Wadi Araba in Classical and Late Antiquity: An Historical Geography 9781407337180, 9781407307176

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BAR S2173 2010 SMITH II

Wadi Araba in Classical and Late Antiquity: An Historical Geography Andrew M. Smith II

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY

B A R

BAR International Series 2173 2010

Wadi Araba in Classical and Late Antiquity: An Historical Geography Andrew M. Smith II

BAR International Series 2173 2010

ISBN 9781407307176 paperback ISBN 9781407337180 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407307176 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

CONTENTS List of Figures...................................................................................................................................................................... v Ackowledgements...............................................................................................................................................................ix Chapter One: Introduction...............................................................................................................................................1 I. Introduction................................................................................................................................................. 1 II. The Natural Environment......................................................................................................................... 1 Geography............................................................................................................................... 2 Topography..............................................................................................................................2 Climate....................................................................................................................................5 Water Resources...................................................................................................................... 5 Vegetation and Soils................................................................................................................ 7 Fauna.......................................................................................................................................7 Mineralogical Resources.........................................................................................................8 Other Natural Resources.......................................................................................................... 9 III. Sources....................................................................................................................................................9 IV. Previous Explorations and Research in Wadi Araba.............................................................................12 The Nineteenth Century........................................................................................................12 Three Pioneers - Alois Musil, Fritz Frank, and Nelson Glueck............................................14 The Twentieth Century..........................................................................................................15 The Twenty-First Century...................................................................................................... 18 NOTES......................................................................................................................................................... 19 Chapter Two: Cities, Forts, and Caravanserais............................................................................................................22 I. Introduction.............................................................................................................................................. 22 II. Urban Communities................................................................................................................................ 22 Aqaba (Aila, Ailane).............................................................................................................. 22 Faynan (Phaino).....................................................................................................................25 III. Forts and Caravan Stations.................................................................................................................... 28 Mezad Dafit...........................................................................................................................28 Rujm Taba.............................................................................................................................. 29 Yotvata...................................................................................................................................30 Gharandal..............................................................................................................................32 Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen............................................................................................................ 34 Mezad Be’er Menuha ........................................................................................................... 36 Qasr et-Tayyiba...................................................................................................................... 36 Khirbet as-Faysif...................................................................................................................37 Bir Madhkur..........................................................................................................................39 BMP-CAS Site 13................................................................................................................. 42 Khirbet Umm Qhuntera......................................................................................................... 42 Moyet ‘Awad......................................................................................................................... 43 ‘Ain Rahel.............................................................................................................................46 Tell el-Mirad.......................................................................................................................... 46 Khirbet Ratiye.......................................................................................................................46 Khirbet al-Hassiya................................................................................................................. 46 Mezad Hazeva....................................................................................................................... 48 Qasr et-Tlah........................................................................................................................... 50 NOTES......................................................................................................................................................... 52 Chapter Three: Regional Settlement Activity............................................................................................................... 56 I. Introduction.............................................................................................................................................. 56 i

II. The Southern Wadi Araba........................................................................................................................ 56 SAAS Site 43......................................................................................................................... 56 Arabah Expedition Site 46(1-7).............................................................................................56 SAAS Site 72......................................................................................................................... 56 SAAS Site 81......................................................................................................................... 57 Tell Chara Hadid.................................................................................................................... 57 SAAS Site 98......................................................................................................................... 57 SAAS Site 103....................................................................................................................... 57 SAAS Site 104....................................................................................................................... 57 SAAS Sites 106/107.............................................................................................................. 58 SAAS Site 113....................................................................................................................... 58 SAAS Site 115....................................................................................................................... 58 SAAS Site 116....................................................................................................................... 59 SAAS Site 121....................................................................................................................... 59 Arabah Expedition Site 64.....................................................................................................59 SAAS Site 139....................................................................................................................... 59 Arabah Expedition Site 28 - Beer Ora...................................................................................59 Rujm Maqram Hadid............................................................................................................. 60 Bir el-Qa’a............................................................................................................................. 60 SAAS Site 150....................................................................................................................... 60 III. The Central Wadi Araba.........................................................................................................................60 SAAS Site 167....................................................................................................................... 60 SAAS Site 169....................................................................................................................... 61 SAAS Site 171....................................................................................................................... 61 SAAS Site 182....................................................................................................................... 63 SAAS Site 184....................................................................................................................... 63 SAAS Site 186....................................................................................................................... 63 SAAS Site 193....................................................................................................................... 63 SAAS Site 199....................................................................................................................... 64 SAAS Site 203....................................................................................................................... 64 SAAS Site 204....................................................................................................................... 65 SAAS Site 207....................................................................................................................... 65 SAAS Site 219....................................................................................................................... 65 SAAS Site 221....................................................................................................................... 66 SAAS Site 222....................................................................................................................... 66 SAAS Site 223....................................................................................................................... 67 SAAS Site 225....................................................................................................................... 67 SAAS Site 230....................................................................................................................... 68 SAAS Site 231....................................................................................................................... 68 SAAS Site 238....................................................................................................................... 68 SAAS Site 240....................................................................................................................... 69 SAAS Site 262....................................................................................................................... 69 SAAS Site 274....................................................................................................................... 69 SAAS Site 276....................................................................................................................... 69 SAAS Site 283....................................................................................................................... 70 SAAS Site 284....................................................................................................................... 70 SAAS Site 290....................................................................................................................... 70 SAAS Site 291....................................................................................................................... 71 SAAS Site 300....................................................................................................................... 71 SAAS Site 304....................................................................................................................... 72 SAAS Site 305....................................................................................................................... 72 SAAS Site 307....................................................................................................................... 72 SAAS Site 308....................................................................................................................... 72 SAAS Site 314....................................................................................................................... 72 SAAS Site 316....................................................................................................................... 74 Raikes’ Site B29.................................................................................................................... 74 SAAS Site 321....................................................................................................................... 74 SAAS Site 322....................................................................................................................... 74 SAAS Site 323....................................................................................................................... 75

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SAAS Site 324....................................................................................................................... 75 SAAS Site 325....................................................................................................................... 75 SAAS Site 328....................................................................................................................... 75 BMP/CAS Site 19.................................................................................................................. 75 BMP/CAS Site 20/21............................................................................................................75 BMP/CAS Site 16.................................................................................................................. 76 BMP/CAS Site 12.................................................................................................................. 76 BMP/CAS Site 10.................................................................................................................. 78 BMP/CAS Site 6.................................................................................................................... 78 BMP/CAS Site 3.................................................................................................................... 78 BMP/CAS Site 1.................................................................................................................... 79 SAAS Site 330....................................................................................................................... 79 IV. The Northern Wadi Araba.......................................................................................................................79 Qasr Abu Dhibana................................................................................................................. 79 WF1282................................................................................................................................. 80 WF1004/WF1009..................................................................................................................80 WF1001 ................................................................................................................................ 83 WF1002................................................................................................................................. 83 WF1014................................................................................................................................. 83 WF599................................................................................................................................... 83 WF481................................................................................................................................... 84 WF645................................................................................................................................... 84 WF476................................................................................................................................... 84 WF1242................................................................................................................................. 84 WF689................................................................................................................................... 84 WF538................................................................................................................................... 84 WF368................................................................................................................................... 84 WF36..................................................................................................................................... 85 Tell el-Mirad.......................................................................................................................... 85 WF235................................................................................................................................... 85 WF233................................................................................................................................... 85 Al-Munbateha/Khirbet Hamr Ifdan.......................................................................................86 SGNAS 215...........................................................................................................................86 SGNAS 216...........................................................................................................................86 Tell Rabet ed-dschamuse.......................................................................................................86 SGNAS 233 - Khirbet al-Hassiya (South)............................................................................. 86 SGNAS 232...........................................................................................................................89 Khirbet al-Dahal.................................................................................................................... 89 V. Conclusions..............................................................................................................................................89 NOTES......................................................................................................................................................... 90 Chapter Four: Routes through Wadi Araba.................................................................................................................92 I. Introduction............................................................................................................................................... 92 II. The Problem............................................................................................................................................ 92 III. The Via Nova Traiana...........................................................................................................................94 IV. The Road Network.................................................................................................................................95 V. Cross-Routes through the Araba........................................................................................................... 101 VI. Land Routes and the Regional Topography........................................................................................ 101 VII. Discussion and Conclusions..............................................................................................................102 NOTES....................................................................................................................................................... 104 Chapter Five: Wadi Araba in Classical and Late Antiquity...................................................................................... 106 I. Introduction . ......................................................................................................................................... 106 II. The Background...................................................................................................................................106 III. Nabataea and the Nabataeans.............................................................................................................. 107 IV. The Roman and Byzantine Periods..................................................................................................... 110 NOTES....................................................................................................................................................... 115

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Appendix.......................................................................................................................................................................... 118 Bibliography.................................................................................................................................................................... 120 Index.................................................................................................................................................................................136

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. General map showing location of Wadi Araba between Aqaba and the Dead Sea.............................................. 1 Figure 2. View of the southern Wadi Araba from space (image courtesy of NASA).........................................................3 Figure 3. View of the southern and central Wadi Araba showing major landforms (image courtesy of NASA)...............4 Figure 4. View of the Taba sabkha from the southeast (photograph by the author)........................................................... 5 Figure 5. Open well along the eastern fringe of the Taba sabhka (photograph by the author)...........................................6 Figure 6. Agricultural fields in the Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen (photograph by the author)...........................................................8 Figure 7. Hart’s Illustration of vegetation in Wadi Araba (from Hart 1891: plate 9)..........................................................9 Figure 8. Hart’s Illustration of insects in Wadi Araba (from Hart 1891: 174).................................................................... 9 Figure 9. Map detailing the physical geography of Wadi Araba and important mineralizations (after Hauptmann et al. 2009: 58, fig. 4.2)................................................................................................................................................................10 Figure 10. Mosaic map from Madaba, Jordan showing ships loaded with salt on the Dead Sea..................................... 11 Figure 11. Section of Burckhardt’s map showing Wadi Araba (from Burckhardt 1822).................................................. 13 Figure 12. Illustration of caravan from Mecca entering the fortress at Aqaba (from Laborde 1836: 114).......................14 Figure 13. View of Aqaba oasis in 1909 (from Hoskins 1912: 296, plate 64.).................................................................15 Figure 14. View of Aqaba from the top of Jebel Nuseila, taken in 1994 (photograph by the author)..............................18 Figure 15. Major settlements, forts, and caravan stations in Wadi Araba (image courtesy of NASA)............................. 23 Figure 16. Detail of Arabia showing the village of Elana from the Cosmographia of Ptolemy (1482)...........................24 Figure 17. Satelite view of Faynan showing the central tell (image © 2010 Google; © GeoEye 2009; © 2010 DigitalGlobe)......................................................................................................................................................................25 Figure 18. Plan of the Faynan region (from Frank 1934: plan 19)................................................................................... 26 Figure 19. Plan of the church/monastic complex at Faynan (from Frank 1934: plan 21)................................................26 Figure 20. Detail of Faynan region by Lucas Cranach, 1508 or 1515 (courtesy of the Jewish National & University Library, David and Fela Shapell Family Digitization Project, Eran Laor Cartographic Collection, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.”.....................................................................................................................................................................27 Figure 21. Plan of Mezad Dafit (from Dolinka 2006a: fig. 4.4).......................................................................................28 Figure 22. Rujm Taba: view of the fort (photograph by the author).................................................................................29 Figure 23. Roman fort at Yotvata (photograph by the author)...........................................................................................30 Figure 24. Plan of the late Roman fort at Yotvata (after Meshel 1989: 230, fig. 1)...........................................................31 Figure 25. Latin imperial inscription discovreed at Yotvata (from Roll 1989: 240, fig. 1)...............................................31 Figure 26. Section of the Peutinger Map showing Ad Dianam north of Haila or Aqaba..................................................32 v

Figure 27. Plan of Gharandal (from Musil 1907-08, fig. 142)........................................................................................... 33 Figure 28. Roman Fort at Gharandal (image from series IGN-78-JOR 12/100, courtesy of Royal Jordanian Geographic Center)................................................................................................................................................................................. 33 Figure 29. Plan of Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen (from Smith, Stevens, and Niemi 1997: 61, fig. 13)........................................34 Figure 30. Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen (image from series IGN-78-JOR 12/100, courtesy of Royal Jordanian Geographic Center)................................................................................................................................................................................. 35 Figure 31. Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen (photograph by the author)........................................................................................... 35 Figure 32. Plan of Qasr et-Tayyiba (from Frank 1934: plan 22)......................................................................................36 Figure 33. Plan of Qasr et-Tayyiba (drawing by the author)............................................................................................ 37 Figure 34. Qasr et-Tayyiba (photograph by the author).................................................................................................... 38 Figure 35. Khirbet as-Faysif (photograph by the author).................................................................................................38 Figure 36. Overview of Bir Madhkur (image from series IGN-78-JOR 12/100, courtesy of Royal Jordanian Geographic Center)................................................................................................................................................................................. 40 Figure 37. Overview of Bir Madhkur from ridge to the north showing the fort in the center (photograph by the author)................................................................................................................................................................................. 40 Figure 38. Plan of Bir Madhkur (from Frank 1934: plan 24)........................................................................................... 41 Figure 39. Plan of Bir Madhkur (from Glueck 1935: 168, plate 6).................................................................................. 41 Figure 40. BMP-CAS Site 13 (photograph by the author)...............................................................................................42 Figure 41. Khirbet Umm Qhuntera (photograph by the author)....................................................................................... 43 Figure 42. Cistern partially excavated in 2008 at Khirbet Umm Qhuntera (photograph by the author)..........................44 Figure 43. Plan of Moyet ‘Awad and its region(from Frank 1934: plan 31)....................................................................45 Figure 44. Plan of Moyet ‘Awad (from Frank 1934: plan 30).......................................................................................... 45 Figure 45. Plan of Khirbet Ratiye (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 711)..............................................................................47 Figure 46. Plan of Khirbet al-Hassiya (from Frank 1934: plan 14)..................................................................................47 Figure 47. Plan of Khirbet al-Hassiya (after MacDonald 1992: 90, fig. 18)....................................................................48 Figure 48. Plan of Mezad Hazeva (from Musil 1907-08: 208, fig. 145)..........................................................................48 Figure 49. Plan of Mezad Haseva (after Cohen 1993b)....................................................................................................49 Figure 50. Plan of Qasr et-Tlah (after Niemi 2007).......................................................................................................... 50 Figure 51. Plan of Qasr et-Tlah (from Frank 1934: plan 13)............................................................................................51 Figure 52. Site plan of SAAS Site 72 (from Smith 1995: 78, fig. 19).............................................................................. 56 Figure 53. Site plan of SAAS Site 103 (from Smith 1995: 80, fig. 20)............................................................................ 57

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Figure 54. Site plan of SAAS Site 104 (from Smith 1995: 81, fig. 21)............................................................................ 58 Figure 55. Large structure at SAAS Site 113 (photograph by the author)........................................................................59 Figure 56. Plan of supposed shrine, built from slag, from Be'er Ora (after Rothenberg 1972: 221, fig. 71)....................60 Figure 57. Plan of SAAS Site 167 (from Smith 1995: 90, fig. 24)...................................................................................61 Figure 58. Stone-paved road (SAAS Site 169) in Wadi Araba south of Gharandal (photograph by the author)............. 62 Figure 59. Plan of SAAS Site 171 (from Smith 1995: 88, fig. 23)...................................................................................62 Figure 60. Large enclosure at SAAS Site 182 (photograph by the author)...................................................................... 63 Figure 61. Cross-mark cut on boulder at SAAS Site 193 (drawing by the author)..........................................................64 Figure 62. Probable grave at SAAS Site 199, with an encampment in the background (photograph by the author)....... 64 Figure 63. Small house structure at SAAS Site 207 (photograph by the author)............................................................. 65 Figure 64. Plan of SAAS Site 221, remains of an unspecified structure and a large stone enclosure (drawing by K. Kumeiga & A. M. Smith II)................................................................................................................................................66 Figure 65. Plan of SAAS Site 221 (drawn by K. Kumeiga & A. M. Smith II)................................................................. 67 Figure 66. Large boulder at SAAS Site 225 depicting hunting scene (photograph by E. C . Lapp)................................67 Figure 67. Stone-paved road (SAAS Site 231) north of Gharandal. This is a continuation of SAAS Site 169 (photograph by E. A. Friedland).........................................................................................................................................68 Figure 68. Quarry (SAAS Site 274) along the east face of Jebel el-Khureij (photograph by the author)........................ 69 Figure 69. Plan of SAAS Site 283, large oval enclosure (drawing by C. Frey & A. M. Smith II).................................. 70 Figure 70. Ancient road (SAAS Site 284) leading up the alluvial fan to SAAS Site 283 (photograph by the author)....71 Figure 71. Semi-circular feature at SAAS Site 291 (photograph by the author).............................................................. 72 Figure 72. Cave at SAAS Site 304 with an enclosure in front of the entrance (photograph by the author).....................73 Figure 73. Isolated structure on top of ridge (SAAS Site 305), perhaps a tower/watchpost (photograph by the author)................................................................................................................................................................................. 73 Figure 74. Isolated structure/possible threshing floor at SAAS Site 316 (photograph by the author)..............................74 Figure 75. Overview of BMP/CAS Site 19 with the wash of Wadi Musa in the background (photograph by the author)................................................................................................................................................................................. 75 Figure 76. Overview of BMP/CAS Site 20/21 with a threshing floor in the foreground and an apparent fort in the backgound (photograph by the author)............................................................................................................................... 76 Figure 77. Watchtower at BMP/CAS Site 20/21 (photograph by the author)...................................................................77 Figure 78. Farmhouse and reservoir (BMP/CAS Site 16) south of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author)................77 Figure 79. Farmhouse west of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author).........................................................................78 Figure 80. Stone-cleared north-south road (BMP/CAS Site 6) west of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author)..........79

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Figure 81. Milestone discovered west of Bir Madhkur at BMP/CAS Site 6. Note the road in the background (photograph by the author)..................................................................................................................................................80 Figure 82. Threshing floor and windbreak at BMP/CAS 3, on ridge west of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author)................................................................................................................................................................................. 81 Figure 83. Plan of tower at SAAS Site 330 (from Smith 1995: 98, fig. 28)..................................................................... 81 Figure 84. Plan of L-shaped structure at SAAS Site 330 (from Smith 1995: 99, fig. 29)................................................82 Figure 85. Plan of Qasr Abu Dhibana (from Frank 1934: plan 18B)................................................................................ 82 Figure 86. Plan of WF1009 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 670).......................................................................................83 Figure 87. Plan of WF645 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 616).........................................................................................84 Figure 88. Plan of WF1242 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 689).......................................................................................85 Figure 89. Plan of WF36 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 528)...........................................................................................86 Figure 90. Plan of Khirbet Hamr Ifdan (from Frank 1934: plan 17)................................................................................87 Figure 91. Plan of Khirbet Hamr Ifdan (from Glueck 1934: 163. plate 1).......................................................................87 Figure 92. Plan of SGNAS 216 (after MacDonald 1992: 110, fig. 28).............................................................................88 Figure 93. Plan of Tell Rabet ed-dschamuse (from Frank 1934: plan 15)........................................................................88 Figure 94. Plan of SGNAS 232 (after MacDonald 1992: 107, fig. 26)............................................................................89 Figure 95. Detail of the southern and central Araba showing the recent discoveries of milestones and roads in the valley (image courtest of NASA)....................................................................................................................................... 93 Figure 96. Detail of the Peutinger map showing road system through Arabia................................................................. 95 Figure 97. View into Wadi Darba (from Frank 1934: plate 37b)......................................................................................96 Figure 98. Detail of the southern and central Wadi Araba showing the regional road system (image courtesy of NASA)................................................................................................................................................................................ 97 Figure 99. Detail of the southern and central Wadi Araba showing the regional road system (image courtesy of NASA)................................................................................................................................................................................ 98 Figure 100. Detail of the mosaic map from Madaba showing settlements in Wadi Araba...............................................99 Figure 101. Musil travelling along the Taba sabkha (from Musil 1907-08: 192, fig. 139)...............................................99 Figure 102. Camel train near northern edge of Taba sabhka south of Wadi Darba (photograph by the author)............100

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is a revised version of my M.A. thesis written in 1995, under the supervision of S. Thomas Parker at the North Carolina State University. First and foremost, I want to thank Tom Parker for introducing me to the wonderful world of archaeological research in Jordan (I first worked in Jordan in 1989 during his Limes Arabicus Project), and for suggesting that I examine Wadi Araba for my thesis. This study began as one of examining trade routes, but grew significantly after I became the Director of Survey for Parker’s Roman Aqaba Project. That experience exposed me to the broad history of settlement activity in Wadi Araba, from prehistory to the present, and confirmed my love for this region and my commitment to documenting its cultural lanadscape.

wish to thank those involved with the administration of the American Center of Oriental Research, Amman: Pierre and Patricia Bikai, former Director and Associate Director, respectively; Barbara Porter, the current Director; and Chris Tuttle, the current Assistant Director; Humi Ayoubi, Head of ACOR’s library; Kathy Nimri, Office Manager; and the entire staff of ACOR,. Finally, I am most grateful to my wife and colleague, Elise A. Friedland, for her endearing support. Among the institutions that supported my work in Wadi Araba, I am thankful to the American Schools of Oriental Research, the American Center of Oriental Research, Amman, the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, the Albright Institute for Archaeological Research, the University of Maryland, Dowling College, and The George Washington University. Funding derived from many sources. These include a grant from the KyleKelso Foundation, the Explorers Club of Washington D.C., the Royal Geographical Society of Great Britain, the American Schools of Oriental Research, the American Center of Oriental Research, Amman, the Albright Institute for Archaeological Research, the Loeb Classical Library Foundation, the University of Maryland, Dowling College, and The George Washington University.

Various others have served as invaluable mentors over the years. Most importantly, Kenneth G. Holum, who supervised my dissertation, Identity, Community, and State Formation at Roman Palmyra, has been both a remarkable mentor and a valued role model. I am also indebted to John. P. Oleson, with whom I was priveledged to work as administrator for his Humayma Excavations, during which time I enjoyed numerous enlightening conversations about Nabataean and Roman history and archaeology. Many Jordanian and Israeli colleagues were extraordinarily generous in welcoming me and sharing their ideas with me. Warm thanks go to Fawzi Zayadine, Fawzi Abudanh, Ahmed Momani, Khairieh Amr, Sawsan Fahkri, Manal Basyouni, Tali Gini-Erickson, and Uzi Avner. In addition, I am grateful for the support and guidance from Jodi Magness, Eric H. Cline, Megan Perry, and Susan Gelb. I especially wish to thank Ghazi Bisheh and Fawaz al-Khraysheh, former Directors-General of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, for their kindness and grants of permission to work in Wadi Araba. I also

Finally, I would like to thank my mother, sisters, uncle, daughter, and wife for their constant love and support. Andrew M. Smith II The George Washington University Washington, D.C. October 2010

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CHAPTER ONE Introduction

I. Introduction Wadi Araba is a unique landform of great historical importance. As a part of the Great Rift Valley, Wadi Araba extends southward from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba (fig. 1) and covers vast stretches of mostly arid land. But appearances are deceptive, as the arid nature of Wadi Araba belies a rich history of settlement activity in the valley from prehistoric times to the present. Until recently, however, our understanding of the history (and prehistory) of Wadi Araba has been negligible, due largely to the fact that few have explored the valley in any systematic fashion. In fact, most of the valley remained unexplored until the 1990s, and the few investigations that had been conducted either remained unpublished or were too purposive in nature and narrow in scope to shed light on broader historical developments. Projects investigating the role of Wadi Araba in the history of metallurgy are the best examples of the latter, and although these projects have produced exciting results, they offer only a small (though hugely important) contribution to our knowledge of the historical geography of the region. Another contributing factor to this fragmented state of knowledge stems directly from the divisive nature of the valley itself. With the political border between Israel and Jordan dividing the valley into eastern and western halves, dialogue between scholars from either side, who have investigated the antiquities of the region, has been virtually absent. This was especially the case before Israel and Jordan entered a new stage of peaceful relations in 1994, but remains so today as well.

Figure 1. General map showing location of Wadi Araba between Aqaba and the Dead Sea. conducted by the author, and 3) to discuss briefly the classical and late antique sources pertinent to a historical geography of Wadi Araba.

Nevertheless, there is a growing body of data from Wadi Araba. Archaeological fieldwork conducted over the past twenty years, for example, has significantly increased the number of known sites in the valley. As a result, our knowledge of the history of Wadi Araba has improved, though it remains somewhat fragmented geographically and qualitatively. Also, despite this improvement in our knowledge of known sites in the valley, there have been no attempts to synthesize any of the data. If we are to gain any sort of broader understanding of the historical geography of Wadi Araba, the need for such a synthesis is clear. The present monograph, accordingly, is one attempt to provide a more comprehensive overview of the antiquities of Wadi Araba and a general outline of the rich history of the valley. Chronologically, the scope of this study will focus on the Hellenistic through to the Byzantine period.

Following this introduction, Chapter 2 of this study provides a detailed summary of the larger settlements in Wadi Araba, mostly focusing on the cities, villages, and hamlets, as well as the various forts and caravanserais. Chapter 3, in turn, summarizes our evidence of other sites of historical significance in the periphery of the larger settlements. Relevant industrial sites, campsites, and road systems, for example, are among the types of sites discussed in Chapter 3. A comprehensive discussion of the communication networks in the valley is the focus of Chapter 4, with the expressed goal of understanding how the various sites interrelate with one another. Finally, Chapter 5 provides a broad historical sketch of the history of Wadi Araba in Classical and Late Antiquity.

The purposes of this initial chapter are 1) to provide a general sketch of the geographical and ecological setting, 2) to summarize previous explorations and research conducted in Wadi Araba, including excavation and survey

II. The Natural Environment Wadi Araba is frequently described as an inhospitable 1

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY region. Some scholars have gone so far as to characterize the valley with such pejorative terms as a no man’s land, a virtual wasteland, or even the abomination of desolation itself.1 While it is not a question of whether these designations have current validity, it is important, nonetheless, to realize that these tend to spawn negative images that typically bias our perceptions of the valley, particularly as we attempt to understand the historical geography of the region. A major obstacle here is that there is little available evidence to conclude that Wadi Araba was as desolate in the past as it appears today. What we have, in fact, is a growing body of evidence to suggest that settlement activity in the valley was probably much greater in the past than we had assumed earlier, as the extensive agricultural production in the Roman period in the regions of Faynan and Bir Madhkur indicates.2 Environmental studies support this assessment. It is postulated, for instance, that the period from the first century B.C. to the second centuries A.D. was one of abundant rainfall, which “ended by the beginning of the third century and simultaneously the level of the Dead Sea in A.D. 333 became as low as it is today.”3 Unfortunately, the data is insufficient to allow us to move beyond generalizations in our assessment of the impact and effects that important environmental changes may have had on the geographical character of the valley.

overlooking the Southern Ghor of the Dead Sea, and the width of the valley ranges from ca. 10 km to 30 km. Along the length of the center of Wadi Araba runs the boundary between the modern states of Israel and Jordan. The Araba is bounded by the steep ridges of esh-Shera and el-Jibal to the southeast and northeast respectively, which rise to heights of about 1,000 m to 1,500 m above sea level (some peaks reach up to 1,700 m). The dissected mountains and hills of the Negev desert comprise the western boundary of Wadi Araba, with an average height not exceeding 600 m above sea level. Thus Wadi Araba is essentially a deeply carved, north-south depression bounded by steep ridges and mountains to the east and west (fig. 2). One geomorphological classification of Wadi Araba subdivides it into three regions: 1) the southern Araba, or Aqaba Valley, 2) the central Araba, and 3) the Southern Ghor of the Dead Sea.5 The Aqaba Valley extends from sea level at Aqaba for ca. 80 km to a point just north of Gharandal (elevation ca. 200 m), which is the local drainage divide.6 The central Araba descends gradually from this point for about 75 km to the escarpment overlooking the Southern Ghor (elevation ca. -230 m). The Southern Ghor may be referred to as the northern extension of Wadi Araba, less than 14 km in length, that makes a rapid descent from the escarpment to the southern shore of the Dead Sea (a drop in elevation of about 160 m).

It does appear, however, that the general character of Wadi Araba has remained essentially the same over the past two thousand years. This is probably true in terms of the topography and more or less so for climatic conditions. Natural exceptions would be the diminution of the indigenous flora and fauna of Wadi Araba through desertification and modern development, which we know has been radically altered since as early as the nineteenth century. The archaeological record, which can provide important evidence of past manipulation, adaptation, and exploitation of the physical environment of Wadi Araba, is also useful as a medium for viewing past changes in the environment. Unfortunately, the archaeological record here is virtually silent, as few sites of the classical or Byzantine periods have been excavated; among the few sites that have been excavated, for many of them we still await the definitive publication of their results. The important work of Graeme Barker and his teams at Faynan (see below) is an important exception in this respect.4

Topography The topography of Wadi Araba is diverse. In fact, several discrete geographical zones based on the range of distinct geophysical features characterize the valley. These include alluvial fans and alluvial plains, sabkhas (usually dry mudflats), sand dunes and sand fields, ridges and mountainous zones, wadi floors and wadi terraces, and beaches (fig. 3).7 Alluvial fans and alluvial plains cover most of the valley; and given that Wadi Araba is an arid environment and part of the Dead Sea Rift, the geomorphology is relatively straightforward.8 The Araba depression basically serves as a catchment basin for detrital materials discharged from its tributary wadi systems. Each of these tributary wadis have catchment zones of varying size that govern the rate of discharge, which may occur as torrential floods or less forceful stream flows, depending on the amount of rainfall on the plateau. This discharge (mostly the deposits are of clay to boulder size particles) emerges from the escarpment at the apex of the alluvial fan, which then radiates in a conical shape down the slope toward the valley bottom. Whereas the coarser gravels predominate near the apex of the fan, intermediate size particles concentrate across the midfan, and silts and clays are carried to the base of the fan.9 The tributary wadis discharging from higher elevations to the east generate the largest fan complexes. Also, in many areas compound alluvial fans have formed by the lateral coalescence of the primary fan systems.

This chapter examines the physical environment of Wadi Araba. An overview of the geography and topography of Wadi Araba precedes a detailed discussion of its climate and natural resources. Geography Wadi Araba, as part of the Dead Sea Rift, is a distinct geomorphological province of Palestine. It is an elongated valley created by rifting between Transjordan and Cisjordan. Wadi Araba, as noted, extends ca. 165 km north from the Gulf of Aqaba to the escarpment 2

INTRODUCTION

Figure 2. View of the southern Wadi Araba from space (image courtesy of NASA).

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WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 3. View of the southern and central Wadi Araba showing major landforms (image courtesy of NASA). 4

INTRODUCTION There are several major sabkhas, or mudflats, in Wadi Araba. The two prominent sabkhas in the south are the Qaa’ at-Taba (fig. 4), which is bounded along its southern edge by the alluvial fan complex of Wadi el-Muhtadi (perhaps the largest alluvial fan in the southern Araba) and the Dafiya sabhka, which lies just south of the Wadi el-Muhtadi fan system. In the central Araba, the Qaa’ esSa’idiyeen spans the watershed of the valley. In addition to these major sabkhas, many minor ones exist throughout the valley. Each is a topographic depression with variably high levels of saline groundwater. The soils of the Qaa’ esSa’idiyeen, however, because of the higher elevation and greater amount of drainage, are less saline than the soils of the southern mudflats. As a result, the whole area of the Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen itself is actually more fertile and cultivable. Today, in fact, the sabkha supports an extensive investment of wheat production.

given their proximity to water. In most of the wadis, for example, groundwater can be easily tapped by means of shallow well dug into the wadi bed. Also, ancient hydraulic installations exist in many areas for harvesting the infrequent winter rainfall that flows through the wadis as streams or as torrential floods. The water resources of the Araba will be discussed in greater detail below. Climate The present climate is characterized by hot summers and relatively mild winters.10 During the summer months (June-September), the mean daily temperature can often exceed 40o C, whereas the mean daily temperature averages between 20-28o C during the winter months (November-March). The average and extremes of monthly temperatures for the southern Araba in the vicinity of Aqaba are supplied in Table 1. Rainfall in the region is sparse, averaging between 50-100 mm annually, and occurs only during the winter months, while there is a high potential evaporation of up to 5000 mm annually.11 The extremes of daily temperatures combined with the infrequent winter rainfall supports the Araba’s qualification as a typical desert environment.

Sand dunes and sand fields bound the Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen to the east and south. To the west, the mountain range of Jebel el-Khureij rises abruptly near the center of the valley and trends roughly north-south. In the central Araba, sand dunes and sand fields are the predominant landforms. From Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen, for example, the sand district extends as far south as the Taba sabkha.

Water Resources

Other prominent landforms in Wadi Araba include wadi beds and wadi terraces. Significantly, these are the most attractive areas as locales for settlement activity,

The average amount of rainfall and the potential rates of evaporation reflect the extreme aridity of the environment

Figure 4. View of the Taba sabkha from the southeast (photograph by the author). 5

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY of Wadi Araba. For there to be a correlation between the arid nature of Wadi Araba and patterns of human settlement seems obvious, but our data remains too fragmentary to make any definitive remarks, except in areas more intensively studied such as at Faynan.12 We can be certain, however, that the minimum required for human settlement within the valley is the presence of a reliable water source, while the duration and success of human settlement would require the aggregation and conservation of whatever water resources are available. Surface runoff and groundwater are the two obvious sources of available water.

agricultural use. Terrace walls, which are used to attenuate runoff and to control erosion, also appear along the slopes of wadis or wadi beds and allow the area to be put to immediate agricultural use. Another interesting and related phenomenon is the ancient technique of sweeping a slope free of debris and into sporadic intervals of stone piles. Again, the primary purpose was to facilitate runoff.14 Natural springs, which occur throughout Wadi Araba, are the most available source of groundwater, and archaeological remains in the vicinity of most major springs of Wadi Araba attest to their importance and past exploitation. Important springs exist at Evrona, Yotvata, Gharandal, et-Tayyiba, Erga, and Rahel. In areas where springs do not occur, however, groundwater is exploited by means of wells. A meager supply of groundwater can be reached by means of thamail, which are shallow wells excavated into the bed of a wadi or any place where the water table is sufficiently high to be reached (fig. 5). The depth and width of these wells increased proportionally with the increasing demand for available groundwater. Chains of wells, or qanats, were introduced when the demand for groundwater exceeded the local supply, particularly to support expanding agricultural activity. These qanats, or in Arabic foggaras, consisted of a series

Surface water is simply the runoff resulting from the infrequent annual rainfall. Evenari suggests three development stages in which ancient settlers exploited surface water for domestic use. These techniques ranged “from the primitive use of natural rock holes to the digging of open cisterns and finally the construction of roofed-over cisterns excavated in rock.”13 Not mentioned by Evenari, however, are the hillside birkehs or reservoirs for water storage. Retaining walls or dams would be constructed along the slopes or in wadi beds to divert surface water to these storage areas. Retaining walls were also employed to divert surface runoff to cultivated areas for immediate

Figure 5. Open well along the eastern fringe of the Taba sabhka (photograph by the author). 6

INTRODUCTION of wells connected by horizontal infiltration tunnels that enabled groundwater to be tapped at higher elevations and transported over considerable distances to an outlet in the Araba. The qanat system at Yotvata is the most impressive and best preserved in the valley.15

for surface runoff.23 The distinction between the two lies in the fact that sabkhas retain their moisture throughout the year whereas the playas quickly dry up with the advent of hotter weather. Bordering the sabkhas, a few saline springs occur, which is indicative of the high-water table.

An alternative solution for the procurement of water, one favored by the Romans, was to transport water overland by means of an aqueduct. Remains of aqueducts have been found at the larger settlements of Wadi Araba, including es-Safi and Faynan.16

Calcareous loess soils appear in the well-drained areas of the Araba. This soil type predominates in the Qaa’ esSa’idiyeen, for example, and is thus the only cultivated soil to be found in the central Araba (fig. 6).24 This is noteworthy since Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen is a sabkha. Nevertheless, as mentioned above, due to the location of Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen in the central Araba, drainage is facilitated and the soil is typically less saline than the sabkhas in the southern Araba.

Vegetation and Soils Zohary distinguishes at least six distinct soil types in Wadi Araba. These are hammadas, sand dunes and sand fields, Lisan Marl soils, calcareous loess soils, saline marshes, and non-saline alluvial oasis soils.17

Lisan Marl soils occur mainly in the immediate area around the Dead Sea. These are white greyish and often powdery soils that appear as small hillocks rising above the surrounding plains and wadis. The Lisan Marl soils do not generally retain moisture, which means that these are frequently void of any vegetation. Alluvial oasis soils, on the other hand, are generally non-saline and have a high moisture content. These soils occur near the major springs of Wadi Araba and are characterized by dense vegetation.

Over half of the soils of Wadi Araba can be characterized as hammadas, which is “a general and conventional term for gravelly desert plains.”18 The hammada soils here derive from sediments, mostly the detritus of igneous rocks and Nubian sandstones, washed down from the highlands on either side of the valley. Hammadas are characterized by hardened surface layers of alluvium overlying finer fluvial sediments. This alluvial material, which is estimated to be ca. 1000 m thick in some areas, “represents the superposition of multiple generations of retreating and expanding alluvial fans.”19 For the most part, hammadas are the most sterile soil type, which is “a result of drought and mechanical composition and not of chemical composition.”20 The sterility of the hammada soils enhances the desolate appearance of Wadi Araba.

The vegetation of Wadi Araba belongs exclusively to the Saharo-Sindian (also referred to as the Saharo-Arabian and Irano-Turanian)25 territory of plant geography with only small pockets of Sudano-Deccanian elements in the north and northeast sectors of the valley (fig. 7). This limits the vegetation of the Araba to only a few hundred species well adapted to the arid environment.26 Zohary notes that “one of the most striking features of Wadi Araba vegetation is the close relation between plant communities and soil varieties.”27 In addition to the natural vegetation, there are a number of cultivated crops to be found in the valley. Presently, wheat is the most abundant crop of Wadi Araba and “is traditionally grown on the Qaa’ esSa’idiyeen using the flood waters from Wadi Huwar and Wadi Abu Barqa.”28 Also, we might conjecture that grain of some sort, either wheat or barley, was once exploited in the extensive agricultural fields that flank the site of Qasr et-Tlah, as well as in the areas of Faynan and Bir Madhkur. Elsewhere in the northeast Araba, MacDonald reports ancient agricultural fields and terraced slopes, and it seems likely that wheat or barley was cultivated in these areas as well.29 Presently, in addition to grains, one can find today citrus fruits, mango, melons, peppers, date palms, and pistachios cultivated in Wadi Araba. P. atlantica, the source for pistachios, is indigenous to Wadi Araba and was perhaps cultivated here in antiquity, while peppers, melons, and mango are certainly modern imports.30

Prevailing winds sweep away the fine particles from much of the surface of the alluvial fill and erode the Nubian sandstones of the neighboring mountains to form the sand fields and sand dunes that cover about a fourth of Wadi Araba.21 Although sand fields are more common than dunes in the area, the ability of shifting sand dunes to envelop ruins, subsequently obscuring the archaeological record, is an important factor for any comprehensive study of the area. To my knowledge, there appears to be no comprehensive study of the direction and rate of movement of the sand dunes within Wadi Araba. However, Thomas Raikes informs us that “the dominant movement of active dunes is from south to north.”22 The projection of alluvial fans, the presence of shifting sand dunes, and the gradual slope of the southern Araba prevent any permanent drainage into the Red Sea. This is true for most flood events. The less gradual slope of the central Araba, however, does facilitate drainage toward the Dead Sea. When the surface runoff from the adjacent mountains floods into the southern Araba during the rainy season, the flow is attenuated by several playas and four immense sabkhas (see above). These are nothing more than topographic depressions that act as drainage basins

Fauna In any geographical setting, the fauna is an important natural resource. Unfortunately, there is no authoritative source that discusses the fauna of Wadi Araba. Raikes 7

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 6. Agricultural fields in the Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen (photograph by the author). observes that “wild animals are now scarce; a few gazelles are hunted ruthlessly whenever seen, and there are hares, foxes, a few wolves and hyenas, and hyrax, mouflon and ibex in the mountains.”31 H. Chichester Hart, who explored the valley in 1883 as part of Edward Hull’s team, made similar observations (fig. 8);32 and the author himself saw a herd of gazelle in 1998 in the mountains southeast of Aqaba. Domesticated animals such as sheep, goat, and camels can also be found in Wadi Araba, particularly near well-watered areas. Fishing is also prominent in the Gulf of Aqaba; and we can have evidence that garum, or fish sauce, was produced in Aqaba in antiquity.32

inhibits the effective exploitation of these mineralizations depending on the mining technology employed.34 It appears that the mining of copper in Wadi Araba began early in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (ca. 8500-5500 B.C.).35 The smelting of copper, however, began much later. The first clear sign of metallurgical activity, i.e. copper production (smelting), in Wadi Araba dates to the Chalcolithic period (ca. 4500-3300 B.C.). In reference to the Faynan district, Hauptmann et al. inform us that “the [metallurgical] activities appear not to have been continuous but to have peaked in the third and first millennia B.C. and during the second through fourth centuries A.D.”36 Copper production at Faynan is mirrored in the western Araba, particularly in the vicinity of Beer Ora and at Timna.37

Mineralogical Resources The ore deposits of Wadi Araba belong to two distinct ore districts which were separated by the prehistoric, tectonic movements of the valley. These are the ore districts of Timna/Faynan and Elat/Abu Khusheiba. The mineralizations which occur in different minerals of these ore districts are of two types, viz. copper and coppermanganese.33 On account of the complex geologic nature of the Dead Sea Rift, these mineralizations occur at different depths in the geologic strata of either side of Wadi Araba (fig. 9). This affects their accessibility, and consequently,

Finally, there was once some difficulty in determining the source of the fuel required to support the extensive copper industry of Wadi Araba. Nelson Glueck, for example, postulated that “most of the fuel...was imported in the form of charcoal, burned on the heavily wooded slopes of the hills of Edom.”38 This view, however, has been revised by Beno Rothenberg, who submitted for analysis samples of charcoal from smelting sites in the vicinity of 8

INTRODUCTION

Figure 8. Hart’s Illustration of insects in Wadi Araba (from Hart 1891: 174).

had a significant impact on the environment, especially in terms of vegetation coverage.42

Figure 7. Hart’s Illustration of vegetation in Wadi Araba (from Hart 1891: plate 9).

Other Natural Resources This discussion of the natural resources of Wadi Araba would be incomplete without treating two other resources of no lesser significance: bitumen and salt. Both are to be found around the Dead Sea. Sources, in fact, often describe the Dead Sea as the “Salt Sea,” as an indication of the importance of salt production in the area. Furthermore, the Madaba Map, which dates to the sixth century A.D., depicts two ships carrying reddish and grey salt respectively (fig. 10).43 The extraction of salt from the Dead Sea in the Roman and Byzantine periods was clearly significant, so much so that it probably required an extensive military presence to safeguard its collection and transport.44 The exploitation of bitumen from the Dead Sea is also well documented, particularly by the Nabataeans and later under the Romans.45

Timna. These were identified as one of three kinds of the Acacia, viz. A. tortilis, A. negevensis, or A. raddiana— trees of the Acacia grow in abundance in Wadi Araba and are rare in the mountains to the east.39 More recently in the area of Faynan extensive studies have been conducted to determine the fuel sources for the long periods of copper production there. It appears, then, that over the long period of copper production in the northwest Araba, different fuel sources from different vegetation units were used.40 In the Iron Age, for example, the tamarisk bush was a favored fuel source followed by Retama raetam and Phoenix dacttylifera, and it is estimated that 800,000 tons of wood was consumed over an 800 year period. Roman smelters also used tamarisk as well as wood of the Acacia, but the majority of the fuel derived from the shrubs Haloxylon persicum and Retama raetam; in terms of quantity, it is estimated that 320,000-560,000 tons of wood were consumed over a 400 year period. Interestingly, it is also postulated that the mining and smelting operations did not have that great of an impact on the environment in terms of massive deforestation; a process that clearly accelerated after the appearance of the Hijaz railroad.41 In contrast, the results of a landscape survey of the region suggest that the industrial activity in the region, particularly at Faynan,

III. Sources Sources for reconstructing the historical geography of Wadi Araba in Classical and Late Antiquity are varied and, for the most part, fragmentary. These include literary sources, archaeological evidence, epigraphic and cartographic material, and landscape data. A brief discussion of the most relevant sources follows. 9

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY intricate interrelationship between humans and their environment. Yet, even with landscape data, we have to be very careful not to “read” into it what we want to see, particularly in cases when there is so little visible. Evidence of how people in antiquity perceived and represented their environment may be drawn from the extant cartographic sources. One example is the Peutinger map, a medieval copy of a fourth century A.D. road map of the Roman Empire.47 The Peutinger map provides an impressive overview of the cities, towns, road-stations, and geographic details of the provinces. Fortunately for our purposes, the section that depicts southern Palestine and Arabia is complete, so we can identify former routes and settlements, including ancient Haila (Aqaba) in the southern Araba. The only other extant map we have depicting these remote provinces is the mosaic map discovered in a Byzantine church at Madaba, Jordan.48 Bowersock has already emphasized the importance of comparing the Madaba map with the Peutinger map.49 The Madaba map, unfortunately, is fragmentary and does not yield a complete picture of the southern parts of Arabia and Palestine. The Peutinger map, it seems, derived from the written itineraries of antiquity. These itineraries list settlements and mansiones along established routes and distances between each. Unfortunately, no extant written itinerary details routes in southern Arabia, and the itineraries that discuss southern Palestine focus more on routes along the coast and in the Sinai. An occasional reference is made, however, that links the settlement of Pharan in the Sinai with Aila in the Araba and cities in the Negev.50 For instance, the Theodosian itinerary (ca. A.D. 530) records that there are seven stages between Elusa in the Negev to Aila and eight stages between Aila and Mount Sinai.51 An itinerarium of ca. A.D. 570 attributed to Antonius of Piacenza also records that a trip from Mount Sinai to Aila is eight stages.52

Figure 9. Map detailing the physical geography of Wadi Araba and important mineralizations (after Hauptmann et al. 2009: 58, fig. 4.2).

Other sources that provide details similar to written itineraries are the geographical lists of settlements in the provinces, although these lists seldom mention the stages or distances between different settlements. The Onomastikon, the only surviving section of the four part geographical work composed by Eusebius of Caesarea, is an important document of this type.53 Eusebius arranged this volume by making alphabetic divisions of place names as they occurred in several books of the Old Testament and the Gospels. Each entry was then followed by a reference to an actual place or region based on Eusebius’ current historical-geographical knowledge. Although the content of each reference varies in extent and detail, the document remains a valuable reflection of Palestine and Arabia as observed in the late 3rd and early 4th century A.D. Additional mention of settlements in Palestine and Arabia can be found in the Geography of Ptolemy, and the later geographical works by Hierocles, George of Cyprus, and Stephanos of Byzantium.54

We may observe that “all studies of the past . . . draw their evidence from three fundamental sources - documents, archaeology and the landscape,”46 but we must be cautious in how we handle each of these sources and properly evaluate their merits and deficiencies. Documents for sure, given their state of preservation, provide a relatively secure way of unlocking the past. Yet, we must be cautious and objective in our treatment of the written sources as these can often be misleading. Archaeology deals mainly with the material culture, and ceramics, botanical and faunal remains, small finds, and architectural remains assist archaeologists in their analyses and interpretations of the past. However, in terms of analyses, methodological approaches often differ among archaeologists, resulting in intense debate over issues of interpretation. Meanwhile, information gleaned from the landscape can provide a broader contextual basis to historical reconstructions; after all, the landscape is the setting where human activity is carried out, and there is much to learn concerning the 10

INTRODUCTION

Figure 10. Mosaic map from Madaba, Jordan showing ships loaded with salt on the Dead Sea. sites. This is particularly true for comparisons between sites that lie on either side of the border between Jordan and Israel (see below). When attempts have been made to compare sites within the valley, there is usually insufficient information on individual sites to make such comparisons useful.

The Notitia Dignitatum, of which the eastern portion dates to about ca. A.D. 395-400, is an invaluable document that lists settlements in both Palestine and Arabia alongside the Roman garrisons established at each.55 While many of the settlements listed in the Notitia have been reasonably identified through epigraphy, toponomy, archaeological survey and excavation, many others remain obscure.

Alongside the archaeological data, there is an important corpus of epigraphic and papyrological material useful to this discussion. Inscriptions discovered at key sites in the area help scholars to determine periods of occupation and assist as a control for interpreting and dating surface artifacts gathered through regional surveys. Among the more important epigraphic evidence listing settlements in Palestine are four fragmentary inscriptions discovered at the turn of this century at Beersheva. It is clear that these inscriptions reflect an imperial edict that was issued in ca. A.D. 536.56 The Beersheva Edict lists many important cities and towns in the area under discussion, and it provides a summary of taxes to be paid by each settlement along with a schedule of payments for resident officials. This is an invaluable document for gauging the economic importance of this region in the Byzantine period. In this respect, the papyrus fragments from Byzantine Nessana in the Negev are also useful.57

Other literary sources, although limited in their provision of such specific geographical details as those discussed above, remain nonetheless informative. These include excerpts that can be drawn from the works, if only to name a few authors, of Strabo, Pliny, other works of Eusebius, and Procopius. For the most part, their geographic information is limited to mentions of the main settlements flanking Wadi Araba such as Petra, or Aila (Aqaba) at the southern terminus of the valley. These sources will be treated in the chapters that follow in greater detail, as the settlement history of Wadi Araba is further discussed. Archaeological data from Wadi Araba, discussed more below, is substantial and growing. However, as alluded to earlier, the data is fragmented in the sense that major sectors of the valley remain only partly explored. Also, much of the results of previous research in the valley have not been analyzed collectively relative to neighboring

Finally, it must be emphasized again that the available 11

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY the valley, which was essentially terra incognita (fig. 11):

primary sources for reconstructing the historical geography of Wadi Araba for the classical periods or in Late Antiquity are few and fragmentary. In fact, no ancient author mentions or attempts to describe Wadi Araba, which is surprising since the valley is such a noticeable and dominant feature of the landscape. An occasional reference, however, can be found to settlements in the Araba or the peoples who controlled this valley. Zoara (es-Safi), in the area of the Dead Sea to the north, and Aila (Aqaba) in the south, for instance, are the settlements most frequently referenced. However, scattered references to ancient place-names and settlements are only useful when the ancient site is correctly identified with a modern one. Until the correct identifications are made, subsequent reconstructions of the historical geography and topography border upon historical guesswork, although the archaeological data can help to minimize some uncertainties involved. And while there has been an increase in archaeological explorations of Wadi Araba since the turn of this century, the archaeological record itself is not without limitations. Problems remain in attempting to define the development of architectural styles and the building phases of military and civilian structures, to refine the typology and chronology of ceramic assemblages, and to synthesize the vast data gathered from archaeological surveys with the data retrieved through systematic excavation at only a few archaeological sites. Nonetheless, despite these apparent limitations, the corpus of source materials continues to expand and endeavors must be made to synthesize the available evidence within a broader historical framework.

The existence of the valley El Araba . . . appears to have been unknown both to ancient and modem geographers, although it forms a prominent feature in the topography of Syria and Arabia Petræa. It deserves to be thoroughly investigated, and travelers might proceed along it in winter time, accompanied by two or three Bedouin guides of the tribes of Howeytat and Terabein, who could be procured at Hebron. Akaba, or Eziongeber, might be reached in eight days by the same road by which the communication was anciently kept up between Jerusalem and her dependencies on the Red Sea, for this is both the nearest and the most commodious route, and it was by this valley that the treasures of Ophir were probably transported to the warehouses of Solomon. 61 After Burckhardt, a wave of explorers ventured through Wadi Araba, mostly with the expressed goal of visiting Petra. Two explorers of great significance to travel through the valley were Léon de Laborde and Linant de Bellefonds, who set out from Aqaba and travelled north through Wadi Araba to Wadi Abu Khusheiba, which they ascended en route to Petra in 1828 (fig. 12). Upon leaving Petra, they travelled south and descended once again into the Araba through Wadi el-Yutm and returned to Aqaba.62 Significantly, Laborde was the first to produce a detailed map of Wadi Araba, which supplemented that of Burckhardt, and his course through the valley was to become a regular route to Petra.

IV. Previous Explorations and Research in Wadi Araba This section offers a summary of explorations, travels, and archaeological research conducted in Wadi Araba in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Treatment of this information, however, is far from exhaustive or complete. It is not possible, for instance, to list all those who travelled through the valley in any period since not all travelers or explorers had the foresight or energy to document their experience. As for those who did record their activities, not all of these add to our knowledge of Wadi Araba either historically or archaeologically. We have only a fragmentary database of information, and what follows is a summary of that which is of particular importance for illuminating the historical geography of Wadi Araba in the classical or Byzantine periods.58

Two explorers who provide important ethnographic data of the bedouins of Wadi Araba are John Lloyd Stephens and Lord Lindsay. Stephens set out from Aqaba in 1836 and proceeded up the Araba past Mount Hor, where he turned east en route to Petra.63 Lindsay journeyed to Petra in 1837, following the same route as had Laborde nine years previously. Lindsay departed Petra and descended Wadi Namala to Wadi Araba (plate 1), which he crossed to ‘Ain Weibeh (Ein Yahav in Hebrew).64 In 1838, the Comte de Bertou was the first scholar to travel the length of Wadi Araba from the Southern Ghor to Aqaba. De Bertou then set out from Aqaba and travelled north to ‘Ain Ghadyan (Yotvata), where he then crossed the valley and proceeded to Petra. It is noteworthy that de Bertou was the first to speculate on the exact location for the watershed of Wadi Araba.65 The information provided by de Bertou, however, was later criticized by Edward Robinson, who visited the valley the following month. Robinson suggested that the toponymic information provided by de Bertou was almost completely erroneous.66

The Nineteenth Century Edward Robinson, himself a pioneering explorer of the Holy Land, informs us that “Burckhardt in 1812 was the first to visit and describe [Wadi Araba] as it exists.”59 On 27 August, following his famous visit to Petra, Burckhardt, in fact, reached Gharandal in the Araba where he described the geography of the region in detail; his remained the only description of the valley for nearly a generation.60 It is also Burckhardt who first stressed the importance of exploring 12

INTRODUCTION

Figure 11. Section of Burckhardt’s map showing Wadi Araba (from Burckhardt 1822). Robinson himself journeyed from the Dead Sea south along Wadi el-Jeib, crossing the Araba from the west to Wadi Namala, which he ascended en route to Petra. It is important to note that Robinson was the first scholar to discuss in detail the history of Wadi Araba and its geographical importance.

the valley, Wallin noted that he “passed by a spring of tepid and brackish water, round which some families of ‘Umrân Bedawies were encamped.”71 Thanks to Wallin’s publications of his observations, our understanding of the ethnography of the bedouin of Wadi Araba greatly increased.]

Several years after the biblical research of Robinson, the Araba was visited by E. Joy Morris, who travelled north from Aqaba and ascended Wadi el-Yutm on his way to Petra. Where Wadi el-Yutm opens up into the Araba, Morris observed the remains of a wall or dam that had once been built across it. 67 When Morris returned to Aqaba, he joined with a caravan of other travelers, among whom were S. Olin and H. Formby.68 As we would expect, this caravan was destined for Petra.

The Duc de Luynes, accompanied by M. Vignes and L. Lartet, led the first scientific exploration of Wadi Araba in 1864.72 The recording was done by Vignes, “who noted among the results of the expedition first, the ‘exploration approfonde’ of the Dead Sea; secondly, the establishment of certain geographical positions on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea, and thirdly, the study of the course of the Wadi el-Jeib and the location of the watershed of the Wadi ‘Araba...Their particular contribution was to measure barometric pressure at select points along the route in order to determine their exact height above or below sea level, and to collect and publish a number of Arabic inscriptions.”73 The geology of the region was studied in detail by Lartet.

In 1845, G. A. Wallin, who was the first scholar to study the “tribal relationships among the Arabs of his own day”69 seriously, entered Wadi Araba from the Negev “at a point...one day distant from Al’akabá, and two from Wâdî Moosà,”70 which he crossed, and climbed the eastern mountains through Wadi Gharandal. During this brief pass through the Araba, Wallin made two important observations for identifying the bedouin of the region. First he observed that “the ‘Alâwîn [bedouin] generally keep to Wâdî Al’arabá, where they live intermingled with their kindred tribe of Huweitât;” second, as he crossed

Working under the auspices of the Palestine Exploration Fund, Edward Henry Palmer crossed Wadi Araba in 1870 and ascended the Naqb er-Ruba‘i en route to Petra. After his visit there, Palmer returned to Wadi Araba through Wadi Namala and proceeded north to , Qasr et-Tlah, and then to the Southern Ghor, providing brief descriptions of 13

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 12. Illustration of caravan from Mecca entering the fortress at Aqaba (from Laborde 1836: 114). ruins at ‘Ain Fidan and at Qasr et-Tlah.74 The Palestine Exploration Fund then commissioned Edward Hull in 1883 to conduct the first comprehensive topographical survey of Wadi Araba and adjacent areas.75 One of the specialists assembled by Hull to accompany him was H. C. Hart, the first scholar to record in detail the flora and fauna of the valley.76 After exploring the Sinai region, Hull and his party arrived at Aqaba, whence they proceeded north through the Araba as far as the southern shore of the Dead Sea. Hull’s expedition provided much needed information concerning the topography, botany, zoology, and geology of the valley.

footsteps of Hull and his team. Three Pioneers - Alois Musil, Fritz Frank, and Nelson Glueck At the turn of the twentieth century, a new era of exploration of Wadi Araba began, particularly in term of documenting the archaeological landscape. In fact, it is to the pioneering explorations of Alois Musil, Fritz Frank, and Nelson Glueck, conducted early in twentieth century, that modern scholars interested in the history and archaeology of Wadi Araba owe the greatest debt. The published accounts of their explorations remain the standard references for all subsequent studies of the valley; it is for this reason essential that we review their achievements.

We are indebted to these early, nineteenth century explorers and scholars, whose pioneering efforts shed light on the geographical and historical significance of Wadi Araba. Their travel logs, diaries, and letters are themselves a unique genre wherein Wadi Araba is depicted as a wild region. It was an area controlled by the bedouin, whom these authors (with few exceptions) typically described as lawless, savage, and greedy. Nonetheless, it was the approval of these bedouin and the security they provided that allowed these early explorers and travelers to journey successfully through the area. For most of them, Petra was the principal destination and, departing from Aqaba, Wadi Araba was the preferred route (fig. 13). It was not until the later nineteenth century that more scientific inquiries and studies of Wadi Araba became a major objective of those travelling through the valley, clearly following in the

The explorations of Alois Musil, conducted between 1898 and 1902, provide the earliest significant advancement in our knowledge of archaeological sites within Wadi Araba. Musil recorded seven archaeological sites and carefully noted the topography of the region. His most important contribution to scholarly knowledge, however, was in ethnography. In great detail, Musil depicted the lives of numerous bedouin tribes, which he had encountered in Wadi Araba and neighboring regions.77 Volume III of his Arabia Petraea is devoted exclusively to this material. During the winters of 1932/33 and 1933/34, the German scholar Fritz Frank undertook the first modern, 14

INTRODUCTION comprehensive survey of Wadi Araba, and his subsequent publication provided the first catalogued description of archaeological sites within the valley. Frank described and created plans of architectural features, recorded epigraphic material, and noted the presence of surface pottery at many of these sites.78 Contrary to Beno Rothenberg’s assertion that “at most of the ancient sites discovered by Frank in the Arabah he found pottery but, with the one exception of Tell el-Kheleifeh, he refrained from dating them or speculating on their historical significance,”79 Frank did conjecture dates for many of the sites he discovered. At H.aseva for instance, Frank records seeing “römische Keramik”80 and during his visit to Yotvata he records that “die Keramik in der Umgebung ist größtenteils römisch.”81 These are only two examples from a long list of sites reported by Frank to be of Roman origin. Rothenberg is correct, however, in noting that Frank did not speculate on the historical significance of the sites he discovered. This task was assumed the following year by Albrecht Alt, a colleague of Frank, who succeeded in creating a context in which Roman activity in Wadi Araba flourished (see paragraph below). Frank also recorded the barometric pressure at several locations in the Araba in order to confirm heights above or below sea level.

systematic survey of Wadi Araba in 1934 under the auspices of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Glueck recorded thirty archaeological sites in the Araba in great detail, including descriptions of extant architecture, surface pottery, and other evidence of material culture when found.83 As an exploration focused on new discoveries, however, Glueck’s survey may appear to be of secondary importance, since many of the sites he visited had been previously recorded by Musil and Frank. Nevertheless, Glueck was the first to date the archaeological sites in the valley systematically based on surface pottery, which, to put it mildly, was a pioneering achievement. Within three years, Glueck supplemented his ground survey of Wadi Araba with an aerial reconnaissance,84 at which time he documented the extensive agricultural fields at et-Tlah in the northeast sector of the valley. The Twentieth Century Since the pioneering surveys of Musil, Frank, and Glueck, investigations and archaeological surveys of Wadi Araba have become more purposive in nature and limited in terms of geographical extent. This is in part due to the political division of Wadi Araba in 1922 between Palestine and Transjordan and the later creation of the modern nation states of Jordan (1946) and Israel (1948). Since the midtwentieth century, in fact, archaeological fieldwork on both sides of the political divide has proceeded independently, and this continues to hinder general syntheses of the history of settlement within the valley.

The German scholar Albrecht Alt, without visiting Wadi Araba, analyzed the information provided to him by Frank and produced the first comprehensive study of Roman occupation within the valley. In his Aus der ‘Araba II: Römische Kastelle und Straβen, Alt published the first list of Roman castella in the Araba and suggested that a Roman road once spanned the length of the western Araba between Aqaba and Tamara.82 Alt based his work on the analysis of geographical information provided by the Notitia Dignitatum, the Beersheva Edict, Ptolemy, Eusebius, the Peutinger Map, and the Madaba Map. Later in Aus der Araba III: Inschriften und Felszeichnungen, Alt interpreted the inscriptions and rock engravings retrieved by Frank. The importance of Alt’s work cannot be underestimated, since it formed the basis that has guided subsequent research of Wadi Araba in the Roman period.

One of the more comprehensive surveys conducted in the western Wadi Araba has been that of Beno Rothenberg.85 From 1959 to 1961, Rothenberg undertook an intensive, systematic survey of the western Wadi Araba, the Arabah Expedition, the purpose of which was “to investigate not only the valley of the ‘Arabah itself but also all roads, passes and Bedouin tracks leading down to the ‘Arabah...all springs, wells, cisterns and the areas with high watertable where water could be easily obtained by shallow digging . . . [as well as] all areas of arable land and every large concentration of trees . . .”86 In all, Rothenberg recorded 216 sites in the ‘Arabah, which included many that had already been discovered by Musil, Frank and Glueck.

In the footsteps of Frank, Nelson Glueck, as part of his wider survey of Eastern Palestine, conducted a more

Figure 13. View of Aqaba oasis in 1909 (from Hoskins 1912: 296, plate 64.). 15

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY The dominant theme of the Arabah Expedition was to investigate the ancient metallurgical sites of the valley and to place them within a more defined historical context. This led to the discovery of the Egyptian mining temple at Timna; subsequent excavations at this site (up to 1990), along with other metallurgical sites in the western Araba, have revealed important artifactual material that has since redefined the occupational history of the southern sector of the valley. For our purposes, this includes settlement activity in the Nabataean, Roman, and Byzantine periods.

activity in the region was far more extensive, with a decline in settlement during the Umayyad period (A.D. 661-750). In 1985-1986, Burton MacDonald directed the first systematic and intensive survey of the Southern Ghor and northeast Wadi Araba.93 MacDonald was interested in all periods of ancient human activity within his study area, and he published an impressive database of 240 archaeological sites. Although many of these sites were known previously and investigated by other scholars, most were new discoveries. Moreover, MacDonald observed that, between the Hellenistic and Byzantine periods, evidence of occupation in the Byzantine period was far more extensive than any other.

In the eastern Araba, no serious investigation of ancient metallurgical sites was conducted until 1966 when HansDieter Kind, a West German geologist, conducted a limited survey of the area surrounding the ore district of Faynan for Jordan’s Natural Resources Authority. According to Kind, at least 200 ancient mines were estimated to be in this area. Although Kind provided a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the ancient copper industry that once focused around Faynan, he was not a specialist in the history and archaeology of this region.87

In the western Araba, we must recognize the important work of Rudolph Cohen, Ze’ev Meshel, Uzi Avner, and Tali Erickson-Gini.94 Meshel carried out excavations between 1975 and 1976 at the Roman fort and adjacent structures at Yotvata, while Cohen conducted salvage excavations at three important sites in the western Araba, namely, Moyet ‘Awad in 1981, the fort or tower at Mezad Be’er Menuha in 1983, and Mezad Hazeva in 1972 and intermittently between 1987 and 1990. Also in 1987, Avner conducted a survey of the southwestern Araba along the projected alignment of the railway to Eilat. It is noteworthy that Avner discovered sections of an ancient road north of Yotvata and running roughly north-south. More recently, Tali Erickson-Gini has worked throughout the western Araba and has reexamined much of Cohen’s unpublished work.

After Kind, the investigations of Wadi Araba by Thomas Raikes provide a valuable and unique supplement to the explorations of his predecessors. Between 1967-69 and 1975-79, Raikes, a British engineer, made a number of important discoveries and observations while employed to survey the eastern Araba for the construction of the modern highway that links the Dead Sea with the port city of Aqaba.88 While this survey significantly advanced scholarly knowledge of prehistoric activity in the Araba, it added little to what we knew of human activity in the valley between the Hellenistic and Byzantine periods. Raikes’ fieldwork, however, did illuminate the gap present in our knowledge of archaeological sites within the Araba. So much of the valley remained unexplored. The limited state of knowledge of the cultural landscape of the central and southern Araba, in particular, prompted the author’s own interest and research into this remote area.

Beginning in the 1990s, archaeological work in Wadi Araba progressed rapidly. This work has focused largely in the regions Faynan and the Wadi Fidan in the northeast, and Aila and the southeast Wadi Araba. Archaeological work in the Wadi Fidan and Faynan regions has been the most extensive. Beginning with preliminary investigations in 1983, a team of specialists from the German Mining Museum, Bochum, led by Andreas Hauptmann, have conducted a series of mining-archaeological studies and archaeometallurgical explorations in the area of Faynan, Khirbet en-Nahas and Wadi el-Jariye.95 These studies have revealed important, new aspects concerning the technology employed and the chronology and location of ancient mining and smelting activities in the area. They have also helped to refine previous interpretations of metallurgical activity within the Araba. Faynan is now considered to be the largest copper mining and smelting district in the entire valley with an occupational history dating as early as the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 8500-6500 B.C.). For our purposes, exploitation of the copper mines at Faynan, according to Hauptmann, occurred specifically between the second and fifth centuries A.D., and it was after A.D. 500 that “the role of Feinan as a major copper source in the southern Levant ended.”96

There are a number of surveys of areas within Wadi Araba that remain unpublished. William Jobling, for instance, conducted a survey in the northern Wadi Araba in 1979, principally in the vicinity of Wadi Fidan and Faynan.89 In the same year, David McCreery conducted a survey for the Jordan Valley Authority in which sites were investigated from the Southern Ghor to a point just south of Gharandal.90 Also, David Graf visited three known sites within Wadi Araba in 1980 during his survey of the Hisma desert.91 In the western Araba, Uzi Avner has documented hundreds of sites in the Eilat area, but these remain unpublished. In 1982, King et al. conducted their third season of a regional survey of Byzantine and Islamic sites in Jordan, focusing in the Southern Ghor and Wadi Araba as far south as Gharandal.92 This survey was limited to sites previously recorded by Musil, Frank and Glueck. King et al. recognized an early Nabataean and Roman presence in the Araba, but they maintained that Byzantine settlement 16

INTRODUCTION Between 1995 and 2000, British teams, led by Barker, Gilbertson, and Mattingly, conducted a comprehensive landscape survey of the Faynan region along the Wadi Faynan. The thrust of their research was to explore thoroughly the long process of desertification in the region and possible connection to ancient industrial activity.97 Their results have been illuminating, as it now appears that the copper mining and smelting in fact leaked pollutants into the atmosphere and soil and contributed to the slow process of desertification. Also, in the context of this study, they gathered a wealth of new data that places the history of the region in the classical and Byzantine periods into a much broader, well-documented context.

The first season of the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey was conducted over an eight week period between May and June, 1994, with additional seasons in 1996 and 1998.101 The survey operated as a unit of S. Thomas Parker’s Roman Aqaba Project.102 Accordingly, the goals were formulated to illuminate the hinterland of Roman Aila, including one of the principal land routes extending north from the city (fig. 14). The primary goal was to reconstruct the cultural landscape through discovery and documentation of archaeological sites in the region and through a detailed study of the natural environment, in order to understand settlements patterns in the region and to place the history of Aila in a broader regional context.

In 1998, Levy et al. conducted their first intensive pedestrian survey along the Wadi Fidan, as part of a comprehensive research design focused specifically on the Iron Age landscape. This initial survey was followed by further survey work and large-scale excavations.98 Their focus was on the sites of Khirbet Hamra Ifdan and Khirbet en-Nahas. While Levy and his team continue to make important contributions in our knowledge of the earlier periods in the valley, perhaps their greatest contribution has been their consistent, innovative use of state-of-the-art methods and field practices.99

When the SAAS finished in 1998, 330 archaeological sites had been recorded. Statistically, pottery was collected at 186 (56.36 %) sites, lithics at 154 (46.67 %) sites, and among these both pottery and lithics at 100 (30.30 %) sites. No datable artifacts could be found at 90 (27.27 %) of the sites surveyed, some of which exhibited architectural features. At sites where the SAAS collected pottery, 45 sites yielded five or less sherds; 27 sites yielded between six and 10 sherds; 32 sites yielded between 11 and 20 sherds; and 82 sites yielded more than 20 sherds. The sites recorded ranged both in date (from prehistoric to modern periods, although some periods are not represented in the surveyed area) and site type (from artifact scatters to larger settlements). A summary of the more relevant sites of the classical and Byzantine periods will appear in the chapters that follow.

While archaeological work in Wadi Araba up through the mid to late-1990s enhanced our knowledge of the historical geography of the valley, there remained clear gaps in the data. On the one hand, most work focused on the earlier periods of settlement activity. Also, the emphasis was on the mining and smelting activities in the Timna and Faynan regions. The clearest deficiency in our knowledge of the history and archaeology of Wadi Araba, as seen at that time, clearly was the relative absence of any data from the southeast and central sectors of the valley. This encouraged the author to undertake the Southeast Araba Archaeological Reconnaissance (SAAR), followed by the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey (SAAS), the first systematic and intensive survey of the southeast Araba, which preceded the current Central Araba Survey (CAS).

The Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey, as noted, was as a component of the Roman Aqaba Project, one of several projects in the 1990s that examined the archaeological landscape of Aqaba and its immediate territory. The Roman Aqaba Project examined the role of Aila in the larger economy of the Roman Empire. Also, the Roman Aqaba Project complemented the University of Chicago’s Aqaba Archaeological Project, begun in 1986 and directed by Donald Whitcomb, which sought to document the Islamic site of Wayla located in the heart of the modern city of Aqaba.103 Research and conservation of the Islamic settlement at Aqaba continues under the direction of Dr. Sawsan Fakhry of the Department of Antiquities. Furthermore, north of Aqaba, a joint GermanJordanian project has investigated the earlier Chalcolithic period sites, many of which were documented during the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey.104 Also north of Aqaba, Donald Henry concluded a thorough survey of prehistoric sites in the vicinity of Gharandal.105 Finally, Gary Pratico formally published Nelson Glueck’s excavation data from Tell el Kheleifeh, adjacent to the border between Aqaba and Eilat, an Iron Age Persian site on the Gulf of Aqaba that Glueck had dug in the 1930s; regrettably, Mary-Louise Mussell’s renewed excavations at the site in 1999 were not completed.106

The author directed the Southeast Araba Archaeological Reconnaissance between June 12 and June 22, 1993.100 Four specific objectives directed this research. First, a reconnaissance was required to learn more concerning the natural environment, i.e., the geomorphology, hydrology, climate, flora, fauna, etc. Second, a principal goal of the project was to assess the known evidence for past human activity in the area by visiting previously-reported archaeological sites. The third specific goal was to search for evidence of new archaeological sites in the southeast Araba. Finally, the reconnaissance was in the field to assess the prospects (and logistics) for a formal survey of the southeast Araba. The reconnaissance was successful in locating many of the sites mentioned in the unpublished report of Thomas Raikes (see above); in addition, out of 39 sites documented by the Southeast Araba Archaeological Reconnaissance, 17 were new discoveries. 17

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY The Twenty-First Century

fielded a second excavation season in 2010. The goals of the project are: 1) to examine the military occupation in relation to the civilian activity at the site; 2) to examine Bir Madhkur as an administrative center overseeing a range of local economic activity, pastoral and agricultural; and 3) to examine the nature and extent of the local and longdistance trade that passed through the site, thus revealing cultural and economic links between similar settlements within the Araba (e.g., Gharandal, Yotvata) and their connections to such important ancient trade emporia as Petra, Aqaba, and Gaza. The Central Araba Survey is an intensive, regional archaeological, environmental, and ethnographic survey that supports these goals. The study area for the Central Araba Survey stretches ca. 20 km north of Bir Madhkur to Wadi Hamdan and ca. 20 km south to Wadi Huwwar, which corresponds roughly to the southern limit set by MacDonald’s survey of the northeast Wadi Araba and the northern limit of the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey. At present, then, most of Wadi Araba has received some attention archaeologically. This is significant in light of the anticipated construction of the Red-Dead Canal in the very near future. 111 The timeliness of the present monograph, therefore, is clearly evident.

Archaeological work in Wadi Araba has progressed steadily in the new millennium. In the western Araba, most significant has been the excavation of the Roman/Byzantine settlement at Yotvata, under the direction of Jodi Magness and Gwyn Davies.107 This project was in the field between 2002 and 2007 and promises to shed important new light on the Roman and Byzantine military occupation of the region. In the eastern Araba, Levy et al. continue their work in the region of Wadi Fidan. Also, in the south, Benjamin Dolinka undertook a single pilot season in 2002 at Rujm Taba, a Nabataean fort and village along the northwest edge of the Taba Sabhka that showed significant promise. 108 The Bir Madhkur Project and its Central Araba Survey grew out of a short field season conducted at Bir Madhkur in 1997, which involved a reconnaissance survey of the central Wadi Araba and limited excavation of burials at the site to assess merits of future bioarchaeological work there.109 The author returned to Bir Madhkur in 2003 to continue the reconnaissance survey and to assess the logistics involved with launching a comprehensive excavation and survey project at the site, the current Bir Madhkur Project, which began full-scale excavations in 2008,110 undertook an intensive survey in 2009, and

Figure 14. View of Aqaba from the top of Jebel Nuseila, taken in 1994 (photograph by the author). 18

INTRODUCTION

NOTES 1. See, for instance, Rothenberg 1972: 8-9.

21. On the development of the dune fields in the southern Araba, see Saqqa and Atallah 2004.

2. See now Barker, Gilbertson, and Mattingly 2007; Smith 2007.

22. Raikes 1985: 95.

3. See Shehadeh (1985: 27-28), whose observations are limited largely to the Levant and focus on geological evidence along with evidence from the cultural landscape. His model for climatic changes is far from conclusive, as divergent views on the subject persist. For a general discussion of the environmental evidence and the climate in the Roman period, see Greene 1986: 81-86.

23. See Rosenthal et al. 1990: 340.

4. Barker et al. 1997; 1998; 1999; 2000; Barker 2002; Barker, Gilbertson, and Mattingly 2007.

27. Zohary 1944: 206. For a more recent study of the relationship between plant communities and soil types in Wadi Araba, see Jenny, Smettan, and Facklam‑Moniak 1990.

24. Zohary 1944: 209. 25. Zohary 1973. 26. Zohary 1962: 36-67; see also Hardy 1946.

5. As classified by Zohary (1944: 204-5); see also Zohary and Orshan 1956.

28. Raikes 1985: 98.

6. The drainage divide of the Araba that separates drainages flowing southward into the Gulf of Aqaba from those flowing northward into the Dead Sea is ca. 11 km north of Gharandal in the vicinity of the es-Sa’idiyeen sabkha.

29. See MacDonald 1992. 30. For the identification of modern imports of fruit species into Wadi Araba, see Mizrahi, Cohen, and Gur 1991.

7. Bender 1974a; 1974b; Ibrahim 1991; 1993.

31. Raikes 1985: 98.

8. Cooke and Warren 1973; Brown 1997. 9. Blissenbach 1954: 182.

32. Hart 1885. For the production of garum, see Van Neer and Parker 2008.

10. See Ashbel 1964. For a general discussion of the environment, see Bruins 2006.

33. See Hauptmann and Weisgerber 1987: 421; Hauptmann et al. 1992: 4-5; Hauptmann 2007.

11. See Rosenthal et al. 1990: 340.

34. Burgath, Hagen, and Siewers (1984) have shown that it is no longer economically viable to mine copper where primary mineralizations occur between Wadi Abu Khusheiba and Wadi Abu Barqa in the eastern Araba.

12. See Amiran 1953. 13. Evenari, Shanan, and Tadmor 1982: 156.

35. For a preliminary report on excavations carried out at a Pre-Pottery Neolithic tell in Wadi Fidan, see Najjar et. al. 1990.

14. Evenari, Shanan, and Tadmor 1982: 127-147. 15. In general, see Hillel 1982: 177; Rubin 1988. On the origin and spread of qanats in the East, see English 1968; and Lightfoot 2000.

36. Hauptmann et al. 1992: 5; Hauptmann 2007. 37. Rothernberg 1962; 1972; 1999.

16. For Faynan, see Crook 2009.

38. Glueck 1935: 26.

17. Zohary and Orshan 1956: 15‑37.

39. Rothenberg 1962: 17-19.

18. Zohary and Orshan 1956: 14.

40. Hauptmann 2007: 50-54.

19. Rosenthal et al. 1990: 342.

41. Hauptmann 2007: 51, 53.

20. Zohary 1944: 207.

42. See Hunt, Gilbertson, and El-Rishi 2007. 19

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 57. See Kraemer 1958. Cf. Casson 1952.

43. Avi-Yonah 1954; Donner 1992.

58. Röhricht (1890) provides an early and fairly extensive summary of earlier explorations in Palestine, which includes Wadi Araba.

44. Bloch 1971. 45. For references, see Hammond 1959.

59. Robinson 1874: 187; see Burckhardt 1822: 441-44. For a useful summary of nineteenth century travelers in Wadi Araba, see van der Steen 2006.

46. Roberts 1987: 79. 47. On the Peutinger Map, see Miller 1887. For a general discussion, see Dilke 1985: 112-29; 1987; and, more recently, Talbert 2010. Scholars still debate the date of the archetype of the Peutinger map. It has been suggested that the 4th century A.D. archetype, from which the extant map was copied, itself had a 1st century A.D. predecessor. See recent discussions by Bowersock 1983: 167-71; and Dilke 1985: 113-20.

60. Burckhardt 1822. 61. Burckhardt 1822: 443. 62. Laborde 1836. For a detailed discussion of their journey, see De Bellefonds: 2001. 63. Stephens: 1838. See also Bartlett 1989: 20-21, for a summary of Stephens’ journey.

48. See Jacoby 1905; Avi-Yonah 1954; Donner and Cüppers 1977; and Donner 1992.

64. Lindsay 1838.

49. Bowersock 1983: 164-86.

65. De Bertou 1839a; 1839b.

50. On the routes linking Mount Sinai with cities in the Negev and with Aila, see Mayerson 1981. On the sources, see Mayerson 1963.

66. Robinson 1841; 1874. 67. Morris 1847: 289-305.

51. Geyer 1898: 148 (Theodosius, De situ terrae sanctae, 27: “. . . de Elusath in Aila mansiones VII . . . De Aila usque in monte Syna mansiones VIII . . .”)

68. Olin 1843. 69. Bartlett 1989: 23.

52. Geyer 1898: 189 (Antonini Placentini itinerarium, 3940: “. . . alii per Aegyptum, alii per Arabiam reverterentur in sanctam civitam. De monte Sina in Arabia in civitatem, quae vocatur Abila, sunt mansiones octo.”)

70. Wallin 1854: 120. 71. Wallin 1854: 120.

53. See Eusebius, Das Onomastikon der biblischen Ortsnamen, ed. E. Klostermann (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966); and Das Onomastikon der biblischen Ortsnamen: Edition der syrischen Fassung mit griechischem Text, englischer und deutscher Übersetzung, ed. S. Timm (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2005). For general studies, see Thomsen 1903; and Noth 1943. On the date and composition of the Onomastikon, see Wolf 1964; Barnes 1975b.

72. De Luynes 1871-76.

54. For the edited geographical works, see E. Honigmann 1939; Ptolemy, Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia, ed. K. F. A. Nobbe. Reprint (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1966); and Stephanos of Byzantium, Ethnika, ed. A. Meineke. Reprint (Graz: Adademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1958).

77. Musil 1907: 241-310; 1908: 178-215.

55. Seeck 1962. Information on Palestine and Arabia is gleaned from the Notitia Dignitatum [Or.] 34, 37. On the problems of assigning a date to this document, see Bury 1920; Jones 1964.

80. Frank 1934: 254.

73. Bartlett 1989: 24. 74. Palmer 1872. 75. Hull 1884a; 1884b; 1889. 76. Hart 1885; 1891.

78. Frank 1934: 191‑280. 79. Rothenberg 1988: 2.

81. Frank 1934: 239. 82. Alt (1935) identifies Tamara with Qasr Juheiniya el-Fawqa, a site situated outside of Wadi Araba to the northwest in the Negev Hills.

56. See Alt 1921. See now, DiSegni 2004.

20

INTRODUCTION 76; 2000: 374-75.

83. See Glueck 1935; 1939a: 1-13. 84. Glueck 1937: 19-26.

102. Parker 1996: 240-41; 1997a; 1997b: 26; 1998: 37576; 2000: 374-75; 2002; 2003; 2006.

85. Rothenberg 1962; 1971; 1972; 1988; 1990.

103. Whitcomb: 1987; 1994; 1998; 2006; 2009.

86. Rothenberg 1971: 212. 87. Kind 1965.

104. See Khalil 1987; 1988; 1992; 1995; Khalil and Riederer 1998; Khalil and Eichmann 1999; 2001; Khalil, Eichmann, and Schmidt 2003; Brückner, H. et al. 2002.

88. Raikes 1976; 1980; 1985.

105. Henry 2001; 2006.

89. Jobling 1979.

106. See Glueck 1938a; 1938b; 1939b; 1940; Mussell 1999.

90. McCreery 1979. 91. Graf 1980.

107. Avner, Davies, and Magness 2004; Davies and Magness 2005; 2006; 2007; 2008.

92. King 1985; King et al. 1987a; 1987b.

108. Dolinka 2002; 2006a; 2006b.

93. See MacDonald et al. 1987; MacDonald, Clark, and Neeley 1988; MacDonald 1992; 2006.

109. Smith 2005a; 20005b; Perry 2007. 110. Smith, forth.

94. See Meshel 1989; 1993; Cohen 1982a; 1982b; 1983; 1984; 1985; 1988/89; 1990; 1992; 1993a; 1993b; 1994; Avner 1990; 1997a; 1997b; Avner and Roll 1997; Avner, Carmi, and Segal 1994; Erickson-Gini 2006; 2010.

111. See Shirav-Schwartz et al. 2006. It should be added here that a rather unorthodox survey of the eastern Wadi Araba was concluded in 2010, which lasted only a few months, in order to assess the impact on the archaeological landscape of the proposed Red-Dead canal/pipeline. The pedestrian survey (with members at least 50 m spaced from one another) was conducted only along the proposed alignment of the pipeline (J. Safi, pers. com. 2010). As it is so recent, data from this survey has not been published.

95. See Bachmann and Hauptmann 1984; Hauptmann, Weisgerber, and Knauf 1985; Hauptmann 1986; 2006; Hauptmann and Weisgerber 1987; Hauptmann et al. 1992. See also Fritz 1994; 1996. 96. Hauptmann et al. 1992: 8. 97. See now Barker, Gilbertson, and Mattingly 2007. 98. See Levy, Adams, and Shafiq 1999; Levy et al. 2001; 2002; 2003; 2004; Adams 2003; Levy 2009. 99. Additional archaeological work in the Faynan and Wadi Fidan region focusing on earlier periods includes excavations at settlements from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (Finlayson et al. 2000; Finlayson and Mithen 1998; 2007; Simmons and al-Najjar 2006), Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods (al-Najjar et al. 1990), and the Early Bronze Age (al-Najjar et al. 1995; Wright et al. 1998). See also Findlater et al. 1998; McQuitty 1998. 100. Smith and Niemi 1994. The project was conducted under permits granted by the Department of Antiquities of Jordan and funded by an ACOR/USIA Fellowship awarded to the author. Also, the area defined here as the southeast Wadi Araba is the eastern sector of the valley situated between the es-Sa’idiyeen sabkha in the north and Aqaba in the south. 101. Smith, Stevens, and Niemi 1997; Parker 1998: 37521

CHAPTER TWO Cities, Forts, and Caravanserais

I. Introduction

composed this work, the city of Aila, or Ailane, was then called Berenice:

The purpose of this chapter is to provide a comprehensive overview of the major settlements, forts, and caravan stations of Wadi Araba occupied between the Hellenistic and Byzantine periods. These range from larger settlements of agricultural, industrial, and commercial importance to smaller settlements associated with the major defensive structures or castella of Wadi Araba (fig. 15). We will begin with the two largest settlements of Wadi Araba, Faynan (Phaino) and Aqaba (Aila), discussing the sources available for reconstructing their histories and previous archaeological research conducted at each site. Then, proceeding from south to north through the Araba, additional sites will be discussed in turn, again focusing on sources and archaeological studies at each site, in addition to modern attempts to identify some of these with settlements referred to in the ancient sources. The intent is to gain some impression of the scope of human occupation and activity in Wadi Araba for the periods under discussion.

“The king [Solomon] also built many ships in the Egyptian gulf of the Red Sea at a certain place called Gasion-gabel not far from the city of Ailane, which is now called Berenike.”4 When Josephus composed this work, Aila, and the region surrounding Aila, belonged to the Nabataeans, Arab clients of the Roman Empire. No ancient source, however, informs us of when the city was founded or by whom.5 We already have Strabo’s account, written before Josephus, where the city is called Aila, and it is unlikely that the name of the city had changed in such a short period time. Pliny was certainly unaware of it. We are led to assume, then, that Josephus is incorrect in giving Berenice as the contemporary name of Aila. Rather, this probably reflects an earlier tradition when the Ptolemies of Egypt are presumed to have established a foothold in the region (sometime in the second century B.C.) by attacking the Nabataeans and either capturing or founding the city, which they named Berenice, that would later be called Aila.6 But this is all speculative.7 No ancient documentary source informs us of any Greek settlement established on the north coast of the Gulf of Aqaba, and no conclusive evidence of occupation in the Hellenistic period has ever been found near Aqaba itself, except for a few sherds near Tell el-Kheleifeh. We have only the authority of Josephus’ statement, which may be in error.

II. Urban Communities Aqaba (Aila, Ailane) 3268987 N / 693526 E What we know of ancient Aila comes from an array of literary sources as well as the results of extensive archaeological excavations conducted at the site. Among our narrative sources, Strabo, writing in the early first century A.D. and quoting from Eratosthenes, provides the earliest reference to the site. He describes “an overland passage [from Gaza] of one thousand two hundred and sixty stadia to Aela, a city situated near the head of the Arabian Gulf.”1 This reference to Aila as a city (πόλις) and not as a village (κώμη), or some other designation, is noteworthy, as it might suggest that the civic population was fairly large. We also learn from Strabo that Aila is located “on the recess of the Arabian Gulf...called Aelanites,” which is the Gulf of Aqaba today, and it was from Aila that merchants could travel in seventy days to the kingdoms of Cattabania and Chatramotitis in southern Arabia to purchase frankincense and myrrh.2 Also from Aila, according to Strabo, an overland route extended to Gaza,

When Rome annexed the Nabataean kingdom in A.D. 106, Aila would soon become an important settlement at the southern terminus of the Via Nova Traiana. Construction of this major Roman highway, which extended as far north as Syria, was completed between A.D. 111 and 114.8 Interestingly, Ptolemy, writing in this century, refers to Aila not as an urban site (πόλις) but as a village (κώμη). Included in his fourth map of Asia, Ptolemy calls the settlement Elana kome and locates it near the coast of the Red Sea in Arabia Petraea (fig. 16).9 Ptolemy’ reference to Aila as a village may suggest that the settlement declined over the course of the late first century, perhaps as a consequence of the discovery of the monsoons and the subsequent diversion of trade to Egypt.10 We know very little of the history of Aila in the subsequent century, but it is reasonable to assume that Aila grew as a major nexus of overland trade routes. Trade along the Via Nova Traiana, for example, surely benefited the local economy.

The designation of Aila as a city is later supported by Josephus and the Elder Pliny, both writing in the late first century A.D.3 Yet, in terms of the history of the settlement, an interesting problem emerges when faced with this reference by Josephus. Apparently, by the time Josephus

At the end of the third century A.D., Aila rose in importance. 22

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 15. Major settlements, forts, and caravan stations in Wadi Araba (image courtesy of NASA). 23

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 16. Detail of Arabia showing the village of Elana from the Cosmographia of Ptolemy (1482). We learn from Eusebius of the transfer of the legio X Fretensis from Jerusalem to Aila, and he also refers to Aila as a port for the trade with India.11 Aila also served as the base of the prefect of the legion.12 While the transfer of the legio X Fretensis to Aila was probably associated with the military reforms of Diocletian, we can only speculate on his reasons for choosing this site. It is certain that Aila rose as an important port for seaborne commerce in this period. Jerome is the first to allude to the sea trade between Aila and India, which supports Eusebius’ statement.13 At this time, Aila had been incorporated into the restructured province of Palestine, provincia Palaestina Salutaris.14 Nevertheless, while the economic and political crisis of the third century may have had some impact on Aila, which is difficult to assess, the transfer of the legio X Fretensis there meant not only that the population instantly jumped by several thousand but that imperial officials were clearly concerned with regional security, most likely associated with the trade and the revenues that could be generated from it. Unfortunately, our sources do not inform us of the eventual fate of the legio X Fretensis. Based on mention of the site in the Notitia Dignitatum, a directory of military dispensations across the Empire, the legion remained at Aila until at least the fifth century.15

in 325, Chalcedon in 451, Constantinople in 536, and Jerusalem in 536 as well.18 Procopius refers to Aila as a port city where ships depart for India; it is also listed in the Theodosian itinerary and in the itinerary of the pilgrim Antonius of Piacenza.19 In A.D. 630, Aila capitulated to the Muslims. Yuhannā ibn Ruba, a local official at Aila, negotiated the terms at distant Tabuk, and he agreed to pay a one dinar poll tax per adult, a total of 300 dinars.20 If this sum paid represents the actual population of Aila in the late Byzantine period, then the prosperity that Aila enjoyed in the late third century dropped drastically by the seventh century. On the other hand, Yuhannā ibn Ruba could have simply underestimated the population size so as to minimize the tax burden. We are fortunate to be able to supplement these few sources with well-stratified archaeological data. For this study, most relevant is the data from the Roman Aqaba Project directed by S. Thomas Parker. Between 1994 and 2000, Parker and his team investigated the Nabataean, Roman, and Byzantine settlement.21 Before Parker, however, very little was known about Aila or the region of Aqaba archaeologically. Many explorers and travelers visited the site in the nineteenth century, including Rüppel, Laborde, Robinson, Morris, Burton, Doughty, and T. E. Lawrence.22 In the short description of his visit to Aqaba, Robinson sums up what was known of the archaeological history of the ancient site in the nineteenth. As he rounded the head of the Gulf from the southwest, he observed that:

As mentioned in Chapter 1, Aila (Haila) appears on the Peutinger map, where it is depicted at the nexus of at least two important land routes in the Roman Empire. By the early fifth century, Aila was incorporated into the provincia Palaestina Tertia, and it was recorded as such in the early sixth century geographical works of George of Cyprus and Stephanos of Byzantium.16 Also, in the late fifth or early sixth century, we find a certain Stephen, an architect from Aila accompanied by his daughter Nonna and son George, assisting with the construction of a church at St. Catherine’s monastery in the Sinai.17 It is further recorded that Aila sent its own bishops to church councils in Nicaea

“the extensive mounds of rubbish, which mark the site of Ailah, the Elath of Scripture, were on our left. They present nothing of interest, except as 24

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS indicating that a very ancient city has here utterly perished. We did not learn that they have now a name. Further E. than these, beyond a gully coming down from the eastern mountain, are the ruins of an Arab village, mere walls of stone once covered probably with flat roofs of palm-leaves, like the dwellings now just around the castle.”23

Faynan (Phaino) 3390936 N / 739008 E Khirbet Faynan (Classical Phaino) is a major settlement in Wadi Araba and one of the largest centers of copper exploitation in the eastern Roman Empire—it was certainly the largest in the Araba.28 The site is located at the confluence of Wadi Ghuweir, Wadi Dana and Wadi esh-Sharqa in the eastern Araba, where the ruins of Khirbet Faynan dominate the landscape (figs. 17 and 18).29 On north side of the central mound of Khirbet Faynan (ca. 275 x 200 m), at least two Byzantine churches have been recorded (25 x 14.70 m and 23.40 x 13.60 m), which are surrounded by the ruins of ancient walls and floors of other structures. Roads or streets can be made out along the sides of Khirbet Faynan, but these form no apparent grid patter. Also, to the west of the central mound, there is a third church (25 x 14.30 m) and an apparent Byzantine monastery/church measuring 28.80 x 18 m (fig. 19). This conglomeration of walls and structure on and around the central mound of Khirbet Faynan forms the core of the ancient settlement.

Fritz Frank visited the Aqaba in 1933, and he was apparently the first to notice the low-lying mound known as Tell el-Kheleifeh.24 After examining the pottery on the surface, he even suggested that this site was the biblical port of Elath/Ezion-geber established by Solomon. Glueck surveyed the site in 1934 and 1936, and between 1938 and 1940 he conducted extensive excavations of the mound.25 After Glueck, there were virtually no explorations of the region Aqaba until the 1980s, when archaeological work began with the examination of the Islamic settlement along the coast and the Chalcolithic settlements of Tell Maqass and Hujeirat al-Ghuzlan to the north.26 The importance of Parker’s campaigns in the later 1990s in terms of uncovering Nabataean/Roman and Byzantine Aila, therefore, which followed a brief survey of the area by Meloy, cannot be overstated.27

A recent, intensive survey of the site has shown that ancient Phaino probably extended across three broad

Figure 17. Satelite view of Faynan showing the central tell (image © 2010 Google; © GeoEye 2009; © 2010 DigitalGlobe). 25

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 18. Plan of the Faynan region (from Frank 1934: plan 19).

Figure 19. Plan of the church/monastic complex at Faynan (from Frank 1934: plan 21). 26

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS areas of settlement activity, covering an area of at least fifteen hectares.30 Across this large area, hydrological and agricultural features include a dam, a large reservoir linked to several wells, a mill, an elaborate system of aqueducts, terraced slopes, and agricultural fields that extend beyond the central mound for ca. 2-3 km. Also in the vicinity of Faynan are numerous slag heaps, smelting furnaces, and mines that attest to the industrial importance of this settlement in antiquity.31

century, Theodoret refers to the banishment of orthodox Christians to Phaino, a settlement also included in the Beersheva Edict.37 Further in the Byzantine period, with the end of persecutions, it is clear that Christians thrived at Phaino. Not only were churches built at the site, but bishops from Phaino attending church councils at Ephesus in 431 and 449, Chalcedon in 451, and Jerusalem in 536.38 These are the few sources that inform us of the history of Phaino, and it is obvious that they present only a limited view of the settlement’s history over a short period of time. For more concerning the history of the site, we must turn to the archaeological and epigraphic evidence, which happens to be meager for the Hellenistic period (from the fourth to the first century B.C.). Mattingly et al., for example, recorded few Hellenistic sites in the region, and the bulk of the pottery from this early period was found at Khirbet Faynan where there have been no full-scale excavations.39 For the Nabataean and early Roman periods, the evidence is greater, but again the bulk of the material seems to concentrate in the vicinity of Khirbet Faynan. Clearly, then, this area of ancient Phaino was occupied for a very long time, perhaps continuously between the Hellenistic and Byzantine periods, if not later. A few inscriptions discovered in the vicinity of Khirbet Faynan also attest to occupation at the site in the Byzantine period.40

We associate Faynan with the biblical settlement of Punon and the classical and Byzantine period settlement of Phaino (fig. 20).32 For Classical and Late Antiquity, no ancient history of Phaino before the late third and early fourth century A.D. can be written. The settlement does not appear in our sources until Eusebius and Athanasius inform us of the Christians martyred at Phaino, or those banished to work in the nearby mines, where “a condemned murderer can live only a few days.”33 At Phaino, many of those who professed themselves as being Christians were simply executed. In his Martyrs of Palestine, for instance, Eusebius records a whole series of martyrdoms, which includes a description of the fateful day when “Silvanus, bishop of the churches about Gaza, was beheaded with thirty-nine others at the copper mines of Phaeno” while the bishop Nilus and Peleus of Egypt were burnt alive.34 While Eusebius does not mention Wadi Araba when referring to Phaino, he does situate the copper mining district between the city of Petra and Zoara.35 Also, in his translation of Eusebius’ Onomastikon, Jerome adds that Phaino is now a viculus in deserto.36 Later in the fifth

Copper mining and smelting activities in the Faynan region are not at all apparent during the Nabataean occupation of the area, at least not before the Roman annexation and not on any substantial scale.41 A few sherds discovered nearby

Figure 20. Detail of Faynan region by Lucas Cranach, 1508 or 1515 (courtesy of the Jewish National & University Library, David and Fela Shapell Family Digitization Project, Eran Laor Cartographic Collection, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.”

27

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY at major Iron Age smelting sites such as Khirbet enNahas, Khirbet al-Jariya, and Khirbet al-Ghuwayb is not compelling evidence for Nabataean exploitation of copper, though this possibility cannot be discounted. Instead, several small, isolated farmsteads where Nabataean pottery has been found suggest that Nabataean settlement activity in the area was based largely on agriculture—and it is clear that agricultural activity was intensive in the region throughout the classical and Byzantine periods.42 For the exploitation of copper, the investigations of Hauptmann et al. have shown that copper production at Phaino peaked between the second and fourth centuries A.D., and after the year A.D. 500 “the role of Feinan as a major copper source in the southern Levant ended.”43

attention. III. Forts and Caravan Stations Mezad Dafit 3285966 N / 693863 E Mezad Dafit is a small fort located on a low-lying hill about 1.50 km west of ‘Ain Dafiya (‘Ain Dafit) in the southern Araba and ca. 20 km north of Aqaba (fig. 21). The site was first surveyed in 1965 by Rothenberg, who recorded the remains of a structure (ca. 18 x 18 m) that he dated to the Byzantine period. This structure was excavated between 1983 and 1984 by Rudolph Cohen, who identified three occupational levels between the Nabataean and later Roman period.44 The first consisted of a structure (ca. 23.70 x 18.20 m with outer walls measuring ca. 0.90 m thick) with thirteen rooms arranged around a central courtyard. There was a gate, ca. 2.30 m wide, along the eastern wall. The gate opened into a room (ca. 5 x 5.30 m) where three pillars on either side supported arches on which a ceiling of stone slabs rested. Nabataean pottery and oil lamps found at this level were typical of the first century A.D., and there were also found coins of the Nabataean king Aretas IV (9 B.C. - A.D. 40). The second occupational level consisted of reuse and perhaps consolidation of this earlier structure, with the upper portion of the walls constructed of bricks. Coins of the emperors Trajan (A.D. 98-117) and Hadrian (A.D. 117-138) were found at this level as well as pottery typical of the second and third centuries A.D. For the last phase of occupation, the walls of the southeastern corner were thickened and, presumably, a tower was constructed

To sum up (and to state the obvious), the enigma about Faynan is that so few Classical sources mention the settlement or the surrounding region, although the site was continuously occupied since the late Neolithic period and was obviously important as a copper extraction and processing district in the ancient world. The site is not mentioned, for example, in the geographical works of Strabo or Ptolemy, nor is it included in Pliny’s Natural History. Perhaps most surprising, as Mattingly et al. are right to point out, is that several recent studies of the Roman and Byzantine Near East fail to mention Faynan at all, despite the fact that the site and its significance were known since its rediscovery in the past century. Since that time, the ruins of Faynan have been investigated extensively by numerous explorers, archaeologists, geologists, and archaeometallurgists. Fortunately, recent archaeological work at the site has addressed this lack of

Figure 21. Plan of Mezad Dafit (from Dolinka 2006a: fig. 4.4). 28

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS on the spot, while the remainder of the building functioned as a large courtyard. This area served as a campsite mostly, as suggested by a number of camel bones and three cooking installations found in the northwestern corner. According to the excavator, the pottery found in this last phase was typical of the third and fourth centuries A.D. A recent examination of pottery from this site suggests that some of the vessels were produced in Aqaba.45

boulders and mounds of sandy gravel can been seen. However, these may have resulted from modification of the site by bulldozer activity. A large bulldozer cut, for example, was recorded a few meters east and parallel to the west wall. Debris pushed forward by the bulldozer gives the false impression of a northwest corner tower. A light sherd scatter associated with the structure, and similar to pottery collected at the village site discussed below, extends to the southwest along the gravelly surface west of the wadi.

Rujm Taba 3307312 N / 705446 E

The Nabataean village is located east of the highway and ca. 50 m to the south of the fort on the surface of a small alluvial fan. Much of the site was destroyed during construction of the modern highway when a large quantity of gravel was removed from the base of the alluvial fan to line the highway bed. Further modification of the area continues with recent bulldozing activity. During the author’s 1993 reconnaissance, two extant structures were identified, while several large mounds indicate that other structures are present. One of these structures, located at the southern end of the site, measures ca. 10 m square and is partitioned into four rooms of equal size. The second structure, which lies ca. 100 m to the north, is similar in design. The walls of both structures are two courses wide (ca. 0.50 m) and constructed of cobbles and larger stones from the alluvial fan surface. Although the site was visited during the author’s survey in 1994, there was insufficient time to map the area, or to explore the cemetery of roughly 50 tombs/burials located on the steep slope of the alluvial

About one kilometer north of the northern boundary of what is locally known as the Taba sabkha, Fritz Frank recorded a series of ruined structures, a mound of ruins partially buried by sand dunes, and a cemetery.46 Raikes recorded the archaeological remains in the area as that of a “Nabataean fort and village.”47 Subsequent visits to the area were made by David Graf and the author during his reconnaissance in 1993.48 In August, 2001, Dolinka extensively surveyed the site. The Nabataean fort is located ca. 20 m west of the highway and opposite a small, incised wadi that parallels the road (fig. 22). This is a small fort or caravanserai measuring ca. 21 x 21 m and partly buried under sand dunes encroaching from the northwest.49 Part of the north wall, however, remains visible. This is two courses thick (ca. 1.30 m) and constructed of undressed stones. It is difficult to assess whether there are rooms within the structure, although

Figure 22. Rujm Taba: view of the fort (photograph by the author). 29

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY fan that rises above the Nabataean village. However, during the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey, a sizeable surface collection of pottery from the village site consisted of a single modern sherd, 2 unidentified sherds designated as ‘early’, and 257 sherds dated to the Early Roman/Nabataean period. This corresponds to pottery that Dolinka collected, which ranged in date from the first century B.C. to the second century A.D.

two occupational phases, and numismatic evidence from both phases suggests a relatively short period of occupation (roughly 130 years between ca. A.D. 250 and 378).52 He dated the establishment of the fort to the Tetrarchic period (A.D. 293-305), based on coins found in the earliest level as well as on the chance discovery of a Latin imperial inscription (fig. 25).53 Also on the basis of coins, he dated the later level to the later fourth century. More recently, however, Davies and Magness revisited the fort and undertook extensive excavations to refine our understanding of its history of occupation. On the basis of radio-carbon analyses and careful, stratigraphic excavations, three major phases of occupation have been recorded.54 The first phase is of the late Roman period, represented by four successive floor levels and ending with destruction by fire and the apparent abandonment of the fort. The fort was then reoccupied in the Byzantine period (fifth century A.D.), but the evidence of occupation was mostly ephemeral (e.g., dirt floors, mud-brick walls, and open hearths). A third and final phase of occupation dated to the Early Islamic period (late sixth or early seventh– eighth centuries A.D.).

Yotvata 3308516 N / 699547 E Along the western edge of Wadi Araba ca. 40 km north of Aqaba is the oasis of ‘Ain Ghadyan, also known as Yotvata. In an area where water can be obtained at relatively shallow depths, Yotvata served as an important water source, agricultural center, and crossroads in the Araba, with settlement activity extending from the Chalcolithic to the Islamic period. Because of its setting, many have visited and explored the ruins at Yotvata, which span a large area.50 According to Meshel, the archaeological remains at Yotvata may be divided into four groups. These are 1) hydraulic or agricultural remains, 2) tombs, 3) encampments or areas of settlement, and 4) remains associated with regional exploitation of copper.51 Relevant to this study is the extensive evidence of Roman/Byzantine military activity at the site.

About 100 m north of the fort, Meshel excavated the remains of a bathhouse which, although no datable artifacts were found, he held to be contemporary with the fort.55 Davies and Magness also targeted this bath complex during their Yotvata excavations and confirmed that it was contemporary with the early occupation of the fort.

The most impressive feature at Yotvata is the late Roman fort on which a small Turkish police post now stands (figs. 23 and 24). The fort is nearly square in plan, measuring 39.40 x 39.70 m, with four corner towers and a gate along the east wall. Thus, the fort is a typical quadriburgium. The walls of the fort, which are 2.45 m thick, are built of unbaked mudbricks on foundations of undressed field stones with an ashlar facing on the outside. Meshel, who carried out early excavations in the fort, determined

Between 1952 and 1964, Rothenberg visited Yotvata during his survey of the Araba and recorded, in addition to the late Roman fort, the remains of a sand-covered structure with corner towers, measuring roughly 30 x 30 m and constructed of carefully dressed building stones.56 Pottery collected at the structure, according to Rothenberg, dated to the Nabataean and Byzantine periods. Rothenberg also

Figure 23. Roman fort at Yotvata (photograph by the author). 30

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 24. Plan of the late Roman fort at Yotvata (after Meshel 1989: 230, fig. 1)

Figure 25. Latin imperial inscription discovreed at Yotvata (from Roll 1989: 240, fig. 1)

31

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY found two coins. One was a second century B.C. coin from Ascalon, while the other was presumably Nabataean.57 Rothenberg asserts that this structure is the same as the one that Aharoni found in the 1950’s; Aharoni himself argued that this structure was Roman/Byzantine in date. In 1975/76, however, Ze’ev Meshel directed excavations of a number of structures in the area of Yotvata, and he identified Aharoni’s site with his own Early Arab period site.58 This site from the Early Arab period, according to Meshel, includes several structures scattered over a large area. The largest measures ca. 33.50 x 35 m, and it is clearly that which Rothenberg documented. The interior walls are lined with rooms facing an open courtyard, and there is a gate along the south wall. According to Meshel, there are no corner towers and the construction was done almost entirely with mudbricks.

it is sufficient to note that the identification of Yotvata with Ad Dianam on the Tabula Peutingeriana is not definite. The aforementioned Tetrarchic inscription only indicates that the name of the garrison was Costia; and from Late Roman milestones discovered north of Yotvata there is mention of Osia (or Bosia), an apparent variant of Costia.62 Since Osia served as a caput via for the road, we can be sure that the Yotvata was an important military and administrative center in the southern Araba, although we are less certain of its ancient identification.63 Gharandal 3330376 N / 712323 E An important and strategic location in Wadi Araba is the spring and oasis of Gharandal, one of the few water sources in the central sector of the valley, just west of the mouth of Wadi Gharandal. In the nineteenth century, many explorers passed by or encamped near Gharandal, generally in their travels from Aqaba en route to Petra. Burckhardt, it seems, was the first to visit the site, but he did not comment on the ruins there.64 Laborde also visited the oasis, as did Hull and his team much later.65 Musil, Frank, and Glueck each explored the ruins about Gharandal.66 Only Musil sketched a plan of the site, specifically the late Roman fort situated in the floodplain ca. 400 m west of the mouth of Wadi Gharandal (figs. 27 and 28). Later scholars who have explored the site include David McCreery, David Graf, Thomas Raikes, King et al., and the author in 1993 and again in 1994.67

The agricultural systems at Yotvata are truly impressive. A system of qanats extends across the area that once allowed extensive cultivation of the alluvial fan.59 Though it was once thought that qanat systems dated to the Roman and Byzantine periods, or perhaps earlier to the Persian period (fifth to fourth centuries B.C.), recent excavations have shown that the qanats were introduced into the region from Persia in the early Islamic period.60 Instead of utilizing qanats, the irrigation scheme that supported agricultural activity in the Roman and Byzantine periods was based on a series of eleven open pools connected by conduits and channels. Yotvata is presently associated with the ancient site of Ad Dianam portrayed on the Tabula Peutingeriana, the only ancient source where Ad Dianam is recorded as a settlement in Wadi Araba (fig. 26). On the Tabula Peutingeriana, Ad Dianam is marked with a symbol for a large temple, but no such structure has ever been identified definitely in the vicinity of Yotvata.61 There is also a road depicted on the map that links Haila (Aila) with Ad Dianam and then Ad Dianam with Praesidium (Khirbet al-Khalde) on the Via Nova Traiana. While a detailed discussion of this source and the road system will appear in chapter four, at present,

The largest ancient structure at Gharandal is the late Roman fort, which measures roughly 37 x 37 m, with four corner towers. Thus, it is one of several quadriburgia in the Wadi Araba.68 The fort is more or less intact except for several bulldozer cuts that have partially destroyed the south wall. Since the site is situated in the floodplain, there is evidence of further destruction by erosion. Apart from a few visible wall alignments, which includes sections along the west and north walls, the remainder of the fort is obscured by accumulated sand which covers most of the area in and around the site. For these reasons, it was not possible to verify the location of the gateway into the fort during the author’s visit in 1994, although earlier scholars placed it along the eastern wall. Also, due to the fact that sand encompasses so much of the fort, no internal rooms constructed against the curtain wall and surrounding an open courtyard are evident. Two other ruins lie east of the fort. One is simply a wall alignment, oriented east-west, measuring ca. 12 m in length and 0.66 m thick. This is the northern wall of some ruined structure, most likely a bath complex, as it borders a large mounded area (ca. 19 x 19 m) covered with rubble and fragments of mortar and plaster. Another series of wall alignments, the nature of which cannot be determined, is visible further to the east. An aqueduct appears to stretch from the mountain range to supply water to this bath complex. Recently, a team from the University

Figure 26. Section of the Peutinger Map showing Ad Dianam north of Haila or Aqaba. 32

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 27. Plan of Gharandal (from Musil 1907-08, fig. 142)

Figure 28. Roman Fort at Gharandal (image from series IGN-78-JOR 12/100, courtesy of Royal Jordanian Geographic Center). 33

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY of Missouri, Columbia, has begun conservation work on this bath complex.

Situated on the alluvial fan of the Wadi Abu Barqa adjacent to the es-Sa’idiyeen sabkha, ca. 31 km south of the Bir Madhkur turnoff from the modern highway near the village of ar-Risha, is a structure that has been designated simply as the “Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen fort” (figs. 29 and 30).71 Although the small fort, Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen, may have been discovered in the early nineteenth century, it was overlooked by subsequent scholars until reported by Thomas Raikes during his brief survey of Wadi Araba.72 The small fort was later visited by David Graf, and the author examined the site during his reconnaissance in 1993 and again in 1994.73

Albrecht Alt first proposed to identify Gharandal with Ariddela (Aριδδηλα) of the Beersheva Edict.69 This would be the same Arieldela of the Notitia, a garrison of the cohors secunda Galatarum.70 No scholar has since challenged this identification. From pottery collected at the site, it appears that Gharandal was occupied predominately in the Nabataean and Roman periods with a decline in settlement in the later Byzantine period. Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen 3339404 N / 712292 E

The fort is in a ruined state with much of its northern side stripped away by localized bulldozing activity (fig. 31).

Figure 29. Plan of Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen (from Smith, Stevens, and Niemi 1997: 61, fig. 13). 34

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 30. Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen (image from series IGN-78-JOR 12/100, courtesy of Royal Jordanian Geographic Center).

Figure 31. Khirbet es-Sa’idiyeen (photograph by the author).

35

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY However, the two well preserved southwest and southeast corners are visible, which allows the length of the south wall to be measured at 21 m. The length of the east wall measures ca. 32.50 m, but the absence of a well-defined northeast corner makes this measurement specula­tive.74 Again, the main reason for this uncertainty is that most of the north wall of the structure has been destroyed by bulldozer activity. The exposed walls are two courses wide, measuring ca. 0.65 m wide, and are largely composed of dressed limestone blocks. A large, dressed lintel stone with a tabula ansata was found along the north side suggesting the location of the gateway. The structure does not have corner towers, although a large circular mound extending beyond the presumed northwest corner may be an exception. However, it is also probable that the mound is a consequence of the bulldozing activity. North of the structure is a mound of ashy soil with abundant sherds and a few fragments of bone, glass and corroded artifacts. Ceramics from the fort date almost exclusively to the Nabataean and Early Roman periods.

According to Cohen, artifacts retrieved from this level included painted Nabataean pottery and lamps typical of the first century A.D., a stone bowl with a Nabataean inscription, a stone incense burner, and coins of the Nabataean kings Aretas II (ca. 100 B.C.), Aretas III (ca. 85-62 B.C.), Aretas IV (9 B.C. - A.D. 40), and Rabbel II (A.D. 71-106). The latest level of occupational consisted of a tower measuring ca. 9.50 x 9.50 m and constructed in the middle of the courtyard. It had three rooms and a stairwell indicating at least one additional story. Cohen dates the artifacts from this level, which included coins of the emperors Trajan (A.D. 98-117) and Hadrian (A.D. 117-138), to the second and third centuries A.D. Qasr et-Tayyiba 3359119 N / 720522 E Qasr et-Tayyiba is situated in the foothills of esh-Shera near the mouth of Wadi et-Tayyiba (figs. 32 and 33). Musil, Frank, and Glueck each visited the site.77 King et al. surveyed the ruins of Qasr et-Tayyiba in 1982, and more recently, the author surveyed the site as part of the Roman Aqaba Project’s - Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey.78 The site was revisited subsequently during the author’s Bir Madhkur Project.79

A low ridge to the west (Jebel el-Khureij), the south extension of the Jebel ar-Risha, is composed of Cretaceous limestone. Here, along the west flank of the ridge and within view of the small fort, geologist Khalil Ibrahim identified the ancient quarry site from which the stones for the structure were drawn (SAAS Site 274).75 On the basis of surface pottery from the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey in 1994, the quarry activity dates to the Nabataean and Early Roman periods. Thus, the quarrying was contemporary with the occupation of the fort to the east. Of particular interest at the quarry was the discovery of five fragmented, partially worked, discarded, anepigraphic milestones.

The principal structure here is the qasr, a rectangular building measuring ca. 24 x 23 m (fig. 34). A more precise measurement is impossible as the structure is in a ruined state. Its walls are ca. 1.15 m thick, and contrary to earlier observations, there seems to be no evidence of corner towers. Internal structures, however, are apparent. These align against the outer walls of the structure, specifically the north and east walls, and, as it appears, face a central courtyard. Of particular interest is a large of mound of stone rubble situated at the center of the west wall. Perhaps this is evidence of a collapsed tower or gateway. The outer walls of this gateway/tower can now be traced due mostly to recent robbing at the site. Virtually no artifacts can be

Thus far, no scholar has attempted to associate this small fort in Qaa’ es-Sa’idiyeen with any ancient place-name. In fact, it is unlikely that any identification can be made at this time, since the occupational history of the site, as gleaned from the date of surface finds, appears so shortlived. There is little evidence to suggest that the site was occupied in the later Roman and Byzantine periods, for example. Therefore, it would have been ignored in later sources. Whether Ptolemy was aware of the site and included it in his list of settlements for the region is also uncertain. Mezad Be’er Menuha 3354660 N / 705185 E Although several earlier scholars knew of Mezad Be’er Menuha as a water source in the western Araba, it was Beno Rothenberg in 1960 who was the first to document the small small fort or watchtower at the site, which was subsequently excavated by Rudolph Cohen in 1983.76 Cohen identified two occupational levels. The earliest consisted of a rectangular structure measuring ca. 21 x 18.50 m. Rooms were partitioned along the outer walls (ca. 1.90 m thick), and these opened into a large courtyard.

Figure 32. Plan of Qasr et-Tayyiba (from Frank 1934: plan 22). 36

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 33. Plan of Qasr et-Tayyiba (drawing by the author).

found near the qasr except for a low density scatter of badly eroded pottery sherds that extends to the southwest.

From the collection of the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey, surface artifacts from all areas of et-Tayyiba included one undated coin fragment from the qasr along with numerous sherds dated to the Early Roman/Nabataean period. There appears to be no evidence of later Roman or Byzantine occupation at the site, although two sherds of presumably Early Byzantine date were found during King’s survey of the region. Based on Frank’s notes, Alt proposed to identify et-Tayyiba with Afro of the Beersheva Edict.80 There is little evidence to support this identification, just as there is little evidence to support AviYonah’s identification of Afro with Seil ‘Afra, a site near et-Tayyiba.81

Overlooked by earlier scholars are other less impressive remains in the vicinity of et-Tayyiba. Ca. 20 m southeast of the qasr is a long wall, 0.58 m wide and oriented roughly east-west; it extends in sections for ca. 61 m. Another structure, virtually destroyed by numerous robber-pits at the site, can be found due east of the modern well. This structure seems not to exceed ca. 5 x 5 m, given the proximity of the spoil dumps and the exposure of the southeast wall. The spoil dumps here yielded the best sample of ceramic artifacts (showing little erosion) than any other area around et-Tayyiba. Also on the ridges southeast of et-Tayyiba, the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey recorded a number of unique three-sided structures or windbreaks (SAAS Sites 322, 326, 328). Although some pottery was collected at these sites (mostly dating to the Nabataean and Early Roman periods), lithic artifacts predominated. Furthermore, on a small ridge to the south, a recent bulldozer sliced into the hillside and revealed a large mound of slag, indicating that copper smelting at etTayyiba was a major activity in the early Roman period.

Khirbet as-Faysif 3360607 N / 723082 E Khirbet as-Faysif is a small caravan station located to the east of Jebel et-Tayyiba (fig. 35).82 The site was first discovered by the author in 2003. In Summer 2010, under the aegis of the Bir Madhkur Project, Khirbet as-Faysif was partially excavated. Both from the early survey and the 37

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 34. Qasr et-Tayyiba (photograph by the author).

Figure 35. Khirbet as-Faysif (photograph by the author). 38

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS recent excavation, pottery collected at Khirbet as-Faysif is almost exclusively Early Roman/Nabataean, though some Late Roman material is present.

that internal structures were built against the curtain wall and facing a central courtyard. The location of the gateway into the fort cannot be determined as of yet. On the basis of earlier surveys, it was presumed to exist along the damaged north wall. However, soundings along the north wall in 2008 revealed merely a postern gate that opened in the direction of the local well. It is now presumed that the actual gate lies along the east wall. To the northeast a large cemetery has been documented.

The site is in an extremely ruined state. The main structure measures 21 x 26 m. In addition to several robber pits that have been excavated sporadically around the site, its eastern side has eroded into the adjacent wadi. The structure is constructed of cut limestone blocks, with walls that are two courses wide (0.46 m) with rubble fill. There are also interior rooms against the curtain wall that opens into a central courtyard. Beyond the north wall, a thick ash mound is present, a feature not uncommon at many other caravan stations in the Araba. Beyond the main structure, there are other architectural features present. To the southwest, for example, there is a large retaining wall or dam. The site was clearly significant as a road station along the ancient route that linked Petra and Gaza (i.e., the Incense Road).

Another structure, measuring ca. 30 x 25 m., is situated on the bank of a dry wadi, ca. 34 m southeast of the fort. According to Glueck, this second structure may be a birkeh, and the large mound of ash just beyond the south wall of the structure may be evidence for local pottery production.86 However, on the basis of a thorough investigation of these features during the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey, it became clear that this feature was not a reservoir, as Glueck suggested, but rather a large caravanserai/bath complex. Initially, the ruined condition of this structure did not allow for a clear identification of its nature, but there was unmistakable evidence of partitioning along the south wall. Also, distinct wall alignments and linear mounds along the interior face of the south wall could be seen, which suggested that these rooms measured at least 5 x 5 m. Also of interest was a robber pit that had been excavated recently along the outer face of the east wall. This pit exposed a large quantity of pottery sherds as well as evidence that the exterior face of the wall had been plastered. Moreover, although the ash mound to the south contains a considerable amount of pottery sherds, not one kiln waster was found, and among the ceramic artifacts present there are a large number of fragmented pipes, tiles, and glass. To confirm this hypothesis, limited excavations were carried out in the structure in 2008, followed by further work in the structure in 2010. The interpretation of this structure as a caravanserai/bath complex is now definite.

Bir Madhkur 3365072 N / 725066 E Bir Madhkur is another of the major defensive structures situated in the foothills of esh-Shera (figs. 36 and 37). Frank and Glueck both visited the site and noticed evidence of extensive agricultural activity in the immediate vicinity of Bir Madhkur (figs. 38 and 39).83 Glueck also collected several coins from the area including one of Constantine (A.D. 306-337) and another of Constantius II (A.D. 337-361). David McCreery later visited Bir Madhkur collecting predominately Nabataean and Late Roman pottery. He was followed by King et al., whose pottery dates range from the Nabataean to Byzantine periods.84 Bir Madhkur was also surveyed in 1994 by the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey. The author then returned to Bir Madhkur in 1997 to conduct a feasibility study for further, more intensive archaeological fieldwork at Bir Madhkur. At that time limited excavations were carried out at the cemeteries of Bir Madhkur, and a reconnaissance survey was conducted.85 In 2003, the author returned to Bir Madhkur (and for every summer after that time), largely to assess conditions to the site as well as to conduct limited survey work in the territory of Bir Madhkur. This was part of a larger examination of the communication networks and road systems in the area. In 2008, the author launched the Bir Madhkur Project. After a pilot season in 2008, an intensive survey of the environs of the site commenced in 2009, and full-scale excavations at Bir Madhkur began in Summer 2010.

West and southwest of the fort, Frank observed remnants of a complex of domestic houses, and a plan was made of this area in 1994 during the Southeast Araba Archaeological Survey. In an area of ca. 25 x 25 m, numerous intersecting wall alignments and mounds indicate that this is a large complex of concentric structures. The exact nature and purpose of these constructions remains to be determined, but significant progress was made in 2010 when several of the rooms were excavated. On the basis of our preliminary interpretation of the data, it does appear that this area served more or less to support domestic activity.

Commanding the site of Bir Madhkur is the late Roman fort, measuring just over 30 x 30 m, with four corner towers. Thus Bir Madhkur is another of the quadriburgia in Wadi Araba. The fort is in an exceedingly ruined state with much of the northern wall destroyed by apparent bulldozing and robbing. The walls were constructed of worked limestone blocks set two courses wide. Within the fort, rectangular mounds with depressed centers suggest

Another structure is situated ca. 18 m just south of the fort. It measures ca. 18 x 10 m with roughly cut stone walls measuring ca. 0.80 m thick. The entrance into this structure is along the west wall, and there is evidence of at least six internal rooms. Partial excavations of this structure in 2008 did not reveal any information that would allow us to determine its function.

39

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 36. Overview of Bir Madhkur (image from series IGN-78-JOR 12/100, courtesy of Royal Jordanian Geographic Center).

Figure 37. Overview of Bir Madhkur from ridge to the north showing the fort in the center (photograph by the author). 40

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 38. Plan of Bir Madhkur (from Frank 1934: plan 24).

Figure 39. Plan of Bir Madhkur (from Glueck 1935: 168, plate 6).

41

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY Finally, what has become apparent, in terms of the general significance of Bir Madhkur, is its setting in the midst of intensive agricultural activity in the late Roman period. Since 2009, the Central Araba Survey, a component of the Bir Madhkur Project, has recorded hundreds of sites in the vicinity of Bir Madhkur and in Wadi Musa to the south, and many of these sites relate to the agricultural activity that once flourished in this sector of the valley. In 2008, in an effort to understand better the nature and date of this activity, the Bir Madhkur Project excavated a regional farmhouse to the west of the main site. On the basis of the material culture from this excavation, we can conclude that much of the farming activity (at least in the area associated with the farmhouse) dates to the later Roman and Early Byzantine periods.

3364804 N / 722484 E First discovered in 2003, BMP-CAS Site 13 is an isolated structure (15 x 15 m), possibly a road station, located in the alluvial wash of Wadi Musa west-southwest of Bir Madhkur (fig. 40).90 Interior rooms/corridors are apparent along the north and west walls. These are roughly 2.40 x 2.40 m, and no internal partitions are apparent. The walls themselves are two courses wide (ca. 0.50 m). The Central Araba Survey collected Early Roman/Nabataean at the site, in addition to some possible Late Roman sherds. This site was possibly an important way-station at the intersection of a prominent north-south or east-west route through the valley.

Albrecht Alt was the first scholar to attempt an identification of Bir Madhkur, suggesting that it might be the site of ancient Moa, as depicted on the Madaba Map.87 Other scholars, however, proposed to identify Bir Madhkur with Calamona of the Notitia, the base of a cohors prima equitata.88 Alt, on the other hand, identifies Calamona with Ellebana of the Beersheva Edict, but does not attempt to identify or locate the settlement.89 The ancient identity of Bir Madhkur, despite previous attempts to assign an ancient place-name to the settlement, remains uncertain.

Khirbet Umm Qhuntera 3367437 N / 717061 E Khirbet Umm Qhuntera is another caravan station located in the center of the Araba valley west of Bir Madhkur (fig. 41). The site was first discovered by the author in 2003, and re-visited in 2008.91 The main structure measures 22 x 30 m. The walls are constructed of large, unhewn stones collected from the wadi and nearby alluvial surface, set two courses wide (0.52 m) with rubble fill. On the northwest side of the

BMP-CAS Site 13

Figure 40. BMP-CAS Site 13 (photograph by the author).

42

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 41. Khirbet Umm Qhuntera (photograph by the author).

structure, there is evidence of an inner room at least 4 m wide. The gate into the structure is located along the southeast wall, with a 3 m wide entrance and small rooms on either side of the entrance. Just to the south of the structure, there is a large ash mound, which may be evidence of a dump. The presence of such ash mounds now seems to be a characteristic of many of the small forts or caravanserais in Wadi Araba. East of the main structure is a small well or cistern fed by a water channel constructed of cut, limestone blocks (fig. 42). Its size is difficult to determine, but seems to have been 5 x 5 m. There is also a cemetery 70 m to the south with up to seven burials, mostly robbed.

the pottery collected there dates no later than the second century A.D.93 Rothenberg investigated the site in 1954 and confirmed Kirk’s observations.94 Further explorations of the Moyet ‘Awad were conducted by Negev and Gichon, among others, and even Gichon dated pottery collected at the site exclusively to the Nabataean period.95 Gichon also noticed an extensive agricultural zone extending one kilometer east of Moyet ‘Awad; in the area he noted a central tower, water cistern, and terraced fields. Pottery collected from this area dated up to the third century A.D., and presumably some of the stones that make up the terracing derived from the dismantling of the castellum itself. Israel Roll later visited this farming settlement and reported finding Byzantine coins, including one that possibly dates to Justinian (A.D. 527-565).96 Between 1981 and 1984, Rudolph Cohen directed excavations at Moyet ‘Awad, and most of our conclusive evidence about this important derives from his work there, which, unfortunately remains mostly unpublished.97

It is clear that Khirbet Umm Qhuntera is a road station along an important cross-route through Wadi Araba. This was surely the Incense Road itself. Pottery collected at Khirbet Umm Qhuntera is primarily of the Early Roman/Nabataean period, with some Late Roman sherds present.

The principal structure at Moyet ‘Awad is the fort that measures ca. 44 x 41 m (fig. 44). It is constructed of ashlar masonry. The entrance, located at the northwestern corner, consists of a narrow passage ca. 1.70 m wide with two identical rooms or towers (ca. 4.50 x 4 m) on either side. This passage leads into a central courtyard. Four other rooms, with pillars that supported an arched ceiling, were identified along the north wall. Along the south wall five

Moyet ‘Awad 3380744 N / 707367 E Fritz Frank visited Moyet ‘Awad in 1934 and described the remains of a Roman castellum, while Glueck identified the site as predominately Nabataean (fig. 43).92 G.E. Kirk explored the site between 1937 and 1938 and he states that 43

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 42. Cistern partially excavated in 2008 at Khirbet Umm Qhuntera (photograph by the author).

A.D., as well as coins of the emperors Trajan (A.D. 98117), Commodus (A.D. 178-193), and Caracalla (A.D. 198-217).100 It is noteworthy that, in addition to several cooking installations found in the courtyard, excavations here yielded both olive and date pits, almond shells, and pecan shells from each occupational phase. There were also found wicker baskets, straw mats, cloth, and wooden utensils. Faunal evidence here included many bones from camels, goats, sheep, cattle, a pig and some fowl. To sum up, the available evidence from excavations here suggests that it served either as a storage area, a processing center of agricultural produce and livestock, or both.

rooms were recorded, the walls of which were evidently plastered and painted.98 In a room along the west wall, measuring ca. 6 x 5 m, four stone column bases were found along with a stone bench along the eastern wall. This room was interpreted by Cohen as the apodyterium of a bathhouse. Adjacent to this structure on its western side, Cohen identified the remaining rooms of the bathhouse. Two levels of occupation were discerned within the fort, between the end of the first century A.D. and the beginning of the second century A.D. Cohen excavated a second structure located on a small hill west of the fort. This structure measures ca. 17 x 17 m and consists of eleven rooms surrounding an open courtyard (8 x 7 m). As at the fort, the entrance into this structure is in the northwest corner. The walls, constructed of limestone blocks, were plastered, and, presumably, wooden beams found on the floor of some of the rooms served to support a clay ceiling. A staircase (ca. 2.50 x 2.50 m) found near the northeastern corner evidently led to a second story. In one of the rooms along the south side, Cohen found a crushing stone, and a stone basin was found in the courtyard. He suggests that these may be evidence for an oil press at the site.99 In terms of dating this second structure, three occupational phases were identified. The earliest phase yielded ceramics from the third to second centuries B.C. and coins of Ptolemy III (246-221 B.C.). The intermediate phase yielded typical Nabataean ceramic artifacts of the first century A.D. and coins of the Nabataean kings Aretas II (ca. 100 B.C.), Aretas IV (9 B.C. - A.D. 40), and Rabbel II (A.D. 71-106). The latest phase of occupation yielded ceramic artifacts dating to the second to third centuries

West of the fort, Cohen excavated a third structure, the nature of which is unknown.101 The southern part of this structure had been destroyed and only along its northern side (ca. 20 m in length) could four rooms be identified. A single level of occupation was identified at this feature, on the basis of finds that included painted Nabataean pottery and coins of Aretas IV (9 B.C. - A.D. 40) and Rabbel II (A.D. 71-106). A fourth structure excavated north of the fort held a large pool (ca. 11 x 9 m) at its northwestern corner. An aqueduct channeled water from this pool to the bathhouse. Relying on the description that Fritz Frank supplied, Albrecht Alt identified Moyet ‘Awad with the Asuada mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum.102 Abel, and later Avi-Yonah, identified Moyet ‘Awad with Moa depicted on the Madaba Map and included in the Beersheva Edict.103 Also, it is now generally accepted that Moahile of the Notitia Dignitatum, the base of a unit of equites sagittari 44

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 43. Plan of Moyet ‘Awad and its region(from Frank 1934: plan 31).

Figure 44. Plan of Moyet ‘Awad (from Frank 1934: plan 30). 45

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY indigenae, is to be identified with Moa.104 However, not all scholars agree that ancient Moa and Moyet ‘Awad are one and the same, and based on Cohen’s own research at the site, this identification would seem improbable. No obvious Byzantine occupation can be identified at Moyet ‘Awad, with the available evidence suggesting that the site was largely abandoned by the end of the third century A.D. The only exception seems to be the farming settlement located one kilometer to the east. In terms of finding Moa, then, the only major Byzantine period site in the central Araba is Bir Madhkur, which would support the identification that Alt initially suggested (i.e. Bir Madhkur = Moa).

level platform measuring 10 x 20 m, on which a fortified structure once stood. All that remains of this structure are massive wall outlines (ca. one meter wide), but the area is heavily damaged due to clandestine excavations. Below the summit to the south, Mattingly et al. recorded the footing of two towers, in addition to more walls terraced into the east slope. A spur extends eastward from the main structure, where there at least five rectilinear. More prominent, however, is the complex of structures on a spur to the north. The largest is a rectangular, fortified building measuring ca. 8 x 10 m with walls up to 2 m wide. There are six other substantial structures ranging in size between 4 x 4 m and 7 x 8 m. King et al. collected pottery from the site, which included numerous Nabataean, Roman, and Byzantine sherds, and later Mattingly et al. surveyed the site and collected mostly Nabataean and Early Roman pottery.111 Tell el-Mirad was probably an outpost guarding the approach to Faynan via the Wadi Fidan valley; the site commands views between Wadi Araba and Faynan.

‘Ain Rahel 3390586 N / 708163 E On a commanding hill north of the spring ‘Ain Rahel, a structure was surveyed by D. Nahlieli in 1980 and excavated the following year by Nahlieli and Y. Israel.105 This structure is square (ca. 16 x 16 m) and constructed of hewn limestone blocks, with eight rooms surrounding a central courtyard. The entrance into the structure is in the southeast corner. In most of the areas excavated, at least two levels of occupation were initially identified, from the end of the first century B.C. to the first century A.D., but a re-examination of the excavation material now suggests that the Nabataean fort at ‘Ain Rahel was originally occupied in the third century B.C., soon after an earthquake destroyed a similar fort, ‘Ain Erga, which is located a kilometer to the east.106 Apparently, ‘Ain Erga was never occupied prior to its destruction. Seemingly, an earthquake destroyed ‘Ain Rahel before the Roman annexation of A.D. 106.107 Finds from the excavation included pottery and a corpus of domestic artifacts such as mats, baskets, combs, cloth, leather fragments, carved game pieces, and a small wooden goblet. Evidence of agricultural activity is apparent in the organic remains from the excavation, which included shells of almonds and other nuts, pomegranates, and olive and date pits. It is also noteworthy that two camel bones were found during the excavation bearing Nabataean inscriptions inked in black.108

Khirbet Ratiye 3393283 N / 737371 E Khirbet Ratiye is located in a mining district north of Faynan.112 The main feature at the site is a large structure or fort measuring ca. 45 x 28 m (fig. 45). Its walls are partly built of ashlars up to one meter thick. Entrances into the structure appear along the north and south walls. To the east there appear to be remains of two towers and a second structure (or enclosure) measuring 20 x 25 m. Also, at the center of the site are the remains of a multi-storied vaulted tower (ca. 5 x 5 m), and a large well-constructed cistern lies in the northwest corner of the site. A rock-cut water channel leads to the cistern. During their survey of the site, Mattingly et al. found a number of hypocaust tile fragments that suggests the presence of a bath structure. Also, to the north and south of this main feature are the remains of numerous other structures that appear mainly as domestic units. Clearly, this was a small settlement of a military nature associated with the local mining activity. During their survey, Mattingly et al. found only Roman and Byzantine pottery at the site. Khirbet al-Hassiya 3404771 N / 730515 E

‘Ain Rahel was an important Nabataean fort in the central Wadi Araba. According to Erickson-Gini and Israel, ‘Ain Rahel guarded an early Nabataean trade route, the Darb es-Sultan, that stretched from the Araba to Gaza.109 Significantly, archaeological sites discovered on the alluvial plain below ‘Ain Rahel include a Hellenistic farmstead, aqueducts and a caravanserai dating to the first century A.D., none of which have been excavated.

Khirbet al-Hassiya is a large structure measuring ca. 30 x 22 m; it is situated on the north bank of Wadi alHassiya. Fritz Frank was the first scholar to record the site (fig. 46).113 MacDonald subsequently visited the site and proposed to identify its function as a Nabataean caravanserai (fig. 47). The structure was built of unhewn stones with walls measuring ca. one meter thick. Rooms appear along the south and west walls. By the time of MacDonald’s visit, one of the rooms along the west side been robbed and Nabataean pottery was observed in the excavated debris. MacDonald concludes that Khirbet alHassiya is exclusively a Nabataean site occupied from the second century B.C. until at least the beginning of the

Tell el-Mirad 3389399 N / 736020E Tell el-Mirad is a small fort or watchtower on a hill west of Faynan and south of Wadi Fidan.110 The summit of the hillside of Tell el-Mirad has been terraced and forms a 46

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 45. Plan of Khirbet Ratiye (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 711).

Figure 46. Plan of Khirbet al-Hassiya (from Frank 1934: plan 14). 47

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY second century A.D.114 The absence of any evidence of occupation at Khirbet al-Hassiya later than the second century A.D. makes the identification of this site difficult, if not impossible. We should no longer accept Abel’s proposal, followed by AviYonah, that this is Hasta of the Notitia, the base of ala I miliaria.115 Mezad Hazeva 3409281 N / 714795 E Musil visited ‘Ain Hazeva in 1902 and described the remains of a large fort, measuring 120 x 120 paces (ca. 90 m on a side), with projecting corner towers (figs. 48 and 49). He also described the remains of another structure adjoining the fort on its south side and a bathhouse to the east.116 The fort was partially destroyed in 1930 when a police station was constructed on the site. By the time Frank visited the site in 1932, the outline of the fort could hardly be discerned.117 Glueck later visited ‘Ain Hazeva and described the fort as originally a Nabataean caravanserai

Figure 47. Plan of Khirbet al-Hassiya (after MacDonald 1992: 90, fig. 18).

Figure 48. Plan of Mezad Hazeva (from Musil 1907-08: 208, fig. 145).

48

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 49. Plan of Mezad Haseva (after Cohen 1993b).

reoccupied by the Romans; he also observed the foundation walls of various small buildings around the fort.118 B. Mazar and M. Avi-Yonah visited the site in 1950 as part of a study trip and collected pottery, some of which, although unpublished, presumably included painted Nabataean sherds along with some from the Roman-Byzantine period.119 Rothenberg, during his survey of the Araba, examined the ruins about ‘Ain Hazeva and measured the fort at only ca. 54 x 43 m, which was significantly smaller than Musil described.120 Rothenberg also found no signs of any projecting towers. It is noteworthy that Rothenberg observed traces of an ancient road leading east across the Araba from ‘Ain Hazeva. In 1972, and intermittently between 1987 and 1990, a number of structures were excavated at ‘Ain Hazeva under the direction of Rudolph Cohen, giving scholars at long last a more definite view of the occupational history of this important site (fig. 49).121

long, and the southeast tower of this fort (11 x 11 m) have been exposed. Above the Iron Age remains, Cohen identified an Early Roman/Nabataean level of occupation. Finds from stratum 3 included painted Nabataean pottery and oil lamps, in addition to coins from the time of the procurator Valerius Gratus (A.D. 15-26) and of the emperor Trajan (A.D. 98-117). Above this stratum, two additional occupational phases are marked by distinct beaten-earth floors. Stratum 2 dates between the third and fourth centuries A.D., as evidenced from the pottery types and coins from the reign of Constantine (A.D. 324-337). This is the stratum where Cohen identified the remains of a late Roman fort measuring ca. 46 m square with four projecting towers. Above the remains of the late Roman fort, in stratum 1, Cohen found material dating to the Early Arab period. There remains considerable debate over the identification of the fort and settlement at ‘Ain Hazeva in the classical or Byzantine periods. Albrecht Alt first proposed to identify ‘Ain Hazeva with Eiseiba mentioned in the Beersheva Edict, based largely on similarities in their names. Alt also suggested, followed by Abel and Glueck, that Eiseiba is the same as Iehibo of the Notitia Dignitatum.122 Other scholars, however, identify ‘Ain Hazeva with ancient Thamara or Tamara (Tamar),123 a view directly related to the controversy over the northern crossing of Wadi Araba

Cohen determined five occupational strata at Mezad Hazeva. The earliest, stratum 5, consists of the remains of an Iron Age fortress measuring ca. 100 x 100 m with four projecting towers. This would appear to conform to the site described by Musil. According to Cohen, this Iron Age fortress probably existed in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. Another smaller Iron Age fort, stratum 4, was constructed between the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. within stratum 5. Only the eastern wall, ca. 36 m 49

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY depicted on the Peutinger Map and Eusebius’ reference to Thamara as a village, “distant from Mampsis one day’s journey on the way from Hebron to Aila. Now there is here a fort of soldiers.”124 Both ‘Ain Hazeva and another site near ‘Ain Tamar in the Negev Hills to the north, Qasr Juheiniya el-Fawqa, are both viable candidates for the location of Thamara.125

modification and looting of the site by local bedouin and construction workers. The main water supply at Qasr et-Tlah is the monumental birkeh, which measures ca. 34 x 34 m. It lies ca. 50 m northeast of the fort. This water reservoir was fed by an aqueduct that can still be followed up the north bank of Wadi et-Tlah for several hundred meters. The birkeh is constructed of hewn limestone blocks with evidence of plastering on its inner and outer face; there is also evidence of a staircase inside its southeast corner. The capacity of the reservoir, it is estimated, ranges between 6,000-8,000 cubic meters. This volume of water, in addition to supplying the needs of those based in the fort, supported the extensive agricultural activity evidenced by the ancient agricultural fields and field walls in the plain to the northwest.

Qasr et-Tlah 3413217 N / 730598 E Qasr et-Tlah is a large, late Roman fort located ca. 25 km southeast of the Dead Sea on the north bank of Wadi et-Tlah and opposite Wadi es-Sidre (figs. 50 nd 51). The site was visited by both Musil and Frank.126 Glueck visited the site in 1934 and collected, among other artifacts, a Nabataean coin dating to the first century A.D.127 Following Glueck, several archaeologists have explored the ruins of Qasr etTlah. For example, the site was included in the surveys conducted by Burton MacDonald and King et al., and the author paid a brief visit to Qasr et-Tlah during the 1993 Southeast Araba Archaeological Reconnaissance.128 Artifacts collected by MacDonald and King et al. suggest that the site was occupied continuously between the Nabataean through Byzantine periods. More recently, Niemi has examined the site as part of her broader study of the earthquake history of Wadi Araba.129

Scholars associate Qasr et-Tlah with the ancient site of Toloha mentioned in the Notitia as the base of the ala Constantiana and Toloana of the Beersheva Edict.130 There is little dispute over this identification.

The principal structure here is the fort itself, measuring ca. 40 x 40 m with four corner towers; it is another of the quadriburgia in the valley. The walls of the fort measure ca. 2 m thick, and some interior rooms along the curtain wall are visible. Unfortunately, there has been extensive

Figure 50. Plan of Qasr et-Tlah (after Niemi 2007). 50

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS

Figure 51. Plan of Qasr et-Tlah (from Frank 1934: plan 13).

51

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

NOTES 1. Strabo Geography 16.2.30.

18. For the list of bishops from Aila, in addition to Phaino and Zoara, and their attendances at the various councils, see Avi-Yonah 1966: 124, ns. 53, 55, 56; Brünnow and von Domaszewski 1904-09, vol. 3: 250-80. Cf. Gutwein 1981: 127-28, 139-40.

2. Strabo Geography 16.4.4. 3. See Josephus Antiquities 8.163; Pliny Natural History 5.12.

19. Procopius History 1.19.1, 19, 24; Itinera Hierosolymitana Saeculi IIII-VIII (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum), chapters 27, 39-40.

4. Josephus Antiquities 8.163. 5. Parker (2009) makes a compelling argument, mostly on the basis of the archaeological evidence, for the foundation in the first century B.C. under the Nabataean king Obodas III.

20. For a discussion of sources, see Schick 1994: 151-54. 21. On the rediscovery of the ancient Roman port of Aila, see Parker 1994.

6. Diodorus (3.43.5) reports that the Nabataeans “were caught on the high seas by some quadriremes and punished as they deserved.” Strabo (Geography 16.4.18) states that the “Nabataeans formerly lived a peaceful life, but later by means of rafts took to plundering the vessels of people sailing from Egypt. But they paid the penalty when a fleet went over and ravaged their country.” On the date of this encounter, see Bowersock 1983: 20-22.

22. Rüppel 1829: 248-52; Laborde 1836: 95-101; Robinson 1874; Morris 1847: 262; Burton 1879, v. 1: 241-46; Doughty 1888, v. 1: 44-45; Wooley and Lawrence 1936. 23. Robinson 1874: 163.

7. Cf. Glidden 1942: 68, n. 6.

24. Frank 1934: 243-45.

8. Milestones discovered along this route inform us that the construction of the highway was completed under the governor Claudius Severus (A.D. 111-114) and that it ran a finibus Syriae usque ad mare rubrum. Thomsen (1917) remains the standard reference for the milestones in this region. See Graf 1995.

25. See Glueck 1938a; 1939b; 1940. The predecessor to the classical period site is Tell el-Kheleifeh to the northwest. Apart from a single, stamped Rhodian jar handle discovered on the surface of the site, there is no evidence for continued occupation at Tell el-Kheleifeh beyond the Iron II and Persian periods (918-332 B.C.). The site was excavated by Nelson Glueck early in this century but never properly published. For references and the definitive publication of Glueck’s material, see Pratico 1985; 1993. On the date of the stamped Rhodian jar handle to ca. 200 B.C., see Divito 1993: 62, 223, plate 84:C. For a second stamped Rhodian jar handle discovered at Tell el-Kheleifeh, see Parker 1998.

9. Ptolemy Geography 16.1. 10. Bowersock 1983: 21. Cf. Young (2001: 108), who views the overland trade as active throughout the first century. 11. Eusebius Onomastikon 6.17-20 and 8.1-3.

26. For the Islamic site, see Whitcomb: 1987; 1994; 1998; 2006. For the Chalcolithic site, see Khalil 1987; 1988; 1992; 1995; Khalil and Riederer 1998; Khalil and Eichmann 1999; 2001; Khalil, Eichmann, and Schmidt 2003; Brückner et al. 2002.

12. Eusebius Onomastikon 6: 17-20; 8: 1-3; Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.30. 13. Jerome De Situ 907, in Patrologia Latina, vol. XXV, edited by J.P. Migne (Paris, 1845-1899).

27. See Meloy 1991; Parker 2007.

14. Cf. Jerome Hebraicae Quaestiones in libro Geneseos ad xxi, 30, in Opera Omnia, Patrologia Latina, vol. XXIII.

28. Mattingly et al. 2007a; 2007b; 2007c. On the discovery and archaeological work at Faynan, see Musil 1907: 293-98, figs. 150-65; Frank 1934: 217-25, pl. 1921; Glueck 1935: 32-35; King et al. 1987b: 203-204; Hauptmann and Weisgerber 1987. For a more recent, comprehensive account of the ruins of Faynan, see now Barker, Gilbertson, and Mattingly 2007.

15. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.30. 16. See Honigmann 1939; ; Stephanos of Byzantium Ethnika. 17. Discussed by Gutwein 1981: 23. 52

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS 29. This corresponds to WF1: see Barker, Gilbertson, and Mattingly 2007.

50. For early explorations and studies of Yotvata, see Musil 1907: 254, figs. 139-40; Frank 1934: 240, 250; Glueck 1935: 40; 1957.

30. Mattingly et al. 2007b: 313-19; Ruben, Barnes, and Kanan’an 1997; Freeman and McEwan 1998.

51. Meshel 1993: 1517.

31. In general, see Hunt, Gilbertson, and El-Rishi 2007. Mattingly et al. (2007a) recorded this in great detail— immediately across the wadi from the central mound of Khirbet Faynan, for example, there is a clear extenuation of the Classical period settlement, as represented in the field areas of WF2, WF4, and WF11, among others.

52. Only three coins found date to the third century A.D. These are of Elagabalus (A.D. 218-222), Probus (A.D. 276-282), and a city-coin of Caesarea Maritima dated between A.D. 211 and 235. The latest coins are of Valentinianus (A.D. 364-375). Finally, it is noteworthy that coins of Constantius II (A.D. 337-361) were found in both occupational phases. See Kindler 1989: 261‑66; Meshel 1989.

32. See Gen. 36.41; Num. 33.42-43. 33. Athanasius Alexandrinus, Historia Arianorum ad monachos, Patrilogia Graeca, no. 25, 60, 765; Eusebius Ecclesiastical History 8.13.5. Cf. Eusebius Onomastikon 168: 8-10; Eusebius De martyribus Palaestinae 7.8.13.

53. The inscription was discovered in 1985 when a waterpipe east of the site burst and exposed it. For a discussion of the inscription, see Roll 1989: 239‑60, who reconstructs the text of the inscription as follows:

34. Eusebius De martyribus Palaestinae 13.5. See also Eusebius De martyribus Palaestinae 8-12. For a general discussion, see Millar 1984; Gustafson 1994.

Line1 Perpetuae paci 2 Diocletianus Augus(tus) et 3 [[Maximianus Augus(tus et)]] 4 Constantius et Maximianus 5 nobilissimi Caesars 6 alam c(um) osti constituerunt 7 per providentia(m) Prisci 8 pr(a)esidis [[[provinciae]]] 9 [[[?Syriae Palaestinae?]]] Left ear: mul(tis votis) XX (=vicennalibus) Right ear: mul(tis votis) XL (=quadragennalibus)

35. Eusebius Onomastikon 168: 8-10. 36. Eusebius Onomastikon 169: 8-11. 37. Theodoret Ecclesiastical History 4.22; Alt 1921: no. 2. 38. See Avi-Yonah 1966: 124, ns. 53, 55, 56; Brünnow and von Domaszewski 1904-09, vol. 3: 250-80. 39. Mattingly et al. 2007a: 293-95.

41. Mattingly et al. (2007a: 293) suggest that “some active measures were underway during the Nabataean period to re-exploit Faynan copper at least in a minor way.” See also Grattan, Gilbertson, and Hunt 2007.

Isaac 1990: 188, n. 141, insists on reconstructing line 6 to read alam Costia constituerunt, which suggests the establishment of an ala named Costia at Yotvata. Presumably, then, Costia is an abbreviated form for Co(n) s(tan)tia(nam), and although the Notitia Dignitatum records the presence of an ala Constantianam serving under the dux Palaestinae, this ala is stationed at Toloha, identified with Qasr et-Tlah in the northern Wadi Araba.

42. See now Mattingly et al. 2007a: 293.

54. See Davies and Magness 2005; 2006; 2007; 2008.

43. Hauptmann et al. 1992: 8.

55. Meshel 1989: 234-36; 1993: 1520.

44. Cohen 1993a: 1135.

56. Rothenberg 1971: 218-19. This structure was first reported by Aharoni 1954: 12. Gregory and Kennedy (1985: 430) suggest that this structure is the same as the “Nabataean caravanserai” reported by Glueck from the air but never visited or confirmed on the ground. This is unlikely because Glueck reported this structure to be midway between Yotvata and ‘Ain ed-Dafiya, which would place it some 13 km south of Yotvata. See Glueck 1937: 22.

40. See Alt 1935: 64-72.

45. Dolinka 2006a. 46. Frank 1934: 238. 47. Raikes 1976: 14-15. 48. Graf 1980: 6; Smith and Niemi 1994; Smith, Stevens, and Niemi 1997: 57-58.

57. Rothenberg 1971: 218-19.

49. Both Raikes (1976) and Graf (1980) measured the structure to be 12 m square.

58. See Meshel 1993: 1520. 53

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 78. King et al. 1987b: 207, 212; Smith, Stevens, and Niemi 1997.

59. For discussion, see Avner and Magness 1998. 60. Rothenberg (1972: 212, 218) argued for a Roman/Byzantine date, while Evenari, Shanan, and Tadmor argued for a date in the Persian. For recent work, see Porath 1987.

79. Smith 2005b. 80. Alt 1921: no. 2; 1935: 24. 81. Avi-Yonah 1976: 85.

61. However, Porath excavated a structure north of the spring that may be a candidate, but nothing has been published. For a general description, see Meshel 1993: 1520.

82. Smith 2005b: 70. 83. Frank 1934: 228, plan 23; Glueck 1935: 35-37, plan 6.

62. The inscription was published in Roll 1989. See also Eck 1992.

84. McCreery 1979: 9-10; King et al. 1987b: 205. 85. Smith 2005a; 2005b; Perry 2007.

63. See Avner, Davies, and Magness 2004: 405-6. For the milestone, see Wolff 1996; Avner and Roll 1997. This evidence was also recently discussed by Isaac 2006: 216.

86. Glueck 1935: 36; Cf. Frank 1934: 228. 87. Alt 1935: 7, 24, 26, 31, 47.

64. Burckhardt 1822: 441.

88. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.43; See Avi-Yonah 1976: 45; Rothenberg 1971: 217.

65. Laborde 1836: 44; Hull 1889: 83-84. 66. Musil 1908: 193-97, fig. 142; Frank 1934: 231-32; Glueck 1935: 39-40.

89. Alt 1935: 26. 90. Smith 2005b: 70-71.

67. McCreery 1979: 10-11; Graf 1980: 5; Raikes 1976: 17, sites B.21-B.23; King et al. 1987b: 207; Smith and Niemi 1994.

91. Smith 2005b: 70-71. 92. Frank 1934: 275; Glueck 1935: 20, 118.

68. A general measurement of the fort given by earlier scholars is 45 m square.

93. Kirk 1938: 233-34.

69. Alt, 1921: 8, no. 2; Mayerson 1986b: 148.

94. Rothenberg 1971: 217.

70. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.44.

95. See Negev 1966; Gichon 1967: 183, 185; 1980: 852.

71. Khoury 1988: 128-29.

96. See Gichon 1967: 183, 186; 1980: 852, 859, n. 20. For a ground plan of the tower at the farming settlement, see Gichon 1974: 522, fig. 8c.

72. Raikes 1976: 17; 1985: 101. For a possible early identification of the fort, see de Bertou 1839a: 299; Musil (1907: 199) may have noticed this site from a distance. Cf. Alt 1935: 5, 7, 29, who identifies the site as rudschm et-tughr.

97. See Cohen 1982b; Cohen and Israel 1996. 98. Although Cohen (1993a: 1139) identifies six rooms along the north wall and five along the south wall, his earlier description placed eight rooms in the north and nine rooms in the south. Cf. Cohen 1982a: 242-43.

73. Graf 1980: 5; Smith and Niemi 1994. 74. Raikes (1976) estimated that the structure measured ca. 60 m square, and Graf (1980) recorded it as 35 m square.

99. Cohen seems to confuse the location of both finds, the stone basin and the crushing stone; cf. Cohen 1982a; 1993a.

75. Ibrahim 1993: 65-66.

100. Cohen 1993a: 1139.

76. See Cohen 1983; 1984; 1993a: 1135.

101. Cohen (1982a; 1993a) earlier states that this structure is east of the fort.

77. Musil 1907: 282; Frank 1934: 230, plan 22b; Glueck 1935: 37-38.

102. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.32; see Alt 1921: no. 1, 2; 1935: 54

CITIES, FORTS, AND CARAVANSERAIS 26, 40, although he admits the possibility that Moyet ‘Awad could also be identified with Asua of the Beersheva Edict.

126. Musil 1907: 209-11, 214, figs. 148; Frank 1934: 21315, taf. 29a, plan 13. 127. Glueck 1935: 12-17, figs. 4, 5.

103. Abel 1933, vol. II: 181. Avi-Yonah 1954: 21.

128. See King et al. 1987b, 199, 202, 209; MacDonald 1992: 265; Smith and Niemi 1994.

104. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.29; see Abel 1933, vol. II: 181. More recently, see Bowersock 1983: 183.

129. Niemi 2007; Niemi and Rucker 2009. See also Haynes, Niemi, and Atallah 2006.

105. Cohen 1993a: 1143.

130. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.34; Alt 1921: no.2. See also, Alt 1935: 7, 31; Avi-Yonah 1976: 102.

106. See Erickson-Gini and Israel 2003. 107. See Korjenkov and Erickson-Gini 2003. 108. See Cohen 1993a: 1143; Shamir 1999. 109. Erickson-Gini and Israel 2003. 110. See Frank 1934: 225-26; King et al. 1987b: 204; Mattingly et al. 2007a: 296. 111. King et al. 1987b: 204; Mattingly et al. 2007a: 296. 112. Mattingly et al. 2007c: 704. 113. Frank 1934: 215, Taf. 30a, plan 14. 114. MacDonald 1992: 86, 273, fig. 18. 115. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.36; Abel 1933, vol. II: 181; AviYonah 1976: 64. 116. Musil 1907: 207-8, figs. 144, 145. 117. Frank 1934: 254. 118. Glueck 1935: 17-20. 119. Aharoni 1963: 30-42. 120. Rothenberg 1971: 216. 121. See Cohen 1988/89; 1992; 1993b. 122. Alt 1921: no. 2; Abel 1933, vol II: 181; Glueck 1935: 17. Not. Dign. [Or.] 34.42. 123. See Aharoni 1963: 31; Avi-Yonah 1976: 99; Finkelstein 1979: 31. 124. Eusebius Onomastikon 8.8. 125. See Alt 1921: no. 2. Alt (1935: 34-35) first proposed to identify Thamara with Qasr Juheiniya el-Fawqa. For additional references to explorations and results of excavations at Qasr Juheiniya el-Fawqa (Mezad Tamar), see Gichon 1977: 445-52; 1993.

55

CHAPTER THREE Regional Settlement Activity

I. Introduction

foundations or fences for temporary accommodation, probably in tents or huts. Besides early Roman pottery, some late Nabataean painted ware and also seventh-ninth century A.D. pottery, together with several medieval Mameluke sherds, was found, providing evidence for secondary use of these camp sites in later periods.”2

This chapter reviews the smaller settlements and farmsteads that were more or less peripheral to the larger settlements and defensive outposts of Wadi Araba. Here again, the treatment will begin in the south and proceed northwards. This is not a summary of all archaeological sites in the valley dating to the classical and Byzantine periods, however. Such a catalog of sites where Hellenistic or Nabataean, Roman, or Byzantine pottery has been found in the Araba is extensive and growing, where most of the types of sites are merely sherd scatters, temporary campsites, or isolated wall alignments (or temporary shelters). Listing all of this evidence would fall far beyond the scope of the current study. Rather, I will endeavor here to list those sites that will best fill the gap between the larger settlements, in order that the latter may be interpreted in a more comprehensive regional framework. The remaining sites (e.g. sherds scatters where there was clearly human activity) will be discussed in the general conclusion to this monograph.

Apart from this brief description, Rothenberg gives no indication on the size of this site or of its relationship to any ancient roads of Wadi Araba. SAAS Site 72 3273140 N / 699698 E SAAS Site 72 is situated on the alluvial fan surface of Wadi el-Yutm south of the main highway (fig. 52).3 The site, which is visible in the cut bank ca. 75 m east of the

II. The Southern Wadi Araba SAAS Site 43 3269671 N / 697657 E SAAS Site 43, located on an alluvial terrace east of Jebel el-Nuseila, consists of three rectilinear structures with an associated sherd scatter. Two of the structures are simply L-shaped features with walls only a single course wide. The third structure, however, has two preserved corners. To the south are six stone circles or graves, but their relationship to the structures remains uncertain. The pottery from SAAS Site 43 was primarily Early/Late Roman.1 Arabah Expedition Site 46(1-7) 327(2886-4203) N / 69(0249-1124) E Rothenberg describes his site 46(1-7) as a unique military establishment situated just north of Elat. According to Rothenberg, this site “consisted of several groups of structures of obviously military character, resembling modern temporary army camps. Lined up between the hills were the ruins of what must have been mostly living quarters for men and animals. Not enough debris was found around the remains to have provided more than

Figure 52. Site plan of SAAS Site 72 (from Smith 1995: 78, fig. 19). 56

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY side road that leads to Wadi Mulghan and ca. 100 m west of the railroad tracks, consists of a section of a wall (four courses high) exposed in the cut bank. Another section of a wall, (ca. 1.50 m thick and two courses high) is exposed in the cut bank ca. 3 m further to the east. This wall seems to have joined the wall alignment visible on the alluvial fan surface above. Based on the exposure of the walls in the cut bank, it appears that the site is buried under ca. 0.50-0.90 m of fluvial deposits. A third wall visible on the fan surface, ca. 5 m to the south, trends perpendicularly to the others. These wall alignments on the surface are two courses thick with rubble fill. Pottery collected at the site suggests a long period of occupation, from the Iron Age to the Late Islamic period. However, most of the ceramic material that the SAAS collected (153 of 201 sherds) was dated to the Early Roman/Late Roman period. Tile fragments found at the site would suggest a structure existed here of some significance. Possibly, SAAS Site 72 bears some relation and proximity to the Via Nova Traiana where it emerged from the Wadi el-Yutm en route to Aila.

wall for an unspecified structure. It measures two courses wide (ca. 0.50 m), a single course high, and ca. 5 m long. The SAAS collected exclusively Roman/Byzantine pottery at the site. SAAS Site 103 3276036 N / 701009 E Situated in the center of an active drainage channel on an alluvial fan surface south of Wadi Mulghan, SAAS Site 103 is a rectilinear structure, possibly partitioned (fig. 53). Most of the walls have been washed away, but the north corner has been preserved, along with part of the northeast (ca. 3 m long) and northwest (ca. 10 m long) walls. The existing walls still stand up to four courses high in places and are two courses wide (ca. 0.80 m) with rubble fill. The SAAS collected mostly Roman/Byzantine pottery at the site.6 The function of the structure remains unclear, but it may have been a habitation unit. SAAS Site 104 3276257 N / 701115 E

SAAS Site 81 3273546 N / 700942 E

SAAS Site 104, located southwest of Wadi Mulghan, consists of a complex of structures and wall alignments in an area of ca. 20 x 65 m (fig. 54). The largest structure (ca. 14 x 5 m) is elevated on the fan surface above the others. Its southeastern wall section is not visible—either it eroded away or it is buried under sediments. The walls visible on the surface are two courses wide (ca. 0.70 m). Several other wall alignments and circular stone structures are

SAAS Site 81 is a rectangular structure or tower on an alluvial spur overlooking the mouth of the Wadi el-Yutm. The stones that comprise the walls are large (up to half a meter on a side), dressed ashlars. The east wall of the structure measures ca. 6 m, and a possible doorway lies along the south wall. The west and north walls of the structure are buried and hard to delineate. Also, many of the stones of the structure have been robbed, apparently for the construction of the modern structures and entrenchments that cover the entire area. While no pottery was collected at SAAS Site 81, this is probably a classical period structure/watchpost commanding views up the Wadi el-Yutm. Tell Chara Hadid 3275512 N / 691599 E Frank discovered this site on the slope of a solitary hill ca. 4 km north of Elat. Rothenberg later revisited the site.4 Tell Chara Hadid consists of a mound of copper slag, which Rothenberg estimates to be in the range of ca. 50 tons, a round (ca. 2-3 m wide) smelting installation on top of the hill, and the nearby remains of a small structure that appear domestic in nature. Rothenberg dated the pottery from the site exclusively to the Byzantine period. SAAS Site 98 3275662 N / 700629 E Located on an alluvial fan east of a small ridge between Wadi el-Yutm and Wadi Mulghan, SAAS Site 98 consists of two stone mounds and numerous rock alignments.5 The stone mounds measure ca. 3-4 m in diameter, and only one of the rock alignments (ca. 14 m southwest of the stone mounds) was distinct enough to map. This is probably a

Figure 53. Site plan of SAAS Site 103 (from Smith 1995: 80, fig. 20). 57

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 54. Site plan of SAAS Site 104 (from Smith 1995: 81, fig. 21).

visible on the fan surface down the slope to the northeast. Pottery collected here indicates that this habitation site was occupied exclusively in the Roman and Byzantine periods. Importantly, among the sherds the SAAS collected, two were imported Egyptian amphora.7

associated cemetery.9 The largest structure is perhaps a watchtower measuring ca. 15 x 15 m, and it appears mostly as a mound of collapsed stones (fig. 55). Sections of the outer facing of the exterior wall are visible, but the specific size and construction of the walls remain difficult to assess. To the southwest is another ruined structure, with only the foundation stones of its southeast and northeast corners and preserved sections of wall along the east (ca. 7 m in length) and north sides. There are also wall foundations for a third structure nearby, preserved over 3.50 x 1.50 m. Finally, there is a cemetery with burials extending across a saddle between two ridges overlooking Wadi Mulghan. The graves are oblong stone alignments with cleared centers, although one is circular (ca. 1.30 m in diameter). Two of the oblong graves have capstones, and the largest of the graves measures 2 x 1.30 m. Also, most are oriented NW-SE. The SAAS collected primarily Early to Late Roman pottery at the site.

SAAS Sites 106/107 3276452 N / 701630 E (#106) 3276590 N / 701640 E (#107) These sites are located on alluvial terraces along the north and south banks of a small wadi south of Wadi Mulghan, ca. 400 m from the mouth of the wadi.8 SAAS Site 106 consists of a large enclosure wall measuring two courses wide (ca. 0.75 m) and extending ca. 44 m around a small terrace. An apparent entrance into the structure appears along the northeast wall. No artifacts were found at SAAS Site 106. However, Nabataean, Roman, and Byzantine pottery was collected across the wadi at SAAS Site 107, which consists of multiple wall alignments and possible structures. The best preserved structure measures ca. 4 x 4 m, and it is situated at the eastern end of the site. SAAS Sites 106 and 107 may represent some limited farming activity in the region.

SAAS Site 115 3277122 N / 700926 E SAAS Site 115 is located south of Wadi Mulghan along the slopes of a nearby ridge.10 The site consists of four structures along the face of the ridge and three terraced platforms near the base. The structures measure ca. 2.50 x 2.50 m and are enclosed by only three walls (ca. 0.38 m thick) preserved between one to four courses high and constructed of undressed stones. The orientation of the

SAAS Site 113 3277060 N / 701150 E The site consists of at least three structures and an 58

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY

Figure 55. Large structure at SAAS Site 113 (photograph by the author).

open faces is not uniform. The nature and purpose of these stone structures and terraced platforms is unknown, but one is inclined to assign some type of agricultural function. The SAAS collected only Early Roman/Nabataean period at the site.

Located in the southwestern Araba south of Beer Ora (see below), Rothenberg describes this site as a place of Roman smelting activity. According to Rothenberg, “large circular pieces of slag, Roman pottery and several heaps of rubble, perhaps remains of dwellings, complete the picture of a small copper smelting site of only local significance.”13

SAAS Site 116 3277241 N / 701010 E

SAAS Site 139 3289292 N / 701503 E

SAAS Site 116 consists of a ruined structure measuring ca. 3 x 3 m on the summit of a ridge.11 A light sherd scatter is associated with the site.

Located on a small ridge overlooking Wadi Muhtadi from the south, SAAS Site 139 consists of a walled enclosure set up against a cliff face, and four distinct burials, two of which are small stone mounds.14 The wall of the enclosure is two courses thick (ca. 0.65 m) and parallels the curve of the cliff face for ca. 8 m. The enclosure wall is built against the cliff face at the southwest end of the site. Ca. 30 m further south there is a modern concrete water basin. The SAAS collected primarily Roman/Byzantine pottery at the site, along with two sherds dating the Early Roman/Nabataean period.

SAAS Site 121 3278325 N / 699245 E SAAS Site 121 is listed here because it is a single period site perhaps representative of semi-nomadic activity in the Early Roman/Nabataean period.12 The site appears to be a campsite. There are two large areas cleared of stones that run parallel to one another, separated by 0.50 m. One measures ca. 11 x 3 m while the other measures ca. 7 x 1 m, and stones are aligned at each end of the cleared areas. South of this area and on the same surface there is a stone ring (ca. 0.90 x 1.60 m), a stone mound (ca. 3 m in diameter), and an oval rock alignment that measures ca. 2.25 x 3 m. The site lies on the alluvial fan northwest of Wadi Mulghan.

Arabah Expedition Site 28 - Beer Ora 3289323 N / 692035 E Located in an isolated valley south of Timna and ca. 1 km north of the ancient well of Beer Ora are the remains of two large and numerous smaller slag heaps. Ca. 300 m north of the slag heaps, there is a line of ruined structures or houses, which measure ca. 5 x 2 m on average. Rothenberg excavated several of the smaller slag piles and identified many of these as either habitation sites or storage

Arabah Expedition Site 64 3287031 N / 692479 E

59

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 56. Plan of supposed shrine, built from slag, from Be'er Ora (after Rothenberg 1972: 221, fig. 71).

areas. Rothenberg identified another slag-built structure as either an early Muslim mosque or an early Christian shrine (fig. 56). Two main periods of occupation, according to Rothenberg are the Roman period and the early Islamic periods (seventh-eighth centuries A.D.).15

reuse of the site by bedouins “using black Gaza ware.”17 SAAS Site 150 3305125 N / 705500 E This site consists of an isolated structure near the base of a steep hill, in addition to nine cairns on the hill above the structure. The structure may have served as a watchtower of sorts. It measures 5 x 6 m, and its walls are a single course wide (0.60 m), constructed of large boulders, and preserved up to 1.20 m high. The cairns, measuring on average 5 m in diameter and up to 1.50 m high, are essentially tombs built with broad, flat stones covering the burial area. Most of the tombs have been robbed. The SAAS collected pottery at the site that ranged from the Early Roman/Nabataean to the Early Byzantine Period.

Rujm Maqram Hadid 3289986 N / 695323 E Visited by both Frank and Glueck, Rujm Maqram Hadid is located ca. 4 km south of Bir el-Qa’a (see below). The site consists of a ruined structure measuring ca. 6 x 6 m. Rothenberg collected Roman/Byzantine pottery here and observed from the air a row of sand-covered wells connecting Rujm Maqram Hadid with Bir el-Qa’a. Another sand-covered well was found ca. 15-20 m south of the structure.16

III. The Central Wadi Araba

Bir el-Qa’a 696663.3293113 According to Rothenberg, this site consists of an ancient well (1.60 m in diameter) ca. 15 m south of a ruined building, or tower, and located at the mouth of the Wadi Timna. The structure referred to here measures ca. 9.50 x 6.70 m and stands 3 m high. Rothenberg states that the site was occupied in the Roman/Byzantine period, with evidence of earlier occupation in the Iron Age and later

SAAS Site 167 3321430 N / 711430 E SAAS Site 167 is a small settlement located north of Wadi Nukheila (fig. 57).18 A wall alignment, which is two courses wide (0.80 m) and ca. 5 m long, is visible at the southern end of the site. There is a corral-type structure to the north enclosing an area of ca. 6 x 8 m. The walls of this structure 60

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY

Figure 57. Plan of SAAS Site 167 (from Smith 1995: 90, fig. 24).

are two courses wide (0.80 m) and are preserved up to three courses high in places. The northeast and southeast corners are preserved, and what may be the entrance is located along the east wall. There is another structure ca. 12 m further north, with well-preserved north and west walls. An additional wall alignment (a single course wide and badly eroded) and possible structure are situated further north and divided from the southern part of the site by shallow drainages. A wadi bounds the site to the north, opposite which the survey found a petroglyph carved onto a large sandstone boulder. The image is that of a male ibex and what seems to be a female hunter preparing to throw a spear. Virtually all the pottery that the SAAS collected from this site dated to the Early Roman/Nabataean period, though some Late Roman material was found as well.

this road must be dated on the basis of a presumed association with artifacts and other archaeological sites in the vicinity. Along the stretch of the road, for example, the SAAS survey collected Early Islamic, Roman/Byzantine, Early Roman/Nabataean, and Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age pottery. SAAS Site 171, a presumed tower or road station dating to the Early Roman/Nabataean period (see below), was recorded near a section of this road and may be contemporary with it. SAAS Site 171 3321381 N / 709905 E SAAS Site 171 is a large ruined structure that may have been a tower or road station situated north of Wadi Nukheila near a modern well (fig. 59).20 Much of the structure is buried in sand and rubble, making the existing walls difficult to map. The size of the structure appears to be ca. 14 x 11 m. At least one stone block was noticed with tool marks. Unfortunately, the site was virtually destroyed when a bulldozer twice cut through the southern portion of the site; also, two robber pits excavated in the center of the structure suggests an ongoing threat to the site. This pitting, nonetheless, exposed a large quantity of ashy soil pottery. From the collection of the SAAS, solely Early Roman/Nabataean period sherds were recovered. As a tower or road station, SAAS Site 171 would have monitored traffic into and of Wadi Nukheila, as well as north-south traffic through the valley, perhaps that which traveled along a nearby road (SAAS Site 169).

SAAS Site 169 3321180 N / 709175 E to 3330960 N / 712460 E SAAS Site 169 is a stone-paved road that stretches ca. 8 km north from the mouth of Wadi Nukheila to Gharandal (fig. 58). This road was discovered during the Southeast Araba Reconnaissance Survey of the region in 1993 and subsequently surveyed in 1994.19 This road generally keeps ca. 500 m west of the range front escarpment and follows a straight, north-south route that is interrupted by sections buried beneath advancing sand dunes. Sections of the road are missing in some places. The road is ca. 3 m wide and is edged with curbstones. Unfortunately, 61

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 58. Stone-paved road (SAAS Site 169) in Wadi Araba south of Gharandal (photograph by the author).

Figure 59. Plan of SAAS Site 171 (from Smith 1995: 88, fig. 23). 62

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY there is a single stone enclosure or animal pen measuring ca. 8 m in diameter. The walls of the enclosure consist of single course of boulders measuring roughly one meter wide. The ruins of a fourth structure are apparent, which measures 4 x 4 m. Virtually no pottery was found at the site, except for a single Late Roman potbust.

SAAS Site 182 3330980 N / 713245 E North of Gharandal, SAAS Site 182 consists of several bedouin encampments dispersed across the alluvial fan, a large circular structure measuring ca. 9 m in diameter (fig. 60), with a smaller appendage outside the southeast segment of the wall. There is also an isolated grave (1.82 x 1.25 m and oriented NE-SW) nearby and a sherd and lithic scatter across the area. The encampments appear as linear clearings, the largest of which measures 12 x 3 m and incorporates five stone rings measuring on average 4.80 m in diameter. Three of these stone rings may be in fact hut circles—a possible hearth is associated with one of these features. There are three additional encampments on the same alluvial surface to the northeast, where there are also at least nine other stone rings or hut circles. Most of the pottery from the site could not be identified, but the SAAS did collect 13 Early Roman/Late Roman sherds.

SAAS Site 186 3331078 N / 712750 E Situated on a low-lying hill north of Gharandal, where the modern police post now sits, the SAAS recorded a damaged wall alignment.21 The wall measures ca. 6 m in length and only a single course is preserved. Whatever structure once stood here, it was no doubt destroyed by the construction of the modern building. Could this have been a small tower visible from the Roman castellum at Gharandal? A light sherd scatter on the surface of the hill yielded Early Roman/Nabataean and Roman/Byzantine pottery. SAAS Site 193 3331800 N / 713632 E

SAAS Site 184 3331035 N / 712867 E

This site is located on a wadi terrace along the south bank of Wadi el-Quseib. The site consists of a small cemetery with at least six graves, most of which appear as oblong stone piles. The best preserved measures 2.60 x 1.70 m; it is oriented east-west. Nearby is a large stone mound or ruined structure measuring 6.70 m in diameter and preserved up to 0.92 m high. An apparent well, now

This site is located on a small wadi terrace above an ephemeral drainage northeast of Gharandal. The site consists of four collapsed structures. One measures ca. 5.20 m in diameter and the other measures ca. 5.80 x 5.20 m, with walls preserved up 0.60 m. Above these structures is a third that measures 6 x 4 m. Ca. 55 m to the north,

Figure 60. Large enclosure at SAAS Site 182 (photograph by the author). 63

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY a nomadic encampment and with various oblong stone features spread out across the site. The structure measures 4.60 x 5.80 m, and it is constructed of large boulders ranging in size from 0.30-0.90 m on a side. A possible wall alignment, two courses wide, lies on the north side of the structure, and in the northwest corner of the structure there is a circular area enclosed by boulders measuring ca. 1.50 m in diameter. The encampment itself covers the entire site, with multiple remains of hearths, clearings, various rock alignments, and small stone enclosures. Modern debris was found scattered on the surface. Finally the various oblong stone features are probably graves (fig. 62). The SAAS collected a range of pottery from the site, which included early Chalcolithic/Early Bronze and Iron Age (Negevite) pottery. Most of the pottery the SAAS collected, however, ranged from the Early Roman/Nabataean period to the Early Byzantine period.

Figure 61. Cross-mark cut on boulder at SAAS Site 193 (drawing by the author).

SAAS Site 203 3331940 N / 714440 E

silted over, lies ca. 19 m from this mound. Also nearby, the SAAS recorded a small stone with a cross-like design etched on its surface (fig. 61). The dimensions of the stone are 0.87 m long x 0.78 m wide x 0.58 m high. Most of the pottery was Early/Late Roman. There was also an Early Roman/Nabataean potbust collected at the site.

This site is located on a wadi terrace along the south bank of Wadi el-Quseib, where the SAAS recorded at least eight features. These include two prominent hut circles/small structures, each measuring between 3-4 m in diameter, built of large stones between 0.30-0.40 m on a side. Most of the features recorded at the site included miscellaneous wall alignments. Several appear as retaining walls, so they may have served some agricultural purpose. In places, these walls are preserved up to three courses high (0.60 m). Numerous burials are also scattered across the

SAAS Site 199 3332050 N / 714135 E SAAS Site 199 consists of a ruined structure set within

Figure 62. Probable grave at SAAS Site 199, with an encampment in the background (photograph by the author). 64

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY wadi terrace, and these vary in size and type. Because of recent bedouin camping activity in the area and erosion, no exact number of burials could be counted, although there is estimated to be up to twenty. Most of these appear as rock piles, on average measuring 2.15 x 0.70 m. There is, however, no set type of grave—some burials appear more rounded or as small ovoid rock alignments. The SAAS collected mostly Roman pottery at the site.

The site consists of a large cairn measuring ca. 3.30 m in diameter, a semicircular arrangement of stones (perhaps a hut circle) measuring 3.60 x 2.16 m and open on its east face, and a large clearing covering an area of ca. 23 x 2.30 m and oriented roughly east-west. The clearing is probably the remains of an tent encampment, since a small hearth with an exterior diameter of 0.80 m was recorded nearby. There is also a series of ca. 19 graves spread out across the wadi terrace. The types of graves range from rectilinear forms constructed of boulders to small stone piles of tumble. The SAAS collected Early Roman/Nabataean and Later Roman pottery at the site.

63). The largest of the structures measures 5.10 x 3.50 m, with walls preserved up to one meter or six courses high. There is an entrance along the southeast wall, and what seems to be storage bin (ca. 0.50 x 0.50 m) lies in the northwest corner of the structure. A second structure, built of local chert and sandstone boulders, is smaller and measures 3.80 x 3.20 m. The other structures are similar—none exceed four meters on a side, and most are well-preserved. At the far western end of the site there is a much smaller, isolated structure measuring 2.60 x 2.50 m—foundation stones for the east wall are visible, and one large boulder is built into the northwest corner. The last of the structures recorded appears to have two adjacent compartments appended to one another. The west compartment opens to the south. The structure itself measures 3.90 x 2.50 m, with walls that are roughly circular and interior dimensions of 0.80 m in diameter. Its walls are a single course wide (ca. 0.30 m) and a single course high. Finally, the SAAS recorded numerous stone piles, hearths, and stone-lined pits spread out across the site, in addition to a small grave at the western end of the site. Pottery collected at the site ranged from the Early Roman/Nabataean to the Late Roman/Early Byzantine period.

SAAS Site 207 3332285 N / 714935 E

SAAS Site 219 3334930 N / 714415 E

This is a small settlement on a wadi terrace above Wadi el-Quseib, where the SAAS recorded ten distinct features, seven of which were ruined structures or small houses (fig.

SAAS Site 219 consists of three large cairns (structures?), numerous stone rings, and stone mounds. This may be a cemetery associated with one or two small structures. The

SAAS Site 204 3332025 N / 714485 E

Figure 63. Small house structure at SAAS Site 207 (photograph by the author). 65

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY site is located on an elevated terrace above Wadi Museimir. The cemetery itself consists of roughly 12 graves (most appear as stone mounds). The cairns lie southwest of the cemetery. The largest measures 2.70 x 2.30 m. Much pottery of several periods was recorded from all over the site. This included sherds that were dated to the Early Roman/Nabataean, Roman/Byzantine, Early Byzantine, Abbasid, and Ottoman periods.

unspecified structure nearby, possibly domestic in nature, measures ca. 5 x 3.30 m—the thickness of the tumble of the collapsed walls is 0.90-1 m and the boulders utilized are large (ca. 0.60 m on a side). Other wall alignments and additional structures (less well-preserved) were recorded as well. Also, there are several hut circles and stone rings. The largest of the hut circles measures 3.30 m in diameter. Connecting these features is an apparent ancient road or pathway along the alluvial terrace. It measures ca. 2 m wide and extends east-west for ca. 52 m. The pathway has been mostly cleared of large stones. In addition to these features, the SAAS also recorded a number of graves at the site, not all of which appeared ancient, as well as two bedouin encampments. Pottery collected at the site was primarily Early and Late Roman, which included some imported African Red Slip.

SAAS Site 221 3334990 N / 714755 E SAAS Site 221 consists of at least nineteen features spread across an alluvial terrace above the north bank of Wadi Museimir. The entire site covers an area of 95 x 245 m. Two of the more prominent remains are those of an apparent structure (fig. 64 and 65). The main area is rectilinear in shape and measures 5 x 7 m, with walls that are two courses wide and built mainly of sandstone boulders (ca. 0.20-0.40 m on a side). There is an associated enclosure measuring ca. 7 m in diameter. Nearby is a third ruined structure that appears to be partitioned into two rooms by a central interior wall. This structure measures ca. 8 x 10 m and its walls are two courses wide (0.40 m). A third structure on the terrace is small and measures only 4.50 x 4 m, with walls also two courses wide. A fourth

SAAS Site 222 3334990 N / 714935 E Located on an alluvial terrace above the north bank of Wadi Museimir in an area of ca. 15 x 10 m, this site consists of two large cairns/structures and nine graves. The best preserved cairn measures ca. 3.50 m in diameter and rises to a height of 0.70 m. The second cairn measures 4.30 x 1.90 m and is 0.65 m high. The graves all appear

Figure 64. Plan of SAAS Site 221, remains of an unspecified structure and a large stone enclosure (drawing by K. Kumeiga & A. M. Smith II). 66

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY

This is a smelting site located on an elevated, alluvial terrace above Wadi Museimir. The site consists of three U-shaped structures and a single grave (1.70 x 1.10 m). The largest of the structures measures roughly three meters on a side, with walls that are two courses wide (0.45 m) with gravel fill. The second structure at the sites measures 2.70 x 2.30 m and is open toward the east; the third structure (2.30 x 2.60 m) is also open on its east face. The SAAS found pottery, lithics, and copper slag on the surface. The pottery was dated to the Early/Late Roman period. SAAS Site 225 3335160 N / 715193 E This site consists of two small structures, a cairn or grave, and several petroglyphs on sandstone boulders distributed across an area of ca. 33 x 30 m. The largest of the structures measures 2.80 x 6.30 m and it is constructed of large boulders measuring up to 0.60 m on a side. A possible wall alignment extends from the southeast corner of the structure for ca. 2.20 m. The second structure measures 2.70 x 3.70 m. The large cairn lies near the largest structure. It measures ca. 1.60 m in diameter. It has been robbed. Finally, dispersed across the site are at least seven sandstone boulders with petroglyphs and graffiti. The petroglyphs mostly depict hunting scenes (fig. 66). For the most part, this area appears to be a Early Roman/Nabataean encampment, but the structures do suggest more permanent settlement activity. Pottery

Figure 65. Plan of SAAS Site 221 (drawn by K. Kumeiga & A. M. Smith II). as low-lying stone mounds. Most measure no more than 2 m in length and from 1.50-2 m in width. The largest grave measures 3.50 x 1.90 m. Interestingly, there is a sandstone boulder nearby with a petroglyph depicting an ibex. Pottery at the site dated primarily to the Early and Later Roman periods. SAAS Site 223 3335063 N / 715012 E

Figure 66. Large boulder at SAAS Site 225 depicting hunting scene (photograph by E. C . Lapp). 67

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY collected at the site dated exclusively to the Early Roman/Nabataean and Early/Late Roman periods.

to 3335675 N / 712375 E

SAAS Site 230 3335480 N / 714115 E

This is a road, presumably ancient, that appears to be the continuation of SAAS Site 169 (fig. 67). The width of the road ranges from 3.35 to 3.74 m, and it is paved with local stone. The road is visible, however, only intermittently. Large sections are buried in sand dunes. Stones along the edge of the road are slightly elevated, suggesting a sort of curbing. The road was recorded for ca. 450 m.

Situated on a wadi terrace in an area of 10 x 54 m, this site consists of a ruined structure that appears as a L-shaped stone mound. Its overall dimensions are 4.90 x 5 m. The walls are difficult to make out, but the linear arrangements are about one meter wide, and two mounded, circular features are appended to its west side. Nearby is a large cairn measuring 3.20 x 1.50 m, and to the northeast of the structure is a smaller cairn, or stone mound, measuring 2.70 x 1.80 m. At the edge of the wadi terrace, the SAAS recorded an irregular stone semicircle that measures ca. 4.50 x 4.20 m from its outer edges; its wall consists of a single row of boulders. Another cairn (1.20 x 1 m) was recorded on a separate wadi terrace across a small spur 21 m to the west. The SAAS collected a few sherds, all of which were dated to the Early/Late Roman period.

SAAS Site 238 3337730 N / 714960 E In an area of 40 x 70 m, this site consists of a semicircular stone enclosure measuring ca. 10 m in diameter, with boulders measuring at most 0.50 m on a side surrounding this enclosure on all sides except at the southeast end, where there is evidence of bulldozing activity. This is probably a corral or an animal pen. A wall extends from the west wall of the enclosure and intersects with a second wall measuring ca. 2 m in length. There is also a second circular enclosure measuring 5 m in diameter and similarly constructed from local boulders. Adjacent to this second

SAAS Site 231 3335230 N / 712590 E

Figure 67. Stone-paved road (SAAS Site 231) north of Gharandal. This is a continuation of SAAS Site 169 (photograph by E. A. Friedland).

68

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY enclosure, on its west side, is another small enclosure, also circular in shape and measuring 2.10 m in diameter— perhaps this is a storage bin. Most of the pottery at this site was Late Roman and Early Byzantine.

isolated from the others, measures 4.80 x 1.50 m. This may actually be a collapsed structure or small house. Individual blocks measure 0.40 x 0.20 x 0.50 m. Most of the pottery found at the site was Early Roman/Nabataean.

SAAS Site 240 3337871 N / 714117 E

SAAS Site 274 3339130 N / 710790 E

This is an isolated structure on a sandy knoll elevated slightly above the alluvial fan. The structure measures 3.60 x 4.30 m and is constructed of boulders measuring ca. 0.50-0.60 m on a side. The north wall is preserved and appears to be three courses wide. Only the top face of the upper course is not buried in sand. The SAAS collected a Roman/Byzantine potbust at the site.

SAAS Site 274 is an ancient, limestone quarry site located on the east face of Jebel el-Khureij (fig. 68).22 The quarried face of the ridge is expansive, measuring ca. 154170 m in length. Modern graffiti and two rock engravings were found on the face of the cliff at the north end of the quarried area. To the south, quarried stones extend to the east and down the slope below the terraced platform. In this area, the SAAS discovered five fractured, discarded milestones. These were not inscribed. The SAAS also collected pottery at the sites was exclusively of the Early Roman/Nabataean period.

SAAS Site 262 3339720 N / 714575 E On an elevated portion of the alluvial fan, this site covers an area of 12 x 64 m and consists of a group of three stone mounds or cairns. One stone mound is roughly circular and measures ca. 2.20 m in diameter. A second measures 1.50 x 1.30 m in diameter. The largest stone mound, somewhat

SAAS Site 276 3339765 N / 710840 E This site consists of a collapsed structure/enclosure (ca.

Figure 68. Quarry (SAAS Site 274) along the east face of Jebel el-Khureij (photograph by the author). 69

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 9 x 9 m) with rounded corners located on the west face of Jebel el-Khureij.23 The walls of the structure are two courses wide (ca. 0.70 m). The northeast corner is obscured where the enclosure appears to have merged with the slope—by all appearances, it seems that the effort here was to build a terraced platform. The northwest corner is rounded and fairly well-preserved, but the southwest corner is obscured by tumble. Another wall alignment appears ca. 12 m southwest of this southwest corner. It is preserved up to 2 m in length, and it is one meter thick. This wall is distinct from the enclosure walls to the northeast. Based on pottery evidence, the site dates to the Early Roman/Nabataean period.

generally a single course high and wide (0.20 x 0.30 m). The main central enclosure, in addition to its eastern and western rectilinear appendages, is preserved up to five courses high in places (0.80 m). It seems to be one course wide (0.60 m), but this is unclear because the walls are badly damaged. Much of the walls, however, are built of boulders, but there is also evidence of stone chinking. Also, there may be another appended stone ring, ca. 3 m in diameter, to the northeast. This may have been a mining camp, since the SAAS found large concentrations of schist flakes with a few garnet nuggets spread out across the site, in an area of 13.30 x 12.30 m. For the most part, the site is void of material culture. The SAAS collected on two Early Roman/Nabataean sherds at the site.

SAAS Site 283 3340481 N / 715427 E

SAAS Site 284 3340502 N / 715269 E

The site is a large complex consisting of a main circular enclosure measuring ca. 13.30 m in diameter, with its western and eastern limits opening into a rectilinear area measuring 2.80 x 3.10 m (fig. 69). Appended to the west wall of the enclosure are three small adjoining stone rings measuring ca. 1.50-2 m in diameter; the eastern edge has a linear stone alignment closing it off from the main area, where there is a well-defined entranceway with a short corridor leading about one meter into the enclosure. A small stone ring, ca. 1.50 m in diameter, was recorded behind and appended to the eastern rectilinear compartment. The stone rings recorded at the site are

This is an ancient unpaved road or pathway that winds ca. 300 m from the base eastward to the top of the alluvial fan toward SAAS Site 283 (fig. 70). The road, ca. 4.10 m wide, was laid out by clearing stones from the alluvial surface to facilitate traffic. While walking up the road, the SAAS found an Early Roman/Nabataean pot-bust in its center. SAAS Site 290 3340630 N / 715432 E

Figure 69. Plan of SAAS Site 283, large oval enclosure (drawing by C. Frey & A. M. Smith II). 70

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY SAAS Site 300 3340937 N / 715431 E

This site consists of a curvilinear stone alignment spanning an area of 13 x 7 m. There are stone mounds at each end. The stone alignment may have some agricultural or hydraulic function. Ca. 20 m to the northeast there is another stone alignment extending ca. 9 m, which may in fact be a continuation of the more prominent one. In the area, there is a clearing measuring 20 x 2.50 m, which may be the remains of an encampment. Also, scattered across the area are numerous stone rings/mounds, which measure on average ca. 2.20 m in diameter and some are preserved up to ca. 0.52 m high. The pottery collected at the site was primarily Early Roman/Nabataean.

SAAS Site 300 covers an area of 40 x 80 m and consists of a series of stone rings and structures. The central feature is a series of four rectangular terraces enclosed by wellbuilt walls. These terraces cover an area of 20 x 40 m. The terraced walls, though badly preserved, still stand in places up to 1.40 m high. At least four stone rings or hut circles (ca. 2 m in diameter) lay nearby—at least two of these are appended to one another. To the northeast and across a small drainage, there are additional stone rings and two rectilinear structures covering an area of 30 x 20 m. The two structures are on the slope above the stone rings. The stone rings average ca. 1.50 m in diameter. In addition to these structures and apparent stone rings, there are numerous other stone rings scattered across the site. These are much larger and measure ca. 4 m in diameter and roughly one course high (0.35 m), although some are preserved up to four courses high (ca. 1.20 m) and one course wide (0.35 m). In the northwest part of the site, there is an even larger stone ring, measuring ca. 4.50 m in diameter, two courses wide (0.70 m), and one course high (0.15 m); appended to it is a small stone mound ca. 1.40 m in diameter and 0.60 m high. Pottery from the site was dated mostly to the Chalcolithic/Early Bronze with Early Roman/Nabataean pottery present as well. The SAAS also collected an Early Byzantine potbust at the site.

SAAS Site 291 3340670 N / 715220 E In an area of 15 x 35 m, SAAS Site 291 consists of a series of stone rings/circles, many of which are appended to one another to form figure-8 structures. On average, each stone ring is ca. 2 m in diameter, 0.80 m wide (two courses), and 0.40 m high. The best preserved has a short curvilinear stone alignment of seven stones extending 2.30 m from its southeast side (fig. 71). There is also a small stone ring nearby, ca. 0.90 m in diameter, which may be remnants of a hearth. This stone ring is a single course high and wide (0.15 x 0.20 m). The SAAS collected Early Roman/Nabataean and Roman/Byzantine pottery at the site, in addition to a number of sherds that were unidentifiable.

Figure 70. Ancient road (SAAS Site 284) leading up the alluvial fan to SAAS Site 283 (photograph by the author). 71

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY four courses high and a single course wide. The western part of the structure has been partially robbed, which has exposed a possible wall alignment oriented north-south. This wall is three courses high and one course wide. While the nature and purpose of the structure remains unclear, it may have served as a watchpost. The SAAS collected exclusively Early Roman/Nabataean pottery at the site. SAAS Site 307 3341543 N / 711015 E This is a large quarry on the north and south sides of a low spur projecting from Jebel el-Khureij. The quarried platform on each side measures ca. 30 m long and 2 m high, and along the quarried terrace are spoil piles, possible the remain of structures. The two largest of the spoil piles measure ca. 10 m in diameter. Among the debris are several squared blocks, some with tool marks. There is an apparent entranceway, ca. 10 m to the northeast and 2 m lower in elevation from the edge of the quarried terrace, constructed of large, rectangular blocks one course high and wide. The entranceway itself is 0.32 m high and the opening is 0.59 m wide. Another complex was recorded ca. 30 m further to the northeast and 2 m further down the slope. It consists of four rooms, each measuring ca. 6 m in diameter. Most of these structures appear as little more than mounds of stone tumble. Also, at the summit of the ridge is another series of structures similar to those below. The SAAS collected exclusively Early Roman/Nabataean pottery at the site.

Figure 71. Semi-circular feature at SAAS Site 291 (photograph by the author).

SAAS Site 308 3342214 N / 709986 E

SAAS Site 304 3341133 N / 710865 E

This site consists of two isolated structures. The first is a stone structure measuring only 1.40 x 1.30 m. It is constructed of two irregular courses of masonry on the east and west sides. Inside this feature, aligned roughly northsouth, is a compartment or channel of sorts measuring 0.29 m wide with an even stone face within. Ca. 2 m to the northeast, there is a semicircular stone structure measuring 1.80 m in diameter. The semicircle is comprised of several large, unworked boulders measuring ca. 0.40 m on a side. The SAAS recovered numerous sherds from the structures from a range of periods, which included the Early Roman/Nabataean, Early/Late Roman, and Early Byzantine.

This site spans an area of 20 x 50 m along the east face of a limestone ridge in Wadi Araba. The site consists of a small cave, a stone enclosure, and a complex of stone rings and mounds. The cave is ca. 3 x 1.75 m and 1.65 m high, with half of its opening sealed off by a wall constructed of loosely packed stones (fig. 72). This wall is one course wide and preserved up to six courses high. The interior of the cave is void of artifacts. Below the cave (ca. 10 m to the northeast and one meter lower in elevation), at the bottom of ridge, there is a small, stone enclosure measuring 2.70 m in diameter. The enclosure is built against the bottom of the cliff face. To the east and northeast are numerous stone rings and mounds, some of which may be graves. Each measures ca. 1.30 m in diameter. The SAAS collected primarily Early Roman/Nabataean pottery at the site, in addition to a number of Late Islamic sherds.

SAAS Site 314 3343256 N / 712578 E SAAS Site 314 consists of an isolated structure with a cemetery nearby. The structure (ca. 8 x 8 m) is rudely constructed of a single course of boulders and cobbles of limestone and chert. The cemetery consists of thirteen graves, which appear mostly as low-lying stone mounds. Most of the graves are oblong (ca. 1.80-2.20 x 1 m), and their orientation varies. Overall, the site spans an area of 39.10 x 48 m. The SAAS collected primarily Early

SAAS Site 305 3341320 N / 711010 E This site consists of a stone structure measuring 5.50 x 4.20 m and constructed of loosely packed, irregularly shaped stones (fig. 73). The east wall is preserved up to 72

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Figure 72. Cave at SAAS Site 304 with an enclosure in front of the entrance (photograph by the author).

Figure 73. Isolated structure on top of ridge (SAAS Site 305), perhaps a tower/watchpost (photograph by the author). 73

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY Roman/Nabataean, and Early/Late Roman pottery at the site.

one dressed stone with diagonal pick-marks on it. Raikes did not mention whether pottery was found here, but occasional pieces of copper ore and lithics were seen on the surface around the site.25 The author was unable to locate this site during his 1993 reconnaissance.

SAAS Site 316 3343896 N / 712050 E

SAAS Site 321 3359125 N / 721190 E

This site consists of several different features. The main feature is a figure-8 shaped structure constructed of small stones arranged in a main circle and with a smaller circle appended to its southeast end; it is probably a threshing floor given the location of this site adjacent to agricultural fields (fig. 74). The feature measures 10.60 x 5.40 m. To the north is a linear stone alignment extending east-west for ca. 6 m. It is a single course high and wide. Behind this stone alignment to the south are two small stone mounds, both of which have been robbed. Lastly, there is another curvilinear stone alignment, a single course high and wide (1.30 m), extending 4.80 m to the southwest— the SAAS recorded a large concentration of pottery around this feature. Another linear stone alignment/wall lies to the east. It is also a single course high and wide, but it is 10 m long. While some Early Roman/Nabataean pottery was collected at the site, most of the sherds that the SAAS collected were Early/Late Roman.

This site consists of at least three ruined structures on an alluvial terrace in a wadi east of ‘Ain et-Tayyiba.26 The structures vary slightly in size. One measures 4 x 4 m, another 3 x 3 m, and third structure measures ca. 6.50 x 4 m. Their walls are all one course wide (ca. 0.50-0.60 m). In addition to Early Roman/Nabataean pottery, the SAAS collected predominantly Roman/Byzantine pottery at the site. SAAS Site 322 3359190 N / 720950 E This site consists of a small structure on a limestone ridge and an extensive artifact scatter covering an area of ca. 40 x 20 m.27 The structure measures 2.50 x 5 m and is constructed around a small pit dug into the east face of the ridge. Stone wall were recorded to the west and north of the pit. These are one course wide and preserved ca. 0.60 m high. This may be a minor watchpost contemporary with the fort, given that the view on the ridge is very good both to the east and the west. The SAAS collected only Early Roman/Nabataean pottery at the site.

Raikes’ Site B29 3352517 N / 716622 E (?) East of the modern asphalt road where it crosses the north branch of Wadi Huwar and passes through a cutting on the north bank, Raikes observed a small “Nabataean fort or guard post.”24 Although the area was extensively modified during the construction of the highway, Raikes did notice

Figure 74. Isolated structure/possible threshing floor at SAAS Site 316 (photograph by the author). 74

REGIONAL SETTLEMENT ACTIVITY SAAS Site 323 3359300 N / 721050 E

site. SAAS Site 328 3359480 N / 721750 E

This is a small structure measuring 2 x 2 m and built of large upright boulders and smaller rock piles.28 The site is located on the slope of a small saddle in the mountain range east of ‘Ain et-Tayyiba. The SAAS collected predominated lithics at the site and only one sherd of the Early Roman/Nabataean period.

This is a irregularly shaped windbreak measuring ca. 3 x 2 m and located on top of a small bedrock knoll east of ‘Ain et-Tayyiba.31 Its walls are preserved to a height of ca. 0.40 m. The SAAS collected five Early Roman/Nabataean sherds at the site.

SAAS Site 324 3359300 N / 721275 E

BMP/CAS Site 19 3362118 N / 724277 E

Spanning an area of 4 x 4 m, SAAS Site 324 is a small, poorly constructed windbreak (ca. 1 x 1.50 x 0.80 m) with an associated sherd scatter on a knoll of the ridge east of ‘Ain et-Tayyiba.29 It opens to the southeast. In addition to pottery, some lithics were found here as well. The SAAS collected five Early Roman/Nabataean sherds in addition to a single Byzantine sherd at the site.

Located on an island in the middle of the alluvial wash of Wadi Musa, this is a farmhouse associated with the regional agricultural systems (fig. 75).32 The main structure measures 14 x 10 m. Another, smaller structure, ca. 10 m to the northwest, measures 5 x 5 m. There is also a wall alignment nearby, but its function is not clear. Further to the northwest (ca. 25 m), there are additional wall alignments and an unpaved road. The road itself may be ancient. Pottery collected at the site was primarily Early/Late Roman.

SAAS Site 325 3359200 N / 721445 E This site consists of a multi-room complex measuring ca. 19 x 28 m.30 The complex includes two rooms to the east and two stone mounds to the west. At the eastern edge of the site, three rooms were excavated into the base of the hill to a depth of ca. 0.10 m. One is round and the other two are more square, measuring ca. 3-4 x 3-4 m. It is possible that this was a domestic complex, perhaps a farmhouse, but the site is not well-preserved. The SAAS collected primarily Early Roman/Nabataean pottery at the

BMP/CAS Site 20/21 3362904 N / 724067 E This is a small settlement with an associated watchtower (figs. 76 and 77).33 The main feature at the site, the tower, sits on a ridge overlooking an expansive agricultural zone to the north and south. It measures 6 x 8.50 m, and it is constructed of hewn stones measuring ca. 0.30 m on a

Figure 75. Overview of BMP/CAS Site 19 with the wash of Wadi Musa in the background (photograph by the author). 75

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY side. The walls of the tower are two courses wide (0.57 m) with rubble fill. When the author re-visited the site in 2009, the tower had been extensively pitted. West of the tower (ca. 35 m) there is a small structure measuring 5.60 x 4.60 m and similarly constructed as the tower. Adjacent to this structure is an apparent threshing floor. Further to the west, there are additional wall alignments. In the alluvial plain below and south of the tower, there is another structure measuring 15 x 12.60 m, with walls that are two courses wide (0.50 m) with rubble fill. At the opposite end of the plain, on the slope immediately below the tower there are two wall alignments, one of which is semi-circular and spans an area of around 9 m and the other is rectilinear and partially encloses the semi-circular one. In the alluvial plain itself, numerous field walls intersect one another. While some Early Roman/Nabataean pottery was collected here, most of the sherds were dated to the Late Roman period.

(7.60 x 15.30 m with walls 1.08 m wide), situated 5 m on the slope below the house to the south (fig. 78).34 The farmhouse measures 9.50 x 10 m, and there are inner partition walls that divide the structure into four rooms. Measuring the size of these inner rooms is complicated by the amount of tumble, but the largest seems to be at least 4.70 x 4.70 m. The walls of the field house are two courses wide (0.60 m) with rubble fill. Agricultural fields extend below the farmhouse to the west. Pottery collected at the site was primarily Early/Late Roman. BMP/CAS Site 12 3365179 N / 724443 E This site consists of three structures and various wall alignments on an alluvial plain.35 The average size of the structures is 6 x 5 m, with walls that are two courses wide (0.50 m) with rubble fill. Basalt millstone fragments discovered nearby suggest that these sites are associated with the agricultural activity that predominates in the area. The survey collected predominately Early Roman/Nabataean pottery from the site.

BMP/CAS Site 16 3364078 N / 723689 E This site consists of a farmhouse and a possible reservoir

Figure 76. Overview of BMP/CAS Site 20/21 with a threshing floor in the foreground and an apparent fort in the backgound (photograph by the author). 76

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Figure 77. Watchtower at BMP/CAS Site 20/21 (photograph by the author).

Figure 78. Farmhouse and reservoir (BMP/CAS Site 16) south of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author). 77

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY BMP/CAS Site 10 3365212 N / 724114 E

collapsed on its side (fig. 81). Carved from limestone, this possible milestone is badly eroded. The shaft of the milestone is preserved up to 1.34 m in length and 0.37 m in width. The base is preserved up to 0.29 m in length. The overall preserved length of the milestone is therefore 1.63 m, and its greatest width is 0.49 m. The stone appears not to have been inscribed, and no traces of paint could be detected on its eroded surfaces.

This is a farmhouse measuring 9.70 x 4.70 m and constructed of limestone blocks—the structure appears as a low mound rising 0.80 m above the alluvial surface (fig. 79).36 Its walls are two courses wide (0.50 m) with rubble fill. A field wall, perhaps serving as a boundary marker, extends roughly 110 m west of the farmhouse to the opposite limestone ridge. Several burials, including one cairn, are present, and additional wall alignments are visible to the north. Pottery collected at the site was primarily Early/Late Roman. In 2008, the Bir Madhkur Project partially excavated this farmhouse, and a date of occupation in the late Roman period was confirmed.

BMP/CAS Site 3 3365286 N / 723705 E This site consists of several features, the most prominent of which is a rectangular stone structure/enclosure built into the western slope of the ridge.38 It measures 6 x 4 m, and it opens to the east. Its walls are a single course wide (0.26 m) and preserved up to one meter high. A well-preserved threshing floor is located ca. 12 m due east of this structure, along with a large stone wall that is two courses wide (0.70 m) with rubble fill and preserved up to one meter high. Its length equals that of the diameter of the adjacent threshing floor (7 m). The extremely well-preserved walls of the threshing installation are two courses wide (0.40 m) with an inner row of stones set upright (fig. 82). There is another threshing floor situated ca. 20 m to the south, but it is less well-preserved. The few sherds from the site were Early Roman/Late Roman.

BMP/CAS Site 6 3365451 N / 723970 E to 3366049 N / 723736 E This is an unpaved, ancient road measuring 3.20 m wide and appearing as a narrow track cleared of stones (fig. 80).37 It extends north-south up to one kilometer. Pottery collected along the road included some Roman sherds, but the association of random sherds with the road itself and its period of use is not reliable. Adjacent to this road near its southern end, what may be a milestone was found

Figure 79. Farmhouse west of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author).

78

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Figure 80. Stone-cleared north-south road (BMP/CAS Site 6) west of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author).

BMP/CAS Site 1 3365392 N / 723660 E

well as the southwest corner. The tower was probably ca. 5.50 x 5.50 m. Its walls are two courses thick (ca. 0.60 m) with rubble fill and constructed of dressed limestone blocks. The structure to the north has only its north (ca. 4.20 m in length) and west (ca. 5.70 m in length) walls partially preserved. These are massive walls measuring three courses thick (ca. 1.30 m). A cemetery consisting of thirteen graves is located ca. 66 m northwest of these structures. The SAAS collected pottery from the site that ranged in date from the Late Roman to the Late Byzantine period.

This site consists of a two large corral-type enclosures located in an expansive agricultural field system.39 One of the enclosures measure ca. 15 m in diameter, with a possible well (1 x 1 m) at its center; the other is ca. 16 m in diameter and is located ca. 40 m to the east of the other. Numerous walls alignments were recorded, but most seem to be associated with the field system. There is evidence here of a nomadic campsite, clearly modern. SAAS Site 330 3373425 N / 721126 E

IV. The Northern Wadi Araba Qasr Abu Dhibana 3389591 N / 724940 E

This site, which is situated roughly one kilometer east of the modern highway opposite the former base of the Jordan Valley Authority, was reported earlier by both Thomas Raikes and David McCreery during their brief surveys of Wadi Araba. The author visited the site in 1993 and again in 1994.40 The site consists of a collapsed tower and an L-shaped structure ca. 6 m to the north (figs. 83 and 84). The tower is in a ruined state and mostly buried under sand. Its west and north walls, however, are partially visible, as

Located south of Wadi Fidan, Qasr Abu Dhibana was included in Frank’s survey of the Araba, and it was revisited by King et al.41 The site consists of a ruined, mud-built structure and a tower (fig. 85). Pottery collected from the site dated predominately to the Roman period, but the Nabataean and Byzantine periods were also represented.

79

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Figure 81. Milestone discovered west of Bir Madhkur at BMP/CAS Site 6. Note the road in the background (photograph by the author). WF1282 3389105 N / 739292 E

needed to prove this, but it is intriguing given the large Christian presence at Faynan to the northwest.

Site WF1282 is located several kilometers southwest of Khirbet Faynan and covers an area of ca. 220 x 40 m. It is set between two wadis to the northwest of the Wadi Shayqar. Mattingly et al. recorded the site and collected mostly classical period pottery, in addition to a fragment of white Proconnessian marble.42 The site consists of ca. 15 structures, which are mostly rectilinear and form single or two-room units. Overall, Mattingly et al. divided the structural remains into nine units (A-I). Unit A comprises a cluster of structures in an area of 50 x 40 m. Unit B is a rectangular structure measuring 8 x 6 m, with a presumed doorway along the east wall. Units C-I are all similarly constructed but their state of preservation varies, and some of these structure appear more T-shaped (Unit F) as well as L-shaped (Unit I). Of interest is Unit F, a structure aligned east-west with a long, west wall measuring ca. 12 x 4.50 m and visibly curved. Along the eastern extension (ca. 7.50 x 5.50 m) there is a room measuring 8.50 x 5.50 m. The structure is in a poor state of preservation, but the discovery here of a marble fragment has led Mattingly et al. to suppose that this may have been a Christian chapel (where the curve may represent an apse). Clearly, excavation is

WF1004/WF1009 3388549 N / 737391 E Sites WF1004 and WF1009 lie opposite one another with a shallow wadi dividing them. Both sites are similar to one another and consist of a complex of structures and some rock graffiti. Mattingly et al. recorded the site and collected mostly classical period pottery, in addition to some Early Bronze and Iron Age sherds.43 Site WF1004 spans an area of 60 x 30 m and consists of a series of small buildings and enclosures clustered into three distinct groups. The most distinct is the group of five singleroomed structures ranging in size from 5 x 5 m to 5 x 7 m, with well-preserved walls two courses wide (0.80 m) and standing in some places up to a single meter high; the orientation of their entrances is not uniform. The second and third groups appear mainly as enclosures and are not as well-preserved. Also, some appear to be of later date. In addition to the pottery from Site WF1004, Mattingly et al. also found some fragments of stone mortar or rotary querns. Site WF1009 spans an area of 60 x 40 m and consists of a series of six well-constructed rectangular 80

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Figure 82. Threshing floor and windbreak at BMP/CAS 3, on ridge west of Bir Madhkur (photograph by the author).

Figure 83. Plan of tower at SAAS Site 330 (from Smith 1995: 98, fig. 28). 81

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY

Figure 84. Plan of L-shaped structure at SAAS Site 330 (from Smith 1995: 99, fig. 29).

Figure 85. Plan of Qasr Abu Dhibana (from Frank 1934: plan 18B). 82

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Figure 86. Plan of WF1009 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 670).

buildings with wall set two courses wide (fig. 86). By all appearances, WF1004 and WF1009 comprise a single site, most likely a small, domestic settlement.

the site was predominately Late Roman/Byzantine. WF1014 3388505 N / 736908 E

WF1001 3388716 N / 737120 E

Mattingly et al. recorded this as a domestic site consisting of three distinct structures, two of which were multiroomed and a third was a single-roomed square structure.46 The largest of the multi-roomed structures measures 30 x 22 m. It has at least eight rooms and several courtyards. The walls of this structure are not similarly built, so it may be that it went through several stages of construction. The other multi-roomed structure measures 21 x 16 m and has at least six obvious rooms. The smaller structure measures 5.50 x 5.50 m. All three buildings appear to have faced east or southeast. In addition to several rotary quern stone fragments, Mattingly et al. found predominately Late Byzantine pottery at the site.

This site consists of three single-roomed structures, with low walls constructed of small boulders (ca. 0.60 m on a side).44 The structures vary in size. One measures 9 x 6 m, another 5.50 x 5.30 m, and the third measures 8 x 5 m. Each of these structures lies within a 30 m radius of one another. In the area around the structures, Mattingly et al. recorded several sets of small stone slabs set upright. There function remains unclear. Mattingly et al. collected mostly classical period pottery at the site. WF1002 3388632 N / 737128 E

WF599 3388820 N / 735932 E

This site consists of at least six different structures (one to three-roomed) located on a plateau between two wadis.45 Due to its proximity to WF1001 (ca. 50 m to the west), the two sites are probably related. The three-roomed structure at the site measures 15 x 9 m, with a possible courtyard on its east side. It is constructed with walls set two courses wide, with “neatly coursed blockwork.” The other structures range in size from 7 x 9 m to 6 x 5.50 m, and are similarly constructed—the walls of three of the structures, however, are not as well laid. Various features were documented in the area, including an enclosure or animal pen, graves, cairns, and stone mounds. Pottery collected at

This is a large settlement spread out across on area of 300 x 150 m along a wadi terrace. The site consists of at least eleven structures (mostly rectangular, some more oval) and a nearby cemetery with at least twelve burials (some robbed).47 The burials appear as oblong stone rings, with gravel fill in the center; some have headstones. The largest of the structures, to the northeast of the site, has two distinct rooms, one inner room that is circular/oval (9 x 6 m) and the other an outer, rectangular one (11 x 10 m). Most of the other structures at the site and single-roomed, 83

WADI ARABA IN CLASSICAL AND LATE ANTIQUITY: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY with walls that are two courses wide with rubble fill and are built of local, unworked stone (at most ca. 0.30 m on a side). Doorways are apparent is many of the structures. Also, some have internal features such as stone benches. The general size of these single-roomed structures varies from 4 x 4 m to 10 x 6.50 m. From their surface collection, Mattingly et al. found almost exclusively Byzantine pottery at the site. WF481 3388827 N / 732572 E This is a large, rectangular enclosure measuring ca. 30 x 22 m built on the side of a rocky slope. There is a small room in the southeast corner, and the entrance into the enclosure is along the east wall. Mattingly et al. identify this is a “Classical farmstead.”48 Pottery collected at the site dates from the Nabataean to Islamic periods, with earlier Early Bronze and Iron Age pottery present. Four large cairns lie nearby. WF645 3389400 N / 735564 E

Figure 87. Plan of WF645 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 616).

This site consists of a large structure measuring 19 x 15 m and built into the northeast corner of a larger enclosure measuring ca. 50 x 40 m (fig. 87).49 The interior of the smaller structure was probably partitioned into a series of rooms, but interior walls are difficult to make out because of tumble. There is a doorway in the west corner, set within a partly preserved doorframe built of ashlars. The larger enclosure is also seemingly partitioned into a series of smaller compartments, demarcated by interior walls built of boulders. A series of cairns, perhaps graves, lie across the site. Also, a modern track cuts through the site. Mattingly et al. interpreted this site as a possible Nabataean/Roman farmhouse. The majority of the pottery collected at the site dated to the Early Byzantine period.

southwest sides of the structure. The entrance may be evident along the southwest side. Pottery collected at the site dated primarily from the Hellenistic to the Byzantine period. WF689 3389880 N / 736409 E This is a rectangular enclosure measuring 19 x 15 m, with apparent internal rooms in the northwest corner and along the west face.52 The entrance is one meter wide and lies along the south side. The pottery collected at the site was predominately classical with a heavy concentration of Early Byzantine pottery.

WF476 3389679 N / 732814 E

WF538 3390168 N / 737410 E

This site consists of the remains of a large structure measuring ca. 60 x 20 m. Heavily damaged and buried wall fragments are all that remain visible, and much of the site is buried in a sand dune. Mattingly et al. identify this as a “domestic” structure.50 Mostly Nabataean and later pottery was found at the site, in addition to some earlier artifacts.

This site consists of a large enclosure measuring 19 x 13 m and abutting a large, rectangular building with an apparent courtyard (or additional enclosures). The building measures 16 x 6 m and is oriented northeast-southwest, with a door along the west wall. The apparent courtyard in front of the building measures 20 x 10 m. The overall size of the site is 25 x 25 m. This site was interpreted as a Nabataean farm that was later occupied in the Early Byzantine period.53

WF1242 3389105 N / 739292 E This site consists of a large structure measuring 30 x 30 m with an adjoining irregular-shaped enclosure measuring 45 x 25 m (fig. 88). Mattingly et al. identify this as a “domestic” structure.51 Large quantities of tumble in the main structure may suggest that there was more than a single storey. Narrow rooms appear along southeast and

WF368 3390210 N / 736967 E This is a Nabataean structure measuring 15 x 10 m, with an enclosure (ca. 40 x 30 m) to the west.54 Several rooms 84

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Figure 88. Plan of WF1242 (after Mattingly et al. 2007c: 689).

were recorded inside the structure. These measured 4 x 4 m. Several large cairns were recorded in the area, and a series of field walls were recorded nearby.

WF235 3390385 N / 738716 E

WF36 3390275 N / 737417 E

According to Mattingly et al., “there are two clear phases to this site: a rectangular building complex (c. 60 x 40 m) and, overlying and partly obliterating it, a series of five oval enclosures, with cleared inner surfaces, possibly associated with at least seven large circular stone settings (3–4 m diam.) and fifteen small circular stone settings (