Washington, Vol. 1 9780691045726, 9781400820214

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NRE IN WASHINGTON VOLUME TI

VILLAGE AND CAPITAL 1800-1878

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VILLAGE AND

CAPITAL, 1800-1878 BY CONSTANCE MC LAUGHLIN GREEN

TOS (LA! PEP N\

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS | 1962

Copyright © 1962 by Princeton University Press

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED L.C. Card No. 62-7402

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Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press Princeton, New Jersey

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FOREWORD FER THE nineteenth century American capital was an

GaN anomaly in the western world. Other towns and

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. \ Re, Phebe Peter. AL : : — : ‘ Compiled from the rare histarical researches

+ \ es er . seen OE ° . . an 1D" JOSEPH M. TONER.

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17. The State Department adjoining the Treasury on the north, viewed from Pennsylvania Avenue. Photograph by Mathew Brady or an assistant ca. 1866 e

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32.emer Arrival of N ildi W e

sta 'reew Yorkoftroops at the B & O depot, April 1861, showing the greatly admired tower the depot t stoo

ea F pot.from at New Jersey Avenue andOffice C Street, where the bus tunnel y ges under the hill near the Senate Building. ood engraving In

- 4) ,

Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper

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36. Cattle on the Monument grounds and, in the background, the fenced-in part of the President's Square which, because the fence was whitewashed, gave to the area the name White Lot. Photograph by Mathew Brady, ca. 1 863

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37. Washington Canal and a muddy stretch of lower Pennsylvania Avenue, ca. 1863

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1865. The railroad t]1 restle ran alongside

THE EVE OF WAR

ularly. On Washington’s birthday the parade of more than a thousand of these men, uniformed and under arms, was a com-

forting sight to people who feared mob violence in the city. Years later, General Stone declared that these volunteers, the first sworn into federal service, saved the capital and the Union with it.?°

Before the end of February, the air in Washington had cleared slightly. Not only did the parade on the 22nd indicate that the city was not utterly defenseless, but the resignation and departure of officials unwilling longer to serve the federal gOvernment lessened the tensions of earlier weeks when southern senators were making farewell speeches and representatives from the cotton states were hurrying home to share in the forming of the Confederacy. Furthermore, Lincoln upon his arrival brought the city unexpected reassurance. Here was no fire-eater. The newspapers remarked with gratification upon his friendly

greeting to the mayors and councils of Washington and Georgetown when they called upon him at his lodgings. Men dared believe that so mild-spoken a man would after all act

with moderation. Perhaps everything would blow over, and the | seceded states, after sulking a while, would return to the Union without demanding more than the North would yield. At least the rump of the 36th Congress was still debating compromise measures, and until February 27 the “Conference Convention”

remained in session at the Willard Hotel. There under the chairmanship of ex-President John Tyler delegates from twenty-one northern and border states led by Virginia struggled to devise a workable formula for peace and reunion.’? At the same time, preparations for the inauguration and the building of a large frame ballroom adjoining the City Hall in which to hold

the inaugural ball created some diversion. The hotels and boardinghouses were filling with new arrivals even as defeated congressmen were making ready to depart. The theatres were 19 Charles P. Stone, “Washington on the Eve of War,” Century Magazine,

Iv (Jul 1883), pp. 458-64; Star, 22, 23 Feb 1861. 11 NI., 27 Feb 1861; Cong Globe, 36C, 2S, p. 1433; Roy F. Nichols, The

Disruption of American Democracy, pp. 474-91.

237

THE EVE OF WAR

crowded nightly. If in the eyes of old Washingtonians the motley throng of Republican office-seekers seemed crude and unmannerly, everyone knew that their money was as good as that of polished southerners who stayed at home. And Washington’s “first families,” if unwilling to consider attending the inaugural ball, could recall that the community had always survived the advent of the spoilsmen who had swept into the city every four years since 1829. Life had to go on. Newcomers, when not too absorbed in the political future

to look about them, saw little to admire. Some of the public buildings were impressive—the President’s house set in wide lawns, the colonnaded Treasury adjoining the “unpretending” brick State Department building, the harmoniously proportioned Patent Office and the Post Office—but the clutter of stone cutters’ equipment and blocks of marble on the Capitol grounds and the scaffolding about the unfinished dome marred the appearance of the Hill. Much of the Mall despite the loops of trees and shrubs with which A. J. Downing had adorned the

Smithsonian grounds, was unkempt; lumber and coal yards trespassed upon its northern edge along the Washington Canal, and at the Potomac end the stub of the Washington Monument surrounded by debris rose dejectedly above the tidal marshes that stretched out in a wide arc of swamp grass, pools of water, and evil-smelling mud, obliterating the shore from which John Quincy Adams had taken his early morning swims thirty-odd

years before. Strung out along lower Pennsylvania Avenue where today the National Archives proclaims “The Past is Prologue” stood the stalls of the Centre Market with the Fish Market at its rear. “To make a Washington street,” wrote an Englishman, “take one marble temple or public office, a dozen good houses of brick, and a dozen of wood, and fill in with sheds

and fields.” “Senators’ Row” on C Street near Judiciary Square and other neighborhoods scattered from the Navy Yard 12 Joseph T. Kelly, “Memories of a Life-Time in Washington,” CHS Rec, XXXI-XXx1, 117-49; William Richstein, The Stranger’s Guide to Washington City, pp. 22-34; Rpt Sec/Int, 1861, p. 854, Ser 1117; Henry Latham, Black

and White, a Journal of a Three Months’ Tour in the United States, p. 59.

238

THE EVE OF WAR

to Washington Circle contained some handsome houses, but vacant lots rank with weeds or strewn with rubbish punctuated the sweep of every avenue. Less immediately visible to a casual inspection, alleyways destined shortly to become teeming slums inhabited by freedmen were already dotted with groggeries and ramshackle shanties. Criticism of the city’s appearance was an old story to perma-

nent residents. Their concern was March 4 and its aftermath. Unwelcome as the incoming administration was to conservatives, once the inauguration was an accomplished fact they hoped to settle down to making the best of it. People watching the presidential carriage roll along Pennsylvania Avenue on that chilly gray day could not fail to observe the close formation of the cavalry escort riding on either side; the absence of the civic groups and political clubs, traditionally part of inaugu-

ral parades, was striking. Nothing looked truly gay. But at least the waiting was over. Lincoln’s inaugural speech caused no furor; it contained no alarming pronouncements, even while it outlined no positive course of action.* With huge relief, citizens now prepared to go about their business. A grateful calm settled upon Washington after March 4. As the new President began to wield the power of federal patron-

age, hopes rose that he might mend the breach in the Union. Mr. Lincoln appeared ready to let the South come gradually to its senses. In the state convention in Richmond, Virginia, the Union party seemed to be safely in control. Governor Hicks of Maryland was teetering back and forth, but his refusal to summon the legislature for a vote on secession encouraged Union supporters in the District.** The President’s local appointments

| 239 , 13 Stone, “Washington on the Eve of the War,” Century, 1v, 458-64;

N.1., 5 Mar 1861; Star, 4 Mar 1861; George W. Smith, “Critical Moment for Washington,” CHS Rec, xxi, 87-113. 14 Charles P. Stone, “Washington in March and April, 1861,” Magazine of American History, x1v (July 1885), pp. 1-3; Harry J. Carman and Reinhard H. Luthin, Lincoln and the Patronage, pp. 186-227; Henry T. Shanks, The Secession Movement in Virginia, 1847-1861, pp. 191-208; George L. P.

Radcliffe, Governor Thomas H. Hicks of Maryland and the Civil War, in Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series xIx, Nov-Dec 1901, pp. 21-50.

THE EVE OF WAR

seemed suitable—Virginia-born Ward Lamon as Marshal of the District, the trusted B. B. French as Commissioner of Public Buildings, Sayles J. Bowen as collector of revenue, and Lewis

Clephane, former assistant to Gamaliel Bailey of the National

Era, city postmaster. When Mrs. Lincoln resumed the customary Saturday afternoon receptions at the White House, Washingtonians dared feel that life in the capital was returning to normal. Although reports from Montgomery, Alabama, and

Charleston revealed mounting ardor for the Confederacy throughout the deep South, Washington newspapers cautious-

ly suggested that no warlike move was imminent. In Washington and Georgetown the companies of volunteers were insuring order and, when in early April a number were quietly sworn into the federal service and began unobtrusively to stand guard at night about the White House and the public buildings, residents of the city read no ominous meaning into the act.”

News of the firing on Fort Sumter on April 12 hit like a thunderbolt, despite every forewarning. Scarcely had Washington digested that fact than Lincoln’s call for 75,000 volunteers proved all earlier estimates of the President’s passivity wrong. On April 17 Governor Letcher of Virginia, long known

for his pro-Union sentiment, informed the administration in Washington that the Old Dominion had passed a secession ordinance. High-ranking Army and Navy officers loyal to their native Virginia immediately resigned their commissions. While

the War and Navy Departments sought replacements, fears lest troops assembling across the Potomac march into Washington added to the general alarm. Even southern sympathizers, perhaps envisaging street fighting in the city, showed no ela-

tion.** In this crisis the District volunteers faced a difficult decision. Most of them had offered their services for protection

of the capital. Now asked to enlist without any strings tied, all but three companies declined until the War Department 15 Star, 9 Mar, 8 Apr 1861; Stone, “Washington in March and April,

16 Star, 15-20 Apr 1861. |

1861,” Magazine of American History, xtv, 11-17.

240

THE EVE OF WAR

guaranteed not to send them out of the District. The volunteers’ hesitation later lent color to charges of widespread disloyalty, although the Provost Marshal General reported “these troops, in whole or in part, did subsequently serve out of the District without opposition or protest.””’ The swift movement of events in late April left people in the

capital dazed. New recruits swelled the ranks of the District volunteers till they numbered nearly 3,500, but the transfer of Army regulars downstream to Fort Washington left only - unseasoned men to defend the city. On April 19 when a Baltimore mob attacked a Massachusetts regiment en route to Washington, Maryland officials, ostensibly to avoid further hostile demonstrations, sanctioned the burning of the railroad bridges

linking Baltimore and the North. The Massachusetts troops, their wounded on stretchers, reached Washington that night. For five days thereafter the District lay isolated. Agreement

between the President and the Governor of Maryland that volunteers from the northern states should land at Annapolis and thence move to Washington seemed like a meaningless gesture to householders hourly expecting a Confederate army to seize the capital. Some of them attempted to flee, setting out for the country in carriages, carts, or on foot; in their eagerness to go supplied with hard money, they caused a run on the banks. Colonel Stone’s foresight prevented a shortage of bread in the

city, for the War Department, acting upon his warning that supplies were low, commandeered the flour stored in Georgetown mills and aboard ships docked at her wharves and about to sail; wagoners carted it off to the basement of the Capitol and ‘Treasury.*®

At the end of April as northern regiments transported via Annapolis began to arrive, panic subsided but confusion increased. Companies of high-spirited young men in strangely 17 Final Rpt Provost Marshal General, H Ex Doc 1, 39C, 1S, p. 7, Ser 1251; Star, 11, 12 Apr 1861. 18 See notes 15 and 16; Elizabeth Lindsay Lomax, Leaves from an Old Washington Diary, 1854-1863, pp. 149-51; Radcliffe, Governor Thomas H. Hicks of Maryland, pp. 40-42. QAI

THE EVE OF WAR

varied “uniforms” were soon overrunning the city. Quartered

in the Capitol, the Treasury, and the Patent Office, in the buildings of the Georgetown Seminary, or in tents on Franklin Square and Meridian Hill, volunteers who had come to save the Union were shortly seeking to save themselves from boredom

by swaggering about the streets, frequenting the barrooms, quarreling, gambling, and indulging in horseplay at citizens’ expense. To supply bread to the troops, the government hastily opened a bakery in the basement of the Capitol. ‘The army commissariat all but broke down; the officer in charge had held the post since 1818 and was now a helpless invalid. Distribution of equipment was equally inefficient; the Quartermaster General, Virginian Joseph E. Johnston, had resigned, and the Secretary

of War had not as yet appointed a successor. Northerners hungry for contracts were beginning to swarm about the government offices, while local merchants did their best to meet the demand for supplies or hesitated over sharing in preparations for war.’® Contributing to fratricide would be a high price

to pay for improving trade. It was at this point that hundreds of District citizens felt they must choose between deeply conflicting loyalties. Some had already made up their minds; others would wait till oaths of allegiance forced a choice; a few would silently evade the issue altogether. Maryland’s decision to stay with the Union made the choice easier, but every day saw irreconcilables, government clerks among them, depart for the South. Parents faced the shock of finding that romantic fourteen- and fifteenyear-old sons were running away to join the Confederate Army. Most families felt helpless and fervently prayed that even now the nation might avoid bloodshed. And then one morning late in May, as companies of volunteers marched over the bridges to seize the Arlington heights above the Potomac, Colonel Elmer

Elisworth and his New York Zouaves, gay in their red caps and baggy “Turkish” trousers, landed in Alexandria to occupy 19 Alexander Howard Meneely, The War Department, 1861, pp. 111-12, 117-18, 149-53.

24d

THE EVE OF WAR

the rebel city. Confederate troops had withdrawn days before, but the Zouaves determined to tear down the Confederate flag that flew from the Marshall House. Hours later grieving angry soldiers bore Colonel Ellsworth’s body back to the Washington Navy Yard. Shot by an indignant hotel proprietor, Ellsworth was the first man to die in action for the Union. The fighting war had begun.

243

| CHAPTER X THE CIVIC AND ECONOMIC IMPACT OF WAR, 1861-1865

Fe IN THE early summer of 1861 people in the capital

EN talked hopefully of a short war.* While the War

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