolav eyyutépw tic yijc, GnavtayoU npodc €KEIVOV OP@Vvtia, NavtaxyoU mpoc trv pipNnoiv tetapévov, atexvac Sioyevy Kai

diotpedn, KaGdanep “Opnpoc A€tyel, KolvwvoUvtia tH 8e@ Kai tHv AoiNdv emkANnoewv, Céviov, ikéo1iov, midlov, émKdpmiov, éadwv Sotihpa, Sixkaiootvnc

XOpnyov, paota@vyc tapiav, npuUtaviv evudaipoviac. tatbtac eiodépouci tac eiaodopac m1Adco0go1 BaoiAetolv oi pr weuvdovupol.

On the circumstances of the election, see 65 c—d: it occurred oUK év oxoAf, ouK év eipfvn, oudé évdiddvtoc tou KaipoU Oepaneiac Kai mpooayyeAiac Kai &eKatlopouc, dAd’ oc év akph thc Evuoic év toic Eidoiv, év toic 66pac1 hépovtec

tac whndouc... 178. This is an important concept; see G. Dagron, “L’empire romain d’orient au IV* siécle et les traditions politiques de \’Hellénisme,” Travaux et mémoires 3 (1968) 127-138. For Byzantium, see H. Hunger, Prooimion, Elemente der byzantinischen Kaiseridee in den Arengen der Urkunden (1964) 117-122.

179. Themistius, 65c ff. 180. Themistius, 65b.

181. Note the neat phrase 65c: the soldiers acclaimed KAnpovopov tic aAoupyidoc tov KANpOvVOpov tic apetije.

182. Themistius, 73b. On the election of Valens, see Amm., 26, 2, 6—10, Val-

entinian’s speech before the army asserting his own right to make the choice, which the soldiers assented to. The event crystallised thinking on the nature of imperial power and the right of the senior emperor to elect his colleague. See Philostorgius H.E., 8, 8 and Theodoret H.E., 4, 5: it was for the soldiers to elect Valentinian, but once elected, he says: éudov Aoindv, oUK Upétepov tO Mepi tov KO1IV@V O1aoKorIeioVai npaypdatwv.

183. See E. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies (1957) 296-8. For the documentation of the actual phrase see Hans Walther, Proverbia sententiaeque Latinitatis Medi Aevi. Lateinische Sprichworter und Sentenzen des Mittelalters in alphabetischer Abordnung 5 (1967) 919. 184. Themistius, 73c—74a: BY yap oieoVe, @ yevvaiol, toc otTpatimtac KUpiouc eivai thAiKaUtnNe xelpotoviac, GAA’ GvoGev atti Kdtelolv f Wijdoc, dvwO0ev fH avdpproic teAci0btal—touto 6€ @nolv Opnpoc nj tot A1dc BouAN—taic tov avOpmnwv SaKoviaic. touvtetubev otv Upétepov SeiEai tH Geq@ tote otpatiwtac SiaKkovroavtac. we ci pév t® Kpate: povw Sapoointe, S6fete axpiPac napa tov énAwv ciAndévai trv Suvaoteiav, ei 6 1H Kaw’ dpetiv Uilepéxelv, éx tod oUpavov davrjcecGe npo-

BeBAnpévo1. todto yap thc éKeiOev xelpovtoviac onpeidv éotiv, o' xpucotc detoc oude ypdppata noAutipnta ovdé PANHvadoi, GAAG yv@pn updc éxeivov

354 Notes to Pages 198-201 Op@oa Kai mpoc tov éKeivou cihAov ouvtEetapevn. .. . i] te yap mapa tod mAnBouc

avdappnoic to évtipov éxel, fh te nap’ évdc tov Kpatovvtioc- pow tata é)’ Wpaov ouvéecdpaynke.

Cf. elsewhere Themistius’ emphasis on philanthropia as a godlike quality: e.g., Or. 7, on the victory over Procopius. 185. Themistius Or. 9, 120cd. 186. Themistius Or. 9, 123bc, 124b ff., referring to the honours Valentinian II gained by his descent; 124d ff., the election. 187. Symmachus Or. 1, lf. 188. Symmachus Or. 1, lif. For the unfavourable circumstances of Jovian’s election according to Themistius, see above, n. 177. 189. Cf. E. Kantorowicz, “Oriens Augusti—Lever du Roi,” DOP 17 (1963) 119-177, esp. 119-135. 190. Symmachus Or., 1, 7: Urgeor, Auguste venerabilis, ut mihi tamquam aliquod lumen astrorum post

privatas exuvias iam purpuratus in oratione nascaris. sentio divinae lucis adflatum, ut ferme adsolet, cum iubar emicat et mundi splendor aperitur. aut cum solis emergente purpura ruborem ducit aurora, tandem rogatus exorere sideri novo similis, quod in rediviva diei erumpentis officia perfusum sacris undis adtollit oceanus! procedat imperii candidatus insignis suis armis ante quam publicis, nam semper enituit, qui electioni omnium solus occurrit. Galea diademate, sceptris pila mutentur: auri praemium ferri labore meruisti; haec in te mutari sola potuerunt, nam quod spectat ad mores, unum hoc tibi fortuna addidit, ut plura curares.

191. But cf. the emphasis on official splendour by R. MacMullen, “Some Pictures in Ammianus Marcellinus,” Art Bulletin 46 (1964) 435-455. 192. Symmachus Or., 3, 5: Si quis mihi Zeuxis discoloribus ceris haec comitia spectanda digereret, si quis Apelleus imitator illud caeleste iudicium verisimili adflatu artis animaret, viserent posteri vix credenda miracula. hinc Augustum, inde legiones et inter hos medium regni inpuberem candidatum; anceps diu utrimque certamen et cunctis alacri favore plaudentibus patrem sero cedentem. turmas supplices, cuneos ambientes digna tabula saeculis, digna pictura temporibus quibus magis utiles videmus eligi quam volentes!

193. Themistius Or., 15, 19lab; cf. W. Hartke, Rémische Kinderkaiser, (1951) 247.

On awareness of ancient art in general, C. Mango, “Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder,” DOP 17 (1963) 55-75. 194. Amm., 27, 6, 10-11: Nondum finita oratione, dictis cum assensu laeto auditis, . . . milites alius alium anteire festinans, tamquam utilitatis et gaudiorum participes, Gratianum declararunt Augustum . . . Quo viso maiore fiducia Valentinianus exultans, corona indumentisque supremae fortunae ornatum, filium osculatus , . .

195. Amm., 26, 4, 3: Universorum sententiis concinentibus—nec enim audebat quisquam refragari— Augustum pronuntiavit, decoreque imperatorii cultus ornatum, et tempora diademate redimitum, in eodem vehiculo secum reduxit.

Cf. Philostorgius H.E., 8, 8.

Notes to Pages 201-205 355 196. Amm., 15, 8, 17. 197. For Valentinian II, see the brief account, Amm., 26, 1, 5.

198. Amm., 25, 5, 7-8: Quod si gravis quidam aequitatis spectator, in ultimo rerum spiritu factum criminatur improvide, nauticos idem iustius incusabit, si amisso perito navigandi magistro, saevientibus flabris et mari, clavos regendae navis cuilibet periculi socio commiserunt. His ita caeco quodam iudicio fortunae peractis . . .

R. von Haehling, “Ammians Darstellung der Thronbesteigung Jovians im Lichte der heidnisch-christlichen Auseinandersetzung,” in Bonner Festgabe Johannes Straub (1977) 347-358, regards Ammianus’ report of Jovian’s accession as biased against this emperor; a more balanced view is D. Conduché, “Ammien Marcellin et la mort de Julien,” Latomus 24 (1965) 359-380, at 363ff. See also Themistius’ account of Jovian’s election, above, n. 177. 199. Amm., 26, 6, 12-19; 9, 1-10. 200. Amm., 26, 1, 5: Ut aptus ad id quod quaerebatur . . . Valentinianus, nulla discordante sententia, numinis adspiratione caelestis electus est.

201. Amm., 26, 2, 2f. 202. E.g., Gnecchi, 18, 1 and RIC, IX, 116, 1. 203. RIC, IX, 16, 367-375 a.p.

204. Trier, RIC, IX, 21, 375-378 a.p., Valens, Gratian, Valentinian II; 24, 378-383 aA.D., Gratian, Valentinian; on issues for Gratian, one emperor is smaller; for Theodosius, they are of equal size. RIC, IX, 68, Arles, Maximus 383-388 a.pD.; 76f. Milan, Gratian, Valentinian II, Theodosius, 383-388 a.p.; 98 Aquileia, the same emperors, 378-83 A.p.; no. 40, 383-388 a.p., Valentinian II, Theodosius, Arcadius; RIC, IX, 145 no. 2, Siscia, Valentinian I, 364-367 a.p.; 159, Sirmium, Gratian, Valentinian II, Theodosius, 378-383 a.p.; two emperors, one smaller; 180, 34 Thessalonica, Gratian, Theodosius, Valentinian IL, 378-383 a.p.; 2, London, 383~—388 A.D., Theodosius.

205. Thessalonica, Gratian, Valentinian II, Theodosius, 378—383 a.p., RIC, IX, 179f, and 182, n. 41. 206. May 19, 387 a.p., O. Seeck, Regesten der Kaiser und Péipste . . . 311-476 n. Chr. (Stuttgart, 1919) 272: should the VICTORIA AUGG of Valentinian II, RIC, IX, 182, 41 be reclassified to a later period? 207. Trier 383-8 a.D., RIC, IX, 28; Milan, 79, no. 15; Aquileia, 105, no. 52. Cf. Année épigraphique 186 (1969-70), inscription from Monte Regole, Italy, 361-364

A.D., Bono reip na[to] d. n. Fl. Cl. Juliano PF victori ac triumphatori semp Aug M(ilia) LXXXV.

208. Claudian IV cons., 121ff. 209. R. Delbrueck, Spédtantike Kaiserportrits (1933) 179-182, pl. 79. 210. Cf. Themistius, 189c.

211. Claudian IV cons., 47. On the rehabilitation of Theodosius the elder as auctor of the Theodosian dynasty, and the urban Roman context, see D. Vera, “Le statue del senato di Roma in onore di Flavio Teodosio e l’equilibrio dei poteri imperiali in eta teodosiana,” Athenaeum 57 (1979) 381—403. 212. Pan. Lat., 12, 5. 213. Pan. Lat., 12, 6, 1.

356 Notes to Pages 206-207 214. Themistius Or., 14, 182b: liponyaye 6é& oe cic tryv dAoupyidba ouK ayyloteia yévouc, GAX’ apetije Unepox, oude oiKeldtNtOc EyyUTNYc, GAAG poyNnc andde1uic Kai dvépeiac. kai codwc

Tpatiavoc Kai noAldc, ov vedtntoc nadine, 6t1 pl Tov oikeldtatov Gplotov, GAAG tov Gpiotov unéAaBev oike16tatov. kai KaA@c tautov Nenointal whdov, fv mupoAaBov 0 Kaipodc éwnoiceto. (Cf. 182c—d).

215. Themistius, 18la f. 216. Themistius, 182a. 217. Cf. above, “Adventus” at n. 95f; Themistius’ oration is an early indicator

of the emergence of the Senate and people of Constantinople in imperial elections, which is traced by H. G. Beck, “Senat und Volk von Konstantinopel,” Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. Hist. Kl., SB (1966), in his Ideen und Realitéten in Byzanz

(1972). On the political formation of Constantinople see G. Dagron, Naissance d’une capitale, Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 @ 451 (1974). Cf. Socrates H.E., 3, 11, after his accession Julian opened the temples: Buoiac 6& énetéAe1 th Kovotavtivou noAewmc Tuxn Sypooia év th BaoiA1Kh, évOa Kai tO thc TUxnsc iS6putai GyaApa.

Cf. above, n. 174. 218. Themistius, 188c. 219. Themistius Or., 19. 220. Themistius Or., 15, 189b. On the emperor's imitation of God in Christian terms, see R. Farina, L’impero e l’imperatore cristiano in Eusebio di Cesarea (1966) 107ff. Cf. “Consecratio,” nn. 268-269. 221. Od., 19, 109-114, cited by Plato, Republic 2, 6. 222. Themistius, 188c—189a: Kai yap thv apxnv édefijc tagiapxotvta Kai otpatnyouvta t@ tic BaciAciac oteddva I'patiavoc dvexnpu€ev. aad’ et tol yivwoke, © xpnoté, Wc oUte KGAAOG oUte péye8oc otte @KUTNC oUte GAKY TOV aya8ov noel BaoAéa, ei py t1 ivSaApa obépoi Ev tH WuyX tic mpdc tov Bedv Gpoimoewc. touvtetOev oUV Kai aUtoi Cnte-

ev Kai TOV Nointhv napakaA@pev biddoKelv Hpac onwe av tic xaplai BadiCwv Kai odpka npdieopevoc éxelv tO iv6aApa vopioein tot Unép tic dkpac awisoc Kai Unép Gnav to Ov idpupévou. akoU@peV toivuv auUtoU: ov yap cic paKpav npdac avaxadAeital, ond8ev oletal yv@patevelv tov Geoe16h BaoiAéa"Qote teu, bnoi, BaciAnoc adyuvpovoc, dote Peoudjc eudikiac dvéxnol- pépryo1 6& yaia péAaiva mupouc Kal Kp10dc: BpiOno1 6& Sévbpea Kapa,

tiktel & éuneda ndvta, GdAacca 6 napéxei ix8tc e€ eunyedincg apeta@o1 6& Aaoi un’ autou.

Yt) Sixv otv Kai fh evdiKia to Epyov tiie téxvnc tavtne éoti, Kai évtedVev To OcoeikeAov Kai Geoeidéc. Kai KivéuveUel 6 Beioc TEAdtwv nap’ ‘Opnpou auto pepaOnKeval. kai yap €Kelvoc trv O1KaiooUvNHV peta bpovyoewe dpoiworv Aéyel Tipdc tov Qedv.

223. avdtadpKnc ov ceaut@, Themistius, 189d. 224. Themistius, 193c. 225. Themistius, 225d: "Hxkeic, © Aukoepye, epov oti niova vnov, Zyvi bidoc Kai ndoiv ’OAUpMa Spat’ Exouol.

Notes to Pages 207—208 357 6i¢w né Gedv pavtevoonal, fh dvOporiov. GAX’ ét1 Kai paAAov Sedv éAnOopal, & AuKoéepye.

226. Themistius, 227c—228a: dpa Siotdoeic Kai émoKéwn mdtepov Gedc ft GvEparoc ciceAnAuOev NHyiv eic TOV vewv, Kai oUK Gnodavf Sappadeawtepov f Nepi thc wappou ondon éotiv év ti Yh, toutw t@ BaoiAei npoonkelv tijc Gvw8ev npoonyopias; .. . dte vopw epwuye dvti Kai oUK év ypappaciv apetabétoic kai doadeUvtoic. 614 toUto yap, ac

éoike, BaoiAeiav éx tot oUpavov Katénepwev eic tv yiv 0 Gedc, 6c Av ein Katagduy?) t@ avOpanw and tod v6pou tod aKivijtou émi tov Eprvouv Kai Cavta.

227. This possibly concerns the rioters in Antioch in 387; see Hardoin’s note in Dindorf’s edition of Themistius, 637; cf. Browning, “The Riot of A.p. 387 in Antioch. The Role of the Theatrical Claques in the Later Empire,” [RS 42 (1952) 13—20, reprinted in his Studies in Byzantine History, Literature and Education (1977).

228. Proverbs, 21, 1; the idea was also articulated in a purely Greek tradition—Pindar Pyth., 4, 272-274: It is easy to shake a city, but hard to build it: ei wr) Oedc ayepoveco: KUBepvatnp yéevntai—

and in Christianity at this time: Theodoret H.E., 4, 3, letter by Athanasius to Jovian on the faith of Nicea: oUTW yap adAnO8@c Kai thv Kapdiav éxolc Ev xelpi Oeov, Kai trv BaolAeiav pev’

eipnvnc noAAaic étOv nepiddoic émiteAéoaic.

229. Themistius, 229ab: HenioteuKke yap eU no1l@v t@ Adyw tot ’Acoupiou, 6c trv Kapdiav tov Baol-

Aéac Aéyel Ev th tou Geo naddpn Sopudopeio#al, hv ovux oiév te ypayppaol Bavatndopoic éautrv ouvemmdotvai, adAA’ avayKn tov éKkeiva ta ypaypata ypaovta evxepac efoAio8aivelv tic xelpoc thc dei xopnyovone Conv. dvwEév tol, Baoidet, fh noAiteia tO tic Ge1dtytoc 6vopa Upiv éenegrpicev .. . 6t1 POva Ved Kai BaoiAei év efoucia éoti Conv émdovval.

Cf. Themistius, 230a. 230. Pan. Lat., 12, 3, 1-2: Det igitur mihi sermonis huius auspicium ille felicitatis publicae auspex dies qui te primus inauguravit imperio. Nam ut divinis rebus operantes in eam caeli plagam ora convertimus a qua lucis exordium est, sic ego vota verborum quae olim nuncupaveram soluturus id oratione mea tempus aspiciam quo Romana lux coepit.

A. Lippold, “Herrscherideal und Traditionsverbundenheit im Panegyricus des Pacatus,” Historia 17 (1968) 228-250, analyses this panegyric in terms of the con-

cepts which traditionally were used to validate an emperor's accession (230f) and dominion. 231. Pan. Lat., 12, 3, 5-6: In integro itaque rem totam esse faciamus et in quodam orbis terrarum comitio quaeri putemus quisnam sit ille qui debeat tantam molem subire et nutantia Romanae rei fata suscipere. Nonne is omnium suffragiis hominum tributim centuriatimque legeretur, cui felix patria, cui domus clara, cui forma divina, cui aetas integra, cui militarium civiliumque rerum usus contigisset?

232. Pan. Lat., 12, Aff.

358 Notes to Pages 209-210 233. Pan. Lat., 12, 11, 1-2: Argumento est dies ille communis boni auctor quo tu, cum ad suscipiendam rem publicam vocabaris, oblatum imperium deprecatus es; nec id ad speciem tantumque ut cogi videreris, sed obnixe et diu et velut impetraturus egisti. Quippe aberat causa fingendi. Non enim te princeps solus et domi et tanquam temptaret ambibat, sed publice et in comitio et ut aliud iam facere non posset, prorsus ut, nisi imperium adfectu simplici noluisses, potueris velle securus. Cf. J. Béranger, Recherches sur l’aspect idéologique du principat (1953) 137-169. 234. Pan. Lat., 12, 11, 4f. 235. Pan. Lat., 12, 12, 1f.

236. Pan. Lat., 12, 11, 4, on Arcadius. Claudian, IV cons., 121-127, on Honorius: Hoc nobilis ortu nasceris aequaeva cum maiestate creatus nullaque privatae passus contagia sortis. omnibus acceptis ultro te regia solum protulit et patrio felix adolescis in ostro, membraque vestitu numquam violata profano in sacros cedidere sinus.

(Cf. Claudian III cons., 8ff) and see also Claudian IV cons. 379-380: Nostro nec debes regna favori, quae tibi iam natura dedit.

237. Claudian IV cons., 18f. The other sources are quoted in A. Lippold, Theodosius der Grosse und seine Zeit (Stuttgart, 1968) 138, n. 2.

238. On Honorius born in the palace, see Claudian IV cons., 121ff. An extended dynastic statement of the Christian empire was made in the next generation in visual terms by Galla Placidia. The depiction of her salvation from shipwreck in San Giovanni Evangelista comprised portrait busts in medallions of members of the houses of Valentinian and Theodosius: see R. Farioli, “Ravenna paleocristiana scomparsa,” Felix Ravenna 83 (1961) 5-88, esp. pp. 41-50 on S. Giovanni Evangelista; and now, F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Hauptstadt des spatantiken Abendlandes, Kommentar 1 (1974) 107-123, where the hypothesis that these medallions covered the entire Christian empire back to Constantine is disproved (115). Cf. Ausonius, gratiarum actio 11, Gratian to Ausonius, palmatam tibi misi in qua divus Constantius parens noster intextus est. 239. Claudian VI cons., 361-493. 240. Claudian VI cons., 524ff. 241. Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 2, text 91f; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 35.

242. E.g., the fifth century Western diptych of Roma and Constantinopolis, Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, 38; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, 38 and below, atnn. 308f.

243. Rutilius Namatianus De red., 1, 47ff. 244. Themistius, 189bc: ...iov iov 6ndédoa Aéyel ayaGa aKoAouOeiv H KadAi6nmm- ev@nveio8ai pév aut® ta Ania, eUOnveiobal Sé ta Sévbpa Kai tac GynéAouc, tiktecBa1 62 moAAG peév Coa, noAAouc 6& dvOponouc, Gnavta épnesa Kai Bidoipa- Swpodopeiv 6 ot

Notes to Pages 210-212 359 Llovov tiv yijv toc Kapnouc, GAAG Kai trv GdAacoav touc ix6uUac. Bafai, ond0n Suvapic tic evéixiac, hc Sukveitai t6 KEpdoc OU POvov eic Ta Apxeia Kai ta 61Kaotnpia, GAAG Kai eic ta Ca Kai cic ta buTA Kai Ta ONEppata Kai ta EpBpua.

Cf. 180cd, delivered in 379: yBav 62 abOic UnéAaBPov, nvika énu@d6pnv év ypappaol napa tot Kpatiotou tav Npetépwov Caxdpwov 6weo8al trv xpuonyv yevedv enavnkouoav, 6weo8al npdc Bao1Aciav OAOKANpoV Kai aptinouv, Adpmoucav toic KdAAEolv Gpdotéepoic, toic

te wuxic Kai toU owpatoc.

245. Themistius, 189a f.; cf. Amm., 22, 10, 6. ‘Personified Justice’ was a freguently used political concept; see E. Kantorowicz, “2 YNOPONO2d AIKHI,” in his Selected Studies (1965) 1-6.

246. Claudian IV cons., 98-99: Illi iustitiam confirmavere triumphi praesentes docuere deos.

247. Claudian IV cons., 135-153. 248. Claudian IV cons., 172-183: Tenebris involverat atra Iumen hiems dénsosque Notus collegerat imbres. sed mox, cum solita miles te voce levasset, nubila dissolvit Phoebus pariterque dabantur sceptra tibi mundoque dies: caligine liber Bosphorus adversam patitur Calchedona cerni. nec tantum vicina nitent, sed tota repulsis nubibus exuitur Thrace, Pangaea renident insuetosque palus radios Maeotia vibrat. nec Boreas nimbos aut sol ardentior egit: imperii lux illa fuit; praesagus obibat cuncta nitor risitque tuo natura sereno.

249. The two wreaths: Themistius, 181d f£.; cf. above, “Adventus” n. 132. Earth and sea, Themistius 207b; cf. above at n. 73 for Diocletian. 250. Themistius, 182d: BaoiAéa 6& BaoidkeUc avadel Kai oUK éAattovtai 61douc, dGAAG mpooAapBdavei. Cf. above, n. 25 on Eusebius.

251. Themistius, 188c: Kai yap tv apxnv édeftc tadlapxotvta Kai otpatnyouvta t@ tic BaolAeiac otedava I'patiavoc avexnpucev.

252. Claudian records that Honorius, like Julian and other emperors after him up to Phocas, was raised on the shield (IV cons., 174): see Ensslin, “Zur Torqueskr6énung und Schilderhebung,” Klio 35 (1942) 268-290; Ostrogorsky, “Zur Kaisersalbung und Schilderhebung,” Historia 4 (1955) 246-256, at 252f. In later

Byzantine art, the shield is sometimes shown with stars upon it (see H. P. L’Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingshtp (1953) fig. 76) and may

have served as a replacement for the starry globe upon which the consecrated emperor was enthroned before the empire became Christian. 253. Claudian II cons., 110: Tibi pacatum praesenti traderet orbem. 254. Claudian IIT cons., 111ff. 255. Claudian IV cons., 565ff; for VI cons., see above, “Adventus,” at nn. 184 ff.

360 Notes to Pages 212-217 256. Pan. Lat., 7, 7, 5: Iam tunc enim caelestis suffragiis ad salutem rei publicae vocabaris, cum... repentinus tuus adventus inluxit, ut non advectus cursu publico, sed divino quodam curriculo videreris.

257. Kantorowicz, “Oriens Augusti,” DOP 17 (1963) 119ff; Claudian III ccns., 131.

258. Not everyone will agree. See E. Kitzinger, “A Marble Relief of the Theodosian Period,” DOP 14 (1960) 17-42, reprinted in his The Art of Byzantium and the Medieval West, Selected Studies (1976) 1-31.

259. Claudian IV cons., 214ff. 260. E.g., RIC, IX, 179, 33, and pl. 10, 3 GLORIA REIPUB, for Theodosius. 261. E.g., RIC, IX, pl. 11, 7-9. 262. Gnecchi, 19, 11; 20, 1. 263. See R. Delbrueck, Kaiserportrats, 222ff, and above, “Adventus” at n. 275. 264. R. Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen (1929), 235-242; cf. J. Ramon Mélida, El Disco de Teodosio, Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid, 1930) and Kurt Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 74—76. On Hadrianic coins, TELLUS STABIL, see P. L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur rom. Reichsprdgung d. 2. Jhdt. vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1933), 182-184; pl. 4, 275; Gnecchi, 145, 12. 265. Sidonius ep., 4, 8. 266. G. Mathew, Byzantine Aesthetics (1963) 38-47, 82-91. 267. Philo, Questions and Answers on Exodus (tr. from Armenian, Loeb, Philo Supplement, 2) 2, 102 on Exodus 27, 3. I would like to thank Eunice Maguire for this reference. 268. For the conferment of offices by the emperor, see A. Grabar, L’empereur, 88f, 149, where the image is traced back to the second century REX DATUS coinages, and for late antiquity see W. C. Loerke, “The Miniatures of the Trial in the Rossano Gospels,” Art Bulletin 43 (1961) 171-195, at 177-178.

269. For a Constantinian antecedent of this iconography of emperor and palace, see H. Fuhrmann, “Studien zu den Konsulardiptychen und verwandten Denkmiilern I,” Rém. Mitt. 54 (1939) 161-175 and above, n. 162. Cf. D. Brown, “The Arcuated Lintel and Its Symbolic Interpretation in Late Antique Art,” American Journal of Archaeology 46 (1942) 389-399, with Suetonius Caesar 81, 3, on the fastigium of Caesar’s house.

270. For the potential savagery of imperial victory, see Pan. Lat., 7, 8.

271. Themistius Or., 15; see G. Downey, “Philanthropia in Religion and Statecraft in the Fourth Century,” Historia 4 (1955) 199-208; L. J. Daly, “The Man-

darin and the Barbarian: The Response of Themistius to the Gothic Challenge,” Historia 21 (1972) 351-379; cf. above, “Consecratio,” n. 185. Contrast the attitude of Synesius, in his De Regno, 3—4, 9-10, 15. 272. Cf. A. Momigliano, Alien Wisdom. The Limits of Hellenization (1975) 63, on

the sculptures of Pergamon, “a monument to human pain made somehow more tolerable to contemplate because embodied in barbarians.” A similar aesthetic sensitivity is operative in late antique works where Romans are separated from barbarians by registers. 273. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, 225-6; RIC, VU, 580; 583 GAUDIUM AUGUST

NOSTRI; A. Alféldi, “Zur Erklarung der konstantinischen Deckengemalde in Trier,” Historia 4 (1955) 131-150 expounds the public Iaetitia of the Roman Em-

Notes to Pages 217—222 361 pire, its occasions (anniversaries, etc.) and imagery comprising the images mentioned here, as well as the frequently involuntary nature of such rejoicings. See also K Matz, “Ein rémisches Meisterwerk, der Jahreszeitensarkophag Badminton-New York,” JB DAI, Erganzungsheft 19 (1958) 45ff. on Hellenistic and secondcentury Roman antecedents. 274. RIC, VII, 490 and 520, 165; cf. 627, 161.

275. RIC, VU, 56lff, esp. 564 and n. 3. 276. RIC, VII, 54—55; cf. above, n. 273. 277. E.g., Gnecchi, 2, 72, 1; 87, 3-5; 111, 6; 121, 6; 122, 3; cf. Toynbee, Roman

Medallions, 90. For an analysis of seasons imagery in imperial art see G. M. A. Hanfmann, The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks (1951) 163-184. Cf. Pan. Lat., 4, 4, 1f, above at n. 55. 278. RIC, Vil, 366, 41-42; pl. 9. 279. RIC, VIL, 396, 31 and 388; Gnecchi, 6, 6. 280. Pan. Lat., 8, 13, 6.

281. Themistius, 189a ff. Cf. Sidonius Carm., 7, 600-3: felix tempus nevere

soreres/imperiis ... tuiset.. ./fulva .. . saecula. The newly elected Leo I was acclaimed xpuoéouc aidvac BaciAeGouoa eutuyigs ein Hiv Hn BaoiAecia cou: De Cer., 412, 15 (Bonn). 282. RIC, Il, 372, 277-278, 441, no. 791; 445, no. 835. Related iconographies

appear on the mosaic from Sentinum now in Munich and the Buffalo Seasons sarcophagus, G. M. A. Hanfmann, The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks (1951) figs. 108, 110.

283. Gnecchi, pl. 54, 7; cf. 86, 8-10, Commodus; see above, n. 264 and C. L. Clay, “Nilus and the Four Seasons on a New As of Septimius Severus,” Numtismatic Chronicle 7, 10 (1970) 71-87, 81ff, on Terra Mater. 284. Cf. eternal spring in Vergil Georgics, 2, 149. The tomb of the Haterii also

has three seasons only, shown in Hanfmann, fig. 130. On Ge with seasons, at Beth Govrin, see Revue Biblique (1922) 259ff, pl. 8-10; spring and summer are in-

scribed, while winter (?) is not. The seasons here are three in number. I would like to thank Eunice Maguire for this reference. See also, for photograph of the entire floor, M. Avi-Yonah, Encyclopaedia of Archeological Excavations in the Holy Land (1975) 196.

285. E.g., on the consecratio relief of Antoninus and Faustina, above, “Consecratio” at n. 36. 286. Cf. Tellus in the exergue of a gold multiple of Valens, showing an adventus, Gnecchi, 16, 1, cf. 17, 1 and Toynbee, Roman Medallions, pl. 10. 287. Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 1; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 1.

288. Toynbee, Roman Medallions, pl. 49, 2. On the history of this concept see C. Koch, “Roma Aeterna,” in his Religio, Studien zu Kult und Glauben der Romer (1960) 142-175.

289. Rutilius, De red. 1, 139-40: IHud te repararat quod cetera regna resolvit, Ordo renascendi est crescere posse malis.

Cf. Sidonius Carm., 5, 63-64: Tua nempe putantur Surgere fata malis et celsior esse ruina.

362 Notes to Pages 223-225 290. Sidonius Carm., 7, 123ff. On the cultural background of this kind of poetry, and on Sidonius’ training and erudition see A. Loyen, Sidoine Apollinaire et Vesprit précieux en Gaule aux derniers jours de l’empire (1943) esp. 11ff. Culture and

erudition are not, however, the only factors that should be brought to bear on Sidonius the panegyrist, who viewed the world with more realistic eyes than his imagery would lead the modern reader to suppose. On the panegyrics, see A. Loyen, Recherches sur les panégyriques de Sidoine Apollinaire, Bibl. de Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 285 (1942). On Sidonius himself, see Philip Rousseau, “In Search of Sidonius the Bishop,” Historia 25 (1976) 356-377. 291. Sidonius Carm., 7, 489ff. 292. Sidonius Carm., 7, 501-510: Testor, Roma, tuum nobis venerabile nomen et socium de Marte genus (vel quicquid ab aevo, nil te mundus habet melius, nil ipsa senatu), me pacem servare tibi vel velle abolere quae noster peccavit avus, quem fuscat id unum quod te, Roma, capit; sed di si vota secundant, excidii veteris crimen purgare valebit ultio praesentis, si tu, dux inclite, solum Augusti subeas nomen. Quid lumina flectis? invitum plus esse decet.

See, on the non-Roman context of this speech before a Visigothic assembly of nobles, C. Sanchez-Albornoz, Estudios Visigodos (1971) 158ff. 293. Sidonius Carm., 7, 538—543.

294. Sidonius Carm., 7, 577-580: Concurrunt proceres ac milite circumfuso aggere composito statuunt ac torque coronant castrensi maestum donantque insignia regni; nam prius induerat solas de principe curas.

For the use of the torque among the Visigoths, and others, see A. Odobescu, Le trésor de Pétrossa (Paris, 1889-1900) 219ff, plate between 356 and 357. 295. Sidonius Carm., 7, 585ff.

296. Sidonius Carm., 5, 13ff. On the circumstances of this panegyric, see A. Coville, Recherches sur l'histoire de Lyon du V"" au IX" siécle (1928) 56ff.

297. Sidonius Carm., 5, 53ff. 298. Sidonius Carm., 5, 386-388: Postquam ordine vobis ordo omnis regnum dederat, plebs, curia, miles, et collega simul.

299. Cf. H. Meyer, “Der Regierungsantritt des Kaisers Majorianus,” BZ 62 (1969) 5-12.

300. Sidonius Carm., 5, 1-6: Concipe praeteritos, respublica, mente triumphos: imperium iam consul habet, quem purpura non plus quam lorica operit, cuius diademata frontem non luxu sed lege tegunt, meritisque laborum post palmam palmata venit; decora omnia regni accumulant fasces et princeps consule crescit.

Notes to Pages 225-228 363 For the imperial attire described here, see plate 61 and above at n. 287 on the consular diptych showing Honorius; the consular diptych of Ariadne, fig. 52 and below, at n. 454; also H. Stern, Le Calendrier de 354 (1953) 152ff. 301. Sidonius Carm., 2, 30-31: Salve sceptrorum columen, regina Orientis, orbis Roma tui.

Cf. Carm., 2, 436ff. 302. Themistius Or. 14. Note especially the words 182a: TIpoonkel yap Synov t@ BaoiAei tov noAewv ouvaselv tovc BaciAeUoavtac TOV

dvOponwv. Kai tov ye Suoiv pntponéAewv tic oikoupévyc.. . paAAov av oo1 mainv appotteiv tiv npetépav.

303. Sidonius Carm., 2, 210ff. 304. Sidonius Carm., 2, 13-22: Hic est, o proceres, petiit quem Romula virtus et quem vester amor; cui se ceu victa procellis atque carens rectore ratis res publica fractam intulit, ut digno melius flectenda magistro, ne tempestates, ne te, pirata, timeret. te prece ruricola expetiit, te foedere iunctus adsensu, te castra tubis, te curia plausu, te punctis scripsere tribus collegaque misit te nobis regnumque tibi; suffragia tot sunt quanta legit mundus.

305. Sidonius Carm., 2, 1-8 (translation after W. B. Anderson): Auspicio et numero fasces, Auguste, secundos erige et effulgens trabealis mole metalli annum pande novum consul vetus ac sine fastu scribere bis fastis; quaamquam diademate crinem fastigatus eas umerosque ex more priorum includat Sarrana chlamys, te picta togarum purpura plus capiat, quia res est semper ab aevo rara frequens consul.

306. Cf. A. Alféldi, Die monarchische Reprdsentation, 150ff, and R. Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 38. 307. Servius Comm. in Verg. Aen., 1, 4 (ed. Thilo and Hagen). 308. Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 38; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 38; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979), 173-175. 309. Sidonius Carm., 5, 18f, 14f.

310. Sidonius Carm., 2, 433-434. Cf. the less differentiated Roma and Constantinopolis on the diptych of Magnus, Constantinople, 518 a.p., Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 22; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, nos. 23-24; cf. Basilius, Rome 480 a.p., Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, no. 6; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, no. 5, Roma with fasces, helmet and long hair, for which cf. Sidonius Carm., 5, 14-15. 311. For Valentinian III, IMP XXXII COS XVII PP or VIRTUS ROMANORUM or VOT XXX MULT XXXX, see Cohen, vol. 8, 210, 4; 214, 33; 215, 42.

312. Cohen, vol. 8, 215, 46. 313. Cohen, vol. 8, 222, 9.

364 Notes to Pages 228-23] 314. Cohen, vol. 8, 232, 13. 315. EF FE Kraus, Die Miinzen Odovacars und des Ostgotenreiches in Italien (1928)

pl. 7, pl. 14-15. 316. J. B. Bury, A History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius to Irene vol. 2 (1889) 36, n. 1; John of Ephesus H.E., 3, 14, (tr. Brooks) (1936) 104. 317. Cohen, vol. 8, 197, 7; Gnecchi 20, 2; Toynbee, Roman Medallions pl. 49, 2.

Versions of this image with different legends recurred for most emperors of the fifth century in East and West: Cohen, vol. 8, 210, 3 GLORIA ROMANORUM, Valen-

tinian III; cf. 211, 9 SALUS REIPUBLICAE Valentinian [II and Theodosius II enthroned; 221, 2 VICTORIA AUGG, Avitus; 225, 12 VOTIS MULTIS, Leo and Majorian;

230, 2-5 etc., SALUS REIPUBLICAE, Anthemius and Leo standing frontally; W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals, Ostrogoths and Lombards in the British

Museum (1911) (hereafter, Wroth), pl. 4, 5-6 Justin and Justinian enthroned frontally: on the obverse, DN JUSTIN ET IUSTINI PP AUG. On the topics of imperial

enthronement, coronation and imperial Christian symbolism, see FE. Gerke, “Liiconografia delle monete imperiali dall’augusta Galla Placidia alla ‘ine dell’Impero d’Occidente,” XII Corso di cultura sull’arte Rav. e Biz. (1966) 163-204. 318. Delbrueck, Kaiserportrats, 211f.

319. On the basis of the evidence cited by Delbrueck, Kaiserportrats, and De Cer., Bonn 1, 43, 218-9. For similar scenes in Byzantine art, see C. Walter, “The Coronation of a Co-Emperor in the Skyllitzes Matritensis,” Actes du XIV° Congres international des études Byzantines 2 (Bucarest, 1975) 453-458, reprinted in his Studies in Byzantine Iconography (1977). 320. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingshtp in England and on the Continent (1971) 9ff. For Theodoric, Rome and Italy, see also P. Llewellyn, Rome in the Dark Ages (1971) 21-51 with bibliography; P. Courcelle, Histoire littéraire des grandes invasions germaniques (1964) 206ff; O. von Simson, Sacred Fortress. Byzaniine Art and Statecraft in Ravenna (1948) 71ff; and in general, W. Ensslin, Theodorich der Grosse (1947).

321. Ennodius panegyricus, 14, 29, 48. On the date of this panegyric, 507 A.D., J. Sundwall, Abhandlungen zur Geschichte des ausgehenden Rémertums (1919; 1975),

41-44. 322. Ennodius pan., 31, 92, 59, 71. 323. M. Wes, Das Ende des Kaisertums (1967) 163. 324. Ennodius, ed. Vogel pan., 14, p. 205: Par te, inclyte domine, laus respicit donati diadematis et defensi. Si te illarum rector partium non amavit, perculsus praefuit reipublicae: si dilexit, obnoxius; usus es in tuorum fide meritorum teste purpurato.

325. Ennodius pan., 11. 326. Ennodius pan., 43. 327. Wes, Das Ende, 185ff, and A. D. Momigliano, “Gli Anicii e la storiografia latina del VI seculo p.c.,” Secondo contributo alla storia degli studi classict (1960) 231-53; and Jordanes Getica, 79-81, 314. 328. Ennodius pan., 78f; Cassiodorus, in Cassiodori Senatoris Variae (MGH, AA) ed. T. Mommsen, Cassiodori orationum reliquiae (ed. L. Traube), 467, 473, 483. On the educational background, P. Riché, Education et culture dans l’occident barbare (1972) 62ff, 96ff; on the occasions of Cassiodorus’ two panegyrics, Sundwall,

Notes to Pages 231-234 365 Abhandlungen, 230; 296, and Traube in Cassiodorus, 463, with nn. 1 and 3. Cassiodorus and to a lesser extent Ennodius were not unique in creating an idiom of panegyric for barbarian rulers. On Venantius Fortunatus, see J. Szévérffy, “A la Source de l’humanisme chrétien médiéval: ‘Romanus’ et ‘Barbarus’ chez Vénance Fortunat,” Aevum 45 (1971) 77-86. 329. Ennodius pan., 17f, 30, 85; cf. 48; 56f, 60 and 69, 74ff; Cassiodorus, 467. 330. Ennodius pan., 93; Cassiodorus Or., 1. 331. Ennodius pan., 80: Agis ut prospera merearis adipisci, sed potitus universa adscribis auctori. exhibes robore, vigilantia, prosperitate principem, mansuetudine sacerdotem.

see further, E. Kantorowicz, Laudes regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1946) 47, 57, n. 148; 112f; cf. 124, and, for analogies to the juxtaposition of princeps and sacerdos, below n. 384. 332. W. Ensslin, Zur Frage nach der ersten Kaiserkrénung durch den Patriarchen und zur Bedeutung dieses Aktes im Wahlzeremoniell (1947). See H. Hunger, Prooimion, Elemente der byzantinischen Kaiseridee in den Arengen der Urkunden (1964) 84-154. 333. For the emperor as Moses, see O. Treitinger, Die ostrémische Kaiser- und Reichsidee (1938; 1956), 130ff; Theodosius II as David and Moses, Socrates H.E., 7,

22, PG, 67, 788bc. Moses receiving the law is shown next to Justinian’s procession in San Vitale; for this and the priestly privileges of the Byzantine emperor, see O. von Simson, Sacred Fortress, 29f; cf. Treitinger, Kaiser, 124ff.

334. Ennodius pan., 48. 335. Ennodius pan., 56. 336. Cassiodorus, 468; Pan. Lat., 11, 16; Ausonius, gratiarum actio, 3. 337. See Traube’s introduction in Casstodori .. . Variae (n. 328, above), 463, n. 3. 338. Cassiodorus, 475-476. See also Procopius Wars, 5, 11, 5; 7, 2, 11f; 18; 3, 1; 8, 33, 6 for the election of Vitigis, Totila and Teia by the Goths. 339. Ennodius pan., 88ff: Solus es meritis et natura compositus, cuius magnanimi iussa sectentur. origo te quidem dedit dominum, sed virtus adseruit. sceptra tibi conciliavit splendor generis, cuius si deessent insignia, eligi te in principem mens fecisset. sed nec formae tuae decus inter postrema numerandum est, quando regii vultus purpura ostrum dignitatis inradiat. exhibite, Seres, indumenta, pretioso murice

quae fucatis, et non uno aeno bibentia nobilitatem tegmina prorogate. discoloribus gemmis sertum texatur, et quem vehementior vipera custodit lapis adveniat. quaecumque ornamenta mundo obsequente transmissa fuerint, decorata venerandi genio corporis plus lucebunt. statura est quae resignet prolixitate regnantem; nix genarum habet concordiam cum rubore; vernant lumina serenitate continua; dignae manus quae exitia rebellibus tribuant, honorum vota subiectis. nullus intempestive positum iactet, quia quod agunt in aliis dominis diademata, hoc in rege meo operata est deo fabricante natura. illos faciunt tot divitiarum adiumenta conspicuos, sed hunc edidit simplex et indemutabilis figura meliorem. quid! cultu laborent qui cupiunt peregrinam obtinere pulcritudinem.

340. Cf. P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, vol. 1 (1954) 219-233, and figs. 13-19.

366 Notes to Pages 234-237 341. Cf. Propertius, 1, 2. 342. Wroth, 57-58. 343. Wroth, 67ff. 344. Wroth, 69, 62f, Rome. 345. Wroth, 74, 16. 346. Wroth, 79, 11. 347. Wroth, 102f. 348. Wroth, 103, 104, 105. 349. Wroth, 106f. 350. Agnellus Lib. Pont., 94 (Holder-Egger).

351. Cf. A. H. M. Jones, “The Constitutional Position of Odoacer and Theoderic,” JRS 52 (1962) 126-130. 352. Wroth, 46ff.

353. Anastasius and monogramme of Theodoric: Wroth 50f. Justin land monogramme of Athalarich: Wroth 63, 27; 64, 30f; 66, 46f. Justin I and DN ATHALARICHUS REX: Wroth 63, 28f; 64, 35f; 67, 57f.

Justinian and monogramme of Theodahad: Wroth 72, 1f; 74, 1f; Justinian and DN THEODAHATUS REX: Wroth 73, 3f; 74, 16f.

Justinian and DN VVITIGES REX: Wroth 77, 1f; 79, lf; note also, for Vitigis, the

issues showing, as usual, the Byzantine emperor, in this case Justinian, on the obverse, and on the reverse the monogramme of Theodoric: Wroth 78, 7f. These issues may be viewed as an attempt, in troubled times, at proclaiming the continuance of the dynasty of Theodoric. Justinian and monogramme of Matasuntha: Wroth 80-81. Justinian and DN BADVILA REX (Totila): Wroth 86. See further the antiquarian

issues under Totila, commemorating the golden age of Ostrogothic kingship during the period of Anastasius and Theodoric: Wroth 86ff passim, and similarly under Teia, Wroth 95f. 354. Wroth, 75, 19ff. 355. Wroth, 88, 23; 89, 24; 91, 38.

356. Wroth, 93-94; Alféldi, Die Kontorniaten (1942) catalogue, e.g., nos. 351-352, 355, 361, 363, 380, 389, 405f, with victory acclamations to charioteers. 357. P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen, loc. cit. (above, n. 340). 358. See E. Dygeve, Ravennatum Palatium Sacrum. La basilica ipetrale a cerimonie (1941) 4ff; 22, to be consulted with G. de Francovich, I! palazzo de Teodorico a Ravenna e la cosidetta (1970) and F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Hauptstadt des spitantiken Abendlandes, Kommentar 1 (1974) 141-145. 359. G. Bovini, XII Corso di cultura sull’arte Rav. e Biz. (1966) 51-81; cf. below, n. 368.

360. The hand of one of the figures, making the gesture of acclamation, may still be seen on one of the columns, see fig. 55. 361. Deichmann, Ravenna (n. 380), 141 and 145; cf. Nordstrém, Ravennastudien (1953) 57. The owner of the palace is thus shown in it8 pediment and in its main entrance, while the city goddess appears in her own gate: ruler and city are juxtaposed. There is an iconographic analogy for Theodoric in the pediment of his

palace and Ravenna in her gate: it is Roma in the pediment of the Templum Urbis on the Ephesian Arch of S. Maria Maggiore, see N. Brodsky, L’iconographie oublié de l’arc Ephésien de Sainte-Marie Majeure a Rome (1966) 66f.

Notes to Pages 237-240 367 362. Sidonius Carm., 2, 1ff; 5, 1ff; and cf. Rome enthroned in majesty, 13ff; 7,

3-10; 578-580; cf. Pan. Lat., 3, 11, Diocletian and Maximian in the palace of Milan; Claudian, IV cons. 565ff, etc.

363. Pan. Lat., 7, 4, 1: Sacrum istud palatium non candidatus imperii, sed designatus intrasti confestimque te illi paterni lares successorem videre legitimum, and Eusebius VC, 1, 22 on Constantine; Amm., 15, 8, 17: Susceptusque denique ad consessum vehiculi, receptusque in regiam (Julian), and Amm., 21, 10, 1, a crowd at Sirmium acclaimed Julian and led him to the palace; Claudian VI cons., 25—38 on Honorius resident in the palatium in Rome; cf. 640ff. 364. Cassiodorus Variae, ed. Mommsen, 7, 5, 1: Formula Curae palatii: Haec nostrae sunt oblectamenta potentiae, imperii decora facies, testimonium praeconiale regnorum: haec legatis sub ammiratione monstrantur et prima fronte talis dominus esse creditur, quale eius habitaculum comprobatur.

365. Agnellus Lib. Pont. ed. Holder-Egger 86, MGH, Script. Rer. Lang. 366. C. O. Nordstrém, Ravennastudien (1953) 46-54, and S. K. Kostof, The Orthodox Baptistery of Ravenna (1965) 76-82. The image of the empty throne has antecedents in pagan sepulchral and triumphal art; see J. W. Salomonson, Chair, Sceptre and Wreath. Historical Aspects of Their Representation on Some Roman Sepulchral Monuments (1956).

367. Agnellus Lib. Pont., 70-71, on the negotiations preceding the formal welcome of the bishop Maximian, appointed by Justinian. Cf. H. Kruse, Studien zur offiziellen Geltung des Kaiserbildes. . . . (1934) 32~—34.

368. The dates of the different mosaics in S. Apollinare Nuovo have been clarified definitively by G. Bovini, “Antichi rifacimenti nei mosaici di S. Apollinare Nuovo di Ravenna,” XIII Corso di cultura sull’arte Rav. e Biz. (1966) 51-81. It is clear that C. O. Nordstr6m, Ravennastudien (1953) 79 (cf. Deichmann, Ravenna, Geschichte und Monumente (1969) 199 and figs. 257-60) was right in regarding not

only the Palatium and Classis compositions, but also the enthroned Christ and Theotokos, as Ostrogothic. These mosaics therefore provide important evidence

about the nature of Ostrogothic kingship as formulated under Theodoric, for they showed the ruler on earth, Theodoric, juxtaposed to the ruler of heaven, exactly as was done for Late Roman and Byzantine emperors. 369. On the date, C. A. Trypanis, Fourteen Early Byzantine Cantica (1968) 17ff, and see S. MacCormack, “Roma, Constantinopolis, the Emperor, and His Genius,” CQ 25 (1965) 131-150, on the relationship between ruler and capital and its pagan and Christian context. On my interpretation of the narthex mosaic in S. Sophia (p. 150), contrast N. Oikonomides, “Leo VI and the Narthex Mosaic of Saint Sophia,” DOP 30 (1976) 153-172 at 170-171. 370. See Hunger, Prooimion, 63ff. and below, at nn. 395ff and 401. 371. See also the analysis, starting from different premises, by Nordstrém, Ravennastudien, 83ff.

372. J. B. Bury, “The Ceremonial Book of Constantine Porphyrogennetos,” EHR 22 (1907) 209-227 at 211-213; H. G. Beck, “Senat und Volk von Konstantinopel,” Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. Hist. Kl. SB (1966) 11. See also, on the period

here under discussion, in the wider context of Rome and Byzantium, F. E. Brightman, “Byzantine Imperial Coronations,” JTS 2 (1901) 359-392; W. Sickel,

368 Notes to Pages 241-242 “Das byzantinische Krénungsrecht bis zum 10. Jhdt.,” BZ 7 (1898) 511-557, and Aikaterine Christophilopoulou, "ExAoyn, dvaydpeuoic, Kai otéwic tot Bulavtivou autoxpatoposc (1956). Brightman, 368, takes the accession of Leo as a turning point, using evidence from De Cer. as a guideline, as is also done here, while Christophilopoulou begins with Marcian. 373. Philostorgius records an accession of this type, which is of considerable theoretical interest, H.E., 3, 22. 374. Leo II and Justinian, De Cer., 94; 95; Leo I, Anastasius and Justin I, De Cer., 91-93. De Cer., 93 reveals that the accession of Justin ] was controversial, an impression which is amply confirmed by Evagrius, H.E., 4, 1-3. Thus, the account of De Cer., 93 shows how, in such a situation, the effect of ceremonial can serve to acquire and register consensus, and to validate events, even if only retrospectively. Cf. below, n. 423. 375. Amm., 20, 4, 18: Abstractum sibi torquem, quo ut draconarius utebatur; cf. above, nn. 170-171. 376. On Justin, see Averil Cameron, Corippus, Commentary, 154ff (on Corippus Laus.. . Iustini 2, 84ff, taking in also the accounts in De Cer.), with the other literature, which is not repeated here. On shield-raising, see now C. Walter, “Raising on a Shield in Byzantine Iconography,” Rev. des études byzantines 33 (1975) 133-175, where the literary evidence also is presented and discussed. On Byzantine, compared to mediaeval Western, coronations, J. Nelson, “Symbols in Context,” Studies in Church History 13 (1976) ed. D. Baker, 97-119. 377. Hauck, in P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, vol. 1 (1954) 145f.

378. Thus it was a significant occasion when, to face the rebelling populace of

Constantinople, Anastasius appeared in the hippodrome not wearing the diadem; E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire, vol. 2 (1949) 177-178. 379. See Alan Cameron, Porphyrius the Chartoteer (1973) 248-252; for a view over a longer time-span, Alan Cameron, Circus Factions. Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium (1976) 157-192; and in a wider context, G. Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale, Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 a 451 (1974) 314-347. 380. See Ensslin, Zur Frage nach der ersten Kaiserkrénung durch den Patriarchen, (1947) (shortened version in BZ 42 (1943-1949) 101-115, 369-372).

381. Treitinger, Kaiser, 13ff, 26ff, “der Kaiser bedurfte der kirchlichen Kronung in Byzanz nie” (27-8), 34—43; and Ostrogorsky’s review of Kaiser, BZ 41 (1941) 211-223. By comparing the Byzantine situation to the West, J. Nelson, in her “Symbols in Context,” Studies in Church History 13 (1976) ed. D. Baker, 97119, overcomes these impasses and impossibilities. 382. See W. Sickel, “Das byzantinische Krénungsrecht bis zum 10. Jahrhundert,” BZ 7 (1898) 511-557 at 513ff; also J. Deer, “Der Ursprung der Kaiserkrone,” Schweizer Beitrige zur allgemeinen Geschichte 8 (1950) 51-87, reprinted in Deer, Byzanz und das abendliindische Herrschertum (1977), on the interrelation between insignia and ceremonial. 383. J. Meyendorff, “Justinian, the Empire and the Church,” DOP 22 (1968) 43—60.

384. On the role of Constantine, with respect to the church, cf. above, “Adventus” at n. 144; J. Straub, “Kaiser Konstantin als €nioxonoc tav @xtoc,” Studia Patristica 1 (1957) 678-695, reprinted in his Regeneratio Imperit (1972) pp. 119-133,

Notes to Pages 242-244 369 and J. Straub, “Konstantin als Kolvoc emioxonoc,” DOP 2] (1967) 37-55, reprinted in Regeneratio Imperii, pp. 134-158. On Marcian, see A. Grillmeir, 5.J. and H. Bacht, S.J., Das Konzil von Chalkedon; Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 2 (1959) 525, with 103-107. On Anastasius, see Procopius of Gaza Panegyricus, 4 (Bonn); cf. Socrates H.E., 7, 23, PG, 67, 785A: Theodosius discussed the Scriptures with bishops wc iepevc néAai KaQeotasc. 385. Agapetus PG, 86', § 1, Col. 1164; §15, col. 1169:

Tips andone unéptepov éxwv afiwpa, BaoiAct, tia Unép Gnavtac tov toutou oe dfinoavta Oedv, 6t1 Kai Ka’ Gpoiwmoiv tic énoupaviou BaoiAciac, ESWKE GO1 TO OKMtpPOV thc émyeiou 6uvaoteiac. .. .

“Ynép ndvta tij¢ BaotAciac ta évboga, thc evoeBeiac 16 otéppa tov BaciAéa Koopel. 6 yap nAoUtoc anépxetai, kai nh 66fa petépxetai. to 6& KAEoc tic EvOéou

noAiteiac 4Bavatoic aidoi cupmapekteivetal, Kai AnOnc éméKelva touc éxovtac {otnol.

386. The point is noted by Reiske, De Cer., Commentary, 412. 387. De Cer., 411: Kai oUtw dbaveic to SHpwW, apd HAVT@V tOV a4px6vt@Vv Kata

taElv IpooeKuVYON. . . . 388. De Cer., 428. For the late sixth century we have some additional informa-

tion about the ceremonial of coronation from the Guidi Chronicle, tr. Th. Noldeke, “Die von Guidi herausgegebene syrische Chronik,” Wien. Akad. d. Wiss. SB Philos. hist. KI. 128 (1893) IX Abh., 16: Der KGnig (i.e., Khusro II) nahm ihn [Theodosius son of Maurice] mit grossen Ehren auf und gebot dem Katholikos dass er ihn in die Kirche fithre, und dass nach rémischer Sitte die Kaiserkrone auf den Altar gelegt und ihm sodann aufs Haupt gesetzt werde.

389. On early examples of this phrase and its significance see H. U. Instinsky, “Consensus universorum,” Hermes 75 (1940) 265-278. 390. Or, possibly, Marcian, see O. Treitinger, Ostrémische Kaiser- und Reichsidee, 87. 391. Procopius B.P., 1, 24, 19ff.

392. See, e.g., Socrates H.E., 5, Prologue: Church and state are joined by oupmaQeia tic, so that what disturbs one disturbs the other; emperors convoke synods, and the church depends on emperors. The absence of differentiation emerges even in Socrates’ vocabulary, since he juxtaposes not the neat entities church and state but ta 6npéo1a and ta tav ExKANolOv. See also Socrates H.E., 7, 22 and 23 (P.G., 67, 788b; 792a) of the people in the hippodrome on two different occasions: 6An pév f HOAIc pia €KKANGia éyéveto.

393. Oeé hiAavOpone: note the parallel with Themistius, above, nn. 177, 226-229.

394. Entry into the palace has been met with earlier as one of the actions of claiming sovereignty: e.g., above, nn. 223-224. N. 269 on the Missorium of Theodosius; nn. 358 and 361 on the Palatium mosaic in 5S. Apollinare Nuovo. 395. De Cer., 410-411: eiddKouoov, 6 Medc, of NapakaAdoUpev. émdKouoov, 6 Oedc. A€éovti Cor}. eiodkoudov, 6 edc. Atwv BaoiAeUoel. Oeé middvOpwne, Aéovta Baoidéa 10 npadyya to 6npooiov aitei. 6 otpatoc Agovta PaoiAéa aitel. Aéovta oi vopol &Kdéxovtai. Agovta 16 naAddtiov éxééxetal. ata evxai tou naAatiou: atta évtet-

370 Notes to Pages 244-247 Ecic tou otpatonédou. avtal euxai tijc cuyyKAntou: avtal evyai tot Aaot. Agovta 6 KOOpOc Gvapeével. A€ovta 6 otpatoc EKSéxXetal- TO KOIVOV KaAOv, Aéwv, EAGEtO.

tO Kolvov ayaov, Aéov, BaciAetoel1. eicdkougov, 6 Wedc, o& napaKkaAotpev.

These acclamations are extraordinarily similar to those recorded, over 500 years later, for the accession of Nicephorus Phocas, De Cer., 1, 96, 439 (Bonn). The sep-

arate enumerations of communalty, army, senate, laws and palace as desiring the new emperor are particularly striking. On the enumeration of people, senate and army at accessions in late antique Constantinople, see H. G. Beck, “Senat und Volk von Konstantinopel,” Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. Hist. Kl. SB (1966) 10—15. See also Theodosian Code, Gesta Senatus 5, with H.A. Probus 11, 6ff. 396. De Cer., 411: Aéowv attyouotse, ot vikGc, ov evoeBi\c, ou ceBaotiéc: 0 Ocdc oe E6wxKeEV, 6 Oedc oe

puAdéel- tov Xplotov cePdpevoc dei vikdc: noAAoUc xpévouc Aéov BaoidetvoetXplotiavov Baoideiov 6 Oedc nepidpoupioe.

Cf. Theodosian Code, Gesta Senatus 5: Adclamatum est . . . Deus vos nobis dedit, deus vos nobis servet. 397. De Cer., 411-412. autokpdtwp Kaioap Aéwv vikntijc dei ceBaotéc: 6 Gedc 6 navtoébUvapos Kai f Kpioic Ff Upetépa, ioxUPMtAto! GUCTPATIDTAl, AUTOKPATOpA pe TOV TOV ‘Ropaiwv

Snpociwv npaypatov eutuxac efedetato. Hapa naviowv éxpayn. Atwv atyouote, ov vikdc: 6 of éxAeEGpevoc of SiaduAdgei- thv éKAoynv éautov 6 Oedc nepibpoupnoei- evoePéc Bacidelov 6 edc puAdéei- Kai evoeBrc Kai Suvatoc.

Cf. for Justin, De Cer., 429-430. 398. De Cer., 424: Kiupie, édénoov: vié Ocot, ot attov éAénoov. ’Avactdole avyouote, toupBbnKac: evoePi BaciAéa 6 Oedc puAdéel- 6 Oedc oe EwxKev, 6 Oedc oe muAdeel.

For the divine election of Anastasius, see also John of Nikiu Chronicle, 89, 9, p. 122 (tr. R. H. Charles (1916)). 399. De Cer., 429-430: &pOova ti oixoupévyn: Oc ECnoac, ottw Baoidevoov- apPGova th moAiteia: BaoiAed ovpdvie, o@oov tov éniyeiov. Iovotive atyouote, ob viKdc: tov veou Kewvotavtivou moAAG ta étn: Hpeic SoGA01 tod BaciAéwe.

400. E.g., Marcian’s letter informing Pope Leo of his accession, Leo ep., 73 PL, 54, 899. Cf. C. Mango and J. Sevéenko, BZ (1972) 380, inscription of Anastasius: O PH®Q @(EO)Y TQN OAQN KPATON ANAZXTAZXIO“ EYXEBHY AYTOKPAITQP. 401. De Cer., 439: Gnd5e~a1 tov Gedoterttov Nixnddpov. Although the account of this accession belongs to the tenth, not the sixth, century (Bury, EHR 22 (1907) 211), it shares numerous features with the late antique accounts. Cf. above, n. 395.

402. De Cer., 410; 425; 427. These acclamations express the consensual aspect of the coronation ceremony. See on this E. Shils, “The Meaning of the Coronation,” Center and Periphery, Essays in Macrosociology (1975) 135-152. 403. De Cer., 417, 422. 404. De Cer., 426, 6 tijc Beiac ANgewe.

Notes to Pages 247—249 371 405. De Cer., 426: 6 Scondétync HV, Wc Gv8pwnoc, éteAcUtNOEeV: Sei oUV NYGc Ndvtac Kolvy Pou-

AeUoaoGal, Kai tov t@ Oe dpéokovta Kai th noAiteia oupepovta émAéfaoGa1.

This interpretation is at variance with J. Nelson, “Symbols in Context,” Studies in Church History 13 (1976) ed. D. Baker, 107 and n. 43. My argument about the links

between imperial funerals and accessions has been that any ‘stand-in’ such as the patriarch was not required between one reign and the next. The ceremonial in itself creates the desired coherence. 406. C. Halm, Rhetores Latini Minores, 556-557. 407. De Cer., 425, 430. 408. Priscian Panegyric (Bonn), 38f; Procopius of Gaza, Panegyric (Bonn), 6-7. 409. Priscian Panegyric 1-7: Accipe Romanum clementi pectore carmen, accipe, quod soleo caelesti reddere regi, munere pro vitae, pro pulchro lumine solis. namque deum sentis placari carmine tantum, quem sequeris, princeps animo Iustissime recto, qui tibt regna dedit, cui debes omnia soli prospera, quae bellis pariter vel pace tulisti.

410. Procopius of Gaza Panegyric, 5: d6ypa ti GVeiov we aANOHc Eni coi thv wihov éexivel- kai @onep &K plac yvapnsc 6 6fpoc anac éBda- peyGAn BouAN mpocetibeto. BaorAic énéveuev: fh 6é

Wipoc Eepeto.

411. See on Corippus and George of Pisidia, T. Nissen, “Historisches Epos und Panegyrikos in der Spatantike,” Hermes 75 (1940) 298-325; on Corippus, Averil Cameron, Cortppus (1976) 2f, 7f. On epic tendencies and ekphrasis in Clau-

dian, Alan Cameron, Claudian, 254-279; an excellent survey is presented by L. Previale, “Teoria e prassi del panegirico bizantino,” Emerita 17 (1949) 72-105; Emerita 18 (1950) 340-366. On description, ekplirasis, see also P. Friedlander, Johannes von Gaza, Paulus Silentiarius und Prokopius von Gaza, Kunstbeschreibungen

justinianischer Zeit (1969; 1912 and 1939), esp. 1-23. See further, above p. 279 n. 26. 412. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 1, 32ff. See throughout Averil Cameron’s commentary in her Corippus, 1966. 413. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 1, 115ff. 414. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 1, 148: Te iura vocant, te sustinet aula. 415. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 1, 187ff. 416. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 1, 226ff. 417. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 1, 345-367: Hunc omnes populi, pueri, iuvenes, senesque dant agmina plausus vox omnibus una, mens eadem: nomen populis placet omnibus unum. ales ut exustos cum phoenix innovat artus,

a busto recidiva suo... .

(351-352)... sic decus imperii, sanctum sic iota resurgens

372 Notes to Pages 250-251 exortum est de fine suo, seniumque reponens nominis erecti Iustino in principe vivit Justinianus apex; domini sic vulgus amore

undique conveniens. .. . ‘tu vincas lustine’ canunt, ingensque tumultus crescit, et Augusta luctus discessit ab aula laetitia veniente nova. vox excitat omnes. omnia lustino praebent elementa favorem, omnia congaudent, omnes clamore vocati conveniunt proceres: lux sacra palatia complet.

(364-365)... signa dedit manifesta deus, seque ipse probavit, Iustino claram regni imposuisse coronam.

On the harmony between the elements, the nobles, the palace and God in procuring the imperial election see above at notes 394-395. On lines 353f. see Cameron, Corippus p. 148. 418. Corippus De Laud. lust., 2, 1ff. On Justin’s prayer to God, and Sophia’s to the Virgin, see Cameron, Corippus (1976) 149ff, and also her “The Theotokos in sixth Century Constantinople,” JTS 29 (1978) 79-108, esp. 82ff. 419. xai mapaxpnhpa Afav.... nvéxOn: De Cer., 411; cf. 418-421, 423, 426429, 431-432. 420. Corippus De Laud. lust., 3, 79, cf. 1, 181, 250; the circus passage: 1, 314ff, with commentary, ad loc., in Averil Cameron, Corippus, 143ff. Anthologia Latina 1,

197 likens the Circus Maximus in Rome to the vault of heaven; translated in D. R. Dudley, Urbs Roma, A Source Book of Classical Texts on the City and Its Monu-

ments (London, 1967) 213, along with other texts on the Circus Maximus. 421. Corippus De Laud. Tust., 2, 165ff. Cf. above, n. 389. 422. Corippus De Laud. lust., 1, 361; 2, 92ff. 423. Corippus De Laud. lust., 2, 86ff. On the unusual location of Justin's coronation, inside the palace, see Averil Cameron, Corippus, 156ff. This is another

instance of ceremonial being used to cover over somewhat unusual circumstances; cf. above, n. 374, on Justin I, and above, at nn. 170ff and 198 on Julian and Jovian. 424. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 2, 105-112: cruraque puniceis induxit regia vinclis,

Parthica... tergora... lectaque pro sacris . . . plantis quis solet edomitos victor calcare tyrannos Romanus princeps et barbara colla domare. Augustis solis hoc cultu conpetit uti,

sub quorum est pedibus regum cruor...

On the imperial shoes, see A. Alféldi, “Insignien und Tracht,” reprinted in his Die monarchische Reprisentation im rémischen Kaiserreiche (1970) 183f, and ibid.,

143ff, on the emperor's exclusive right to wear triumphal costume. Other particulars in Averil Cameron, ad loc. 425. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 2, 118-127:

Notes to Pages 251-253 373 Caesareos umeros ardenti murice texit circumfusa chlamys, rutilo quae ornata metallo principis exerta vincebat lumina dextra. aurea iuncturas morsu praestrinxit obunco fibula, et a summis gemmae nituere catenis, gemmae, quas Getici felix victoria belli praebuit atque favens dominis Ravenna revexit, quasque a Vandalica Belisarius adtulit aula. signa triumphorum, pie Iustiniane, tuorum sospite Justino mundumque regente manebunt.

426. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 2, 130-136: Armati manibus sacrati circulus auri inpositi in collo imperium sublime dicavit, quod faciens ter, ter dextram cum munere tendens ‘Augusti, lustine, locum tibi confero’ dixit. ‘ast ego te iubeo’ princeps ait ‘esse tribunum’. felix Armatus, primus qui verba loquentis audiit et primus sollemnia dona recepit.

427. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 2, 145-158: Nunc maximus orbis communis benefactor adest, cui subdita reges colla parant, nomenque tremunt et numen adorant. adstitit in clipeo princeps fortissimus illo solis habens specimen. lux altera fulsit ab urbe; mirata est pariter geminos consurgere soles una favens eademque dies. mea carmina numne mensuram transgressa suam? mirabere forsan, quod dixi geminos pariter consurgere soles. nec vacuis verbis nec inanibus ista figuris ore feres prolata meo, si dicta rependis. mens iusti plus sole nitet: non mergitur undis, non cedit tenebris, non fusca obtexitur umbra. lux operum aeterno lucet splendore bonorum.

428. Cf. E. Kantorowicz, “Oriens Augusti—Lever du Roi,” DOP 17 (1963) 119177.

429. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 2, 173. See, on the underlying concepts of this expression, H. U. Instinsky, “Kaiser und Ewigkeit,” Hermes 77 (1942) 313-355. 430. See E. Stein, “Post-Consulat et autoxpatopia,” Mélanges Bidez (1934) 869-912, reprinted in E. Stein, Opera Minora Selecta, ed. J. R. Palanque (1968) 315-358. 431. Corippus De Laud. Tust., 1, 62-65. 432. Corippus De Laud. [ust., 2, 146~147. 433. Corippus De Laud. Iust., 2, 178-189: ‘super omnia regnans regna deus regnum nobis concessit avitum, et patrium diadema dedit, curasque regendi imposuit rerum genitor, quas ipse creavit. laudamus factoris opus, regemque tremendum

374 Notes to Pages 253-255 suspicimus. grates agimus gratesque fatemur.

ipsius est quodcumque sumus... (185: lacuna)

pluribus ex membris animal componitur unum, sed caput est quod membra regit, deus erga creator componens hominem (lacuna) omnibus ut membris caput imperet.

434. Whereas in the West, there were the different coronation orders: C. A. Bouman, Sacring and Crowning (1957); P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Kénige und Péipste; gesammelte Aufsitze zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1968) Abschnitt 3, on Frankish and Anglo-Saxon ordines; cf. J. Nelson, “The Problem of King Alfred’s Anointing,” Journ. of Eccl. Hist. 18 (1967) 145-163. Also: E. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae (1958), and J. Nelson, “Symbols in Context,” in Studies in Church History 13 (1976) ed. D. Baker, 97-119. For the later Byzantine ceremonial, E. Stein and G. Ostrogorsky, “Die Kr6nungsordnungen des Zeremonienbuches,” Byzantion 7 (1932) 185-233, reprinted in E. Stein, Opera Minora Selecta, ed. J. R. Palanque (1963) 255-304; G. Ostrogorsky, “Zur Kaisersalbung und Schilderhebung im spatbyzantinischen Krénungszeremoniell,” Historia 4 (1955) 246-256. A. Christophilopoulou, ’ExAoyn. . . (1956) covers the entire Byzantine period. 435. See on the occasion and the texts, Averil Cameron, “An Emperor's Abdication,” Byzantinoslavica 37 (1976) 161-167.

436. Theophanes, 252 (de Boor). 437. Theophylact Simocatta Hist., 3, 11 (Bonn 136) id€, 6 Oedc 6 dyaOUvov oe. toto tO oxhpa 6 Gedc 001 616G@o1v, oUK éyw, repeated, like the rest of this account, in Theophanes 248f (de Boor). The other detailed contemporary account where Justin is inspired by an angel, is in John of Ephesus, H.E., 3, 5, tr. (Latin) E. W. Brooks (1936).

438. Simocatta Hist., 3, 11, (Bonn 137), followed by Theophanes, 248 {de Boor): Ht) cic éxO8pav opoiwOfic epoi- tya@ yap wc GvOpwnoc eiowbido8nv (Kai yap Iitalotoc €yevopnv) Kai anéAaBov Kata tac Guaptiac pou. adAAd 61Kdoopal toic

Molnoaoi pol tovto éni tou Bhypatoc toU Xpiotov. ph e€enaipetw ce toto to OXijpa wc épé. oUt Mpd0xeEc NGolv, Wc Ceauta. yv@01 ti hc Kai ti ei viv. pH Ullephavione Kai ovX Gpaptdveic. oidac ti Hunv Kai ti éyevépnv, Kai ti eipi. 6A01 OUTO! TEKVa COU eid1 Kai doA01.

439. Simocatta Hist., 3, 11 (Bonn 137), cf. Theophanes, 249: éav BéAne, eipi- av pn GéAne, oUK eipi. 6 Gedc 6 NoINoac tov OUpavov Kai THV yiv, mdavta 6oa éneAaOonnvy eineiv ool, abtoc Ep BAAN eic trv Kapdiav cou.

For the subjects as the emperor's slaves, cf. above, n. 399. Cf. Themistius on a related topic, the heart of kings in the hand of God, above at n. 228. 440. KaAodv évtddiov nj Baoideia éoti: Procopius BP, 1, 24, 37, with T. N6ldeke, “Die von Guidi . . . Chronik,” SB Wien 178 (1893) Abh. 9, 15. 441. Pertusi, ed., Giorgio di Pisidia, 77-81; cf. above, “Adventus” at nn. 324ff. On George of Pisidia’s vocabulary and poetic technique see J. D. C. Frendo, “The Significance of Technical Terms in George of Pisidia,” Orpheus 21 (1974) 45-55. On his epic characteristics, see above, n. 411. On the changed role of classical culture in Byzantium at this time, see Averil Cameron, “Images of Author-

Notes to Pages 255-259 375 ity: Elites and Icons in Late Sixth-Century Byzantium,” Past and Present 84 (1979)

3-35, at 24-29. 442. Theophanes, 299, lines 9f. Before this Heraclius was crowned with a otéppa from a church of the Theotokos in Cyzicus: Theophanes, 299, lines 3f. The otéypa could have been an object resembling the votive crowns of Visigothic Spain: J. Fontaine, L’Art préroman hispanique (La Pierre-qui-Vire, 1973) 246f.

443. George of Pisidia In Heraclium ex Africa redeuntem, 8; 25, 53, 81, 72, 76f, resp. Cf. Exped. Pers. 1, 35-50, 76-81, 221f. 444, J. I. Tolstoi, Les Monnaies byzantines (1912-14) (?: no publisher given) Arcadius pl. 3, 78-79; 81; 83-85; 87-89; Eudoxia Arcadii pl. 3, 136; 138-141; Eudoxia Theodosii pl. 6, 86; 88-91; Pulcheria pl. 6, 36; pl. 7, 30-31; 33-35; 37; Ver-

ina pl. 9, 53-55; Zenonis pl. 11, 94; see K. G. Holum, “Pulcheria’s Crusade of A.D. 421—422 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 18 (1977) 153-172, on Pulcheria’s coins.

445. See P. Courcelle, “Le serpent a face humaine dans la numismatique impériale du V* siécle,” in Mélanges A. Piganiol, Vol. 1 (1966) 343-353. See also Cohen, vol. 8, Valentinian III, no. 24; P. Courcelle, Histoire littéraire des grandes invasions germaniques (1964) 351, pl. 5; serpent solidi issued 425 onwards. 446. A. Grabar, “Recherches,” Cahiers archéologiques 14 (1964) 53-57, and in greater detail, “Un médaillon en or provenant de Mersine,” DOP 6 (1951) 27-49, at 34ff; K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 72-74. 447. For which cf. H. P. Orange, Iconography of Cosmic Kingship (1953) 88-89. 448. Ivories: J. Beckwith, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, (1970) figs. 163b, 173, 176; cf..fig. 222 Roger II of Sicily. Coinage: e.g., Wroth 2, pl. 52, 1; 53, 2; 54, 10-11. For the use of this iconography in churches at a later date, see Robert of Clari, The Conquest of Constantinople, tr. E. Holmes McNeal (New York, 1936; 1964) 56.

449. On Justin and Justinian, see A. R. Bellinger, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. 1 (1966)

56ff and pl. XII; Justinian alone, Wroth 1, pl. 8, 3; 8; Bellinger, Catalogue, 136ff; pl. XXXV.

450. This being a regular obverse of Justin II’s base metal coinages: Bellinger, Catalogue, 204ff; 221ff, etc. and pl. L-LIX; Wroth 1, 77f; pl. 11, 8-12, 14. 451. Bellinger, Catalogue, 320, and pl. LXX; cf. 373f, and pl. LXXX. Wroth 1, pl. 19, 22, 23. 452. Bellinger, Catalogue, 373-375 and pl. LXXX. Wroth 1, pl. 20, 1; cf. Hera-

clius, Wroth 1, 195f, pl. 23, 8f passim.

453. P. Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, Vol. 2, 1 (1968) 162, 168, 174, 176, etc., pl. Ii—-V; Wroth, 1, 165f, pl. 20, 9; 21, 5; 7; 22, 1-2; 4-5. 454. Delbrueck, Consulardiptychen, nos. 50 and 52; Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, nos. 51 and 52. Cf. K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 31-32.

455. For instance, on the column-base of Arcadius, and on the Barberini diptych, above, “Adventus” at nn. 225, 285. 456. For the imperial mosaics, see the masterly exegesis by G. Rodenwaldt,

“Bemerkungen zu den Kaisermosaiken in San Vitale,” J. d. I 59-60 (1944-45) 88-110. For the late antique artistic context of Ravenna, J. Kollwitz, “Ravenna

376 Notes to Pages 260-263 zwischen Orient und Occident,” Atti del VI Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia

Cristiana, Ravenna 1962 (1965), 383-402. See now F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Hauptstadt des spitantiken Abendlandes 1, Geschichte und Monumente (1969) 226—227

with Ravenna. ...2, Kommentar 2 (1976) 3, 6—7 (the dedicatory inscription of Julius Argentarius and its date); 48-49, 188-195 (the date of the structure and of the mosaics). 457. The offering at the accession: De Cer. (Bonn), 91, 413 (Leo J); 92, 425 (Anastasius). Cf. A. Grabar, “Quel est le sens de l’offrande de Justinien et Theodora sur les mosaiques de Saint Vital?” Felix Ravenna (1960) 63-77 with the older literature. For an exhaustive discusson of the San Vitale imperial mosaics with the literature, now see E W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Hauptstadt des spitantiken Abendlandes 2, Kommentar 2 (1976) 180-187.

458. E. Stein, Hist. du Bas-Empire, vol. 2, 459; Justinian, Nov. 47, 537 a.D.; note the preface! 459. Cf. above at n. 443; George of Pisidia, In Her. ex Afr. red. 8-9: NuGc 6€ tOV WUXIKOV KIVHPATOV

trv évGeov hpdvyolv Upveiv eunpenéc.

Cf. In Rest. S. Crucis 43-6. 460. On this iconography see F. Cumont, “L’adoration des mages et l'art triomphal de Rome,” Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia Ser. 3, Mem. 3 (1932-1933) 81-105.

461. For an empress’ humility, see Gregory of Nyssa, Funerary Oration for Flacilla, P.G. 46, 884b UnonAT tane1vodpooUvn, and below, n. 466. 462. On the significance of Theodora’s niche, see F. W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Kommentar 2 (1976) 182. The prophet niches in S. Apollinare Nuovo, F. W. Deichmann, Bauten und Mosaiken von Ravenna (1958) pl. 100-107; niches of the bishops of Ravenna in 5S. Apollinare in Classe, ibid. pl. 394-400 with Kommentar 2 (1976) 262, cf. 271; for the date, 245-246. Both in S. Apollinare Nuovo and in S. Apol-

linare in Classe, crowns are suspended from the centre of the niches, above the

heads of the personages standing beneath—whereas Theodora is already crowned with the imperial diadem. The niches in S. Apollinare in Classe zlso contain curtains, which may perhaps be viewed as a hint at the life after death. See, on a Ravenna sarcophagus, cross between curtains under conch-type niche, flanked by two crosses under arch: G. Valenti Zucchini and M. Bucci, Corpus della scultura paleocristiana bizantina ed altomedioevale di Ravenna, ed. G. Bovini (1968) no.

3lb. A sarcophagus with a similar symbolic structure, showing, in the cenire, curtains drawn aside under a pediment, is now in Cleveland (the space behind the curtains has been cut away for later use of the sarcophagus as a reliquary altarfront): M. Lawrence, “Two Ravennate Monuments in American Collections,” in Studies in Art and Literature for Belle da Costa Greene, ed. D. Miner (1954)

132-142, and fig. 100. The departed were shown under conch-type niches already in paganism: e.g., R. Schindler, Fiihrer durch das Landesmuseum Trier (1977)

104f, pl. 327 and 334, third century funerary monuments. For a Ravenna-type iconography of S. Peter under such a niche, and holding the cross over the four streams of Paradise (cf. the fountain in the Theodora mosaic, below n. 465) see W. E Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten no. 164, and K. Weitzmann, ed., Age of Spirituality (1979) 539-540, commenting on the unusualness of the iconography.

463. This is chronologically possible but tight. San Vitale was dedicated in 547 (above, n. 457); Theodora died in June, 548, PW, II, 5 (1934) col. 1787; Stein,

Notes to Pages 263-267 377 Hist. du Bas-Empire, vol. 2 (1959) 589, n. 4. The mosaic decorations need not have been complete at the time of dedication. Such a monument to Theodora after her death would not be incompatible with other evidence. For the inscription commemorating her at Sinai, see I. Sevéenko, “The Early Period of the Sinai Monastery in the Light of Its Inscriptions,” DOP 20 (1966) 255-264 at 262, no. 4; for Justinian’s homage to her after his triumphal entry into Constantinople in 559, De Cer., 497, line 19; he lit candles in the Church of the Apostles eic 16 pvinpa thc

Seonoivync. See also Paul the Silentiary, Ekphrasis of S. Sophia, 58-65 (ed. P. Friedlander in Johannes von Gaza, Paulus Silentiarius und Prokopius von Gaza (1969), 228-229. 464. On the curtain in the iconographies of Ravenna, see above, n. 462. See also the third-century sarcophagus in the Musée du Bardo, Tunis: in the centre, the deceased stands in front of a door covered by a curtain, flanked by the four Seasons: R. Bianchi Bandinelli, Rome, The Late Empire. Roman Art AD 200-400 (1971) 222 (Bianchi Bandinelli suggests a fourth-century date for this work, ibid.). For the symbolism of the door in life and afterlife, see above, “Consecratio” at nn. 93ff, and plates 37-40. Even though on the Bardo sarcophagus the curtajn is not being held aside for the deceased, I would suggest that the imagery is analogous

to that of the curtain and doorway on the Theodora mosaic. (I would like to thank Eunice Maguire for drawing my attention to the Bardo Sarcophagus.) 465. Fountains of “living water” in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia: F W. Deichmann, Ravenna, Kommentar, I (1974) 83-84, with biblical passages, referring such fountains to the refrigerium of the dead. See also, on the paradisal significance of fountains in the atrium of a church (if indeed Theodora’s whereabouts should be viewed as the atrium of a church), F Muthmann, Mutter und Quelle. Studien zur Quellenverehrung im Altertum und im Mittelalter (Basel, 1975) 384.

466. See Gregory of Nyssa, Funerary Oration of Flacilla, P.G. 46, 877-892, with K. G. Holum, Theodosian Empresses: Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity

(in press). 467. On Sophia—Wisdom, see Corippus Laus lustini, Preface 22—25; Panegyric of Anastasius 34; book I, 9; III, 148; IV, 280. I, 291, Sapientia—Sophia exercises the virtue of pietas by preparing Justinian’s funeral; II, 198 Sophia as owvQpovoc with Justin, cf. below, n. 468. Acclamations to Justin and Sophia, II, 168ff; 310-11; cf. HI, 71; 83-84. Theodora and Sophia, IV, 270-273. 468. See Kantorowicz, “SO YN@PONO2X AIKHI,” in his Selected Studies (1965)

1-6. 469. See above “ Adventus” at nn. 328, 343; cf. George of Pisidia Heraclias, 1, 201: xaipe, otpatnyé KoopiKov yeveOAiou. Cf. Exped. Pers., 1, 17f. 470. See J. Kollwitz, Ostrémische Plastik der theodosianischen Zeit (1941) 145-152

and notes. 471. De Cer., 411; 424: 6 Oedc oe E5wxKeEV, 6 Medc ce MUAGEEI.

472. De Cer., 430: BaoiAet oupdvie, coov tov ériyelov.

EPILOGUE 1. E.g. M. Weber, Die Stadt, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (1925); and E. Durkheim, Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, le systeme totémique en Australia, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1925).

378 Notes to Pages 268-272 2. Themistius Or. 13. This speech is entitled after a now-lost platonizing dialogue of Aristotle. 3. See F. Klingner, Rémische Geisteswelt (1961); EF Schneider, Rom und Romgedanke im Mittelalter (Munich, 1926); and W. Rehm, Der Untergang Roms im abendlindischen Denken (1930; 1966).

4, Themistius, 81c. 5. Pan. Lat., 3, 11, 3. 6. Horace, Ars Poetica, 361; cf. C. O. Brink, Horace on Poetry, the Ars Poetica (Cambridge, 1971), Commentary, ad loc. 7. Cicero De Republica, I, 25; cf. E. Shils, “Consensus,” Center and Periphery, Essays in Macrosociology (1975) 164-181.

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INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS AND TEXTS Brief or incidental references have been omitted.

Aeschylus 21,10,1 367 note 363 Agamemnon 21,10,1-2 46-47 with note 906—930 19 with notes 157 9-14 22,2,3-5 47 with notes Ekthests 22,9,14 49 with note 174 1 242 with note 385 25,5,7-8 201 with note 198

Agapetus 159-160

15 242 with note 385 26,1,5 202 with note 200 63 158 with note 302 26,4,3 201 with note 195 Ambrose 26,5,12 18 with note 4 De obitu Theodosii 27,6,10-11 201 with note 194 6-7 147 with note 250 Aristophanes 7-8 147 with note 249 Birds 10 147 with note 251 1707-1714 281 note 14 11-12 147 with note 252 Athanasius 31-32 148 with note 257 De incarnatione 32 155 at note 293 9 17 with 39-40 159 with note 258 Athenaeus

note 3

56 145-146 with Dipnosophistae note 242 253d —f 281 note 14

De obitu Augustine Valentinian Confessions

71-72 148 with note 253 6,6,9 1 at note 1

Ammianus City of God Rerum gestarum 5,19 180 with note 105

libri Ps. Augustine

15,8,7 367 note 363 Sermo 40 de Elia

15,8,9 194 with note 169 125 with note 171

15,8,17 201 at note 196 al Baladhuri

15,8,21-—22 46 with note 156 Kitab Futtih al-

16,10,4 47 with note 159 Buldah

16,10,12 181 with note 107 (tr. Hitti) 16,10,13 134 with note 202 214-215 22 with notes

20,4,18 241 with note 375 29-30

20,5,10 195-196 with note 174

402 INDEX Bible Constantine VII Proverbs Porphyrogenitus

21,1 208 with note 228 De cerimontis (ed. I 4,17 Thessalonians Reiske) 65 with note 258 1,60 (276,3-18) 156 with note 299 Cassiodorus 411,3) 244 with note 395 Oratio 2 7 with note 16 1,91 (411,9-13) 244 with note 395 1,91 (410,13 -

(ed. Traube) 233 with note 1,91 (411,10) 266 with note 471

338, cf. note 1,91 (411,

328 15-16) 243 with note 387 Vartae 1,91 (411,22~ 7,0,1 238 with note 364 412,4) 245 with note 397

Clement of Rome 1,91 (412,15) 361 note 281

Recognitiones 1,92 (424,111,25,2 4 at note il 14) 245 with note 398

Codex Theodosianus 1,92 (424,12Gesta Senatus 5 370 note 396 13) 266 with note 471 14,1,1 3 at note 9 1,93 (426,15— Ad Atticum 1,93 (428,7-13) 185 with note 130

Cicero 18) 247 with note 405 5,21,7 95 with note 6 1,93 (429,21-—

De re publica 430,3) 245 with note 399 6,12 96 with note 9 1,93 (430,1—2) 266 with note 472 6,13 96 with notes 7 1,96 (439,1-2) 245 with note 401

and 8 Appendix ad Claudian librum primum De raptu 495,1-498,13 307 note 296

Proserpinae Corippus 1,5-9 52 with note 181 In laudem LIustini De tertio Augustt minoris consulatu Honorit 1,1-3 152 with note 264 Augusti 1,49-51 156 with note 294 105-110 140 with note 228 1,145-148 152 with note 270 110 213 with note 253 1,148 249 with note 414 163-164 156 with note 295 1,173-180 152-153 with

163-184 140 with note 225 note 272

De quarto con- 1,187—203 79 with note 312 sulatu Honorit 1,190-—193 153 with note 273

Augusti 1,208—211 153 with note 274 98-99 210 with note 246 1,236—247 153 with note 275 121-127 209 with note 236 1,276—293

172-183 211 with note 248 passim 154 with note 282 379—380 358 note 236 1,295-301 79 with note 314 565-572 54 with note 208 1,305—313 79 with note 315

De sexto consulatu 1,314-333 79-80 with notes

Honorit Augusti 316-317

Praefatio 11-26 139 with note 224 1,338-—344 80 with note 318

1-5 39 with note 126 1,345-367 80 at note 320;

18-25 53 with note 193 295 with note 22-23 53 with note 192 417 35-38 53 with note 194 2,105-112 250 with note 424

71-72 56 with note 217 2,118-—127 250—251 with 611-613 54 with note 203 note 425

INDEX 403 2130-136 251 with note 426 Tricennial Orations

2,145-158 251 with note 427 3, 1-5 passim 167 with note 24

2,178-189 252-253 with George of Pisidia

note 433 In Heraclium ex

3,31-35 156 with note 295 Africa redeuntem

3,40—41 155 with notes 1-3 82 with note 330

289—290 8-9 261 with note 459

4,337-—344 156 with note 296 76-85 82 with note 328 In restitutionem S.

Demosthenes Crucis Olynthiac I 1-8 86 with note 345

2 29 with note 63 27-38 86 with note 346 Dio Cassius 73-103 85 with note 342

Roman History 104-110 85 with note 343

79,9,5 104 with note 50 111-116 85 with note 344

Ps. Dionysius of Fragments Halicarnassus 54 87 with note 352

Tlepi GregoryContra Nazianzen eml6e1KT1K@V Iulianum

(ed. Usener and II (P.G. 35) Radermacher) BC 132-133 with note 272 19-20684 with note 196 15; 69 at note 685 AB 133 with note 197 273 688 A 133 with note 199 Guidi Chronicle

Ennodius (tr. Néldeke) Panegyricus dictus 15 254 with note 440 Theoderico 16 369 note 388 14 230 with note 324 80 231 with note 331 Herodian

88-91 233-234 with History note 339 4,1,3 118 with note 122

Eunapius 104 with note 52 Fragments4,2,11 (ed. Homer

Miullerus) Iliad 26 136 with note 212 24,258 157 with note 301

78 11 with note 27 Odyssey Eusebius 19,109-114 207 with note 221

Ecclesiastical Homeric Hymn Il

History to Pythian Apollo 4,6,2 296 with note 174 440-443 18 with note 5 9,9,11 182 with note 122 Horace

Life of Constantine Ars Poetica 1,1 119 with note 131 361 270 with note 6 1,2 119 with note 132;

cf. 120 with John of Ephesus

note 138; 334 Ecclesiastical His-

note 223 tory (tr. Brooks) 1,20 116 with note 115 3,95 163 with note 9 3,10-11 43 with note 144 Julian

4,15 38 with note 123 Orations

4,64 119 with note 133 1,5 187 at note 146 4,68 118 with note 126 1,7 187 at note 147 4,69 120 with note 138 3,2 187—188 at note

4,73 123 with note 159 148

404 INDEX Letter to the 8,8,4 8,7,4-6 withnote note 58 57 Athenians 2828with 284 b—285 a 195 with note 173; 8,9,5-6 28 with note 60

cf. 352 n. 171 8,13,1-6

Fragments (ed.9,17 passim 167note with note Bidez and 291 12222

Cumont) 9,19,2 73 with note 288 176 50 with note 176 9,20,2 34 with note 200 9,26,4-5 185 with note 131 Lactantius 10,32,6 35 De mortibus 11,2,3 49with with note note 102 170

persecutorum 11,6,2-—5 48 with notes 17,12 42 with note 142 164-165; 48,2 128 with note 183 193166 Libanius 11,7,2 49 with note Orations 12,3,1-2 208 with note 230 12,59 193 with note 167 12,3,5—6 208 with note 231

13,33 195 with note 172 12,6,1 205 with note 213 13,41 48 with note 161 12,11,1-2 209 with note 233

13,42 49 with note 172 12,37,3 51 with note 177 18,304 135 with note 203 12,47,3-—4 51 with note 178

24,40 135 with note 204 12,47,5 , 51 with note 179 30,9-10 136 with note 208 2,2,2-3 170 with note 40 59,13 187 with note 144 2,3,3—-4,1 128 with note 184

59,48 119 with note 129 2,6,3 31 with note &3

Livy with note Ab urbe3,8,1 condita24 3,8,3-4 24 with note41 42

Ilepi 51-52

5,23,2 21 with note 23 3,9,2 24 with note 45 3,10,4-5 25 with note 50

Menander Rhetor 3,11,1-5 25-26 with notes

emberkT1KOV 3,11,3 110 with note 77 (ed. 72.306 withnote note 287 287; 378Spengel) 20 with3,11,4 note 21

381 20-21 with note 3,14,2—3 60 with note 235

3,19,2note 23—24 with note; 382 2122with 27 40 4,2,2-3 166 with note 19 Ovid 43,1 172 with note 56 Metamorphoses 4,4,1-3 172 with note 55

15,760-761 99 with note 23 4,6,1 175 with note 71 15,868—870 99 with note 24 4,19 27 with note 54 6,7,6 178 with note 85

Panegyrici Latini 6,8,6—9 34 with note 9

(ed. Galletier) 6,14,1 128-129 with 2,2,1 170 with note 43 note 185 7,7,3 123 with note 165 6,14,3—5 107-108 with 7,7,D 27.45 with note 55;with notenote 68; 120 with note 136

152; 212 with 7,2, 179 with note 92

notes 256—257 7,2,4 180 with note 99 7 ,8,2 180 with note 104 7,2,3 180 with note 101 7,21,4—6 35~36 with notes 7,3,1 180 with note 100

111-112 7,4,1 237 with note 363

7,21,6 180 with note 95 7,7,1-4 108 with note 72

INDEX 405 Pindar 5, 386-388 with notes Pythian Odes224 298-299

4,272—-274 357 note 228 5,576 63 with note 245 Philo 7,501—510 223 with note 292 Questions and An- 7,977—580 223 with note 294

swers on Exodus 7,600—603 361 note 281 2,102 216 at note 267 Letters

Pliny 4,8 215 at note 265 Panegyric Socrates 10,4 120 with note 136 Ecclesiastical Priscian Panegyric History 3,11 357 note 217

1-7 408 with note 409 3,23 314 note 4 Procopius 3,26 353 Caesarea 5,of prologue 369note note 176 392

Buildings Suetonius 1,2,10-—12 77 with note 305 Caesars

1,10,16-19 74 with note 292 Julius Caesar Wars 81,3 108 with note 71 1,24,37 255 with note 440 Caligula

4,9,3-12 75-76 with note 13 45 with note 150

298 57,3 327 note 163 Panegyric 45 118 with note 128 1 21 with note 25; Symmachus

Procopius of Gaza Claudius 69 with note Orationes

273; 72 with 1,7 199 with note 190 note 287 3,5 200 with note 192 5 248 with note 410 oynesius 29-30 69 with note 274 On Kingship 15 59-60 with note

Rutilius 232 Namatianus

De reditu suo

1,139-140 222 with note 289 Themistius

2, Fragment 342 note 16 Orationes Oration of Scriptores Historiae Constantius 18c 74 with note 294

Augustae 3,41 note 133 Septimius 5,64cdb 40 197with with notes

Severus 177-178 note 214 177 and 181;

22,1-—2 136-137 with 5,65 cd 197 with notes

Sextus 353 note 177 Sentences 6,73 b 197 with note 182

18 158 with note 302 6,73 c-74a 198 with note 184 Sidonius 14,180 cd 359 note 244 Apollinaris 14,182 a 225 with note 302

Carmina 14,182 b 206 with note 214 2,1-8 226 with note 305 14,182 d 211 with note 250

2,13-—22 225-226 with 15,188 c 212 with note 251 note 304 15,188c—189 a 207 with notes 2,30-31 225 with note 301 221-222 5,1-6 225 with note 300 15,189 b 206—207 with 5,63—64 222 with note 289 note 220

406 INDEX 15, 189 be 210 with note 244 Theophylact

15, 189 d 207 with note 223 Simocatta 15,193 ¢ 207 with note 224 History (ed. 19, 225d 207 with note 225 Bekker)

19, 227 c—-228a 207 with note 226 3,11 (136-137) 253 with notes

19, 229 ab 208 with notes 437-439 228-229

Theodoret EcclesiasticalVergil Eclogues

History IV, 49 349 note 132 1,17 42 with note 142 Aeneid

4,3 357 note 228 I, 278-279 61 with note 236 4,5 353 note 182 I, 286-290 154 with note 283

5,25 349 note 115 Theophanes Zosimus Chronographia Historia Nova

(ed. de Boor) 4,37 67 with notes 327,24—-328,10 87 with note 352 268—270

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS* This index does not attempt to reiterate information given in the table of contents. For authors cited, also consult Index of Ancient Authors and Texts.

Aaron: emperor compared to, 231 adlocutio: on arch of Constantine, 37, Abel: juxtaposed with Theodora in San 183, plate 14; to army, 162, 200

Vitale, 265 adoption: of succeeding emperor, 163 San Vitale, 265 44-45, 55-57, 59-61, 63-64, 78-79,

Abraham: juxtaposed with Justinian in adventus (4mGvtnolo): evolution of, 17,

accession: evolution of ceremonial, 181, 81, 82-84, 93, 280 note 1; two stages 201~202, 211, 212, 232-233, 240-241, of, 21, 25, 28, 37, 42, 43, 46, 54, 254-255, 260; of emperor, integrated 55-56, 302 note 249; and panwith death of predecessor, 106, 109, egyrics, 17, 20-21, 62; and decursio, 116, 153-154, 183-184, 246-247; as 30 with 287 note 74; and poimpa ' adventus, 46-48, 175-176, 212; as tri- funebris, 155; of deceased emperor in

umph, 252; as civilian event, heaven, 107-109, 127, 133-134, 161~162, 243-244; by consent of 145-146, 148, 156; at place of burial, Senate, 34; by divine inspiration, 133-134; and consulship, 87; and tri273; as military event, 161-162; cere- umph, 34-35, 39-40, 48-49, 51; and monial of, integrates military and ci- accession, 46-48, 169, 192, 212; and vilian elements, 46, 233, 241-244, acclamations, 22—23, 283 note 31; re-

245-246, 248: anniversaries of, lieves community from hardship, 166-168. See also acclamation; con- 17-18, 20, 23, 28, 46, 62—63; contract

sulship; coronation; dynasty; elec- between ruler and subjects, 21-22, tion of emperor; enthronement; 283 notes 23 and 30; as epiphany,

shield-raising; vota 30; as supernatural event, 18, 19,

acclamation: as consensus, 80; in adven- 23-25; as relationship of god and

tus, 23 with 283 note 31, 42; by man, 50; as relationship of ruler and army, at accession of Constantine, subjects, 17-18, 19, 20—21, 26, 37, 183, plate 51; of Julian, 143, 193; of plates 14 and 15; as consensus, 21, Valentinian I, 198, 202; of Gratian, 46-48; in Rome, 39, 45; in Con200, 201; of Honorius, 211; of Leo I, stantinople, 50; city gate in, 233, 246; of Anastasius, 245, 246, 124-125; of Camillus, 283 note 23; of 370 note 402; of Vitigis, 233, 240; of Tetrachs, 25; of Diocletian, 24; of Nikephorus Phocas, 246, 253, 370 Constantius I, 27; of Constantine I, note 401; in De Cerimontis, 168, 243—246 27, 28, 36, 37, plate 13; of Julian, *I would like to thank Christine Boynton for her generous help in compiling this index.

408 INDEX 47—48, 49; of Theodosius, 50—51; in tues of, 247; elected by God, 248,

panegyrics of Sidonius, 62-63; of 249; image of, 8-69 Justinian, 77-78; of Justin II, 79—80; anniversary: of imperial accession, 190, of Heraclius, 81-82, 86—88; of Arabs 216, 217. See also vota in Syria, 22; of gods, 19; pagan and Anthemius, emperor: accession of,

Christian, 49—50; of Christ in 225-226; arrival of his images in

Jerusalem, 21, 64, 65; and parousia Constantinople, 68, 70 on Sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, Antioch: Tyche of, 29; Julian at, 48, 49,

65-66, plate 25; of Christ in Eucha- 193 rist, 18; image of Christ’s incarna- Antoninus Pius: Column Base of, tion, 17; of Cross in Jerusalem, 101-102, plate 28; consecratio of, 101 85-86. See also deus praesens; relics; Apamea: Khusro [| at, 283 note 30

Rome; star; sun Apollo: adventus of at Delphi, 18 with

Aeneas: divinisation of, 97 280 note 5, 53; in Claudian, 52; in

Aequitas: personification, 122, 123, vision of Constantine, 35-36, 52—53

326-327 note 158 Apostles, Church of, in Constantino-

Agamemnon: return of, 19; sceptre of, ple: as imperial mausoleum, 118, as symbol of kingship in Julian’s Or. 132, 133, 324 note 125

3, 188 Arcadius, emperor: participates in ad-

Agapetus, Deacon: on sacred and secu- ventus of relics, 65; depicted on Mislar kingship, 242; on emperor and sorium of Theodosius, 214, 216,

God, 253, 260 plate 55; and on Obelisc Base of

Agnellus, Bishop of Ravenna: alteration Theodosius, 56, 57, plates 17 and 18; of S. Apollinan Nuovo mosaics un- portrait head of, 214, plate 5; Col-

der, 238-239 umn Base of, 57—59; east side of

Alexander Severus: coinage of, 127, Column Base, 57-58, plate 19; west

plate 41 side of Column Base, 59, plate 21;

Alexander the Great: chariot of, south side of Column Base, 59, 137-138, 333 note 221; as an example plate 20

of kingship, 231 Ariadne, empress: role of in accession

Alexandria: adventus of Athanasius at, of Anastasius, 243-244; diptych at64; image of Maximus received at, tributed to, 221, 234, 257, 259, 261, 67; consecratio coinage from, 114, 122 plate 61 altar: in consecratio imagery, 99-100, 112, Aristotle: on panegyrics, 1

316 note 27 Arras Medallion, 29-31, plate 9

Ambrose, Bishop of Milan: on imperial Ascanius: in Aeneid II, 45 ascent (consecratio), 141; on death Asclepius: Julian compared to, 49

and funeral of Valentinian II, Athalarich: coinage of, 235 147~—148; on death and funeral of Athena: represents Athens, 29; assists Theodosius I, 125, 145-147, 148-150; ascent of Hercules, 127, plate 32;

compared to Eusebius, 127, 155; statue of, on Berlin Cameo, 137, compared to Gregory Nazianzen, 8, plate 27 133-134; compared to Claudian, 138 Attalus, emperor: coinage of, 222 Ammianus Marcellinus: differentiated Augustaeum: Justinian’s equestrian

from Themistius, 41~42; on Con- statue at, 77

stantius II in Rome, 41-44, 292 note Augustine: panegyric of in 385 A.D., 1-2 137, 55; on Julian's arrivals, 46-47; Augustus: consecratio of, 99, 103; divi

on his accession, 194-196, 24]; on filius, 105; contrasted to Diocletian

his burial, 134; on imperial acces- by Gibbon, 9 sions of later fourth century, Aurelian: divine election of, 106

200-202, 213, 234 Aurora: as Constantinopolis in

Anastasius, emperor: panegyrics on, Sidonius, 228

by Procopius of Gaza, 68—71, 242, aurum coronartuim: 5, 58 247; and by Priscian, 226, 247-248; Ausonius: topos in panegyric of, 232 accession of, 241, 243, 245, 246; vir- Avitus: accession of, 223—224

INDEX 409 Baalbek: plaque from, 100, plate 26 Cicero, Marcus Tullius: his De republica,

barbarians: submission of, 49, 66, 96, 97; rejects divine honours, 95 71-72; on Missorium of Theodosius, circus games: as part of adventus, 42

217, plate 55; on Obelisc Base of with 293 note 142, 47, 54 with 294 Theodosius, 56, plate 17; on Column note 157, 81. See also Hippodrome of

Base of Arcadius, 59, plate 21; in Constantinople courtly ceremonial, 216-217 city gate: on Arras Medallion, 30-31, Barberini Diptych, 71-72, plate 22 plate 9; in adventus and profectio,

Barletta Statue, 70, 214, plate 7 124-125; on Christian sarcophagi,

basilikos logos: in Menander, 5 124-125

Belisarius: triumph of, 74—76 civilitas: imperial virtue, 83 Berlin Cameo: perhaps representing as- Claudian: character of political poetry

cent of Julian, 137, 333 note 215, of, 52-53; religious allegiance of,

plate 27 140-141; on adventus of Honorius in

British Museum Consecratio Diptych, Rome, 53, 54; on heavenly ascent of

141-143, plate 36 Theodosius I, 139-140

Claudius, emperor: death of, 118

Caesar, Gaius Julius: adventus of, 23 Claudius II, Gothicus, emperor: as anwith 284 note 35; consecratio of, 97, 99 cestor of Constantine, 108-109, 112,

calcatio colli, 252 180, 187; consecratio coinage for, 112

Campus Martius: site of state funeral, Clovis: adventus of, 302 note 249 104; personified, in consecratio, 101, coinage: as propaganda, 11-12 with 280

102, 125, plate 28 note 28

Carausius: adventus of, 30; coinage of, comes: of emperor, 173-174

30, 203, 204 comet: after Caesar’s funeral, 103

tutibus, 167 plate 3

Cato, M. Porcius: oration de suts vir- concordia: imperial virtue, 32, 176, 201, ceremonial: as communication between consecratio: of living emperor, 107, 181,

emperor and subjects, 76; as expres- plate 10; and Roman politics, 129; sion of consensus, 144; as popular and adventus, 93-94; and accession, participation, 267; Christianisation 106~—109; evolution of ideas on, of, 131-132, 237. See also accession; 106-109, 110, 150-151; differing

adventus; consecratio views of, in East and West, 114-116, Chalke, vestibule of palace of Con- 143; Senatus Consultum of, 97, 98 stantinople: ceiling mosaics of, 73; with 315 note 18 and 19, 104-105,

funerary procession in, 156 120; effect of in first century A.D.,

chlamys: on Missorium of Theodosius, 98, 100; timing of, 98, 103-104, 105; 220, plate 55; on Ariadne Diptych, conflicting purposes in, 99, 101;

234, plate 61; Justinian and The- pagan views on, 138, 141; Christian odora depicted in, 261, 262, plates views on, 97-98, 113, 119-121; imag62 and 63; Constantine clothed in, ery of, 99-100, 102-103, 121, 180; Justin II clothed in, 250-251, 122~—123, 141-143, see also altar, door,

252. See also purple eagle, oikoumene, pyre, seasons,

Christ: as Sol, 66, 172, 345 note 53; vic- Sol, star, temple; as human verdict, tory of, compared to emperor's, 39; 97, 98, 106; without human verdict, and emperor juxtaposed, on Bar- 110; and funeral, 116-117, 119, 132; as berini Diptych, 71-72, plate 22; in S. legitimisation of imperial succesApollinare Nuovo, 238-239, 367 sion, 104, 105-106, 107-109, 110—111, note 368; Pantocrator, on Cross of 114, 115, 116-117. See also danitiatio Justin and Sophia, 84, plate 24; ad- memloriae; divinisation; funeral ventus of in Jerusalem, 64, 130-131; consensus: as definition of society in on Christian sarcophagi, 65-66; en- Cicero, 272, 273; and panegyric, 9; throned on sky, 129-130, plate 25; expressed in ceremonial, 134, 184, enthroned on globe, 130, 265, plate 272-275; and in adventus, 18, 21,

42; in throne chariot, 137 46—48, 80, 169; and in election of

410 INDEX emperor, 164-165; and in accession Crispus, son of Constantine, 185-186

ceremonial, 233, 246, 248, 250 cross: and imperial victory, 77, 84-85, consolatio, 145-150, 335 note 240 349 note 122; adventus of, in Constans I: nominated Caesar, 190; suc- Jerusalem, 86; on Column Base of ceeds Constantine, 122, 186, 187 Arcadius, 58, 59, plates 19-21; of

Constantina: Sarcophagus of, 218 Justin and Sophia, 83-84, plate 24 Constantine the Great: accession of, cura: imperial virtue, 32, 114, 170, 174 109, 110, 116; dynasty of, 109; con-

secratio coinage of, 111-112; adventus damnatio memoriae: and consecratio, 97,

of, 27, 28; vision of Apollo by, 98, 132, 254; in Christian empire,

35—36; and Sol, 37; funeral of, 133, 149

117-119; in heaven, 119, 120; exemp- death: as victory, 147; of emperor, para-

lar of Christian emperor, 148; “New phrased in ceremonial, 94-96, Constantine” in acclamation to Jus- 117-119, 153; of emperor, as planned tin I, 245; Arch of, adventus and pro- event, 156 fectio, 35-37, plates 12 and 13; Decennalia Base: Suovetaurilia on, 170, adlocutio and largitio, 37, 43, 183, 171, plate 8 plates 14 and 15; Arch of, Battle of Decursio: and adventus, 30 with 287 note 74 Milvian Bridge, 37-38, 291 note 122 Delphi: Apollo arrives at, 280 note 5;

Constantine III: nominated consul, 87 Apollo present at, 53 Constantine VII, Porphyrogenitus: his Demetrius Poliorcetes: arrival of in De Cerimoniis, 8; on imperial funer- Athens, 20, 23, 281 note 14; wreaths

als, 156-157; on imperial corona- offered to, 40 tions, 164, 240-247 passim deus praesens: Tetrarchs as, 26, 27, 170, Constantinople: as capital, 77; image of plate 9; in adventus, 22-23; conJerusalem, 146; personification, 58, trasted to consecratio, 99; the dead

137, 225, 227-228, plate 27; mis- Julian as, 135 taken for Aphrodite on coinage of diadem: as imperial insignia, 189, 194, Justin II, 228. See also Roma and 201, 202, 234, 236, 261, 350 note 153;

Constantinopolis civilian significance of, 241 with 368

Constantius I: adventus of, 24, 27, plate note 378, 242-243; worn by dead 9; ascent to heaven of, 107-108; con- Constantine, 117; not worn during

secratio of, 110, plate 35 funeral of predecessor, 133 with 330

Constantius II: at funeral of Con- note 198; removed from deceased stantine, 118; succeeds Constantine, emperor's head, 157. See also

122; and Constans, Libanius’ pan- insignia egyrics on, 119; in Rome, 40-43; fu- Diana: as Luna, in imperial ascent, 102

nerary procession of, 132-133; Dio Cassius, historian: on image of Largitio Bowl of, 43-44, 213, plate 16 Caesar, 127; on state funeral of Per-

Constantius III: Diptych of, 210, plate tinax, 104, 142, 146 56; on Sardonyx of Romulus, 229, Diocletian: accession of, 169-171, 174, plate 43; mentioned by Rutilius, 342 176, 188; divine election of, 106-107,

note 16 110, 115, 169; adventus of, in Milan,

consulship: and adventus, 52, 57-58, 87; 23-26, 30, 42, 72; in Rome, 285 note and accession, 196-197, 226, 252; of 46; on coinage, 31, 107, 174, 188, emperors, 165; of Clovis, 302 note plate 44; as luppiter, 107; as ruler of

249 universe, 128

Corippus: panegyric technique of, 6-7, Ps. Dionysius of Halicarnassus: his

78-81, 151-156 nepi émde1ktik@v, 4—5; on role of

coronation: for victory, 174, plate 10; by in adventus, 21 Victoria, 175, plate 9; for accession, Dioscuri: on Arch of Galerius, 33 195, 245-246; by senior emperor, divinisation: of rulers, 95, 314 notes 243, plate 43; by patriarch, 242, 4—6; Roman reservations about, 95, 243-244; by Virgin, 249, 252, 256. 103; and consecratio, 102; of Julian,

See also Hand of God 135. See also zodiac

INDEX 4i1 dominion: of emperor, as universal, Ennodius: panegyric on Theodoric, 230-234 211, 219, plates 10, 44; as an inalien- enthronement: for accession, 165, 176, able charge, 178; divine and impe- 188-189, 190-191; in palace, 216, 220, rial juxtaposed, 23, 25, 31, 127, 139, 237, 238, 350 notes 159-162, 360

147, 177 note 269, 367 note 363, plate 55; to

Domitian: criticized by Tacitus, 103; son denote majesty, 203, 228, 257, 355 of, consecrated, 127; Elephant Arch notes 204—205, 364 note 317, plates”: of, in adventus of Constantine, 36 44, 47—50, 56, 58, 60. See also

door: of afterlife on consecratio coinage frontality of Maxentius, 112-114, plate 39; on Ephesus, Antonine Monument of: de-

Sarcophagi, 112, 113, plate 38; on picting ascent of an emperor and

cinerary urn, 112-113, plate 37 empress, 102, plate 102

dynasty: continuance of, ensured in fu- Etschmiadzin Gospels: cover of, depicts

nerary ceremonial, 149; succession adventus of Christ, 65 of, 163, 243 note 8; of Constantine, Eudocia Arcadii: in adventus of relics, 65 178-180, 181-182, 185-186, 187-188, Eugenius: as stereotype of tyrant ac-

192; of Valentinian I, 198, 200; of cording to Ambrose, 149 Theodosius I, 140, 209-210, 359 note Eumenius: author of Pan. Lat. V, 286

238; of Theodoric, 231 note 56

Eusebius of Caesarea: on adventus, 37,

eagle: in state funeral of Pertinax, 104; 39; on death of Constantius I, and of Septimus Severus, 104; in 115-116; on imperial immortality, Syrian funerary art, 98, 137, 317 note 119-121; on Constantinian dynasty, 30; at Baalbek, 100, plate 26; on Arch 186-187 of Titus, 100; on consecratio coinage,

99 with 317 note 28, 100-101, 112; in Fausta, daughter of Maximan: pan-

imperial ascent to heaven, 136, 137, egyric on Constantine and, 177, 264 plate 27; on British Museum Dip- Faustina, empress: corsecratio of,

tych, 142, plate 36 101-103

ekphrasis. See panegyric felicitas: imperial virtue, 32, 33; in coin election of emperor: by Senate, 161-162 legends, 191, 218 with 341 note 5, 164; by army, 162, fides: military and Christian virtue, 147 164, 180, 186, 188, 197; by senior em- Fortuna Redux: 39 with 291 note 126, 53 peror, 169, 178, 194, 201, 225-226, Frigidus, Battle of the: in Ambrose, 136 241, 245-246, 249, see also corona- frontality: in Roman imperial art, 101;

tion; by predecessor, 107-109, 116, and on the coinage, 176, 189, 118, 152-153; by gods, 162, 173, 195-— 190-192; to express majesty, 203, 214 196, 342 note 7; by divine inspiration, funeral: as triumph, 154; ceremonial of,

186, 188, 193, 198; by God, 168, 227, ensures continuity in imperial suc244-245, 248, 249, 252-253, 266 cession, 118-119, 147, 152; cereelephant: in adventus, 86-87; on Bar- monial of, in Christian empire, 119, berini Diptych, 87, plate 22; in fu- 126-127, 132, 143-144, 145, 151-152,

nerary procession, 141, plate 36 156-157

Elias: ascent of, 124-126, 136, plates 30

and 31; type for Christ, 125 Gaius “Caligula”: adventus and accesembassy: of submissive enemies, 251, sion of, 45

252. See also Persians Galerius, Arch of: depicting adventus,

emperor: as ideal ruler, 269; as living 33; and universal dominion, 176;

law, 197; as priest and king, and victory, 174; and divine em231-232, 242; office of, viewed as in- perors, 107, plate 10 alienable, 211-212; and God, 158, Galla Placidia: gold multiple of, 228, 245, dignified conduct of, 42, 43, plate 60; Mausoleum of, 263; 54—55. See also deus praesens; star crowned by Hand of God, plate 59

467 plate 1

empress: position of, 263-265, 377 note Gallienus: portraiture of, 32, 35, 173,

412 INDEX Gaul: panegyrists of, 3—4, 173 Heraclius II: nominated Caesar, 87 Gelimer, king of Vandals: in triumph of Hercules: apotheosis of, on Igel Monu-

Justinian, 75-77 ment, 98, plate 32; as ancestor of

genius publicus: and Julian, 195-196 Maximian, 169; as prototype of MaxGeorge of Pisidia: on adventus of He- imian, 25-26, 31, 170, 171, 172, plate

raclius, 81-82; and of Cross in 44 Jerusalem, 84-86 Hesperus, personification: in con-

globe: insignia of emperor, 77, 166, 174, secratio, 102; and Phosphorus on

plates 44, 49-50, see also insignia; Column Base of Arcadius, 58-59 emperor enthroned on, 127-129, Hippodrome of Constantinople: as 137; Christ enthroned on, 130, plate meeting place of emperor and peo-

42. See also sky ple, 79-81; as site of triumph, 76; as

God: approximation of rulers toward, site of victory, 242, 249; as image of 19; dominion of, correlated to em- cosmos, 77, 79-80 with 309 notes peror’s, 120-121, 206-207, 242. See 316-317, 249, 250 with 372 note 420 also election of emperor; Hand of Honorius, emperor: raised on shield,

God 210-211, 359 note 254; adventus of,

Gordian II: coinage of, 127 52—55; depicted on Diptych of ProGordian III: expedition to East of, 30 bus, 221, plate 6; depicted on

with 288 note 78 Obelisc Base of Theodosius, 56,

Gratian, emperor: accession of, plates 17-18; and on Column Base 199-200, 201; as Christian emperor, of Arcadius, 57-58, plates 19-21

204 130

148; elects Theodosius, 204—205;

coinage for, 166, 203; Themistius on, iconography: in Roman imperial and ia 268; Symmachus on, 198, 199-200, Christian art, 66, 121, 124, 125, 129,

Gregory Nazianzen: on adventus of Igel Monument: 98, plate 32 Athanasius, 64; on funerals of Con- image of emperor: adventus of, 67, 68,

stantius II and Julian, 132-134 70-71, 72—73; compared to icon of Gregory of Tours: on adventus of relics, Theotokos, 67-68 66; on adventus of Merovingian insignia: as tokens of dominion,

Kings, 302 note 249 184-185, 225, 226, 233-234; pre-

pared for accession ceremony, 250;

Hadrian: coinage of, depicting adven- globe at accession, 174-175, 178, 213, tus, 29, 30; Tellus, 219; consecratio, 219, 221, 257-258, 265, 348 note 102, 100; consecratio coinage for, 99 350 note 158; torque at accession, Hand of God: in imperial victory, 11; in 241-244, 247, 251, 252, 256; diadem imperial ascent to heaven, 108 with _ at accession, 201, 228, 241-243, 245, 320 note 71, 122, 123, 126, plate 33; in 256, 258, 261, 324 note 126; purple

Ascension of Christ, 124, plate 34; shoes, 250 with 372 note 424, 261,

guards the heart of kings, 208; plate 63. See also chlamys; purple crowns emperor, 189, 191-192, Italia, personification, 127 202-203, 245, 256, 257, 352 note 173, Iuppiter: as ancestor of Diocletian, 169,

plates 46, 59; in Jewish and Chris- 171, 172; as prototype of Diocletian, tian art, 123; in pagan art, 123, plate 25-26, 31, plate 44; as image of

32 Honorius, 139

Hannibal: contrasted to emperor, 25

148 | 147

Helena, mother of Constantine: finds Jacob: funeral of as precedent for impeTrue Cross, 84; in Christian Heaven, rial funeral, 145; example of fides, Heraclius I: crowned by patriarch Ser- Jerusalem: home of deceased emperor,

gius, 255; adventus of, 86-88; re- 146, 148, 157. See also Christ;

stores Cross to Jerusalem, 85-86; Constantinople

depicted as Job, 293 note 148; and John Chrysostom: on imperial splen-

Cyprus Plates, 313 note 352 dour, 265

INDEX 413 John of Nikiu: on accession of Anas- Lycurgus: oracle to, in Themistius, 207 tasius, 370 note 398

Jordan, personification, 125 Macrobius: his Commentary on the Jovian, emperor: accession of, 201 Dream of Scipio, 96, 97, 141, 142, 143 Julian, emperor: views of, on Con- Magi: in Christian art, 66. See also

stantinian dynasty, 187-188: pro- Persians claimed Caesar, 194; as Augustus, Majorian: adventus of, 62-63; Sidonius’ 192-196, 241; adventus of, 45-60; Let- panegyric on, 222, 224 ter to the Athenians, 195; funeral of, Mamertinus: author of Pan. Lat. II, III, 133, 331 note 191; celestial ascent of, 72, 170-171 136, plate 27; views of his death, Mamertinus: author of Pan. Lat. XI,

134-135 47-49, 175, 193, 212

Junius Bassus, sarcophagus of: 65-66, Marcus Aurelius: rain miracle of, 136,

130-131, plate 25 200, 332 note 211; Column of, in

Justice, personification: 210, 359 note 245 Themistius, 200 Justin I: accession of, 241, 245, 246 Mars: image for military role of emJustin II: adventus of, 79—80; accession peror, 162; protector of Tetrarchs,

of, 152-153, 241; acclaimed in hippo- 173 drome, 249-250; crowned by pa- Matasuntha, queen of Ostrogoths, 233,

triarch, 250; elected by God, 249 238, 258 Justinian: triumph of, 73-76; depicted Maurice: accession of, 253; on coinage,

in ceiling mosaic of Chalke, 73-74; 257 equestrian statue of, 77, 307 note Maxentius: dynastic policy of, 185; con304; gold multiple of, 77-78, 213, secratio coinage of, 112, 113-114;

plate 23; depicted in San Vitale, depicted on coinage with Roma, 260-262, 263, 264-265, plate 63; 178; victory of Constantine over, 34,

death of, 152 38, 39, 182; as stereotype of tyrant, 182

Kathisma: depicted on Obelisc Base of Maximian: accession of, 169-171, 174,

Theodosius, 56-57, plates 17, 18 176-178, 188; adventus in Milan, Khusro I: welcomed in Apamea, 283 23-26, 30, 42, 72; and in Rome, 34;

note 30 campaign in Africa, 30, 34; coinage of, 30-31, 174, 188, plates 39, 44; vir-

laetitia: 1 with 277 note 2, 11, 12, 54, 191, tus of, 170; as ruler of the universe,

360 note 273 128-129

largitio: imperial virtue, 7; on Arch of Maximian, archbishop of Ravenna: de-

Constantine, 37, 183, plate 15 picted in San Vitale, 261, plate 63 laudatio funebris, 94-96, 97, 104, 313 Maximin Daia: adventus of, 17

note 1 Maximus, usurper: images of, in Alex-

Leo I: accession of, 165, 241, 243-246; andria, 67; panegyric of Symmachus

receives images of Anthemius, 68 for, 47

Leo II: accession of, 241 Melchisedech: juxtaposed with The-

Libanius: on Constantinian dynasty, odora in San Vitale, 265 187; on election of Julian, 193-194; Menander Rhetor: his nepi éméeikon adventus of Julian, 49; on death T1IKOV, 4—6, 281 note 8; instructions

of Julian, 134-135 for composing panegyric, 20-21; on pared to Constantine, 182 of rulers, 171

Licinius I: as stereotype of tyrant, com- adventus, 19-20; on divine descent Liutprand of Cremona: on adventus, 79 Merobaudes, Flavius: panegyric tech-

Ludovisi Battle Sarcophagus, 189 nique of, 278 note 15 Luna, personification: on Arch of Con- Milan: adventus of Diocletian and Maxi-

stantine, 36, plate 12; on Column mian in, 23—26 Base of Arcadius, 58, plate 21; on Minerva: on Igel Monument, 98, 142, Antonine Monument of Ephesus, plate 32; protector of Tetrarchs, 173.

102; in panegyric, 176 See also Athena

414 INDEX Moses: as lawgiver, juxtaposed with cal handbooks, 4—6, 7-8; schema Justinian in San Vitale, 264-265; for, 5, 282 note 16; examples in, 19, with burning bush, juxtaposed with 231; as expression of an ideal, 268; Theodora in San Vitale, 264; Con- as expression of allegiance to emstantine compared to, 37; emperor peror, 47; and ceremonial, 6, 8-10, compared to, in Byzantium, 231, 365 78, 81, 271; and adventus, 19-20, 21,

note 333 62-64; adventus and accession in,

Myth: in imperial theory, 49, 227 196-198, 352 note 176; accession in, 164, 177, 179, 197-200, 208-211,

Nazarius: author of Pan. Lat. X, 222-226, 230—231, 233-234,

185-186 248—253, 255; for adventus of impe-

Nerva: death of, in Pliny, 116 rial image, 68-69; as epic, 63-64,

Nero: succession of, 118 78, 249, 275, 278 note 15; and deNicaea, Council of: on nature of Christ, scription (ekphrasis), 8, 10 with 279

131; Constantine at, 43 note 26, 199-200, 249 with 371 note

Nika Riot: usurpation of Hypatius at, 411, 270-271; and historiography,

244 5-6, 26-27, 42, 46, 75, 27]; in verse,

Nike: personification, on Column Base 6-7; topos in, 20 with 282 note 16,

of Arcadius, 58—59. See also Victoria, 26, 198, 213, 223, 230, 269, 270; and

personified architectural setting, 10-11; and ar-

Nikephorus Phocas: “crowned by tefacts, 11, 12, 270, 271

God,” 245; acclaimed at accession, panegyrist: speaks on behalf of com-

246 munity, 19-20, 21, 69, 281 note 15.

Nimbus: to denote imperial majesty, See also rhetor 165, 216, 228, plates 55 and 60 Parabiago Plate, 36-37

patriarch. See coronation

Oceanus: personified in consecratio im- Persians: in oracle to Julian, 136; as

agery, 102; and on Ticinum subject nation on Obelisc base of

Medallion, 36, plate 11 Theodosius, 56, plate 17; and on

Odovacar: sends imperial insignia to Column Base of Arcadius, 59, plate Constantinople, 184-185; coinage 21; and on Barberini Diptych, 72,

of, 228 plate 22; iconography of, adopted in

oikoumene: as setting of consecratio im- Christian art, 66

agery, 102; image of Julius Caesar personification: of cities and provinces,

with, 97, 100; emperor as ruler of, 20-21, 29-30, 58-59, plates 9, 20,

128 57. See also Roma and ConOriens Augusti, 36, 199, 290 note 113, 291 stantinopolis; Tyche

note 118, 373 note 428 Pertinax: funeral and consecratio of, 104 Peter the Patrician: in De cerimontis, 240

Pacatus, author of Pan. Lat. XII: on ad- Phosphorus: on Column Base of Arventus of Theodosius I, 50—51; on ac- cadius, 58, plate 21 cession of Theodosius I, 208-209 Pietas: imperial virtue, 23-24, 30, palace of emperor: compared to tem- 32-33, 106, 149, 175, 182 (eusebeia); ple, 25, 269; denoting imperial maj- exercized in consecrating predecesesty, 191, 203; occupied by emperor sor, 105-106, 109, 113; personificaat accession, 116, 201 with 355 note tion, 122-123; depicted on Arch of 196, 216 with 360 note 269, 237-238, Galerius, 176, plate 10 244 with 369 note 394, 247. See also Pliny the Younger: panegyrist of Tra-

enthronement jan, 5; on consecratio, 105, 109, 115, 116

panegyric: critical views of, 2; tradi- Polybius: on Roman state funeral,

tionalist genre, 2, 4, 268, 269-270; 96-97, 101 as propaganda, 2 with 277 note 5, pomerium: sacred city limit of Rome, 161 272; as civilian propaganda, 162; oc- Pompey the Great: ancestor of Anascasions for, 279 note 23, 281 note 15; tasius according to Procopius of

Aristotle’s definition of, 1; in rhetori- Gaza, 247

INDEX 415 portraiture, of emperors: 31-32, 38-39, odoric, 232; in S. Maria Maggiore,

83; idealized style, 173, 214, 215, 366 note 361 plates 4, 11; military style, 173, 214, Roma and Augustus: cult of, 103 plates 2-3, 44; expresses divinisa- Roma and Constantinopolis, person-

tion, 106 ified: 178, 210, 227-228, plates 56,

247-248 plate 19

Priscian, panegyrist of Anastasius, 57; on Column Base of Arcadius, 58, Probus, Diptych of: 70, 71, 221, Rome: as seat of empire, 53; as capital,

257-259, plate 6 76-77; triumphs celebrated in,

procession: of subjects in adventus, 33-34; adventus of Maximian in, 34; 20-21, 22, 27, 42, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, and of Constantine, 34-35, 36-38; 74; of emperor in adventus, 42, 54; of and of Constantius II, 39—43; and of

funeral, as adventus, 132-133, Theodosius, 51; and of Honorius,

145-146, 155 53-54; site of imperial funerals, 104,

Procopius: usurpation of, 201-202 105, 134

Procopius of Caesarea: on triumph of Rome and Constantinople: interdepen-

Justinian, 73-76, 82, 87; on eques- dent, 39-41 trian statue of Justinian, 77, 86 Romulus, engraver: intaglio of, 163, Procopius of Gaza: on role of panegyr- 229, plate 43 ist, 283 note 25; on adventus of impe- Romulus, founder of Rome: divinisa-

rial image, 68-70, 73; on Anastasius tion of, 97 as priest and emperor, 242 Romulus, son of Maxentius: temple of, profectio: of Constantine, 36-37; of Jus- 113 tinian, 77; on Arch of Galerius, 33, Rossano Gospels: imperial images in,

plate 10; on Arch of Constantine, 36, 70 plate 12; city gate in, 124-125 Rutilius Namatianus: on eternal Rome, propaganda: pagan and Christian, 149. 222 See also panegyric

proscynesis: before Diocletian and Maxi- saeculum: personification of, 127 mian, 116; at accession of Leo IJ, 243; Scipio, Publius Cornelius: Dream of, in before ashes of Septimius Severus, Cicero’s De republica, 95-96, 97, 315

104 note 9; dream compared to myth of

Prudentius: on culture and worship, Er, 96

140 seasons: in imagery of afterlife, 112, 113;

purple: emperor clothed in at acces- as token of perpetuity, 127; in symsion, 180, 194, 201, 202, 206, 243, bolism of accession, 172; as symbol plates 43, 55, 61. See also chlamys of blessedness, 218, 219, 316 notes pyre: in imperial funerals, 103, 104, 105; 277 and 284, plate 55 in consecratio imagery, 141-142, Septimius Severus: consecratio of, 104;

plates 35, 36 celestial ascent of, 136-137

Sergius, patriarch of Constantinople:

Rabbula Gospels: ascension of Christ crowns Heraclius I, 255

in, 137 Servius: on events in heaven and on

Ravenna: as personification, 235 earth, 227

refusal of power: by good emperor, 199, shield-raising: at accession, 241, 368

209, 223, 249, 348 note 105 note 376; of Julian, 194-195; of Jus-

relics: adventus of, 64—65, 303 note 245 tin II, 251, 252

rhetor: training of, 25, 26, 28-29 Sidonius Apollinaris: panegyrics of, rhetorical schools: in Gaul, 3-4, 278 62-63; on imperial accessions,

note 10 223-227

Roma, personification: 213, 223, 228, sky: emperor enthroned on, 107, plate 235, 268, plate 57; in consecratio, 101, 10, 119, 120, 127-129; Christ en-

102, plate 28; elects Maximian, throned on, 65, 129-130, plate 25. 177-178; and Honorius, 53, 209-210; See also globe in Sidonius, 223, 224, 225; and The- Sol: and Maximian, 178; horses of, com-

416 INDEX pared to emperors, 172; and adven- 197-198, 204; his Or. 13, to Gratian, tus, 35, 36, 37, plates 11, 13; chariot 268; on accession of Theodosius I, of, in consecratio, 102, 108, 123, plates 205-206, 210, 211~—212 29, 35, 36; crowns Constantine, 180, Theodahad: coinage of, 235 348 note 102; oriens, 251. See also Theodora, empress: during Nika riot,

Christ; sun 254; depicted in ceiling mosaic of

sophia, empress: prepares Justinian’s Chalke, 73-74; depicted in San Vifuneral, 154; accession of, 79; is ac- tale, 260—261, 262-265, 377—378

claimed, 251; depicted on Vatican notes 462—465, plate 62 Cross, 84—85, plate 24; enthroned Theodoric, king of Ostrogoths, with Justin on coinage, 257, plate 230-232, 236, 237-238, 239 58; synthronos with Justin, 264 Theodosius I: accession of, 205-209, star: in epiphany of Apollo, 20; in wel- 210, 211-212; adventus in Haemona, come of Demetrius Poliorcetes, 20 50-51; and in Rome, 52; funeral of, with 281 note 14; Justinian as, 77; in 145-150; heavenly ascent of, imperial adventus, 20, 45, 46, 47, 49 139-140; Obelisc Base of, 56-57, with 296 note 174, 53, 54, 78 with plates 17, 18; Missorium of, 163, 307 note 304, 192, plate 23; in con- 214-220, 237, plate 55 secratio, 123; in imperial ascent to Theodosius II: on Diptych of Conheaven, 140; in ascent of Elias, 124, stantius, 210, plate 56

plate 30; in accession, 199 Theophanes: on adventus of Heraclius, sun: in welcome of Demetrius Polior- 87 cetes, 20 with 281 note 14; in impe- Theotokos: crowns Justin II, 256; image rial adventus, 17 with 282 note 21, 20, of, compared to imperial image, 67 21; in accession, 251. See also Christ; Thessalonica: possible imperial adven-

Sol tus at, 331, note 352

Suovetaurilia: on Decennalia Base, Tiberius, emperor: funerary procession

170-171, plate 8 of, 45

Symmachus, Quintus Aurelius: pan- Tiberius II: nominated Caesar, 253 egyric of, on Maximus, 47; on acces- Ticinum Medallion, 36, 43, plate 11 sion of Valentinian I, 198-199; and Titus, Arch of: depicting consecrated

of Gratian, 199~200 emperor, 100

symmetry in visual art: to denote time- topos. See panegyric

lessness, 220 torque: Justin II adorned with, 251, 252;

oynesius: brings aurum coronarium, 58; coronation with, 194, 353 note 171;

criticizes emperor, 59-60; on em- coronation with, as military cere-

peror’s military duties, 242 mony, 242-243; coronation with, in Constantinople, 241-242. See also

Tacitus, historian: views on Domitian, insignia 103; on election of Roman emperor, Totila: coinage of, 236

162 Traianus Decius: consecratio coinage by,

Tellus, personification: in consecratio 99-100, 105

imagery, 102, 125; on Ticinum Trajan: coinage of, 30; accession of, 34, Medallion, 36, plate 11; on Mis- 116; afterlife of, 109; perhaps desorium of Theodosius, 219, plate 55; picted on Antonine Monument of on Barberini Diptych, 71, plate 22 Ephesus, 102; ancestor of Thetemple: in consecratio imagery, 99, 316 odosius in Pacatus, 209 note 27, 112; with door ajar, 112—114, Trier: adventus in, 280 note 2; coinage

plate 39 of, 29, 111; panegyrics of, 289 and

Tetrarchs: porphyry group of, in Ven- 310; panegyrics delivered at, 169, 179

ice, 31-32, 44, plate 3 Triptolemus: divine prototype for

Tetrarchy: period of equilibrium in pub- Julian’s adventus, 47, 49

lic life, 3, 10, 269-270 triumph: celebrated in Rome, 33-34;

Themistius: on Constantius IJ in Rome, and adventus, 34-35, 36, 39-40; of 40-42: on accession of Valentinian I, Justinian, 73-74, 75—76; and acces-

INDEX 417 sion, 34; in funerary procession, Vesperus: in consecratio imagery, 102

145-146, 154-155 Victoria, personified: with emperor,

Tyche: in visual art, 29, 237 165, 166, 174; in vision of Contyrant: and legitimate emperor, stantine, 35; on Arch of Con-

149-150, 202, 255; enemy of the stantine, 36, plate 13; on Ticinum people and of God, 182; stereotype Medallion, 35 with plate 11; on of, Eugenius, 149; stereotype of, Lic- Largitio Bow! of Constantius II, inius, 182; stereotype of, Maxentius, 43-44, plate 16; on Barberini Dip-

182. See also refusal of power tych, 71, plate 22; in adventus of Justinian, 77-78, plate 23; in consecratio

Usurper, 202, 234 imagery, 102, plate 29; crowns Con“ut pictura potesis”, 239-240 stantine II, 189

victory: legitimates imperial dominion,

Valens: accession of, 199, 201; vota coin- 182 ages of, 165, 166, plates 48, 49; other Vienne: Julian at, 46, 294 note 156 coinages, 191, 203; Themistius’ pan- Virtus: as personification, 102, 189, 192,

egyric to, 197, 198 plate 29; as imperial virtue, 179, 197,

Valentinian I: accession of, 197-199, 205

202, 204; and emissaries of Gallic cit- Vitigis: panegyric on, by Cassiodorus, ies, 1-2; Largitio Bowl of, 204-205, 7, 234, 240; accession of, 233, 237;

plate 52 coinage of, 235; in Constantinople,

Valentinian II: address of Themistius 75

to, 198, 200; on Obelisc Base of The- vota: and imperial accession, 165-169,

odosius, 56 plates 17-18; on Mis- 182-183, 186, 216-218, plates 48, 49; sorium of Theodosius, 214, 216, and Missorium of Theodosius, 216, plate 55; Consolatio of Ambrose for, plate 55 145, 147-148, 168

Valentinian III: coinage of, 228; Zeno, emperor: and Theodoric, 230; fu-

crowned by hand of God on coin- neral of, 247 age, 256; depicted on intaglio of Zeus: in Themistius, nurtures emperor,

Romulus, 229, plate 43 198; model of emperor, 217

Valerian II: consecratio coinage of, 104 zodiac: token of divinisation, 142, plate

Velletri Sarcophagus, 113 32; and of universal dominion, 127,

Vergil: Eclogue 1V, 185, 211 plate 41 Verona, siege of: depicted on Arch of Constantine, 37

Designer: Sandra Drooker Compositor: G&S Typesetters Printer: Thomson-Shore Binder: Thomson-Shore Text: 10/13 Linotron 202 Palatino Display: Linotron 202 Palatino Cloth: Holliston Roxite B51575 & Sturdeflex Linen 60163

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All plates are discussed in the text. At the same time, they have been

arranged so as fo tell their own story and to allow the reader to approach this visual evidence to some extent independently of the text.

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PLATE 10 Practical and theoretical foundations of Tetrarchic rule were translated into images on the Arch of Galerius at Thessalonika. south pillar, north face. (Photo: DAI, Rome)

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Galerius celebrates a ceremonial arrival; he is greeted by the citizens . s ° who waves from a temple. of a town, and by the town’sf divinity, Galerius is crowned by an eagle for victory in personal combat against a Sassanian general. The concord of the four Tetrarchs is represented in a scene of cosmic dominion, in the centre of which Diocletian and Maximian are enthroned over personifications of sky and earth respectively.

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PLATE 11 The emperor and his divine companion: the Ticinum Medallion; gold, actual size. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.

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Obverse: INVICTUS CONSTANTINUS MA-X AUG. Constantine side-by-

side with the sungod.

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Reverse: FELIX ADVENTUS AUGG NN SMT. The imperial arrival.

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SREB ESTEE sstin tle eaeanaaae insanely enries pce dee atlide dios tenon hoscretucogae ake AGREE Bt odin naphtha aioe ae OS EG TEBE ER es a Eo ona ee RN Be Om phate Pe nies Bae! ES. San on uate

Reser re Fes att, aAMitecamaet oe matile tek tly Uber are oe oth tet nt Tors te Pea agar ata oe tino) meted art il 1 RSE atti ORAL ce Pe rh TRE PRS po ae Re EP RE el el

PLATE 25 ventus Advent dP a. Chri an arousia. rist enters Jerusalem (central

anel, bottom di th d h ified h

p , O , and 1s enthroned over the personiiie eaven (central to Sarcopha f BKome, R Vati panel, , Pp). pnagus OF Junius Dassus, atican, 359 A.D. Photo: DAI, KOomMme R

a * s e s es s Lt e e e s e Ld e s *

Unlike the imagery of adventus, that of consecratio and of the imperial afterlife formed no continuous evolution. Rather,f images which were parallel or analogous to each other were explored simultaneously. The diversity of these images reflects diversity and conflicts in pagan beliefs about the imperial afterlife which were only resolved in Christianity.

. * s ° * es e e e

Pe ighat Oe les: A solar deity is supported on ee ee Be ar ee eee A of V. ak§fee eee Ce l Lim |

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PLATE 27 The apotheosis of an emperor on a chariot supported by wreathbearing eaLd

gles. Late antique cameo. Berlin (West), Staatliche Museen, Preussischer Kulturbesitz. e

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R1L10 DOW! O Valentinian I. e emperor 15

epicted a e nead O 1S SOl1a1ers. depicted t the head of hieneva, Idi G V :d’Art ’ et /Musée

d’Hi istolre.

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VMuseum, -half times en POIg VLVisches A T E 5 1 | m Mtinzkabinett. Head of Constantine BC. Head o . me SON oe songs

1=

ilver coin minted at Cyzicus, yzicus, one one aand one ienna, Kunsthistorisc es use F

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Vv | tantine the Great stan b ing the palace, wit ree sons.

Obverse: CONSTANTINUS ANORUM SMK. ConsIUN NOB C. ;

Reverse: FEL

Ings under an archway, f betokening

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PLA I ic, Sant’ alace ofApollinare va PpNuovo, Raven na. Before th _heoderic nian, ic, bably showe inianic alterations of this mosaic, it pr s

haodevicim th ignitaries his court in the ic j al archwa and digniofarie

On theones. thirdages column h flanking o ore ovo: AN on d and | arm of one of these personages. And e

from the left can still be seen

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Ss1lus 1 ription, the eodosius

the uni perial act o in the pala ich elsewhe ing fi(Ph O: la. istoria. ue. Mad g digni ,RxoTmE rid,ened Recademl1 ybthe re itar .

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